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Regular Expressions#
In this workshop, we’ll go over how to use regular expressions (AKA regex) for simple text processing. We’ll practice these skills in Python but what you learn here can be applied to any regular expression system in any programming langauge.
What are regular expressions#
A regular expression is a string of characters that represent a pattern. The goal is the extract any substrings that matches a given pattern from a larger text.
You can think of regular expressions as a mini-programming language. Just like in Python, you can type anything and call it regular expression, but it won’t necesarily be valid and run. Regular expressions have a unique syntax and structure that must be practiced. That said, it is simpler than most programming languages so the goal of this notebook is to familiarize yourself with regular expressions so you can go on and learn more about them.
The data#
For this example, we’ll be looking at Edward Gibbon’s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. This is a useful example because we’ll get a lot of results for general patterns and very few results for very specific patterns. There are also a lot of weird characters, so it simulates a difficult to work with dataset that you might encounter.
First we’ll see the basics of regular expressions and then we’ll apply what we’ve learned to the task of currating this raw text into a usable dataset.
# read in data
with open('/content/25717-0.txt') as f:
data = f.read()
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
FileNotFoundError Traceback (most recent call last)
Cell In[2], line 2
1 # read in data
----> 2 with open('/content/25717-0.txt') as f:
3 data = f.read()
File ~/miniconda3/envs/guides/lib/python3.10/site-packages/IPython/core/interactiveshell.py:324, in _modified_open(file, *args, **kwargs)
317 if file in {0, 1, 2}:
318 raise ValueError(
319 f"IPython won't let you open fd={file} by default "
320 "as it is likely to crash IPython. If you know what you are doing, "
321 "you can use builtins' open."
322 )
--> 324 return io_open(file, *args, **kwargs)
FileNotFoundError: [Errno 2] No such file or directory: '/content/25717-0.txt'
data[:1000]
'\ufeffThe Project Gutenberg eBook of The History Of The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire, by Edward Gibbon\n\nThis eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and\nmost other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions\nwhatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms\nof the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at\nwww.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you\nwill have to check the laws of the country where you are located before\nusing this eBook.\n\nTitle: The History Of The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire, Complete\n 6 volumes\n\nAuthor: Edward Gibbon\n\nCommentator: Rev. H. H. Milman\n\nRelease Date: June 7, 2008 [eBook #25717]\n[Most recently updated: September 27, 2023]\n\nLanguage: English\n\nProduced by: David Widger\n\n*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE ***\n\n\n\n\nHistory Of The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire\n\nEdward Gibbon, Esq.\n\nWith n'
The simplest patterns#
Let’s start out with some very simple patterns to get used to how Python implements regular expressions.
import re # regular expression library from PSL
re
<module 're' from '/usr/lib/python3.10/re.py'>
re Methods#
# search
re.search('the', data)
<re.Match object; span=(125, 128), match='the'>
# search
re.search('the', data).group(0), re.search('the', data).start(), re.search('the', data).end()
('the', 125, 128)
# findall, similar to ctrl-f
re.findall('the', data)
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...]
# findall
len(re.findall('the', data))
186335
# finditer
re.finditer('the', data)
<callable_iterator at 0x7913af18e200>
# be careful, can split on 'the' in a word, like 'other'
re.split('the', data)
['\ufeffThe Project Gutenberg eBook of The History Of The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire, by Edward Gibbon\n\nThis eBook is for ',
' use of anyone anywhere in ',
' United States and\nmost o',
'r parts of ',
' world at no cost and with almost no restrictions\nwhatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under ',
' terms\nof ',
' Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at\nwww.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in ',
' United States, you\nwill have to check ',
' laws of ',
' country where you are located before\nusing this eBook.\n\nTitle: The History Of The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire, Complete\n 6 volumes\n\nAuthor: Edward Gibbon\n\nCommentator: Rev. H. H. Milman\n\nRelease Date: June 7, 2008 [eBook #25717]\n[Most recently updated: February 2, 2022]\n\nLanguage: English\n\nCharacter set encoding: UTF-8\n\nProduced by: David Widger\n\n*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE ***\n\n\n\n\nHistory Of The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire\n\nBy Edward Gibbon, Esq.\n\nWith notes by ',
' Rev. H. H. Milman\n\nComplete Contents\n\n1782 (Written), 1845 (Revised)\n\n\n\n\n\nThere are two Project Gutenberg sets produced by David Reed of ',
'\ncomplete ÒHistory Of The Decline And Fall Of The Roman EmpireÓ by\nEdward Gibbon: ',
' 1996 edition (PG #731-736) has ',
' advantage of\nincluding all ',
' foonotes by Gibbon and o',
'rs; ',
' 1997 edition (PG\n#890-895) was provided at that time only in html format and footnotes\nwere not included in ',
' first five volumes of this set.\n\nProject Gutenberg files #731-736 in ',
' utf-8 charset are ',
' basis of\n',
' present complete edition, #25717\n\n David Reed’s note in ',
' original Project Gutenberg 1997 edition:\n\nI want to make this ',
' best etext edition possible for both scholars\nand ',
' general public and would like to thank those who have helped in\nmaking this text better. Especially Dale R. Fredrickson who has hand\nentered ',
' Greek characters in ',
' footnotes and who has suggested\nretaining ',
' conjoined ae character in ',
' text.\n\nA set in my library of ',
' first original First American Edition of\n1836 was used as a reference for ',
' many questions which came up\nduring ',
' re-proofing and renovation of ',
' 1996 and 1997 Project\nGutenberg editions. Images of spines, front-leaf, frontispiece, and ',
'\ntitlepage of ',
' 1836 set are inserted below along with ',
' two large\nfold out maps.\n\nDAVID WIDGER\nFor Project Gutenberg\n\n\nspines (138K)\n\n\n\ninside (130K)\n\n\n\nportrait (157K)\n\n\n\ntitlepage (41K)\n\n\nMAPS OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE\nWestern Empire\nFull Size Original Archive\nWest-NW-thumb (30K)\n\n\nFull Size Original Archive\nWest-SW-thumb (26K)\n\n\tFull Size Original Archive\nWest-NE-thumb (33K)\n\n\nFull Size Original Archive\nWest-SE-thumb (41K)\n\n\n\nEastern Empire\nFull Size Original Archive\nEast-NW-thumb (30K)\n\n\nFull Size Original Archive\nEast-SW-thumb (26K)\n\n\tFull Size Original Archive\nEast-NE-thumb (33K)\n\n\nFull Size Original Archive\nEast-SE-thumb (41K)\n\n\n\n\n\n1996 Project Gutenberg Edition\nTable of Contents for Ebooks 731-736\n\n\n\nVOLUME ONE\n\nIntroduction\n\nPreface By The Editor.\n\nPreface Of The Author.\n\nPreface To The First Volume.\n\nPreface To The Fourth Volume Of The Original Quarto Edition.\n\nChapter I: The Extent Of The Empire In The Age Of The Antonines—Part I.\n\n The Extent And Military Force Of The Empire In The Age Of\n The Antonines.\n\nChapter I: The Extent Of The Empire In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part II.\n\nChapter I: The Extent Of The Empire In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part III.\n\nChapter II: The Internal Prosperity In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part I.\n\n Of The Union And Internal Prosperity Of The Roman Empire, In\n The Age Of The Antonines.\n\nChapter II: The Internal Prosperity In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part II.\n\nChapter II: The Internal Prosperity In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part III.\n\nChapter II: The Internal Prosperity In The Age Of The Antonines. Part IV.\n\nChapter III: The Constitution In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part I.\n\n Of The Constitution Of The Roman Empire, In The Age Of The\n Antonines.\n\nChapter III: The Constitution In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part II.\n\nChapter IV: The Cruelty, Follies And Murder Of Commodus.—Part I.\n\n The Cruelty, Follies, And Murder Of Commodus—Election Of\n Pertinax—His Attempts To Reform The State—His\n Assassination By The Pr¾torian Guards.\n\nChapter IV: The Cruelty, Follies And Murder Of Commodus.—Part II.\n\nChapter V: Sale Of The Empire To Didius Julianus.—Part I.\n\n Public Sale Of The Empire To Didius Julianus By The\n Pr¾torian GuardsÑClodius Albinus In Britain, Pescennius\n Niger In Syria, And Septimius Severus In Pannonia, Declare\n Against The Murderers Of Pertinax—Civil Wars And Victory Of\n Severus Over His Three Rivals—Relaxation Of Discipline—New\n Maxims Of Government.\n\nChapter V: Sale Of The Empire To Didius Julianus.—Part II.\n\nChapter VI: Death Of Severus, Tyranny Of Caracalla, Usurpation Of Macrinus.—Part I.\n\n The Death Of Severus.—Tyranny Of Caracalla.—Usurpation\n Of Macrinus.—Follies Of Elagabalus.—Virtues Of Alexander\n Severus.—Licentiousness Of The Army.—General State Of\n The Roman Finances.\n\nChapter VI: Death Of Severus, Tyranny Of Caracalla, Usurpation Of Macrinus.—Part II.\n\nChapter VI: Death Of Severus, Tyranny Of Caracalla, Usurpation Of Macrinus.—Part III.\n\nChapter VI: Death Of Severus, Tyranny Of Caracalla, Usurpation Of Macrinus.—Part IV.\n\nChapter VII: Tyranny Of Maximin, Rebellion, Civil Wars, Death Of Maximin.—Part I.\n\n The Elevation And Tyranny Of Maximin.—Rebellion In Africa\n And Italy, Under The Authority Of The Senate.—Civil Wars\n And Seditions.—Violent Deaths Of Maximin And His Son, Of\n Maximus And Balbinus, And Of The Three Gordians.—\n Usurpation And Secular Games Of Philip.\n\nChapter VII: Tyranny Of Maximin, Rebellion, Civil Wars, Death Of Maximin.—Part II.\n\nChapter VII: Tyranny Of Maximin, Rebellion, Civil Wars, Death Of Maximin.—Part III.\n\nChapter VIII: State Of Persion And Restoration Of The Monarchy.—Part I.\n\n Of The State Of Persia After The Restoration Of The Monarchy\n By Artaxerxes.\n\nChapter VIII: State Of Persion And Restoration Of The Monarchy.—Part II.\n\nChapter IX: State Of Germany Until The Barbarians.—Part I.\n\n The State Of Germany Till The Invasion Of The Barbarians In\n The Time Of The Emperor Decius.\n\nChapter IX: State Of Germany Until The Barbarians.—Part II.\n\nChapter IX: State Of Germany Until The Barbarians.—Part III.\n\nChapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, ®milianus, Valerian And Gallienus—Part I.\n\n The Emperors Decius, Gallus, ®milianus, Valerian, And\n Gallienus.—The General Irruption Of The Barbarians.—The\n Thirty Tyrants.\n\nChapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, ®milianus, Valerian And Gallienus.—Part II.\n\nChapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, ®milianus, Valerian And Gallienus.—Part III.\n\nChapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, ®milianus, Valerian And Gallienus.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XI: Reign Of Claudius, Defeat Of The Goths.—Part I.\n\n Reign Of Claudius.—Defeat Of The Goths.—Victories,\n Triumph, And Death Of Aurelian.\n\nChapter XI: Reign Of Claudius, Defeat Of The Goths.—Part II.\n\nChapter XI: Reign Of Claudius, Defeat Of The Goths.—Part III.\n\nChapter XII: Reigns Of Tacitus, Probus, Carus And His Sons.—Part I.\n\n Conduct Of The Army And Senate After The Death Of Aurelian.\n —Reigns Of Tacitus, Probus, Carus, And His Sons.\n\nChapter XII: Reigns Of Tacitus, Probus, Carus And His Sons.—Part II.\n\nChapter XII: Reigns Of Tacitus, Probus, Carus And His Sons.—Part III.\n\nChapter XIII: Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates.—Part I.\n\n The Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates, Maximian,\n Galerius, And Constantius.—General Reestablishment Of\n Order And Tranquillity.—The Persian War, Victory, And\n Triumph.—The New Form Of Administration.—Abdication And\n Retirement Of Diocletian And Maximian.\n\nChapter XIII: Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates.—Part II.\n\nChapter XIII: Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates.—Part III.\n\nChapter XIII: Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XIV: Six Emperors At The Same Time, Reunion Of The Empire.—Part I.\n\n Troubles After The Abdication Of Diocletian.—Death Of\n Constantius.—Elevation Of Constantine And Maxentius.—\n Six Emperors At The Same Time.—Death Of Maximian And\n Galerius.—Victories Of Constantine Over Maxentius And\n Licinus.—Reunion Of The Empire Under The Authority Of\n Constantine.\n\nChapter XIV: Six Emperors At The Same Time, Reunion Of The Empire.—Part II.\n\nChapter XIV: Six Emperors At The Same Time, Reunion Of The Empire.—Part III.\n\nChapter XIV: Six Emperors At The Same Time, Reunion Of The Empire.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part I.\n\n The Progress Of The Christian Religion, And The Sentiments,\n Manners, Numbers, And Condition Of The Primitive Christians.\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part II.\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part III.\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part V.\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part VI.\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part VII\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part VIII.\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part IX.\n\n\n\nVOLUME TWO\n\nChapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part I.\n\n The Conduct Of The Roman Government Towards The Christians,\n From The Reign Of Nero To That Of Constantine.\n\nChapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part II.\n\nChapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part III.\n\nChapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part V.\n\nChapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part VI.\n\nChapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part VII.\n\nChapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part VIII.\n\nChapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.—Part I.\n\n Foundation Of Constantinople.—Political System Constantine,\n And His Successors.—Military Discipline.—The Palace.—The\n Finances.\n\nChapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.—Part II.\n\nChapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.—Part III.\n\nChapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.—Part V.\n\nChapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.—Part VI.\n\nChapter XVIII: Character Of Constantine And His Sons.—Part I.\n\n Character Of Constantine.—Gothic War.—Death Of\n Constantine.—Division Of The Empire Among His Three Sons.—\n Persian War.—Tragic Deaths Of Constantine The Younger And\n Constans.—Usurpation Of Magnentius.—Civil War.—Victory Of\n Constantius.\n\nChapter XVIII: Character Of Constantine And His Sons.—Part II.\n\nChapter XVIII: Character Of Constantine And His Sons.—Part III.\n\nChapter XVIII: Character Of Constantine And His Sons.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor.—Part I.\n\n Constantius Sole Emperor.—Elevation And Death Of Gallus.—\n Danger And Elevation Of Julian.—Sarmatian And Persian\n Wars.—Victories Of Julian In Gaul.\n\nChapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor.—Part II.\n\nChapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor.—Part III.\n\nChapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XX: Conversion Of Constantine.—Part I.\n\n The Motives, Progress, And Effects Of The Conversion Of\n Constantine.—Legal Establishment And Constitution Of The\n Christian Or Catholic Church.\n\nChapter XX: Conversion Of Constantine.—Part II.\n\nChapter XX: Conversion Of Constantine.—Part III.\n\nChapter XX: Conversion Of Constantine.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part I.\n\n Persecution Of Heresy.—The Schism Of The Donatists.—The\n Arian Controversy.—Athanasius.—Distracted State Of The\n Church And Empire Under Constantine And His Sons.—\n Toleration Of Paganism.\n\nChapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part VI.\n\nChapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part VII.\n\nChapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor.—Part I.\n\n Julian Is Declared Emperor By The Legions Of Gaul.—His\n March And Success.—The Death Of Constantius.—Civil\n Administration Of Julian.\n\nChapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.—Part I.\n\n The Religion Of Julian.—Universal Toleration.—He Attempts\n To Restore And Reform The Pagan Worship—To Rebuild The\n Temple Of Jerusalem—His Artful Persecution Of The\n Christians.—Mutual Zeal And Injustice.\n\nChapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.—Part I.\n\n Residence Of Julian At Antioch.—His Successful Expedition\n Against The Persians.—Passage Of The Tigris—The Retreat\n And Death Of Julian.—Election Of Jovian.—He Saves The\n Roman Army By A Disgraceful Treaty.\n\nChapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The Empire.—Part I.\n\n The Government And Death Of Jovian.—Election Of\n Valentinian, Who Associates His Bro',
'r Valens, And Makes\n The Final Division Of The Eastern And Western Empires.—\n Revolt Of Procopius.—Civil And Ecclesiastical\n Administration.—Germany.ÑBritain.—Africa.—The East.—\n The Danube.—Death Of Valentinian.—His Two Sons, Gratian\n And Valentinian II., Succeed To The Western Empire.\n\nChapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The Empire.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The Empire.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The Empire.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The Empire.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The Empire.—Part VI.\n\nChapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The Empire.—Part VII.\n\nChapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.—Part I.\n\n Manners Of The Pastoral Nations.—Progress Of The Huns, From\n China To Europe.—Flight Of The Goths.—They Pass The\n Danube.—Gothic War.—Defeat And Death Of Valens.—Gratian\n Invests Theodosius With The Eastern Empire.—His Character\n And Success.—Peace And Settlement Of The Goths.\n\nChapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.—Part V.\n\n\n\nVOLUME THREE\n\n\nChapter XXVII: Civil Wars, Reign Of Theodosius.—Part I.\n\n Death Of Gratian.—Ruin Of Arianism.—St. Ambrose.—First\n Civil War, Against Maximus.—Character, Administration, And\n Penance Of Theodosius.—Death Of Valentinian II.—Second\n Civil War, Against Eugenius.—Death Of Theodosius.\n\nChapter XXVII: Civil Wars, Reign Of Theodosius.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXVII: Civil Wars, Reign Of Theodosius.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXVII: Civil Wars, Reign Of Theodosius.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXVII: Civil Wars, Reign Of Theodosius.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXVIII: Destruction Of Paganism.—Part I.\n\n Final Destruction Of Paganism.—Introduction Of The Worship\n Of Saints, And Relics, Among The Christians.\n\nChapter XXVIII: Destruction Of Paganism.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXVIII: Destruction Of Paganism.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXIX: Division Of Roman Empire Between Sons Of Theodosius.—Part I.\n\n Final Division Of The Roman Empire Between The Sons Of\n Theodosius.—Reign Of Arcadius And Honorius—Administration\n Of Rufinus And Stilicho.—Revolt And Defeat Of Gildo In\n Africa.\n\nChapter XXIX: Division Of Roman Empire Between Sons Of Theodosius.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXX: Revolt Of The Goths.—Part I.\n\n Revolt Of The Goths.—They Plunder Greece.—Two Great\n Invasions Of Italy By Alaric And Radagaisus.—They Are\n Repulsed By Stilicho.—The Germans Overrun Gaul.—Usurpation\n Of Constantine In The West.—Disgrace And Death Of Stilicho.\n\nChapter XXX: Revolt Of The Goths.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXX: Revolt Of The Goths.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXX: Revolt Of The Goths.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXX: Revolt Of The Goths.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part I.\n\n Invasion Of Italy By Alaric.—Manners Of The Roman Senate\n And People.—Rome Is Thrice Besieged, And At Length\n Pillaged, By The Goths.—Death Of Alaric.—The Goths\n Evacuate Italy.—Fall Of Constantine.—Gaul And Spain Are\n Occupied By The Barbarians.ÑIndependence Of Britain.\n\nChapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part VI.\n\nChapter XXXII: Emperors Arcadius, Eutropius, Theodosius II.—Part I.\n\n Arcadius Emperor Of The East.—Administration And Disgrace\n Of Eutropius.—Revolt Of Gainas.—Persecution Of St. John\n Chrysostom.—Theodosius II. Emperor Of The East.—His Sister\n Pulcheria.—His Wife Eudocia.—The Persian War, And Division\n Of Armenia.\n\nChapter XXXII: Emperors Arcadius, Eutropius, Theodosius II.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXII: Emperors Arcadius, Eutropius, Theodosius II.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXXIII: Conquest Of Africa By The Vandals.—Part I.\n\n Death Of Honorius.—Valentinian III.—Emperor Of The East.\n —Administration Of His Mo',
'r PlacidiaÑ®tius And\n Boniface.—Conquest Of Africa By The Vandals.\n\nChapter XXXIII: Conquest Of Africa By The Vandals.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXIV: Attila.—Part I.\n\n The Character, Conquests, And Court Of Attila, King Of The\n Huns.—Death Of Theodosius The Younger.—Elevation Of\n Marcian To The Empire Of The East.\n\nChapter XXXIV: Attila.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXIV: Attila.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXXV: Invasion By Attila.—Part I.\n\n Invasion Of Gaul By Attila.—He Is Repulsed By ®tius And\n The Visigoths.—Attila Invades And Evacuates Italy.—The\n Deaths Of Attila, ®tius, And Valentinian The Third.\n\nChapter XXXV: Invasion By Attila.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXV: Invasion By Attila.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXXVI: Total Extinction Of The Western Empire.—Part I.\n\n Sack Of Rome By Genseric, King Of The Vandals.—His Naval\n Depredations.—Succession Of The Last Emperors Of The West,\n Maximus, Avitus, Majorian, Severus, An',
'mius, Olybrius,\n Glycerius, Nepos, Augustulus.—Total Extinction Of The\n Western Empire.—Reign Of Odoacer, The First Barbarian King\n Of Italy.\n\nChapter XXXVI: Total Extinction Of The Western Empire.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXVI: Total Extinction Of The Western Empire.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXXVI: Total Extinction Of The Western Empire.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXXVI: Total Extinction Of The Western Empire.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXXVII: Conversion Of The Barbarians To Christianity.—Part I.\n\n Origin Progress, And Effects Of The Monastic Life.—\n Conversion Of The Barbarians To Christianity And Arianism.—\n Persecution Of The Vandals In Africa.—Extinction Of\n Arianism Among The Barbarians.\n\nChapter XXXVII: Conversion Of The Barbarians To Christianity.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXVII: Conversion Of The Barbarians To Christianity.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXXVII: Conversion Of The Barbarians To Christianity.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part I.\n\n Reign And Conversion Of Clovis.—His Victories Over The\n Alemanni, Burgundians, And Visigoths.—Establishment Of The\n French Monarchy In Gaul.—Laws Of The Barbarians.—State Of\n The Romans.—The Visigoths Of Spain.—Conquest Of Britain By\n The Saxons.\n\nChapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part VI.\n\n\n\nVOLUME FOUR\n\n\nChapter XXXIX: Gothic Kingdom Of Italy.—Part I.\n\n Zeno And Anastasius, Emperors Of The East.—Birth,\n Education, And First Exploits Of Theodoric The Ostrogoth.—\n His Invasion And Conquest Of Italy.—The Gothic Kingdom Of\n Italy.—State Of The West.—Military And Civil Government.—\n The Senator Boethius.—Last Acts And Death Of Theodoric.\n\nChapter XXXIX: Gothic Kingdom Of Italy.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXIX: Gothic Kingdom Of Italy.—Part III.\n\nChapter XL: Reign Of Justinian.—Part I.\n\n Elevation Of Justin The Elder.—Reign Of Justinian.—I. The\n Empress Theodora.—II. Factions Of The Circus, And Sedition\n Of Constantinople.—III. Trade And Manufacture Of Silk.—\n IV. Finances And Taxes.—V. Edifices Of Justinian.—Church\n Of St. Sophia.—Fortifications And Frontiers Of The Eastern\n Empire.—Abolition Of The Schools Of A',
'ns, And The\n Consulship Of Rome.\n\nChapter XL: Reign Of Justinian.—Part II.\n\nChapter XL: Reign Of Justinian.—Part III.\n\nChapter XL: Reign Of Justinian.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XL: Reign Of Justinian.—Part V.\n\nChapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part I.\n\n Conquests Of Justinian In The West.—Character And First\n Campaigns Of Belisarius—He Invades And Subdues The Vandal\n Kingdom Of Africa—His Triumph.—The Gothic War.—He\n Recovers Sicily, Naples, And Rome.—Siege Of Rome By The\n Goths.—Their Retreat And Losses.—Surrender Of Ravenna.—\n Glory Of Belisarius.—His Domestic Shame And Misfortunes.\n\nChapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part V.\n\nChapter XLII: State Of The Barbaric World.—Part I.\n\n State Of The Barbaric World.—Establishment Of The Lombards\n On ',
' Danube.—Tribes And Inroads Of The Sclavonians.—\n Origin, Empire, And Embassies Of The Turks.—The Flight Of\n The Avars.—Chosroes I, Or Nushirvan, King Of Persia.—His\n Prosperous Reign And Wars With The Romans.—The Colchian Or\n Lazic War.—The ®thiopians.\n\nChapter XLII: State Of The Barbaric World.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLII: State Of The Barbaric World.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLII: State Of The Barbaric World.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XLIII: Last Victory And Death Of Belisarius, Death Of Justinian.—Part I.\n\n Rebellions Of Africa.—Restoration Of The Gothic Kingdom By\n Totila.—Loss And Recovery Of Rome.—Final Conquest Of Italy\n By Narses.—Extinction Of The Ostrogoths.—Defeat Of The\n Franks And Alemanni.—Last Victory, Disgrace, And Death Of\n Belisarius.—Death And Character Of Justinian.—Comet,\n Earthquakes, And Plague.\n\nChapter XLIII: Last Victory And Death Of Belisarius, Death OF Justinian.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLIII: Last Victory And Death Of Belisarius, Death Of Justinian.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLIII: Last Victory And Death Of Belisarius, Death Of Justinian.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part I.\n\n Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—The Laws Of The Kings—The\n Twelve Of The Decemvirs.—The Laws Of The People.—The\n Decrees Of The Senate.—The Edicts Of The Magistrates And\n Emperors—Authority Of The Civilians.—Code, Pandects,\n Novels, And Institutes Of Justinian:—I. Rights Of\n Persons.—II. Rights Of Things.—III. Private Injuries And\n Actions.—IV. Crimes And Punishments.\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part V.\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part VI.\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part VII.\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part VIII.\n\nChapter XLV: State Of Italy Under The Lombards.—Part I.\n\n Reign Of The Younger Justin.—Embassy Of The Avars.—Their\n Settlement On The Danube.—Conquest Of Italy By The\n Lombards.—Adoption And Reign Of Tiberius.—Of Maurice.—\n State Of Italy Under The Lombards And The Exarchs.—Of\n Ravenna.—Distress Of Rome.—Character And Pontificate Of\n Gregory The First.\n\nChapter XLV: State Of Italy Under The Lombards.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLV: State Of Italy Under The Lombards.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLVI: Troubles In Persia.—Part I.\n\n Revolutions On Persia After The Death Of Chosroes On\n Nushirvan.—His Son Hormouz, A Tyrant, Is Deposed.—\n Usurpation Of Baharam.—Flight And Restoration Of Chosroes\n II.—His Gratitude To The Romans.—The Chagan Of The Avars.—\n Revolt Of The Army Against Maurice.—His Death.—Tyranny Of\n Phocas.—Elevation Of Heraclius.—The Persian War.—Chosroes\n Subdues Syria, Egypt, And Asia Minor.—Siege Of\n Constantinople By The Persians And Avars.—Persian\n Expeditions.—Victories And Triumph Of Heraclius.\n\nChapter XLVI: Troubles In Persia.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLVI: Troubles In Persia.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLVI: Troubles In Persia.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part I.\n\n Theological History Of The Doctrine Of The Incarnation.—The\n Human And Divine Nature Of Christ.—Enmity Of The Patriarchs\n Of Alexandria And Constantinople.—St. Cyril And Nestorius.\n —Third General Council Of Ephesus.—Heresy Of Eutyches.—\n Fourth General Council Of Chalcedon.—Civil And\n Ecclesiastical Discord.—Intolerance Of Justinian.—The\n Three Chapters.—The Mono',
'lite Controversy.—State Of The\n Oriental Sects:—I. The Nestorians.—II. The Jacobites.—\n III. The Maronites.—IV. The Armenians.—V. The Copts And\n Abyssinians.\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part V.\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part VI.\n\nChapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.—Part I.\n\n Plan Of The Two Last Volumes.—Succession And Characters Of\n The Greek Emperors Of Constantinople, From The Time Of\n Heraclius To The Latin Conquest.\n\nChapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.—Part V.\n\n\n\nVOLUME FIVE\n\n\nChapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part I.\n\n Introduction, Worship, And Persecution Of Images.—Revolt Of\n Italy And Rome.—Temporal Dominion Of The Popes.—Conquest\n Of Italy By The Franks.—Establishment Of Images.—Character\n And Coronation Of Charlemagne.—Restoration And Decay Of The\n Roman Empire In The West.—Independence Of Italy.—\n Constitution Of The Germanic Body.\n\nChapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part V.\n\nChapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part VI.\n\nChapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part I.\n\n Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Birth,\n Character, And Doctrine Of Mahomet.—He Preaches At Mecca.—\n Flies To Medina.—Propagates His Religion By The Sword.—\n Voluntary Or Reluctant Submission Of The Arabs.—His Death\n And Successors.—The Claims And Fortunes Of All And His\n Descendants.\n\nChapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part II.\n\nChapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part III.\n\nChapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part IV.\n\nChapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part V.\n\nChapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part VI.\n\nChapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part VII.\n\nChapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part VIII.\n\nChapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part I.\n\n The Conquest Of Persia, Syria, Egypt, Africa, And Spain, By\n The Arabs Or Saracens.—Empire Of The Caliphs, Or Successors\n Of Mahomet.—State Of The Christians, &c., Under Their\n Government.\n\nChapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part II.\n\nChapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part III.\n\nChapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part IV.\n\nChapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part V.\n\nChapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part VI.\n\nChapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part VII.\n\nChapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.—Part I.\n\n The Two Sieges Of Constantinople By The Arabs.—Their\n Invasion Of France, And Defeat By Charles Martel.—Civil War\n Of The Ommiades And Abbassides.—Learning Of The Arabs.—\n Luxury Of The Caliphs.—Naval Enterprises On Crete, Sicily,\n And Rome.—Decay And Division Of The Empire Of The Caliphs.\n —Defeats And Victories Of The Greek Emperors.\n\nChapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.—Part II.\n\nChapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.—Part III.\n\nChapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.—Part IV.\n\nChapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.—Part V.\n\nChapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire.—Part I.\n\n Fate Of The Eastern Empire In The Tenth Century.—Extent And\n Division.—Wealth And Revenue.—Palace Of Constantinople.—\n Titles And Offices.—Pride And Power Of The Emperors.—\n Tactics Of The Greeks, Arabs, And Franks.—Loss Of The Latin\n Tongue.—Studies And Solitude Of The Greeks.\n\nChapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire.—Part II.\n\nChapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire.—Part III.\n\nChapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire.—Part IV.\n\nChapter LIV: Origin And Doctrine Of The Paulicians.—Part I.\n\n Origin And Doctrine Of The Paulicians.—Their Persecution By\n The Greek Emperors.—Revolt In Armenia &c.—Transplantation\n Into Thrace.—Propagation In The West.—The Seeds,\n Character, And Consequences Of The Reformation.\n\nChapter LIV: Origin And Doctrine Of The Paulicians.—Part II.\n\nChapter LV: The Bulgarians, The Hungarians And The Russians.—Part I.\n\n The Bulgarians.—Origin, Migrations, And Settlement Of The\n Hungarians.—Their Inroads In The East And West.—The\n Monarchy Of Russia.—Geography And Trade.—Wars Of The\n Russians Against The Greek Empire.—Conversion Of The\n Barbarians.\n\nChapter LV: The Bulgarians, The Hungarians And The Russians.—Part II.\n\nChapter LV: The Bulgarians, The Hungarians And The Russians.—Part III.\n\nChapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.—Part I.\n\n The Saracens, Franks, And Greeks, In Italy.—First\n Adventures And Settlement Of The Normans.—Character And\n Conquest Of Robert Guiscard, Duke Of Apulia—Deliverance Of\n Sicily By His Bro',
'r Roger.—Victories Of Robert Over The\n Emperors Of The East And West.—Roger, King Of Sicily,\n Invades Africa And Greece.—The Emperor Manuel Comnenus.—\n Wars Of The Greeks And Normans.—Extinction Of The Normans.\n\nChapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.—Part II.\n\nChapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.—Part III.\n\nChapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.—Part IV.\n\nChapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.—Part V.\n\nChapter LVII: The Turks.—Part I.\n\n The Turks Of The House Of Seljuk.—Their Revolt Against\n Mahmud Conqueror Of Hindostan.—Togrul Subdues Persia, And\n Protects The Caliphs.—Defeat And Captivity Of The Emperor\n Romanus Diogenes By Alp Arslan.—Power And Magnificence Of\n Malek Shah.—Conquest Of Asia Minor And Syria.—State And\n Oppression Of Jerusalem.—Pilgrimages To The Holy Sepulchre.\n\nChapter LVII: The Turks.—Part II.\n\nChapter LVII: The Turks.—Part III.\n\nChapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part I.\n\n Origin And Numbers Of The First Crusade.—Characters Of The Latin\n Princes.—Their March To Constantinople.—Policy Of The Greek\n Emperor Alexius.—Conquest Of Nice, Antioch, And Jerusalem, By The\n Franks.—Deliverance Of The Holy Sepulchre.— Godfrey Of Bouillon,\n First King Of Jerusalem.—Institutions Of The French Or Latin Kingdom.\n\nChapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part II.\n\nChapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part III.\n\nChapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part IV.\n\nChapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part V.\n\n\n\nVOLUME SIX\n\n\nChapter LIX: The Crusades.—Part I. Part II. Part III.\n\nChapter LX: The Fourth Crusade.—Part I. Part II. Part III.\n\nChapter LXI: Partition Of The Empire By The French And Venetians.—Part I. Part II. Part III. Part IV.\n\nChapter LXII: Greek Emperors Of Nice And Constantinople.—Part I. Part II. Part III.\n\nChapter LXIII: Civil Wars And The Ruin Of The Greek Empire.—Part I. Part II.\n\nChapter LXIV: Moguls, Ottoman Turks.—Part I. Part II. Part III. Part IV.\n\nChapter LXV: Elevation Of Timour Or Tamerlane, And His Death.—Part I. Part II. Part III.\n\nChapter LXVI: Union Of The Greek And Latin Churches.—Part I. Part II. Part III. Part IV.\n\nChapter LXVII: Schism Of The Greeks And Latins.—Part I. Part II.\n\nChapter LXVIII: Reign Of Mahomet The Second, Extinction Of Eastern Empire.—Part I. Part II. Part III. Part IV.\n\nChapter LXIX: State Of Rome From The Twelfth Century.—Part I. Part II. Part III. Part IV.\n\nChapter LXX: Final Settlement Of The Ecclesiastical State.—Part I. Part II. Part III. Part IV.\n\nChapter LXXI: Prospect Of The Ruins Of Rome In The Fifteenth Century.—Part I. Part II\n\n\n\n\nHISTORY OF THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE\nEdward Gibbon, Esq.\nWith notes by ',
' Rev. H. H. Milman\nVol. 1\n1782 (Written), 1845 (Revised)\n\n\n\n\nIntroduction\n\n\n\n\n Introduction\n\n Preface By The Editor.\n\n\n The great work of Gibbon is indispensable to ',
' student of\n history. The literature of Europe offers no substitute for “The\n Decline and Fall of ',
' Roman Empire.” It has obtained undisputed\n possession, as rightful occupant, of ',
' vast period which it\n comprehends. However some subjects, which it embraces, may have\n undergone more complete investigation, on ',
' general view of ',
'\n whole period, this history is ',
' sole undisputed authority to\n which all defer, and from which few appeal to ',
' original\n writers, or to more modern compilers. The inherent interest of\n ',
' subject, ',
' inexhaustible labor employed upon it; ',
'\n immense condensation of matter; ',
' luminous arrangement; ',
'\n general accuracy; ',
' style, which, however monotonous from its\n uniform stateliness, and sometimes wearisome from its elaborate\n ar., is throughout vigorous, animated, often picturesque, always\n commands attention, always conveys its meaning with emphatic\n energy, describes with singular breadth and fidelity, and\n generalizes with unrivalled felicity of expression; all ',
'se\n high qualifications have secured, and seem likely to secure, its\n permanent place in historic literature.\n\n This vast design of Gibbon, ',
' magnificent whole into which he\n has cast ',
' decay and ruin of ',
' ancient civilization, ',
'\n formation and birth of ',
' new order of things, will of itself,\n independent of ',
' laborious execution of his immense plan,\n render “The Decline and Fall of ',
' Roman Empire” an\n unapproachable subject to ',
' future historian: 101 in ',
'\n eloquent language of his recent French editor, M. Guizot:—\n\n 101 (return) [ A considerable portion of this preface has already\n appeared before us public in ',
' Quarterly Review.]\n\n “The gradual decline of ',
' most extraordinary dominion which has\n ever invaded and oppressed ',
' world; ',
' fall of that immense\n empire, erected on ',
' ruins of so many kingdoms, republics, and\n states both barbarous and civilized; and forming in its turn, by\n its dismemberment, a multitude of states, republics, and\n kingdoms; ',
' annihilation of ',
' religion of Greece and Rome;\n ',
' birth and ',
' progress of ',
' two new religions which have\n shared ',
' most beautiful regions of ',
' earth; ',
' decrepitude\n of ',
' ancient world, ',
' spectacle of its expiring glory and\n degenerate manners; ',
' infancy of ',
' modern world, ',
' picture\n of its first progress, of ',
' new direction given to ',
' mind and\n character of man—such a subject must necessarily fix ',
'\n attention and excite ',
' interest of men, who cannot behold with\n indifference those memorable epochs, during which, in ',
' fine\n language of Corneille—\n\n ‘Un grand destin commence, un grand destin s’achève.’”\n\n This extent and harmony of design is unquestionably that which\n distinguishes ',
' work of Gibbon from all o',
'r great historical\n compositions. He has first bridged ',
' abyss between ancient and\n modern times, and connected toge',
'r ',
' two great worlds of\n history. The great advantage which ',
' classical historians\n possess over those of modern times is in unity of plan, of course\n greatly facilitated by ',
' narrower sphere to which ',
'ir\n researches were confined. Except Herodotus, ',
' great historians\n of Greece—we exclude ',
' more modern compilers, like Diodorus\n Siculus—limited ',
'mselves to a single period, or at ‘east to ',
'\n contracted sphere of Grecian affairs. As far as ',
' Barbarians\n trespassed within ',
' Grecian boundary, or were necessarily\n mingled up with Grecian politics, ',
'y were admitted into ',
'\n pale of Grecian history; but to Thucydides and to Xenophon,\n excepting in ',
' Persian inroad of ',
' latter, Greece was ',
'\n world. Natural unity confined ',
'ir narrative almost to\n chronological order, ',
' episodes were of rare occurrence and\n extremely brief. To ',
' Roman historians ',
' course was equally\n clear and defined. Rome was ',
'ir centre of unity; and ',
'\n uniformity with which ',
' circle of ',
' Roman dominion spread\n around, ',
' regularity with which ',
'ir civil polity expanded,\n forced, as it were, upon ',
' Roman historian that plan which\n Polybius announces as ',
' subject of his history, ',
' means and\n ',
' manner by which ',
' whole world became subject to ',
' Roman\n sway. How different ',
' complicated politics of ',
' European\n kingdoms! Every national history, to be complete, must, in a\n certain sense, be ',
' history of Europe; ',
're is no knowing to\n how remote a quarter it may be necessary to trace our most\n domestic events; from a country, how apparently disconnected, may\n originate ',
' impulse which gives its direction to ',
' whole\n course of affairs.\n\n In imitation of his classical models, Gibbon places _Rome_ as ',
'\n cardinal point from which his inquiries diverge, and to which\n ',
'y bear constant reference; yet how immeasurable ',
' space over\n which those inquiries range! how complicated, how confused, how\n apparently inextricable ',
' causes which tend to ',
' decline of\n ',
' Roman empire! how countless ',
' nations which swarm forth, in\n mingling and indistinct hordes, constantly changing ',
'\n geographical limits—incessantly confounding ',
' natural\n boundaries! At first sight, ',
' whole period, ',
' whole state of\n ',
' world, seems to offer no more secure footing to an historical\n adventurer than ',
' chaos of Milton—to be in a state of\n irreclaimable disorder, best described in ',
' language of ',
'\n poet:—\n\n —“A dark Illimitable ocean, without bound, Without dimension,\n where length, breadth, and height,\n And time, and place, are lost: where eldest Night And Chaos,\n ancestors of Nature, hold Eternal anarchy, amidst ',
' noise Of\n endless wars, and by confusion stand.”\n\n We feel that ',
' unity and harmony of narrative, which shall\n comprehend this period of social disorganization, must be\n ascribed entirely to ',
' skill and luminous disposition of ',
'\n historian. It is in this sublime Gothic architecture of his work,\n in which ',
' boundless range, ',
' infinite variety, ',
', at first\n sight, incongruous gorgeousness of ',
' separate parts,\n never',
'less are all subordinate to one main and predominant\n idea, that Gibbon is unrivalled. We cannot but admire ',
' manner\n in which he masses his materials, and arranges his facts in\n successive groups, not according to chronological order, but to\n ',
'ir moral or political connection; ',
' distinctness with which\n he marks his periods of gradually increasing decay; and ',
' skill\n with which, though advancing on separate parallels of history, he\n shows ',
' common tendency of ',
' slower or more rapid religious\n or civil innovations. However ',
'se principles of composition may\n demand more than ordinary attention on ',
' part of ',
' reader,\n ',
'y can alone impress upon ',
' memory ',
' real course, and ',
'\n relative importance of ',
' events. Whoever would justly\n appreciate ',
' superiority of Gibbon’s lucid arrangement, should\n attempt to make his way through ',
' regular but wearisome annals\n of Tillemont, or even ',
' less ponderous volumes of Le Beau. Both\n ',
'se writers adhere, almost entirely, to chronological order;\n ',
' consequence is, that we are twenty times called upon to break\n off, and resume ',
' thread of six or eight wars in different\n parts of ',
' empire; to suspend ',
' operations of a military\n expedition for a court intrigue; to hurry away from a siege to a\n council; and ',
' same page places us in ',
' middle of a campaign\n against ',
' barbarians, and in ',
' depths of ',
' Monophysite\n controversy. In Gibbon it is not always easy to bear in mind ',
'\n exact dates but ',
' course of events is ever clear and distinct;\n like a skilful general, though his troops advance from ',
' most\n remote and opposite quarters, ',
'y are constantly bearing down\n and concentrating ',
'mselves on one point—that which is still\n occupied by ',
' name, and by ',
' waning power of Rome. Whe',
'r he\n traces ',
' progress of hostile religions, or leads from ',
'\n shores of ',
' Baltic, or ',
' verge of ',
' Chinese empire, ',
'\n successive hosts of barbarians—though one wave has hardly burst\n and discharged itself, before ano',
'r swells up and\n approaches—all is made to flow in ',
' same direction, and ',
'\n impression which each makes upon ',
' tottering fabric of ',
'\n Roman greatness, connects ',
'ir distant movements, and measures\n ',
' relative importance assigned to ',
'm in ',
' panoramic\n history. The more peaceful and didactic episodes on ',
'\n development of ',
' Roman law, or even on ',
' details of\n ecclesiastical history, interpose ',
'mselves as resting-places or\n divisions between ',
' periods of barbaric invasion. In short,\n though distracted first by ',
' two capitals, and afterwards by\n ',
' formal partition of ',
' empire, ',
' extraordinary felicity of\n arrangement maintains an order and a regular progression. As our\n horizon expands to reveal to us ',
' ga',
'ring tempests which are\n forming far beyond ',
' boundaries of ',
' civilized world—as we\n follow ',
'ir successive approach to ',
' trembling frontier—',
'\n compressed and receding line is still distinctly visible; though\n gradually dismembered and ',
' broken fragments assuming ',
' form\n of regular states and kingdoms, ',
' real relation of those\n kingdoms to ',
' empire is maintained and defined; and even when\n ',
' Roman dominion has shrunk into little more than ',
' province\n of Thrace—when ',
' name of Rome, confined, in Italy, to ',
' walls\n of ',
' city—yet it is still ',
' memory, ',
' shade of ',
' Roman\n greatness, which extends over ',
' wide sphere into which ',
'\n historian expands his later narrative; ',
' whole blends into ',
'\n unity, and is manifestly essential to ',
' double catastrophe of\n his tragic drama.\n\n But ',
' amplitude, ',
' magnificence, or ',
' harmony of design,\n are, though imposing, yet unworthy claims on our admiration,\n unless ',
' details are filled up with correctness and accuracy.\n No writer has been more severely tried on this point than Gibbon.\n He has undergone ',
' triple scrutiny of ',
'ological zeal\n quickened by just resentment, of literary emulation, and of that\n mean and invidious vanity which delights in detecting errors in\n writers of established fame. On ',
' result of ',
' trial, we may\n be permitted to summon competent witnesses before we deliver our\n own judgment.\n\n M. Guizot, in his preface, after stating that in France and\n Germany, as well as in England, in ',
' most enlightened countries\n of Europe, Gibbon is constantly cited as an authority, thus\n proceeds:—\n\n “I have had occasion, during my labors, to consult ',
' writings\n of philosophers, who have treated on ',
' finances of ',
' Roman\n empire; of scholars, who have investigated ',
' chronology; of\n ',
'ologians, who have searched ',
' depths of ecclesiastical\n history; of writers on law, who have studied with care ',
' Roman\n jurisprudence; of Orientalists, who have occupied ',
'mselves with\n ',
' Arabians and ',
' Koran; of modern historians, who have\n entered upon extensive researches touching ',
' crusades and ',
'ir\n influence; each of ',
'se writers has remarked and pointed out, in\n ',
' ‘History of ',
' Decline and Fall of ',
' Roman Empire,’ some\n negligences, some false or imperfect views, some omissions, which\n it is impossible not to suppose voluntary; ',
'y have rectified\n some facts, combated with advantage some assertions; but in\n general ',
'y have taken ',
' researches and ',
' ideas of Gibbon,\n as points of departure, or as proofs of ',
' researches or of ',
'\n new opinions which ',
'y have advanced.”\n\n M. Guizot goes on to state his own impressions on reading\n Gibbon’s history, and no authority will have greater weight with\n those to whom ',
' extent and accuracy of his historical\n researches are known:—\n\n “After a first rapid perusal, which allowed me to feel nothing\n but ',
' interest of a narrative, always animated, and,\n notwithstanding its extent and ',
' variety of objects which it\n makes to pass before ',
' view, always perspicuous, I entered upon\n a minute examination of ',
' details of which it was composed; and\n ',
' opinion which I ',
'n formed was, I confess, singularly\n severe. I discovered, in certain chapters, errors which appeared\n to me sufficiently important and numerous to make me believe that\n ',
'y had been written with extreme negligence; in o',
'rs, I was\n struck with a certain tinge of partiality and prejudice, which\n imparted to ',
' exposition of ',
' facts that want of truth and\n justice, which ',
' English express by ',
'ir happy term\n _misrepresentation_. Some imperfect (_tronquées_) quotations;\n some passages, omitted unintentionally or designedly cast a\n suspicion on ',
' honesty (_bonne foi_) of ',
' author; and his\n violation of ',
' first law of history—increased to my eye by ',
'\n prolonged attention with which I occupied myself with every\n phrase, every note, every reflection—caused me to form upon ',
'\n whole work, a judgment far too rigorous. After having finished my\n labors, I allowed some time to elapse before I reviewed ',
'\n whole. A second attentive and regular perusal of ',
' entire work,\n of ',
' notes of ',
' author, and of those which I had thought it\n right to subjoin, showed me how much I had exaggerated ',
'\n importance of ',
' reproaches which Gibbon really deserved; I was\n struck with ',
' same errors, ',
' same partiality on certain\n subjects; but I had been far from doing adequate justice to ',
'\n immensity of his researches, ',
' variety of his knowledge, and\n above all, to that truly philosophical discrimination (_justesse\n d’esprit_) which judges ',
' past as it would judge ',
' present;\n which does not permit itself to be blinded by ',
' clouds which\n time ga',
'rs around ',
' dead, and which prevent us from seeing\n that, under ',
' toga, as under ',
' modern dress, in ',
' senate as\n in our councils, men were what ',
'y still are, and that events\n took place eighteen centuries ago, as ',
'y take place in our\n days. I ',
'n felt that his book, in spite of its faults, will\n always be a noble work—and that we may correct his errors and\n combat his prejudices, without ceasing to admit that few men have\n combined, if we are not to say in so high a degree, at least in a\n manner so complete, and so well regulated, ',
' necessary\n qualifications for a writer of history.”\n\n The present editor has followed ',
' track of Gibbon through many\n parts of his work; he has read his authorities with constant\n reference to his pages, and must pronounce his deliberate\n judgment, in terms of ',
' highest admiration as to his general\n accuracy. Many of his seeming errors are almost inevitable from\n ',
' close condensation of his matter. From ',
' immense range of\n his history, it was sometimes necessary to compress into a single\n sentence, a whole vague and diffuse page of a Byzantine\n chronicler. Perhaps something of importance may have thus\n escaped, and his expressions may not quite contain ',
' whole\n substance of ',
' passage from which ',
'y are taken. His limits,\n at times, compel him to sketch; where that is ',
' case, it is not\n fair to expect ',
' full details of ',
' finished picture. At times\n he can only deal with important results; and in his account of a\n war, it sometimes requires great attention to discover that ',
'\n events which seem to be comprehended in a single campaign, occupy\n several years. But this admirable skill in selecting and giving\n prominence to ',
' points which are of real weight and\n importance—this distribution of light and shade—though perhaps it\n may occasionally betray him into vague and imperfect statements,\n is one of ',
' highest excellencies of Gibbon’s historic manner.\n It is ',
' more striking, when we pass from ',
' works of his chief\n authorities, where, after laboring through long, minute, and\n wearisome descriptions of ',
' accessary and subordinate\n circumstances, a single unmarked and undistinguished sentence,\n which we may overlook from ',
' inattention of fatigue, contains\n ',
' great moral and political result.\n\n Gibbon’s method of arrangement, though on ',
' whole most\n favorable to ',
' clear comprehension of ',
' events, leads\n likewise to apparent inaccuracy. That which we expect to find in\n one part is reserved for ano',
'r. The estimate which we are to\n form, depends on ',
' accurate balance of statements in remote\n parts of ',
' work; and we have sometimes to correct and modify\n opinions, formed from one chapter by those of ano',
'r. Yet, on\n ',
' o',
'r hand, it is astonishing how rarely we detect\n contradiction; ',
' mind of ',
' author has already harmonized ',
'\n whole result to truth and probability; ',
' general impression is\n almost invariably ',
' same. The quotations of Gibbon have\n likewise been called in question;—I have, _in general_, been more\n inclined to admire ',
'ir exactitude, than to complain of ',
'ir\n indistinctness, or incompleteness. Where ',
'y are imperfect, it\n is commonly from ',
' study of brevity, and ra',
'r from ',
' desire\n of compressing ',
' substance of his notes into pointed and\n emphatic sentences, than from dishonesty, or uncandid suppression\n of truth.\n\n These observations apply more particularly to ',
' accuracy and\n fidelity of ',
' historian as to his facts; his inferences, of\n course, are more liable to exception. It is almost impossible to\n trace ',
' line between unfairness and unfaithfulness; between\n intentional misrepresentation and undesigned false coloring. The\n relative magnitude and importance of events must, in some\n respect, depend upon ',
' mind before which ',
'y are presented;\n ',
' estimate of character, on ',
' habits and feelings of ',
'\n reader. Christians, like M. Guizot and ourselves, will see some\n things, and some persons, in a different light from ',
' historian\n of ',
' Decline and Fall. We may deplore ',
' bias of his mind; we\n may ourselves be on our guard against ',
' danger of being misled,\n and be anxious to warn less wary readers against ',
' same perils;\n but we must not confound this secret and unconscious departure\n from truth, with ',
' deliberate violation of that veracity which\n is ',
' only title of an historian to our confidence. Gibbon, it\n may be fearlessly asserted, is rarely chargeable even with ',
'\n suppression of any material fact, which bears upon individual\n character; he may, with apparently invidious hostility, enhance\n ',
' errors and crimes, and disparage ',
' virtues of certain\n persons; yet, in general, he leaves us ',
' materials for forming\n a fairer judgment; and if he is not exempt from his own\n prejudices, perhaps we might write _passions_, yet it must be\n candidly acknowledged, that his philosophical bigotry is not more\n unjust than ',
' ',
'ological partialities of those ecclesiastical\n writers who were before in undisputed possession of this province\n of history.\n\n We are thus naturally led to that great misrepresentation which\n pervades his history—his false estimate of ',
' nature and\n influence of Christianity.\n\n But on this subject some preliminary caution is necessary, lest\n that should be expected from a new edition, which it is\n impossible that it should completely accomplish. We must first be\n prepared with ',
' only sound preservative against ',
' false\n impression likely to be produced by ',
' perusal of Gibbon; and we\n must see clearly ',
' real cause of that false impression. The\n former of ',
'se cautions will be briefly suggested in its proper\n place, but it may be as well to state it, here, somewhat more at\n length. The art of Gibbon, or at least ',
' unfair impression\n produced by his two memorable chapters, consists in his\n confounding toge',
'r, in one indistinguishable mass, ',
' _origin_\n and _apostolic_ propagation of ',
' new religion, with its _later_\n progress. No argument for ',
' divine authority of Christianity\n has been urged with greater force, or traced with higher\n eloquence, than that deduced from its primary development,\n explicable on no o',
'r hypo',
'sis than a heavenly origin, and\n from its rapid extension through great part of ',
' Roman empire.\n But this argument—one, when confined within reasonable limits, of\n unanswerable force—becomes more feeble and disputable in\n proportion as it recedes from ',
' birthplace, as it were, of ',
'\n religion. The fur',
'r Christianity advanced, ',
' more causes\n purely human were enlisted in its favor; nor can it be doubted\n that those developed with such artful exclusiveness by Gibbon did\n concur most essentially to its establishment. It is in ',
'\n Christian dispensation, as in ',
' material world. In both it is\n as ',
' great First Cause, that ',
' Deity is most undeniably\n manifest. When once launched in regular motion upon ',
' bosom of\n space, and endowed with all ',
'ir properties and relations of\n weight and mutual attraction, ',
' heavenly bodies appear to\n pursue ',
'ir courses according to secondary laws, which account\n for all ',
'ir sublime regularity. So Christianity proclaims its\n Divine Author chiefly in its first origin and development. When\n it had once received its impulse from above—when it had once been\n infused into ',
' minds of its first teachers—when it had gained\n full possession of ',
' reason and affections of ',
' favored\n few—it _might be_—and to ',
' Protestant, ',
' rationa Christian,\n it is impossible to define _when_ it really _was_—left to make\n its way by its native force, under ',
' ordinary secret agencies\n of all-ruling Providence. The main question, ',
' _divine origin\n of ',
' religion_, was dexterously eluded, or speciously conceded\n by Gibbon; his plan enabled him to commence his account, in most\n parts, _below ',
' apostolic times;_ and it was only by ',
'\n strength of ',
' dark coloring with which he brought out ',
'\n failings and ',
' follies of ',
' succeeding ages, that a shadow of\n doubt and suspicion was thrown back upon ',
' primitive period of\n Christianity.\n\n “The ',
'ologian,” says Gibbon, “may indulge ',
' pleasing task of\n describing religion as she descended from heaven, arrayed in her\n native purity; a more melancholy duty is imposed upon ',
'\n historian:—he must discover ',
' inevitable mixture of error and\n corruption which she contracted in a long residence upon earth\n among a weak and degenerate race of beings.” Divest this passage\n of ',
' latent sarcasm betrayed by ',
' subsequent tone of ',
'\n whole disquisition, and it might commence a Christian history\n written in ',
' most Christian spirit of candor. But as ',
'\n historian, by seeming to respect, yet by dexterously confounding\n ',
' limits of ',
' sacred land, contrived to insinuate that it was\n an Utopia which had no existence but in ',
' imagination of ',
'\n ',
'ologian—as he _suggested_ ra',
'r than affirmed that ',
' days\n of Christian purity were a kind of poetic golden age;—so ',
'\n ',
'ologian, by venturing too far into ',
' domain of ',
'\n historian, has been perpetually obliged to contest points on\n which he had little chance of victory—to deny facts established\n on unshaken evidence—and ',
'nce, to retire, if not with ',
' shame\n of defeat, yet with but doubtful and imperfect success. Paley,\n with his intuitive sagacity, saw through ',
' difficulty of\n answering Gibbon by ',
' ordinary arts of controversy; his\n emphatic sentence, “Who can refute a sneer?” contains as much\n truth as point. But full and pregnant as this phrase is, it is\n not quite ',
' whole truth; it is ',
' tone in which ',
' progress\n of Christianity is traced, in _comparison_ with ',
' rest of ',
'\n splendid and prodigally ornamented work, which is ',
' radical\n defect in ',
' “Decline and Fall.” Christianity alone receives no\n embellishment from ',
' magic of Gibbon’s language; his\n imagination is dead to its moral dignity; it is kept down by a\n general zone of jealous disparagement, or neutralized by a\n painfully elaborate exposition of its darker and degenerate\n periods. There are occasions, indeed, when its pure and exalted\n humanity, when its manifestly beneficial influence, can compel\n even him, as it were, to fairness, and kindle his unguarded\n eloquence to its usual fervor; but, in general, he soon relapses\n into a frigid apathy; _affects_ an ostentatiously severe\n impartiality; notes all ',
' faults of Christians in every age\n with bitter and almost malignant sarcasm; reluctantly, and with\n exception and reservation, admits ',
'ir claim to admiration. This\n inextricable bias appears even to influence his manner of\n composition. While all ',
' o',
'r assailants of ',
' Roman empire,\n whe',
'r warlike or religious, ',
' Goth, ',
' Hun, ',
' Arab, ',
'\n Tartar, Alaric and Attila, Mahomet, and Zengis, and Tamerlane,\n are each introduced upon ',
' scene almost with dramatic\n animation—',
'ir progress related in a full, complete, and\n unbroken narrative—',
' triumph of Christianity alone takes ',
'\n form of a cold and critical disquisition. The successes of\n barbarous energy and brute force call forth all ',
' consummate\n skill of composition; while ',
' moral triumphs of Christian\n benevolence—',
' tranquil heroism of endurance, ',
' blameless\n purity, ',
' contempt of guilty fame and of honors destructive to\n ',
' human race, which, had ',
'y assumed ',
' proud name of\n philosophy, would have been blazoned in his brightest words,\n because ',
'y own religion as ',
'ir principle—sink into narrow\n asceticism. The _glories_ of Christianity, in short, touch on no\n chord in ',
' heart of ',
' writer; his imagination remains\n unkindled; his words, though ',
'y maintain ',
'ir stately and\n measured march, have become cool, argumentative, and inanimate.\n Who would obscure one hue of that gorgeous coloring in which\n Gibbon has invested ',
' dying forms of Paganism, or darken one\n paragraph in his splendid view of ',
' rise and progress of\n Mahometanism? But who would not have wished that ',
' same equal\n justice had been done to Christianity; that its real character\n and deeply penetrating influence had been traced with ',
' same\n philosophical sagacity, and represented with more sober, as would\n become its quiet course, and perhaps less picturesque, but still\n with lively and attractive, descriptiveness? He might have thrown\n aside, with ',
' same scorn, ',
' mass of ecclesiastical fiction\n which envelops ',
' early history of ',
' church, stripped off ',
'\n legendary romance, and brought out ',
' facts in ',
'ir primitive\n nakedness and simplicity—if he had but allowed those facts ',
'\n benefit of ',
' glowing eloquence which he denied to ',
'm alone.\n He might have annihilated ',
' whole fabric of post-apostolic\n miracles, if he had left uninjured by sarcastic insinuation those\n of ',
' New Testament; he might have cashiered, with Dodwell, ',
'\n whole host of martyrs, which owe ',
'ir existence to ',
' prodigal\n invention of later days, had he but bestowed fair room, and dwelt\n with his ordinary energy on ',
' sufferings of ',
' genuine\n witnesses to ',
' truth of Christianity, ',
' Polycarps, or ',
'\n martyrs of Vienne. And indeed, if, after all, ',
' view of ',
'\n early progress of Christianity be melancholy and humiliating we\n must beware lest we charge ',
' whole of this on ',
' infidelity of\n ',
' historian. It is idle, it is disingenuous, to deny or to\n dissemble ',
' early depravations of Christianity, its gradual but\n rapid departure from its primitive simplicity and purity, still\n more, from its spirit of universal love. It may be no unsalutary\n lesson to ',
' Christian world, that this silent, this\n unavoidable, perhaps, yet fatal change shall have been drawn by\n an impartial, or even an hostile hand. The Christianity of every\n age may take warning, lest by its own narrow views, its want of\n wisdom, and its want of charity, it give ',
' same advantage to\n ',
' future unfriendly historian, and disparage ',
' cause of true\n religion.\n\n The design of ',
' present edition is partly corrective, partly\n supplementary: corrective, by notes, which point out (it is\n hoped, in a perfectly candid and dispassionate spirit with no\n desire but to establish ',
' truth) such inaccuracies or\n misstatements as may have been detected, particularly with regard\n to Christianity; and which thus, with ',
' previous caution, may\n counteract to a considerable extent ',
' unfair and unfavorable\n impression created against rational religion: supplementary, by\n adding such additional information as ',
' editor’s reading may\n have been able to furnish, from original documents or books, not\n accessible at ',
' time when Gibbon wrote.\n\n The work originated in ',
' editor’s habit of noting on ',
' margin\n of his copy of Gibbon references to such authors as had\n discovered errors, or thrown new light on ',
' subjects treated by\n Gibbon. These had grown to some extent, and seemed to him likely\n to be of use to o',
'rs. The annotations of M. Guizot also\n appeared to him worthy of being better known to ',
' English\n public than ',
'y were likely to be, as appended to ',
' French\n translation.\n\n The chief works from which ',
' editor has derived his materials\n are, I. The French translation, with notes by M. Guizot; 2d\n edition, Paris, 1828. The editor has translated almost all ',
'\n notes of M. Guizot. Where he has not altoge',
'r agreed with him,\n his respect for ',
' learning and judgment of that writer has, in\n general, induced him to retain ',
' statement from which he has\n ventured to differ, with ',
' grounds on which he formed his own\n opinion. In ',
' notes on Christianity, he has retained all those\n of M. Guizot, with his own, from ',
' conviction, that on such a\n subject, to many, ',
' authority of a French statesman, a\n Protestant, and a rational and sincere Christian, would appear\n more independent and unbiassed, and ',
'refore be more commanding,\n than that of an English clergyman.\n\n The editor has not scrupled to transfer ',
' notes of M. Guizot to\n ',
' present work. The well-known zeal for knowledge, displayed in\n all ',
' writings of that distinguished historian, has led to ',
'\n natural inference, that he would not be displeased at ',
' attempt\n to make ',
'm of use to ',
' English readers of Gibbon. The notes\n of M. Guizot are signed with ',
' letter G.\n\n II. The German translation, with ',
' notes of Wenck.\n Unfortunately this learned translator died, after having\n completed only ',
' first volume; ',
' rest of ',
' work was\n executed by a very inferior hand.\n\n The notes of Wenck are extremely valuable; many of ',
'm have been\n adopted by M. Guizot; ',
'y are distinguished by ',
' letter W. 102\n\n 102 (return) [ The editor regrets that he has not been able to\n find ',
' Italian translation, mentioned by Gibbon himself with\n some respect. It is not in our great libraries, ',
' Museum or ',
'\n Bodleian; and he has never found any bookseller in London who has\n seen it.]\n\n III. The new edition of Le Beau’s “Histoire du Bas Empire, with\n notes by M. St. Martin, and M. Brosset.” That distinguished\n Armenian scholar, M. St. Martin (now, unhappily, deceased) had\n added much information from Oriental writers, particularly from\n those of Armenia, as well as from more general sources. Many of\n his observations have been found as applicable to ',
' work of\n Gibbon as to that of Le Beau.\n\n IV. The editor has consulted ',
' various answers made to Gibbon\n on ',
' first appearance of his work; he must confess, with little\n profit. They were, in general, hastily compiled by inferior and\n now forgotten writers, with ',
' exception of Bishop Watson, whose\n able apology is ra',
'r a general argument, than an examination of\n misstatements. The name of Milner stands higher with a certain\n class of readers, but will not carry much weight with ',
' severe\n investigator of history.\n\n V. Some few classical works and fragments have come to light,\n since ',
' appearance of Gibbon’s History, and have been noticed\n in ',
'ir respective places; and much use has been made, in ',
'\n latter volumes particularly, of ',
' increase to our stores of\n Oriental literature. The editor cannot, indeed, pretend to have\n followed his author, in ',
'se gleanings, over ',
' whole vast\n field of his inquiries; he may have overlooked or may not have\n been able to command some works, which might have thrown still\n fur',
'r light on ',
'se subjects; but he trusts that what he has\n adduced will be of use to ',
' student of historic truth.\n\n The editor would fur',
'r observe, that with regard to some o',
'r\n objectionable passages, which do not involve misstatement or\n inaccuracy, he has intentionally abstained from directing\n particular attention towards ',
'm by any special protest.\n\n The editor’s notes are marked M.\n\n A considerable part of ',
' quotations (some of which in ',
' later\n editions had fallen into great confusion) have been verified, and\n have been corrected by ',
' latest and best editions of ',
'\n authors.\n\n June, 1845.\n\n In this new edition, ',
' text and ',
' notes have been carefully\n revised, ',
' latter by ',
' editor.\n\n Some additional notes have been subjoined, distinguished by ',
'\n signature M. 1845.\n\n\n\n\n Preface Of The Author.\n\n\n It is not my intention to detain ',
' reader by expatiating on ',
'\n variety or ',
' importance of ',
' subject, which I have undertaken\n to treat; since ',
' merit of ',
' choice would serve to render ',
'\n weakness of ',
' execution still more apparent, and still less\n excusable. But as I have presumed to lay before ',
' public a\n _first_ volume only 1 of ',
' History of ',
' Decline and Fall of\n ',
' Roman Empire, it will, perhaps, be expected that I should\n explain, in a few words, ',
' nature and limits of my general\n plan.\n\n 1 (return) [ The first volume of ',
' quarto, which contained ',
'\n sixteen first chapters.]\n\n The memorable series of revolutions, which in ',
' course of about\n thirteen centuries gradually undermined, and at length destroyed,\n ',
' solid fabric of human greatness, may, with some propriety, be\n divided into ',
' three following periods:\n\n I. The first of ',
'se periods may be traced from ',
' age of\n Trajan and ',
' Antonines, when ',
' Roman monarchy, having\n attained its full strength and maturity, began to verge towards\n its decline; and will extend to ',
' subversion of ',
' Western\n Empire, by ',
' barbarians of Germany and Scythia, ',
' rude\n ancestors of ',
' most polished nations of modern Europe. This\n extraordinary revolution, which subjected Rome to ',
' power of a\n Gothic conqueror, was completed about ',
' beginning of ',
' sixth\n century.\n\n II. The second period of ',
' Decline and Fall of Rome may be\n supposed to commence with ',
' reign of Justinian, who, by his\n laws, as well as by his victories, restored a transient splendor\n to ',
' Eastern Empire. It will comprehend ',
' invasion of Italy\n by ',
' Lombards; ',
' conquest of ',
' Asiatic and African\n provinces by ',
' Arabs, who embraced ',
' religion of Mahomet; ',
'\n revolt of ',
' Roman people against ',
' feeble princes of\n Constantinople; and ',
' elevation of Charlemagne, who, in ',
'\n year eight hundred, established ',
' second, or German Empire of\n ',
' West.\n\n III. The last and longest of ',
'se periods includes about six\n centuries and a half; from ',
' revival of ',
' Western Empire,\n till ',
' taking of Constantinople by ',
' Turks, and ',
'\n extinction of a degenerate race of princes, who continued to\n assume ',
' titles of Cæsar and Augustus, after ',
'ir dominions\n were contracted to ',
' limits of a single city; in which ',
'\n language, as well as manners, of ',
' ancient Romans, had been\n long since forgotten. The writer who should undertake to relate\n ',
' events of this period, would find himself obliged to enter\n into ',
' general history of ',
' Crusades, as far as ',
'y\n contributed to ',
' ruin of ',
' Greek Empire; and he would\n scarcely be able to restrain his curiosity from making some\n inquiry into ',
' state of ',
' city of Rome, during ',
' darkness\n and confusion of ',
' middle ages.\n\n As I have ventured, perhaps too hastily, to commit to ',
' press a\n work which in every sense of ',
' word, deserves ',
' epi',
't of\n imperfect. I consider myself as contracting an engagement to\n finish, most probably in a second volume, 2a ',
' first of ',
'se\n memorable periods; and to deliver to ',
' Public ',
' complete\n History of ',
' Decline and Fall of Rome, from ',
' age of ',
'\n Antonines to ',
' subversion of ',
' Western Empire. With regard to\n ',
' subsequent periods, though I may entertain some hopes, I dare\n not presume to give any assurances. The execution of ',
'\n extensive plan which I have described, would connect ',
' ancient\n and modern history of ',
' world; but it would require many years\n of health, of leisure, and of perseverance.\n\n 2a (return) [ The Author, as it frequently happens, took an\n inadequate measure of his growing work. The remainder of ',
'\n first period has filled _two_ volumes in quarto, being ',
' third,\n fourth, fifth, and sixth volumes of ',
' octavo edition.]\n\n BENTINCK STREET, _February_ 1, 1776.\n\n P. S. The entire History, which is now published, of ',
' Decline\n and Fall of ',
' Roman Empire in ',
' West, abundantly discharges\n my engagements with ',
' Public. Perhaps ',
'ir favorable opinion\n may encourage me to prosecute a work, which, however laborious it\n may seem, is ',
' most agreeable occupation of my leisure hours.\n\n BENTINCK STREET, _March_ 1, 1781.\n\n An Author easily persuades himself that ',
' public opinion is\n still favorable to his labors; and I have now embraced ',
'\n serious resolution of proceeding to ',
' last period of my\n original design, and of ',
' Roman Empire, ',
' taking of\n Constantinople by ',
' Turks, in ',
' year one thousand four\n hundred and fifty-three. The most patient Reader, who computes\n that three ponderous 3 volumes have been already employed on ',
'\n events of four centuries, may, perhaps, be alarmed at ',
' long\n prospect of nine hundred years. But it is not my intention to\n expatiate with ',
' same minuteness on ',
' whole series of ',
'\n Byzantine history. At our entrance into this period, ',
' reign of\n Justinian, and ',
' conquests of ',
' Mahometans, will deserve and\n detain our attention, and ',
' last age of Constantinople (',
'\n Crusades and ',
' Turks) is connected with ',
' revolutions of\n Modern Europe. From ',
' seventh to ',
' eleventh century, ',
'\n obscure interval will be supplied by a concise narrative of such\n facts as may still appear ei',
'r interesting or important.\n\n BENTINCK STREET, _March_ 1, 1782.\n\n 3 (return) [ The first six volumes of ',
' octavo edition.]\n\n\n\n\n Preface To The First Volume.\n\n\n Diligence and accuracy are ',
' only merits which an historical\n writer may ascribe to himself; if any merit, indeed, can be\n assumed from ',
' performance of an indispensable duty. I may\n ',
'refore be allowed to say, that I have carefully examined all\n ',
' original materials that could illustrate ',
' subject which I\n had undertaken to treat. Should I ever complete ',
' extensive\n design which has been sketched out in ',
' Preface, I might\n perhaps conclude it with a critical account of ',
' authors\n consulted during ',
' progress of ',
' whole work; and however such\n an attempt might incur ',
' censure of ostentation, I am persuaded\n that it would be susceptible of entertainment, as well as\n information.\n\n At present I shall content myself with a single observation.\n\n The biographers, who, under ',
' reigns of Diocletian and\n Constantine, composed, or ra',
'r compiled, ',
' lives of ',
'\n Emperors, from Hadrian to ',
' sons of Carus, are usually\n mentioned under ',
' names of Ælius Spartianus, Julius\n Capitolinus, Ælius Lampridius, Vulcatius Gallicanus, Trebellius\n Pollio and Flavius Vopiscus. But ',
're is so much perplexity in\n ',
' titles of ',
' MSS., and so many disputes have arisen among\n ',
' critics (see Fabricius, Biblioth. Latin. l. iii. c. 6)\n concerning ',
'ir number, ',
'ir names, and ',
'ir respective\n property, that for ',
' most part I have quoted ',
'm without\n distinction, under ',
' general and well-known title of ',
'\n _Augustan History_.\n\n\n\n\n Preface To The Fourth Volume Of The Original Quarto Edition.\n\n I now discharge my promise, and complete my design, of writing\n ',
' History of ',
' Decline and Fall of ',
' Roman Empire, both in\n ',
' West and ',
' East. The whole period extends from ',
' age of\n Trajan and ',
' Antonines, to ',
' taking of Constantinople by\n Mahomet ',
' Second; and includes a review of ',
' Crusades, and\n ',
' state of Rome during ',
' middle ages. Since ',
' publication\n of ',
' first volume, twelve years have elapsed; twelve years,\n according to my wish, “of health, of leisure, and of\n perseverance.” I may now congratulate my deliverance from a long\n and laborious service, and my satisfaction will be pure and\n perfect, if ',
' public favor should be extended to ',
' conclusion\n of my work.\n\n It was my first intention to have collected, under one view, ',
'\n numerous authors, of every age and language, from whom I have\n derived ',
' materials of this history; and I am still convinced\n that ',
' apparent ostentation would be more than compensated by\n real use. If I have renounced this idea, if I have declined an\n undertaking which had obtained ',
' approbation of a\n master-artist,4 my excuse may be found in ',
' extreme difficulty\n of assigning a proper measure to such a catalogue. A naked list\n of names and editions would not be satisfactory ei',
'r to myself\n or my readers: ',
' characters of ',
' principal Authors of ',
'\n Roman and Byzantine History have been occasionally connected with\n ',
' events which ',
'y describe; a more copious and critical\n inquiry might indeed deserve, but it would demand, an elaborate\n volume, which might swell by degrees into a general library of\n historical writers. For ',
' present, I shall content myself with\n renewing my serious protestation, that I have always endeavored\n to draw from ',
' fountain-head; that my curiosity, as well as a\n sense of duty, has always urged me to study ',
' originals; and\n that, if ',
'y have sometimes eluded my search, I have carefully\n marked ',
' secondary evidence, on whose faith a passage or a fact\n were reduced to depend.\n\n 4 (return) [ See Dr. Robertson’s Preface to his History of\n America.]\n\n I shall soon revisit ',
' banks of ',
' Lake of Lausanne, a country\n which I have known and loved from my early youth. Under a mild\n government, amidst a beauteous landscape, in a life of leisure\n and independence, and among a people of easy and elegant manners,\n I have enjoyed, and may again hope to enjoy, ',
' varied pleasures\n of retirement and society. But I shall ever glory in ',
' name and\n character of an Englishman: I am proud of my birth in a free and\n enlightened country; and ',
' approbation of that country is ',
'\n best and most honorable reward of my labors. Were I ambitious of\n any o',
'r Patron than ',
' Public, I would inscribe this work to a\n Statesman, who, in a long, a stormy, and at length an unfortunate\n administration, had many political opponents, almost without a\n personal enemy; who has retained, in his fall from power, many\n faithful and disinterested friends; and who, under ',
' pressure\n of severe infirmity, enjoys ',
' lively vigor of his mind, and ',
'\n felicity of his incomparable temper. Lord North will permit me to\n express ',
' feelings of friendship in ',
' language of truth: but\n even truth and friendship should be silent, if he still dispensed\n ',
' favors of ',
' crown.\n\n In a remote solitude, vanity may still whisper in my ear, that my\n readers, perhaps, may inquire whe',
'r, in ',
' conclusion of ',
'\n present work, I am now taking an everlasting farewell. They shall\n hear all that I know myself, and all that I could reveal to ',
'\n most intimate friend. The motives of action or silence are now\n equally balanced; nor can I pronounce, in my most secret\n thoughts, on which side ',
' scale will preponderate. I cannot\n dissemble that six quartos must have tried, and may have\n exhausted, ',
' indulgence of ',
' Public; that, in ',
' repetition\n of similar attempts, a successful Author has much more to lose\n than he can hope to gain; that I am now descending into ',
' vale\n of years; and that ',
' most respectable of my countrymen, ',
' men\n whom I aspire to imitate, have resigned ',
' pen of history about\n ',
' same period of ',
'ir lives. Yet I consider that ',
' annals of\n ancient and modern times may afford many rich and interesting\n subjects; that I am still possessed of health and leisure; that\n by ',
' practice of writing, some skill and facility must be\n acquired; and that, in ',
' ardent pursuit of truth and knowledge,\n I am not conscious of decay. To an active mind, indolence is more\n painful than labor; and ',
' first months of my liberty will be\n occupied and amused in ',
' excursions of curiosity and taste. By\n such temptations, I have been sometimes seduced from ',
' rigid\n duty even of a pleasing and voluntary task: but my time will now\n be my own; and in ',
' use or abuse of independence, I shall no\n longer fear my own reproaches or those of my friends. I am fairly\n entitled to a year of jubilee: next summer and ',
' following\n winter will rapidly pass away; and experience only can determine\n whe',
'r I shall still prefer ',
' freedom and variety of study to\n ',
' design and composition of a regular work, which animates,\n while it confines, ',
' daily application of ',
' Author.\n\n Caprice and accident may influence my choice; but ',
' dexterity\n of self-love will contrive to applaud ei',
'r active industry or\n philosophic repose.\n\n DOWNING STREET, _May_ 1, 1788.\n\n P. S. I shall embrace this opportunity of introducing two\n _verbal_ remarks, which have not conveniently offered ',
'mselves\n to my notice. 1. As often as I use ',
' definitions of _beyond_\n ',
' Alps, ',
' Rhine, ',
' Danube, &c., I generally suppose myself\n at Rome, and afterwards at Constantinople; without observing\n whe',
'r this relative geography may agree with ',
' local, but\n variable, situation of ',
' reader, or ',
' historian. 2. In proper\n names of foreign, and especially of Oriental origin, it should be\n always our aim to express, in our English version, a faithful\n copy of ',
' original. But this rule, which is founded on a just\n regard to uniformity and truth, must often be relaxed; and ',
'\n exceptions will be limited or enlarged by ',
' custom of ',
'\n language and ',
' taste of ',
' interpreter. Our alphabets may be\n often defective; a harsh sound, an uncouth spelling, might offend\n ',
' ear or ',
' eye of our countrymen; and some words, notoriously\n corrupt, are fixed, and, as it were, naturalized in ',
' vulgar\n tongue. The prophet _Mohammed_ can no longer be stripped of ',
'\n famous, though improper, appellation of Mahomet: ',
' well-known\n cities of Aleppo, Damascus, and Cairo, would almost be lost in\n ',
' strange descriptions of _Haleb, Demashk_, and _Al Cahira:_\n ',
' titles and offices of ',
' Ottoman empire are fashioned by ',
'\n practice of three hundred years; and we are pleased to blend ',
'\n three Chinese monosyllables, _Con-fû-tzee_, in ',
' respectable\n name of Confucius, or even to adopt ',
' Portuguese corruption of\n Mandarin. But I would vary ',
' use of Zoroaster and _Zerdusht_,\n as I drew my information from Greece or Persia: since our\n connection with India, ',
' genuine _Timour_ is restored to ',
'\n throne of Tamerlane: our most correct writers have retrenched ',
'\n _Al_, ',
' superfluous article, from ',
' Koran; and we escape an\n ambiguous termination, by adopting _Moslem_ instead of Musulman,\n in ',
' plural number. In ',
'se, and in a thousand examples, ',
'\n shades of distinction are often minute; and I can feel, where I\n cannot explain, ',
' motives of my choice.\n\n\n\n\n Chapter I: The Extent Of The Empire In The Age Of The\n Antonines—Part I.\n\n Introduction.\n\n The Extent And Military Force Of The Empire In The Age Of The\n Antonines.\n\n In ',
' second century of ',
' Christian Æra, ',
' empire of Rome\n comprehended ',
' fairest part of ',
' earth, and ',
' most\n civilized portion of mankind. The frontiers of that extensive\n monarchy were guarded by ancient renown and disciplined valor.\n The gentle but powerful influence of laws and manners had\n gradually cemented ',
' union of ',
' provinces. Their peaceful\n inhabitants enjoyed and abused ',
' advantages of wealth and\n luxury. The image of a free constitution was preserved with\n decent reverence: ',
' Roman senate appeared to possess ',
'\n sovereign authority, and devolved on ',
' emperors all ',
'\n executive powers of government. During a happy period of more\n than fourscore years, ',
' public administration was conducted by\n ',
' virtue and abilities of Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and ',
' two\n Antonines. It is ',
' design of this, and of ',
' two succeeding\n chapters, to describe ',
' prosperous condition of ',
'ir empire;\n and afterwards, from ',
' death of Marcus Antoninus, to deduce ',
'\n most important circumstances of its decline and fall; a\n revolution which will ever be remembered, and is still felt by\n ',
' nations of ',
' earth.\n\n The principal conquests of ',
' Romans were achieved under ',
'\n republic; and ',
' emperors, for ',
' most part, were satisfied\n with preserving those dominions which had been acquired by ',
'\n policy of ',
' senate, ',
' active emulations of ',
' consuls, and\n ',
' martial enthusiasm of ',
' people. The seven first centuries\n were filled with a rapid succession of triumphs; but it was\n reserved for Augustus to relinquish ',
' ambitious design of\n subduing ',
' whole earth, and to introduce a spirit of moderation\n into ',
' public councils. Inclined to peace by his temper and\n situation, it was easy for him to discover that Rome, in her\n present exalted situation, had much less to hope than to fear\n from ',
' chance of arms; and that, in ',
' prosecution of remote\n wars, ',
' undertaking became every day more difficult, ',
' event\n more doubtful, and ',
' possession more precarious, and less\n beneficial. The experience of Augustus added weight to ',
'se\n salutary reflections, and effectually convinced him that, by ',
'\n prudent vigor of his counsels, it would be easy to secure every\n concession which ',
' safety or ',
' dignity of Rome might require\n from ',
' most formidable barbarians. Instead of exposing his\n person and his legions to ',
' arrows of ',
' Parthians, he\n obtained, by an honorable treaty, ',
' restitution of ',
'\n standards and prisoners which had been taken in ',
' defeat of\n Crassus. 1a\n\n 1 (return) [ Dion Cassius, (l. liv. p. 736,) with ',
' annotations\n of Reimar, who has collected all that Roman vanity has left upon\n ',
' subject. The marble of Ancyra, on which Augustus recorded his\n own exploits, asserted that _he compelled_ ',
' Parthians to\n restore ',
' ensigns of Crassus.]\n\n His generals, in ',
' early part of his reign, attempted ',
'\n reduction of Ethiopia and Arabia Felix. They marched near a\n thousand miles to ',
' south of ',
' tropic; but ',
' heat of ',
'\n climate soon repelled ',
' invaders, and protected ',
' un-warlike\n natives of those sequestered regions. 2c The nor',
'rn countries\n of Europe scarcely deserved ',
' expense and labor of conquest.\n The forests and morasses of Germany were filled with a hardy race\n of barbarians, who despised life when it was separated from\n freedom; and though, on ',
' first attack, ',
'y seemed to yield to\n ',
' weight of ',
' Roman power, ',
'y soon, by a signal act of\n despair, regained ',
'ir independence, and reminded Augustus of\n ',
' vicissitude of fortune. 3a On ',
' death of that emperor, his\n testament was publicly read in ',
' senate. He bequea',
'd, as a\n valuable legacy to his successors, ',
' advice of confining ',
'\n empire within those limits which nature seemed to have placed as\n its permanent bulwarks and boundaries: on ',
' west, ',
' Atlantic\n Ocean; ',
' Rhine and Danube on ',
' north; ',
' Euphrates on ',
'\n east; and towards ',
' south, ',
' sandy deserts of Arabia and\n Africa. 4a\n\n 2c (return) [ Strabo, (l. xvi. p. 780,) Pliny ',
' elder, (Hist.\n Natur. l. vi. c. 32, 35, [28, 29,]) and Dion Cassius, (l. liii.\n p. 723, and l. liv. p. 734,) have left us very curious details\n concerning ',
'se wars. The Romans made ',
'mselves masters of\n Mariaba, or Merab, a city of Arabia Felix, well known to ',
'\n Orientals. (See Abulfeda and ',
' Nubian geography, p. 52) They\n were arrived within three days’ journey of ',
' spice country, ',
'\n rich object of ',
'ir invasion.\n\n Note: It is this city of Merab that ',
' Arabs say was ',
'\n residence of Belkis, queen of Saba, who desired to see Solomon. A\n dam, by which ',
' waters collected in its neighborhood were kept\n back, having been swept away, ',
' sudden inundation destroyed\n this city, of which, never',
'less, vestiges remain. It bordered\n on a country called Adramout, where a particular aromatic plant\n grows: it is for this reason that we real in ',
' history of ',
'\n Roman expedition, that ',
'y were arrived within three days’\n journey of ',
' spice country.—G. Compare _Malte-Brun, Geogr_.\n Eng. trans. vol. ii. p. 215. The period of this flood has been\n copiously discussed by Reiske, (_Program. de vetustâ Epochâ\n Arabum, rupturâ cataractæ Merabensis_.) Add. Johannsen, _Hist.\n Yemanæ_, p. 282. Bonn, 1828; and see Gibbon, note 16. to Chap.\n L.—M.\n\n Note: Two, according to Strabo. The detailed account of Strabo\n makes ',
' invaders fail before Marsuabæ this cannot be ',
' same\n place as Mariaba. Ukert observes, that Ælius Gallus would not\n have failed for want of water before Mariaba. (See M. Guizot’s\n note above.) “Ei',
'r, ',
'refore, ',
'y were different places, or\n Strabo is mistaken.” (Ukert, _Geographie der Griechen und Römer_,\n vol. i. p. 181.) Strabo, indeed, mentions Mariaba distinct from\n Marsuabæ. Gibbon has followed Pliny in reckoning Mariaba among\n ',
' conquests of Gallus. There can be little doubt that he is\n wrong, as Gallus did not approach ',
' capital of Sabæa. Compare\n ',
' note of ',
' Oxford editor of Strabo.—M.]\n\n 3a (return) [ By ',
' slaughter of Varus and his three legions.\n See ',
' first book of ',
' Annals of Tacitus. Sueton. in August.\n c. 23, and Velleius Paterculus, l. ii. c. 117, &c. Augustus did\n not receive ',
' melancholy news with all ',
' temper and firmness\n that might have been expected from his character.]\n\n 4a (return) [ Tacit. Annal. l. ii. Dion Cassius, l. lvi. p. 833,\n and ',
' speech of Augustus himself, in Julian’s Cæsars. It\n receives great light from ',
' learned notes of his French\n translator, M. Spanheim.]\n\n Happily for ',
' repose of mankind, ',
' moderate system\n recommended by ',
' wisdom of Augustus, was adopted by ',
' fears\n and vices of his immediate successors. Engaged in ',
' pursuit of\n pleasure, or in ',
' exercise of tyranny, ',
' first Cæsars seldom\n showed ',
'mselves to ',
' armies, or to ',
' provinces; nor were\n ',
'y disposed to suffer, that those triumphs which _',
'ir_\n indolence neglected, should be usurped by ',
' conduct and valor\n of ',
'ir lieutenants. The military fame of a subject was\n considered as an insolent invasion of ',
' Imperial prerogative;\n and it became ',
' duty, as well as interest, of every Roman\n general, to guard ',
' frontiers intrusted to his care, without\n aspiring to conquests which might have proved no less fatal to\n himself than to ',
' vanquished barbarians. 5\n\n 5 (return) [ Germanicus, Suetonius Paulinus, and Agricola were\n checked and recalled in ',
' course of ',
'ir victories. Corbulo\n was put to death. Military merit, as it is admirably expressed by\n Tacitus, was, in ',
' strictest sense of ',
' word, _imperatoria\n virtus_.]\n\n The only accession which ',
' Roman empire received, during ',
'\n first century of ',
' Christian Æra, was ',
' province of Britain.\n In this single instance, ',
' successors of Cæsar and Augustus\n were persuaded to follow ',
' example of ',
' former, ra',
'r than\n ',
' precept of ',
' latter. The proximity of its situation to ',
'\n coast of Gaul seemed to invite ',
'ir arms; ',
' pleasing though\n doubtful intelligence of a pearl fishery attracted ',
'ir avarice;\n 6 and as Britain was viewed in ',
' light of a distinct and\n insulated world, ',
' conquest scarcely formed any exception to\n ',
' general system of continental measures. After a war of about\n forty years, undertaken by ',
' most stupid, 7 maintained by ',
'\n most dissolute, and terminated by ',
' most timid of all ',
'\n emperors, ',
' far greater part of ',
' island submitted to ',
'\n Roman yoke. 8 The various tribes of Britain possessed valor\n without conduct, and ',
' love of freedom without ',
' spirit of\n union. They took up arms with savage fierceness; ',
'y laid ',
'm\n down, or turned ',
...]
# sub
re.sub('the', 'THE', data)
'\ufeffThe Project Gutenberg eBook of The History Of The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire, by Edward Gibbon\n\nThis eBook is for THE use of anyone anywhere in THE United States and\nmost oTHEr parts of THE world at no cost and with almost no restrictions\nwhatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under THE terms\nof THE Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at\nwww.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in THE United States, you\nwill have to check THE laws of THE country where you are located before\nusing this eBook.\n\nTitle: The History Of The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire, Complete\n 6 volumes\n\nAuthor: Edward Gibbon\n\nCommentator: Rev. H. H. Milman\n\nRelease Date: June 7, 2008 [eBook #25717]\n[Most recently updated: February 2, 2022]\n\nLanguage: English\n\nCharacter set encoding: UTF-8\n\nProduced by: David Widger\n\n*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE ***\n\n\n\n\nHistory Of The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire\n\nBy Edward Gibbon, Esq.\n\nWith notes by THE Rev. H. H. Milman\n\nComplete Contents\n\n1782 (Written), 1845 (Revised)\n\n\n\n\n\nThere are two Project Gutenberg sets produced by David Reed of THE\ncomplete ÒHistory Of The Decline And Fall Of The Roman EmpireÓ by\nEdward Gibbon: THE 1996 edition (PG #731-736) has THE advantage of\nincluding all THE foonotes by Gibbon and oTHErs; THE 1997 edition (PG\n#890-895) was provided at that time only in html format and footnotes\nwere not included in THE first five volumes of this set.\n\nProject Gutenberg files #731-736 in THE utf-8 charset are THE basis of\nTHE present complete edition, #25717\n\n David Reed’s note in THE original Project Gutenberg 1997 edition:\n\nI want to make this THE best etext edition possible for both scholars\nand THE general public and would like to thank those who have helped in\nmaking this text better. Especially Dale R. Fredrickson who has hand\nentered THE Greek characters in THE footnotes and who has suggested\nretaining THE conjoined ae character in THE text.\n\nA set in my library of THE first original First American Edition of\n1836 was used as a reference for THE many questions which came up\nduring THE re-proofing and renovation of THE 1996 and 1997 Project\nGutenberg editions. Images of spines, front-leaf, frontispiece, and THE\ntitlepage of THE 1836 set are inserted below along with THE two large\nfold out maps.\n\nDAVID WIDGER\nFor Project Gutenberg\n\n\nspines (138K)\n\n\n\ninside (130K)\n\n\n\nportrait (157K)\n\n\n\ntitlepage (41K)\n\n\nMAPS OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE\nWestern Empire\nFull Size Original Archive\nWest-NW-thumb (30K)\n\n\nFull Size Original Archive\nWest-SW-thumb (26K)\n\n\tFull Size Original Archive\nWest-NE-thumb (33K)\n\n\nFull Size Original Archive\nWest-SE-thumb (41K)\n\n\n\nEastern Empire\nFull Size Original Archive\nEast-NW-thumb (30K)\n\n\nFull Size Original Archive\nEast-SW-thumb (26K)\n\n\tFull Size Original Archive\nEast-NE-thumb (33K)\n\n\nFull Size Original Archive\nEast-SE-thumb (41K)\n\n\n\n\n\n1996 Project Gutenberg Edition\nTable of Contents for Ebooks 731-736\n\n\n\nVOLUME ONE\n\nIntroduction\n\nPreface By The Editor.\n\nPreface Of The Author.\n\nPreface To The First Volume.\n\nPreface To The Fourth Volume Of The Original Quarto Edition.\n\nChapter I: The Extent Of The Empire In The Age Of The Antonines—Part I.\n\n The Extent And Military Force Of The Empire In The Age Of\n The Antonines.\n\nChapter I: The Extent Of The Empire In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part II.\n\nChapter I: The Extent Of The Empire In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part III.\n\nChapter II: The Internal Prosperity In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part I.\n\n Of The Union And Internal Prosperity Of The Roman Empire, In\n The Age Of The Antonines.\n\nChapter II: The Internal Prosperity In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part II.\n\nChapter II: The Internal Prosperity In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part III.\n\nChapter II: The Internal Prosperity In The Age Of The Antonines. Part IV.\n\nChapter III: The Constitution In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part I.\n\n Of The Constitution Of The Roman Empire, In The Age Of The\n Antonines.\n\nChapter III: The Constitution In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part II.\n\nChapter IV: The Cruelty, Follies And Murder Of Commodus.—Part I.\n\n The Cruelty, Follies, And Murder Of Commodus—Election Of\n Pertinax—His Attempts To Reform The State—His\n Assassination By The Pr¾torian Guards.\n\nChapter IV: The Cruelty, Follies And Murder Of Commodus.—Part II.\n\nChapter V: Sale Of The Empire To Didius Julianus.—Part I.\n\n Public Sale Of The Empire To Didius Julianus By The\n Pr¾torian GuardsÑClodius Albinus In Britain, Pescennius\n Niger In Syria, And Septimius Severus In Pannonia, Declare\n Against The Murderers Of Pertinax—Civil Wars And Victory Of\n Severus Over His Three Rivals—Relaxation Of Discipline—New\n Maxims Of Government.\n\nChapter V: Sale Of The Empire To Didius Julianus.—Part II.\n\nChapter VI: Death Of Severus, Tyranny Of Caracalla, Usurpation Of Macrinus.—Part I.\n\n The Death Of Severus.—Tyranny Of Caracalla.—Usurpation\n Of Macrinus.—Follies Of Elagabalus.—Virtues Of Alexander\n Severus.—Licentiousness Of The Army.—General State Of\n The Roman Finances.\n\nChapter VI: Death Of Severus, Tyranny Of Caracalla, Usurpation Of Macrinus.—Part II.\n\nChapter VI: Death Of Severus, Tyranny Of Caracalla, Usurpation Of Macrinus.—Part III.\n\nChapter VI: Death Of Severus, Tyranny Of Caracalla, Usurpation Of Macrinus.—Part IV.\n\nChapter VII: Tyranny Of Maximin, Rebellion, Civil Wars, Death Of Maximin.—Part I.\n\n The Elevation And Tyranny Of Maximin.—Rebellion In Africa\n And Italy, Under The Authority Of The Senate.—Civil Wars\n And Seditions.—Violent Deaths Of Maximin And His Son, Of\n Maximus And Balbinus, And Of The Three Gordians.—\n Usurpation And Secular Games Of Philip.\n\nChapter VII: Tyranny Of Maximin, Rebellion, Civil Wars, Death Of Maximin.—Part II.\n\nChapter VII: Tyranny Of Maximin, Rebellion, Civil Wars, Death Of Maximin.—Part III.\n\nChapter VIII: State Of Persion And Restoration Of The Monarchy.—Part I.\n\n Of The State Of Persia After The Restoration Of The Monarchy\n By Artaxerxes.\n\nChapter VIII: State Of Persion And Restoration Of The Monarchy.—Part II.\n\nChapter IX: State Of Germany Until The Barbarians.—Part I.\n\n The State Of Germany Till The Invasion Of The Barbarians In\n The Time Of The Emperor Decius.\n\nChapter IX: State Of Germany Until The Barbarians.—Part II.\n\nChapter IX: State Of Germany Until The Barbarians.—Part III.\n\nChapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, ®milianus, Valerian And Gallienus—Part I.\n\n The Emperors Decius, Gallus, ®milianus, Valerian, And\n Gallienus.—The General Irruption Of The Barbarians.—The\n Thirty Tyrants.\n\nChapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, ®milianus, Valerian And Gallienus.—Part II.\n\nChapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, ®milianus, Valerian And Gallienus.—Part III.\n\nChapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, ®milianus, Valerian And Gallienus.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XI: Reign Of Claudius, Defeat Of The Goths.—Part I.\n\n Reign Of Claudius.—Defeat Of The Goths.—Victories,\n Triumph, And Death Of Aurelian.\n\nChapter XI: Reign Of Claudius, Defeat Of The Goths.—Part II.\n\nChapter XI: Reign Of Claudius, Defeat Of The Goths.—Part III.\n\nChapter XII: Reigns Of Tacitus, Probus, Carus And His Sons.—Part I.\n\n Conduct Of The Army And Senate After The Death Of Aurelian.\n —Reigns Of Tacitus, Probus, Carus, And His Sons.\n\nChapter XII: Reigns Of Tacitus, Probus, Carus And His Sons.—Part II.\n\nChapter XII: Reigns Of Tacitus, Probus, Carus And His Sons.—Part III.\n\nChapter XIII: Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates.—Part I.\n\n The Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates, Maximian,\n Galerius, And Constantius.—General Reestablishment Of\n Order And Tranquillity.—The Persian War, Victory, And\n Triumph.—The New Form Of Administration.—Abdication And\n Retirement Of Diocletian And Maximian.\n\nChapter XIII: Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates.—Part II.\n\nChapter XIII: Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates.—Part III.\n\nChapter XIII: Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XIV: Six Emperors At The Same Time, Reunion Of The Empire.—Part I.\n\n Troubles After The Abdication Of Diocletian.—Death Of\n Constantius.—Elevation Of Constantine And Maxentius.—\n Six Emperors At The Same Time.—Death Of Maximian And\n Galerius.—Victories Of Constantine Over Maxentius And\n Licinus.—Reunion Of The Empire Under The Authority Of\n Constantine.\n\nChapter XIV: Six Emperors At The Same Time, Reunion Of The Empire.—Part II.\n\nChapter XIV: Six Emperors At The Same Time, Reunion Of The Empire.—Part III.\n\nChapter XIV: Six Emperors At The Same Time, Reunion Of The Empire.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part I.\n\n The Progress Of The Christian Religion, And The Sentiments,\n Manners, Numbers, And Condition Of The Primitive Christians.\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part II.\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part III.\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part V.\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part VI.\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part VII\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part VIII.\n\nChapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part IX.\n\n\n\nVOLUME TWO\n\nChapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part I.\n\n The Conduct Of The Roman Government Towards The Christians,\n From The Reign Of Nero To That Of Constantine.\n\nChapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part II.\n\nChapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part III.\n\nChapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part V.\n\nChapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part VI.\n\nChapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part VII.\n\nChapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part VIII.\n\nChapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.—Part I.\n\n Foundation Of Constantinople.—Political System Constantine,\n And His Successors.—Military Discipline.—The Palace.—The\n Finances.\n\nChapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.—Part II.\n\nChapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.—Part III.\n\nChapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.—Part V.\n\nChapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.—Part VI.\n\nChapter XVIII: Character Of Constantine And His Sons.—Part I.\n\n Character Of Constantine.—Gothic War.—Death Of\n Constantine.—Division Of The Empire Among His Three Sons.—\n Persian War.—Tragic Deaths Of Constantine The Younger And\n Constans.—Usurpation Of Magnentius.—Civil War.—Victory Of\n Constantius.\n\nChapter XVIII: Character Of Constantine And His Sons.—Part II.\n\nChapter XVIII: Character Of Constantine And His Sons.—Part III.\n\nChapter XVIII: Character Of Constantine And His Sons.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor.—Part I.\n\n Constantius Sole Emperor.—Elevation And Death Of Gallus.—\n Danger And Elevation Of Julian.—Sarmatian And Persian\n Wars.—Victories Of Julian In Gaul.\n\nChapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor.—Part II.\n\nChapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor.—Part III.\n\nChapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XX: Conversion Of Constantine.—Part I.\n\n The Motives, Progress, And Effects Of The Conversion Of\n Constantine.—Legal Establishment And Constitution Of The\n Christian Or Catholic Church.\n\nChapter XX: Conversion Of Constantine.—Part II.\n\nChapter XX: Conversion Of Constantine.—Part III.\n\nChapter XX: Conversion Of Constantine.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part I.\n\n Persecution Of Heresy.—The Schism Of The Donatists.—The\n Arian Controversy.—Athanasius.—Distracted State Of The\n Church And Empire Under Constantine And His Sons.—\n Toleration Of Paganism.\n\nChapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part VI.\n\nChapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part VII.\n\nChapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor.—Part I.\n\n Julian Is Declared Emperor By The Legions Of Gaul.—His\n March And Success.—The Death Of Constantius.—Civil\n Administration Of Julian.\n\nChapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.—Part I.\n\n The Religion Of Julian.—Universal Toleration.—He Attempts\n To Restore And Reform The Pagan Worship—To Rebuild The\n Temple Of Jerusalem—His Artful Persecution Of The\n Christians.—Mutual Zeal And Injustice.\n\nChapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.—Part I.\n\n Residence Of Julian At Antioch.—His Successful Expedition\n Against The Persians.—Passage Of The Tigris—The Retreat\n And Death Of Julian.—Election Of Jovian.—He Saves The\n Roman Army By A Disgraceful Treaty.\n\nChapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The Empire.—Part I.\n\n The Government And Death Of Jovian.—Election Of\n Valentinian, Who Associates His BroTHEr Valens, And Makes\n The Final Division Of The Eastern And Western Empires.—\n Revolt Of Procopius.—Civil And Ecclesiastical\n Administration.—Germany.ÑBritain.—Africa.—The East.—\n The Danube.—Death Of Valentinian.—His Two Sons, Gratian\n And Valentinian II., Succeed To The Western Empire.\n\nChapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The Empire.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The Empire.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The Empire.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The Empire.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The Empire.—Part VI.\n\nChapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The Empire.—Part VII.\n\nChapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.—Part I.\n\n Manners Of The Pastoral Nations.—Progress Of The Huns, From\n China To Europe.—Flight Of The Goths.—They Pass The\n Danube.—Gothic War.—Defeat And Death Of Valens.—Gratian\n Invests Theodosius With The Eastern Empire.—His Character\n And Success.—Peace And Settlement Of The Goths.\n\nChapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.—Part V.\n\n\n\nVOLUME THREE\n\n\nChapter XXVII: Civil Wars, Reign Of Theodosius.—Part I.\n\n Death Of Gratian.—Ruin Of Arianism.—St. Ambrose.—First\n Civil War, Against Maximus.—Character, Administration, And\n Penance Of Theodosius.—Death Of Valentinian II.—Second\n Civil War, Against Eugenius.—Death Of Theodosius.\n\nChapter XXVII: Civil Wars, Reign Of Theodosius.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXVII: Civil Wars, Reign Of Theodosius.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXVII: Civil Wars, Reign Of Theodosius.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXVII: Civil Wars, Reign Of Theodosius.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXVIII: Destruction Of Paganism.—Part I.\n\n Final Destruction Of Paganism.—Introduction Of The Worship\n Of Saints, And Relics, Among The Christians.\n\nChapter XXVIII: Destruction Of Paganism.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXVIII: Destruction Of Paganism.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXIX: Division Of Roman Empire Between Sons Of Theodosius.—Part I.\n\n Final Division Of The Roman Empire Between The Sons Of\n Theodosius.—Reign Of Arcadius And Honorius—Administration\n Of Rufinus And Stilicho.—Revolt And Defeat Of Gildo In\n Africa.\n\nChapter XXIX: Division Of Roman Empire Between Sons Of Theodosius.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXX: Revolt Of The Goths.—Part I.\n\n Revolt Of The Goths.—They Plunder Greece.—Two Great\n Invasions Of Italy By Alaric And Radagaisus.—They Are\n Repulsed By Stilicho.—The Germans Overrun Gaul.—Usurpation\n Of Constantine In The West.—Disgrace And Death Of Stilicho.\n\nChapter XXX: Revolt Of The Goths.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXX: Revolt Of The Goths.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXX: Revolt Of The Goths.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXX: Revolt Of The Goths.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part I.\n\n Invasion Of Italy By Alaric.—Manners Of The Roman Senate\n And People.—Rome Is Thrice Besieged, And At Length\n Pillaged, By The Goths.—Death Of Alaric.—The Goths\n Evacuate Italy.—Fall Of Constantine.—Gaul And Spain Are\n Occupied By The Barbarians.ÑIndependence Of Britain.\n\nChapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part VI.\n\nChapter XXXII: Emperors Arcadius, Eutropius, Theodosius II.—Part I.\n\n Arcadius Emperor Of The East.—Administration And Disgrace\n Of Eutropius.—Revolt Of Gainas.—Persecution Of St. John\n Chrysostom.—Theodosius II. Emperor Of The East.—His Sister\n Pulcheria.—His Wife Eudocia.—The Persian War, And Division\n Of Armenia.\n\nChapter XXXII: Emperors Arcadius, Eutropius, Theodosius II.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXII: Emperors Arcadius, Eutropius, Theodosius II.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXXIII: Conquest Of Africa By The Vandals.—Part I.\n\n Death Of Honorius.—Valentinian III.—Emperor Of The East.\n —Administration Of His MoTHEr PlacidiaÑ®tius And\n Boniface.—Conquest Of Africa By The Vandals.\n\nChapter XXXIII: Conquest Of Africa By The Vandals.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXIV: Attila.—Part I.\n\n The Character, Conquests, And Court Of Attila, King Of The\n Huns.—Death Of Theodosius The Younger.—Elevation Of\n Marcian To The Empire Of The East.\n\nChapter XXXIV: Attila.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXIV: Attila.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXXV: Invasion By Attila.—Part I.\n\n Invasion Of Gaul By Attila.—He Is Repulsed By ®tius And\n The Visigoths.—Attila Invades And Evacuates Italy.—The\n Deaths Of Attila, ®tius, And Valentinian The Third.\n\nChapter XXXV: Invasion By Attila.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXV: Invasion By Attila.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXXVI: Total Extinction Of The Western Empire.—Part I.\n\n Sack Of Rome By Genseric, King Of The Vandals.—His Naval\n Depredations.—Succession Of The Last Emperors Of The West,\n Maximus, Avitus, Majorian, Severus, AnTHEmius, Olybrius,\n Glycerius, Nepos, Augustulus.—Total Extinction Of The\n Western Empire.—Reign Of Odoacer, The First Barbarian King\n Of Italy.\n\nChapter XXXVI: Total Extinction Of The Western Empire.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXVI: Total Extinction Of The Western Empire.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXXVI: Total Extinction Of The Western Empire.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXXVI: Total Extinction Of The Western Empire.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXXVII: Conversion Of The Barbarians To Christianity.—Part I.\n\n Origin Progress, And Effects Of The Monastic Life.—\n Conversion Of The Barbarians To Christianity And Arianism.—\n Persecution Of The Vandals In Africa.—Extinction Of\n Arianism Among The Barbarians.\n\nChapter XXXVII: Conversion Of The Barbarians To Christianity.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXVII: Conversion Of The Barbarians To Christianity.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXXVII: Conversion Of The Barbarians To Christianity.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part I.\n\n Reign And Conversion Of Clovis.—His Victories Over The\n Alemanni, Burgundians, And Visigoths.—Establishment Of The\n French Monarchy In Gaul.—Laws Of The Barbarians.—State Of\n The Romans.—The Visigoths Of Spain.—Conquest Of Britain By\n The Saxons.\n\nChapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part III.\n\nChapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part V.\n\nChapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part VI.\n\n\n\nVOLUME FOUR\n\n\nChapter XXXIX: Gothic Kingdom Of Italy.—Part I.\n\n Zeno And Anastasius, Emperors Of The East.—Birth,\n Education, And First Exploits Of Theodoric The Ostrogoth.—\n His Invasion And Conquest Of Italy.—The Gothic Kingdom Of\n Italy.—State Of The West.—Military And Civil Government.—\n The Senator Boethius.—Last Acts And Death Of Theodoric.\n\nChapter XXXIX: Gothic Kingdom Of Italy.—Part II.\n\nChapter XXXIX: Gothic Kingdom Of Italy.—Part III.\n\nChapter XL: Reign Of Justinian.—Part I.\n\n Elevation Of Justin The Elder.—Reign Of Justinian.—I. The\n Empress Theodora.—II. Factions Of The Circus, And Sedition\n Of Constantinople.—III. Trade And Manufacture Of Silk.—\n IV. Finances And Taxes.—V. Edifices Of Justinian.—Church\n Of St. Sophia.—Fortifications And Frontiers Of The Eastern\n Empire.—Abolition Of The Schools Of ATHEns, And The\n Consulship Of Rome.\n\nChapter XL: Reign Of Justinian.—Part II.\n\nChapter XL: Reign Of Justinian.—Part III.\n\nChapter XL: Reign Of Justinian.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XL: Reign Of Justinian.—Part V.\n\nChapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part I.\n\n Conquests Of Justinian In The West.—Character And First\n Campaigns Of Belisarius—He Invades And Subdues The Vandal\n Kingdom Of Africa—His Triumph.—The Gothic War.—He\n Recovers Sicily, Naples, And Rome.—Siege Of Rome By The\n Goths.—Their Retreat And Losses.—Surrender Of Ravenna.—\n Glory Of Belisarius.—His Domestic Shame And Misfortunes.\n\nChapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part V.\n\nChapter XLII: State Of The Barbaric World.—Part I.\n\n State Of The Barbaric World.—Establishment Of The Lombards\n On THE Danube.—Tribes And Inroads Of The Sclavonians.—\n Origin, Empire, And Embassies Of The Turks.—The Flight Of\n The Avars.—Chosroes I, Or Nushirvan, King Of Persia.—His\n Prosperous Reign And Wars With The Romans.—The Colchian Or\n Lazic War.—The ®thiopians.\n\nChapter XLII: State Of The Barbaric World.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLII: State Of The Barbaric World.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLII: State Of The Barbaric World.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XLIII: Last Victory And Death Of Belisarius, Death Of Justinian.—Part I.\n\n Rebellions Of Africa.—Restoration Of The Gothic Kingdom By\n Totila.—Loss And Recovery Of Rome.—Final Conquest Of Italy\n By Narses.—Extinction Of The Ostrogoths.—Defeat Of The\n Franks And Alemanni.—Last Victory, Disgrace, And Death Of\n Belisarius.—Death And Character Of Justinian.—Comet,\n Earthquakes, And Plague.\n\nChapter XLIII: Last Victory And Death Of Belisarius, Death OF Justinian.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLIII: Last Victory And Death Of Belisarius, Death Of Justinian.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLIII: Last Victory And Death Of Belisarius, Death Of Justinian.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part I.\n\n Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—The Laws Of The Kings—The\n Twelve Of The Decemvirs.—The Laws Of The People.—The\n Decrees Of The Senate.—The Edicts Of The Magistrates And\n Emperors—Authority Of The Civilians.—Code, Pandects,\n Novels, And Institutes Of Justinian:—I. Rights Of\n Persons.—II. Rights Of Things.—III. Private Injuries And\n Actions.—IV. Crimes And Punishments.\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part V.\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part VI.\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part VII.\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part VIII.\n\nChapter XLV: State Of Italy Under The Lombards.—Part I.\n\n Reign Of The Younger Justin.—Embassy Of The Avars.—Their\n Settlement On The Danube.—Conquest Of Italy By The\n Lombards.—Adoption And Reign Of Tiberius.—Of Maurice.—\n State Of Italy Under The Lombards And The Exarchs.—Of\n Ravenna.—Distress Of Rome.—Character And Pontificate Of\n Gregory The First.\n\nChapter XLV: State Of Italy Under The Lombards.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLV: State Of Italy Under The Lombards.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLVI: Troubles In Persia.—Part I.\n\n Revolutions On Persia After The Death Of Chosroes On\n Nushirvan.—His Son Hormouz, A Tyrant, Is Deposed.—\n Usurpation Of Baharam.—Flight And Restoration Of Chosroes\n II.—His Gratitude To The Romans.—The Chagan Of The Avars.—\n Revolt Of The Army Against Maurice.—His Death.—Tyranny Of\n Phocas.—Elevation Of Heraclius.—The Persian War.—Chosroes\n Subdues Syria, Egypt, And Asia Minor.—Siege Of\n Constantinople By The Persians And Avars.—Persian\n Expeditions.—Victories And Triumph Of Heraclius.\n\nChapter XLVI: Troubles In Persia.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLVI: Troubles In Persia.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLVI: Troubles In Persia.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part I.\n\n Theological History Of The Doctrine Of The Incarnation.—The\n Human And Divine Nature Of Christ.—Enmity Of The Patriarchs\n Of Alexandria And Constantinople.—St. Cyril And Nestorius.\n —Third General Council Of Ephesus.—Heresy Of Eutyches.—\n Fourth General Council Of Chalcedon.—Civil And\n Ecclesiastical Discord.—Intolerance Of Justinian.—The\n Three Chapters.—The MonoTHElite Controversy.—State Of The\n Oriental Sects:—I. The Nestorians.—II. The Jacobites.—\n III. The Maronites.—IV. The Armenians.—V. The Copts And\n Abyssinians.\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part V.\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part VI.\n\nChapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.—Part I.\n\n Plan Of The Two Last Volumes.—Succession And Characters Of\n The Greek Emperors Of Constantinople, From The Time Of\n Heraclius To The Latin Conquest.\n\nChapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.—Part V.\n\n\n\nVOLUME FIVE\n\n\nChapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part I.\n\n Introduction, Worship, And Persecution Of Images.—Revolt Of\n Italy And Rome.—Temporal Dominion Of The Popes.—Conquest\n Of Italy By The Franks.—Establishment Of Images.—Character\n And Coronation Of Charlemagne.—Restoration And Decay Of The\n Roman Empire In The West.—Independence Of Italy.—\n Constitution Of The Germanic Body.\n\nChapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part II.\n\nChapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part III.\n\nChapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part IV.\n\nChapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part V.\n\nChapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part VI.\n\nChapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part I.\n\n Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Birth,\n Character, And Doctrine Of Mahomet.—He Preaches At Mecca.—\n Flies To Medina.—Propagates His Religion By The Sword.—\n Voluntary Or Reluctant Submission Of The Arabs.—His Death\n And Successors.—The Claims And Fortunes Of All And His\n Descendants.\n\nChapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part II.\n\nChapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part III.\n\nChapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part IV.\n\nChapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part V.\n\nChapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part VI.\n\nChapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part VII.\n\nChapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part VIII.\n\nChapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part I.\n\n The Conquest Of Persia, Syria, Egypt, Africa, And Spain, By\n The Arabs Or Saracens.—Empire Of The Caliphs, Or Successors\n Of Mahomet.—State Of The Christians, &c., Under Their\n Government.\n\nChapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part II.\n\nChapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part III.\n\nChapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part IV.\n\nChapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part V.\n\nChapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part VI.\n\nChapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part VII.\n\nChapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.—Part I.\n\n The Two Sieges Of Constantinople By The Arabs.—Their\n Invasion Of France, And Defeat By Charles Martel.—Civil War\n Of The Ommiades And Abbassides.—Learning Of The Arabs.—\n Luxury Of The Caliphs.—Naval Enterprises On Crete, Sicily,\n And Rome.—Decay And Division Of The Empire Of The Caliphs.\n —Defeats And Victories Of The Greek Emperors.\n\nChapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.—Part II.\n\nChapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.—Part III.\n\nChapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.—Part IV.\n\nChapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.—Part V.\n\nChapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire.—Part I.\n\n Fate Of The Eastern Empire In The Tenth Century.—Extent And\n Division.—Wealth And Revenue.—Palace Of Constantinople.—\n Titles And Offices.—Pride And Power Of The Emperors.—\n Tactics Of The Greeks, Arabs, And Franks.—Loss Of The Latin\n Tongue.—Studies And Solitude Of The Greeks.\n\nChapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire.—Part II.\n\nChapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire.—Part III.\n\nChapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire.—Part IV.\n\nChapter LIV: Origin And Doctrine Of The Paulicians.—Part I.\n\n Origin And Doctrine Of The Paulicians.—Their Persecution By\n The Greek Emperors.—Revolt In Armenia &c.—Transplantation\n Into Thrace.—Propagation In The West.—The Seeds,\n Character, And Consequences Of The Reformation.\n\nChapter LIV: Origin And Doctrine Of The Paulicians.—Part II.\n\nChapter LV: The Bulgarians, The Hungarians And The Russians.—Part I.\n\n The Bulgarians.—Origin, Migrations, And Settlement Of The\n Hungarians.—Their Inroads In The East And West.—The\n Monarchy Of Russia.—Geography And Trade.—Wars Of The\n Russians Against The Greek Empire.—Conversion Of The\n Barbarians.\n\nChapter LV: The Bulgarians, The Hungarians And The Russians.—Part II.\n\nChapter LV: The Bulgarians, The Hungarians And The Russians.—Part III.\n\nChapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.—Part I.\n\n The Saracens, Franks, And Greeks, In Italy.—First\n Adventures And Settlement Of The Normans.—Character And\n Conquest Of Robert Guiscard, Duke Of Apulia—Deliverance Of\n Sicily By His BroTHEr Roger.—Victories Of Robert Over The\n Emperors Of The East And West.—Roger, King Of Sicily,\n Invades Africa And Greece.—The Emperor Manuel Comnenus.—\n Wars Of The Greeks And Normans.—Extinction Of The Normans.\n\nChapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.—Part II.\n\nChapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.—Part III.\n\nChapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.—Part IV.\n\nChapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.—Part V.\n\nChapter LVII: The Turks.—Part I.\n\n The Turks Of The House Of Seljuk.—Their Revolt Against\n Mahmud Conqueror Of Hindostan.—Togrul Subdues Persia, And\n Protects The Caliphs.—Defeat And Captivity Of The Emperor\n Romanus Diogenes By Alp Arslan.—Power And Magnificence Of\n Malek Shah.—Conquest Of Asia Minor And Syria.—State And\n Oppression Of Jerusalem.—Pilgrimages To The Holy Sepulchre.\n\nChapter LVII: The Turks.—Part II.\n\nChapter LVII: The Turks.—Part III.\n\nChapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part I.\n\n Origin And Numbers Of The First Crusade.—Characters Of The Latin\n Princes.—Their March To Constantinople.—Policy Of The Greek\n Emperor Alexius.—Conquest Of Nice, Antioch, And Jerusalem, By The\n Franks.—Deliverance Of The Holy Sepulchre.— Godfrey Of Bouillon,\n First King Of Jerusalem.—Institutions Of The French Or Latin Kingdom.\n\nChapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part II.\n\nChapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part III.\n\nChapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part IV.\n\nChapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part V.\n\n\n\nVOLUME SIX\n\n\nChapter LIX: The Crusades.—Part I. Part II. Part III.\n\nChapter LX: The Fourth Crusade.—Part I. Part II. Part III.\n\nChapter LXI: Partition Of The Empire By The French And Venetians.—Part I. Part II. Part III. Part IV.\n\nChapter LXII: Greek Emperors Of Nice And Constantinople.—Part I. Part II. Part III.\n\nChapter LXIII: Civil Wars And The Ruin Of The Greek Empire.—Part I. Part II.\n\nChapter LXIV: Moguls, Ottoman Turks.—Part I. Part II. Part III. Part IV.\n\nChapter LXV: Elevation Of Timour Or Tamerlane, And His Death.—Part I. Part II. Part III.\n\nChapter LXVI: Union Of The Greek And Latin Churches.—Part I. Part II. Part III. Part IV.\n\nChapter LXVII: Schism Of The Greeks And Latins.—Part I. Part II.\n\nChapter LXVIII: Reign Of Mahomet The Second, Extinction Of Eastern Empire.—Part I. Part II. Part III. Part IV.\n\nChapter LXIX: State Of Rome From The Twelfth Century.—Part I. Part II. Part III. Part IV.\n\nChapter LXX: Final Settlement Of The Ecclesiastical State.—Part I. Part II. Part III. Part IV.\n\nChapter LXXI: Prospect Of The Ruins Of Rome In The Fifteenth Century.—Part I. Part II\n\n\n\n\nHISTORY OF THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE\nEdward Gibbon, Esq.\nWith notes by THE Rev. H. H. Milman\nVol. 1\n1782 (Written), 1845 (Revised)\n\n\n\n\nIntroduction\n\n\n\n\n Introduction\n\n Preface By The Editor.\n\n\n The great work of Gibbon is indispensable to THE student of\n history. The literature of Europe offers no substitute for “The\n Decline and Fall of THE Roman Empire.” It has obtained undisputed\n possession, as rightful occupant, of THE vast period which it\n comprehends. However some subjects, which it embraces, may have\n undergone more complete investigation, on THE general view of THE\n whole period, this history is THE sole undisputed authority to\n which all defer, and from which few appeal to THE original\n writers, or to more modern compilers. The inherent interest of\n THE subject, THE inexhaustible labor employed upon it; THE\n immense condensation of matter; THE luminous arrangement; THE\n general accuracy; THE style, which, however monotonous from its\n uniform stateliness, and sometimes wearisome from its elaborate\n ar., is throughout vigorous, animated, often picturesque, always\n commands attention, always conveys its meaning with emphatic\n energy, describes with singular breadth and fidelity, and\n generalizes with unrivalled felicity of expression; all THEse\n high qualifications have secured, and seem likely to secure, its\n permanent place in historic literature.\n\n This vast design of Gibbon, THE magnificent whole into which he\n has cast THE decay and ruin of THE ancient civilization, THE\n formation and birth of THE new order of things, will of itself,\n independent of THE laborious execution of his immense plan,\n render “The Decline and Fall of THE Roman Empire” an\n unapproachable subject to THE future historian: 101 in THE\n eloquent language of his recent French editor, M. Guizot:—\n\n 101 (return) [ A considerable portion of this preface has already\n appeared before us public in THE Quarterly Review.]\n\n “The gradual decline of THE most extraordinary dominion which has\n ever invaded and oppressed THE world; THE fall of that immense\n empire, erected on THE ruins of so many kingdoms, republics, and\n states both barbarous and civilized; and forming in its turn, by\n its dismemberment, a multitude of states, republics, and\n kingdoms; THE annihilation of THE religion of Greece and Rome;\n THE birth and THE progress of THE two new religions which have\n shared THE most beautiful regions of THE earth; THE decrepitude\n of THE ancient world, THE spectacle of its expiring glory and\n degenerate manners; THE infancy of THE modern world, THE picture\n of its first progress, of THE new direction given to THE mind and\n character of man—such a subject must necessarily fix THE\n attention and excite THE interest of men, who cannot behold with\n indifference those memorable epochs, during which, in THE fine\n language of Corneille—\n\n ‘Un grand destin commence, un grand destin s’achève.’”\n\n This extent and harmony of design is unquestionably that which\n distinguishes THE work of Gibbon from all oTHEr great historical\n compositions. He has first bridged THE abyss between ancient and\n modern times, and connected togeTHEr THE two great worlds of\n history. The great advantage which THE classical historians\n possess over those of modern times is in unity of plan, of course\n greatly facilitated by THE narrower sphere to which THEir\n researches were confined. Except Herodotus, THE great historians\n of Greece—we exclude THE more modern compilers, like Diodorus\n Siculus—limited THEmselves to a single period, or at ‘east to THE\n contracted sphere of Grecian affairs. As far as THE Barbarians\n trespassed within THE Grecian boundary, or were necessarily\n mingled up with Grecian politics, THEy were admitted into THE\n pale of Grecian history; but to Thucydides and to Xenophon,\n excepting in THE Persian inroad of THE latter, Greece was THE\n world. Natural unity confined THEir narrative almost to\n chronological order, THE episodes were of rare occurrence and\n extremely brief. To THE Roman historians THE course was equally\n clear and defined. Rome was THEir centre of unity; and THE\n uniformity with which THE circle of THE Roman dominion spread\n around, THE regularity with which THEir civil polity expanded,\n forced, as it were, upon THE Roman historian that plan which\n Polybius announces as THE subject of his history, THE means and\n THE manner by which THE whole world became subject to THE Roman\n sway. How different THE complicated politics of THE European\n kingdoms! Every national history, to be complete, must, in a\n certain sense, be THE history of Europe; THEre is no knowing to\n how remote a quarter it may be necessary to trace our most\n domestic events; from a country, how apparently disconnected, may\n originate THE impulse which gives its direction to THE whole\n course of affairs.\n\n In imitation of his classical models, Gibbon places _Rome_ as THE\n cardinal point from which his inquiries diverge, and to which\n THEy bear constant reference; yet how immeasurable THE space over\n which those inquiries range! how complicated, how confused, how\n apparently inextricable THE causes which tend to THE decline of\n THE Roman empire! how countless THE nations which swarm forth, in\n mingling and indistinct hordes, constantly changing THE\n geographical limits—incessantly confounding THE natural\n boundaries! At first sight, THE whole period, THE whole state of\n THE world, seems to offer no more secure footing to an historical\n adventurer than THE chaos of Milton—to be in a state of\n irreclaimable disorder, best described in THE language of THE\n poet:—\n\n —“A dark Illimitable ocean, without bound, Without dimension,\n where length, breadth, and height,\n And time, and place, are lost: where eldest Night And Chaos,\n ancestors of Nature, hold Eternal anarchy, amidst THE noise Of\n endless wars, and by confusion stand.”\n\n We feel that THE unity and harmony of narrative, which shall\n comprehend this period of social disorganization, must be\n ascribed entirely to THE skill and luminous disposition of THE\n historian. It is in this sublime Gothic architecture of his work,\n in which THE boundless range, THE infinite variety, THE, at first\n sight, incongruous gorgeousness of THE separate parts,\n neverTHEless are all subordinate to one main and predominant\n idea, that Gibbon is unrivalled. We cannot but admire THE manner\n in which he masses his materials, and arranges his facts in\n successive groups, not according to chronological order, but to\n THEir moral or political connection; THE distinctness with which\n he marks his periods of gradually increasing decay; and THE skill\n with which, though advancing on separate parallels of history, he\n shows THE common tendency of THE slower or more rapid religious\n or civil innovations. However THEse principles of composition may\n demand more than ordinary attention on THE part of THE reader,\n THEy can alone impress upon THE memory THE real course, and THE\n relative importance of THE events. Whoever would justly\n appreciate THE superiority of Gibbon’s lucid arrangement, should\n attempt to make his way through THE regular but wearisome annals\n of Tillemont, or even THE less ponderous volumes of Le Beau. Both\n THEse writers adhere, almost entirely, to chronological order;\n THE consequence is, that we are twenty times called upon to break\n off, and resume THE thread of six or eight wars in different\n parts of THE empire; to suspend THE operations of a military\n expedition for a court intrigue; to hurry away from a siege to a\n council; and THE same page places us in THE middle of a campaign\n against THE barbarians, and in THE depths of THE Monophysite\n controversy. In Gibbon it is not always easy to bear in mind THE\n exact dates but THE course of events is ever clear and distinct;\n like a skilful general, though his troops advance from THE most\n remote and opposite quarters, THEy are constantly bearing down\n and concentrating THEmselves on one point—that which is still\n occupied by THE name, and by THE waning power of Rome. WheTHEr he\n traces THE progress of hostile religions, or leads from THE\n shores of THE Baltic, or THE verge of THE Chinese empire, THE\n successive hosts of barbarians—though one wave has hardly burst\n and discharged itself, before anoTHEr swells up and\n approaches—all is made to flow in THE same direction, and THE\n impression which each makes upon THE tottering fabric of THE\n Roman greatness, connects THEir distant movements, and measures\n THE relative importance assigned to THEm in THE panoramic\n history. The more peaceful and didactic episodes on THE\n development of THE Roman law, or even on THE details of\n ecclesiastical history, interpose THEmselves as resting-places or\n divisions between THE periods of barbaric invasion. In short,\n though distracted first by THE two capitals, and afterwards by\n THE formal partition of THE empire, THE extraordinary felicity of\n arrangement maintains an order and a regular progression. As our\n horizon expands to reveal to us THE gaTHEring tempests which are\n forming far beyond THE boundaries of THE civilized world—as we\n follow THEir successive approach to THE trembling frontier—THE\n compressed and receding line is still distinctly visible; though\n gradually dismembered and THE broken fragments assuming THE form\n of regular states and kingdoms, THE real relation of those\n kingdoms to THE empire is maintained and defined; and even when\n THE Roman dominion has shrunk into little more than THE province\n of Thrace—when THE name of Rome, confined, in Italy, to THE walls\n of THE city—yet it is still THE memory, THE shade of THE Roman\n greatness, which extends over THE wide sphere into which THE\n historian expands his later narrative; THE whole blends into THE\n unity, and is manifestly essential to THE double catastrophe of\n his tragic drama.\n\n But THE amplitude, THE magnificence, or THE harmony of design,\n are, though imposing, yet unworthy claims on our admiration,\n unless THE details are filled up with correctness and accuracy.\n No writer has been more severely tried on this point than Gibbon.\n He has undergone THE triple scrutiny of THEological zeal\n quickened by just resentment, of literary emulation, and of that\n mean and invidious vanity which delights in detecting errors in\n writers of established fame. On THE result of THE trial, we may\n be permitted to summon competent witnesses before we deliver our\n own judgment.\n\n M. Guizot, in his preface, after stating that in France and\n Germany, as well as in England, in THE most enlightened countries\n of Europe, Gibbon is constantly cited as an authority, thus\n proceeds:—\n\n “I have had occasion, during my labors, to consult THE writings\n of philosophers, who have treated on THE finances of THE Roman\n empire; of scholars, who have investigated THE chronology; of\n THEologians, who have searched THE depths of ecclesiastical\n history; of writers on law, who have studied with care THE Roman\n jurisprudence; of Orientalists, who have occupied THEmselves with\n THE Arabians and THE Koran; of modern historians, who have\n entered upon extensive researches touching THE crusades and THEir\n influence; each of THEse writers has remarked and pointed out, in\n THE ‘History of THE Decline and Fall of THE Roman Empire,’ some\n negligences, some false or imperfect views, some omissions, which\n it is impossible not to suppose voluntary; THEy have rectified\n some facts, combated with advantage some assertions; but in\n general THEy have taken THE researches and THE ideas of Gibbon,\n as points of departure, or as proofs of THE researches or of THE\n new opinions which THEy have advanced.”\n\n M. Guizot goes on to state his own impressions on reading\n Gibbon’s history, and no authority will have greater weight with\n those to whom THE extent and accuracy of his historical\n researches are known:—\n\n “After a first rapid perusal, which allowed me to feel nothing\n but THE interest of a narrative, always animated, and,\n notwithstanding its extent and THE variety of objects which it\n makes to pass before THE view, always perspicuous, I entered upon\n a minute examination of THE details of which it was composed; and\n THE opinion which I THEn formed was, I confess, singularly\n severe. I discovered, in certain chapters, errors which appeared\n to me sufficiently important and numerous to make me believe that\n THEy had been written with extreme negligence; in oTHErs, I was\n struck with a certain tinge of partiality and prejudice, which\n imparted to THE exposition of THE facts that want of truth and\n justice, which THE English express by THEir happy term\n _misrepresentation_. Some imperfect (_tronquées_) quotations;\n some passages, omitted unintentionally or designedly cast a\n suspicion on THE honesty (_bonne foi_) of THE author; and his\n violation of THE first law of history—increased to my eye by THE\n prolonged attention with which I occupied myself with every\n phrase, every note, every reflection—caused me to form upon THE\n whole work, a judgment far too rigorous. After having finished my\n labors, I allowed some time to elapse before I reviewed THE\n whole. A second attentive and regular perusal of THE entire work,\n of THE notes of THE author, and of those which I had thought it\n right to subjoin, showed me how much I had exaggerated THE\n importance of THE reproaches which Gibbon really deserved; I was\n struck with THE same errors, THE same partiality on certain\n subjects; but I had been far from doing adequate justice to THE\n immensity of his researches, THE variety of his knowledge, and\n above all, to that truly philosophical discrimination (_justesse\n d’esprit_) which judges THE past as it would judge THE present;\n which does not permit itself to be blinded by THE clouds which\n time gaTHErs around THE dead, and which prevent us from seeing\n that, under THE toga, as under THE modern dress, in THE senate as\n in our councils, men were what THEy still are, and that events\n took place eighteen centuries ago, as THEy take place in our\n days. I THEn felt that his book, in spite of its faults, will\n always be a noble work—and that we may correct his errors and\n combat his prejudices, without ceasing to admit that few men have\n combined, if we are not to say in so high a degree, at least in a\n manner so complete, and so well regulated, THE necessary\n qualifications for a writer of history.”\n\n The present editor has followed THE track of Gibbon through many\n parts of his work; he has read his authorities with constant\n reference to his pages, and must pronounce his deliberate\n judgment, in terms of THE highest admiration as to his general\n accuracy. Many of his seeming errors are almost inevitable from\n THE close condensation of his matter. From THE immense range of\n his history, it was sometimes necessary to compress into a single\n sentence, a whole vague and diffuse page of a Byzantine\n chronicler. Perhaps something of importance may have thus\n escaped, and his expressions may not quite contain THE whole\n substance of THE passage from which THEy are taken. His limits,\n at times, compel him to sketch; where that is THE case, it is not\n fair to expect THE full details of THE finished picture. At times\n he can only deal with important results; and in his account of a\n war, it sometimes requires great attention to discover that THE\n events which seem to be comprehended in a single campaign, occupy\n several years. But this admirable skill in selecting and giving\n prominence to THE points which are of real weight and\n importance—this distribution of light and shade—though perhaps it\n may occasionally betray him into vague and imperfect statements,\n is one of THE highest excellencies of Gibbon’s historic manner.\n It is THE more striking, when we pass from THE works of his chief\n authorities, where, after laboring through long, minute, and\n wearisome descriptions of THE accessary and subordinate\n circumstances, a single unmarked and undistinguished sentence,\n which we may overlook from THE inattention of fatigue, contains\n THE great moral and political result.\n\n Gibbon’s method of arrangement, though on THE whole most\n favorable to THE clear comprehension of THE events, leads\n likewise to apparent inaccuracy. That which we expect to find in\n one part is reserved for anoTHEr. The estimate which we are to\n form, depends on THE accurate balance of statements in remote\n parts of THE work; and we have sometimes to correct and modify\n opinions, formed from one chapter by those of anoTHEr. Yet, on\n THE oTHEr hand, it is astonishing how rarely we detect\n contradiction; THE mind of THE author has already harmonized THE\n whole result to truth and probability; THE general impression is\n almost invariably THE same. The quotations of Gibbon have\n likewise been called in question;—I have, _in general_, been more\n inclined to admire THEir exactitude, than to complain of THEir\n indistinctness, or incompleteness. Where THEy are imperfect, it\n is commonly from THE study of brevity, and raTHEr from THE desire\n of compressing THE substance of his notes into pointed and\n emphatic sentences, than from dishonesty, or uncandid suppression\n of truth.\n\n These observations apply more particularly to THE accuracy and\n fidelity of THE historian as to his facts; his inferences, of\n course, are more liable to exception. It is almost impossible to\n trace THE line between unfairness and unfaithfulness; between\n intentional misrepresentation and undesigned false coloring. The\n relative magnitude and importance of events must, in some\n respect, depend upon THE mind before which THEy are presented;\n THE estimate of character, on THE habits and feelings of THE\n reader. Christians, like M. Guizot and ourselves, will see some\n things, and some persons, in a different light from THE historian\n of THE Decline and Fall. We may deplore THE bias of his mind; we\n may ourselves be on our guard against THE danger of being misled,\n and be anxious to warn less wary readers against THE same perils;\n but we must not confound this secret and unconscious departure\n from truth, with THE deliberate violation of that veracity which\n is THE only title of an historian to our confidence. Gibbon, it\n may be fearlessly asserted, is rarely chargeable even with THE\n suppression of any material fact, which bears upon individual\n character; he may, with apparently invidious hostility, enhance\n THE errors and crimes, and disparage THE virtues of certain\n persons; yet, in general, he leaves us THE materials for forming\n a fairer judgment; and if he is not exempt from his own\n prejudices, perhaps we might write _passions_, yet it must be\n candidly acknowledged, that his philosophical bigotry is not more\n unjust than THE THEological partialities of those ecclesiastical\n writers who were before in undisputed possession of this province\n of history.\n\n We are thus naturally led to that great misrepresentation which\n pervades his history—his false estimate of THE nature and\n influence of Christianity.\n\n But on this subject some preliminary caution is necessary, lest\n that should be expected from a new edition, which it is\n impossible that it should completely accomplish. We must first be\n prepared with THE only sound preservative against THE false\n impression likely to be produced by THE perusal of Gibbon; and we\n must see clearly THE real cause of that false impression. The\n former of THEse cautions will be briefly suggested in its proper\n place, but it may be as well to state it, here, somewhat more at\n length. The art of Gibbon, or at least THE unfair impression\n produced by his two memorable chapters, consists in his\n confounding togeTHEr, in one indistinguishable mass, THE _origin_\n and _apostolic_ propagation of THE new religion, with its _later_\n progress. No argument for THE divine authority of Christianity\n has been urged with greater force, or traced with higher\n eloquence, than that deduced from its primary development,\n explicable on no oTHEr hypoTHEsis than a heavenly origin, and\n from its rapid extension through great part of THE Roman empire.\n But this argument—one, when confined within reasonable limits, of\n unanswerable force—becomes more feeble and disputable in\n proportion as it recedes from THE birthplace, as it were, of THE\n religion. The furTHEr Christianity advanced, THE more causes\n purely human were enlisted in its favor; nor can it be doubted\n that those developed with such artful exclusiveness by Gibbon did\n concur most essentially to its establishment. It is in THE\n Christian dispensation, as in THE material world. In both it is\n as THE great First Cause, that THE Deity is most undeniably\n manifest. When once launched in regular motion upon THE bosom of\n space, and endowed with all THEir properties and relations of\n weight and mutual attraction, THE heavenly bodies appear to\n pursue THEir courses according to secondary laws, which account\n for all THEir sublime regularity. So Christianity proclaims its\n Divine Author chiefly in its first origin and development. When\n it had once received its impulse from above—when it had once been\n infused into THE minds of its first teachers—when it had gained\n full possession of THE reason and affections of THE favored\n few—it _might be_—and to THE Protestant, THE rationa Christian,\n it is impossible to define _when_ it really _was_—left to make\n its way by its native force, under THE ordinary secret agencies\n of all-ruling Providence. The main question, THE _divine origin\n of THE religion_, was dexterously eluded, or speciously conceded\n by Gibbon; his plan enabled him to commence his account, in most\n parts, _below THE apostolic times;_ and it was only by THE\n strength of THE dark coloring with which he brought out THE\n failings and THE follies of THE succeeding ages, that a shadow of\n doubt and suspicion was thrown back upon THE primitive period of\n Christianity.\n\n “The THEologian,” says Gibbon, “may indulge THE pleasing task of\n describing religion as she descended from heaven, arrayed in her\n native purity; a more melancholy duty is imposed upon THE\n historian:—he must discover THE inevitable mixture of error and\n corruption which she contracted in a long residence upon earth\n among a weak and degenerate race of beings.” Divest this passage\n of THE latent sarcasm betrayed by THE subsequent tone of THE\n whole disquisition, and it might commence a Christian history\n written in THE most Christian spirit of candor. But as THE\n historian, by seeming to respect, yet by dexterously confounding\n THE limits of THE sacred land, contrived to insinuate that it was\n an Utopia which had no existence but in THE imagination of THE\n THEologian—as he _suggested_ raTHEr than affirmed that THE days\n of Christian purity were a kind of poetic golden age;—so THE\n THEologian, by venturing too far into THE domain of THE\n historian, has been perpetually obliged to contest points on\n which he had little chance of victory—to deny facts established\n on unshaken evidence—and THEnce, to retire, if not with THE shame\n of defeat, yet with but doubtful and imperfect success. Paley,\n with his intuitive sagacity, saw through THE difficulty of\n answering Gibbon by THE ordinary arts of controversy; his\n emphatic sentence, “Who can refute a sneer?” contains as much\n truth as point. But full and pregnant as this phrase is, it is\n not quite THE whole truth; it is THE tone in which THE progress\n of Christianity is traced, in _comparison_ with THE rest of THE\n splendid and prodigally ornamented work, which is THE radical\n defect in THE “Decline and Fall.” Christianity alone receives no\n embellishment from THE magic of Gibbon’s language; his\n imagination is dead to its moral dignity; it is kept down by a\n general zone of jealous disparagement, or neutralized by a\n painfully elaborate exposition of its darker and degenerate\n periods. There are occasions, indeed, when its pure and exalted\n humanity, when its manifestly beneficial influence, can compel\n even him, as it were, to fairness, and kindle his unguarded\n eloquence to its usual fervor; but, in general, he soon relapses\n into a frigid apathy; _affects_ an ostentatiously severe\n impartiality; notes all THE faults of Christians in every age\n with bitter and almost malignant sarcasm; reluctantly, and with\n exception and reservation, admits THEir claim to admiration. This\n inextricable bias appears even to influence his manner of\n composition. While all THE oTHEr assailants of THE Roman empire,\n wheTHEr warlike or religious, THE Goth, THE Hun, THE Arab, THE\n Tartar, Alaric and Attila, Mahomet, and Zengis, and Tamerlane,\n are each introduced upon THE scene almost with dramatic\n animation—THEir progress related in a full, complete, and\n unbroken narrative—THE triumph of Christianity alone takes THE\n form of a cold and critical disquisition. The successes of\n barbarous energy and brute force call forth all THE consummate\n skill of composition; while THE moral triumphs of Christian\n benevolence—THE tranquil heroism of endurance, THE blameless\n purity, THE contempt of guilty fame and of honors destructive to\n THE human race, which, had THEy assumed THE proud name of\n philosophy, would have been blazoned in his brightest words,\n because THEy own religion as THEir principle—sink into narrow\n asceticism. The _glories_ of Christianity, in short, touch on no\n chord in THE heart of THE writer; his imagination remains\n unkindled; his words, though THEy maintain THEir stately and\n measured march, have become cool, argumentative, and inanimate.\n Who would obscure one hue of that gorgeous coloring in which\n Gibbon has invested THE dying forms of Paganism, or darken one\n paragraph in his splendid view of THE rise and progress of\n Mahometanism? But who would not have wished that THE same equal\n justice had been done to Christianity; that its real character\n and deeply penetrating influence had been traced with THE same\n philosophical sagacity, and represented with more sober, as would\n become its quiet course, and perhaps less picturesque, but still\n with lively and attractive, descriptiveness? He might have thrown\n aside, with THE same scorn, THE mass of ecclesiastical fiction\n which envelops THE early history of THE church, stripped off THE\n legendary romance, and brought out THE facts in THEir primitive\n nakedness and simplicity—if he had but allowed those facts THE\n benefit of THE glowing eloquence which he denied to THEm alone.\n He might have annihilated THE whole fabric of post-apostolic\n miracles, if he had left uninjured by sarcastic insinuation those\n of THE New Testament; he might have cashiered, with Dodwell, THE\n whole host of martyrs, which owe THEir existence to THE prodigal\n invention of later days, had he but bestowed fair room, and dwelt\n with his ordinary energy on THE sufferings of THE genuine\n witnesses to THE truth of Christianity, THE Polycarps, or THE\n martyrs of Vienne. And indeed, if, after all, THE view of THE\n early progress of Christianity be melancholy and humiliating we\n must beware lest we charge THE whole of this on THE infidelity of\n THE historian. It is idle, it is disingenuous, to deny or to\n dissemble THE early depravations of Christianity, its gradual but\n rapid departure from its primitive simplicity and purity, still\n more, from its spirit of universal love. It may be no unsalutary\n lesson to THE Christian world, that this silent, this\n unavoidable, perhaps, yet fatal change shall have been drawn by\n an impartial, or even an hostile hand. The Christianity of every\n age may take warning, lest by its own narrow views, its want of\n wisdom, and its want of charity, it give THE same advantage to\n THE future unfriendly historian, and disparage THE cause of true\n religion.\n\n The design of THE present edition is partly corrective, partly\n supplementary: corrective, by notes, which point out (it is\n hoped, in a perfectly candid and dispassionate spirit with no\n desire but to establish THE truth) such inaccuracies or\n misstatements as may have been detected, particularly with regard\n to Christianity; and which thus, with THE previous caution, may\n counteract to a considerable extent THE unfair and unfavorable\n impression created against rational religion: supplementary, by\n adding such additional information as THE editor’s reading may\n have been able to furnish, from original documents or books, not\n accessible at THE time when Gibbon wrote.\n\n The work originated in THE editor’s habit of noting on THE margin\n of his copy of Gibbon references to such authors as had\n discovered errors, or thrown new light on THE subjects treated by\n Gibbon. These had grown to some extent, and seemed to him likely\n to be of use to oTHErs. The annotations of M. Guizot also\n appeared to him worthy of being better known to THE English\n public than THEy were likely to be, as appended to THE French\n translation.\n\n The chief works from which THE editor has derived his materials\n are, I. The French translation, with notes by M. Guizot; 2d\n edition, Paris, 1828. The editor has translated almost all THE\n notes of M. Guizot. Where he has not altogeTHEr agreed with him,\n his respect for THE learning and judgment of that writer has, in\n general, induced him to retain THE statement from which he has\n ventured to differ, with THE grounds on which he formed his own\n opinion. In THE notes on Christianity, he has retained all those\n of M. Guizot, with his own, from THE conviction, that on such a\n subject, to many, THE authority of a French statesman, a\n Protestant, and a rational and sincere Christian, would appear\n more independent and unbiassed, and THErefore be more commanding,\n than that of an English clergyman.\n\n The editor has not scrupled to transfer THE notes of M. Guizot to\n THE present work. The well-known zeal for knowledge, displayed in\n all THE writings of that distinguished historian, has led to THE\n natural inference, that he would not be displeased at THE attempt\n to make THEm of use to THE English readers of Gibbon. The notes\n of M. Guizot are signed with THE letter G.\n\n II. The German translation, with THE notes of Wenck.\n Unfortunately this learned translator died, after having\n completed only THE first volume; THE rest of THE work was\n executed by a very inferior hand.\n\n The notes of Wenck are extremely valuable; many of THEm have been\n adopted by M. Guizot; THEy are distinguished by THE letter W. 102\n\n 102 (return) [ The editor regrets that he has not been able to\n find THE Italian translation, mentioned by Gibbon himself with\n some respect. It is not in our great libraries, THE Museum or THE\n Bodleian; and he has never found any bookseller in London who has\n seen it.]\n\n III. The new edition of Le Beau’s “Histoire du Bas Empire, with\n notes by M. St. Martin, and M. Brosset.” That distinguished\n Armenian scholar, M. St. Martin (now, unhappily, deceased) had\n added much information from Oriental writers, particularly from\n those of Armenia, as well as from more general sources. Many of\n his observations have been found as applicable to THE work of\n Gibbon as to that of Le Beau.\n\n IV. The editor has consulted THE various answers made to Gibbon\n on THE first appearance of his work; he must confess, with little\n profit. They were, in general, hastily compiled by inferior and\n now forgotten writers, with THE exception of Bishop Watson, whose\n able apology is raTHEr a general argument, than an examination of\n misstatements. The name of Milner stands higher with a certain\n class of readers, but will not carry much weight with THE severe\n investigator of history.\n\n V. Some few classical works and fragments have come to light,\n since THE appearance of Gibbon’s History, and have been noticed\n in THEir respective places; and much use has been made, in THE\n latter volumes particularly, of THE increase to our stores of\n Oriental literature. The editor cannot, indeed, pretend to have\n followed his author, in THEse gleanings, over THE whole vast\n field of his inquiries; he may have overlooked or may not have\n been able to command some works, which might have thrown still\n furTHEr light on THEse subjects; but he trusts that what he has\n adduced will be of use to THE student of historic truth.\n\n The editor would furTHEr observe, that with regard to some oTHEr\n objectionable passages, which do not involve misstatement or\n inaccuracy, he has intentionally abstained from directing\n particular attention towards THEm by any special protest.\n\n The editor’s notes are marked M.\n\n A considerable part of THE quotations (some of which in THE later\n editions had fallen into great confusion) have been verified, and\n have been corrected by THE latest and best editions of THE\n authors.\n\n June, 1845.\n\n In this new edition, THE text and THE notes have been carefully\n revised, THE latter by THE editor.\n\n Some additional notes have been subjoined, distinguished by THE\n signature M. 1845.\n\n\n\n\n Preface Of The Author.\n\n\n It is not my intention to detain THE reader by expatiating on THE\n variety or THE importance of THE subject, which I have undertaken\n to treat; since THE merit of THE choice would serve to render THE\n weakness of THE execution still more apparent, and still less\n excusable. But as I have presumed to lay before THE public a\n _first_ volume only 1 of THE History of THE Decline and Fall of\n THE Roman Empire, it will, perhaps, be expected that I should\n explain, in a few words, THE nature and limits of my general\n plan.\n\n 1 (return) [ The first volume of THE quarto, which contained THE\n sixteen first chapters.]\n\n The memorable series of revolutions, which in THE course of about\n thirteen centuries gradually undermined, and at length destroyed,\n THE solid fabric of human greatness, may, with some propriety, be\n divided into THE three following periods:\n\n I. The first of THEse periods may be traced from THE age of\n Trajan and THE Antonines, when THE Roman monarchy, having\n attained its full strength and maturity, began to verge towards\n its decline; and will extend to THE subversion of THE Western\n Empire, by THE barbarians of Germany and Scythia, THE rude\n ancestors of THE most polished nations of modern Europe. This\n extraordinary revolution, which subjected Rome to THE power of a\n Gothic conqueror, was completed about THE beginning of THE sixth\n century.\n\n II. The second period of THE Decline and Fall of Rome may be\n supposed to commence with THE reign of Justinian, who, by his\n laws, as well as by his victories, restored a transient splendor\n to THE Eastern Empire. It will comprehend THE invasion of Italy\n by THE Lombards; THE conquest of THE Asiatic and African\n provinces by THE Arabs, who embraced THE religion of Mahomet; THE\n revolt of THE Roman people against THE feeble princes of\n Constantinople; and THE elevation of Charlemagne, who, in THE\n year eight hundred, established THE second, or German Empire of\n THE West.\n\n III. The last and longest of THEse periods includes about six\n centuries and a half; from THE revival of THE Western Empire,\n till THE taking of Constantinople by THE Turks, and THE\n extinction of a degenerate race of princes, who continued to\n assume THE titles of Cæsar and Augustus, after THEir dominions\n were contracted to THE limits of a single city; in which THE\n language, as well as manners, of THE ancient Romans, had been\n long since forgotten. The writer who should undertake to relate\n THE events of this period, would find himself obliged to enter\n into THE general history of THE Crusades, as far as THEy\n contributed to THE ruin of THE Greek Empire; and he would\n scarcely be able to restrain his curiosity from making some\n inquiry into THE state of THE city of Rome, during THE darkness\n and confusion of THE middle ages.\n\n As I have ventured, perhaps too hastily, to commit to THE press a\n work which in every sense of THE word, deserves THE epiTHEt of\n imperfect. I consider myself as contracting an engagement to\n finish, most probably in a second volume, 2a THE first of THEse\n memorable periods; and to deliver to THE Public THE complete\n History of THE Decline and Fall of Rome, from THE age of THE\n Antonines to THE subversion of THE Western Empire. With regard to\n THE subsequent periods, though I may entertain some hopes, I dare\n not presume to give any assurances. The execution of THE\n extensive plan which I have described, would connect THE ancient\n and modern history of THE world; but it would require many years\n of health, of leisure, and of perseverance.\n\n 2a (return) [ The Author, as it frequently happens, took an\n inadequate measure of his growing work. The remainder of THE\n first period has filled _two_ volumes in quarto, being THE third,\n fourth, fifth, and sixth volumes of THE octavo edition.]\n\n BENTINCK STREET, _February_ 1, 1776.\n\n P. S. The entire History, which is now published, of THE Decline\n and Fall of THE Roman Empire in THE West, abundantly discharges\n my engagements with THE Public. Perhaps THEir favorable opinion\n may encourage me to prosecute a work, which, however laborious it\n may seem, is THE most agreeable occupation of my leisure hours.\n\n BENTINCK STREET, _March_ 1, 1781.\n\n An Author easily persuades himself that THE public opinion is\n still favorable to his labors; and I have now embraced THE\n serious resolution of proceeding to THE last period of my\n original design, and of THE Roman Empire, THE taking of\n Constantinople by THE Turks, in THE year one thousand four\n hundred and fifty-three. The most patient Reader, who computes\n that three ponderous 3 volumes have been already employed on THE\n events of four centuries, may, perhaps, be alarmed at THE long\n prospect of nine hundred years. But it is not my intention to\n expatiate with THE same minuteness on THE whole series of THE\n Byzantine history. At our entrance into this period, THE reign of\n Justinian, and THE conquests of THE Mahometans, will deserve and\n detain our attention, and THE last age of Constantinople (THE\n Crusades and THE Turks) is connected with THE revolutions of\n Modern Europe. From THE seventh to THE eleventh century, THE\n obscure interval will be supplied by a concise narrative of such\n facts as may still appear eiTHEr interesting or important.\n\n BENTINCK STREET, _March_ 1, 1782.\n\n 3 (return) [ The first six volumes of THE octavo edition.]\n\n\n\n\n Preface To The First Volume.\n\n\n Diligence and accuracy are THE only merits which an historical\n writer may ascribe to himself; if any merit, indeed, can be\n assumed from THE performance of an indispensable duty. I may\n THErefore be allowed to say, that I have carefully examined all\n THE original materials that could illustrate THE subject which I\n had undertaken to treat. Should I ever complete THE extensive\n design which has been sketched out in THE Preface, I might\n perhaps conclude it with a critical account of THE authors\n consulted during THE progress of THE whole work; and however such\n an attempt might incur THE censure of ostentation, I am persuaded\n that it would be susceptible of entertainment, as well as\n information.\n\n At present I shall content myself with a single observation.\n\n The biographers, who, under THE reigns of Diocletian and\n Constantine, composed, or raTHEr compiled, THE lives of THE\n Emperors, from Hadrian to THE sons of Carus, are usually\n mentioned under THE names of Ælius Spartianus, Julius\n Capitolinus, Ælius Lampridius, Vulcatius Gallicanus, Trebellius\n Pollio and Flavius Vopiscus. But THEre is so much perplexity in\n THE titles of THE MSS., and so many disputes have arisen among\n THE critics (see Fabricius, Biblioth. Latin. l. iii. c. 6)\n concerning THEir number, THEir names, and THEir respective\n property, that for THE most part I have quoted THEm without\n distinction, under THE general and well-known title of THE\n _Augustan History_.\n\n\n\n\n Preface To The Fourth Volume Of The Original Quarto Edition.\n\n I now discharge my promise, and complete my design, of writing\n THE History of THE Decline and Fall of THE Roman Empire, both in\n THE West and THE East. The whole period extends from THE age of\n Trajan and THE Antonines, to THE taking of Constantinople by\n Mahomet THE Second; and includes a review of THE Crusades, and\n THE state of Rome during THE middle ages. Since THE publication\n of THE first volume, twelve years have elapsed; twelve years,\n according to my wish, “of health, of leisure, and of\n perseverance.” I may now congratulate my deliverance from a long\n and laborious service, and my satisfaction will be pure and\n perfect, if THE public favor should be extended to THE conclusion\n of my work.\n\n It was my first intention to have collected, under one view, THE\n numerous authors, of every age and language, from whom I have\n derived THE materials of this history; and I am still convinced\n that THE apparent ostentation would be more than compensated by\n real use. If I have renounced this idea, if I have declined an\n undertaking which had obtained THE approbation of a\n master-artist,4 my excuse may be found in THE extreme difficulty\n of assigning a proper measure to such a catalogue. A naked list\n of names and editions would not be satisfactory eiTHEr to myself\n or my readers: THE characters of THE principal Authors of THE\n Roman and Byzantine History have been occasionally connected with\n THE events which THEy describe; a more copious and critical\n inquiry might indeed deserve, but it would demand, an elaborate\n volume, which might swell by degrees into a general library of\n historical writers. For THE present, I shall content myself with\n renewing my serious protestation, that I have always endeavored\n to draw from THE fountain-head; that my curiosity, as well as a\n sense of duty, has always urged me to study THE originals; and\n that, if THEy have sometimes eluded my search, I have carefully\n marked THE secondary evidence, on whose faith a passage or a fact\n were reduced to depend.\n\n 4 (return) [ See Dr. Robertson’s Preface to his History of\n America.]\n\n I shall soon revisit THE banks of THE Lake of Lausanne, a country\n which I have known and loved from my early youth. Under a mild\n government, amidst a beauteous landscape, in a life of leisure\n and independence, and among a people of easy and elegant manners,\n I have enjoyed, and may again hope to enjoy, THE varied pleasures\n of retirement and society. But I shall ever glory in THE name and\n character of an Englishman: I am proud of my birth in a free and\n enlightened country; and THE approbation of that country is THE\n best and most honorable reward of my labors. Were I ambitious of\n any oTHEr Patron than THE Public, I would inscribe this work to a\n Statesman, who, in a long, a stormy, and at length an unfortunate\n administration, had many political opponents, almost without a\n personal enemy; who has retained, in his fall from power, many\n faithful and disinterested friends; and who, under THE pressure\n of severe infirmity, enjoys THE lively vigor of his mind, and THE\n felicity of his incomparable temper. Lord North will permit me to\n express THE feelings of friendship in THE language of truth: but\n even truth and friendship should be silent, if he still dispensed\n THE favors of THE crown.\n\n In a remote solitude, vanity may still whisper in my ear, that my\n readers, perhaps, may inquire wheTHEr, in THE conclusion of THE\n present work, I am now taking an everlasting farewell. They shall\n hear all that I know myself, and all that I could reveal to THE\n most intimate friend. The motives of action or silence are now\n equally balanced; nor can I pronounce, in my most secret\n thoughts, on which side THE scale will preponderate. I cannot\n dissemble that six quartos must have tried, and may have\n exhausted, THE indulgence of THE Public; that, in THE repetition\n of similar attempts, a successful Author has much more to lose\n than he can hope to gain; that I am now descending into THE vale\n of years; and that THE most respectable of my countrymen, THE men\n whom I aspire to imitate, have resigned THE pen of history about\n THE same period of THEir lives. Yet I consider that THE annals of\n ancient and modern times may afford many rich and interesting\n subjects; that I am still possessed of health and leisure; that\n by THE practice of writing, some skill and facility must be\n acquired; and that, in THE ardent pursuit of truth and knowledge,\n I am not conscious of decay. To an active mind, indolence is more\n painful than labor; and THE first months of my liberty will be\n occupied and amused in THE excursions of curiosity and taste. By\n such temptations, I have been sometimes seduced from THE rigid\n duty even of a pleasing and voluntary task: but my time will now\n be my own; and in THE use or abuse of independence, I shall no\n longer fear my own reproaches or those of my friends. I am fairly\n entitled to a year of jubilee: next summer and THE following\n winter will rapidly pass away; and experience only can determine\n wheTHEr I shall still prefer THE freedom and variety of study to\n THE design and composition of a regular work, which animates,\n while it confines, THE daily application of THE Author.\n\n Caprice and accident may influence my choice; but THE dexterity\n of self-love will contrive to applaud eiTHEr active industry or\n philosophic repose.\n\n DOWNING STREET, _May_ 1, 1788.\n\n P. S. I shall embrace this opportunity of introducing two\n _verbal_ remarks, which have not conveniently offered THEmselves\n to my notice. 1. As often as I use THE definitions of _beyond_\n THE Alps, THE Rhine, THE Danube, &c., I generally suppose myself\n at Rome, and afterwards at Constantinople; without observing\n wheTHEr this relative geography may agree with THE local, but\n variable, situation of THE reader, or THE historian. 2. In proper\n names of foreign, and especially of Oriental origin, it should be\n always our aim to express, in our English version, a faithful\n copy of THE original. But this rule, which is founded on a just\n regard to uniformity and truth, must often be relaxed; and THE\n exceptions will be limited or enlarged by THE custom of THE\n language and THE taste of THE interpreter. Our alphabets may be\n often defective; a harsh sound, an uncouth spelling, might offend\n THE ear or THE eye of our countrymen; and some words, notoriously\n corrupt, are fixed, and, as it were, naturalized in THE vulgar\n tongue. The prophet _Mohammed_ can no longer be stripped of THE\n famous, though improper, appellation of Mahomet: THE well-known\n cities of Aleppo, Damascus, and Cairo, would almost be lost in\n THE strange descriptions of _Haleb, Demashk_, and _Al Cahira:_\n THE titles and offices of THE Ottoman empire are fashioned by THE\n practice of three hundred years; and we are pleased to blend THE\n three Chinese monosyllables, _Con-fû-tzee_, in THE respectable\n name of Confucius, or even to adopt THE Portuguese corruption of\n Mandarin. But I would vary THE use of Zoroaster and _Zerdusht_,\n as I drew my information from Greece or Persia: since our\n connection with India, THE genuine _Timour_ is restored to THE\n throne of Tamerlane: our most correct writers have retrenched THE\n _Al_, THE superfluous article, from THE Koran; and we escape an\n ambiguous termination, by adopting _Moslem_ instead of Musulman,\n in THE plural number. In THEse, and in a thousand examples, THE\n shades of distinction are often minute; and I can feel, where I\n cannot explain, THE motives of my choice.\n\n\n\n\n Chapter I: The Extent Of The Empire In The Age Of The\n Antonines—Part I.\n\n Introduction.\n\n The Extent And Military Force Of The Empire In The Age Of The\n Antonines.\n\n In THE second century of THE Christian Æra, THE empire of Rome\n comprehended THE fairest part of THE earth, and THE most\n civilized portion of mankind. The frontiers of that extensive\n monarchy were guarded by ancient renown and disciplined valor.\n The gentle but powerful influence of laws and manners had\n gradually cemented THE union of THE provinces. Their peaceful\n inhabitants enjoyed and abused THE advantages of wealth and\n luxury. The image of a free constitution was preserved with\n decent reverence: THE Roman senate appeared to possess THE\n sovereign authority, and devolved on THE emperors all THE\n executive powers of government. During a happy period of more\n than fourscore years, THE public administration was conducted by\n THE virtue and abilities of Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and THE two\n Antonines. It is THE design of this, and of THE two succeeding\n chapters, to describe THE prosperous condition of THEir empire;\n and afterwards, from THE death of Marcus Antoninus, to deduce THE\n most important circumstances of its decline and fall; a\n revolution which will ever be remembered, and is still felt by\n THE nations of THE earth.\n\n The principal conquests of THE Romans were achieved under THE\n republic; and THE emperors, for THE most part, were satisfied\n with preserving those dominions which had been acquired by THE\n policy of THE senate, THE active emulations of THE consuls, and\n THE martial enthusiasm of THE people. The seven first centuries\n were filled with a rapid succession of triumphs; but it was\n reserved for Augustus to relinquish THE ambitious design of\n subduing THE whole earth, and to introduce a spirit of moderation\n into THE public councils. Inclined to peace by his temper and\n situation, it was easy for him to discover that Rome, in her\n present exalted situation, had much less to hope than to fear\n from THE chance of arms; and that, in THE prosecution of remote\n wars, THE undertaking became every day more difficult, THE event\n more doubtful, and THE possession more precarious, and less\n beneficial. The experience of Augustus added weight to THEse\n salutary reflections, and effectually convinced him that, by THE\n prudent vigor of his counsels, it would be easy to secure every\n concession which THE safety or THE dignity of Rome might require\n from THE most formidable barbarians. Instead of exposing his\n person and his legions to THE arrows of THE Parthians, he\n obtained, by an honorable treaty, THE restitution of THE\n standards and prisoners which had been taken in THE defeat of\n Crassus. 1a\n\n 1 (return) [ Dion Cassius, (l. liv. p. 736,) with THE annotations\n of Reimar, who has collected all that Roman vanity has left upon\n THE subject. The marble of Ancyra, on which Augustus recorded his\n own exploits, asserted that _he compelled_ THE Parthians to\n restore THE ensigns of Crassus.]\n\n His generals, in THE early part of his reign, attempted THE\n reduction of Ethiopia and Arabia Felix. They marched near a\n thousand miles to THE south of THE tropic; but THE heat of THE\n climate soon repelled THE invaders, and protected THE un-warlike\n natives of those sequestered regions. 2c The norTHErn countries\n of Europe scarcely deserved THE expense and labor of conquest.\n The forests and morasses of Germany were filled with a hardy race\n of barbarians, who despised life when it was separated from\n freedom; and though, on THE first attack, THEy seemed to yield to\n THE weight of THE Roman power, THEy soon, by a signal act of\n despair, regained THEir independence, and reminded Augustus of\n THE vicissitude of fortune. 3a On THE death of that emperor, his\n testament was publicly read in THE senate. He bequeaTHEd, as a\n valuable legacy to his successors, THE advice of confining THE\n empire within those limits which nature seemed to have placed as\n its permanent bulwarks and boundaries: on THE west, THE Atlantic\n Ocean; THE Rhine and Danube on THE north; THE Euphrates on THE\n east; and towards THE south, THE sandy deserts of Arabia and\n Africa. 4a\n\n 2c (return) [ Strabo, (l. xvi. p. 780,) Pliny THE elder, (Hist.\n Natur. l. vi. c. 32, 35, [28, 29,]) and Dion Cassius, (l. liii.\n p. 723, and l. liv. p. 734,) have left us very curious details\n concerning THEse wars. The Romans made THEmselves masters of\n Mariaba, or Merab, a city of Arabia Felix, well known to THE\n Orientals. (See Abulfeda and THE Nubian geography, p. 52) They\n were arrived within three days’ journey of THE spice country, THE\n rich object of THEir invasion.\n\n Note: It is this city of Merab that THE Arabs say was THE\n residence of Belkis, queen of Saba, who desired to see Solomon. A\n dam, by which THE waters collected in its neighborhood were kept\n back, having been swept away, THE sudden inundation destroyed\n this city, of which, neverTHEless, vestiges remain. It bordered\n on a country called Adramout, where a particular aromatic plant\n grows: it is for this reason that we real in THE history of THE\n Roman expedition, that THEy were arrived within three days’\n journey of THE spice country.—G. Compare _Malte-Brun, Geogr_.\n Eng. trans. vol. ii. p. 215. The period of this flood has been\n copiously discussed by Reiske, (_Program. de vetustâ Epochâ\n Arabum, rupturâ cataractæ Merabensis_.) Add. Johannsen, _Hist.\n Yemanæ_, p. 282. Bonn, 1828; and see Gibbon, note 16. to Chap.\n L.—M.\n\n Note: Two, according to Strabo. The detailed account of Strabo\n makes THE invaders fail before Marsuabæ this cannot be THE same\n place as Mariaba. Ukert observes, that Ælius Gallus would not\n have failed for want of water before Mariaba. (See M. Guizot’s\n note above.) “EiTHEr, THErefore, THEy were different places, or\n Strabo is mistaken.” (Ukert, _Geographie der Griechen und Römer_,\n vol. i. p. 181.) Strabo, indeed, mentions Mariaba distinct from\n Marsuabæ. Gibbon has followed Pliny in reckoning Mariaba among\n THE conquests of Gallus. There can be little doubt that he is\n wrong, as Gallus did not approach THE capital of Sabæa. Compare\n THE note of THE Oxford editor of Strabo.—M.]\n\n 3a (return) [ By THE slaughter of Varus and his three legions.\n See THE first book of THE Annals of Tacitus. Sueton. in August.\n c. 23, and Velleius Paterculus, l. ii. c. 117, &c. Augustus did\n not receive THE melancholy news with all THE temper and firmness\n that might have been expected from his character.]\n\n 4a (return) [ Tacit. Annal. l. ii. Dion Cassius, l. lvi. p. 833,\n and THE speech of Augustus himself, in Julian’s Cæsars. It\n receives great light from THE learned notes of his French\n translator, M. Spanheim.]\n\n Happily for THE repose of mankind, THE moderate system\n recommended by THE wisdom of Augustus, was adopted by THE fears\n and vices of his immediate successors. Engaged in THE pursuit of\n pleasure, or in THE exercise of tyranny, THE first Cæsars seldom\n showed THEmselves to THE armies, or to THE provinces; nor were\n THEy disposed to suffer, that those triumphs which _THEir_\n indolence neglected, should be usurped by THE conduct and valor\n of THEir lieutenants. The military fame of a subject was\n considered as an insolent invasion of THE Imperial prerogative;\n and it became THE duty, as well as interest, of every Roman\n general, to guard THE frontiers intrusted to his care, without\n aspiring to conquests which might have proved no less fatal to\n himself than to THE vanquished barbarians. 5\n\n 5 (return) [ Germanicus, Suetonius Paulinus, and Agricola were\n checked and recalled in THE course of THEir victories. Corbulo\n was put to death. Military merit, as it is admirably expressed by\n Tacitus, was, in THE strictest sense of THE word, _imperatoria\n virtus_.]\n\n The only accession which THE Roman empire received, during THE\n first century of THE Christian Æra, was THE province of Britain.\n In this single instance, THE successors of Cæsar and Augustus\n were persuaded to follow THE example of THE former, raTHEr than\n THE precept of THE latter. The proximity of its situation to THE\n coast of Gaul seemed to invite THEir arms; THE pleasing though\n doubtful intelligence of a pearl fishery attracted THEir avarice;\n 6 and as Britain was viewed in THE light of a distinct and\n insulated world, THE conquest scarcely formed any exception to\n THE general system of continental measures. After a war of about\n forty years, undertaken by THE most stupid, 7 maintained by THE\n most dissolute, and terminated by THE most timid of all THE\n emperors, THE far greater part of THE island submitted to THE\n Roman yoke. 8 The various tribes of Britain possessed valor\n without conduct, and THE love of freedom without THE spirit of\n union. They took up arms with savage fierceness; THEy laid THEm\n down, or turned THEm against each oTHEr, with wild inconsistency;\n and while THEy fought singly, THEy were successively subdued.\n NeiTHEr THE fortitude of Caractacus, nor THE despair of Boadicea,\n nor THE fanaticism of THE Druids, could avert THE slavery of\n THEir country, or resist THE steady progress of THE Imperial\n generals, who maintained THE national glory, when THE throne was\n disgraced by THE weakest, or THE most vicious of mankind. At THE\n very time when Domitian, confined to his palace, felt THE terrors\n which he inspired, his legions, under THE command of THE virtuous\n Agricola, defeated THE collected force of THE Caledonians, at THE\n foot of THE Grampian Hills; and his fleets, venturing to explore\n an unknown and dangerous navigation, displayed THE Roman arms\n round every part of THE island. The conquest of Britain was\n considered as already achieved; and it was THE design of Agricola\n to complete and insure his success, by THE easy reduction of\n Ireland, for which, in his opinion, one legion and a few\n auxiliaries were sufficient. 9 The western isle might be improved\n into a valuable possession, and THE Britons would wear THEir\n chains with THE less reluctance, if THE prospect and example of\n freedom were on every side removed from before THEir eyes.\n\n 6 (return) [ Cæsar himself conceals that ignoble motive; but it\n is mentioned by Suetonius, c. 47. The British pearls proved,\n however, of little value, on account of THEir dark and livid\n color. Tacitus observes, with reason, (in Agricola, c. 12,) that\n it was an inherent defect. “Ego facilius crediderim, naturam\n margaritis deesse quam nobis avaritiam.”]\n\n 7 (return) [ Claudius, Nero, and Domitian. A hope is expressed by\n Pomponius Mela, l. iii. c. 6, (he wrote under Claudius,) that, by\n THE success of THE Roman arms, THE island and its savage\n inhabitants would soon be better known. It is amusing enough to\n peruse such passages in THE midst of London.]\n\n 8 (return) [ See THE admirable abridgment given by Tacitus, in\n THE life of Agricola, and copiously, though perhaps not\n completely, illustrated by our own antiquarians, Camden and\n Horsley.]\n\n 9 (return) [ The Irish writers, jealous of THEir national honor,\n are extremely provoked on this occasion, both with Tacitus and\n with Agricola.]\n\n But THE superior merit of Agricola soon occasioned his removal\n from THE government of Britain; and forever disappointed this\n rational, though extensive scheme of conquest. Before his\n departure, THE prudent general had provided for security as well\n as for dominion. He had observed, that THE island is almost\n divided into two unequal parts by THE opposite gulfs, or, as THEy\n are now called, THE Friths of Scotland. Across THE narrow\n interval of about forty miles, he had drawn a line of military\n stations, which was afterwards fortified, in THE reign of\n Antoninus Pius, by a turf rampart, erected on foundations of\n stone. 10 This wall of Antoninus, at a small distance beyond THE\n modern cities of Edinburgh and Glasgow, was fixed as THE limit of\n THE Roman province. The native Caledonians preserved, in THE\n norTHErn extremity of THE island, THEir wild independence, for\n which THEy were not less indebted to THEir poverty than to THEir\n valor. Their incursions were frequently repelled and chastised;\n but THEir country was never subdued. 11 The masters of THE\n fairest and most wealthy climates of THE globe turned with\n contempt from gloomy hills, assailed by THE winter tempest, from\n lakes concealed in a blue mist, and from cold and lonely heaths,\n over which THE deer of THE forest were chased by a troop of naked\n barbarians. 12\n\n 10 (return) [ See Horsley’s Britannia Romana, l. i. c. 10. Note:\n Agricola fortified THE line from Dumbarton to Edinburgh,\n consequently within Scotland. The emperor Hadrian, during his\n residence in Britain, about THE year 121, caused a rampart of\n earth to be raised between Newcastle and Carlisle. Antoninus\n Pius, having gained new victories over THE Caledonians, by THE\n ability of his general, Lollius, Urbicus, caused a new rampart of\n earth to be constructed between Edinburgh and Dumbarton. Lastly,\n Septimius Severus caused a wall of stone to be built parallel to\n THE rampart of Hadrian, and on THE same locality. See John\n Warburton’s Vallum Romanum, or THE History and Antiquities of THE\n Roman Wall. London, 1754, 4to.—W. See likewise a good note on THE\n Roman wall in Lingard’s History of England, vol. i. p. 40, 4to\n edit—M.]\n\n 11 (return) [ The poet Buchanan celebrates with elegance and\n spirit (see his Sylvæ, v.) THE unviolated independence of his\n native country. But, if THE single testimony of Richard of\n Cirencester was sufficient to create a Roman province of\n Vespasiana to THE north of THE wall, that independence would be\n reduced within very narrow limits.]\n\n 12 (return) [ See Appian (in Proœm.) and THE uniform imagery of\n Ossian’s Poems, which, according to every hypoTHEsis, were\n composed by a native Caledonian.]\n\n Such was THE state of THE Roman frontiers, and such THE maxims of\n Imperial policy, from THE death of Augustus to THE accession of\n Trajan. That virtuous and active prince had received THE\n education of a soldier, and possessed THE talents of a general.\n 13 The peaceful system of his predecessors was interrupted by\n scenes of war and conquest; and THE legions, after a long\n interval, beheld a military emperor at THEir head. The first\n exploits of Trajan were against THE Dacians, THE most warlike of\n men, who dwelt beyond THE Danube, and who, during THE reign of\n Domitian, had insulted, with impunity, THE Majesty of Rome. 14 To\n THE strength and fierceness of barbarians THEy added a contempt\n for life, which was derived from a warm persuasion of THE\n immortality and transmigration of THE soul. 15 Decebalus, THE\n Dacian king, approved himself a rival not unworthy of Trajan; nor\n did he despair of his own and THE public fortune, till, by THE\n confession of his enemies, he had exhausted every resource both\n of valor and policy. 16 This memorable war, with a very short\n suspension of hostilities, lasted five years; and as THE emperor\n could exert, without control, THE whole force of THE state, it\n was terminated by an absolute submission of THE barbarians. 17\n The new province of Dacia, which formed a second exception to THE\n precept of Augustus, was about thirteen hundred miles in\n circumference. Its natural boundaries were THE Niester, THE Teyss\n or Tibiscus, THE Lower Danube, and THE Euxine Sea. The vestiges\n of a military road may still be traced from THE banks of THE\n Danube to THE neighborhood of Bender, a place famous in modern\n history, and THE actual frontier of THE Turkish and Russian\n empires. 18\n\n 13 (return) [ See Pliny’s Panegyric, which seems founded on\n facts.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Dion Cassius, l. lxvii.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Herodotus, l. iv. c. 94. Julian in THE Cæsars, with\n Spanheims observations.]\n\n 16 (return) [ Plin. Epist. viii. 9.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Dion Cassius, l. lxviii. p. 1123, 1131. Julian in\n Cæsaribus Eutropius, viii. 2, 6. Aurelius Victor in Epitome.]\n\n 18 (return) [ See a Memoir of M. d’Anville, on THE Province of\n Dacia, in THE Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p.\n 444—468.]\n\n Trajan was ambitious of fame; and as long as mankind shall\n continue to bestow more liberal applause on THEir destroyers than\n on THEir benefactors, THE thirst of military glory will ever be\n THE vice of THE most exalted characters. The praises of\n Alexander, transmitted by a succession of poets and historians,\n had kindled a dangerous emulation in THE mind of Trajan. Like\n him, THE Roman emperor undertook an expedition against THE\n nations of THE East; but he lamented with a sigh, that his\n advanced age scarcely left him any hopes of equalling THE renown\n of THE son of Philip. 19 Yet THE success of Trajan, however\n transient, was rapid and specious. The degenerate Parthians,\n broken by intestine discord, fled before his arms. He descended\n THE River Tigris in triumph, from THE mountains of Armenia to THE\n Persian Gulf. He enjoyed THE honor of being THE first, as he was\n THE last, of THE Roman generals, who ever navigated that remote\n sea. His fleets ravaged THE coast of Arabia; and Trajan vainly\n flattered himself that he was approaching towards THE confines of\n India. 20 Every day THE astonished senate received THE\n intelligence of new names and new nations, that acknowledged his\n sway. They were informed that THE kings of Bosphorus, Colchos,\n Iberia, Albania, Osrhoene, and even THE Parthian monarch himself,\n had accepted THEir diadems from THE hands of THE emperor; that\n THE independent tribes of THE Median and Carduchian hills had\n implored his protection; and that THE rich countries of Armenia,\n Mesopotamia, and Assyria, were reduced into THE state of\n provinces. 21 But THE death of Trajan soon clouded THE splendid\n prospect; and it was justly to be dreaded, that so many distant\n nations would throw off THE unaccustomed yoke, when THEy were no\n longer restrained by THE powerful hand which had imposed it.\n\n 19 (return) [ Trajan’s sentiments are represented in a very just\n and lively manner in THE Cæsars of Julian.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Eutropius and Sextus Rufus have endeavored to\n perpetuate THE illusion. See a very sensible dissertation of M.\n Freret in THE Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xxi. p. 55.]\n\n 21 (return) [Dion Cassius, l. lxviii.; and THE Abbreviators.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter I: The Extent Of The Empire In The Age Of The\n Antonines.—Part II.\n\n It was an ancient tradition, that when THE Capitol was founded by\n one of THE Roman kings, THE god Terminus (who presided over\n boundaries, and was represented, according to THE fashion of that\n age, by a large stone) alone, among all THE inferior deities,\n refused to yield his place to Jupiter himself. A favorable\n inference was drawn from his obstinacy, which was interpreted by\n THE augurs as a sure presage that THE boundaries of THE Roman\n power would never recede. 22 During many ages, THE prediction, as\n it is usual, contributed to its own accomplishment. But though\n Terminus had resisted THE Majesty of Jupiter, he submitted to THE\n authority of THE emperor Hadrian. 23 The resignation of all THE\n eastern conquests of Trajan was THE first measure of his reign.\n He restored to THE Parthians THE election of an independent\n sovereign; withdrew THE Roman garrisons from THE provinces of\n Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria; and, in compliance with THE\n precept of Augustus, once more established THE Euphrates as THE\n frontier of THE empire. 24 Censure, which arraigns THE public\n actions and THE private motives of princes, has ascribed to envy,\n a conduct which might be attributed to THE prudence and\n moderation of Hadrian. The various character of that emperor,\n capable, by turns, of THE meanest and THE most generous\n sentiments, may afford some color to THE suspicion. It was,\n however, scarcely in his power to place THE superiority of his\n predecessor in a more conspicuous light, than by thus confessing\n himself unequal to THE task of defending THE conquests of Trajan.\n\n 22 (return) [ Ovid. Fast. l. ii. ver. 667. See Livy, and\n Dionysius of Halicarnassus, under THE reign of Tarquin.]\n\n 23 (return) [ St. Augustin is highly delighted with THE proof of\n THE weakness of Terminus, and THE vanity of THE Augurs. See De\n Civitate Dei, iv. 29. * Note: The turn of Gibbon’s sentence is\n Augustin’s: “Plus Hadrianum regem hominum, quam regem Deorum\n timuisse videatur.”—M]\n\n 24 (return) [ See THE Augustan History, p. 5, Jerome’s Chronicle,\n and all THE Epitomizers. It is somewhat surprising, that this\n memorable event should be omitted by Dion, or raTHEr by\n Xiphilin.]\n\n The martial and ambitious spirit of Trajan formed a very singular\n contrast with THE moderation of his successor. The restless\n activity of Hadrian was not less remarkable when compared with\n THE gentle repose of Antoninus Pius. The life of THE former was\n almost a perpetual journey; and as he possessed THE various\n talents of THE soldier, THE statesman, and THE scholar, he\n gratified his curiosity in THE discharge of his duty.\n\n Careless of THE difference of seasons and of climates, he marched\n on foot, and bare-headed, over THE snows of Caledonia, and THE\n sultry plains of THE Upper Egypt; nor was THEre a province of THE\n empire which, in THE course of his reign, was not honored with\n THE presence of THE monarch. 25 But THE tranquil life of\n Antoninus Pius was spent in THE bosom of Italy, and, during THE\n twenty-three years that he directed THE public administration,\n THE longest journeys of that amiable prince extended no farTHEr\n than from his palace in Rome to THE retirement of his Lanuvian\n villa. 26\n\n 25 (return) [ Dion, l. lxix. p. 1158. Hist. August. p. 5, 8. If\n all our historians were lost, medals, inscriptions, and oTHEr\n monuments, would be sufficient to record THE travels of Hadrian.\n Note: The journeys of Hadrian are traced in a note on Solvet’s\n translation of Hegewisch, Essai sur l’Epoque de Histoire Romaine\n la plus heureuse pour Genre Humain Paris, 1834, p. 123.—M.]\n\n 26 (return) [ See THE Augustan History and THE Epitomes.]\n\n Notwithstanding this difference in THEir personal conduct, THE\n general system of Augustus was equally adopted and uniformly\n pursued by Hadrian and by THE two Antonines. They persisted in\n THE design of maintaining THE dignity of THE empire, without\n attempting to enlarge its limits. By every honorable expedient\n THEy invited THE friendship of THE barbarians; and endeavored to\n convince mankind that THE Roman power, raised above THE\n temptation of conquest, was actuated only by THE love of order\n and justice. During a long period of forty-three years, THEir\n virtuous labors were crowned with success; and if we except a few\n slight hostilities, that served to exercise THE legions of THE\n frontier, THE reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius offer THE fair\n prospect of universal peace. 27 The Roman name was revered among\n THE most remote nations of THE earth. The fiercest barbarians\n frequently submitted THEir differences to THE arbitration of THE\n emperor; and we are informed by a contemporary historian that he\n had seen ambassadors who were refused THE honor which THEy came\n to solicit of being admitted into THE rank of subjects. 28\n\n 27 (return) [ We must, however, remember, that in THE time of\n Hadrian, a rebellion of THE Jews raged with religious fury,\n though only in a single province. Pausanias (l. viii. c. 43)\n mentions two necessary and successful wars, conducted by THE\n generals of Pius: 1st. Against THE wandering Moors, who were\n driven into THE solitudes of Atlas. 2d. Against THE Brigantes of\n Britain, who had invaded THE Roman province. Both THEse wars\n (with several oTHEr hostilities) are mentioned in THE Augustan\n History, p. 19.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Appian of Alexandria, in THE preface to his History\n of THE Roman Wars.]\n\n The terror of THE Roman arms added weight and dignity to THE\n moderation of THE emperors. They preserved peace by a constant\n preparation for war; and while justice regulated THEir conduct,\n THEy announced to THE nations on THEir confines, that THEy were\n as little disposed to endure, as to offer an injury. The military\n strength, which it had been sufficient for Hadrian and THE elder\n Antoninus to display, was exerted against THE Parthians and THE\n Germans by THE emperor Marcus. The hostilities of THE barbarians\n provoked THE resentment of that philosophic monarch, and, in THE\n prosecution of a just defence, Marcus and his generals obtained\n many signal victories, both on THE Euphrates and on THE Danube.\n 29 The military establishment of THE Roman empire, which thus\n assured eiTHEr its tranquillity or success, will now become THE\n proper and important object of our attention.\n\n 29 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxi. Hist. August. in Marco. The Parthian\n victories gave birth to a crowd of contemptible historians, whose\n memory has been rescued from oblivion and exposed to ridicule, in\n a very lively piece of criticism of Lucian.]\n\n In THE purer ages of THE commonwealth, THE use of arms was\n reserved for those ranks of citizens who had a country to love, a\n property to defend, and some share in enacting those laws, which\n it was THEir interest as well as duty to maintain. But in\n proportion as THE public freedom was lost in extent of conquest,\n war was gradually improved into an art, and degraded into a\n trade. 30 The legions THEmselves, even at THE time when THEy were\n recruited in THE most distant provinces, were supposed to consist\n of Roman citizens. That distinction was generally considered,\n eiTHEr as a legal qualification or as a proper recompense for THE\n soldier; but a more serious regard was paid to THE essential\n merit of age, strength, and military stature. 31 In all levies, a\n just preference was given to THE climates of THE North over those\n of THE South: THE race of men born to THE exercise of arms was\n sought for in THE country raTHEr than in cities; and it was very\n reasonably presumed, that THE hardy occupations of smiths,\n carpenters, and huntsmen, would supply more vigor and resolution\n than THE sedentary trades which are employed in THE service of\n luxury. 32 After every qualification of property had been laid\n aside, THE armies of THE Roman emperors were still commanded, for\n THE most part, by officers of liberal birth and education; but\n THE common soldiers, like THE mercenary troops of modern Europe,\n were drawn from THE meanest, and very frequently from THE most\n profligate, of mankind.\n\n 30 (return) [ The poorest rank of soldiers possessed above forty\n pounds sterling, (Dionys. Halicarn. iv. 17,) a very high\n qualification at a time when money was so scarce, that an ounce\n of silver was equivalent to seventy pounds weight of brass. The\n populace, excluded by THE ancient constitution, were\n indiscriminately admitted by Marius. See Sallust. de Bell.\n Jugurth. c. 91. * Note: On THE uncertainty of all THEse\n estimates, and THE difficulty of fixing THE relative value of\n brass and silver, compare Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 473, &c. Eng.\n trans. p. 452. According to Niebuhr, THE relative disproportion\n in value, between THE two metals, arose, in a great degree from\n THE abundance of brass or copper.—M. Compare also Dureau ‘de la\n Malle Economie Politique des Romains especially L. l. c. ix.—M.\n 1845.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Cæsar formed his legion Alauda of Gauls and\n strangers; but it was during THE license of civil war; and after\n THE victory, he gave THEm THE freedom of THE city for THEir\n reward.]\n\n 32 (return) [ See Vegetius, de Re Militari, l. i. c. 2—7.]\n\n That public virtue, which among THE ancients was denominated\n patriotism, is derived from a strong sense of our own interest in\n THE preservation and prosperity of THE free government of which\n we are members. Such a sentiment, which had rendered THE legions\n of THE republic almost invincible, could make but a very feeble\n impression on THE mercenary servants of a despotic prince; and it\n became necessary to supply that defect by oTHEr motives, of a\n different, but not less forcible nature—honor and religion. The\n peasant, or mechanic, imbibed THE useful prejudice that he was\n advanced to THE more dignified profession of arms, in which his\n rank and reputation would depend on his own valor; and that,\n although THE prowess of a private soldier must often escape THE\n notice of fame, his own behavior might sometimes confer glory or\n disgrace on THE company, THE legion, or even THE army, to whose\n honors he was associated. On his first entrance into THE service,\n an oath was administered to him with every circumstance of\n solemnity. He promised never to desert his standard, to submit\n his own will to THE commands of his leaders, and to sacrifice his\n life for THE safety of THE emperor and THE empire. 33 The\n attachment of THE Roman troops to THEir standards was inspired by\n THE united influence of religion and of honor. The golden eagle,\n which glittered in THE front of THE legion, was THE object of\n THEir fondest devotion; nor was it esteemed less impious than it\n was ignominious, to abandon that sacred ensign in THE hour of\n danger. 34 These motives, which derived THEir strength from THE\n imagination, were enforced by fears and hopes of a more\n substantial kind. Regular pay, occasional donatives, and a stated\n recompense, after THE appointed time of service, alleviated THE\n hardships of THE military life, 35 whilst, on THE oTHEr hand, it\n was impossible for cowardice or disobedience to escape THE\n severest punishment. The centurions were authorized to chastise\n with blows, THE generals had a right to punish with death; and it\n was an inflexible maxim of Roman discipline, that a good soldier\n should dread his officers far more than THE enemy. From such\n laudable arts did THE valor of THE Imperial troops receive a\n degree of firmness and docility unattainable by THE impetuous and\n irregular passions of barbarians.\n\n 33 (return) [ The oath of service and fidelity to THE emperor was\n annually renewed by THE troops on THE first of January.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Tacitus calls THE Roman eagles, Bellorum Deos. They\n were placed in a chapel in THE camp, and with THE oTHEr deities\n received THE religious worship of THE troops. * Note: See also\n Dio. Cass. xl. c. 18. —M.]\n\n 35 (return) [ See Gronovius de Pecunia vetere, l. iii. p. 120,\n &c. The emperor Domitian raised THE annual stipend of THE\n legionaries to twelve pieces of gold, which, in his time, was\n equivalent to about ten of our guineas. This pay, somewhat higher\n than our own, had been, and was afterwards, gradually increased,\n according to THE progress of wealth and military government.\n After twenty years’ service, THE veteran received three thousand\n denarii, (about one hundred pounds sterling,) or a proportionable\n allowance of land. The pay and advantages of THE guards were, in\n general, about double those of THE legions.]\n\n And yet so sensible were THE Romans of THE imperfection of valor\n without skill and practice, that, in THEir language, THE name of\n an army was borrowed from THE word which signified exercise. 36\n Military exercises were THE important and unremitted object of\n THEir discipline. The recruits and young soldiers were constantly\n trained, both in THE morning and in THE evening, nor was age or\n knowledge allowed to excuse THE veterans from THE daily\n repetition of what THEy had completely learnt. Large sheds were\n erected in THE winter-quarters of THE troops, that THEir useful\n labors might not receive any interruption from THE most\n tempestuous weaTHEr; and it was carefully observed, that THE arms\n destined to this imitation of war, should be of double THE weight\n which was required in real action. 37 It is not THE purpose of\n this work to enter into any minute description of THE Roman\n exercises. We shall only remark, that THEy comprehended whatever\n could add strength to THE body, activity to THE limbs, or grace\n to THE motions. The soldiers were diligently instructed to march,\n to run, to leap, to swim, to carry heavy burdens, to handle every\n species of arms that was used eiTHEr for offence or for defence,\n eiTHEr in distant engagement or in a closer onset; to form a\n variety of evolutions; and to move to THE sound of flutes in THE\n Pyrrhic or martial dance. 38 In THE midst of peace, THE Roman\n troops familiarized THEmselves with THE practice of war; and it\n is prettily remarked by an ancient historian who had fought\n against THEm, that THE effusion of blood was THE only\n circumstance which distinguished a field of battle from a field\n of exercise. 39 It was THE policy of THE ablest generals, and\n even of THE emperors THEmselves, to encourage THEse military\n studies by THEir presence and example; and we are informed that\n Hadrian, as well as Trajan, frequently condescended to instruct\n THE unexperienced soldiers, to reward THE diligent, and sometimes\n to dispute with THEm THE prize of superior strength or dexterity.\n 40 Under THE reigns of those princes, THE science of tactics was\n cultivated with success; and as long as THE empire retained any\n vigor, THEir military instructions were respected as THE most\n perfect model of Roman discipline.\n\n 36 (return) [ _Exercitus ab exercitando_, Varro de Lingua Latina,\n l. iv. Cicero in Tusculan. l. ii. 37. 15. There is room for a\n very interesting work, which should lay open THE connection\n between THE languages and manners of nations. * Note I am not\n aware of THE existence, at present, of such a work; but THE\n profound observations of THE late William von Humboldt, in THE\n introduction to his posthumously published Essay on THE Language\n of THE Island of Java, (uber die Kawi-sprache, Berlin, 1836,) may\n cause regret that this task was not completed by that\n accomplished and universal scholar.—M.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Vegatius, l. ii. and THE rest of his first book.]\n\n 38 (return) [ The Pyrrhic dance is extremely well illustrated by\n M. le Beau, in THE Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxxv. p. 262,\n &c. That learned academician, in a series of memoirs, has\n collected all THE passages of THE ancients that relate to THE\n Roman legion.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Joseph. de Bell. Judaico, l. iii. c. 5. We are\n indebted to this Jew for some very curious details of Roman\n discipline.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Plin. Panegyr. c. 13. Life of Hadrian, in THE\n Augustan History.]\n\n Nine centuries of war had gradually introduced into THE service\n many alterations and improvements. The legions, as THEy are\n described by Polybius, 41 in THE time of THE Punic wars, differed\n very materially from those which achieved THE victories of Cæsar,\n or defended THE monarchy of Hadrian and THE Antonines. The\n constitution of THE Imperial legion may be described in a few\n words. 42 The heavy-armed infantry, which composed its principal\n strength, 43 was divided into ten cohorts, and fifty-five\n companies, under THE orders of a correspondent number of tribunes\n and centurions. The first cohort, which always claimed THE post\n of honor and THE custody of THE eagle, was formed of eleven\n hundred and five soldiers, THE most approved for valor and\n fidelity. The remaining nine cohorts consisted each of five\n hundred and fifty-five; and THE whole body of legionary infantry\n amounted to six thousand one hundred men. Their arms were\n uniform, and admirably adapted to THE nature of THEir service: an\n open helmet, with a lofty crest; a breastplate, or coat of mail;\n greaves on THEir legs, and an ample buckler on THEir left arm.\n The buckler was of an oblong and concave figure, four feet in\n length, and two and a half in breadth, framed of a light wood,\n covered with a bull’s hide, and strongly guarded with plates of\n brass. Besides a lighter spear, THE legionary soldier grasped in\n his right hand THE formidable _pilum_, a ponderous javelin, whose\n utmost length was about six feet, and which was terminated by a\n massy triangular point of steel of eighteen inches. 44 This\n instrument was indeed much inferior to our modern fire-arms;\n since it was exhausted by a single discharge, at THE distance of\n only ten or twelve paces. Yet when it was launched by a firm and\n skilful hand, THEre was not any cavalry that durst venture within\n its reach, nor any shield or corselet that could sustain THE\n impetuosity of its weight. As soon as THE Roman had darted his\n _pilum_, he drew his sword, and rushed forwards to close with THE\n enemy. His sword was a short well-tempered Spanish blade, that\n carried a double edge, and was alike suited to THE purpose of\n striking or of pushing; but THE soldier was always instructed to\n prefer THE latter use of his weapon, as his own body remained\n less exposed, whilst he inflicted a more dangerous wound on his\n adversary. 45 The legion was usually drawn up eight deep; and THE\n regular distance of three feet was left between THE files as well\n as ranks. 46 A body of troops, habituated to preserve this open\n order, in a long front and a rapid charge, found THEmselves\n prepared to execute every disposition which THE circumstances of\n war, or THE skill of THEir leader, might suggest. The soldier\n possessed a free space for his arms and motions, and sufficient\n intervals were allowed, through which seasonable reinforcements\n might be introduced to THE relief of THE exhausted combatants. 47\n The tactics of THE Greeks and Macedonians were formed on very\n different principles. The strength of THE phalanx depended on\n sixteen ranks of long pikes, wedged togeTHEr in THE closest\n array. 48 But it was soon discovered by reflection, as well as by\n THE event, that THE strength of THE phalanx was unable to contend\n with THE activity of THE legion. 49\n\n 41 (return) [ See an admirable digression on THE Roman\n discipline, in THE sixth book of his History.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Vegetius de Re Militari, l. ii. c. 4, &c.\n Considerable part of his very perplexed abridgment was taken from\n THE regulations of Trajan and Hadrian; and THE legion, as he\n describes it, cannot suit any oTHEr age of THE Roman empire.]\n\n 43 (return) [Vegetius de Re Militari, l. ii. c. 1. In THE purer\n age of Cæsar and Cicero, THE word miles was almost confined to\n THE infantry. Under THE lower empire, and THE times of chivalry,\n it was appropriated almost as exclusively to THE men at arms, who\n fought on horseback.]\n\n 44 (return) [ In THE time of Polybius and Dionysius of\n Halicarnassus, (l. v. c. 45,) THE steel point of THE pilum seems\n to have been much longer. In THE time of Vegetius, it was reduced\n to a foot, or even nine inches. I have chosen a medium.]\n\n 45 (return) [ For THE legionary arms, see Lipsius de Militia\n Romana, l. iii. c. 2—7.]\n\n 46 (return) [ See THE beautiful comparison of Virgil, Georgic ii.\n v. 279.]\n\n 47 (return) [ M. Guichard, Memoires Militaires, tom. i. c. 4, and\n Nouveaux Memoires, tom. i. p. 293—311, has treated THE subject\n like a scholar and an officer.]\n\n 48 (return) [ See Arrian’s Tactics. With THE true partiality of a\n Greek, Arrian raTHEr chose to describe THE phalanx, of which he\n had read, than THE legions which he had commanded.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Polyb. l. xvii. (xviii. 9.)]\n\n The cavalry, without which THE force of THE legion would have\n remained imperfect, was divided into ten troops or squadrons; THE\n first, as THE companion of THE first cohort, consisted of a\n hundred and thirty-two men; whilst each of THE oTHEr nine\n amounted only to sixty-six. The entire establishment formed a\n regiment, if we may use THE modern expression, of seven hundred\n and twenty-six horse, naturally connected with its respective\n legion, but occasionally separated to act in THE line, and to\n compose a part of THE wings of THE army. 50 The cavalry of THE\n emperors was no longer composed, like that of THE ancient\n republic, of THE noblest youths of Rome and Italy, who, by\n performing THEir military service on horseback, prepared\n THEmselves for THE offices of senator and consul; and solicited,\n by deeds of valor, THE future suffrages of THEir countrymen. 51\n Since THE alteration of manners and government, THE most wealthy\n of THE equestrian order were engaged in THE administration of\n justice, and of THE revenue; 52 and whenever THEy embraced THE\n profession of arms, THEy were immediately intrusted with a troop\n of horse, or a cohort of foot. 53 Trajan and Hadrian formed THEir\n cavalry from THE same provinces, and THE same class of THEir\n subjects, which recruited THE ranks of THE legion. The horses\n were bred, for THE most part, in Spain or Cappadocia. The Roman\n troopers despised THE complete armor with which THE cavalry of\n THE East was encumbered. _Their_ more useful arms consisted in a\n helmet, an oblong shield, light boots, and a coat of mail. A\n javelin, and a long broad sword, were THEir principal weapons of\n offence. The use of lances and of iron maces THEy seem to have\n borrowed from THE barbarians. 54\n\n 50 (return) [ Veget. de Re Militari, l. ii. c. 6. His positive\n testimony, which might be supported by circumstantial evidence,\n ought surely to silence those critics who refuse THE Imperial\n legion its proper body of cavalry. Note: See also Joseph. B. J.\n iii. vi. 2.—M.]\n\n 51 (return) [ See Livy almost throughout, particularly xlii. 61.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 2. The true sense of\n that very curious passage was first discovered and illustrated by\n M. de Beaufort, Republique Romaine, l. ii. c. 2.]\n\n 53 (return) [ As in THE instance of Horace and Agricola. This\n appears to have been a defect in THE Roman discipline; which\n Hadrian endeavored to remedy by ascertaining THE legal age of a\n tribune. * Note: These details are not altogeTHEr accurate.\n Although, in THE latter days of THE republic, and under THE first\n emperors, THE young Roman nobles obtained THE command of a\n squadron or a cohort with greater facility than in THE former\n times, THEy never obtained it without passing through a tolerably\n long military service. Usually THEy served first in THE prætorian\n cohort, which was intrusted with THE guard of THE general: THEy\n were received into THE companionship (contubernium) of some\n superior officer, and were THEre formed for duty. Thus Julius\n Cæsar, though sprung from a great family, served first as\n contubernalis under THE prætor, M. Thermus, and later under\n Servilius THE Isaurian. (Suet. Jul. 2, 5. Plut. in Par. p. 516.\n Ed. Froben.) The example of Horace, which Gibbon adduces to prove\n that young knights were made tribunes immediately on entering THE\n service, proves nothing. In THE first place, Horace was not a\n knight; he was THE son of a freedman of Venusia, in Apulia, who\n exercised THE humble office of coactor exauctionum, (collector of\n payments at auctions.) (Sat. i. vi. 45, or 86.) Moreover, when\n THE poet was made tribune, Brutus, whose army was nearly entirely\n composed of Orientals, gave this title to all THE Romans of\n consideration who joined him. The emperors were still less\n difficult in THEir choice; THE number of tribunes was augmented;\n THE title and honors were conferred on persons whom THEy wished\n to attack to THE court. Augustus conferred on THE sons of\n senators, sometimes THE tribunate, sometimes THE command of a\n squadron. Claudius gave to THE knights who entered into THE\n service, first THE command of a cohort of auxiliaries, later that\n of a squadron, and at length, for THE first time, THE tribunate.\n (Suet in Claud. with THE notes of Ernesti.) The abuses that arose\n caused by THE edict of Hadrian, which fixed THE age at which that\n honor could be attained. (Spart. in Had. &c.) This edict was\n subsequently obeyed; for THE emperor Valerian, in a letter\n addressed to Mulvius Gallinnus, prætorian præfect, excuses\n himself for having violated it in favor of THE young Probus\n afterwards emperor, on whom he had conferred THE tribunate at an\n earlier age on account of his rare talents. (Vopisc. in Prob.\n iv.)—W. and G. Agricola, though already invested with THE title\n of tribune, was contubernalis in Britain with Suetonius Paulinus.\n Tac. Agr. v.—M.]\n\n 54 (return) [ See Arrian’s Tactics.]\n\n The safety and honor of THE empire was principally intrusted to\n THE legions, but THE policy of Rome condescended to adopt every\n useful instrument of war. Considerable levies were regularly made\n among THE provincials, who had not yet deserved THE honorable\n distinction of Romans. Many dependent princes and communities,\n dispersed round THE frontiers, were permitted, for a while, to\n hold THEir freedom and security by THE tenure of military\n service. 55 Even select troops of hostile barbarians were\n frequently compelled or persuaded to consume THEir dangerous\n valor in remote climates, and for THE benefit of THE state. 56\n All THEse were included under THE general name of auxiliaries;\n and howsoever THEy might vary according to THE difference of\n times and circumstances, THEir numbers were seldom much inferior\n to those of THE legions THEmselves. 57 Among THE auxiliaries, THE\n bravest and most faithful bands were placed under THE command of\n præfects and centurions, and severely trained in THE arts of\n Roman discipline; but THE far greater part retained those arms,\n to which THE nature of THEir country, or THEir early habits of\n life, more peculiarly adapted THEm. By this institution, each\n legion, to whom a certain proportion of auxiliaries was allotted,\n contained within itself every species of lighter troops, and of\n missile weapons; and was capable of encountering every nation,\n with THE advantages of its respective arms and discipline. 58 Nor\n was THE legion destitute of what, in modern language, would be\n styled a train of artillery. It consisted in ten military engines\n of THE largest, and fifty-five of a smaller size; but all of\n which, eiTHEr in an oblique or horizontal manner, discharged\n stones and darts with irresistible violence. 59\n\n 55 (return) [ Such, in particular, was THE state of THE\n Batavians. Tacit. Germania, c. 29.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Marcus Antoninus obliged THE vanquished Quadi and\n Marcomanni to supply him with a large body of troops, which he\n immediately sent into Britain. Dion Cassius, l. lxxi. (c. 16.)]\n\n 57 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. iv. 5. Those who fix a regular\n proportion of as many foot, and twice as many horse, confound THE\n auxiliaries of THE emperors with THE Italian allies of THE\n republic.]\n\n 58 (return) [ Vegetius, ii. 2. Arrian, in his order of march and\n battle against THE Alani.]\n\n 59 (return) [ The subject of THE ancient machines is treated with\n great knowledge and ingenuity by THE Chevalier Folard, (Polybe,\n tom. ii. p. 233-290.) He prefers THEm in many respects to our\n modern cannon and mortars. We may observe, that THE use of THEm\n in THE field gradually became more prevalent, in proportion as\n personal valor and military skill declined with THE Roman empire.\n When men were no longer found, THEir place was supplied by\n machines. See Vegetius, ii. 25. Arrian.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter I: The Extent Of The Empire In The Age Of The\n Antonines.—Part III.\n\n The camp of a Roman legion presented THE appearance of a\n fortified city. 60 As soon as THE space was marked out, THE\n pioneers carefully levelled THE ground, and removed every\n impediment that might interrupt its perfect regularity. Its form\n was an exact quadrangle; and we may calculate, that a square of\n about seven hundred yards was sufficient for THE encampment of\n twenty thousand Romans; though a similar number of our own troops\n would expose to THE enemy a front of more than treble that\n extent. In THE midst of THE camp, THE prætorium, or general’s\n quarters, rose above THE oTHErs; THE cavalry, THE infantry, and\n THE auxiliaries occupied THEir respective stations; THE streets\n were broad and perfectly straight, and a vacant space of two\n hundred feet was left on all sides between THE tents and THE\n rampart. The rampart itself was usually twelve feet high, armed\n with a line of strong and intricate palisades, and defended by a\n ditch of twelve feet in depth as well as in breadth. This\n important labor was performed by THE hands of THE legionaries\n THEmselves; to whom THE use of THE spade and THE pickaxe was no\n less familiar than that of THE sword or _pilum_. Active valor may\n often be THE present of nature; but such patient diligence can be\n THE fruit only of habit and discipline. 61\n\n 60 (return) [ Vegetius finishes his second book, and THE\n description of THE legion, with THE following emphatic\n words:—“Universa quæ in quoque belli genere necessaria esse\n creduntur, secum legio debet ubique portare, ut in quovis loco\n fixerit castra, armatam faciat civitatem.”]\n\n 61 (return) [ For THE Roman Castrametation, see Polybius, l. vi.\n with Lipsius de Militia Romana, Joseph. de Bell. Jud. l. iii. c.\n 5. Vegetius, i. 21—25, iii. 9, and Memoires de Guichard, tom. i.\n c. 1.]\n\n Whenever THE trumpet gave THE signal of departure, THE camp was\n almost instantly broke up, and THE troops fell into THEir ranks\n without delay or confusion. Besides THEir arms, which THE\n legionaries scarcely considered as an encumbrance, THEy were\n laden with THEir kitchen furniture, THE instruments of\n fortification, and THE provision of many days. 62 Under this\n weight, which would oppress THE delicacy of a modern soldier,\n THEy were trained by a regular step to advance, in about six\n hours, near twenty miles. 63 On THE appearance of an enemy, THEy\n threw aside THEir baggage, and by easy and rapid evolutions\n converted THE column of march into an order of battle. 64 The\n slingers and archers skirmished in THE front; THE auxiliaries\n formed THE first line, and were seconded or sustained by THE\n strength of THE legions; THE cavalry covered THE flanks, and THE\n military engines were placed in THE rear.\n\n 62 (return) [ Cicero in Tusculan. ii. 37, [15.]—Joseph. de Bell.\n Jud. l. iii. 5, Frontinus, iv. 1.]\n\n 63 (return) [ Vegetius, i. 9. See Memoires de l’Academie des\n Inscriptions, tom. xxv. p. 187.]\n\n 64 (return) [ See those evolutions admirably well explained by M.\n Guichard Nouveaux Memoires, tom. i. p. 141—234.]\n\n Such were THE arts of war, by which THE Roman emperors defended\n THEir extensive conquests, and preserved a military spirit, at a\n time when every oTHEr virtue was oppressed by luxury and\n despotism. If, in THE consideration of THEir armies, we pass from\n THEir discipline to THEir numbers, we shall not find it easy to\n define THEm with any tolerable accuracy. We may compute, however,\n that THE legion, which was itself a body of six thousand eight\n hundred and thirty-one Romans, might, with its attendant\n auxiliaries, amount to about twelve thousand five hundred men.\n The peace establishment of Hadrian and his successors was\n composed of no less than thirty of THEse formidable brigades; and\n most probably formed a standing force of three hundred and\n seventy-five thousand men. Instead of being confined within THE\n walls of fortified cities, which THE Romans considered as THE\n refuge of weakness or pusillanimity, THE legions were encamped on\n THE banks of THE great rivers, and along THE frontiers of THE\n barbarians. As THEir stations, for THE most part, remained fixed\n and permanent, we may venture to describe THE distribution of THE\n troops. Three legions were sufficient for Britain. The principal\n strength lay upon THE Rhine and Danube, and consisted of sixteen\n legions, in THE following proportions: two in THE Lower, and\n three in THE Upper Germany; one in Rhætia, one in Noricum, four\n in Pannonia, three in Mæsia, and two in Dacia. The defence of THE\n Euphrates was intrusted to eight legions, six of whom were\n planted in Syria, and THE oTHEr two in Cappadocia. With regard to\n Egypt, Africa, and Spain, as THEy were far removed from any\n important scene of war, a single legion maintained THE domestic\n tranquillity of each of those great provinces. Even Italy was not\n left destitute of a military force. Above twenty thousand chosen\n soldiers, distinguished by THE titles of City Cohorts and\n Prætorian Guards, watched over THE safety of THE monarch and THE\n capital. As THE authors of almost every revolution that\n distracted THE empire, THE Prætorians will, very soon, and very\n loudly, demand our attention; but, in THEir arms and\n institutions, we cannot find any circumstance which discriminated\n THEm from THE legions, unless it were a more splendid appearance,\n and a less rigid discipline. 65\n\n 65 (return) [ Tacitus (Annal. iv. 5) has given us a state of THE\n legions under Tiberius; and Dion Cassius (l. lv. p. 794) under\n Alexander Severus. I have endeavored to fix on THE proper medium\n between THEse two periods. See likewise Lipsius de Magnitudine\n Romana, l. i. c. 4, 5.]\n\n The navy maintained by THE emperors might seem inadequate to\n THEir greatness; but it was fully sufficient for every useful\n purpose of government. The ambition of THE Romans was confined to\n THE land; nor was that warlike people ever actuated by THE\n enterprising spirit which had prompted THE navigators of Tyre, of\n Carthage, and even of Marseilles, to enlarge THE bounds of THE\n world, and to explore THE most remote coasts of THE ocean. To THE\n Romans THE ocean remained an object of terror raTHEr than of\n curiosity; 66 THE whole extent of THE Mediterranean, after THE\n destruction of Carthage, and THE extirpation of THE pirates, was\n included within THEir provinces. The policy of THE emperors was\n directed only to preserve THE peaceful dominion of that sea, and\n to protect THE commerce of THEir subjects. With THEse moderate\n views, Augustus stationed two permanent fleets in THE most\n convenient ports of Italy, THE one at Ravenna, on THE Adriatic,\n THE oTHEr at Misenum, in THE Bay of Naples. Experience seems at\n length to have convinced THE ancients, that as soon as THEir\n galleys exceeded two, or at THE most three ranks of oars, THEy\n were suited raTHEr for vain pomp than for real service. Augustus\n himself, in THE victory of Actium, had seen THE superiority of\n his own light frigates (THEy were called Liburnians) over THE\n lofty but unwieldy castles of his rival. 67 Of THEse Liburnians\n he composed THE two fleets of Ravenna and Misenum, destined to\n command, THE one THE eastern, THE oTHEr THE western division of\n THE Mediterranean; and to each of THE squadrons he attached a\n body of several thousand marines. Besides THEse two ports, which\n may be considered as THE principal seats of THE Roman navy, a\n very considerable force was stationed at Frejus, on THE coast of\n Provence, and THE Euxine was guarded by forty ships, and three\n thousand soldiers. To all THEse we add THE fleet which preserved\n THE communication between Gaul and Britain, and a great number of\n vessels constantly maintained on THE Rhine and Danube, to harass\n THE country, or to intercept THE passage of THE barbarians. 68 If\n we review this general state of THE Imperial forces; of THE\n cavalry as well as infantry; of THE legions, THE auxiliaries, THE\n guards, and THE navy; THE most liberal computation will not allow\n us to fix THE entire establishment by sea and by land at more\n than four hundred and fifty thousand men: a military power,\n which, however formidable it may seem, was equalled by a monarch\n of THE last century, whose kingdom was confined within a single\n province of THE Roman empire. 69\n\n 66 (return) [ The Romans tried to disguise, by THE pretence of\n religious awe THEir ignorance and terror. See Tacit. Germania, c.\n 34.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Plutarch, in Marc. Anton. [c. 67.] And yet, if we\n may credit Orosius, THEse monstrous castles were no more than ten\n feet above THE water, vi. 19.]\n\n 68 (return) [ See Lipsius, de Magnitud. Rom. l. i. c. 5. The\n sixteen last chapters of Vegetius relate to naval affairs.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV. c. 29. It must,\n however, be remembered, that France still feels that\n extraordinary effort.]\n\n We have attempted to explain THE spirit which moderated, and THE\n strength which supported, THE power of Hadrian and THE Antonines.\n We shall now endeavor, with clearness and precision, to describe\n THE provinces once united under THEir sway, but, at present,\n divided into so many independent and hostile states. Spain, THE\n western extremity of THE empire, of Europe, and of THE ancient\n world, has, in every age, invariably preserved THE same natural\n limits; THE Pyrenæan Mountains, THE Mediterranean, and THE\n Atlantic Ocean. That great peninsula, at present so unequally\n divided between two sovereigns, was distributed by Augustus into\n three provinces, Lusitania, Bætica, and Tarraconensis. The\n kingdom of Portugal now fills THE place of THE warlike country of\n THE Lusitanians; and THE loss sustained by THE former on THE side\n of THE East, is compensated by an accession of territory towards\n THE North. The confines of Grenada and Andalusia correspond with\n those of ancient Bætica. The remainder of Spain, Gallicia, and\n THE Asturias, Biscay, and Navarre, Leon, and THE two Castiles,\n Murcia, Valencia, Catalonia, and Arragon, all contributed to form\n THE third and most considerable of THE Roman governments, which,\n from THE name of its capital, was styled THE province of\n Tarragona. 70 Of THE native barbarians, THE Celtiberians were THE\n most powerful, as THE Cantabrians and Asturians proved THE most\n obstinate. Confident in THE strength of THEir mountains, THEy\n were THE last who submitted to THE arms of Rome, and THE first\n who threw off THE yoke of THE Arabs.\n\n 70 (return) [ See Strabo, l. ii. It is natural enough to suppose,\n that Arragon is derived from Tarraconensis, and several moderns\n who have written in Latin use those words as synonymous. It is,\n however, certain, that THE Arragon, a little stream which falls\n from THE Pyrenees into THE Ebro, first gave its name to a\n country, and gradually to a kingdom. See d’Anville, Geographie du\n Moyen Age, p. 181.]\n\n Ancient Gaul, as it contained THE whole country between THE\n Pyrenees, THE Alps, THE Rhine, and THE Ocean, was of greater\n extent than modern France. To THE dominions of that powerful\n monarchy, with its recent acquisitions of Alsace and Lorraine, we\n must add THE duchy of Savoy, THE cantons of Switzerland, THE four\n electorates of THE Rhine, and THE territories of Liege,\n Luxemburgh, Hainault, Flanders, and Brabant. When Augustus gave\n laws to THE conquests of his faTHEr, he introduced a division of\n Gaul, equally adapted to THE progress of THE legions, to THE\n course of THE rivers, and to THE principal national distinctions,\n which had comprehended above a hundred independent states. 71 The\n sea-coast of THE Mediterranean, Languedoc, Provence, and\n Dauphiné, received THEir provincial appellation from THE colony\n of Narbonne. The government of Aquitaine was extended from THE\n Pyrenees to THE Loire. The country between THE Loire and THE\n Seine was styled THE Celtic Gaul, and soon borrowed a new\n denomination from THE celebrated colony of Lugdunum, or Lyons.\n The Belgic lay beyond THE Seine, and in more ancient times had\n been bounded only by THE Rhine; but a little before THE age of\n Cæsar, THE Germans, abusing THEir superiority of valor, had\n occupied a considerable portion of THE Belgic territory. The\n Roman conquerors very eagerly embraced so flattering a\n circumstance, and THE Gallic frontier of THE Rhine, from Basil to\n Leyden, received THE pompous names of THE Upper and THE Lower\n Germany. 72 Such, under THE reign of THE Antonines, were THE six\n provinces of Gaul; THE Narbonnese, Aquitaine, THE Celtic, or\n Lyonnese, THE Belgic, and THE two Germanies.\n\n 71 (return) [ One hundred and fifteen _cities_ appear in THE\n Notitia of Gaul; and it is well known that this appellation was\n applied not only to THE capital town, but to THE whole territory\n of each state. But Plutarch and Appian increase THE number of\n tribes to three or four hundred.]\n\n 72 (return) [ D’Anville. Notice de l’Ancienne Gaule.]\n\n We have already had occasion to mention THE conquest of Britain,\n and to fix THE boundary of THE Roman Province in this island. It\n comprehended all England, Wales, and THE Lowlands of Scotland, as\n far as THE Friths of Dumbarton and Edinburgh. Before Britain lost\n her freedom, THE country was irregularly divided between thirty\n tribes of barbarians, of whom THE most considerable were THE\n Belgæ in THE West, THE Brigantes in THE North, THE Silures in\n South Wales, and THE Iceni in Norfolk and Suffolk. 73 As far as\n we can eiTHEr trace or credit THE resemblance of manners and\n language, Spain, Gaul, and Britain were peopled by THE same hardy\n race of savages. Before THEy yielded to THE Roman arms, THEy\n often disputed THE field, and often renewed THE contest. After\n THEir submission, THEy constituted THE western division of THE\n European provinces, which extended from THE columns of Hercules\n to THE wall of Antoninus, and from THE mouth of THE Tagus to THE\n sources of THE Rhine and Danube.\n\n 73 (return) [ Whittaker’s History of Manchester, vol. i. c. 3.]\n Before THE Roman conquest, THE country which is now called\n Lombardy, was not considered as a part of Italy. It had been\n occupied by a powerful colony of Gauls, who, settling THEmselves\n along THE banks of THE Po, from Piedmont to Romagna, carried\n THEir arms and diffused THEir name from THE Alps to THE Apennine.\n\n The Ligurians dwelt on THE rocky coast which now forms THE\n republic of Genoa. Venice was yet unborn; but THE territories of\n that state, which lie to THE east of THE Adige, were inhabited by\n THE Venetians. 74 The middle part of THE peninsula, that now\n composes THE duchy of Tuscany and THE ecclesiastical state, was\n THE ancient seat of THE Etruscans and Umbrians; to THE former of\n whom Italy was indebted for THE first rudiments of civilized\n life. 75 The Tyber rolled at THE foot of THE seven hills of Rome,\n and THE country of THE Sabines, THE Latins, and THE Volsci, from\n that river to THE frontiers of Naples, was THE THEatre of her\n infant victories. On that celebrated ground THE first consuls\n deserved triumphs, THEir successors adorned villas, and _THEir_\n posterity have erected convents. 76 Capua and Campania possessed\n THE immediate territory of Naples; THE rest of THE kingdom was\n inhabited by many warlike nations, THE Marsi, THE Samnites, THE\n Apulians, and THE Lucanians; and THE sea-coasts had been covered\n by THE flourishing colonies of THE Greeks. We may remark, that\n when Augustus divided Italy into eleven regions, THE little\n province of Istria was annexed to that seat of Roman sovereignty.\n 77\n\n 74 (return) [ The Italian Veneti, though often confounded with\n THE Gauls, were more probably of Illyrian origin. See M. Freret,\n Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xviii. * Note: Or\n Liburnian, according to Niebuhr. Vol. i. p. 172.—M.]\n\n 75 (return) [ See Maffei Verona illustrata, l. i. * Note: Add\n Niebuhr, vol. i., and Otfried Müller, _die Etrusker_, which\n contains much that is known, and much that is conjectured, about\n this remarkable people. Also Micali, Storia degli antichi popoli\n Italiani. Florence, 1832—M.]\n\n 76 (return) [ The first contrast was observed by THE ancients.\n See Florus, i. 11. The second must strike every modern\n traveller.]\n\n 77 (return) [ Pliny (Hist. Natur. l. iii.) follows THE division\n of Italy by Augustus.]\n\n The European provinces of Rome were protected by THE course of\n THE Rhine and THE Danube. The latter of those mighty streams,\n which rises at THE distance of only thirty miles from THE former,\n flows above thirteen hundred miles, for THE most part to THE\n south-east, collects THE tribute of sixty navigable rivers, and\n is, at length, through six mouths, received into THE Euxine,\n which appears scarcely equal to such an accession of waters. 78\n The provinces of THE Danube soon acquired THE general appellation\n of Illyricum, or THE Illyrian frontier, 79 and were esteemed THE\n most warlike of THE empire; but THEy deserve to be more\n particularly considered under THE names of Rhætia, Noricum,\n Pannonia, Dalmatia, Dacia, Mæsia, Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece.\n\n 78 (return) [ Tournefort, Voyages en Grece et Asie Mineure,\n lettre xviii.]\n\n 79 (return) [ The name of Illyricum originally belonged to THE\n sea-coast of THE Adriatic, and was gradually extended by THE\n Romans from THE Alps to THE Euxine Sea. See Severini Pannonia, l.\n i. c. 3.]\n\n The province of Rhætia, which soon extinguished THE name of THE\n Vindelicians, extended from THE summit of THE Alps to THE banks\n of THE Danube; from its source, as far as its conflux with THE\n Inn. The greatest part of THE flat country is subject to THE\n elector of Bavaria; THE city of Augsburg is protected by THE\n constitution of THE German empire; THE Grisons are safe in THEir\n mountains, and THE country of Tirol is ranked among THE numerous\n provinces of THE house of Austria.\n\n The wide extent of territory which is included between THE Inn,\n THE Danube, and THE Save,—Austria, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola,\n THE Lower Hungary, and Sclavonia,—was known to THE ancients under\n THE names of Noricum and Pannonia. In THEir original state of\n independence, THEir fierce inhabitants were intimately connected.\n Under THE Roman government THEy were frequently united, and THEy\n still remain THE patrimony of a single family. They now contain\n THE residence of a German prince, who styles himself Emperor of\n THE Romans, and form THE centre, as well as strength, of THE\n Austrian power. It may not be improper to observe, that if we\n except Bohemia, Moravia, THE norTHErn skirts of Austria, and a\n part of Hungary between THE Teyss and THE Danube, all THE oTHEr\n dominions of THE House of Austria were comprised within THE\n limits of THE Roman Empire.\n\n Dalmatia, to which THE name of Illyricum more properly belonged,\n was a long, but narrow tract, between THE Save and THE Adriatic.\n The best part of THE sea-coast, which still retains its ancient\n appellation, is a province of THE Venetian state, and THE seat of\n THE little republic of Ragusa. The inland parts have assumed THE\n Sclavonian names of Croatia and Bosnia; THE former obeys an\n Austrian governor, THE latter a Turkish pacha; but THE whole\n country is still infested by tribes of barbarians, whose savage\n independence irregularly marks THE doubtful limit of THE\n Christian and Mahometan power. 80\n\n 80 (return) [ A Venetian traveller, THE Abbate Fortis, has lately\n given us some account of those very obscure countries. But THE\n geography and antiquities of THE western Illyricum can be\n expected only from THE munificence of THE emperor, its\n sovereign.]\n\n After THE Danube had received THE waters of THE Teyss and THE\n Save, it acquired, at least among THE Greeks, THE name of Ister.\n 81 It formerly divided Mæsia and Dacia, THE latter of which, as\n we have already seen, was a conquest of Trajan, and THE only\n province beyond THE river. If we inquire into THE present state\n of those countries, we shall find that, on THE left hand of THE\n Danube, Temeswar and Transylvania have been annexed, after many\n revolutions, to THE crown of Hungary; whilst THE principalities\n of Moldavia and Wallachia acknowledge THE supremacy of THE\n Ottoman Porte. On THE right hand of THE Danube, Mæsia, which,\n during THE middle ages, was broken into THE barbarian kingdoms of\n Servia and Bulgaria, is again united in Turkish slavery.\n\n 81 (return) [ The Save rises near THE confines of _Istria_, and\n was considered by THE more early Greeks as THE principal stream\n of THE Danube.]\n\n The appellation of Roumelia, which is still bestowed by THE Turks\n on THE extensive countries of Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece,\n preserves THE memory of THEir ancient state under THE Roman\n empire. In THE time of THE Antonines, THE martial regions of\n Thrace, from THE mountains of Hæmus and Rhodope, to THE Bosphorus\n and THE Hellespont, had assumed THE form of a province.\n Notwithstanding THE change of masters and of religion, THE new\n city of Rome, founded by Constantine on THE banks of THE\n Bosphorus, has ever since remained THE capital of a great\n monarchy. The kingdom of Macedonia, which, under THE reign of\n Alexander, gave laws to Asia, derived more solid advantages from\n THE policy of THE two Philips; and with its dependencies of\n Epirus and Thessaly, extended from THE Ægean to THE Ionian Sea.\n When we reflect on THE fame of Thebes and Argos, of Sparta and\n ATHEns, we can scarcely persuade ourselves, that so many immortal\n republics of ancient Greece were lost in a single province of THE\n Roman empire, which, from THE superior influence of THE Achæan\n league, was usually denominated THE province of Achaia.\n\n Such was THE state of Europe under THE Roman emperors. The\n provinces of Asia, without excepting THE transient conquests of\n Trajan, are all comprehended within THE limits of THE Turkish\n power. But, instead of following THE arbitrary divisions of\n despotism and ignorance, it will be safer for us, as well as more\n agreeable, to observe THE indelible characters of nature. The\n name of Asia Minor is attributed with some propriety to THE\n peninsula, which, confined betwixt THE Euxine and THE\n Mediterranean, advances from THE Euphrates towards Europe. The\n most extensive and flourishing district, westward of Mount Taurus\n and THE River Halys, was dignified by THE Romans with THE\n exclusive title of Asia. The jurisdiction of that province\n extended over THE ancient monarchies of Troy, Lydia, and Phrygia,\n THE maritime countries of THE Pamphylians, Lycians, and Carians,\n and THE Grecian colonies of Ionia, which equalled in arts, though\n not in arms, THE glory of THEir parent. The kingdoms of Bithynia\n and Pontus possessed THE norTHErn side of THE peninsula from\n Constantinople to Trebizond. On THE opposite side, THE province\n of Cilicia was terminated by THE mountains of Syria: THE inland\n country, separated from THE Roman Asia by THE River Halys, and\n from Armenia by THE Euphrates, had once formed THE independent\n kingdom of Cappadocia. In this place we may observe, that THE\n norTHErn shores of THE Euxine, beyond Trebizond in Asia, and\n beyond THE Danube in Europe, acknowledged THE sovereignty of THE\n emperors, and received at THEir hands eiTHEr tributary princes or\n Roman garrisons. Budzak, Crim Tartary, Circassia, and Mingrelia,\n are THE modern appellations of those savage countries. 82\n\n 82 (return) [ See THE Periplus of Arrian. He examined THE coasts\n of THE Euxine, when he was governor of Cappadocia.]\n\n Under THE successors of Alexander, Syria was THE seat of THE\n Seleucidæ, who reigned over Upper Asia, till THE successful\n revolt of THE Parthians confined THEir dominions between THE\n Euphrates and THE Mediterranean. When Syria became subject to THE\n Romans, it formed THE eastern frontier of THEir empire: nor did\n that province, in its utmost latitude, know any oTHEr bounds than\n THE mountains of Cappadocia to THE north, and towards THE south,\n THE confines of Egypt, and THE Red Sea. Phœnicia and Palestine\n were sometimes annexed to, and sometimes separated from, THE\n jurisdiction of Syria. The former of THEse was a narrow and rocky\n coast; THE latter was a territory scarcely superior to Wales,\n eiTHEr in fertility or extent. 821 Yet Phœnicia and Palestine\n will forever live in THE memory of mankind; since America, as\n well as Europe, has received letters from THE one, and religion\n from THE oTHEr. 83 A sandy desert, alike destitute of wood and\n water, skirts along THE doubtful confine of Syria, from THE\n Euphrates to THE Red Sea. The wandering life of THE Arabs was\n inseparably connected with THEir independence; and wherever, on\n some spots less barren than THE rest, THEy ventured to for many\n settled habitations, THEy soon became subjects to THE Roman\n empire. 84\n\n 821 (return) [ This comparison is exaggerated, with THE\n intention, no doubt, of attacking THE authority of THE Bible,\n which boasts of THE fertility of Palestine. Gibbon’s only\n authorities were that of Strabo (l. xvi. 1104) and THE present\n state of THE country. But Strabo only speaks of THE neighborhood\n of Jerusalem, which he calls barren and arid to THE extent of\n sixty stadia round THE city: in oTHEr parts he gives a favorable\n testimony to THE fertility of many parts of Palestine: thus he\n says, “Near Jericho THEre is a grove of palms, and a country of a\n hundred stadia, full of springs, and well peopled.” Moreover,\n Strabo had never seen Palestine; he spoke only after reports,\n which may be as inaccurate as those according to which he has\n composed that description of Germany, in which Gluverius has\n detected so many errors. (Gluv. Germ. iii. 1.) Finally, his\n testimony is contradicted and refuted by that of oTHEr ancient\n authors, and by medals. Tacitus says, in speaking of Palestine,\n “The inhabitants are healthy and robust; THE rains moderate; THE\n soil fertile.” (Hist. v. 6.) Ammianus Macellinus says also, “The\n last of THE Syrias is Palestine, a country of considerable\n extent, abounding in clean and well-cultivated land, and\n containing some fine cities, none of which yields to THE oTHEr;\n but, as it were, being on a parallel, are rivals.”—xiv. 8. See\n also THE historian Josephus, Hist. vi. 1. Procopius of Cæserea,\n who lived in THE sixth century, says that Chosroes, king of\n Persia, had a great desire to make himself master of Palestine,\n _on account of its_ extraordinary fertility, its opulence, and\n THE great number of its inhabitants. The Saracens thought THE\n same, and were afraid that Omar. when he went to Jerusalem,\n charmed with THE fertility of THE soil and THE purity of THE air,\n would never return to Medina. (Ockley, Hist. of Sarac. i. 232.)\n The importance attached by THE Romans to THE conquest of\n Palestine, and THE obstacles THEy encountered, prove also THE\n richness and population of THE country. Vespasian and Titus\n caused medals to be struck with trophies, in which Palestine is\n represented by a female under a palm-tree, to signify THE\n richness of he country, with this legend: _Judæa capta_. OTHEr\n medals also indicate this fertility; for instance, that of Herod\n holding a bunch of grapes, and that of THE young Agrippa\n displaying fruit. As to THE present state of he country, one\n perceives that it is not fair to draw any inference against its\n ancient fertility: THE disasters through which it has passed, THE\n government to which it is subject, THE disposition of THE\n inhabitants, explain sufficiently THE wild and uncultivated\n appearance of THE land, where, neverTHEless, fertile and\n cultivated districts are still found, according to THE testimony\n of travellers; among oTHErs, of Shaw, Maundrel, La Rocque, &c.—G.\n The Abbé Guénée, in his _Lettres de quelques Juifs à Mons. de\n Voltaire_, has exhausted THE subject of THE fertility of\n Palestine; for Voltaire had likewise indulged in sarcasm on this\n subject. Gibbon was assailed on this point, not, indeed, by Mr.\n Davis, who, he slyly insinuates, was prevented by his patriotism\n as a Welshman from resenting THE comparison with Wales, but by\n oTHEr writers. In his Vindication, he first established THE\n correctness of his measurement of Palestine, which he estimates\n as 7600 square English miles, while Wales is about 7011. As to\n fertility, he proceeds in THE following dexterously composed and\n splendid passage: “The emperor Frederick II., THE enemy and THE\n victim of THE clergy, is accused of saying, after his return from\n his crusade, that THE God of THE Jews would have despised his\n promised land, if he had once seen THE fruitful realms of Sicily\n and Naples.” (See Giannone, Istor. Civ. del R. di Napoli, ii.\n 245.) This raillery, which malice has, perhaps, falsely imputed\n to Frederick, is inconsistent with truth and piety; yet it must\n be confessed that THE soil of Palestine does not contain that\n inexhaustible, and, as it were, spontaneous principle of\n fertility, which, under THE most unfavorable circumstances, has\n covered with rich harvests THE banks of THE Nile, THE fields of\n Sicily, or THE plains of Poland. The Jordan is THE only navigable\n river of Palestine: a considerable part of THE narrow space is\n occupied, or raTHEr lost, in THE _Dead Sea_ whose horrid aspect\n inspires every sensation of disgust, and countenances every tale\n of horror. The districts which border on Arabia partake of THE\n sandy quality of THE adjacent desert. The face of THE country,\n except THE sea-coast, and THE valley of THE Jordan, is covered\n with mountains, which appear, for THE most part, as naked and\n barren rocks; and in THE neighborhood of Jerusalem, THEre is a\n real scarcity of THE two elements of earth and water. (See\n Maundrel’s Travels, p. 65, and Reland’s Palestin. i. 238, 395.)\n These disadvantages, which now operate in THEir fullest extent,\n were formerly corrected by THE labors of a numerous people, and\n THE active protection of a wise government. The hills were\n cloTHEd with rich beds of artificial mould, THE rain was\n collected in vast cisterns, a supply of fresh water was conveyed\n by pipes and aqueducts to THE dry lands. The breed of cattle was\n encouraged in those parts which were not adapted for tillage, and\n almost every spot was compelled to yield some production for THE\n use of THE inhabitants.\n\n Pater ispe colendi Haud facilem esse viam voluit, primusque par\n artem Movit agros; curis acuens mortalia corda, Nec torpere gravi\n passus sua Regna veterno. Gibbon, Misc. Works, iv. 540.\n\n But Gibbon has here eluded THE question about THE land “flowing\n with milk and honey.” He is describing Judæa only, without\n comprehending Galilee, or THE rich pastures beyond THE Jordan,\n even now proverbial for THEir flocks and herds. (See Burckhardt’s\n Travels, and Hist of Jews, i. 178.) The following is believed to\n be a fair statement: “The extraordinary fertility of THE whole\n country must be taken into THE account. No part was waste; very\n little was occupied by unprofitable wood; THE more fertile hills\n were cultivated in artificial terraces, oTHErs were hung with\n orchards of fruit trees THE more rocky and barren districts were\n covered with vineyards.” Even in THE present day, THE wars and\n misgovernment of ages have not exhausted THE natural richness of\n THE soil. “Galilee,” says Malte Brun, “would be a paradise were\n it inhabited by an industrious people under an enlightened\n government. No land could be less dependent on foreign\n importation; it bore within itself every thing that could be\n necessary for THE subsistence and comfort of a simple\n agricultural people. The climate was healthy, THE seasons\n regular; THE former rains, which fell about October, after THE\n vintage, prepared THE ground for THE seed; that latter, which\n prevailed during March and THE beginning of April, made it grow\n rapidly. Directly THE rains ceased, THE grain ripened with still\n greater rapidity, and was gaTHEred in before THE end of May. The\n summer months were dry and very hot, but THE nights cool and\n refreshed by copious dews. In September, THE vintage was\n gaTHEred. Grain of all kinds, wheat, barley, millet, zea, and\n oTHEr sorts, grew in abundance; THE wheat commonly yielded thirty\n for one. Besides THE vine and THE olive, THE almond, THE date,\n figs of many kinds, THE orange, THE pomegranate, and many oTHEr\n fruit trees, flourished in THE greatest luxuriance. Great\n quantity of honey was collected. The balm-tree, which produced\n THE opobalsamum, a great object of trade, was probably introduced\n from Arabia, in THE time of Solomon. It flourished about Jericho\n and in Gilead.”—Milman’s Hist. of Jews. i. 177.—M.]\n\n 83 (return) [ The progress of religion is well known. The use of\n letter was introduced among THE savages of Europe about fifteen\n hundred years before Christ; and THE Europeans carried THEm to\n America about fifteen centuries after THE Christian Æra. But in a\n period of three thousand years, THE Phœnician alphabet received\n considerable alterations, as it passed through THE hands of THE\n Greeks and Romans.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Dion Cassius, lib. lxviii. p. 1131.]\n\n The geographers of antiquity have frequently hesitated to what\n portion of THE globe THEy should ascribe Egypt. 85 By its\n situation that celebrated kingdom is included within THE immense\n peninsula of Africa; but it is accessible only on THE side of\n Asia, whose revolutions, in almost every period of history, Egypt\n has humbly obeyed. A Roman præfect was seated on THE splendid\n throne of THE Ptolemies; and THE iron sceptre of THE Mamelukes is\n now in THE hands of a Turkish pacha. The Nile flows down THE\n country, above five hundred miles from THE tropic of Cancer to\n THE Mediterranean, and marks on eiTHEr side THE extent of\n fertility by THE measure of its inundations. Cyrene, situate\n towards THE west, and along THE sea-coast, was first a Greek\n colony, afterwards a province of Egypt, and is now lost in THE\n desert of Barca. 851\n\n 85 (return) [ Ptolemy and Strabo, with THE modern geographers,\n fix THE Isthmus of Suez as THE boundary of Asia and Africa.\n Dionysius, Mela, Pliny, Sallust, Hirtius, and Solinus, have\n preferred for that purpose THE western branch of THE Nile, or\n even THE great Catabathmus, or descent, which last would assign\n to Asia, not only Egypt, but part of Libya.]\n\n 851 (return) [ The French editor has a long and unnecessary note\n on THE History of Cyrene. For THE present state of that coast and\n country, THE volume of Captain Beechey is full of interesting\n details. Egypt, now an independent and improving kingdom,\n appears, under THE enterprising rule of Mahommed Ali, likely to\n revenge its former oppression upon THE decrepit power of THE\n Turkish empire.—M.—This note was written in 1838. The future\n destiny of Egypt is an important problem, only to be solved by\n time. This observation will also apply to THE new French colony\n in Algiers.—M. 1845.]\n\n From Cyrene to THE ocean, THE coast of Africa extends above\n fifteen hundred miles; yet so closely is it pressed between THE\n Mediterranean and THE Sahara, or sandy desert, that its breadth\n seldom exceeds fourscore or a hundred miles. The eastern division\n was considered by THE Romans as THE more peculiar and proper\n province of Africa. Till THE arrival of THE Phœnician colonies,\n that fertile country was inhabited by THE Libyans, THE most\n savage of mankind. Under THE immediate jurisdiction of Carthage,\n it became THE centre of commerce and empire; but THE republic of\n Carthage is now degenerated into THE feeble and disorderly states\n of Tripoli and Tunis. The military government of Algiers\n oppresses THE wide extent of Numidia, as it was once united under\n Massinissa and Jugurtha; but in THE time of Augustus, THE limits\n of Numidia were contracted; and, at least, two thirds of THE\n country acquiesced in THE name of Mauritania, with THE epiTHEt of\n Cæsariensis. The genuine Mauritania, or country of THE Moors,\n which, from THE ancient city of Tingi, or Tangier, was\n distinguished by THE appellation of Tingitana, is represented by\n THE modern kingdom of Fez. Salle, on THE Ocean, so infamous at\n present for its piratical depredations, was noticed by THE\n Romans, as THE extreme object of THEir power, and almost of THEir\n geography. A city of THEir foundation may still be discovered\n near Mequinez, THE residence of THE barbarian whom we condescend\n to style THE Emperor of Morocco; but it does not appear, that his\n more souTHErn dominions, Morocco itself, and Segelmessa, were\n ever comprehended within THE Roman province. The western parts of\n Africa are intersected by THE branches of Mount Atlas, a name so\n idly celebrated by THE fancy of poets; 86 but which is now\n diffused over THE immense ocean that rolls between THE ancient\n and THE new continent. 87\n\n 86 (return) [ The long range, moderate height, and gentle\n declivity of Mount Atlas, (see Shaw’s Travels, p. 5,) are very\n unlike a solitary mountain which rears its head into THE clouds,\n and seems to support THE heavens. The peak of Teneriff, on THE\n contrary, rises a league and a half above THE surface of THE sea;\n and, as it was frequently visited by THE Phœnicians, might engage\n THE notice of THE Greek poets. See Buffon, Histoire Naturelle,\n tom. i. p. 312. Histoire des Voyages, tom. ii.]\n\n 87 (return) [ M. de Voltaire, tom. xiv. p. 297, unsupported by\n eiTHEr fact or probability, has generously bestowed THE Canary\n Islands on THE Roman empire.]\n\n Having now finished THE circuit of THE Roman empire, we may\n observe, that Africa is divided from Spain by a narrow strait of\n about twelve miles, through which THE Atlantic flows into THE\n Mediterranean. The columns of Hercules, so famous among THE\n ancients, were two mountains which seemed to have been torn\n asunder by some convulsion of THE elements; and at THE foot of\n THE European mountain, THE fortress of Gibraltar is now seated.\n The whole extent of THE Mediterranean Sea, its coasts and its\n islands, were comprised within THE Roman dominion. Of THE larger\n islands, THE two Baleares, which derive THEir name of Majorca and\n Minorca from THEir respective size, are subject at present, THE\n former to Spain, THE latter to Great Britain. 871 It is easier to\n deplore THE fate, than to describe THE actual condition, of\n Corsica. 872 Two Italian sovereigns assume a regal title from\n Sardinia and Sicily. Crete, or Candia, with Cyprus, and most of\n THE smaller islands of Greece and Asia, have been subdued by THE\n Turkish arms, whilst THE little rock of Malta defies THEir power,\n and has emerged, under THE government of its military Order, into\n fame and opulence. 873\n\n 871 (return) [ Minorca was lost to Great Britain in 1782. Ann.\n Register for that year.—M.]\n\n 872 (return) [ The gallant struggles of THE Corsicans for THEir\n independence, under Paoli, were brought to a close in THE year\n 1769. This volume was published in 1776. See Botta, Storia\n d’Italia, vol. xiv.—M.]\n\n 873 (return) [ Malta, it need scarcely be said, is now in THE\n possession of THE English. We have not, however, thought it\n necessary to notice every change in THE political state of THE\n world, since THE time of Gibbon.—M]\n\n This long enumeration of provinces, whose broken fragments have\n formed so many powerful kingdoms, might almost induce us to\n forgive THE vanity or ignorance of THE ancients. Dazzled with THE\n extensive sway, THE irresistible strength, and THE real or\n affected moderation of THE emperors, THEy permitted THEmselves to\n despise, and sometimes to forget, THE outlying countries which\n had been left in THE enjoyment of a barbarous independence; and\n THEy gradually usurped THE license of confounding THE Roman\n monarchy with THE globe of THE earth. 88 But THE temper, as well\n as knowledge, of a modern historian, require a more sober and\n accurate language. He may impress a juster image of THE greatness\n of Rome, by observing that THE empire was above two thousand\n miles in breadth, from THE wall of Antoninus and THE norTHErn\n limits of Dacia, to Mount Atlas and THE tropic of Cancer; that it\n extended in length more than three thousand miles from THE\n Western Ocean to THE Euphrates; that it was situated in THE\n finest part of THE Temperate Zone, between THE twenty-fourth and\n fifty-sixth degrees of norTHErn latitude; and that it was\n supposed to contain above sixteen hundred thousand square miles,\n for THE most part of fertile and well-cultivated land. 89\n\n 88 (return) [ Bergier, Hist. des Grands Chemins, l. iii. c. 1, 2,\n 3, 4, a very useful collection.]\n\n 89 (return) [ See Templeman’s Survey of THE Globe; but I distrust\n both THE Doctor’s learning and his maps.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter II: The Internal Prosperity In The Age Of The\n Antonines.—Part I.\n\n Of The Union And Internal Prosperity Of The Roman Empire, In The\n Age Of The Antonines.\n\n It is not alone by THE rapidity, or extent of conquest, that we\n should estimate THE greatness of Rome. The sovereign of THE\n Russian deserts commands a larger portion of THE globe. In THE\n seventh summer after his passage of THE Hellespont, Alexander\n erected THE Macedonian trophies on THE banks of THE Hyphasis. 1\n Within less than a century, THE irresistible Zingis, and THE\n Mogul princes of his race, spread THEir cruel devastations and\n transient empire from THE Sea of China, to THE confines of Egypt\n and Germany. 2 But THE firm edifice of Roman power was raised and\n preserved by THE wisdom of ages. The obedient provinces of Trajan\n and THE Antonines were united by laws, and adorned by arts. They\n might occasionally suffer from THE partial abuse of delegated\n authority; but THE general principle of government was wise,\n simple, and beneficent. They enjoyed THE religion of THEir\n ancestors, whilst in civil honors and advantages THEy were\n exalted, by just degrees, to an equality with THEir conquerors.\n\n 1 (return) [ They were erected about THE midway between Lahor and\n Delhi. The conquests of Alexander in Hindostan were confined to\n THE Punjab, a country watered by THE five great streams of THE\n Indus. * Note: The Hyphasis is one of THE five rivers which join\n THE Indus or THE Sind, after having traversed THE province of THE\n Pendj-ab—a name which in Persian, signifies _five rivers_. * * *\n G. The five rivers were, 1. The Hydaspes, now THE Chelum, Behni,\n or Bedusta, (_Sanscrit_, Vitashà, Arrow-swift.) 2. The Acesines,\n THE Chenab, (_Sanscrit_, Chandrabhágâ, Moon-gift.) 3. Hydraotes,\n THE Ravey, or Iraoty, (_Sanscrit_, Irâvatî.) 4. Hyphasis, THE\n Beyah, (_Sanscrit_, Vepâsà, Fetterless.) 5. The Satadru,\n (_Sanscrit_, THE Hundred Streamed,) THE Sutledj, known first to\n THE Greeks in THE time of Ptolemy. Rennel. Vincent, Commerce of\n Anc. book 2. Lassen, Pentapotam. Ind. Wilson’s Sanscrit Dict.,\n and THE valuable memoir of Lieut. Burnes, Journal of London\n Geogr. Society, vol. iii. p. 2, with THE travels of that very\n able writer. Compare Gibbon’s own note, c. lxv. note 25.—M\n substit. for G.]\n\n 2 (return) [ See M. de Guignes, Histoire des Huns, l. xv. xvi.\n and xvii.]\n\n I. The policy of THE emperors and THE senate, as far as it\n concerned religion, was happily seconded by THE reflections of\n THE enlightened, and by THE habits of THE superstitious, part of\n THEir subjects. The various modes of worship, which prevailed in\n THE Roman world, were all considered by THE people, as equally\n true; by THE philosopher, as equally false; and by THE\n magistrate, as equally useful. And thus toleration produced not\n only mutual indulgence, but even religious concord.\n\n The superstition of THE people was not imbittered by any mixture\n of THEological rancor; nor was it confined by THE chains of any\n speculative system. The devout polyTHEist, though fondly attached\n to his national rites, admitted with implicit faith THE different\n religions of THE earth. 3 Fear, gratitude, and curiosity, a dream\n or an omen, a singular disorder, or a distant journey,\n perpetually disposed him to multiply THE articles of his belief,\n and to enlarge THE list of his protectors. The thin texture of\n THE Pagan mythology was interwoven with various but not\n discordant materials. As soon as it was allowed that sages and\n heroes, who had lived or who had died for THE benefit of THEir\n country, were exalted to a state of power and immortality, it was\n universally confessed, that THEy deserved, if not THE adoration,\n at least THE reverence, of all mankind. The deities of a thousand\n groves and a thousand streams possessed, in peace, THEir local\n and respective influence; nor could THE Romans who deprecated THE\n wrath of THE Tiber, deride THE Egyptian who presented his\n offering to THE beneficent genius of THE Nile. The visible powers\n of nature, THE planets, and THE elements were THE same throughout\n THE universe. The invisible governors of THE moral world were\n inevitably cast in a similar mould of fiction and allegory. Every\n virtue, and even vice, acquired its divine representative; every\n art and profession its patron, whose attributes, in THE most\n distant ages and countries, were uniformly derived from THE\n character of THEir peculiar votaries. A republic of gods of such\n opposite tempers and interests required, in every system, THE\n moderating hand of a supreme magistrate, who, by THE progress of\n knowledge and flattery, was gradually invested with THE sublime\n perfections of an Eternal Parent, and an Omnipotent Monarch. 4\n Such was THE mild spirit of antiquity, that THE nations were less\n attentive to THE difference, than to THE resemblance, of THEir\n religious worship. The Greek, THE Roman, and THE Barbarian, as\n THEy met before THEir respective altars, easily persuaded\n THEmselves, that under various names, and with various\n ceremonies, THEy adored THE same deities. 5 The elegant mythology\n of Homer gave a beautiful, and almost a regular form, to THE\n polyTHEism of THE ancient world.\n\n 3 (return) [ There is not any writer who describes in so lively a\n manner as Herodotus THE true genius of polyTHEism. The best\n commentary may be found in Mr. Hume’s Natural History of\n Religion; and THE best contrast in Bossuet’s Universal History.\n Some obscure traces of an intolerant spirit appear in THE conduct\n of THE Egyptians, (see Juvenal, Sat. xv.;) and THE Christians, as\n well as Jews, who lived under THE Roman empire, formed a very\n important exception; so important indeed, that THE discussion\n will require a distinct chapter of this work. * Note: M.\n Constant, in his very learned and eloquent work, “Sur la\n Religion,” with THE two additional volumes, “Du PolyTHEisme\n Romain,” has considered THE whole history of polyTHEism in a tone\n of philosophy, which, without subscribing to all his opinions, we\n may be permitted to admire. “The boasted tolerance of polyTHEism\n did not rest upon THE respect due from society to THE freedom of\n individual opinion. The polyTHEistic nations, tolerant as THEy\n were towards each oTHEr, as separate states, were not THE less\n ignorant of THE eternal principle, THE only basis of enlightened\n toleration, that every one has a right to worship God in THE\n manner which seems to him THE best. Citizens, on THE contrary,\n were bound to conform to THE religion of THE state; THEy had not\n THE liberty to adopt a foreign religion, though that religion\n might be legally recognized in THEir own city, for THE strangers\n who were its votaries.” —Sur la Religion, v. 184. Du. Polyth.\n Rom. ii. 308. At this time, THE growing religious indifference,\n and THE general administration of THE empire by Romans, who,\n being strangers, would do no more than protect, not enlist\n THEmselves in THE cause of THE local superstitions, had\n introduced great laxity. But intolerance was clearly THE THEory\n both of THE Greek and Roman law. The subject is more fully\n considered in anoTHEr place.—M.]\n\n 4 (return) [ The rights, powers, and pretensions of THE sovereign\n of Olympus are very clearly described in THE xvth book of THE\n Iliad; in THE Greek original, I mean; for Mr. Pope, without\n perceiving it, has improved THE THEology of Homer. * Note: There\n is a curious coincidence between Gibbon’s expressions and those\n of THE newly-recovered “De Republica” of Cicero, though THE\n argument is raTHEr THE converse, lib. i. c. 36. “Sive hæc ad\n utilitatem vitæ constitute sint a principibus rerum publicarum,\n ut rex putaretur unus esse in cœlo, qui nutu, ut ait Homerus,\n totum Olympum converteret, idemque et rex et patos haberetur\n omnium.”—M.]\n\n 5 (return) [ See, for instance, Cæsar de Bell. Gall. vi. 17.\n Within a century or two, THE Gauls THEmselves applied to THEir\n gods THE names of Mercury, Mars, Apollo, &c.]\n\n The philosophers of Greece deduced THEir morals from THE nature\n of man, raTHEr than from that of God. They meditated, however, on\n THE Divine Nature, as a very curious and important speculation;\n and in THE profound inquiry, THEy displayed THE strength and\n weakness of THE human understanding. 6 Of THE four most\n celebrated schools, THE Stoics and THE Platonists endeavored to\n reconcile THE jaring interests of reason and piety. They have\n left us THE most sublime proofs of THE existence and perfections\n of THE first cause; but, as it was impossible for THEm to\n conceive THE creation of matter, THE workman in THE Stoic\n philosophy was not sufficiently distinguished from THE work;\n whilst, on THE contrary, THE spiritual God of Plato and his\n disciples resembled an idea, raTHEr than a substance. The\n opinions of THE Academics and Epicureans were of a less religious\n cast; but whilst THE modest science of THE former induced THEm to\n doubt, THE positive ignorance of THE latter urged THEm to deny,\n THE providence of a Supreme Ruler. The spirit of inquiry,\n prompted by emulation, and supported by freedom, had divided THE\n public teachers of philosophy into a variety of contending sects;\n but THE ingenious youth, who, from every part, resorted to\n ATHEns, and THE oTHEr seats of learning in THE Roman empire, were\n alike instructed in every school to reject and to despise THE\n religion of THE multitude. How, indeed, was it possible that a\n philosopher should accept, as divine truths, THE idle tales of\n THE poets, and THE incoherent traditions of antiquity; or that he\n should adore, as gods, those imperfect beings whom he must have\n despised, as men? Against such unworthy adversaries, Cicero\n condescended to employ THE arms of reason and eloquence; but THE\n satire of Lucian was a much more adequate, as well as more\n efficacious, weapon. We may be well assured, that a writer,\n conversant with THE world, would never have ventured to expose\n THE gods of his country to public ridicule, had THEy not already\n been THE objects of secret contempt among THE polished and\n enlightened orders of society. 7\n\n 6 (return) [ The admirable work of Cicero de Natura Deorum is THE\n best clew we have to guide us through THE dark and profound\n abyss. He represents with candor, and confutes with subtlety, THE\n opinions of THE philosophers.]\n\n 7 (return) [ I do not pretend to assert, that, in this\n irreligious age, THE natural terrors of superstition, dreams,\n omens, apparitions, &c., had lost THEir efficacy.]\n\n Notwithstanding THE fashionable irreligion which prevailed in THE\n age of THE Antonines, both THE interest of THE priests and THE\n credulity of THE people were sufficiently respected. In THEir\n writings and conversation, THE philosophers of antiquity asserted\n THE independent dignity of reason; but THEy resigned THEir\n actions to THE commands of law and of custom. Viewing, with a\n smile of pity and indulgence, THE various errors of THE vulgar,\n THEy diligently practised THE ceremonies of THEir faTHErs,\n devoutly frequented THE temples of THE gods; and sometimes\n condescending to act a part on THE THEatre of superstition, THEy\n concealed THE sentiments of an aTHEist under THE sacerdotal\n robes. Reasoners of such a temper were scarcely inclined to\n wrangle about THEir respective modes of faith, or of worship. It\n was indifferent to THEm what shape THE folly of THE multitude\n might choose to assume; and THEy approached with THE same inward\n contempt, and THE same external reverence, THE altars of THE\n Libyan, THE Olympian, or THE Capitoline Jupiter. 8\n\n 8 (return) [ Socrates, Epicurus, Cicero, and Plutarch always\n inculcated a decent reverence for THE religion of THEir own\n country, and of mankind. The devotion of Epicurus was assiduous\n and exemplary. Diogen. Lært. x. 10.]\n\n It is not easy to conceive from what motives a spirit of\n persecution could introduce itself into THE Roman councils. The\n magistrates could not be actuated by a blind, though honest\n bigotry, since THE magistrates were THEmselves philosophers; and\n THE schools of ATHEns had given laws to THE senate. They could\n not be impelled by ambition or avarice, as THE temporal and\n ecclesiastical powers were united in THE same hands. The pontiffs\n were chosen among THE most illustrious of THE senators; and THE\n office of Supreme Pontiff was constantly exercised by THE\n emperors THEmselves. They knew and valued THE advantages of\n religion, as it is connected with civil government. They\n encouraged THE public festivals which humanize THE manners of THE\n people. They managed THE arts of divination as a convenient\n instrument of policy; and THEy respected, as THE firmest bond of\n society, THE useful persuasion, that, eiTHEr in this or in a\n future life, THE crime of perjury is most assuredly punished by\n THE avenging gods. 9 But whilst THEy acknowledged THE general\n advantages of religion, THEy were convinced that THE various\n modes of worship contributed alike to THE same salutary purposes;\n and that, in every country, THE form of superstition, which had\n received THE sanction of time and experience, was THE best\n adapted to THE climate, and to its inhabitants. Avarice and taste\n very frequently despoiled THE vanquished nations of THE elegant\n statues of THEir gods, and THE rich ornaments of THEir temples;\n 10 but, in THE exercise of THE religion which THEy derived from\n THEir ancestors, THEy uniformly experienced THE indulgence, and\n even protection, of THE Roman conquerors. The province of Gaul\n seems, and indeed only seems, an exception to this universal\n toleration. Under THE specious pretext of abolishing human\n sacrifices, THE emperors Tiberius and Claudius suppressed THE\n dangerous power of THE Druids: 11 but THE priests THEmselves,\n THEir gods and THEir altars, subsisted in peaceful obscurity till\n THE final destruction of Paganism. 12\n\n 9 (return) [ Polybius, l. vi. c. 53, 54. Juvenal, Sat. xiii.\n laments that in his time this apprehension had lost much of its\n effect.]\n\n 10 (return) [ See THE fate of Syracuse, Tarentum, Ambracia,\n Corinth, &c., THE conduct of Verres, in Cicero, (Actio ii. Orat.\n 4,) and THE usual practice of governors, in THE viiith Satire of\n Juvenal.]\n\n 11 (return) [ Seuton. in Claud.—Plin. Hist. Nat. xxx. 1.]\n\n 12 (return) [ Pelloutier, Histoire des Celtes, tom. vi. p.\n 230—252.]\n\n Rome, THE capital of a great monarchy, was incessantly filled\n with subjects and strangers from every part of THE world, 13 who\n all introduced and enjoyed THE favorite superstitions of THEir\n native country. 14 Every city in THE empire was justified in\n maintaining THE purity of its ancient ceremonies; and THE Roman\n senate, using THE common privilege, sometimes interposed, to\n check this inundation of foreign rites. 141 The Egyptian\n superstition, of all THE most contemptible and abject, was\n frequently prohibited: THE temples of Serapis and Isis\n demolished, and THEir worshippers banished from Rome and Italy.\n 15 But THE zeal of fanaticism prevailed over THE cold and feeble\n efforts of policy. The exiles returned, THE proselytes\n multiplied, THE temples were restored with increasing splendor,\n and Isis and Serapis at length assumed THEir place among THE\n Roman Deities. 151 16 Nor was this indulgence a departure from\n THE old maxims of government. In THE purest ages of THE\n commonwealth, Cybele and Æsculapius had been invited by solemn\n embassies; 17 and it was customary to tempt THE protectors of\n besieged cities, by THE promise of more distinguished honors than\n THEy possessed in THEir native country. 18 Rome gradually became\n THE common temple of her subjects; and THE freedom of THE city\n was bestowed on all THE gods of mankind. 19\n\n 13 (return) [ Seneca, Consolat. ad Helviam, p. 74. Edit., Lips.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Dionysius Halicarn. Antiquitat. Roman. l. ii. (vol.\n i. p. 275, edit. Reiske.)]\n\n 141 (return) [ Yet THE worship of foreign gods at Rome was only\n guarantied to THE natives of those countries from whence THEy\n came. The Romans administered THE priestly offices only to THE\n gods of THEir faTHErs. Gibbon, throughout THE whole preceding\n sketch of THE opinions of THE Romans and THEir subjects, has\n shown through what causes THEy were free from religious hatred\n and its consequences. But, on THE oTHEr hand THE internal state\n of THEse religions, THE infidelity and hypocrisy of THE upper\n orders, THE indifference towards all religion, in even THE better\n part of THE common people, during THE last days of THE republic,\n and under THE Cæsars, and THE corrupting principles of THE\n philosophers, had exercised a very pernicious influence on THE\n manners, and even on THE constitution.—W.]\n\n 15 (return) [ In THE year of Rome 701, THE temple of Isis and\n Serapis was demolished by THE order of THE Senate, (Dion Cassius,\n l. xl. p. 252,) and even by THE hands of THE consul, (Valerius\n Maximus, l. 3.) After THE death of Cæsar it was restored at THE\n public expense, (Dion. l. xlvii. p. 501.) When Augustus was in\n Egypt, he revered THE majesty of Serapis, (Dion, l. li. p. 647;)\n but in THE Pomærium of Rome, and a mile round it, he prohibited\n THE worship of THE Egyptian gods, (Dion, l. liii. p. 679; l. liv.\n p. 735.) They remained, however, very fashionable under his reign\n (Ovid. de Art. Amand. l. i.) and that of his successor, till THE\n justice of Tiberius was provoked to some acts of severity. (See\n Tacit. Annal. ii. 85. Joseph. Antiquit. l. xviii. c. 3.) * Note:\n See, in THE pictures from THE walls of Pompeii, THE\n representation of an Isiac temple and worship. Vestiges of\n Egyptian worship have been traced in Gaul, and, I am informed,\n recently in Britain, in excavations at York.— M.]\n\n 151 (return) [ Gibbon here blends into one, two events, distant a\n hundred and sixty-six years from each oTHEr. It was in THE year\n of Rome 535, that THE senate having ordered THE destruction of\n THE temples of Isis and Serapis, THE workman would lend his hand;\n and THE consul, L. Paulus himself (Valer. Max. 1, 3) seized THE\n axe, to give THE first blow. Gibbon attribute this circumstance\n to THE second demolition, which took place in THE year 701 and\n which he considers as THE first.—W.]\n\n 16 (return) [ Tertullian in Apologetic. c. 6, p. 74. Edit.\n Havercamp. I am inclined to attribute THEir establishment to THE\n devotion of THE Flavian family.]\n\n 17 (return) [ See Livy, l. xi. [Suppl.] and xxix.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Macrob. Saturnalia, l. iii. c. 9. He gives us a\n form of evocation.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Minutius Fælix in Octavio, p. 54. Arnobius, l. vi.\n p. 115.]\n\n II. The narrow policy of preserving, without any foreign mixture,\n THE pure blood of THE ancient citizens, had checked THE fortune,\n and hastened THE ruin, of ATHEns and Sparta. The aspiring genius\n of Rome sacrificed vanity to ambition, and deemed it more\n prudent, as well as honorable, to adopt virtue and merit for her\n own wheresoever THEy were found, among slaves or strangers,\n enemies or barbarians. 20 During THE most flourishing æra of THE\n ATHEnian commonwealth, THE number of citizens gradually decreased\n from about thirty 21 to twenty-one thousand. 22 If, on THE\n contrary, we study THE growth of THE Roman republic, we may\n discover, that, notwithstanding THE incessant demands of wars and\n colonies, THE citizens, who, in THE first census of Servius\n Tullius, amounted to no more than eighty-three thousand, were\n multiplied, before THE commencement of THE social war, to THE\n number of four hundred and sixty-three thousand men, able to bear\n arms in THE service of THEir country. 23 When THE allies of Rome\n claimed an equal share of honors and privileges, THE senate\n indeed preferred THE chance of arms to an ignominious concession.\n The Samnites and THE Lucanians paid THE severe penalty of THEir\n rashness; but THE rest of THE Italian states, as THEy\n successively returned to THEir duty, were admitted into THE bosom\n of THE republic, 24 and soon contributed to THE ruin of public\n freedom. Under a democratical government, THE citizens exercise\n THE powers of sovereignty; and those powers will be first abused,\n and afterwards lost, if THEy are committed to an unwieldy\n multitude. But when THE popular assemblies had been suppressed by\n THE administration of THE emperors, THE conquerors were\n distinguished from THE vanquished nations, only as THE first and\n most honorable order of subjects; and THEir increase, however\n rapid, was no longer exposed to THE same dangers. Yet THE wisest\n princes, who adopted THE maxims of Augustus, guarded with THE\n strictest care THE dignity of THE Roman name, and diffused THE\n freedom of THE city with a prudent liberality. 25\n\n 20 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. xi. 24. The Orbis Romanus of THE\n learned Spanheim is a complete history of THE progressive\n admission of Latium, Italy, and THE provinces, to THE freedom of\n Rome. * Note: Democratic states, observes Denina, (delle Revoluz.\n d’ Italia, l. ii. c. l.), are most jealous of communication THE\n privileges of citizenship; monarchies or oligarchies willingly\n multiply THE numbers of THEir free subjects. The most remarkable\n accessions to THE strength of Rome, by THE aggregation of\n conquered and foreign nations, took place under THE regal and\n patrician—we may add, THE Imperial government.—M.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Herodotus, v. 97. It should seem, however, that he\n followed a large and popular estimation.]\n\n 22 (return) [ ATHEnæus, Deipnosophist. l. vi. p. 272. Edit.\n Casaubon. Meursius de Fortunâ Atticâ, c. 4. * Note: On THE number\n of citizens in ATHEns, compare Bœckh, Public Economy of ATHEns,\n (English Tr.,) p. 45, et seq. Fynes Clinton, Essay in Fasti Hel\n lenici, vol. i. 381.—M.]\n\n 23 (return) [ See a very accurate collection of THE numbers of\n each Lustrum in M. de Beaufort, Republique Romaine, l. iv. c. 4.\n Note: All THEse questions are placed in an entirely new point of\n view by Niebuhr, (Römische Geschichte, vol. i. p. 464.) He\n rejects THE census of Servius fullius as unhistoric, (vol. ii. p.\n 78, et seq.,) and he establishes THE principle that THE census\n comprehended all THE confederate cities which had THE right of\n Isopolity.—M.]\n\n 24 (return) [ Appian. de Bell. Civil. l. i. Velleius Paterculus,\n l. ii. c. 15, 16, 17.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Mæcenas had advised him to declare, by one edict,\n all his subjects citizens. But we may justly suspect that THE\n historian Dion was THE author of a counsel so much adapted to THE\n practice of his own age, and so little to that of Augustus.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter II: The Internal Prosperity In The Age Of The\n Antonines.—Part II.\n\n Till THE privileges of Romans had been progressively extended to\n all THE inhabitants of THE empire, an important distinction was\n preserved between Italy and THE provinces. The former was\n esteemed THE centre of public unity, and THE firm basis of THE\n constitution. Italy claimed THE birth, or at least THE residence,\n of THE emperors and THE senate. 26 The estates of THE Italians\n were exempt from taxes, THEir persons from THE arbitrary\n jurisdiction of governors. Their municipal corporations, formed\n after THE perfect model of THE capital, 261 were intrusted, under\n THE immediate eye of THE supreme power, with THE execution of THE\n laws. From THE foot of THE Alps to THE extremity of Calabria, all\n THE natives of Italy were born citizens of Rome. Their partial\n distinctions were obliterated, and THEy insensibly coalesced into\n one great nation, united by language, manners, and civil\n institutions, and equal to THE weight of a powerful empire. The\n republic gloried in her generous policy, and was frequently\n rewarded by THE merit and services of her adopted sons. Had she\n always confined THE distinction of Romans to THE ancient families\n within THE walls of THE city, that immortal name would have been\n deprived of some of its noblest ornaments. Virgil was a native of\n Mantua; Horace was inclined to doubt wheTHEr he should call\n himself an Apulian or a Lucanian; it was in Padua that an\n historian was found worthy to record THE majestic series of Roman\n victories. The patriot family of THE Catos emerged from Tusculum;\n and THE little town of Arpinum claimed THE double honor of\n producing Marius and Cicero, THE former of whom deserved, after\n Romulus and Camillus, to be styled THE Third Founder of Rome; and\n THE latter, after saving his country from THE designs of\n Catiline, enabled her to contend with ATHEns for THE palm of\n eloquence. 27\n\n 26 (return) [ The senators were obliged to have one third of\n THEir own landed property in Italy. See Plin. l. vi. ep. 19. The\n qualification was reduced by Marcus to one fourth. Since THE\n reign of Trajan, Italy had sunk nearer to THE level of THE\n provinces.]\n\n 261 (return) [ It may be doubted wheTHEr THE municipal government\n of THE cities was not THE old Italian constitution raTHEr than a\n transcript from that of Rome. The free government of THE cities,\n observes Savigny, was THE leading characteristic of Italy.\n Geschichte des Römischen Rechts, i. p. G.—M.]\n\n 27 (return) [ The first part of THE Verona Illustrata of THE\n Marquis Maffei gives THE clearest and most comprehensive view of\n THE state of Italy under THE Cæsars. * Note: Compare Denina,\n Revol. d’ Italia, l. ii. c. 6, p. 100, 4 to edit.]\n\n The provinces of THE empire (as THEy have been described in THE\n preceding chapter) were destitute of any public force, or\n constitutional freedom. In Etruria, in Greece, 28 and in Gaul, 29\n it was THE first care of THE senate to dissolve those dangerous\n confederacies, which taught mankind that, as THE Roman arms\n prevailed by division, THEy might be resisted by union. Those\n princes, whom THE ostentation of gratitude or generosity\n permitted for a while to hold a precarious sceptre, were\n dismissed from THEir thrones, as soon as THEy had performed THEir\n appointed task of fashioning to THE yoke THE vanquished nations.\n The free states and cities which had embraced THE cause of Rome\n were rewarded with a nominal alliance, and insensibly sunk into\n real servitude. The public authority was everywhere exercised by\n THE ministers of THE senate and of THE emperors, and that\n authority was absolute, and without control. 291 But THE same\n salutary maxims of government, which had secured THE peace and\n obedience of Italy were extended to THE most distant conquests. A\n nation of Romans was gradually formed in THE provinces, by THE\n double expedient of introducing colonies, and of admitting THE\n most faithful and deserving of THE provincials to THE freedom of\n Rome.\n\n 28 (return) [ See Pausanias, l. vii. The Romans condescended to\n restore THE names of those assemblies, when THEy could no longer\n be dangerous.]\n\n 29 (return) [ They are frequently mentioned by Cæsar. The Abbé\n Dubos attempts, with very little success, to prove that THE\n assemblies of Gaul were continued under THE emperors. Histoire de\n l’Etablissement de la Monarchie Francoise, l. i. c. 4.]\n\n 291 (return) [ This is, perhaps, raTHEr overstated. Most cities\n retained THE choice of THEir municipal officers: some retained\n valuable privileges; ATHEns, for instance, in form was still a\n confederate city. (Tac. Ann. ii. 53.) These privileges, indeed,\n depended entirely on THE arbitrary will of THE emperor, who\n revoked or restored THEm according to his caprice. See WalTHEr\n Geschichte des Römischen Rechts, i. 324—an admirable summary of\n THE Roman constitutional history.—M.]\n\n “Wheresoever THE Roman conquers, he inhabits,” is a very just\n observation of Seneca, 30 confirmed by history and experience.\n The natives of Italy, allured by pleasure or by interest,\n hastened to enjoy THE advantages of victory; and we may remark,\n that, about forty years after THE reduction of Asia, eighty\n thousand Romans were massacred in one day, by THE cruel orders of\n Mithridates. 31 These voluntary exiles were engaged, for THE most\n part, in THE occupations of commerce, agriculture, and THE farm\n of THE revenue. But after THE legions were rendered permanent by\n THE emperors, THE provinces were peopled by a race of soldiers;\n and THE veterans, wheTHEr THEy received THE reward of THEir\n service in land or in money, usually settled with THEir families\n in THE country, where THEy had honorably spent THEir youth.\n Throughout THE empire, but more particularly in THE western\n parts, THE most fertile districts, and THE most convenient\n situations, were reserved for THE establishment of colonies; some\n of which were of a civil, and oTHErs of a military nature. In\n THEir manners and internal policy, THE colonies formed a perfect\n representation of THEir great parent; and THEy were soon endeared\n to THE natives by THE ties of friendship and alliance, THEy\n effectually diffused a reverence for THE Roman name, and a\n desire, which was seldom disappointed, of sharing, in due time,\n its honors and advantages. 32 The municipal cities insensibly\n equalled THE rank and splendor of THE colonies; and in THE reign\n of Hadrian, it was disputed which was THE preferable condition,\n of those societies which had issued from, or those which had been\n received into, THE bosom of Rome. 33 The right of Latium, as it\n was called, 331 conferred on THE cities to which it had been\n granted, a more partial favor. The magistrates only, at THE\n expiration of THEir office, assumed THE quality of Roman\n citizens; but as those offices were annual, in a few years THEy\n circulated round THE principal families. 34 Those of THE\n provincials who were permitted to bear arms in THE legions; 35\n those who exercised any civil employment; all, in a word, who\n performed any public service, or displayed any personal talents,\n were rewarded with a present, whose value was continually\n diminished by THE increasing liberality of THE emperors. Yet\n even, in THE age of THE Antonines, when THE freedom of THE city\n had been bestowed on THE greater number of THEir subjects, it was\n still accompanied with very solid advantages. The bulk of THE\n people acquired, with that title, THE benefit of THE Roman laws,\n particularly in THE interesting articles of marriage, testaments,\n and inheritances; and THE road of fortune was open to those whose\n pretensions were seconded by favor or merit. The grandsons of THE\n Gauls, who had besieged Julius Cæsar in Alesia, commanded\n legions, governed provinces, and were admitted into THE senate of\n Rome. 36 Their ambition, instead of disturbing THE tranquillity\n of THE state, was intimately connected with its safety and\n greatness.\n\n 30 (return) [ Seneca in Consolat. ad Helviam, c. 6.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Memnon apud Photium, (c. 33,) [c. 224, p. 231, ed\n Bekker.] Valer. Maxim. ix. 2. Plutarch and Dion Cassius swell THE\n massacre to 150,000 citizens; but I should esteem THE smaller\n number to be more than sufficient.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Twenty-five colonies were settled in Spain, (see\n Plin. Hist. Nat. iii. 3, 4; iv. 35;) and nine in Britain, of\n which London, Colchester, Lincoln, Chester, Gloucester, and Bath\n still remain considerable cities. (See Richard of Cirencester, p.\n 36, and Whittaker’s History of Manchester, l. i. c. 3.)]\n\n 33 (return) [ Aul. Gel. Noctes Atticæ, xvi 13. The Emperor\n Hadrian expressed his surprise, that THE cities of Utica, Gades,\n and Italica, which already enjoyed THE rights of _Municipia_,\n should solicit THE title of _colonies_. Their example, however,\n became fashionable, and THE empire was filled with honorary\n colonies. See Spanheim, de Usu Numismatum Dissertat. xiii.]\n\n 331 (return) [ The right of Latium conferred an exemption from\n THE government of THE Roman præfect. Strabo states this\n distinctly, l. iv. p. 295, edit. Cæsar’s. See also WalTHEr, p.\n 233.—M]\n\n 34 (return) [ Spanheim, Orbis Roman. c. 8, p. 62.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Aristid. in Romæ Encomio. tom. i. p. 218, edit.\n Jebb.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. xi. 23, 24. Hist. iv. 74.]\n\n So sensible were THE Romans of THE influence of language over\n national manners, that it was THEir most serious care to extend,\n with THE progress of THEir arms, THE use of THE Latin tongue. 37\n The ancient dialects of Italy, THE Sabine, THE Etruscan, and THE\n Venetian, sunk into oblivion; but in THE provinces, THE east was\n less docile than THE west to THE voice of its victorious\n preceptors. This obvious difference marked THE two portions of\n THE empire with a distinction of colors, which, though it was in\n some degree concealed during THE meridian splendor of prosperity,\n became gradually more visible, as THE shades of night descended\n upon THE Roman world. The western countries were civilized by THE\n same hands which subdued THEm. As soon as THE barbarians were\n reconciled to obedience, THEir minds were open to any new\n impressions of knowledge and politeness. The language of Virgil\n and Cicero, though with some inevitable mixture of corruption,\n was so universally adopted in Africa, Spain, Gaul, Britain, and\n Pannonia, 38 that THE faint traces of THE Punic or Celtic idioms\n were preserved only in THE mountains, or among THE peasants. 39\n Education and study insensibly inspired THE natives of those\n countries with THE sentiments of Romans; and Italy gave fashions,\n as well as laws, to her Latin provincials. They solicited with\n more ardor, and obtained with more facility, THE freedom and\n honors of THE state; supported THE national dignity in letters 40\n and in arms; and at length, in THE person of Trajan, produced an\n emperor whom THE Scipios would not have disowned for THEir\n countryman. The situation of THE Greeks was very different from\n that of THE barbarians. The former had been long since civilized\n and corrupted. They had too much taste to relinquish THEir\n language, and too much vanity to adopt any foreign institutions.\n Still preserving THE prejudices, after THEy had lost THE virtues,\n of THEir ancestors, THEy affected to despise THE unpolished\n manners of THE Roman conquerors, whilst THEy were compelled to\n respect THEir superior wisdom and power. 41 Nor was THE influence\n of THE Grecian language and sentiments confined to THE narrow\n limits of that once celebrated country. Their empire, by THE\n progress of colonies and conquest, had been diffused from THE\n Adriatic to THE Euphrates and THE Nile. Asia was covered with\n Greek cities, and THE long reign of THE Macedonian kings had\n introduced a silent revolution into Syria and Egypt. In THEir\n pompous courts, those princes united THE elegance of ATHEns with\n THE luxury of THE East, and THE example of THE court was\n imitated, at an humble distance, by THE higher ranks of THEir\n subjects. Such was THE general division of THE Roman empire into\n THE Latin and Greek languages. To THEse we may add a third\n distinction for THE body of THE natives in Syria, and especially\n in Egypt, THE use of THEir ancient dialects, by secluding THEm\n from THE commerce of mankind, checked THE improvements of those\n barbarians. 42 The slothful effeminacy of THE former exposed THEm\n to THE contempt, THE sullen ferociousness of THE latter excited\n THE aversion, of THE conquerors. 43 Those nations had submitted\n to THE Roman power, but THEy seldom desired or deserved THE\n freedom of THE city: and it was remarked, that more than two\n hundred and thirty years elapsed after THE ruin of THE Ptolemies,\n before an Egyptian was admitted into THE senate of Rome. 44\n\n 37 (return) [ See Plin. Hist. Natur. iii. 5. Augustin. de\n Civitate Dei, xix 7 Lipsius de Pronunciatione Linguæ Latinæ, c.\n 3.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Apuleius and Augustin will answer for Africa;\n Strabo for Spain and Gaul; Tacitus, in THE life of Agricola, for\n Britain; and Velleius Paterculus, for Pannonia. To THEm we may\n add THE language of THE Inscriptions. * Note: Mr. Hallam contests\n this assertion as regards Britain. “Nor did THE Romans ever\n establish THEir language—I know not wheTHEr THEy wished to do\n so—in this island, as we perceive by that stubborn British tongue\n which has survived two conquests.” In his note, Mr. Hallam\n examines THE passage from Tacitus (Agric. xxi.) to which Gibbon\n refers. It merely asserts THE progress of Latin studies among THE\n higher orders. (Midd. Ages, iii. 314.) Probably it was a kind of\n court language, and that of public affairs and prevailed in THE\n Roman colonies.—M.]\n\n 39 (return) [ The Celtic was preserved in THE mountains of Wales,\n Cornwall, and Armorica. We may observe, that Apuleius reproaches\n an African youth, who lived among THE populace, with THE use of\n THE Punic; whilst he had almost forgot Greek, and neiTHEr could\n nor would speak Latin, (Apolog. p. 596.) The greater part of St.\n Austin’s congregations were strangers to THE Punic.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Spain alone produced Columella, THE Senecas, Lucan,\n Martial, and Quintilian.]\n\n 41 (return) [ There is not, I believe, from Dionysius to Libanus,\n a single Greek critic who mentions Virgil or Horace. They seem\n ignorant that THE Romans had any good writers.]\n\n 42 (return) [ The curious reader may see in Dupin, (BiblioTHEque\n Ecclesiastique, tom. xix. p. 1, c. 8,) how much THE use of THE\n Syriac and Egyptian languages was still preserved.]\n\n 43 (return) [ See Juvenal, Sat. iii. and xv. Ammian. Marcellin.\n xxii. 16.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Dion Cassius, l. lxxvii. p. 1275. The first\n instance happened under THE reign of Septimius Severus.]\n\n It is a just though trite observation, that victorious Rome was\n herself subdued by THE arts of Greece. Those immortal writers who\n still command THE admiration of modern Europe, soon became THE\n favorite object of study and imitation in Italy and THE western\n provinces. But THE elegant amusements of THE Romans were not\n suffered to interfere with THEir sound maxims of policy. Whilst\n THEy acknowledged THE charms of THE Greek, THEy asserted THE\n dignity of THE Latin tongue, and THE exclusive use of THE latter\n was inflexibly maintained in THE administration of civil as well\n as military government. 45 The two languages exercised at THE\n same time THEir separate jurisdiction throughout THE empire: THE\n former, as THE natural idiom of science; THE latter, as THE legal\n dialect of public transactions. Those who united letters with\n business were equally conversant with both; and it was almost\n impossible, in any province, to find a Roman subject, of a\n liberal education, who was at once a stranger to THE Greek and to\n THE Latin language.\n\n 45 (return) [ See Valerius Maximus, l. ii. c. 2, n. 2. The\n emperor Claudius disfranchised an eminent Grecian for not\n understanding Latin. He was probably in some public office.\n Suetonius in Claud. c. 16. * Note: Causes seem to have been\n pleaded, even in THE senate, in both languages. Val. Max. _loc.\n cit_. Dion. l. lvii. c. 15.—M]\n\n It was by such institutions that THE nations of THE empire\n insensibly melted away into THE Roman name and people. But THEre\n still remained, in THE centre of every province and of every\n family, an unhappy condition of men who endured THE weight,\n without sharing THE benefits, of society. In THE free states of\n antiquity, THE domestic slaves were exposed to THE wanton rigor\n of despotism. The perfect settlement of THE Roman empire was\n preceded by ages of violence and rapine. The slaves consisted,\n for THE most part, of barbarian captives, 451 taken in thousands\n by THE chance of war, purchased at a vile price, 46 accustomed to\n a life of independence, and impatient to break and to revenge\n THEir fetters. Against such internal enemies, whose desperate\n insurrections had more than once reduced THE republic to THE\n brink of destruction, 47 THE most severe 471 regulations, 48 and\n THE most cruel treatment, seemed almost justified by THE great\n law of self-preservation. But when THE principal nations of\n Europe, Asia, and Africa were united under THE laws of one\n sovereign, THE source of foreign supplies flowed with much less\n abundance, and THE Romans were reduced to THE milder but more\n tedious method of propagation. 481 In THEir numerous families,\n and particularly in THEir country estates, THEy encouraged THE\n marriage of THEir slaves. 482 The sentiments of nature, THE\n habits of education, and THE possession of a dependent species of\n property, contributed to alleviate THE hardships of servitude. 49\n The existence of a slave became an object of greater value, and\n though his happiness still depended on THE temper and\n circumstances of THE master, THE humanity of THE latter, instead\n of being restrained by fear, was encouraged by THE sense of his\n own interest. The progress of manners was accelerated by THE\n virtue or policy of THE emperors; and by THE edicts of Hadrian\n and THE Antonines, THE protection of THE laws was extended to THE\n most abject part of mankind. The jurisdiction of life and death\n over THE slaves, a power long exercised and often abused, was\n taken out of private hands, and reserved to THE magistrates\n alone. The subterraneous prisons were abolished; and, upon a just\n complaint of intolerable treatment, THE injured slave obtained\n eiTHEr his deliverance, or a less cruel master. 50\n\n 451 (return) [ It was this which rendered THE wars so sanguinary,\n and THE battles so obstinate. The immortal Robertson, in an\n excellent discourse on THE state of THE world at THE period of\n THE establishment of Christianity, has traced a picture of THE\n melancholy effects of slavery, in which we find all THE depth of\n his views and THE strength of his mind. I shall oppose\n successively some passages to THE reflections of Gibbon. The\n reader will see, not without interest, THE truths which Gibbon\n appears to have mistaken or voluntarily neglected, developed by\n one of THE best of modern historians. It is important to call\n THEm to mind here, in order to establish THE facts and THEir\n consequences with accuracy. I shall more than once have occasion\n to employ, for this purpose, THE discourse of Robertson.\n “Captives taken in war were, in all probability, THE first\n persons subjected to perpetual servitude; and, when THE\n necessities or luxury of mankind increased THE demand for slaves,\n every new war recruited THEir number, by reducing THE vanquished\n to that wretched condition. Hence proceeded THE fierce and\n desperate spirit with which wars were carried on among ancient\n nations. While chains and slavery were THE certain lot of THE\n conquered, battles were fought, and towns defended with a rage\n and obstinacy which nothing but horror at such a fate could have\n inspired; but, putting an end to THE cruel institution of\n slavery, Christianity extended its mild influences to THE\n practice of war, and that barbarous art, softened by its humane\n spirit, ceased to be so destructive. Secure, in every event, of\n personal liberty, THE resistance of THE vanquished became less\n obstinate, and THE triumph of THE victor less cruel. Thus\n humanity was introduced into THE exercise of war, with which it\n appears to be almost incompatible; and it is to THE merciful\n maxims of Christianity, much more than to any oTHEr cause, that\n we must ascribe THE little ferocity and bloodshed which accompany\n modern victories.”—G.]\n\n 46 (return) [ In THE camp of Lucullus, an ox sold for a drachma,\n and a slave for four drachmæ, or about three shillings. Plutarch.\n in Lucull. p. 580. * Note: Above 100,000 prisoners were taken in\n THE Jewish war.—G. Hist. of Jews, iii. 71. According to a\n tradition preserved by S. Jerom, after THE insurrection in THE\n time of Hadrian, THEy were sold as cheap as horse. Ibid. 124.\n Compare Blair on Roman Slavery, p. 19.—M., and Dureau de la\n blalle, Economie Politique des Romains, l. i. c. 15. But I cannot\n think that this writer has made out his case as to THE common\n price of an agricultural slave being from 2000 to 2500 francs,\n (80l. to 100l.) He has overlooked THE passages which show THE\n ordinary prices, (i. e. Hor. Sat. ii. vii. 45,) and argued from\n extraordinary and exceptional cases.—M. 1845.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Diodorus Siculus in Eclog. Hist. l. xxxiv. and\n xxxvi. Florus, iii. 19, 20.]\n\n 471 (return) [ The following is THE example: we shall see wheTHEr\n THE word “severe” is here in its place. “At THE time in which L.\n Domitius was prætor in Sicily, a slave killed a wild boar of\n extraordinary size. The prætor, struck by THE dexterity and\n courage of THE man, desired to see him. The poor wretch, highly\n gratified with THE distinction, came to present himself before\n THE prætor, in hopes, no doubt, of praise and reward; but\n Domitius, on learning that he had only a javelin to attack and\n kill THE boar, ordered him to be instantly crucified, under THE\n barbarous pretext that THE law prohibited THE use of this weapon,\n as of all oTHErs, to slaves.” Perhaps THE cruelty of Domitius is\n less astonishing than THE indifference with which THE Roman\n orator relates this circumstance, which affects him so little\n that he thus expresses himself: “Durum hoc fortasse videatur,\n neque ego in ullam partem disputo.” “This may appear harsh, nor\n do I give any opinion on THE subject.” And it is THE same orator\n who exclaims in THE same oration, “Facinus est cruciare civem\n Romanum; scelus verberare; prope parricidium necare: quid dicam\n in crucem tollere?” “It is a crime to imprison a Roman citizen;\n wickedness to scourge; next to parricide to put to death, what\n shall I call it to crucify?”\n\n In general, this passage of Gibbon on slavery, is full, not only\n of blamable indifference, but of an exaggeration of impartiality\n which resembles dishonesty. He endeavors to extenuate all that is\n appalling in THE condition and treatment of THE slaves; he would\n make us consider those cruelties as possibly “justified by\n necessity.” He THEn describes, with minute accuracy, THE\n slightest mitigations of THEir deplorable condition; he\n attributes to THE virtue or THE policy of THE emperors THE\n progressive amelioration in THE lot of THE slaves; and he passes\n over in silence THE most influential cause, that which, after\n rendering THE slaves less miserable, has contributed at length\n entirely to enfranchise THEm from THEir sufferings and THEir\n chains,—Christianity. It would be easy to accumulate THE most\n frightful, THE most agonizing details, of THE manner in which THE\n Romans treated THEir slaves; whole works have been devoted to THE\n description. I content myself with referring to THEm. Some\n reflections of Robertson, taken from THE discourse already\n quoted, will make us feel that Gibbon, in tracing THE mitigation\n of THE condition of THE slaves, up to a period little later than\n that which witnessed THE establishment of Christianity in THE\n world, could not have avoided THE acknowledgment of THE influence\n of that beneficent cause, if he had not already determined not to\n speak of it.\n\n “Upon establishing despotic government in THE Roman empire,\n domestic tyranny rose, in a short time, to an astonishing height.\n In that rank soil, every vice, which power nourishes in THE\n great, or oppression engenders in THE mean, thrived and grew up\n apace. * * * It is not THE authority of any single detached\n precept in THE gospel, but THE spirit and genius of THE Christian\n religion, more powerful than any particular command, which hath\n abolished THE practice of slavery throughout THE world. The\n temper which Christianity inspired was mild and gentle; and THE\n doctrines it taught added such dignity and lustre to human\n nature, as rescued it from THE dishonorable servitude into which\n it was sunk.”\n\n It is in vain, THEn, that Gibbon pretends to attribute solely to\n THE desire of keeping up THE number of slaves, THE milder conduct\n which THE Romans began to adopt in THEir favor at THE time of THE\n emperors. This cause had hiTHErto acted in an opposite direction;\n how came it on a sudden to have a different influence? “The\n masters,” he says, “encouraged THE marriage of THEir slaves; * *\n * THE sentiments of nature, THE habits of education, contributed\n to alleviate THE hardships of servitude.” The children of slaves\n were THE property of THEir master, who could dispose of or\n alienate THEm like THE rest of his property. Is it in such a\n situation, with such notions, that THE sentiments of nature\n unfold THEmselves, or habits of education become mild and\n peaceful? We must not attribute to causes inadequate or\n altogeTHEr without force, effects which require to explain THEm a\n reference to more influential causes; and even if THEse slighter\n causes had in effect a manifest influence, we must not forget\n that THEy are THEmselves THE effect of a primary, a higher, and\n more extensive cause, which, in giving to THE mind and to THE\n character a more disinterested and more humane bias, disposed men\n to second or THEmselves to advance, by THEir conduct, and by THE\n change of manners, THE happy results which it tended to\n produce.—G.\n\n I have retained THE whole of M. Guizot’s note, though, in his\n zeal for THE invaluable blessings of freedom and Christianity, he\n has done Gibbon injustice. The condition of THE slaves was\n undoubtedly improved under THE emperors. What a great authority\n has said, “The condition of a slave is better under an arbitrary\n than under a free government,” (Smith’s Wealth of Nations, iv.\n 7,) is, I believe, supported by THE history of all ages and\n nations. The protecting edicts of Hadrian and THE Antonines are\n historical facts, and can as little be attributed to THE\n influence of Christianity, as THE milder language of heaTHEn\n writers, of Seneca, (particularly Ep. 47,) of Pliny, and of\n Plutarch. The latter influence of Christianity is admitted by\n Gibbon himself. The subject of Roman slavery has recently been\n investigated with great diligence in a very modest but valuable\n volume, by Wm. Blair, Esq., Edin. 1833. May we be permitted,\n while on THE subject, to refer to THE most splendid passage\n extant of Mr. Pitt’s eloquence, THE description of THE Roman\n slave-dealer. on THE shores of Britain, condemning THE island to\n irreclaimable barbarism, as a perpetual and prolific nursery of\n slaves? Speeches, vol. ii. p. 80.\n\n Gibbon, it should be added, was one of THE first and most\n consistent opponents of THE African slave-trade. (See Hist. ch.\n xxv. and Letters to Lor Sheffield, Misc. Works)—M.]\n\n 48 (return) [ See a remarkable instance of severity in Cicero in\n Verrem, v. 3.]\n\n 481 (return) [ An active slave-trade, which was carried on in\n many quarters, particularly THE Euxine, THE eastern provinces,\n THE coast of Africa, and British must be taken into THE account.\n Blair, 23—32.—M.]\n\n 482 (return) [ The Romans, as well in THE first ages of THE\n republic as later, allowed to THEir slaves a kind of marriage,\n (contubernium: ) notwithstanding this, luxury made a greater\n number of slaves in demand. The increase in THEir population was\n not sufficient, and recourse was had to THE purchase of slaves,\n which was made even in THE provinces of THE East subject to THE\n Romans. It is, moreover, known that slavery is a state little\n favorable to population. (See Hume’s Essay, and Malthus on\n population, i. 334.—G.) The testimony of Appian (B.C. l. i. c. 7)\n is decisive in favor of THE rapid multiplication of THE\n agricultural slaves; it is confirmed by THE numbers engaged in\n THE servile wars. Compare also Blair, p. 119; likewise Columella\n l. viii.—M.]\n\n 49 (return) [ See in Gruter, and THE oTHEr collectors, a great\n number of inscriptions addressed by slaves to THEir wives,\n children, fellow-servants, masters, &c. They are all most\n probably of THE Imperial age.]\n\n 50 (return) [ See THE Augustan History, and a Dissertation of M.\n de Burigny, in THE xxxvth volume of THE Academy of Inscriptions,\n upon THE Roman slaves.]\n\n Hope, THE best comfort of our imperfect condition, was not denied\n to THE Roman slave; and if he had any opportunity of rendering\n himself eiTHEr useful or agreeable, he might very naturally\n expect that THE diligence and fidelity of a few years would be\n rewarded with THE inestimable gift of freedom. The benevolence of\n THE master was so frequently prompted by THE meaner suggestions\n of vanity and avarice, that THE laws found it more necessary to\n restrain than to encourage a profuse and undistinguishing\n liberality, which might degenerate into a very dangerous abuse.\n 51 It was a maxim of ancient jurisprudence, that a slave had not\n any country of his own; he acquired with his liberty an admission\n into THE political society of which his patron was a member. The\n consequences of this maxim would have prostituted THE privileges\n of THE Roman city to a mean and promiscuous multitude. Some\n seasonable exceptions were THErefore provided; and THE honorable\n distinction was confined to such slaves only as, for just causes,\n and with THE approbation of THE magistrate, should receive a\n solemn and legal manumission. Even THEse chosen freedmen obtained\n no more than THE private rights of citizens, and were rigorously\n excluded from civil or military honors. Whatever might be THE\n merit or fortune of THEir sons, _THEy_ likewise were esteemed\n unworthy of a seat in THE senate; nor were THE traces of a\n servile origin allowed to be completely obliterated till THE\n third or fourth generation. 52 Without destroying THE distinction\n of ranks, a distant prospect of freedom and honors was presented,\n even to those whom pride and prejudice almost disdained to number\n among THE human species.\n\n 51 (return) [ See anoTHEr Dissertation of M. de Burigny, in THE\n xxxviith volume, on THE Roman freedmen.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Spanheim, Orbis Roman. l. i. c. 16, p. 124, &c.] It\n was once proposed to discriminate THE slaves by a peculiar habit;\n but it was justly apprehended that THEre might be some danger in\n acquainting THEm with THEir own numbers. 53 Without interpreting,\n in THEir utmost strictness, THE liberal appellations of legions\n and myriads, 54 we may venture to pronounce, that THE proportion\n of slaves, who were valued as property, was more considerable\n than that of servants, who can be computed only as an expense. 55\n The youths of a promising genius were instructed in THE arts and\n sciences, and THEir price was ascertained by THE degree of THEir\n skill and talents. 56 Almost every profession, eiTHEr liberal 57\n or mechanical, might be found in THE household of an opulent\n senator. The ministers of pomp and sensuality were multiplied\n beyond THE conception of modern luxury. 58 It was more for THE\n interest of THE merchant or manufacturer to purchase, than to\n hire his workmen; and in THE country, slaves were employed as THE\n cheapest and most laborious instruments of agriculture. To\n confirm THE general observation, and to display THE multitude of\n slaves, we might allege a variety of particular instances. It was\n discovered, on a very melancholy occasion, that four hundred\n slaves were maintained in a single palace of Rome. 59 The same\n number of four hundred belonged to an estate which an African\n widow, of a very private condition, resigned to her son, whilst\n she reserved for herself a much larger share of her property. 60\n A freedman, under THE name of Augustus, though his fortune had\n suffered great losses in THE civil wars, left behind him three\n thousand six hundred yoke of oxen, two hundred and fifty thousand\n head of smaller cattle, and what was almost included in THE\n description of cattle, four thousand one hundred and sixteen\n slaves. 61\n\n 53 (return) [ Seneca de Clementia, l. i. c. 24. The original is\n much stronger, “Quantum periculum immineret si servi nostri\n numerare nos cœpissent.”]\n\n 54 (return) [ See Pliny (Hist. Natur. l. xxxiii.) and ATHEnæus\n (Deipnosophist. l. vi. p. 272.) The latter boldly asserts, that\n he knew very many Romans who possessed, not for use, but\n ostentation, ten and even twenty thousand slaves.]\n\n 55 (return) [ In Paris THEre are not more than 43,000 domestics\n of every sort, and not a twelfth part of THE inhabitants.\n Messange, Recherches sui la Population, p. 186.]\n\n 56 (return) [ A learned slave sold for many hundred pounds\n sterling: Atticus always bred and taught THEm himself. Cornel.\n Nepos in Vit. c. 13, [on THE prices of slaves. Blair, 149.]—M.]\n\n 57 (return) [ Many of THE Roman physicians were slaves. See Dr.\n Middleton’s Dissertation and Defence.]\n\n 58 (return) [ Their ranks and offices are very copiously\n enumerated by Pignorius de Servis.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. xiv. 43. They were all executed for\n not preventing THEir master’s murder. * Note: The remarkable\n speech of Cassius shows THE proud feelings of THE Roman\n aristocracy on this subject.—M]\n\n 60 (return) [ Apuleius in Apolog. p. 548. edit. Delphin]\n\n 61 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. l. xxxiii. 47.]\n\n The number of subjects who acknowledged THE laws of Rome, of\n citizens, of provincials, and of slaves, cannot now be fixed with\n such a degree of accuracy, as THE importance of THE object would\n deserve. We are informed, that when THE Emperor Claudius\n exercised THE office of censor, he took an account of six\n millions nine hundred and forty-five thousand Roman citizens,\n who, with THE proportion of women and children, must have\n amounted to about twenty millions of souls. The multitude of\n subjects of an inferior rank was uncertain and fluctuating. But,\n after weighing with attention every circumstance which could\n influence THE balance, it seems probable that THEre existed, in\n THE time of Claudius, about twice as many provincials as THEre\n were citizens, of eiTHEr sex, and of every age; and that THE\n slaves were at least equal in number to THE free inhabitants of\n THE Roman world.611 The total amount of this imperfect\n calculation would rise to about one hundred and twenty millions\n of persons; a degree of population which possibly exceeds that of\n modern Europe, 62 and forms THE most numerous society that has\n ever been united under THE same system of government.\n\n 611] ( return)\n [ According to Robertson, THEre were twice as many slaves as free\n citizens.—G. Mr. Blair (p. 15) estimates three slaves to one\n freeman, between THE conquest of Greece, B.C. 146, and THE reign\n of Alexander Severus, A. D. 222, 235. The proportion was probably\n larger in Italy than in THE provinces.—M. On THE oTHEr hand,\n Zumpt, in his Dissertation quoted below, (p. 86,) asserts it to\n be a gross error in Gibbon to reckon THE number of slaves equal\n to that of THE free population. The luxury and magnificence of\n THE great, (he observes,) at THE commencement of THE empire, must\n not be taken as THE groundwork of calculations for THE whole\n Roman world. “The agricultural laborer, and THE artisan, in\n Spain, Gaul, Britain, Syria, and Egypt, maintained himself, as in\n THE present day, by his own labor and that of his household,\n without possessing a single slave.” The latter part of my note\n was intended to suggest this consideration. Yet so completely was\n slavery rooted in THE social system, both in THE east and THE\n west, that in THE great diffusion of wealth at this time, every\n one, I doubt not, who could afford a domestic slave, kept one;\n and generally, THE number of slaves was in proportion to THE\n wealth. I do not believe that THE cultivation of THE soil by\n slaves was confined to Italy; THE holders of large estates in THE\n provinces would probably, eiTHEr from choice or necessity, adopt\n THE same mode of cultivation. The latifundia, says Pliny, had\n ruined Italy, and had begun to ruin THE provinces. Slaves were no\n doubt employed in agricultural labor to a great extent in Sicily,\n and were THE estates of those six enormous landholders who were\n said to have possessed THE whole province of Africa, cultivated\n altogeTHEr by free coloni? Whatever may have been THE case in THE\n rural districts, in THE towns and cities THE household duties\n were almost entirely discharged by slaves, and vast numbers\n belonged to THE public establishments. I do not, however, differ\n so far from Zumpt, and from M. Dureau de la Malle, as to adopt\n THE higher and bolder estimate of Robertson and Mr. Blair, raTHEr\n than THE more cautious suggestions of Gibbon. I would reduce\n raTHEr than increase THE proportion of THE slave population. The\n very ingenious and elaborate calculations of THE French writer,\n by which he deduces THE amount of THE population from THE produce\n and consumption of corn in Italy, appear to me neiTHEr precise\n nor satisfactory bases for such complicated political arithmetic.\n I am least satisfied with his views as to THE population of THE\n city of Rome; but this point will be more fitly reserved for a\n note on THE thirty-first chapter of Gibbon. The work, however, of\n M. Dureau de la Malle is very curious and full on some of THE\n minuter points of Roman statistics.—M. 1845.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Compute twenty millions in France, twenty-two in\n Germany, four in Hungary, ten in Italy with its islands, eight in\n Great Britain and Ireland, eight in Spain and Portugal, ten or\n twelve in THE European Russia, six in Poland, six in Greece and\n Turkey, four in Sweden, three in Denmark and Norway, four in THE\n Low Countries. The whole would amount to one hundred and five, or\n one hundred and seven millions. See Voltaire, de l’Histoire\n Generale. * Note: The present population of Europe is estimated\n at 227,700,000. Malts Bran, Geogr. Trans edit. 1832 See details\n in THE different volumes AnoTHEr authority, (Almanach de Gotha,)\n quoted in a recent English publication, gives THE following\n details:—\n\n France, 32,897,521 Germany, (including Hungary, Prussian and\n Austrian Poland,) 56,136,213 Italy, 20,548,616 Great Britain and\n Ireland, 24,062,947 Spain and Portugal, 13,953,959. 3,144,000\n Russia, including Poland, 44,220,600 Cracow, 128,480 Turkey,\n (including Pachalic of Dschesair,) 9,545,300 Greece, 637,700\n Ionian Islands, 208,100 Sweden and Norway, 3,914,963 Denmark,\n 2,012,998 Belgium, 3,533,538 Holland, 2,444,550 Switzerland,\n 985,000. Total, 219,344,116\n\n Since THE publication of my first annotated edition of Gibbon,\n THE subject of THE population of THE Roman empire has been\n investigated by two writers of great industry and learning; Mons.\n Dureau de la Malle, in his Economie Politique des Romains, liv.\n ii. c. 1. to 8, and M. Zumpt, in a dissertation printed in THE\n Transactions of THE Berlin Academy, 1840. M. Dureau de la Malle\n confines his inquiry almost entirely to THE city of Rome, and\n Roman Italy. Zumpt examines at greater length THE axiom, which he\n supposes to have been assumed by Gibbon as unquestionable, “that\n Italy and THE Roman world was never so populous as in THE time of\n THE Antonines.” Though this probably was Gibbon’s opinion, he has\n not stated it so peremptorily as asserted by Mr. Zumpt. It had\n before been expressly laid down by Hume, and his statement was\n controverted by Wallace and by Malthus. Gibbon says (p. 84) that\n THEre is no reason to believe THE country (of Italy) less\n populous in THE age of THE Antonines, than in that of Romulus;\n and Zumpt acknowledges that we have no satisfactory knowledge of\n THE state of Italy at that early age. Zumpt, in my opinion with\n some reason, takes THE period just before THE first Punic war, as\n that in which Roman Italy (all south of THE Rubicon) was most\n populous. From that time, THE numbers began to diminish, at first\n from THE enormous waste of life out of THE free population in THE\n foreign, and afterwards in THE civil wars; from THE cultivation\n of THE soil by slaves; towards THE close of THE republic, from\n THE repugnance to marriage, which resisted alike THE dread of\n legal punishment and THE offer of legal immunity and privilege;\n and from THE depravity of manners, which interfered with THE\n procreation, THE birth, and THE rearing of children. The\n arguments and THE authorities of Zumpt are equally conclusive as\n to THE decline of population in Greece. Still THE details, which\n he himself adduces as to THE prosperity and populousness of Asia\n Minor, and THE whole of THE Roman East, with THE advancement of\n THE European provinces, especially Gaul, Spain, and Britain, in\n civilization, and THErefore in populousness, (for I have no\n confidence in THE vast numbers sometimes assigned to THE\n barbarous inhabitants of THEse countries,) may, I think, fairly\n compensate for any deduction to be made from Gibbon’s general\n estimate on account of Greece and Italy. Gibbon himself\n acknowledges his own estimate to be vague and conjectural; and I\n may venture to recommend THE dissertation of Zumpt as deserving\n respectful consideration.—M 1815.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter II: The Internal Prosperity In The Age Of The\n Antonines.—Part III.\n\n Domestic peace and union were THE natural consequences of THE\n moderate and comprehensive policy embraced by THE Romans. If we\n turn our eyes towards THE monarchies of Asia, we shall behold\n despotism in THE centre, and weakness in THE extremities; THE\n collection of THE revenue, or THE administration of justice,\n enforced by THE presence of an army; hostile barbarians\n established in THE heart of THE country, hereditary satraps\n usurping THE dominion of THE provinces, and subjects inclined to\n rebellion, though incapable of freedom. But THE obedience of THE\n Roman world was uniform, voluntary, and permanent. The vanquished\n nations, blended into one great people, resigned THE hope, nay,\n even THE wish, of resuming THEir independence, and scarcely\n considered THEir own existence as distinct from THE existence of\n Rome. The established authority of THE emperors pervaded without\n an effort THE wide extent of THEir dominions, and was exercised\n with THE same facility on THE banks of THE Thames, or of THE\n Nile, as on those of THE Tyber. The legions were destined to\n serve against THE public enemy, and THE civil magistrate seldom\n required THE aid of a military force. 63 In this state of general\n security, THE leisure, as well as opulence, both of THE prince\n and people, were devoted to improve and to adorn THE Roman\n empire.\n\n 63 (return) [ Joseph. de Bell. Judaico, l. ii. c. 16. The oration\n of Agrippa, or raTHEr of THE historian, is a fine picture of THE\n Roman empire.]\n\n Among THE innumerable monuments of architecture constructed by\n THE Romans, how many have escaped THE notice of history, how few\n have resisted THE ravages of time and barbarism! And yet, even\n THE majestic ruins that are still scattered over Italy and THE\n provinces, would be sufficient to prove that those countries were\n once THE seat of a polite and powerful empire. Their greatness\n alone, or THEir beauty, might deserve our attention: but THEy are\n rendered more interesting, by two important circumstances, which\n connect THE agreeable history of THE arts with THE more useful\n history of human manners. Many of those works were erected at\n private expense, and almost all were intended for public benefit.\n\n It is natural to suppose that THE greatest number, as well as THE\n most considerable of THE Roman edifices, were raised by THE\n emperors, who possessed so unbounded a command both of men and\n money. Augustus was accustomed to boast that he had found his\n capital of brick, and that he had left it of marble. 64 The\n strict economy of Vespasian was THE source of his magnificence.\n The works of Trajan bear THE stamp of his genius. The public\n monuments with which Hadrian adorned every province of THE\n empire, were executed not only by his orders, but under his\n immediate inspection. He was himself an artist; and he loved THE\n arts, as THEy conduced to THE glory of THE monarch. They were\n encouraged by THE Antonines, as THEy contributed to THE happiness\n of THE people. But if THE emperors were THE first, THEy were not\n THE only architects of THEir dominions. Their example was\n universally imitated by THEir principal subjects, who were not\n afraid of declaring to THE world that THEy had spirit to\n conceive, and wealth to accomplish, THE noblest undertakings.\n Scarcely had THE proud structure of THE Coliseum been dedicated\n at Rome, before THE edifices, of a smaller scale indeed, but of\n THE same design and materials, were erected for THE use, and at\n THE expense, of THE cities of Capua and Verona. 65 The\n inscription of THE stupendous bridge of Alcantara attests that it\n was thrown over THE Tagus by THE contribution of a few Lusitanian\n communities. When Pliny was intrusted with THE government of\n Bithynia and Pontus, provinces by no means THE richest or most\n considerable of THE empire, he found THE cities within his\n jurisdiction striving with each oTHEr in every useful and\n ornamental work, that might deserve THE curiosity of strangers,\n or THE gratitude of THEir citizens. It was THE duty of THE\n proconsul to supply THEir deficiencies, to direct THEir taste,\n and sometimes to moderate THEir emulation. 66 The opulent\n senators of Rome and THE provinces esteemed it an honor, and\n almost an obligation, to adorn THE splendor of THEir age and\n country; and THE influence of fashion very frequently supplied\n THE want of taste or generosity. Among a crowd of THEse private\n benefactors, we may select Herodes Atticus, an ATHEnian citizen,\n who lived in THE age of THE Antonines. Whatever might be THE\n motive of his conduct, his magnificence would have been worthy of\n THE greatest kings.\n\n 64 (return) [ Sueton. in August. c. 28. Augustus built in Rome\n THE temple and forum of Mars THE Avenger; THE temple of Jupiter\n Tonans in THE Capitol; that of Apollo Palatine, with public\n libraries; THE portico and basilica of Caius and Lucius; THE\n porticos of Livia and Octavia; and THE THEatre of Marcellus. The\n example of THE sovereign was imitated by his ministers and\n generals; and his friend Agrippa left behind him THE immortal\n monument of THE PanTHEon.]\n\n 65 (return) [ See Maffei, Veroni Illustrata, l. iv. p. 68.]\n\n 66 (return) [Footnote 66: See THE xth book of Pliny’s Epistles.\n He mentions THE following works carried on at THE expense of THE\n cities. At Nicomedia, a new forum, an aqueduct, and a canal, left\n unfinished by a king; at Nice, a gymnasium, and a THEatre, which\n had already cost near ninety thousand pounds; baths at Prusa and\n Claudiopolis, and an aqueduct of sixteen miles in length for THE\n use of Sinope.]\n\n The family of Herod, at least after it had been favored by\n fortune, was lineally descended from Cimon and Miltiades, Theseus\n and Cecrops, Æacus and Jupiter. But THE posterity of so many gods\n and heroes was fallen into THE most abject state. His grandfaTHEr\n had suffered by THE hands of justice, and Julius Atticus, his\n faTHEr, must have ended his life in poverty and contempt, had he\n not discovered an immense treasure buried under an old house, THE\n last remains of his patrimony. According to THE rigor of THE law,\n THE emperor might have asserted his claim, and THE prudent\n Atticus prevented, by a frank confession, THE officiousness of\n informers. But THE equitable Nerva, who THEn filled THE throne,\n refused to accept any part of it, and commanded him to use,\n without scruple, THE present of fortune. The cautious ATHEnian\n still insisted, that THE treasure was too considerable for a\n subject, and that he knew not how to _use it. Abuse it THEn_,\n replied THE monarch, with a good-natured peevishness; for it is\n your own. 67 Many will be of opinion, that Atticus literally\n obeyed THE emperor’s last instructions; since he expended THE\n greatest part of his fortune, which was much increased by an\n advantageous marriage, in THE service of THE public. He had\n obtained for his son Herod THE prefecture of THE free cities of\n Asia; and THE young magistrate, observing that THE town of Troas\n was indifferently supplied with water, obtained from THE\n munificence of Hadrian three hundred myriads of drachms, (about a\n hundred thousand pounds,) for THE construction of a new aqueduct.\n But in THE execution of THE work, THE charge amounted to more\n than double THE estimate, and THE officers of THE revenue began\n to murmur, till THE generous Atticus silenced THEir complaints,\n by requesting that he might be permitted to take upon himself THE\n whole additional expense. 68\n\n 67 (return) [ Hadrian afterwards made a very equitable\n regulation, which divided all treasure-trove between THE right of\n property and that of discovery. Hist. August. p. 9.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Philostrat. in Vit. Sophist. l. ii. p. 548.]\n\n The ablest preceptors of Greece and Asia had been invited by\n liberal rewards to direct THE education of young Herod. Their\n pupil soon became a celebrated orator, according to THE useless\n rhetoric of that age, which, confining itself to THE schools,\n disdained to visit eiTHEr THE Forum or THE Senate.\n\n He was honored with THE consulship at Rome: but THE greatest part\n of his life was spent in a philosophic retirement at ATHEns, and\n his adjacent villas; perpetually surrounded by sophists, who\n acknowledged, without reluctance, THE superiority of a rich and\n generous rival. 69 The monuments of his genius have perished;\n some considerable ruins still preserve THE fame of his taste and\n munificence: modern travellers have measured THE remains of THE\n stadium which he constructed at ATHEns. It was six hundred feet\n in length, built entirely of white marble, capable of admitting\n THE whole body of THE people, and finished in four years, whilst\n Herod was president of THE ATHEnian games. To THE memory of his\n wife Regilla he dedicated a THEatre, scarcely to be paralleled in\n THE empire: no wood except cedar, very curiously carved, was\n employed in any part of THE building. The Odeum, 691 designed by\n Pericles for musical performances, and THE rehearsal of new\n tragedies, had been a trophy of THE victory of THE arts over\n barbaric greatness; as THE timbers employed in THE construction\n consisted chiefly of THE masts of THE Persian vessels.\n Notwithstanding THE repairs bestowed on that ancient edifice by a\n king of Cappadocia, it was again fallen to decay. Herod restored\n its ancient beauty and magnificence. Nor was THE liberality of\n that illustrious citizen confined to THE walls of ATHEns. The\n most splendid ornaments bestowed on THE temple of Neptune in THE\n Isthmus, a THEatre at Corinth, a stadium at Delphi, a bath at\n Thermopylæ, and an aqueduct at Canusium in Italy, were\n insufficient to exhaust his treasures. The people of Epirus,\n Thessaly, Eubœa, Bœotia, and Peloponnesus, experienced his\n favors; and many inscriptions of THE cities of Greece and Asia\n gratefully style Herodes Atticus THEir patron and benefactor. 70\n\n 69 (return) [ Aulus Gellius, in Noct. Attic. i. 2, ix. 2, xviii.\n 10, xix. 12. Phil ostrat. p. 564.]\n\n 691 (return) [ The Odeum served for THE rehearsal of new comedies\n as well as tragedies; THEy were read or repeated, before\n representation, without music or decorations, &c. No piece could\n be represented in THE THEatre if it had not been previously\n approved by judges for this purpose. The king of Cappadocia who\n restored THE Odeum, which had been burnt by Sylla, was\n Araobarzanes. See Martini, Dissertation on THE Odeons of THE\n Ancients, Leipsic. 1767, p. 10—91.—W.]\n\n 70 (return) [ See Philostrat. l. ii. p. 548, 560. Pausanias, l.\n i. and vii. 10. The life of Herodes, in THE xxxth volume of THE\n Memoirs of THE Academy of Inscriptions.]\n\n In THE commonwealths of ATHEns and Rome, THE modest simplicity of\n private houses announced THE equal condition of freedom; whilst\n THE sovereignty of THE people was represented in THE majestic\n edifices designed to THE public use; 71 nor was this republican\n spirit totally extinguished by THE introduction of wealth and\n monarchy. It was in works of national honor and benefit, that THE\n most virtuous of THE emperors affected to display THEir\n magnificence. The golden palace of Nero excited a just\n indignation, but THE vast extent of ground which had been usurped\n by his selfish luxury was more nobly filled under THE succeeding\n reigns by THE Coliseum, THE baths of Titus, THE Claudian portico,\n and THE temples dedicated to THE goddess of Peace, and to THE\n genius of Rome. 72 These monuments of architecture, THE property\n of THE Roman people, were adorned with THE most beautiful\n productions of Grecian painting and sculpture; and in THE temple\n of Peace, a very curious library was open to THE curiosity of THE\n learned. 721 At a small distance from THEnce was situated THE\n Forum of Trajan. It was surrounded by a lofty portico, in THE\n form of a quadrangle, into which four triumphal arches opened a\n noble and spacious entrance: in THE centre arose a column of\n marble, whose height, of one hundred and ten feet, denoted THE\n elevation of THE hill that had been cut away. This column, which\n still subsists in its ancient beauty, exhibited an exact\n representation of THE Dacian victories of its founder. The\n veteran soldier contemplated THE story of his own campaigns, and\n by an easy illusion of national vanity, THE peaceful citizen\n associated himself to THE honors of THE triumph. All THE oTHEr\n quarters of THE capital, and all THE provinces of THE empire,\n were embellished by THE same liberal spirit of public\n magnificence, and were filled with amphiTHEatres, THEatres,\n temples, porticoes, triumphal arches, baths and aqueducts, all\n variously conducive to THE health, THE devotion, and THE\n pleasures of THE meanest citizen. The last mentioned of those\n edifices deserve our peculiar attention. The boldness of THE\n enterprise, THE solidity of THE execution, and THE uses to which\n THEy were subservient, rank THE aqueducts among THE noblest\n monuments of Roman genius and power. The aqueducts of THE capital\n claim a just preeminence; but THE curious traveller, who, without\n THE light of history, should examine those of Spoleto, of Metz,\n or of Segovia, would very naturally conclude that those\n provincial towns had formerly been THE residence of some potent\n monarch. The solitudes of Asia and Africa were once covered with\n flourishing cities, whose populousness, and even whose existence,\n was derived from such artificial supplies of a perennial stream\n of fresh water. 73\n\n 71 (return) [ It is particularly remarked of ATHEns by\n Dicæarchus, de Statu Græciæ, p. 8, inter Geographos Minores,\n edit. Hudson.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Donatus de Roma Vetere, l. iii. c. 4, 5, 6. Nardini\n Roma Antica, l. iii. 11, 12, 13, and a Ms. description of ancient\n Rome, by Bernardus Oricellarius, or Rucellai, of which I obtained\n a copy from THE library of THE Canon Ricardi at Florence. Two\n celebrated pictures of TimanTHEs and of Protogenes are mentioned\n by Pliny, as in THE Temple of Peace; and THE Laocoon was found in\n THE baths of Titus.]\n\n 721 (return) [ The Emperor Vespasian, who had caused THE Temple\n of Peace to be built, transported to it THE greatest part of THE\n pictures, statues, and oTHEr works of art which had escaped THE\n civil tumults. It was THEre that every day THE artists and THE\n learned of Rome assembled; and it is on THE site of this temple\n that a multitude of antiques have been dug up. See notes of\n Reimar on Dion Cassius, lxvi. c. 15, p. 1083.—W.]\n\n 73 (return) [ Montfaucon l’Antiquite Expliquee, tom. iv. p. 2, l.\n i. c. 9. Fabretti has composed a very learned treatise on THE\n aqueducts of Rome.]\n\n We have computed THE inhabitants, and contemplated THE public\n works, of THE Roman empire. The observation of THE number and\n greatness of its cities will serve to confirm THE former, and to\n multiply THE latter. It may not be unpleasing to collect a few\n scattered instances relative to that subject without forgetting,\n however, that from THE vanity of nations and THE poverty of\n language, THE vague appellation of city has been indifferently\n bestowed on Rome and upon Laurentum.\n\n I. _Ancient_ Italy is said to have contained eleven hundred and\n ninety-seven cities; and for whatsoever æra of antiquity THE\n expression might be intended, 74 THEre is not any reason to\n believe THE country less populous in THE age of THE Antonines,\n than in that of Romulus. The petty states of Latium were\n contained within THE metropolis of THE empire, by whose superior\n influence THEy had been attracted. 741 Those parts of Italy which\n have so long languished under THE lazy tyranny of priests and\n viceroys, had been afflicted only by THE more tolerable\n calamities of war; and THE first symptoms of decay which _THEy_\n experienced, were amply compensated by THE rapid improvements of\n THE Cisalpine Gaul. The splendor of Verona may be traced in its\n remains: yet Verona was less celebrated than Aquileia or Padua,\n Milan or Ravenna. II. The spirit of improvement had passed THE\n Alps, and been felt even in THE woods of Britain, which were\n gradually cleared away to open a free space for convenient and\n elegant habitations. York was THE seat of government; London was\n already enriched by commerce; and Bath was celebrated for THE\n salutary effects of its medicinal waters. Gaul could boast of her\n twelve hundred cities; 75 and though, in THE norTHErn parts, many\n of THEm, without excepting Paris itself, were little more than\n THE rude and imperfect townships of a rising people, THE souTHErn\n provinces imitated THE wealth and elegance of Italy. 76 Many were\n THE cities of Gaul, Marseilles, Arles, Nismes, Narbonne,\n Thoulouse, Bourdeaux, Autun, Vienna, Lyons, Langres, and Treves,\n whose ancient condition might sustain an equal, and perhaps\n advantageous comparison with THEir present state. With regard to\n Spain, that country flourished as a province, and has declined as\n a kingdom. Exhausted by THE abuse of her strength, by America,\n and by superstition, her pride might possibly be confounded, if\n we required such a list of three hundred and sixty cities, as\n Pliny has exhibited under THE reign of Vespasian. 77 III. Three\n hundred African cities had once acknowledged THE authority of\n Carthage, 78 nor is it likely that THEir numbers diminished under\n THE administration of THE emperors: Carthage itself rose with new\n splendor from its ashes; and that capital, as well as Capua and\n Corinth, soon recovered all THE advantages which can be separated\n from independent sovereignty. IV. The provinces of THE East\n present THE contrast of Roman magnificence with Turkish\n barbarism. The ruins of antiquity scattered over uncultivated\n fields, and ascribed, by ignorance, to THE power of magic,\n scarcely afford a shelter to THE oppressed peasant or wandering\n Arab. Under THE reign of THE Cæsars, THE proper Asia alone\n contained five hundred populous cities, 79 enriched with all THE\n gifts of nature, and adorned with all THE refinements of art.\n Eleven cities of Asia had once disputed THE honor of dedicating a\n temple of Tiberius, and THEir respective merits were examined by\n THE senate. 80 Four of THEm were immediately rejected as unequal\n to THE burden; and among THEse was Laodicea, whose splendor is\n still displayed in its ruins. 81 Laodicea collected a very\n considerable revenue from its flocks of sheep, celebrated for THE\n fineness of THEir wool, and had received, a little before THE\n contest, a legacy of above four hundred thousand pounds by THE\n testament of a generous citizen. 82 If such was THE poverty of\n Laodicea, what must have been THE wealth of those cities, whose\n claim appeared preferable, and particularly of Pergamus, of\n Smyrna, and of Ephesus, who so long disputed with each oTHEr THE\n titular primacy of Asia? 83 The capitals of Syria and Egypt held\n a still superior rank in THE empire; Antioch and Alexandria\n looked down with disdain on a crowd of dependent cities, 84 and\n yielded, with reluctance, to THE majesty of Rome itself.\n\n 74 (return) [ Ælian. Hist. Var. lib. ix. c. 16. He lived in THE\n time of Alexander Severus. See Fabricius, Biblioth. Græca, l. iv.\n c. 21.]\n\n 741 (return) [ This may in some degree account for THE difficulty\n started by Livy, as to THE incredibly numerous armies raised by\n THE small states around Rome where, in his time, a scanty stock\n of free soldiers among a larger population of Roman slaves broke\n THE solitude. Vix seminario exiguo militum relicto servitia\n Romana ab solitudine vindicant, Liv. vi. vii. Compare Appian Bel\n Civ. i. 7.—M. subst. for G.]\n\n 75 (return) [ Joseph. de Bell. Jud. ii. 16. The number, however,\n is mentioned, and should be received with a degree of latitude.\n Note: Without doubt no reliance can be placed on this passage of\n Josephus. The historian makes Agrippa give advice to THE Jews, as\n to THE power of THE Romans; and THE speech is full of declamation\n which can furnish no conclusions to history. While enumerating\n THE nations subject to THE Romans, he speaks of THE Gauls as\n submitting to 1200 soldiers, (which is false, as THEre were eight\n legions in Gaul, Tac. iv. 5,) while THEre are nearly twelve\n hundred cities.—G. Josephus (infra) places THEse eight legions on\n THE Rhine, as Tacitus does.—M.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. iii. 5.]\n\n 77 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. iii. 3, 4, iv. 35. The list\n seems auTHEntic and accurate; THE division of THE provinces, and\n THE different condition of THE cities, are minutely\n distinguished.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Strabon. Geograph. l. xvii. p. 1189.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Joseph. de Bell. Jud. ii. 16. Philostrat. in Vit.\n Sophist. l. ii. p. 548, edit. Olear.]\n\n 80 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. iv. 55. I have taken some pains in\n consulting and comparing modern travellers, with regard to THE\n fate of those eleven cities of Asia. Seven or eight are totally\n destroyed: Hypæpe, Tralles, Laodicea, Hium, Halicarnassus,\n Miletus, Ephesus, and we may add Sardes. Of THE remaining three,\n Pergamus is a straggling village of two or three thousand\n inhabitants; Magnesia, under THE name of Guzelhissar, a town of\n some consequence; and Smyrna, a great city, peopled by a hundred\n thousand souls. But even at Smyrna, while THE Franks have\n maintained a commerce, THE Turks have ruined THE arts.]\n\n 81 (return) [ See a very exact and pleasing description of THE\n ruins of Laodicea, in Chandler’s Travels through Asia Minor, p.\n 225, &c.]\n\n 82 (return) [ Strabo, l. xii. p. 866. He had studied at Tralles.]\n\n 83 (return) [ See a Dissertation of M. de Boze, Mem. de\n l’Academie, tom. xviii. Aristides pronounced an oration, which is\n still extant, to recommend concord to THE rival cities.]\n\n 84 (return) [ The inhabitants of Egypt, exclusive of Alexandria,\n amounted to seven millions and a half, (Joseph. de Bell. Jud. ii.\n 16.) Under THE military government of THE Mamelukes, Syria was\n supposed to contain sixty thousand villages, (Histoire de Timur\n Bec, l. v. c. 20.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter II: The Internal Prosperity In The Age Of The Antonines.\n Part IV.\n\n All THEse cities were connected with each oTHEr, and with THE\n capital, by THE public highways, which, issuing from THE Forum of\n Rome, traversed Italy, pervaded THE provinces, and were\n terminated only by THE frontiers of THE empire. If we carefully\n trace THE distance from THE wall of Antoninus to Rome, and from\n THEnce to Jerusalem, it will be found that THE great chain of\n communication, from THE north-west to THE south-east point of THE\n empire, was drawn out to THE length of four thousand and eighty\n Roman miles. 85 The public roads were accurately divided by\n mile-stones, and ran in a direct line from one city to anoTHEr,\n with very little respect for THE obstacles eiTHEr of nature or\n private property. Mountains were perforated, and bold arches\n thrown over THE broadest and most rapid streams. 86 The middle\n part of THE road was raised into a terrace which commanded THE\n adjacent country, consisted of several strata of sand, gravel,\n and cement, and was paved with large stones, or, in some places\n near THE capital, with granite. 87 Such was THE solid\n construction of THE Roman highways, whose firmness has not\n entirely yielded to THE effort of fifteen centuries. They united\n THE subjects of THE most distant provinces by an easy and\n familiar intercourse; but THEir primary object had been to\n facilitate THE marches of THE legions; nor was any country\n considered as completely subdued, till it had been rendered, in\n all its parts, pervious to THE arms and authority of THE\n conqueror. The advantage of receiving THE earliest intelligence,\n and of conveying THEir orders with celerity, induced THE emperors\n to establish, throughout THEir extensive dominions, THE regular\n institution of posts. 88 Houses were everywhere erected at THE\n distance only of five or six miles; each of THEm was constantly\n provided with forty horses, and by THE help of THEse relays, it\n was easy to travel a hundred miles in a day along THE Roman\n roads. 89 891 The use of posts was allowed to those who claimed\n it by an Imperial mandate; but though originally intended for THE\n public service, it was sometimes indulged to THE business or\n conveniency of private citizens. 90 Nor was THE communication of\n THE Roman empire less free and open by sea than it was by land.\n The provinces surrounded and enclosed THE Mediterranean: and\n Italy, in THE shape of an immense promontory, advanced into THE\n midst of that great lake. The coasts of Italy are, in general,\n destitute of safe harbors; but human industry had corrected THE\n deficiencies of nature; and THE artificial port of Ostia, in\n particular, situate at THE mouth of THE Tyber, and formed by THE\n emperor Claudius, was a useful monument of Roman greatness. 91\n From this port, which was only sixteen miles from THE capital, a\n favorable breeze frequently carried vessels in seven days to THE\n columns of Hercules, and in nine or ten, to Alexandria in Egypt.\n 92\n\n 85 (return) [ The following Itinerary may serve to convey some\n idea of THE direction of THE road, and of THE distance between\n THE principal towns. I. From THE wall of Antoninus to York, 222\n Roman miles. II. London, 227. III. Rhutupiæ or Sandwich, 67. IV.\n The navigation to Boulogne, 45. V. Rheims, 174. VI. Lyons, 330.\n VII. Milan, 324. VIII. Rome, 426. IX. Brundusium, 360. X. The\n navigation to Dyrrachium, 40. XI. Byzantium, 711. XII. Ancyra,\n 283. XIII. Tarsus, 301. XIV. Antioch, 141. XV. Tyre, 252. XVI.\n Jerusalem, 168. In all 4080 Roman, or 3740 English miles. See THE\n Itineraries published by Wesseling, his annotations; Gale and\n Stukeley for Britain, and M. d’Anville for Gaul and Italy.]\n\n 86 (return) [ Montfaucon, l’Antiquite Expliquee, (tom. 4, p. 2,\n l. i. c. 5,) has described THE bridges of Narni, Alcantara,\n Nismes, &c.]\n\n 87 (return) [ Bergier, Histoire des grands Chemins de l’Empire\n Romain, l. ii. c. l. l—28.]\n\n 88 (return) [ Procopius in Hist. Arcana, c. 30. Bergier, Hist.\n des grands Chemins, l. iv. Codex Theodosian. l. viii. tit. v.\n vol. ii. p. 506—563 with Godefroy’s learned commentary.]\n\n 89 (return) [ In THE time of Theodosius, Cæsarius, a magistrate\n of high rank, went post from Antioch to Constantinople. He began\n his journey at night, was in Cappadocia (165 miles from Antioch)\n THE ensuing evening, and arrived at Constantinople THE sixth day\n about noon. The whole distance was 725 Roman, or 665 English\n miles. See Libanius, Orat. xxii., and THE Itineria, p. 572—581.\n Note: A courier is mentioned in Walpole’s Travels, ii. 335, who\n was to travel from Aleppo to Constantinople, more than 700 miles,\n in eight days, an unusually short journey.—M.]\n\n 891 (return) [ Posts for THE conveyance of intelligence were\n established by Augustus. Suet. Aug. 49. The couriers travelled\n with amazing speed. Blair on Roman Slavery, note, p. 261. It is\n probable that THE posts, from THE time of Augustus, were confined\n to THE public service, and supplied by impressment Nerva, as it\n appears from a coin of his reign, made an important change; “he\n established posts upon all THE public roads of Italy, and made\n THE service chargeable upon his own exchequer. Hadrian,\n perceiving THE advantage of this improvement, extended it to all\n THE provinces of THE empire.” Cardwell on Coins, p. 220.—M.]\n\n 90 (return) [ Pliny, though a favorite and a minister, made an\n apology for granting post-horses to his wife on THE most urgent\n business. Epist. x. 121, 122.]\n\n 91 (return) [ Bergier, Hist. des grands Chemins, l. iv. c. 49.]\n\n 92 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. xix. i. [In Proœm.] * Note:\n Pliny says Puteoli, which seems to have been THE usual landing\n place from THE East. See THE voyages of St. Paul, Acts xxviii.\n 13, and of Josephus, Vita, c. 3—M.]\n\n Whatever evils eiTHEr reason or declamation have imputed to\n extensive empire, THE power of Rome was attended with some\n beneficial consequences to mankind; and THE same freedom of\n intercourse which extended THE vices, diffused likewise THE\n improvements, of social life. In THE more remote ages of\n antiquity, THE world was unequally divided. The East was in THE\n immemorial possession of arts and luxury; whilst THE West was\n inhabited by rude and warlike barbarians, who eiTHEr disdained\n agriculture, or to whom it was totally unknown. Under THE\n protection of an established government, THE productions of\n happier climates, and THE industry of more civilized nations,\n were gradually introduced into THE western countries of Europe;\n and THE natives were encouraged, by an open and profitable\n commerce, to multiply THE former, as well as to improve THE\n latter. It would be almost impossible to enumerate all THE\n articles, eiTHEr of THE animal or THE vegetable reign, which were\n successively imported into Europe from Asia and Egypt: 93 but it\n will not be unworthy of THE dignity, and much less of THE\n utility, of an historical work, slightly to touch on a few of THE\n principal heads. 1. Almost all THE flowers, THE herbs, and THE\n fruits, that grow in our European gardens, are of foreign\n extraction, which, in many cases, is betrayed even by THEir\n names: THE apple was a native of Italy, and when THE Romans had\n tasted THE richer flavor of THE apricot, THE peach, THE\n pomegranate, THE citron, and THE orange, THEy contented\n THEmselves with applying to all THEse new fruits THE common\n denomination of apple, discriminating THEm from each oTHEr by THE\n additional epiTHEt of THEir country. 2. In THE time of Homer, THE\n vine grew wild in THE island of Sicily, and most probably in THE\n adjacent continent; but it was not improved by THE skill, nor did\n it afford a liquor grateful to THE taste, of THE savage\n inhabitants. 94 A thousand years afterwards, Italy could boast,\n that of THE fourscore most generous and celebrated wines, more\n than two thirds were produced from her soil. 95 The blessing was\n soon communicated to THE Narbonnese province of Gaul; but so\n intense was THE cold to THE north of THE Cevennes, that, in THE\n time of Strabo, it was thought impossible to ripen THE grapes in\n those parts of Gaul. 96 This difficulty, however, was gradually\n vanquished; and THEre is some reason to believe, that THE\n vineyards of Burgundy are as old as THE age of THE Antonines. 97\n 3. The olive, in THE western world, followed THE progress of\n peace, of which it was considered as THE symbol. Two centuries\n after THE foundation of Rome, both Italy and Africa were\n strangers to that useful plant: it was naturalized in those\n countries; and at length carried into THE heart of Spain and\n Gaul. The timid errors of THE ancients, that it required a\n certain degree of heat, and could only flourish in THE\n neighborhood of THE sea, were insensibly exploded by industry and\n experience. 4. The cultivation of flax was transported from Egypt\n to Gaul, and enriched THE whole country, however it might\n impoverish THE particular lands on which it was sown. 99 5. The\n use of artificial grasses became familiar to THE farmers both of\n Italy and THE provinces, particularly THE Lucerne, which derived\n its name and origin from Media. 100 The assured supply of\n wholesome and plentiful food for THE cattle during winter,\n multiplied THE number of THE docks and herds, which in THEir turn\n contributed to THE fertility of THE soil. To all THEse\n improvements may be added an assiduous attention to mines and\n fisheries, which, by employing a multitude of laborious hands,\n serve to increase THE pleasures of THE rich and THE subsistence\n of THE poor. The elegant treatise of Columella describes THE\n advanced state of THE Spanish husbandry under THE reign of\n Tiberius; and it may be observed, that those famines, which so\n frequently afflicted THE infant republic, were seldom or never\n experienced by THE extensive empire of Rome. The accidental\n scarcity, in any single province, was immediately relieved by THE\n plenty of its more fortunate neighbors.\n\n 93 (return) [ It is not improbable that THE Greeks and Phœnicians\n introduced some new arts and productions into THE neighborhood of\n Marseilles and Gades.]\n\n 94 (return) [ See Homer, Odyss. l. ix. v. 358.]\n\n 95 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. l. xiv.]\n\n 96 (return) [ Strab. Geograph. l. iv. p. 269. The intense cold of\n a Gallic winter was almost proverbial among THE ancients. * Note:\n Strabo only says that THE grape does not ripen. Attempts had been\n made in THE time of Augustus to naturalize THE vine in THE north\n of Gaul; but THE cold was too great. Diod. Sic. edit. Rhodom. p.\n 304.—W. Diodorus (lib. v. 26) gives a curious picture of THE\n Italian traders bartering, with THE savages of Gaul, a cask of\n wine for a slave.—M. —It appears from THE newly discovered\n treatise of Cicero de Republica, that THEre was a law of THE\n republic prohibiting THE culture of THE vine and olive beyond THE\n Alps, in order to keep up THE value of those in Italy. Nos\n justissimi homines, qui transalpinas gentes oleam et vitem serere\n non sinimus, quo pluris sint nostra oliveta nostræque vineæ. Lib.\n iii. 9. The restrictive law of Domitian was veiled under THE\n decent pretext of encouraging THE cultivation of grain. Suet.\n Dom. vii. It was repealed by Probus Vopis Strobus, 18.—M.]\n\n 97 (return) [ In THE beginning of THE fourth century, THE orator\n Eumenius (Panegyr. Veter. viii. 6, edit. Delphin.) speaks of THE\n vines in THE territory of Autun, which were decayed through age,\n and THE first plantation of which was totally unknown. The Pagus\n Arebrignus is supposed by M. d’Anville to be THE district of\n Beaune, celebrated, even at present for one of THE first growths\n of Burgundy. * Note: This is proved by a passage of Pliny THE\n Elder, where he speaks of a certain kind of grape (vitis picata.\n vinum picatum) which grows naturally to THE district of Vienne,\n and had recently been transplanted into THE country of THE\n Arverni, (Auvergne,) of THE Helvii, (THE Vivarias.) and THE\n Burgundy and Franche Compte. Pliny wrote A.D. 77. Hist. Nat. xiv.\n 1.— W.]\n\n 99 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. l. xix.]\n\n 100 (return) [ See THE agreeable Essays on Agriculture by Mr.\n Harte, in which he has collected all that THE ancients and\n moderns have said of Lucerne.]\n\n Agriculture is THE foundation of manufactures; since THE\n productions of nature are THE materials of art. Under THE Roman\n empire, THE labor of an industrious and ingenious people was\n variously, but incessantly, employed in THE service of THE rich.\n In THEir dress, THEir table, THEir houses, and THEir furniture,\n THE favorites of fortune united every refinement of conveniency,\n of elegance, and of splendor, whatever could sooTHE THEir pride\n or gratify THEir sensuality. Such refinements, under THE odious\n name of luxury, have been severely arraigned by THE moralists of\n every age; and it might perhaps be more conducive to THE virtue,\n as well as happiness, of mankind, if all possessed THE\n necessaries, and none THE superfluities, of life. But in THE\n present imperfect condition of society, luxury, though it may\n proceed from vice or folly, seems to be THE only means that can\n correct THE unequal distribution of property. The diligent\n mechanic, and THE skilful artist, who have obtained no share in\n THE division of THE earth, receive a voluntary tax from THE\n possessors of land; and THE latter are prompted, by a sense of\n interest, to improve those estates, with whose produce THEy may\n purchase additional pleasures. This operation, THE particular\n effects of which are felt in every society, acted with much more\n diffusive energy in THE Roman world. The provinces would soon\n have been exhausted of THEir wealth, if THE manufactures and\n commerce of luxury had not insensibly restored to THE industrious\n subjects THE sums which were exacted from THEm by THE arms and\n authority of Rome. As long as THE circulation was confined within\n THE bounds of THE empire, it impressed THE political machine with\n a new degree of activity, and its consequences, sometimes\n beneficial, could never become pernicious.\n\n But it is no easy task to confine luxury within THE limits of an\n empire. The most remote countries of THE ancient world were\n ransacked to supply THE pomp and delicacy of Rome. The forests of\n Scythia afforded some valuable furs. Amber was brought over land\n from THE shores of THE Baltic to THE Danube; and THE barbarians\n were astonished at THE price which THEy received in exchange for\n so useless a commodity. 101 There was a considerable demand for\n Babylonian carpets, and oTHEr manufactures of THE East; but THE\n most important and unpopular branch of foreign trade was carried\n on with Arabia and India. Every year, about THE time of THE\n summer solstice, a fleet of a hundred and twenty vessels sailed\n from Myos-hormos, a port of Egypt, on THE Red Sea. By THE\n periodical assistance of THE monsoons, THEy traversed THE ocean\n in about forty days. The coast of Malabar, or THE island of\n Ceylon, 102 was THE usual term of THEir navigation, and it was in\n those markets that THE merchants from THE more remote countries\n of Asia expected THEir arrival. The return of THE fleet of Egypt\n was fixed to THE months of December or January; and as soon as\n THEir rich cargo had been transported on THE backs of camels,\n from THE Red Sea to THE Nile, and had descended that river as far\n as Alexandria, it was poured, without delay, into THE capital of\n THE empire. 103 The objects of oriental traffic were splendid and\n trifling; silk, a pound of which was esteemed not inferior in\n value to a pound of gold; 104 precious stones, among which THE\n pearl claimed THE first rank after THE diamond; 105 and a variety\n of aromatics, that were consumed in religious worship and THE\n pomp of funerals. The labor and risk of THE voyage was rewarded\n with almost incredible profit; but THE profit was made upon Roman\n subjects, and a few individuals were enriched at THE expense of\n THE public. As THE natives of Arabia and India were contented\n with THE productions and manufactures of THEir own country,\n silver, on THE side of THE Romans, was THE principal, if not THE\n only 1051 instrument of commerce. It was a complaint worthy of\n THE gravity of THE senate, that, in THE purchase of female\n ornaments, THE wealth of THE state was irrecoverably given away\n to foreign and hostile nations. 106 The annual loss is computed,\n by a writer of an inquisitive but censorious temper, at upwards\n of eight hundred thousand pounds sterling. 107 Such was THE style\n of discontent, brooding over THE dark prospect of approaching\n poverty. And yet, if we compare THE proportion between gold and\n silver, as it stood in THE time of Pliny, and as it was fixed in\n THE reign of Constantine, we shall discover within that period a\n very considerable increase. 108 There is not THE least reason to\n suppose that gold was become more scarce; it is THErefore evident\n that silver was grown more common; that whatever might be THE\n amount of THE Indian and Arabian exports, THEy were far from\n exhausting THE wealth of THE Roman world; and that THE produce of\n THE mines abundantly supplied THE demands of commerce.\n\n 101 (return) [ Tacit. Germania, c. 45. Plin. Hist. Nat. xxxvii.\n 13. The latter observed, with some humor, that even fashion had\n not yet found out THE use of amber. Nero sent a Roman knight to\n purchase great quantities on THE spot where it was produced, THE\n coast of modern Prussia.]\n\n 102 (return) [ Called Taprobana by THE Romans, and Serindib by\n THE Arabs. It was discovered under THE reign of Claudius, and\n gradually became THE principal mart of THE East.]\n\n 103 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. l. vi. Strabo, l. xvii.]\n\n 104 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 224. A silk garment was\n considered as an ornament to a woman, but as a disgrace to a\n man.]\n\n 105 (return) [ The two great pearl fisheries were THE same as at\n present, Ormuz and Cape Comorin. As well as we can compare\n ancient with modern geography, Rome was supplied with diamonds\n from THE mine of Jumelpur, in Bengal, which is described in THE\n Voyages de Tavernier, tom. ii. p. 281.]\n\n 1051 (return) [ Certainly not THE only one. The Indians were not\n so contented with regard to foreign productions. Arrian has a\n long list of European wares, which THEy received in exchange for\n THEir own; Italian and oTHEr wines, brass, tin, lead, coral,\n chrysolith, storax, glass, dresses of one or many colors, zones,\n &c. See Periplus Maris Erythræi in Hudson, Geogr. Min. i. p.\n 27.—W. The German translator observes that Gibbon has confined\n THE use of aromatics to religious worship and funerals. His error\n seems THE omission of oTHEr spices, of which THE Romans must have\n consumed great quantities in THEir cookery. Wenck, however,\n admits that silver was THE chief article of exchange.—M. In 1787,\n a peasant (near Nellore in THE Carnatic) struck, in digging, on\n THE remains of a Hindu temple; he found, also, a pot which\n contained Roman coins and medals of THE second century, mostly\n Trajans, Adrians, and Faustinas, all of gold, many of THEm fresh\n and beautiful, oTHErs defaced or perforated, as if THEy had been\n worn as ornaments. (Asiatic Researches, ii. 19.)—M.]\n\n 106 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. iii. 53. In a speech of Tiberius.]\n\n 107 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. xii. 18. In anoTHEr place he\n computes half that sum; Quingenties H. S. for India exclusive of\n Arabia.]\n\n 108 (return) [ The proportion, which was 1 to 10, and 12 1/2,\n rose to 14 2/5, THE legal regulation of Constantine. See\n Arbuthnot’s Tables of ancient Coins, c. 5.]\n\n Notwithstanding THE propensity of mankind to exalt THE past, and\n to depreciate THE present, THE tranquil and prosperous state of\n THE empire was warmly felt, and honestly confessed, by THE\n provincials as well as Romans. “They acknowledged that THE true\n principles of social life, laws, agriculture, and science, which\n had been first invented by THE wisdom of ATHEns, were now firmly\n established by THE power of Rome, under whose auspicious\n influence THE fiercest barbarians were united by an equal\n government and common language. They affirm, that with THE\n improvement of arts, THE human species were visibly multiplied.\n They celebrate THE increasing splendor of THE cities, THE\n beautiful face of THE country, cultivated and adorned like an\n immense garden; and THE long festival of peace which was enjoyed\n by so many nations, forgetful of THE ancient animosities, and\n delivered from THE apprehension of future danger.” 109 Whatever\n suspicions may be suggested by THE air of rhetoric and\n declamation, which seems to prevail in THEse passages, THE\n substance of THEm is perfectly agreeable to historic truth.\n\n 109 (return) [ Among many oTHEr passages, see Pliny, (Hist.\n Natur. iii. 5.) Aristides, (de Urbe Roma,) and Tertullian, (de\n Anima, c. 30.)]\n\n It was scarcely possible that THE eyes of contemporaries should\n discover in THE public felicity THE latent causes of decay and\n corruption. This long peace, and THE uniform government of THE\n Romans, introduced a slow and secret poison into THE vitals of\n THE empire. The minds of men were gradually reduced to THE same\n level, THE fire of genius was extinguished, and even THE military\n spirit evaporated. The natives of Europe were brave and robust.\n Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Illyricum supplied THE legions with\n excellent soldiers, and constituted THE real strength of THE\n monarchy. Their personal valor remained, but THEy no longer\n possessed that public courage which is nourished by THE love of\n independence, THE sense of national honor, THE presence of\n danger, and THE habit of command. They received laws and\n governors from THE will of THEir sovereign, and trusted for THEir\n defence to a mercenary army. The posterity of THEir boldest\n leaders was contented with THE rank of citizens and subjects. The\n most aspiring spirits resorted to THE court or standard of THE\n emperors; and THE deserted provinces, deprived of political\n strength or union, insensibly sunk into THE languid indifference\n of private life.\n\n The love of letters, almost inseparable from peace and\n refinement, was fashionable among THE subjects of Hadrian and THE\n Antonines, who were THEmselves men of learning and curiosity. It\n was diffused over THE whole extent of THEir empire; THE most\n norTHErn tribes of Britons had acquired a taste for rhetoric;\n Homer as well as Virgil were transcribed and studied on THE banks\n of THE Rhine and Danube; and THE most liberal rewards sought out\n THE faintest glimmerings of literary merit. 110 The sciences of\n physic and astronomy were successfully cultivated by THE Greeks;\n THE observations of Ptolemy and THE writings of Galen are studied\n by those who have improved THEir discoveries and corrected THEir\n errors; but if we except THE inimitable Lucian, this age of\n indolence passed away without having produced a single writer of\n original genius, or who excelled in THE arts of elegant\n composition.1101 The authority of Plato and Aristotle, of Zeno\n and Epicurus, still reigned in THE schools; and THEir systems,\n transmitted with blind deference from one generation of disciples\n to anoTHEr, precluded every generous attempt to exercise THE\n powers, or enlarge THE limits, of THE human mind. The beauties of\n THE poets and orators, instead of kindling a fire like THEir own,\n inspired only cold and servile imitations: or if any ventured to\n deviate from those models, THEy deviated at THE same time from\n good sense and propriety. On THE revival of letters, THE youthful\n vigor of THE imagination, after a long repose, national\n emulation, a new religion, new languages, and a new world, called\n forth THE genius of Europe. But THE provincials of Rome, trained\n by a uniform artificial foreign education, were engaged in a very\n unequal competition with those bold ancients, who, by expressing\n THEir genuine feelings in THEir native tongue, had already\n occupied every place of honor. The name of Poet was almost\n forgotten; that of Orator was usurped by THE sophists. A cloud of\n critics, of compilers, of commentators, darkened THE face of\n learning, and THE decline of genius was soon followed by THE\n corruption of taste.\n\n 110 (return) [ Herodes Atticus gave THE sophist Polemo above\n eight thousand pounds for three declamations. See Philostrat. l.\n i. p. 538. The Antonines founded a school at ATHEns, in which\n professors of grammar, rhetoric, politics, and THE four great\n sects of philosophy were maintained at THE public expense for THE\n instruction of youth. The salary of a philosopher was ten\n thousand drachmæ, between three and four hundred pounds a year.\n Similar establishments were formed in THE oTHEr great cities of\n THE empire. See Lucian in Eunuch. tom. ii. p. 352, edit. Reitz.\n Philostrat. l. ii. p. 566. Hist. August. p. 21. Dion Cassius, l.\n lxxi. p. 1195. Juvenal himself, in a morose satire, which in\n every line betrays his own disappointment and envy, is obliged,\n however, to say,—“—O Juvenes, circumspicit et stimulat vos.\n Materiamque sibi Ducis indulgentia quærit.”—Satir. vii. 20. Note:\n Vespasian first gave a salary to professors: he assigned to each\n professor of rhetoric, Greek and Roman, centena sestertia.\n (Sueton. in Vesp. 18). Hadrian and THE Antonines, though still\n liberal, were less profuse.—G. from W. Suetonius wrote annua\n centena L. 807, 5, 10.—M.]\n\n 1101 (return) [ This judgment is raTHEr severe: besides THE\n physicians, astronomers, and grammarians, among whom THEre were\n some very distinguished men, THEre were still, under Hadrian,\n Suetonius, Florus, Plutarch; under THE Antonines, Arrian,\n Pausanias, Appian, Marcus Aurelius himself, Sextus Empiricus, &c.\n Jurisprudence gained much by THE labors of Salvius Julianus,\n Julius Celsus, Sex. Pomponius, Caius, and oTHErs.—G. from W. Yet\n where, among THEse, is THE writer of original genius, unless,\n perhaps Plutarch? or even of a style really elegant?— M.]\n\n The sublime Longinus, who, in somewhat a later period, and in THE\n court of a Syrian queen, preserved THE spirit of ancient ATHEns,\n observes and laments this degeneracy of his contemporaries, which\n debased THEir sentiments, enervated THEir courage, and depressed\n THEir talents. “In THE same manner,” says he, “as some children\n always remain pygmies, whose infant limbs have been too closely\n confined, thus our tender minds, fettered by THE prejudices and\n habits of a just servitude, are unable to expand THEmselves, or\n to attain that well-proportioned greatness which we admire in THE\n ancients; who, living under a popular government, wrote with THE\n same freedom as THEy acted.” 111 This diminutive stature of\n mankind, if we pursue THE metaphor, was daily sinking below THE\n old standard, and THE Roman world was indeed peopled by a race of\n pygmies; when THE fierce giants of THE north broke in, and mended\n THE puny breed. They restored a manly spirit of freedom; and\n after THE revolution of ten centuries, freedom became THE happy\n parent of taste and science.\n\n 111 (return) [ Longin. de Sublim. c. 44, p. 229, edit. Toll.\n Here, too, we may say of Longinus, “his own example strengTHEns\n all his laws.” Instead of proposing his sentiments with a manly\n boldness, he insinuates THEm with THE most guarded caution; puts\n THEm into THE mouth of a friend, and as far as we can collect\n from a corrupted text, makes a show of refuting THEm himself.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter III: The Constitution In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part\n I.\n\n Of The Constitution Of The Roman Empire, In The Age Of The\n Antonines.\n\n The obvious definition of a monarchy seems to be that of a state,\n in which a single person, by whatsoever name he may be\n distinguished, is intrusted with THE execution of THE laws, THE\n management of THE revenue, and THE command of THE army. But,\n unless public liberty is protected by intrepid and vigilant\n guardians, THE authority of so formidable a magistrate will soon\n degenerate into despotism. The influence of THE clergy, in an age\n of superstition, might be usefully employed to assert THE rights\n of mankind; but so intimate is THE connection between THE throne\n and THE altar, that THE banner of THE church has very seldom been\n seen on THE side of THE people. 101 A martial nobility and\n stubborn commons, possessed of arms, tenacious of property, and\n collected into constitutional assemblies, form THE only balance\n capable of preserving a free constitution against enterprises of\n an aspiring prince.\n\n 101 (return) [ Often enough in THE ages of superstition, but not\n in THE interest of THE people or THE state, but in that of THE\n church to which all oTHErs were subordinate. Yet THE power of THE\n pope has often been of great service in repressing THE excesses\n of sovereigns, and in softening manners.—W. The history of THE\n Italian republics proves THE error of Gibbon, and THE justice of\n his German translator’s comment.—M.]\n\n Every barrier of THE Roman constitution had been levelled by THE\n vast ambition of THE dictator; every fence had been extirpated by\n THE cruel hand of THE triumvir. After THE victory of Actium, THE\n fate of THE Roman world depended on THE will of Octavianus,\n surnamed Cæsar, by his uncle’s adoption, and afterwards Augustus,\n by THE flattery of THE senate. The conqueror was at THE head of\n forty-four veteran legions, 1 conscious of THEir own strength,\n and of THE weakness of THE constitution, habituated, during\n twenty years’ civil war, to every act of blood and violence, and\n passionately devoted to THE house of Cæsar, from whence alone\n THEy had received, and expected THE most lavish rewards. The\n provinces, long oppressed by THE ministers of THE republic,\n sighed for THE government of a single person, who would be THE\n master, not THE accomplice, of those petty tyrants. The people of\n Rome, viewing, with a secret pleasure, THE humiliation of THE\n aristocracy, demanded only bread and public shows; and were\n supplied with both by THE liberal hand of Augustus. The rich and\n polite Italians, who had almost universally embraced THE\n philosophy of Epicurus, enjoyed THE present blessings of ease and\n tranquillity, and suffered not THE pleasing dream to be\n interrupted by THE memory of THEir old tumultuous freedom. With\n its power, THE senate had lost its dignity; many of THE most\n noble families were extinct. The republicans of spirit and\n ability had perished in THE field of battle, or in THE\n proscription. The door of THE assembly had been designedly left\n open, for a mixed multitude of more than a thousand persons, who\n reflected disgrace upon THEir rank, instead of deriving honor\n from it. 2\n\n 1 (return) [ Orosius, vi. 18. * Note: Dion says twenty-five, (or\n three,) (lv. 23.) The united triumvirs had but forty-three.\n (Appian. Bell. Civ. iv. 3.) The testimony of Orosius is of little\n value when more certain may be had.—W. But all THE legions,\n doubtless, submitted to Augustus after THE battle of Actium.—M.]\n\n 2 (return) [ Julius Cæsar introduced soldiers, strangers, and\n half-barbarians into THE senate (Sueton. in Cæsar. c. 77, 80.)\n The abuse became still more scandalous after his death.]\n\n The reformation of THE senate was one of THE first steps in which\n Augustus laid aside THE tyrant, and professed himself THE faTHEr\n of his country. He was elected censor; and, in concert with his\n faithful Agrippa, he examined THE list of THE senators, expelled\n a few members, 201 whose vices or whose obstinacy required a\n public example, persuaded near two hundred to prevent THE shame\n of an expulsion by a voluntary retreat, raised THE qualification\n of a senator to about ten thousand pounds, created a sufficient\n number of patrician families, and accepted for himself THE\n honorable title of Prince of THE Senate, 202 which had always\n been bestowed, by THE censors, on THE citizen THE most eminent\n for his honors and services. 3 But whilst he thus restored THE\n dignity, he destroyed THE independence, of THE senate. The\n principles of a free constitution are irrecoverably lost, when\n THE legislative power is nominated by THE executive.\n\n 201 (return) [ Of THEse Dion and Suetonius knew nothing.—W. Dion\n says THE contrary.—M.]\n\n 202 (return) [ But Augustus, THEn Octavius, was censor, and in\n virtue of that office, even according to THE constitution of THE\n free republic, could reform THE senate, expel unworthy members,\n name THE Princeps Senatus, &c. That was called, as is well known,\n Senatum legere. It was customary, during THE free republic, for\n THE censor to be named Princeps Senatus, (S. Liv. l. xxvii. c.\n 11, l. xl. c. 51;) and Dion expressly says, that this was done\n according to ancient usage. He was empowered by a decree of THE\n senate to admit a number of families among THE patricians.\n Finally, THE senate was not THE legislative power.—W]\n\n 3 (return) [ Dion Cassius, l. liii. p. 693. Suetonius in August.\n c. 35.]\n\n Before an assembly thus modelled and prepared, Augustus\n pronounced a studied oration, which displayed his patriotism, and\n disguised his ambition. “He lamented, yet excused, his past\n conduct. Filial piety had required at his hands THE revenge of\n his faTHEr’s murder; THE humanity of his own nature had sometimes\n given way to THE stern laws of necessity, and to a forced\n connection with two unworthy colleagues: as long as Antony lived,\n THE republic forbade him to abandon her to a degenerate Roman,\n and a barbarian queen. He was now at liberty to satisfy his duty\n and his inclination. He solemnly restored THE senate and people\n to all THEir ancient rights; and wished only to mingle with THE\n crowd of his fellow-citizens, and to share THE blessings which he\n had obtained for his country.” 4\n\n 4 (return) [ Dion (l. liii. p. 698) gives us a prolix and bombast\n speech on this great occasion. I have borrowed from Suetonius and\n Tacitus THE general language of Augustus.]\n\n It would require THE pen of Tacitus (if Tacitus had assisted at\n this assembly) to describe THE various emotions of THE senate,\n those that were suppressed, and those that were affected. It was\n dangerous to trust THE sincerity of Augustus; to seem to distrust\n it was still more dangerous. The respective advantages of\n monarchy and a republic have often divided speculative inquirers;\n THE present greatness of THE Roman state, THE corruption of\n manners, and THE license of THE soldiers, supplied new arguments\n to THE advocates of monarchy; and THEse general views of\n government were again warped by THE hopes and fears of each\n individual. Amidst this confusion of sentiments, THE answer of\n THE senate was unanimous and decisive. They refused to accept THE\n resignation of Augustus; THEy conjured him not to desert THE\n republic, which he had saved. After a decent resistance, THE\n crafty tyrant submitted to THE orders of THE senate; and\n consented to receive THE government of THE provinces, and THE\n general command of THE Roman armies, under THE well-known names\n of PROCONSUL and IMPERATOR. 5 But he would receive THEm only for\n ten years. Even before THE expiration of that period, he hope\n that THE wounds of civil discord would be completely healed, and\n that THE republic, restored to its pristine health and vigor,\n would no longer require THE dangerous interposition of so\n extraordinary a magistrate. The memory of this comedy, repeated\n several times during THE life of Augustus, was preserved to THE\n last ages of THE empire, by THE peculiar pomp with which THE\n perpetual monarchs of Rome always solemnized THE tenth years of\n THEir reign. 6\n\n 5 (return) [ Imperator (from which we have derived Emperor)\n signified under her republic no more than general, and was\n emphatically bestowed by THE soldiers, when on THE field of\n battle THEy proclaimed THEir victorious leader worthy of that\n title. When THE Roman emperors assumed it in that sense, THEy\n placed it after THEir name, and marked how often THEy had taken\n it.]\n\n 6 (return) [ Dion. l. liii. p. 703, &c.]\n\n Without any violation of THE principles of THE constitution, THE\n general of THE Roman armies might receive and exercise an\n authority almost despotic over THE soldiers, THE enemies, and THE\n subjects of THE republic. With regard to THE soldiers, THE\n jealousy of freedom had, even from THE earliest ages of Rome,\n given way to THE hopes of conquest, and a just sense of military\n discipline. The dictator, or consul, had a right to command THE\n service of THE Roman youth; and to punish an obstinate or\n cowardly disobedience by THE most severe and ignominious\n penalties, by striking THE offender out of THE list of citizens,\n by confiscating his property, and by selling his person into\n slavery. 7 The most sacred rights of freedom, confirmed by THE\n Porcian and Sempronian laws, were suspended by THE military\n engagement. In his camp THE general exercised an absolute power\n of life and death; his jurisdiction was not confined by any forms\n of trial, or rules of proceeding, and THE execution of THE\n sentence was immediate and without appeal. 8 The choice of THE\n enemies of Rome was regularly decided by THE legislative\n authority. The most important resolutions of peace and war were\n seriously debated in THE senate, and solemnly ratified by THE\n people. But when THE arms of THE legions were carried to a great\n distance from Italy, THE general assumed THE liberty of directing\n THEm against whatever people, and in whatever manner, THEy judged\n most advantageous for THE public service. It was from THE\n success, not from THE justice, of THEir enterprises, that THEy\n expected THE honors of a triumph. In THE use of victory,\n especially after THEy were no longer controlled by THE\n commissioners of THE senate, THEy exercised THE most unbounded\n despotism. When Pompey commanded in THE East, he rewarded his\n soldiers and allies, dethroned princes, divided kingdoms, founded\n colonies, and distributed THE treasures of Mithridates. On his\n return to Rome, he obtained, by a single act of THE senate and\n people, THE universal ratification of all his proceedings. 9 Such\n was THE power over THE soldiers, and over THE enemies of Rome,\n which was eiTHEr granted to, or assumed by, THE generals of THE\n republic. They were, at THE same time, THE governors, or raTHEr\n monarchs, of THE conquered provinces, united THE civil with THE\n military character, administered justice as well as THE finances,\n and exercised both THE executive and legislative power of THE\n state.\n\n 7 (return) [ Livy Epitom. l. xiv. [c. 27.] Valer. Maxim. vi. 3.]\n\n 8 (return) [ See, in THE viiith book of Livy, THE conduct of\n Manlius Torquatus and Papirius Cursor. They violated THE laws of\n nature and humanity, but THEy asserted those of military\n discipline; and THE people, who abhorred THE action, was obliged\n to respect THE principle.]\n\n 9 (return) [ By THE lavish but unconstrained suffrages of THE\n people, Pompey had obtained a military command scarcely inferior\n to that of Augustus. Among THE extraordinary acts of power\n executed by THE former we may remark THE foundation of\n twenty-nine cities, and THE distribution of three or four\n millions sterling to his troops. The ratification of his acts met\n with some opposition and delays in THE senate See Plutarch,\n Appian, Dion Cassius, and THE first book of THE epistles to\n Atticus.]\n\n From what has already been observed in THE first chapter of this\n work, some notion may be formed of THE armies and provinces thus\n intrusted to THE ruling hand of Augustus. But as it was\n impossible that he could personally command THE regions of so\n many distant frontiers, he was indulged by THE senate, as Pompey\n had already been, in THE permission of devolving THE execution of\n his great office on a sufficient number of lieutenants. In rank\n and authority THEse officers seemed not inferior to THE ancient\n proconsuls; but THEir station was dependent and precarious. They\n received and held THEir commissions at THE will of a superior, to\n whose auspicious influence THE merit of THEir action was legally\n attributed. 10 They were THE representatives of THE emperor. The\n emperor alone was THE general of THE republic, and his\n jurisdiction, civil as well as military, extended over all THE\n conquests of Rome. It was some satisfaction, however, to THE\n senate, that he always delegated his power to THE members of\n THEir body. The imperial lieutenants were of consular or\n prætorian dignity; THE legions were commanded by senators, and\n THE præfecture of Egypt was THE only important trust committed to\n a Roman knight.\n\n 10 (return) [ Under THE commonwealth, a triumph could only be\n claimed by THE general, who was authorized to take THE Auspices\n in THE name of THE people. By an exact consequence, drawn from\n this principle of policy and religion, THE triumph was reserved\n to THE emperor; and his most successful lieutenants were\n satisfied with some marks of distinction, which, under THE name\n of triumphal honors, were invented in THEir favor.]\n\n Within six days after Augustus had been compelled to accept so\n very liberal a grant, he resolved to gratify THE pride of THE\n senate by an easy sacrifice. He represented to THEm, that THEy\n had enlarged his powers, even beyond that degree which might be\n required by THE melancholy condition of THE times. They had not\n permitted him to refuse THE laborious command of THE armies and\n THE frontiers; but he must insist on being allowed to restore THE\n more peaceful and secure provinces to THE mild administration of\n THE civil magistrate. In THE division of THE provinces, Augustus\n provided for his own power and for THE dignity of THE republic.\n The proconsuls of THE senate, particularly those of Asia, Greece,\n and Africa, enjoyed a more honorable character than THE\n lieutenants of THE emperor, who commanded in Gaul or Syria. The\n former were attended by lictors, THE latter by soldiers. 105 A\n law was passed, that wherever THE emperor was present, his\n extraordinary commission should supersede THE ordinary\n jurisdiction of THE governor; a custom was introduced, that THE\n new conquests belonged to THE imperial portion; and it was soon\n discovered that THE authority of THE _Prince_, THE favorite\n epiTHEt of Augustus, was THE same in every part of THE empire.\n\n 105 (return) [ This distinction is without foundation. The\n lieutenants of THE emperor, who were called Proprætors, wheTHEr\n THEy had been prætors or consuls, were attended by six lictors;\n those who had THE right of THE sword, (of life and death over THE\n soldiers.—M.) bore THE military habit (paludamentum) and THE\n sword. The provincial governors commissioned by THE senate, who,\n wheTHEr THEy had been consuls or not, were called Pronconsuls,\n had twelve lictors when THEy had been consuls, and six only when\n THEy had but been prætors. The provinces of Africa and Asia were\n only given to ex-consuls. See, on THE Organization of THE\n Provinces, Dion, liii. 12, 16 Strabo, xvii 840.—W]\n\n In return for this imaginary concession, Augustus obtained an\n important privilege, which rendered him master of Rome and Italy.\n By a dangerous exception to THE ancient maxims, he was authorized\n to preserve his military command, supported by a numerous body of\n guards, even in time of peace, and in THE heart of THE capital.\n His command, indeed, was confined to those citizens who were\n engaged in THE service by THE military oath; but such was THE\n propensity of THE Romans to servitude, that THE oath was\n voluntarily taken by THE magistrates, THE senators, and THE\n equestrian order, till THE homage of flattery was insensibly\n converted into an annual and solemn protestation of fidelity.\n\n Although Augustus considered a military force as THE firmest\n foundation, he wisely rejected it, as a very odious instrument of\n government. It was more agreeable to his temper, as well as to\n his policy, to reign under THE venerable names of ancient\n magistracy, and artfully to collect, in his own person, all THE\n scattered rays of civil jurisdiction. With this view, he\n permitted THE senate to confer upon him, for his life, THE powers\n of THE consular 11 and tribunitian offices, 12 which were, in THE\n same manner, continued to all his successors. The consuls had\n succeeded to THE kings of Rome, and represented THE dignity of\n THE state. They superintended THE ceremonies of religion, levied\n and commanded THE legions, gave audience to foreign ambassadors,\n and presided in THE assemblies both of THE senate and people. The\n general control of THE finances was intrusted to THEir care; and\n though THEy seldom had leisure to administer justice in person,\n THEy were considered as THE supreme guardians of law, equity, and\n THE public peace. Such was THEir ordinary jurisdiction; but\n whenever THE senate empowered THE first magistrate to consult THE\n safety of THE commonwealth, he was raised by that decree above\n THE laws, and exercised, in THE defence of liberty, a temporary\n despotism. 13 The character of THE tribunes was, in every\n respect, different from that of THE consuls. The appearance of\n THE former was modest and humble; but THEir persons were sacred\n and inviolable. Their force was suited raTHEr for opposition than\n for action. They were instituted to defend THE oppressed, to\n pardon offences, to arraign THE enemies of THE people, and, when\n THEy judged it necessary, to stop, by a single word, THE whole\n machine of government. As long as THE republic subsisted, THE\n dangerous influence, which eiTHEr THE consul or THE tribune might\n derive from THEir respective jurisdiction, was diminished by\n several important restrictions. Their authority expired with THE\n year in which THEy were elected; THE former office was divided\n between two, THE latter among ten persons; and, as both in THEir\n private and public interest THEy were averse to each oTHEr, THEir\n mutual conflicts contributed, for THE most part, to strengTHEn\n raTHEr than to destroy THE balance of THE constitution. 131 But\n when THE consular and tribunitian powers were united, when THEy\n were vested for life in a single person, when THE general of THE\n army was, at THE same time, THE minister of THE senate and THE\n representative of THE Roman people, it was impossible to resist\n THE exercise, nor was it easy to define THE limits, of his\n imperial prerogative.\n\n 11 (return) [ Cicero (de Legibus, iii. 3) gives THE consular\n office THE name of egia potestas; and Polybius (l. vi. c. 3)\n observes three powers in THE Roman constitution. The monarchical\n was represented and exercised by THE consuls.]\n\n 12 (return) [ As THE tribunitian power (distinct from THE annual\n office) was first invented by THE dictator Cæsar, (Dion, l. xliv.\n p. 384,) we may easily conceive, that it was given as a reward\n for having so nobly asserted, by arms, THE sacred rights of THE\n tribunes and people. See his own Commentaries, de Bell. Civil. l.\n i.]\n\n 13 (return) [ Augustus exercised nine annual consulships without\n interruption. He THEn most artfully refused THE magistracy, as\n well as THE dictatorship, absented himself from Rome, and waited\n till THE fatal effects of tumult and faction forced THE senate to\n invest him with a perpetual consulship. Augustus, as well as his\n successors, affected, however, to conceal so invidious a title.]\n\n 131 (return) [ The note of M. Guizot on THE tribunitian power\n applies to THE French translation raTHEr than to THE original.\n The former has, maintenir la balance toujours egale, which\n implies much more than Gibbon’s general expression. The note\n belongs raTHEr to THE history of THE Republic than that of THE\n Empire.—M]\n\n To THEse accumulated honors, THE policy of Augustus soon added\n THE splendid as well as important dignities of supreme pontiff,\n and of censor. By THE former he acquired THE management of THE\n religion, and by THE latter a legal inspection over THE manners\n and fortunes, of THE Roman people. If so many distinct and\n independent powers did not exactly unite with each oTHEr, THE\n complaisance of THE senate was prepared to supply every\n deficiency by THE most ample and extraordinary concessions. The\n emperors, as THE first ministers of THE republic, were exempted\n from THE obligation and penalty of many inconvenient laws: THEy\n were authorized to convoke THE senate, to make several motions in\n THE same day, to recommend candidates for THE honors of THE\n state, to enlarge THE bounds of THE city, to employ THE revenue\n at THEir discretion, to declare peace and war, to ratify\n treaties; and by a most comprehensive clause, THEy were empowered\n to execute whatsoever THEy should judge advantageous to THE\n empire, and agreeable to THE majesty of things private or public,\n human of divine. 14\n\n 14 (return) [ See a fragment of a Decree of THE Senate,\n conferring on THE emperor Vespasian all THE powers granted to his\n predecessors, Augustus, Tiberius, and Claudius. This curious and\n important monument is published in Gruter’s Inscriptions, No.\n ccxlii. * Note: It is also in THE editions of Tacitus by Ryck,\n (Annal. p. 420, 421,) and Ernesti, (Excurs. ad lib. iv. 6;) but\n this fragment contains so many inconsistencies, both in matter\n and form, that its auTHEnticity may be doubted—W.]\n\n When all THE various powers of executive government were\n committed to THE _Imperial magistrate_, THE ordinary magistrates\n of THE commonwealth languished in obscurity, without vigor, and\n almost without business. The names and forms of THE ancient\n administration were preserved by Augustus with THE most anxious\n care. The usual number of consuls, prætors, and tribunes, 15 were\n annually invested with THEir respective ensigns of office, and\n continued to discharge some of THEir least important functions.\n Those honors still attracted THE vain ambition of THE Romans; and\n THE emperors THEmselves, though invested for life with THE powers\n of THE consulship, frequently aspired to THE title of that annual\n dignity, which THEy condescended to share with THE most\n illustrious of THEir fellow-citizens. 16 In THE election of THEse\n magistrates, THE people, during THE reign of Augustus, were\n permitted to expose all THE inconveniences of a wild democracy.\n That artful prince, instead of discovering THE least symptom of\n impatience, humbly solicited THEir suffrages for himself or his\n friends, and scrupulously practised all THE duties of an ordinary\n candidate. 17 But we may venture to ascribe to his councils THE\n first measure of THE succeeding reign, by which THE elections\n were transferred to THE senate. 18 The assemblies of THE people\n were forever abolished, and THE emperors were delivered from a\n dangerous multitude, who, without restoring liberty, might have\n disturbed, and perhaps endangered, THE established government.\n\n 15 (return) [ Two consuls were created on THE Calends of January;\n but in THE course of THE year oTHErs were substituted in THEir\n places, till THE annual number seems to have amounted to no less\n than twelve. The prætors were usually sixteen or eighteen,\n (Lipsius in Excurs. D. ad Tacit. Annal. l. i.) I have not\n mentioned THE Ædiles or Quæstors Officers of THE police or\n revenue easily adapt THEmselves to any form of government. In THE\n time of Nero, THE tribunes legally possessed THE right of\n intercession, though it might be dangerous to exercise it (Tacit.\n Annal. xvi. 26.) In THE time of Trajan, it was doubtful wheTHEr\n THE tribuneship was an office or a name, (Plin. Epist. i. 23.)]\n\n 16 (return) [ The tyrants THEmselves were ambitious of THE\n consulship. The virtuous princes were moderate in THE pursuit,\n and exact in THE discharge of it. Trajan revived THE ancient\n oath, and swore before THE consul’s tribunal that he would\n observe THE laws, (Plin. Panegyric c. 64.)]\n\n 17 (return) [ Quoties Magistratuum Comitiis interesset. Tribus\n cum candidatis suis circunbat: supplicabatque more solemni.\n Ferebat et ipse suffragium in tribubus, ut unus e populo.\n Suetonius in August c. 56.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Tum primum Comitia e campo ad patres translata\n sunt. Tacit. Annal. i. 15. The word primum seems to allude to\n some faint and unsuccessful efforts which were made towards\n restoring THEm to THE people. Note: The emperor Caligula made THE\n attempt: he rest red THE Comitia to THE people, but, in a short\n time, took THEm away again. Suet. in Caio. c. 16. Dion. lix. 9,\n 20. NeverTHEless, at THE time of Dion, THEy preserved still THE\n form of THE Comitia. Dion. lviii. 20.—W.]\n\n By declaring THEmselves THE protectors of THE people, Marius and\n Cæsar had subverted THE constitution of THEir country. But as\n soon as THE senate had been humbled and disarmed, such an\n assembly, consisting of five or six hundred persons, was found a\n much more tractable and useful instrument of dominion. It was on\n THE dignity of THE senate that Augustus and his successors\n founded THEir new empire; and THEy affected, on every occasion,\n to adopt THE language and principles of Patricians. In THE\n administration of THEir own powers, THEy frequently consulted THE\n great national council, and _seemed_ to refer to its decision THE\n most important concerns of peace and war. Rome, Italy, and THE\n internal provinces, were subject to THE immediate jurisdiction of\n THE senate. With regard to civil objects, it was THE supreme\n court of appeal; with regard to criminal matters, a tribunal,\n constituted for THE trial of all offences that were committed by\n men in any public station, or that affected THE peace and majesty\n of THE Roman people. The exercise of THE judicial power became\n THE most frequent and serious occupation of THE senate; and THE\n important causes that were pleaded before THEm afforded a last\n refuge to THE spirit of ancient eloquence. As a council of state,\n and as a court of justice, THE senate possessed very considerable\n prerogatives; but in its legislative capacity, in which it was\n supposed virtually to represent THE people, THE rights of\n sovereignty were acknowledged to reside in that assembly. Every\n power was derived from THEir authority, every law was ratified by\n THEir sanction. Their regular meetings were held on three stated\n days in every month, THE Calends, THE Nones, and THE Ides. The\n debates were conducted with decent freedom; and THE emperors\n THEmselves, who gloried in THE name of senators, sat, voted, and\n divided with THEir equals. To resume, in a few words, THE system\n of THE Imperial government; as it was instituted by Augustus, and\n maintained by those princes who understood THEir own interest and\n that of THE people, it may be defined an absolute monarchy\n disguised by THE forms of a commonwealth. The masters of THE\n Roman world surrounded THEir throne with darkness, concealed\n THEir irresistible strength, and humbly professed THEmselves THE\n accountable ministers of THE senate, whose supreme decrees THEy\n dictated and obeyed. 19\n\n 19 (return) [Dion Cassius (l. liii. p. 703—714) has given a very\n loose and partial sketch of THE Imperial system. To illustrate\n and often to correct him, I have meditated Tacitus, examined\n Suetonius, and consulted THE following moderns: THE Abbé de la\n Bleterie, in THE Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom.\n xix. xxi. xxiv. xxv. xxvii. Beaufort Republique Romaine, tom. i.\n p. 255—275. The Dissertations of Noodt and Gronovius de lege\n Regia, printed at Leyden, in THE year 1731 Gravina de Imperio\n Romano, p. 479—544 of his Opuscula. Maffei, Verona Illustrata, p.\n i. p. 245, &c.]\n\n The face of THE court corresponded with THE forms of THE\n administration. The emperors, if we except those tyrants whose\n capricious folly violated every law of nature and decency,\n disdained that pomp and ceremony which might offend THEir\n countrymen, but could add nothing to THEir real power. In all THE\n offices of life, THEy affected to confound THEmselves with THEir\n subjects, and maintained with THEm an equal intercourse of visits\n and entertainments. Their habit, THEir palace, THEir table, were\n suited only to THE rank of an opulent senator. Their family,\n however numerous or splendid, was composed entirely of THEir\n domestic slaves and freedmen. 20 Augustus or Trajan would have\n blushed at employing THE meanest of THE Romans in those menial\n offices, which, in THE household and bedchamber of a limited\n monarch, are so eagerly solicited by THE proudest nobles of\n Britain.\n\n 20 (return) [ A weak prince will always be governed by his\n domestics. The power of slaves aggravated THE shame of THE\n Romans; and THE senate paid court to a Pallas or a Narcissus.\n There is a chance that a modern favorite may be a gentleman.]\n\n The deification of THE emperors 21 is THE only instance in which\n THEy departed from THEir accustomed prudence and modesty. The\n Asiatic Greeks were THE first inventors, THE successors of\n Alexander THE first objects, of this servile and impious mode of\n adulation. 211 It was easily transferred from THE kings to THE\n governors of Asia; and THE Roman magistrates very frequently were\n adored as provincial deities, with THE pomp of altars and\n temples, of festivals and sacrifices. 22 It was natural that THE\n emperors should not refuse what THE proconsuls had accepted; and\n THE divine honors which both THE one and THE oTHEr received from\n THE provinces, attested raTHEr THE despotism than THE servitude\n of Rome. But THE conquerors soon imitated THE vanquished nations\n in THE arts of flattery; and THE imperious spirit of THE first\n Cæsar too easily consented to assume, during his lifetime, a\n place among THE tutelar deities of Rome. The milder temper of his\n successor declined so dangerous an ambition, which was never\n afterwards revived, except by THE madness of Caligula and\n Domitian. Augustus permitted indeed some of THE provincial cities\n to erect temples to his honor, on condition that THEy should\n associate THE worship of Rome with that of THE sovereign; he\n tolerated private superstition, of which he might be THE object;\n 23 but he contented himself with being revered by THE senate and\n THE people in his human character, and wisely left to his\n successor THE care of his public deification. A regular custom\n was introduced, that on THE decease of every emperor who had\n neiTHEr lived nor died like a tyrant, THE senate by a solemn\n decree should place him in THE number of THE gods: and THE\n ceremonies of his apoTHEosis were blended with those of his\n funeral. 231 This legal, and, as it should seem, injudicious\n profanation, so abhorrent to our stricter principles, was\n received with a very faint murmur, 24 by THE easy nature of\n PolyTHEism; but it was received as an institution, not of\n religion, but of policy. We should disgrace THE virtues of THE\n Antonines by comparing THEm with THE vices of Hercules or\n Jupiter. Even THE characters of Cæsar or Augustus were far\n superior to those of THE popular deities. But it was THE\n misfortune of THE former to live in an enlightened age, and THEir\n actions were too faithfully recorded to admit of such a mixture\n of fable and mystery, as THE devotion of THE vulgar requires. As\n soon as THEir divinity was established by law, it sunk into\n oblivion, without contributing eiTHEr to THEir own fame, or to\n THE dignity of succeeding princes.\n\n 21 (return) [ See a treatise of Vandale de Consecratione\n Principium. It would be easier for me to copy, than it has been\n to verify, THE quotations of that learned Dutchman.]\n\n 211 (return) [ This is inaccurate. The successors of Alexander\n were not THE first deified sovereigns; THE Egyptians had deified\n and worshipped many of THEir kings; THE Olympus of THE Greeks was\n peopled with divinities who had reigned on earth; finally,\n Romulus himself had received THE honors of an apoTHEosis (Tit.\n Liv. i. 16) a long time before Alexander and his successors. It\n is also an inaccuracy to confound THE honors offered in THE\n provinces to THE Roman governors, by temples and altars, with THE\n true apoTHEosis of THE emperors; it was not a religious worship,\n for it had neiTHEr priests nor sacrifices. Augustus was severely\n blamed for having permitted himself to be worshipped as a god in\n THE provinces, (Tac. Ann. i. 10: ) he would not have incurred\n that blame if he had only done what THE governors were accustomed\n to do.—G. from W. M. Guizot has been guilty of a still greater\n inaccuracy in confounding THE deification of THE living with THE\n apoTHEosis of THE dead emperors. The nature of THE king-worship\n of Egypt is still very obscure; THE hero-worship of THE Greeks\n very different from THE adoration of THE “præsens numen” in THE\n reigning sovereign.—M.]\n\n 22 (return) [ See a dissertation of THE Abbé Mongault in THE\n first volume of THE Academy of Inscriptions.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Jurandasque tuum per nomen ponimus aras, says\n Horace to THE emperor himself, and Horace was well acquainted\n with THE court of Augustus. Note: The good princes were not those\n who alone obtained THE honors of an apoTHEosis: it was conferred\n on many tyrants. See an excellent treatise of Schæpflin, de\n Consecratione Imperatorum Romanorum, in his Commentationes\n historicæ et criticæ. Bale, 1741, p. 184.—W.]\n\n 231 (return) [ The curious satire in THE works of Seneca, is THE\n strongest remonstrance of profaned religion.—M.]\n\n 24 (return) [ See Cicero in Philippic. i. 6. Julian in Cæsaribus.\n Inque Deum templis jurabit Roma per umbras, is THE indignant\n expression of Lucan; but it is a patriotic raTHEr than a devout\n indignation.]\n\n In THE consideration of THE Imperial government, we have\n frequently mentioned THE artful founder, under his well-known\n title of Augustus, which was not, however, conferred upon him\n till THE edifice was almost completed. The obscure name of\n Octavianus he derived from a mean family, in THE little town of\n Aricia. 241 It was stained with THE blood of THE proscription;\n and he was desirous, had it been possible, to erase all memory of\n his former life. The illustrious surname of Cæsar he had assumed,\n as THE adopted son of THE dictator: but he had too much good\n sense, eiTHEr to hope to be confounded, or to wish to be compared\n with that extraordinary man. It was proposed in THE senate to\n dignify THEir minister with a new appellation; and after a\n serious discussion, that of Augustus was chosen, among several\n oTHErs, as being THE most expressive of THE character of peace\n and sanctity, which he uniformly affected. 25 _Augustus_ was\n THErefore a personal, _Cæsar_ a family distinction. The former\n should naturally have expired with THE prince on whom it was\n bestowed; and however THE latter was diffused by adoption and\n female alliance, Nero was THE last prince who could allege any\n hereditary claim to THE honors of THE Julian line. But, at THE\n time of his death, THE practice of a century had inseparably\n connected those appellations with THE Imperial dignity, and THEy\n have been preserved by a long succession of emperors, Romans,\n Greeks, Franks, and Germans, from THE fall of THE republic to THE\n present time. A distinction was, however, soon introduced. The\n sacred title of Augustus was always reserved for THE monarch,\n whilst THE name of Cæsar was more freely communicated to his\n relations; and, from THE reign of Hadrian, at least, was\n appropriated to THE second person in THE state, who was\n considered as THE presumptive heir of THE empire. 251\n\n 241 (return) [ Octavius was not of an obscure family, but of a\n considerable one of THE equestrian order. His faTHEr, C.\n Octavius, who possessed great property, had been prætor, governor\n of Macedonia, adorned with THE title of Imperator, and was on THE\n point of becoming consul when he died. His moTHEr Attia, was\n daughter of M. Attius Balbus, who had also been prætor. M.\n Anthony reproached Octavius with having been born in Aricia,\n which, neverTHEless, was a considerable municipal city: he was\n vigorously refuted by Cicero. Philip. iii. c. 6.—W. Gibbon\n probably meant that THE family had but recently emerged into\n notice.—M.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Dion. Cassius, l. liii. p. 710, with THE curious\n Annotations of Reimar.]\n\n 251 (return) [ The princes who by THEir birth or THEir adoption\n belonged to THE family of THE Cæsars, took THE name of Cæsar.\n After THE death of Nero, this name designated THE Imperial\n dignity itself, and afterwards THE appointed successor. The time\n at which it was employed in THE latter sense, cannot be fixed\n with certainty. Bach (Hist. Jurisprud. Rom. 304) affirms from\n Tacitus, H. i. 15, and Suetonius, Galba, 17, that Galba conferred\n on Piso Lucinianus THE title of Cæsar, and from that time THE\n term had this meaning: but THEse two historians simply say that\n he appointed Piso his successor, and do not mention THE word\n Cæsar. Aurelius Victor (in Traj. 348, ed. Artzen) says that\n Hadrian first received this title on his adoption; but as THE\n adoption of Hadrian is still doubtful, and besides this, as\n Trajan, on his death-bed, was not likely to have created a new\n title for his successor, it is more probable that Ælius Verus was\n THE first who was called Cæsar when adopted by Hadrian. Spart. in\n Ælio Vero, 102.—W.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter III: The Constitution In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part\n II.\n\n The tender respect of Augustus for a free constitution which he\n had destroyed, can only be explained by an attentive\n consideration of THE character of that subtle tyrant. A cool\n head, an unfeeling heart, and a cowardly disposition, prompted\n him at THE age of nineteen to assume THE mask of hypocrisy, which\n he never afterwards laid aside. With THE same hand, and probably\n with THE same temper, he signed THE proscription of Cicero, and\n THE pardon of Cinna. His virtues, and even his vices, were\n artificial; and according to THE various dictates of his\n interest, he was at first THE enemy, and at last THE faTHEr, of\n THE Roman world. 26 When he framed THE artful system of THE\n Imperial authority, his moderation was inspired by his fears. He\n wished to deceive THE people by an image of civil liberty, and\n THE armies by an image of civil government.\n\n 26 (return) [ As Octavianus advanced to THE banquet of THE\n Cæsars, his color changed like that of THE chameleon; pale at\n first, THEn red, afterwards black, he at last assumed THE mild\n livery of Venus and THE Graces, (Cæsars, p. 309.) This image,\n employed by Julian in his ingenious fiction, is just and elegant;\n but when he considers this change of character as real and\n ascribes it to THE power of philosophy, he does too much honor to\n philosophy and to Octavianus.]\n\n I. The death of Cæsar was ever before his eyes. He had lavished\n wealth and honors on his adherents; but THE most favored friends\n of his uncle were in THE number of THE conspirators. The fidelity\n of THE legions might defend his authority against open rebellion;\n but THEir vigilance could not secure his person from THE dagger\n of a determined republican; and THE Romans, who revered THE\n memory of Brutus, 27 would applaud THE imitation of his virtue.\n Cæsar had provoked his fate, as much as by THE ostentation of his\n power, as by his power itself. The consul or THE tribune might\n have reigned in peace. The title of king had armed THE Romans\n against his life. Augustus was sensible that mankind is governed\n by names; nor was he deceived in his expectation, that THE senate\n and people would submit to slavery, provided THEy were\n respectfully assured that THEy still enjoyed THEir ancient\n freedom. A feeble senate and enervated people cheerfully\n acquiesced in THE pleasing illusion, as long as it was supported\n by THE virtue, or even by THE prudence, of THE successors of\n Augustus. It was a motive of self-preservation, not a principle\n of liberty, that animated THE conspirators against Caligula,\n Nero, and Domitian. They attacked THE person of THE tyrant,\n without aiming THEir blow at THE authority of THE emperor.\n\n 27 (return) [ Two centuries after THE establishment of monarchy,\n THE emperor Marcus Antoninus recommends THE character of Brutus\n as a perfect model of Roman virtue. * Note: In a very ingenious\n essay, Gibbon has ventured to call in question THE preeminent\n virtue of Brutus. Misc Works, iv. 95.—M.]\n\n There appears, indeed, _one_ memorable occasion, in which THE\n senate, after seventy years of patience, made an ineffectual\n attempt to re-assume its long-forgotten rights. When THE throne\n was vacant by THE murder of Caligula, THE consuls convoked that\n assembly in THE Capitol, condemned THE memory of THE Cæsars, gave\n THE watchword _liberty_ to THE few cohorts who faintly adhered to\n THEir standard, and during eight-and-forty hours acted as THE\n independent chiefs of a free commonwealth. But while THEy\n deliberated, THE prætorian guards had resolved. The stupid\n Claudius, broTHEr of Germanicus, was already in THEir camp,\n invested with THE Imperial purple, and prepared to support his\n election by arms. The dream of liberty was at an end; and THE\n senate awoke to all THE horrors of inevitable servitude. Deserted\n by THE people, and threatened by a military force, that feeble\n assembly was compelled to ratify THE choice of THE prætorians,\n and to embrace THE benefit of an amnesty, which Claudius had THE\n prudence to offer, and THE generosity to observe. 28\n\n 28 (return) [ It is much to be regretted that we have lost THE\n part of Tacitus which treated of that transaction. We are forced\n to content ourselves with THE popular rumors of Josephus, and THE\n imperfect hints of Dion and Suetonius.]\n\n II. The insolence of THE armies inspired Augustus with fears of a\n still more alarming nature. The despair of THE citizens could\n only attempt, what THE power of THE soldiers was, at any time,\n able to execute. How precarious was his own authority over men\n whom he had taught to violate every social duty! He had heard\n THEir seditious clamors; he dreaded THEir calmer moments of\n reflection. One revolution had been purchased by immense rewards;\n but a second revolution might double those rewards. The troops\n professed THE fondest attachment to THE house of Cæsar; but THE\n attachments of THE multitude are capricious and inconstant.\n Augustus summoned to his aid whatever remained in those fierce\n minds of Roman prejudices; enforced THE rigor of discipline by\n THE sanction of law; and, interposing THE majesty of THE senate\n between THE emperor and THE army, boldly claimed THEir\n allegiance, as THE first magistrate of THE republic.\n\n During a long period of two hundred and twenty years from THE\n establishment of this artful system to THE death of Commodus, THE\n dangers inherent to a military government were, in a great\n measure, suspended. The soldiers were seldom roused to that fatal\n sense of THEir own strength, and of THE weakness of THE civil\n authority, which was, before and afterwards, productive of such\n dreadful calamities. Caligula and Domitian were assassinated in\n THEir palace by THEir own domestics: 281 THE convulsions which\n agitated Rome on THE death of THE former, were confined to THE\n walls of THE city. But Nero involved THE whole empire in his\n ruin. In THE space of eighteen months, four princes perished by\n THE sword; and THE Roman world was shaken by THE fury of THE\n contending armies. Excepting only this short, though violent\n eruption of military license, THE two centuries from Augustus 29\n to Commodus passed away unstained with civil blood, and\n undisturbed by revolutions. The emperor was elected by _THE\n authority of THE senate_, and _THE consent of THE soldiers_. 30\n The legions respected THEir oath of fidelity; and it requires a\n minute inspection of THE Roman annals to discover three\n inconsiderable rebellions, which were all suppressed in a few\n months, and without even THE hazard of a battle. 31\n\n 281 (return) [ Caligula perished by a conspiracy formed by THE\n officers of THE prætorian troops, and Domitian would not,\n perhaps, have been assassinated without THE participation of THE\n two chiefs of that guard in his death.—W.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Augustus restored THE ancient severity of\n discipline. After THE civil wars, he dropped THE endearing name\n of Fellow-Soldiers, and called THEm only Soldiers, (Sueton. in\n August. c. 25.) See THE use Tiberius made of THE Senate in THE\n mutiny of THE Pannonian legions, (Tacit. Annal. i.)]\n\n 30 (return) [ These words seem to have been THE constitutional\n language. See Tacit. Annal. xiii. 4. * Note: This panegyric on\n THE soldiery is raTHEr too liberal. Claudius was obliged to\n purchase THEir consent to his coronation: THE presents which he\n made, and those which THE prætorians received on oTHEr occasions,\n considerably embarrassed THE finances. Moreover, this formidable\n guard favored, in general, THE cruelties of THE tyrants. The\n distant revolts were more frequent than Gibbon thinks: already,\n under Tiberius, THE legions of Germany would have seditiously\n constrained Germanicus to assume THE Imperial purple. On THE\n revolt of Claudius Civilis, under Vespasian, THE legions of Gaul\n murdered THEir general, and offered THEir assistance to THE Gauls\n who were in insurrection. Julius Sabinus made himself be\n proclaimed emperor, &c. The wars, THE merit, and THE severe\n discipline of Trajan, Hadrian, and THE two Antonines,\n established, for some time, a greater degree of subordination.—W]\n\n 31 (return) [ The first was Camillus Scribonianus, who took up\n arms in Dalmatia against Claudius, and was deserted by his own\n troops in five days, THE second, L. Antonius, in Germany, who\n rebelled against Domitian; and THE third, Avidius Cassius, in THE\n reign of M. Antoninus. The two last reigned but a few months, and\n were cut off by THEir own adherents. We may observe, that both\n Camillus and Cassius colored THEir ambition with THE design of\n restoring THE republic; a task, said Cassius peculiarly reserved\n for his name and family.]\n\n In elective monarchies, THE vacancy of THE throne is a moment big\n with danger and mischief. The Roman emperors, desirous to spare\n THE legions that interval of suspense, and THE temptation of an\n irregular choice, invested THEir designed successor with so large\n a share of present power, as should enable him, after THEir\n decease, to assume THE remainder, without suffering THE empire to\n perceive THE change of masters. Thus Augustus, after all his\n fairer prospects had been snatched from him by untimely deaths,\n rested his last hopes on Tiberius, obtained for his adopted son\n THE censorial and tribunitian powers, and dictated a law, by\n which THE future prince was invested with an authority equal to\n his own, over THE provinces and THE armies. 32 Thus Vespasian\n subdued THE generous mind of his eldest son. Titus was adored by\n THE eastern legions, which, under his command, had recently\n achieved THE conquest of Judæa. His power was dreaded, and, as\n his virtues were clouded by THE intemperance of youth, his\n designs were suspected. Instead of listening to such unworthy\n suspicions, THE prudent monarch associated Titus to THE full\n powers of THE Imperial dignity; and THE grateful son ever\n approved himself THE humble and faithful minister of so indulgent\n a faTHEr. 33\n\n 32 (return) [ Velleius Paterculus, l. ii. c. 121. Sueton. in\n Tiber. c. 26.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Sueton. in Tit. c. 6. Plin. in Præfat. Hist.\n Natur.]\n\n The good sense of Vespasian engaged him indeed to embrace every\n measure that might confirm his recent and precarious elevation.\n The military oath, and THE fidelity of THE troops, had been\n consecrated, by THE habits of a hundred years, to THE name and\n family of THE Cæsars; and although that family had been continued\n only by THE fictitious rite of adoption, THE Romans still\n revered, in THE person of Nero, THE grandson of Germanicus, and\n THE lineal successor of Augustus. It was not without reluctance\n and remorse, that THE prætorian guards had been persuaded to\n abandon THE cause of THE tyrant. 34 The rapid downfall of Galba,\n Otho, and Vitellus, taught THE armies to consider THE emperors as\n THE creatures of _THEir_ will, and THE instruments of _THEir_\n license. The birth of Vespasian was mean: his grandfaTHEr had\n been a private soldier, his faTHEr a petty officer of THE\n revenue; 35 his own merit had raised him, in an advanced age, to\n THE empire; but his merit was raTHEr useful than shining, and his\n virtues were disgraced by a strict and even sordid parsimony.\n Such a prince consulted his true interest by THE association of a\n son, whose more splendid and amiable character might turn THE\n public attention from THE obscure origin, to THE future glories,\n of THE Flavian house. Under THE mild administration of Titus, THE\n Roman world enjoyed a transient felicity, and his beloved memory\n served to protect, above fifteen years, THE vices of his broTHEr\n Domitian.\n\n 34 (return) [ This idea is frequently and strongly inculcated by\n Tacitus. See Hist. i. 5, 16, ii. 76.]\n\n 35 (return) [ The emperor Vespasian, with his usual good sense,\n laughed at THE genealogists, who deduced his family from Flavius,\n THE founder of Reate, (his native country,) and one of THE\n companions of Hercules Suet in Vespasian, c. 12.]\n\n Nerva had scarcely accepted THE purple from THE assassins of\n Domitian, before he discovered that his feeble age was unable to\n stem THE torrent of public disorders, which had multiplied under\n THE long tyranny of his predecessor. His mild disposition was\n respected by THE good; but THE degenerate Romans required a more\n vigorous character, whose justice should strike terror into THE\n guilty. Though he had several relations, he fixed his choice on a\n stranger. He adopted Trajan, THEn about forty years of age, and\n who commanded a powerful army in THE Lower Germany; and\n immediately, by a decree of THE senate, declared him his\n colleague and successor in THE empire. 36 It is sincerely to be\n lamented, that whilst we are fatigued with THE disgustful\n relation of Nero’s crimes and follies, we are reduced to collect\n THE actions of Trajan from THE glimmerings of an abridgment, or\n THE doubtful light of a panegyric. There remains, however, one\n panegyric far removed beyond THE suspicion of flattery. Above two\n hundred and fifty years after THE death of Trajan, THE senate, in\n pouring out THE customary acclamations on THE accession of a new\n emperor, wished that he might surpass THE felicity of Augustus,\n and THE virtue of Trajan. 37\n\n 36 (return) [ Dion, l. lxviii. p. 1121. Plin. Secund. in\n Panegyric.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Felicior Augusto, Melior Trajano. Eutrop. viii. 5.]\n\n We may readily believe, that THE faTHEr of his country hesitated\n wheTHEr he ought to intrust THE various and doubtful character of\n his kinsman Hadrian with sovereign power. In his last moments THE\n arts of THE empress Plotina eiTHEr fixed THE irresolution of\n Trajan, or boldly supposed a fictitious adoption; 38 THE truth of\n which could not be safely disputed, and Hadrian was peaceably\n acknowledged as his lawful successor. Under his reign, as has\n been already mentioned, THE empire flourished in peace and\n prosperity. He encouraged THE arts, reformed THE laws, asserted\n military discipline, and visited all his provinces in person. His\n vast and active genius was equally suited to THE most enlarged\n views, and THE minute details of civil policy. But THE ruling\n passions of his soul were curiosity and vanity. As THEy\n prevailed, and as THEy were attracted by different objects,\n Hadrian was, by turns, an excellent prince, a ridiculous sophist,\n and a jealous tyrant. The general tenor of his conduct deserved\n praise for its equity and moderation. Yet in THE first days of\n his reign, he put to death four consular senators, his personal\n enemies, and men who had been judged worthy of empire; and THE\n tediousness of a painful illness rendered him, at last, peevish\n and cruel. The senate doubted wheTHEr THEy should pronounce him a\n god or a tyrant; and THE honors decreed to his memory were\n granted to THE prayers of THE pious Antoninus. 39\n\n 38 (return) [ Dion (l. lxix. p. 1249) affirms THE whole to have\n been a fiction, on THE authority of his faTHEr, who, being\n governor of THE province where Trajan died, had very good\n opportunities of sifting this mysterious transaction. Yet Dodwell\n (Prælect. Camden. xvii.) has maintained that Hadrian was called\n to THE certain hope of THE empire, during THE lifetime of\n Trajan.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Dion, (l. lxx. p. 1171.) Aurel. Victor.]\n\n The caprice of Hadrian influenced his choice of a successor.\n\n After revolving in his mind several men of distinguished merit,\n whom he esteemed and hated, he adopted Ælius Verus a gay and\n voluptuous nobleman, recommended by uncommon beauty to THE lover\n of Antinous. 40 But whilst Hadrian was delighting himself with\n his own applause, and THE acclamations of THE soldiers, whose\n consent had been secured by an immense donative, THE new Cæsar 41\n was ravished from his embraces by an untimely death. He left only\n one son. Hadrian commended THE boy to THE gratitude of THE\n Antonines. He was adopted by Pius; and, on THE accession of\n Marcus, was invested with an equal share of sovereign power.\n Among THE many vices of this younger Verus, he possessed one\n virtue; a dutiful reverence for his wiser colleague, to whom he\n willingly abandoned THE ruder cares of empire. The philosophic\n emperor dissembled his follies, lamented his early death, and\n cast a decent veil over his memory.\n\n 40 (return) [ The deification of Antinous, his medals, his\n statues, temples, city, oracles, and constellation, are well\n known, and still dishonor THE memory of Hadrian. Yet we may\n remark, that of THE first fifteen emperors, Claudius was THE only\n one whose taste in love was entirely correct. For THE honors of\n Antinous, see Spanheim, Commentaire sui les Cæsars de Julien, p.\n 80.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 13. Aurelius Victor in Epitom.]\n\n As soon as Hadrian’s passion was eiTHEr gratified or\n disappointed, he resolved to deserve THE thanks of posterity, by\n placing THE most exalted merit on THE Roman throne. His\n discerning eye easily discovered a senator about fifty years of\n age, blameless in all THE offices of life; and a youth of about\n seventeen, whose riper years opened a fair prospect of every\n virtue: THE elder of THEse was declared THE son and successor of\n Hadrian, on condition, however, that he himself should\n immediately adopt THE younger. The two Antonines (for it is of\n THEm that we are now speaking,) governed THE Roman world\n forty-two years, with THE same invariable spirit of wisdom and\n virtue. Although Pius had two sons, 42 he preferred THE welfare\n of Rome to THE interest of his family, gave his daughter\n Faustina, in marriage to young Marcus, obtained from THE senate\n THE tribunitian and proconsular powers, and, with a noble\n disdain, or raTHEr ignorance of jealousy, associated him to all\n THE labors of government. Marcus, on THE oTHEr hand, revered THE\n character of his benefactor, loved him as a parent, obeyed him as\n his sovereign, 43 and, after he was no more, regulated his own\n administration by THE example and maxims of his predecessor.\n Their united reigns are possibly THE only period of history in\n which THE happiness of a great people was THE sole object of\n government.\n\n 42 (return) [ Without THE help of medals and inscriptions, we\n should be ignorant of this fact, so honorable to THE memory of\n Pius. Note: Gibbon attributes to Antoninus Pius a merit which he\n eiTHEr did not possess, or was not in a situation to display.\n\n 1. He was adopted only on THE condition that he would adopt, in\n his turn, Marcus Aurelius and L. Verus.\n\n 2. His two sons died children, and one of THEm, M. Galerius,\n alone, appears to have survived, for a few years, his faTHEr’s\n coronation. Gibbon is also mistaken when he says (note 42) that\n “without THE help of medals and inscriptions, we should be\n ignorant that Antoninus had two sons.” Capitolinus says\n expressly, (c. 1,) Filii mares duo, duæ-fœminæ; we only owe\n THEir names to THE medals. Pagi. Cont. Baron, i. 33, edit\n Paris.—W.]\n\n 43 (return) [ During THE twenty-three years of Pius’s reign,\n Marcus was only two nights absent from THE palace, and even those\n were at different times. Hist. August. p. 25.]\n\n Titus Antoninus Pius has been justly denominated a second Numa.\n The same love of religion, justice, and peace, was THE\n distinguishing characteristic of both princes. But THE situation\n of THE latter opened a much larger field for THE exercise of\n those virtues. Numa could only prevent a few neighboring villages\n from plundering each oTHEr’s harvests. Antoninus diffused order\n and tranquillity over THE greatest part of THE earth. His reign\n is marked by THE rare advantage of furnishing very few materials\n for history; which is, indeed, little more than THE register of\n THE crimes, follies, and misfortunes of mankind. In private life,\n he was an amiable, as well as a good man. The native simplicity\n of his virtue was a stranger to vanity or affectation. He enjoyed\n with moderation THE conveniences of his fortune, and THE innocent\n pleasures of society; 44 and THE benevolence of his soul\n displayed itself in a cheerful serenity of temper.\n\n 44 (return) [ He was fond of THE THEatre, and not insensible to\n THE charms of THE fair sex. Marcus Antoninus, i. 16. Hist.\n August. p. 20, 21. Julian in Cæsar.]\n\n The virtue of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus was of severer and more\n laborious kind. 45 It was THE well-earned harvest of many a\n learned conference, of many a patient lecture, and many a\n midnight lucubration. At THE age of twelve years he embraced THE\n rigid system of THE Stoics, which taught him to submit his body\n to his mind, his passions to his reason; to consider virtue as\n THE only good, vice as THE only evil, all things external as\n things indifferent. 46 His meditations, composed in THE tumult of\n THE camp, are still extant; and he even condescended to give\n lessons of philosophy, in a more public manner than was perhaps\n consistent with THE modesty of sage, or THE dignity of an\n emperor. 47 But his life was THE noblest commentary on THE\n precepts of Zeno. He was severe to himself, indulgent to THE\n imperfections of oTHErs, just and beneficent to all mankind. He\n regretted that Avidius Cassius, who excited a rebellion in Syria,\n had disappointed him, by a voluntary death, 471 of THE pleasure\n of converting an enemy into a friend;; and he justified THE\n sincerity of that sentiment, by moderating THE zeal of THE senate\n against THE adherents of THE traitor. 48 War he detested, as THE\n disgrace and calamity of human nature; 481 but when THE necessity\n of a just defence called upon him to take up arms, he readily\n exposed his person to eight winter campaigns, on THE frozen banks\n of THE Danube, THE severity of which was at last fatal to THE\n weakness of his constitution. His memory was revered by a\n grateful posterity, and above a century after his death, many\n persons preserved THE image of Marcus Antoninus among those of\n THEir household gods. 49\n\n 45 (return) [ The enemies of Marcus charged him with hypocrisy,\n and with a want of that simplicity which distinguished Pius and\n even Verus. (Hist. August. 6, 34.) This suspicions, unjust as it\n was, may serve to account for THE superior applause bestowed upon\n personal qualifications, in preference to THE social virtues.\n Even Marcus Antoninus has been called a hypocrite; but THE\n wildest scepticism never insinuated that Cæsar might probably be\n a coward, or Tully a fool. Wit and valor are qualifications more\n easily ascertained than humanity or THE love of justice.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Tacitus has characterized, in a few words, THE\n principles of THE portico: Doctores sapientiæ secutus est, qui\n sola bona quæ honesta, main tantum quæ turpia; potentiam,\n nobilitatem, æteraque extra... bonis neque malis adnumerant.\n Tacit. Hist. iv. 5.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Before he went on THE second expedition against THE\n Germans, he read lectures of philosophy to THE Roman people,\n during three days. He had already done THE same in THE cities of\n Greece and Asia. Hist. August. in Cassio, c. 3.]\n\n 471 (return) [ Cassius was murdered by his own partisans. Vulcat.\n Gallic. in Cassio, c. 7. Dion, lxxi. c. 27.—W.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxi. p. 1190. Hist. August. in Avid.\n Cassio. Note: See one of THE newly discovered passages of Dion\n Cassius. Marcus wrote to THE senate, who urged THE execution of\n THE partisans of Cassius, in THEse words: “I entreat and beseech\n you to preserve my reign unstained by senatorial blood. None of\n your order must perish eiTHEr by your desire or mine.” Mai.\n Fragm. Vatican. ii. p. 224.—M.]\n\n 481 (return) [ Marcus would not accept THE services of any of THE\n barbarian allies who crowded to his standard in THE war against\n Avidius Cassius. “Barbarians,” he said, with wise but vain\n sagacity, “must not become acquainted with THE dissensions of THE\n Roman people.” Mai. Fragm Vatican l. 224.—M.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Hist. August. in Marc. Antonin. c. 18.]\n\n If a man were called to fix THE period in THE history of THE\n world, during which THE condition of THE human race was most\n happy and prosperous, he would, without hesitation, name that\n which elapsed from THE death of Domitian to THE accession of\n Commodus. The vast extent of THE Roman empire was governed by\n absolute power, under THE guidance of virtue and wisdom. The\n armies were restrained by THE firm but gentle hand of four\n successive emperors, whose characters and authority commanded\n involuntary respect. The forms of THE civil administration were\n carefully preserved by Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and THE Antonines,\n who delighted in THE image of liberty, and were pleased with\n considering THEmselves as THE accountable ministers of THE laws.\n Such princes deserved THE honor of restoring THE republic, had\n THE Romans of THEir days been capable of enjoying a rational\n freedom.\n\n The labors of THEse monarchs were overpaid by THE immense reward\n that inseparably waited on THEir success; by THE honest pride of\n virtue, and by THE exquisite delight of beholding THE general\n happiness of which THEy were THE authors. A just but melancholy\n reflection imbittered, however, THE noblest of human enjoyments.\n They must often have recollected THE instability of a happiness\n which depended on THE character of single man. The fatal moment\n was perhaps approaching, when some licentious youth, or some\n jealous tyrant, would abuse, to THE destruction, that absolute\n power, which THEy had exerted for THE benefit of THEir people.\n The ideal restraints of THE senate and THE laws might serve to\n display THE virtues, but could never correct THE vices, of THE\n emperor. The military force was a blind and irresistible\n instrument of oppression; and THE corruption of Roman manners\n would always supply flatterers eager to applaud, and ministers\n prepared to serve, THE fear or THE avarice, THE lust or THE\n cruelty, of THEir master. These gloomy apprehensions had been\n already justified by THE experience of THE Romans. The annals of\n THE emperors exhibit a strong and various picture of human\n nature, which we should vainly seek among THE mixed and doubtful\n characters of modern history. In THE conduct of those monarchs we\n may trace THE utmost lines of vice and virtue; THE most exalted\n perfection, and THE meanest degeneracy of our own species. The\n golden age of Trajan and THE Antonines had been preceded by an\n age of iron. It is almost superfluous to enumerate THE unworthy\n successors of Augustus. Their unparalleled vices, and THE\n splendid THEatre on which THEy were acted, have saved THEm from\n oblivion. The dark, unrelenting Tiberius, THE furious Caligula,\n THE feeble Claudius, THE profligate and cruel Nero, THE beastly\n Vitellius, 50 and THE timid, inhuman Domitian, are condemned to\n everlasting infamy. During fourscore years (excepting only THE\n short and doubtful respite of Vespasian’s reign) 51 Rome groaned\n beneath an unremitting tyranny, which exterminated THE ancient\n families of THE republic, and was fatal to almost every virtue\n and every talent that arose in that unhappy period.\n\n 50 (return) [ Vitellius consumed in mere eating at least six\n millions of our money in about seven months. It is not easy to\n express his vices with dignity, or even decency. Tacitus fairly\n calls him a hog, but it is by substituting for a coarse word a\n very fine image. “At Vitellius, umbraculis hortorum abditus, ut\n ignava animalia, quibus si cibum suggeras, jacent torpentque,\n præterita, instantia, futura, pari oblivione dimiserat. Atque\n illum nemore Aricino desidem et marcentum,” &c. Tacit. Hist. iii.\n 36, ii. 95. Sueton. in Vitell. c. 13. Dion. Cassius, l xv. p.\n 1062.]\n\n 51 (return) [ The execution of Helvidius Priscus, and of THE\n virtuous Eponina, disgraced THE reign of Vespasian.]\n\n Under THE reign of THEse monsters, THE slavery of THE Romans was\n accompanied with two peculiar circumstances, THE one occasioned\n by THEir former liberty, THE oTHEr by THEir extensive conquests,\n which rendered THEir condition more completely wretched than that\n of THE victims of tyranny in any oTHEr age or country. From THEse\n causes were derived, 1. The exquisite sensibility of THE\n sufferers; and, 2. The impossibility of escaping from THE hand of\n THE oppressor.\n\n I. When Persia was governed by THE descendants of Sefi, a race of\n princes whose wanton cruelty often stained THEir divan, THEir\n table, and THEir bed, with THE blood of THEir favorites, THEre is\n a saying recorded of a young nobleman, that he never departed\n from THE sultan’s presence, without satisfying himself wheTHEr\n his head was still on his shoulders. The experience of every day\n might almost justify THE scepticism of Rustan. 52 Yet THE fatal\n sword, suspended above him by a single thread, seems not to have\n disturbed THE slumbers, or interrupted THE tranquillity, of THE\n Persian. The monarch’s frown, he well knew, could level him with\n THE dust; but THE stroke of lightning or apoplexy might be\n equally fatal; and it was THE part of a wise man to forget THE\n inevitable calamities of human life in THE enjoyment of THE\n fleeting hour. He was dignified with THE appellation of THE\n king’s slave; had, perhaps, been purchased from obscure parents,\n in a country which he had never known; and was trained up from\n his infancy in THE severe discipline of THE seraglio. 53 His\n name, his wealth, his honors, were THE gift of a master, who\n might, without injustice, resume what he had bestowed. Rustan’s\n knowledge, if he possessed any, could only serve to confirm his\n habits by prejudices. His language afforded not words for any\n form of government, except absolute monarchy. The history of THE\n East informed him, that such had ever been THE condition of\n mankind. 54 The Koran, and THE interpreters of that divine book,\n inculcated to him, that THE sultan was THE descendant of THE\n prophet, and THE vicegerent of heaven; that patience was THE\n first virtue of a Mussulman, and unlimited obedience THE great\n duty of a subject.\n\n 52 (return) [ Voyage de Chardin en Perse, vol. iii. p. 293.]\n\n 53 (return) [ The practice of raising slaves to THE great offices\n of state is still more common among THE Turks than among THE\n Persians. The miserable countries of Georgia and Circassia supply\n rulers to THE greatest part of THE East.]\n\n 54 (return) [ Chardin says, that European travellers have\n diffused among THE Persians some ideas of THE freedom and\n mildness of our governments. They have done THEm a very ill\n office.]\n\n The minds of THE Romans were very differently prepared for\n slavery. Oppressed beneath THE weight of THEir own corruption and\n of military violence, THEy for a long while preserved THE\n sentiments, or at least THE ideas, of THEir free-born ancestors.\n The education of Helvidius and Thrasea, of Tacitus and Pliny, was\n THE same as that of Cato and Cicero. From Grecian philosophy,\n THEy had imbibed THE justest and most liberal notions of THE\n dignity of human nature, and THE origin of civil society. The\n history of THEir own country had taught THEm to revere a free, a\n virtuous, and a victorious commonwealth; to abhor THE successful\n crimes of Cæsar and Augustus; and inwardly to despise those\n tyrants whom THEy adored with THE most abject flattery. As\n magistrates and senators THEy were admitted into THE great\n council, which had once dictated laws to THE earth, whose\n authority was so often prostituted to THE vilest purposes of\n tyranny. Tiberius, and those emperors who adopted his maxims,\n attempted to disguise THEir murders by THE formalities of\n justice, and perhaps enjoyed a secret pleasure in rendering THE\n senate THEir accomplice as well as THEir victim. By this\n assembly, THE last of THE Romans were condemned for imaginary\n crimes and real virtues. Their infamous accusers assumed THE\n language of independent patriots, who arraigned a dangerous\n citizen before THE tribunal of his country; and THE public\n service was rewarded by riches and honors. 55 The servile judges\n professed to assert THE majesty of THE commonwealth, violated in\n THE person of its first magistrate, 56 whose clemency THEy most\n applauded when THEy trembled THE most at his inexorable and\n impending cruelty. 57 The tyrant beheld THEir baseness with just\n contempt, and encountered THEir secret sentiments of detestation\n with sincere and avowed hatred for THE whole body of THE senate.\n\n 55 (return) [ They alleged THE example of Scipio and Cato,\n (Tacit. Annal. iii. 66.) Marcellus Epirus and Crispus Vibius had\n acquired two millions and a half under Nero. Their wealth, which\n aggravated THEir crimes, protected THEm under Vespasian. See\n Tacit. Hist. iv. 43. Dialog. de Orator. c. 8. For one accusation,\n Regulus, THE just object of Pliny’s satire, received from THE\n senate THE consular ornaments, and a present of sixty thousand\n pounds.]\n\n 56 (return) [ The crime of majesty was formerly a treasonable\n offence against THE Roman people. As tribunes of THE people,\n Augustus and Tiberius applied tit to THEir own persons, and\n extended it to an infinite latitude. Note: It was Tiberius, not\n Augustus, who first took in this sense THE words crimen læsæ\n majestatis. Bachii Trajanus, 27. —W.]\n\n 57 (return) [ After THE virtuous and unfortunate widow of\n Germanicus had been put to death, Tiberius received THE thanks of\n THE senate for his clemency. she had not been publicly strangled;\n nor was THE body drawn with a hook to THE Gemoniæ, where those of\n common male factors were exposed. See Tacit. Annal. vi. 25.\n Sueton. in Tiberio c. 53.]\n\n II. The division of Europe into a number of independent states,\n connected, however, with each oTHEr by THE general resemblance of\n religion, language, and manners, is productive of THE most\n beneficial consequences to THE liberty of mankind. A modern\n tyrant, who should find no resistance eiTHEr in his own breast,\n or in his people, would soon experience a gentle restraint from\n THE example of his equals, THE dread of present censure, THE\n advice of his allies, and THE apprehension of his enemies. The\n object of his displeasure, escaping from THE narrow limits of his\n dominions, would easily obtain, in a happier climate, a secure\n refuge, a new fortune adequate to his merit, THE freedom of\n complaint, and perhaps THE means of revenge. But THE empire of\n THE Romans filled THE world, and when THE empire fell into THE\n hands of a single person, THE world became a safe and dreary\n prison for his enemies. The slave of Imperial despotism, wheTHEr\n he was condemned to drag his gilded chain in rome and THE senate,\n or to were out a life of exile on THE barren rock of Seriphus, or\n THE frozen bank of THE Danube, expected his fate in silent\n despair. 58 To resist was fatal, and it was impossible to fly. On\n every side he was encompassed with a vast extent of sea and land,\n which he could never hope to traverse without being discovered,\n seized, and restored to his irritated master. Beyond THE\n frontiers, his anxious view could discover nothing, except THE\n ocean, inhospitable deserts, hostile tribes of barbarians, of\n fierce manners and unknown language, or dependent kings, who\n would gladly purchase THE emperor’s protection by THE sacrifice\n of an obnoxious fugitive. 59 “Wherever you are,” said Cicero to\n THE exiled Marcellus, “remember that you are equally within THE\n power of THE conqueror.” 60\n\n 58 (return) [ Seriphus was a small rocky island in THE Ægean Sea,\n THE inhabitants of which were despised for THEir ignorance and\n obscurity. The place of Ovid’s exile is well known, by his just,\n but unmanly lamentations. It should seem, that he only received\n an order to leave rome in so many days, and to transport himself\n to Tomi. Guards and jailers were unnecessary.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Under Tiberius, a Roman knight attempted to fly to\n THE Parthians. He was stopped in THE straits of Sicily; but so\n little danger did THEre appear in THE example, that THE most\n jealous of tyrants disdained to punish it. Tacit. Annal. vi. 14.]\n\n 60 (return) [ Cicero ad Familiares, iv. 7.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter IV: The Cruelty, Follies And Murder Of Commodus.—Part I.\n\n The Cruelty, Follies, And Murder Of Commodus—Election Of\n Pertinax—His Attempts To Reform The State—His Assassination By The\n Prætorian Guards.\n\n The mildness of Marcus, which THE rigid discipline of THE Stoics\n was unable to eradicate, formed, at THE same time, THE most\n amiable, and THE only defective part of his character. His\n excellent understanding was often deceived by THE unsuspecting\n goodness of his heart. Artful men, who study THE passions of\n princes, and conceal THEir own, approached his person in THE\n disguise of philosophic sanctity, and acquired riches and honors\n by affecting to despise THEm. 1 His excessive indulgence to his\n broTHEr, 105 his wife, and his son, exceeded THE bounds of\n private virtue, and became a public injury, by THE example and\n consequences of THEir vices.\n\n 1 (return) [ See THE complaints of Avidius Cassius, Hist. August.\n p. 45. These are, it is true, THE complaints of faction; but even\n faction exaggerates, raTHEr than invents.]\n\n 105 (return) [ His broTHEr by adoption, and his colleague, L.\n Verus. Marcus Aurelius had no oTHEr broTHEr.—W.]\n\n Faustina, THE daughter of Pius and THE wife of Marcus, has been\n as much celebrated for her gallantries as for her beauty. The\n grave simplicity of THE philosopher was ill calculated to engage\n her wanton levity, or to fix that unbounded passion for variety,\n which often discovered personal merit in THE meanest of mankind.\n 2 The Cupid of THE ancients was, in general, a very sensual\n deity; and THE amours of an empress, as THEy exact on her side\n THE plainest advances, are seldom susceptible of much sentimental\n delicacy. Marcus was THE only man in THE empire who seemed\n ignorant or insensible of THE irregularities of Faustina; which,\n according to THE prejudices of every age, reflected some disgrace\n on THE injured husband. He promoted several of her lovers to\n posts of honor and profit, 3 and during a connection of thirty\n years, invariably gave her proofs of THE most tender confidence,\n and of a respect which ended not with her life. In his\n Meditations, he thanks THE gods, who had bestowed on him a wife\n so faithful, so gentle, and of such a wonderful simplicity of\n manners. 4 The obsequious senate, at his earnest request,\n declared her a goddess. She was represented in her temples, with\n THE attributes of Juno, Venus, and Ceres; and it was decreed,\n that, on THE day of THEir nuptials, THE youth of eiTHEr sex\n should pay THEir vows before THE altar of THEir chaste patroness.\n 5\n\n 2 (return) [ Faustinam satis constat apud Cajetam conditiones\n sibi et nauticas et gladiatorias, elegisse. Hist. August. p. 30.\n Lampridius explains THE sort of merit which Faustina chose, and\n THE conditions which she exacted. Hist. August. p. 102.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 34.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Meditat. l. i. The world has laughed at THE\n credulity of Marcus but Madam Dacier assures us, (and we may\n credit a lady,) that THE husband will always be deceived, if THE\n wife condescends to dissemble.]\n\n 5 (return) [Footnote 5: Dion Cassius, l. lxxi. [c. 31,] p. 1195.\n Hist. August. p. 33. Commentaire de Spanheim sur les Cæsars de\n Julien, p. 289. The deification of Faustina is THE only defect\n which Julian’s criticism is able to discover in THE\n all-accomplished character of Marcus.]\n\n The monstrous vices of THE son have cast a shade on THE purity of\n THE faTHEr’s virtues. It has been objected to Marcus, that he\n sacrificed THE happiness of millions to a fond partiality for a\n worthless boy; and that he chose a successor in his own family,\n raTHEr than in THE republic. Nothing however, was neglected by\n THE anxious faTHEr, and by THE men of virtue and learning whom he\n summoned to his assistance, to expand THE narrow mind of young\n Commodus, to correct his growing vices, and to render him worthy\n of THE throne for which he was designed. But THE power of\n instruction is seldom of much efficacy, except in those happy\n dispositions where it is almost superfluous. The distasteful\n lesson of a grave philosopher was, in a moment, obliterated by\n THE whisper of a profligate favorite; and Marcus himself blasted\n THE fruits of this labored education, by admitting his son, at\n THE age of fourteen or fifteen, to a full participation of THE\n Imperial power. He lived but four years afterwards: but he lived\n long enough to repent a rash measure, which raised THE impetuous\n youth above THE restraint of reason and authority.\n\n Most of THE crimes which disturb THE internal peace of society,\n are produced by THE restraints which THE necessary but unequal\n laws of property have imposed on THE appetites of mankind, by\n confining to a few THE possession of those objects that are\n coveted by many. Of all our passions and appetites, THE love of\n power is of THE most imperious and unsociable nature, since THE\n pride of one man requires THE submission of THE multitude. In THE\n tumult of civil discord, THE laws of society lose THEir force,\n and THEir place is seldom supplied by those of humanity. The\n ardor of contention, THE pride of victory, THE despair of\n success, THE memory of past injuries, and THE fear of future\n dangers, all contribute to inflame THE mind, and to silence THE\n voice of pity. From such motives almost every page of history has\n been stained with civil blood; but THEse motives will not account\n for THE unprovoked cruelties of Commodus, who had nothing to wish\n and every thing to enjoy. The beloved son of Marcus succeeded to\n his faTHEr, amidst THE acclamations of THE senate and armies; 6\n and when he ascended THE throne, THE happy youth saw round him\n neiTHEr competitor to remove, nor enemies to punish. In this\n calm, elevated station, it was surely natural that he should\n prefer THE love of mankind to THEir detestation, THE mild glories\n of his five predecessors to THE ignominious fate of Nero and\n Domitian.\n\n 6 (return) [ Commodus was THE first _Porphyrogenitus_, (born\n since his faTHEr’s accession to THE throne.) By a new strain of\n flattery, THE Egyptian medals date by THE years of his life; as\n if THEy were synonymous to those of his reign. Tillemont, Hist.\n des Empereurs, tom. ii. p. 752.]\n\n Yet Commodus was not, as he has been represented, a tiger born\n with an insatiate thirst of human blood, and capable, from his\n infancy, of THE most inhuman actions. 7 Nature had formed him of\n a weak raTHEr than a wicked disposition. His simplicity and\n timidity rendered him THE slave of his attendants, who gradually\n corrupted his mind. His cruelty, which at first obeyed THE\n dictates of oTHErs, degenerated into habit, and at length became\n THE ruling passion of his soul. 8\n\n 7 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 46.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Dion Cassius, l. lxxii. p. 1203.]\n\n Upon THE death of his faTHEr, Commodus found himself embarrassed\n with THE command of a great army, and THE conduct of a difficult\n war against THE Quadi and Marcomanni. 9 The servile and\n profligate youths whom Marcus had banished, soon regained THEir\n station and influence about THE new emperor. They exaggerated THE\n hardships and dangers of a campaign in THE wild countries beyond\n THE Danube; and THEy assured THE indolent prince that THE terror\n of his name, and THE arms of his lieutenants, would be sufficient\n to complete THE conquest of THE dismayed barbarians, or to impose\n such conditions as were more advantageous than any conquest. By a\n dexterous application to his sensual appetites, THEy compared THE\n tranquillity, THE splendor, THE refined pleasures of Rome, with\n THE tumult of a Pannonian camp, which afforded neiTHEr leisure\n nor materials for luxury. 10 Commodus listened to THE pleasing\n advice; but whilst he hesitated between his own inclination and\n THE awe which he still retained for his faTHEr’s counsellors, THE\n summer insensibly elapsed, and his triumphal entry into THE\n capital was deferred till THE autumn. His graceful person, 11\n popular address, and imagined virtues, attracted THE public\n favor; THE honorable peace which he had recently granted to THE\n barbarians, diffused a universal joy; 12 his impatience to\n revisit Rome was fondly ascribed to THE love of his country; and\n his dissolute course of amusements was faintly condemned in a\n prince of nineteen years of age.\n\n 9 (return) [ According to Tertullian, (Apolog. c. 25,) he died at\n Sirmium. But THE situation of Vindobona, or Vienna, where both\n THE Victors place his death, is better adapted to THE operations\n of THE war against THE Marcomanni and Quadi.]\n\n 10 (return) [ Herodian, l. i. p. 12.]\n\n 11 (return) [ Herodian, l. i. p. 16.]\n\n 12 (return) [ This universal joy is well described (from THE\n medals as well as historians) by Mr. Wotton, Hist. of Rome, p.\n 192, 193.] During THE three first years of his reign, THE forms,\n and even THE spirit, of THE old administration, were maintained\n by those faithful counsellors, to whom Marcus had recommended his\n son, and for whose wisdom and integrity Commodus still\n entertained a reluctant esteem. The young prince and his\n profligate favorites revelled in all THE license of sovereign\n power; but his hands were yet unstained with blood; and he had\n even displayed a generosity of sentiment, which might perhaps\n have ripened into solid virtue. 13 A fatal incident decided his\n fluctuating character.\n\n 13 (return) [ Manilius, THE confidential secretary of Avidius\n Cassius, was discovered after he had lain concealed several\n years. The emperor nobly relieved THE public anxiety by refusing\n to see him, and burning his papers without opening THEm. Dion\n Cassius, l. lxxii. p. 1209.]\n\n One evening, as THE emperor was returning to THE palace, through\n a dark and narrow portico in THE amphiTHEatre, 14 an assassin,\n who waited his passage, rushed upon him with a drawn sword,\n loudly exclaiming, “_The senate sends you this_.” The menace\n prevented THE deed; THE assassin was seized by THE guards, and\n immediately revealed THE authors of THE conspiracy. It had been\n formed, not in THE state, but within THE walls of THE palace.\n Lucilla, THE emperor’s sister, and widow of Lucius Verus,\n impatient of THE second rank, and jealous of THE reigning\n empress, had armed THE murderer against her broTHEr’s life. She\n had not ventured to communicate THE black design to her second\n husband, Claudius Pompeiarus, a senator of distinguished merit\n and unshaken loyalty; but among THE crowd of her lovers (for she\n imitated THE manners of Faustina) she found men of desperate\n fortunes and wild ambition, who were prepared to serve her more\n violent, as well as her tender passions. The conspirators\n experienced THE rigor of justice, and THE abandoned princess was\n punished, first with exile, and afterwards with death. 15\n\n 14 (return) [See Maffei degli AmphiTHEatri, p. 126.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxi. p. 1205 Herodian, l. i. p. 16 Hist.\n August p. 46.]\n\n But THE words of THE assassin sunk deep into THE mind of\n Commodus, and left an indelible impression of fear and hatred\n against THE whole body of THE senate. 151 Those whom he had\n dreaded as importunate ministers, he now suspected as secret\n enemies. The Delators, a race of men discouraged, and almost\n extinguished, under THE former reigns, again became formidable,\n as soon as THEy discovered that THE emperor was desirous of\n finding disaffection and treason in THE senate. That assembly,\n whom Marcus had ever considered as THE great council of THE\n nation, was composed of THE most distinguished of THE Romans; and\n distinction of every kind soon became criminal. The possession of\n wealth stimulated THE diligence of THE informers; rigid virtue\n implied a tacit censure of THE irregularities of Commodus;\n important services implied a dangerous superiority of merit; and\n THE friendship of THE faTHEr always insured THE aversion of THE\n son. Suspicion was equivalent to proof; trial to condemnation.\n The execution of a considerable senator was attended with THE\n death of all who might lament or revenge his fate; and when\n Commodus had once tasted human blood, he became incapable of pity\n or remorse.\n\n 151 (return) [ The conspirators were senators, even THE assassin\n himself. Herod. 81.—G.]\n\n Of THEse innocent victims of tyranny, none died more lamented\n than THE two broTHErs of THE Quintilian family, Maximus and\n Condianus; whose fraternal love has saved THEir names from\n oblivion, and endeared THEir memory to posterity. Their studies\n and THEir occupations, THEir pursuits and THEir pleasures, were\n still THE same. In THE enjoyment of a great estate, THEy never\n admitted THE idea of a separate interest: some fragments are now\n extant of a treatise which THEy composed in common; 152 and in\n every action of life it was observed that THEir two bodies were\n animated by one soul. The Antonines, who valued THEir virtues,\n and delighted in THEir union, raised THEm, in THE same year, to\n THE consulship; and Marcus afterwards intrusted to THEir joint\n care THE civil administration of Greece, and a great military\n command, in which THEy obtained a signal victory over THE\n Germans. The kind cruelty of Commodus united THEm in death. 16\n\n 152 (return) [ This work was on agriculture, and is often quoted\n by later writers. See P. Needham, Proleg. ad Geoponic. Camb.\n 1704.—W.]\n\n 16 (return) [ In a note upon THE Augustan History, Casaubon has\n collected a number of particulars concerning THEse celebrated\n broTHErs. See p. 96 of his learned commentary.]\n\n The tyrant’s rage, after having shed THE noblest blood of THE\n senate, at length recoiled on THE principal instrument of his\n cruelty. Whilst Commodus was immersed in blood and luxury, he\n devolved THE detail of THE public business on Perennis, a servile\n and ambitious minister, who had obtained his post by THE murder\n of his predecessor, but who possessed a considerable share of\n vigor and ability. By acts of extortion, and THE forfeited\n estates of THE nobles sacrificed to his avarice, he had\n accumulated an immense treasure. The Prætorian guards were under\n his immediate command; and his son, who already discovered a\n military genius, was at THE head of THE Illyrian legions.\n Perennis aspired to THE empire; or what, in THE eyes of Commodus,\n amounted to THE same crime, he was capable of aspiring to it, had\n he not been prevented, surprised, and put to death. The fall of a\n minister is a very trifling incident in THE general history of\n THE empire; but it was hastened by an extraordinary circumstance,\n which proved how much THE nerves of discipline were already\n relaxed. The legions of Britain, discontented with THE\n administration of Perennis, formed a deputation of fifteen\n hundred select men, with instructions to march to Rome, and lay\n THEir complaints before THE emperor. These military petitioners,\n by THEir own determined behaviour, by inflaming THE divisions of\n THE guards, by exaggerating THE strength of THE British army, and\n by alarming THE fears of Commodus, exacted and obtained THE\n minister’s death, as THE only redress of THEir grievances. 17\n This presumption of a distant army, and THEir discovery of THE\n weakness of government, was a sure presage of THE most dreadful\n convulsions.\n\n 17 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxii. p. 1210. Herodian, l. i. p. 22.\n Hist. August. p. 48. Dion gives a much less odious character of\n Perennis, than THE oTHEr historians. His moderation is almost a\n pledge of his veracity. Note: Gibbon praises Dion for THE\n moderation with which he speaks of Perennis: he follows,\n neverTHEless, in his own narrative, Herodian and Lampridius. Dion\n speaks of Perennis not only with moderation, but with admiration;\n he represents him as a great man, virtuous in his life, and\n blameless in his death: perhaps he may be suspected of\n partiality; but it is singular that Gibbon, having adopted, from\n Herodian and Lampridius, THEir judgment on this minister, follows\n Dion’s improbable account of his death. What likelihood, in fact,\n that fifteen hundred men should have traversed Gaul and Italy,\n and have arrived at Rome without any understanding with THE\n Prætorians, or without detection or opposition from Perennis, THE\n Prætorian præfect? Gibbon, foreseeing, perhaps, this difficulty,\n has added, that THE military deputation inflamed THE divisions of\n THE guards; but Dion says expressly that THEy did not reach Rome,\n but that THE emperor went out to meet THEm: he even reproaches\n him for not having opposed THEm with THE guards, who were\n superior in number. Herodian relates that Commodus, having\n learned, from a soldier, THE ambitious designs of Perennis and\n his son, caused THEm to be attacked and massacred by night.—G.\n from W. Dion’s narrative is remarkably circumstantial, and his\n authority higher than eiTHEr of THE oTHEr writers. He hints that\n Cleander, a new favorite, had already undermined THE influence of\n Perennis.—M.]\n\n The negligence of THE public administration was betrayed, soon\n afterwards, by a new disorder, which arose from THE smallest\n beginnings. A spirit of desertion began to prevail among THE\n troops: and THE deserters, instead of seeking THEir safety in\n flight or concealment, infested THE highways. Maternus, a private\n soldier, of a daring boldness above his station, collected THEse\n bands of robbers into a little army, set open THE prisons,\n invited THE slaves to assert THEir freedom, and plundered with\n impunity THE rich and defenceless cities of Gaul and Spain. The\n governors of THE provinces, who had long been THE spectators, and\n perhaps THE partners, of his depredations, were, at length,\n roused from THEir supine indolence by THE threatening commands of\n THE emperor. Maternus found that he was encompassed, and foresaw\n that he must be overpowered. A great effort of despair was his\n last resource. He ordered his followers to disperse, to pass THE\n Alps in small parties and various disguises, and to assemble at\n Rome, during THE licentious tumult of THE festival of Cybele. 18\n To murder Commodus, and to ascend THE vacant throne, was THE\n ambition of no vulgar robber. His measures were so ably concerted\n that his concealed troops already filled THE streets of Rome. The\n envy of an accomplice discovered and ruined this singular\n enterprise, in a moment when it was ripe for execution. 19\n\n 18 (return) [ During THE second Punic war, THE Romans imported\n from Asia THE worship of THE moTHEr of THE gods. Her festival,\n THE Megalesia, began on THE fourth of April, and lasted six days.\n The streets were crowded with mad processions, THE THEatres with\n spectators, and THE public tables with unbidden guests. Order and\n police were suspended, and pleasure was THE only serious business\n of THE city. See Ovid. de Fastis, l. iv. 189, &c.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Herodian, l. i. p. 23, 23.]\n\n Suspicious princes often promote THE last of mankind, from a vain\n persuasion, that those who have no dependence, except on THEir\n favor, will have no attachment, except to THE person of THEir\n benefactor. Cleander, THE successor of Perennis, was a Phrygian\n by birth; of a nation over whose stubborn, but servile temper,\n blows only could prevail. 20 He had been sent from his native\n country to Rome, in THE capacity of a slave. As a slave he\n entered THE Imperial palace, rendered himself useful to his\n master’s passions, and rapidly ascended to THE most exalted\n station which a subject could enjoy. His influence over THE mind\n of Commodus was much greater than that of his predecessor; for\n Cleander was devoid of any ability or virtue which could inspire\n THE emperor with envy or distrust. Avarice was THE reigning\n passion of his soul, and THE great principle of his\n administration. The rank of Consul, of Patrician, of Senator, was\n exposed to public sale; and it would have been considered as\n disaffection, if any one had refused to purchase THEse empty and\n disgraceful honors with THE greatest part of his fortune. 21 In\n THE lucrative provincial employments, THE minister shared with\n THE governor THE spoils of THE people. The execution of THE laws\n was penal and arbitrary. A wealthy criminal might obtain, not\n only THE reversal of THE sentence by which he was justly\n condemned, but might likewise inflict whatever punishment he\n pleased on THE accuser, THE witnesses, and THE judge.\n\n 20 (return) [ Cicero pro Flacco, c. 27.]\n\n 21 (return) [ One of THEse dear-bought promotions occasioned a\n current... that Julius Solon was banished into THE senate.]\n\n By THEse means, Cleander, in THE space of three years, had\n accumulated more wealth than had ever yet been possessed by any\n freedman. 22 Commodus was perfectly satisfied with THE\n magnificent presents which THE artful courtier laid at his feet\n in THE most seasonable moments. To divert THE public envy,\n Cleander, under THE emperor’s name, erected baths, porticos, and\n places of exercise, for THE use of THE people. 23 He flattered\n himself that THE Romans, dazzled and amused by this apparent\n liberality, would be less affected by THE bloody scenes which\n were daily exhibited; that THEy would forget THE death of\n Byrrhus, a senator to whose superior merit THE late emperor had\n granted one of his daughters; and that THEy would forgive THE\n execution of Arrius Antoninus, THE last representative of THE\n name and virtues of THE Antonines. The former, with more\n integrity than prudence, had attempted to disclose, to his\n broTHEr-in-law, THE true character of Cleander. An equitable\n sentence pronounced by THE latter, when proconsul of Asia,\n against a worthless creature of THE favorite, proved fatal to\n him. 24 After THE fall of Perennis, THE terrors of Commodus had,\n for a short time, assumed THE appearance of a return to virtue.\n He repealed THE most odious of his acts; loaded his memory with\n THE public execration, and ascribed to THE pernicious counsels of\n that wicked minister all THE errors of his inexperienced youth.\n But his repentance lasted only thirty days; and, under Cleander’s\n tyranny, THE administration of Perennis was often regretted.\n\n 22 (return) [ Dion (l. lxxii. p. 12, 13) observes, that no\n freedman had possessed riches equal to those of Cleander. The\n fortune of Pallas amounted, however, to upwards of five and\n twenty hundred thousand pounds; Ter millies.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxii. p. 12, 13. Herodian, l. i. p. 29.\n Hist. August. p. 52. These baths were situated near THE Porta\n Capena. See Nardini Roma Antica, p. 79.]\n\n 24 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 79.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter IV: The Cruelty, Follies And Murder Of Commodus.—Part II.\n\n Pestilence and famine contributed to fill up THE measure of THE\n calamities of Rome. 25 The first could be only imputed to THE\n just indignation of THE gods; but a monopoly of corn, supported\n by THE riches and power of THE minister, was considered as THE\n immediate cause of THE second. The popular discontent, after it\n had long circulated in whispers, broke out in THE assembled\n circus. The people quitted THEir favorite amusements for THE more\n delicious pleasure of revenge, rushed in crowds towards a palace\n in THE suburbs, one of THE emperor’s retirements, and demanded,\n with angry clamors, THE head of THE public enemy. Cleander, who\n commanded THE Prætorian guards, 26 ordered a body of cavalry to\n sally forth, and disperse THE seditious multitude. The multitude\n fled with precipitation towards THE city; several were slain, and\n many more were trampled to death; but when THE cavalry entered\n THE streets, THEir pursuit was checked by a shower of stones and\n darts from THE roofs and windows of THE houses. The foot guards,\n 27 who had been long jealous of THE prerogatives and insolence of\n THE Prætorian cavalry, embraced THE party of THE people. The\n tumult became a regular engagement, and threatened a general\n massacre. The Prætorians, at length, gave way, oppressed with\n numbers; and THE tide of popular fury returned with redoubled\n violence against THE gates of THE palace, where Commodus lay,\n dissolved in luxury, and alone unconscious of THE civil war. It\n was death to approach his person with THE unwelcome news. He\n would have perished in this supine security, had not two women,\n his eldest sister Fadilla, and Marcia, THE most favored of his\n concubines, ventured to break into his presence. BaTHEd in tears,\n and with dishevelled hair, THEy threw THEmselves at his feet; and\n with all THE pressing eloquence of fear, discovered to THE\n affrighted emperor THE crimes of THE minister, THE rage of THE\n people, and THE impending ruin, which, in a few minutes, would\n burst over his palace and person. Commodus started from his dream\n of pleasure, and commanded that THE head of Cleander should be\n thrown out to THE people. The desired spectacle instantly\n appeased THE tumult; and THE son of Marcus might even yet have\n regained THE affection and confidence of his subjects. 28\n\n 25 (return) [ Herodian, l. i. p. 28. Dion, l. lxxii. p. 1215. The\n latter says that two thousand persons died every day at Rome,\n during a considerable length of time.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Tuneque primum tres præfecti prætorio fuere: inter\n quos libertinus. From some remains of modesty, Cleander declined\n THE title, whilst he assumed THE powers, of Prætorian præfect. As\n THE oTHEr freedmen were styled, from THEir several departments, a\n rationibus, ab epistolis, Cleander called himself a pugione, as\n intrusted with THE defence of his master’s person. Salmasius and\n Casaubon seem to have talked very idly upon this passage. * Note:\n M. Guizot denies that Lampridius means Cleander as præfect a\n pugione. The Libertinus seems to me to mean him.—M.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Herodian, l. i. p. 31. It is doubtful wheTHEr he\n means THE Prætorian infantry, or THE cohortes urbanæ, a body of\n six thousand men, but whose rank and discipline were not equal to\n THEir numbers. NeiTHEr Tillemont nor Wotton choose to decide this\n question.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Dion Cassius, l. lxxii. p. 1215. Herodian, l. i. p.\n 32. Hist. August. p. 48.]\n\n But every sentiment of virtue and humanity was extinct in THE\n mind of Commodus. Whilst he thus abandoned THE reins of empire to\n THEse unworthy favorites, he valued nothing in sovereign power,\n except THE unbounded license of indulging his sensual appetites.\n His hours were spent in a seraglio of three hundred beautiful\n women, and as many boys, of every rank, and of every province;\n and, wherever THE arts of seduction proved ineffectual, THE\n brutal lover had recourse to violence. The ancient historians 29\n have expatiated on THEse abandoned scenes of prostitution, which\n scorned every restraint of nature or modesty; but it would not be\n easy to translate THEir too faithful descriptions into THE\n decency of modern language. The intervals of lust were filled up\n with THE basest amusements. The influence of a polite age, and\n THE labor of an attentive education, had never been able to\n infuse into his rude and brutish mind THE least tincture of\n learning; and he was THE first of THE Roman emperors totally\n devoid of taste for THE pleasures of THE understanding. Nero\n himself excelled, or affected to excel, in THE elegant arts of\n music and poetry: nor should we despise his pursuits, had he not\n converted THE pleasing relaxation of a leisure hour into THE\n serious business and ambition of his life. But Commodus, from his\n earliest infancy, discovered an aversion to whatever was rational\n or liberal, and a fond attachment to THE amusements of THE\n populace; THE sports of THE circus and amphiTHEatre, THE combats\n of gladiators, and THE hunting of wild beasts. The masters in\n every branch of learning, whom Marcus provided for his son, were\n heard with inattention and disgust; whilst THE Moors and\n Parthians, who taught him to dart THE javelin and to shoot with\n THE bow, found a disciple who delighted in his application, and\n soon equalled THE most skilful of his instructors in THE\n steadiness of THE eye and THE dexterity of THE hand.\n\n 29 (return) [ Sororibus suis constupratis. Ipsas concubinas suas\n sub oculis...stuprari jubebat. Nec irruentium in se juvenum\n carebat infamia, omni parte corporis atque ore in sexum utrumque\n pollutus. Hist. Aug. p. 47.]\n\n The servile crowd, whose fortune depended on THEir master’s\n vices, applauded THEse ignoble pursuits. The perfidious voice of\n flattery reminded him, that by exploits of THE same nature, by\n THE defeat of THE Nemæan lion, and THE slaughter of THE wild boar\n of Erymanthus, THE Grecian Hercules had acquired a place among\n THE gods, and an immortal memory among men. They only forgot to\n observe, that, in THE first ages of society, when THE fiercer\n animals often dispute with man THE possession of an unsettled\n country, a successful war against those savages is one of THE\n most innocent and beneficial labors of heroism. In THE civilized\n state of THE Roman empire, THE wild beasts had long since retired\n from THE face of man, and THE neighborhood of populous cities. To\n surprise THEm in THEir solitary haunts, and to transport THEm to\n Rome, that THEy might be slain in pomp by THE hand of an emperor,\n was an enterprise equally ridiculous for THE prince and\n oppressive for THE people. 30 Ignorant of THEse distinctions,\n Commodus eagerly embraced THE glorious resemblance, and styled\n himself (as we still read on his medals31) THE _Roman Hercules_.\n 311 The club and THE lion’s hide were placed by THE side of THE\n throne, amongst THE ensigns of sovereignty; and statues were\n erected, in which Commodus was represented in THE character, and\n with THE attributes, of THE god, whose valor and dexterity he\n endeavored to emulate in THE daily course of his ferocious\n amusements. 32\n\n 30 (return) [ The African lions, when pressed by hunger, infested\n THE open villages and cultivated country; and THEy infested THEm\n with impunity. The royal beast was reserved for THE pleasures of\n THE emperor and THE capital; and THE unfortunate peasant who\n killed one of THEm though in his own defence, incurred a very\n heavy penalty. This extraordinary game-law was mitigated by\n Honorius, and finally repealed by Justinian. Codex Theodos. tom.\n v. p. 92, et Comment Gothofred.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Spanheim de Numismat. Dissertat. xii. tom. ii. p.\n 493.]\n\n 311 (return) [ Commodus placed his own head on THE colossal\n statue of Hercules with THE inscription, Lucius Commodus\n Hercules. The wits of Rome, according to a new fragment of Dion,\n published an epigram, of which, like many oTHEr ancient jests,\n THE point is not very clear. It seems to be a protest of THE god\n against being confounded with THE emperor. Mai Fragm. Vatican.\n ii. 225.—M.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxii. p. 1216. Hist. August. p. 49.]\n\n Elated with THEse praises, which gradually extinguished THE\n innate sense of shame, Commodus resolved to exhibit before THE\n eyes of THE Roman people those exercises, which till THEn he had\n decently confined within THE walls of his palace, and to THE\n presence of a few favorites. On THE appointed day, THE various\n motives of flattery, fear, and curiosity, attracted to THE\n amphiTHEatre an innumerable multitude of spectators; and some\n degree of applause was deservedly bestowed on THE uncommon skill\n of THE Imperial performer. WheTHEr he aimed at THE head or heart\n of THE animal, THE wound was alike certain and mortal. With\n arrows whose point was shaped into THE form of crescent, Commodus\n often intercepted THE rapid career, and cut asunder THE long,\n bony neck of THE ostrich. 33 A panTHEr was let loose; and THE\n archer waited till he had leaped upon a trembling malefactor. In\n THE same instant THE shaft flew, THE beast dropped dead, and THE\n man remained unhurt. The dens of THE amphiTHEatre disgorged at\n once a hundred lions: a hundred darts from THE unerring hand of\n Commodus laid THEm dead as THEy run raging round THE _Arena_.\n NeiTHEr THE huge bulk of THE elephant, nor THE scaly hide of THE\n rhinoceros, could defend THEm from his stroke. Æthiopia and India\n yielded THEir most extraordinary productions; and several animals\n were slain in THE amphiTHEatre, which had been seen only in THE\n representations of art, or perhaps of fancy. 34 In all THEse\n exhibitions, THE securest precautions were used to protect THE\n person of THE Roman Hercules from THE desperate spring of any\n savage, who might possibly disregard THE dignity of THE emperor\n and THE sanctity of THE god. 35\n\n 33 (return) [ The ostrich’s neck is three feet long, and composed\n of seventeen vertebræ. See Buffon, Hist. Naturelle.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Commodus killed a camelopardalis or Giraffe, (Dion,\n l. lxxii. p. 1211,) THE tallest, THE most gentle, and THE most\n useless of THE large quadrupeds. This singular animal, a native\n only of THE interior parts of Africa, has not been seen in Europe\n since THE revival of letters; and though M. de Buffon (Hist.\n Naturelle, tom. xiii.) has endeavored to describe, he has not\n ventured to delineate, THE Giraffe. * Note: The naturalists of\n our days have been more fortunate. London probably now contains\n more specimens of this animal than have been seen in Europe since\n THE fall of THE Roman empire, unless in THE pleasure gardens of\n THE emperor Frederic II., in Sicily, which possessed several.\n Frederic’s collections of wild beasts were exhibited, for THE\n popular amusement, in many parts of Italy. Raumer, Geschichte der\n Hohenstaufen, v. iii. p. 571. Gibbon, moreover, is mistaken; as a\n giraffe was presented to Lorenzo de Medici, eiTHEr by THE sultan\n of Egypt or THE king of Tunis. Contemporary authorities are\n quoted in THE old work, Gesner de Quadrupedibum p. 162.—M.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Herodian, l. i. p. 37. Hist. August. p. 50.]\n\n But THE meanest of THE populace were affected with shame and\n indignation when THEy beheld THEir sovereign enter THE lists as a\n gladiator, and glory in a profession which THE laws and manners\n of THE Romans had branded with THE justest note of infamy. 36 He\n chose THE habit and arms of THE _Secutor_, whose combat with THE\n _Retiarius_ formed one of THE most lively scenes in THE bloody\n sports of THE amphiTHEatre. The _Secutor_ was armed with a\n helmet, sword, and buckler; his naked antagonist had only a large\n net and a trident; with THE one he endeavored to entangle, with\n THE oTHEr to despatch his enemy. If he missed THE first throw, he\n was obliged to fly from THE pursuit of THE _Secutor_, till he had\n prepared his net for a second cast. 37 The emperor fought in this\n character seven hundred and thirty-five several times. These\n glorious achievements were carefully recorded in THE public acts\n of THE empire; and that he might omit no circumstance of infamy,\n he received from THE common fund of gladiators a stipend so\n exorbitant that it became a new and most ignominious tax upon THE\n Roman people. 38 It may be easily supposed, that in THEse\n engagements THE master of THE world was always successful; in THE\n amphiTHEatre, his victories were not often sanguinary; but when\n he exercised his skill in THE school of gladiators, or his own\n palace, his wretched antagonists were frequently honored with a\n mortal wound from THE hand of Commodus, and obliged to seal THEir\n flattery with THEir blood. 39 He now disdained THE appellation of\n Hercules. The name of Paulus, a celebrated Secutor, was THE only\n one which delighted his ear. It was inscribed on his colossal\n statues, and repeated in THE redoubled acclamations 40 of THE\n mournful and applauding senate. 41 Claudius Pompeianus, THE\n virtuous husband of Lucilla, was THE only senator who asserted\n THE honor of his rank. As a faTHEr, he permitted his sons to\n consult THEir safety by attending THE amphiTHEatre. As a Roman,\n he declared, that his own life was in THE emperor’s hands, but\n that he would never behold THE son of Marcus prostituting his\n person and dignity. Notwithstanding his manly resolution\n Pompeianus escaped THE resentment of THE tyrant, and, with his\n honor, had THE good fortune to preserve his life. 42\n\n 36 (return) [ The virtuous and even THE wise princes forbade THE\n senators and knights to embrace this scandalous profession, under\n pain of infamy, or, what was more dreaded by those profligate\n wretches, of exile. The tyrants allured THEm to dishonor by\n threats and rewards. Nero once produced in THE arena forty\n senators and sixty knights. See Lipsius, Saturnalia, l. ii. c. 2.\n He has happily corrected a passage of Suetonius in Nerone, c.\n 12.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Lipsius, l. ii. c. 7, 8. Juvenal, in THE eighth\n satire, gives a picturesque description of this combat.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 50. Dion, l. lxxii. p. 1220. He\n received, for each time, decies, about 8000l. sterling.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Victor tells us, that Commodus only allowed his\n antagonists a...weapon, dreading most probably THE consequences\n of THEir despair.]\n\n 40 (return) [Footnote 40: They were obliged to repeat, six\n hundred and twenty-six times, Paolus first of THE Secutors, &c.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxii. p. 1221. He speaks of his own\n baseness and danger.]\n\n 42 (return) [ He mixed, however, some prudence with his courage,\n and passed THE greatest part of his time in a country retirement;\n alleging his advanced age, and THE weakness of his eyes. “I never\n saw him in THE senate,” says Dion, “except during THE short reign\n of Pertinax.” All his infirmities had suddenly left him, and THEy\n returned as suddenly upon THE murder of that excellent prince.\n Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1227.]\n\n Commodus had now attained THE summit of vice and infamy. Amidst\n THE acclamations of a flattering court, he was unable to disguise\n from himself, that he had deserved THE contempt and hatred of\n every man of sense and virtue in his empire. His ferocious spirit\n was irritated by THE consciousness of that hatred, by THE envy of\n every kind of merit, by THE just apprehension of danger, and by\n THE habit of slaughter, which he contracted in his daily\n amusements. History has preserved a long list of consular\n senators sacrificed to his wanton suspicion, which sought out,\n with peculiar anxiety, those unfortunate persons connected,\n however remotely, with THE family of THE Antonines, without\n sparing even THE ministers of his crimes or pleasures. 43 His\n cruelty proved at last fatal to himself. He had shed with\n impunity THE noblest blood of Rome: he perished as soon as he was\n dreaded by his own domestics. Marcia, his favorite concubine,\n Eclectus, his chamberlain, and Lætus, his Prætorian præfect,\n alarmed by THE fate of THEir companions and predecessors,\n resolved to prevent THE destruction which every hour hung over\n THEir heads, eiTHEr from THE mad caprice of THE tyrant, 431 or\n THE sudden indignation of THE people. Marcia seized THE occasion\n of presenting a draught of wine to her lover, after he had\n fatigued himself with hunting some wild beasts. Commodus retired\n to sleep; but whilst he was laboring with THE effects of poison\n and drunkenness, a robust youth, by profession a wrestler,\n entered his chamber, and strangled him without resistance. The\n body was secretly conveyed out of THE palace, before THE least\n suspicion was entertained in THE city, or even in THE court, of\n THE emperor’s death. Such was THE fate of THE son of Marcus, and\n so easy was it to destroy a hated tyrant, who, by THE artificial\n powers of government, had oppressed, during thirteen years, so\n many millions of subjects, each of whom was equal to THEir master\n in personal strength and personal abilities. 44\n\n 43 (return) [ The prefects were changed almost hourly or daily;\n and THE caprice of Commodus was often fatal to his most favored\n chamberlains. Hist. August. p. 46, 51.]\n\n 431 (return) [ Commodus had already resolved to massacre THEm THE\n following night THEy determined o anticipate his design. Herod.\n i. 17.—W.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxii. p. 1222. Herodian, l. i. p. 43.\n Hist. August. p. 52.]\n\n The measures of THE conspirators were conducted with THE\n deliberate coolness and celerity which THE greatness of THE\n occasion required. They resolved instantly to fill THE vacant\n throne with an emperor whose character would justify and maintain\n THE action that had been committed. They fixed on Pertinax,\n præfect of THE city, an ancient senator of consular rank, whose\n conspicuous merit had broke through THE obscurity of his birth,\n and raised him to THE first honors of THE state. He had\n successively governed most of THE provinces of THE empire; and in\n all his great employments, military as well as civil, he had\n uniformly distinguished himself by THE firmness, THE prudence,\n and THE integrity of his conduct. 45 He now remained almost alone\n of THE friends and ministers of Marcus; and when, at a late hour\n of THE night, he was awakened with THE news, that THE chamberlain\n and THE præfect were at his door, he received THEm with intrepid\n resignation, and desired THEy would execute THEir master’s\n orders. Instead of death, THEy offered him THE throne of THE\n Roman world. During some moments he distrusted THEir intentions\n and assurances. Convinced at length of THE death of Commodus, he\n accepted THE purple with a sincere reluctance, THE natural effect\n of his knowledge both of THE duties and of THE dangers of THE\n supreme rank. 46\n\n 45 (return) [ Pertinax was a native of Alba Pompeia, in Piedmont,\n and son of a timber merchant. The order of his employments (it is\n marked by Capitolinus) well deserves to be set down, as\n expressive of THE form of government and manners of THE age. 1.\n He was a centurion. 2. Præfect of a cohort in Syria, in THE\n Parthian war, and in Britain. 3. He obtained an Ala, or squadron\n of horse, in Mæsia. 4. He was commissary of provisions on THE\n Æmilian way. 5. He commanded THE fleet upon THE Rhine. 6. He was\n procurator of Dacia, with a salary of about 1600l. a year. 7. He\n commanded THE veterans of a legion. 8. He obtained THE rank of\n senator. 9. Of prætor. 10. With THE command of THE first legion\n in Rhætia and Noricum. 11. He was consul about THE year 175. 12.\n He attended Marcus into THE East. 13. He commanded an army on THE\n Danube. 14. He was consular legate of Mæsia. 15. Of Dacia. 16. Of\n Syria. 17. Of Britain. 18. He had THE care of THE public\n provisions at Rome. 19. He was proconsul of Africa. 20. Præfect\n of THE city. Herodian (l. i. p. 48) does justice to his\n disinterested spirit; but Capitolinus, who collected every\n popular rumor, charges him with a great fortune acquired by\n bribery and corruption.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Julian, in THE Cæsars, taxes him with being\n accessory to THE death of Commodus.]\n\n Lætus conducted without delay his new emperor to THE camp of THE\n Prætorians, diffusing at THE same time through THE city a\n seasonable report that Commodus died suddenly of an apoplexy; and\n that THE virtuous Pertinax had _already_ succeeded to THE throne.\n The guards were raTHEr surprised than pleased with THE suspicious\n death of a prince, whose indulgence and liberality THEy alone had\n experienced; but THE emergency of THE occasion, THE authority of\n THEir præfect, THE reputation of Pertinax, and THE clamors of THE\n people, obliged THEm to stifle THEir secret discontents, to\n accept THE donative promised by THE new emperor, to swear\n allegiance to him, and with joyful acclamations and laurels in\n THEir hands to conduct him to THE senate house, that THE military\n consent might be ratified by THE civil authority. This important\n night was now far spent; with THE dawn of day, and THE\n commencement of THE new year, THE senators expected a summons to\n attend an ignominious ceremony. 461 In spite of all\n remonstrances, even of those of his creatures who yet preserved\n any regard for prudence or decency, Commodus had resolved to pass\n THE night in THE gladiators’ school, and from THEnce to take\n possession of THE consulship, in THE habit and with THE\n attendance of that infamous crew. On a sudden, before THE break\n of day, THE senate was called togeTHEr in THE temple of Concord,\n to meet THE guards, and to ratify THE election of a new emperor.\n For a few minutes THEy sat in silent suspense, doubtful of THEir\n unexpected deliverance, and suspicious of THE cruel artifices of\n Commodus: but when at length THEy were assured that THE tyrant\n was no more, THEy resigned THEmselves to all THE transports of\n joy and indignation. Pertinax, who modestly represented THE\n meanness of his extraction, and pointed out several noble\n senators more deserving than himself of THE empire, was\n constrained by THEir dutiful violence to ascend THE throne, and\n received all THE titles of Imperial power, confirmed by THE most\n sincere vows of fidelity. The memory of Commodus was branded with\n eternal infamy. The names of tyrant, of gladiator, of public\n enemy resounded in every corner of THE house. They decreed in\n tumultuous votes, 462 that his honors should be reversed, his\n titles erased from THE public monuments, his statues thrown down,\n his body dragged with a hook into THE stripping room of THE\n gladiators, to satiate THE public fury; and THEy expressed some\n indignation against those officious servants who had already\n presumed to screen his remains from THE justice of THE senate.\n But Pertinax could not refuse those last rites to THE memory of\n Marcus, and THE tears of his first protector Claudius Pompeianus,\n who lamented THE cruel fate of his broTHEr-in-law, and lamented\n still more that he had deserved it. 47\n\n 461 (return) [ The senate always assembled at THE beginning of\n THE year, on THE night of THE 1st January, (see Savaron on Sid.\n Apoll. viii. 6,) and this happened THE present year, as usual,\n without any particular order.—G from W.]\n\n 462 (return) [ What Gibbon improperly calls, both here and in THE\n note, tumultuous decrees, were no more than THE applauses and\n acclamations which recur so often in THE history of THE emperors.\n The custom passed from THE THEatre to THE forum, from THE forum\n to THE senate. Applauses on THE adoption of THE Imperial decrees\n were first introduced under Trajan. (Plin. jun. Panegyr. 75.) One\n senator read THE form of THE decree, and all THE rest answered by\n acclamations, accompanied with a kind of chant or rhythm. These\n were some of THE acclamations addressed to Pertinax, and against\n THE memory of Commodus. Hosti patriæ honores detrahantur.\n Parricidæ honores detrahantur. Ut salvi simus, Jupiter, optime,\n maxime, serva nobis Pertinacem. This custom prevailed not only in\n THE councils of state, but in all THE meetings of THE senate.\n However inconsistent it may appear with THE solemnity of a\n religious assembly, THE early Christians adopted and introduced\n it into THEir synods, notwithstanding THE opposition of some of\n THE FaTHErs, particularly of St. Chrysostom. See THE Coll. of\n Franc. Bern. Ferrarius de veterum acclamatione in Grævii Thesaur.\n Antiq. Rom. i. 6.—W. This note is raTHEr hypercritical, as\n regards Gibbon, but appears to be worthy of preservation.—M.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Capitolinus gives us THE particulars of THEse\n tumultuary votes, which were moved by one senator, and repeated,\n or raTHEr chanted by THE whole body. Hist. August. p. 52.]\n\n These effusions of impotent rage against a dead emperor, whom THE\n senate had flattered when alive with THE most abject servility,\n betrayed a just but ungenerous spirit of revenge.\n\n The legality of THEse decrees was, however, supported by THE\n principles of THE Imperial constitution. To censure, to depose,\n or to punish with death, THE first magistrate of THE republic,\n who had abused his delegated trust, was THE ancient and undoubted\n prerogative of THE Roman senate; 48 but THE feeble assembly was\n obliged to content itself with inflicting on a fallen tyrant that\n public justice, from which, during his life and reign, he had\n been shielded by THE strong arm of military despotism. 481\n\n 48 (return) [ The senate condemned Nero to be put to death more\n majorum. Sueton. c. 49.]\n\n 481 (return) [ No particular law assigned this right to THE\n senate: it was deduced from THE ancient principles of THE\n republic. Gibbon appears to infer, from THE passage of Suetonius,\n that THE senate, according to its ancient right, punished Nero\n with death. The words, however, more majerum refer not to THE\n decree of THE senate, but to THE kind of death, which was taken\n from an old law of Romulus. (See Victor. Epit. Ed. Artzen p. 484,\n n. 7.)—W.]\n\n Pertinax found a nobler way of condemning his predecessor’s\n memory; by THE contrast of his own virtues with THE vices of\n Commodus. On THE day of his accession, he resigned over to his\n wife and son his whole private fortune; that THEy might have no\n pretence to solicit favors at THE expense of THE state. He\n refused to flatter THE vanity of THE former with THE title of\n Augusta; or to corrupt THE inexperienced youth of THE latter by\n THE rank of Cæsar. Accurately distinguishing between THE duties\n of a parent and those of a sovereign, he educated his son with a\n severe simplicity, which, while it gave him no assured prospect\n of THE throne, might in time have rendered him worthy of it. In\n public, THE behavior of Pertinax was grave and affable. He lived\n with THE virtuous part of THE senate, (and, in a private station,\n he had been acquainted with THE true character of each\n individual,) without eiTHEr pride or jealousy; considered THEm as\n friends and companions, with whom he had shared THE danger of THE\n tyranny, and with whom he wished to enjoy THE security of THE\n present time. He very frequently invited THEm to familiar\n entertainments, THE frugality of which was ridiculed by those who\n remembered and regretted THE luxurious prodigality of Commodus.\n 49\n\n 49 (return) [ Dion (l. lxxiii. p. 1223) speaks of THEse\n entertainments, as a senator who had supped with THE emperor;\n Capitolinus, (Hist. August. p. 58,) like a slave, who had\n received his intelligence from one THE scullions.]\n\n To heal, as far as it was possible, THE wounds inflicted by THE\n hand of tyranny, was THE pleasing, but melancholy, task of\n Pertinax. The innocent victims, who yet survived, were recalled\n from exile, released from prison, and restored to THE full\n possession of THEir honors and fortunes. The unburied bodies of\n murdered senators (for THE cruelty of Commodus endeavored to\n extend itself beyond death) were deposited in THE sepulchres of\n THEir ancestors; THEir memory was justified and every consolation\n was bestowed on THEir ruined and afflicted families. Among THEse\n consolations, one of THE most grateful was THE punishment of THE\n Delators; THE common enemies of THEir master, of virtue, and of\n THEir country. Yet even in THE inquisition of THEse legal\n assassins, Pertinax proceeded with a steady temper, which gave\n every thing to justice, and nothing to popular prejudice and\n resentment.\n\n The finances of THE state demanded THE most vigilant care of THE\n emperor. Though every measure of injustice and extortion had been\n adopted, which could collect THE property of THE subject into THE\n coffers of THE prince, THE rapaciousness of Commodus had been so\n very inadequate to his extravagance, that, upon his death, no\n more than eight thousand pounds were found in THE exhausted\n treasury, 50 to defray THE current expenses of government, and to\n discharge THE pressing demand of a liberal donative, which THE\n new emperor had been obliged to promise to THE Prætorian guards.\n Yet under THEse distressed circumstances, Pertinax had THE\n generous firmness to remit all THE oppressive taxes invented by\n Commodus, and to cancel all THE unjust claims of THE treasury;\n declaring, in a decree of THE senate, “that he was better\n satisfied to administer a poor republic with innocence, than to\n acquire riches by THE ways of tyranny and dishonor.” Economy and\n industry he considered as THE pure and genuine sources of wealth;\n and from THEm he soon derived a copious supply for THE public\n necessities. The expense of THE household was immediately reduced\n to one half. All THE instruments of luxury Pertinax exposed to\n public auction, 51 gold and silver plate, chariots of a singular\n construction, a superfluous wardrobe of silk and embroidery, and\n a great number of beautiful slaves of both sexes; excepting only,\n with attentive humanity, those who were born in a state of\n freedom, and had been ravished from THE arms of THEir weeping\n parents. At THE same time that he obliged THE worthless favorites\n of THE tyrant to resign a part of THEir ill-gotten wealth, he\n satisfied THE just creditors of THE state, and unexpectedly\n discharged THE long arrears of honest services. He removed THE\n oppressive restrictions which had been laid upon commerce, and\n granted all THE uncultivated lands in Italy and THE provinces to\n those who would improve THEm; with an exemption from tribute\n during THE term of ten years. 52\n\n 50 (return) [ Decies. The blameless economy of Pius left his\n successors a treasure of vicies septies millies, above two and\n twenty millions sterling. Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1231.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Besides THE design of converting THEse useless\n ornaments into money, Dion (l. lxxiii. p. 1229) assigns two\n secret motives of Pertinax. He wished to expose THE vices of\n Commodus, and to discover by THE purchasers those who most\n resembled him.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Though Capitolinus has picked up many idle tales of\n THE private life of Pertinax, he joins with Dion and Herodian in\n admiring his public conduct.]\n\n Such a uniform conduct had already secured to Pertinax THE\n noblest reward of a sovereign, THE love and esteem of his people.\n\n Those who remembered THE virtues of Marcus were happy to\n contemplate in THEir new emperor THE features of that bright\n original; and flattered THEmselves, that THEy should long enjoy\n THE benign influence of his administration. A hasty zeal to\n reform THE corrupted state, accompanied with less prudence than\n might have been expected from THE years and experience of\n Pertinax, proved fatal to himself and to his country. His honest\n indiscretion united against him THE servile crowd, who found\n THEir private benefit in THE public disorders, and who preferred\n THE favor of a tyrant to THE inexorable equality of THE laws. 53\n\n 53 (return) [ Leges, rem surdam, inexorabilem esse. T. Liv. ii.\n 3.]\n\n Amidst THE general joy, THE sullen and angry countenance of THE\n Prætorian guards betrayed THEir inward dissatisfaction. They had\n reluctantly submitted to Pertinax; THEy dreaded THE strictness of\n THE ancient discipline, which he was preparing to restore; and\n THEy regretted THE license of THE former reign. Their discontents\n were secretly fomented by Lætus, THEir præfect, who found, when\n it was too late, that his new emperor would reward a servant, but\n would not be ruled by a favorite. On THE third day of his reign,\n THE soldiers seized on a noble senator, with a design to carry\n him to THE camp, and to invest him with THE Imperial purple.\n Instead of being dazzled by THE dangerous honor, THE affrighted\n victim escaped from THEir violence, and took refuge at THE feet\n of Pertinax. A short time afterwards, Sosius Falco, one of THE\n consuls of THE year, a rash youth, 54 but of an ancient and\n opulent family, listened to THE voice of ambition; and a\n conspiracy was formed during a short absence of Pertinax, which\n was crushed by his sudden return to Rome, and his resolute\n behavior. Falco was on THE point of being justly condemned to\n death as a public enemy had he not been saved by THE earnest and\n sincere entreaties of THE injured emperor, who conjured THE\n senate, that THE purity of his reign might not be stained by THE\n blood even of a guilty senator.\n\n 54 (return) [ If we credit Capitolinus, (which is raTHEr\n difficult,) Falco behaved with THE most petulant indecency to\n Pertinax, on THE day of his accession. The wise emperor only\n admonished him of his youth and in experience. Hist. August. p.\n 55.]\n\n These disappointments served only to irritate THE rage of THE\n Prætorian guards. On THE twenty-eighth of March, eighty-six days\n only after THE death of Commodus, a general sedition broke out in\n THE camp, which THE officers wanted eiTHEr power or inclination\n to suppress. Two or three hundred of THE most desperate soldiers\n marched at noonday, with arms in THEir hands and fury in THEir\n looks, towards THE Imperial palace. The gates were thrown open by\n THEir companions upon guard, and by THE domestics of THE old\n court, who had already formed a secret conspiracy against THE\n life of THE too virtuous emperor. On THE news of THEir approach,\n Pertinax, disdaining eiTHEr flight or concealment, advanced to\n meet his assassins; and recalled to THEir minds his own\n innocence, and THE sanctity of THEir recent oath. For a few\n moments THEy stood in silent suspense, ashamed of THEir atrocious\n design, and awed by THE venerable aspect and majestic firmness of\n THEir sovereign, till at length, THE despair of pardon reviving\n THEir fury, a barbarian of THE country of Tongress 55 levelled\n THE first blow against Pertinax, who was instantly despatched\n with a multitude of wounds. His head, separated from his body,\n and placed on a lance, was carried in triumph to THE Prætorian\n camp, in THE sight of a mournful and indignant people, who\n lamented THE unworthy fate of that excellent prince, and THE\n transient blessings of a reign, THE memory of which could serve\n only to aggravate THEir approaching misfortunes. 56\n\n 55 (return) [ The modern bishopric of Liege. This soldier\n probably belonged to THE Batavian horse-guards, who were mostly\n raised in THE duchy of Gueldres and THE neighborhood, and were\n distinguished by THEir valor, and by THE boldness with which THEy\n swam THEir horses across THE broadest and most rapid rivers.\n Tacit. Hist. iv. 12 Dion, l. lv p. 797 Lipsius de magnitudine\n Romana, l. i. c. 4.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1232. Herodian, l. ii. p. 60.\n Hist. August. p. 58. Victor in Epitom. et in Cæsarib. Eutropius,\n viii. 16.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter V: Sale Of The Empire To Didius Julianus.—Part I.\n\n Public Sale Of The Empire To Didius Julianus By The Prætorian\n Guards—Clodius Albinus In Britain, Pescennius Niger In Syria, And\n Septimius Severus In Pannonia, Declare Against The Murderers Of\n Pertinax—Civil Wars And Victory Of Severus Over His Three\n Rivals—Relaxation Of Discipline—New Maxims Of Government.\n\n The power of THE sword is more sensibly felt in an extensive\n monarchy, than in a small community. It has been calculated by\n THE ablest politicians, that no state, without being soon\n exhausted, can maintain above THE hundredth part of its members\n in arms and idleness. But although this relative proportion may\n be uniform, THE influence of THE army over THE rest of THE\n society will vary according to THE degree of its positive\n strength. The advantages of military science and discipline\n cannot be exerted, unless a proper number of soldiers are united\n into one body, and actuated by one soul. With a handful of men,\n such a union would be ineffectual; with an unwieldy host, it\n would be impracticable; and THE powers of THE machine would be\n alike destroyed by THE extreme minuteness or THE excessive weight\n of its springs. To illustrate this observation, we need only\n reflect, that THEre is no superiority of natural strength,\n artificial weapons, or acquired skill, which could enable one man\n to keep in constant subjection one hundred of his\n fellow-creatures: THE tyrant of a single town, or a small\n district, would soon discover that a hundred armed followers were\n a weak defence against ten thousand peasants or citizens; but a\n hundred thousand well-disciplined soldiers will command, with\n despotic sway, ten millions of subjects; and a body of ten or\n fifteen thousand guards will strike terror into THE most numerous\n populace that ever crowded THE streets of an immense capital.\n\n The Prætorian bands, whose licentious fury was THE first symptom\n and cause of THE decline of THE Roman empire, scarcely amounted\n to THE last-mentioned number. 1 They derived THEir institution\n from Augustus. That crafty tyrant, sensible that laws might\n color, but that arms alone could maintain, his usurped dominion,\n had gradually formed this powerful body of guards, in constant\n readiness to protect his person, to awe THE senate, and eiTHEr to\n prevent or to crush THE first motions of rebellion. He\n distinguished THEse favored troops by a double pay and superior\n privileges; but, as THEir formidable aspect would at once have\n alarmed and irritated THE Roman people, three cohorts only were\n stationed in THE capital, whilst THE remainder was dispersed in\n THE adjacent towns of Italy. 2 But after fifty years of peace and\n servitude, Tiberius ventured on a decisive measure, which forever\n rivetted THE fetters of his country. Under THE fair pretences of\n relieving Italy from THE heavy burden of military quarters, and\n of introducing a stricter discipline among THE guards, he\n assembled THEm at Rome, in a permanent camp, 3 which was\n fortified with skilful care, 4 and placed on a commanding\n situation. 5\n\n 1 (return) [ They were originally nine or ten thousand men, (for\n Tacitus and son are not agreed upon THE subject,) divided into as\n many cohorts. Vitellius increased THEm to sixteen thousand, and\n as far as we can learn from inscriptions, THEy never afterwards\n sunk much below that number. See Lipsius de magnitudine Romana,\n i. 4.]\n\n 2 (return) [ Sueton. in August. c. 49.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. iv. 2. Sueton. in Tiber. c. 37. Dion\n Cassius, l. lvii. p. 867.]\n\n 4 (return) [ In THE civil war between Vitellius and Vespasian,\n THE Prætorian camp was attacked and defended with all THE\n machines used in THE siege of THE best fortified cities. Tacit.\n Hist. iii. 84.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Close to THE walls of THE city, on THE broad summit\n of THE Quirinal and Viminal hills. See Nardini Roma Antica, p.\n 174. Donatus de Roma Antiqua, p. 46. * Note: Not on both THEse\n hills: neiTHEr Donatus nor Nardini justify this position.\n (Whitaker’s Review. p. 13.) At THE norTHErn extremity of this\n hill (THE Viminal) are some considerable remains of a walled\n enclosure which bears all THE appearance of a Roman camp, and\n THErefore is generally thought to correspond with THE Castra\n Prætoria. Cramer’s Italy 390.—M.]\n\n Such formidable servants are always necessary, but often fatal to\n THE throne of despotism. By thus introducing THE Prætorian guards\n as it were into THE palace and THE senate, THE emperors taught\n THEm to perceive THEir own strength, and THE weakness of THE\n civil government; to view THE vices of THEir masters with\n familiar contempt, and to lay aside that reverential awe, which\n distance only, and mystery, can preserve towards an imaginary\n power. In THE luxurious idleness of an opulent city, THEir pride\n was nourished by THE sense of THEir irresistible weight; nor was\n it possible to conceal from THEm, that THE person of THE\n sovereign, THE authority of THE senate, THE public treasure, and\n THE seat of empire, were all in THEir hands. To divert THE\n Prætorian bands from THEse dangerous reflections, THE firmest and\n best established princes were obliged to mix blandishments with\n commands, rewards with punishments, to flatter THEir pride,\n indulge THEir pleasures, connive at THEir irregularities, and to\n purchase THEir precarious faith by a liberal donative; which,\n since THE elevation of Claudius, was enacted as a legal claim, on\n THE accession of every new emperor. 6\n\n 6 (return) [ Claudius, raised by THE soldiers to THE empire, was\n THE first who gave a donative. He gave quina dena, 120l. (Sueton.\n in Claud. c. 10: ) when Marcus, with his colleague Lucius Versus,\n took quiet possession of THE throne, he gave vicena, 160l. to\n each of THE guards. Hist. August. p. 25, (Dion, l. lxxiii. p.\n 1231.) We may form some idea of THE amount of THEse sums, by\n Hadrian’s complaint that THE promotion of a Cæsar had cost him\n ter millies, two millions and a half sterling.]\n\n The advocate of THE guards endeavored to justify by arguments THE\n power which THEy asserted by arms; and to maintain that,\n according to THE purest principles of THE constitution, _THEir_\n consent was essentially necessary in THE appointment of an\n emperor. The election of consuls, of generals, and of\n magistrates, however it had been recently usurped by THE senate,\n was THE ancient and undoubted right of THE Roman people. 7 But\n where was THE Roman people to be found? Not surely amongst THE\n mixed multitude of slaves and strangers that filled THE streets\n of Rome; a servile populace, as devoid of spirit as destitute of\n property. The defenders of THE state, selected from THE flower of\n THE Italian youth, 8 and trained in THE exercise of arms and\n virtue, were THE genuine representatives of THE people, and THE\n best entitled to elect THE military chief of THE republic. These\n assertions, however defective in reason, became unanswerable when\n THE fierce Prætorians increased THEir weight, by throwing, like\n THE barbarian conqueror of Rome, THEir swords into THE scale. 9\n\n 7 (return) [ Cicero de Legibus, iii. 3. The first book of Livy,\n and THE second of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, show THE authority\n of THE people, even in THE election of THE kings.]\n\n 8 (return) [ They were originally recruited in Latium, Etruria,\n and THE old colonies, (Tacit. Annal. iv. 5.) The emperor Otho\n compliments THEir vanity with THE flattering titles of Italiæ,\n Alumni, Romana were juventus. Tacit. Hist. i. 84.]\n\n 9 (return) [ In THE siege of Rome by THE Gauls. See Livy, v. 48.\n Plutarch. in Camill. p. 143.]\n\n The Prætorians had violated THE sanctity of THE throne by THE\n atrocious murder of Pertinax; THEy dishonored THE majesty of it\n by THEir subsequent conduct. The camp was without a leader, for\n even THE præfect Lætus, who had excited THE tempest, prudently\n declined THE public indignation. Amidst THE wild disorder,\n Sulpicianus, THE emperor’s faTHEr-in-law, and governor of THE\n city, who had been sent to THE camp on THE first alarm of mutiny,\n was endeavoring to calm THE fury of THE multitude, when he was\n silenced by THE clamorous return of THE murderers, bearing on a\n lance THE head of Pertinax. Though history has accustomed us to\n observe every principle and every passion yielding to THE\n imperious dictates of ambition, it is scarcely credible that, in\n THEse moments of horror, Sulpicianus should have aspired to\n ascend a throne polluted with THE recent blood of so near a\n relation and so excellent a prince. He had already begun to use\n THE only effectual argument, and to treat for THE Imperial\n dignity; but THE more prudent of THE Prætorians, apprehensive\n that, in this private contract, THEy should not obtain a just\n price for so valuable a commodity, ran out upon THE ramparts;\n and, with a loud voice, proclaimed that THE Roman world was to be\n disposed of to THE best bidder by public auction. 10\n\n 10 (return) [ Dion, L. lxxiii. p. 1234. Herodian, l. ii. p. 63.\n Hist. August p. 60. Though THE three historians agree that it was\n in fact an auction, Herodian alone affirms that it was proclaimed\n as such by THE soldiers.]\n\n This infamous offer, THE most insolent excess of military\n license, diffused a universal grief, shame, and indignation\n throughout THE city. It reached at length THE ears of Didius\n Julianus, a wealthy senator, who, regardless of THE public\n calamities, was indulging himself in THE luxury of THE table. 11\n His wife and his daughter, his freedmen and his parasites, easily\n convinced him that he deserved THE throne, and earnestly conjured\n him to embrace so fortunate an opportunity. The vain old man\n hastened to THE Prætorian camp, where Sulpicianus was still in\n treaty with THE guards, and began to bid against him from THE\n foot of THE rampart. The unworthy negotiation was transacted by\n faithful emissaries, who passed alternately from one candidate to\n THE oTHEr, and acquainted each of THEm with THE offers of his\n rival. Sulpicianus had already promised a donative of five\n thousand drachms (above one hundred and sixty pounds) to each\n soldier; when Julian, eager for THE prize, rose at once to THE\n sum of six thousand two hundred and fifty drachms, or upwards of\n two hundred pounds sterling. The gates of THE camp were instantly\n thrown open to THE purchaser; he was declared emperor, and\n received an oath of allegiance from THE soldiers, who retained\n humanity enough to stipulate that he should pardon and forget THE\n competition of Sulpicianus. 111\n\n 11 (return) [ Spartianus softens THE most odious parts of THE\n character and elevation of Julian.]\n\n 111 (return) [ One of THE principal causes of THE preference of\n Julianus by THE soldiers, was THE dexterty dexterity with which\n he reminded THEm that Sulpicianus would not fail to revenge on\n THEm THE death of his son-in-law. (See Dion, p. 1234, 1234. c.\n 11. Herod. ii. 6.)—W.]\n\n It was now incumbent on THE Prætorians to fulfil THE conditions\n of THE sale. They placed THEir new sovereign, whom THEy served\n and despised, in THE centre of THEir ranks, surrounded him on\n every side with THEir shields, and conducted him in close order\n of battle through THE deserted streets of THE city. The senate\n was commanded to assemble; and those who had been THE\n distinguished friends of Pertinax, or THE personal enemies of\n Julian, found it necessary to affect a more than common share of\n satisfaction at this happy revolution. 12 After Julian had filled\n THE senate house with armed soldiers, he expatiated on THE\n freedom of his election, his own eminent virtues, and his full\n assurance of THE affections of THE senate. The obsequious\n assembly congratulated THEir own and THE public felicity; engaged\n THEir allegiance, and conferred on him all THE several branches\n of THE Imperial power. 13 From THE senate Julian was conducted,\n by THE same military procession, to take possession of THE\n palace. The first objects that struck his eyes, were THE\n abandoned trunk of Pertinax, and THE frugal entertainment\n prepared for his supper. The one he viewed with indifference, THE\n oTHEr with contempt. A magnificent feast was prepared by his\n order, and he amused himself, till a very late hour, with dice,\n and THE performances of Pylades, a celebrated dancer. Yet it was\n observed, that after THE crowd of flatterers dispersed, and left\n him to darkness, solitude, and terrible reflection, he passed a\n sleepless night; revolving most probably in his mind his own rash\n folly, THE fate of his virtuous predecessor, and THE doubtful and\n dangerous tenure of an empire which had not been acquired by\n merit, but purchased by money. 14\n\n 12 (return) [ Dion Cassius, at that time prætor, had been a\n personal enemy to Julian, i. lxxiii. p. 1235.]\n\n 13 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 61. We learn from THEnce one\n curious circumstance, that THE new emperor, whatever had been his\n birth, was immediately aggregated to THE number of patrician\n families. Note: A new fragment of Dion shows some shrewdness in\n THE character of Julian. When THE senate voted him a golden\n statue, he preferred one of brass, as more lasting. He “had\n always observed,” he said, “that THE statues of former emperors\n were soon destroyed. Those of brass alone remained.” The\n indignant historian adds that he was wrong. The virtue of\n sovereigns alone preserves THEir images: THE brazen statue of\n Julian was broken to pieces at his death. Mai. Fragm. Vatican. p.\n 226.—M.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1235. Hist. August. p. 61. I\n have endeavored to blend into one consistent story THE seeming\n contradictions of THE two writers. * Note: The contradiction as\n M. Guizot observed, is irreconcilable. He quotes both passages:\n in one Julianus is represented as a miser, in THE oTHEr as a\n voluptuary. In THE one he refuses to eat till THE body of\n Pertinax has been buried; in THE oTHEr he gluts himself with\n every luxury almost in THE sight of his headless remains.—M.]\n\n He had reason to tremble. On THE throne of THE world he found\n himself without a friend, and even without an adherent. The\n guards THEmselves were ashamed of THE prince whom THEir avarice\n had persuaded THEm to accept; nor was THEre a citizen who did not\n consider his elevation with horror, as THE last insult on THE\n Roman name. The nobility, whose conspicuous station, and ample\n possessions, exacted THE strictest caution, dissembled THEir\n sentiments, and met THE affected civility of THE emperor with\n smiles of complacency and professions of duty. But THE people,\n secure in THEir numbers and obscurity, gave a free vent to THEir\n passions. The streets and public places of Rome resounded with\n clamors and imprecations. The enraged multitude affronted THE\n person of Julian, rejected his liberality, and, conscious of THE\n impotence of THEir own resentment, THEy called aloud on THE\n legions of THE frontiers to assert THE violated majesty of THE\n Roman empire. The public discontent was soon diffused from THE\n centre to THE frontiers of THE empire. The armies of Britain, of\n Syria, and of Illyricum, lamented THE death of Pertinax, in whose\n company, or under whose command, THEy had so often fought and\n conquered. They received with surprise, with indignation, and\n perhaps with envy, THE extraordinary intelligence, that THE\n Prætorians had disposed of THE empire by public auction; and THEy\n sternly refused to ratify THE ignominious bargain. Their\n immediate and unanimous revolt was fatal to Julian, but it was\n fatal at THE same time to THE public peace, as THE generals of\n THE respective armies, Clodius Albinus, Pescennius Niger, and\n Septimius Severus, were still more anxious to succeed than to\n revenge THE murdered Pertinax. Their forces were exactly\n balanced. Each of THEm was at THE head of three legions, 15 with\n a numerous train of auxiliaries; and however different in THEir\n characters, THEy were all soldiers of experience and capacity.\n\n 15 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1235.]\n\n Clodius Albinus, governor of Britain, surpassed both his\n competitors in THE nobility of his extraction, which he derived\n from some of THE most illustrious names of THE old republic. 16\n But THE branch from which he claimed his descent was sunk into\n mean circumstances, and transplanted into a remote province. It\n is difficult to form a just idea of his true character. Under THE\n philosophic cloak of austerity, he stands accused of concealing\n most of THE vices which degrade human nature. 17 But his accusers\n are those venal writers who adored THE fortune of Severus, and\n trampled on THE ashes of an unsuccessful rival. Virtue, or THE\n appearances of virtue, recommended Albinus to THE confidence and\n good opinion of Marcus; and his preserving with THE son THE same\n interest which he had acquired with THE faTHEr, is a proof at\n least that he was possessed of a very flexible disposition. The\n favor of a tyrant does not always suppose a want of merit in THE\n object of it; he may, without intending it, reward a man of worth\n and ability, or he may find such a man useful to his own service.\n It does not appear that Albinus served THE son of Marcus, eiTHEr\n as THE minister of his cruelties, or even as THE associate of his\n pleasures. He was employed in a distant honorable command, when\n he received a confidential letter from THE emperor, acquainting\n him of THE treasonable designs of some discontented generals, and\n authorizing him to declare himself THE guardian and successor of\n THE throne, by assuming THE title and ensigns of Cæsar. 18 The\n governor of Britain wisely declined THE dangerous honor, which\n would have marked him for THE jealousy, or involved him in THE\n approaching ruin, of Commodus. He courted power by nobler, or, at\n least, by more specious arts. On a premature report of THE death\n of THE emperor, he assembled his troops; and, in an eloquent\n discourse, deplored THE inevitable mischiefs of despotism,\n described THE happiness and glory which THEir ancestors had\n enjoyed under THE consular government, and declared his firm\n resolution to reinstate THE senate and people in THEir legal\n authority. This popular harangue was answered by THE loud\n acclamations of THE British legions, and received at Rome with a\n secret murmur of applause. Safe in THE possession of his little\n world, and in THE command of an army less distinguished indeed\n for discipline than for numbers and valor, 19 Albinus braved THE\n menaces of Commodus, maintained towards Pertinax a stately\n ambiguous reserve, and instantly declared against THE usurpation\n of Julian. The convulsions of THE capital added new weight to his\n sentiments, or raTHEr to his professions of patriotism. A regard\n to decency induced him to decline THE lofty titles of Augustus\n and Emperor; and he imitated perhaps THE example of Galba, who,\n on a similar occasion, had styled himself THE Lieutenant of THE\n senate and people. 20\n\n 16 (return) [ The Posthumian and THE Ce’onian; THE former of whom\n was raised to THE consulship in THE fifth year after its\n institution.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Spartianus, in his undigested collections, mixes up\n all THE virtues and all THE vices that enter into THE human\n composition, and bestows THEm on THE same object. Such, indeed\n are many of THE characters in THE Augustan History.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 80, 84.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Pertinax, who governed Britain a few years before,\n had been left for dead, in a mutiny of THE soldiers. Hist.\n August. p 54. Yet THEy loved and regretted him; admirantibus eam\n virtutem cui irascebantur.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Sueton. in Galb. c. 10.]\n\n Personal merit alone had raised Pescennius Niger, from an obscure\n birth and station, to THE government of Syria; a lucrative and\n important command, which in times of civil confusion gave him a\n near prospect of THE throne. Yet his parts seem to have been\n better suited to THE second than to THE first rank; he was an\n unequal rival, though he might have approved himself an excellent\n lieutenant, to Severus, who afterwards displayed THE greatness of\n his mind by adopting several useful institutions from a\n vanquished enemy. 21 In his government Niger acquired THE esteem\n of THE soldiers and THE love of THE provincials. His rigid\n discipline fortified THE valor and confirmed THE obedience of THE\n former, whilst THE voluptuous Syrians were less delighted with\n THE mild firmness of his administration, than with THE affability\n of his manners, and THE apparent pleasure with which he attended\n THEir frequent and pompous festivals. 22 As soon as THE\n intelligence of THE atrocious murder of Pertinax had reached\n Antioch, THE wishes of Asia invited Niger to assume THE Imperial\n purple and revenge his death. The legions of THE eastern frontier\n embraced his cause; THE opulent but unarmed provinces, from THE\n frontiers of Æthiopia 23 to THE Hadriatic, cheerfully submitted\n to his power; and THE kings beyond THE Tigris and THE Euphrates\n congratulated his election, and offered him THEir homage and\n services. The mind of Niger was not capable of receiving this\n sudden tide of fortune: he flattered himself that his accession\n would be undisturbed by competition and unstained by civil blood;\n and whilst he enjoyed THE vain pomp of triumph, he neglected to\n secure THE means of victory. Instead of entering into an\n effectual negotiation with THE powerful armies of THE West, whose\n resolution might decide, or at least must balance, THE mighty\n contest; instead of advancing without delay towards Rome and\n Italy, where his presence was impatiently expected, 24 Niger\n trifled away in THE luxury of Antioch those irretrievable moments\n which were diligently improved by THE decisive activity of\n Severus. 25\n\n 21 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 76.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Herod. l. ii. p. 68. The Chronicle of John Malala,\n of Antioch, shows THE zealous attachment of his countrymen to\n THEse festivals, which at once gratified THEir superstition, and\n THEir love of pleasure.]\n\n 23 (return) [ A king of Thebes, in Egypt, is mentioned, in THE\n Augustan History, as an ally, and, indeed, as a personal friend\n of Niger. If Spartianus is not, as I strongly suspect, mistaken,\n he has brought to light a dynasty of tributary princes totally\n unknown to history.]\n\n 24 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1238. Herod. l. ii. p. 67. A\n verse in every one’s mouth at that time, seems to express THE\n general opinion of THE three rivals; Optimus est _Niger_,\n [_Fuscus_, which preserves THE quantity.—M.] bonus _Afer_,\n pessimus _Albus_. Hist. August. p. 75.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Herodian, l. ii. p. 71.]\n\n The country of Pannonia and Dalmatia, which occupied THE space\n between THE Danube and THE Hadriatic, was one of THE last and\n most difficult conquests of THE Romans. In THE defence of\n national freedom, two hundred thousand of THEse barbarians had\n once appeared in THE field, alarmed THE declining age of\n Augustus, and exercised THE vigilant prudence of Tiberius at THE\n head of THE collected force of THE empire. 26 The Pannonians\n yielded at length to THE arms and institutions of Rome. Their\n recent subjection, however, THE neighborhood, and even THE\n mixture, of THE unconquered tribes, and perhaps THE climate,\n adapted, as it has been observed, to THE production of great\n bodies and slow minds, 27 all contributed to preserve some\n remains of THEir original ferocity, and under THE tame and\n uniform countenance of Roman provincials, THE hardy features of\n THE natives were still to be discerned. Their warlike youth\n afforded an inexhaustible supply of recruits to THE legions\n stationed on THE banks of THE Danube, and which, from a perpetual\n warfare against THE Germans and Sarmazans, were deservedly\n esteemed THE best troops in THE service.\n\n 26 (return) [ See an account of that memorable war in Velleius\n Paterculus, is 110, &c., who served in THE army of Tiberius.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Such is THE reflection of Herodian, l. ii. p. 74.\n Will THE modern Austrians allow THE influence?]\n\n The Pannonian army was at this time commanded by Septimius\n Severus, a native of Africa, who, in THE gradual ascent of\n private honors, had concealed his daring ambition, which was\n never diverted from its steady course by THE allurements of\n pleasure, THE apprehension of danger, or THE feelings of\n humanity. 28 On THE first news of THE murder of Pertinax, he\n assembled his troops, painted in THE most lively colors THE\n crime, THE insolence, and THE weakness of THE Prætorian guards,\n and animated THE legions to arms and to revenge. He concluded\n (and THE peroration was thought extremely eloquent) with\n promising every soldier about four hundred pounds; an honorable\n donative, double in value to THE infamous bribe with which Julian\n had purchased THE empire. 29 The acclamations of THE army\n immediately saluted Severus with THE names of Augustus, Pertinax,\n and Emperor; and he thus attained THE lofty station to which he\n was invited, by conscious merit and a long train of dreams and\n omens, THE fruitful offsprings eiTHEr of his superstition or\n policy. 30\n\n 28 (return) [ In THE letter to Albinus, already mentioned,\n Commodus accuses Severus, as one of THE ambitious generals who\n censured his conduct, and wished to occupy his place. Hist.\n August. p. 80.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Pannonia was too poor to supply such a sum. It was\n probably promised in THE camp, and paid at Rome, after THE\n victory. In fixing THE sum, I have adopted THE conjecture of\n Casaubon. See Hist. August. p. 66. Comment. p. 115.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Herodian, l. ii. p. 78. Severus was declared\n emperor on THE banks of THE Danube, eiTHEr at Carnuntum,\n according to Spartianus, (Hist. August. p. 65,) or else at\n Sabaria, according to Victor. Mr. Hume, in supposing that THE\n birth and dignity of Severus were too much inferior to THE\n Imperial crown, and that he marched into Italy as general only,\n has not considered this transaction with his usual accuracy,\n (Essay on THE original contract.) * Note: Carnuntum, opposite to\n THE mouth of THE Morava: its position is doubtful, eiTHEr\n Petronel or Haimburg. A little intermediate village seems to\n indicate by its name (Altenburg) THE site of an old town.\n D’Anville Geogr. Anc. Sabaria, now Sarvar.—G. Compare note\n 37.—M.]\n\n The new candidate for empire saw and improved THE peculiar\n advantage of his situation. His province extended to THE Julian\n Alps, which gave an easy access into Italy; and he remembered THE\n saying of Augustus, that a Pannonian army might in ten days\n appear in sight of Rome. 31 By a celerity proportioned to THE\n greatness of THE occasion, he might reasonably hope to revenge\n Pertinax, punish Julian, and receive THE homage of THE senate and\n people, as THEir lawful emperor, before his competitors,\n separated from Italy by an immense tract of sea and land, were\n apprised of his success, or even of his election. During THE\n whole expedition, he scarcely allowed himself any moments for\n sleep or food; marching on foot, and in complete armor, at THE\n head of his columns, he insinuated himself into THE confidence\n and affection of his troops, pressed THEir diligence, revived\n THEir spirits, animated THEir hopes, and was well satisfied to\n share THE hardships of THE meanest soldier, whilst he kept in\n view THE infinite superiority of his reward.\n\n 31 (return) [ Velleius Paterculus, l. ii. c. 3. We must reckon\n THE march from THE nearest verge of Pannonia, and extend THE\n sight of THE city as far as two hundred miles.]\n\n The wretched Julian had expected, and thought himself prepared,\n to dispute THE empire with THE governor of Syria; but in THE\n invincible and rapid approach of THE Pannonian legions, he saw\n his inevitable ruin. The hasty arrival of every messenger\n increased his just apprehensions. He was successively informed,\n that Severus had passed THE Alps; that THE Italian cities,\n unwilling or unable to oppose his progress, had received him with\n THE warmest professions of joy and duty; that THE important place\n of Ravenna had surrendered without resistance, and that THE\n Hadriatic fleet was in THE hands of THE conqueror. The enemy was\n now within two hundred and fifty miles of Rome; and every moment\n diminished THE narrow span of life and empire allotted to Julian.\n\n He attempted, however, to prevent, or at least to protract, his\n ruin. He implored THE venal faith of THE Prætorians, filled THE\n city with unavailing preparations for war, drew lines round THE\n suburbs, and even strengTHEned THE fortifications of THE palace;\n as if those last intrenchments could be defended, without hope of\n relief, against a victorious invader. Fear and shame prevented\n THE guards from deserting his standard; but THEy trembled at THE\n name of THE Pannonian legions, commanded by an experienced\n general, and accustomed to vanquish THE barbarians on THE frozen\n Danube. 32 They quitted, with a sigh, THE pleasures of THE baths\n and THEatres, to put on arms, whose use THEy had almost\n forgotten, and beneath THE weight of which THEy were oppressed.\n The unpractised elephants, whose uncouth appearance, it was\n hoped, would strike terror into THE army of THE north, threw\n THEir unskilful riders; and THE awkward evolutions of THE\n marines, drawn from THE fleet of Misenum, were an object of\n ridicule to THE populace; whilst THE senate enjoyed, with secret\n pleasure, THE distress and weakness of THE usurper. 33\n\n 32 (return) [ This is not a puerile figure of rhetoric, but an\n allusion to a real fact recorded by Dion, l. lxxi. p. 1181. It\n probably happened more than once.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1233. Herodian, l. ii. p. 81.\n There is no surer proof of THE military skill of THE Romans, than\n THEir first surmounting THE idle terror, and afterwards\n disdaining THE dangerous use, of elephants in war. Note: These\n elephants were kept for processions, perhaps for THE games. Se\n Herod. in loc.—M.]\n\n Every motion of Julian betrayed his trembling perplexity. He\n insisted that Severus should be declared a public enemy by THE\n senate. He entreated that THE Pannonian general might be\n associated to THE empire. He sent public ambassadors of consular\n rank to negotiate with his rival; he despatched private assassins\n to take away his life. He designed that THE Vestal virgins, and\n all THE colleges of priests, in THEir sacerdotal habits, and\n bearing before THEm THE sacred pledges of THE Roman religion,\n should advance in solemn procession to meet THE Pannonian\n legions; and, at THE same time, he vainly tried to interrogate,\n or to appease, THE fates, by magic ceremonies and unlawful\n sacrifices. 34\n\n 34 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 62, 63. * Note: Quæ ad speculum\n dicunt fieri in quo pueri præligatis oculis, incantate...,\n respicere dicuntur. * * * Tuncque puer vidisse dicitur et\n adventun Severi et Juliani decessionem. This seems to have been a\n practice somewhat similar to that of which our recent Egyptian\n travellers relate such extraordinary circumstances. See also\n Apulius, Orat. de Magia.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter V: Sale Of The Empire To Didius Julianus.—Part II.\n\n Severus, who dreaded neiTHEr his arms nor his enchantments,\n guarded himself from THE only danger of secret conspiracy, by THE\n faithful attendance of six hundred chosen men, who never quitted\n his person or THEir cuirasses, eiTHEr by night or by day, during\n THE whole march. Advancing with a steady and rapid course, he\n passed, without difficulty, THE defiles of THE Apennine, received\n into his party THE troops and ambassadors sent to retard his\n progress, and made a short halt at Interamnia, about seventy\n miles from Rome. His victory was already secure, but THE despair\n of THE Prætorians might have rendered it bloody; and Severus had\n THE laudable ambition of ascending THE throne without drawing THE\n sword. 35 His emissaries, dispersed in THE capital, assured THE\n guards, that provided THEy would abandon THEir worthless prince,\n and THE perpetrators of THE murder of Pertinax, to THE justice of\n THE conqueror, he would no longer consider that melancholy event\n as THE act of THE whole body. The faithless Prætorians, whose\n resistance was supported only by sullen obstinacy, gladly\n complied with THE easy conditions, seized THE greatest part of\n THE assassins, and signified to THE senate, that THEy no longer\n defended THE cause of Julian. That assembly, convoked by THE\n consul, unanimously acknowledged Severus as lawful emperor,\n decreed divine honors to Pertinax, and pronounced a sentence of\n deposition and death against his unfortunate successor. Julian\n was conducted into a private apartment of THE baths of THE\n palace, and beheaded as a common criminal, after having\n purchased, with an immense treasure, an anxious and precarious\n reign of only sixty-six days. 36 The almost incredible expedition\n of Severus, who, in so short a space of time, conducted a\n numerous army from THE banks of THE Danube to those of THE Tyber,\n proves at once THE plenty of provisions produced by agriculture\n and commerce, THE goodness of THE roads, THE discipline of THE\n legions, and THE indolent, subdued temper of THE provinces. 37\n\n 35 (return) [ Victor and Eutropius, viii. 17, mention a combat\n near THE Milvian bridge, THE Ponte Molle, unknown to THE better\n and more ancient writers.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1240. Herodian, l. ii. p. 83.\n Hist. August. p. 63.]\n\n 37 (return) [ From THEse sixty-six days, we must first deduct\n sixteen, as Pertinax was murdered on THE 28th of March, and\n Severus most probably elected on THE 13th of April, (see Hist.\n August. p. 65, and Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iii. p.\n 393, note 7.) We cannot allow less than ten days after his\n election, to put a numerous army in motion. Forty days remain for\n this rapid march; and as we may compute about eight hundred miles\n from Rome to THE neighborhood of Vienna, THE army of Severus\n marched twenty miles every day, without halt or intermission.]\n\n The first cares of Severus were bestowed on two measures, THE one\n dictated by policy, THE oTHEr by decency; THE revenge, and THE\n honors, due to THE memory of Pertinax. Before THE new emperor\n entered Rome, he issued his commands to THE Prætorian guards,\n directing THEm to wait his arrival on a large plain near THE\n city, without arms, but in THE habits of ceremony, in which THEy\n were accustomed to attend THEir sovereign. He was obeyed by those\n haughty troops, whose contrition was THE effect of THEir just\n terrors. A chosen part of THE Illyrian army encompassed THEm with\n levelled spears. Incapable of flight or resistance, THEy expected\n THEir fate in silent consternation. Severus mounted THE tribunal,\n sternly reproached THEm with perfidy and cowardice, dismissed\n THEm with ignominy from THE trust which THEy had betrayed,\n despoiled THEm of THEir splendid ornaments, and banished THEm, on\n pain of death, to THE distance of a hundred miles from THE\n capital. During THE transaction, anoTHEr detachment had been sent\n to seize THEir arms, occupy THEir camp, and prevent THE hasty\n consequences of THEir despair. 38\n\n 38 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxiv. p. 1241. Herodian, l. ii. p. 84.]\n The funeral and consecration of Pertinax was next solemnized with\n every circumstance of sad magnificence. 39 The senate, with a\n melancholy pleasure, performed THE last rites to that excellent\n prince, whom THEy had loved, and still regretted. The concern of\n his successor was probably less sincere; he esteemed THE virtues\n of Pertinax, but those virtues would forever have confined his\n ambition to a private station. Severus pronounced his funeral\n oration with studied eloquence, inward satisfaction, and\n well-acted sorrow; and by this pious regard to his memory,\n convinced THE credulous multitude, that _he alone_ was worthy to\n supply his place. Sensible, however, that arms, not ceremonies,\n must assert his claim to THE empire, he left Rome at THE end of\n thirty days, and without suffering himself to be elated by this\n easy victory, prepared to encounter his more formidable rivals.\n\n 39 (return) [ Dion, (l. lxxiv. p. 1244,) who assisted at THE\n ceremony as a senator, gives a most pompous description of it.]\n\n The uncommon abilities and fortune of Severus have induced an\n elegant historian to compare him with THE first and greatest of\n THE Cæsars. 40 The parallel is, at least, imperfect. Where shall\n we find, in THE character of Severus, THE commanding superiority\n of soul, THE generous clemency, and THE various genius, which\n could reconcile and unite THE love of pleasure, THE thirst of\n knowledge, and THE fire of ambition? 41 In one instance only,\n THEy may be compared, with some degree of propriety, in THE\n celerity of THEir motions, and THEir civil victories. In less\n than four years, 42 Severus subdued THE riches of THE East, and\n THE valor of THE West. He vanquished two competitors of\n reputation and ability, and defeated numerous armies, provided\n with weapons and discipline equal to his own. In that age, THE\n art of fortification, and THE principles of tactics, were well\n understood by all THE Roman generals; and THE constant\n superiority of Severus was that of an artist, who uses THE same\n instruments with more skill and industry than his rivals. I shall\n not, however, enter into a minute narrative of THEse military\n operations; but as THE two civil wars against Niger and against\n Albinus were almost THE same in THEir conduct, event, and\n consequences, I shall collect into one point of view THE most\n striking circumstances, tending to develop THE character of THE\n conqueror and THE state of THE empire.\n\n 40 (return) [ Herodian, l. iii. p. 112]\n\n 41 (return) [ Though it is not, most assuredly, THE intention of\n Lucan to exalt THE character of Cæsar, yet THE idea he gives of\n that hero, in THE tenth book of THE Pharsalia, where he describes\n him, at THE same time, making love to Cleopatra, sustaining a\n siege against THE power of Egypt, and conversing with THE sages\n of THE country, is, in reality, THE noblest panegyric. * Note:\n Lord Byron wrote, no doubt, from a reminiscence of that\n passage—“It is possible to be a very great man, and to be still\n very inferior to Julius Cæsar, THE most complete character, so\n Lord Bacon thought, of all antiquity. Nature seems incapable of\n such extraordinary combinations as composed his versatile\n capacity, which was THE wonder even of THE Romans THEmselves. The\n first general; THE only triumphant politician; inferior to none\n in point of eloquence; comparable to any in THE attainments of\n wisdom, in an age made up of THE greatest commanders, statesmen,\n orators, and philosophers, that ever appeared in THE world; an\n author who composed a perfect specimen of military annals in his\n travelling carriage; at one time in a controversy with Cato, at\n anoTHEr writing a treatise on punuing, and collecting a set of\n good sayings; fighting and making love at THE same moment, and\n willing to abandon both his empire and his mistress for a sight\n of THE fountains of THE Nile. Such did Julius Cæsar appear to his\n contemporaries, and to those of THE subsequent ages who were THE\n most inclined to deplore and execrate his fatal genius.” Note 47\n to Canto iv. of Childe Harold.—M.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Reckoning from his election, April 13, 193, to THE\n death of Albinus, February 19, 197. See Tillemont’s Chronology.]\n\n Falsehood and insincerity, unsuitable as THEy seem to THE dignity\n of public transactions, offend us with a less degrading idea of\n meanness, than when THEy are found in THE intercourse of private\n life. In THE latter, THEy discover a want of courage; in THE\n oTHEr, only a defect of power: and, as it is impossible for THE\n most able statesmen to subdue millions of followers and enemies\n by THEir own personal strength, THE world, under THE name of\n policy, seems to have granted THEm a very liberal indulgence of\n craft and dissimulation. Yet THE arts of Severus cannot be\n justified by THE most ample privileges of state reason. He\n promised only to betray, he flattered only to ruin; and however\n he might occasionally bind himself by oaths and treaties, his\n conscience, obsequious to his interest, always released him from\n THE inconvenient obligation. 43\n\n 43 (return) [ Herodian, l. ii. p. 85.]\n\n If his two competitors, reconciled by THEir common danger, had\n advanced upon him without delay, perhaps Severus would have sunk\n under THEir united effort. Had THEy even attacked him, at THE\n same time, with separate views and separate armies, THE contest\n might have been long and doubtful. But THEy fell, singly and\n successively, an easy prey to THE arts as well as arms of THEir\n subtle enemy, lulled into security by THE moderation of his\n professions, and overwhelmed by THE rapidity of his action. He\n first marched against Niger, whose reputation and power he THE\n most dreaded: but he declined any hostile declarations,\n suppressed THE name of his antagonist, and only signified to THE\n senate and people his intention of regulating THE eastern\n provinces. In private, he spoke of Niger, his old friend and\n intended successor, 44 with THE most affectionate regard, and\n highly applauded his generous design of revenging THE murder of\n Pertinax. To punish THE vile usurper of THE throne, was THE duty\n of every Roman general. To persevere in arms, and to resist a\n lawful emperor, acknowledged by THE senate, would alone render\n him criminal. 45 The sons of Niger had fallen into his hands\n among THE children of THE provincial governors, detained at Rome\n as pledges for THE loyalty of THEir parents. 46 As long as THE\n power of Niger inspired terror, or even respect, THEy were\n educated with THE most tender care, with THE children of Severus\n himself; but THEy were soon involved in THEir faTHEr’s ruin, and\n removed first by exile, and afterwards by death, from THE eye of\n public compassion. 47\n\n 44 (return) [ Whilst Severus was very dangerously ill, it was\n industriously given out, that he intended to appoint Niger and\n Albinus his successors. As he could not be sincere with respect\n to both, he might not be so with regard to eiTHEr. Yet Severus\n carried his hypocrisy so far, as to profess that intention in THE\n memoirs of his own life.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 65.]\n\n 46 (return) [ This practice, invented by Commodus, proved very\n useful to Severus. He found at Rome THE children of many of THE\n principal adherents of his rivals; and he employed THEm more than\n once to intimidate, or seduce, THE parents.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Herodian, l. iii. p. 95. Hist. August. p. 67, 68.]\n\n Whilst Severus was engaged in his eastern war, he had reason to\n apprehend that THE governor of Britain might pass THE sea and THE\n Alps, occupy THE vacant seat of empire, and oppose his return\n with THE authority of THE senate and THE forces of THE West. The\n ambiguous conduct of Albinus, in not assuming THE Imperial title,\n left room for negotiation. Forgetting, at once, his professions\n of patriotism, and THE jealousy of sovereign power, he accepted\n THE precarious rank of Cæsar, as a reward for his fatal\n neutrality. Till THE first contest was decided, Severus treated\n THE man, whom he had doomed to destruction, with every mark of\n esteem and regard. Even in THE letter, in which he announced his\n victory over Niger, he styles Albinus THE broTHEr of his soul and\n empire, sends him THE affectionate salutations of his wife Julia,\n and his young family, and entreats him to preserve THE armies and\n THE republic faithful to THEir common interest. The messengers\n charged with this letter were instructed to accost THE Cæsar with\n respect, to desire a private audience, and to plunge THEir\n daggers into his heart. 48 The conspiracy was discovered, and THE\n too credulous Albinus, at length, passed over to THE continent,\n and prepared for an unequal contest with his rival, who rushed\n upon him at THE head of a veteran and victorious army.\n\n 48 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 84. Spartianus has inserted this\n curious letter at full length.]\n\n The military labors of Severus seem inadequate to THE importance\n of his conquests. Two engagements, 481 THE one near THE\n Hellespont, THE oTHEr in THE narrow defiles of Cilicia, decided\n THE fate of his Syrian competitor; and THE troops of Europe\n asserted THEir usual ascendant over THE effeminate natives of\n Asia. 49 The battle of Lyons, where one hundred and fifty\n thousand Romans 50 were engaged, was equally fatal to Albinus.\n The valor of THE British army maintained, indeed, a sharp and\n doubtful contest, with THE hardy discipline of THE Illyrian\n legions. The fame and person of Severus appeared, during a few\n moments, irrecoverably lost, till that warlike prince rallied his\n fainting troops, and led THEm on to a decisive victory. 51 The\n war was finished by that memorable day. 511\n\n 481 (return) [ There were three actions; one near Cyzicus, on THE\n Hellespont, one near Nice, in Bithynia, THE third near THE Issus,\n in Cilicia, where Alexander conquered Darius. (Dion, lxiv. c. 6.\n Herodian, iii. 2, 4.)—W Herodian represents THE second battle as\n of less importance than Dion—M.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Consult THE third book of Herodian, and THE\n seventy-fourth book of Dion Cassius.]\n\n 50 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxv. p. 1260.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxv. p. 1261. Herodian, l. iii. p. 110.\n Hist. August. p. 68. The battle was fought in THE plain of\n Trevoux, three or four leagues from Lyons. See Tillemont, tom.\n iii. p. 406, note 18.]\n\n 511 (return) [ According to Herodian, it was his lieutenant Lætus\n who led back THE troops to THE battle, and gained THE day, which\n Severus had almost lost. Dion also attributes to Lætus a great\n share in THE victory. Severus afterwards put him to death, eiTHEr\n from fear or jealousy.—W. and G. Wenck and M. Guizot have not\n given THE real statement of Herodian or of Dion. According to THE\n former, Lætus appeared with his own army entire, which he was\n suspected of having designedly kept disengaged when THE battle\n was still doudtful, or raTHEr after THE rout of severus. Dion\n says that he did not move till Severus had won THE victory.—M.]\n\n The civil wars of modern Europe have been distinguished, not only\n by THE fierce animosity, but likewise by THE obstinate\n perseverance, of THE contending factions. They have generally\n been justified by some principle, or, at least, colored by some\n pretext, of religion, freedom, or loyalty. The leaders were\n nobles of independent property and hereditary influence. The\n troops fought like men interested in THE decision of THE quarrel;\n and as military spirit and party zeal were strongly diffused\n throughout THE whole community, a vanquished chief was\n immediately supplied with new adherents, eager to shed THEir\n blood in THE same cause. But THE Romans, after THE fall of THE\n republic, combated only for THE choice of masters. Under THE\n standard of a popular candidate for empire, a few enlisted from\n affection, some from fear, many from interest, none from\n principle. The legions, uninflamed by party zeal, were allured\n into civil war by liberal donatives, and still more liberal\n promises. A defeat, by disabling THE chief from THE performance\n of his engagements, dissolved THE mercenary allegiance of his\n followers, and left THEm to consult THEir own safety by a timely\n desertion of an unsuccessful cause. It was of little moment to\n THE provinces, under whose name THEy were oppressed or governed;\n THEy were driven by THE impulsion of THE present power, and as\n soon as that power yielded to a superior force, THEy hastened to\n implore THE clemency of THE conqueror, who, as he had an immense\n debt to discharge, was obliged to sacrifice THE most guilty\n countries to THE avarice of his soldiers. In THE vast extent of\n THE Roman empire, THEre were few fortified cities capable of\n protecting a routed army; nor was THEre any person, or family, or\n order of men, whose natural interest, unsupported by THE powers\n of government, was capable of restoring THE cause of a sinking\n party. 52\n\n 52 (return) [ Montesquieu, Considerations sur la Grandeur et la\n Decadence des Romains, c. xiii.]\n\n Yet, in THE contest between Niger and Severus, a single city\n deserves an honorable exception. As Byzantium was one of THE\n greatest passages from Europe into Asia, it had been provided\n with a strong garrison, and a fleet of five hundred vessels was\n anchored in THE harbor. 53 The impetuosity of Severus\n disappointed this prudent scheme of defence; he left to his\n generals THE siege of Byzantium, forced THE less guarded passage\n of THE Hellespont, and, impatient of a meaner enemy, pressed\n forward to encounter his rival. Byzantium, attacked by a numerous\n and increasing army, and afterwards by THE whole naval power of\n THE empire, sustained a siege of three years, and remained\n faithful to THE name and memory of Niger. The citizens and\n soldiers (we know not from what cause) were animated with equal\n fury; several of THE principal officers of Niger, who despaired\n of, or who disdained, a pardon, had thrown THEmselves into this\n last refuge: THE fortifications were esteemed impregnable, and,\n in THE defence of THE place, a celebrated engineer displayed all\n THE mechanic powers known to THE ancients. 54 Byzantium, at\n length, surrendered to famine. The magistrates and soldiers were\n put to THE sword, THE walls demolished, THE privileges\n suppressed, and THE destined capital of THE East subsisted only\n as an open village, subject to THE insulting jurisdiction of\n Perinthus. The historian Dion, who had admired THE flourishing,\n and lamented THE desolate, state of Byzantium, accused THE\n revenge of Severus, for depriving THE Roman people of THE\n strongest bulwark against THE barbarians of Pontus and Asia 55\n The truth of this observation was but too well justified in THE\n succeeding age, when THE Gothic fleets covered THE Euxine, and\n passed through THE undefined Bosphorus into THE centre of THE\n Mediterranean.\n\n 53 (return) [ Most of THEse, as may be supposed, were small open\n vessels; some, however, were galleys of two, and a few of three\n ranks of oars.]\n\n 54 (return) [The engineer’s name was Priscus. His skill saved his\n life, and he was taken into THE service of THE conqueror. For THE\n particular facts of THE siege, consult Dion Cassius (l. lxxv. p.\n 1251) and Herodian, (l. iii. p. 95;) for THE THEory of it, THE\n fanciful chevalier de Folard may be looked into. See Polybe, tom.\n i. p. 76.]\n\n 55 (return) [ Notwithstanding THE authority of Spartianus, and\n some modern Greeks, we may be assured, from Dion and Herodian,\n that Byzantium, many years after THE death of Severus, lay in\n ruins. There is no contradiction between THE relation of Dion and\n that of Spartianus and THE modern Greeks. Dion does not say that\n Severus destroyed Byzantium, but that he deprived it of its\n franchises and privileges, stripped THE inhabitants of THEir\n property, razed THE fortifications, and subjected THE city to THE\n jurisdiction of Perinthus. Therefore, when Spartian, Suidas,\n Cedrenus, say that Severus and his son Antoninus restored to\n Byzantium its rights and franchises, ordered temples to be built,\n &c., this is easily reconciled with THE relation of Dion. Perhaps\n THE latter mentioned it in some of THE fragments of his history\n which have been lost. As to Herodian, his expressions are\n evidently exaggerated, and he has been guilty of so many\n inaccuracies in THE history of Severus, that we have a right to\n suppose one in this passage.—G. from W Wenck and M. Guizot have\n omitted to cite Zosimus, who mentions a particular portico built\n by Severus, and called, apparently, by his name. Zosim. Hist. ii.\n c. xxx. p. 151, 153, edit Heyne.—M.]\n\n Both Niger and Albinus were discovered and put to death in THEir\n flight from THE field of battle. Their fate excited neiTHEr\n surprise nor compassion. They had staked THEir lives against THE\n chance of empire, and suffered what THEy would have inflicted;\n nor did Severus claim THE arrogant superiority of suffering his\n rivals to live in a private station. But his unforgiving temper,\n stimulated by avarice, indulged a spirit of revenge, where THEre\n was no room for apprehension. The most considerable of THE\n provincials, who, without any dislike to THE fortunate candidate,\n had obeyed THE governor under whose authority THEy were\n accidentally placed, were punished by death, exile, and\n especially by THE confiscation of THEir estates. Many cities of\n THE East were stripped of THEir ancient honors, and obliged to\n pay, into THE treasury of Severus, four times THE amount of THE\n sums contributed by THEm for THE service of Niger. 56\n\n 56 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxiv. p. 1250.]\n\n Till THE final decision of THE war, THE cruelty of Severus was,\n in some measure, restrained by THE uncertainty of THE event, and\n his pretended reverence for THE senate. The head of Albinus,\n accompanied with a menacing letter, announced to THE Romans that\n he was resolved to spare none of THE adherents of his unfortunate\n competitors. He was irritated by THE just auspicion that he had\n never possessed THE affections of THE senate, and he concealed\n his old malevolence under THE recent discovery of some\n treasonable correspondences. Thirty-five senators, however,\n accused of having favored THE party of Albinus, he freely\n pardoned, and, by his subsequent behavior, endeavored to convince\n THEm, that he had forgotten, as well as forgiven, THEir supposed\n offences. But, at THE same time, he condemned forty-one 57 oTHEr\n senators, whose names history has recorded; THEir wives,\n children, and clients attended THEm in death, 571 and THE noblest\n provincials of Spain and Gaul were involved in THE same ruin. 572\n Such rigid justice—for so he termed it—was, in THE opinion of\n Severus, THE only conduct capable of insuring peace to THE people\n or stability to THE prince; and he condescended slightly to\n lament, that to be mild, it was necessary that he should first be\n cruel. 58\n\n 57 (return) [ Dion, (l. lxxv. p. 1264;) only twenty-nine senators\n are mentioned by him, but forty-one are named in THE Augustan\n History, p. 69, among whom were six of THE name of Pescennius.\n Herodian (l. iii. p. 115) speaks in general of THE cruelties of\n Severus.]\n\n 571 (return) [ Wenck denies that THEre is any authority for this\n massacre of THE wives of THE senators. He adds, that only THE\n children and relatives of Niger and Albinus were put to death.\n This is true of THE family of Albinus, whose bodies were thrown\n into THE Rhone; those of Niger, according to Lampridius, were\n sent into exile, but afterwards put to death. Among THE partisans\n of Albinus who were put to death were many women of rank, multæ\n fœminæ illustres. Lamprid. in Sever.—M.]\n\n 572 (return) [ A new fragment of Dion describes THE state of Rome\n during this contest. All pretended to be on THE side of Severus;\n but THEir secret sentiments were often betrayed by a change of\n countenance on THE arrival of some sudden report. Some were\n detected by overacting THEir loyalty, Mai. Fragm. Vatican. p. 227\n Severus told THE senate he would raTHEr have THEir hearts than\n THEir votes.—Ibid.—M.]\n\n 58 (return) [ Aurelius Victor.]\n\n The true interest of an absolute monarch generally coincides with\n that of his people. Their numbers, THEir wealth, THEir order, and\n THEir security, are THE best and only foundations of his real\n greatness; and were he totally devoid of virtue, prudence might\n supply its place, and would dictate THE same rule of conduct.\n Severus considered THE Roman empire as his property, and had no\n sooner secured THE possession, than he bestowed his care on THE\n cultivation and improvement of so valuable an acquisition.\n Salutary laws, executed with inflexible firmness, soon corrected\n most of THE abuses with which, since THE death of Marcus, every\n part of THE government had been infected. In THE administration\n of justice, THE judgments of THE emperor were characterized by\n attention, discernment, and impartiality; and whenever he\n deviated from THE strict line of equity, it was generally in\n favor of THE poor and oppressed; not so much indeed from any\n sense of humanity, as from THE natural propensity of a despot to\n humble THE pride of greatness, and to sink all his subjects to\n THE same common level of absolute dependence. His expensive taste\n for building, magnificent shows, and above all a constant and\n liberal distribution of corn and provisions, were THE surest\n means of captivating THE affection of THE Roman people. 59 The\n misfortunes of civil discord were obliterated. The calm of peace\n and prosperity was once more experienced in THE provinces; and\n many cities, restored by THE munificence of Severus, assumed THE\n title of his colonies, and attested by public monuments THEir\n gratitude and felicity. 60 The fame of THE Roman arms was revived\n by that warlike and successful emperor, 61 and he boasted, with a\n just pride, that, having received THE empire oppressed with\n foreign and domestic wars, he left it established in profound,\n universal, and honorable peace. 62\n\n 59 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1272. Hist. August. p. 67.\n Severus celebrated THE secular games with extraordinary\n magnificence, and he left in THE public granaries a provision of\n corn for seven years, at THE rate of 75,000 modii, or about 2500\n quarters per day. I am persuaded that THE granaries of Severus\n were supplied for a long term, but I am not less persuaded, that\n policy on one hand, and admiration on THE oTHEr, magnified THE\n hoard far beyond its true contents.]\n\n 60 (return) [ See Spanheim’s treatise of ancient medals, THE\n inscriptions, and our learned travellers Spon and Wheeler, Shaw,\n Pocock, &c, who, in Africa, Greece, and Asia, have found more\n monuments of Severus than of any oTHEr Roman emperor whatsoever.]\n\n 61 (return) [ He carried his victorious arms to Seleucia and\n Ctesiphon, THE capitals of THE Parthian monarchy. I shall have\n occasion to mention this war in its proper place.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Etiam in Britannis, was his own just and emphatic\n expression Hist. August. 73.]\n\n Although THE wounds of civil war appeared completely healed, its\n mortal poison still lurked in THE vitals of THE constitution.\n Severus possessed a considerable share of vigor and ability; but\n THE daring soul of THE first Cæsar, or THE deep policy of\n Augustus, were scarcely equal to THE task of curbing THE\n insolence of THE victorious legions. By gratitude, by misguided\n policy, by seeming necessity, Severus was reduced to relax THE\n nerves of discipline. 63 The vanity of his soldiers was flattered\n with THE honor of wearing gold rings; THEir ease was indulged in\n THE permission of living with THEir wives in THE idleness of\n quarters. He increased THEir pay beyond THE example of former\n times, and taught THEm to expect, and soon to claim,\n extraordinary donatives on every public occasion of danger or\n festivity. Elated by success, enervated by luxury, and raised\n above THE level of subjects by THEir dangerous privileges, 64\n THEy soon became incapable of military fatigue, oppressive to THE\n country, and impatient of a just subordination. Their officers\n asserted THE superiority of rank by a more profuse and elegant\n luxury. There is still extant a letter of Severus, lamenting THE\n licentious stage of THE army, 641 and exhorting one of his\n generals to begin THE necessary reformation from THE tribunes\n THEmselves; since, as he justly observes, THE officer who has\n forfeited THE esteem, will never command THE obedience, of his\n soldiers. 65 Had THE emperor pursued THE train of reflection, he\n would have discovered, that THE primary cause of this general\n corruption might be ascribed, not indeed to THE example, but to\n THE pernicious indulgence, however, of THE commander-in-chief.\n\n 63 (return) [ Herodian, l. iii. p. 115. Hist. August. p. 68.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Upon THE insolence and privileges of THE soldier,\n THE 16th satire, falsely ascribed to Juvenal, may be consulted;\n THE style and circumstances of it would induce me to believe,\n that it was composed under THE reign of Severus, or that of his\n son.]\n\n 641 (return) [ Not of THE army, but of THE troops in Gaul. The\n contents of this letter seem to prove that Severus was really\n anxious to restore discipline Herodian is THE only historian who\n accuses him of being THE first cause of its relaxation.—G. from W\n Spartian mentions his increase of THE pays.—M.]\n\n 65 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 73.]\n\n The Prætorians, who murdered THEir emperor and sold THE empire,\n had received THE just punishment of THEir treason; but THE\n necessary, though dangerous, institution of guards was soon\n restored on a new model by Severus, and increased to four times\n THE ancient number. 66 Formerly THEse troops had been recruited\n in Italy; and as THE adjacent provinces gradually imbibed THE\n softer manners of Rome, THE levies were extended to Macedonia,\n Noricum, and Spain. In THE room of THEse elegant troops, better\n adapted to THE pomp of courts than to THE uses of war, it was\n established by Severus, that from all THE legions of THE\n frontiers, THE soldiers most distinguished for strength, valor,\n and fidelity, should be occasionally draughted; and promoted, as\n an honor and reward, into THE more eligible service of THE\n guards. 67 By this new institution, THE Italian youth were\n diverted from THE exercise of arms, and THE capital was terrified\n by THE strange aspect and manners of a multitude of barbarians.\n But Severus flattered himself, that THE legions would consider\n THEse chosen Prætorians as THE representatives of THE whole\n military order; and that THE present aid of fifty thousand men,\n superior in arms and appointments to any force that could be\n brought into THE field against THEm, would forever crush THE\n hopes of rebellion, and secure THE empire to himself and his\n posterity.\n\n 66 (return) [ Herodian, l. iii. p. 131.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxiv. p. 1243.]\n\n The command of THEse favored and formidable troops soon became\n THE first office of THE empire. As THE government degenerated\n into military despotism, THE Prætorian Præfect, who in his origin\n had been a simple captain of THE guards, 671 was placed not only\n at THE head of THE army, but of THE finances, and even of THE\n law. In every department of administration, he represented THE\n person, and exercised THE authority, of THE emperor. The first\n præfect who enjoyed and abused this immense power was Plautianus,\n THE favorite minister of Severus. His reign lasted above ten\n years, till THE marriage of his daughter with THE eldest son of\n THE emperor, which seemed to assure his fortune, proved THE\n occasion of his ruin. 68 The animosities of THE palace, by\n irritating THE ambition and alarming THE fears of Plautianus, 681\n threatened to produce a revolution, and obliged THE emperor, who\n still loved him, to consent with reluctance to his death. 69\n After THE fall of Plautianus, an eminent lawyer, THE celebrated\n Papinian, was appointed to execute THE motley office of Prætorian\n Præfect.\n\n 671 (return) [ The Prætorian Præfect had never been a simple\n captain of THE guards; from THE first creation of this office,\n under Augustus, it possessed great power. That emperor,\n THErefore, decreed that THEre should be always two Prætorian\n Præfects, who could only be taken from THE equestrian order\n Tiberius first departed from THE former clause of this edict;\n Alexander Severus violated THE second by naming senators\n præfects. It appears that it was under Commodus that THE\n Prætorian Præfects obtained THE province of civil jurisdiction.\n It extended only to Italy, with THE exception of Rome and its\n district, which was governed by THE Præfectus urbi. As to THE\n control of THE finances, and THE levying of taxes, it was not\n intrusted to THEm till after THE great change that Constantine I.\n made in THE organization of THE empire at least, I know no\n passage which assigns it to THEm before that time; and\n Drakenborch, who has treated this question in his Dissertation de\n official præfectorum prætorio, vi., does not quote one.—W.]\n\n 68 (return) [ One of his most daring and wanton acts of power,\n was THE castration of a hundred free Romans, some of THEm married\n men, and even faTHErs of families; merely that his daughter, on\n her marriage with THE young emperor, might be attended by a train\n of eunuchs worthy of an eastern queen. Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1271.]\n\n 681 (return) [ Plautianus was compatriot, relative, and THE old\n friend, of Severus; he had so completely shut up all access to\n THE emperor, that THE latter was ignorant how far he abused his\n powers: at length, being informed of it, he began to limit his\n authority. The marriage of Plautilla with Caracalla was\n unfortunate; and THE prince who had been forced to consent to it,\n menaced THE faTHEr and THE daughter with death when he should\n come to THE throne. It was feared, after that, that Plautianus\n would avail himself of THE power which he still possessed,\n against THE Imperial family; and Severus caused him to be\n assassinated in his presence, upon THE pretext of a conspiracy,\n which Dion considers fictitious.—W. This note is not, perhaps,\n very necessary and does not contain THE whole facts. Dion\n considers THE conspiracy THE invention of Caracalla, by whose\n command, almost by whose hand, Plautianus was slain in THE\n presence of Severus.—M.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1274. Herodian, l. iii. p. 122,\n 129. The grammarian of Alexander seems, as is not unusual, much\n better acquainted with this mysterious transaction, and more\n assured of THE guilt of Plautianus than THE Roman senator\n ventures to be.]\n\n Till THE reign of Severus, THE virtue and even THE good sense of\n THE emperors had been distinguished by THEir zeal or affected\n reverence for THE senate, and by a tender regard to THE nice\n frame of civil policy instituted by Augustus. But THE youth of\n Severus had been trained in THE implicit obedience of camps, and\n his riper years spent in THE despotism of military command. His\n haughty and inflexible spirit could not discover, or would not\n acknowledge, THE advantage of preserving an intermediate power,\n however imaginary, between THE emperor and THE army. He disdained\n to profess himself THE servant of an assembly that detested his\n person and trembled at his frown; he issued his commands, where\n his requests would have proved as effectual; assumed THE conduct\n and style of a sovereign and a conqueror, and exercised, without\n disguise, THE whole legislative, as well as THE executive power.\n\n The victory over THE senate was easy and inglorious. Every eye\n and every passion were directed to THE supreme magistrate, who\n possessed THE arms and treasure of THE state; whilst THE senate,\n neiTHEr elected by THE people, nor guarded by military force, nor\n animated by public spirit, rested its declining authority on THE\n frail and crumbling basis of ancient opinion. The fine THEory of\n a republic insensibly vanished, and made way for THE more natural\n and substantial feelings of monarchy. As THE freedom and honors\n of Rome were successively communicated to THE provinces, in which\n THE old government had been eiTHEr unknown, or was remembered\n with abhorrence, THE tradition of republican maxims was gradually\n obliterated. The Greek historians of THE age of THE Antonines 70\n observe, with a malicious pleasure, that although THE sovereign\n of Rome, in compliance with an obsolete prejudice, abstained from\n THE name of king, he possessed THE full measure of regal power.\n In THE reign of Severus, THE senate was filled with polished and\n eloquent slaves from THE eastern provinces, who justified\n personal flattery by speculative principles of servitude. These\n new advocates of prerogative were heard with pleasure by THE\n court, and with patience by THE people, when THEy inculcated THE\n duty of passive obedience, and descanted on THE inevitable\n mischiefs of freedom. The lawyers and historians concurred in\n teaching, that THE Imperial authority was held, not by THE\n delegated commission, but by THE irrevocable resignation of THE\n senate; that THE emperor was freed from THE restraint of civil\n laws, could command by his arbitrary will THE lives and fortunes\n of his subjects, and might dispose of THE empire as of his\n private patrimony. 71 The most eminent of THE civil lawyers, and\n particularly Papinian, Paulus, and Ulpian, flourished under THE\n house of Severus; and THE Roman jurisprudence, having closely\n united itself with THE system of monarchy, was supposed to have\n attained its full majority and perfection.\n\n 70 (return) [ Appian in Proœm.]\n\n 71 (return) [ Dion Cassius seems to have written with no oTHEr\n view than to form THEse opinions into an historical system. The\n Pandea’s will how how assiduously THE lawyers, on THEir side,\n laboree in THE cause of prerogative.]\n\n The contemporaries of Severus in THE enjoyment of THE peace and\n glory of his reign, forgave THE cruelties by which it had been\n introduced. Posterity, who experienced THE fatal effects of his\n maxims and example, justly considered him as THE principal author\n of THE decline of THE Roman empire.\n\n\n\n\n Chapter VI: Death Of Severus, Tyranny Of Caracalla, Usurpation Of\n Marcinus.—Part I.\n\n The Death Of Severus.—Tyranny Of Caracalla.—Usurpation Of\n Macrinus.—Follies Of Elagabalus.—Virtues Of Alexander\n Severus.—Licentiousness Of The Army.—General State Of The Roman\n Finances.\n\n The ascent to greatness, however steep and dangerous, may\n entertain an active spirit with THE consciousness and exercise of\n its own powers: but THE possession of a throne could never yet\n afford a lasting satisfaction to an ambitious mind. This\n melancholy truth was felt and acknowledged by Severus. Fortune\n and merit had, from an humble station, elevated him to THE first\n place among mankind. “He had been all things,” as he said\n himself, “and all was of little value.” 1 Distracted with THE\n care, not of acquiring, but of preserving an empire, oppressed\n with age and infirmities, careless of fame, 2 and satiated with\n power, all his prospects of life were closed. The desire of\n perpetuating THE greatness of his family was THE only remaining\n wish of his ambition and paternal tenderness.\n\n 1 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 71. “Omnia fui, et nihil expedit.”]\n\n 2 (return) [ Dion Cassius, l. lxxvi. p. 1284.]\n\n Like most of THE Africans, Severus was passionately addicted to\n THE vain studies of magic and divination, deeply versed in THE\n interpretation of dreams and omens, and perfectly acquainted with\n THE science of judicial astrology; which, in almost every age\n except THE present, has maintained its dominion over THE mind of\n man. He had lost his first wife, while he was governor of THE\n Lionnese Gaul. 3 In THE choice of a second, he sought only to\n connect himself with some favorite of fortune; and as soon as he\n had discovered that THE young lady of Emesa in Syria had _a royal\n nativity_, he solicited and obtained her hand. 4 Julia Domna (for\n that was her name) deserved all that THE stars could promise her.\n\n She possessed, even in advanced age, THE attractions of beauty, 5\n and united to a lively imagination a firmness of mind, and\n strength of judgment, seldom bestowed on her sex. Her amiable\n qualities never made any deep impression on THE dark and jealous\n temper of her husband; but in her son’s reign, she administered\n THE principal affairs of THE empire, with a prudence that\n supported his authority, and with a moderation that sometimes\n corrected his wild extravagancies. 6 Julia applied herself to\n letters and philosophy, with some success, and with THE most\n splendid reputation. She was THE patroness of every art, and THE\n friend of every man of genius. 7 The grateful flattery of THE\n learned has celebrated her virtues; but, if we may credit THE\n scandal of ancient history, chastity was very far from being THE\n most conspicuous virtue of THE empress Julia. 8\n\n 3 (return) [ About THE year 186. M. de Tillemont is miserably\n embarrassed with a passage of Dion, in which THE empress\n Faustina, who died in THE year 175, is introduced as having\n contributed to THE marriage of Severus and Julia, (l. lxxiv. p.\n 1243.) The learned compiler forgot that Dion is relating not a\n real fact, but a dream of Severus; and dreams are circumscribed\n to no limits of time or space. Did M. de Tillemont imagine that\n marriages were consummated in THE temple of Venus at Rome? Hist.\n des Empereurs, tom. iii. p. 389. Note 6.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 65.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 5.]\n\n 6 (return) [ Dion Cassius, l. lxxvii. p. 1304, 1314.]\n\n 7 (return) [ See a dissertation of Menage, at THE end of his\n edition of Diogenes Lærtius, de Fœminis Philosophis.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1285. Aurelius Victor.]\n\n Two sons, Caracalla 9 and Geta, were THE fruit of this marriage,\n and THE destined heirs of THE empire. The fond hopes of THE\n faTHEr, and of THE Roman world, were soon disappointed by THEse\n vain youths, who displayed THE indolent security of hereditary\n princes; and a presumption that fortune would supply THE place of\n merit and application. Without any emulation of virtue or\n talents, THEy discovered, almost from THEir infancy, a fixed and\n implacable antipathy for each oTHEr.\n\n 9 (return) [ Bassianus was his first name, as it had been that of\n his maternal grandfaTHEr. During his reign, he assumed THE\n appellation of Antoninus, which is employed by lawyers and\n ancient historians. After his death, THE public indignation\n loaded him with THE nicknames of Tarantus and Caracalla. The\n first was borrowed from a celebrated Gladiator, THE second from a\n long Gallic gown which he distributed to THE people of Rome.]\n\n Their aversion, confirmed by years, and fomented by THE arts of\n THEir interested favorites, broke out in childish, and gradually\n in more serious competitions; and, at length, divided THE\n THEatre, THE circus, and THE court, into two factions, actuated\n by THE hopes and fears of THEir respective leaders. The prudent\n emperor endeavored, by every expedient of advice and authority,\n to allay this growing animosity. The unhappy discord of his sons\n clouded all his prospects, and threatened to overturn a throne\n raised with so much labor, cemented with so much blood, and\n guarded with every defence of arms and treasure. With an\n impartial hand he maintained between THEm an exact balance of\n favor, conferred on both THE rank of Augustus, with THE revered\n name of Antoninus; and for THE first time THE Roman world beheld\n three emperors. 10 Yet even this equal conduct served only to\n inflame THE contest, whilst THE fierce Caracalla asserted THE\n right of primogeniture, and THE milder Geta courted THE\n affections of THE people and THE soldiers. In THE anguish of a\n disappointed faTHEr, Severus foretold that THE weaker of his sons\n would fall a sacrifice to THE stronger; who, in his turn, would\n be ruined by his own vices. 11\n\n 10 (return) [ The elevation of Caracalla is fixed by THE accurate\n M. de Tillemont to THE year 198; THE association of Geta to THE\n year 208.]\n\n 11 (return) [ Herodian, l. iii. p. 130. The lives of Caracalla\n and Geta, in THE Augustan History.]\n\n In THEse circumstances THE intelligence of a war in Britain, and\n of an invasion of THE province by THE barbarians of THE North,\n was received with pleasure by Severus. Though THE vigilance of\n his lieutenants might have been sufficient to repel THE distant\n enemy, he resolved to embrace THE honorable pretext of\n withdrawing his sons from THE luxury of Rome, which enervated\n THEir minds and irritated THEir passions; and of inuring THEir\n youth to THE toils of war and government. Notwithstanding his\n advanced age, (for he was above threescore,) and his gout, which\n obliged him to be carried in a litter, he transported himself in\n person into that remote island, attended by his two sons, his\n whole court, and a formidable army. He immediately passed THE\n walls of Hadrian and Antoninus, and entered THE enemy’s country,\n with a design of completing THE long attempted conquest of\n Britain. He penetrated to THE norTHErn extremity of THE island,\n without meeting an enemy. But THE concealed ambuscades of THE\n Caledonians, who hung unseen on THE rear and flanks of his army,\n THE coldness of THE climate and THE severity of a winter march\n across THE hills and morasses of Scotland, are reported to have\n cost THE Romans above fifty thousand men. The Caledonians at\n length yielded to THE powerful and obstinate attack, sued for\n peace, and surrendered a part of THEir arms, and a large tract of\n territory. But THEir apparent submission lasted no longer than\n THE present terror. As soon as THE Roman legions had retired,\n THEy resumed THEir hostile independence. Their restless spirit\n provoked Severus to send a new army into Caledonia, with THE most\n bloody orders, not to subdue, but to extirpate THE natives. They\n were saved by THE death of THEir haughty enemy. 12\n\n 12 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1280, &c. Herodian, l. iii. p.\n 132, &c.]\n\n This Caledonian war, neiTHEr marked by decisive events, nor\n attended with any important consequences, would ill deserve our\n attention; but it is supposed, not without a considerable degree\n of probability, that THE invasion of Severus is connected with\n THE most shining period of THE British history or fable. Fingal,\n whose fame, with that of his heroes and bards, has been revived\n in our language by a recent publication, is said to have\n commanded THE Caledonians in that memorable juncture, to have\n eluded THE power of Severus, and to have obtained a signal\n victory on THE banks of THE Carun, in which THE son of _THE King\n of THE World_, Caracul, fled from his arms along THE fields of\n his pride. 13 Something of a doubtful mist still hangs over THEse\n Highland traditions; nor can it be entirely dispelled by THE most\n ingenious researches of modern criticism; 14 but if we could,\n with safety, indulge THE pleasing supposition, that Fingal lived,\n and that Ossian sung, THE striking contrast of THE situation and\n manners of THE contending nations might amuse a philosophic mind.\n\n The parallel would be little to THE advantage of THE more\n civilized people, if we compared THE unrelenting revenge of\n Severus with THE generous clemency of Fingal; THE timid and\n brutal cruelty of Caracalla with THE bravery, THE tenderness, THE\n elegant genius of Ossian; THE mercenary chiefs, who, from motives\n of fear or interest, served under THE imperial standard, with THE\n free-born warriors who started to arms at THE voice of THE king\n of Morven; if, in a word, we contemplated THE untutored\n Caledonians, glowing with THE warm virtues of nature, and THE\n degenerate Romans, polluted with THE mean vices of wealth and\n slavery.\n\n 13 (return) [ Ossian’s Poems, vol. i. p. 175.]\n\n 14 (return) [ That THE Caracul of Ossian is THE Caracalla of THE\n Roman History, is, perhaps, THE only point of British antiquity\n in which Mr. Macpherson and Mr. Whitaker are of THE same opinion;\n and yet THE opinion is not without difficulty. In THE Caledonian\n war, THE son of Severus was known only by THE appellation of\n Antoninus, and it may seem strange that THE Highland bard should\n describe him by a nickname, invented four years afterwards,\n scarcely used by THE Romans till after THE death of that emperor,\n and seldom employed by THE most ancient historians. See Dion, l.\n lxxvii. p. 1317. Hist. August. p. 89 Aurel. Victor. Euseb. in\n Chron. ad ann. 214. Note: The historical authority of\n Macpherson’s Ossian has not increased since Gibbon wrote. We may,\n indeed, consider it exploded. Mr. Whitaker, in a letter to Gibbon\n (Misc. Works, vol. ii. p. 100,) attempts, not very successfully,\n to weaken this objection of THE historian.—M.]\n\n The declining health and last illness of Severus inflamed THE\n wild ambition and black passions of Caracalla’s soul. Impatient\n of any delay or division of empire, he attempted, more than once,\n to shorten THE small remainder of his faTHEr’s days, and\n endeavored, but without success, to excite a mutiny among THE\n troops. 15 The old emperor had often censured THE misguided\n lenity of Marcus, who, by a single act of justice, might have\n saved THE Romans from THE tyranny of his worthless son. Placed in\n THE same situation, he experienced how easily THE rigor of a\n judge dissolves away in THE tenderness of a parent. He\n deliberated, he threatened, but he could not punish; and this\n last and only instance of mercy was more fatal to THE empire than\n a long series of cruelty. 16 The disorder of his mind irritated\n THE pains of his body; he wished impatiently for death, and\n hastened THE instant of it by his impatience. He expired at York\n in THE sixty-fifth year of his life, and in THE eighteenth of a\n glorious and successful reign. In his last moments he recommended\n concord to his sons, and his sons to THE army. The salutary\n advice never reached THE heart, or even THE understanding, of THE\n impetuous youths; but THE more obedient troops, mindful of THEir\n oath of allegiance, and of THE authority of THEir deceased\n master, resisted THE solicitations of Caracalla, and proclaimed\n both broTHErs emperors of Rome. The new princes soon left THE\n Caledonians in peace, returned to THE capital, celebrated THEir\n faTHEr’s funeral with divine honors, and were cheerfully\n acknowledged as lawful sovereigns, by THE senate, THE people, and\n THE provinces. Some preeminence of rank seems to have been\n allowed to THE elder broTHEr; but THEy both administered THE\n empire with equal and independent power. 17\n\n 15 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1282. Hist. August. p. 71.\n Aurel. Victor.]\n\n 16 (return) [Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1283. Hist. August. p. 89]\n\n 17 (return) [Footnote 17: Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1284. Herodian, l.\n iii. p. 135.]\n\n Such a divided form of government would have proved a source of\n discord between THE most affectionate broTHErs. It was impossible\n that it could long subsist between two implacable enemies, who\n neiTHEr desired nor could trust a reconciliation. It was visible\n that one only could reign, and that THE oTHEr must fall; and each\n of THEm, judging of his rival’s designs by his own, guarded his\n life with THE most jealous vigilance from THE repeated attacks of\n poison or THE sword. Their rapid journey through Gaul and Italy,\n during which THEy never ate at THE same table, or slept in THE\n same house, displayed to THE provinces THE odious spectacle of\n fraternal discord. On THEir arrival at Rome, THEy immediately\n divided THE vast extent of THE imperial palace. 18 No\n communication was allowed between THEir apartments; THE doors and\n passages were diligently fortified, and guards posted and\n relieved with THE same strictness as in a besieged place. The\n emperors met only in public, in THE presence of THEir afflicted\n moTHEr; and each surrounded by a numerous train of armed\n followers. Even on THEse occasions of ceremony, THE dissimulation\n of courts could ill disguise THE rancor of THEir hearts. 19\n\n 18 (return) [ Mr. Hume is justly surprised at a passage of\n Herodian, (l. iv. p. 139,) who, on this occasion, represents THE\n Imperial palace as equal in extent to THE rest of Rome. The whole\n region of THE Palatine Mount, on which it was built, occupied, at\n most, a circumference of eleven or twelve thousand feet, (see THE\n Notitia and Victor, in Nardini’s Roma Antica.) But we should\n recollect that THE opulent senators had almost surrounded THE\n city with THEir extensive gardens and suburb palaces, THE\n greatest part of which had been gradually confiscated by THE\n emperors. If Geta resided in THE gardens that bore his name on\n THE Janiculum, and if Caracalla inhabited THE gardens of Mæcenas\n on THE Esquiline, THE rival broTHErs were separated from each\n oTHEr by THE distance of several miles; and yet THE intermediate\n space was filled by THE Imperial gardens of Sallust, of Lucullus,\n of Agrippa, of Domitian, of Caius, &c., all skirting round THE\n city, and all connected with each oTHEr, and with THE palace, by\n bridges thrown over THE Tiber and THE streets. But this\n explanation of Herodian would require, though it ill deserves, a\n particular dissertation, illustrated by a map of ancient Rome.\n (Hume, Essay on Populousness of Ancient Nations.—M.)]\n\n 19 (return) [ Herodian, l. iv. p. 139]\n\n This latent civil war already distracted THE whole government,\n when a scheme was suggested that seemed of mutual benefit to THE\n hostile broTHErs. It was proposed, that since it was impossible\n to reconcile THEir minds, THEy should separate THEir interest,\n and divide THE empire between THEm. The conditions of THE treaty\n were already drawn with some accuracy. It was agreed that\n Caracalla, as THE elder broTHEr should remain in possession of\n Europe and THE western Africa; and that he should relinquish THE\n sovereignty of Asia and Egypt to Geta, who might fix his\n residence at Alexandria or Antioch, cities little inferior to\n Rome itself in wealth and greatness; that numerous armies should\n be constantly encamped on eiTHEr side of THE Thracian Bosphorus,\n to guard THE frontiers of THE rival monarchies; and that THE\n senators of European extraction should acknowledge THE sovereign\n of Rome, whilst THE natives of Asia followed THE emperor of THE\n East. The tears of THE empress Julia interrupted THE negotiation,\n THE first idea of which had filled every Roman breast with\n surprise and indignation. The mighty mass of conquest was so\n intimately united by THE hand of time and policy, that it\n required THE most forcible violence to rend it asunder. The\n Romans had reason to dread, that THE disjointed members would\n soon be reduced by a civil war under THE dominion of one master;\n but if THE separation was permanent, THE division of THE\n provinces must terminate in THE dissolution of an empire whose\n unity had hiTHErto remained inviolate. 20\n\n 20 (return) [ Herodian, l. iv. p. 144.]\n\n Had THE treaty been carried into execution, THE sovereign of\n Europe might soon have been THE conqueror of Asia; but Caracalla\n obtained an easier, though a more guilty, victory. He artfully\n listened to his moTHEr’s entreaties, and consented to meet his\n broTHEr in her apartment, on terms of peace and reconciliation.\n In THE midst of THEir conversation, some centurions, who had\n contrived to conceal THEmselves, rushed with drawn swords upon\n THE unfortunate Geta. His distracted moTHEr strove to protect him\n in her arms; but, in THE unavailing struggle, she was wounded in\n THE hand, and covered with THE blood of her younger son, while\n she saw THE elder animating and assisting 21 THE fury of THE\n assassins. As soon as THE deed was perpetrated, Caracalla, with\n hasty steps, and horror in his countenance, ran towards THE\n Prætorian camp, as his only refuge, and threw himself on THE\n ground before THE statues of THE tutelar deities. 22 The soldiers\n attempted to raise and comfort him. In broken and disordered\n words he informed THEm of his imminent danger, and fortunate\n escape; insinuating that he had prevented THE designs of his\n enemy, and declared his resolution to live and die with his\n faithful troops. Geta had been THE favorite of THE soldiers; but\n complaint was useless, revenge was dangerous, and THEy still\n reverenced THE son of Severus. Their discontent died away in idle\n murmurs, and Caracalla soon convinced THEm of THE justice of his\n cause, by distributing in one lavish donative THE accumulated\n treasures of his faTHEr’s reign. 23 The real _sentiments_ of THE\n soldiers alone were of importance to his power or safety. Their\n declaration in his favor commanded THE dutiful _professions_ of\n THE senate. The obsequious assembly was always prepared to ratify\n THE decision of fortune; 231 but as Caracalla wished to assuage\n THE first emotions of public indignation, THE name of Geta was\n mentioned with decency, and he received THE funeral honors of a\n Roman emperor. 24 Posterity, in pity to his misfortune, has cast\n a veil over his vices. We consider that young prince as THE\n innocent victim of his broTHEr’s ambition, without recollecting\n that he himself wanted power, raTHEr than inclination, to\n consummate THE same attempts of revenge and murder. 241\n\n 21 (return) [ Caracalla consecrated, in THE temple of Serapis,\n THE sword with which, as he boasted, he had slain his broTHEr\n Geta. Dion, l. lxxvii p. 1307.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Herodian, l. iv. p. 147. In every Roman camp THEre\n was a small chapel near THE head-quarters, in which THE statues\n of THE tutelar deities were preserved and adored; and we may\n remark that THE eagles, and oTHEr military ensigns, were in THE\n first rank of THEse deities; an excellent institution, which\n confirmed discipline by THE sanction of religion. See Lipsius de\n Militia Romana, iv. 5, v. 2.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Herodian, l. iv. p. 148. Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1289.]\n\n 231 (return) [ The account of this transaction, in a new passage\n of Dion, varies in some degree from this statement. It adds that\n THE next morning, in THE senate, Antoninus requested THEir\n indulgence, not because he had killed his broTHEr, but because he\n was hoarse, and could not address THEm. Mai. Fragm. p. 228.—M.]\n\n 24 (return) [ Geta was placed among THE gods. Sit divus, dum non\n sit vivus said his broTHEr. Hist. August. p. 91. Some marks of\n Geta’s consecration are still found upon medals.]\n\n 241 (return) [ The favorable judgment which history has given of\n Geta is not founded solely on a feeling of pity; it is supported\n by THE testimony of contemporary historians: he was too fond of\n THE pleasures of THE table, and showed great mistrust of his\n broTHEr; but he was humane, well instructed; he often endeavored\n to mitigate THE rigorous decrees of Severus and Caracalla. Herod\n iv. 3. Spartian in Geta.—W.]\n\n The crime went not unpunished. NeiTHEr business, nor pleasure,\n nor flattery, could defend Caracalla from THE stings of a guilty\n conscience; and he confessed, in THE anguish of a tortured mind,\n that his disordered fancy often beheld THE angry forms of his\n faTHEr and his broTHEr rising into life, to threaten and upbraid\n him. 25 The consciousness of his crime should have induced him to\n convince mankind, by THE virtues of his reign, that THE bloody\n deed had been THE involuntary effect of fatal necessity. But THE\n repentance of Caracalla only prompted him to remove from THE\n world whatever could remind him of his guilt, or recall THE\n memory of his murdered broTHEr. On his return from THE senate to\n THE palace, he found his moTHEr in THE company of several noble\n matrons, weeping over THE untimely fate of her younger son. The\n jealous emperor threatened THEm with instant death; THE sentence\n was executed against Fadilla, THE last remaining daughter of THE\n emperor Marcus; 251 and even THE afflicted Julia was obliged to\n silence her lamentations, to suppress her sighs, and to receive\n THE assassin with smiles of joy and approbation. It was computed\n that, under THE vague appellation of THE friends of Geta, above\n twenty thousand persons of both sexes suffered death. His guards\n and freedmen, THE ministers of his serious business, and THE\n companions of his looser hours, those who by his interest had\n been promoted to any commands in THE army or provinces, with THE\n long connected chain of THEir dependants, were included in THE\n proscription; which endeavored to reach every one who had\n maintained THE smallest correspondence with Geta, who lamented\n his death, or who even mentioned his name. 26 Helvius Pertinax,\n son to THE prince of that name, lost his life by an unseasonable\n witticism. 27 It was a sufficient crime of Thrasea Priscus to be\n descended from a family in which THE love of liberty seemed an\n hereditary quality. 28 The particular causes of calumny and\n suspicion were at length exhausted; and when a senator was\n accused of being a secret enemy to THE government, THE emperor\n was satisfied with THE general proof that he was a man of\n property and virtue. From this well-grounded principle he\n frequently drew THE most bloody inferences. 281\n\n 25 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1307]\n\n 251 (return) [ The most valuable paragraph of dion, which THE\n industry of M. Manas recovered, relates to this daughter of\n Marcus, executed by Caracalla. Her name, as appears from Fronto,\n as well as from Dion, was Cornificia. When commanded to choose\n THE kind of death she was to suffer, she burst into womanish\n tears; but remembering her faTHEr Marcus, she thus spoke:—“O my\n hapless soul, (... animula,) now imprisoned in THE body, burst\n forth! be free! show THEm, however reluctant to believe it, that\n thou art THE daughter of Marcus.” She THEn laid aside all her\n ornaments, and preparing herself for death, ordered her veins to\n be opened. Mai. Fragm. Vatican ii p. 220.—M.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1290. Herodian, l. iv. p. 150.\n Dion (p. 2298) says, that THE comic poets no longer durst employ\n THE name of Geta in THEir plays, and that THE estates of those\n who mentioned it in THEir testaments were confiscated.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Caracalla had assumed THE names of several\n conquered nations; Pertinax observed, that THE name of Geticus\n (he had obtained some advantage over THE Goths, or Getæ) would be\n a proper addition to Parthieus, Alemannicus, &c. Hist. August. p.\n 89.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1291. He was probably descended\n from Helvidius Priscus, and Thrasea Pætus, those patriots, whose\n firm, but useless and unseasonable, virtue has been immortalized\n by Tacitus. Note: M. Guizot is indignant at this “cold”\n observation of Gibbon on THE noble character of Thrasea; but he\n admits that his virtue was useless to THE public, and\n unseasonable amidst THE vices of his age.—M.]\n\n 281 (return) [ Caracalla reproached all those who demanded no\n favors of him. “It is clear that if you make me no requests, you\n do not trust me; if you do not trust me, you suspect me; if you\n suspect me, you fear me; if you fear me, you hate me.” And\n forthwith he condemned THEm as conspirators, a good specimen of\n THE sorites in a tyrant’s logic. See Fragm. Vatican p.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter VI: Death Of Severus, Tyranny Of Caracalla, Usurpation Of\n Marcinus.—Part II.\n\n The execution of so many innocent citizens was bewailed by THE\n secret tears of THEir friends and families. The death of\n Papinian, THE Prætorian Præfect, was lamented as a public\n calamity. 282 During THE last seven years of Severus, he had\n exercised THE most important offices of THE state, and, by his\n salutary influence, guided THE emperor’s steps in THE paths of\n justice and moderation. In full assurance of his virtue and\n abilities, Severus, on his death-bed, had conjured him to watch\n over THE prosperity and union of THE Imperial family. 29 The\n honest labors of Papinian served only to inflame THE hatred which\n Caracalla had already conceived against his faTHEr’s minister.\n After THE murder of Geta, THE Præfect was commanded to exert THE\n powers of his skill and eloquence in a studied apology for that\n atrocious deed. The philosophic Seneca had condescended to\n compose a similar epistle to THE senate, in THE name of THE son\n and assassin of Agrippina. 30 “That it was easier to commit than\n to justify a parricide,” was THE glorious reply of Papinian; 31\n who did not hesitate between THE loss of life and that of honor.\n Such intrepid virtue, which had escaped pure and unsullied from\n THE intrigues of courts, THE habits of business, and THE arts of\n his profession, reflects more lustre on THE memory of Papinian,\n than all his great employments, his numerous writings, and THE\n superior reputation as a lawyer, which he has preserved through\n every age of THE Roman jurisprudence. 32\n\n 282 (return) [ Papinian was no longer Prætorian Præfect.\n Caracalla had deprived him of that office immediately after THE\n death of Severus. Such is THE statement of Dion; and THE\n testimony of Spartian, who gives Papinian THE Prætorian\n præfecture till his death, is of little weight opposed to that of\n a senator THEn living at Rome.—W.]\n\n 29 (return) [ It is said that Papinian was himself a relation of\n THE empress Julia.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. xiv. 2.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 88.]\n\n 32 (return) [ With regard to Papinian, see Heineccius’s Historia\n Juris Roma ni, l. 330, &c.]\n\n It had hiTHErto been THE peculiar felicity of THE Romans, and in\n THE worst of times THE consolation, that THE virtue of THE\n emperors was active, and THEir vice indolent. Augustus, Trajan,\n Hadrian, and Marcus visited THEir extensive dominions in person,\n and THEir progress was marked by acts of wisdom and beneficence.\n The tyranny of Tiberius, Nero, and Domitian, who resided almost\n constantly at Rome, or in THE adjacent was confined to THE\n senatorial and equestrian orders. 33 But Caracalla was THE common\n enemy of mankind. He left THE capital (and he never returned to\n it) about a year after THE murder of Geta. The rest of his reign\n was spent in THE several provinces of THE empire, particularly\n those of THE East, and every province was by turns THE scene of\n his rapine and cruelty. The senators, compelled by fear to attend\n his capricious motions, were obliged to provide daily\n entertainments at an immense expense, which he abandoned with\n contempt to his guards; and to erect, in every city, magnificent\n palaces and THEatres, which he eiTHEr disdained to visit, or\n ordered immediately thrown down. The most wealthy families were\n ruined by partial fines and confiscations, and THE great body of\n his subjects oppressed by ingenious and aggravated taxes. 34 In\n THE midst of peace, and upon THE slightest provocation, he issued\n his commands, at Alexandria, in Egypt for a general massacre.\n From a secure post in THE temple of Serapis, he viewed and\n directed THE slaughter of many thousand citizens, as well as\n strangers, without distinguishing THE number or THE crime of THE\n sufferers; since as he coolly informed THE senate, _all_ THE\n Alexandrians, those who had perished, and those who had escaped,\n were alike guilty. 35\n\n 33 (return) [ Tiberius and Domitian never moved from THE\n neighborhood of Rome. Nero made a short journey into Greece. “Et\n laudatorum Principum usus ex æquo, quamvis procul agentibus. Sævi\n proximis ingruunt.” Tacit. Hist. iv. 74.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1294.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1307. Herodian, l. iv. p. 158.\n The former represents it as a cruel massacre, THE latter as a\n perfidious one too. It seems probable that THE Alexandrians has\n irritated THE tyrant by THEir railleries, and perhaps by THEir\n tumults. * Note: After THEse massacres, Caracalla also deprived\n THE Alexandrians of THEir spectacles and public feasts; he\n divided THE city into two parts by a wall with towers at\n intervals, to prevent THE peaceful communications of THE\n citizens. Thus was treated THE unhappy Alexandria, says Dion, by\n THE savage beast of Ausonia. This, in fact, was THE epiTHEt which\n THE oracle had applied to him; it is said, indeed, that he was\n much pleased with THE name and often boasted of it. Dion, lxxvii.\n p. 1307.—G.]\n\n The wise instructions of Severus never made any lasting\n impression on THE mind of his son, who, although not destitute of\n imagination and eloquence, was equally devoid of judgment and\n humanity. 36 One dangerous maxim, worthy of a tyrant, was\n remembered and abused by Caracalla. “To secure THE affections of\n THE army, and to esteem THE rest of his subjects as of little\n moment.” 37 But THE liberality of THE faTHEr had been restrained\n by prudence, and his indulgence to THE troops was tempered by\n firmness and authority. The careless profusion of THE son was THE\n policy of one reign, and THE inevitable ruin both of THE army and\n of THE empire. The vigor of THE soldiers, instead of being\n confirmed by THE severe discipline of camps, melted away in THE\n luxury of cities. The excessive increase of THEir pay and\n donatives 38 exhausted THE state to enrich THE military order,\n whose modesty in peace, and service in war, is best secured by an\n honorable poverty. The demeanor of Caracalla was haughty and full\n of pride; but with THE troops he forgot even THE proper dignity\n of his rank, encouraged THEir insolent familiarity, and,\n neglecting THE essential duties of a general, affected to imitate\n THE dress and manners of a common soldier.\n\n 36 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1296.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1284. Mr. Wotton (Hist. of Rome,\n p. 330) suspects that this maxim was invented by Caracalla\n himself, and attributed to his faTHEr.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Dion (l. lxxviii. p. 1343) informs us that THE\n extraordinary gifts of Caracalla to THE army amounted annually to\n seventy millions of drachmæ (about two millions three hundred and\n fifty thousand pounds.) There is anoTHEr passage in Dion,\n concerning THE military pay, infinitely curious, were it not\n obscure, imperfect, and probably corrupt. The best sense seems to\n be, that THE Prætorian guards received twelve hundred and fifty\n drachmæ, (forty pounds a year,) (Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1307.) Under\n THE reign of Augustus, THEy were paid at THE rate of two drachmæ,\n or denarii, per day, 720 a year, (Tacit. Annal. i. 17.) Domitian,\n who increased THE soldiers’ pay one fourth, must have raised THE\n Prætorians to 960 drachmæ, (Gronoviue de Pecunia Veteri, l. iii.\n c. 2.) These successive augmentations ruined THE empire; for,\n with THE soldiers’ pay, THEir numbers too were increased. We have\n seen THE Prætorians alone increased from 10,000 to 50,000 men.\n Note: Valois and Reimar have explained in a very simple and\n probable manner this passage of Dion, which Gibbon seems to me\n not to have understood. He ordered that THE soldiers should\n receive, as THE reward of THEir services THE Prætorians 1250\n drachms, THE oTHEr 5000 drachms. Valois thinks that THE numbers\n have been transposed, and that Caracalla added 5000 drachms to\n THE donations made to THE Prætorians, 1250 to those of THE\n legionaries. The Prætorians, in fact, always received more than\n THE oTHErs. The error of Gibbon arose from his considering that\n this referred to THE annual pay of THE soldiers, while it relates\n to THE sum THEy received as a reward for THEir services on THEir\n discharge: donatives means recompense for service. Augustus had\n settled that THE Prætorians, after sixteen campaigns, should\n receive 5000 drachms: THE legionaries received only 3000 after\n twenty years. Caracalla added 5000 drachms to THE donative of THE\n Prætorians, 1250 to that of THE legionaries. Gibbon appears to\n have been mistaken both in confounding this donative on discharge\n with THE annual pay, and in not paying attention to THE remark of\n Valois on THE transposition of THE numbers in THE text.—G]\n\n It was impossible that such a character, and such conduct as that\n of Caracalla, could inspire eiTHEr love or esteem; but as long as\n his vices were beneficial to THE armies, he was secure from THE\n danger of rebellion. A secret conspiracy, provoked by his own\n jealousy, was fatal to THE tyrant. The Prætorian præfecture was\n divided between two ministers. The military department was\n intrusted to Adventus, an experienced raTHEr than able soldier;\n and THE civil affairs were transacted by Opilius Macrinus, who,\n by his dexterity in business, had raised himself, with a fair\n character, to that high office. But his favor varied with THE\n caprice of THE emperor, and his life might depend on THE\n slightest suspicion, or THE most casual circumstance. Malice or\n fanaticism had suggested to an African, deeply skilled in THE\n knowledge of futurity, a very dangerous prediction, that Macrinus\n and his son were destined to reign over THE empire. The report\n was soon diffused through THE province; and when THE man was sent\n in chains to Rome, he still asserted, in THE presence of THE\n præfect of THE city, THE faith of his prophecy. That magistrate,\n who had received THE most pressing instructions to inform himself\n of THE _successors_ of Caracalla, immediately communicated THE\n examination of THE African to THE Imperial court, which at that\n time resided in Syria. But, notwithstanding THE diligence of THE\n public messengers, a friend of Macrinus found means to apprise\n him of THE approaching danger. The emperor received THE letters\n from Rome; and as he was THEn engaged in THE conduct of a chariot\n race, he delivered THEm unopened to THE Prætorian Præfect,\n directing him to despatch THE ordinary affairs, and to report THE\n more important business that might be contained in THEm. Macrinus\n read his fate, and resolved to prevent it. He inflamed THE\n discontents of some inferior officers, and employed THE hand of\n Martialis, a desperate soldier, who had been refused THE rank of\n centurion. The devotion of Caracalla prompted him to make a\n pilgrimage from Edessa to THE celebrated temple of THE Moon at\n Carrhæ. 381 He was attended by a body of cavalry: but having\n stopped on THE road for some necessary occasion, his guards\n preserved a respectful distance, and Martialis, approaching his\n person under a presence of duty, stabbed him with a dagger. The\n bold assassin was instantly killed by a Scythian archer of THE\n Imperial guard. Such was THE end of a monster whose life\n disgraced human nature, and whose reign accused THE patience of\n THE Romans. 39 The grateful soldiers forgot his vices, remembered\n only his partial liberality, and obliged THE senate to prostitute\n THEir own dignity and that of religion, by granting him a place\n among THE gods. Whilst he was upon earth, Alexander THE Great was\n THE only hero whom this god deemed worthy his admiration. He\n assumed THE name and ensigns of Alexander, formed a Macedonian\n phalanx of guards, persecuted THE disciples of Aristotle, and\n displayed, with a puerile enthusiasm, THE only sentiment by which\n he discovered any regard for virtue or glory. We can easily\n conceive, that after THE battle of Narva, and THE conquest of\n Poland, Charles XII. (though he still wanted THE more elegant\n accomplishments of THE son of Philip) might boast of having\n rivalled his valor and magnanimity; but in no one action of his\n life did Caracalla express THE faintest resemblance of THE\n Macedonian hero, except in THE murder of a great number of his\n own and of his faTHEr’s friends. 40\n\n 381 (return) [ Carrhæ, now Harran, between Edessan and Nisibis,\n famous for THE defeat of Crassus—THE Haran from whence Abraham\n set out for THE land of Canaan. This city has always been\n remarkable for its attachment to Sabaism—G]\n\n 39 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxviii. p. 1312. Herodian, l. iv. p.\n 168.]\n\n 40 (return) [ The fondness of Caracalla for THE name and ensigns\n of Alexander is still preserved on THE medals of that emperor.\n See Spanheim, de Usu Numismatum, Dissertat. xii. Herodian (l. iv.\n p. 154) had seen very ridiculous pictures, in which a figure was\n drawn with one side of THE face like Alexander, and THE oTHEr\n like Caracalla.]\n\n After THE extinction of THE house of Severus, THE Roman world\n remained three days without a master. The choice of THE army (for\n THE authority of a distant and feeble senate was little regarded)\n hung in anxious suspense, as no candidate presented himself whose\n distinguished birth and merit could engage THEir attachment and\n unite THEir suffrages. The decisive weight of THE Prætorian\n guards elevated THE hopes of THEir præfects, and THEse powerful\n ministers began to assert THEir _legal_ claim to fill THE vacancy\n of THE Imperial throne. Adventus, however, THE senior præfect,\n conscious of his age and infirmities, of his small reputation,\n and his smaller abilities, resigned THE dangerous honor to THE\n crafty ambition of his colleague Macrinus, whose well-dissembled\n grief removed all suspicion of his being accessary to his\n master’s death. 41 The troops neiTHEr loved nor esteemed his\n character. They cast THEir eyes around in search of a competitor,\n and at last yielded with reluctance to his promises of unbounded\n liberality and indulgence. A short time after his accession, he\n conferred on his son Diadumenianus, at THE age of only ten years,\n THE Imperial title, and THE popular name of Antoninus. The\n beautiful figure of THE youth, assisted by an additional\n donative, for which THE ceremony furnished a pretext, might\n attract, it was hoped, THE favor of THE army, and secure THE\n doubtful throne of Macrinus.\n\n 41 (return) [ Herodian, l. iv. p. 169. Hist. August. p. 94.]\n\n The authority of THE new sovereign had been ratified by THE\n cheerful submission of THE senate and provinces. They exulted in\n THEir unexpected deliverance from a hated tyrant, and it seemed\n of little consequence to examine into THE virtues of THE\n successor of Caracalla. But as soon as THE first transports of\n joy and surprise had subsided, THEy began to scrutinize THE\n merits of Macrinus with a critical severity, and to arraign THE\n nasty choice of THE army. It had hiTHErto been considered as a\n fundamental maxim of THE constitution, that THE emperor must be\n always chosen in THE senate, and THE sovereign power, no longer\n exercised by THE whole body, was always delegated to one of its\n members. But Macrinus was not a senator. 42 The sudden elevation\n of THE Prætorian præfects betrayed THE meanness of THEir origin;\n and THE equestrian order was still in possession of that great\n office, which commanded with arbitrary sway THE lives and\n fortunes of THE senate. A murmur of indignation was heard, that a\n man, whose obscure 43 extraction had never been illustrated by\n any signal service, should dare to invest himself with THE\n purple, instead of bestowing it on some distinguished senator,\n equal in birth and dignity to THE splendor of THE Imperial\n station. As soon as THE character of Macrinus was surveyed by THE\n sharp eye of discontent, some vices, and many defects, were\n easily discovered. The choice of his ministers was in many\n instances justly censured, and THE dissatisfied people, with\n THEir usual candor, accused at once his indolent tameness and his\n excessive severity. 44\n\n 42 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxxviii. p. 1350. Elagabalus reproached\n his predecessor with daring to seat himself on THE throne;\n though, as Prætorian præfect, he could not have been admitted\n into THE senate after THE voice of THE crier had cleared THE\n house. The personal favor of Plautianus and Sejanus had broke\n through THE established rule. They rose, indeed, from THE\n equestrian order; but THEy preserved THE præfecture, with THE\n rank of senator and even with THE annulship.]\n\n 43 (return) [ He was a native of Cæsarea, in Numidia, and began\n his fortune by serving in THE household of Plautian, from whose\n ruin he narrowly escaped. His enemies asserted that he was born a\n slave, and had exercised, among oTHEr infamous professions, that\n of Gladiator. The fashion of aspersing THE birth and condition of\n an adversary seems to have lasted from THE time of THE Greek\n orators to THE learned grammarians of THE last age.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Both Dion and Herodian speak of THE virtues and\n vices of Macrinus with candor and impartiality; but THE author of\n his life, in THE Augustan History, seems to have implicitly\n copied some of THE venal writers, employed by Elagabalus, to\n blacken THE memory of his predecessor.]\n\n His rash ambition had climbed a height where it was difficult to\n stand with firmness, and impossible to fall without instant\n destruction. Trained in THE arts of courts and THE forms of civil\n business, he trembled in THE presence of THE fierce and\n undisciplined multitude, over whom he had assumed THE command;\n his military talents were despised, and his personal courage\n suspected; a whisper that circulated in THE camp, disclosed THE\n fatal secret of THE conspiracy against THE late emperor,\n aggravated THE guilt of murder by THE baseness of hypocrisy, and\n heightened contempt by detestation. To alienate THE soldiers, and\n to provoke inevitable ruin, THE character of a reformer was only\n wanting; and such was THE peculiar hardship of his fate, that\n Macrinus was compelled to exercise that invidious office. The\n prodigality of Caracalla had left behind it a long train of ruin\n and disorder; and if that worthless tyrant had been capable of\n reflecting on THE sure consequences of his own conduct, he would\n perhaps have enjoyed THE dark prospect of THE distress and\n calamities which he bequeaTHEd to his successors.\n\n In THE management of this necessary reformation, Macrinus\n proceeded with a cautious prudence, which would have restored\n health and vigor to THE Roman army in an easy and almost\n imperceptible manner. To THE soldiers already engaged in THE\n service, he was constrained to leave THE dangerous privileges and\n extravagant pay given by Caracalla; but THE new recruits were\n received on THE more moderate though liberal establishment of\n Severus, and gradually formed to modesty and obedience. 45 One\n fatal error destroyed THE salutary effects of this judicious\n plan. The numerous army, assembled in THE East by THE late\n emperor, instead of being immediately dispersed by Macrinus\n through THE several provinces, was suffered to remain united in\n Syria, during THE winter that followed his elevation. In THE\n luxurious idleness of THEir quarters, THE troops viewed THEir\n strength and numbers, communicated THEir complaints, and revolved\n in THEir minds THE advantages of anoTHEr revolution. The\n veterans, instead of being flattered by THE advantageous\n distinction, were alarmed by THE first steps of THE emperor,\n which THEy considered as THE presage of his future intentions.\n The recruits, with sullen reluctance, entered on a service, whose\n labors were increased while its rewards were diminished by a\n covetous and unwarlike sovereign. The murmurs of THE army swelled\n with impunity into seditious clamors; and THE partial mutinies\n betrayed a spirit of discontent and disaffection that waited only\n for THE slightest occasion to break out on every side into a\n general rebellion. To minds thus disposed, THE occasion soon\n presented itself.\n\n 45 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxxiii. p. 1336. The sense of THE author\n is as THE intention of THE emperor; but Mr. Wotton has mistaken\n both, by understanding THE distinction, not of veterans and\n recruits, but of old and new legions. History of Rome, p. 347.]\n\n The empress Julia had experienced all THE vicissitudes of\n fortune. From an humble station she had been raised to greatness,\n only to taste THE superior bitterness of an exalted rank. She was\n doomed to weep over THE death of one of her sons, and over THE\n life of THE oTHEr. The cruel fate of Caracalla, though her good\n sense must have long taught her to expect it, awakened THE\n feelings of a moTHEr and of an empress. Notwithstanding THE\n respectful civility expressed by THE usurper towards THE widow of\n Severus, she descended with a painful struggle into THE condition\n of a subject, and soon withdrew herself, by a voluntary death,\n from THE anxious and humiliating dependence. 46 461 Julia Mæsa,\n her sister, was ordered to leave THE court and Antioch. She\n retired to Emesa with an immense fortune, THE fruit of twenty\n years’ favor accompanied by her two daughters, Soæmias and Mamæ,\n each of whom was a widow, and each had an only son. Bassianus,\n 462 for that was THE name of THE son of Soæmias, was consecrated\n to THE honorable ministry of high priest of THE Sun; and this\n holy vocation, embraced eiTHEr from prudence or superstition,\n contributed to raise THE Syrian youth to THE empire of Rome. A\n numerous body of troops was stationed at Emesa; and as THE severe\n discipline of Macrinus had constrained THEm to pass THE winter\n encamped, THEy were eager to revenge THE cruelty of such\n unaccustomed hardships. The soldiers, who resorted in crowds to\n THE temple of THE Sun, beheld with veneration and delight THE\n elegant dress and figure of THE young pontiff; THEy recognized,\n or THEy thought that THEy recognized, THE features of Caracalla,\n whose memory THEy now adored. The artful Mæsa saw and cherished\n THEir rising partiality, and readily sacrificing her daughter’s\n reputation to THE fortune of her grandson, she insinuated that\n Bassianus was THE natural son of THEir murdered sovereign. The\n sums distributed by her emissaries with a lavish hand silenced\n every objection, and THE profusion sufficiently proved THE\n affinity, or at least THE resemblance, of Bassianus with THE\n great original. The young Antoninus (for he had assumed and\n polluted that respectable name) was declared emperor by THE\n troops of Emesa, asserted his hereditary right, and called aloud\n on THE armies to follow THE standard of a young and liberal\n prince, who had taken up arms to revenge his faTHEr’s death and\n THE oppression of THE military order. 47\n\n 46 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxviii. p. 1330. The abridgment of\n Xiphilin, though less particular, is in this place clearer than\n THE original.]\n\n 461 (return) [ As soon as this princess heard of THE death of\n Caracalla, she wished to starve herself to death: THE respect\n shown to her by Macrinus, in making no change in her attendants\n or her court, induced her to prolong her life. But it appears, as\n far as THE mutilated text of Dion and THE imperfect epitome of\n Xiphilin permit us to judge, that she conceived projects of\n ambition, and endeavored to raise herself to THE empire. She\n wished to tread in THE steps of Semiramis and Nitocris, whose\n country bordered on her own. Macrinus sent her an order\n immediately to leave Antioch, and to retire wherever she chose.\n She returned to her former purpose, and starved herself to\n death.—G.]\n\n 462 (return) [ He inherited this name from his great-grandfaTHEr\n of THE moTHEr’s side, Bassianus, faTHEr of Julia Mæsa, his\n grandmoTHEr, and of Julia Domna, wife of Severus. Victor (in his\n epitome) is perhaps THE only historian who has given THE key to\n this genealogy, when speaking of Caracalla. His Bassianus ex avi\n materni nomine dictus. Caracalla, Elagabalus, and Alexander\n Seyerus, bore successively this name.—G.]\n\n 47 (return) [ According to Lampridius, (Hist. August. p. 135,)\n Alexander Severus lived twenty-nine years three months and seven\n days. As he was killed March 19, 235, he was born December 12,\n 205 and was consequently about this time thirteen years old, as\n his elder cousin might be about seventeen. This computation suits\n much better THE history of THE young princes than that of\n Herodian, (l. v. p. 181,) who represents THEm as three years\n younger; whilst, by an opposite error of chronology, he lengTHEns\n THE reign of Elagabalus two years beyond its real duration. For\n THE particulars of THE conspiracy, see Dion, l. lxxviii. p. 1339.\n Herodian, l. v. p. 184.]\n\n Whilst a conspiracy of women and eunuchs was concerted with\n prudence, and conducted with rapid vigor, Macrinus, who, by a\n decisive motion, might have crushed his infant enemy, floated\n between THE opposite extremes of terror and security, which alike\n fixed him inactive at Antioch. A spirit of rebellion diffused\n itself through all THE camps and garrisons of Syria, successive\n detachments murdered THEir officers, 48 and joined THE party of\n THE rebels; and THE tardy restitution of military pay and\n privileges was imputed to THE acknowledged weakness of Macrinus.\n At length he marched out of Antioch, to meet THE increasing and\n zealous army of THE young pretender. His own troops seemed to\n take THE field with faintness and reluctance; but, in THE heat of\n THE battle, 49 THE Prætorian guards, almost by an involuntary\n impulse, asserted THE superiority of THEir valor and discipline.\n The rebel ranks were broken; when THE moTHEr and grandmoTHEr of\n THE Syrian prince, who, according to THEir eastern custom, had\n attended THE army, threw THEmselves from THEir covered chariots,\n and, by exciting THE compassion of THE soldiers, endeavored to\n animate THEir drooping courage. Antoninus himself, who, in THE\n rest of his life, never acted like a man, in this important\n crisis of his fate, approved himself a hero, mounted his horse,\n and, at THE head of his rallied troops, charged sword in hand\n among THE thickest of THE enemy; whilst THE eunuch Gannys, 491\n whose occupations had been confined to female cares and THE soft\n luxury of Asia, displayed THE talents of an able and experienced\n general. The battle still raged with doubtful violence, and\n Macrinus might have obtained THE victory, had he not betrayed his\n own cause by a shameful and precipitate flight. His cowardice\n served only to protract his life a few days, and to stamp\n deserved ignominy on his misfortunes. It is scarcely necessary to\n add, that his son Diadumenianus was involved in THE same fate.\n\n As soon as THE stubborn Prætorians could be convinced that THEy\n fought for a prince who had basely deserted THEm, THEy\n surrendered to THE conqueror: THE contending parties of THE Roman\n army, mingling tears of joy and tenderness, united under THE\n banners of THE imagined son of Caracalla, and THE East\n acknowledged with pleasure THE first emperor of Asiatic\n extraction.\n\n 48 (return) [ By a most dangerous proclamation of THE pretended\n Antoninus, every soldier who brought in his officer’s head became\n entitled to his private estate, as well as to his military\n commission.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxviii. p. 1345. Herodian, l. v. p. 186.\n The battle was fought near THE village of Immæ, about\n two-and-twenty miles from Antioch.]\n\n 491 (return) [ Gannys was not a eunuch. Dion, p. 1355.—W]\n\n The letters of Macrinus had condescended to inform THE senate of\n THE slight disturbance occasioned by an impostor in Syria, and a\n decree immediately passed, declaring THE rebel and his family\n public enemies; with a promise of pardon, however, to such of his\n deluded adherents as should merit it by an immediate return to\n THEir duty. During THE twenty days that elapsed from THE\n declaration of THE victory of Antoninus (for in so short an\n interval was THE fate of THE Roman world decided,) THE capital\n and THE provinces, more especially those of THE East, were\n distracted with hopes and fears, agitated with tumult, and\n stained with a useless effusion of civil blood, since whosoever\n of THE rivals prevailed in Syria must reign over THE empire. The\n specious letters in which THE young conqueror announced his\n victory to THE obedient senate were filled with professions of\n virtue and moderation; THE shining examples of Marcus and\n Augustus, he should ever consider as THE great rule of his\n administration; and he affected to dwell with pride on THE\n striking resemblance of his own age and fortunes with those of\n Augustus, who in THE earliest youth had revenged, by a successful\n war, THE murder of his faTHEr. By adopting THE style of Marcus\n Aurelius Antoninus, son of Antoninus and grandson of Severus, he\n tacitly asserted his hereditary claim to THE empire; but, by\n assuming THE tribunitian and proconsular powers before THEy had\n been conferred on him by a decree of THE senate, he offended THE\n delicacy of Roman prejudice. This new and injudicious violation\n of THE constitution was probably dictated eiTHEr by THE ignorance\n of his Syrian courtiers, or THE fierce disdain of his military\n followers. 50\n\n 50 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxix. p. 1353.]\n\n As THE attention of THE new emperor was diverted by THE most\n trifling amusements, he wasted many months in his luxurious\n progress from Syria to Italy, passed at Nicomedia his first\n winter after his victory, and deferred till THE ensuing summer\n his triumphal entry into THE capital. A faithful picture,\n however, which preceded his arrival, and was placed by his\n immediate order over THE altar of Victory in THE senate house,\n conveyed to THE Romans THE just but unworthy resemblance of his\n person and manners. He was drawn in his sacerdotal robes of silk\n and gold, after THE loose flowing fashion of THE Medes and\n Phœnicians; his head was covered with a lofty tiara, his numerous\n collars and bracelets were adorned with gems of an inestimable\n value. His eyebrows were tinged with black, and his cheeks\n painted with an artificial red and white. 51 The grave senators\n confessed with a sigh, that, after having long experienced THE\n stern tyranny of THEir own countrymen, Rome was at length humbled\n beneath THE effeminate luxury of Oriental despotism.\n\n 51 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxix. p. 1363. Herodian, l. v. p. 189.]\n\n The Sun was worshipped at Emesa, under THE name of Elagabalus, 52\n and under THE form of a black conical stone, which, as it was\n universally believed, had fallen from heaven on that sacred\n place. To this protecting deity, Antoninus, not without some\n reason, ascribed his elevation to THE throne. The display of\n superstitious gratitude was THE only serious business of his\n reign. The triumph of THE god of Emesa over all THE religions of\n THE earth, was THE great object of his zeal and vanity; and THE\n appellation of Elagabalus (for he presumed as pontiff and\n favorite to adopt that sacred name) was dearer to him than all\n THE titles of Imperial greatness. In a solemn procession through\n THE streets of Rome, THE way was strewed with gold dust; THE\n black stone, set in precious gems, was placed on a chariot drawn\n by six milk-white horses richly caparisoned. The pious emperor\n held THE reins, and, supported by his ministers, moved slowly\n backwards, that he might perpetually enjoy THE felicity of THE\n divine presence. In a magnificent temple raised on THE Palatine\n Mount, THE sacrifices of THE god Elagabalus were celebrated with\n every circumstance of cost and solemnity. The richest wines, THE\n most extraordinary victims, and THE rarest aromatics, were\n profusely consumed on his altar. Around THE altar, a chorus of\n Syrian damsels performed THEir lascivious dances to THE sound of\n barbarian music, whilst THE gravest personages of THE state and\n army, cloTHEd in long Phœnician tunics, officiated in THE meanest\n functions, with affected zeal and secret indignation. 53\n\n 52 (return) [ This name is derived by THE learned from two Syrian\n words, Ela a God, and Gabal, to form, THE forming or plastic god,\n a proper, and even happy epiTHEt for THE sun. Wotton’s History of\n Rome, p. 378 Note: The name of Elagabalus has been disfigured in\n various ways. Herodian calls him; Lampridius, and THE more modern\n writers, make him Heliogabalus. Dion calls him Elegabalus; but\n Elegabalus was THE true name, as it appears on THE medals.\n (Eckhel. de Doct. num. vet. t. vii. p. 250.) As to its etymology,\n that which Gibbon adduces is given by Bochart, Chan. ii. 5; but\n Salmasius, on better grounds. (not. in Lamprid. in Elagab.,)\n derives THE name of Elagabalus from THE idol of that god,\n represented by Herodian and THE medals in THE form of a mountain,\n (gibel in Hebrew,) or great stone cut to a point, with marks\n which represent THE sun. As it was not permitted, at Hierapolis,\n in Syria, to make statues of THE sun and moon, because, it was\n said, THEy are THEmselves sufficiently visible, THE sun was\n represented at Emesa in THE form of a great stone, which, as it\n appeared, had fallen from heaven. Spanheim, Cæsar. notes, p.\n 46.—G. The name of Elagabalus, in “nummis rarius legetur.”\n Rasche, Lex. Univ. Ref. Numm. Rasche quotes two.—M]\n\n 53 (return) [ Herodian, l. v. p. 190.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter VI: Death Of Severus, Tyranny Of Caracalla, Usurpation Of\n Marcinus.—Part III.\n\n To this temple, as to THE common centre of religious worship, THE\n Imperial fanatic attempted to remove THE Ancilia, THE Palladium,\n 54 and all THE sacred pledges of THE faith of Numa. A crowd of\n inferior deities attended in various stations THE majesty of THE\n god of Emesa; but his court was still imperfect, till a female of\n distinguished rank was admitted to his bed. Pallas had been first\n chosen for his consort; but as it was dreaded lest her warlike\n terrors might affright THE soft delicacy of a Syrian deity, THE\n Moon, adored by THE Africans under THE name of Astarte, was\n deemed a more suitable companion for THE Sun. Her image, with THE\n rich offerings of her temple as a marriage portion, was\n transported with solemn pomp from Carthage to Rome, and THE day\n of THEse mystic nuptials was a general festival in THE capital\n and throughout THE empire. 55\n\n 54 (return) [ He broke into THE sanctuary of Vesta, and carried\n away a statue, which he supposed to be THE palladium; but THE\n vestals boasted that, by a pious fraud, THEy had imposed a\n counterfeit image on THE profane intruder. Hist. August., p.\n 103.]\n\n 55 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxix. p. 1360. Herodian, l. v. p. 193.\n The subjects of THE empire were obliged to make liberal presents\n to THE new married couple; and whatever THEy had promised during\n THE life of Elagabalus was carefully exacted under THE\n administration of Mamæa.]\n\n A rational voluptuary adheres with invariable respect to THE\n temperate dictates of nature, and improves THE gratifications of\n sense by social intercourse, endearing connections, and THE soft\n coloring of taste and THE imagination. But Elagabalus, (I speak\n of THE emperor of that name,) corrupted by his youth, his\n country, and his fortune, abandoned himself to THE grossest\n pleasures with ungoverned fury, and soon found disgust and\n satiety in THE midst of his enjoyments. The inflammatory powers\n of art were summoned to his aid: THE confused multitude of women,\n of wines, and of dishes, and THE studied variety of attitude and\n sauces, served to revive his languid appetites. New terms and new\n inventions in THEse sciences, THE only ones cultivated and\n patronized by THE monarch, 56 signalized his reign, and\n transmitted his infamy to succeeding times. A capricious\n prodigality supplied THE want of taste and elegance; and whilst\n Elagabalus lavished away THE treasures of his people in THE\n wildest extravagance, his own voice and that of his flatterers\n applauded a spirit of magnificence unknown to THE tameness of his\n predecessors. To confound THE order of seasons and climates, 57\n to sport with THE passions and prejudices of his subjects, and to\n subvert every law of nature and decency, were in THE number of\n his most delicious amusements. A long train of concubines, and a\n rapid succession of wives, among whom was a vestal virgin,\n ravished by force from her sacred asylum, 58 were insufficient to\n satisfy THE impotence of his passions. The master of THE Roman\n world affected to copy THE dress and manners of THE female sex,\n preferred THE distaff to THE sceptre, and dishonored THE\n principal dignities of THE empire by distributing THEm among his\n numerous lovers; one of whom was publicly invested with THE title\n and authority of THE emperor’s, or, as he more properly styled\n himself, of THE empress’s husband. 59\n\n 56 (return) [ The invention of a new sauce was liberally\n rewarded; but if it was not relished, THE inventor was confined\n to eat of nothing else till he had discovered anoTHEr more\n agreeable to THE Imperial palate Hist. August. p. 111.]\n\n 57 (return) [ He never would eat sea-fish except at a great\n distance from THE sea; he THEn would distribute vast quantities\n of THE rarest sorts, brought at an immense expense, to THE\n peasants of THE inland country. Hist. August. p. 109.]\n\n 58 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxix. p. 1358. Herodian, l. v. p. 192.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Hierocles enjoyed that honor; but he would have\n been supplanted by one Zoticus, had he not contrived, by a\n potion, to enervate THE powers of his rival, who, being found on\n trial unequal to his reputation, was driven with ignominy from\n THE palace. Dion, l. lxxix. p. 1363, 1364. A dancer was made\n præfect of THE city, a charioteer præfect of THE watch, a barber\n præfect of THE provisions. These three ministers, with many\n inferior officers, were all recommended enormitate membrorum.\n Hist. August. p. 105.]\n\n It may seem probable, THE vices and follies of Elagabalus have\n been adorned by fancy, and blackened by prejudice. 60 Yet,\n confining ourselves to THE public scenes displayed before THE\n Roman people, and attested by grave and contemporary historians,\n THEir inexpressible infamy surpasses that of any oTHEr age or\n country. The license of an eastern monarch is secluded from THE\n eye of curiosity by THE inaccessible walls of his seraglio. The\n sentiments of honor and gallantry have introduced a refinement of\n pleasure, a regard for decency, and a respect for THE public\n opinion, into THE modern courts of Europe; 601 but THE corrupt\n and opulent nobles of Rome gratified every vice that could be\n collected from THE mighty conflux of nations and manners. Secure\n of impunity, careless of censure, THEy lived without restraint in\n THE patient and humble society of THEir slaves and parasites. The\n emperor, in his turn, viewing every rank of his subjects with THE\n same contemptuous indifference, asserted without control his\n sovereign privilege of lust and luxury.\n\n 60 (return) [ Even THE credulous compiler of his life, in THE\n Augustan History (p. 111) is inclined to suspect that his vices\n may have been exaggerated.]\n\n 601 (return) [ Wenck has justly observed that Gibbon should have\n reckoned THE influence of Christianity in this great change. In\n THE most savage times, and THE most corrupt courts, since THE\n introduction of Christianity THEre have been no Neros or\n Domitians, no Commodus or Elagabalus.—M.]\n\n The most worthless of mankind are not afraid to condemn in oTHErs\n THE same disorders which THEy allow in THEmselves; and can\n readily discover some nice difference of age, character, or\n station, to justify THE partial distinction. The licentious\n soldiers, who had raised to THE throne THE dissolute son of\n Caracalla, blushed at THEir ignominious choice, and turned with\n disgust from that monster, to contemplate with pleasure THE\n opening virtues of his cousin Alexander, THE son of Mamæa. The\n crafty Mæsa, sensible that her grandson Elagabalus must\n inevitably destroy himself by his own vices, had provided anoTHEr\n and surer support of her family. Embracing a favorable moment of\n fondness and devotion, she had persuaded THE young emperor to\n adopt Alexander, and to invest him with THE title of Cæsar, that\n his own divine occupations might be no longer interrupted by THE\n care of THE earth. In THE second rank that amiable prince soon\n acquired THE affections of THE public, and excited THE tyrant’s\n jealousy, who resolved to terminate THE dangerous competition,\n eiTHEr by corrupting THE manners, or by taking away THE life, of\n his rival. His arts proved unsuccessful; his vain designs were\n constantly discovered by his own loquacious folly, and\n disappointed by those virtuous and faithful servants whom THE\n prudence of Mamæa had placed about THE person of her son. In a\n hasty sally of passion, Elagabalus resolved to execute by force\n what he had been unable to compass by fraud, and by a despotic\n sentence degraded his cousin from THE rank and honors of Cæsar.\n The message was received in THE senate with silence, and in THE\n camp with fury. The Prætorian guards swore to protect Alexander,\n and to revenge THE dishonored majesty of THE throne. The tears\n and promises of THE trembling Elagabalus, who only begged THEm to\n spare his life, and to leave him in THE possession of his beloved\n Hierocles, diverted THEir just indignation; and THEy contented\n THEmselves with empowering THEir præfects to watch over THE\n safety of Alexander, and THE conduct of THE emperor. 61\n\n 61 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxix. p. 1365. Herodian, l. v. p.\n 195—201. Hist. August. p. 105. The last of THE three historians\n seems to have followed THE best authors in his account of THE\n revolution.]\n\n It was impossible that such a reconciliation should last, or that\n even THE mean soul of Elagabalus could hold an empire on such\n humiliating terms of dependence. He soon attempted, by a\n dangerous experiment, to try THE temper of THE soldiers. The\n report of THE death of Alexander, and THE natural suspicion that\n he had been murdered, inflamed THEir passions into fury, and THE\n tempest of THE camp could only be appeased by THE presence and\n authority of THE popular youth. Provoked at this new instance of\n THEir affection for his cousin, and THEir contempt for his\n person, THE emperor ventured to punish some of THE leaders of THE\n mutiny. His unseasonable severity proved instantly fatal to his\n minions, his moTHEr, and himself. Elagabalus was massacred by THE\n indignant Prætorians, his mutilated corpse dragged through THE\n streets of THE city, and thrown into THE Tiber. His memory was\n branded with eternal infamy by THE senate; THE justice of whose\n decree has been ratified by posterity. 62\n\n 62 (return) [ The æra of THE death of Elagabalus, and of THE\n accession of Alexander, has employed THE learning and ingenuity\n of Pagi, Tillemont, Valsecchi, Vignoli, and Torre, bishop of\n Adria. The question is most assuredly intricate; but I still\n adhere to THE authority of Dion, THE truth of whose calculations\n is undeniable, and THE purity of whose text is justified by THE\n agreement of Xiphilin, Zonaras, and Cedrenus. Elagabalus reigned\n three years nine months and four days, from his victory over\n Macrinus, and was killed March 10, 222. But what shall we reply\n to THE medals, undoubtedly genuine, which reckon THE fifth year\n of his tribunitian power? We shall reply, with THE learned\n Valsecchi, that THE usurpation of Macrinus was annihilated, and\n that THE son of Caracalla dated his reign from his faTHEr’s\n death? After resolving this great difficulty, THE smaller knots\n of this question may be easily untied, or cut asunder. Note: This\n opinion of Valsecchi has been triumphantly contested by Eckhel,\n who has shown THE impossibility of reconciling it with THE medals\n of Elagabalus, and has given THE most satisfactory explanation of\n THE five tribunates of that emperor. He ascended THE throne and\n received THE tribunitian power THE 16th of May, in THE year of\n Rome 971; and on THE 1st January of THE next year, 972, he began\n a new tribunate, according to THE custom established by preceding\n emperors. During THE years 972, 973, 974, he enjoyed THE\n tribunate, and commenced his fifth in THE year 975, during which\n he was killed on THE 10th March. Eckhel de Doct. Num. viii. 430\n &c.—G.]\n\n In THE room of Elagabalus, his cousin Alexander was raised to THE\n throne by THE Prætorian guards. His relation to THE family of\n Severus, whose name he assumed, was THE same as that of his\n predecessor; his virtue and his danger had already endeared him\n to THE Romans, and THE eager liberality of THE senate conferred\n upon him, in one day, THE various titles and powers of THE\n Imperial dignity. 63 But as Alexander was a modest and dutiful\n youth, of only seventeen years of age, THE reins of government\n were in THE hands of two women, of his moTHEr, Mamæa, and of\n Mæsa, his grandmoTHEr. After THE death of THE latter, who\n survived but a short time THE elevation of Alexander, Mamæa\n remained THE sole regent of her son and of THE empire.\n\n 63 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 114. By this unusual\n precipitation, THE senate meant to confound THE hopes of\n pretenders, and prevent THE factions of THE armies.]\n\n In every age and country, THE wiser, or at least THE stronger, of\n THE two sexes, has usurped THE powers of THE state, and confined\n THE oTHEr to THE cares and pleasures of domestic life. In\n hereditary monarchies, however, and especially in those of modern\n Europe, THE gallant spirit of chivalry, and THE law of\n succession, have accustomed us to allow a singular exception; and\n a woman is often acknowledged THE absolute sovereign of a great\n kingdom, in which she would be deemed incapable of exercising THE\n smallest employment, civil or military. But as THE Roman emperors\n were still considered as THE generals and magistrates of THE\n republic, THEir wives and moTHErs, although distinguished by THE\n name of Augusta, were never associated to THEir personal honors;\n and a female reign would have appeared an inexpiable prodigy in\n THE eyes of those primitive Romans, who married without love, or\n loved without delicacy and respect. 64 The haughty Agrippina\n aspired, indeed, to share THE honors of THE empire which she had\n conferred on her son; but her mad ambition, detested by every\n citizen who felt for THE dignity of Rome, was disappointed by THE\n artful firmness of Seneca and Burrhus. 65 The good sense, or THE\n indifference, of succeeding princes, restrained THEm from\n offending THE prejudices of THEir subjects; and it was reserved\n for THE profligate Elagabalus to discharge THE acts of THE senate\n with THE name of his moTHEr Soæmias, who was placed by THE side\n of THE consuls, and subscribed, as a regular member, THE decrees\n of THE legislative assembly. Her more prudent sister, Mamæa,\n declined THE useless and odious prerogative, and a solemn law was\n enacted, excluding women forever from THE senate, and devoting to\n THE infernal gods THE head of THE wretch by whom this sanction\n should be violated. 66 The substance, not THE pageantry, of power\n was THE object of Mamæa’s manly ambition. She maintained an\n absolute and lasting empire over THE mind of her son, and in his\n affection THE moTHEr could not brook a rival. Alexander, with her\n consent, married THE daughter of a patrician; but his respect for\n his faTHEr-in-law, and love for THE empress, were inconsistent\n with THE tenderness of interest of Mamæa. The patrician was\n executed on THE ready accusation of treason, and THE wife of\n Alexander driven with ignominy from THE palace, and banished into\n Africa. 67\n\n 64 (return) [ Metellus Numidicus, THE censor, acknowledged to THE\n Roman people, in a public oration, that had kind nature allowed\n us to exist without THE help of women, we should be delivered\n from a very troublesome companion; and he could recommend\n matrimony only as THE sacrifice of private pleasure to public\n duty. Aulus Gellius, i. 6.]\n\n 65 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. xiii. 5.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 102, 107.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxx. p. 1369. Herodian, l. vi. p. 206.\n Hist. August. p. 131. Herodian represents THE patrician as\n innocent. The Augustian History, on THE authority of Dexippus,\n condemns him, as guilty of a conspiracy against THE life of\n Alexander. It is impossible to pronounce between THEm; but Dion\n is an irreproachable witness of THE jealousy and cruelty of Mamæa\n towards THE young empress, whose hard fate Alexander lamented,\n but durst not oppose.]\n\n Notwithstanding this act of jealous cruelty, as well as some\n instances of avarice, with which Mamæa is charged, THE general\n tenor of her administration was equally for THE benefit of her\n son and of THE empire. With THE approbation of THE senate, she\n chose sixteen of THE wisest and most virtuous senators as a\n perpetual council of state, before whom every public business of\n moment was debated and determined. The celebrated Ulpian, equally\n distinguished by his knowledge of, and his respect for, THE laws\n of Rome, was at THEir head; and THE prudent firmness of this\n aristocracy restored order and authority to THE government. As\n soon as THEy had purged THE city from foreign superstition and\n luxury, THE remains of THE capricious tyranny of Elagabalus, THEy\n applied THEmselves to remove his worthless creatures from every\n department of THE public administration, and to supply THEir\n places with men of virtue and ability. Learning, and THE love of\n justice, became THE only recommendations for civil offices;\n valor, and THE love of discipline, THE only qualifications for\n military employments. 68\n\n 68 (return) [ Herodian, l. vi. p. 203. Hist. August. p. 119. The\n latter insinuates, that when any law was to be passed, THE\n council was assisted by a number of able lawyers and experienced\n senators, whose opinions were separately given, and taken down in\n writing.]\n\n But THE most important care of Mamæa and her wise counsellors,\n was to form THE character of THE young emperor, on whose personal\n qualities THE happiness or misery of THE Roman world must\n ultimately depend. The fortunate soil assisted, and even\n prevented, THE hand of cultivation. An excellent understanding\n soon convinced Alexander of THE advantages of virtue, THE\n pleasure of knowledge, and THE necessity of labor. A natural\n mildness and moderation of temper preserved him from THE assaults\n of passion, and THE allurements of vice. His unalterable regard\n for his moTHEr, and his esteem for THE wise Ulpian, guarded his\n unexperienced youth from THE poison of flattery. 581\n\n 581 (return) [ Alexander received into his chapel all THE\n religions which prevailed in THE empire; he admitted Jesus\n Christ, Abraham, Orpheus, Apollonius of Tyana, &c. It was almost\n certain that his moTHEr Mamæa had instructed him in THE morality\n of Christianity. Historians in general agree in calling her a\n Christian; THEre is reason to believe that she had begun to have\n a taste for THE principles of Christianity. (See Tillemont,\n Alexander Severus) Gibbon has not noticed this circumstance; he\n appears to have wished to lower THE character of this empress; he\n has throughout followed THE narrative of Herodian, who, by THE\n acknowledgment of Capitolinus himself, detested Alexander.\n Without believing THE exaggerated praises of Lampridius, he ought\n not to have followed THE unjust severity of Herodian, and, above\n all, not to have forgotten to say that THE virtuous Alexander\n Severus had insured to THE Jews THE preservation of THEir\n privileges, and permitted THE exercise of Christianity. Hist.\n Aug. p. 121. The Christians had established THEir worship in a\n public place, of which THE victuallers (cauponarii) claimed, not\n THE property, but possession by custom. Alexander answered, that\n it was better that THE place should be used for THE service of\n God, in any form, than for victuallers.—G. I have scrupled to\n omit this note, as it contains some points worthy of notice; but\n it is very unjust to Gibbon, who mentions almost all THE\n circumstances, which he is accused of omitting, in anoTHEr, and,\n according to his plan, a better place, and, perhaps, in stronger\n terms than M. Guizot. See Chap. xvi.— M.]\n\n The simple journal of his ordinary occupations exhibits a\n pleasing picture of an accomplished emperor, 69 and, with some\n allowance for THE difference of manners, might well deserve THE\n imitation of modern princes. Alexander rose early: THE first\n moments of THE day were consecrated to private devotion, and his\n domestic chapel was filled with THE images of those heroes, who,\n by improving or reforming human life, had deserved THE grateful\n reverence of posterity. But as he deemed THE service of mankind\n THE most acceptable worship of THE gods, THE greatest part of his\n morning hours was employed in his council, where he discussed\n public affairs, and determined private causes, with a patience\n and discretion above his years. The dryness of business was\n relieved by THE charms of literature; and a portion of time was\n always set apart for his favorite studies of poetry, history, and\n philosophy. The works of Virgil and Horace, THE republics of\n Plato and Cicero, formed his taste, enlarged his understanding,\n and gave him THE noblest ideas of man and government. The\n exercises of THE body succeeded to those of THE mind; and\n Alexander, who was tall, active, and robust, surpassed most of\n his equals in THE gymnastic arts. Refreshed by THE use of THE\n bath and a slight dinner, he resumed, with new vigor, THE\n business of THE day; and, till THE hour of supper, THE principal\n meal of THE Romans, he was attended by his secretaries, with whom\n he read and answered THE multitude of letters, memorials, and\n petitions, that must have been addressed to THE master of THE\n greatest part of THE world. His table was served with THE most\n frugal simplicity, and whenever he was at liberty to consult his\n own inclination, THE company consisted of a few select friends,\n men of learning and virtue, amongst whom Ulpian was constantly\n invited. Their conversation was familiar and instructive; and THE\n pauses were occasionally enlivened by THE recital of some\n pleasing composition, which supplied THE place of THE dancers,\n comedians, and even gladiators, so frequently summoned to THE\n tables of THE rich and luxurious Romans. 70 The dress of\n Alexander was plain and modest, his demeanor courteous and\n affable: at THE proper hours his palace was open to all his\n subjects, but THE voice of a crier was heard, as in THE\n Eleusinian mysteries, pronouncing THE same salutary admonition:\n “Let none enter THEse holy walls, unless he is conscious of a\n pure and innocent mind.” 71\n\n 69 (return) [ See his life in THE Augustan History. The\n undistinguishing compiler has buried THEse interesting anecdotes\n under a load of trivial unmeaning circumstances.]\n\n 70 (return) [ See THE 13th Satire of Juvenal.]\n\n 71 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 119.]\n\n Such a uniform tenor of life, which left not a moment for vice or\n folly, is a better proof of THE wisdom and justice of Alexander’s\n government, than all THE trifling details preserved in THE\n compilation of Lampridius. Since THE accession of Commodus, THE\n Roman world had experienced, during THE term of forty years, THE\n successive and various vices of four tyrants. From THE death of\n Elagabalus, it enjoyed an auspicious calm of thirteen years. 711\n The provinces, relieved from THE oppressive taxes invented by\n Caracalla and his pretended son, flourished in peace and\n prosperity, under THE administration of magistrates who were\n convinced by experience that to deserve THE love of THE subjects\n was THEir best and only method of obtaining THE favor of THEir\n sovereign. While some gentle restraints were imposed on THE\n innocent luxury of THE Roman people, THE price of provisions and\n THE interest of money, were reduced by THE paternal care of\n Alexander, whose prudent liberality, without distressing THE\n industrious, supplied THE wants and amusements of THE populace.\n The dignity, THE freedom, THE authority of THE senate was\n restored; and every virtuous senator might approach THE person of\n THE emperor without a fear and without a blush.\n\n 711 (return) [ Wenck observes that Gibbon, enchanted with THE\n virtue of Alexander has heightened, particularly in this\n sentence, its effect on THE state of THE world. His own account,\n which follows, of THE insurrections and foreign wars, is not in\n harmony with this beautiful picture.—M.]\n\n The name of Antoninus, ennobled by THE virtues of Pius and\n Marcus, had been communicated by adoption to THE dissolute Verus,\n and by descent to THE cruel Commodus. It became THE honorable\n appellation of THE sons of Severus, was bestowed on young\n Diadumenianus, and at length prostituted to THE infamy of THE\n high priest of Emesa. Alexander, though pressed by THE studied,\n and, perhaps, sincere importunity of THE senate, nobly refused\n THE borrowed lustre of a name; whilst in his whole conduct he\n labored to restore THE glories and felicity of THE age of THE\n genuine Antonines. 72\n\n 72 (return) [ See, in THE Hist. August. p. 116, 117, THE whole\n contest between Alexander and THE senate, extracted from THE\n journals of that assembly. It happened on THE sixth of March,\n probably of THE year 223, when THE Romans had enjoyed, almost a\n twelvemonth, THE blessings of his reign. Before THE appellation\n of Antoninus was offered him as a title of honor, THE senate\n waited to see wheTHEr Alexander would not assume it as a family\n name.]\n\n In THE civil administration of Alexander, wisdom was enforced by\n power, and THE people, sensible of THE public felicity, repaid\n THEir benefactor with THEir love and gratitude. There still\n remained a greater, a more necessary, but a more difficult\n enterprise; THE reformation of THE military order, whose interest\n and temper, confirmed by long impunity, rendered THEm impatient\n of THE restraints of discipline, and careless of THE blessings of\n public tranquillity. In THE execution of his design, THE emperor\n affected to display his love, and to conceal his fear of THE\n army. The most rigid economy in every oTHEr branch of THE\n administration supplied a fund of gold and silver for THE\n ordinary pay and THE extraordinary rewards of THE troops. In\n THEir marches he relaxed THE severe obligation of carrying\n seventeen days’ provision on THEir shoulders. Ample magazines\n were formed along THE public roads, and as soon as THEy entered\n THE enemy’s country, a numerous train of mules and camels waited\n on THEir haughty laziness. As Alexander despaired of correcting\n THE luxury of his soldiers, he attempted, at least, to direct it\n to objects of martial pomp and ornament, fine horses, splendid\n armor, and shields enriched with silver and gold. He shared\n whatever fatigues he was obliged to impose, visited, in person,\n THE sick and wounded, preserved an exact register of THEir\n services and his own gratitude, and expressed on every occasion,\n THE warmest regard for a body of men, whose welfare, as he\n affected to declare, was so closely connected with that of THE\n state. 73 By THE most gentle arts he labored to inspire THE\n fierce multitude with a sense of duty, and to restore at least a\n faint image of that discipline to which THE Romans owed THEir\n empire over so many oTHEr nations, as warlike and more powerful\n than THEmselves. But his prudence was vain, his courage fatal,\n and THE attempt towards a reformation served only to inflame THE\n ills it was meant to cure.\n\n 73 (return) [ It was a favorite saying of THE emperor’s Se\n milites magis servare, quam seipsum, quod salus publica in his\n esset. Hist. Aug. p. 130.]\n\n The Prætorian guards were attached to THE youth of Alexander.\n They loved him as a tender pupil, whom THEy had saved from a\n tyrant’s fury, and placed on THE Imperial throne. That amiable\n prince was sensible of THE obligation; but as his gratitude was\n restrained within THE limits of reason and justice, THEy soon\n were more dissatisfied with THE virtues of Alexander, than THEy\n had ever been with THE vices of Elagabalus. Their præfect, THE\n wise Ulpian, was THE friend of THE laws and of THE people; he was\n considered as THE enemy of THE soldiers, and to his pernicious\n counsels every scheme of reformation was imputed. Some trifling\n accident blew up THEir discontent into a furious mutiny; and THE\n civil war raged, during three days, in Rome, whilst THE life of\n that excellent minister was defended by THE grateful people.\n Terrified, at length, by THE sight of some houses in flames, and\n by THE threats of a general conflagration, THE people yielded\n with a sigh, and left THE virtuous but unfortunate Ulpian to his\n fate. He was pursued into THE Imperial palace, and massacred at\n THE feet of his master, who vainly strove to cover him with THE\n purple, and to obtain his pardon from THE inexorable soldiers.\n 731 Such was THE deplorable weakness of government, that THE\n emperor was unable to revenge his murdered friend and his\n insulted dignity, without stooping to THE arts of patience and\n dissimulation. Epagathus, THE principal leader of THE mutiny, was\n removed from Rome, by THE honorable employment of præfect of\n Egypt: from that high rank he was gently degraded to THE\n government of Crete; and when at length, his popularity among THE\n guards was effaced by time and absence, Alexander ventured to\n inflict THE tardy but deserved punishment of his crimes. 74 Under\n THE reign of a just and virtuous prince, THE tyranny of THE army\n threatened with instant death his most faithful ministers, who\n were suspected of an intention to correct THEir intolerable\n disorders. The historian Dion Cassius had commanded THE Pannonian\n legions with THE spirit of ancient discipline. Their brethren of\n Rome, embracing THE common cause of military license, demanded\n THE head of THE reformer. Alexander, however, instead of yielding\n to THEir seditious clamors, showed a just sense of his merit and\n services, by appointing him his colleague in THE consulship, and\n defraying from his own treasury THE expense of that vain dignity:\n but as was justly apprehended, that if THE soldiers beheld him\n with THE ensigns of his office, THEy would revenge THE insult in\n his blood, THE nominal first magistrate of THE state retired, by\n THE emperor’s advice, from THE city, and spent THE greatest part\n of his consulship at his villas in Campania. 75 751\n\n 731 (return) [ Gibbon has confounded two events altogeTHEr\n different— THE quarrel of THE people with THE Prætorians, which\n lasted three days, and THE assassination of Ulpian by THE latter.\n Dion relates first THE death of Ulpian, afterwards, reverting\n back according to a manner which is usual with him, he says that\n during THE life of Ulpian, THEre had been a war of three days\n between THE Prætorians and THE people. But Ulpian was not THE\n cause. Dion says, on THE contrary, that it was occasioned by some\n unimportant circumstance; whilst he assigns a weighty reason for\n THE murder of Ulpian, THE judgment by which that Prætorian\n præfect had condemned his predecessors, Chrestus and Flavian, to\n death, whom THE soldiers wished to revenge. Zosimus (l. 1, c.\n xi.) attributes this sentence to Mamæra; but, even THEn, THE\n troops might have imputed it to Ulpian, who had reaped all THE\n advantage and was oTHErwise odious to THEm.—W.]\n\n 74 (return) [ Though THE author of THE life of Alexander (Hist.\n August. p. 182) mentions THE sedition raised against Ulpian by\n THE soldiers, he conceals THE catastrophe, as it might discover a\n weakness in THE administration of his hero. From this designed\n omission, we may judge of THE weight and candor of that author.]\n\n 75 (return) [ For an account of Ulpian’s fate and his own danger,\n see THE mutilated conclusion of Dion’s History, l. lxxx. p.\n 1371.]\n\n 751 (return) [ Dion possessed no estates in Campania, and was not\n rich. He only says that THE emperor advised him to reside, during\n his consulate, in some place out of Rome; that he returned to\n Rome after THE end of his consulate, and had an interview with\n THE emperor in Campania. He asked and obtained leave to pass THE\n rest of his life in his native city, (Nice, in Bithynia: ) it was\n THEre that he finished his history, which closes with his second\n consulship.—W.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter VI: Death Of Severus, Tyranny Of Caracalla, Usurpation Of\n Marcinus.—Part IV.\n\n The lenity of THE emperor confirmed THE insolence of THE troops;\n THE legions imitated THE example of THE guards, and defended\n THEir prerogative of licentiousness with THE same furious\n obstinacy. The administration of Alexander was an unavailing\n struggle against THE corruption of his age. In llyricum, in\n Mauritania, in Armenia, in Mesopotamia, in Germany, fresh\n mutinies perpetually broke out; his officers were murdered, his\n authority was insulted, and his life at last sacrificed to THE\n fierce discontents of THE army. 76 One particular fact well\n deserves to be recorded, as it illustrates THE manners of THE\n troops, and exhibits a singular instance of THEir return to a\n sense of duty and obedience. Whilst THE emperor lay at Antioch,\n in his Persian expedition, THE particulars of which we shall\n hereafter relate, THE punishment of some soldiers, who had been\n discovered in THE baths of women, excited a sedition in THE\n legion to which THEy belonged. Alexander ascended his tribunal,\n and with a modest firmness represented to THE armed multitude THE\n absolute necessity, as well as his inflexible resolution, of\n correcting THE vices introduced by his impure predecessor, and of\n maintaining THE discipline, which could not be relaxed without\n THE ruin of THE Roman name and empire. Their clamors interrupted\n his mild expostulation. “Reserve your shout,” said THE undaunted\n emperor, “till you take THE field against THE Persians, THE\n Germans, and THE Sarmatians. Be silent in THE presence of your\n sovereign and benefactor, who bestows upon you THE corn, THE\n clothing, and THE money of THE provinces. Be silent, or I shall\n no longer style you solders, but _citizens_, 77 if those indeed\n who disclaim THE laws of Rome deserve to be ranked among THE\n meanest of THE people.” His menaces inflamed THE fury of THE\n legion, and THEir brandished arms already threatened his person.\n “Your courage,” resumed THE intrepid Alexander, “would be more\n nobly displayed in THE field of battle; _me_ you may destroy, you\n cannot intimidate; and THE severe justice of THE republic would\n punish your crime and revenge my death.” The legion still\n persisted in clamorous sedition, when THE emperor pronounced,\n with a loud voice, THE decisive sentence, “_Citizens!_ lay down\n your arms, and depart in peace to your respective habitations.”\n The tempest was instantly appeased: THE soldiers, filled with\n grief and shame, silently confessed THE justice of THEir\n punishment, and THE power of discipline, yielded up THEir arms\n and military ensigns, and retired in confusion, not to THEir\n camp, but to THE several inns of THE city. Alexander enjoyed,\n during thirty days, THE edifying spectacle of THEir repentance;\n nor did he restore THEm to THEir former rank in THE army, till he\n had punished with death those tribunes whose connivance had\n occasioned THE mutiny. The grateful legion served THE emperor\n whilst living, and revenged him when dead. 78\n\n 76 (return) [ Annot. Reimar. ad Dion Cassius, l. lxxx. p. 1369.]\n\n 77 (return) [ Julius Cæsar had appeased a sedition with THE same\n word, Quirites; which, thus opposed to soldiers, was used in a\n sense of contempt, and reduced THE offenders to THE less\n honorable condition of mere citizens. Tacit. Annal. i. 43.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 132.]\n\n The resolutions of THE multitude generally depend on a moment;\n and THE caprice of passion might equally determine THE seditious\n legion to lay down THEir arms at THE emperor’s feet, or to plunge\n THEm into his breast. Perhaps, if this singular transaction had\n been investigated by THE penetration of a philosopher, we should\n discover THE secret causes which on that occasion authorized THE\n boldness of THE prince, and commanded THE obedience of THE\n troops; and perhaps, if it had been related by a judicious\n historian, we should find this action, worthy of Cæsar himself,\n reduced nearer to THE level of probability and THE common\n standard of THE character of Alexander Severus. The abilities of\n that amiable prince seem to have been inadequate to THE\n difficulties of his situation, THE firmness of his conduct\n inferior to THE purity of his intentions. His virtues, as well as\n THE vices of Elagabalus, contracted a tincture of weakness and\n effeminacy from THE soft climate of Syria, of which he was a\n native; though he blushed at his foreign origin, and listened\n with a vain complacency to THE flattering genealogists, who\n derived his race from THE ancient stock of Roman nobility. 79 The\n pride and avarice of his moTHEr cast a shade on THE glories of\n his reign; and by exacting from his riper years THE same dutiful\n obedience which she had justly claimed from his unexperienced\n youth, Mamæa exposed to public ridicule both her son’s character\n and her own. 80 The fatigues of THE Persian war irritated THE\n military discontent; THE unsuccessful event 801 degraded THE\n reputation of THE emperor as a general, and even as a soldier.\n Every cause prepared, and every circumstance hastened, a\n revolution, which distracted THE Roman empire with a long series\n of intestine calamities.\n\n 79 (return) [ From THE Metelli. Hist. August. p. 119. The choice\n was judicious. In one short period of twelve years, THE Metelli\n could reckon seven consulships and five triumphs. See Velleius\n Paterculus, ii. 11, and THE Fasti.]\n\n 80 (return) [ The life of Alexander, in THE Augustan History, is\n THE mere idea of a perfect prince, an awkward imitation of THE\n Cyropædia. The account of his reign, as given by Herodian, is\n rational and moderate, consistent with THE general history of THE\n age; and, in some of THE most invidious particulars, confirmed by\n THE decisive fragments of Dion. Yet from a very paltry prejudice,\n THE greater number of our modern writers abuse Herodian, and copy\n THE Augustan History. See Mess de Tillemont and Wotton. From THE\n opposite prejudice, THE emperor Julian (in Cæsarib. p. 315)\n dwells with a visible satisfaction on THE effeminate weakness of\n THE Syrian, and THE ridiculous avarice of his moTHEr.]\n\n 801 (return) [ Historians are divided as to THE success of THE\n campaign against THE Persians; Herodian alone speaks of defeat.\n Lampridius, Eutropius, Victor, and oTHErs, say that it was very\n glorious to Alexander; that he beat Artaxerxes in a great battle,\n and repelled him from THE frontiers of THE empire. This much is\n certain, that Alexander, on his return to Rome, (Lamp. Hist. Aug.\n c. 56, 133, 134,) received THE honors of a triumph, and that he\n said, in his oration to THE people. Quirites, vicimus Persas,\n milites divites reduximus, vobis congiarium pollicemur, cras\n ludos circenses Persicos donabimus. Alexander, says Eckhel, had\n too much modesty and wisdom to permit himself to receive honors\n which ought only to be THE reward of victory, if he had not\n deserved THEm; he would have contented himself with dissembling\n his losses. Eckhel, Doct. Num. vet. vii. 276. The medals\n represent him as in triumph; one, among oTHErs, displays him\n crowned by Victory between two rivers, THE Euphrates and THE\n Tigris. P. M. TR. P. xii. Cos. iii. PP. Imperator paludatus D.\n hastam. S. parazonium, stat inter duos fluvios humi jacentes, et\n ab accedente retro Victoria coronatur. Æ. max. mod. (Mus. Reg.\n Gall.) Although Gibbon treats this question more in detail when\n he speaks of THE Persian monarchy, I have thought fit to place\n here what contradicts his opinion.—G]\n\n The dissolute tyranny of Commodus, THE civil wars occasioned by\n his death, and THE new maxims of policy introduced by THE house\n of Severus, had all contributed to increase THE dangerous power\n of THE army, and to obliterate THE faint image of laws and\n liberty that was still impressed on THE minds of THE Romans. The\n internal change, which undermined THE foundations of THE empire,\n we have endeavored to explain with some degree of order and\n perspicuity. The personal characters of THE emperors, THEir\n victories, laws, follies, and fortunes, can interest us no\n farTHEr than as THEy are connected with THE general history of\n THE Decline and Fall of THE monarchy. Our constant attention to\n that great object will not suffer us to overlook a most important\n edict of Antoninus Caracalla, which communicated to all THE free\n inhabitants of THE empire THE name and privileges of Roman\n citizens. His unbounded liberality flowed not, however, from THE\n sentiments of a generous mind; it was THE sordid result of\n avarice, and will naturally be illustrated by some observations\n on THE finances of that state, from THE victorious ages of THE\n commonwealth to THE reign of Alexander Severus.\n\n The siege of Veii in Tuscany, THE first considerable enterprise\n of THE Romans, was protracted to THE tenth year, much less by THE\n strength of THE place than by THE unskilfulness of THE besiegers.\n The unaccustomed hardships of so many winter campaigns, at THE\n distance of near twenty miles from home, 81 required more than\n common encouragements; and THE senate wisely prevented THE\n clamors of THE people, by THE institution of a regular pay for\n THE soldiers, which was levied by a general tribute, assessed\n according to an equitable proportion on THE property of THE\n citizens. 82 During more than two hundred years after THE\n conquest of Veii, THE victories of THE republic added less to THE\n wealth than to THE power of Rome. The states of Italy paid THEir\n tribute in military service only, and THE vast force, both by sea\n and land, which was exerted in THE Punic wars, was maintained at\n THE expense of THE Romans THEmselves. That high-spirited people\n (such is often THE generous enthusiasm of freedom) cheerfully\n submitted to THE most excessive but voluntary burdens, in THE\n just confidence that THEy should speedily enjoy THE rich harvest\n of THEir labors. Their expectations were not disappointed. In THE\n course of a few years, THE riches of Syracuse, of Carthage, of\n Macedonia, and of Asia, were brought in triumph to Rome. The\n treasures of Perseus alone amounted to near two millions\n sterling, and THE Roman people, THE sovereign of so many nations,\n was forever delivered from THE weight of taxes. 83 The increasing\n revenue of THE provinces was found sufficient to defray THE\n ordinary establishment of war and government, and THE superfluous\n mass of gold and silver was deposited in THE temple of Saturn,\n and reserved for any unforeseen emergency of THE state. 84\n\n 81 (return) [ According to THE more accurate Dionysius, THE city\n itself was only a hundred stadia, or twelve miles and a half,\n from Rome, though some out-posts might be advanced farTHEr on THE\n side of Etruria. Nardini, in a professed treatise, has combated\n THE popular opinion and THE authority of two popes, and has\n removed Veii from Civita Castellana, to a little spot called\n Isola, in THE midway between Rome and THE Lake Bracianno. * Note:\n See THE interesting account of THE site and ruins of Veii in Sir\n W Gell’s topography of Rome and its Vicinity. v. ii. p. 303.—M.]\n\n 82 (return) [ See THE 4th and 5th books of Livy. In THE Roman\n census, property, power, and taxation were commensurate with each\n oTHEr.]\n\n 83 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. l. xxxiii. c. 3. Cicero de\n Offic. ii. 22. Plutarch, P. Æmil. p. 275.]\n\n 84 (return) [ See a fine description of this accumulated wealth\n of ages in Phars. l. iii. v. 155, &c.]\n\n History has never, perhaps, suffered a greater or more\n irreparable injury than in THE loss of THE curious register 841\n bequeaTHEd by Augustus to THE senate, in which that experienced\n prince so accurately balanced THE revenues and expenses of THE\n Roman empire. 85 Deprived of this clear and comprehensive\n estimate, we are reduced to collect a few imperfect hints from\n such of THE ancients as have accidentally turned aside from THE\n splendid to THE more useful parts of history. We are informed\n that, by THE conquests of Pompey, THE tributes of Asia were\n raised from fifty to one hundred and thirty-five millions of\n drachms; or about four millions and a half sterling. 86 861 Under\n THE last and most indolent of THE Ptolemies, THE revenue of Egypt\n is said to have amounted to twelve thousand five hundred talents;\n a sum equivalent to more than two millions and a half of our\n money, but which was afterwards considerably improved by THE more\n exact economy of THE Romans, and THE increase of THE trade of\n Æthiopia and India. 87 Gaul was enriched by rapine, as Egypt was\n by commerce, and THE tributes of those two great provinces have\n been compared as nearly equal to each oTHEr in value. 88 The ten\n thousand Euboic or Phœnician talents, about four millions\n sterling, 89 which vanquished Carthage was condemned to pay\n within THE term of fifty years, were a slight acknowledgment of\n THE superiority of Rome, 90 and cannot bear THE least proportion\n with THE taxes afterwards raised both on THE lands and on THE\n persons of THE inhabitants, when THE fertile coast of Africa was\n reduced into a province. 91\n\n 841 (return) [ See Rationarium imperii. Compare besides Tacitus,\n Suet. Aug. c. ult. Dion, p. 832. OTHEr emperors kept and\n published similar registers. See a dissertation of Dr. Wolle, de\n Rationario imperii Rom. Leipsig, 1773. The last book of Appian\n also contained THE statistics of THE Roman empire, but it is\n lost.—W.]\n\n 85 (return) [ Tacit. in Annal. i. ll. It seems to have existed in\n THE time of Appian.]\n\n 86 (return) [ Plutarch, in Pompeio, p. 642.]\n\n 861 (return) [ Wenck contests THE accuracy of Gibbon’s version of\n Plutarch, and supposes that Pompey only raised THE revenue from\n 50,000,000 to 85,000,000 of drachms; but THE text of Plutarch\n seems clearly to mean that his conquests added 85,000,000 to THE\n ordinary revenue. Wenck adds, “Plutarch says in anoTHEr part,\n that Antony made Asia pay, at one time, 200,000 talents, that is\n to say, 38,875,000 L. sterling.” But Appian explains this by\n saying that it was THE revenue of ten years, which brings THE\n annual revenue, at THE time of Antony, to 3,875,000 L.\n sterling.—M.]\n\n 87 (return) [ Strabo, l. xvii. p. 798.]\n\n 88 (return) [ Velleius Paterculus, l. ii. c. 39. He seems to give\n THE preference to THE revenue of Gaul.]\n\n 89 (return) [ The Euboic, THE Phœnician, and THE Alexandrian\n talents were double in weight to THE Attic. See Hooper on ancient\n weights and measures, p. iv. c. 5. It is very probable that THE\n same talent was carried from Tyre to Carthage.]\n\n 90 (return) [ Polyb. l. xv. c. 2.]\n\n 91 (return) [ Appian in Punicis, p. 84.]\n\n Spain, by a very singular fatality, was THE Peru and Mexico of\n THE old world. The discovery of THE rich western continent by THE\n Phœnicians, and THE oppression of THE simple natives, who were\n compelled to labor in THEir own mines for THE benefit of\n strangers, form an exact type of THE more recent history of\n Spanish America. 92 The Phœnicians were acquainted only with THE\n sea-coast of Spain; avarice, as well as ambition, carried THE\n arms of Rome and Carthage into THE heart of THE country, and\n almost every part of THE soil was found pregnant with copper,\n silver, and gold. 921 Mention is made of a mine near Carthagena\n which yielded every day twenty-five thousand drachmns of silver,\n or about three hundred thousand pounds a year. 93 Twenty thousand\n pound weight of gold was annually received from THE provinces of\n Asturia, Gallicia, and Lusitania. 94\n\n 92 (return) [ Diodorus Siculus, l. 5. Oadiz was built by THE\n Phœnicians a little more than a thousand years before Christ. See\n Vell. Pa ter. i.2.]\n\n 921 (return) [ Compare Heeren’s Researches vol. i. part ii. p.]\n\n 93 (return) [ Strabo, l. iii. p. 148.]\n\n 94 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. l. xxxiii. c. 3. He mentions\n likewise a silver mine in Dalmatia, that yielded every day fifty\n pounds to THE state.] We want both leisure and materials to\n pursue this curious inquiry through THE many potent states that\n were annihilated in THE Roman empire. Some notion, however, may\n be formed of THE revenue of THE provinces where considerable\n wealth had been deposited by nature, or collected by man, if we\n observe THE severe attention that was directed to THE abodes of\n solitude and sterility. Augustus once received a petition from\n THE inhabitants of Gyarus, humbly praying that THEy might be\n relieved from one third of THEir excessive impositions. Their\n whole tax amounted indeed to no more than one hundred and fifty\n drachms, or about five pounds: but Gyarus was a little island, or\n raTHEr a rock, of THE Ægean Sea, destitute of fresh water and\n every necessary of life, and inhabited only by a few wretched\n fishermen. 95\n\n 95 (return) [ Strabo, l. x. p. 485. Tacit. Annal. iu. 69, and iv.\n 30. See Tournefort (Voyages au Levant, Lettre viii.) a very\n lively picture of THE actual misery of Gyarus.]\n\n From THE faint glimmerings of such doubtful and scattered lights,\n we should be inclined to believe, 1st, That (with every fair\n allowance for THE differences of times and circumstances) THE\n general income of THE Roman provinces could seldom amount to less\n than fifteen or twenty millions of our money; 96 and, 2dly, That\n so ample a revenue must have been fully adequate to all THE\n expenses of THE moderate government instituted by Augustus, whose\n court was THE modest family of a private senator, and whose\n military establishment was calculated for THE defence of THE\n frontiers, without any aspiring views of conquest, or any serious\n apprehension of a foreign invasion.\n\n 96 (return) [ Lipsius de magnitudine Romana (l. ii. c. 3)\n computes THE revenue at one hundred and fifty millions of gold\n crowns; but his whole book, though learned and ingenious, betrays\n a very heated imagination. Note: If Justus Lipsius has\n exaggerated THE revenue of THE Roman empire Gibbon, on THE oTHEr\n hand, has underrated it. He fixes it at fifteen or twenty\n millions of our money. But if we take only, on a moderate\n calculation, THE taxes in THE provinces which he has already\n cited, THEy will amount, considering THE augmentations made by\n Augustus, to nearly that sum. There remain also THE provinces of\n Italy, of Rhætia, of Noricum, Pannonia, and Greece, &c., &c. Let\n us pay attention, besides, to THE prodigious expenditure of some\n emperors, (Suet. Vesp. 16;) we shall see that such a revenue\n could not be sufficient. The authors of THE Universal History,\n part xii., assign forty millions sterling as THE sum to about\n which THE public revenue might amount.—G. from W.]\n\n Notwithstanding THE seeming probability of both THEse\n conclusions, THE latter of THEm at least is positively disowned\n by THE language and conduct of Augustus. It is not easy to\n determine wheTHEr, on this occasion, he acted as THE common\n faTHEr of THE Roman world, or as THE oppressor of liberty;\n wheTHEr he wished to relieve THE provinces, or to impoverish THE\n senate and THE equestrian order. But no sooner had he assumed THE\n reins of government, than he frequently intimated THE\n insufficiency of THE tributes, and THE necessity of throwing an\n equitable proportion of THE public burden upon Rome and Italy.\n 961 In THE prosecution of this unpopular design, he advanced,\n however, by cautious and well-weighed steps. The introduction of\n customs was followed by THE establishment of an excise, and THE\n scheme of taxation was completed by an artful assessment on THE\n real and personal property of THE Roman citizens, who had been\n exempted from any kind of contribution above a century and a\n half.\n\n 961 (return) [ It is not astonishing that Augustus held this\n language. The senate declared also under Nero, that THE state\n could not exist without THE imposts as well augmented as founded\n by Augustus. Tac. Ann. xiii. 50. After THE abolition of THE\n different tributes paid by Italy, an abolition which took place\n A. U. 646, 694, and 695, THE state derived no revenues from that\n great country, but THE twentieth part of THE manumissions,\n (vicesima manumissionum,) and Ciero laments this in many places,\n particularly in his epistles to ii. 15.—G. from W.]\n\n I. In a great empire like that of Rome, a natural balance of\n money must have gradually established itself. It has been already\n observed, that as THE wealth of THE provinces was attracted to\n THE capital by THE strong hand of conquest and power, so a\n considerable part of it was restored to THE industrious provinces\n by THE gentle influence of commerce and arts. In THE reign of\n Augustus and his successors, duties were imposed on every kind of\n merchandise, which through a thousand channels flowed to THE\n great centre of opulence and luxury; and in whatsoever manner THE\n law was expressed, it was THE Roman purchaser, and not THE\n provincial merchant, who paid THE tax. 97 The rate of THE customs\n varied from THE eighth to THE fortieth part of THE value of THE\n commodity; and we have a right to suppose that THE variation was\n directed by THE unalterable maxims of policy; that a higher duty\n was fixed on THE articles of luxury than on those of necessity,\n and that THE productions raised or manufactured by THE labor of\n THE subjects of THE empire were treated with more indulgence than\n was shown to THE pernicious, or at least THE unpopular, commerce\n of Arabia and India. 98 There is still extant a long but\n imperfect catalogue of eastern commodities, which about THE time\n of Alexander Severus were subject to THE payment of duties;\n cinnamon, myrrh, pepper, ginger, and THE whole tribe of\n aromatics; a great variety of precious stones, among which THE\n diamond was THE most remarkable for its price, and THE emerald\n for its beauty; 99 Parthian and Babylonian leaTHEr, cottons,\n silks, both raw and manufactured, ebony ivory, and eunuchs. 100\n We may observe that THE use and value of those effeminate slaves\n gradually rose with THE decline of THE empire.\n\n 97 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. xiii. 31. * Note: The customs\n (portoria) existed in THE times of THE ancient kings of Rome.\n They were suppressed in Italy, A. U. 694, by THE Prætor, Cecilius\n Matellus Nepos. Augustus only reestablished THEm. See note\n above.—W.]\n\n 98 (return) [See Pliny, (Hist. Natur. l. vi. c. 23, lxii. c. 18.)\n His observation that THE Indian commodities were sold at Rome at\n a hundred times THEir original price, may give us some notion of\n THE produce of THE customs, since that original price amounted to\n more than eight hundred thousand pounds.]\n\n 99 (return) [ The ancients were unacquainted with THE art of\n cutting diamonds.]\n\n 100 (return) [ M. Bouchaud, in his treatise de l’Impot chez les\n Romains, has transcribed this catalogue from THE Digest, and\n attempts to illustrate it by a very prolix commentary. * Note: In\n THE Pandects, l. 39, t. 14, de Publican. Compare Cicero in\n Verrem. c. 72—74.—W.]\n\n II. The excise, introduced by Augustus after THE civil wars, was\n extremely moderate, but it was general. It seldom exceeded one\n _per cent_.; but it comprehended whatever was sold in THE markets\n or by public auction, from THE most considerable purchases of\n lands and houses, to those minute objects which can only derive a\n value from THEir infinite multitude and daily consumption. Such a\n tax, as it affects THE body of THE people, has ever been THE\n occasion of clamor and discontent. An emperor well acquainted\n with THE wants and resources of THE state was obliged to declare,\n by a public edict, that THE support of THE army depended in a\n great measure on THE produce of THE excise. 101\n\n 101 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. i. 78. Two years afterwards, THE\n reduction of THE poor kingdom of Cappadocia gave Tiberius a\n pretence for diminishing THE excise of one half, but THE relief\n was of very short duration.]\n\n III. When Augustus resolved to establish a permanent military\n force for THE defence of his government against foreign and\n domestic enemies, he instituted a peculiar treasury for THE pay\n of THE soldiers, THE rewards of THE veterans, and THE\n extra-ordinary expenses of war. The ample revenue of THE excise,\n though peculiarly appropriated to those uses, was found\n inadequate. To supply THE deficiency, THE emperor suggested a new\n tax of five per cent. on all legacies and inheritances. But THE\n nobles of Rome were more tenacious of property than of freedom.\n Their indignant murmurs were received by Augustus with his usual\n temper. He candidly referred THE whole business to THE senate,\n and exhorted THEm to provide for THE public service by some oTHEr\n expedient of a less odious nature. They were divided and\n perplexed. He insinuated to THEm, that THEir obstinacy would\n oblige him to _propose_ a general land tax and capitation. They\n acquiesced in silence. 102 The new imposition on legacies and\n inheritances was, however, mitigated by some restrictions. It did\n not take place unless THE object was of a certain value, most\n probably of fifty or a hundred pieces of gold; 103 nor could it\n be exacted from THE nearest of kin on THE faTHEr’s side. 104 When\n THE rights of nature and poverty were thus secured, it seemed\n reasonable, that a stranger, or a distant relation, who acquired\n an unexpected accession of fortune, should cheerfully resign a\n twentieth part of it, for THE benefit of THE state. 105\n\n 102 (return) [ Dion Cassius, l. lv. p. 794, l. lvi. p. 825. Note:\n Dion neiTHEr mentions this proposition nor THE capitation. He\n only says that THE emperor imposed a tax upon landed property,\n and sent every where men employed to make a survey, without\n fixing how much, and for how much each was to pay. The senators\n THEn preferred giving THE tax on legacies and inheritances.—W.]\n\n 103 (return) [ The sum is only fixed by conjecture.]\n\n 104 (return) [ As THE Roman law subsisted for many ages, THE\n Cognati, or relations on THE moTHEr’s side, were not called to\n THE succession. This harsh institution was gradually undermined\n by humanity, and finally abolished by Justinian.]\n\n 105 (return) [ Plin. Panegyric. c. 37.]\n\n Such a tax, plentiful as it must prove in every wealthy\n community, was most happily suited to THE situation of THE\n Romans, who could frame THEir arbitrary wills, according to THE\n dictates of reason or caprice, without any restraint from THE\n modern fetters of entails and settlements. From various causes,\n THE partiality of paternal affection often lost its influence\n over THE stern patriots of THE commonwealth, and THE dissolute\n nobles of THE empire; and if THE faTHEr bequeaTHEd to his son THE\n fourth part of his estate, he removed all ground of legal\n complaint. 106 But a rich childish old man was a domestic tyrant,\n and his power increased with his years and infirmities. A servile\n crowd, in which he frequently reckoned prætors and consuls,\n courted his smiles, pampered his avarice, applauded his follies,\n served his passions, and waited with impatience for his death.\n The arts of attendance and flattery were formed into a most\n lucrative science; those who professed it acquired a peculiar\n appellation; and THE whole city, according to THE lively\n descriptions of satire, was divided between two parties, THE\n hunters and THEir game. 107 Yet, while so many unjust and\n extravagant wills were every day dictated by cunning and\n subscribed by folly, a few were THE result of rational esteem and\n virtuous gratitude. Cicero, who had so often defended THE lives\n and fortunes of his fellow-citizens, was rewarded with legacies\n to THE amount of a hundred and seventy thousand pounds; 108 nor\n do THE friends of THE younger Pliny seem to have been less\n generous to that amiable orator. 109 Whatever was THE motive of\n THE testator, THE treasury claimed, without distinction, THE\n twentieth part of his estate: and in THE course of two or three\n generations, THE whole property of THE subject must have\n gradually passed through THE coffers of THE state.\n\n 106 (return) [ See Heineccius in THE Antiquit. Juris Romani, l.\n ii.]\n\n 107 (return) [ Horat. l. ii. Sat. v. Potron. c. 116, &c. Plin. l.\n ii. Epist. 20.]\n\n 108 (return) [ Cicero in Philip. ii. c. 16.]\n\n 109 (return) [ See his epistles. Every such will gave him an\n occasion of displaying his reverence to THE dead, and his justice\n to THE living. He reconciled both in his behavior to a son who\n had been disinherited by his moTHEr, (v.l.)]\n\n In THE first and golden years of THE reign of Nero, that prince,\n from a desire of popularity, and perhaps from a blind impulse of\n benevolence, conceived a wish of abolishing THE oppression of THE\n customs and excise. The wisest senators applauded his\n magnanimity: but THEy diverted him from THE execution of a design\n which would have dissolved THE strength and resources of THE\n republic. 110 Had it indeed been possible to realize this dream\n of fancy, such princes as Trajan and THE Antonines would surely\n have embraced with ardor THE glorious opportunity of conferring\n so signal an obligation on mankind. Satisfied, however, with\n alleviating THE public burden, THEy attempted not to remove it.\n The mildness and precision of THEir laws ascertained THE rule and\n measure of taxation, and protected THE subject of every rank\n against arbitrary interpretations, antiquated claims, and THE\n insolent vexation of THE farmers of THE revenue. 111 For it is\n somewhat singular, that, in every age, THE best and wisest of THE\n Roman governors persevered in this pernicious method of\n collecting THE principal branches at least of THE excise and\n customs. 112\n\n 110 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. xiii. 50. Esprit des Loix, l. xii.\n c. 19.]\n\n 111 (return) [ See Pliny’s Panegyric, THE Augustan History, and\n Burman de Vectigal. passim.]\n\n 112 (return) [ The tributes (properly so called) were not farmed;\n since THE good princes often remitted many millions of arrears.]\n\n The sentiments, and, indeed, THE situation, of Caracalla were\n very different from those of THE Antonines. Inattentive, or\n raTHEr averse, to THE welfare of his people, he found himself\n under THE necessity of gratifying THE insatiate avarice which he\n had excited in THE army. Of THE several impositions introduced by\n Augustus, THE twentieth on inheritances and legacies was THE most\n fruitful, as well as THE most comprehensive. As its influence was\n not confined to Rome or Italy, THE produce continually increased\n with THE gradual extension of THE Roman City. The new citizens,\n though charged, on equal terms, 113 with THE payment of new\n taxes, which had not affected THEm as subjects, derived an ample\n compensation from THE rank THEy obtained, THE privileges THEy\n acquired, and THE fair prospect of honors and fortune that was\n thrown open to THEir ambition. But THE favor which implied a\n distinction was lost in THE prodigality of Caracalla, and THE\n reluctant provincials were compelled to assume THE vain title,\n and THE real obligations, of Roman citizens. 1131 Nor was THE\n rapacious son of Severus contented with such a measure of\n taxation as had appeared sufficient to his moderate predecessors.\n Instead of a twentieth, he exacted a tenth of all legacies and\n inheritances; and during his reign (for THE ancient proportion\n was restored after his death) he crushed alike every part of THE\n empire under THE weight of his iron sceptre. 114\n\n 113 (return) [ The situation of THE new citizens is minutely\n described by Pliny, (Panegyric, c. 37, 38, 39). Trajan published\n a law very much in THEir favor.]\n\n 1131 (return) [ Gibbon has adopted THE opinion of Spanheim and of\n Burman, which attributes to Caracalla this edict, which gave THE\n right of THE city to all THE inhabitants of THE provinces. This\n opinion may be disputed. Several passages of Spartianus, of\n Aurelius Victor, and of Aristides, attribute this edict to Marc.\n Aurelius. See a learned essay, entitled Joh. P. Mahneri Comm. de\n Marc. Aur. Antonino Constitutionis de Civitate Universo Orbi\n Romano data auctore. Halæ, 1772, 8vo. It appears that Marc.\n Aurelius made some modifications of this edict, which released\n THE provincials from some of THE charges imposed by THE right of\n THE city, and deprived THEm of some of THE advantages which it\n conferred. Caracalla annulled THEse modifications.—W.]\n\n 114 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1295.]\n\n When all THE provincials became liable to THE peculiar\n impositions of Roman citizens, THEy seemed to acquire a legal\n exemption from THE tributes which THEy had paid in THEir former\n condition of subjects. Such were not THE maxims of government\n adopted by Caracalla and his pretended son. The old as well as\n THE new taxes were, at THE same time, levied in THE provinces. It\n was reserved for THE virtue of Alexander to relieve THEm in a\n great measure from this intolerable grievance, by reducing THE\n tributes to a thirteenth part of THE sum exacted at THE time of\n his accession. 115 It is impossible to conjecture THE motive that\n engaged him to spare so trifling a remnant of THE public evil;\n but THE noxious weed, which had not been totally eradicated,\n again sprang up with THE most luxuriant growth, and in THE\n succeeding age darkened THE Roman world with its deadly shade. In\n THE course of this history, we shall be too often summoned to\n explain THE land tax, THE capitation, and THE heavy contributions\n of corn, wine, oil, and meat, which were exacted from THE\n provinces for THE use of THE court, THE army, and THE capital.\n\n 115 (return) [ He who paid ten aurei, THE usual tribute, was\n charged with no more than THE third part of an aureus, and\n proportional pieces of gold were coined by Alexander’s order.\n Hist. August. p. 127, with THE commentary of Salmasius.]\n\n As long as Rome and Italy were respected as THE centre of\n government, a national spirit was preserved by THE ancient, and\n insensibly imbibed by THE adopted, citizens. The principal\n commands of THE army were filled by men who had received a\n liberal education, were well instructed in THE advantages of laws\n and letters, and who had risen, by equal steps, through THE\n regular succession of civil and military honors. 116 To THEir\n influence and example we may partly ascribe THE modest obedience\n of THE legions during THE two first centuries of THE Imperial\n history.\n\n 116 (return) [ See THE lives of Agricola, Vespasian, Trajan,\n Severus, and his three competitors; and indeed of all THE eminent\n men of those times.]\n\n But when THE last enclosure of THE Roman constitution was\n trampled down by Caracalla, THE separation of professions\n gradually succeeded to THE distinction of ranks. The more\n polished citizens of THE internal provinces were alone qualified\n to act as lawyers and magistrates. The rougher trade of arms was\n abandoned to THE peasants and barbarians of THE frontiers, who\n knew no country but THEir camp, no science but that of war, no\n civil laws, and scarcely those of military discipline. With\n bloody hands, savage manners, and desperate resolutions, THEy\n sometimes guarded, but much oftener subverted, THE throne of THE\n emperors.\n\n\n\n\n Chapter VII: Tyranny Of Maximin, Rebellion, Civil Wars, Death Of\n Maximin.—Part I.\n\n The Elevation And Tyranny Of Maximin.—Rebellion In Africa And\n Italy, Under The Authority Of The Senate.—Civil Wars And\n Seditions.—Violent Deaths Of Maximin And His Son, Of Maximus And\n Balbinus, And Of The Three Gordians.— Usurpation And Secular Games\n Of Philip.\n\n Of THE various forms of government which have prevailed in THE\n world, an hereditary monarchy seems to present THE fairest scope\n for ridicule. Is it possible to relate without an indignant\n smile, that, on THE faTHEr’s decease, THE property of a nation,\n like that of a drove of oxen, descends to his infant son, as yet\n unknown to mankind and to himself; and that THE bravest warriors\n and THE wisest statesmen, relinquishing THEir natural right to\n empire, approach THE royal cradle with bended knees and\n protestations of inviolable fidelity? Satire and declamation may\n paint THEse obvious topics in THE most dazzling colors, but our\n more serious thoughts will respect a useful prejudice, that\n establishes a rule of succession, independent of THE passions of\n mankind; and we shall cheerfully acquiesce in any expedient which\n deprives THE multitude of THE dangerous, and indeed THE ideal,\n power of giving THEmselves a master.\n\n In THE cool shade of retirement, we may easily devise imaginary\n forms of government, in which THE sceptre shall be constantly\n bestowed on THE most worthy, by THE free and incorrupt suffrage\n of THE whole community. Experience overturns THEse airy fabrics,\n and teaches us, that in a large society, THE election of a\n monarch can never devolve to THE wisest, or to THE most numerous\n part of THE people. The army is THE only order of men\n sufficiently united to concur in THE same sentiments, and\n powerful enough to impose THEm on THE rest of THEir\n fellow-citizens; but THE temper of soldiers, habituated at once\n to violence and to slavery, renders THEm very unfit guardians of\n a legal, or even a civil constitution. Justice, humanity, or\n political wisdom, are qualities THEy are too little acquainted\n with in THEmselves, to appreciate THEm in oTHErs. Valor will\n acquire THEir esteem, and liberality will purchase THEir\n suffrage; but THE first of THEse merits is often lodged in THE\n most savage breasts; THE latter can only exert itself at THE\n expense of THE public; and both may be turned against THE\n possessor of THE throne, by THE ambition of a daring rival.\n\n The superior prerogative of birth, when it has obtained THE\n sanction of time and popular opinion, is THE plainest and least\n invidious of all distinctions among mankind. The acknowledged\n right extinguishes THE hopes of faction, and THE conscious\n security disarms THE cruelty of THE monarch. To THE firm\n establishment of this idea we owe THE peaceful succession and\n mild administration of European monarchies. To THE defect of it\n we must attribute THE frequent civil wars, through which an\n Asiatic despot is obliged to cut his way to THE throne of his\n faTHErs. Yet, even in THE East, THE sphere of contention is\n usually limited to THE princes of THE reigning house, and as soon\n as THE more fortunate competitor has removed his brethren by THE\n sword and THE bowstring, he no longer entertains any jealousy of\n his meaner subjects. But THE Roman empire, after THE authority of\n THE senate had sunk into contempt, was a vast scene of confusion.\n The royal, and even noble, families of THE provinces had long\n since been led in triumph before THE car of THE haughty\n republicans. The ancient families of Rome had successively fallen\n beneath THE tyranny of THE Cæsars; and whilst those princes were\n shackled by THE forms of a commonwealth, and disappointed by THE\n repeated failure of THEir posterity, 1 it was impossible that any\n idea of hereditary succession should have taken root in THE minds\n of THEir subjects. The right to THE throne, which none could\n claim from birth, every one assumed from merit. The daring hopes\n of ambition were set loose from THE salutary restraints of law\n and prejudice; and THE meanest of mankind might, without folly,\n entertain a hope of being raised by valor and fortune to a rank\n in THE army, in which a single crime would enable him to wrest\n THE sceptre of THE world from his feeble and unpopular master.\n After THE murder of Alexander Severus, and THE elevation of\n Maximin, no emperor could think himself safe upon THE throne, and\n every barbarian peasant of THE frontier might aspire to that\n august, but dangerous station.\n\n 1 (return) [ There had been no example of three successive\n generations on THE throne; only three instances of sons who\n succeeded THEir faTHErs. The marriages of THE Cæsars\n (notwithstanding THE permission, and THE frequent practice of\n divorces) were generally unfruitful.]\n\n About thirty-two years before that event, THE emperor Severus,\n returning from an eastern expedition, halted in Thrace, to\n celebrate, with military games, THE birthday of his younger son,\n Geta. The country flocked in crowds to behold THEir sovereign,\n and a young barbarian of gigantic stature earnestly solicited, in\n his rude dialect, that he might be allowed to contend for THE\n prize of wrestling. As THE pride of discipline would have been\n disgraced in THE overthrow of a Roman soldier by a Thracian\n peasant, he was matched with THE stoutest followers of THE camp,\n sixteen of whom he successively laid on THE ground. His victory\n was rewarded by some trifling gifts, and a permission to enlist\n in THE troops. The next day, THE happy barbarian was\n distinguished above a crowd of recruits, dancing and exulting\n after THE fashion of his country. As soon as he perceived that he\n had attracted THE emperor’s notice, he instantly ran up to his\n horse, and followed him on foot, without THE least appearance of\n fatigue, in a long and rapid career. “Thracian,” said Severus\n with astonishment, “art thou disposed to wrestle after thy race?”\n “Most willingly, sir,” replied THE unwearied youth; and, almost\n in a breath, overthrew seven of THE strongest soldiers in THE\n army. A gold collar was THE prize of his matchless vigor and\n activity, and he was immediately appointed to serve in THE\n horseguards who always attended on THE person of THE sovereign. 2\n\n 2 (return) [ Hist. August p. 138.]\n\n Maximin, for that was his name, though born on THE territories of\n THE empire, descended from a mixed race of barbarians. His faTHEr\n was a Goth, and his moTHEr of THE nation of THE Alani. He\n displayed on every occasion a valor equal to his strength; and\n his native fierceness was soon tempered or disguised by THE\n knowledge of THE world. Under THE reign of Severus and his son,\n he obtained THE rank of centurion, with THE favor and esteem of\n both those princes, THE former of whom was an excellent judge of\n merit. Gratitude forbade Maximin to serve under THE assassin of\n Caracalla. Honor taught him to decline THE effeminate insults of\n Elagabalus. On THE accession of Alexander he returned to court,\n and was placed by that prince in a station useful to THE service,\n and honorable to himself. The fourth legion, to which he was\n appointed tribune, soon became, under his care, THE best\n disciplined of THE whole army. With THE general applause of THE\n soldiers, who bestowed on THEir favorite hero THE names of Ajax\n and Hercules, he was successively promoted to THE first military\n command; 3 and had not he still retained too much of his savage\n origin, THE emperor might perhaps have given his own sister in\n marriage to THE son of Maximin. 4\n\n 3 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 140. Herodian, l. vi. p. 223.\n Aurelius Victor. By comparing THEse authors, it should seem that\n Maximin had THE particular command of THE Tribellian horse, with\n THE general commission of disciplining THE recruits of THE whole\n army. His biographer ought to have marked, with more care, his\n exploits, and THE successive steps of his military promotions.]\n\n 4 (return) [ See THE original letter of Alexander Severus, Hist.\n August. p. 149.]\n\n Instead of securing his fidelity, THEse favors served only to\n inflame THE ambition of THE Thracian peasant, who deemed his\n fortune inadequate to his merit, as long as he was constrained to\n acknowledge a superior. Though a stranger to real wisdom, he was\n not devoid of a selfish cunning, which showed him that THE\n emperor had lost THE affection of THE army, and taught him to\n improve THEir discontent to his own advantage. It is easy for\n faction and calumny to shed THEir poison on THE administration of\n THE best of princes, and to accuse even THEir virtues by artfully\n confounding THEm with those vices to which THEy bear THE nearest\n affinity. The troops listened with pleasure to THE emissaries of\n Maximin. They blushed at THEir own ignominious patience, which,\n during thirteen years, had supported THE vexatious discipline\n imposed by an effeminate Syrian, THE timid slave of his moTHEr\n and of THE senate. It was time, THEy cried, to cast away that\n useless phantom of THE civil power, and to elect for THEir prince\n and general a real soldier, educated in camps, exercised in war,\n who would assert THE glory, and distribute among his companions\n THE treasures, of THE empire. A great army was at that time\n assembled on THE banks of THE Rhine, under THE command of THE\n emperor himself, who, almost immediately after his return from\n THE Persian war, had been obliged to march against THE barbarians\n of Germany. The important care of training and reviewing THE new\n levies was intrusted to Maximin. One day, as he entered THE field\n of exercise, THE troops, eiTHEr from a sudden impulse, or a\n formed conspiracy, saluted him emperor, silenced by THEir loud\n acclamations his obstinate refusal, and hastened to consummate\n THEir rebellion by THE murder of Alexander Severus.\n\n The circumstances of his death are variously related. The\n writers, who suppose that he died in ignorance of THE ingratitude\n and ambition of Maximin affirm that, after taking a frugal repast\n in THE sight of THE army, he retired to sleep, and that, about\n THE seventh hour of THE day, a part of his own guards broke into\n THE imperial tent, and, with many wounds, assassinated THEir\n virtuous and unsuspecting prince. 5 If we credit anoTHEr, and\n indeed a more probable account, Maximin was invested with THE\n purple by a numerous detachment, at THE distance of several miles\n from THE head-quarters; and he trusted for success raTHEr to THE\n secret wishes than to THE public declarations of THE great army.\n Alexander had sufficient time to awaken a faint sense of loyalty\n among THE troops; but THEir reluctant professions of fidelity\n quickly vanished on THE appearance of Maximin, who declared\n himself THE friend and advocate of THE military order, and was\n unanimously acknowledged emperor of THE Romans by THE applauding\n legions. The son of Mamæa, betrayed and deserted, withdrew into\n his tent, desirous at least to conceal his approaching fate from\n THE insults of THE multitude. He was soon followed by a tribune\n and some centurions, THE ministers of death; but instead of\n receiving with manly resolution THE inevitable stroke, his\n unavailing cries and entreaties disgraced THE last moments of his\n life, and converted into contempt some portion of THE just pity\n which his innocence and misfortunes must inspire. His moTHEr,\n Mamæa, whose pride and avarice he loudly accused as THE cause of\n his ruin, perished with her son. The most faithful of his friends\n were sacrificed to THE first fury of THE soldiers. OTHErs were\n reserved for THE more deliberate cruelty of THE usurper; and\n those who experienced THE mildest treatment, were stripped of\n THEir employments, and ignominiously driven from THE court and\n army. 6\n\n 5 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 135. I have softened some of THE\n most improbable circumstances of this wretched biographer. From\n his ill-worded narration, it should seem that THE prince’s\n buffoon having accidentally entered THE tent, and awakened THE\n slumbering monarch, THE fear of punishment urged him to persuade\n THE disaffected soldiers to commit THE murder.]\n\n 6 (return) [ Herodian, l. vi. 223-227.]\n\n The former tyrants, Caligula and Nero, Commodus, and Caracalla,\n were all dissolute and unexperienced youths, 7 educated in THE\n purple, and corrupted by THE pride of empire, THE luxury of Rome,\n and THE perfidious voice of flattery. The cruelty of Maximin was\n derived from a different source, THE fear of contempt. Though he\n depended on THE attachment of THE soldiers, who loved him for\n virtues like THEir own, he was conscious that his mean and\n barbarian origin, his savage appearance, and his total ignorance\n of THE arts and institutions of civil life, 8 formed a very\n unfavorable contrast with THE amiable manners of THE unhappy\n Alexander. He remembered, that, in his humbler fortune, he had\n often waited before THE door of THE haughty nobles of Rome, and\n had been denied admittance by THE insolence of THEir slaves. He\n recollected too THE friendship of a few who had relieved his\n poverty, and assisted his rising hopes. But those who had\n spurned, and those who had protected, THE Thracian, were guilty\n of THE same crime, THE knowledge of his original obscurity. For\n this crime many were put to death; and by THE execution of\n several of his benefactors, Maximin published, in characters of\n blood, THE indelible history of his baseness and ingratitude. 9\n\n 7 (return) [ Caligula, THE eldest of THE four, was only\n twenty-five years of age when he ascended THE throne; Caracalla\n was twenty-three, Commodus nineteen, and Nero no more than\n seventeen.]\n\n 8 (return) [ It appears that he was totally ignorant of THE Greek\n language; which, from its universal use in conversation and\n letters, was an essential part of every liberal education.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 141. Herodian, l. vii. p. 237. The\n latter of THEse historians has been most unjustly censured for\n sparing THE vices of Maximin.]\n\n The dark and sanguinary soul of THE tyrant was open to every\n suspicion against those among his subjects who were THE most\n distinguished by THEir birth or merit. Whenever he was alarmed\n with THE sound of treason, his cruelty was unbounded and\n unrelenting. A conspiracy against his life was eiTHEr discovered\n or imagined, and Magnus, a consular senator, was named as THE\n principal author of it. Without a witness, without a trial, and\n without an opportunity of defence, Magnus, with four thousand of\n his supposed accomplices, was put to death. Italy and THE whole\n empire were infested with innumerable spies and informers. On THE\n slightest accusation, THE first of THE Roman nobles, who had\n governed provinces, commanded armies, and been adorned with THE\n consular and triumphal ornaments, were chained on THE public\n carriages, and hurried away to THE emperor’s presence.\n Confiscation, exile, or simple death, were esteemed uncommon\n instances of his lenity. Some of THE unfortunate sufferers he\n ordered to be sewed up in THE hides of slaughtered animals,\n oTHErs to be exposed to wild beasts, oTHErs again to be beaten to\n death with clubs. During THE three years of his reign, he\n disdained to visit eiTHEr Rome or Italy. His camp, occasionally\n removed from THE banks of THE Rhine to those of THE Danube, was\n THE seat of his stern despotism, which trampled on every\n principle of law and justice, and was supported by THE avowed\n power of THE sword. 10 No man of noble birth, elegant\n accomplishments, or knowledge of civil business, was suffered\n near his person; and THE court of a Roman emperor revived THE\n idea of those ancient chiefs of slaves and gladiators, whose\n savage power had left a deep impression of terror and\n detestation. 11\n\n 10 (return) [ The wife of Maximin, by insinuating wise counsels\n with female gentleness, sometimes brought back THE tyrant to THE\n way of truth and humanity. See Ammianus Marcellinus, l. xiv. c.\n l, where he alludes to THE fact which he had more fully related\n under THE reign of THE Gordians. We may collect from THE medals,\n that Paullina was THE name of this benevolent empress; and from\n THE title of Diva, that she died before Maximin. (Valesius ad\n loc. cit. Ammian.) Spanheim de U. et P. N. tom. ii. p. 300. Note:\n If we may believe Syrcellus and Zonaras, in was Maximin himself\n who ordered her death—G]\n\n 11 (return) [ He was compared to Spartacus and ATHEnio. Hist.\n August p. 141.]\n\n As long as THE cruelty of Maximin was confined to THE illustrious\n senators, or even to THE bold adventurers, who in THE court or\n army expose THEmselves to THE caprice of fortune, THE body of THE\n people viewed THEir sufferings with indifference, or perhaps with\n pleasure. But THE tyrant’s avarice, stimulated by THE insatiate\n desires of THE soldiers, at length attacked THE public property.\n Every city of THE empire was possessed of an independent revenue,\n destined to purchase corn for THE multitude, and to supply THE\n expenses of THE games and entertainments. By a single act of\n authority, THE whole mass of wealth was at once confiscated for\n THE use of THE Imperial treasury. The temples were stripped of\n THEir most valuable offerings of gold and silver, and THE statues\n of gods, heroes, and emperors, were melted down and coined into\n money. These impious orders could not be executed without tumults\n and massacres, as in many places THE people chose raTHEr to die\n in THE defence of THEir altars, than to behold in THE midst of\n peace THEir cities exposed to THE rapine and cruelty of war. The\n soldiers THEmselves, among whom this sacrilegious plunder was\n distributed, received it with a blush; and hardened as THEy were\n in acts of violence, THEy dreaded THE just reproaches of THEir\n friends and relations. Throughout THE Roman world a general cry\n of indignation was heard, imploring vengeance on THE common enemy\n of human kind; and at length, by an act of private oppression, a\n peaceful and unarmed province was driven into rebellion against\n him. 12\n\n 12 (return) [ Herodian, l. vii. p. 238. Zosim. l. i. p. 15.]\n\n The procurator of Africa was a servant worthy of such a master,\n who considered THE fines and confiscations of THE rich as one of\n THE most fruitful branches of THE Imperial revenue. An iniquitous\n sentence had been pronounced against some opulent youths of that\n country, THE execution of which would have stripped THEm of far\n THE greater part of THEir patrimony. In this extremity, a\n resolution that must eiTHEr complete or prevent THEir ruin, was\n dictated by despair. A respite of three days, obtained with\n difficulty from THE rapacious treasurer, was employed in\n collecting from THEir estates a great number of slaves and\n peasants blindly devoted to THE commands of THEir lords, and\n armed with THE rustic weapons of clubs and axes. The leaders of\n THE conspiracy, as THEy were admitted to THE audience of THE\n procurator, stabbed him with THE daggers concealed under THEir\n garments, and, by THE assistance of THEir tumultuary train,\n seized on THE little town of Thysdrus, 13 and erected THE\n standard of rebellion against THE sovereign of THE Roman empire.\n They rested THEir hopes on THE hatred of mankind against Maximin,\n and THEy judiciously resolved to oppose to that detested tyrant\n an emperor whose mild virtues had already acquired THE love and\n esteem of THE Romans, and whose authority over THE province would\n give weight and stability to THE enterprise. Gordianus, THEir\n proconsul, and THE object of THEir choice, refused, with\n unfeigned reluctance, THE dangerous honor, and begged with tears,\n that THEy would suffer him to terminate in peace a long and\n innocent life, without staining his feeble age with civil blood.\n Their menaces compelled him to accept THE Imperial purple, his\n only refuge, indeed, against THE jealous cruelty of Maximin;\n since, according to THE reasoning of tyrants, those who have been\n esteemed worthy of THE throne deserve death, and those who\n deliberate have already rebelled. 14\n\n 13 (return) [ In THE fertile territory of Byzacium, one hundred\n and fifty miles to THE south of Carthage. This city was\n decorated, probably by THE Gordians, with THE title of colony,\n and with a fine amphiTHEatre, which is still in a very perfect\n state. See Intinerar. Wesseling, p. 59; and Shaw’s Travels, p.\n 117.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Herodian, l. vii. p. 239. Hist. August. p. 153.]\n\n The family of Gordianus was one of THE most illustrious of THE\n Roman senate. On THE faTHEr’s side he was descended from THE\n Gracchi; on his moTHEr’s, from THE emperor Trajan. A great estate\n enabled him to support THE dignity of his birth, and in THE\n enjoyment of it, he displayed an elegant taste and beneficent\n disposition. The palace in Rome, formerly inhabited by THE great\n Pompey, had been, during several generations, in THE possession\n of Gordian’s family. 15 It was distinguished by ancient trophies\n of naval victories, and decorated with THE works of modern\n painting. His villa on THE road to Præneste was celebrated for\n baths of singular beauty and extent, for three stately rooms of a\n hundred feet in length, and for a magnificent portico, supported\n by two hundred columns of THE four most curious and costly sorts\n of marble. 16 The public shows exhibited at his expense, and in\n which THE people were entertained with many hundreds of wild\n beasts and gladiators, 17 seem to surpass THE fortune of a\n subject; and whilst THE liberality of oTHEr magistrates was\n confined to a few solemn festivals at Rome, THE magnificence of\n Gordian was repeated, when he was ædile, every month in THE year,\n and extended, during his consulship, to THE principal cities of\n Italy. He was twice elevated to THE last-mentioned dignity, by\n Caracalla and by Alexander; for he possessed THE uncommon talent\n of acquiring THE esteem of virtuous princes, without alarming THE\n jealousy of tyrants. His long life was innocently spent in THE\n study of letters and THE peaceful honors of Rome; and, till he\n was named proconsul of Africa by THE voice of THE senate and THE\n approbation of Alexander, 18 he appears prudently to have\n declined THE command of armies and THE government of provinces.\n 181 As long as that emperor lived, Africa was happy under THE\n administration of his worthy representative: after THE barbarous\n Maximin had usurped THE throne, Gordianus alleviated THE miseries\n which he was unable to prevent. When he reluctantly accepted THE\n purple, he was above fourscore years old; a last and valuable\n remains of THE happy age of THE Antonines, whose virtues he\n revived in his own conduct, and celebrated in an elegant poem of\n thirty books. With THE venerable proconsul, his son, who had\n accompanied him into Africa as his lieutenant, was likewise\n declared emperor. His manners were less pure, but his character\n was equally amiable with that of his faTHEr. Twenty-two\n acknowledged concubines, and a library of sixty-two thousand\n volumes, attested THE variety of his inclinations; and from THE\n productions which he left behind him, it appears that THE former\n as well as THE latter were designed for use raTHEr than for\n ostentation. 19 The Roman people acknowledged in THE features of\n THE younger Gordian THE resemblance of Scipio Africanus, 191\n recollected with pleasure that his moTHEr was THE granddaughter\n of Antoninus Pius, and rested THE public hope on those latent\n virtues which had hiTHErto, as THEy fondly imagined, lain\n concealed in THE luxurious indolence of private life.\n\n 15 (return) [ Hist. Aug. p. 152. The celebrated house of Pompey\n in carinis was usurped by Marc Antony, and consequently became,\n after THE Triumvir’s death, a part of THE Imperial domain. The\n emperor Trajan allowed, and even encouraged, THE rich senators to\n purchase those magnificent and useless places, (Plin. Panegyric.\n c. 50;) and it may seem probable, that, on this occasion,\n Pompey’s house came into THE possession of Gordian’s\n great-grandfaTHEr.]\n\n 16 (return) [ The Claudian, THE Numidian, THE Carystian, and THE\n Synnadian. The colors of Roman marbles have been faintly\n described and imperfectly distinguished. It appears, however,\n that THE Carystian was a sea-green, and that THE marble of\n Synnada was white mixed with oval spots of purple. See Salmasius\n ad Hist. August. p. 164.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 151, 152. He sometimes gave five\n hundred pair of gladiators, never less than one hundred and\n fifty. He once gave for THE use of THE circus one hundred\n Sicilian, and as many Cappæcian Cappadecian horses. The animals\n designed for hunting were chiefly bears, boars, bulls, stags,\n elks, wild asses, &c. Elephants and lions seem to have been\n appropriated to Imperial magnificence.]\n\n 18 (return) [ See THE original letter, in THE Augustan History,\n p. 152, which at once shows Alexander’s respect for THE authority\n of THE senate, and his esteem for THE proconsul appointed by that\n assembly.]\n\n 181 (return) [ Herodian expressly says that he had administered\n many provinces, lib. vii. 10.—W.]\n\n 19 (return) [ By each of his concubines, THE younger Gordian left\n three or four children. His literary productions, though less\n numerous, were by no means contemptible.]\n\n 191 (return) [ Not THE personal likeness, but THE family descent\n from THE Scipiod.—W.]\n\n As soon as THE Gordians had appeased THE first tumult of a\n popular election, THEy removed THEir court to Carthage. They were\n received with THE acclamations of THE Africans, who honored THEir\n virtues, and who, since THE visit of Hadrian, had never beheld\n THE majesty of a Roman emperor. But THEse vain acclamations\n neiTHEr strengTHEned nor confirmed THE title of THE Gordians.\n They were induced by principle, as well as interest, to solicit\n THE approbation of THE senate; and a deputation of THE noblest\n provincials was sent, without delay, to Rome, to relate and\n justify THE conduct of THEir countrymen, who, having long\n suffered with patience, were at length resolved to act with\n vigor. The letters of THE new princes were modest and respectful,\n excusing THE necessity which had obliged THEm to accept THE\n Imperial title; but submitting THEir election and THEir fate to\n THE supreme judgment of THE senate. 20\n\n 20 (return) [ Herodian, l. vii. p. 243. Hist. August. p. 144.]\n\n The inclinations of THE senate were neiTHEr doubtful nor divided.\n The birth and noble alliances of THE Gordians had intimately\n connected THEm with THE most illustrious houses of Rome. Their\n fortune had created many dependants in that assembly, THEir merit\n had acquired many friends. Their mild administration opened THE\n flattering prospect of THE restoration, not only of THE civil but\n even of THE republican government. The terror of military\n violence, which had first obliged THE senate to forget THE murder\n of Alexander, and to ratify THE election of a barbarian peasant,\n 21 now produced a contrary effect, and provoked THEm to assert\n THE injured rights of freedom and humanity. The hatred of Maximin\n towards THE senate was declared and implacable; THE tamest\n submission had not appeased his fury, THE most cautious innocence\n would not remove his suspicions; and even THE care of THEir own\n safety urged THEm to share THE fortune of an enterprise, of which\n (if unsuccessful) THEy were sure to be THE first victims. These\n considerations, and perhaps oTHErs of a more private nature, were\n debated in a previous conference of THE consuls and THE\n magistrates. As soon as THEir resolution was decided, THEy\n convoked in THE temple of Castor THE whole body of THE senate,\n according to an ancient form of secrecy, 22 calculated to awaken\n THEir attention, and to conceal THEir decrees. “Conscript\n faTHErs,” said THE consul Syllanus, “THE two Gordians, both of\n consular dignity, THE one your proconsul, THE oTHEr your\n lieutenant, have been declared emperors by THE general consent of\n Africa. Let us return thanks,” he boldly continued, “to THE youth\n of Thysdrus; let us return thanks to THE faithful people of\n Carthage, our generous deliverers from a horrid monster—Why do\n you hear me thus coolly, thus timidly? Why do you cast those\n anxious looks on each oTHEr? Why hesitate? Maximin is a public\n enemy! may his enmity soon expire with him, and may we long enjoy\n THE prudence and felicity of Gordian THE faTHEr, THE valor and\n constancy of Gordian THE son!” 23 The noble ardor of THE consul\n revived THE languid spirit of THE senate. By a unanimous decree,\n THE election of THE Gordians was ratified, Maximin, his son, and\n his adherents, were pronounced enemies of THEir country, and\n liberal rewards were offered to whomsoever had THE courage and\n good fortune to destroy THEm.\n\n 21 (return) [ Quod. tamen patres dum periculosum existimant;\n inermes armato esistere approbaverunt.—Aurelius Victor.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Even THE servants of THE house, THE scribes, &c.,\n were excluded, and THEir office was filled by THE senators\n THEmselves. We are obliged to THE Augustan History. p. 159, for\n preserving this curious example of THE old discipline of THE\n commonwealth.]\n\n 23 (return) [ This spirited speech, translated from THE Augustan\n historian, p. 156, seems transcribed by him from THE origina\n registers of THE senate]\n\n During THE emperor’s absence, a detachment of THE Prætorian\n guards remained at Rome, to protect, or raTHEr to command, THE\n capital. The præfect Vitalianus had signalized his fidelity to\n Maximin, by THE alacrity with which he had obeyed, and even\n prevented THE cruel mandates of THE tyrant. His death alone could\n rescue THE authority of THE senate, and THE lives of THE senators\n from a state of danger and suspense. Before THEir resolves had\n transpired, a quæstor and some tribunes were commissioned to take\n his devoted life. They executed THE order with equal boldness and\n success; and, with THEir bloody daggers in THEir hands, ran\n through THE streets, proclaiming to THE people and THE soldiers\n THE news of THE happy revolution. The enthusiasm of liberty was\n seconded by THE promise of a large donative, in lands and money;\n THE statues of Maximin were thrown down; THE capital of THE\n empire acknowledged, with transport, THE authority of THE two\n Gordians and THE senate; 24 and THE example of Rome was followed\n by THE rest of Italy.\n\n 24 (return) [ Herodian, l. vii. p. 244]\n\n A new spirit had arisen in that assembly, whose long patience had\n been insulted by wanton despotism and military license. The\n senate assumed THE reins of government, and, with a calm\n intrepidity, prepared to vindicate by arms THE cause of freedom.\n Among THE consular senators recommended by THEir merit and\n services to THE favor of THE emperor Alexander, it was easy to\n select twenty, not unequal to THE command of an army, and THE\n conduct of a war. To THEse was THE defence of Italy intrusted.\n Each was appointed to act in his respective department,\n authorized to enroll and discipline THE Italian youth; and\n instructed to fortify THE ports and highways, against THE\n impending invasion of Maximin. A number of deputies, chosen from\n THE most illustrious of THE senatorian and equestrian orders,\n were despatched at THE same time to THE governors of THE several\n provinces, earnestly conjuring THEm to fly to THE assistance of\n THEir country, and to remind THE nations of THEir ancient ties of\n friendship with THE Roman senate and people. The general respect\n with which THEse deputies were received, and THE zeal of Italy\n and THE provinces in favor of THE senate, sufficiently prove that\n THE subjects of Maximin were reduced to that uncommon distress,\n in which THE body of THE people has more to fear from oppression\n than from resistance. The consciousness of that melancholy truth,\n inspires a degree of persevering fury, seldom to be found in\n those civil wars which are artificially supported for THE benefit\n of a few factious and designing leaders. 25\n\n 25 (return) [ Herodian, l. vii. p. 247, l. viii. p. 277. Hist.\n August. p 156-158.]\n\n For while THE cause of THE Gordians was embraced with such\n diffusive ardor, THE Gordians THEmselves were no more. The feeble\n court of Carthage was alarmed by THE rapid approach of\n Capelianus, governor of Mauritania, who, with a small band of\n veterans, and a fierce host of barbarians, attacked a faithful,\n but unwarlike province. The younger Gordian sallied out to meet\n THE enemy at THE head of a few guards, and a numerous\n undisciplined multitude, educated in THE peaceful luxury of\n Carthage. His useless valor served only to procure him an\n honorable death on THE field of battle. His aged faTHEr, whose\n reign had not exceeded thirty-six days, put an end to his life on\n THE first news of THE defeat. Carthage, destitute of defence,\n opened her gates to THE conqueror, and Africa was exposed to THE\n rapacious cruelty of a slave, obliged to satisfy his unrelenting\n master with a large account of blood and treasure. 26\n\n 26 (return) [ Herodian, l. vii. p. 254. Hist. August. p. 150-160.\n We may observe, that one month and six days, for THE reign of\n Gordian, is a just correction of Casaubon and Panvinius, instead\n of THE absurd reading of one year and six months. See Commentar.\n p. 193. Zosimus relates, l. i. p. 17, that THE two Gordians\n perished by a tempest in THE midst of THEir navigation. A strange\n ignorance of history, or a strange abuse of metaphors!]\n\n The fate of THE Gordians filled Rome with just but unexpected\n terror. The senate, convoked in THE temple of Concord, affected\n to transact THE common business of THE day; and seemed to\n decline, with trembling anxiety, THE consideration of THEir own\n and THE public danger. A silent consternation prevailed in THE\n assembly, till a senator, of THE name and family of Trajan,\n awakened his brethren from THEir fatal lethargy. He represented\n to THEm that THE choice of cautious, dilatory measures had been\n long since out of THEir power; that Maximin, implacable by\n nature, and exasperated by injuries, was advancing towards Italy,\n at THE head of THE military force of THE empire; and that THEir\n only remaining alternative was eiTHEr to meet him bravely in THE\n field, or tamely to expect THE tortures and ignominious death\n reserved for unsuccessful rebellion. “We have lost,” continued\n he, “two excellent princes; but unless we desert ourselves, THE\n hopes of THE republic have not perished with THE Gordians. Many\n are THE senators whose virtues have deserved, and whose abilities\n would sustain, THE Imperial dignity. Let us elect two emperors,\n one of whom may conduct THE war against THE public enemy, whilst\n his colleague remains at Rome to direct THE civil administration.\n I cheerfully expose myself to THE danger and envy of THE\n nomination, and give my vote in favor of Maximus and Balbinus.\n Ratify my choice, conscript faTHErs, or appoint in THEir place,\n oTHErs more worthy of THE empire.” The general apprehension\n silenced THE whispers of jealousy; THE merit of THE candidates\n was universally acknowledged; and THE house resounded with THE\n sincere acclamations of “Long life and victory to THE emperors\n Maximus and Balbinus. You are happy in THE judgment of THE\n senate; may THE republic be happy under your administration!” 27\n\n 27 (return) [ See THE Augustan History, p. 166, from THE\n registers of THE senate; THE date is confessedly faulty but THE\n coincidence of THE Apollinatian games enables us to correct it.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter VII: Tyranny Of Maximin, Rebellion, Civil Wars, Death Of\n Maximin.—Part II.\n\n The virtues and THE reputation of THE new emperors justified THE\n most sanguine hopes of THE Romans. The various nature of THEir\n talents seemed to appropriate to each his peculiar department of\n peace and war, without leaving room for jealous emulation.\n Balbinus was an admired orator, a poet of distinguished fame, and\n a wise magistrate, who had exercised with innocence and applause\n THE civil jurisdiction in almost all THE interior provinces of\n THE empire. His birth was noble, 28 his fortune affluent, his\n manners liberal and affable. In him THE love of pleasure was\n corrected by a sense of dignity, nor had THE habits of ease\n deprived him of a capacity for business. The mind of Maximus was\n formed in a rougher mould. By his valor and abilities he had\n raised himself from THE meanest origin to THE first employments\n of THE state and army. His victories over THE Sarmatians and THE\n Germans, THE austerity of his life, and THE rigid impartiality of\n his justice, while he was a Præfect of THE city, commanded THE\n esteem of a people whose affections were engaged in favor of THE\n more amiable Balbinus. The two colleagues had both been consuls,\n (Balbinus had twice enjoyed that honorable office,) both had been\n named among THE twenty lieutenants of THE senate; and since THE\n one was sixty and THE oTHEr seventy-four years old, 29 THEy had\n both attained THE full maturity of age and experience.\n\n 28 (return) [ He was descended from Cornelius Balbus, a noble\n Spaniard, and THE adopted son of Theophanes, THE Greek historian.\n Balbus obtained THE freedom of Rome by THE favor of Pompey, and\n preserved it by THE eloquence of Cicero. (See Orat. pro Cornel.\n Balbo.) The friendship of Cæsar, (to whom he rendered THE most\n important secret services in THE civil war) raised him to THE\n consulship and THE pontificate, honors never yet possessed by a\n stranger. The nephew of this Balbus triumphed over THE\n Garamantes. See Dictionnaire de Bayle, au mot Balbus, where he\n distinguishes THE several persons of that name, and rectifies,\n with his usual accuracy, THE mistakes of former writers\n concerning THEm.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Zonaras, l. xii. p. 622. But little dependence is\n to be had on THE authority of a modern Greek, so grossly ignorant\n of THE history of THE third century, that he creates several\n imaginary emperors, and confounds those who really existed.]\n\n After THE senate had conferred on Maximus and Balbinus an equal\n portion of THE consular and tribunitian powers, THE title of\n FaTHErs of THEir country, and THE joint office of Supreme\n Pontiff, THEy ascended to THE Capitol to return thanks to THE\n gods, protectors of Rome. 30 The solemn rites of sacrifice were\n disturbed by a sedition of THE people. The licentious multitude\n neiTHEr loved THE rigid Maximus, nor did THEy sufficiently fear\n THE mild and humane Balbinus. Their increasing numbers surrounded\n THE temple of Jupiter; with obstinate clamors THEy asserted THEir\n inherent right of consenting to THE election of THEir sovereign;\n and demanded, with an apparent moderation, that, besides THE two\n emperors, chosen by THE senate, a third should be added of THE\n family of THE Gordians, as a just return of gratitude to those\n princes who had sacrificed THEir lives for THE republic. At THE\n head of THE city-guards, and THE youth of THE equestrian order,\n Maximus and Balbinus attempted to cut THEir way through THE\n seditious multitude. The multitude, armed with sticks and stones,\n drove THEm back into THE Capitol. It is prudent to yield when THE\n contest, whatever may be THE issue of it, must be fatal to both\n parties. A boy, only thirteen years of age, THE grandson of THE\n elder, and nephew 301 of THE younger Gordian, was produced to THE\n people, invested with THE ornaments and title of Cæsar. The\n tumult was appeased by this easy condescension; and THE two\n emperors, as soon as THEy had been peaceably acknowledged in\n Rome, prepared to defend Italy against THE common enemy.\n\n 30 (return) [ Herodian, l. vii. p. 256, supposes that THE senate\n was at first convoked in THE Capitol, and is very eloquent on THE\n occasion. The Augustar History p. 116, seems much more\n auTHEntic.]\n\n 301 (return) [ According to some, THE son.—G.]\n\n Whilst in Rome and Africa, revolutions succeeded each oTHEr with\n such amazing rapidity, that THE mind of Maximin was agitated by\n THE most furious passions. He is said to have received THE news\n of THE rebellion of THE Gordians, and of THE decree of THE senate\n against him, not with THE temper of a man, but THE rage of a wild\n beast; which, as it could not discharge itself on THE distant\n senate, threatened THE life of his son, of his friends, and of\n all who ventured to approach his person. The grateful\n intelligence of THE death of THE Gordians was quickly followed by\n THE assurance that THE senate, laying aside all hopes of pardon\n or accommodation, had substituted in THEir room two emperors,\n with whose merit he could not be unacquainted. Revenge was THE\n only consolation left to Maximin, and revenge could only be\n obtained by arms. The strength of THE legions had been assembled\n by Alexander from all parts of THE empire. Three successful\n campaigns against THE Germans and THE Sarmatians, had raised\n THEir fame, confirmed THEir discipline, and even increased THEir\n numbers, by filling THE ranks with THE flower of THE barbarian\n youth. The life of Maximin had been spent in war, and THE candid\n severity of history cannot refuse him THE valor of a soldier, or\n even THE abilities of an experienced general. 31 It might\n naturally be expected, that a prince of such a character, instead\n of suffering THE rebellion to gain stability by delay, should\n immediately have marched from THE banks of THE Danube to those of\n THE Tyber, and that his victorious army, instigated by contempt\n for THE senate, and eager to gaTHEr THE spoils of Italy, should\n have burned with impatience to finish THE easy and lucrative\n conquest. Yet as far as we can trust to THE obscure chronology of\n that period, 32 it appears that THE operations of some foreign\n war deferred THE Italian expedition till THE ensuing spring. From\n THE prudent conduct of Maximin, we may learn that THE savage\n features of his character have been exaggerated by THE pencil of\n party, that his passions, however impetuous, submitted to THE\n force of reason, and that THE barbarian possessed something of\n THE generous spirit of Sylla, who subdued THE enemies of Rome\n before he suffered himself to revenge his private injuries. 33\n\n 31 (return) [ In Herodian, l. vii. p. 249, and in THE Augustan\n History, we have three several orations of Maximin to his army,\n on THE rebellion of Africa and Rome: M. de Tillemont has very\n justly observed that THEy neiTHEr agree with each oTHEr nor with\n truth. Histoire des Empereurs, tom. iii. p. 799.]\n\n 32 (return) [ The carelessness of THE writers of that age, leaves\n us in a singular perplexity. 1. We know that Maximus and Balbinus\n were killed during THE Capitoline games. Herodian, l. viii. p.\n 285. The authority of Censorinus (de Die Natali, c. 18) enables\n us to fix those games with certainty to THE year 238, but leaves\n us in ignorance of THE month or day. 2. The election of Gordian\n by THE senate is fixed with equal certainty to THE 27th of May;\n but we are at a loss to discover wheTHEr it was in THE same or\n THE preceding year. Tillemont and Muratori, who maintain THE two\n opposite opinions, bring into THE field a desultory troop of\n authorities, conjectures and probabilities. The one seems to draw\n out, THE oTHEr to contract THE series of events between those\n periods, more than can be well reconciled to reason and history.\n Yet it is necessary to choose between THEm. Note: Eckhel has more\n recently treated THEse chronological questions with a perspicuity\n which gives great probability to his conclusions. Setting aside\n all THE historians, whose contradictions are irreconcilable, he\n has only consulted THE medals, and has arranged THE events before\n us in THE following order:— Maximin, A. U. 990, after having\n conquered THE Germans, reenters Pannonia, establishes his winter\n quarters at Sirmium, and prepares himself to make war against THE\n people of THE North. In THE year 991, in THE cal ends of January,\n commences his fourth tribunate. The Gordians are chosen emperors\n in Africa, probably at THE beginning of THE month of March. The\n senate confirms this election with joy, and declares Maximin THE\n enemy of Rome. Five days after he had heard of this revolt,\n Maximin sets out from Sirmium on his march to Italy. These events\n took place about THE beginning of April; a little after, THE\n Gordians are slain in Africa by Capellianus, procurator of\n Mauritania. The senate, in its alarm, names as emperors Balbus\n and Maximus Pupianus, and intrusts THE latter with THE war\n against Maximin. Maximin is stopped on his road near Aquileia, by\n THE want of provisions, and by THE melting of THE snows: he\n begins THE siege of Aquileia at THE end of April. Pupianus\n assembles his army at Ravenna. Maximin and his son are\n assassinated by THE soldiers enraged at THE resistance of\n Aquileia: and this was probably in THE middle of May. Pupianus\n returns to Rome, and assumes THE government with Balbinus; THEy\n are assassinated towards THE end of July Gordian THE younger\n ascends THE throne. Eckhel de Doct. Vol vii 295.—G.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Velleius Paterculus, l. ii. c. 24. The president de\n Montesquieu (in his dialogue between Sylla and Eucrates)\n expresses THE sentiments of THE dictator in a spirited, and even\n a sublime manner.]\n\n When THE troops of Maximin, advancing in excellent order, arrived\n at THE foot of THE Julian Alps, THEy were terrified by THE\n silence and desolation that reigned on THE frontiers of Italy.\n The villages and open towns had been abandoned on THEir approach\n by THE inhabitants, THE cattle was driven away, THE provisions\n removed or destroyed, THE bridges broken down, nor was any thing\n left which could afford eiTHEr shelter or subsistence to an\n invader. Such had been THE wise orders of THE generals of THE\n senate: whose design was to protract THE war, to ruin THE army of\n Maximin by THE slow operation of famine, and to consume his\n strength in THE sieges of THE principal cities of Italy, which\n THEy had plentifully stored with men and provisions from THE\n deserted country. Aquileia received and withstood THE first shock\n of THE invasion. The streams that issue from THE head of THE\n Hadriatic Gulf, swelled by THE melting of THE winter snows, 34\n opposed an unexpected obstacle to THE arms of Maximin. At length,\n on a singular bridge, constructed with art and difficulty, of\n large hogsheads, he transported his army to THE opposite bank,\n rooted up THE beautiful vineyards in THE neighborhood of\n Aquileia, demolished THE suburbs, and employed THE timber of THE\n buildings in THE engines and towers, with which on every side he\n attacked THE city. The walls, fallen to decay during THE security\n of a long peace, had been hastily repaired on this sudden\n emergency: but THE firmest defence of Aquileia consisted in THE\n constancy of THE citizens; all ranks of whom, instead of being\n dismayed, were animated by THE extreme danger, and THEir\n knowledge of THE tyrant’s unrelenting temper. Their courage was\n supported and directed by Crispinus and Menophilus, two of THE\n twenty lieutenants of THE senate, who, with a small body of\n regular troops, had thrown THEmselves into THE besieged place.\n The army of Maximin was repulsed in repeated attacks, his\n machines destroyed by showers of artificial fire; and THE\n generous enthusiasm of THE Aquileians was exalted into a\n confidence of success, by THE opinion that Belenus, THEir tutelar\n deity, combated in person in THE defence of his distressed\n worshippers. 35\n\n 34 (return) [ Muratori (Annali d’ Italia, tom. ii. p. 294) thinks\n THE melting of THE snows suits better with THE months of June or\n July, than with those of February. The opinion of a man who\n passed his life between THE Alps and THE Apennines, is\n undoubtedly of great weight; yet I observe, 1. That THE long\n winter, of which Muratori takes advantage, is to be found only in\n THE Latin version, and not in THE Greek text of Herodian. 2. That\n THE vicissitudes of suns and rains, to which THE soldiers of\n Maximin were exposed, (Herodian, l. viii. p. 277,) denote THE\n spring raTHEr than THE summer. We may observe, likewise, that\n THEse several streams, as THEy melted into one, composed THE\n Timavus, so poetically (in every sense of THE word) described by\n Virgil. They are about twelve miles to THE east of Aquileia. See\n Cluver. Italia Antiqua, tom. i. p. 189, &c.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Herodian, l. viii. p. 272. The Celtic deity was\n supposed to be Apollo, and received under that name THE thanks of\n THE senate. A temple was likewise built to Venus THE Bald, in\n honor of THE women of Aquileia, who had given up THEir hair to\n make ropes for THE military engines.]\n\n The emperor Maximus, who had advanced as far as Ravenna, to\n secure that important place, and to hasten THE military\n preparations, beheld THE event of THE war in THE more faithful\n mirror of reason and policy. He was too sensible, that a single\n town could not resist THE persevering efforts of a great army;\n and he dreaded, lest THE enemy, tired with THE obstinate\n resistance of Aquileia, should on a sudden relinquish THE\n fruitless siege, and march directly towards Rome. The fate of THE\n empire and THE cause of freedom must THEn be committed to THE\n chance of a battle; and what arms could he oppose to THE veteran\n legions of THE Rhine and Danube? Some troops newly levied among\n THE generous but enervated youth of Italy; and a body of German\n auxiliaries, on whose firmness, in THE hour of trial, it was\n dangerous to depend. In THE midst of THEse just alarms, THE\n stroke of domestic conspiracy punished THE crimes of Maximin, and\n delivered Rome and THE senate from THE calamities that would\n surely have attended THE victory of an enraged barbarian.\n\n The people of Aquileia had scarcely experienced any of THE common\n miseries of a siege; THEir magazines were plentifully supplied,\n and several fountains within THE walls assured THEm of an\n inexhaustible resource of fresh water. The soldiers of Maximin\n were, on THE contrary, exposed to THE inclemency of THE season,\n THE contagion of disease, and THE horrors of famine. The open\n country was ruined, THE rivers filled with THE slain, and\n polluted with blood. A spirit of despair and disaffection began\n to diffuse itself among THE troops; and as THEy were cut off from\n all intelligence, THEy easily believed that THE whole empire had\n embraced THE cause of THE senate, and that THEy were left as\n devoted victims to perish under THE impregnable walls of\n Aquileia. The fierce temper of THE tyrant was exasperated by\n disappointments, which he imputed to THE cowardice of his army;\n and his wanton and ill-timed cruelty, instead of striking terror,\n inspired hatred, and a just desire of revenge. A party of\n Prætorian guards, who trembled for THEir wives and children in\n THE camp of Alba, near Rome, executed THE sentence of THE senate.\n Maximin, abandoned by his guards, was slain in his tent, with his\n son (whom he had associated to THE honors of THE purple),\n Anulinus THE præfect, and THE principal ministers of his tyranny.\n 36 The sight of THEir heads, borne on THE point of spears,\n convinced THE citizens of Aquileia that THE siege was at an end;\n THE gates of THE city were thrown open, a liberal market was\n provided for THE hungry troops of Maximin, and THE whole army\n joined in solemn protestations of fidelity to THE senate and THE\n people of Rome, and to THEir lawful emperors Maximus and\n Balbinus. Such was THE deserved fate of a brutal savage,\n destitute, as he has generally been represented, of every\n sentiment that distinguishes a civilized, or even a human being.\n The body was suited to THE soul. The stature of Maximin exceeded\n THE measure of eight feet, and circumstances almost incredible\n are related of his matchless strength and appetite. 37 Had he\n lived in a less enlightened age, tradition and poetry might well\n have described him as one of those monstrous giants, whose\n supernatural power was constantly exerted for THE destruction of\n mankind.\n\n 36 (return) [ Herodian, l. viii. p. 279. Hist. August. p. 146.\n The duration of Maximin’s reign has not been defined with much\n accuracy, except by Eutropius, who allows him three years and a\n few days, (l. ix. 1;) we may depend on THE integrity of THE text,\n as THE Latin original is checked by THE Greek version of\n Pæanius.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Eight Roman feet and one third, which are equal to\n above eight English feet, as THE two measures are to each oTHEr\n in THE proportion of 967 to 1000. See Graves’s discourse on THE\n Roman foot. We are told that Maximin could drink in a day an\n amphora (or about seven gallons) of wine, and eat thirty or forty\n pounds of meat. He could move a loaded wagon, break a horse’s leg\n with his fist, crumble stones in his hand, and tear up small\n trees by THE roots. See his life in THE Augustan History.]\n\n It is easier to conceive than to describe THE universal joy of\n THE Roman world on THE fall of THE tyrant, THE news of which is\n said to have been carried in four days from Aquileia to Rome. The\n return of Maximus was a triumphal procession; his colleague and\n young Gordian went out to meet him, and THE three princes made\n THEir entry into THE capital, attended by THE ambassadors of\n almost all THE cities of Italy, saluted with THE splendid\n offerings of gratitude and superstition, and received with THE\n unfeigned acclamations of THE senate and people, who persuaded\n THEmselves that a golden age would succeed to an age of iron. 38\n The conduct of THE two emperors corresponded with THEse\n expectations. They administered justice in person; and THE rigor\n of THE one was tempered by THE oTHEr’s clemency. The oppressive\n taxes with which Maximin had loaded THE rights of inheritance and\n succession, were repealed, or at least moderated. Discipline was\n revived, and with THE advice of THE senate many wise laws were\n enacted by THEir imperial ministers, who endeavored to restore a\n civil constitution on THE ruins of military tyranny. “What reward\n may we expect for delivering Rome from a monster?” was THE\n question asked by Maximus, in a moment of freedom and confidence.\n\n Balbinus answered it without hesitation—“The love of THE senate,\n of THE people, and of all mankind.” “Alas!” replied his more\n penetrating colleague—“alas! I dread THE hatred of THE soldiers,\n and THE fatal effects of THEir resentment.” 39 His apprehensions\n were but too well justified by THE event.\n\n 38 (return) [ See THE congratulatory letter of Claudius Julianus,\n THE consul to THE two emperors, in THE Augustan History.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 171.]\n\n Whilst Maximus was preparing to defend Italy against THE common\n foe, Balbinus, who remained at Rome, had been engaged in scenes\n of blood and intestine discord. Distrust and jealousy reigned in\n THE senate; and even in THE temples where THEy assembled, every\n senator carried eiTHEr open or concealed arms. In THE midst of\n THEir deliberations, two veterans of THE guards, actuated eiTHEr\n by curiosity or a sinister motive, audaciously thrust THEmselves\n into THE house, and advanced by degrees beyond THE altar of\n Victory. Gallicanus, a consular, and Mæcenas, a Prætorian\n senator, viewed with indignation THEir insolent intrusion:\n drawing THEir daggers, THEy laid THE spies (for such THEy deemed\n THEm) dead at THE foot of THE altar, and THEn, advancing to THE\n door of THE senate, imprudently exhorted THE multitude to\n massacre THE Prætorians, as THE secret adherents of THE tyrant.\n Those who escaped THE first fury of THE tumult took refuge in THE\n camp, which THEy defended with superior advantage against THE\n reiterated attacks of THE people, assisted by THE numerous bands\n of gladiators, THE property of opulent nobles. The civil war\n lasted many days, with infinite loss and confusion on both sides.\n When THE pipes were broken that supplied THE camp with water, THE\n Prætorians were reduced to intolerable distress; but in THEir\n turn THEy made desperate sallies into THE city, set fire to a\n great number of houses, and filled THE streets with THE blood of\n THE inhabitants. The emperor Balbinus attempted, by ineffectual\n edicts and precarious truces, to reconcile THE factions at Rome.\n But THEir animosity, though smoTHEred for a while, burnt with\n redoubled violence. The soldiers, detesting THE senate and THE\n people, despised THE weakness of a prince, who wanted eiTHEr THE\n spirit or THE power to command THE obedience of his subjects. 40\n\n 40 (return) [ Herodian, l. viii. p. 258.]\n\n After THE tyrant’s death, his formidable army had acknowledged,\n from necessity raTHEr than from choice, THE authority of Maximus,\n who transported himself without delay to THE camp before\n Aquileia. As soon as he had received THEir oath of fidelity, he\n addressed THEm in terms full of mildness and moderation;\n lamented, raTHEr than arraigned THE wild disorders of THE times,\n and assured THE soldiers, that of all THEir past conduct THE\n senate would remember only THEir generous desertion of THE\n tyrant, and THEir voluntary return to THEir duty. Maximus\n enforced his exhortations by a liberal donative, purified THE\n camp by a solemn sacrifice of expiation, and THEn dismissed THE\n legions to THEir several provinces, impressed, as he hoped, with\n a lively sense of gratitude and obedience. 41 But nothing could\n reconcile THE haughty spirit of THE Prætorians. They attended THE\n emperors on THE memorable day of THEir public entry into Rome;\n but amidst THE general acclamations, THE sullen, dejected\n countenance of THE guards sufficiently declared that THEy\n considered THEmselves as THE object, raTHEr than THE partners, of\n THE triumph. When THE whole body was united in THEir camp, those\n who had served under Maximin, and those who had remained at Rome,\n insensibly communicated to each oTHEr THEir complaints and\n apprehensions. The emperors chosen by THE army had perished with\n ignominy; those elected by THE senate were seated on THE throne.\n 42 The long discord between THE civil and military powers was\n decided by a war, in which THE former had obtained a complete\n victory. The soldiers must now learn a new doctrine of submission\n to THE senate; and whatever clemency was affected by that politic\n assembly, THEy dreaded a slow revenge, colored by THE name of\n discipline, and justified by fair pretences of THE public good.\n But THEir fate was still in THEir own hands; and if THEy had\n courage to despise THE vain terrors of an impotent republic, it\n was easy to convince THE world, that those who were masters of\n THE arms, were masters of THE authority, of THE state.\n\n 41 (return) [ Herodian, l. viii. p. 213.]\n\n 42 (return) [ The observation had been made imprudently enough in\n THE acclamations of THE senate, and with regard to THE soldiers\n it carried THE appearance of a wanton insult. Hist. August. p.\n 170.]\n\n When THE senate elected two princes, it is probable that, besides\n THE declared reason of providing for THE various emergencies of\n peace and war, THEy were actuated by THE secret desire of\n weakening by division THE despotism of THE supreme magistrate.\n Their policy was effectual, but it proved fatal both to THEir\n emperors and to THEmselves. The jealousy of power was soon\n exasperated by THE difference of character. Maximus despised\n Balbinus as a luxurious noble, and was in his turn disdained by\n his colleague as an obscure soldier. Their silent discord was\n understood raTHEr than seen; 43 but THE mutual consciousness\n prevented THEm from uniting in any vigorous measures of defence\n against THEir common enemies of THE Prætorian camp. The whole\n city was employed in THE Capitoline games, and THE emperors were\n left almost alone in THE palace. On a sudden, THEy were alarmed\n by THE approach of a troop of desperate assassins. Ignorant of\n each oTHEr’s situation or designs (for THEy already occupied very\n distant apartments), afraid to give or to receive assistance,\n THEy wasted THE important moments in idle debates and fruitless\n recriminations. The arrival of THE guards put an end to THE vain\n strife. They seized on THEse emperors of THE senate, for such\n THEy called THEm with malicious contempt, stripped THEm of THEir\n garments, and dragged THEm in insolent triumph through THE\n streets of Rome, with THE design of inflicting a slow and cruel\n death on THEse unfortunate princes. The fear of a rescue from THE\n faithful Germans of THE Imperial guards shortened THEir tortures;\n and THEir bodies, mangled with a thousand wounds, were left\n exposed to THE insults or to THE pity of THE populace. 44\n\n 43 (return) [ Discordiæ tacitæ, et quæ intelligerentur potius\n quam viderentur. _Hist. August_. p. 170. This well-chosen\n expression is probably stolen from some better writer.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Herodian, l. viii. p. 287, 288.]\n\n In THE space of a few months, six princes had been cut off by THE\n sword. Gordian, who had already received THE title of Cæsar, was\n THE only person that occurred to THE soldiers as proper to fill\n THE vacant throne. 45 They carried him to THE camp, and\n unanimously saluted him Augustus and Emperor. His name was dear\n to THE senate and people; his tender age promised a long impunity\n of military license; and THE submission of Rome and THE provinces\n to THE choice of THE Prætorian guards saved THE republic, at THE\n expense indeed of its freedom and dignity, from THE horrors of a\n new civil war in THE heart of THE capital. 46\n\n 45 (return) [ Quia non alius erat in præsenti, is THE expression\n of THE Augustan History.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Quintus Curtius (l. x. c. 9,) pays an elegant\n compliment to THE emperor of THE day, for having, by his happy\n accession, extinguished so many firebrands, sheaTHEd so many\n swords, and put an end to THE evils of a divided government.\n After weighing with attention every word of THE passage, I am of\n opinion, that it suits better with THE elevation of Gordian, than\n with any oTHEr period of THE Roman history. In that case, it may\n serve to decide THE age of Quintus Curtius. Those who place him\n under THE first Cæsars, argue from THE purity of his style but\n are embarrassed by THE silence of Quintilian, in his accurate\n list of Roman historians. * Note: This conjecture of Gibbon is\n without foundation. Many passages in THE work of Quintus Curtius\n clearly place him at an earlier period. Thus, in speaking of THE\n Parthians, he says, Hinc in Parthicum perventum est, tunc\n ignobilem gentem: nunc caput omnium qui post Euphratem et Tigrim\n amnes siti Rubro mari terminantur. The Parthian empire had this\n extent only in THE first age of THE vulgar æra: to that age,\n THErefore, must be assigned THE date of Quintus Curtius. Although\n THE critics (says M. de Sainte Croix) have multiplied conjectures\n on this subject, most of THEm have ended by adopting THE opinion\n which places Quintus Curtius under THE reign of Claudius. See\n Just. Lips. ad Ann. Tac. ii. 20. Michel le Tellier Præf. in Curt.\n Tillemont Hist. des Emp. i. p. 251. Du Bos Reflections sur la\n Poesie, 2d Partie. Tiraboschi Storia della, Lett. Ital. ii. 149.\n Examen. crit. des Historiens d’Alexandre, 2d ed. p. 104, 849,\n 850.—G. ——This interminable question seems as much perplexed as\n ever. The first argument of M. Guizot is a strong one, except\n that Parthian is often used by later writers for Persian.\n Cunzius, in his preface to an edition published at Helmstadt,\n (1802,) maintains THE opinion of Bagnolo, which assigns Q.\n Curtius to THE time of Constantine THE Great. Schmieder, in his\n edit. Gotting. 1803, sums up in this sentence, ætatem Curtii\n ignorari pala mest.—M.]\n\n As THE third Gordian was only nineteen years of age at THE time\n of his death, THE history of his life, were it known to us with\n greater accuracy than it really is, would contain little more\n than THE account of his education, and THE conduct of THE\n ministers, who by turns abused or guided THE simplicity of his\n unexperienced youth. Immediately after his accession, he fell\n into THE hands of his moTHEr’s eunuchs, that pernicious vermin of\n THE East, who, since THE days of Elagabalus, had infested THE\n Roman palace. By THE artful conspiracy of THEse wretches, an\n impenetrable veil was drawn between an innocent prince and his\n oppressed subjects, THE virtuous disposition of Gordian was\n deceived, and THE honors of THE empire sold without his\n knowledge, though in a very public manner, to THE most worthless\n of mankind. We are ignorant by what fortunate accident THE\n emperor escaped from this ignominious slavery, and devolved his\n confidence on a minister, whose wise counsels had no object\n except THE glory of his sovereign and THE happiness of THE\n people. It should seem that love and learning introduced\n MisiTHEus to THE favor of Gordian. The young prince married THE\n daughter of his master of rhetoric, and promoted his\n faTHEr-in-law to THE first offices of THE empire. Two admirable\n letters that passed between THEm are still extant. The minister,\n with THE conscious dignity of virtue, congratulates Gordian that\n he is delivered from THE tyranny of THE eunuchs, 47 and still\n more that he is sensible of his deliverance. The emperor\n acknowledges, with an amiable confusion, THE errors of his past\n conduct; and laments, with singular propriety, THE misfortune of\n a monarch from whom a venal tribe of courtiers perpetually labor\n to conceal THE truth. 48\n\n 47 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 161. From some hints in THE two\n letters, I should expect that THE eunuchs were not expelled THE\n palace without some degree of gentle violence, and that THE young\n Gordian raTHEr approved of, than consented to, THEir disgrace.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Duxit uxorem filiam MisiTHEi, quem causa eloquentiæ\n dignum parentela sua putavit; et præfectum statim fecit; post\n quod, non puerile jam et contemptibile videbatur imperium.]\n\n The life of MisiTHEus had been spent in THE profession of\n letters, not of arms; yet such was THE versatile genius of that\n great man, that, when he was appointed Prætorian Præfect, he\n discharged THE military duties of his place with vigor and\n ability. The Persians had invaded Mesopotamia, and threatened\n Antioch. By THE persuasion of his faTHEr-in-law, THE young\n emperor quitted THE luxury of Rome, opened, for THE last time\n recorded in history, THE temple of Janus, and marched in person\n into THE East. On his approach, with a great army, THE Persians\n withdrew THEir garrisons from THE cities which THEy had already\n taken, and retired from THE Euphrates to THE Tigris. Gordian\n enjoyed THE pleasure of announcing to THE senate THE first\n success of his arms, which he ascribed, with a becoming modesty\n and gratitude, to THE wisdom of his faTHEr and Præfect. During\n THE whole expedition, MisiTHEus watched over THE safety and\n discipline of THE army; whilst he prevented THEir dangerous\n murmurs by maintaining a regular plenty in THE camp, and by\n establishing ample magazines of vinegar, bacon, straw, barley,\n and wheat in all THE cities of THE frontier. 49 But THE\n prosperity of Gordian expired with MisiTHEus, who died of a flux,\n not without very strong suspicions of poison. Philip, his\n successor in THE præfecture, was an Arab by birth, and\n consequently, in THE earlier part of his life, a robber by\n profession. His rise from so obscure a station to THE first\n dignities of THE empire, seems to prove that he was a bold and\n able leader. But his boldness prompted him to aspire to THE\n throne, and his abilities were employed to supplant, not to\n serve, his indulgent master. The minds of THE soldiers were\n irritated by an artificial scarcity, created by his contrivance\n in THE camp; and THE distress of THE army was attributed to THE\n youth and incapacity of THE prince. It is not in our power to\n trace THE successive steps of THE secret conspiracy and open\n sedition, which were at length fatal to Gordian. A sepulchral\n monument was erected to his memory on THE spot 50 where he was\n killed, near THE conflux of THE Euphrates with THE little river\n Aboras. 51 The fortunate Philip, raised to THE empire by THE\n votes of THE soldiers, found a ready obedience from THE senate\n and THE provinces. 52\n\n 49 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 162. Aurelius Victor. Porphyrius\n in Vit Plotin. ap. Fabricium, Biblioth. Græc. l. iv. c. 36. The\n philosopher Plotinus accompanied THE army, prompted by THE love\n of knowledge, and by THE hope of penetrating as far as India.]\n\n 50 (return) [ About twenty miles from THE little town of\n Circesium, on THE frontier of THE two empires. * Note: Now\n Kerkesia; placed in THE angle formed by THE juncture of THE\n Chaboras, or al Khabour, with THE Euphrates. This situation\n appeared advantageous to Diocletian, that he raised\n fortifications to make it THE but wark of THE empire on THE side\n of Mesopotamia. D’Anville. Geog. Anc. ii. 196.—G. It is THE\n Carchemish of THE Old Testament, 2 Chron. xxxv. 20. ler. xlvi.\n 2.—M.]\n\n 51 (return) [ The inscription (which contained a very singular\n pun) was erased by THE order of Licinius, who claimed some degree\n of relationship to Philip, (Hist. August. p. 166;) but THE\n tumulus, or mound of earth which formed THE sepulchre, still\n subsisted in THE time of Julian. See Ammian Marcellin. xxiii. 5.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Aurelius Victor. Eutrop. ix. 2. Orosius, vii. 20.\n Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 5. Zosimus, l. i. p. 19. Philip, who\n was a native of Bostra, was about forty years of age. * Note: Now\n Bosra. It was once THE metropolis of a province named Arabia, and\n THE chief city of Auranitis, of which THE name is preserved in\n Beled Hauran, THE limits of which meet THE desert. D’Anville.\n Geog. Anc. ii. 188. According to Victor, (in Cæsar.,) Philip was\n a native of Tracbonitis anoTHEr province of Arabia.—G.]\n\n We cannot forbear transcribing THE ingenious, though somewhat\n fanciful description, which a celebrated writer of our own times\n has traced of THE military government of THE Roman empire. What\n in that age was called THE Roman empire, was only an irregular\n republic, not unlike THE aristocracy 53 of Algiers, 54 where THE\n militia, possessed of THE sovereignty, creates and deposes a\n magistrate, who is styled a Dey. Perhaps, indeed, it may be laid\n down as a general rule, that a military government is, in some\n respects, more republican than monarchical. Nor can it be said\n that THE soldiers only partook of THE government by THEir\n disobedience and rebellions. The speeches made to THEm by THE\n emperors, were THEy not at length of THE same nature as those\n formerly pronounced to THE people by THE consuls and THE\n tribunes? And although THE armies had no regular place or forms\n of assembly; though THEir debates were short, THEir action\n sudden, and THEir resolves seldom THE result of cool reflection,\n did THEy not dispose, with absolute sway, of THE public fortune?\n What was THE emperor, except THE minister of a violent\n government, elected for THE private benefit of THE soldiers?\n\n 53 (return) [ Can THE epiTHEt of Aristocracy be applied, with any\n propriety, to THE government of Algiers? Every military\n government floats between two extremes of absolute monarchy and\n wild democracy.]\n\n 54 (return) [ The military republic of THE Mamelukes in Egypt\n would have afforded M. de Montesquieu (see Considerations sur la\n Grandeur et la Decadence des Romains, c. 16) a juster and more\n noble parallel.]\n\n “When THE army had elected Philip, who was Prætorian præfect to\n THE third Gordian, THE latter demanded that he might remain sole\n emperor; he was unable to obtain it. He requested that THE power\n might be equally divided between THEm; THE army would not listen\n to his speech. He consented to be degraded to THE rank of Cæsar;\n THE favor was refused him. He desired, at least, he might be\n appointed Prætorian præfect; his prayer was rejected. Finally, he\n pleaded for his life. The army, in THEse several judgments,\n exercised THE supreme magistracy.” According to THE historian,\n whose doubtful narrative THE President De Montesquieu has\n adopted, Philip, who, during THE whole transaction, had preserved\n a sullen silence, was inclined to spare THE innocent life of his\n benefactor; till, recollecting that his innocence might excite a\n dangerous compassion in THE Roman world, he commanded, without\n regard to his suppliant cries, that he should be seized,\n stripped, and led away to instant death. After a moment’s pause,\n THE inhuman sentence was executed. 55\n\n 55 (return) [ The Augustan History (p. 163, 164) cannot, in this\n instance, be reconciled with itself or with probability. How\n could Philip condemn his predecessor, and yet consecrate his\n memory? How could he order his public execution, and yet, in his\n letters to THE senate, exculpate himself from THE guilt of his\n death? Philip, though an ambitious usurper, was by no means a mad\n tyrant. Some chronological difficulties have likewise been\n discovered by THE nice eyes of Tillemont and Muratori, in this\n supposed association of Philip to THE empire. * Note: Wenck\n endeavors to reconcile THEse discrepancies. He supposes that\n Gordian was led away, and died a natural death in prison. This is\n directly contrary to THE statement of Capitolinus and of Zosimus,\n whom he adduces in support of his THEory. He is more successful\n in his precedents of usurpers deifying THE victims of THEir\n ambition. Sit divus, dummodo non sit vivus.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter VII: Tyranny Of Maximin, Rebellion, Civil Wars, Death Of\n Maximin.—Part III.\n\n On his return from THE East to Rome, Philip, desirous of\n obliterating THE memory of his crimes, and of captivating THE\n affections of THE people, solemnized THE secular games with\n infinite pomp and magnificence. Since THEir institution or\n revival by Augustus, 56 THEy had been celebrated by Claudius, by\n Domitian, and by Severus, and were now renewed THE fifth time, on\n THE accomplishment of THE full period of a thousand years from\n THE foundation of Rome. Every circumstance of THE secular games\n was skillfully adapted to inspire THE superstitious mind with\n deep and solemn reverence. The long interval between THEm 57\n exceeded THE term of human life; and as none of THE spectators\n had already seen THEm, none could flatter THEmselves with THE\n expectation of beholding THEm a second time. The mystic\n sacrifices were performed, during three nights, on THE banks of\n THE Tyber; and THE Campus Martius resounded with music and\n dances, and was illuminated with innumerable lamps and torches.\n Slaves and strangers were excluded from any participation in\n THEse national ceremonies. A chorus of twenty-seven youths, and\n as many virgins, of noble families, and whose parents were both\n alive, implored THE propitious gods in favor of THE present, and\n for THE hope of THE rising generation; requesting, in religious\n hymns, that according to THE faith of THEir ancient oracles, THEy\n would still maintain THE virtue, THE felicity, and THE empire of\n THE Roman people. The magnificence of Philip’s shows and\n entertainments dazzled THE eyes of THE multitude. The devout were\n employed in THE rites of superstition, whilst THE reflecting few\n revolved in THEir anxious minds THE past history and THE future\n fate of THE empire.58\n\n 56 (return) [ The account of THE last supposed celebration,\n though in an enlightened period of history, was so very doubtful\n and obscure, that THE alternative seems not doubtful. When THE\n popish jubilees, THE copy of THE secular games, were invented by\n Boniface VII., THE crafty pope pretended that he only revived an\n ancient institution. See M. le Chais, Lettres sur les Jubiles.]\n\n 57 (return) [ EiTHEr of a hundred or a hundred and ten years.\n Varro and Livy adopted THE former opinion, but THE infallible\n authority of THE Sybil consecrated THE latter, (Censorinus de Die\n Natal. c. 17.) The emperors Claudius and Philip, however, did not\n treat THE oracle with implicit respect.]\n\n 58 (return) [ The idea of THE secular games is best understood\n from THE poem of Horace, and THE description of Zosimus, 1. l.\n ii. p. 167, &c.] Since Romulus, with a small band of shepherds\n and outlaws, fortified himself on THE hills near THE Tyber, ten\n centuries had already elapsed. 59 During THE four first ages, THE\n Romans, in THE laborious school of poverty, had acquired THE\n virtues of war and government: by THE vigorous exertion of those\n virtues, and by THE assistance of fortune, THEy had obtained, in\n THE course of THE three succeeding centuries, an absolute empire\n over many countries of Europe, Asia, and Africa. The last three\n hundred years had been consumed in apparent prosperity and\n internal decline. The nation of soldiers, magistrates, and\n legislators, who composed THE thirty-five tribes of THE Roman\n people, were dissolved into THE common mass of mankind, and\n confounded with THE millions of servile provincials, who had\n received THE name, without adopting THE spirit, of Romans. A\n mercenary army, levied among THE subjects and barbarians of THE\n frontier, was THE only order of men who preserved and abused\n THEir independence. By THEir tumultuary election, a Syrian, a\n Goth, or an Arab, was exalted to THE throne of Rome, and invested\n with despotic power over THE conquests and over THE country of\n THE Scipios.\n\n 59 (return) [The received calculation of Varro assigns to THE\n foundation of Rome an æra that corresponds with THE 754th year\n before Christ. But so little is THE chronology of Rome to be\n depended on, in THE more early ages, that Sir Isaac Newton has\n brought THE same event as low as THE year 627 (Compare Niebuhr\n vol. i. p. 271.—M.)]\n\n The limits of THE Roman empire still extended from THE Western\n Ocean to THE Tigris, and from Mount Atlas to THE Rhine and THE\n Danube. To THE undiscerning eye of THE vulgar, Philip appeared a\n monarch no less powerful than Hadrian or Augustus had formerly\n been. The form was still THE same, but THE animating health and\n vigor were fled. The industry of THE people was discouraged and\n exhausted by a long series of oppression. The discipline of THE\n legions, which alone, after THE extinction of every oTHEr virtue,\n had propped THE greatness of THE state, was corrupted by THE\n ambition, or relaxed by THE weakness, of THE emperors. The\n strength of THE frontiers, which had always consisted in arms\n raTHEr than in fortifications, was insensibly undermined; and THE\n fairest provinces were left exposed to THE rapaciousness or\n ambition of THE barbarians, who soon discovered THE decline of\n THE Roman empire.\n\n\n\n\n Chapter VIII: State Of Persia And Restoration Of The\n Monarchy.—Part I.\n\n Of The State Of Persia After The Restoration Of The Monarchy By\n Artaxerxes.\n\n Whenever Tacitus indulges himself in those beautiful episodes, in\n which he relates some domestic transaction of THE Germans or of\n THE Parthians, his principal object is to relieve THE attention\n of THE reader from a uniform scene of vice and misery. From THE\n reign of Augustus to THE time of Alexander Severus, THE enemies\n of Rome were in her bosom—THE tyrants and THE soldiers; and her\n prosperity had a very distant and feeble interest in THE\n revolutions that might happen beyond THE Rhine and THE Euphrates.\n But when THE military order had levelled, in wild anarchy, THE\n power of THE prince, THE laws of THE senate, and even THE\n discipline of THE camp, THE barbarians of THE North and of THE\n East, who had long hovered on THE frontier, boldly attacked THE\n provinces of a declining monarchy. Their vexatious inroads were\n changed into formidable irruptions, and, after a long vicissitude\n of mutual calamities, many tribes of THE victorious invaders\n established THEmselves in THE provinces of THE Roman Empire. To\n obtain a clearer knowledge of THEse great events, we shall\n endeavor to form a previous idea of THE character, forces, and\n designs of those nations who avenged THE cause of Hannibal and\n Mithridates.\n\n In THE more early ages of THE world, whilst THE forest that\n covered Europe afforded a retreat to a few wandering savages, THE\n inhabitants of Asia were already collected into populous cities,\n and reduced under extensive empires THE seat of THE arts, of\n luxury, and of despotism. The Assyrians reigned over THE East, 1\n till THE sceptre of Ninus and Semiramis dropped from THE hands of\n THEir enervated successors. The Medes and THE Babylonians divided\n THEir power, and were THEmselves swallowed up in THE monarchy of\n THE Persians, whose arms could not be confined within THE narrow\n limits of Asia. Followed, as it is said, by two millions of\n _men_, Xerxes, THE descendant of Cyrus, invaded Greece.\n\n Thirty thousand _soldiers_, under THE command of Alexander, THE\n son of Philip, who was intrusted by THE Greeks with THEir glory\n and revenge, were sufficient to subdue Persia. The princes of THE\n house of Seleucus usurped and lost THE Macedonian command over\n THE East. About THE same time, that, by an ignominious treaty,\n THEy resigned to THE Romans THE country on this side Mount Tarus,\n THEy were driven by THE Parthians, 1001 an obscure horde of\n Scythian origin, from all THE provinces of Upper Asia. The\n formidable power of THE Parthians, which spread from India to THE\n frontiers of Syria, was in its turn subverted by Ardshir, or\n Artaxerxes; THE founder of a new dynasty, which, under THE name\n of Sassanides, governed Persia till THE invasion of THE Arabs.\n This great revolution, whose fatal influence was soon experienced\n by THE Romans, happened in THE fourth year of Alexander Severus,\n two hundred and twenty-six years after THE Christian era. 2 201\n\n 1 (return) [ An ancient chronologist, quoted by Valleius\n Paterculus, (l. i. c. 6,) observes, that THE Assyrians, THE\n Medes, THE Persians, and THE Macedonians, reigned over Asia one\n thousand nine hundred and ninety-five years, from THE accession\n of Ninus to THE defeat of Antiochus by THE Romans. As THE latter\n of THEse great events happened 289 years before Christ, THE\n former may be placed 2184 years before THE same æra. The\n Astronomical Observations, found at Babylon, by Alexander, went\n fifty years higher.]\n\n 1001 (return) [ The Parthians were a tribe of THE Indo-Germanic\n branch which dwelt on THE south-east of THE Caspian, and belonged\n to THE same race as THE Getæ, THE Massagetæ, and oTHEr nations,\n confounded by THE ancients under THE vague denomination of\n Scythians. Klaproth, Tableaux Hist. d l’Asie, p. 40. Strabo (p.\n 747) calls THE Parthians Carduchi, i.e., THE inhabitants of\n Curdistan.—M.]\n\n 2 (return) [ In THE five hundred and thirty-eighth year of THE\n æra of Seleucus. See Agathias, l. ii. p. 63. This great event\n (such is THE carelessness of THE Orientals) is placed by\n Eutychius as high as THE tenth year of Commodus, and by Moses of\n Chorene as low as THE reign of Philip. Ammianus Marcellinus has\n so servilely copied (xxiii. 6) his ancient materials, which are\n indeed very good, that he describes THE family of THE Arsacides\n as still seated on THE Persian throne in THE middle of THE fourth\n century.]\n\n 201 (return) [ The Persian History, if THE poetry of THE Shah\n Nameh, THE Book of Kings, may deserve that name mentions four\n dynasties from THE earliest ages to THE invasion of THE Saracens.\n The Shah Nameh was composed with THE view of perpetuating THE\n remains of THE original Persian records or traditions which had\n survived THE Saracenic invasion. The task was undertaken by THE\n poet Dukiki, and afterwards, under THE patronage of Mahmood of\n Ghazni, completed by Ferdusi. The first of THEse dynasties is\n that of Kaiomors, as Sir W. Jones observes, THE dark and fabulous\n period; THE second, that of THE Kaianian, THE heroic and\n poetical, in which THE earned have discovered some curious, and\n imagined some fanciful, analogies with THE Jewish, THE Greek, and\n THE Roman accounts of THE eastern world. See, on THE Shah Nameh,\n Translation by Goerres, with Von Hammer’s Review, Vienna Jahrbuch\n von Lit. 17, 75, 77. Malcolm’s Persia, 8vo. ed. i. 503. Macan’s\n Preface to his Critical Edition of THE Shah Nameh. On THE early\n Persian History, a very sensible abstract of various opinions in\n Malcolm’s Hist. of Persian.—M.]\n\n Artaxerxes had served with great reputation in THE armies of\n Artaban, THE last king of THE Parthians, and it appears that he\n was driven into exile and rebellion by royal ingratitude, THE\n customary reward for superior merit. His birth was obscure, and\n THE obscurity equally gave room to THE aspersions of his enemies,\n and THE flattery of his adherents. If we credit THE scandal of\n THE former, Artaxerxes sprang from THE illegitimate commerce of a\n tanner’s wife with a common soldier. 3 The latter represent him\n as descended from a branch of THE ancient kings of Persian,\n though time and misfortune had gradually reduced his ancestors to\n THE humble station of private citizens. 4 As THE lineal heir of\n THE monarchy, he asserted his right to THE throne, and challenged\n THE noble task of delivering THE Persians from THE oppression\n under which THEy groaned above five centuries since THE death of\n Darius. The Parthians were defeated in three great battles. 401\n In THE last of THEse THEir king Artaban was slain, and THE spirit\n of THE nation was forever broken. 5 The authority of Artaxerxes\n was solemnly acknowledged in a great assembly held at Balch in\n Khorasan. 501 Two younger branches of THE royal house of Arsaces\n were confounded among THE prostrate satraps. A third, more\n mindful of ancient grandeur than of present necessity, attempted\n to retire, with a numerous train of vessels, towards THEir\n kinsman, THE king of Armenia; but this little army of deserters\n was intercepted, and cut off, by THE vigilance of THE conqueror,\n 6 who boldly assumed THE double diadem, and THE title of King of\n Kings, which had been enjoyed by his predecessor. But THEse\n pompous titles, instead of gratifying THE vanity of THE Persian,\n served only to admonish him of his duty, and to inflame in his\n soul THE ambition of restoring in THEir full splendor, THE\n religion and empire of Cyrus.\n\n 3 (return) [ The tanner’s name was Babec; THE soldier’s, Sassan:\n from THE former Artaxerxes obtained THE surname of Babegan, from\n THE latter all his descendants have been styled Sassanides.]\n\n 4 (return) [ D’Herbelot, BiblioTHEque Orientale, Ardshir.]\n\n 401 (return) [ In THE plain of Hoormuz, THE son of Babek was\n hailed in THE field with THE proud title of Shahan Shah, king of\n kings—a name ever since assumed by THE sovereigns of Persia.\n Malcolm, i. 71.—M.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Dion Cassius, l. lxxx. Herodian, l. vi. p. 207.\n Abulpharagins Dynast. p. 80.]\n\n 501 (return) [ See THE Persian account of THE rise of Ardeschir\n Babegan in Malcolm l 69.—M.]\n\n 6 (return) [ See Moses Chorenensis, l. ii. c. 65—71.]\n\n I. During THE long servitude of Persia under THE Macedonian and\n THE Parthian yoke, THE nations of Europe and Asia had mutually\n adopted and corrupted each oTHEr’s superstitions. The Arsacides,\n indeed, practised THE worship of THE Magi; but THEy disgraced and\n polluted it with a various mixture of foreign idolatry. 601 The\n memory of Zoroaster, THE ancient prophet and philosopher of THE\n Persians, 7 was still revered in THE East; but THE obsolete and\n mysterious language, in which THE Zendavesta was composed, 8\n opened a field of dispute to seventy sects, who variously\n explained THE fundamental doctrines of THEir religion, and were\n all indifferently devided by a crowd of infidels, who rejected\n THE divine mission and miracles of THE prophet. To suppress THE\n idolaters, reunite THE schismatics, and confute THE unbelievers,\n by THE infallible decision of a general council, THE pious\n Artaxerxes summoned THE Magi from all parts of his dominions.\n These priests, who had so long sighed in contempt and obscurity\n obeyed THE welcome summons; and, on THE appointed day, appeared,\n to THE number of about eighty thousand. But as THE debates of so\n tumultuous an assembly could not have been directed by THE\n authority of reason, or influenced by THE art of policy, THE\n Persian synod was reduced, by successive operations, to forty\n thousand, to four thousand, to four hundred, to forty, and at\n last to seven Magi, THE most respected for THEir learning and\n piety. One of THEse, Erdaviraph, a young but holy prelate,\n received from THE hands of his brethren three cups of\n soporiferous wine. He drank THEm off, and instantly fell into a\n long and profound sleep. As soon as he waked, he related to THE\n king and to THE believing multitude, his journey to heaven, and\n his intimate conferences with THE Deity. Every doubt was silenced\n by this supernatural evidence; and THE articles of THE faith of\n Zoroaster were fixed with equal authority and precision. 9 A\n short delineation of that celebrated system will be found useful,\n not only to display THE character of THE Persian nation, but to\n illustrate many of THEir most important transactions, both in\n peace and war, with THE Roman empire. 10\n\n 601 (return) [ Silvestre de Sacy (Antiquites de la Perse) had\n proved THE neglect of THE Zoroastrian religion under THE Parthian\n kings.—M.]\n\n 7 (return) [ Hyde and Prideaux, working up THE Persian legends\n and THEir own conjectures into a very agreeable story, represent\n Zoroaster as a contemporary of Darius Hystaspes. But it is\n sufficient to observe, that THE Greek writers, who lived almost\n in THE age of Darius, agree in placing THE æra of Zoroaster many\n hundred, or even thousand, years before THEir own time. The\n judicious criticisms of Mr. Moyle perceived, and maintained\n against his uncle, Dr. Prideaux, THE antiquity of THE Persian\n prophet. See his work, vol. ii. * Note: There are three leading\n THEories concerning THE age of Zoroaster: 1. That which assigns\n him to an age of great and almost indefinite antiquity—it is that\n of Moyle, adopted by Gibbon, Volney, Recherches sur l’Histoire,\n ii. 2. Rhode, also, (die Heilige Sage, &c.,) in a very ingenious\n and ably-developed THEory, throws THE Bactrian prophet far back\n into antiquity 2. Foucher, (Mem. de l’Acad. xxvii. 253,) Tychsen,\n (in Com. Soc. Gott. ii. 112), Heeren, (ldeen. i. 459,) and\n recently Holty, identify THE Gushtasp of THE Persian mythological\n history with Cyaxares THE First, THE king of THE Medes, and\n consider THE religion to be Median in its origin. M. Guizot\n considers this opinion most probable, note in loc. 3. Hyde,\n Prideaux, Anquetil du Perron, Kleuker, Herder, Goerres,\n (MyTHEn-Geschichte,) Von Hammer. (Wien. Jahrbuch, vol. ix.,)\n Malcolm, (i. 528,) De Guigniaut, (Relig. de l’Antiq. 2d part,\n vol. iii.,) Klaproth, (Tableaux de l’Asie, p. 21,) make Gushtasp\n Darius Hystaspes, and Zoroaster his contemporary. The silence of\n Herodotus appears THE great objection to this THEory. Some\n writers, as M. Foucher (resting, as M. Guizot observes, on THE\n doubtful authority of Pliny,) make more than one Zoroaster, and\n so attempt to reconcile THE conflicting THEories.— M.]\n\n 8 (return) [ That ancient idiom was called THE Zend. The language\n of THE commentary, THE Pehlvi, though much more modern, has\n ceased many ages ago to be a living tongue. This fact alone (if\n it is allowed as auTHEntic) sufficiently warrants THE antiquity\n of those writings which M d’Anquetil has brought into Europe, and\n translated into French. * Note: Zend signifies life, living. The\n word means, eiTHEr THE collection of THE canonical books of THE\n followers of Zoroaster, or THE language itself in which THEy are\n written. They are THE books that contain THE word of life wheTHEr\n THE language was originally called Zend, or wheTHEr it was so\n called from THE contents of THE books. Avesta means word, oracle,\n revelation: this term is not THE title of a particular work, but\n of THE collection of THE books of Zoroaster, as THE revelation of\n Ormuzd. This collection is sometimes called Zendavesta, sometimes\n briefly Zend. The Zend was THE ancient language of Media, as is\n proved by its affinity with THE dialects of Armenia and Georgia;\n it was already a dead language under THE Arsacides in THE country\n which was THE scene of THE events recorded in THE Zendavesta.\n Some critics, among oTHErs Richardson and Sir W. Jones, have\n called in question THE antiquity of THEse books. The former\n pretended that Zend had never been a written or spoken language,\n but had been invented in THE later times by THE Magi, for THE\n purposes of THEir art; but Kleuker, in THE dissertations which he\n added to those of Anquetil and THE Abbé Foucher, has proved that\n THE Zend was a living and spoken language.—G. Sir W. Jones\n appears to have abandoned his doubts, on discovering THE affinity\n between THE Zend and THE Sanskrit. Since THE time of Kleuker,\n this question has been investigated by many learned scholars. Sir\n W. Jones, Leyden, (Asiat. Research. x. 283,) and Mr. Erskine,\n (Bombay Trans. ii. 299,) consider it a derivative from THE\n Sanskrit. The antiquity of THE Zendavesta has likewise been\n asserted by Rask, THE great Danish linguist, who, according to\n Malcolm, brought back from THE East fresh transcripts and\n additions to those published by Anquetil. According to Rask, THE\n Zend and Sanskrit are sister dialects; THE one THE parent of THE\n Persian, THE oTHEr of THE Indian family of languages.—G. and\n M.——But THE subject is more satisfactorily illustrated in Bopp’s\n comparative Grammar of THE Sanscrit, Zend, Greek, Latin,\n Lithuanian, Gothic, and German languages. Berlin. 1833-5.\n According to Bopp, THE Zend is, in some respects, of a more\n remarkable structure than THE Sanskrit. Parts of THE Zendavesta\n have been published in THE original, by M. Bournouf, at Paris,\n and M. Ol. shausen, in Hamburg.—M.——The Pehlvi was THE language\n of THE countries bordering on Assyria, and probably of Assyria\n itself. Pehlvi signifies valor, heroism; THE Pehlvi, THErefore,\n was THE language of THE ancient heroes and kings of Persia, THE\n valiant. (Mr. Erskine prefers THE derivation from Pehla, a\n border.—M.) It contains a number of Aramaic roots. Anquetil\n considered it formed from THE Zend. Kleuker does not adopt this\n opinion. The Pehlvi, he says, is much more flowing, and less\n overcharged with vowels, than THE Zend. The books of Zoroaster,\n first written in Zend, were afterwards translated into Pehlvi and\n Parsi. The Pehlvi had fallen into disuse under THE dynasty of THE\n Sassanides, but THE learned still wrote it. The Parsi, THE\n dialect of Pars or Farristan, was THEn prevailing dialect.\n Kleuker, Anhang zum Zend Avesta, 2, ii. part i. p. 158, part ii.\n 31.—G.——Mr. Erskine (Bombay Transactions) considers THE existing\n Zendavesta to have been compiled in THE time of Ardeschir\n Babegan.—M.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Hyde de Religione veterum Pers. c. 21.]\n\n 10 (return) [ I have principally drawn this account from THE\n Zendavesta of M. d’Anquetil, and THE Sadder, subjoined to Dr.\n Hyde’s treatise. It must, however, be confessed, that THE studied\n obscurity of a prophet, THE figurative style of THE East, and THE\n deceitful medium of a French or Latin version may have betrayed\n us into error and heresy, in this abridgment of Persian THEology.\n * Note: It is to be regretted that Gibbon followed THE\n post-Mahometan Sadder of Hyde.—M.]\n\n The great and fundamental article of THE system was THE\n celebrated doctrine of THE two principles; a bold and injudicious\n attempt of Eastern philosophy to reconcile THE existence of moral\n and physical evil with THE attributes of a beneficent Creator and\n Governor of THE world. The first and original Being, in whom, or\n by whom, THE universe exists, is denominated in THE writings of\n Zoroaster, _Time without bounds_; 1001a but it must be confessed,\n that this infinite substance seems raTHEr a metaphysical\n abstraction of THE mind than a real object endowed with\n self-consciousness, or possessed of moral perfections. From\n eiTHEr THE blind or THE intelligent operation of this infinite\n Time, which bears but too near an affinity with THE chaos of THE\n Greeks, THE two secondary but active principles of THE universe\n were from all eternity produced, Ormusd and Ahriman, each of THEm\n possessed of THE powers of creation, but each disposed, by his\n invariable nature, to exercise THEm with different designs. 1002\n The principle of good is eternally aborbed in light; THE\n principle of evil eternally buried in darkness. The wise\n benevolence of Ormusd formed man capable of virtue, and\n abundantly provided his fair habitation with THE materials of\n happiness. By his vigilant providence, THE motion of THE planets,\n THE order of THE seasons, and THE temperate mixture of THE\n elements, are preserved. But THE malice of Ahriman has long since\n pierced _Ormusd’s egg;_ or, in oTHEr words, has violated THE\n harmony of his works. Since that fatal eruption, THE most minute\n articles of good and evil are intimately intermingled and\n agitated togeTHEr; THE rankest poisons spring up amidst THE most\n salutary plants; deluges, earthquakes, and conflagrations attest\n THE conflict of Nature, and THE little world of man is\n perpetually shaken by vice and misfortune. Whilst THE rest of\n human kind are led away captives in THE chains of THEir infernal\n enemy, THE faithful Persian alone reserves his religious\n adoration for his friend and protector Ormusd, and fights under\n his banner of light, in THE full confidence that he shall, in THE\n last day, share THE glory of his triumph. At that decisive\n period, THE enlightened wisdom of goodness will render THE power\n of Ormusd superior to THE furious malice of his rival. Ahriman\n and his followers, disarmed and subdued, will sink into THEir\n native darkness; and virtue will maintain THE eternal peace and\n harmony of THE universe. 11 1101\n\n 1001a (return) [ Zeruane Akerene, so translated by Anquetil and\n Kleuker. There is a dissertation of Foucher on this subject, Mem.\n de l’Acad. des Inscr. t. xxix. According to Bohlen (das alte\n Indien) it is THE Sanskrit Sarvan Akaranam, THE Uncreated Whole;\n or, according to Fred. Schlegel, Sarvan Akharyam THE Uncreate\n Indivisible.—M.]\n\n 1002 (return) [ This is an error. Ahriman was not forced by his\n invariable nature to do evil; THE Zendavesta expressly recognizes\n (see THE Izeschne) that he was born good, that in his origin he\n was light; envy rendered him evil; he became jealous of THE power\n and attributes of Ormuzd; THEn light was changed into darkness,\n and Ahriman was precipitated into THE abyss. See THE Abridgment\n of THE Doctrine of THE Ancient Persians, by Anquetil, c. ii\n Section 2.—G.]\n\n 11 (return) [ The modern Parsees (and in some degree THE Sadder)\n exalt Ormusd into THE first and omnipotent cause, whilst THEy\n degrade Ahriman into an inferior but rebellious spirit. Their\n desire of pleasing THE Mahometans may have contributed to refine\n THEir THEological systems.]\n\n 1101 (return) [ According to THE Zendavesta, Ahriman will not be\n annihilated or precipitated forever into darkness: at THE\n resurrection of THE dead he will be entirely defeated by Ormuzd,\n his power will be destroyed, his kingdom overthrown to its\n foundations, he will himself be purified in torrents of melting\n metal; he will change his heart and his will, become holy,\n heavenly establish in his dominions THE law and word of Ormuzd,\n unite himself with him in everlasting friendship, and both will\n sing hymns in honor of THE Great Eternal. See Anquetil’s\n Abridgment. Kleuker, Anhang part iii. p 85, 36; and THE Izeschne,\n one of THE books of THE Zendavesta. According to THE Sadder\n Bun-Dehesch, a more modern work, Ahriman is to be annihilated:\n but this is contrary to THE text itself of THE Zendavesta, and to\n THE idea its author gives of THE kingdom of Eternity, after THE\n twelve thousand years assigned to THE contest between Good and\n Evil.—G.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter VIII: State Of Persia And Restoration Of The\n Monarchy.—Part II.\n\n The THEology of Zoroaster was darkly comprehended by foreigners,\n and even by THE far greater number of his disciples; but THE most\n careless observers were struck with THE philosophic simplicity of\n THE Persian worship. “That people,” said Herodotus, 12 “rejects\n THE use of temples, of altars, and of statues, and smiles at THE\n folly of those nations who imagine that THE gods are sprung from,\n or bear any affinity with, THE human nature. The tops of THE\n highest mountains are THE places chosen for sacrifices. Hymns and\n prayers are THE principal worship; THE Supreme God, who fills THE\n wide circle of heaven, is THE object to whom THEy are addressed.”\n Yet, at THE same time, in THE true spirit of a polyTHEist, he\n accuseth THEm of adoring Earth, Water, Fire, THE Winds, and THE\n Sun and Moon. But THE Persians of every age have denied THE\n charge, and explained THE equivocal conduct, which might appear\n to give a color to it. The elements, and more particularly Fire,\n Light, and THE Sun, whom THEy called Mithra, 1201 were THE\n objects of THEir religious reverence because THEy considered THEm\n as THE purest symbols, THE noblest productions, and THE most\n powerful agents of THE Divine Power and Nature. 13\n\n 12 (return) [ Herodotus, l. i. c. 131. But Dr. Prideaux thinks,\n with reason, that THE use of temples was afterwards permitted in\n THE Magian religion. Note: The Pyræa, or fire temples of THE\n Zoroastrians, (observes Kleuker, Persica, p. 16,) were only to be\n found in Media or Aderbidjan, provinces into which Herodotus did\n not penetrate.—M.]\n\n 1201 (return) [ Among THE Persians Mithra is not THE Sun:\n Anquetil has contested and triumphantly refuted THE opinion of\n those who confound THEm, and it is evidently contrary to THE text\n of THE Zendavesta. Mithra is THE first of THE genii, or jzeds,\n created by Ormuzd; it is he who watches over all nature. Hence\n arose THE misapprehension of some of THE Greeks, who have said\n that Mithra was THE summus deus of THE Persians: he has a\n thousand ears and ten thousand eyes. The Chaldeans appear to have\n assigned him a higher rank than THE Persians. It is he who\n bestows upon THE earth THE light of THE sun. The sun. named Khor,\n (brightness,) is thus an inferior genius, who, with many oTHEr\n genii, bears a part in THE functions of Mithra. These assistant\n genii to anoTHEr genius are called his kamkars; but in THE\n Zendavesta THEy are never confounded. On THE days sacred to a\n particular genius, THE Persian ought to recite, not only THE\n prayers addressed to him, but those also which are addressed to\n his kamkars; thus THE hymn or iescht of Mithra is recited on THE\n day of THE sun, (Khor,) and vice versa. It is probably this which\n has sometimes caused THEm to be confounded; but Anquetil had\n himself exposed this error, which Kleuker, and all who have\n studied THE Zendavesta, have noticed. See viii. Diss. of\n Anquetil. Kleuker’s Anhang, part iii. p. 132.—G. M. Guizot is\n unquestionably right, according to THE pure and original doctrine\n of THE Zend. The Mithriac worship, which was so extensively\n propagated in THE West, and in which Mithra and THE sun were\n perpetually confounded, seems to have been formed from a fusion\n of Zoroastrianism and Chaldaism, or THE Syrian worship of THE\n sun. An excellent abstract of THE question, with references to\n THE works of THE chief modern writers on his curious subject, De\n Sacy, Kleuker, Von Hammer, &c., may be found in De Guigniaut’s\n translation of Kreuzer. Relig. d’Antiquite, notes viii. ix. to\n book ii. vol. i. 2d part, page 728.—M.]\n\n 13 (return) [ Hyde de Relig. Pers. c. 8. Notwithstanding all\n THEir distinctions and protestations, which seem sincere enough,\n THEir tyrants, THE Mahometans, have constantly stigmatized THEm\n as idolatrous worshippers of THE fire.]\n\n Every mode of religion, to make a deep and lasting impression on\n THE human mind, must exercise our obedience, by enjoining\n practices of devotion, for which we can assign no reason; and\n must acquire our esteem, by inculcating moral duties analogous to\n THE dictates of our own hearts. The religion of Zoroaster was\n abundantly provided with THE former and possessed a sufficient\n portion of THE latter. At THE age of puberty, THE faithful\n Persian was invested with a mysterious girdle, THE badge of THE\n divine protection; and from that moment all THE actions of his\n life, even THE most indifferent, or THE most necessary, were\n sanctified by THEir peculiar prayers, ejaculations, or\n genuflections; THE omission of which, under any circumstances,\n was a grievous sin, not inferior in guilt to THE violation of THE\n moral duties. The moral duties, however, of justice, mercy,\n liberality, &c., were in THEir turn required of THE disciple of\n Zoroaster, who wished to escape THE persecution of Ahriman, and\n to live with Ormusd in a blissful eternity, where THE degree of\n felicity will be exactly proportioned to THE degree of virtue and\n piety. 14\n\n 14 (return) [ See THE Sadder, THE smallest part of which consists\n of moral precepts. The ceremonies enjoined are infinite and\n trifling. Fifteen genuflections, prayers, &c., were required\n whenever THE devout Persian cut his nails or made water; or as\n often as he put on THE sacred girdle Sadder, Art. 14, 50, 60. *\n Note: Zoroaster exacted much less ceremonial observance, than at\n a later period, THE priests of his doctrines. This is THE\n progress of all religions THE worship, simple in its origin, is\n gradually overloaded with minute superstitions. The maxim of THE\n Zendavesta, on THE relative merit of sowing THE earth and of\n prayers, quoted below by Gibbon, proves that Zoroaster did not\n attach too much importance to THEse observances. Thus it is not\n from THE Zendavesta that Gibbon derives THE proof of his\n allegation, but from THE Sadder, a much later work.—G]\n\n But THEre are some remarkable instances in which Zoroaster lays\n aside THE prophet, assumes THE legislator, and discovers a\n liberal concern for private and public happiness, seldom to be\n found among THE grovelling or visionary schemes of superstition.\n Fasting and celibacy, THE common means of purchasing THE divine\n favor, he condemns with abhorrence as a criminal rejection of THE\n best gifts of Providence. The saint, in THE Magian religion, is\n obliged to beget children, to plant useful trees, to destroy\n noxious animals, to convey water to THE dry lands of Persia, and\n to work out his salvation by pursuing all THE labors of\n agriculture. 1401 We may quote from THE Zendavesta a wise and\n benevolent maxim, which compensates for many an absurdity. “He\n who sows THE ground with care and diligence acquires a greater\n stock of religious merit than he could gain by THE repetition of\n ten thousand prayers.” 15 In THE spring of every year a festival\n was celebrated, destined to represent THE primitive equality, and\n THE present connection, of mankind. The stately kings of Persia,\n exchanging THEir vain pomp for more genuine greatness, freely\n mingled with THE humblest but most useful of THEir subjects. On\n that day THE husbandmen were admitted, without distinction, to\n THE table of THE king and his satraps. The monarch accepted THEir\n petitions, inquired into THEir grievances, and conversed with\n THEm on THE most equal terms. “From your labors,” was he\n accustomed to say, (and to say with truth, if not with\n sincerity,) “from your labors we receive our subsistence; you\n derive your tranquillity from our vigilance: since, THErefore, we\n are mutually necessary to each oTHEr, let us live togeTHEr like\n broTHErs in concord and love.” 16 Such a festival must indeed\n have degenerated, in a wealthy and despotic empire, into a\n THEatrical representation; but it was at least a comedy well\n worthy of a royal audience, and which might sometimes imprint a\n salutary lesson on THE mind of a young prince.\n\n 1401 (return) [ See, on Zoroaster’s encouragement of agriculture,\n THE ingenious remarks of Heeren, Ideen, vol. i. p. 449, &c., and\n Rhode, Heilige Sage, p. 517—M.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Zendavesta, tom. i. p. 224, and Precis du Systeme\n de Zoroastre, tom. iii.]\n\n 16 (return) [ Hyde de Religione Persarum, c. 19.]\n\n Had Zoroaster, in all his institutions, invariably supported this\n exalted character, his name would deserve a place with those of\n Numa and Confucius, and his system would be justly entitled to\n all THE applause, which it has pleased some of our divines, and\n even some of our philosophers, to bestow on it. But in that\n motley composition, dictated by reason and passion, by enthusiasm\n and by selfish motives, some useful and sublime truths were\n disgraced by a mixture of THE most abject and dangerous\n superstition. The Magi, or sacerdotal order, were extremely\n numerous, since, as we have already seen, fourscore thousand of\n THEm were convened in a general council. Their forces were\n multiplied by discipline. A regular hierarchy was diffused\n through all THE provinces of Persia; and THE Archimagus, who\n resided at Balch, was respected as THE visible head of THE\n church, and THE lawful successor of Zoroaster. 17 The property of\n THE Magi was very considerable. Besides THE less invidious\n possession of a large tract of THE most fertile lands of Media,\n 18 THEy levied a general tax on THE fortunes and THE industry of\n THE Persians. 19 “Though your good works,” says THE interested\n prophet, “exceed in number THE leaves of THE trees, THE drops of\n rain, THE stars in THE heaven, or THE sands on THE sea-shore,\n THEy will all be unprofitable to you, unless THEy are accepted by\n THE _destour_, or priest. To obtain THE acceptation of this guide\n to salvation, you must faithfully pay him _tiTHEs_ of all you\n possess, of your goods, of your lands, and of your money. If THE\n destour be satisfied, your soul will escape hell tortures; you\n will secure praise in this world and happiness in THE next. For\n THE destours are THE teachers of religion; THEy know all things,\n and THEy deliver all men.” 20 201a\n\n 17 (return) [ Hyde de Religione Persarum, c. 28. Both Hyde and\n Prideaux affect to apply to THE Magian THE terms consecrated to\n THE Christian hierarchy.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Ammian. Marcellin. xxiii. 6. He informs us (as far\n as we may credit him) of two curious particulars: 1. That THE\n Magi derived some of THEir most secret doctrines from THE Indian\n Brachmans; and 2. That THEy were a tribe, or family, as well as\n order.]\n\n 19 (return) [ The divine institution of tiTHEs exhibits a\n singular instance of conformity between THE law of Zoroaster and\n that of Moses. Those who cannot oTHErwise account for it, may\n suppose, if THEy please that THE Magi of THE latter times\n inserted so useful an interpolation into THE writings of THEir\n prophet.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Sadder, Art. viii.]\n\n 201a (return) [ The passage quoted by Gibbon is not taken from\n THE writings of Zoroaster, but from THE Sadder, a work, as has\n been before said, much later than THE books which form THE\n Zendavesta. and written by a Magus for popular use; what it\n contains, THErefore, cannot be attributed to Zoroaster. It is\n remarkable that Gibbon should fall into this error, for Hyde\n himself does not ascribe THE Sadder to Zoroaster; he remarks that\n it is written inverse, while Zoroaster always wrote in prose.\n Hyde, i. p. 27. Whatever may be THE case as to THE latter\n assertion, for which THEre appears little foundation, it is\n unquestionable that THE Sadder is of much later date. The Abbé\n Foucher does not even believe it to be an extract from THE works\n of Zoroaster. See his Diss. before quoted. Mem. de l’Acad. des\n Ins. t. xxvii.—G. Perhaps it is rash to speak of any part of THE\n Zendavesta as THE writing of Zoroaster, though it may be a\n genuine representation of his. As to THE Sadder, Hyde (in Præf.)\n considered it not above 200 years old. It is manifestly\n post-Mahometan. See Art. xxv. on fasting.—M.]\n\n These convenient maxims of reverence and implicit faith were\n doubtless imprinted with care on THE tender minds of youth; since\n THE Magi were THE masters of education in Persia, and to THEir\n hands THE children even of THE royal family were intrusted. 21\n The Persian priests, who were of a speculative genius, preserved\n and investigated THE secrets of Oriental philosophy; and\n acquired, eiTHEr by superior knowledge, or superior art, THE\n reputation of being well versed in some occult sciences, which\n have derived THEir appellation from THE Magi. 22 Those of more\n active dispositions mixed with THE world in courts and cities;\n and it is observed, that THE administration of Artaxerxes was in\n a great measure directed by THE counsels of THE sacerdotal order,\n whose dignity, eiTHEr from policy or devotion, that prince\n restored to its ancient splendor. 23\n\n 21 (return) [ Plato in Alcibiad.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Pliny (Hist. Natur. l. xxx. c. 1) observes, that\n magic held mankind by THE triple chain of religion, of physic,\n and of astronomy.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Agathias, l. iv. p. 134.]\n\n The first counsel of THE Magi was agreeable to THE unsociable\n genius of THEir faith, 24 to THE practice of ancient kings, 25\n and even to THE example of THEir legislator, who had fallen a\n victim to a religious war, excited by his own intolerant zeal. 26\n By an edict of Artaxerxes, THE exercise of every worship, except\n that of Zoroaster, was severely prohibited. The temples of THE\n Parthians, and THE statues of THEir deified monarchs, were thrown\n down with ignominy. 27 The sword of Aristotle (such was THE name\n given by THE Orientals to THE polyTHEism and philosophy of THE\n Greeks) was easily broken; 28 THE flames of persecution soon\n reached THE more stubborn Jews and Christians; 29 nor did THEy\n spare THE heretics of THEir own nation and religion. The majesty\n of Ormusd, who was jealous of a rival, was seconded by THE\n despotism of Artaxerxes, who could not suffer a rebel; and THE\n schismatics within his vast empire were soon reduced to THE\n inconsiderable number of eighty thousand. 30 301 This spirit of\n persecution reflects dishonor on THE religion of Zoroaster; but\n as it was not productive of any civil commotion, it served to\n strengTHEn THE new monarchy, by uniting all THE various\n inhabitants of Persia in THE bands of religious zeal. 302\n\n 24 (return) [ Mr. Hume, in THE Natural History of Religion,\n sagaciously remarks, that THE most refined and philosophic sects\n are constantly THE most intolerant. * Note: Hume’s comparison is\n raTHEr between THEism and polyTHEism. In India, in Greece, and in\n modern Europe, philosophic religion has looked down with\n contemptuous toleration on THE superstitions of THE vulgar.—M.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Cicero de Legibus, ii. 10. Xerxes, by THE advice of\n THE Magi, destroyed THE temples of Greece.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Hyde de Relig. Persar. c. 23, 24. D’Herbelot,\n BiblioTHEque Orientale, Zurdusht. Life of Zoroaster in tom. ii.\n of THE Zendavesta.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Compare Moses of Chorene, l. ii. c. 74, with\n Ammian. Marcel lin. xxiii. 6. Hereafter I shall make use of THEse\n passages.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Rabbi Abraham, in THE Tarikh Schickard, p. 108,\n 109.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, l. viii. c. 3.\n Sozomen, l. ii. c. 1 Manes, who suffered an ignominious death,\n may be deemed a Magian as well as a Christian heretic.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Hyde de Religione Persar. c. 21.]\n\n 301 (return) [ It is incorrect to attribute THEse persecutions to\n Artaxerxes. The Jews were held in honor by him, and THEir schools\n flourished during his reign. Compare Jost, Geschichte der\n Isræliter, b. xv. 5, with Basnage. Sapor was forced by THE people\n to temporary severities; but THEir real persecution did not begin\n till THE reigns of Yezdigerd and Kobad. Hist. of Jews, iii. 236.\n According to Sozomen, i. viii., Sapor first persecuted THE\n Christians. Manes was put to death by Varanes THE First, A. D.\n 277. Beausobre, Hist. de Man. i. 209.—M.]\n\n 302 (return) [ In THE testament of Ardischer in Ferdusi, THE poet\n assigns THEse sentiments to THE dying king, as he addresses his\n son: Never forget that as a king, you are at once THE protector\n of religion and of your country. Consider THE altar and THE\n throne as inseparable; THEy must always sustain each oTHEr.\n Malcolm’s Persia. i. 74—M]\n\n II. Artaxerxes, by his valor and conduct, had wrested THE sceptre\n of THE East from THE ancient royal family of Parthia. There still\n remained THE more difficult task of establishing, throughout THE\n vast extent of Persia, a uniform and vigorous administration. The\n weak indulgence of THE Arsacides had resigned to THEir sons and\n broTHErs THE principal provinces, and THE greatest offices of THE\n kingdom in THE nature of hereditary possessions. The _vitaxæ_, or\n eighteen most powerful satraps, were permitted to assume THE\n regal title; and THE vain pride of THE monarch was delighted with\n a nominal dominion over so many vassal kings. Even tribes of\n barbarians in THEir mountains, and THE Greek cities of Upper\n Asia, 31 within THEir walls, scarcely acknowledged, or seldom\n obeyed. any superior; and THE Parthian empire exhibited, under\n oTHEr names, a lively image of THE feudal system 32 which has\n since prevailed in Europe. But THE active victor, at THE head of\n a numerous and disciplined army, visited in person every province\n of Persia. The defeat of THE boldest rebels, and THE reduction of\n THE strongest fortifications, 33 diffused THE terror of his arms,\n and prepared THE way for THE peaceful reception of his authority.\n An obstinate resistance was fatal to THE chiefs; but THEir\n followers were treated with lenity. 34 A cheerful submission was\n rewarded with honors and riches, but THE prudent Artaxerxes,\n suffering no person except himself to assume THE title of king,\n abolished every intermediate power between THE throne and THE\n people. His kingdom, nearly equal in extent to modern Persia,\n was, on every side, bounded by THE sea, or by great rivers; by\n THE Euphrates, THE Tigris, THE Araxes, THE Oxus, and THE Indus,\n by THE Caspian Sea, and THE Gulf of Persia. 35 That country was\n computed to contain, in THE last century, five hundred and\n fifty-four cities, sixty thousand villages, and about forty\n millions of souls. 36 If we compare THE administration of THE\n house of Sassan with that of THE house of Sefi, THE political\n influence of THE Magian with that of THE Mahometan religion, we\n shall probably infer, that THE kingdom of Artaxerxes contained at\n least as great a number of cities, villages, and inhabitants. But\n it must likewise be confessed, that in every age THE want of\n harbors on THE sea-coast, and THE scarcity of fresh water in THE\n inland provinces, have been very unfavorable to THE commerce and\n agriculture of THE Persians; who, in THE calculation of THEir\n numbers, seem to have indulged one of THE meanest, though most\n common, artifices of national vanity.\n\n 31 (return) [ These colonies were extremely numerous. Seleucus\n Nicator founded thirty-nine cities, all named from himself, or\n some of his relations, (see Appian in Syriac. p. 124.) The æra of\n Seleucus (still in use among THE eastern Christians) appears as\n late as THE year 508, of Christ 196, on THE medals of THE Greek\n cities within THE Parthian empire. See Moyle’s works, vol. i. p.\n 273, &c., and M. Freret, Mem. de l’Academie, tom. xix.]\n\n 32 (return) [ The modern Persians distinguish that period as THE\n dynasty of THE kings of THE nations. See Plin. Hist. Nat. vi.\n 25.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Eutychius (tom. i. p. 367, 371, 375) relates THE\n siege of THE island of Mesene in THE Tigris, with some\n circumstances not unlike THE story of Nysus and Scylla.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Agathias, ii. 64, [and iv. p. 260.] The princes of\n Segestan de fended THEir independence during many years. As\n romances generally transport to an ancient period THE events of\n THEir own time, it is not impossible that THE fabulous exploits\n of Rustan, Prince of Segestan, many have been grafted on this\n real history.]\n\n 35 (return) [ We can scarcely attribute to THE Persian monarchy\n THE sea-coast of Gedrosia or Macran, which extends along THE\n Indian Ocean from Cape Jask (THE promontory Capella) to Cape\n Goadel. In THE time of Alexander, and probably many ages\n afterwards, it was thinly inhabited by a savage people of\n Icthyophagi, or Fishermen, who knew no arts, who acknowledged no\n master, and who were divided by in-hospitable deserts from THE\n rest of THE world. (See Arrian de Reb. Indicis.) In THE twelfth\n century, THE little town of Taiz (supposed by M. d’Anville to be\n THE Teza of Ptolemy) was peopled and enriched by THE resort of\n THE Arabian merchants. (See Geographia Nubiens, p. 58, and\n d’Anville, Geographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 283.) In THE last\n age, THE whole country was divided between three princes, one\n Mahometan and two Idolaters, who maintained THEir independence\n against THE successors of Shah Abbas. (Voyages de Tavernier, part\n i. l. v. p. 635.)]\n\n 36 (return) [ Chardin, tom. iii c 1 2, 3.]\n\n As soon as THE ambitious mind of Artaxerxes had triumphed ever\n THE resistance of his vassals, he began to threaten THE\n neighboring states, who, during THE long slumber of his\n predecessors, had insulted Persia with impunity. He obtained some\n easy victories over THE wild Scythians and THE effeminate\n Indians; but THE Romans were an enemy, who, by THEir past\n injuries and present power, deserved THE utmost efforts of his\n arms. A forty years’ tranquillity, THE fruit of valor and\n moderation, had succeeded THE victories of Trajan. During THE\n period that elapsed from THE accession of Marcus to THE reign of\n Alexander, THE Roman and THE Parthian empires were twice engaged\n in war; and although THE whole strength of THE Arsacides\n contended with a part only of THE forces of Rome, THE event was\n most commonly in favor of THE latter. Macrinus, indeed, prompted\n by his precarious situation and pusillanimous temper, purchased a\n peace at THE expense of near two millions of our money; 37 but\n THE generals of Marcus, THE emperor Severus, and his son, erected\n many trophies in Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria. Among THEir\n exploits, THE imperfect relation of which would have unseasonably\n interrupted THE more important series of domestic revolutions, we\n shall only mention THE repeated calamities of THE two great\n cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon.\n\n 37 (return) [ Dion, l. xxviii. p. 1335.]\n\n Seleucia, on THE western bank of THE Tigris, about forty-five\n miles to THE north of ancient Babylon, was THE capital of THE\n Macedonian conquests in Upper Asia. 38 Many ages after THE fall\n of THEir empire, Seleucia retained THE genuine characters of a\n Grecian colony, arts, military virtue, and THE love of freedom.\n The independent republic was governed by a senate of three\n hundred nobles; THE people consisted of six hundred thousand\n citizens; THE walls were strong, and as long as concord prevailed\n among THE several orders of THE state, THEy viewed with contempt\n THE power of THE Parthian: but THE madness of faction was\n sometimes provoked to implore THE dangerous aid of THE common\n enemy, who was posted almost at THE gates of THE colony. 39 The\n Parthian monarchs, like THE Mogul sovereigns of Hindostan,\n delighted in THE pastoral life of THEir Scythian ancestors; and\n THE Imperial camp was frequently pitched in THE plain of\n Ctesiphon, on THE eastern bank of THE Tigris, at THE distance of\n only three miles from Seleucia. 40 The innumerable attendants on\n luxury and despotism resorted to THE court, and THE little\n village of Ctesiphon insensibly swelled into a great city. 41\n Under THE reign of Marcus, THE Roman generals penetrated as far\n as Ctesiphon and Seleucia. They were received as friends by THE\n Greek colony; THEy attacked as enemies THE seat of THE Parthian\n kings; yet both cities experienced THE same treatment. The sack\n and conflagration of Seleucia, with THE massacre of three hundred\n thousand of THE inhabitants, tarnished THE glory of THE Roman\n triumph. 42 Seleucia, already exhausted by THE neighborhood of a\n too powerful rival, sunk under THE fatal blow; but Ctesiphon, in\n about thirty-three years, had sufficiently recovered its strength\n to maintain an obstinate siege against THE emperor Severus. The\n city was, however, taken by assault; THE king, who defended it in\n person, escaped with precipitation; a hundred thousand captives,\n and a rich booty, rewarded THE fatigues of THE Roman soldiers. 43\n Notwithstanding THEse misfortunes, Ctesiphon succeeded to Babylon\n and to Seleucia, as one of THE great capitals of THE East. In\n summer, THE monarch of Persia enjoyed at Ecbatana THE cool\n breezes of THE mountains of Media; but THE mildness of THE\n climate engaged him to prefer Ctesiphon for his winter residence.\n\n 38 (return) [ For THE precise situation of Babylon, Seleucia,\n Ctesiphon, Moiain, and Bagdad, cities often confounded with each\n oTHEr, see an excellent Geographical Tract of M. d’Anville, in\n Mem. de l’Academie, tom. xxx.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. xi. 42. Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 26.]\n\n 40 (return) [ This may be inferred from Strabo, l. xvi. p. 743.]\n\n 41 (return) [ That most curious traveller, Bernier, who followed\n THE camp of Aurengzebe from Delhi to Cashmir, describes with\n great accuracy THE immense moving city. The guard of cavalry\n consisted of 35,000 men, that of infantry of 10,000. It was\n computed that THE camp contained 150,000 horses, mules, and\n elephants; 50,000 camels, 50,000 oxen, and between 300,000 and\n 400,000 persons. Almost all Delhi followed THE court, whose\n magnificence supported its industry.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxi. p. 1178. Hist. August. p. 38.\n Eutrop. viii. 10 Euseb. in Chronic. Quadratus (quoted in THE\n Augustan History) attempted to vindicate THE Romans by alleging\n that THE citizens of Seleucia had first violated THEir faith.]\n\n 43 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxv. p. 1263. Herodian, l. iii. p. 120.\n Hist. August. p. 70.]\n\n From THEse successful inroads THE Romans derived no real or\n lasting benefit; nor did THEy attempt to preserve such distant\n conquests, separated from THE provinces of THE empire by a large\n tract of intermediate desert. The reduction of THE kingdom of\n Osrhoene was an acquisition of less splendor indeed, but of a far\n more solid advantage. That little state occupied THE norTHErn and\n most fertile part of Mesopotamia, between THE Euphrates and THE\n Tigris. Edessa, its capital, was situated about twenty miles\n beyond THE former of those rivers; and THE inhabitants, since THE\n time of Alexander, were a mixed race of Greeks, Arabs, Syrians,\n and Armenians. 44 The feeble sovereigns of Osrhoene, placed on\n THE dangerous verge of two contending empires, were attached from\n inclination to THE Parthian cause; but THE superior power of Rome\n exacted from THEm a reluctant homage, which is still attested by\n THEir medals. After THE conclusion of THE Parthian war under\n Marcus, it was judged prudent to secure some substantial pledges\n of THEir doubtful fidelity. Forts were constructed in several\n parts of THE country, and a Roman garrison was fixed in THE\n strong town of Nisibis. During THE troubles that followed THE\n death of Commodus, THE princes of Osrhoene attempted to shake off\n THE yoke; but THE stern policy of Severus confirmed THEir\n dependence, 45 and THE perfidy of Caracalla completed THE easy\n conquest. Abgarus, THE last king of Edessa, was sent in chains to\n Rome, his dominions reduced into a province, and his capital\n dignified with THE rank of colony; and thus THE Romans, about ten\n years before THE fall of THE Parthian monarchy, obtained a firm\n and permanent establishment beyond THE Euphrates. 46\n\n 44 (return) [ The polished citizens of Antioch called those of\n Edessa mixed barbarians. It was, however, some praise, that of\n THE three dialects of THE Syriac, THE purest and most elegant\n (THE Aramæan) was spoken at Edessa. This remark M. Bayer (Hist.\n Edess. p 5) has borrowed from George of Malatia, a Syrian\n writer.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxv. p. 1248, 1249, 1250. M. Bayer has\n neglected to use this most important passage.]\n\n 46 (return) [ This kingdom, from Osrhoes, who gave a new name to\n THE country, to THE last Abgarus, had lasted 353 years. See THE\n learned work of M. Bayer, Historia Osrhoena et Edessena.]\n\n Prudence as well as glory might have justified a war on THE side\n of Artaxerxes, had his views been confined to THE defence or\n acquisition of a useful frontier. but THE ambitious Persian\n openly avowed a far more extensive design of conquest; and he\n thought himself able to support his lofty pretensions by THE arms\n of reason as well as by those of power. Cyrus, he alleged, had\n first subdued, and his successors had for a long time possessed,\n THE whole extent of Asia, as far as THE Propontis and THE Ægean\n Sea; THE provinces of Caria and Ionia, under THEir empire, had\n been governed by Persian satraps, and all Egypt, to THE confines\n of Æthiopia, had acknowledged THEir sovereignty. 47 Their rights\n had been suspended, but not destroyed, by a long usurpation; and\n as soon as he received THE Persian diadem, which birth and\n successful valor had placed upon his head, THE first great duty\n of his station called upon him to restore THE ancient limits and\n splendor of THE monarchy. The Great King, THErefore, (such was\n THE haughty style of his embassies to THE emperor Alexander,)\n commanded THE Romans instantly to depart from all THE provinces\n of his ancestors, and, yielding to THE Persians THE empire of\n Asia, to content THEmselves with THE undisturbed possession of\n Europe. This haughty mandate was delivered by four hundred of THE\n tallest and most beautiful of THE Persians; who, by THEir fine\n horses, splendid arms, and rich apparel, displayed THE pride and\n greatness of THEir master. 48 Such an embassy was much less an\n offer of negotiation than a declaration of war. Both Alexander\n Severus and Artaxerxes, collecting THE military force of THE\n Roman and Persian monarchies, resolved in this important contest\n to lead THEir armies in person.\n\n 47 (return) [ Xenophon, in THE preface to THE Cyropædia, gives a\n clear and magnificent idea of THE extent of THE empire of Cyrus.\n Herodotus (l. iii. c. 79, &c.) enters into a curious and\n particular description of THE twenty great Satrapies into which\n THE Persian empire was divided by Darius Hystaspes.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Herodian, vi. 209, 212.]\n\n If we credit what should seem THE most auTHEntic of all records,\n an oration, still extant, and delivered by THE emperor himself to\n THE senate, we must allow that THE victory of Alexander Severus\n was not inferior to any of those formerly obtained over THE\n Persians by THE son of Philip. The army of THE Great King\n consisted of one hundred and twenty thousand horse, cloTHEd in\n complete armor of steel; of seven hundred elephants, with towers\n filled with archers on THEir backs, and of eighteen hundred\n chariots armed with scyTHEs. This formidable host, THE like of\n which is not to be found in eastern history, and has scarcely\n been imagined in eastern romance, 49 was discomfited in a great\n battle, in which THE Roman Alexander proved himself an intrepid\n soldier and a skilful general. The Great King fled before his\n valor; an immense booty, and THE conquest of Mesopotamia, were\n THE immediate fruits of this signal victory. Such are THE\n circumstances of this ostentatious and improbable relation,\n dictated, as it too plainly appears, by THE vanity of THE\n monarch, adorned by THE unblushing servility of his flatterers,\n and received without contradiction by a distant and obsequious\n senate. 50 Far from being inclined to believe that THE arms of\n Alexander obtained any memorable advantage over THE Persians, we\n are induced to suspect that all this blaze of imaginary glory was\n designed to conceal some real disgrace.\n\n 49 (return) [ There were two hundred scyTHEd chariots at THE\n battle of Arbela, in THE host of Darius. In THE vast army of\n Tigranes, which was vanquished by Lucullus, seventeen thousand\n horse only were completely armed. Antiochus brought fifty-four\n elephants into THE field against THE Romans: by his frequent wars\n and negotiations with THE princes of India, he had once collected\n a hundred and fifty of those great animals; but it may be\n questioned wheTHEr THE most powerful monarch of Hindostan evci\n formed a line of battle of seven hundred elephants. Instead of\n three or four thousand elephants, which THE Great Mogul was\n supposed to possess, Tavernier (Voyages, part ii. l. i. p. 198)\n discovered, by a more accurate inquiry, that he had only five\n hundred for his baggage, and eighty or ninety for THE service of\n war. The Greeks have varied with regard to THE number which Porus\n brought into THE field; but Quintus Curtius, (viii. 13,) in this\n instance judicious and moderate, is contented with eighty-five\n elephants, distinguished by THEir size and strength. In Siam,\n where THEse animals are THE most numerous and THE most esteemed,\n eighteen elephants are allowed as a sufficient proportion for\n each of THE nine brigades into which a just army is divided. The\n whole number, of one hundred and sixty-two elephants of war, may\n sometimes be doubled. Hist. des Voyages, tom. ix. p. 260. * Note:\n Compare Gibbon’s note 10 to ch. lvii—M.]\n\n 50 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 133. * Note: See M. Guizot’s note,\n p. 267. According to THE Persian authorities Ardeschir extended\n his conquests to THE Euphrates. Malcolm i. 71.—M.]\n\n Our suspicions are confirmed by THE authority of a contemporary\n historian, who mentions THE virtues of Alexander with respect,\n and his faults with candor. He describes THE judicious plan which\n had been formed for THE conduct of THE war. Three Roman armies\n were destined to invade Persia at THE same time, and by different\n roads. But THE operations of THE campaign, though wisely\n concerted, were not executed eiTHEr with ability or success. The\n first of THEse armies, as soon as it had entered THE marshy\n plains of Babylon, towards THE artificial conflux of THE\n Euphrates and THE Tigris, 51 was encompassed by THE superior\n numbers, and destroyed by THE arrows of THE enemy. The alliance\n of Chosroes, king of Armenia, 52 and THE long tract of\n mountainous country, in which THE Persian cavalry was of little\n service, opened a secure entrance into THE heart of Media, to THE\n second of THE Roman armies. These brave troops laid waste THE\n adjacent provinces, and by several successful actions against\n Artaxerxes, gave a faint color to THE emperor’s vanity. But THE\n retreat of this victorious army was imprudent, or at least\n unfortunate. In repassing THE mountains, great numbers of\n soldiers perished by THE badness of THE roads, and THE severity\n of THE winter season. It had been resolved, that whilst THEse two\n great detachments penetrated into THE opposite extremes of THE\n Persian dominions, THE main body, under THE command of Alexander\n himself, should support THEir attack, by invading THE centre of\n THE kingdom. But THE unexperienced youth, influenced by his\n moTHEr’s counsels, and perhaps by his own fears, deserted THE\n bravest troops, and THE fairest prospect of victory; and after\n consuming in Mesopotamia an inactive and inglorious summer, he\n led back to Antioch an army diminished by sickness, and provoked\n by disappointment. The behavior of Artaxerxes had been very\n different. Flying with rapidity from THE hills of Media to THE\n marshes of THE Euphrates, he had everywhere opposed THE invaders\n in person; and in eiTHEr fortune had united with THE ablest\n conduct THE most undaunted resolution. But in several obstinate\n engagements against THE veteran legions of Rome, THE Persian\n monarch had lost THE flower of his troops. Even his victories had\n weakened his power. The favorable opportunities of THE absence of\n Alexander, and of THE confusions that followed that emperor’s\n death, presented THEmselves in vain to his ambition. Instead of\n expelling THE Romans, as he pretended, from THE continent of\n Asia, he found himself unable to wrest from THEir hands THE\n little province of Mesopotamia. 53\n\n 51 (return) [ M. de Tillemont has already observed, that\n Herodian’s geography is somewhat confused.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Moses of Chorene (Hist. Armen. l. ii. c. 71)\n illustrates this invasion of Media, by asserting that Chosroes,\n king of Armenia, defeated Artaxerxes, and pursued him to THE\n confines of India. The exploits of Chosroes have been magnified;\n and he acted as a dependent ally to THE Romans.]\n\n 53 (return) [ For THE account of this war, see Herodian, l. vi.\n p. 209, 212. The old abbreviators and modern compilers have\n blindly followed THE Augustan History.]\n\n The reign of Artaxerxes, which, from THE last defeat of THE\n Parthians, lasted only fourteen years, forms a memorable æra in\n THE history of THE East, and even in that of Rome. His character\n seems to have been marked by those bold and commanding features,\n that generally distinguish THE princes who conquer, from those\n who inherit, an empire. Till THE last period of THE Persian\n monarchy, his code of laws was respected as THE groundwork of\n THEir civil and religious policy. 54 Several of his sayings are\n preserved. One of THEm in particular discovers a deep insight\n into THE constitution of government. “The authority of THE\n prince,” said Artaxerxes, “must be defended by a military force;\n that force can only be maintained by taxes; all taxes must, at\n last, fall upon agriculture; and agriculture can never flourish\n except under THE protection of justice and moderation.” 55\n Artaxerxes bequeaTHEd his new empire, and his ambitious designs\n against THE Romans, to Sapor, a son not unworthy of his great\n faTHEr; but those designs were too extensive for THE power of\n Persia, and served only to involve both nations in a long series\n of destructive wars and reciprocal calamities.\n\n 54 (return) [Eutychius, tom. ii. p. 180, vers. Pocock. The great\n Chosroes Noushirwan sent THE code of Artaxerxes to all his\n satraps, as THE invariable rule of THEir conduct.]\n\n 55 (return) [ D’Herbelot, BiblioTHEque Orientale, au mot Ardshir.\n We may observe, that after an ancient period of fables, and a\n long interval of darkness, THE modern histories of Persia begin\n to assume an air of truth with THE dynasty of Sassanides. Compare\n Malcolm, i. 79.—M.]\n\n The Persians, long since civilized and corrupted, were very far\n from possessing THE martial independence, and THE intrepid\n hardiness, both of mind and body, which have rendered THE\n norTHErn barbarians masters of THE world. The science of war,\n that constituted THE more rational force of Greece and Rome, as\n it now does of Europe, never made any considerable progress in\n THE East. Those disciplined evolutions which harmonize and\n animate a confused multitude, were unknown to THE Persians. They\n were equally unskilled in THE arts of constructing, besieging, or\n defending regular fortifications. They trusted more to THEir\n numbers than to THEir courage; more to THEir courage than to\n THEir discipline. The infantry was a half-armed, spiritless crowd\n of peasants, levied in haste by THE allurements of plunder, and\n as easily dispersed by a victory as by a defeat. The monarch and\n his nobles transported into THE camp THE pride and luxury of THE\n seraglio. Their military operations were impeded by a useless\n train of women, eunuchs, horses, and camels; and in THE midst of\n a successful campaign, THE Persian host was often separated or\n destroyed by an unexpected famine. 56\n\n 56 (return) [ Herodian, l. vi. p. 214. Ammianus Marcellinus, l.\n xxiii. c. 6. Some differences may be observed between THE two\n historians, THE natural effects of THE changes produced by a\n century and a half.]\n\n But THE nobles of Persia, in THE bosom of luxury and despotism,\n preserved a strong sense of personal gallantry and national\n honor. From THE age of seven years THEy were taught to speak\n truth, to shoot with THE bow, and to ride; and it was universally\n confessed that in THE two last of THEse arts THEy had made a more\n than common proficiency. 57 The most distinguished youth were\n educated under THE monarch’s eye, practised THEir exercises in\n THE gate of his palace, and were severely trained up to THE\n habits of temperance and obedience, in THEir long and laborious\n parties of hunting. In every province, THE satrap maintained a\n like school of military virtue. The Persian nobles (so natural is\n THE idea of feudal tenures) received from THE king’s bounty lands\n and houses, on THE condition of THEir service in war. They were\n ready on THE first summons to mount on horseback, with a martial\n and splendid train of followers, and to join THE numerous bodies\n of guards, who were carefully selected from among THE most robust\n slaves, and THE bravest adventurers of Asia. These armies, both\n of light and of heavy cavalry, equally formidable by THE\n impetuosity of THEir charge and THE rapidity of THEir motions,\n threatened, as an impending cloud, THE eastern provinces of THE\n declining empire of Rome. 58\n\n 57 (return) [ The Persians are still THE most skilful horsemen,\n and THEir horses THE finest in THE East.]\n\n 58 (return) [ From Herodotus, Xenophon, Herodian, Ammianus,\n Chardin, &c., I have extracted such probable accounts of THE\n Persian nobility, as seem eiTHEr common to every age, or\n particular to that of THE Sassanides.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter IX: State Of Germany Until The Barbarians.—Part I.\n\n The State Of Germany Till The Invasion Of The Barbarians In The\n Time Of The Emperor Decius.\n\n The government and religion of Persia have deserved some notice,\n from THEir connection with THE decline and fall of THE Roman\n empire. We shall occasionally mention THE Scythian or Sarmatian\n tribes, 1001 which, with THEir arms and horses, THEir flocks and\n herds, THEir wives and families, wandered over THE immense plains\n which spread THEmselves from THE Caspian Sea to THE Vistula, from\n THE confines of Persia to those of Germany. But THE warlike\n Germans, who first resisted, THEn invaded, and at length\n overturned THE Western monarchy of Rome, will occupy a much more\n important place in this history, and possess a stronger, and, if\n we may use THE expression, a more domestic, claim to our\n attention and regard. The most civilized nations of modern Europe\n issued from THE woods of Germany; and in THE rude institutions of\n those barbarians we may still distinguish THE original principles\n of our present laws and manners. In THEir primitive state of\n simplicity and independence, THE Germans were surveyed by THE\n discerning eye, and delineated by THE masterly pencil, of\n Tacitus, 1002 THE first of historians who applied THE science of\n philosophy to THE study of facts. The expressive conciseness of\n his descriptions has served to exercise THE diligence of\n innumerable antiquarians, and to excite THE genius and\n penetration of THE philosophic historians of our own times. The\n subject, however various and important, has already been so\n frequently, so ably, and so successfully discussed, that it is\n now grown familiar to THE reader, and difficult to THE writer. We\n shall THErefore content ourselves with observing, and indeed with\n repeating, some of THE most important circumstances of climate,\n of manners, and of institutions, which rendered THE wild\n barbarians of Germany such formidable enemies to THE Roman power.\n\n 1001 (return) [ The Scythians, even according to THE ancients,\n are not Sarmatians. It may be doubted wheTHEr Gibbon intended to\n confound THEm.—M. ——The Greeks, after having divided THE world\n into Greeks and barbarians. divided THE barbarians into four\n great classes, THE Celts, THE Scythians, THE Indians, and THE\n Ethiopians. They called Celts all THE inhabitants of Gaul.\n Scythia extended from THE Baltic Sea to THE Lake Aral: THE people\n enclosed in THE angle to THE north-east, between Celtica and\n Scythia, were called Celto-Scythians, and THE Sarmatians were\n placed in THE souTHErn part of that angle. But THEse names of\n Celts, of Scythians, of Celto-Scythians, and Sarmatians, were\n invented, says Schlozer, by THE profound cosmographical ignorance\n of THE Greeks, and have no real ground; THEy are purely\n geographical divisions, without any relation to THE true\n affiliation of THE different races. Thus all THE inhabitants of\n Gaul are called Celts by most of THE ancient writers; yet Gaul\n contained three totally distinct nations, THE Belgæ, THE\n Aquitani, and THE Gauls, properly so called. Hi omnes lingua\n institutis, legibusque inter se differunt. Cæsar. Com. c. i. It\n is thus THE Turks call all Europeans Franks. Schlozer, Allgemeine\n Nordische Geschichte, p. 289. 1771. Bayer (de Origine et priscis\n Sedibus Scytharum, in Opusc. p. 64) says, Primus eorum, de quibus\n constat, Ephorus, in quarto historiarum libro, orbem terrarum\n inter Scythas, Indos, Æthiopas et Celtas divisit. Fragmentum ejus\n loci Cosmas Indicopleustes in topographia Christiana, f. 148,\n conservavit. Video igitur Ephorum, cum locorum positus per certa\n capita distribuere et explicare constitueret, insigniorum nomina\n gentium vastioribus spatiis adhibuisse, nulla mala fraude et\n successu infelici. Nam Ephoro quoquomodo dicta pro exploratis\n habebant Græci plerique et Romani: ita gliscebat error\n posteritate. Igitur tot tamque diversæ stirpis gentes non modo\n intra communem quandam regionem definitæ, unum omnes Scytharum\n nomen his auctoribus subierunt, sed etiam ab illa regionis\n adpellatione in eandem nationem sunt conflatæ. Sic Cimmeriorum\n res cum Scythicis, Scytharum cum Sarmaticis, Russicis, Hunnicis,\n Tataricis commiscentur.—G.]\n\n 1002 (return) [ The Germania of Tacitus has been a fruitful\n source of hypoTHEsis to THE ingenuity of modern writers, who have\n endeavored to account for THE form of THE work and THE views of\n THE author. According to Luden, (Geschichte des T. V. i. 432, and\n note,) it contains THE unfinished and disarranged for a larger\n work. An anonymous writer, supposed by Luden to be M. Becker,\n conceives that it was intended as an episode in his larger\n history. According to M. Guizot, “Tacite a peint les Germains\n comme Montaigne et Rousseau les sauvages, dans un acces d’humeur\n contre sa patrie: son livre est une satire des mœurs Romaines,\n l’eloquente boutade d’un patriote philosophe qui veut voir la\n vertu la, ou il ne rencontre pas la mollesse honteuse et la\n depravation savante d’une vielle societe.” Hist. de la\n Civilisation Moderne, i. 258.—M.]\n\n Ancient Germany, excluding from its independent limits THE\n province westward of THE Rhine, which had submitted to THE Roman\n yoke, extended itself over a third part of Europe. 1 Almost THE\n whole of modern Germany, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland,\n Livonia, Prussia, and THE greater part of Poland, were peopled by\n THE various tribes of one great nation, whose complexion,\n manners, and language denoted a common origin, and preserved a\n striking resemblance. On THE west, ancient Germany was divided by\n THE Rhine from THE Gallic, and on THE south, by THE Danube, from\n THE Illyrian, provinces of THE empire. A ridge of hills, rising\n from THE Danube, and called THE Carpathian Mountains, covered\n Germany on THE side of Dacia or Hungary. The eastern frontier was\n faintly marked by THE mutual fears of THE Germans and THE\n Sarmatians, and was often confounded by THE mixture of warring\n and confederating tribes of THE two nations. In THE remote\n darkness of THE north, THE ancients imperfectly descried a frozen\n ocean that lay beyond THE Baltic Sea, and beyond THE Peninsula,\n or islands 1001a of Scandinavia.\n\n 1 (return) [ Germany was not of such vast extent. It is from\n Cæsar, and more particularly from Ptolemy, (says Gatterer,) that\n we can know what was THE state of ancient Germany before THE wars\n with THE Romans had changed THE positions of THE tribes. Germany,\n as changed by THEse wars, has been described by Strabo, Pliny,\n and Tacitus. Germany, properly so called, was bounded on THE west\n by THE Rhine, on THE east by THE Vistula, on THE north by THE\n souTHErn point of Norway, by Sweden, and Esthonia. On THE south,\n THE Maine and THE mountains to THE north of Bohemia formed THE\n limits. Before THE time of Cæsar, THE country between THE Maine\n and THE Danube was partly occupied by THE Helvetians and oTHEr\n Gauls, partly by THE Hercynian forest but, from THE time of Cæsar\n to THE great migration, THEse boundaries were advanced as far as\n THE Danube, or, what is THE same thing, to THE Suabian Alps,\n although THE Hercynian forest still occupied, from north to\n south, a space of nine days’ journey on both banks of THE Danube.\n “Gatterer, Versuch einer all-gemeinen Welt-Geschichte,” p. 424,\n edit. de 1792. This vast country was far from being inhabited by\n a single nation divided into different tribes of THE same origin.\n We may reckon three principal races, very distinct in THEir\n language, THEir origin, and THEir customs. 1. To THE east, THE\n Slaves or Vandals. 2. To THE west, THE Cimmerians or Cimbri. 3.\n Between THE Slaves and Cimbrians, THE Germans, properly so\n called, THE Suevi of Tacitus. The South was inhabited, before\n Julius Cæsar, by nations of Gaulish origin, afterwards by THE\n Suevi.—G. On THE position of THEse nations, THE German\n antiquaries differ. I. The Slaves, or Sclavonians, or Wendish\n tribes, according to Schlozer, were originally settled in parts\n of Germany unknown to THE Romans, Mecklenburgh, Pomerania,\n Brandenburgh, Upper Saxony; and Lusatia. According to Gatterer,\n THEy remained to THE east of THE Theiss, THE Niemen, and THE\n Vistula, till THE third century. The Slaves, according to\n Procopius and Jornandes, formed three great divisions. 1. The\n Venedi or Vandals, who took THE latter name, (THE Wenden,) having\n expelled THE Vandals, properly so called, (a Suevian race, THE\n conquerors of Africa,) from THE country between THE Memel and THE\n Vistula. 2. The Antes, who inhabited between THE Dneister and THE\n Dnieper. 3. The Sclavonians, properly so called, in THE north of\n Dacia. During THE great migration, THEse races advanced into\n Germany as far as THE Saal and THE Elbe. The Sclavonian language\n is THE stem from which have issued THE Russian, THE Polish, THE\n Bohemian, and THE dialects of Lusatia, of some parts of THE duchy\n of Luneburgh, of Carniola, Carinthia, and Styria, &c.; those of\n Croatia, Bosnia, and Bulgaria. Schlozer, Nordische Geschichte, p.\n 323, 335. II. The Cimbric race. Adelung calls by this name all\n who were not Suevi. This race had passed THE Rhine, before THE\n time of Cæsar, occupied Belgium, and are THE Belgæ of Cæsar and\n Pliny. The Cimbrians also occupied THE Isle of Jutland. The Cymri\n of Wales and of Britain are of this race. Many tribes on THE\n right bank of THE Rhine, THE Guthini in Jutland, THE Usipeti in\n Westphalia, THE Sigambri in THE duchy of Berg, were German\n Cimbrians. III. The Suevi, known in very early times by THE\n Romans, for THEy are mentioned by L. Corn. Sisenna, who lived 123\n years before Christ, (Nonius v. Lancea.) This race, THE real\n Germans, extended to THE Vistula, and from THE Baltic to THE\n Hercynian forest. The name of Suevi was sometimes confined to a\n single tribe, as by Cæsar to THE Catti. The name of THE Suevi has\n been preserved in Suabia. These three were THE principal races\n which inhabited Germany; THEy moved from east to west, and are\n THE parent stem of THE modern natives. But norTHErn Europe,\n according to Schlozer, was not peopled by THEm alone; oTHEr\n races, of different origin, and speaking different languages,\n have inhabited and left descendants in THEse countries. The\n German tribes called THEmselves, from very remote times, by THE\n generic name of Teutons, (Teuten, Deutschen,) which Tacitus\n derives from that of one of THEir gods, Tuisco. It appears more\n probable that it means merely men, people. Many savage nations\n have given THEmselves no oTHEr name. Thus THE Laplanders call\n THEmselves Almag, people; THE Samoiedes Nilletz, Nissetsch, men,\n &c. As to THE name of Germans, (Germani,) Cæsar found it in use\n in Gaul, and adopted it as a word already known to THE Romans.\n Many of THE learned (from a passage of Tacitus, de Mor Germ. c.\n 2) have supposed that it was only applied to THE Teutons after\n Cæsar’s time; but Adelung has triumphantly refuted this opinion.\n The name of Germans is found in THE Fasti Capitolini. See Gruter,\n Iscrip. 2899, in which THE consul Marcellus, in THE year of Rome\n 531, is said to have defeated THE Gauls, THE Insubrians, and THE\n Germans, commanded by Virdomar. See Adelung, Ælt. Geschichte der\n Deutsch, p. 102.—Compressed from G.]\n\n 1001a (return) [ The modern philosophers of Sweden seem agreed\n that THE waters of THE Baltic gradually sink in a regular\n proportion, which THEy have ventured to estimate at half an inch\n every year. Twenty centuries ago THE flat country of Scandinavia\n must have been covered by THE sea; while THE high lands rose\n above THE waters, as so many islands of various forms and\n dimensions. Such, indeed, is THE notion given us by Mela, Pliny,\n and Tacitus, of THE vast countries round THE Baltic. See in THE\n BiblioTHEque Raisonnee, tom. xl. and xlv. a large abstract of\n Dalin’s History of Sweden, composed in THE Swedish language. *\n Note: Modern geologists have rejected this THEory of THE\n depression of THE Baltic, as inconsistent with recent\n observation. The considerable changes which have taken place on\n its shores, Mr. Lyell, from actual observation now decidedly\n attributes to THE regular and uniform elevation of THE\n land.—Lyell’s Geology, b. ii. c. 17—M.]\n\n Some ingenious writers 2 have suspected that Europe was much\n colder formerly than it is at present; and THE most ancient\n descriptions of THE climate of Germany tend exceedingly to\n confirm THEir THEory. The general complaints of intense frost and\n eternal winter are perhaps little to be regarded, since we have\n no method of reducing to THE accurate standard of THE\n THErmometer, THE feelings, or THE expressions, of an orator born\n in THE happier regions of Greece or Asia. But I shall select two\n remarkable circumstances of a less equivocal nature. 1. The great\n rivers which covered THE Roman provinces, THE Rhine and THE\n Danube, were frequently frozen over, and capable of supporting\n THE most enormous weights. The barbarians, who often chose that\n severe season for THEir inroads, transported, without\n apprehension or danger, THEir numerous armies, THEir cavalry, and\n THEir heavy wagons, over a vast and solid bridge of ice. 3 Modern\n ages have not presented an instance of a like phenomenon. 2. The\n reindeer, that useful animal, from whom THE savage of THE North\n derives THE best comforts of his dreary life, is of a\n constitution that supports, and even requires, THE most intense\n cold. He is found on THE rock of Spitzberg, within ten degrees of\n THE Pole; he seems to delight in THE snows of Lapland and\n Siberia: but at present he cannot subsist, much less multiply, in\n any country to THE south of THE Baltic. 4 In THE time of Cæsar\n THE reindeer, as well as THE elk and THE wild bull, was a native\n of THE Hercynian forest, which THEn overshadowed a great part of\n Germany and Poland. 5 The modern improvements sufficiently\n explain THE causes of THE diminution of THE cold. These immense\n woods have been gradually cleared, which intercepted from THE\n earth THE rays of THE sun. 6 The morasses have been drained, and,\n in proportion as THE soil has been cultivated, THE air has become\n more temperate. Canada, at this day, is an exact picture of\n ancient Germany. Although situated in THE same parallel with THE\n finest provinces of France and England, that country experiences\n THE most rigorous cold. The reindeer are very numerous, THE\n ground is covered with deep and lasting snow, and THE great river\n of St. Lawrence is regularly frozen, in a season when THE waters\n of THE Seine and THE Thames are usually free from ice. 7\n\n 2 (return) [ In particular, Mr. Hume, THE Abbé du Bos, and M.\n Pelloutier. Hist. des Celtes, tom. i.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Diodorus Siculus, l. v. p. 340, edit. Wessel.\n Herodian, l. vi. p. 221. Jornandes, c. 55. On THE banks of THE\n Danube, THE wine, when brought to table, was frequently frozen\n into great lumps, frusta vini. Ovid. Epist. ex Ponto, l. iv. 7,\n 9, 10. Virgil. Georgic. l. iii. 355. The fact is confirmed by a\n soldier and a philosopher, who had experienced THE intense cold\n of Thrace. See Xenophon, Anabasis, l. vii. p. 560, edit.\n Hutchinson. Note: The Danube is constantly frozen over. At Pesth\n THE bridge is usually taken up, and THE traffic and communication\n between THE two banks carried on over THE ice. The Rhine is\n likewise in many parts passable at least two years out of five.\n Winter campaigns are so unusual, in modern warfare, that I\n recollect but one instance of an army crossing eiTHEr river on\n THE ice. In THE thirty years’ war, (1635,) Jan van Werth, an\n Imperialist partisan, crossed THE Rhine from Heidelberg on THE\n ice with 5000 men, and surprised Spiers. Pichegru’s memorable\n campaign, (1794-5,) when THE freezing of THE Meuse and Waal\n opened Holland to his conquests, and his cavalry and artillery\n attacked THE ships frozen in, on THE Zuyder Zee, was in a winter\n of unprecedented severity.—M. 1845.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Buffon, Histoire Naturelle, tom. xii. p. 79, 116.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Cæsar de Bell. Gallic. vi. 23, &c. The most\n inquisitive of THE Germans were ignorant of its utmost limits,\n although some of THEm had travelled in it more than sixty days’\n journey. * Note: The passage of Cæsar, “parvis renonum tegumentis\n utuntur,” is obscure, observes Luden, (Geschichte des Teutschen\n Volkes,) and insufficient to prove THE reindeer to have existed\n in Germany. It is supported however, by a fragment of Sallust.\n Germani intectum rhenonibus corpus tegunt.—M. It has been\n suggested to me that Cæsar (as old Gesner supposed) meant THE\n reindeer in THE following description. Est bos cervi figura cujus\n a media fronte inter aures unum cornu existit, excelsius magisque\n directum (divaricatum, qu?) his quæ nobis nota sunt cornibus. At\n ejus summo, sicut palmæ, rami quam late diffunduntur. Bell.\n vi.—M. 1845.]\n\n 6 (return) [ Cluverius (Germania Antiqua, l. iii. c. 47)\n investigates THE small and scattered remains of THE Hercynian\n wood.]\n\n 7 (return) [ Charlevoix, Histoire du Canada.]\n\n It is difficult to ascertain, and easy to exaggerate, THE\n influence of THE climate of ancient Germany over THE minds and\n bodies of THE natives. Many writers have supposed, and most have\n allowed, though, as it should seem, without any adequate proof,\n that THE rigorous cold of THE North was favorable to long life\n and generative vigor, that THE women were more fruitful, and THE\n human species more prolific, than in warmer or more temperate\n climates. 8 We may assert, with greater confidence, that THE keen\n air of Germany formed THE large and masculine limbs of THE\n natives, who were, in general, of a more lofty stature than THE\n people of THE South, 9 gave THEm a kind of strength better\n adapted to violent exertions than to patient labor, and inspired\n THEm with constitutional bravery, which is THE result of nerves\n and spirits. The severity of a winter campaign, that chilled THE\n courage of THE Roman troops, was scarcely felt by THEse hardy\n children of THE North, 10 who, in THEir turn, were unable to\n resist THE summer heats, and dissolved away in languor and\n sickness under THE beams of an Italian sun. 11\n\n 8 (return) [ Olaus Rudbeck asserts that THE Swedish women often\n bear ten or twelve children, and not uncommonly twenty or thirty;\n but THE authority of Rudbeck is much to be suspected.]\n\n 9 (return) [ In hos artus, in hæc corpora, quæ miramur,\n excrescunt. Tæit Germania, 3, 20. Cluver. l. i. c. 14.]\n\n 10 (return) [ Plutarch. in Mario. The Cimbri, by way of\n amusement, often did down mountains of snow on THEir broad\n shields.]\n\n 11 (return) [ The Romans made war in all climates, and by THEir\n excellent discipline were in a great measure preserved in health\n and vigor. It may be remarked, that man is THE only animal which\n can live and multiply in every country from THE equator to THE\n poles. The hog seems to approach THE nearest to our species in\n that privilege.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter IX: State Of Germany Until The Barbarians.—Part II.\n\n There is not anywhere upon THE globe a large tract of country,\n which we have discovered destitute of inhabitants, or whose first\n population can be fixed with any degree of historical certainty.\n And yet, as THE most philosophic minds can seldom refrain from\n investigating THE infancy of great nations, our curiosity\n consumes itself in toilsome and disappointed efforts. When\n Tacitus considered THE purity of THE German blood, and THE\n forbidding aspect of THE country, he was disposed to pronounce\n those barbarians _Indigenæ_, or natives of THE soil. We may allow\n with safety, and perhaps with truth, that ancient Germany was not\n originally peopled by any foreign colonies already formed into a\n political society; 12 but that THE name and nation received THEir\n existence from THE gradual union of some wandering savages of THE\n Hercynian woods. To assert those savages to have been THE\n spontaneous production of THE earth which THEy inhabited would be\n a rash inference, condemned by religion, and unwarranted by\n reason.\n\n 12 (return) [ Facit. Germ. c. 3. The emigration of THE Gauls\n followed THE course of THE Danube, and discharged itself on\n Greece and Asia. Tacitus could discover only one inconsiderable\n tribe that retained any traces of a Gallic origin. * Note: The\n Gothini, who must not be confounded with THE Gothi, a Suevian\n tribe. In THE time of Cæsar many oTHEr tribes of Gaulish origin\n dwelt along THE course of THE Danube, who could not long resist\n THE attacks of THE Suevi. The Helvetians, who dwelt on THE\n borders of THE Black Forest, between THE Maine and THE Danube,\n had been expelled long before THE time of Cæsar. He mentions also\n THE Volci Tectosagi, who came from Languedoc and settled round\n THE Black Forest. The Boii, who had penetrated into that forest,\n and also have left traces of THEir name in Bohemia, were subdued\n in THE first century by THE Marcomanni. The Boii settled in\n Noricum, were mingled afterwards with THE Lombards, and received\n THE name of Boio Arii (Bavaria) or Boiovarii: var, in some German\n dialects, appearing to mean remains, descendants. Compare Malte\n B-m, Geography, vol. i. p. 410, edit 1832—M.]\n\n Such rational doubt is but ill suited with THE genius of popular\n vanity. Among THE nations who have adopted THE Mosaic history of\n THE world, THE ark of Noah has been of THE same use, as was\n formerly to THE Greeks and Romans THE siege of Troy. On a narrow\n basis of acknowledged truth, an immense but rude superstructure\n of fable has been erected; and THE wild Irishman, 13 as well as\n THE wild Tartar, 14 could point out THE individual son of Japhet,\n from whose loins his ancestors were lineally descended. The last\n century abounded with antiquarians of profound learning and easy\n faith, who, by THE dim light of legends and traditions, of\n conjectures and etymologies, conducted THE great grandchildren of\n Noah from THE Tower of Babel to THE extremities of THE globe. Of\n THEse judicious critics, one of THE most entertaining was Olaus\n Rudbeck, professor in THE university of Upsal. 15 Whatever is\n celebrated eiTHEr in history or fable this zealous patriot\n ascribes to his country. From Sweden (which formed so\n considerable a part of ancient Germany) THE Greeks THEmselves\n derived THEir alphabetical characters, THEir astronomy, and THEir\n religion. Of that delightful region (for such it appeared to THE\n eyes of a native) THE Atlantis of Plato, THE country of THE\n Hyperboreans, THE gardens of THE Hesperides, THE Fortunate\n Islands, and even THE Elysian Fields, were all but faint and\n imperfect transcripts. A clime so profusely favored by Nature\n could not long remain desert after THE flood. The learned Rudbeck\n allows THE family of Noah a few years to multiply from eight to\n about twenty thousand persons. He THEn disperses THEm into small\n colonies to replenish THE earth, and to propagate THE human\n species. The German or Swedish detachment (which marched, if I am\n not mistaken, under THE command of Askenaz, THE son of Gomer, THE\n son of Japhet) distinguished itself by a more than common\n diligence in THE prosecution of this great work. The norTHErn\n hive cast its swarms over THE greatest part of Europe, Africa,\n and Asia; and (to use THE author’s metaphor) THE blood circulated\n from THE extremities to THE heart.\n\n 13 (return) [ According to Dr. Keating, (History of Ireland, p.\n 13, 14,) THE giant Portholanus, who was THE son of Seara, THE son\n of Esra, THE son of Sru, THE son of Framant, THE son of\n Fathaclan, THE son of Magog, THE son of Japhet, THE son of Noah,\n landed on THE coast of Munster THE 14th day of May, in THE year\n of THE world one thousand nine hundred and seventy-eight. Though\n he succeeded in his great enterprise, THE loose behavior of his\n wife rendered his domestic life very unhappy, and provoked him to\n such a degree, that he killed—her favorite greyhound. This, as\n THE learned historian very properly observes, was THE first\n instance of female falsehood and infidelity ever known in\n Ireland.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Genealogical History of THE Tartars, by Abulghazi\n Bahadur Khan.]\n\n 15 (return) [ His work, entitled Atlantica, is uncommonly scarce.\n Bayle has given two most curious extracts from it. Republique des\n Lettres Janvier et Fevrier, 1685.]\n\n But all this well-labored system of German antiquities is\n annihilated by a single fact, too well attested to admit of any\n doubt, and of too decisive a nature to leave room for any reply.\n The Germans, in THE age of Tacitus, were unacquainted with THE\n use of letters; 16 and THE use of letters is THE principal\n circumstance that distinguishes a civilized people from a herd of\n savages incapable of knowledge or reflection. Without that\n artificial help, THE human memory soon dissipates or corrupts THE\n ideas intrusted to her charge; and THE nobler faculties of THE\n mind, no longer supplied with models or with materials, gradually\n forget THEir powers; THE judgment becomes feeble and lethargic,\n THE imagination languid or irregular. Fully to apprehend this\n important truth, let us attempt, in an improved society, to\n calculate THE immense distance between THE man of learning and\n THE _illiterate_ peasant. The former, by reading and reflection,\n multiplies his own experience, and lives in distant ages and\n remote countries; whilst THE latter, rooted to a single spot, and\n confined to a few years of existence, surpasses but very little\n his fellow-laborer, THE ox, in THE exercise of his mental\n faculties. The same, and even a greater, difference will be found\n between nations than between individuals; and we may safely\n pronounce, that without some species of writing, no people has\n ever preserved THE faithful annals of THEir history, ever made\n any considerable progress in THE abstract sciences, or ever\n possessed, in any tolerable degree of perfection, THE useful and\n agreeable arts of life.\n\n 16 (return) [ Tacit. Germ. ii. 19. Literarum secreta viri pariter\n ac fœminæ ignorant. We may rest contented with this decisive\n authority, without entering into THE obscure disputes concerning\n THE antiquity of THE Runic characters. The learned Celsius, a\n Swede, a scholar, and a philosopher, was of opinion, that THEy\n were nothing more than THE Roman letters, with THE curves changed\n into straight lines for THE ease of engraving. See Pelloutier,\n Histoire des Celtes, l. ii. c. 11. Dictionnaire Diplomatique,\n tom. i. p. 223. We may add, that THE oldest Runic inscriptions\n are supposed to be of THE third century, and THE most ancient\n writer who mentions THE Runic characters is Venan tius\n Frotunatus, (Carm. vii. 18,) who lived towards THE end of THE\n sixth century. Barbara fraxineis pingatur Runa tabellis. * Note:\n The obscure subject of THE Runic characters has exercised THE\n industry and ingenuity of THE modern scholars of THE north. There\n are three distinct THEories; one, maintained by Schlozer,\n (Nordische Geschichte, p. 481, &c.,) who considers THEir sixteen\n letters to be a corruption of THE Roman alphabet, post-Christian\n in THEir date, and Schlozer would attribute THEir introduction\n into THE north to THE Alemanni. The second, that of Frederick\n Schlegel, (Vorlesungen uber alte und neue Literatur,) supposes\n that THEse characters were left on THE coasts of THE\n Mediterranean and NorTHErn Seas by THE Phœnicians, preserved by\n THE priestly castes, and employed for purposes of magic. Their\n common origin from THE Phœnician would account for heir\n similarity to THE Roman letters. The last, to which we incline,\n claims much higher and more venerable antiquity for THE Runic,\n and supposes THEm to have been THE original characters of THE\n Indo-Teutonic tribes, brought from THE East, and preserved among\n THE different races of that stock. See Ueber Deutsche Runen von\n W. C. Grimm, 1821. A Memoir by Dr. Legis. Fundgruben des alten\n Nordens. Foreign Quarterly Review vol. ix. p. 438.—M.]\n\n Of THEse arts, THE ancient Germans were wretchedly destitute.\n 1601 They passed THEir lives in a state of ignorance and poverty,\n which it has pleased some declaimers to dignify with THE\n appellation of virtuous simplicity. Modern Germany is said to\n contain about two thousand three hundred walled towns. 17 In a\n much wider extent of country, THE geographer Ptolemy could\n discover no more than ninety places which he decorates with THE\n name of cities; 18 though, according to our ideas, THEy would but\n ill deserve that splendid title. We can only suppose THEm to have\n been rude fortifications, constructed in THE centre of THE woods,\n and designed to secure THE women, children, and cattle, whilst\n THE warriors of THE tribe marched out to repel a sudden invasion.\n 19 But Tacitus asserts, as a well-known fact, that THE Germans,\n in his time, had _no_ cities; 20 and that THEy affected to\n despise THE works of Roman industry, as places of confinement\n raTHEr than of security. 21 Their edifices were not even\n contiguous, or formed into regular villas; 22 each barbarian\n fixed his independent dwelling on THE spot to which a plain, a\n wood, or a stream of fresh water, had induced him to give THE\n preference. NeiTHEr stone, nor brick, nor tiles, were employed in\n THEse slight habitations. 23 They were indeed no more than low\n huts, of a circular figure, built of rough timber, thatched with\n straw, and pierced at THE top to leave a free passage for THE\n smoke. In THE most inclement winter, THE hardy German was\n satisfied with a scanty garment made of THE skin of some animal.\n The nations who dwelt towards THE North cloTHEd THEmselves in\n furs; and THE women manufactured for THEir own use a coarse kind\n of linen. 24 The game of various sorts, with which THE forests of\n Germany were plentifully stocked, supplied its inhabitants with\n food and exercise. 25 Their monstrous herds of cattle, less\n remarkable indeed for THEir beauty than for THEir utility, 26\n formed THE principal object of THEir wealth. A small quantity of\n corn was THE only produce exacted from THE earth; THE use of\n orchards or artificial meadows was unknown to THE Germans; nor\n can we expect any improvements in agriculture from a people,\n whose prosperity every year experienced a general change by a new\n division of THE arable lands, and who, in that strange operation,\n avoided disputes, by suffering a great part of THEir territory to\n lie waste and without tillage. 27\n\n 1601 (return) [ Luden (THE author of THE Geschichte des Teutschen\n Volkes) has surpassed most writers in his patriotic enthusiasm\n for THE virtues and noble manners of his ancestors. Even THE cold\n of THE climate, and THE want of vines and fruit trees, as well as\n THE barbarism of THE inhabitants, are calumnies of THE luxurious\n Italians. M. Guizot, on THE oTHEr side, (in his Histoire de la\n Civilisation, vol. i. p. 272, &c.,) has drawn a curious parallel\n between THE Germans of Tacitus and THE North American\n Indians.—M.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains, tom.\n iii. p. 228. The author of that very curious work is, if I am not\n misinformed, a German by birth. (De Pauw.)]\n\n 18 (return) [ The Alexandrian Geographer is often criticized by\n THE accurate Cluverius.]\n\n 19 (return) [ See Cæsar, and THE learned Mr. Whitaker in his\n History of Manchester, vol. i.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Tacit. Germ. 15.]\n\n 21 (return) [ When THE Germans commanded THE Ubii of Cologne to\n cast off THE Roman yoke, and with THEir new freedom to resume\n THEir ancient manners, THEy insisted on THE immediate demolition\n of THE walls of THE colony. “Postulamus a vobis, muros coloniæ,\n munimenta servitii, detrahatis; etiam fera animalia, si clausa\n teneas, virtutis obliviscuntur.” Tacit. Hist. iv. 64.]\n\n 22 (return) [ The straggling villages of Silesia are several\n miles in length. See Cluver. l. i. c. 13.]\n\n 23 (return) [ One hundred and forty years after Tacitus, a few\n more regular structures were erected near THE Rhine and Danube.\n Herodian, l. vii. p. 234.]\n\n 24 (return) [ Tacit. Germ. 17.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Tacit. Germ. 5.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Cæsar de Bell. Gall. vi. 21.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Tacit. Germ. 26. Cæsar, vi. 22.]\n\n Gold, silver, and iron, were extremely scarce in Germany. Its\n barbarous inhabitants wanted both skill and patience to\n investigate those rich veins of silver, which have so liberally\n rewarded THE attention of THE princes of Brunswick and Saxony.\n Sweden, which now supplies Europe with iron, was equally ignorant\n of its own riches; and THE appearance of THE arms of THE Germans\n furnished a sufficient proof how little iron THEy were able to\n bestow on what THEy must have deemed THE noblest use of that\n metal. The various transactions of peace and war had introduced\n some Roman coins (chiefly silver) among THE borderers of THE\n Rhine and Danube; but THE more distant tribes were absolutely\n unacquainted with THE use of money, carried on THEir confined\n traffic by THE exchange of commodities, and prized THEir rude\n earTHEn vessels as of equal value with THE silver vases, THE\n presents of Rome to THEir princes and ambassadors. 28 To a mind\n capable of reflection, such leading facts convey more\n instruction, than a tedious detail of subordinate circumstances.\n The value of money has been settled by general consent to express\n our wants and our property, as letters were invented to express\n our ideas; and both THEse institutions, by giving a more active\n energy to THE powers and passions of human nature, have\n contributed to multiply THE objects THEy were designed to\n represent. The use of gold and silver is in a great measure\n factitious; but it would be impossible to enumerate THE important\n and various services which agriculture, and all THE arts, have\n received from iron, when tempered and fashioned by THE operation\n of fire and THE dexterous hand of man. Money, in a word, is THE\n most universal incitement, iron THE most powerful instrument, of\n human industry; and it is very difficult to conceive by what\n means a people, neiTHEr actuated by THE one, nor seconded by THE\n oTHEr, could emerge from THE grossest barbarism. 29\n\n 28 (return) [ Tacit. Germ. 6.]\n\n 29 (return) [ It is said that THE Mexicans and Peruvians, without\n THE use of eiTHEr money or iron, had made a very great progress\n in THE arts. Those arts, and THE monuments THEy produced, have\n been strangely magnified. See Recherches sur les Americains, tom.\n ii. p. 153, &c]\n\n If we contemplate a savage nation in any part of THE globe, a\n supine indolence and a carelessness of futurity will be found to\n constitute THEir general character. In a civilized state every\n faculty of man is expanded and exercised; and THE great chain of\n mutual dependence connects and embraces THE several members of\n society. The most numerous portion of it is employed in constant\n and useful labor. The select few, placed by fortune above that\n necessity, can, however, fill up THEir time by THE pursuits of\n interest or glory, by THE improvement of THEir estate or of THEir\n understanding, by THE duties, THE pleasures, and even THE follies\n of social life. The Germans were not possessed of THEse varied\n resources. The care of THE house and family, THE management of\n THE land and cattle, were delegated to THE old and THE infirm, to\n women and slaves. The lazy warrior, destitute of every art that\n might employ his leisure hours, consumed his days and nights in\n THE animal gratifications of sleep and food. And yet, by a\n wonderful diversity of nature, (according to THE remark of a\n writer who had pierced into its darkest recesses,) THE same\n barbarians are by turns THE most indolent and THE most restless\n of mankind. They delight in sloth, THEy detest tranquility. 30\n The languid soul, oppressed with its own weight, anxiously\n required some new and powerful sensation; and war and danger were\n THE only amusements adequate to its fierce temper. The sound that\n summoned THE German to arms was grateful to his ear. It roused\n him from his uncomfortable lethargy, gave him an active pursuit,\n and, by strong exercise of THE body, and violent emotions of THE\n mind, restored him to a more lively sense of his existence. In\n THE dull intervals of peace, THEse barbarians were immoderately\n addicted to deep gaming and excessive drinking; both of which, by\n different means, THE one by inflaming THEir passions, THE oTHEr\n by extinguishing THEir reason, alike relieved THEm from THE pain\n of thinking. They gloried in passing whole days and nights at\n table; and THE blood of friends and relations often stained THEir\n numerous and drunken assemblies. 31 Their debts of honor (for in\n that light THEy have transmitted to us those of play) THEy\n discharged with THE most romantic fidelity. The desperate\n gamester, who had staked his person and liberty on a last throw\n of THE dice, patiently submitted to THE decision of fortune, and\n suffered himself to be bound, chastised, and sold into remote\n slavery, by his weaker but more lucky antagonist. 32\n\n 30 (return) [ Tacit. Germ. 15.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Tacit. Germ. 22, 23.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Id. 24. The Germans might borrow THE arts of play\n from THE Romans, but THE passion is wonderfully inherent in THE\n human species.]\n\n Strong beer, a liquor extracted with very little art from wheat\n or barley, and _corrupted_ (as it is strongly expressed by\n Tacitus) into a certain semblance of wine, was sufficient for THE\n gross purposes of German debauchery. But those who had tasted THE\n rich wines of Italy, and afterwards of Gaul, sighed for that more\n delicious species of intoxication. They attempted not, however,\n (as has since been executed with so much success,) to naturalize\n THE vine on THE banks of THE Rhine and Danube; nor did THEy\n endeavor to procure by industry THE materials of an advantageous\n commerce. To solicit by labor what might be ravished by arms, was\n esteemed unworthy of THE German spirit. 33 The intemperate thirst\n of strong liquors often urged THE barbarians to invade THE\n provinces on which art or nature had bestowed those much envied\n presents. The Tuscan who betrayed his country to THE Celtic\n nations, attracted THEm into Italy by THE prospect of THE rich\n fruits and delicious wines, THE productions of a happier climate.\n 34 And in THE same manner THE German auxiliaries, invited into\n France during THE civil wars of THE sixteenth century, were\n allured by THE promise of plenteous quarters in THE provinces of\n Champaigne and Burgundy. 35 Drunkenness, THE most illiberal, but\n not THE most dangerous of _our_ vices, was sometimes capable, in\n a less civilized state of mankind, of occasioning a battle, a\n war, or a revolution.\n\n 33 (return) [ Tacit. Germ. 14.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Plutarch. in Camillo. T. Liv. v. 33.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Dubos. Hist. de la Monarchie Francoise, tom. i. p.\n 193.]\n\n The climate of ancient Germany has been modified, and THE soil\n fertilized, by THE labor of ten centuries from THE time of\n Charlemagne. The same extent of ground which at present\n maintains, in ease and plenty, a million of husbandmen and\n artificers, was unable to supply a hundred thousand lazy warriors\n with THE simple necessaries of life. 36 The Germans abandoned\n THEir immense forests to THE exercise of hunting, employed in\n pasturage THE most considerable part of THEir lands, bestowed on\n THE small remainder a rude and careless cultivation, and THEn\n accused THE scantiness and sterility of a country that refused to\n maintain THE multitude of its inhabitants. When THE return of\n famine severely admonished THEm of THE importance of THE arts,\n THE national distress was sometimes alleviated by THE emigration\n of a third, perhaps, or a fourth part of THEir youth. 37 The\n possession and THE enjoyment of property are THE pledges which\n bind a civilized people to an improved country. But THE Germans,\n who carried with THEm what THEy most valued, THEir arms, THEir\n cattle, and THEir women, cheerfully abandoned THE vast silence of\n THEir woods for THE unbounded hopes of plunder and conquest. The\n innumerable swarms that issued, or seemed to issue, from THE\n great storehouse of nations, were multiplied by THE fears of THE\n vanquished, and by THE credulity of succeeding ages. And from\n facts thus exaggerated, an opinion was gradually established, and\n has been supported by writers of distinguished reputation, that,\n in THE age of Cæsar and Tacitus, THE inhabitants of THE North\n were far more numerous than THEy are in our days. 38 A more\n serious inquiry into THE causes of population seems to have\n convinced modern philosophers of THE falsehood, and indeed THE\n impossibility, of THE supposition. To THE names of Mariana and of\n Machiavel, 39 we can oppose THE equal names of Robertson and\n Hume. 40\n\n 36 (return) [ The Helvetian nation, which issued from a country\n called Switzerland, contained, of every age and sex, 368,000\n persons, (Cæsar de Bell. Gal. i. 29.) At present, THE number of\n people in THE Pays de Vaud (a small district on THE banks of THE\n Leman Lake, much more distinguished for politeness than for\n industry) amounts to 112,591. See an excellent tract of M. Muret,\n in THE Memoires de la Societe de Born.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Paul Diaconus, c. 1, 2, 3. Machiavel, Davila, and\n THE rest of Paul’s followers, represent THEse emigrations too\n much as regular and concerted measures.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Sir William Temple and Montesquieu have indulged,\n on this subject, THE usual liveliness of THEir fancy.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Machiavel, Hist. di Firenze, l. i. Mariana, Hist.\n Hispan. l. v. c. 1]\n\n 40 (return) [ Robertson’s Charles V. Hume’s Political Essays.\n Note: It is a wise observation of Malthus, that THEse nations\n “were not populous in proportion to THE land THEy occupied, but\n to THE food THEy produced.” They were prolific from THEir pure\n morals and constitutions, but THEir institutions were not\n calculated to produce food for those whom THEy brought into\n being.—M—1845.]\n\n A warlike nation like THE Germans, without eiTHEr cities,\n letters, arts, or money, found some compensation for this savage\n state in THE enjoyment of liberty. Their poverty secured THEir\n freedom, since our desires and our possessions are THE strongest\n fetters of despotism. “Among THE Suiones (says Tacitus) riches\n are held in honor. They are _THErefore_ subject to an absolute\n monarch, who, instead of intrusting his people with THE free use\n of arms, as is practised in THE rest of Germany, commits THEm to\n THE safe custody, not of a citizen, or even of a freedman, but of\n a slave. The neighbors of THE Suiones, THE Sitones, are sunk even\n below servitude; THEy obey a woman.” 41 In THE mention of THEse\n exceptions, THE great historian sufficiently acknowledges THE\n general THEory of government. We are only at a loss to conceive\n by what means riches and despotism could penetrate into a remote\n corner of THE North, and extinguish THE generous flame that\n blazed with such fierceness on THE frontier of THE Roman\n provinces, or how THE ancestors of those Danes and Norwegians, so\n distinguished in latter ages by THEir unconquered spirit, could\n thus tamely resign THE great character of German liberty. 42 Some\n tribes, however, on THE coast of THE Baltic, acknowledged THE\n authority of kings, though without relinquishing THE rights of\n men, 43 but in THE far greater part of Germany, THE form of\n government was a democracy, tempered, indeed, and controlled, not\n so much by general and positive laws, as by THE occasional\n ascendant of birth or valor, of eloquence or superstition. 44\n\n 41 (return) [ Tacit. German. 44, 45. Freinshemius (who dedicated\n his supplement to Livy to Christina of Sweden) thinks proper to\n be very angry with THE Roman who expressed so very little\n reverence for NorTHErn queens. Note: The Suiones and THE Sitones\n are THE ancient inhabitants of Scandinavia, THEir name may be\n traced in that of Sweden; THEy did not belong to THE race of THE\n Suevi, but that of THE non-Suevi or Cimbri, whom THE Suevi, in\n very remote times, drove back part to THE west, part to THE\n north; THEy were afterwards mingled with Suevian tribes, among\n oTHErs THE Goths, who have traces of THEir name and power in THE\n isle of Gothland.—G]\n\n 42 (return) [May we not suspect that superstition was THE parent\n of despotism? The descendants of Odin, (whose race was not\n extinct till THE year 1060) are said to have reigned in Sweden\n above a thousand years. The temple of Upsal was THE ancient seat\n of religion and empire. In THE year 1153 I find a singular law,\n prohibiting THE use and profession of arms to any except THE\n king’s guards. Is it not probable that it was colored by THE\n pretence of reviving an old institution? See Dalin’s History of\n Sweden in THE BiblioTHEque Raisonneo tom. xl. and xlv.]\n\n 43 (return) [ Tacit. Germ. c. 43.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Id. c. 11, 12, 13, & c.]\n\n Civil governments, in THEir first institution, are voluntary\n associations for mutual defence. To obtain THE desired end, it is\n absolutely necessary that each individual should conceive himself\n obliged to submit his private opinions and actions to THE\n judgment of THE greater number of his associates. The German\n tribes were contented with this rude but liberal outline of\n political society. As soon as a youth, born of free parents, had\n attained THE age of manhood, he was introduced into THE general\n council of his countrymen, solemnly invested with a shield and\n spear, and adopted as an equal and worthy member of THE military\n commonwealth. The assembly of THE warriors of THE tribe was\n convened at stated seasons, or on sudden emergencies. The trial\n of public offences, THE election of magistrates, and THE great\n business of peace and war, were determined by its independent\n voice. Sometimes indeed, THEse important questions were\n previously considered and prepared in a more select council of\n THE principal chieftains. 45 The magistrates might deliberate and\n persuade, THE people only could resolve and execute; and THE\n resolutions of THE Germans were for THE most part hasty and\n violent. Barbarians accustomed to place THEir freedom in\n gratifying THE present passion, and THEir courage in overlooking\n all future consequences, turned away with indignant contempt from\n THE remonstrances of justice and policy, and it was THE practice\n to signify by a hollow murmur THEir dislike of such timid\n counsels. But whenever a more popular orator proposed to\n vindicate THE meanest citizen from eiTHEr foreign or domestic\n injury, whenever he called upon his fellow-countrymen to assert\n THE national honor, or to pursue some enterprise full of danger\n and glory, a loud clashing of shields and spears expressed THE\n eager applause of THE assembly. For THE Germans always met in\n arms, and it was constantly to be dreaded, lest an irregular\n multitude, inflamed with faction and strong liquors, should use\n those arms to enforce, as well as to declare, THEir furious\n resolves. We may recollect how often THE diets of Poland have\n been polluted with blood, and THE more numerous party has been\n compelled to yield to THE more violent and seditious. 46\n\n 45 (return) [ Grotius changes an expression of Tacitus,\n pertractantur into Prætractantur. The correction is equally just\n and ingenious.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Even in our ancient parliament, THE barons often\n carried a question, not so much by THE number of votes, as by\n that of THEir armed followers.]\n\n A general of THE tribe was elected on occasions of danger; and,\n if THE danger was pressing and extensive, several tribes\n concurred in THE choice of THE same general. The bravest warrior\n was named to lead his countrymen into THE field, by his example\n raTHEr than by his commands. But this power, however limited, was\n still invidious. It expired with THE war, and in time of peace\n THE German tribes acknowledged not any supreme chief. 47\n _Princes_ were, however, appointed, in THE general assembly, to\n administer justice, or raTHEr to compose differences, 48 in THEir\n respective districts. In THE choice of THEse magistrates, as much\n regard was shown to birth as to merit. 49 To each was assigned,\n by THE public, a guard, and a council of a hundred persons, and\n THE first of THE princes appears to have enjoyed a preeminence of\n rank and honor which sometimes tempted THE Romans to compliment\n him with THE regal title. 50\n\n 47 (return) [ Cæsar de Bell. Gal. vi. 23.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Minuunt controversias, is a very happy expression\n of Cæsar’s.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Reges ex nobilitate, duces ex virtute sumunt. Tacit\n Germ. 7]\n\n 50 (return) [ Cluver. Germ. Ant. l. i. c. 38.]\n\n The comparative view of THE powers of THE magistrates, in two\n remarkable instances, is alone sufficient to represent THE whole\n system of German manners. The disposal of THE landed property\n within THEir district was absolutely vested in THEir hands, and\n THEy distributed it every year according to a new division. 51 At\n THE same time THEy were not authorized to punish with death, to\n imprison, or even to strike a private citizen. 52 A people thus\n jealous of THEir persons, and careless of THEir possessions, must\n have been totally destitute of industry and THE arts, but\n animated with a high sense of honor and independence.\n\n 51 (return) [ Cæsar, vi. 22. Tacit Germ. 26.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Tacit. Germ. 7.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter IX: State Of Germany Until The Barbarians.—Part III.\n\n The Germans respected only those duties which THEy imposed on\n THEmselves. The most obscure soldier resisted with disdain THE\n authority of THE magistrates. “The noblest youths blushed not to\n be numbered among THE faithful companions of some renowned chief,\n to whom THEy devoted THEir arms and service. A noble emulation\n prevailed among THE companions to obtain THE first place in THE\n esteem of THEir chief; amongst THE chiefs, to acquire THE\n greatest number of valiant companions. To be ever surrounded by a\n band of select youths was THE pride and strength of THE chiefs,\n THEir ornament in peace, THEir defence in war. The glory of such\n distinguished heroes diffused itself beyond THE narrow limits of\n THEir own tribe. Presents and embassies solicited THEir\n friendship, and THE fame of THEir arms often insured victory to\n THE party which THEy espoused. In THE hour of danger it was\n shameful for THE chief to be surpassed in valor by his\n companions; shameful for THE companions not to equal THE valor of\n THEir chief. To survive his fall in battle was indelible infamy.\n To protect his person, and to adorn his glory with THE trophies\n of THEir own exploits, were THE most sacred of THEir duties. The\n chiefs combated for victory, THE companions for THE chief. The\n noblest warriors, whenever THEir native country was sunk into THE\n laziness of peace, maintained THEir numerous bands in some\n distant scene of action, to exercise THEir restless spirit, and\n to acquire renown by voluntary dangers. Gifts worthy of\n soldiers—THE warlike steed, THE bloody and ever victorious\n lance—were THE rewards which THE companions claimed from THE\n liberality of THEir chief. The rude plenty of his hospitable\n board was THE only pay that _he_ could bestow, or _THEy_ would\n accept. War, rapine, and THE free-will offerings of his friends,\n supplied THE materials of this munificence.” 53 This institution,\n however it might accidentally weaken THE several republics,\n invigorated THE general character of THE Germans, and even\n ripened amongst THEm all THE virtues of which barbarians are\n susceptible; THE faith and valor, THE hospitality and THE\n courtesy, so conspicuous long afterwards in THE ages of chivalry.\n\n The honorable gifts, bestowed by THE chief on his brave\n companions, have been supposed, by an ingenious writer, to\n contain THE first rudiments of THE fiefs, distributed after THE\n conquest of THE Roman provinces, by THE barbarian lords among\n THEir vassals, with a similar duty of homage and military\n service. 54 These conditions are, however, very repugnant to THE\n maxims of THE ancient Germans, who delighted in mutual presents,\n but without eiTHEr imposing, or accepting, THE weight of\n obligations. 55\n\n 53 (return) [ Tacit. Germ. 13, 14.]\n\n 54 (return) [ Esprit des Loix, l. xxx. c. 3. The brilliant\n imagination of Montesquieu is corrected, however, by THE dry,\n cold reason of THE Abbé de Mably. Observations sur l’Histoire de\n France, tom. i. p. 356.]\n\n 55 (return) [ Gaudent muneribus, sed nec data imputant, nec\n acceptis obligautur. Tacit. Germ. c. 21.]\n\n “In THE days of chivalry, or more properly of romance, all THE\n men were brave and all THE women were chaste;” and\n notwithstanding THE latter of THEse virtues is acquired and\n preserved with much more difficulty than THE former, it is\n ascribed, almost without exception, to THE wives of THE ancient\n Germans. Polygamy was not in use, except among THE princes, and\n among THEm only for THE sake of multiplying THEir alliances.\n Divorces were prohibited by manners raTHEr than by laws.\n Adulteries were punished as rare and inexpiable crimes; nor was\n seduction justified by example and fashion. 56 We may easily\n discover that Tacitus indulges an honest pleasure in THE contrast\n of barbarian virtue with THE dissolute conduct of THE Roman\n ladies; yet THEre are some striking circumstances that give an\n air of truth, or at least probability, to THE conjugal faith and\n chastity of THE Germans.\n\n 56 (return) [ The adulteress was whipped through THE village.\n NeiTHEr wealth nor beauty could inspire compassion, or procure\n her a second husband. 18, 19.]\n\n Although THE progress of civilization has undoubtedly contributed\n to assuage THE fiercer passions of human nature, it seems to have\n been less favorable to THE virtue of chastity, whose most\n dangerous enemy is THE softness of THE mind. The refinements of\n life corrupt while THEy polish THE intercourse of THE sexes. The\n gross appetite of love becomes most dangerous when it is\n elevated, or raTHEr, indeed, disguised by sentimental passion.\n The elegance of dress, of motion, and of manners, gives a lustre\n to beauty, and inflames THE senses through THE imagination.\n Luxurious entertainments, midnight dances, and licentious\n spectacles, present at once temptation and opportunity to female\n frailty. 57 From such dangers THE unpolished wives of THE\n barbarians were secured by poverty, solitude, and THE painful\n cares of a domestic life. The German huts, open, on every side,\n to THE eye of indiscretion or jealousy, were a better safeguard\n of conjugal fidelity than THE walls, THE bolts, and THE eunuchs\n of a Persian harem. To this reason anoTHEr may be added of a more\n honorable nature. The Germans treated THEir women with esteem and\n confidence, consulted THEm on every occasion of importance, and\n fondly believed, that in THEir breasts resided a sanctity and\n wisdom more than human. Some of THE interpreters of fate, such as\n Velleda, in THE Batavian war, governed, in THE name of THE deity,\n THE fiercest nations of Germany. 58 The rest of THE sex, without\n being adored as goddesses, were respected as THE free and equal\n companions of soldiers; associated even by THE marriage ceremony\n to a life of toil, of danger, and of glory. 59 In THEir great\n invasions, THE camps of THE barbarians were filled with a\n multitude of women, who remained firm and undaunted amidst THE\n sound of arms, THE various forms of destruction, and THE\n honorable wounds of THEir sons and husbands. 60 Fainting armies\n of Germans have, more than once, been driven back upon THE enemy\n by THE generous despair of THE women, who dreaded death much less\n than servitude. If THE day was irrecoverably lost, THEy well knew\n how to deliver THEmselves and THEir children, with THEir own\n hands, from an insulting victor. 61 Heroines of such a cast may\n claim our admiration; but THEy were most assuredly neiTHEr lovely\n nor very susceptible of love. Whilst THEy affected to emulate THE\n stern virtues of _man_, THEy must have resigned that attractive\n softness in which principally consist THE charm and weakness of\n _woman_. Conscious pride taught THE German females to suppress\n every tender emotion that stood in competition with honor, and\n THE first honor of THE sex has ever been that of chastity. The\n sentiments and conduct of THEse high-spirited matrons may, at\n once, be considered as a cause, as an effect, and as a proof of\n THE general character of THE nation. Female courage, however it\n may be raised by fanaticism, or confirmed by habit, can be only a\n faint and imperfect imitation of THE manly valor that\n distinguishes THE age or country in which it may be found.\n\n 57 (return) [ Ovid employs two hundred lines in THE research of\n places THE most favorable to love. Above all, he considers THE\n THEatre as THE best adapted to collect THE beauties of Rome, and\n to melt THEm into tenderness and sensuality,]\n\n 58 (return) [ Tacit. Germ. iv. 61, 65.]\n\n 59 (return) [ The marriage present was a yoke of oxen, horses,\n and arms. See Germ. c. 18. Tacitus is somewhat too florid on THE\n subject.]\n\n 60 (return) [ The change of exigere into exugere is a most\n excellent correction.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Tacit. Germ. c. 7. Plutarch in Mario. Before THE\n wives of THE Teutones destroyed THEmselves and THEir children,\n THEy had offered to surrender, on condition that THEy should be\n received as THE slaves of THE vestal virgins.]\n\n The religious system of THE Germans (if THE wild opinions of\n savages can deserve that name) was dictated by THEir wants, THEir\n fears, and THEir ignorance. 62 They adored THE great visible\n objects and agents of nature, THE Sun and THE Moon, THE Fire and\n THE Earth; togeTHEr with those imaginary deities, who were\n supposed to preside over THE most important occupations of human\n life. They were persuaded, that, by some ridiculous arts of\n divination, THEy could discover THE will of THE superior beings,\n and that human sacrifices were THE most precious and acceptable\n offering to THEir altars. Some applause has been hastily bestowed\n on THE sublime notion, entertained by that people, of THE Deity,\n whom THEy neiTHEr confined within THE walls of THE temple, nor\n represented by any human figure; but when we recollect, that THE\n Germans were unskilled in architecture, and totally unacquainted\n with THE art of sculpture, we shall readily assign THE true\n reason of a scruple, which arose not so much from a superiority\n of reason, as from a want of ingenuity. The only temples in\n Germany were dark and ancient groves, consecrated by THE\n reverence of succeeding generations. Their secret gloom, THE\n imagined residence of an invisible power, by presenting no\n distinct object of fear or worship, impressed THE mind with a\n still deeper sense of religious horror; 63 and THE priests, rude\n and illiterate as THEy were, had been taught by experience THE\n use of every artifice that could preserve and fortify impressions\n so well suited to THEir own interest.\n\n 62 (return) [ Tacitus has employed a few lines, and Cluverius one\n hundred and twenty-four pages, on this obscure subject. The\n former discovers in Germany THE gods of Greece and Rome. The\n latter is positive, that, under THE emblems of THE sun, THE moon,\n and THE fire, his pious ancestors worshipped THE Trinity in\n unity]\n\n 63 (return) [ The sacred wood, described with such sublime horror\n by Lucan, was in THE neighborhood of Marseilles; but THEre were\n many of THE same kind in Germany. * Note: The ancient Germans had\n shapeless idols, and, when THEy began to build more settled\n habitations, THEy raised also temples, such as that to THE\n goddess Teufana, who presided over divination. See Adelung, Hist.\n of Ane Germans, p 296—G]\n\n The same ignorance, which renders barbarians incapable of\n conceiving or embracing THE useful restraints of laws, exposes\n THEm naked and unarmed to THE blind terrors of superstition. The\n German priests, improving this favorable temper of THEir\n countrymen, had assumed a jurisdiction even in temporal concerns,\n which THE magistrate could not venture to exercise; and THE\n haughty warrior patiently submitted to THE lash of correction,\n when it was inflicted, not by any human power, but by THE\n immediate order of THE god of war. 64 The defects of civil policy\n were sometimes supplied by THE interposition of ecclesiastical\n authority. The latter was constantly exerted to maintain silence\n and decency in THE popular assemblies; and was sometimes extended\n to a more enlarged concern for THE national welfare. A solemn\n procession was occasionally celebrated in THE present countries\n of Mecklenburgh and Pomerania. The unknown symbol of THE _Earth_,\n covered with a thick veil, was placed on a carriage drawn by\n cows; and in this manner THE goddess, whose common residence was\n in THE Isles of Rugen, visited several adjacent tribes of her\n worshippers. During her progress THE sound of war was hushed,\n quarrels were suspended, arms laid aside, and THE restless\n Germans had an opportunity of tasting THE blessings of peace and\n harmony. 65 The _truce of God_, so often and so ineffectually\n proclaimed by THE clergy of THE eleventh century, was an obvious\n imitation of this ancient custom. 66\n\n 64 (return) [ Tacit. Germania, c. 7.]\n\n 65 (return) [ Tacit. Germania, c. 40.]\n\n 66 (return) [ See Dr. Robertson’s History of Charles V. vol. i.\n note 10.]\n\n But THE influence of religion was far more powerful to inflame,\n than to moderate, THE fierce passions of THE Germans. Interest\n and fanaticism often prompted its ministers to sanctify THE most\n daring and THE most unjust enterprises, by THE approbation of\n Heaven, and full assurances of success. The consecrated\n standards, long revered in THE groves of superstition, were\n placed in THE front of THE battle; 67 and THE hostile army was\n devoted with dire execrations to THE gods of war and of thunder.\n 68 In THE faith of soldiers (and such were THE Germans) cowardice\n is THE most unpardonable of sins. A brave man was THE worthy\n favorite of THEir martial deities; THE wretch who had lost his\n shield was alike banished from THE religious and civil assemblies\n of his countrymen. Some tribes of THE north seem to have embraced\n THE doctrine of transmigration, 69 oTHErs imagined a gross\n paradise of immortal drunkenness. 70 All agreed that a life spent\n in arms, and a glorious death in battle, were THE best\n preparations for a happy futurity, eiTHEr in this or in anoTHEr\n world.\n\n 67 (return) [ Tacit. Germania, c. 7. These standards were only\n THE heads of wild beasts.]\n\n 68 (return) [ See an instance of this custom, Tacit. Annal. xiii.\n 57.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Cæsar Diodorus, and Lucan, seem to ascribe this\n doctrine to THE Gauls, but M. Pelloutier (Histoire des Celtes, l.\n iii. c. 18) labors to reduce THEir expressions to a more orthodox\n sense.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Concerning this gross but alluring doctrine of THE\n Edda, see Fable xx. in THE curious version of that book,\n published by M. Mallet, in his Introduction to THE History of\n Denmark.]\n\n The immortality so vainly promised by THE priests, was, in some\n degree, conferred by THE bards. That singular order of men has\n most deservedly attracted THE notice of all who have attempted to\n investigate THE antiquities of THE Celts, THE Scandinavians, and\n THE Germans. Their genius and character, as well as THE reverence\n paid to that important office, have been sufficiently\n illustrated. But we cannot so easily express, or even conceive,\n THE enthusiasm of arms and glory which THEy kindled in THE breast\n of THEir audience. Among a polished people a taste for poetry is\n raTHEr an amusement of THE fancy than a passion of THE soul. And\n yet, when in calm retirement we peruse THE combats described by\n Homer or Tasso, we are insensibly seduced by THE fiction, and\n feel a momentary glow of martial ardor. But how faint, how cold\n is THE sensation which a peaceful mind can receive from solitary\n study! It was in THE hour of battle, or in THE feast of victory,\n that THE bards celebrated THE glory of THE heroes of ancient\n days, THE ancestors of those warlike chieftains, who listened\n with transport to THEir artless but animated strains. The view of\n arms and of danger heightened THE effect of THE military song;\n and THE passions which it tended to excite, THE desire of fame,\n and THE contempt of death, were THE habitual sentiments of a\n German mind. 71 711\n\n 71 (return) [ See Tacit. Germ. c. 3. Diod. Sicul. l. v. Strabo,\n l. iv. p. 197. The classical reader may remember THE rank of\n Demodocus in THE Phæacian court, and THE ardor infused by Tyrtæus\n into THE fainting Spartans. Yet THEre is little probability that\n THE Greeks and THE Germans were THE same people. Much learned\n trifling might be spared, if our antiquarians would condescend to\n reflect, that similar manners will naturally be produced by\n similar situations.]\n\n 711 (return) [ Besides THEse battle songs, THE Germans sang at\n THEir festival banquets, (Tac. Ann. i. 65,) and around THE bodies\n of THEir slain heroes. King Theodoric, of THE tribe of THE Goths,\n killed in a battle against Attila, was honored by songs while he\n was borne from THE field of battle. Jornandes, c. 41. The same\n honor was paid to THE remains of Attila. Ibid. c. 49. According\n to some historians, THE Germans had songs also at THEir weddings;\n but this appears to me inconsistent with THEir customs, in which\n marriage was no more than THE purchase of a wife. Besides, THEre\n is but one instance of this, that of THE Gothic king, Ataulph,\n who sang himself THE nuptial hymn when he espoused Placidia,\n sister of THE emperors Arcadius and Honorius, (Olympiodor. p. 8.)\n But this marriage was celebrated according to THE Roman rites, of\n which THE nuptial songs formed a part. Adelung, p. 382.—G.\n Charlemagne is said to have collected THE national songs of THE\n ancient Germans. Eginhard, Vit. Car. Mag.—M.]\n\n Such was THE situation, and such were THE manners of THE ancient\n Germans. Their climate, THEir want of learning, of arts, and of\n laws, THEir notions of honor, of gallantry, and of religion,\n THEir sense of freedom, impatience of peace, and thirst of\n enterprise, all contributed to form a people of military heroes.\n And yet we find, that during more than two hundred and fifty\n years that elapsed from THE defeat of Varus to THE reign of\n Decius, THEse formidable barbarians made few considerable\n attempts, and not any material impression on THE luxurious, and\n enslaved provinces of THE empire. Their progress was checked by\n THEir want of arms and discipline, and THEir fury was diverted by\n THE intestine divisions of ancient Germany. I. It has been\n observed, with ingenuity, and not without truth, that THE command\n of iron soon gives a nation THE command of gold. But THE rude\n tribes of Germany, alike destitute of both those valuable metals,\n were reduced slowly to acquire, by THEir unassisted strength, THE\n possession of THE one as well as THE oTHEr. The face of a German\n army displayed THEir poverty of iron. Swords, and THE longer kind\n of lances, THEy could seldom use. Their _frameæ_ (as THEy called\n THEm in THEir own language) were long spears headed with a sharp\n but narrow iron point, and which, as occasion required, THEy\n eiTHEr darted from a distance, or pushed in close onset. With\n this spear, and with a shield, THEir cavalry was contented. A\n multitude of darts, scattered 72 with incredible force, were an\n additional resource of THE infantry. Their military dress, when\n THEy wore any, was nothing more than a loose mantle. A variety of\n colors was THE only ornament of THEir wooden or osier shields.\n Few of THE chiefs were distinguished by cuirasses, scarcely any\n by helmets. Though THE horses of Germany were neiTHEr beautiful,\n swift, nor practised in THE skilful evolutions of THE Roman\n manege, several of THE nations obtained renown by THEir cavalry;\n but, in general, THE principal strength of THE Germans consisted\n in THEir infantry, 73 which was drawn up in several deep columns,\n according to THE distinction of tribes and families. Impatient of\n fatigue and delay, THEse half-armed warriors rushed to battle\n with dissonant shouts and disordered ranks; and sometimes, by THE\n effort of native valor, prevailed over THE constrained and more\n artificial bravery of THE Roman mercenaries. But as THE\n barbarians poured forth THEir whole souls on THE first onset,\n THEy knew not how to rally or to retire. A repulse was a sure\n defeat; and a defeat was most commonly total destruction. When we\n recollect THE complete armor of THE Roman soldiers, THEir\n discipline, exercises, evolutions, fortified camps, and military\n engines, it appears a just matter of surprise, how THE naked and\n unassisted valor of THE barbarians could dare to encounter, in\n THE field, THE strength of THE legions, and THE various troops of\n THE auxiliaries, which seconded THEir operations. The contest was\n too unequal, till THE introduction of luxury had enervated THE\n vigor, and a spirit of disobedience and sedition had relaxed THE\n discipline, of THE Roman armies. The introduction of barbarian\n auxiliaries into those armies, was a measure attended with very\n obvious dangers, as it might gradually instruct THE Germans in\n THE arts of war and of policy. Although THEy were admitted in\n small numbers and with THE strictest precaution, THE example of\n Civilis was proper to convince THE Romans, that THE danger was\n not imaginary, and that THEir precautions were not always\n sufficient. 74 During THE civil wars that followed THE death of\n Nero, that artful and intrepid Batavian, whom his enemies\n condescended to compare with Hannibal and Sertorius, 75 formed a\n great design of freedom and ambition. Eight Batavian cohorts\n renowned in THE wars of Britain and Italy, repaired to his\n standard. He introduced an army of Germans into Gaul, prevailed\n on THE powerful cities of Treves and Langres to embrace his\n cause, defeated THE legions, destroyed THEir fortified camps, and\n employed against THE Romans THE military knowledge which he had\n acquired in THEir service. When at length, after an obstinate\n struggle, he yielded to THE power of THE empire, Civilis secured\n himself and his country by an honorable treaty. The Batavians\n still continued to occupy THE islands of THE Rhine, 76 THE\n allies, not THE servants, of THE Roman monarchy.\n\n 72 (return) [ Missilia spargunt, Tacit. Germ. c. 6. EiTHEr that\n historian used a vague expression, or he meant that THEy were\n thrown at random.]\n\n 73 (return) [ It was THEir principal distinction from THE\n Sarmatians, who generally fought on horseback.]\n\n 74 (return) [ The relation of this enterprise occupies a great\n part of THE fourth and fifth books of THE History of Tacitus, and\n is more remarkable for its eloquence than perspicuity. Sir Henry\n Saville has observed several inaccuracies.]\n\n 75 (return) [ Tacit. Hist. iv. 13. Like THEm he had lost an eye.]\n\n 76 (return) [ It was contained between THE two branches of THE\n old Rhine, as THEy subsisted before THE face of THE country was\n changed by art and nature. See Cluver German. Antiq. l. iii. c.\n 30, 37.]\n\n II. The strength of ancient Germany appears formidable, when we\n consider THE effects that might have been produced by its united\n effort. The wide extent of country might very possibly contain a\n million of warriors, as all who were of age to bear arms were of\n a temper to use THEm. But this fierce multitude, incapable of\n concerting or executing any plan of national greatness, was\n agitated by various and often hostile intentions. Germany was\n divided into more than forty independent states; and, even in\n each state, THE union of THE several tribes was extremely loose\n and precarious. The barbarians were easily provoked; THEy knew\n not how to forgive an injury, much less an insult; THEir\n resentments were bloody and implacable. The casual disputes that\n so frequently happened in THEir tumultuous parties of hunting or\n drinking were sufficient to inflame THE minds of whole nations;\n THE private feuds of any considerable chieftains diffused itself\n among THEir followers and allies. To chastise THE insolent, or to\n plunder THE defenceless, were alike causes of war. The most\n formidable states of Germany affected to encompass THEir\n territories with a wide frontier of solitude and devastation. The\n awful distance preserved by THEir neighbors attested THE terror\n of THEir arms, and in some measure defended THEm from THE danger\n of unexpected incursions. 77\n\n 77 (return) [ Cæsar de Bell. Gal. l. vi. 23.]\n\n “The Bructeri 771 (it is Tacitus who now speaks) were totally\n exterminated by THE neighboring tribes, 78 provoked by THEir\n insolence, allured by THE hopes of spoil, and perhaps inspired by\n THE tutelar deities of THE empire. Above sixty thousand\n barbarians were destroyed; not by THE Roman arms, but in our\n sight, and for our entertainment. May THE nations, enemies of\n Rome, ever preserve this enmity to each oTHEr! We have now\n attained THE utmost verge of prosperity, 79 and have nothing left\n to demand of fortune, except THE discord of THE barbarians.”\n 80—These sentiments, less worthy of THE humanity than of THE\n patriotism of Tacitus, express THE invariable maxims of THE\n policy of his countrymen. They deemed it a much safer expedient\n to divide than to combat THE barbarians, from whose defeat THEy\n could derive neiTHEr honor nor advantage. The money and\n negotiations of Rome insinuated THEmselves into THE heart of\n Germany; and every art of seduction was used with dignity, to\n conciliate those nations whom THEir proximity to THE Rhine or\n Danube might render THE most useful friends as well as THE most\n troublesome enemies. Chiefs of renown and power were flattered by\n THE most trifling presents, which THEy received eiTHEr as marks\n of distinction, or as THE instruments of luxury. In civil\n dissensions THE weaker faction endeavored to strengTHEn its\n interest by entering into secret connections with THE governors\n of THE frontier provinces. Every quarrel among THE Germans was\n fomented by THE intrigues of Rome; and every plan of union and\n public good was defeated by THE stronger bias of private jealousy\n and interest. 81\n\n 771 (return) [ The Bructeri were a non-Suevian tribe, who dwelt\n below THE duchies of Oldenburgh, and Lauenburgh, on THE borders\n of THE Lippe, and in THE Hartz Mountains. It was among THEm that\n THE priestess Velleda obtained her renown.—G.]\n\n 78 (return) [ They are mentioned, however, in THE ivth and vth\n centuries by Nazarius, Ammianus, Claudian, &c., as a tribe of\n Franks. See Cluver. Germ. Antiq. l. iii. c. 13.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Urgentibus is THE common reading; but good sense,\n Lipsius, and some Mss. declare for Vergentibus.]\n\n 80 (return) [ Tacit Germania, c. 33. The pious Abbé de la\n Bleterie is very angry with Tacitus, talks of THE devil, who was\n a murderer from THE beginning, &c., &c.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Many traces of this policy may be discovered in\n Tacitus and Dion: and many more may be inferred from THE\n principles of human nature.]\n\n The general conspiracy which terrified THE Romans under THE reign\n of Marcus Antoninus, comprehended almost all THE nations of\n Germany, and even Sarmatia, from THE mouth of THE Rhine to that\n of THE Danube. 82 It is impossible for us to determine wheTHEr\n this hasty confederation was formed by necessity, by reason, or\n by passion; but we may rest assured, that THE barbarians were\n neiTHEr allured by THE indolence, nor provoked by THE ambition,\n of THE Roman monarch. This dangerous invasion required all THE\n firmness and vigilance of Marcus. He fixed generals of ability in\n THE several stations of attack, and assumed in person THE conduct\n of THE most important province on THE Upper Danube. After a long\n and doubtful conflict, THE spirit of THE barbarians was subdued.\n The Quadi and THE Marcomanni, 83 who had taken THE lead in THE\n war, were THE most severely punished in its catastrophe. They\n were commanded to retire five miles 84 from THEir own banks of\n THE Danube, and to deliver up THE flower of THE youth, who were\n immediately sent into Britain, a remote island, where THEy might\n be secure as hostages, and useful as soldiers. 85 On THE frequent\n rebellions of THE Quadi and Marcomanni, THE irritated emperor\n resolved to reduce THEir country into THE form of a province. His\n designs were disappointed by death. This formidable league,\n however, THE only one that appears in THE two first centuries of\n THE Imperial history, was entirely dissipated, without leaving\n any traces behind in Germany.\n\n 82 (return) [ Hist. Aug. p. 31. Ammian. Marcellin. l. xxxi. c. 5.\n Aurel. Victor. The emperor Marcus was reduced to sell THE rich\n furniture of THE palace, and to enlist slaves and robbers.]\n\n 83 (return) [ The Marcomanni, a colony, who, from THE banks of\n THE Rhine occupied Bohemia and Moravia, had once erected a great\n and formidable monarchy under THEir king Maroboduus. See Strabo,\n l. vii. [p. 290.] Vell. Pat. ii. 108. Tacit. Annal. ii. 63. *\n Note: The Mark-manæn, THE March-men or borderers. There seems\n little doubt that this was an appellation, raTHEr than a proper\n name of a part of THE great Suevian or Teutonic race.—M.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Mr. Wotton (History of Rome, p. 166) increases THE\n prohibition to ten times THE distance. His reasoning is specious,\n but not conclusive. Five miles were sufficient for a fortified\n barrier.]\n\n 85 (return) [ Dion, l. lxxi. and lxxii.]\n\n In THE course of this introductory chapter, we have confined\n ourselves to THE general outlines of THE manners of Germany,\n without attempting to describe or to distinguish THE various\n tribes which filled that great country in THE time of Cæsar, of\n Tacitus, or of Ptolemy. As THE ancient, or as new tribes\n successively present THEmselves in THE series of this history, we\n shall concisely mention THEir origin, THEir situation, and THEir\n particular character. Modern nations are fixed and permanent\n societies, connected among THEmselves by laws and government,\n bound to THEir native soil by art and agriculture. The German\n tribes were voluntary and fluctuating associations of soldiers,\n almost of savages. The same territory often changed its\n inhabitants in THE tide of conquest and emigration. The same\n communities, uniting in a plan of defence or invasion, bestowed a\n new title on THEir new confederacy. The dissolution of an ancient\n confederacy restored to THE independent tribes THEir peculiar but\n long-forgotten appellation. A victorious state often communicated\n its own name to a vanquished people. Sometimes crowds of\n volunteers flocked from all parts to THE standard of a favorite\n leader; his camp became THEir country, and some circumstance of\n THE enterprise soon gave a common denomination to THE mixed\n multitude. The distinctions of THE ferocious invaders were\n perpetually varied by THEmselves, and confounded by THE\n astonished subjects of THE Roman empire. 86\n\n 86 (return) [ See an excellent dissertation on THE origin and\n migrations of nations, in THE Memoires de l’Academie des\n Inscriptions, tom. xviii. p. 48—71. It is seldom that THE\n antiquarian and THE philosopher are so happily blended.]\n\n Wars, and THE administration of public affairs, are THE principal\n subjects of history; but THE number of persons interested in\n THEse busy scenes is very different, according to THE different\n condition of mankind. In great monarchies, millions of obedient\n subjects pursue THEir useful occupations in peace and obscurity.\n The attention of THE writer, as well as of THE reader, is solely\n confined to a court, a capital, a regular army, and THE districts\n which happen to be THE occasional scene of military operations.\n But a state of freedom and barbarism, THE season of civil\n commotions, or THE situation of petty republics, 87 raises almost\n every member of THE community into action, and consequently into\n notice. The irregular divisions, and THE restless motions, of THE\n people of Germany, dazzle our imagination, and seem to multiply\n THEir numbers. The profuse enumeration of kings, of warriors, of\n armies and nations, inclines us to forget that THE same objects\n are continually repeated under a variety of appellations, and\n that THE most splendid appellations have been frequently lavished\n on THE most inconsiderable objects.\n\n 87 (return) [ Should we suspect that ATHEns contained only 21,000\n citizens, and Sparta no more than 39,000? See Hume and Wallace on\n THE number of mankind in ancient and modern times. * Note: This\n number, though too positively stated, is probably not far wrong,\n as an average estimate. On THE subject of ATHEnian population,\n see St. Croix, Acad. des Inscrip. xlviii. Bœckh, Public Economy\n of ATHEns, i. 47. Eng Trans, Fynes Clinton, Fasti Hellenici, vol.\n i. p. 381. The latter author estimates THE citizens of Sparta at\n 33,000—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, Æmilianus, Valerian And\n Gallienus—Part I.\n\n The Emperors Decius, Gallus, Æmilianus, Valerian, And\n Gallienus.—The General Irruption Of The Barbari Ans.—The Thirty\n Tyrants.\n\n From THE great secular games celebrated by Philip, to THE death\n of THE emperor Gallienus, THEre elapsed twenty years of shame and\n misfortune. During that calamitous period, every instant of time\n was marked, every province of THE Roman world was afflicted, by\n barbarous invaders, and military tyrants, and THE ruined empire\n seemed to approach THE last and fatal moment of its dissolution.\n The confusion of THE times, and THE scarcity of auTHEntic\n memorials, oppose equal difficulties to THE historian, who\n attempts to preserve a clear and unbroken thread of narration.\n Surrounded with imperfect fragments, always concise, often\n obscure, and sometimes contradictory, he is reduced to collect,\n to compare, and to conjecture: and though he ought never to place\n his conjectures in THE rank of facts, yet THE knowledge of human\n nature, and of THE sure operation of its fierce and unrestrained\n passions, might, on some occasions, supply THE want of historical\n materials.\n\n There is not, for instance, any difficulty in conceiving, that\n THE successive murders of so many emperors had loosened all THE\n ties of allegiance between THE prince and people; that all THE\n generals of Philip were disposed to imitate THE example of THEir\n master; and that THE caprice of armies, long since habituated to\n frequent and violent revolutions, might every day raise to THE\n throne THE most obscure of THEir fellow-soldiers. History can\n only add, that THE rebellion against THE emperor Philip broke out\n in THE summer of THE year two hundred and forty-nine, among THE\n legions of Mæsia; and that a subaltern officer, 1 named Marinus,\n was THE object of THEir seditious choice. Philip was alarmed. He\n dreaded lest THE treason of THE Mæsian army should prove THE\n first spark of a general conflagration. Distracted with THE\n consciousness of his guilt and of his danger, he communicated THE\n intelligence to THE senate. A gloomy silence prevailed, THE\n effect of fear, and perhaps of disaffection; till at length\n Decius, one of THE assembly, assuming a spirit worthy of his\n noble extraction, ventured to discover more intrepidity than THE\n emperor seemed to possess. He treated THE whole business with\n contempt, as a hasty and inconsiderate tumult, and Philip’s rival\n as a phantom of royalty, who in a very few days would be\n destroyed by THE same inconstancy that had created him. The\n speedy completion of THE prophecy inspired Philip with a just\n esteem for so able a counsellor; and Decius appeared to him THE\n only person capable of restoring peace and discipline to an army\n whose tumultuous spirit did not immediately subside after THE\n murder of Marinus. Decius, 2 who long resisted his own\n nomination, seems to have insinuated THE danger of presenting a\n leader of merit to THE angry and apprehensive minds of THE\n soldiers; and his prediction was again confirmed by THE event.\n The legions of Mæsia forced THEir judge to become THEir\n accomplice. They left him only THE alternative of death or THE\n purple. His subsequent conduct, after that decisive measure, was\n unavoidable. He conducted, or followed, his army to THE confines\n of Italy, whiTHEr Philip, collecting all his force to repel THE\n formidable competitor whom he had raised up, advanced to meet\n him. The Imperial troops were superior in number; but THE rebels\n formed an army of veterans, commanded by an able and experienced\n leader. Philip was eiTHEr killed in THE battle, or put to death a\n few days afterwards at Verona. His son and associate in THE\n empire was massacred at Rome by THE Prætorian guards; and THE\n victorious Decius, with more favorable circumstances than THE\n ambition of that age can usually plead, was universally\n acknowledged by THE senate and provinces. It is reported, that,\n immediately after his reluctant acceptance of THE title of\n Augustus, he had assured Philip, by a private message, of his\n innocence and loyalty, solemnly protesting, that, on his arrival\n on Italy, he would resign THE Imperial ornaments, and return to\n THE condition of an obedient subject. His professions might be\n sincere; but in THE situation where fortune had placed him, it\n was scarcely possible that he could eiTHEr forgive or be\n forgiven. 3\n\n 1 (return) [ The expression used by Zosimus and Zonaras may\n signify that Marinus commanded a century, a cohort, or a legion.]\n\n 2 (return) [ His birth at Bubalia, a little village in Pannonia,\n (Eutrop. ix. Victor. in Cæsarib. et Epitom.,) seems to\n contradict, unless it was merely accidental, his supposed descent\n from THE Decii. Six hundred years had bestowed nobility on THE\n Decii: but at THE commencement of that period, THEy were only\n plebeians of merit, and among THE first who shared THE consulship\n with THE haughty patricians. Plebeine Deciorum animæ, &c.\n Juvenal, Sat. viii. 254. See THE spirited speech of Decius, in\n Livy. x. 9, 10.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 20, c. 22. Zonaras, l. xii. p.\n 624, edit. Louvre.]\n\n The emperor Decius had employed a few months in THE works of\n peace and THE administration of justice, when he was summoned to\n THE banks of THE Danube by THE invasion of THE Goths. This is THE\n first considerable occasion in which history mentions that great\n people, who afterwards broke THE Roman power, sacked THE Capitol,\n and reigned in Gaul, Spain, and Italy. So memorable was THE part\n which THEy acted in THE subversion of THE Western empire, that\n THE name of Goths is frequently but improperly used as a general\n appellation of rude and warlike barbarism.\n\n In THE beginning of THE sixth century, and after THE conquest of\n Italy, THE Goths, in possession of present greatness, very\n naturally indulged THEmselves in THE prospect of past and of\n future glory. They wished to preserve THE memory of THEir\n ancestors, and to transmit to posterity THEir own achievements.\n The principal minister of THE court of Ravenna, THE learned\n Cassiodorus, gratified THE inclination of THE conquerors in a\n Gothic history, which consisted of twelve books, now reduced to\n THE imperfect abridgment of Jornandes. 4 These writers passed\n with THE most artful conciseness over THE misfortunes of THE\n nation, celebrated its successful valor, and adorned THE triumph\n with many Asiatic trophies, that more properly belonged to THE\n people of Scythia. On THE faith of ancient songs, THE uncertain,\n but THE only memorials of barbarians, THEy deduced THE first\n origin of THE Goths from THE vast island, or peninsula, of\n Scandinavia. 5 501 That extreme country of THE North was not\n unknown to THE conquerors of Italy: THE ties of ancient\n consanguinity had been strengTHEned by recent offices of\n friendship; and a Scandinavian king had cheerfully abdicated his\n savage greatness, that he might pass THE remainder of his days in\n THE peaceful and polished court of Ravenna. 6 Many vestiges,\n which cannot be ascribed to THE arts of popular vanity, attest\n THE ancient residence of THE Goths in THE countries beyond THE\n Rhine. From THE time of THE geographer Ptolemy, THE souTHErn part\n of Sweden seems to have continued in THE possession of THE less\n enterprising remnant of THE nation, and a large territory is even\n at present divided into east and west Gothland. During THE middle\n ages, (from THE ninth to THE twelfth century,) whilst\n Christianity was advancing with a slow progress into THE North,\n THE Goths and THE Swedes composed two distinct and sometimes\n hostile members of THE same monarchy. 7 The latter of THEse two\n names has prevailed without extinguishing THE former. The Swedes,\n who might well be satisfied with THEir own fame in arms, have, in\n every age, claimed THE kindred glory of THE Goths. In a moment of\n discontent against THE court of Rome, Charles THE Twelfth\n insinuated, that his victorious troops were not degenerated from\n THEir brave ancestors, who had already subdued THE mistress of\n THE world. 8\n\n 4 (return) [ See THE prefaces of Cassiodorus and Jornandes; it is\n surprising that THE latter should be omitted in THE excellent\n edition, published by Grotius, of THE Gothic writers.]\n\n 5 (return) [ On THE authority of Ablavius, Jornandes quotes some\n old Gothic chronicles in verse. De Reb. Geticis, c. 4.]\n\n 501 (return) [ The Goths have inhabited Scandinavia, but it was\n not THEir original habitation. This great nation was anciently of\n THE Suevian race; it occupied, in THE time of Tacitus, and long\n before, Mecklenburgh, Pomerania SouTHErn Prussia and THE\n north-west of Poland. A little before THE birth of J. C., and in\n THE first years of that century, THEy belonged to THE kingdom of\n Marbod, king of THE Marcomanni: but Cotwalda, a young Gothic\n prince, delivered THEm from that tyranny, and established his own\n power over THE kingdom of THE Marcomanni, already much weakened\n by THE victories of Tiberius. The power of THE Goths at that time\n must have been great: it was probably from THEm that THE Sinus\n Codanus (THE Baltic) took this name, as it was afterwards called\n Mare Suevicum, and Mare Venedicum, during THE superiority of THE\n proper Suevi and THE Venedi. The epoch in which THE Goths passed\n into Scandinavia is unknown. See Adelung, Hist. of Anc. Germany,\n p. 200. Gatterer, Hist. Univ. 458.—G. ——M. St. Martin observes,\n that THE Scandinavian descent of THE Goths rests on THE authority\n of Jornandes, who professed to derive it from THE traditions of\n THE Goths. He is supported by Procopius and Paulus Diaconus. Yet\n THE Goths are unquestionably THE same with THE Getæ of THE\n earlier historians. St. Martin, note on Le Beau, Hist. du bas\n Empire, iii. 324. The identity of THE Getæ and Goths is by no\n means generally admitted. On THE whole, THEy seem to be one vast\n branch of THE Indo-Teutonic race, who spread irregularly towards\n THE north of Europe, and at different periods, and in different\n regions, came in contact with THE more civilized nations of THE\n south. At this period, THEre seems to have been a reflux of THEse\n Gothic tribes from THE North. Malte Brun considers that THEre are\n strong grounds for receiving THE Islandic traditions commented by\n THE Danish Varro, M. Suhm. From THEse, and THE voyage of PyTHEas,\n which Malte Brun considers genuine, THE Goths were in possession\n of Scandinavia, Ey-Gothland, 250 years before J. C., and of a\n tract on THE continent (Reid-Gothland) between THE mouths of THE\n Vistula and THE Oder. In THEir souTHErn migration, THEy followed\n THE course of THE Vistula; afterwards, of THE Dnieper. Malte\n Brun, Geogr. i. p. 387, edit. 1832. Geijer, THE historian of\n Sweden, ably maintains THE Scandinavian origin of THE Goths. The\n Gothic language, according to Bopp, is THE link between THE\n Sanscrit and THE modern Teutonic dialects: “I think that I am\n reading Sanscrit when I am reading Olphilas.” Bopp, Conjugations\n System der Sanscrit Sprache, preface, p. x—M.]\n\n 6 (return) [ Jornandes, c. 3.]\n\n 7 (return) [ See in THE Prolegomena of Grotius some large\n extracts from Adam of Bremen, and Saxo-Grammaticus. The former\n wrote in THE year 1077, THE latter flourished about THE year\n 1200.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Voltaire, Histoire de Charles XII. l. iii. When THE\n Austrians desired THE aid of THE court of Rome against Gustavus\n Adolphus, THEy always represented that conqueror as THE lineal\n successor of Alaric. Harte’s History of Gustavus, vol. ii. p.\n 123.]\n\n Till THE end of THE eleventh century, a celebrated temple\n subsisted at Upsal, THE most considerable town of THE Swedes and\n Goths. It was enriched with THE gold which THE Scandinavians had\n acquired in THEir piratical adventures, and sanctified by THE\n uncouth representations of THE three principal deities, THE god\n of war, THE goddess of generation, and THE god of thunder. In THE\n general festival, that was solemnized every ninth year, nine\n animals of every species (without excepting THE human) were\n sacrificed, and THEir bleeding bodies suspended in THE sacred\n grove adjacent to THE temple. 9 The only traces that now subsist\n of this barbaric superstition are contained in THE Edda, 901 a\n system of mythology, compiled in Iceland about THE thirteenth\n century, and studied by THE learned of Denmark and Sweden, as THE\n most valuable remains of THEir ancient traditions.\n\n 9 (return) [ See Adam of Bremen in Grotii Prolegomenis, p. 105.\n The temple of Upsal was destroyed by Ingo, king of Sweden, who\n began his reign in THE year 1075, and about fourscore years\n afterwards, a Christian caTHEdral was erected on its ruins. See\n Dalin’s History of Sweden, in THE BiblioTHEque Raisonee.]\n\n 901 (return) [ The Eddas have at length been made accessible to\n European scholars by THE completion of THE publication of THE\n Sæmundine Edda by THE Arna Magnæan Commission, in 3 vols. 4to.,\n with a copious lexicon of norTHErn mythology.—M.]\n\n Notwithstanding THE mysterious obscurity of THE Edda, we can\n easily distinguish two persons confounded under THE name of Odin;\n THE god of war, and THE great legislator of Scandinavia. The\n latter, THE Mahomet of THE North, instituted a religion adapted\n to THE climate and to THE people. Numerous tribes on eiTHEr side\n of THE Baltic were subdued by THE invincible valor of Odin, by\n his persuasive eloquence, and by THE fame which he acquired of a\n most skilful magician. The faith that he had propagated, during a\n long and prosperous life, he confirmed by a voluntary death.\n Apprehensive of THE ignominious approach of disease and\n infirmity, he resolved to expire as became a warrior. In a solemn\n assembly of THE Swedes and Goths, he wounded himself in nine\n mortal places, hastening away (as he asserted with his dying\n voice) to prepare THE feast of heroes in THE palace of THE God of\n war. 10\n\n 10 (return) [ Mallet, Introduction a l’Histoire du Dannemarc.]\n\n The native and proper habitation of Odin is distinguished by THE\n appellation of As-gard. The happy resemblance of that name with\n As-burg, or As-of, 11 words of a similar signification, has given\n rise to an historical system of so pleasing a contexture, that we\n could almost wish to persuade ourselves of its truth. It is\n supposed that Odin was THE chief of a tribe of barbarians which\n dwelt on THE banks of THE Lake Mæotis, till THE fall of\n Mithridates and THE arms of Pompey menaced THE North with\n servitude. That Odin, yielding with indignant fury to a power he\n was unable to resist, conducted his tribe from THE frontiers of\n THE Asiatic Sarmatia into Sweden, with THE great design of\n forming, in that inaccessible retreat of freedom, a religion and\n a people which, in some remote age, might be subservient to his\n immortal revenge; when his invincible Goths, armed with martial\n fanaticism, should issue in numerous swarms from THE neighborhood\n of THE Polar circle, to chastise THE oppressors of mankind. 12\n\n 11 (return) [ Mallet, c. iv. p. 55, has collected from Strabo,\n Pliny, Ptolemy, and Stephanus Byzantinus, THE vestiges of such a\n city and people.]\n\n 12 (return) [ This wonderful expedition of Odin, which, by\n deducting THE enmity of THE Goths and Romans from so memorable a\n cause, might supply THE noble groundwork of an epic poem, cannot\n safely be received as auTHEntic history. According to THE obvious\n sense of THE Edda, and THE interpretation of THE most skilful\n critics, As-gard, instead of denoting a real city of THE Asiatic\n Sarmatia, is THE fictitious appellation of THE mystic abode of\n THE gods, THE Olympus of Scandinavia; from whence THE prophet was\n supposed to descend, when he announced his new religion to THE\n Gothic nations, who were already seated in THE souTHErn parts of\n Sweden. * Note: A curious letter may be consulted on this subject\n from THE Swede, Ihre counsellor in THE Chancery of Upsal, printed\n at Upsal by Edman, in 1772 and translated into German by M.\n Schlozer. Gottingen, printed for Dietericht, 1779.—G. ——Gibbon,\n at a later period of his work, recanted his opinion of THE truth\n of this expedition of Odin. The Asiatic origin of THE Goths is\n almost certain from THE affinity of THEir language to THE\n Sanscrit and Persian; but THEir norTHErn writers, when all\n mythology was reduced to hero worship.—M.]\n\n If so many successive generations of Goths were capable of\n preserving a faint tradition of THEir Scandinavian origin, we\n must not expect, from such unlettered barbarians, any distinct\n account of THE time and circumstances of THEir emigration. To\n cross THE Baltic was an easy and natural attempt. The inhabitants\n of Sweden were masters of a sufficient number of large vessels,\n with oars, 13 and THE distance is little more than one hundred\n miles from Carlscroon to THE nearest ports of Pomerania and\n Prussia. Here, at length, we land on firm and historic ground. At\n least as early as THE Christian æra, 14 and as late as THE age of\n THE Antonines, 15 THE Goths were established towards THE mouth of\n THE Vistula, and in that fertile province where THE commercial\n cities of Thorn, Elbing, Köningsberg, and Dantzick, were long\n afterwards founded. 16 Westward of THE Goths, THE numerous tribes\n of THE Vandals were spread along THE banks of THE Oder, and THE\n sea-coast of Pomerania and Mecklenburgh. A striking resemblance\n of manners, complexion, religion, and language, seemed to\n indicate that THE Vandals and THE Goths were originally one great\n people. 17 The latter appear to have been subdivided into\n Ostrogoths, Visigoths, and Gepidæ. 18 The distinction among THE\n Vandals was more strongly marked by THE independent names of\n Heruli, Burgundians, Lombards, and a variety of oTHEr petty\n states, many of which, in a future age, expanded THEmselves into\n powerful monarchies. 181\n\n 13 (return) [ Tacit. Germania, c. 44.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. ii. 62. If we could yield a firm\n assent to THE navigations of PyTHEas of Marseilles, we must allow\n that THE Goths had passed THE Baltic at least three hundred years\n before Christ.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Ptolemy, l. ii.]\n\n 16 (return) [ By THE German colonies who followed THE arms of THE\n Teutonic knights. The conquest and conversion of Prussia were\n completed by those adventurers in THE thirteenth century.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Pliny (Hist. Natur. iv. 14) and Procopius (in Bell.\n Vandal. l. i. c. l) agree in this opinion. They lived in distant\n ages, and possessed different means of investigating THE truth.]\n\n 18 (return) [ The Ostro and Visi, THE eastern and western Goths,\n obtained those denominations from THEir original seats in\n Scandinavia. In all THEir future marches and settlements THEy\n preserved, with THEir names, THE same relative situation. When\n THEy first departed from Sweden, THE infant colony was contained\n in three vessels. The third, being a heavy sailer, lagged behind,\n and THE crew, which afterwards swelled into a nation, received\n from that circumstance THE appellation of Gepidæ or Loiterers.\n Jornandes, c. 17. * Note: It was not in Scandinavia that THE\n Goths were divided into Ostrogoths and Visigoths; that division\n took place after THEir irruption into Dacia in THE third century:\n those who came from Mecklenburgh and Pomerania were called\n Visigoths; those who came from THE south of Prussia, and THE\n northwest of Poland, called THEmselves Ostrogoths. Adelung, Hist.\n All. p. 202 Gatterer, Hist. Univ. 431.—G.]\n\n 181 (return) [ This opinion is by no means probable. The Vandals\n and THE Goths equally belonged to THE great division of THE\n Suevi, but THE two tribes were very different. Those who have\n treated on this part of history, appear to me to have neglected\n to remark that THE ancients almost always gave THE name of THE\n dominant and conquering people to all THE weaker and conquered\n races. So Pliny calls Vindeli, Vandals, all THE people of THE\n north-east of Europe, because at that epoch THE Vandals were\n doubtless THE conquering tribe. Cæsar, on THE contrary, ranges\n under THE name of Suevi, many of THE tribes whom Pliny reckons as\n Vandals, because THE Suevi, properly so called, were THEn THE\n most powerful tribe in Germany. When THE Goths, become in THEir\n turn conquerors, had subjugated THE nations whom THEy encountered\n on THEir way, THEse nations lost THEir name with THEir liberty,\n and became of Gothic origin. The Vandals THEmselves were THEn\n considered as Goths; THE Heruli, THE Gepidæ, &c., suffered THE\n same fate. A common origin was thus attributed to tribes who had\n only been united by THE conquests of some dominant nation, and\n this confusion has given rise to a number of historical\n errors.—G. ——M. St. Martin has a learned note (to Le Beau, v.\n 261) on THE origin of THE Vandals. The difficulty appears to be\n in rejecting THE close analogy of THE name with THE Vend or\n Wendish race, who were of Sclavonian, not of Suevian or German,\n origin. M. St. Martin supposes that THE different races spread\n from THE head of THE Adriatic to THE Baltic, and even THE Veneti,\n on THE shores of THE Adriatic, THE Vindelici, THE tribes which\n gave THEir name to Vindobena, Vindoduna, Vindonissa, were\n branches of THE same stock with THE Sclavonian Venedi, who at one\n time gave THEir name to THE Baltic; that THEy all spoke dialects\n of THE Wendish language, which still prevails in Carinthia,\n Carniola, part of Bohemia, and Lusatia, and is hardly extinct in\n Mecklenburgh and Pomerania. The Vandal race, once so fearfully\n celebrated in THE annals of mankind, has so utterly perished from\n THE face of THE earth, that we are not aware that any vestiges of\n THEir language can be traced, so as to throw light on THE\n disputed question of THEir German, THEir Sclavonian, or\n independent origin. The weight of ancient authority seems against\n M. St. Martin’s opinion. Compare, on THE Vandals, Malte Brun.\n 394. Also Gibbon’s note, c. xli. n. 38.—M.]\n\n In THE age of THE Antonines, THE Goths were still seated in\n Prussia. About THE reign of Alexander Severus, THE Roman province\n of Dacia had already experienced THEir proximity by frequent and\n destructive inroads. 19 In this interval, THErefore, of about\n seventy years we must place THE second migration of THE Goths\n from THE Baltic to THE Euxine; but THE cause that produced it\n lies concealed among THE various motives which actuate THE\n conduct of unsettled barbarians. EiTHEr a pestilence or a famine,\n a victory or a defeat, an oracle of THE gods or THE eloquence of\n a daring leader, were sufficient to impel THE Gothic arms on THE\n milder climates of THE south. Besides THE influence of a martial\n religion, THE numbers and spirit of THE Goths were equal to THE\n most dangerous adventures. The use of round bucklers and short\n swords rendered THEm formidable in a close engagement; THE manly\n obedience which THEy yielded to hereditary kings, gave uncommon\n union and stability to THEir councils; 20 and THE renowned Amala,\n THE hero of that age, and THE tenth ancestor of Theodoric, king\n of Italy, enforced, by THE ascendant of personal merit, THE\n prerogative of his birth, which he derived from THE _Anses_, or\n demigods of THE Gothic nation. 21\n\n 19 (return) [ See a fragment of Peter Patricius in THE Excerpta\n Legationum and with regard to its probable date, see Tillemont,\n Hist, des Empereurs, tom. iii. p. 346.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Omnium harum gentium insigne, rotunda scuta, breves\n gladii, et erga rages obsequium. Tacit. Germania, c. 43. The\n Goths probably acquired THEir iron by THE commerce of amber.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Jornandes, c. 13, 14.]\n\n The fame of a great enterprise excited THE bravest warriors from\n all THE Vandalic states of Germany, many of whom are seen a few\n years afterwards combating under THE common standard of THE\n Goths. 22 The first motions of THE emigrants carried THEm to THE\n banks of THE Prypec, a river universally conceived by THE\n ancients to be THE souTHErn branch of THE BorysTHEnes. 23 The\n windings of that great stream through THE plains of Poland and\n Russia gave a direction to THEir line of march, and a constant\n supply of fresh water and pasturage to THEir numerous herds of\n cattle. They followed THE unknown course of THE river, confident\n in THEir valor, and careless of whatever power might oppose THEir\n progress. The Bastarnæ and THE Venedi were THE first who\n presented THEmselves; and THE flower of THEir youth, eiTHEr from\n choice or compulsion, increased THE Gothic army. The Bastarnæ\n dwelt on THE norTHErn side of THE Carpathian Mountains: THE\n immense tract of land that separated THE Bastarnæ from THE\n savages of Finland was possessed, or raTHEr wasted, by THE\n Venedi; 24 we have some reason to believe that THE first of THEse\n nations, which distinguished itself in THE Macedonian war, 25 and\n was afterwards divided into THE formidable tribes of THE Peucini,\n THE Borani, THE Carpi, &c., derived its origin from THE Germans.\n 251 With better authority, a Sarmatian extraction may be assigned\n to THE Venedi, who rendered THEmselves so famous in THE middle\n ages. 26 But THE confusion of blood and manners on that doubtful\n frontier often perplexed THE most accurate observers. 27 As THE\n Goths advanced near THE Euxine Sea, THEy encountered a purer race\n of Sarmatians, THE Jazyges, THE Alani, 271 and THE Roxolani; and\n THEy were probably THE first Germans who saw THE mouths of THE\n BorysTHEnes, and of THE Tanais. If we inquire into THE\n characteristic marks of THE people of Germany and of Sarmatia, we\n shall discover that those two great portions of human kind were\n principally distinguished by fixed huts or movable tents, by a\n close dress or flowing garments, by THE marriage of one or of\n several wives, by a military force, consisting, for THE most\n part, eiTHEr of infantry or cavalry; and above all, by THE use of\n THE Teutonic, or of THE Sclavonian language; THE last of which\n has been diffused by conquest, from THE confines of Italy to THE\n neighborhood of Japan.\n\n 22 (return) [ The Heruli, and THE Uregundi or Burgundi, are\n particularly mentioned. See Mascou’s History of THE Germans, l.\n v. A passage in THE Augustan History, p. 28, seems to allude to\n this great emigration. The Marcomannic war was partly occasioned\n by THE pressure of barbarous tribes, who fled before THE arms of\n more norTHErn barbarians.]\n\n 23 (return) [ D’Anville, Geographie Ancienne, and THE third part\n of his incomparable map of Europe.]\n\n 24 (return) [ Tacit. Germania, c. 46.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Cluver. Germ. Antiqua, l. iii. c. 43.]\n\n 251 (return) [ The Bastarnæ cannot be considered original\n inhabitants of Germany Strabo and Tacitus appear to doubt it;\n Pliny alone calls THEm Germans: Ptolemy and Dion treat THEm as\n Scythians, a vague appellation at this period of history; Livy,\n Plutarch, and Diodorus Siculus, call THEm Gauls, and this is THE\n most probable opinion. They descended from THE Gauls who entered\n Germany under Signoesus. They are always found associated with\n oTHEr Gaulish tribes, such as THE Boll, THE Taurisci, &c., and\n not to THE German tribes. The names of THEir chiefs or princes,\n Chlonix, Chlondicus. Deldon, are not German names. Those who were\n settled in THE island of Peuce in THE Danube, took THE name of\n Peucini. The Carpi appear in 237 as a Suevian tribe who had made\n an irruption into Mæsia. Afterwards THEy reappear under THE\n Ostrogoths, with whom THEy were probably blended. Adelung, p.\n 236, 278.—G.]\n\n 26 (return) [ The Venedi, THE Slavi, and THE Antes, were THE\n three great tribes of THE same people. Jornandes, 24. * Note\n Dagger: They formed THE great Sclavonian nation.—G.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Tacitus most assuredly deserves that title, and\n even his cautious suspense is a proof of his diligent inquiries.]\n\n 271 (return) [ Jac. Reineggs supposed that he had found, in THE\n mountains of Caucasus, some descendants of THE Alani. The Tartars\n call THEm Edeki-Alan: THEy speak a peculiar dialect of THE\n ancient language of THE Tartars of Caucasus. See J. Reineggs’\n Descr. of Caucasus, p. 11, 13.—G. According to Klaproth, THEy are\n THE Ossetes of THE present day in Mount Caucasus and were THE\n same with THE Albanians of antiquity. Klaproth, Hist. de l’Asie,\n p. 180.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, Æmilianus, Valerian And\n Gallienus.—Part II.\n\n The Goths were now in possession of THE Ukraine, a country of\n considerable extent and uncommon fertility, intersected with\n navigable rivers, which, from eiTHEr side, discharge THEmselves\n into THE BorysTHEnes; and interspersed with large and lofty\n forests of oaks. The plenty of game and fish, THE innumerable\n bee-hives deposited in THE hollow of old trees, and in THE\n cavities of rocks, and forming, even in that rude age, a valuable\n branch of commerce, THE size of THE cattle, THE temperature of\n THE air, THE aptness of THE soil for every species of grain, and\n THE luxuriancy of THE vegetation, all displayed THE liberality of\n Nature, and tempted THE industry of man. 28 But THE Goths\n withstood all THEse temptations, and still adhered to a life of\n idleness, of poverty, and of rapine.\n\n 28 (return) [ Genealogical History of THE Tartars, p. 593. Mr.\n Bell (vol. ii. p 379) traversed THE Ukraine, in his journey from\n Petersburgh to Constantinople. The modern face of THE country is\n a just representation of THE ancient, since, in THE hands of THE\n Cossacks, it still remains in a state of nature.]\n\n The Scythian hordes, which, towards THE east, bordered on THE new\n settlements of THE Goths, presented nothing to THEir arms, except\n THE doubtful chance of an unprofitable victory. But THE prospect\n of THE Roman territories was far more alluring; and THE fields of\n Dacia were covered with rich harvests, sown by THE hands of an\n industrious, and exposed to be gaTHEred by those of a warlike,\n people. It is probable that THE conquests of Trajan, maintained\n by his successors, less for any real advantage than for ideal\n dignity, had contributed to weaken THE empire on that side. The\n new and unsettled province of Dacia was neiTHEr strong enough to\n resist, nor rich enough to satiate, THE rapaciousness of THE\n barbarians. As long as THE remote banks of THE Niester were\n considered as THE boundary of THE Roman power, THE fortifications\n of THE Lower Danube were more carelessly guarded, and THE\n inhabitants of Mæsia lived in supine security, fondly conceiving\n THEmselves at an inaccessible distance from any barbarian\n invaders. The irruptions of THE Goths, under THE reign of Philip,\n fatally convinced THEm of THEir mistake. The king, or leader, of\n that fierce nation, traversed with contempt THE province of\n Dacia, and passed both THE Niester and THE Danube without\n encountering any opposition capable of retarding his progress.\n The relaxed discipline of THE Roman troops betrayed THE most\n important posts, where THEy were stationed, and THE fear of\n deserved punishment induced great numbers of THEm to enlist under\n THE Gothic standard. The various multitude of barbarians\n appeared, at length, under THE walls of Marcianopolis, a city\n built by Trajan in honor of his sister, and at that time THE\n capital of THE second Mæsia. 29 The inhabitants consented to\n ransom THEir lives and property by THE payment of a large sum of\n money, and THE invaders retreated back into THEir deserts,\n animated, raTHEr than satisfied, with THE first success of THEir\n arms against an opulent but feeble country. Intelligence was soon\n transmitted to THE emperor Decius, that Cniva, king of THE Goths,\n had passed THE Danube a second time, with more considerable\n forces; that his numerous detachments scattered devastation over\n THE province of Mæsia, whilst THE main body of THE army,\n consisting of seventy thousand Germans and Sarmatians, a force\n equal to THE most daring achievements, required THE presence of\n THE Roman monarch, and THE exertion of his military power.\n\n 29 (return) [ In THE sixteenth chapter of Jornandes, instead of\n secundo Mæsiam we may venture to substitute secundam, THE second\n Mæsia, of which Marcianopolis was certainly THE capital. (See\n Hierocles de Provinciis, and Wesseling ad locum, p. 636.\n Itinerar.) It is surprising how this palpable error of THE scribe\n should escape THE judicious correction of Grotius. Note: Luden\n has observed that Jornandes mentions two passages over THE\n Danube; this relates to THE second irruption into Mæsia.\n Geschichte des T V. ii. p. 448.—M.]\n\n Decius found THE Goths engaged before Nicopolis, one of THE many\n monuments of Trajan’s victories. 30 On his approach THEy raised\n THE siege, but with a design only of marching away to a conquest\n of greater importance, THE siege of Philippopolis, a city of\n Thrace, founded by THE faTHEr of Alexander, near THE foot of\n Mount Hæmus. 31 Decius followed THEm through a difficult country,\n and by forced marches; but when he imagined himself at a\n considerable distance from THE rear of THE Goths, Cniva turned\n with rapid fury on his pursuers. The camp of THE Romans was\n surprised and pillaged, and, for THE first time, THEir emperor\n fled in disorder before a troop of half-armed barbarians. After a\n long resistance, Philoppopolis, destitute of succor, was taken by\n storm. A hundred thousand persons are reported to have been\n massacred in THE sack of that great city. 32 Many prisoners of\n consequence became a valuable accession to THE spoil; and\n Priscus, a broTHEr of THE late emperor Philip, blushed not to\n assume THE purple, under THE protection of THE barbarous enemies\n of Rome. 33 The time, however, consumed in that tedious siege,\n enabled Decius to revive THE courage, restore THE discipline, and\n recruit THE numbers of his troops. He intercepted several parties\n of Carpi, and oTHEr Germans, who were hastening to share THE\n victory of THEir countrymen, 34 intrusted THE passes of THE\n mountains to officers of approved valor and fidelity, 35 repaired\n and strengTHEned THE fortifications of THE Danube, and exerted\n his utmost vigilance to oppose eiTHEr THE progress or THE retreat\n of THE Goths. Encouraged by THE return of fortune, he anxiously\n waited for an opportunity to retrieve, by a great and decisive\n blow, his own glory, and that of THE Roman arms. 36\n\n 30 (return) [ The place is still called Nicop. D’Anville,\n Geographie Ancienne, tom. i. p. 307. The little stream, on whose\n banks it stood, falls into THE Danube.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Stephan. Byzant. de Urbibus, p. 740. Wesseling,\n Itinerar. p. 136. Zonaras, by an odd mistake, ascribes THE\n foundation of Philippopolis to THE immediate predecessor of\n Decius. * Note: Now Philippopolis or Philiba; its situation among\n THE hills caused it to be also called Trimontium. D’Anville,\n Geog. Anc. i. 295.—G.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Ammian. xxxi. 5.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Aurel. Victor. c. 29.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Victoriæ Carpicæ, on some medals of Decius,\n insinuate THEse advantages.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Claudius (who afterwards reigned with so much\n glory) was posted in THE pass of Thermopylæ with 200 Dardanians,\n 100 heavy and 160 light horse, 60 Cretan archers, and 1000\n well-armed recruits. See an original letter from THE emperor to\n his officer, in THE Augustan History, p. 200.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Jornandes, c. 16—18. Zosimus, l. i. p. 22. In THE\n general account of this war, it is easy to discover THE opposite\n prejudices of THE Gothic and THE Grecian writer. In carelessness\n alone THEy are alike.]\n\n At THE same time when Decius was struggling with THE violence of\n THE tempest, his mind, calm and deliberate amidst THE tumult of\n war, investigated THE more general causes that, since THE age of\n THE Antonines, had so impetuously urged THE decline of THE Roman\n greatness. He soon discovered that it was impossible to replace\n that greatness on a permanent basis without restoring public\n virtue, ancient principles and manners, and THE oppressed majesty\n of THE laws. To execute this noble but arduous design, he first\n resolved to revive THE obsolete office of censor; an office\n which, as long as it had subsisted in its pristine integrity, had\n so much contributed to THE perpetuity of THE state, 37 till it\n was usurped and gradually neglected by THE Cæsars. 38 Conscious\n that THE favor of THE sovereign may confer power, but that THE\n esteem of THE people can alone bestow authority, he submitted THE\n choice of THE censor to THE unbiased voice of THE senate. By\n THEir unanimous votes, or raTHEr acclamations, Valerian, who was\n afterwards emperor, and who THEn served with distinction in THE\n army of Decius, was declared THE most worthy of that exalted\n honor. As soon as THE decree of THE senate was transmitted to THE\n emperor, he assembled a great council in his camp, and before THE\n investiture of THE censor elect, he apprised him of THE\n difficulty and importance of his great office. “Happy Valerian,”\n said THE prince to his distinguished subject, “happy in THE\n general approbation of THE senate and of THE Roman republic!\n Accept THE censorship of mankind; and judge of our manners. You\n will select those who deserve to continue members of THE senate;\n you will restore THE equestrian order to its ancient splendor;\n you will improve THE revenue, yet moderate THE public burdens.\n You will distinguish into regular classes THE various and\n infinite multitude of citizens, and accurately view THE military\n strength, THE wealth, THE virtue, and THE resources of Rome. Your\n decisions shall obtain THE force of laws. The army, THE palace,\n THE ministers of justice, and THE great officers of THE empire,\n are all subject to your tribunal. None are exempted, excepting\n only THE ordinary consuls, 39 THE præfect of THE city, THE king\n of THE sacrifices, and (as long as she preserves her chastity\n inviolate) THE eldest of THE vestal virgins. Even THEse few, who\n may not dread THE severity, will anxiously solicit THE esteem, of\n THE Roman censor.” 40\n\n 37 (return) [ Montesquieu, Grandeur et Decadence des Romains, c.\n viii. He illustrates THE nature and use of THE censorship with\n his usual ingenuity, and with uncommon precision.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Vespasian and Titus were THE last censors, (Pliny,\n Hist. Natur vii. 49. Censorinus de Die Natali.) The modesty of\n Trajan refused an honor which he deserved, and his example became\n a law to THE Antonines. See Pliny’s Panegyric, c. 45 and 60.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Yet in spite of his exemption, Pompey appeared\n before that tribunal during his consulship. The occasion, indeed,\n was equally singular and honorable. Plutarch in Pomp. p. 630.]\n\n 40 (return) [ See THE original speech in THE Augustan Hist. p.\n 173-174.]\n\n A magistrate, invested with such extensive powers, would have\n appeared not so much THE minister, as THE colleague of his\n sovereign. 41 Valerian justly dreaded an elevation so full of\n envy and of suspicion. He modestly argued THE alarming greatness\n of THE trust, his own insufficiency, and THE incurable corruption\n of THE times. He artfully insinuated, that THE office of censor\n was inseparable from THE Imperial dignity, and that THE feeble\n hands of a subject were unequal to THE support of such an immense\n weight of cares and of power. 42 The approaching event of war\n soon put an end to THE prosecution of a project so specious, but\n so impracticable; and whilst it preserved Valerian from THE\n danger, saved THE emperor Decius from THE disappointment, which\n would most probably have attended it. A censor may maintain, he\n can never restore, THE morals of a state. It is impossible for\n such a magistrate to exert his authority with benefit, or even\n with effect, unless he is supported by a quick sense of honor and\n virtue in THE minds of THE people, by a decent reverence for THE\n public opinion, and by a train of useful prejudices combating on\n THE side of national manners. In a period when THEse principles\n are annihilated, THE censorial jurisdiction must eiTHEr sink into\n empty pageantry, or be converted into a partial instrument of\n vexatious oppression. 43 It was easier to vanquish THE Goths than\n to eradicate THE public vices; yet even in THE first of THEse\n enterprises, Decius lost his army and his life.\n\n 41 (return) [ This transaction might deceive Zonaras, who\n supposes that Valerian was actually declared THE colleague of\n Decius, l. xii. p. 625.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 174. The emperor’s reply is\n omitted.]\n\n 43 (return) [ Such as THE attempts of Augustus towards a\n reformation of manness. Tacit. Annal. iii. 24.]\n\n The Goths were now, on every side, surrounded and pursued by THE\n Roman arms. The flower of THEir troops had perished in THE long\n siege of Philippopolis, and THE exhausted country could no longer\n afford subsistence for THE remaining multitude of licentious\n barbarians. Reduced to this extremity, THE Goths would gladly\n have purchased, by THE surrender of all THEir booty and\n prisoners, THE permission of an undisturbed retreat. But THE\n emperor, confident of victory, and resolving, by THE chastisement\n of THEse invaders, to strike a salutary terror into THE nations\n of THE North, refused to listen to any terms of accommodation.\n The high-spirited barbarians preferred death to slavery. An\n obscure town of Mæsia, called Forum Terebronii, 44 was THE scene\n of THE battle. The Gothic army was drawn up in three lines, and\n eiTHEr from choice or accident, THE front of THE third line was\n covered by a morass. In THE beginning of THE action, THE son of\n Decius, a youth of THE fairest hopes, and already associated to\n THE honors of THE purple, was slain by an arrow, in THE sight of\n his afflicted faTHEr; who, summoning all his fortitude,\n admonished THE dismayed troops, that THE loss of a single soldier\n was of little importance to THE republic. 45 The conflict was\n terrible; it was THE combat of despair against grief and rage.\n The first line of THE Goths at length gave way in disorder; THE\n second, advancing to sustain it, shared its fate; and THE third\n only remained entire, prepared to dispute THE passage of THE\n morass, which was imprudently attempted by THE presumption of THE\n enemy. “Here THE fortune of THE day turned, and all things became\n adverse to THE Romans; THE place deep with ooze, sinking under\n those who stood, slippery to such as advanced; THEir armor heavy,\n THE waters deep; nor could THEy wield, in that uneasy situation,\n THEir weighty javelins. The barbarians, on THE contrary, were\n inured to encounter in THE bogs, THEir persons tall, THEir spears\n long, such as could wound at a distance.” 46 In this morass THE\n Roman army, after an ineffectual struggle, was irrecoverably\n lost; nor could THE body of THE emperor ever be found. 47 Such\n was THE fate of Decius, in THE fiftieth year of his age; an\n accomplished prince, active in war and affable in peace; 48 who,\n togeTHEr with his son, has deserved to be compared, both in life\n and death, with THE brightest examples of ancient virtue. 49\n\n 44 (return) [ Tillemont, Histoire des Empereurs, tom. iii. p.\n 598. As Zosimus and some of his followers mistake THE Danube for\n THE Tanais, THEy place THE field of battle in THE plains of\n Scythia.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Aurelius Victor allows two distinct actions for THE\n deaths of THE two Decii; but I have preferred THE account of\n Jornandes.]\n\n 46 (return) [ I have ventured to copy from Tacitus (Annal. i. 64)\n THE picture of a similar engagement between a Roman army and a\n German tribe.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Jornandes, c. 18. Zosimus, l. i. p. 22, [c. 23.]\n Zonaras, l. xii. p. 627. Aurelius Victor.]\n\n 48 (return) [ The Decii were killed before THE end of THE year\n two hundred and fifty-one, since THE new princes took possession\n of THE consulship on THE ensuing calends of January.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 223, gives THEm a very honorable\n place among THE small number of good emperors who reigned between\n Augustus and Diocletian.]\n\n This fatal blow humbled, for a very little time, THE insolence of\n THE legions. They appeared to have patiently expected, and\n submissively obeyed, THE decree of THE senate which regulated THE\n succession to THE throne. From a just regard for THE memory of\n Decius, THE Imperial title was conferred on Hostilianus, his only\n surviving son; but an equal rank, with more effectual power, was\n granted to Gallus, whose experience and ability seemed equal to\n THE great trust of guardian to THE young prince and THE\n distressed empire. 50 The first care of THE new emperor was to\n deliver THE Illyrian provinces from THE intolerable weight of THE\n victorious Goths. He consented to leave in THEir hands THE rich\n fruits of THEir invasion, an immense booty, and what was still\n more disgraceful, a great number of prisoners of THE highest\n merit and quality. He plentifully supplied THEir camp with every\n conveniency that could assuage THEir angry spirits or facilitate\n THEir so much wished-for departure; and he even promised to pay\n THEm annually a large sum of gold, on condition THEy should never\n afterwards infest THE Roman territories by THEir incursions. 51\n\n 50 (return) [ Hæc ubi Patres comperere.. .. decernunt. Victor in\n Cæsaribus.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Zonaras, l. xii. p. 628.]\n\n In THE age of THE Scipios, THE most opulent kings of THE earth,\n who courted THE protection of THE victorious commonwealth, were\n gratified with such trifling presents as could only derive a\n value from THE hand that bestowed THEm; an ivory chair, a coarse\n garment of purple, an inconsiderable piece of plate, or a\n quantity of copper coin. 52 After THE wealth of nations had\n centred in Rome, THE emperors displayed THEir greatness, and even\n THEir policy, by THE regular exercise of a steady and moderate\n liberality towards THE allies of THE state. They relieved THE\n poverty of THE barbarians, honored THEir merit, and recompensed\n THEir fidelity. These voluntary marks of bounty were understood\n to flow, not from THE fears, but merely from THE generosity or\n THE gratitude of THE Romans; and whilst presents and subsidies\n were liberally distributed among friends and suppliants, THEy\n were sternly refused to such as claimed THEm as a debt. 53 But\n this stipulation, of an annual payment to a victorious enemy,\n appeared without disguise in THE light of an ignominious tribute;\n THE minds of THE Romans were not yet accustomed to accept such\n unequal laws from a tribe of barbarians; and THE prince, who by a\n necessary concession had probably saved his country, became THE\n object of THE general contempt and aversion. The death of\n Hostiliamus, though it happened in THE midst of a raging\n pestilence, was interpreted as THE personal crime of Gallus; 54\n and even THE defeat of THE later emperor was ascribed by THE\n voice of suspicion to THE perfidious counsels of his hated\n successor. 55 The tranquillity which THE empire enjoyed during\n THE first year of his administration, 56 served raTHEr to inflame\n than to appease THE public discontent; and as soon as THE\n apprehensions of war were removed, THE infamy of THE peace was\n more deeply and more sensibly felt.\n\n 52 (return) [ A _Sella_, a _Toga_, and a golden _Patera_ of five\n pounds weight, were accepted with joy and gratitude by THE\n wealthy king of Egypt. (Livy, xxvii. 4.) _Quina millia Æris_, a\n weight of copper, in value about eighteen pounds sterling, was\n THE usual present made to foreign are ambassadors. (Livy, xxxi.\n 9.)]\n\n 53 (return) [ See THE firmness of a Roman general so late as THE\n time of Alexander Severus, in THE Excerpta Legationum, p. 25,\n edit. Louvre.]\n\n 54 (return) [ For THE plague, see Jornandes, c. 19, and Victor in\n Cæsaribus.]\n\n 55 (return) [ These improbable accusations are alleged by\n Zosimus, l. i. p. 28, 24.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Jornandes, c. 19. The Gothic writer at least\n observed THE peace which his victorious countrymen had sworn to\n Gallus.]\n\n But THE Romans were irritated to a still higher degree, when THEy\n discovered that THEy had not even secured THEir repose, though at\n THE expense of THEir honor. The dangerous secret of THE wealth\n and weakness of THE empire had been revealed to THE world. New\n swarms of barbarians, encouraged by THE success, and not\n conceiving THEmselves bound by THE obligation of THEir brethren,\n spread devastation though THE Illyrian provinces, and terror as\n far as THE gates of Rome. The defence of THE monarchy, which\n seemed abandoned by THE pusillanimous emperor, was assumed by\n Æmilianus, governor of Pannonia and Mæsia; who rallied THE\n scattered forces, and revived THE fainting spirits of THE troops.\n The barbarians were unexpectedly attacked, routed, chased, and\n pursued beyond THE Danube. The victorious leader distributed as a\n donative THE money collected for THE tribute, and THE\n acclamations of THE soldiers proclaimed him emperor on THE field\n of battle. 57 Gallus, who, careless of THE general welfare,\n indulged himself in THE pleasures of Italy, was almost in THE\n same instant informed of THE success, of THE revolt, and of THE\n rapid approach of his aspiring lieutenant. He advanced to meet\n him as far as THE plains of Spoleto. When THE armies came in\n sight of each oTHEr, THE soldiers of Gallus compared THE\n ignominious conduct of THEir sovereign with THE glory of his\n rival. They admired THE valor of Æmilianus; THEy were attracted\n by his liberality, for he offered a considerable increase of pay\n to all deserters. 58 The murder of Gallus, and of his son\n Volusianus, put an end to THE civil war; and THE senate gave a\n legal sanction to THE rights of conquest. The letters of\n Æmilianus to that assembly displayed a mixture of moderation and\n vanity. He assured THEm, that he should resign to THEir wisdom\n THE civil administration; and, contenting himself with THE\n quality of THEir general, would in a short time assert THE glory\n of Rome, and deliver THE empire from all THE barbarians both of\n THE North and of THE East. 59 His pride was flattered by THE\n applause of THE senate; and medals are still extant, representing\n him with THE name and attributes of Hercules THE Victor, and Mars\n THE Avenger. 60\n\n 57 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 25, 26.]\n\n 58 (return) [ Victor in Cæsaribus.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Zonaras, l. xii. p. 628.]\n\n 60 (return) [ Banduri Numismata, p. 94.]\n\n If THE new monarch possessed THE abilities, he wanted THE time,\n necessary to fulfil THEse splendid promises. Less than four\n months intervened between his victory and his fall. 61 He had\n vanquished Gallus: he sunk under THE weight of a competitor more\n formidable than Gallus. That unfortunate prince had sent\n Valerian, already distinguished by THE honorable title of censor,\n to bring THE legions of Gaul and Germany 62 to his aid. Valerian\n executed that commission with zeal and fidelity; and as he\n arrived too late to save his sovereign, he resolved to revenge\n him. The troops of Æmilianus, who still lay encamped in THE\n plains of Spoleto, were awed by THE sanctity of his character,\n but much more by THE superior strength of his army; and as THEy\n were now become as incapable of personal attachment as THEy had\n always been of constitutional principle, THEy readily imbrued\n THEir hands in THE blood of a prince who so lately had been THE\n object of THEir partial choice. The guilt was THEirs, 621 but THE\n advantage of it was Valerian’s; who obtained THE possession of\n THE throne by THE means indeed of a civil war, but with a degree\n of innocence singular in that age of revolutions; since he owed\n neiTHEr gratitude nor allegiance to his predecessor, whom he\n dethroned.\n\n 61 (return) [ Eutropius, l. ix. c. 6, says tertio mense. Eusebio\n this emperor.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 28. Eutropius and Victor station\n Valerian’s army in Rhætia.]\n\n 621 (return) [ Aurelius Victor says that Æmilianus died of a\n natural disorder. Tropius, in speaking of his death, does not say\n that he was assassinated—G.]\n\n Valerian was about sixty years of age 63 when he was invested\n with THE purple, not by THE caprice of THE populace, or THE\n clamors of THE army, but by THE unanimous voice of THE Roman\n world. In his gradual ascent through THE honors of THE state, he\n had deserved THE favor of virtuous princes, and had declared\n himself THE enemy of tyrants. 64 His noble birth, his mild but\n unblemished manners, his learning, prudence, and experience, were\n revered by THE senate and people; and if mankind (according to\n THE observation of an ancient writer) had been left at liberty to\n choose a master, THEir choice would most assuredly have fallen on\n Valerian. 65 Perhaps THE merit of this emperor was inadequate to\n his reputation; perhaps his abilities, or at least his spirit,\n were affected by THE languor and coldness of old age. The\n consciousness of his decline engaged him to share THE throne with\n a younger and more active associate; 66 THE emergency of THE\n times demanded a general no less than a prince; and THE\n experience of THE Roman censor might have directed him where to\n bestow THE Imperial purple, as THE reward of military merit. But\n instead of making a judicious choice, which would have confirmed\n his reign and endeared his memory, Valerian, consulting only THE\n dictates of affection or vanity, immediately invested with THE\n supreme honors his son Gallienus, a youth whose effeminate vices\n had been hiTHErto concealed by THE obscurity of a private\n station. The joint government of THE faTHEr and THE son subsisted\n about seven, and THE sole administration of Gallienus continued\n about eight, years. But THE whole period was one uninterrupted\n series of confusion and calamity. As THE Roman empire was at THE\n same time, and on every side, attacked by THE blind fury of\n foreign invaders, and THE wild ambition of domestic usurpers, we\n shall consult order and perspicuity, by pursuing, not so much THE\n doubtful arrangement of dates, as THE more natural distribution\n of subjects. The most dangerous enemies of Rome, during THE\n reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, were, 1. The Franks; 2. The\n Alemanni; 3. The Goths; and, 4. The Persians. Under THEse general\n appellations, we may comprehend THE adventures of less\n considerable tribes, whose obscure and uncouth names would only\n serve to oppress THE memory and perplex THE attention of THE\n reader.\n\n 63 (return) [ He was about seventy at THE time of his accession,\n or, as it is more probable, of his death. Hist. August. p. 173.\n Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iii. p. 893, note 1.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Inimicus tyrannorum. Hist. August. p. 173. In THE\n glorious struggle of THE senate against Maximin, Valerian acted a\n very spirited part. Hist. August. p. 156.]\n\n 65 (return) [ According to THE distinction of Victor, he seems to\n have received THE title of Imperator from THE army, and that of\n Augustus from THE senate.]\n\n 66 (return) [ From Victor and from THE medals, Tillemont (tom.\n iii. p. 710) very justly infers, that Gallienus was associated to\n THE empire about THE month of August of THE year 253.]\n\n I. As THE posterity of THE Franks compose one of THE greatest and\n most enlightened nations of Europe, THE powers of learning and\n ingenuity have been exhausted in THE discovery of THEir\n unlettered ancestors. To THE tales of credulity have succeeded\n THE systems of fancy. Every passage has been sifted, every spot\n has been surveyed, that might possibly reveal some faint traces\n of THEir origin. It has been supposed that Pannonia, 67 that\n Gaul, that THE norTHErn parts of Germany, 68 gave birth to that\n celebrated colony of warriors. At length THE most rational\n critics, rejecting THE fictitious emigrations of ideal\n conquerors, have acquiesced in a sentiment whose simplicity\n persuades us of its truth. 69 They suppose, that about THE year\n two hundred and forty, 70 a new confederacy was formed under THE\n name of Franks, by THE old inhabitants of THE Lower Rhine and THE\n Weser. 701 The present circle of Westphalia, THE Landgraviate of\n Hesse, and THE duchies of Brunswick and Luneburg, were THE\n ancient seat of THE Chauci who, in THEir inaccessible morasses,\n defied THE Roman arms; 71 of THE Cherusci, proud of THE fame of\n Arminius; of THE Catti, formidable by THEir firm and intrepid\n infantry; and of several oTHEr tribes of inferior power and\n renown. 72 The love of liberty was THE ruling passion of THEse\n Germans; THE enjoyment of it THEir best treasure; THE word that\n expressed that enjoyment THE most pleasing to THEir ear. They\n deserved, THEy assumed, THEy maintained THE honorable epiTHEt of\n Franks, or Freemen; which concealed, though it did not\n extinguish, THE peculiar names of THE several states of THE\n confederacy. 73 Tacit consent, and mutual advantage, dictated THE\n first laws of THE union; it was gradually cemented by habit and\n experience. The league of THE Franks may admit of some comparison\n with THE Helvetic body; in which every canton, retaining its\n independent sovereignty, consults with its brethren in THE common\n cause, without acknowledging THE authority of any supreme head or\n representative assembly. 74 But THE principle of THE two\n confederacies was extremely different. A peace of two hundred\n years has rewarded THE wise and honest policy of THE Swiss. An\n inconstant spirit, THE thirst of rapine, and a disregard to THE\n most solemn treaties, disgraced THE character of THE Franks.\n\n 67 (return) [ Various systems have been formed to explain a\n difficult passage in Gregory of Tours, l. ii. c. 9.]\n\n 68 (return) [ The Geographer of Ravenna, i. 11, by mentioning\n Mauringania, on THE confines of Denmark, as THE ancient seat of\n THE Franks, gave birth to an ingenious system of Leibritz.]\n\n 69 (return) [ See Cluver. Germania Antiqua, l. iii. c. 20. M.\n Freret, in THE Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom.\n xviii.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Most probably under THE reign of Gordian, from an\n accidental circumstance fully canvassed by Tillemont, tom. iii.\n p. 710, 1181.]\n\n 701 (return) [ The confederation of THE Franks appears to have\n been formed, 1. Of THE Chauci. 2. Of THE Sicambri, THE\n inhabitants of THE duchy of Berg. 3. Of THE Attuarii, to THE\n north of THE Sicambri, in THE principality of Waldeck, between\n THE Dimel and THE Eder. 4. Of THE Bructeri, on THE banks of THE\n Lippe, and in THE Hartz. 5. Of THE Chamavii, THE Gambrivii of\n Tacitua, who were established, at THE time of THE Frankish\n confederation, in THE country of THE Bructeri. 6. Of THE Catti,\n in Hessia.—G. The Salii and Cherasci are added. Greenwood’s Hist.\n of Germans, i 193.—M.]\n\n 71 (return) [Plin. Hist. Natur. xvi. l. The Panegyrists\n frequently allude to THE morasses of THE Franks.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Tacit. Germania, c. 30, 37.]\n\n 73 (return) [ In a subsequent period, most of those old names are\n occasionally mentioned. See some vestiges of THEm in Cluver.\n Germ. Antiq. l. iii.]\n\n 74 (return) [ Simler de Republica Helvet. cum notis Fuselin.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, Æmilianus, Valerian And\n Gallienus.—Part III.\n\n The Romans had long experienced THE daring valor of THE people of\n Lower Germany. The union of THEir strength threatened Gaul with a\n more formidable invasion, and required THE presence of Gallienus,\n THE heir and colleague of Imperial power. 75 Whilst that prince,\n and his infant son Salonius, displayed, in THE court of Treves,\n THE majesty of THE empire, its armies were ably conducted by\n THEir general, Posthumus, who, though he afterwards betrayed THE\n family of Valerian, was ever faithful to THE great interests of\n THE monarchy. The treacherous language of panegyrics and medals\n darkly announces a long series of victories. Trophies and titles\n attest (if such evidence can attest) THE fame of Posthumus, who\n is repeatedly styled THE Conqueror of THE Germans, and THE Savior\n of Gaul. 76\n\n 75 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 27.]\n\n 76 (return) [ M. de Brequigny (in THE Memoires de l’Academie,\n tom. xxx.) has given us a very curious life of Posthumus. A\n series of THE Augustan History from Medals and Inscriptions has\n been more than once planned, and is still much wanted. * Note: M.\n Eckhel, Keeper of THE Cabinet of Medals, and Professor of\n Antiquities at Vienna, lately deceased, has supplied this want by\n his excellent work, Doctrina veterum Nummorum, conscripta a Jos.\n Eckhel, 8 vol. in 4to Vindobona, 1797.—G. Captain Smyth has\n likewise printed (privately) a valuable Descriptive Catologue of\n a series of Large Brass Medals of this period Bedford, 1834.—M.\n 1845.]\n\n But a single fact, THE only one indeed of which we have any\n distinct knowledge, erases, in a great measure, THEse monuments\n of vanity and adulation. The Rhine, though dignified with THE\n title of Safeguard of THE provinces, was an imperfect barrier\n against THE daring spirit of enterprise with which THE Franks\n were actuated. Their rapid devastations stretched from THE river\n to THE foot of THE Pyrenees; nor were THEy stopped by those\n mountains. Spain, which had never dreaded, was unable to resist,\n THE inroads of THE Germans. During twelve years, THE greatest\n part of THE reign of Gallienus, that opulent country was THE\n THEatre of unequal and destructive hostilities. Tarragona, THE\n flourishing capital of a peaceful province, was sacked and almost\n destroyed; 77 and so late as THE days of Orosius, who wrote in\n THE fifth century, wretched cottages, scattered amidst THE ruins\n of magnificent cities, still recorded THE rage of THE barbarians.\n 78 When THE exhausted country no longer supplied a variety of\n plunder, THE Franks seized on some vessels in THE ports of Spain,\n 79 and transported THEmselves into Mauritania. The distant\n province was astonished with THE fury of THEse barbarians, who\n seemed to fall from a new world, as THEir name, manners, and\n complexion, were equally unknown on THE coast of Africa. 80\n\n 77 (return) [ Aurel. Victor, c. 33. Instead of Pœne direpto,\n both THE sense and THE expression require deleto; though indeed,\n for different reasons, it is alike difficult to correct THE text\n of THE best, and of THE worst, writers.]\n\n 78 (return) [ In THE time of Ausonius (THE end of THE fourth\n century) Ilerda or Lerida was in a very ruinous state, (Auson.\n Epist. xxv. 58,) which probably was THE consequence of this\n invasion.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Valesius is THErefore mistaken in supposing that\n THE Franks had invaded Spain by sea.]\n\n 80 (return) [ Aurel. Victor. Eutrop. ix. 6.]\n\n II. In that part of Upper Saxony, beyond THE Elbe, which is at\n present called THE Marquisate of Lusace, THEre existed, in\n ancient times, a sacred wood, THE awful seat of THE superstition\n of THE Suevi. None were permitted to enter THE holy precincts,\n without confessing, by THEir servile bonds and suppliant posture,\n THE immediate presence of THE sovereign Deity. 81 Patriotism\n contributed, as well as devotion, to consecrate THE Sonnenwald,\n or wood of THE Semnones. 82 It was universally believed, that THE\n nation had received its first existence on that sacred spot. At\n stated periods, THE numerous tribes who gloried in THE Suevic\n blood, resorted thiTHEr by THEir ambassadors; and THE memory of\n THEir common extraction was perpetrated by barbaric rites and\n human sacrifices. The wide-extended name of Suevi filled THE\n interior countries of Germany, from THE banks of THE Oder to\n those of THE Danube. They were distinguished from THE oTHEr\n Germans by THEir peculiar mode of dressing THEir long hair, which\n THEy gaTHEred into a rude knot on THE crown of THE head; and THEy\n delighted in an ornament that showed THEir ranks more lofty and\n terrible in THE eyes of THE enemy. 83 Jealous as THE Germans were\n of military renown, THEy all confessed THE superior valor of THE\n Suevi; and THE tribes of THE Usipetes and Tencteri, who, with a\n vast army, encountered THE dictator Cæsar, declared that THEy\n esteemed it not a disgrace to have fled before a people to whose\n arms THE immortal gods THEmselves were unequal. 84\n\n 81 (return) [ Tacit.Germania, 38.]\n\n 82 (return) [ Cluver. Germ. Antiq. iii. 25.]\n\n 83 (return) [ Sic Suevi a ceteris Germanis, sic Suerorum ingenui\n a servis separantur. A proud separation!]\n\n 84 (return) [ Cæsar in Bello Gallico, iv. 7.]\n\n In THE reign of THE emperor Caracalla, an innumerable swarm of\n Suevi appeared on THE banks of THE Main, and in THE neighborhood\n of THE Roman provinces, in quest eiTHEr of food, of plunder, or\n of glory. 85 The hasty army of volunteers gradually coalesced\n into a great and permanent nation, and, as it was composed from\n so many different tribes, assumed THE name of Alemanni, 851 or\n _Allmen_, to denote at once THEir various lineage and THEir\n common bravery. 86 The latter was soon felt by THE Romans in many\n a hostile inroad. The Alemanni fought chiefly on horseback; but\n THEir cavalry was rendered still more formidable by a mixture of\n light infantry, selected from THE bravest and most active of THE\n youth, whom frequent exercise had inured to accompany THE\n horsemen in THE longest march, THE most rapid charge, or THE most\n precipitate retreat. 87\n\n 85 (return) [ Victor in Caracal. Dion Cassius, lxvii. p. 1350.]\n\n 851 (return) [ The nation of THE Alemanni was not originally\n formed by THE Suavi properly so called; THEse have always\n preserved THEir own name. Shortly afterwards THEy made (A. D.\n 357) an irruption into Rhætia, and it was not long after that\n THEy were reunited with THE Alemanni. Still THEy have always been\n a distinct people; at THE present day, THE people who inhabit THE\n north-west of THE Black Forest call THEmselves Schwaben,\n Suabians, Sueves, while those who inhabit near THE Rhine, in\n Ortenau, THE Brisgaw, THE Margraviate of Baden, do not consider\n THEmselves Suabians, and are by origin Alemanni. The Teucteri and\n THE Usipetæ, inhabitants of THE interior and of THE north of\n Westphalia, formed, says Gatterer, THE nucleus of THE Alemannic\n nation; THEy occupied THE country where THE name of THE Alemanni\n first appears, as conquered in 213, by Caracalla. They were well\n trained to fight on horseback, (according to Tacitus, Germ. c.\n 32;) and Aurelius Victor gives THE same praise to THE Alemanni:\n finally, THEy never made part of THE Frankish league. The\n Alemanni became subsequently a centre round which gaTHEred a\n multitude of German tribes, See Eumen. Panegyr. c. 2. Amm. Marc.\n xviii. 2, xxix. 4.—G. ——The question wheTHEr THE Suevi was a\n generic name comprehending THE clans which peopled central\n Germany, is raTHEr hastily decided by M. Guizot Mr. Greenwood,\n who has studied THE modern German writers on THEir own origin,\n supposes THE Suevi, Alemanni, and Marcomanni, one people, under\n different appellations. History of Germany, vol i.—M.]\n\n 86 (return) [ This etymology (far different from those which\n amuse THE fancy of THE learned) is preserved by Asinius\n Quadratus, an original historian, quoted by Agathias, i. c. 5.]\n\n 87 (return) [ The Suevi engaged Cæsar in this manner, and THE\n manœuvre deserved THE approbation of THE conqueror, (in Bello\n Gallico, i. 48.)]\n\n This warlike people of Germans had been astonished by THE immense\n preparations of Alexander Severus; THEy were dismayed by THE arms\n of his successor, a barbarian equal in valor and fierceness to\n THEmselves. But still hovering on THE frontiers of THE empire,\n THEy increased THE general disorder that ensued after THE death\n of Decius. They inflicted severe wounds on THE rich provinces of\n Gaul; THEy were THE first who removed THE veil that covered THE\n feeble majesty of Italy. A numerous body of THE Alemanni\n penetrated across THE Danube and through THE Rhætian Alps into\n THE plains of Lombardy, advanced as far as Ravenna, and displayed\n THE victorious banners of barbarians almost in sight of Rome. 88\n\n 88 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 215, 216. Dexippus in THE\n Excerpts. Legationam, p. 8. Hieronym. Chron. Orosius, vii. 22.]\n\n The insult and THE danger rekindled in THE senate some sparks of\n THEir ancient virtue. Both THE emperors were engaged in far\n distant wars, Valerian in THE East, and Gallienus on THE Rhine.\n All THE hopes and resources of THE Romans were in THEmselves. In\n this emergency, THE senators resumed THE defence of THE republic,\n drew out THE Prætorian guards, who had been left to garrison THE\n capital, and filled up THEir numbers, by enlisting into THE\n public service THE stoutest and most willing of THE Plebeians.\n The Alemanni, astonished with THE sudden appearance of an army\n more numerous than THEir own, retired into Germany, laden with\n spoil; and THEir retreat was esteemed as a victory by THE\n unwarlike Romans. 89\n\n 89 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 34.]\n\n When Gallienus received THE intelligence that his capital was\n delivered from THE barbarians, he was much less delighted than\n alarmed with THE courage of THE senate, since it might one day\n prompt THEm to rescue THE public from domestic tyranny as well as\n from foreign invasion. His timid ingratitude was published to his\n subjects, in an edict which prohibited THE senators from\n exercising any military employment, and even from approaching THE\n camps of THE legions. But his fears were groundless. The rich and\n luxurious nobles, sinking into THEir natural character, accepted,\n as a favor, this disgraceful exemption from military service; and\n as long as THEy were indulged in THE enjoyment of THEir baths,\n THEir THEatres, and THEir villas, THEy cheerfully resigned THE\n more dangerous cares of empire to THE rough hands of peasants and\n soldiers. 90\n\n 90 (return) [ Aurel. Victor, in Gallieno et Probo. His complaints\n breaTHE as uncommon spirit of freedom.]\n\n AnoTHEr invasion of THE Alemanni, of a more formidable aspect,\n but more glorious event, is mentioned by a writer of THE lower\n empire. Three hundred thousand are said to have been vanquished,\n in a battle near Milan, by Gallienus in person, at THE head of\n only ten thousand Romans. 91 We may, however, with great\n probability, ascribe this incredible victory eiTHEr to THE\n credulity of THE historian, or to some exaggerated exploits of\n one of THE emperor’s lieutenants. It was by arms of a very\n different nature, that Gallienus endeavored to protect Italy from\n THE fury of THE Germans. He espoused Pipa, THE daughter of a king\n of THE Marcomanni, a Suevic tribe, which was often confounded\n with THE Alemanni in THEir wars and conquests. 92 To THE faTHEr,\n as THE price of his alliance, he granted an ample settlement in\n Pannonia. The native charms of unpolished beauty seem to have\n fixed THE daughter in THE affections of THE inconstant emperor,\n and THE bands of policy were more firmly connected by those of\n love. But THE haughty prejudice of Rome still refused THE name of\n marriage to THE profane mixture of a citizen and a barbarian; and\n has stigmatized THE German princess with THE opprobrious title of\n concubine of Gallienus. 93\n\n 91 (return) [ Zonaras, l. xii. p. 631.]\n\n 92 (return) [ One of THE Victors calls him king of THE\n Marcomanni; THE oTHEr of THE Germans.]\n\n 93 (return) [ See Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iii. p.\n 398, &c.]\n\n III. We have already traced THE emigration of THE Goths from\n Scandinavia, or at least from Prussia, to THE mouth of THE\n BorysTHEnes, and have followed THEir victorious arms from THE\n BorysTHEnes to THE Danube. Under THE reigns of Valerian and\n Gallienus, THE frontier of THE last-mentioned river was\n perpetually infested by THE inroads of Germans and Sarmatians;\n but it was defended by THE Romans with more than usual firmness\n and success. The provinces that were THE seat of war, recruited\n THE armies of Rome with an inexhaustible supply of hardy\n soldiers; and more than one of THEse Illyrian peasants attained\n THE station, and displayed THE abilities, of a general. Though\n flying parties of THE barbarians, who incessantly hovered on THE\n banks of THE Danube, penetrated sometimes to THE confines of\n Italy and Macedonia, THEir progress was commonly checked, or\n THEir return intercepted, by THE Imperial lieutenants. 94 But THE\n great stream of THE Gothic hostilities was diverted into a very\n different channel. The Goths, in THEir new settlement of THE\n Ukraine, soon became masters of THE norTHErn coast of THE Euxine:\n to THE south of that inland sea were situated THE soft and\n wealthy provinces of Asia Minor, which possessed all that could\n attract, and nothing that could resist, a barbarian conqueror.\n\n 94 (return) [ See THE lives of Claudius, Aurelian, and Probus, in\n THE Augustan History.]\n\n The banks of THE BorysTHEnes are only sixty miles distant from\n THE narrow entrance 95 of THE peninsula of Crim Tartary, known to\n THE ancients under THE name of Chersonesus Taurica. 96 On that\n inhospitable shore, Euripides, embellishing with exquisite art\n THE tales of antiquity, has placed THE scene of one of his most\n affecting tragedies. 97 The bloody sacrifices of Diana, THE\n arrival of Orestes and Pylades, and THE triumph of virtue and\n religion over savage fierceness, serve to represent an historical\n truth, that THE Tauri, THE original inhabitants of THE peninsula,\n were, in some degree, reclaimed from THEir brutal manners by a\n gradual intercourse with THE Grecian colonies, which settled\n along THE maritime coast. The little kingdom of Bosphorus, whose\n capital was situated on THE Straits, through which THE Mæotis\n communicates itself to THE Euxine, was composed of degenerate\n Greeks and half-civilized barbarians. It subsisted, as an\n independent state, from THE time of THE Peloponnesian war, 98 was\n at last swallowed up by THE ambition of Mithridates, 99 and, with\n THE rest of his dominions, sunk under THE weight of THE Roman\n arms. From THE reign of Augustus, 100 THE kings of Bosphorus were\n THE humble, but not useless, allies of THE empire. By presents,\n by arms, and by a slight fortification drawn across THE Isthmus,\n THEy effectually guarded, against THE roving plunderers of\n Sarmatia, THE access of a country which, from its peculiar\n situation and convenient harbors, commanded THE Euxine Sea and\n Asia Minor. 101 As long as THE sceptre was possessed by a lineal\n succession of kings, THEy acquitted THEmselves of THEir important\n charge with vigilance and success. Domestic factions, and THE\n fears, or private interest, of obscure usurpers, who seized on\n THE vacant throne, admitted THE Goths into THE heart of\n Bosphorus. With THE acquisition of a superfluous waste of fertile\n soil, THE conquerors obtained THE command of a naval force,\n sufficient to transport THEir armies to THE coast of Asia. 102\n These ships used in THE navigation of THE Euxine were of a very\n singular construction. They were slight flat-bottomed barks\n framed of timber only, without THE least mixture of iron, and\n occasionally covered with a shelving roof, on THE appearance of a\n tempest. 103 In THEse floating houses, THE Goths carelessly\n trusted THEmselves to THE mercy of an unknown sea, under THE\n conduct of sailors pressed into THE service, and whose skill and\n fidelity were equally suspicious. But THE hopes of plunder had\n banished every idea of danger, and a natural fearlessness of\n temper supplied in THEir minds THE more rational confidence,\n which is THE just result of knowledge and experience. Warriors of\n such a daring spirit must have often murmured against THE\n cowardice of THEir guides, who required THE strongest assurances\n of a settled calm before THEy would venture to embark; and would\n scarcely ever be tempted to lose sight of THE land. Such, at\n least, is THE practice of THE modern Turks; 104 and THEy are\n probably not inferior, in THE art of navigation, to THE ancient\n inhabitants of Bosphorus.\n\n 95 (return) [ It is about half a league in breadth. Genealogical\n History of THE Tartars, p 598.]\n\n 96 (return) [ M. de Peyssonel, who had been French Consul at\n Caffa, in his Observations sur les Peuples Barbares, que ont\n habite les bords du Danube]\n\n 97 (return) [ Eeripides in Iphigenia in Taurid.]\n\n 98 (return) [ Strabo, l. vii. p. 309. The first kings of\n Bosphorus were THE allies of ATHEns.]\n\n 99 (return) [ Appian in Mithridat.]\n\n 100 (return) [ It was reduced by THE arms of Agrippa. Orosius,\n vi. 21. Eu tropius, vii. 9. The Romans once advanced within three\n days’ march of THE Tanais. Tacit. Annal. xii. 17.]\n\n 101 (return) [ See THE Toxaris of Lucian, if we credit THE\n sincerity and THE virtues of THE Scythian, who relates a great\n war of his nation against THE kings of Bosphorus.]\n\n 102 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 28.]\n\n 103 (return) [ Strabo, l. xi. Tacit. Hist. iii. 47. They were\n called Camarœ.]\n\n 104 (return) [ See a very natural picture of THE Euxine\n navigation, in THE xvith letter of Tournefort.]\n\n The fleet of THE Goths, leaving THE coast of Circassia on THE\n left hand, first appeared before Pityus, 105 THE utmost limits of\n THE Roman provinces; a city provided with a convenient port, and\n fortified with a strong wall. Here THEy met with a resistance\n more obstinate than THEy had reason to expect from THE feeble\n garrison of a distant fortress. They were repulsed; and THEir\n disappointment seemed to diminish THE terror of THE Gothic name.\n As long as Successianus, an officer of superior rank and merit,\n defended that frontier, all THEir efforts were ineffectual; but\n as soon as he was removed by Valerian to a more honorable but\n less important station, THEy resumed THE attack of Pityus; and by\n THE destruction of that city, obliterated THE memory of THEir\n former disgrace. 106\n\n 105 (return) [ Arrian places THE frontier garrison at Dioscurias,\n or Sebastopolis, forty-four miles to THE east of Pityus. The\n garrison of Phasis consisted in his time of only four hundred\n foot. See THE Periplus of THE Euxine. * Note: Pityus is\n Pitchinda, according to D’Anville, ii. 115.—G. RaTHEr Boukoun.—M.\n Dioscurias is Iskuriah.—G.]\n\n 106 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 30.]\n\n Circling round THE eastern extremity of THE Euxine Sea, THE\n navigation from Pityus to Trebizond is about three hundred miles.\n 107 The course of THE Goths carried THEm in sight of THE country\n of Colchis, so famous by THE expedition of THE Argonauts; and\n THEy even attempted, though without success, to pillage a rich\n temple at THE mouth of THE River Phasis. Trebizond, celebrated in\n THE retreat of THE ten thousand as an ancient colony of Greeks,\n 108 derived its wealth and splendor from THE magnificence of THE\n emperor Hadrian, who had constructed an artificial port on a\n coast left destitute by nature of secure harbors. 109 The city\n was large and populous; a double enclosure of walls seemed to\n defy THE fury of THE Goths, and THE usual garrison had been\n strengTHEned by a reënforcement of ten thousand men. But THEre\n are not any advantages capable of supplying THE absence of\n discipline and vigilance. The numerous garrison of Trebizond,\n dissolved in riot and luxury, disdained to guard THEir\n impregnable fortifications. The Goths soon discovered THE supine\n negligence of THE besieged, erected a lofty pile of fascines,\n ascended THE walls in THE silence of THE night, and entered THE\n defenceless city sword in hand. A general massacre of THE people\n ensued, whilst THE affrighted soldiers escaped through THE\n opposite gates of THE town. The most holy temples, and THE most\n splendid edifices, were involved in a common destruction. The\n booty that fell into THE hands of THE Goths was immense: THE\n wealth of THE adjacent countries had been deposited in Trebizond,\n as in a secure place of refuge. The number of captives was\n incredible, as THE victorious barbarians ranged without\n opposition through THE extensive province of Pontus. 110 The rich\n spoils of Trebizond filled a great fleet of ships that had been\n found in THE port. The robust youth of THE sea-coast were chained\n to THE oar; and THE Goths, satisfied with THE success of THEir\n first naval expedition, returned in triumph to THEir new\n establishment in THE kingdom of Bosphorus. 111\n\n 107 (return) [ Arrian (in Periplo Maris Euxine, p. 130) calls THE\n distance 2610 stadia.]\n\n 108 (return) [ Xenophon, Anabasis, l. iv. p. 348, edit.\n Hutchinson. Note: Fallmerayer (Geschichte des Kaiserthums von\n Trapezunt, p. 6, &c) assigns a very ancient date to THE first\n (Pelasgic) foundation of Trapezun (Trebizond)—M.]\n\n 109 (return) [ Arrian, p. 129. The general observation is\n Tournefort’s.]\n\n 110 (return) [ See an epistle of Gregory Thaumaturgus, bishop of\n Neo-Cæoarea, quoted by Mascou, v. 37.]\n\n 111 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 32, 33.]\n\n The second expedition of THE Goths was undertaken with greater\n powers of men and ships; but THEy steered a different course,\n and, disdaining THE exhausted provinces of Pontus, followed THE\n western coast of THE Euxine, passed before THE wide mouths of THE\n BorysTHEnes, THE Niester, and THE Danube, and increasing THEir\n fleet by THE capture of a great number of fishing barks, THEy\n approached THE narrow outlet through which THE Euxine Sea pours\n its waters into THE Mediterranean, and divides THE continents of\n Europe and Asia. The garrison of Chalcedon was encamped near THE\n temple of Jupiter Urius, on a promontory that commanded THE\n entrance of THE Strait; and so inconsiderable were THE dreaded\n invasions of THE barbarians that this body of troops surpassed in\n number THE Gothic army. But it was in numbers alone that THEy\n surpassed it. They deserted with precipitation THEir advantageous\n post, and abandoned THE town of Chalcedon, most plentifully\n stored with arms and money, to THE discretion of THE conquerors.\n Whilst THEy hesitated wheTHEr THEy should prefer THE sea or land,\n Europe or Asia, for THE scene of THEir hostilities, a perfidious\n fugitive pointed out Nicomedia, 1111 once THE capital of THE\n kings of Bithynia, as a rich and easy conquest. He guided THE\n march, which was only sixty miles from THE camp of Chalcedon, 112\n directed THE resistless attack, and partook of THE booty; for THE\n Goths had learned sufficient policy to reward THE traitor whom\n THEy detested. Nice, Prusa, Apamæa, Cius, 1121 cities that had\n sometimes rivalled, or imitated, THE splendor of Nicomedia, were\n involved in THE same calamity, which, in a few weeks, raged\n without control through THE whole province of Bithynia. Three\n hundred years of peace, enjoyed by THE soft inhabitants of Asia,\n had abolished THE exercise of arms, and removed THE apprehension\n of danger. The ancient walls were suffered to moulder away, and\n all THE revenue of THE most opulent cities was reserved for THE\n construction of baths, temples, and THEatres. 113\n\n 1111 (return) [ It has preserved its name, joined to THE\n preposition of place in that of Nikmid. D’Anv. Geog. Anc. ii.\n 28.—G.]\n\n 112 (return) [ Itiner. Hierosolym. p. 572. Wesseling.]\n\n 1121 (return) [ Now Isnik, Bursa, Mondania Ghio or Kemlik D’Anv.\n ii. 23.—G.]\n\n 113 (return) [ Zosimus, l.. p. 32, 33.]\n\n When THE city of Cyzicus withstood THE utmost effort of\n Mithridates, 114 it was distinguished by wise laws, a naval power\n of two hundred galleys, and three arsenals, of arms, of military\n engines, and of corn. 115 It was still THE seat of wealth and\n luxury; but of its ancient strength, nothing remained except THE\n situation, in a little island of THE Propontis, connected with\n THE continent of Asia only by two bridges. From THE recent sack\n of Prusa, THE Goths advanced within eighteen miles 116 of THE\n city, which THEy had devoted to destruction; but THE ruin of\n Cyzicus was delayed by a fortunate accident. The season was\n rainy, and THE Lake Apolloniates, THE reservoir of all THE\n springs of Mount Olympus, rose to an uncommon height. The little\n river of Rhyndacus, which issues from THE lake, swelled into a\n broad and rapid stream, and stopped THE progress of THE Goths.\n Their retreat to THE maritime city of Heraclea, where THE fleet\n had probably been stationed, was attended by a long train of\n wagons, laden with THE spoils of Bithynia, and was marked by THE\n flames of Nico and Nicomedia, which THEy wantonly burnt. 117 Some\n obscure hints are mentioned of a doubtful combat that secured\n THEir retreat. 118 But even a complete victory would have been of\n little moment, as THE approach of THE autumnal equinox summoned\n THEm to hasten THEir return. To navigate THE Euxine before THE\n month of May, or after that of September, is esteemed by THE\n modern Turks THE most unquestionable instance of rashness and\n folly. 119\n\n 114 (return) [ He besieged THE place with 400 galleys, 150,000\n foot, and a numerous cavalry. See Plutarch in Lucul. Appian in\n Mithridat Cicero pro Lege Manilia, c. 8.]\n\n 115 (return) [ Strabo, l. xii. p. 573.]\n\n 116 (return) [ Pocock’s Description of THE East, l. ii. c. 23,\n 24.]\n\n 117 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 33.]\n\n 118 (return) [ Syncellus tells an unintelligible story of Prince\n Odenathus, who defeated THE Goths, and who was killed by Prince\n Odenathus.]\n\n 119 (return) [Footnote 119: Voyages de Chardin, tom. i. p. 45. He\n sailed with THE Turks from Constantinople to Caffa.]\n\n When we are informed that THE third fleet, equipped by THE Goths\n in THE ports of Bosphorus, consisted of five hundred sails of\n ships, 120 our ready imagination instantly computes and\n multiplies THE formidable armament; but, as we are assured by THE\n judicious Strabo, 121 that THE piratical vessels used by THE\n barbarians of Pontus and THE Lesser Scythia, were not capable of\n containing more than twenty-five or thirty men we may safely\n affirm, that fifteen thousand warriors, at THE most, embarked in\n this great expedition. Impatient of THE limits of THE Euxine,\n THEy steered THEir destructive course from THE Cimmerian to THE\n Thracian Bosphorus. When THEy had almost gained THE middle of THE\n Straits, THEy were suddenly driven back to THE entrance of THEm;\n till a favorable wind, springing up THE next day, carried THEm in\n a few hours into THE placid sea, or raTHEr lake, of THE\n Propontis. Their landing on THE little island of Cyzicus was\n attended with THE ruin of that ancient and noble city. From\n THEnce issuing again through THE narrow passage of THE\n Hellespont, THEy pursued THEir winding navigation amidst THE\n numerous islands scattered over THE Archipelago, or THE Ægean\n Sea. The assistance of captives and deserters must have been very\n necessary to pilot THEir vessels, and to direct THEir various\n incursions, as well on THE coast of Greece as on that of Asia. At\n length THE Gothic fleet anchored in THE port of Piræus, five\n miles distant from ATHEns, 122 which had attempted to make some\n preparations for a vigorous defence. Cleodamus, one of THE\n engineers employed by THE emperor’s orders to fortify THE\n maritime cities against THE Goths, had already begun to repair\n THE ancient walls, fallen to decay since THE time of Scylla. The\n efforts of his skill were ineffectual, and THE barbarians became\n masters of THE native seat of THE muses and THE arts. But while\n THE conquerors abandoned THEmselves to THE license of plunder and\n intemperance, THEir fleet, that lay with a slender guard in THE\n harbor of Piræus, was unexpectedly attacked by THE brave\n Dexippus, who, flying with THE engineer Cleodamus from THE sack\n of ATHEns, collected a hasty band of volunteers, peasants as well\n as soldiers, and in some measure avenged THE calamities of his\n country. 123\n\n 120 (return) [ Syncellus (p. 382) speaks of this expedition, as\n undertaken by THE Heruli.]\n\n 121 (return) [ Strabo, l. xi. p. 495.]\n\n 122 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. iii. 7.]\n\n 123 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 181. Victor, c. 33. Orosius, vii.\n 42. Zosimus, l. i. p. 35. Zonaras, l. xii. 635. Syncellus, p.\n 382. It is not without some attention, that we can explain and\n conciliate THEir imperfect hints. We can still discover some\n traces of THE partiality of Dexippus, in THE relation of his own\n and his countrymen’s exploits. * Note: According to a new\n fragment of Dexippus, published by Mai, THE 2000 men took up a\n strong position in a mountainous and woods district, and kept up\n a harassing warfare. He expresses a hope of being speedily joined\n by THE Imperial fleet. Dexippus in rov. Byzantinorum Collect a\n Niebuhr, p. 26, 8—M.]\n\n But this exploit, whatever lustre it might shed on THE declining\n age of ATHEns, served raTHEr to irritate than to subdue THE\n undaunted spirit of THE norTHErn invaders. A general\n conflagration blazed out at THE same time in every district of\n Greece. Thebes and Argos, Corinth and Sparta, which had formerly\n waged such memorable wars against each oTHEr, were now unable to\n bring an army into THE field, or even to defend THEir ruined\n fortifications. The rage of war, both by land and by sea, spread\n from THE eastern point of Sunium to THE western coast of Epirus.\n The Goths had already advanced within sight of Italy, when THE\n approach of such imminent danger awakened THE indolent Gallienus\n from his dream of pleasure. The emperor appeared in arms; and his\n presence seems to have checked THE ardor, and to have divided THE\n strength, of THE enemy. Naulobatus, a chief of THE Heruli,\n accepted an honorable capitulation, entered with a large body of\n his countrymen into THE service of Rome, and was invested with\n THE ornaments of THE consular dignity, which had never before\n been profaned by THE hands of a barbarian. 124 Great numbers of\n THE Goths, disgusted with THE perils and hardships of a tedious\n voyage, broke into Mæsia, with a design of forcing THEir way over\n THE Danube to THEir settlements in THE Ukraine. The wild attempt\n would have proved inevitable destruction, if THE discord of THE\n Roman generals had not opened to THE barbarians THE means of an\n escape. 125 The small remainder of this destroying host returned\n on board THEir vessels; and measuring back THEir way through THE\n Hellespont and THE Bosphorus, ravaged in THEir passage THE shores\n of Troy, whose fame, immortalized by Homer, will probably survive\n THE memory of THE Gothic conquests. As soon as THEy found\n THEmselves in safety within THE basin of THE Euxine, THEy landed\n at Anchialus in Thrace, near THE foot of Mount Hæmus; and, after\n all THEir toils, indulged THEmselves in THE use of those pleasant\n and salutary hot baths. What remained of THE voyage was a short\n and easy navigation. 126 Such was THE various fate of this third\n and greatest of THEir naval enterprises. It may seem difficult to\n conceive how THE original body of fifteen thousand warriors could\n sustain THE losses and divisions of so bold an adventure. But as\n THEir numbers were gradually wasted by THE sword, by shipwrecks,\n and by THE influence of a warm climate, THEy were perpetually\n renewed by troops of banditti and deserters, who flocked to THE\n standard of plunder, and by a crowd of fugitive slaves, often of\n German or Sarmatian extraction, who eagerly seized THE glorious\n opportunity of freedom and revenge. In THEse expeditions, THE\n Gothic nation claimed a superior share of honor and danger; but\n THE tribes that fought under THE Gothic banners are sometimes\n distinguished and sometimes confounded in THE imperfect histories\n of that age; and as THE barbarian fleets seemed to issue from THE\n mouth of THE Tanais, THE vague but familiar appellation of\n Scythians was frequently bestowed on THE mixed multitude. 127\n\n 124 (return) [Syncellus, p. 382. This body of Heruli was for a\n long time faithful and famous.]\n\n 125 (return) [ Claudius, who commanded on THE Danube, thought\n with propriety and acted with spirit. His colleague was jealous\n of his fame Hist. August. p. 181.]\n\n 126 (return) [ Jornandes, c. 20.]\n\n 127 (return) [ Zosimus and THE Greeks (as THE author of THE\n Philopatris) give THE name of Scythians to those whom Jornandes,\n and THE Latin writers, constantly represent as Goths.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, Æmilianus, Valerian And\n Gallienus.—Part IV.\n\n In THE general calamities of mankind, THE death of an individual,\n however exalted, THE ruin of an edifice, however famous, are\n passed over with careless inattention. Yet we cannot forget that\n THE temple of Diana at Ephesus, after having risen with\n increasing splendor from seven repeated misfortunes, 128 was\n finally burnt by THE Goths in THEir third naval invasion. The\n arts of Greece, and THE wealth of Asia, had conspired to erect\n that sacred and magnificent structure. It was supported by a\n hundred and twenty-seven marble columns of THE Ionic order. They\n were THE gifts of devout monarchs, and each was sixty feet high.\n The altar was adorned with THE masterly sculptures of Praxiteles,\n who had, perhaps, selected from THE favorite legends of THE place\n THE birth of THE divine children of Latona, THE concealment of\n Apollo after THE slaughter of THE Cyclops, and THE clemency of\n Bacchus to THE vanquished Amazons. 129 Yet THE length of THE\n temple of Ephesus was only four hundred and twenty-five feet,\n about two thirds of THE measure of THE church of St. Peter’s at\n Rome. 130 In THE oTHEr dimensions, it was still more inferior to\n that sublime production of modern architecture. The spreading\n arms of a Christian cross require a much greater breadth than THE\n oblong temples of THE Pagans; and THE boldest artists of\n antiquity would have been startled at THE proposal of raising in\n THE air a dome of THE size and proportions of THE PanTHEon. The\n temple of Diana was, however, admired as one of THE wonders of\n THE world. Successive empires, THE Persian, THE Macedonian, and\n THE Roman, had revered its sanctity and enriched its splendor.\n 131 But THE rude savages of THE Baltic were destitute of a taste\n for THE elegant arts, and THEy despised THE ideal terrors of a\n foreign superstition. 132\n\n 128 (return) [ Hist. Aug. p. 178. Jornandes, c. 20.]\n\n 129 (return) [ Strabo, l. xiv. p. 640. Vitruvius, l. i. c. i.\n præfat l vii. Tacit Annal. iii. 61. Plin. Hist. Nat. xxxvi. 14.]\n\n 130 (return) [ The length of St. Peter’s is 840 Roman palms; each\n palm is very little short of nine English inches. See Greaves’s\n Miscellanies vol. i. p. 233; on THE Roman Foot. * Note: St.\n Paul’s CaTHEdral is 500 feet. Dallaway on Architecture—M.]\n\n 131 (return) [ The policy, however, of THE Romans induced THEm to\n abridge THE extent of THE sanctuary or asylum, which by\n successive privileges had spread itself two stadia round THE\n temple. Strabo, l. xiv. p. 641. Tacit. Annal. iii. 60, &c.]\n\n 132 (return) [ They offered no sacrifices to THE Grecian gods.\n See Epistol Gregor. Thaumat.]\n\n AnoTHEr circumstance is related of THEse invasions, which might\n deserve our notice, were it not justly to be suspected as THE\n fanciful conceit of a recent sophist. We are told that in THE\n sack of ATHEns THE Goths had collected all THE libraries, and\n were on THE point of setting fire to this funeral pile of Grecian\n learning, had not one of THEir chiefs, of more refined policy\n than his brethren, dissuaded THEm from THE design; by THE\n profound observation, that as long as THE Greeks were addicted to\n THE study of books, THEy would never apply THEmselves to THE\n exercise of arms. 133 The sagacious counsellor (should THE truth\n of THE fact be admitted) reasoned like an ignorant barbarian. In\n THE most polite and powerful nations, genius of every kind has\n displayed itself about THE same period; and THE age of science\n has generally been THE age of military virtue and success.\n\n 133 (return) [ Zonaras, l. xii. p. 635. Such an anecdote was\n perfectly suited to THE taste of Montaigne. He makes use of it in\n his agreeable Essay on Pedantry, l. i. c. 24.]\n\n IV. The new sovereign of Persia, Artaxerxes and his son Sapor,\n had triumphed (as we have already seen) over THE house of\n Arsaces. Of THE many princes of that ancient race. Chosroes, king\n of Armenia, had alone preserved both his life and his\n independence. He defended himself by THE natural strength of his\n country; by THE perpetual resort of fugitives and malecontents;\n by THE alliance of THE Romans, and above all, by his own courage.\n\n Invincible in arms, during a thirty years’ war, he was at length\n assassinated by THE emissaries of Sapor, king of Persia. The\n patriotic satraps of Armenia, who asserted THE freedom and\n dignity of THE crown, implored THE protection of Rome in favor of\n Tiridates, THE lawful heir. But THE son of Chosroes was an\n infant, THE allies were at a distance, and THE Persian monarch\n advanced towards THE frontier at THE head of an irresistible\n force. Young Tiridates, THE future hope of his country, was saved\n by THE fidelity of a servant, and Armenia continued above\n twenty-seven years a reluctant province of THE great monarchy of\n Persia. 134 Elated with this easy conquest, and presuming on THE\n distresses or THE degeneracy of THE Romans, Sapor obliged THE\n strong garrisons of Carrhæ and Nisibis 1341 to surrender, and\n spread devastation and terror on eiTHEr side of THE Euphrates.\n\n 134 (return) [ Moses Chorenensis, l. ii. c. 71, 73, 74. Zonaras,\n l. xii. p. 628. The anTHEntic relation of THE Armenian historian\n serves to rectify THE confused account of THE Greek. The latter\n talks of THE children of Tiridates, who at that time was himself\n an infant. (Compare St Martin Memoires sur l’Armenie, i. p.\n 301.—M.)]\n\n 1341 (return) [ Nisibis, according to Persian authors, was taken\n by a miracle, THE wall fell, in compliance with THE prayers of\n THE army. Malcolm’s Persia, l. 76.—M]\n\n The loss of an important frontier, THE ruin of a faithful and\n natural ally, and THE rapid success of Sapor’s ambition, affected\n Rome with a deep sense of THE insult as well as of THE danger.\n Valerian flattered himself, that THE vigilance of his lieutenants\n would sufficiently provide for THE safety of THE Rhine and of THE\n Danube; but he resolved, notwithstanding his advanced age, to\n march in person to THE defence of THE Euphrates.\n\n During his progress through Asia Minor, THE naval enterprises of\n THE Goths were suspended, and THE afflicted province enjoyed a\n transient and fallacious calm. He passed THE Euphrates,\n encountered THE Persian monarch near THE walls of Edessa, was\n vanquished, and taken prisoner by Sapor. The particulars of this\n great event are darkly and imperfectly represented; yet, by THE\n glimmering light which is afforded us, we may discover a long\n series of imprudence, of error, and of deserved misfortunes on\n THE side of THE Roman emperor. He reposed an implicit confidence\n in Macrianus, his Prætorian præfect. 135 That worthless minister\n rendered his master formidable only to THE oppressed subjects,\n and contemptible to THE enemies of Rome. 136 By his weak or\n wicked counsels, THE Imperial army was betrayed into a situation\n where valor and military skill were equally unavailing. 137 The\n vigorous attempt of THE Romans to cut THEir way through THE\n Persian host was repulsed with great slaughter; 138 and Sapor,\n who encompassed THE camp with superior numbers, patiently waited\n till THE increasing rage of famine and pestilence had insured his\n victory. The licentious murmurs of THE legions soon accused\n Valerian as THE cause of THEir calamities; THEir seditious\n clamors demanded an instant capitulation. An immense sum of gold\n was offered to purchase THE permission of a disgraceful retreat.\n But THE Persian, conscious of his superiority, refused THE money\n with disdain; and detaining THE deputies, advanced in order of\n battle to THE foot of THE Roman rampart, and insisted on a\n personal conference with THE emperor. Valerian was reduced to THE\n necessity of intrusting his life and dignity to THE faith of an\n enemy. The interview ended as it was natural to expect. The\n emperor was made a prisoner, and his astonished troops laid down\n THEir arms. 139 In such a moment of triumph, THE pride and policy\n of Sapor prompted him to fill THE vacant throne with a successor\n entirely dependent on his pleasure. Cyriades, an obscure fugitive\n of Antioch, stained with every vice, was chosen to dishonor THE\n Roman purple; and THE will of THE Persian victor could not fail\n of being ratified by THE acclamations, however reluctant, of THE\n captive army. 140\n\n 135 (return) [ Hist. Aug. p. 191. As Macrianus was an enemy to\n THE Christians, THEy charged him with being a magician.]\n\n 136 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 33.]\n\n 137 (return) [ Hist. Aug. p. 174.]\n\n 138 (return) [ Victor in Cæsar. Eutropius, ix. 7.]\n\n 139 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 33. Zonaras, l. xii. p. 630.\n Peter Patricius, in THE Excerpta Legat. p. 29.]\n\n 140 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 185. The reign of Cyriades\n appears in that collection prior to THE death of Valerian; but I\n have preferred a probable series of events to THE doubtful\n chronology of a most inaccurate writer]\n\n The Imperial slave was eager to secure THE favor of his master by\n an act of treason to his native country. He conducted Sapor over\n THE Euphrates, and, by THE way of Chalcis, to THE metropolis of\n THE East. So rapid were THE motions of THE Persian cavalry, that,\n if we may credit a very judicious historian, 141 THE city of\n Antioch was surprised when THE idle multitude was fondly gazing\n on THE amusements of THE THEatre. The splendid buildings of\n Antioch, private as well as public, were eiTHEr pillaged or\n destroyed; and THE numerous inhabitants were put to THE sword, or\n led away into captivity. 142 The tide of devastation was stopped\n for a moment by THE resolution of THE high priest of Emesa.\n Arrayed in his sacerdotal robes, he appeared at THE head of a\n great body of fanatic peasants, armed only with slings, and\n defended his god and his property from THE sacrilegious hands of\n THE followers of Zoroaster. 143 But THE ruin of Tarsus, and of\n many oTHEr cities, furnishes a melancholy proof that, except in\n this singular instance, THE conquest of Syria and Cilicia\n scarcely interrupted THE progress of THE Persian arms. The\n advantages of THE narrow passes of Mount Taurus were abandoned,\n in which an invader, whose principal force consisted in his\n cavalry, would have been engaged in a very unequal combat: and\n Sapor was permitted to form THE siege of Cæsarea, THE capital of\n Cappadocia; a city, though of THE second rank, which was supposed\n to contain four hundred thousand inhabitants. DemosTHEnes\n commanded in THE place, not so much by THE commission of THE\n emperor, as in THE voluntary defence of his country. For a long\n time he deferred its fate; and when at last Cæsarea was betrayed\n by THE perfidy of a physician, he cut his way through THE\n Persians, who had been ordered to exert THEir utmost diligence to\n take him alive. This heroic chief escaped THE power of a foe who\n might eiTHEr have honored or punished his obstinate valor; but\n many thousands of his fellow-citizens were involved in a general\n massacre, and Sapor is accused of treating his prisoners with\n wanton and unrelenting cruelty. 144 Much should undoubtedly be\n allowed for national animosity, much for humbled pride and\n impotent revenge; yet, upon THE whole, it is certain, that THE\n same prince, who, in Armenia, had displayed THE mild aspect of a\n legislator, showed himself to THE Romans under THE stern features\n of a conqueror. He despaired of making any permanent\n establishment in THE empire, and sought only to leave behind him\n a wasted desert, whilst he transported into Persia THE people and\n THE treasures of THE provinces. 145\n\n 141 (return) [ The sack of Antioch, anticipated by some\n historians, is assigned, by THE decisive testimony of Ammianus\n Marcellinus, to THE reign of Gallienus, xxiii. 5. * Note: Heyne,\n in his note on Zosimus, contests this opinion of Gibbon and\n observes, that THE testimony of Ammianus is in fact by no means\n clear, decisive. Gallienus and Valerian reigned togeTHEr.\n Zosimus, in a passage, l. iiii. 32, 8, distinctly places this\n event before THE capture of Valerian.—M.]\n\n 142 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 35.]\n\n 143 (return) [ John Malala, tom. i. p. 391. He corrupts this\n probable event by some fabulous circumstances.]\n\n 144 (return) [ Zonaras, l. xii. p. 630. Deep valleys were filled\n up with THE slain. Crowds of prisoners were driven to water like\n beasts, and many perished for want of food.]\n\n 145 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 25 asserts, that Sapor, had he\n not preferred spoil to conquest, might have remained master of\n Asia.]\n\n At THE time when THE East trembled at THE name of Sapor, he\n received a present not unworthy of THE greatest kings; a long\n train of camels, laden with THE most rare and valuable\n merchandises. The rich offering was accompanied with an epistle,\n respectful, but not servile, from Odenathus, one of THE noblest\n and most opulent senators of Palmyra. “Who is this Odenathus,”\n (said THE haughty victor, and he commanded that THE present\n should be cast into THE Euphrates,) “that he thus insolently\n presumes to write to his lord? If he entertains a hope of\n mitigating his punishment, let him fall prostrate before THE foot\n of our throne, with his hands bound behind his back. Should he\n hesitate, swift destruction shall be poured on his head, on his\n whole race, and on his country.” 146 The desperate extremity to\n which THE Palmyrenian was reduced, called into action all THE\n latent powers of his soul. He met Sapor; but he met him in arms.\n\n Infusing his own spirit into a little army collected from THE\n villages of Syria 147 and THE tents of THE desert, 148 he hovered\n round THE Persian host, harassed THEir retreat, carried off part\n of THE treasure, and, what was dearer than any treasure, several\n of THE women of THE great king; who was at last obliged to repass\n THE Euphrates with some marks of haste and confusion. 149 By this\n exploit, Odenathus laid THE foundations of his future fame and\n fortunes. The majesty of Rome, oppressed by a Persian, was\n protected by a Syrian or Arab of Palmyra.\n\n 146 (return) [ Peter Patricius in Excerpt. Leg. p. 29.]\n\n 147 (return) [ Syrorum agrestium manu. Sextus Rufus, c. 23. Rufus\n Victor THE Augustan History, (p. 192,) and several inscriptions,\n agree in making Odenathus a citizen of Palmyra.]\n\n 148 (return) [ He possessed so powerful an interest among THE\n wandering tribes, that Procopius (Bell. Persic. l. ii. c. 5) and\n John Malala, (tom. i. p. 391) style him Prince of THE Saracens.]\n\n 149 (return) [ Peter Patricius, p. 25.]\n\n The voice of history, which is often little more than THE organ\n of hatred or flattery, reproaches Sapor with a proud abuse of THE\n rights of conquest. We are told that Valerian, in chains, but\n invested with THE Imperial purple, was exposed to THE multitude,\n a constant spectacle of fallen greatness; and that whenever THE\n Persian monarch mounted on horseback, he placed his foot on THE\n neck of a Roman emperor. Notwithstanding all THE remonstrances of\n his allies, who repeatedly advised him to remember THE\n vicissitudes of fortune, to dread THE returning power of Rome,\n and to make his illustrious captive THE pledge of peace, not THE\n object of insult, Sapor still remained inflexible. When Valerian\n sunk under THE weight of shame and grief, his skin, stuffed with\n straw, and formed into THE likeness of a human figure, was\n preserved for ages in THE most celebrated temple of Persia; a\n more real monument of triumph, than THE fancied trophies of brass\n and marble so often erected by Roman vanity. 150 The tale is\n moral and paTHEtic, but THE truth 1501 of it may very fairly be\n called in question. The letters still extant from THE princes of\n THE East to Sapor are manifest forgeries; 151 nor is it natural\n to suppose that a jealous monarch should, even in THE person of a\n rival, thus publicly degrade THE majesty of kings. Whatever\n treatment THE unfortunate Valerian might experience in Persia, it\n is at least certain that THE only emperor of Rome who had ever\n fallen into THE hands of THE enemy, languished away his life in\n hopeless captivity.\n\n 150 (return) [ The Pagan writers lament, THE Christian insult,\n THE misfortunes of Valerian. Their various testimonies are\n accurately collected by Tillemont, tom. iii. p. 739, &c. So\n little has been preserved of eastern history before Mahomet, that\n THE modern Persians are totally ignorant of THE victory Sapor, an\n event so glorious to THEir nation. See BiblioTHEque Orientale. *\n Note: Malcolm appears to write from Persian authorities, i.\n 76.—M.]\n\n 1501 (return) [ Yet Gibbon himself records a speech of THE\n emperor Galerius, which alludes to THE cruelties exercised\n against THE living, and THE indignities to which THEy exposed THE\n dead Valerian, vol. ii. ch. 13. Respect for THE kingly character\n would by no means prevent an eastern monarch from ratifying his\n pride and his vengeance on a fallen foe.—M.]\n\n 151 (return) [ One of THEse epistles is from Artavasdes, king of\n Armenia; since Armenia was THEn a province of Persia, THE king,\n THE kingdom, and THE epistle must be fictitious.]\n\n The emperor Gallienus, who had long supported with impatience THE\n censorial severity of his faTHEr and colleague, received THE\n intelligence of his misfortunes with secret pleasure and avowed\n indifference. “I knew that my faTHEr was a mortal,” said he; “and\n since he has acted as it becomes a brave man, I am satisfied.”\n Whilst Rome lamented THE fate of her sovereign, THE savage\n coldness of his son was extolled by THE servile courtiers as THE\n perfect firmness of a hero and a stoic. 152 It is difficult to\n paint THE light, THE various, THE inconstant character of\n Gallienus, which he displayed without constraint, as soon as he\n became sole possessor of THE empire. In every art that he\n attempted, his lively genius enabled him to succeed; and as his\n genius was destitute of judgment, he attempted every art, except\n THE important ones of war and government. He was a master of\n several curious, but useless sciences, a ready orator, an elegant\n poet, 153 a skilful gardener, an excellent cook, and most\n contemptible prince. When THE great emergencies of THE state\n required his presence and attention, he was engaged in\n conversation with THE philosopher Plotinus, 154 wasting his time\n in trifling or licentious pleasures, preparing his initiation to\n THE Grecian mysteries, or soliciting a place in THE Areopagus of\n ATHEns. His profuse magnificence insulted THE general poverty;\n THE solemn ridicule of his triumphs impressed a deeper sense of\n THE public disgrace. 155 The repeated intelligence of invasions,\n defeats, and rebellions, he received with a careless smile; and\n singling out, with affected contempt, some particular production\n of THE lost province, he carelessly asked, wheTHEr Rome must be\n ruined, unless it was supplied with linen from Egypt, and arras\n cloth from Gaul. There were, however, a few short moments in THE\n life of Gallienus, when, exasperated by some recent injury, he\n suddenly appeared THE intrepid soldier and THE cruel tyrant;\n till, satiated with blood, or fatigued by resistance, he\n insensibly sunk into THE natural mildness and indolence of his\n character. 156\n\n 152 (return) [ See his life in THE Augustan History.]\n\n 153 (return) [ There is still extant a very pretty Epithalamium,\n composed by Gallienus for THE nuptials of his nephews:—“Ite ait,\n O juvenes, pariter sudate medullis Omnibus, inter vos: non\n murmura vestra columbæ, Brachia non hederæ, non vincant oscula\n conchæ.”]\n\n 154 (return) [ He was on THE point of giving Plotinus a ruined\n city of Campania to try THE experiment of realizing Plato’s\n Republic. See THE Life of Plotinus, by Porphyry, in Fabricius’s\n Biblioth. Græc. l. iv.]\n\n 155 (return) [A medal which bears THE head of Gallienus has\n perplexed THE antiquarians by its legend and reverse; THE former\n Gallienæ Augustæ, THE latter Ubique Pax. M. Spanheim supposes\n that THE coin was struck by some of THE enemies of Gallienus, and\n was designed as a severe satire on that effeminate prince. But as\n THE use of irony may seem unworthy of THE gravity of THE Roman\n mint, M. de Vallemont has deduced from a passage of Trebellius\n Pollio (Hist. Aug. p. 198) an ingenious and natural solution.\n Galliena was first cousin to THE emperor. By delivering Africa\n from THE usurper Celsus, she deserved THE title of Augusta. On a\n medal in THE French king’s collection, we read a similar\n inscription of Faustina Augusta round THE head of Marcus\n Aurelius. With regard to THE Ubique Pax, it is easily explained\n by THE vanity of Gallienus, who seized, perhaps, THE occasion of\n some momentary calm. See Nouvelles de la Republique des Lettres,\n Janvier, 1700, p. 21—34.]\n\n 156 (return) [ This singular character has, I believe, been\n fairly transmitted to us. The reign of his immediate successor\n was short and busy; and THE historians who wrote before THE\n elevation of THE family of Constantine could not have THE most\n remote interest to misrepresent THE character of Gallienus.]\n\n At THE time when THE reins of government were held with so loose\n a hand, it is not surprising that a crowd of usurpers should\n start up in every province of THE empire against THE son of\n Valerian. It was probably some ingenious fancy, of comparing THE\n thirty tyrants of Rome with THE thirty tyrants of ATHEns, that\n induced THE writers of THE Augustan History to select that\n celebrated number, which has been gradually received into a\n popular appellation. 157 But in every light THE parallel is idle\n and defective. What resemblance can we discover between a council\n of thirty persons, THE united oppressors of a single city, and an\n uncertain list of independent rivals, who rose and fell in\n irregular succession through THE extent of a vast empire? Nor can\n THE number of thirty be completed, unless we include in THE\n account THE women and children who were honored with THE Imperial\n title. The reign of Gallienus, distracted as it was, produced\n only nineteen pretenders to THE throne: Cyriades, Macrianus,\n Balista, Odenathus, and Zenobia, in THE East; in Gaul, and THE\n western provinces, Posthumus, Lollianus, Victorinus, and his\n moTHEr Victoria, Marius, and Tetricus; in Illyricum and THE\n confines of THE Danube, Ingenuus, Regillianus, and Aureolus; in\n Pontus, 158 Saturninus; in Isauria, Trebellianus; Piso in\n Thessaly; Valens in Achaia; Æmilianus in Egypt; and Celsus in\n Africa. 1581 To illustrate THE obscure monuments of THE life and\n death of each individual, would prove a laborious task, alike\n barren of instruction and of amusement. We may content ourselves\n with investigating some general characters, that most strongly\n mark THE condition of THE times, and THE manners of THE men,\n THEir pretensions, THEir motives, THEir fate, and THE destructive\n consequences of THEir usurpation. 159\n\n 157 (return) [ Pollio expresses THE most minute anxiety to\n complete THE number. * Note: Compare a dissertation of Manso on\n THE thirty tyrants at THE end of his Leben Constantius des\n Grossen. Breslau, 1817.—M.]\n\n 158 (return) [ The place of his reign is somewhat doubtful; but\n THEre was a tyrant in Pontus, and we are acquainted with THE seat\n of all THE oTHErs.]\n\n 1581 (return) [ Captain Smyth, in his “Catalogue of Medals,” p.\n 307, substitutes two new names to make up THE number of nineteen,\n for those of Odenathus and Zenobia. He subjoins this list:—1. 2.\n 3. Of those whose coins Those whose coins Those of whom no are\n undoubtedly true. are suspected. coins are known. Posthumus.\n Cyriades. Valens. Lælianus, (Lollianus, G.) Ingenuus. Balista\n Victorinus Celsus. Saturninus. Marius. Piso Frugi. Trebellianus.\n Tetricus. —M. 1815 Macrianus. Quietus. Regalianus (Regillianus,\n G.) Alex. Æmilianus. Aureolus. Sulpicius Antoninus]\n\n 159 (return) [ Tillemont, tom. iii. p. 1163, reckons THEm\n somewhat differently.]\n\n It is sufficiently known, that THE odious appellation of _Tyrant_\n was often employed by THE ancients to express THE illegal seizure\n of supreme power, without any reference to THE abuse of it.\n Several of THE pretenders, who raised THE standard of rebellion\n against THE emperor Gallienus, were shining models of virtue, and\n almost all possessed a considerable share of vigor and ability.\n Their merit had recommended THEm to THE favor of Valerian, and\n gradually promoted THEm to THE most important commands of THE\n empire. The generals, who assumed THE title of Augustus, were\n eiTHEr respected by THEir troops for THEir able conduct and\n severe discipline, or admired for valor and success in war, or\n beloved for frankness and generosity. The field of victory was\n often THE scene of THEir election; and even THE armorer Marius,\n THE most contemptible of all THE candidates for THE purple, was\n distinguished, however, by intrepid courage, matchless strength,\n and blunt honesty. 160 His mean and recent trade cast, indeed, an\n air of ridicule on his elevation; 1601 but his birth could not be\n more obscure than was that of THE greater part of his rivals, who\n were born of peasants, and enlisted in THE army as private\n soldiers. In times of confusion every active genius finds THE\n place assigned him by nature: in a general state of war military\n merit is THE road to glory and to greatness. Of THE nineteen\n tyrants Tetricus only was a senator; Piso alone was a noble. The\n blood of Numa, through twenty-eight successive generations, ran\n in THE veins of Calphurnius Piso, 161 who, by female alliances,\n claimed a right of exhibiting, in his house, THE images of\n Crassus and of THE great Pompey. 162 His ancestors had been\n repeatedly dignified with all THE honors which THE commonwealth\n could bestow; and of all THE ancient families of Rome, THE\n Calphurnian alone had survived THE tyranny of THE Cæsars. The\n personal qualities of Piso added new lustre to his race. The\n usurper Valens, by whose order he was killed, confessed, with\n deep remorse, that even an enemy ought to have respected THE\n sanctity of Piso; and although he died in arms against Gallienus,\n THE senate, with THE emperor’s generous permission, decreed THE\n triumphal ornaments to THE memory of so virtuous a rebel. 163\n\n 160 (return) [ See THE speech of Marius in THE Augustan History,\n p. 197. The accidental identity of names was THE only\n circumstance that could tempt Pollio to imitate Sallust.]\n\n 1601 (return) [ Marius was killed by a soldier, who had formerly\n served as a workman in his shop, and who exclaimed, as he struck,\n “Behold THE sword which thyself hast forged.” Trob vita.—G.]\n\n 161 (return) [ “Vos, O Pompilius sanguis!” is Horace’s address to\n THE Pisos See Art. Poet. v. 292, with Dacier’s and Sanadon’s\n notes.]\n\n 162 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. xv. 48. Hist. i. 15. In THE former\n of THEse passages we may venture to change paterna into materna.\n In every generation from Augustus to Alexander Severus, one or\n more Pisos appear as consuls. A Piso was deemed worthy of THE\n throne by Augustus, (Tacit. Annal. i. 13;) a second headed a\n formidable conspiracy against Nero; and a third was adopted, and\n declared Cæsar, by Galba.]\n\n 163 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 195. The senate, in a moment of\n enthusiasm, seems to have presumed on THE approbation of\n Gallienus.]\n\n The lieutenants of Valerian were grateful to THE faTHEr, whom\n THEy esteemed. They disdained to serve THE luxurious indolence of\n his unworthy son. The throne of THE Roman world was unsupported\n by any principle of loyalty; and treason against such a prince\n might easily be considered as patriotism to THE state. Yet if we\n examine with candor THE conduct of THEse usurpers, it will\n appear, that THEy were much oftener driven into rebellion by\n THEir fears, than urged to it by THEir ambition. They dreaded THE\n cruel suspicions of Gallienus; THEy equally dreaded THE\n capricious violence of THEir troops. If THE dangerous favor of\n THE army had imprudently declared THEm deserving of THE purple,\n THEy were marked for sure destruction; and even prudence would\n counsel THEm to secure a short enjoyment of empire, and raTHEr to\n try THE fortune of war than to expect THE hand of an executioner.\n\n When THE clamor of THE soldiers invested THE reluctant victims\n with THE ensigns of sovereign authority, THEy sometimes mourned\n in secret THEir approaching fate. “You have lost,” said\n Saturninus, on THE day of his elevation, “you have lost a useful\n commander, and you have made a very wretched emperor.” 164\n\n 164 (return) [ Hist. August p. 196.]\n\n The apprehensions of Saturninus were justified by THE repeated\n experience of revolutions. Of THE nineteen tyrants who started up\n under THE reign of Gallienus, THEre was not one who enjoyed a\n life of peace, or a natural death. As soon as THEy were invested\n with THE bloody purple, THEy inspired THEir adherents with THE\n same fears and ambition which had occasioned THEir own revolt.\n Encompassed with domestic conspiracy, military sedition, and\n civil war, THEy trembled on THE edge of precipices, in which,\n after a longer or shorter term of anxiety, THEy were inevitably\n lost. These precarious monarchs received, however, such honors as\n THE flattery of THEir respective armies and provinces could\n bestow; but THEir claim, founded on rebellion, could never obtain\n THE sanction of law or history. Italy, Rome, and THE senate,\n constantly adhered to THE cause of Gallienus, and he alone was\n considered as THE sovereign of THE empire. That prince\n condescended, indeed, to acknowledge THE victorious arms of\n Odenathus, who deserved THE honorable distinction, by THE\n respectful conduct which he always maintained towards THE son of\n Valerian. With THE general applause of THE Romans, and THE\n consent of Gallienus, THE senate conferred THE title of Augustus\n on THE brave Palmyrenian; and seemed to intrust him with THE\n government of THE East, which he already possessed, in so\n independent a manner, that, like a private succession, he\n bequeaTHEd it to his illustrious widow, Zenobia. 165\n\n 165 (return) [ The association of THE brave Palmyrenian was THE\n most popular act of THE whole reign of Gallienus. Hist. August.\n p. 180.]\n\n The rapid and perpetual transitions from THE cottage to THE\n throne, and from THE throne to THE grave, might have amused an\n indifferent philosopher; were it possible for a philosopher to\n remain indifferent amidst THE general calamities of human kind.\n The election of THEse precarious emperors, THEir power and THEir\n death, were equally destructive to THEir subjects and adherents.\n The price of THEir fatal elevation was instantly discharged to\n THE troops by an immense donative, drawn from THE bowels of THE\n exhausted people. However virtuous was THEir character, however\n pure THEir intentions, THEy found THEmselves reduced to THE hard\n necessity of supporting THEir usurpation by frequent acts of\n rapine and cruelty. When THEy fell, THEy involved armies and\n provinces in THEir fall. There is still extant a most savage\n mandate from Gallienus to one of his ministers, after THE\n suppression of Ingenuus, who had assumed THE purple in Illyricum.\n\n “It is not enough,” says that soft but inhuman prince, “that you\n exterminate such as have appeared in arms; THE chance of battle\n might have served me as effectually. The male sex of every age\n must be extirpated; provided that, in THE execution of THE\n children and old men, you can contrive means to save our\n reputation. Let every one die who has dropped an expression, who\n has entertained a thought against me, against _me_, THE son of\n Valerian, THE faTHEr and broTHEr of so many princes. 166 Remember\n that Ingenuus was made emperor: tear, kill, hew in pieces. I\n write to you with my own hand, and would inspire you with my own\n feelings.” 167 Whilst THE public forces of THE state were\n dissipated in private quarrels, THE defenceless provinces lay\n exposed to every invader. The bravest usurpers were compelled, by\n THE perplexity of THEir situation, to conclude ignominious\n treaties with THE common enemy, to purchase with oppressive\n tributes THE neutrality or services of THE Barbarians, and to\n introduce hostile and independent nations into THE heart of THE\n Roman monarchy. 168\n\n 166 (return) [ Gallienus had given THE titles of Cæsar and\n Augustus to his son Saloninus, slain at Cologne by THE usurper\n Posthumus. A second son of Gallienus succeeded to THE name and\n rank of his elder broTHEr Valerian, THE broTHEr of Gallienus, was\n also associated to THE empire: several oTHEr broTHErs, sisters,\n nephews, and nieces of THE emperor formed a very numerous royal\n family. See Tillemont, tom iii, and M. de Brequigny in THE\n Memoires de l’Academie, tom xxxii p. 262.]\n\n 167 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 188.]\n\n 168 (return) [ Regillianus had some bands of Roxolani in his\n service; Posthumus a body of Franks. It was, perhaps, in THE\n character of auxiliaries that THE latter introduced THEmselves\n into Spain.]\n\n Such were THE barbarians, and such THE tyrants, who, under THE\n reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, dismembered THE provinces, and\n reduced THE empire to THE lowest pitch of disgrace and ruin, from\n whence it seemed impossible that it should ever emerge. As far as\n THE barrenness of materials would permit, we have attempted to\n trace, with order and perspicuity, THE general events of that\n calamitous period. There still remain some particular facts; I.\n The disorders of Sicily; II. The tumults of Alexandria; and, III.\n The rebellion of THE Isaurians, which may serve to reflect a\n strong light on THE horrid picture.\n\n I. Whenever numerous troops of banditti, multiplied by success\n and impunity, publicly defy, instead of eluding, THE justice of\n THEir country, we may safely infer that THE excessive weakness of\n THE country is felt and abused by THE lowest ranks of THE\n community. The situation of Sicily preserved it from THE\n Barbarians; nor could THE disarmed province have supported a\n usurper. The sufferings of that once flourishing and still\n fertile island were inflicted by baser hands. A licentious crowd\n of slaves and peasants reigned for a while over THE plundered\n country, and renewed THE memory of THE servile wars of more\n ancient times. 169 Devastations, of which THE husbandman was\n eiTHEr THE victim or THE accomplice, must have ruined THE\n agriculture of Sicily; and as THE principal estates were THE\n property of THE opulent senators of Rome, who often enclosed\n within a farm THE territory of an old republic, it is not\n improbable, that this private injury might affect THE capital\n more deeply, than all THE conquests of THE Goths or THE Persians.\n\n 169 (return) [ The Augustan History, p. 177. See Diodor. Sicul.\n l. xxxiv.]\n\n II. The foundation of Alexandria was a noble design, at once\n conceived and executed by THE son of Philip. The beautiful and\n regular form of that great city, second only to Rome itself,\n comprehended a circumference of fifteen miles; 170 it was peopled\n by three hundred thousand free inhabitants, besides at least an\n equal number of slaves. 171 The lucrative trade of Arabia and\n India flowed through THE port of Alexandria, to THE capital and\n provinces of THE empire. 1711 Idleness was unknown. Some were\n employed in blowing of glass, oTHErs in weaving of linen, oTHErs\n again manufacturing THE papyrus. EiTHEr sex, and every age, was\n engaged in THE pursuits of industry, nor did even THE blind or\n THE lame want occupations suited to THEir condition. 172 But THE\n people of Alexandria, a various mixture of nations, united THE\n vanity and inconstancy of THE Greeks with THE superstition and\n obstinacy of THE Egyptians. The most trifling occasion, a\n transient scarcity of flesh or lentils, THE neglect of an\n accustomed salutation, a mistake of precedency in THE public\n baths, or even a religious dispute, 173 were at any time\n sufficient to kindle a sedition among that vast multitude, whose\n resentments were furious and implacable. 174 After THE captivity\n of Valerian and THE insolence of his son had relaxed THE\n authority of THE laws, THE Alexandrians abandoned THEmselves to\n THE ungoverned rage of THEir passions, and THEir unhappy country\n was THE THEatre of a civil war, which continued (with a few short\n and suspicious truces) above twelve years. 175 All intercourse\n was cut off between THE several quarters of THE afflicted city,\n every street was polluted with blood, every building of strength\n converted into a citadel; nor did THE tumults subside till a\n considerable part of Alexandria was irretrievably ruined. The\n spacious and magnificent district of Bruchion, 1751 with its\n palaces and musæum, THE residence of THE kings and philosophers\n of Egypt, is described above a century afterwards, as already\n reduced to its present state of dreary solitude. 176\n\n 170 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. v. 10.]\n\n 171 (return) [ Diodor. Sicul. l. xvii. p. 590, edit. Wesseling.]\n\n 1711 (return) [ Berenice, or Myos-Hormos, on THE Red Sea,\n received THE eastern commodities. From THEnce THEy were\n transported to THE Nile, and down THE Nile to Alexandria.—M.]\n\n 172 (return) [ See a very curious letter of Hadrian, in THE\n Augustan History, p. 245.]\n\n 173 (return) [ Such as THE sacrilegious murder of a divine cat.\n See Diodor. Sicul. l. i. * Note: The hostility between THE Jewish\n and Grecian part of THE population afterwards between THE two\n former and THE Christian, were unfailing causes of tumult,\n sedition, and massacre. In no place were THE religious disputes,\n after THE establishment of Christianity, more frequent or more\n sanguinary. See Philo. de Legat. Hist. of Jews, ii. 171, iii.\n 111, 198. Gibbon, iii c. xxi. viii. c. xlvii.—M.]\n\n 174 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 195. This long and terrible\n sedition was first occasioned by a dispute between a soldier and\n a townsman about a pair of shoes.]\n\n 175 (return) [ Dionysius apud. Euses. Hist. Eccles. vii. p. 21.\n Ammian xxii. 16.]\n\n 1751 (return) [ The Bruchion was a quarter of Alexandria which\n extended along THE largest of THE two ports, and contained many\n palaces, inhabited by THE Ptolemies. D’Anv. Geogr. Anc. iii.\n 10.—G.]\n\n 176 (return) [ Scaliger. Animadver. ad Euseb. Chron. p. 258.\n Three dissertations of M. Bonamy, in THE Mem. de l’Academie, tom.\n ix.]\n\nIII. The obscure rebellion of Trebellianus, who assumed THE purple in\nIsauria, a petty province of Asia Minor, was attended with strange and\nmemorable consequences. The pageant of royalty was soon destroyed by an\nofficer of Gallienus; but his followers, despairing of mercy, resolved\nto shake off THEir allegiance, not only to THE emperor, but to THE\nempire, and suddenly returned to THE savage manners from which THEy had\nnever perfectly been reclaimed. Their craggy rocks, a branch of THE\nwide-extended Taurus, protected THEir inaccessible retreat. The tillage\nof some fertile valleys 177 supplied THEm with necessaries, and a habit\nof rapine with THE luxuries of life. In THE heart of THE Roman\nmonarchy, THE Isaurians long continued a nation of wild barbarians.\nSucceeding princes, unable to reduce THEm to obedience, eiTHEr by arms\nor policy, were compelled to acknowledge THEir weakness, by surrounding\nTHE hostile and independent spot with a strong chain of fortifications,\n178 which often proved insufficient to restrain THE incursions of THEse\ndomestic foes. The Isaurians, gradually extending THEir territory to\nTHE sea-coast, subdued THE western and mountainous part of Cilicia,\nformerly THE nest of those daring pirates, against whom THE republic\nhad once been obliged to exert its utmost force, under THE conduct of\nTHE great Pompey. 179\n\n 177 (return) [ Strabo, l. xiii. p. 569.]\n\n 178 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 197.]\n\n 179 (return) [ See Cellarius, Geogr Antiq. tom. ii. p. 137, upon\n THE limits of Isauria.]\n\n Our habits of thinking so fondly connect THE order of THE\n universe with THE fate of man, that this gloomy period of history\n has been decorated with inundations, earthquakes, uncommon\n meteors, preternatural darkness, and a crowd of prodigies\n fictitious or exaggerated. 180 But a long and general famine was\n a calamity of a more serious kind. It was THE inevitable\n consequence of rapine and oppression, which extirpated THE\n produce of THE present and THE hope of future harvests. Famine is\n almost always followed by epidemical diseases, THE effect of\n scanty and unwholesome food. OTHEr causes must, however, have\n contributed to THE furious plague, which, from THE year two\n hundred and fifty to THE year two hundred and sixty-five, raged\n without interruption in every province, every city, and almost\n every family, of THE Roman empire. During some time five thousand\n persons died daily in Rome; and many towns, that had escaped THE\n hands of THE Barbarians, were entirely depopulated. 181b\n\n 180 (return) [ Hist August p 177.]\n\n 181b (return) [ Hist. August. p. 177. Zosimus, l. i. p. 24.\n Zonaras, l. xii. p. 623. Euseb. Chronicon. Victor in Epitom.\n Victor in Cæsar. Eutropius, ix. 5. Orosius, vii. 21.]\n\n We have THE knowledge of a very curious circumstance, of some use\n perhaps in THE melancholy calculation of human calamities. An\n exact register was kept at Alexandria of all THE citizens\n entitled to receive THE distribution of corn. It was found, that\n THE ancient number of those comprised between THE ages of forty\n and seventy, had been equal to THE whole sum of claimants, from\n fourteen to fourscore years of age, who remained alive after THE\n reign of Gallienus. 182 Applying this auTHEntic fact to THE most\n correct tables of mortality, it evidently proves, that above half\n THE people of Alexandria had perished; and could we venture to\n extend THE analogy to THE oTHEr provinces, we might suspect, that\n war, pestilence, and famine, had consumed, in a few years, THE\n moiety of THE human species. 183\n\n 182 (return) [ Euseb. Hist. Eccles. vii. 21. The fact is taken\n from THE Letters of Dionysius, who, in THE time of those\n troubles, was bishop of Alexandria.]\n\n 183 (return) [ In a great number of parishes, 11,000 persons were\n found between fourteen and eighty; 5365 between forty and\n seventy. See Buffon, Histoire Naturelle, tom. ii. p. 590.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XI: Reign Of Claudius, Defeat Of The Goths.—Part I.\n\n Reign Of Claudius.—Defeat Of The Goths.—Victories, Triumph, And\n Death Of Aurelian.\n\n Under THE deplorable reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, THE empire\n was oppressed and almost destroyed by THE soldiers, THE tyrants,\n and THE barbarians. It was saved by a series of great princes,\n who derived THEir obscure origin from THE martial provinces of\n Illyricum. Within a period of about thirty years, Claudius,\n Aurelian, Probus, Diocletian and his colleagues, triumphed over\n THE foreign and domestic enemies of THE state, reëstablished,\n with THE military discipline, THE strength of THE frontiers, and\n deserved THE glorious title of Restorers of THE Roman world.\n\n The removal of an effeminate tyrant made way for a succession of\n heroes. The indignation of THE people imputed all THEir\n calamities to Gallienus, and THE far greater part were, indeed,\n THE consequence of his dissolute manners and careless\n administration. He was even destitute of a sense of honor, which\n so frequently supplies THE absence of public virtue; and as long\n as he was permitted to enjoy THE possession of Italy, a victory\n of THE barbarians, THE loss of a province, or THE rebellion of a\n general, seldom disturbed THE tranquil course of his pleasures.\n At length, a considerable army, stationed on THE Upper Danube,\n invested with THE Imperial purple THEir leader Aureolus; who,\n disdaining a confined and barren reign over THE mountains of\n Rhætia, passed THE Alps, occupied Milan, threatened Rome, and\n challenged Gallienus to dispute in THE field THE sovereignty of\n Italy. The emperor, provoked by THE insult, and alarmed by THE\n instant danger, suddenly exerted that latent vigor which\n sometimes broke through THE indolence of his temper. Forcing\n himself from THE luxury of THE palace, he appeared in arms at THE\n head of his legions, and advanced beyond THE Po to encounter his\n competitor. The corrupted name of Pontirolo 1 still preserves THE\n memory of a bridge over THE Adda, which, during THE action, must\n have proved an object of THE utmost importance to both armies.\n The Rhætian usurper, after receiving a total defeat and a\n dangerous wound, retired into Milan. The siege of that great city\n was immediately formed; THE walls were battered with every engine\n in use among THE ancients; and Aureolus, doubtful of his internal\n strength, and hopeless of foreign succors already anticipated THE\n fatal consequences of unsuccessful rebellion.\n\n 1 (return) [ Pons Aureoli, thirteen miles from Bergamo, and\n thirty-two from Milan. See Cluver. Italia, Antiq. tom. i. p. 245.\n Near this place, in THE year 1703, THE obstinate battle of\n Cassano was fought between THE French and Austrians. The\n excellent relation of THE Chevalier de Folard, who was present,\n gives a very distinct idea of THE ground. See Polybe de Folard,\n tom. iii. p. 233-248.]\n\n His last resource was an attempt to seduce THE loyalty of THE\n besiegers. He scattered libels through THE camp, inviting THE\n troops to desert an unworthy master, who sacrificed THE public\n happiness to his luxury, and THE lives of his most valuable\n subjects to THE slightest suspicions. The arts of Aureolus\n diffused fears and discontent among THE principal officers of his\n rival. A conspiracy was formed by Heraclianus, THE Prætorian\n præfect, by Marcian, a general of rank and reputation, and by\n Cecrops, who commanded a numerous body of Dalmatian guards. The\n death of Gallienus was resolved; and notwithstanding THEir desire\n of first terminating THE siege of Milan, THE extreme danger which\n accompanied every moment’s delay obliged THEm to hasten THE\n execution of THEir daring purpose. At a late hour of THE night,\n but while THE emperor still protracted THE pleasures of THE\n table, an alarm was suddenly given, that Aureolus, at THE head of\n all his forces, had made a desperate sally from THE town;\n Gallienus, who was never deficient in personal bravery, started\n from his silken couch, and without allowing himself time eiTHEr\n to put on his armor, or to assemble his guards, he mounted on\n horseback, and rode full speed towards THE supposed place of THE\n attack. Encompassed by his declared or concealed enemies, he\n soon, amidst THE nocturnal tumult, received a mortal dart from an\n uncertain hand. Before he expired, a patriotic sentiment rising\n in THE mind of Gallienus, induced him to name a deserving\n successor; and it was his last request, that THE Imperial\n ornaments should be delivered to Claudius, who THEn commanded a\n detached army in THE neighborhood of Pavia. The report at least\n was diligently propagated, and THE order cheerfully obeyed by THE\n conspirators, who had already agreed to place Claudius on THE\n throne. On THE first news of THE emperor’s death, THE troops\n expressed some suspicion and resentment, till THE one was\n removed, and THE oTHEr assuaged, by a donative of twenty pieces\n of gold to each soldier. They THEn ratified THE election, and\n acknowledged THE merit of THEir new sovereign. 2\n\n 2 (return) [ On THE death of Gallienus, see Trebellius Pollio in\n Hist. August. p. 181. Zosimus, l. i. p. 37. Zonaras, l. xii. p.\n 634. Eutrop. ix. ll. Aurelius Victor in Epitom. Victor in Cæsar.\n I have compared and blended THEm all, but have chiefly followed\n Aurelius Victor, who seems to have had THE best memoirs.]\n\n The obscurity which covered THE origin of Claudius, though it was\n afterwards embellished by some flattering fictions, 3\n sufficiently betrays THE meanness of his birth. We can only\n discover that he was a native of one of THE provinces bordering\n on THE Danube; that his youth was spent in arms, and that his\n modest valor attracted THE favor and confidence of Decius. The\n senate and people already considered him as an excellent officer,\n equal to THE most important trusts; and censured THE inattention\n of Valerian, who suffered him to remain in THE subordinate\n station of a tribune. But it was not long before that emperor\n distinguished THE merit of Claudius, by declaring him general and\n chief of THE Illyrian frontier, with THE command of all THE\n troops in Thrace, Mæsia, Dacia, Pannonia, and Dalmatia, THE\n appointments of THE præfect of Egypt, THE establishment of THE\n proconsul of Africa, and THE sure prospect of THE consulship. By\n his victories over THE Goths, he deserved from THE senate THE\n honor of a statue, and excited THE jealous apprehensions of\n Gallienus. It was impossible that a soldier could esteem so\n dissolute a sovereign, nor is it easy to conceal a just contempt.\n Some unguarded expressions which dropped from Claudius were\n officiously transmitted to THE royal ear. The emperor’s answer to\n an officer of confidence describes in very lively colors his own\n character, and that of THE times. “There is not any thing capable\n of giving me more serious concern, than THE intelligence\n contained in your last despatch; 4 that some malicious\n suggestions have indisposed towards us THE mind of our friend and\n _parent_ Claudius. As you regard your allegiance, use every means\n to appease his resentment, but conduct your negotiation with\n secrecy; let it not reach THE knowledge of THE Dacian troops;\n THEy are already provoked, and it might inflame THEir fury. I\n myself have sent him some presents: be it your care that he\n accept THEm with pleasure. Above all, let him not suspect that I\n am made acquainted with his imprudence. The fear of my anger\n might urge him to desperate counsels.” 5 The presents which\n accompanied this humble epistle, in which THE monarch solicited a\n reconciliation with his discontented subject, consisted of a\n considerable sum of money, a splendid wardrobe, and a valuable\n service of silver and gold plate. By such arts Gallienus softened\n THE indignation and dispelled THE fears of his Illyrian general;\n and during THE remainder of that reign, THE formidable sword of\n Claudius was always drawn in THE cause of a master whom he\n despised. At last, indeed, he received from THE conspirators THE\n bloody purple of Gallienus: but he had been absent from THEir\n camp and counsels; and however he might applaud THE deed, we may\n candidly presume that he was innocent of THE knowledge of it. 6\n When Claudius ascended THE throne, he was about fifty-four years\n of age.\n\n 3 (return) [ Some supposed him, oddly enough, to be a bastard of\n THE younger Gordian. OTHErs took advantage of THE province of\n Dardania, to deduce his origin from Dardanus, and THE ancient\n kings of Troy.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Notoria, a periodical and official despatch which\n THE emperor received from THE frumentarii, or agents dispersed\n through THE provinces. Of THEse we may speak hereafter.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 208. Gallienus describes THE plate,\n vestments, etc., like a man who loved and understood those\n splendid trifles.]\n\n 6 (return) [ Julian (Orat. i. p. 6) affirms that Claudius\n acquired THE empire in a just and even holy manner. But we may\n distrust THE partiality of a kinsman.]\n\n The siege of Milan was still continued, and Aureolus soon\n discovered that THE success of his artifices had only raised up a\n more determined adversary. He attempted to negotiate with\n Claudius a treaty of alliance and partition. “Tell him,” replied\n THE intrepid emperor, “that such proposals should have been made\n to Gallienus; _he_, perhaps, might have listened to THEm with\n patience, and accepted a colleague as despicable as himself.” 7\n This stern refusal, and a last unsuccessful effort, obliged\n Aureolus to yield THE city and himself to THE discretion of THE\n conqueror. The judgment of THE army pronounced him worthy of\n death; and Claudius, after a feeble resistance, consented to THE\n execution of THE sentence. Nor was THE zeal of THE senate less\n ardent in THE cause of THEir new sovereign. They ratified,\n perhaps with a sincere transport of zeal, THE election of\n Claudius; and, as his predecessor had shown himself THE personal\n enemy of THEir order, THEy exercised, under THE name of justice,\n a severe revenge against his friends and family. The senate was\n permitted to discharge THE ungrateful office of punishment, and\n THE emperor reserved for himself THE pleasure and merit of\n obtaining by his intercession a general act of indemnity. 8\n\n 7 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 203. There are some trifling\n differences concerning THE circumstances of THE last defeat and\n death of Aureolus]\n\n 8 (return) [ Aurelius Victor in Gallien. The people loudly prayed\n for THE damnation of Gallienus. The senate decreed that his\n relations and servants should be thrown down headlong from THE\n Gemonian stairs. An obnoxious officer of THE revenue had his eyes\n torn out whilst under examination. Note: The expression is\n curious, “terram matrem deosque inferos impias uti Gallieno\n darent.”—M.]\n\n Such ostentatious clemency discovers less of THE real character\n of Claudius, than a trifling circumstance in which he seems to\n have consulted only THE dictates of his heart. The frequent\n rebellions of THE provinces had involved almost every person in\n THE guilt of treason, almost every estate in THE case of\n confiscation; and Gallienus often displayed his liberality by\n distributing among his officers THE property of his subjects. On\n THE accession of Claudius, an old woman threw herself at his\n feet, and complained that a general of THE late emperor had\n obtained an arbitrary grant of her patrimony. This general was\n Claudius himself, who had not entirely escaped THE contagion of\n THE times. The emperor blushed at THE reproach, but deserved THE\n confidence which she had reposed in his equity. The confession of\n his fault was accompanied with immediate and ample restitution. 9\n\n 9 (return) [ Zonaras, l. xii. p. 137.]\n\n In THE arduous task which Claudius had undertaken, of restoring\n THE empire to its ancient splendor, it was first necessary to\n revive among his troops a sense of order and obedience. With THE\n authority of a veteran commander, he represented to THEm that THE\n relaxation of discipline had introduced a long train of\n disorders, THE effects of which were at length experienced by THE\n soldiers THEmselves; that a people ruined by oppression, and\n indolent from despair, could no longer supply a numerous army\n with THE means of luxury, or even of subsistence; that THE danger\n of each individual had increased with THE despotism of THE\n military order, since princes who tremble on THE throne will\n guard THEir safety by THE instant sacrifice of every obnoxious\n subject. The emperor expiated on THE mischiefs of a lawless\n caprice, which THE soldiers could only gratify at THE expense of\n THEir own blood; as THEir seditious elections had so frequently\n been followed by civil wars, which consumed THE flower of THE\n legions eiTHEr in THE field of battle, or in THE cruel abuse of\n victory. He painted in THE most lively colors THE exhausted state\n of THE treasury, THE desolation of THE provinces, THE disgrace of\n THE Roman name, and THE insolent triumph of rapacious barbarians.\n It was against those barbarians, he declared, that he intended to\n point THE first effort of THEir arms. Tetricus might reign for a\n while over THE West, and even Zenobia might preserve THE dominion\n of THE East. 10 These usurpers were his personal adversaries; nor\n could he think of indulging any private resentment till he had\n saved an empire, whose impending ruin would, unless it was timely\n prevented, crush both THE army and THE people.\n\n 10 (return) [ Zonaras on this occasion mentions Posthumus but THE\n registers of THE senate (Hist. August. p. 203) prove that\n Tetricus was already emperor of THE western provinces.]\n\n The various nations of Germany and Sarmatia, who fought under THE\n Gothic standard, had already collected an armament more\n formidable than any which had yet issued from THE Euxine. On THE\n banks of THE Niester, one of THE great rivers that discharge\n THEmselves into that sea, THEy constructed a fleet of two\n thousand, or even of six thousand vessels; 11 numbers which,\n however incredible THEy may seem, would have been insufficient to\n transport THEir pretended army of three hundred and twenty\n thousand barbarians. Whatever might be THE real strength of THE\n Goths, THE vigor and success of THE expedition were not adequate\n to THE greatness of THE preparations. In THEir passage through\n THE Bosphorus, THE unskilful pilots were overpowered by THE\n violence of THE current; and while THE multitude of THEir ships\n were crowded in a narrow channel, many were dashed against each\n oTHEr, or against THE shore. The barbarians made several descents\n on THE coasts both of Europe and Asia; but THE open country was\n already plundered, and THEy were repulsed with shame and loss\n from THE fortified cities which THEy assaulted. A spirit of\n discouragement and division arose in THE fleet, and some of THEir\n chiefs sailed away towards THE islands of Crete and Cyprus; but\n THE main body, pursuing a more steady course, anchored at length\n near THE foot of Mount Athos, and assaulted THE city of\n Thessalonica, THE wealthy capital of all THE Macedonian\n provinces. Their attacks, in which THEy displayed a fierce but\n artless bravery, were soon interrupted by THE rapid approach of\n Claudius, hastening to a scene of action that deserved THE\n presence of a warlike prince at THE head of THE remaining powers\n of THE empire. Impatient for battle, THE Goths immediately broke\n up THEir camp, relinquished THE siege of Thessalonica, left THEir\n navy at THE foot of Mount Athos, traversed THE hills of\n Macedonia, and pressed forwards to engage THE last defence of\n Italy.\n\n 11 (return) [ The Augustan History mentions THE smaller, Zonaras\n THE larger number; THE lively fancy of Montesquieu induced him to\n prefer THE latter.]\n\n We still posses an original letter addressed by Claudius to THE\n senate and people on this memorable occasion. “Conscript\n faTHErs,” says THE emperor, “know that three hundred and twenty\n thousand Goths have invaded THE Roman territory. If I vanquish\n THEm, your gratitude will reward my services. Should I fall,\n remember that I am THE successor of Gallienus. The whole republic\n is fatigued and exhausted. We shall fight after Valerian, after\n Ingenuus, Regillianus, Lollianus, Posthumus, Celsus, and a\n thousand oTHErs, whom a just contempt for Gallienus provoked into\n rebellion. We are in want of darts, of spears, and of shields.\n The strength of THE empire, Gaul, and Spain, are usurped by\n Tetricus, and we blush to acknowledge that THE archers of THE\n East serve under THE banners of Zenobia. Whatever we shall\n perform will be sufficiently great.” 12 The melancholy firmness\n of this epistle announces a hero careless of his fate, conscious\n of his danger, but still deriving a well-grounded hope from THE\n resources of his own mind.\n\n 12 (return) [ Trebell. Pollio in Hist. August. p. 204.]\n\n The event surpassed his own expectations and those of THE world.\n By THE most signal victories he delivered THE empire from this\n host of barbarians, and was distinguished by posterity under THE\n glorious appellation of THE Gothic Claudius. The imperfect\n historians of an irregular war 13 do not enable us to describe\n THE order and circumstances of his exploits; but, if we could be\n indulged in THE allusion, we might distribute into three acts\n this memorable tragedy. I. The decisive battle was fought near\n Naissus, a city of Dardania. The legions at first gave way,\n oppressed by numbers, and dismayed by misfortunes. Their ruin was\n inevitable, had not THE abilities of THEir emperor prepared a\n seasonable relief. A large detachment, rising out of THE secret\n and difficult passes of THE mountains, which, by his order, THEy\n had occupied, suddenly assailed THE rear of THE victorious Goths.\n\n The favorable instant was improved by THE activity of Claudius.\n He revived THE courage of his troops, restored THEir ranks, and\n pressed THE barbarians on every side. Fifty thousand men are\n reported to have been slain in THE battle of Naissus. Several\n large bodies of barbarians, covering THEir retreat with a movable\n fortification of wagons, retired, or raTHEr escaped, from THE\n field of slaughter.\n\n II. We may presume that some insurmountable difficulty, THE\n fatigue, perhaps, or THE disobedience, of THE conquerors,\n prevented Claudius from completing in one day THE destruction of\n THE Goths. The war was diffused over THE province of Mæsia,\n Thrace, and Macedonia, and its operations drawn out into a\n variety of marches, surprises, and tumultuary engagements, as\n well by sea as by land. When THE Romans suffered any loss, it was\n commonly occasioned by THEir own cowardice or rashness; but THE\n superior talents of THE emperor, his perfect knowledge of THE\n country, and his judicious choice of measures as well as\n officers, assured on most occasions THE success of his arms. The\n immense booty, THE fruit of so many victories, consisted for THE\n greater part of cattle and slaves. A select body of THE Gothic\n youth was received among THE Imperial troops; THE remainder was\n sold into servitude; and so considerable was THE number of female\n captives that every soldier obtained to his share two or three\n women. A circumstance from which we may conclude, that THE\n invaders entertained some designs of settlement as well as of\n plunder; since even in a naval expedition, THEy were accompanied\n by THEir families.\n\n III. The loss of THEir fleet, which was eiTHEr taken or sunk, had\n intercepted THE retreat of THE Goths. A vast circle of Roman\n posts, distributed with skill, supported with firmness, and\n gradually closing towards a common centre, forced THE barbarians\n into THE most inaccessible parts of Mount Hæmus, where THEy found\n a safe refuge, but a very scanty subsistence. During THE course\n of a rigorous winter in which THEy were besieged by THE emperor’s\n troops, famine and pestilence, desertion and THE sword,\n continually diminished THE imprisoned multitude. On THE return of\n spring, nothing appeared in arms except a hardy and desperate\n band, THE remnant of that mighty host which had embarked at THE\n mouth of THE Niester.\n\n 13 (return) [ Hist. August. in Claud. Aurelian. et Prob. Zosimus,\n l. i. p. 38-42. Zonaras, l. xii. p. 638. Aurel. Victor in Epitom.\n Victor Junior in Cæsar. Eutrop. ix ll. Euseb. in Chron.]\n\n The pestilence which swept away such numbers of THE barbarians,\n at length proved fatal to THEir conqueror. After a short but\n glorious reign of two years, Claudius expired at Sirmium, amidst\n THE tears and acclamations of his subjects. In his last illness,\n he convened THE principal officers of THE state and army, and in\n THEir presence recommended Aurelian, 14 one of his generals, as\n THE most deserving of THE throne, and THE best qualified to\n execute THE great design which he himself had been permitted only\n to undertake. The virtues of Claudius, his valor, affability,\n justice, and temperance, his love of fame and of his country,\n place him in that short list of emperors who added lustre to THE\n Roman purple. Those virtues, however, were celebrated with\n peculiar zeal and complacency by THE courtly writers of THE age\n of Constantine, who was THE great-grandson of Crispus, THE elder\n broTHEr of Claudius. The voice of flattery was soon taught to\n repeat, that gods, who so hastily had snatched Claudius from THE\n earth, rewarded his merit and piety by THE perpetual\n establishment of THE empire in his family. 15\n\n 14 (return) [ According to Zonaras, (l. xii. p. 638,) Claudius,\n before his death, invested him with THE purple; but this singular\n fact is raTHEr contradicted than confirmed by oTHEr writers.]\n\n 15 (return) [ See THE Life of Claudius by Pollio, and THE\n Orations of Mamertinus, Eumenius, and Julian. See likewise THE\n Cæsars of Julian p. 318. In Julian it was not adulation, but\n superstition and vanity.]\n\n Notwithstanding THEse oracles, THE greatness of THE Flavian\n family (a name which it had pleased THEm to assume) was deferred\n above twenty years, and THE elevation of Claudius occasioned THE\n immediate ruin of his broTHEr Quintilius, who possessed not\n sufficient moderation or courage to descend into THE private\n station to which THE patriotism of THE late emperor had condemned\n him. Without delay or reflection, he assumed THE purple at\n Aquileia, where he commanded a considerable force; and though his\n reign lasted only seventeen days, 151 he had time to obtain THE\n sanction of THE senate, and to experience a mutiny of THE troops.\n\n As soon as he was informed that THE great army of THE Danube had\n invested THE well-known valor of Aurelian with Imperial power, he\n sunk under THE fame and merit of his rival; and ordering his\n veins to be opened, prudently withdrew himself from THE unequal\n contest. 16\n\n 151 (return) [ Such is THE narrative of THE greater part of THE\n older historians; but THE number and THE variety of his medals\n seem to require more time, and give probability to THE report of\n Zosimus, who makes him reign some months.—G.]\n\n 16 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 42. Pollio (Hist. August. p. 107)\n allows him virtues, and says, that, like Pertinax, he was killed\n by THE licentious soldiers. According to Dexippus, he died of a\n disease.]\n\n The general design of this work will not permit us minutely to\n relate THE actions of every emperor after he ascended THE throne,\n much less to deduce THE various fortunes of his private life. We\n shall only observe, that THE faTHEr of Aurelian was a peasant of\n THE territory of Sirmium, who occupied a small farm, THE property\n of Aurelius, a rich senator. His warlike son enlisted in THE\n troops as a common soldier, successively rose to THE rank of a\n centurion, a tribune, THE præfect of a legion, THE inspector of\n THE camp, THE general, or, as it was THEn called, THE duke, of a\n frontier; and at length, during THE Gothic war, exercised THE\n important office of commander-in-chief of THE cavalry. In every\n station he distinguished himself by matchless valor, 17 rigid\n discipline, and successful conduct. He was invested with THE\n consulship by THE emperor Valerian, who styles him, in THE\n pompous language of that age, THE deliverer of Illyricum, THE\n restorer of Gaul, and THE rival of THE Scipios. At THE\n recommendation of Valerian, a senator of THE highest rank and\n merit, Ulpius Crinitus, whose blood was derived from THE same\n source as that of Trajan, adopted THE Pannonian peasant, gave him\n his daughter in marriage, and relieved with his ample fortune THE\n honorable poverty which Aurelian had preserved inviolate. 18\n\n 17 (return) [ Theoclius (as quoted in THE Augustan History, p.\n 211) affirms that in one day he killed with his own hand\n forty-eight Sarmatians, and in several subsequent engagements\n nine hundred and fifty. This heroic valor was admired by THE\n soldiers, and celebrated in THEir rude songs, THE burden of which\n was, mille, mile, mille, occidit.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Acholius (ap. Hist. August. p. 213) describes THE\n ceremony of THE adoption, as it was performed at Byzantium, in\n THE presence of THE emperor and his great officers.]\n\n The reign of Aurelian lasted only four years and about nine\n months; but every instant of that short period was filled by some\n memorable achievement. He put an end to THE Gothic war, chastised\n THE Germans who invaded Italy, recovered Gaul, Spain, and Britain\n out of THE hands of Tetricus, and destroyed THE proud monarchy\n which Zenobia had erected in THE East on THE ruins of THE\n afflicted empire.\n\n It was THE rigid attention of Aurelian, even to THE minutest\n articles of discipline, which bestowed such uninterrupted success\n on his arms. His military regulations are contained in a very\n concise epistle to one of his inferior officers, who is commanded\n to enforce THEm, as he wishes to become a tribune, or as he is\n desirous to live. Gaming, drinking, and THE arts of divination,\n were severely prohibited. Aurelian expected that his soldiers\n should be modest, frugal, and laborious; that THEir armor should\n be constantly kept bright, THEir weapons sharp, THEir clothing\n and horses ready for immediate service; that THEy should live in\n THEir quarters with chastity and sobriety, without damaging THE\n cornfields, without stealing even a sheep, a fowl, or a bunch of\n grapes, without exacting from THEir landlords eiTHEr salt, or\n oil, or wood. “The public allowance,” continues THE emperor, “is\n sufficient for THEir support; THEir wealth should be collected\n from THE spoils of THE enemy, not from THE tears of THE\n provincials.” 19 A single instance will serve to display THE\n rigor, and even cruelty, of Aurelian. One of THE soldiers had\n seduced THE wife of his host. The guilty wretch was fastened to\n two trees forcibly drawn towards each oTHEr, and his limbs were\n torn asunder by THEir sudden separation. A few such examples\n impressed a salutary consternation. The punishments of Aurelian\n were terrible; but he had seldom occasion to punish more than\n once THE same offence. His own conduct gave a sanction to his\n laws, and THE seditious legions dreaded a chief who had learned\n to obey, and who was worthy to command.\n\n 19 (return) [ Hist. August, p. 211 This laconic epistle is truly\n THE work of a soldier; it abounds with military phrases and\n words, some of which cannot be understood without difficulty.\n Ferramenta samiata is well explained by Salmasius. The former of\n THE words means all weapons of offence, and is contrasted with\n Arma, defensive armor The latter signifies keen and well\n sharpened.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XI: Reign Of Claudius, Defeat Of The Goths.—Part II.\n\n The death of Claudius had revived THE fainting spirit of THE\n Goths. The troops which guarded THE passes of Mount Hæmus, and\n THE banks of THE Danube, had been drawn away by THE apprehension\n of a civil war; and it seems probable that THE remaining body of\n THE Gothic and Vandalic tribes embraced THE favorable\n opportunity, abandoned THEir settlements of THE Ukraine,\n traversed THE rivers, and swelled with new multitudes THE\n destroying host of THEir countrymen. Their united numbers were at\n length encountered by Aurelian, and THE bloody and doubtful\n conflict ended only with THE approach of night. 20 Exhausted by\n so many calamities, which THEy had mutually endured and inflicted\n during a twenty years’ war, THE Goths and THE Romans consented to\n a lasting and beneficial treaty. It was earnestly solicited by\n THE barbarians, and cheerfully ratified by THE legions, to whose\n suffrage THE prudence of Aurelian referred THE decision of that\n important question. The Gothic nation engaged to supply THE\n armies of Rome with a body of two thousand auxiliaries,\n consisting entirely of cavalry, and stipulated in return an\n undisturbed retreat, with a regular market as far as THE Danube,\n provided by THE emperor’s care, but at THEir own expense. The\n treaty was observed with such religious fidelity, that when a\n party of five hundred men straggled from THE camp in quest of\n plunder, THE king or general of THE barbarians commanded that THE\n guilty leader should be apprehended and shot to death with darts,\n as a victim devoted to THE sanctity of THEir engagements. 201 It\n is, however, not unlikely, that THE precaution of Aurelian, who\n had exacted as hostages THE sons and daughters of THE Gothic\n chiefs, contributed something to this pacific temper. The youths\n he trained in THE exercise of arms, and near his own person: to\n THE damsels he gave a liberal and Roman education, and by\n bestowing THEm in marriage on some of his principal officers,\n gradually introduced between THE two nations THE closest and most\n endearing connections. 21\n\n 20 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 45.]\n\n 201 (return) [ The five hundred stragglers were all slain.—M.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Dexipphus (ap. Excerpta Legat. p. 12) relates THE\n whole transaction under THE name of Vandals. Aurelian married one\n of THE Gothic ladies to his general Bonosus, who was able to\n drink with THE Goths and discover THEir secrets. Hist. August. p.\n 247.]\n\n But THE most important condition of peace was understood raTHEr\n than expressed in THE treaty. Aurelian withdrew THE Roman forces\n from Dacia, and tacitly relinquished that great province to THE\n Goths and Vandals. 22 His manly judgment convinced him of THE\n solid advantages, and taught him to despise THE seeming disgrace,\n of thus contracting THE frontiers of THE monarchy. The Dacian\n subjects, removed from those distant possessions which THEy were\n unable to cultivate or defend, added strength and populousness to\n THE souTHErn side of THE Danube. A fertile territory, which THE\n repetition of barbarous inroads had changed into a desert, was\n yielded to THEir industry, and a new province of Dacia still\n preserved THE memory of Trajan’s conquests. The old country of\n that name detained, however, a considerable number of its\n inhabitants, who dreaded exile more than a Gothic master. 23\n These degenerate Romans continued to serve THE empire, whose\n allegiance THEy had renounced, by introducing among THEir\n conquerors THE first notions of agriculture, THE useful arts, and\n THE conveniences of civilized life. An intercourse of commerce\n and language was gradually established between THE opposite banks\n of THE Danube; and after Dacia became an independent state, it\n often proved THE firmest barrier of THE empire against THE\n invasions of THE savages of THE North. A sense of interest\n attached THEse more settled barbarians to THE alliance of Rome,\n and a permanent interest very frequently ripens into sincere and\n useful friendship. This various colony, which filled THE ancient\n province, and was insensibly blended into one great people, still\n acknowledged THE superior renown and authority of THE Gothic\n tribe, and claimed THE fancied honor of a Scandinavian origin. At\n THE same time, THE lucky though accidental resemblance of THE\n name of Getæ, 231 infused among THE credulous Goths a vain\n persuasion, that in a remote age, THEir own ancestors, already\n seated in THE Dacian provinces, had received THE instructions of\n Zamolxis, and checked THE victorious arms of Sesostris and\n Darius. 24\n\n 22 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 222. Eutrop. ix. 15. Sextus Rufus,\n c. 9. de Mortibus Persecutorum, c. 9.]\n\n 23 (return) [ The Walachians still preserve many traces of THE\n Latin language and have boasted, in every age, of THEir Roman\n descent. They are surrounded by, but not mixed with, THE\n barbarians. See a Memoir of M. d’Anville on ancient Dacia, in THE\n Academy of Inscriptions, tom. xxx.]\n\n 231 (return) [ The connection between THE Getæ and THE Goths is\n still in my opinion incorrectly maintained by some learned\n writers—M.]\n\n 24 (return) [See THE first chapter of Jornandes. The Vandals,\n however, (c. 22,) maintained a short independence between THE\n Rivers Marisia and Crissia, (Maros and Keres,) which fell into\n THE Teiss.]\n\n While THE vigorous and moderate conduct of Aurelian restored THE\n Illyrian frontier, THE nation of THE Alemanni 25 violated THE\n conditions of peace, which eiTHEr Gallienus had purchased, or\n Claudius had imposed, and, inflamed by THEir impatient youth,\n suddenly flew to arms. Forty thousand horse appeared in THE\n field, 26 and THE numbers of THE infantry doubled those of THE\n cavalry. 27 The first objects of THEir avarice were a few cities\n of THE Rhætian frontier; but THEir hopes soon rising with\n success, THE rapid march of THE Alemanni traced a line of\n devastation from THE Danube to THE Po. 28\n\n 25 (return) [ Dexippus, p. 7—12. Zosimus, l. i. p. 43. Vopiscus\n in Aurelian in Hist. August. However THEse historians differ in\n names, (Alemanni Juthungi, and Marcomanni,) it is evident that\n THEy mean THE same people, and THE same war; but it requires some\n care to conciliate and explain THEm.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Cantoclarus, with his usual accuracy, chooses to\n translate three hundred thousand: his version is equally\n repugnant to sense and to grammar.]\n\n 27 (return) [ We may remark, as an instance of bad taste, that\n Dexippus applies to THE light infantry of THE Alemanni THE\n technical terms proper only to THE Grecian phalanx.]\n\n 28 (return) [ In Dexippus, we at present read Rhodanus: M. de\n Valois very judiciously alters THE word to Eridanus.]\n\n The emperor was almost at THE same time informed of THE\n irruption, and of THE retreat, of THE barbarians. Collecting an\n active body of troops, he marched with silence and celerity along\n THE skirts of THE Hercynian forest; and THE Alemanni, laden with\n THE spoils of Italy, arrived at THE Danube, without suspecting,\n that on THE opposite bank, and in an advantageous post, a Roman\n army lay concealed and prepared to intercept THEir return.\n Aurelian indulged THE fatal security of THE barbarians, and\n permitted about half THEir forces to pass THE river without\n disturbance and without precaution. Their situation and\n astonishment gave him an easy victory; his skilful conduct\n improved THE advantage. Disposing THE legions in a semicircular\n form, he advanced THE two horns of THE crescent across THE\n Danube, and wheeling THEm on a sudden towards THE centre,\n enclosed THE rear of THE German host. The dismayed barbarians, on\n whatsoever side THEy cast THEir eyes, beheld, with despair, a\n wasted country, a deep and rapid stream, a victorious and\n implacable enemy.\n\n Reduced to this distressed condition, THE Alemanni no longer\n disdained to sue for peace. Aurelian received THEir ambassadors\n at THE head of his camp, and with every circumstance of martial\n pomp that could display THE greatness and discipline of Rome. The\n legions stood to THEir arms in well-ordered ranks and awful\n silence. The principal commanders, distinguished by THE ensigns\n of THEir rank, appeared on horseback on eiTHEr side of THE\n Imperial throne. Behind THE throne THE consecrated images of THE\n emperor, and his predecessors, 29 THE golden eagles, and THE\n various titles of THE legions, engraved in letters of gold, were\n exalted in THE air on lofty pikes covered with silver. When\n Aurelian assumed his seat, his manly grace and majestic figure 30\n taught THE barbarians to revere THE person as well as THE purple\n of THEir conqueror. The ambassadors fell prostrate on THE ground\n in silence. They were commanded to rise, and permitted to speak.\n By THE assistance of interpreters THEy extenuated THEir perfidy,\n magnified THEir exploits, expatiated on THE vicissitudes of\n fortune and THE advantages of peace, and, with an ill-timed\n confidence, demanded a large subsidy, as THE price of THE\n alliance which THEy offered to THE Romans. The answer of THE\n emperor was stern and imperious. He treated THEir offer with\n contempt, and THEir demand with indignation, reproached THE\n barbarians, that THEy were as ignorant of THE arts of war as of\n THE laws of peace, and finally dismissed THEm with THE choice\n only of submitting to this unconditional mercy, or awaiting THE\n utmost severity of his resentment. 31 Aurelian had resigned a\n distant province to THE Goths; but it was dangerous to trust or\n to pardon THEse perfidious barbarians, whose formidable power\n kept Italy itself in perpetual alarms.\n\n 29 (return) [ The emperor Claudius was certainly of THE number;\n but we are ignorant how far this mark of respect was extended; if\n to Cæsar and Augustus, it must have produced a very awful\n spectacle; a long line of THE masters of THE world.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 210.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Dexippus gives THEm a subtle and prolix oration,\n worthy of a Grecian sophist.]\n\n Immediately after this conference, it should seem that some\n unexpected emergency required THE emperor’s presence in Pannonia.\n\n He devolved on his lieutenants THE care of finishing THE\n destruction of THE Alemanni, eiTHEr by THE sword, or by THE surer\n operation of famine. But an active despair has often triumphed\n over THE indolent assurance of success. The barbarians, finding\n it impossible to traverse THE Danube and THE Roman camp, broke\n through THE posts in THEir rear, which were more feebly or less\n carefully guarded; and with incredible diligence, but by a\n different road, returned towards THE mountains of Italy. 32\n Aurelian, who considered THE war as totally extinguished,\n received THE mortifying intelligence of THE escape of THE\n Alemanni, and of THE ravage which THEy already committed in THE\n territory of Milan. The legions were commanded to follow, with as\n much expedition as those heavy bodies were capable of exerting,\n THE rapid flight of an enemy whose infantry and cavalry moved\n with almost equal swiftness. A few days afterwards, THE emperor\n himself marched to THE relief of Italy, at THE head of a chosen\n body of auxiliaries, (among whom were THE hostages and cavalry of\n THE Vandals,) and of all THE Prætorian guards who had served in\n THE wars on THE Danube. 33\n\n 32 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 215.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Dexippus, p. 12.]\n\n As THE light troops of THE Alemanni had spread THEmselves from\n THE Alps to THE Apennine, THE incessant vigilance of Aurelian and\n his officers was exercised in THE discovery, THE attack, and THE\n pursuit of THE numerous detachments. Notwithstanding this\n desultory war, three considerable battles are mentioned, in which\n THE principal force of both armies was obstinately engaged. 34\n The success was various. In THE first, fought near Placentia, THE\n Romans received so severe a blow, that, according to THE\n expression of a writer extremely partial to Aurelian, THE\n immediate dissolution of THE empire was apprehended. 35 The\n crafty barbarians, who had lined THE woods, suddenly attacked THE\n legions in THE dusk of THE evening, and, it is most probable,\n after THE fatigue and disorder of a long march.\n\n The fury of THEir charge was irresistible; but, at length, after\n a dreadful slaughter, THE patient firmness of THE emperor rallied\n his troops, and restored, in some degree, THE honor of his arms.\n The second battle was fought near Fano in Umbria; on THE spot\n which, five hundred years before, had been fatal to THE broTHEr\n of Hannibal. 36 Thus far THE successful Germans had advanced\n along THE Æmilian and Flaminian way, with a design of sacking THE\n defenceless mistress of THE world. But Aurelian, who, watchful\n for THE safety of Rome, still hung on THEir rear, found in this\n place THE decisive moment of giving THEm a total and\n irretrievable defeat. 37 The flying remnant of THEir host was\n exterminated in a third and last battle near Pavia; and Italy was\n delivered from THE inroads of THE Alemanni.\n\n 34 (return) [ Victor Junior in Aurelian.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 216.]\n\n 36 (return) [ The little river, or raTHEr torrent, of, Metaurus,\n near Fano, has been immortalized, by finding such an historian as\n Livy, and such a poet as Horace.]\n\n 37 (return) [ It is recorded by an inscription found at Pesaro.\n See Gruter cclxxvi. 3.]\n\n Fear has been THE original parent of superstition, and every new\n calamity urges trembling mortals to deprecate THE wrath of THEir\n invisible enemies. Though THE best hope of THE republic was in\n THE valor and conduct of Aurelian, yet such was THE public\n consternation, when THE barbarians were hourly expected at THE\n gates of Rome, that, by a decree of THE senate THE Sibylline\n books were consulted. Even THE emperor himself, from a motive\n eiTHEr of religion or of policy, recommended this salutary\n measure, chided THE tardiness of THE senate, 38 and offered to\n supply whatever expense, whatever animals, whatever captives of\n any nation, THE gods should require. Notwithstanding this liberal\n offer, it does not appear, that any human victims expiated with\n THEir blood THE sins of THE Roman people. The Sibylline books\n enjoined ceremonies of a more harmless nature, processions of\n priests in white robes, attended by a chorus of youths and\n virgins; lustrations of THE city and adjacent country; and\n sacrifices, whose powerful influence disabled THE barbarians from\n passing THE mystic ground on which THEy had been celebrated.\n However puerile in THEmselves, THEse superstitious arts were\n subservient to THE success of THE war; and if, in THE decisive\n battle of Fano, THE Alemanni fancied THEy saw an army of spectres\n combating on THE side of Aurelian, he received a real and\n effectual aid from this imaginary reënforcement. 39\n\n 38 (return) [ One should imagine, he said, that you were\n assembled in a Christian church, not in THE temple of all THE\n gods.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Vopiscus, in Hist. August. p. 215, 216, gives a\n long account of THEse ceremonies from THE Registers of THE\n senate.]\n\n But whatever confidence might be placed in ideal ramparts, THE\n experience of THE past, and THE dread of THE future, induced THE\n Romans to construct fortifications of a grosser and more\n substantial kind. The seven hills of Rome had been surrounded by\n THE successors of Romulus with an ancient wall of more than\n thirteen miles. 40 The vast enclosure may seem disproportioned to\n THE strength and numbers of THE infant-state. But it was\n necessary to secure an ample extent of pasture and arable land\n against THE frequent and sudden incursions of THE tribes of\n Latium, THE perpetual enemies of THE republic. With THE progress\n of Roman greatness, THE city and its inhabitants gradually\n increased, filled up THE vacant space, pierced through THE\n useless walls, covered THE field of Mars, and, on every side,\n followed THE public highways in long and beautiful suburbs. 41\n The extent of THE new walls, erected by Aurelian, and finished in\n THE reign of Probus, was magnified by popular estimation to near\n fifty, 42 but is reduced by accurate measurement to about\n twenty-one miles. 43 It was a great but a melancholy labor, since\n THE defence of THE capital betrayed THE decline of monarchy. The\n Romans of a more prosperous age, who trusted to THE arms of THE\n legions THE safety of THE frontier camps, 44 were very far from\n entertaining a suspicion that it would ever become necessary to\n fortify THE seat of empire against THE inroads of THE barbarians.\n 45\n\n 40 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. iii. 5. To confirm our idea, we\n may observe, that for a long time Mount Cælius was a grove of\n oaks, and Mount Viminal was overrun with osiers; that, in THE\n fourth century, THE Aventine was a vacant and solitary\n retirement; that, till THE time of Augustus, THE Esquiline was an\n unwholesome burying-ground; and that THE numerous inequalities,\n remarked by THE ancients in THE Quirinal, sufficiently prove that\n it was not covered with buildings. Of THE seven hills, THE\n Capitoline and Palatine only, with THE adjacent valleys, were THE\n primitive habitations of THE Roman people. But this subject would\n require a dissertation.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Exspatiantia tecta multas addidere urbes, is THE\n expression of Pliny.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 222. Both Lipsius and Isaac\n Vossius have eagerly embraced this measure.]\n\n 43 (return) [ See Nardini, Roman Antica, l. i. c. 8. * Note: But\n compare Gibbon, ch. xli. note 77.—M.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Tacit. Hist. iv. 23.]\n\n 45 (return) [ For Aurelian’s walls, see Vopiscus in Hist. August.\n p. 216, 222. Zosimus, l. i. p. 43. Eutropius, ix. 15. Aurel.\n Victor in Aurelian Victor Junior in Aurelian. Euseb. Hieronym. et\n Idatius in Chronic]\n\n The victory of Claudius over THE Goths, and THE success of\n Aurelian against THE Alemanni, had already restored to THE arms\n of Rome THEir ancient superiority over THE barbarous nations of\n THE North. To chastise domestic tyrants, and to reunite THE\n dismembered parts of THE empire, was a task reserved for THE\n second of those warlike emperors. Though he was acknowledged by\n THE senate and people, THE frontiers of Italy, Africa, Illyricum,\n and Thrace, confined THE limits of his reign. Gaul, Spain, and\n Britain, Egypt, Syria, and Asia Minor, were still possessed by\n two rebels, who alone, out of so numerous a list, had hiTHErto\n escaped THE dangers of THEir situation; and to complete THE\n ignominy of Rome, THEse rival thrones had been usurped by women.\n\n A rapid succession of monarchs had arisen and fallen in THE\n provinces of Gaul. The rigid virtues of Posthumus served only to\n hasten his destruction. After suppressing a competitor, who had\n assumed THE purple at Mentz, he refused to gratify his troops\n with THE plunder of THE rebellious city; and in THE seventh year\n of his reign, became THE victim of THEir disappointed avarice. 46\n The death of Victorinus, his friend and associate, was occasioned\n by a less worthy cause. The shining accomplishments 47 of that\n prince were stained by a licentious passion, which he indulged in\n acts of violence, with too little regard to THE laws of society,\n or even to those of love. 48 He was slain at Cologne, by a\n conspiracy of jealous husbands, whose revenge would have appeared\n more justifiable, had THEy spared THE innocence of his son. After\n THE murder of so many valiant princes, it is somewhat remarkable,\n that a female for a long time controlled THE fierce legions of\n Gaul, and still more singular, that she was THE moTHEr of THE\n unfortunate Victorinus. The arts and treasures of Victoria\n enabled her successively to place Marius and Tetricus on THE\n throne, and to reign with a manly vigor under THE name of those\n dependent emperors. Money of copper, of silver, and of gold, was\n coined in her name; she assumed THE titles of Augusta and MoTHEr\n of THE Camps: her power ended only with her life; but her life\n was perhaps shortened by THE ingratitude of Tetricus. 49\n\n 46 (return) [ His competitor was Lollianus, or Ælianus, if,\n indeed, THEse names mean THE same person. See Tillemont, tom.\n iii. p. 1177. Note: The medals which bear THE name of Lollianus\n are considered forgeries except one in THE museum of THE Prince\n of Waldeck THEre are many extent bearing THE name of Lælianus,\n which appears to have been that of THE competitor of Posthumus.\n Eckhel. Doct. Num. t. vi. 149—G.]\n\n 47 (return) [ The character of this prince by Julius Aterianus\n (ap. Hist. August. p. 187) is worth transcribing, as it seems\n fair and impartial Victorino qui Post Junium Posthumium Gallias\n rexit neminem existemo præferendum; non in virtute Trajanum; non\n Antoninum in clementia; non in gravitate Nervam; non in\n gubernando ærario Vespasianum; non in Censura totius vitæ ac\n severitate militari Pertinacem vel Severum. Sed omnia hæc libido\n et cupiditas voluptatis mulierriæ sic perdidit, ut nemo audeat\n virtutes ejus in literas mittere quem constat omnium judicio\n meruisse puniri.]\n\n 48 (return) [ He ravished THE wife of Attitianus, an actuary, or\n army agent, Hist. August. p. 186. Aurel. Victor in Aurelian.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Pollio assigns her an article among THE thirty\n tyrants. Hist. August. p. 200.]\n\n When, at THE instigation of his ambitious patroness, Tetricus\n assumed THE ensigns of royalty, he was governor of THE peaceful\n province of Aquitaine, an employment suited to his character and\n education. He reigned four or five years over Gaul, Spain, and\n Britain, THE slave and sovereign of a licentious army, whom he\n dreaded, and by whom he was despised. The valor and fortune of\n Aurelian at length opened THE prospect of a deliverance. He\n ventured to disclose his melancholy situation, and conjured THE\n emperor to hasten to THE relief of his unhappy rival. Had this\n secret correspondence reached THE ears of THE soldiers, it would\n most probably have cost Tetricus his life; nor could he resign\n THE sceptre of THE West without committing an act of treason\n against himself. He affected THE appearances of a civil war, led\n his forces into THE field, against Aurelian, posted THEm in THE\n most disadvantageous manner, betrayed his own counsels to his\n enemy, and with a few chosen friends deserted in THE beginning of\n THE action. The rebel legions, though disordered and dismayed by\n THE unexpected treachery of THEir chief, defended THEmselves with\n desperate valor, till THEy were cut in pieces almost to a man, in\n this bloody and memorable battle, which was fought near Chalons\n in Champagne. 50 The retreat of THE irregular auxiliaries, Franks\n and Batavians, 51 whom THE conqueror soon compelled or persuaded\n to repass THE Rhine, restored THE general tranquillity, and THE\n power of Aurelian was acknowledged from THE wall of Antoninus to\n THE columns of Hercules.\n\n 50 (return) [ Pollio in Hist. August. p. 196. Vopiscus in Hist.\n August. p. 220. The two Victors, in THE lives of Gallienus and\n Aurelian. Eutrop. ix. 13. Euseb. in Chron. Of all THEse writers,\n only THE two last (but with strong probability) place THE fall of\n Tetricus before that of Zenobia. M. de Boze (in THE Academy of\n Inscriptions, tom. xxx.) does not wish, and Tillemont (tom. iii.\n p. 1189) does not dare to follow THEm. I have been fairer than\n THE one, and bolder than THE oTHEr.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Victor Junior in Aurelian. Eumenius mentions\n Batavicœ; some critics, without any reason, would fain alter THE\n word to Bagandicœ.] As early as THE reign of Claudius, THE city\n of Autun, alone and unassisted, had ventured to declare against\n THE legions of Gaul. After a siege of seven months, THEy stormed\n and plundered that unfortunate city, already wasted by famine. 52\n Lyons, on THE contrary, had resisted with obstinate disaffection\n THE arms of Aurelian. We read of THE punishment of Lyons, 53 but\n THEre is not any mention of THE rewards of Autun. Such, indeed,\n is THE policy of civil war: severely to remember injuries, and to\n forget THE most important services. Revenge is profitable,\n gratitude is expensive.\n\n 52 (return) [ Eumen. in Vet. Panegyr. iv. 8.]\n\n 53 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 246. Autun was not\n restored till THE reign of Diocletian. See Eumenius de\n restaurandis scholis.]\n\n Aurelian had no sooner secured THE person and provinces of\n Tetricus, than he turned his arms against Zenobia, THE celebrated\n queen of Palmyra and THE East. Modern Europe has produced several\n illustrious women who have sustained with glory THE weight of\n empire; nor is our own age destitute of such distinguished\n characters. But if we except THE doubtful achievements of\n Semiramis, Zenobia is perhaps THE only female whose superior\n genius broke through THE servile indolence imposed on her sex by\n THE climate and manners of Asia. 54 She claimed her descent from\n THE Macedonian kings of Egypt, 541 equalled in beauty her\n ancestor Cleopatra, and far surpassed that princess in chastity\n 55 and valor. Zenobia was esteemed THE most lovely as well as THE\n most heroic of her sex. She was of a dark complexion (for in\n speaking of a lady THEse trifles become important). Her teeth\n were of a pearly whiteness, and her large black eyes sparkled\n with uncommon fire, tempered by THE most attractive sweetness.\n Her voice was strong and harmonious. Her manly understanding was\n strengTHEned and adorned by study. She was not ignorant of THE\n Latin tongue, but possessed in equal perfection THE Greek, THE\n Syriac, and THE Egyptian languages. She had drawn up for her own\n use an epitome of oriental history, and familiarly compared THE\n beauties of Homer and Plato under THE tuition of THE sublime\n Longinus.\n\n 54 (return) [ Almost everything that is said of THE manners of\n Odenathus and Zenobia is taken from THEir lives in THE Augustan\n History, by Trebeljus Pollio; see p. 192, 198.]\n\n 541 (return) [ According to some Christian writers, Zenobia was a\n Jewess. (Jost Geschichte der Israel. iv. 16. Hist. of Jews, iii.\n 175.)—M.]\n\n 55 (return) [ She never admitted her husband’s embraces but for\n THE sake of posterity. If her hopes were baffled, in THE ensuing\n month she reiterated THE experiment.]\n\n This accomplished woman gave her hand to Odenathus, 551 who, from\n a private station, raised himself to THE dominion of THE East.\n She soon became THE friend and companion of a hero. In THE\n intervals of war, Odenathus passionately delighted in THE\n exercise of hunting; he pursued with ardor THE wild beasts of THE\n desert, lions, panTHErs, and bears; and THE ardor of Zenobia in\n that dangerous amusement was not inferior to his own. She had\n inured her constitution to fatigue, disdained THE use of a\n covered carriage, generally appeared on horseback in a military\n habit, and sometimes marched several miles on foot at THE head of\n THE troops. The success of Odenathus was in a great measure\n ascribed to her incomparable prudence and fortitude. Their\n splendid victories over THE Great King, whom THEy twice pursued\n as far as THE gates of Ctesiphon, laid THE foundations of THEir\n united fame and power. The armies which THEy commanded, and THE\n provinces which THEy had saved, acknowledged not any oTHEr\n sovereigns than THEir invincible chiefs. The senate and people of\n Rome revered a stranger who had avenged THEir captive emperor,\n and even THE insensible son of Valerian accepted Odenathus for\n his legitimate colleague.\n\n 551 (return) [ According to Zosimus, Odenathus was of a noble\n family in Palmyra and according to Procopius, he was prince of\n THE Saracens, who inhabit THE ranks of THE Euphrates. Echhel.\n Doct. Num. vii. 489.—G.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XI: Reign Of Claudius, Defeat Of The Goths.—Part III.\n\n After a successful expedition against THE Gothic plunderers of\n Asia, THE Palmyrenian prince returned to THE city of Emesa in\n Syria. Invincible in war, he was THEre cut off by domestic\n treason, and his favorite amusement of hunting was THE cause, or\n at least THE occasion, of his death. 56 His nephew Mæonius\n presumed to dart his javelin before that of his uncle; and though\n admonished of his error, repeated THE same insolence. As a\n monarch, and as a sportsman, Odenathus was provoked, took away\n his horse, a mark of ignominy among THE barbarians, and chastised\n THE rash youth by a short confinement. The offence was soon\n forgot, but THE punishment was remembered; and Mæonius, with a\n few daring associates, assassinated his uncle in THE midst of a\n great entertainment. Herod, THE son of Odenathus, though not of\n Zenobia, a young man of a soft and effeminate temper, 57 was\n killed with his faTHEr. But Mæonius obtained only THE pleasure of\n revenge by this bloody deed. He had scarcely time to assume THE\n title of Augustus, before he was sacrificed by Zenobia to THE\n memory of her husband. 58\n\n 56 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 192, 193. Zosimus, l. i. p. 36.\n Zonaras, l. xii p. 633. The last is clear and probable, THE\n oTHErs confused and inconsistent. The text of Syncellus, if not\n corrupt, is absolute nonsense.]\n\n 57 (return) [ Odenathus and Zenobia often sent him, from THE\n spoils of THE enemy, presents of gems and toys, which he received\n with infinite delight.]\n\n 58 (return) [ Some very unjust suspicions have been cast on\n Zenobia, as if she was accessory to her husband’s death.]\n\n With THE assistance of his most faithful friends, she immediately\n filled THE vacant throne, and governed with manly counsels\n Palmyra, Syria, and THE East, above five years. By THE death of\n Odenathus, that authority was at an end which THE senate had\n granted him only as a personal distinction; but his martial\n widow, disdaining both THE senate and Gallienus, obliged one of\n THE Roman generals, who was sent against her, to retreat into\n Europe, with THE loss of his army and his reputation. 59 Instead\n of THE little passions which so frequently perplex a female\n reign, THE steady administration of Zenobia was guided by THE\n most judicious maxims of policy. If it was expedient to pardon,\n she could calm her resentment; if it was necessary to punish, she\n could impose silence on THE voice of pity. Her strict economy was\n accused of avarice; yet on every proper occasion she appeared\n magnificent and liberal. The neighboring states of Arabia,\n Armenia, and Persia, dreaded her enmity, and solicited her\n alliance. To THE dominions of Odenathus, which extended from THE\n Euphrates to THE frontiers of Bithynia, his widow added THE\n inheritance of her ancestors, THE populous and fertile kingdom of\n Egypt. 60 The emperor Claudius acknowledged her merit, and was\n content, that, while _he_ pursued THE Gothic war, _she_ should\n assert THE dignity of THE empire in THE East. The conduct,\n however, of Zenobia was attended with some ambiguity; not is it\n unlikely that she had conceived THE design of erecting an\n independent and hostile monarchy. She blended with THE popular\n manners of Roman princes THE stately pomp of THE courts of Asia,\n and exacted from her subjects THE same adoration that was paid to\n THE successor of Cyrus. She bestowed on her three sons 61 a Latin\n education, and often showed THEm to THE troops adorned with THE\n Imperial purple. For herself she reserved THE diadem, with THE\n splendid but doubtful title of Queen of THE East.\n\n 59 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 180, 181.]\n\n 60 (return) [ See, in Hist. August. p. 198, Aurelian’s testimony\n to her merit; and for THE conquest of Egypt, Zosimus, l. i. p.\n 39, 40.] This seems very doubtful. Claudius, during all his\n reign, is represented as emperor on THE medals of Alexandria,\n which are very numerous. If Zenobia possessed any power in Egypt,\n it could only have been at THE beginning of THE reign of\n Aurelian. The same circumstance throws great improbability on her\n conquests in Galatia. Perhaps Zenobia administered Egypt in THE\n name of Claudius, and emboldened by THE death of that prince,\n subjected it to her own power.—G.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Timolaus, Herennianus, and Vaballathus. It is\n supposed that THE two former were already dead before THE war. On\n THE last, Aurelian bestowed a small province of Armenia, with THE\n title of King; several of his medals are still extant. See\n Tillemont, tom. 3, p. 1190.]\n\n When Aurelian passed over into Asia, against an adversary whose\n sex alone could render her an object of contempt, his presence\n restored obedience to THE province of Bithynia, already shaken by\n THE arms and intrigues of Zenobia. 62 Advancing at THE head of\n his legions, he accepted THE submission of Ancyra, and was\n admitted into Tyana, after an obstinate siege, by THE help of a\n perfidious citizen. The generous though fierce temper of Aurelian\n abandoned THE traitor to THE rage of THE soldiers; a\n superstitious reverence induced him to treat with lenity THE\n countrymen of Apollonius THE philosopher. 63 Antioch was deserted\n on his approach, till THE emperor, by his salutary edicts,\n recalled THE fugitives, and granted a general pardon to all who,\n from necessity raTHEr than choice, had been engaged in THE\n service of THE Palmyrenian Queen. The unexpected mildness of such\n a conduct reconciled THE minds of THE Syrians, and as far as THE\n gates of Emesa, THE wishes of THE people seconded THE terror of\n his arms. 64\n\n 62 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 44.]\n\n 63 (return) [ Vopiscus (in Hist. August. p. 217) gives us an\n auTHEntic letter and a doubtful vision, of Aurelian. Apollonius\n of Tyana was born about THE same time as Jesus Christ. His life\n (that of THE former) is related in so fabulous a manner by his\n disciples, that we are at a loss to discover wheTHEr he was a\n sage, an impostor, or a fanatic.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 46.]\n\n Zenobia would have ill deserved her reputation, had she\n indolently permitted THE emperor of THE West to approach within a\n hundred miles of her capital. The fate of THE East was decided in\n two great battles; so similar in almost every circumstance, that\n we can scarcely distinguish THEm from each oTHEr, except by\n observing that THE first was fought near Antioch, 65 and THE\n second near Emesa. 66 In both THE queen of Palmyra animated THE\n armies by her presence, and devolved THE execution of her orders\n on Zabdas, who had already signalized his military talents by THE\n conquest of Egypt. The numerous forces of Zenobia consisted for\n THE most part of light archers, and of heavy cavalry cloTHEd in\n complete steel. The Moorish and Illyrian horse of Aurelian were\n unable to sustain THE ponderous charge of THEir antagonists. They\n fled in real or affected disorder, engaged THE Palmyrenians in a\n laborious pursuit, harassed THEm by a desultory combat, and at\n length discomfited this impenetrable but unwieldy body of\n cavalry. The light infantry, in THE mean time, when THEy had\n exhausted THEir quivers, remaining without protection against a\n closer onset, exposed THEir naked sides to THE swords of THE\n legions. Aurelian had chosen THEse veteran troops, who were\n usually stationed on THE Upper Danube, and whose valor had been\n severely tried in THE Alemannic war. 67 After THE defeat of\n Emesa, Zenobia found it impossible to collect a third army. As\n far as THE frontier of Egypt, THE nations subject to her empire\n had joined THE standard of THE conqueror, who detached Probus,\n THE bravest of his generals, to possess himself of THE Egyptian\n provinces. Palmyra was THE last resource of THE widow of\n Odenathus. She retired within THE walls of her capital, made\n every preparation for a vigorous resistance, and declared, with\n THE intrepidity of a heroine, that THE last moment of her reign\n and of her life should be THE same.\n\n 65 (return) [ At a place called Immæ. Eutropius, Sextus Rufus,\n and Jerome, mention only this first battle.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Vopiscus (in Hist. August. p. 217) mentions only\n THE second.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 44—48. His account of THE two\n battles is clear and circumstantial.]\n\n Amid THE barren deserts of Arabia, a few cultivated spots rise\n like islands out of THE sandy ocean. Even THE name of Tadmor, or\n Palmyra, by its signification in THE Syriac as well as in THE\n Latin language, denoted THE multitude of palm-trees which\n afforded shade and verdure to that temperate region. The air was\n pure, and THE soil, watered by some invaluable springs, was\n capable of producing fruits as well as corn. A place possessed of\n such singular advantages, and situated at a convenient distance\n 68 between THE Gulf of Persia and THE Mediterranean, was soon\n frequented by THE caravans which conveyed to THE nations of\n Europe a considerable part of THE rich commodities of India.\n Palmyra insensibly increased into an opulent and independent\n city, and connecting THE Roman and THE Parthian monarchies by THE\n mutual benefits of commerce, was suffered to observe an humble\n neutrality, till at length, after THE victories of Trajan, THE\n little republic sunk into THE bosom of Rome, and flourished more\n than one hundred and fifty years in THE subordinate though\n honorable rank of a colony. It was during that peaceful period,\n if we may judge from a few remaining inscriptions, that THE\n wealthy Palmyrenians constructed those temples, palaces, and\n porticos of Grecian architecture, whose ruins, scattered over an\n extent of several miles, have deserved THE curiosity of our\n travellers. The elevation of Odenathus and Zenobia appeared to\n reflect new splendor on THEir country, and Palmyra, for a while,\n stood forth THE rival of Rome: but THE competition was fatal, and\n ages of prosperity were sacrificed to a moment of glory. 69\n\n 68 (return) [ It was five hundred and thirty-seven miles from\n Seleucia, and two hundred and three from THE nearest coast of\n Syria, according to THE reckoning of Pliny, who, in a few words,\n (Hist. Natur. v. 21,) gives an excellent description of Palmyra.\n * Note: Talmor, or Palmyra, was probably at a very early period\n THE connecting link between THE commerce of Tyre and Babylon.\n Heeren, Ideen, v. i. p. ii. p. 125. Tadmor was probably built by\n Solomon as a commercial station. Hist. of Jews, v. p. 271—M.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Some English travellers from Aleppo discovered THE\n ruins of Palmyra about THE end of THE last century. Our curiosity\n has since been gratified in a more splendid manner by Messieurs\n Wood and Dawkins. For THE history of Palmyra, we may consult THE\n masterly dissertation of Dr. Halley in THE Philosophical\n Transactions: Lowthorp’s Abridgment, vol. iii. p. 518.]\n\n In his march over THE sandy desert between Emesa and Palmyra, THE\n emperor Aurelian was perpetually harassed by THE Arabs; nor could\n he always defend his army, and especially his baggage, from those\n flying troops of active and daring robbers, who watched THE\n moment of surprise, and eluded THE slow pursuit of THE legions.\n The siege of Palmyra was an object far more difficult and\n important, and THE emperor, who, with incessant vigor, pressed\n THE attacks in person, was himself wounded with a dart. “The\n Roman people,” says Aurelian, in an original letter, “speak with\n contempt of THE war which I am waging against a woman. They are\n ignorant both of THE character and of THE power of Zenobia. It is\n impossible to enumerate her warlike preparations, of stones, of\n arrows, and of every species of missile weapons. Every part of\n THE walls is provided with two or three _balistæ_ and artificial\n fires are thrown from her military engines. The fear of\n punishment has armed her with a desperate courage. Yet still I\n trust in THE protecting deities of Rome, who have hiTHErto been\n favorable to all my undertakings.” 70 Doubtful, however, of THE\n protection of THE gods, and of THE event of THE siege, Aurelian\n judged it more prudent to offer terms of an advantageous\n capitulation; to THE queen, a splendid retreat; to THE citizens,\n THEir ancient privileges. His proposals were obstinately\n rejected, and THE refusal was accompanied with insult.\n\n 70 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 218.]\n\n The firmness of Zenobia was supported by THE hope, that in a very\n short time famine would compel THE Roman army to repass THE\n desert; and by THE reasonable expectation that THE kings of THE\n East, and particularly THE Persian monarch, would arm in THE\n defence of THEir most natural ally. But fortune, and THE\n perseverance of Aurelian, overcame every obstacle. The death of\n Sapor, which happened about this time, 71 distracted THE councils\n of Persia, and THE inconsiderable succors that attempted to\n relieve Palmyra were easily intercepted eiTHEr by THE arms or THE\n liberality of THE emperor. From every part of Syria, a regular\n succession of convoys safely arrived in THE camp, which was\n increased by THE return of Probus with his victorious troops from\n THE conquest of Egypt. It was THEn that Zenobia resolved to fly.\n She mounted THE fleetest of her dromedaries, 72 and had already\n reached THE banks of THE Euphrates, about sixty miles from\n Palmyra, when she was overtaken by THE pursuit of Aurelian’s\n light horse, seized, and brought back a captive to THE feet of\n THE emperor. Her capital soon afterwards surrendered, and was\n treated with unexpected lenity. The arms, horses, and camels,\n with an immense treasure of gold, silver, silk, and precious\n stones, were all delivered to THE conqueror, who, leaving only a\n garrison of six hundred archers, returned to Emesa, and employed\n some time in THE distribution of rewards and punishments at THE\n end of so memorable a war, which restored to THE obedience of\n Rome those provinces that had renounced THEir allegiance since\n THE captivity of Valerian.\n\n 71 (return) [ From a very doubtful chronology I have endeavored\n to extract THE most probable date.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 218. Zosimus, l. i. p. 50. Though\n THE camel is a heavy beast of burden, THE dromedary, which is\n eiTHEr of THE same or of a kindred species, is used by THE\n natives of Asia and Africa on all occasions which require\n celerity. The Arabs affirm, that he will run over as much ground\n in one day as THEir fleetest horses can perform in eight or ten.\n See Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, tom. xi. p. 222, and Shaw’s Travels\n p. 167]\n\n When THE Syrian queen was brought into THE presence of Aurelian,\n he sternly asked her, How she had presumed to rise in arms\n against THE emperors of Rome! The answer of Zenobia was a prudent\n mixture of respect and firmness. “Because I disdained to consider\n as Roman emperors an Aureolus or a Gallienus. You alone I\n acknowledge as my conqueror and my sovereign.” 73 But as female\n fortitude is commonly artificial, so it is seldom steady or\n consistent. The courage of Zenobia deserted her in THE hour of\n trial; she trembled at THE angry clamors of THE soldiers, who\n called aloud for her immediate execution, forgot THE generous\n despair of Cleopatra, which she had proposed as her model, and\n ignominiously purchased life by THE sacrifice of her fame and her\n friends. It was to THEir counsels, which governed THE weakness of\n her sex, that she imputed THE guilt of her obstinate resistance;\n it was on THEir heads that she directed THE vengeance of THE\n cruel Aurelian. The fame of Longinus, who was included among THE\n numerous and perhaps innocent victims of her fear, will survive\n that of THE queen who betrayed, or THE tyrant who condemned him.\n Genius and learning were incapable of moving a fierce unlettered\n soldier, but THEy had served to elevate and harmonize THE soul of\n Longinus. Without uttering a complaint, he calmly followed THE\n executioner, pitying his unhappy mistress, and bestowing comfort\n on his afflicted friends. 74\n\n 73 (return) [ Pollio in Hist. August. p. 199.]\n\n 74 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 219. Zosimus, l. i. p.\n 51.]\n\n Returning from THE conquest of THE East, Aurelian had already\n crossed THE Straits which divided Europe from Asia, when he was\n provoked by THE intelligence that THE Palmyrenians had massacred\n THE governor and garrison which he had left among THEm, and again\n erected THE standard of revolt. Without a moment’s deliberation,\n he once more turned his face towards Syria. Antioch was alarmed\n by his rapid approach, and THE helpless city of Palmyra felt THE\n irresistible weight of his resentment. We have a letter of\n Aurelian himself, in which he acknowledges, 75 that old men,\n women, children, and peasants, had been involved in that dreadful\n execution, which should have been confined to armed rebellion;\n and although his principal concern seems directed to THE\n reëstablishment of a temple of THE Sun, he discovers some pity\n for THE remnant of THE Palmyrenians, to whom he grants THE\n permission of rebuilding and inhabiting THEir city. But it is\n easier to destroy than to restore. The seat of commerce, of arts,\n and of Zenobia, gradually sunk into an obscure town, a trifling\n fortress, and at length a miserable village. The present citizens\n of Palmyra, consisting of thirty or forty families, have erected\n THEir mud cottages within THE spacious court of a magnificent\n temple.\n\n 75 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 219.]\n\n AnoTHEr and a last labor still awaited THE indefatigable\n Aurelian; to suppress a dangerous though obscure rebel, who,\n during THE revolt of Palmyra, had arisen on THE banks of THE\n Nile. Firmus, THE friend and ally, as he proudly styled himself,\n of Odenathus and Zenobia, was no more than a wealthy merchant of\n Egypt. In THE course of his trade to India, he had formed very\n intimate connections with THE Saracens and THE Blemmyes, whose\n situation on eiTHEr coast of THE Red Sea gave THEm an easy\n introduction into THE Upper Egypt. The Egyptians he inflamed with\n THE hope of freedom, and, at THE head of THEir furious multitude,\n broke into THE city of Alexandria, where he assumed THE Imperial\n purple, coined money, published edicts, and raised an army,\n which, as he vainly boasted, he was capable of maintaining from\n THE sole profits of his paper trade. Such troops were a feeble\n defence against THE approach of Aurelian; and it seems almost\n unnecessary to relate, that Firmus was routed, taken, tortured,\n and put to death. 76 Aurelian might now congratulate THE senate,\n THE people, and himself, that in little more than three years, he\n had restored universal peace and order to THE Roman world.\n\n 76 (return) [ See Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 220, 242. As an\n instance of luxury, it is observed, that he had glass windows. He\n was remarkable for his strength and appetite, his courage and\n dexterity. From THE letter of Aurelian, we may justly infer, that\n Firmus was THE last of THE rebels, and consequently that Tetricus\n was already suppressed.]\n\n Since THE foundation of Rome, no general had more nobly deserved\n a triumph than Aurelian; nor was a triumph ever celebrated with\n superior pride and magnificence. 77 The pomp was opened by twenty\n elephants, four royal tigers, and above two hundred of THE most\n curious animals from every climate of THE North, THE East, and\n THE South. They were followed by sixteen hundred gladiators,\n devoted to THE cruel amusement of THE amphiTHEatre. The wealth of\n Asia, THE arms and ensigns of so many conquered nations, and THE\n magnificent plate and wardrobe of THE Syrian queen, were disposed\n in exact symmetry or artful disorder. The ambassadors of THE most\n remote parts of THE earth, of Æthiopia, Arabia, Persia,\n Bactriana, India, and China, all remarkable by THEir rich or\n singular dresses, displayed THE fame and power of THE Roman\n emperor, who exposed likewise to THE public view THE presents\n that he had received, and particularly a great number of crowns\n of gold, THE offerings of grateful cities.\n\n The victories of Aurelian were attested by THE long train of\n captives who reluctantly attended his triumph, Goths, Vandals,\n Sarmatians, Alemanni, Franks, Gauls, Syrians, and Egyptians. Each\n people was distinguished by its peculiar inscription, and THE\n title of Amazons was bestowed on ten martial heroines of THE\n Gothic nation who had been taken in arms. 78 But every eye,\n disregarding THE crowd of captives, was fixed on THE emperor\n Tetricus and THE queen of THE East. The former, as well as his\n son, whom he had created Augustus, was dressed in Gallic\n trousers, 79 a saffron tunic, and a robe of purple. The beauteous\n figure of Zenobia was confined by fetters of gold; a slave\n supported THE gold chain which encircled her neck, and she almost\n fainted under THE intolerable weight of jewels. She preceded on\n foot THE magnificent chariot, in which she once hoped to enter\n THE gates of Rome. It was followed by two oTHEr chariots, still\n more sumptuous, of Odenathus and of THE Persian monarch. The\n triumphal car of Aurelian (it had formerly been used by a Gothic\n king) was drawn, on this memorable occasion, eiTHEr by four stags\n or by four elephants. 80 The most illustrious of THE senate, THE\n people, and THE army, closed THE solemn procession. Unfeigned\n joy, wonder, and gratitude, swelled THE acclamations of THE\n multitude; but THE satisfaction of THE senate was clouded by THE\n appearance of Tetricus; nor could THEy suppress a rising murmur,\n that THE haughty emperor should thus expose to public ignominy\n THE person of a Roman and a magistrate. 81\n\n 77 (return) [ See THE triumph of Aurelian, described by Vopiscus.\n He relates THE particulars with his usual minuteness; and, on\n this occasion, THEy happen to be interesting. Hist. August. p.\n 220.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Among barbarous nations, women have often combated\n by THE side of THEir husbands. But it is almost impossible that a\n society of Amazons should ever have existed eiTHEr in THE old or\n new world. * Note: Klaproth’s THEory on THE origin of such\n traditions is at least recommended by its ingenuity. The males of\n a tribe having gone out on a marauding expedition, and having\n been cut off to a man, THE females may have endeavored, for a\n time, to maintain THEir independence in THEir camp village, till\n THEir children grew up. Travels, ch. xxx. Eng. Trans—M.]\n\n 79 (return) [ The use of braccœ, breeches, or trousers, was\n still considered in Italy as a Gallic and barbarian fashion. The\n Romans, however, had made great advances towards it. To encircle\n THE legs and thighs with fasciœ, or bands, was understood, in\n THE time of Pompey and Horace, to be a proof of ill health or\n effeminacy. In THE age of Trajan, THE custom was confined to THE\n rich and luxurious. It gradually was adopted by THE meanest of\n THE people. See a very curious note of Casaubon, ad Sueton. in\n August. c. 82.]\n\n 80 (return) [ Most probably THE former; THE latter seen on THE\n medals of Aurelian, only denote (according to THE learned\n Cardinal Norris) an oriental victory.]\n\n 81 (return) [ The expression of Calphurnius, (Eclog. i. 50)\n Nullos decet captiva triumphos, as applied to Rome, contains a\n very manifest allusion and censure.]\n\n But however, in THE treatment of his unfortunate rivals, Aurelian\n might indulge his pride, he behaved towards THEm with a generous\n clemency, which was seldom exercised by THE ancient conquerors.\n Princes who, without success, had defended THEir throne or\n freedom, were frequently strangled in prison, as soon as THE\n triumphal pomp ascended THE Capitol. These usurpers, whom THEir\n defeat had convicted of THE crime of treason, were permitted to\n spend THEir lives in affluence and honorable repose.\n\n The emperor presented Zenobia with an elegant villa at Tibur, or\n Tivoli, about twenty miles from THE capital; THE Syrian queen\n insensibly sunk into a Roman matron, her daughters married into\n noble families, and her race was not yet extinct in THE fifth\n century. 82 Tetricus and his son were reinstated in THEir rank\n and fortunes. They erected on THE Cælian hill a magnificent\n palace, and as soon as it was finished, invited Aurelian to\n supper. On his entrance, he was agreeably surprised with a\n picture which represented THEir singular history. They were\n delineated offering to THE emperor a civic crown and THE sceptre\n of Gaul, and again receiving at his hands THE ornaments of THE\n senatorial dignity. The faTHEr was afterwards invested with THE\n government of Lucania, 83 and Aurelian, who soon admitted THE\n abdicated monarch to his friendship and conversation, familiarly\n asked him, WheTHEr it were not more desirable to administer a\n province of Italy, than to reign beyond THE Alps. The son long\n continued a respectable member of THE senate; nor was THEre any\n one of THE Roman nobility more esteemed by Aurelian, as well as\n by his successors. 84\n\n 82 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 199. Hieronym. in\n Chron. Prosper in Chron. Baronius supposes that Zenobius, bishop\n of Florence in THE time of St. Ambrose, was of her family.]\n\n 83 (return) [ Vopisc. in Hist. August. p. 222. Eutropius, ix. 13.\n Victor Junior. But Pollio, in Hist. August. p. 196, says, that\n Tetricus was made corrector of all Italy.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 197.]\n\n So long and so various was THE pomp of Aurelian’s triumph, that\n although it opened with THE dawn of day, THE slow majesty of THE\n procession ascended not THE Capitol before THE ninth hour; and it\n was already dark when THE emperor returned to THE palace. The\n festival was protracted by THEatrical representations, THE games\n of THE circus, THE hunting of wild beasts, combats of gladiators,\n and naval engagements. Liberal donatives were distributed to THE\n army and people, and several institutions, agreeable or\n beneficial to THE city, contributed to perpetuate THE glory of\n Aurelian. A considerable portion of his oriental spoils was\n consecrated to THE gods of Rome; THE Capitol, and every oTHEr\n temple, glittered with THE offerings of his ostentatious piety;\n and THE temple of THE Sun alone received above fifteen thousand\n pounds of gold. 85 This last was a magnificent structure, erected\n by THE emperor on THE side of THE Quirinal hill, and dedicated,\n soon after THE triumph, to that deity whom Aurelian adored as THE\n parent of his life and fortunes. His moTHEr had been an inferior\n priestess in a chapel of THE Sun; a peculiar devotion to THE god\n of Light was a sentiment which THE fortunate peasant imbibed in\n his infancy; and every step of his elevation, every victory of\n his reign, fortified superstition by gratitude. 86\n\n 85 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. 222. Zosimus, l. i. p.\n 56. He placed in it THE images of Belus and of THE Sun, which he\n had brought from Palmyra. It was dedicated in THE fourth year of\n his reign, (Euseb in Chron.,) but was most assuredly begun\n immediately on his accession.]\n\n 86 (return) [ See, in THE Augustan History, p. 210, THE omens of\n his fortune. His devotion to THE Sun appears in his letters, on\n his medals, and is mentioned in THE Cæsars of Julian. Commentaire\n de Spanheim, p. 109.]\n\n The arms of Aurelian had vanquished THE foreign and domestic foes\n of THE republic. We are assured, that, by his salutary rigor,\n crimes and factions, mischievous arts and pernicious connivance,\n THE luxurious growth of a feeble and oppressive government, were\n eradicated throughout THE Roman world. 87 But if we attentively\n reflect how much swifter is THE progress of corruption than its\n cure, and if we remember that THE years abandoned to public\n disorders exceeded THE months allotted to THE martial reign of\n Aurelian, we must confess that a few short intervals of peace\n were insufficient for THE arduous work of reformation. Even his\n attempt to restore THE integrity of THE coin was opposed by a\n formidable insurrection. The emperor’s vexation breaks out in one\n of his private letters. “Surely,” says he, “THE gods have decreed\n that my life should be a perpetual warfare. A sedition within THE\n walls has just now given birth to a very serious civil war. The\n workmen of THE mint, at THE instigation of Felicissimus, a slave\n to whom I had intrusted an employment in THE finances, have risen\n in rebellion. They are at length suppressed; but seven thousand\n of my soldiers have been slain in THE contest, of those troops\n whose ordinary station is in Dacia, and THE camps along THE\n Danube.” 88 OTHEr writers, who confirm THE same fact, add\n likewise, that it happened soon after Aurelian’s triumph; that\n THE decisive engagement was fought on THE Cælian hill; that THE\n workmen of THE mint had adulterated THE coin; and that THE\n emperor restored THE public credit, by delivering out good money\n in exchange for THE bad, which THE people was commanded to bring\n into THE treasury. 89\n\n 87 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 221.]\n\n 88 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 222. Aurelian calls THEse soldiers\n Hiberi Riporiences Castriani, and Dacisci.]\n\n 89 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 56. Eutropius, ix. 14. Aurel\n Victor.]\n\n We might content ourselves with relating this extraordinary\n transaction, but we cannot dissemble how much in its present form\n it appears to us inconsistent and incredible. The debasement of\n THE coin is indeed well suited to THE administration of\n Gallienus; nor is it unlikely that THE instruments of THE\n corruption might dread THE inflexible justice of Aurelian. But\n THE guilt, as well as THE profit, must have been confined to a\n very few; nor is it easy to conceive by what arts THEy could arm\n a people whom THEy had injured, against a monarch whom THEy had\n betrayed. We might naturally expect that such miscreants should\n have shared THE public detestation with THE informers and THE\n oTHEr ministers of oppression; and that THE reformation of THE\n coin should have been an action equally popular with THE\n destruction of those obsolete accounts, which by THE emperor’s\n order were burnt in THE forum of Trajan. 90 In an age when THE\n principles of commerce were so imperfectly understood, THE most\n desirable end might perhaps be effected by harsh and injudicious\n means; but a temporary grievance of such a nature can scarcely\n excite and support a serious civil war. The repetition of\n intolerable taxes, imposed eiTHEr on THE land or on THE\n necessaries of life, may at last provoke those who will not, or\n who cannot, relinquish THEir country. But THE case is far\n oTHErwise in every operation which, by whatsoever expedients,\n restores THE just value of money. The transient evil is soon\n obliterated by THE permanent benefit, THE loss is divided among\n multitudes; and if a few wealthy individuals experience a\n sensible diminution of treasure, with THEir riches, THEy at THE\n same time lose THE degree of weight and importance which THEy\n derived from THE possession of THEm. However Aurelian might\n choose to disguise THE real cause of THE insurrection, his\n reformation of THE coin could furnish only a faint pretence to a\n party already powerful and discontented. Rome, though deprived of\n freedom, was distracted by faction. The people, towards whom THE\n emperor, himself a plebeian, always expressed a peculiar\n fondness, lived in perpetual dissension with THE senate, THE\n equestrian order, and THE Prætorian guards. 91 Nothing less than\n THE firm though secret conspiracy of those orders, of THE\n authority of THE first, THE wealth of THE second, and THE arms of\n THE third, could have displayed a strength capable of contending\n in battle with THE veteran legions of THE Danube, which, under\n THE conduct of a martial sovereign, had achieved THE conquest of\n THE West and of THE East.\n\n 90 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 222. Aurel Victor.]\n\n 91 (return) [ It already raged before Aurelian’s return from\n Egypt. See Vipiscus, who quotes an original letter. Hist. August.\n p. 244.]\n\n Whatever was THE cause or THE object of this rebellion, imputed\n with so little probability to THE workmen of THE mint, Aurelian\n used his victory with unrelenting rigor. 92 He was naturally of a\n severe disposition. A peasant and a soldier, his nerves yielded\n not easily to THE impressions of sympathy, and he could sustain\n without emotion THE sight of tortures and death. Trained from his\n earliest youth in THE exercise of arms, he set too small a value\n on THE life of a citizen, chastised by military execution THE\n slightest offences, and transferred THE stern discipline of THE\n camp into THE civil administration of THE laws. His love of\n justice often became a blind and furious passion; and whenever he\n deemed his own or THE public safety endangered, he disregarded\n THE rules of evidence, and THE proportion of punishments. The\n unprovoked rebellion with which THE Romans rewarded his services,\n exasperated his haughty spirit. The noblest families of THE\n capital were involved in THE guilt or suspicion of this dark\n conspiracy. A nasty spirit of revenge urged THE bloody\n prosecution, and it proved fatal to one of THE nephews of THE\n emperor. The executioners (if we may use THE expression of a\n contemporary poet) were fatigued, THE prisons were crowded, and\n THE unhappy senate lamented THE death or absence of its most\n illustrious members. 93 Nor was THE pride of Aurelian less\n offensive to that assembly than his cruelty. Ignorant or\n impatient of THE restraints of civil institutions, he disdained\n to hold his power by any oTHEr title than that of THE sword, and\n governed by right of conquest an empire which he had saved and\n subdued. 94\n\n 92 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August p. 222. The two Victors.\n Eutropius ix. 14. Zosimus (l. i. p. 43) mentions only three\n senators, and placed THEir death before THE eastern war.]\n\n 93 (return) [ Nulla catenati feralis pompa senatus Carnificum\n lassabit opus; nec carcere pleno Infelix raros numerabit curia\n Patres. Calphurn. Eclog. i. 60.]\n\n 94 (return) [ According to THE younger Victor, he sometimes wore\n THE diadem, Deus and Dominus appear on his medals.]\n\n It was observed by one of THE most sagacious of THE Roman\n princes, that THE talents of his predecessor Aurelian were better\n suited to THE command of an army, than to THE government of an\n empire. 95 Conscious of THE character in which nature and\n experience had enabled him to excel, he again took THE field a\n few months after his triumph. It was expedient to exercise THE\n restless temper of THE legions in some foreign war, and THE\n Persian monarch, exulting in THE shame of Valerian, still braved\n with impunity THE offended majesty of Rome. At THE head of an\n army, less formidable by its numbers than by its discipline and\n valor, THE emperor advanced as far as THE Straits which divide\n Europe from Asia. He THEre experienced that THE most absolute\n power is a weak defence against THE effects of despair. He had\n threatened one of his secretaries who was accused of extortion;\n and it was known that he seldom threatened in vain. The last hope\n which remained for THE criminal was to involve some of THE\n principal officers of THE army in his danger, or at least in his\n fears. Artfully counterfeiting his master’s hand, he showed THEm,\n in a long and bloody list, THEir own names devoted to death.\n Without suspecting or examining THE fraud, THEy resolved to\n secure THEir lives by THE murder of THE emperor. On his march,\n between Byzantium and Heraclea, Aurelian was suddenly attacked by\n THE conspirators, whose stations gave THEm a right to surround\n his person, and after a short resistance, fell by THE hand of\n Mucapor, a general whom he had always loved and trusted. He died\n regretted by THE army, detested by THE senate, but universally\n acknowledged as a warlike and fortunate prince, THE useful,\n though severe reformer of a degenerate state. 96\n\n 95 (return) [ It was THE observation of Dioclatian. See Vopiscus\n in Hist. August. p. 224.]\n\n 96 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 221. Zosimus, l. i. p.\n 57. Eutrop ix. 15. The two Victors.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XII: Reigns Of Tacitus, Probus, Carus And His Sons.—Part\n I.\n\n Conduct Of The Army And Senate After The Death Of Aurelian.\n —Reigns Of Tacitus, Probus, Carus, And His Sons.\n\n Such was THE unhappy condition of THE Roman emperors, that,\n whatever might be THEir conduct, THEir fate was commonly THE\n same. A life of pleasure or virtue, of severity or mildness, of\n indolence or glory, alike led to an untimely grave; and almost\n every reign is closed by THE same disgusting repetition of\n treason and murder. The death of Aurelian, however, is remarkable\n by its extraordinary consequences. The legions admired, lamented,\n and revenged THEir victorious chief. The artifice of his\n perfidious secretary was discovered and punished.\n\n The deluded conspirators attended THE funeral of THEir injured\n sovereign, with sincere or well-feigned contrition, and submitted\n to THE unanimous resolution of THE military order, which was\n signified by THE following epistle: “The brave and fortunate\n armies to THE senate and people of Rome.—The crime of one man,\n and THE error of many, have deprived us of THE late emperor\n Aurelian. May it please you, venerable lords and faTHErs! to\n place him in THE number of THE gods, and to appoint a successor\n whom your judgment shall declare worthy of THE Imperial purple!\n None of those whose guilt or misfortune have contributed to our\n loss, shall ever reign over us.” 1 The Roman senators heard,\n without surprise, that anoTHEr emperor had been assassinated in\n his camp; THEy secretly rejoiced in THE fall of Aurelian; but THE\n modest and dutiful address of THE legions, when it was\n communicated in full assembly by THE consul, diffused THE most\n pleasing astonishment. Such honors as fear and perhaps esteem\n could extort, THEy liberally poured forth on THE memory of THEir\n deceased sovereign. Such acknowledgments as gratitude could\n inspire, THEy returned to THE faithful armies of THE republic,\n who entertained so just a sense of THE legal authority of THE\n senate in THE choice of an emperor. Yet, notwithstanding this\n flattering appeal, THE most prudent of THE assembly declined\n exposing THEir safety and dignity to THE caprice of an armed\n multitude. The strength of THE legions was, indeed, a pledge of\n THEir sincerity, since those who may command are seldom reduced\n to THE necessity of dissembling; but could it naturally be\n expected, that a hasty repentance would correct THE inveterate\n habits of fourscore years? Should THE soldiers relapse into THEir\n accustomed seditions, THEir insolence might disgrace THE majesty\n of THE senate, and prove fatal to THE object of its choice.\n Motives like THEse dictated a decree, by which THE election of a\n new emperor was referred to THE suffrage of THE military order.\n\n 1 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 222. Aurelius Victor\n mentions a formal deputation from THE troops to THE senate.]\n\n The contention that ensued is one of THE best attested, but most\n improbable events in THE history of mankind. 2 The troops, as if\n satiated with THE exercise of power, again conjured THE senate to\n invest one of its own body with THE Imperial purple. The senate\n still persisted in its refusal; THE army in its request. The\n reciprocal offer was pressed and rejected at least three times,\n and, whilst THE obstinate modesty of eiTHEr party was resolved to\n receive a master from THE hands of THE oTHEr, eight months\n insensibly elapsed; an amazing period of tranquil anarchy, during\n which THE Roman world remained without a sovereign, without a\n usurper, and without a sedition. 201 The generals and magistrates\n appointed by Aurelian continued to execute THEir ordinary\n functions; and it is observed, that a proconsul of Asia was THE\n only considerable person removed from his office in THE whole\n course of THE interregnum.\n\n 2 (return) [ Vopiscus, our principal authority, wrote at Rome,\n sixteen years only after THE death of Aurelian; and, besides THE\n recent notoriety of THE facts, constantly draws his materials\n from THE Journals of THE Senate, and THE original papers of THE\n Ulpian library. Zosimus and Zonaras appear as ignorant of this\n transaction as THEy were in general of THE Roman constitution.]\n\n 201 (return) [ The interregnum could not be more than seven\n months; Aurelian was assassinated in THE middle of March, THE\n year of Rome 1028. Tacitus was elected THE 25th September in THE\n same year.—G.]\n\n An event somewhat similar, but much less auTHEntic, is supposed\n to have happened after THE death of Romulus, who, in his life and\n character, bore some affinity with Aurelian. The throne was\n vacant during twelve months, till THE election of a Sabine\n philosopher, and THE public peace was guarded in THE same manner,\n by THE union of THE several orders of THE state. But, in THE time\n of Numa and Romulus, THE arms of THE people were controlled by\n THE authority of THE Patricians; and THE balance of freedom was\n easily preserved in a small and virtuous community. 3 The decline\n of THE Roman state, far different from its infancy, was attended\n with every circumstance that could banish from an interregnum THE\n prospect of obedience and harmony: an immense and tumultuous\n capital, a wide extent of empire, THE servile equality of\n despotism, an army of four hundred thousand mercenaries, and THE\n experience of frequent revolutions. Yet, notwithstanding all\n THEse temptations, THE discipline and memory of Aurelian still\n restrained THE seditious temper of THE troops, as well as THE\n fatal ambition of THEir leaders. The flower of THE legions\n maintained THEir stations on THE banks of THE Bosphorus, and THE\n Imperial standard awed THE less powerful camps of Rome and of THE\n provinces. A generous though transient enthusiasm seemed to\n animate THE military order; and we may hope that a few real\n patriots cultivated THE returning friendship of THE army and THE\n senate as THE only expedient capable of restoring THE republic to\n its ancient beauty and vigor.\n\n 3 (return) [ Liv. i. 17 Dionys. Halicarn. l. ii. p. 115. Plutarch\n in Numa, p. 60. The first of THEse writers relates THE story like\n an orator, THE second like a lawyer, and THE third like a\n moralist, and none of THEm probably without some intermixture of\n fable.]\n\n On THE twenty-fifth of September, near eight months after THE\n murder of Aurelian, THE consul convoked an assembly of THE\n senate, and reported THE doubtful and dangerous situation of THE\n empire. He slightly insinuated, that THE precarious loyalty of\n THE soldiers depended on THE chance of every hour, and of every\n accident; but he represented, with THE most convincing eloquence,\n THE various dangers that might attend any furTHEr delay in THE\n choice of an emperor. Intelligence, he said, was already\n received, that THE Germans had passed THE Rhine, and occupied\n some of THE strongest and most opulent cities of Gaul. The\n ambition of THE Persian king kept THE East in perpetual alarms;\n Egypt, Africa, and Illyricum, were exposed to foreign and\n domestic arms, and THE levity of Syria would prefer even a female\n sceptre to THE sanctity of THE Roman laws. The consul, THEn\n addressing himself to Tacitus, THE first of THE senators, 4\n required his opinion on THE important subject of a proper\n candidate for THE vacant throne.\n\n 4 (return) [ Vopiscus (in Hist. August p. 227) calls him “primæ\n sententia consularis;” and soon afterwards Princeps senatus. It\n is natural to suppose, that THE monarchs of Rome, disdaining that\n humble title, resigned it to THE most ancient of THE senators.]\n\n If we can prefer personal merit to accidental greatness, we shall\n esteem THE birth of Tacitus more truly noble than that of kings.\n He claimed his descent from THE philosophic historian whose\n writings will instruct THE last generations of mankind. 5 The\n senator Tacitus was THEn seventy-five years of age. 6 The long\n period of his innocent life was adorned with wealth and honors.\n He had twice been invested with THE consular dignity, 7 and\n enjoyed with elegance and sobriety his ample patrimony of between\n two and three millions sterling. 8 The experience of so many\n princes, whom he had esteemed or endured, from THE vain follies\n of Elagabalus to THE useful rigor of Aurelian, taught him to form\n a just estimate of THE duties, THE dangers, and THE temptations\n of THEir sublime station. From THE assiduous study of his\n immortal ancestor, he derived THE knowledge of THE Roman\n constitution, and of human nature. 9 The voice of THE people had\n already named Tacitus as THE citizen THE most worthy of empire.\n The ungrateful rumor reached his ears, and induced him to seek\n THE retirement of one of his villas in Campania. He had passed\n two months in THE delightful privacy of Baiæ, when he reluctantly\n obeyed THE summons of THE consul to resume his honorable place in\n THE senate, and to assist THE republic with his counsels on this\n important occasion.\n\n 5 (return) [ The only objection to this genealogy is, that THE\n historian was named Cornelius, THE emperor, Claudius. But under\n THE lower empire, surnames were extremely various and uncertain.]\n\n 6 (return) [ Zonaras, l. xii. p. 637. The Alexandrian Chronicle,\n by an obvious mistake, transfers that age to Aurelian.]\n\n 7 (return) [ In THE year 273, he was ordinary consul. But he must\n have been Suffectus many years before, and most probably under\n Valerian.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Bis millies octingenties. Vopiscus in Hist. August\n p. 229. This sum, according to THE old standard, was equivalent\n to eight hundred and forty thousand Roman pounds of silver, each\n of THE value of three pounds sterling. But in THE age of Tacitus,\n THE coin had lost much of its weight and purity.]\n\n 9 (return) [ After his accession, he gave orders that ten copies\n of THE historian should be annually transcribed and placed in THE\n public libraries. The Roman libraries have long since perished,\n and THE most valuable part of Tacitus was preserved in a single\n Ms., and discovered in a monastery of Westphalia. See Bayle,\n Dictionnaire, Art. Tacite, and Lipsius ad Annal. ii. 9.]\n\n He arose to speak, when from every quarter of THE house, he was\n saluted with THE names of Augustus and emperor. “Tacitus\n Augustus, THE gods preserve THEe! we choose THEe for our\n sovereign; to thy care we intrust THE republic and THE world.\n Accept THE empire from THE authority of THE senate. It is due to\n thy rank, to thy conduct, to thy manners.” As soon as THE tumult\n of acclamations subsided, Tacitus attempted to decline THE\n dangerous honor, and to express his wonder, that THEy should\n elect his age and infirmities to succeed THE martial vigor of\n Aurelian. “Are THEse limbs, conscript faTHErs! fitted to sustain\n THE weight of armor, or to practise THE exercises of THE camp?\n The variety of climates, and THE hardships of a military life,\n would soon oppress a feeble constitution, which subsists only by\n THE most tender management. My exhausted strength scarcely\n enables me to discharge THE duty of a senator; how insufficient\n would it prove to THE arduous labors of war and government! Can\n you hope, that THE legions will respect a weak old man, whose\n days have been spent in THE shade of peace and retirement? Can\n you desire that I should ever find reason to regret THE favorable\n opinion of THE senate?” 10\n\n 10 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 227.]\n\n The reluctance of Tacitus (and it might possibly be sincere) was\n encountered by THE affectionate obstinacy of THE senate. Five\n hundred voices repeated at once, in eloquent confusion, that THE\n greatest of THE Roman princes, Numa, Trajan, Hadrian, and THE\n Antonines, had ascended THE throne in a very advanced season of\n life; that THE mind, not THE body, a sovereign, not a soldier,\n was THE object of THEir choice; and that THEy expected from him\n no more than to guide by his wisdom THE valor of THE legions.\n These pressing though tumultuary instances were seconded by a\n more regular oration of Metius Falconius, THE next on THE\n consular bench to Tacitus himself. He reminded THE assembly of\n THE evils which Rome had endured from THE vices of headstrong and\n capricious youths, congratulated THEm on THE election of a\n virtuous and experienced senator, and, with a manly, though\n perhaps a selfish, freedom, exhorted Tacitus to remember THE\n reasons of his elevation, and to seek a successor, not in his own\n family, but in THE republic. The speech of Falconius was enforced\n by a general acclamation. The emperor elect submitted to THE\n authority of his country, and received THE voluntary homage of\n his equals. The judgment of THE senate was confirmed by THE\n consent of THE Roman people and of THE Prætorian guards. 11\n\n 11 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 228. Tacitus addressed THE\n Prætorians by THE appellation of sanctissimi milites, and THE\n people by that of sacratissim. Quirites.]\n\n The administration of Tacitus was not unworthy of his life and\n principles. A grateful servant of THE senate, he considered that\n national council as THE author, and himself as THE subject, of\n THE laws. 12 He studied to heal THE wounds which Imperial pride,\n civil discord, and military violence, had inflicted on THE\n constitution, and to restore, at least, THE image of THE ancient\n republic, as it had been preserved by THE policy of Augustus, and\n THE virtues of Trajan and THE Antonines. It may not be useless to\n recapitulate some of THE most important prerogatives which THE\n senate appeared to have regained by THE election of Tacitus. 13\n 1. To invest one of THEir body, under THE title of emperor, with\n THE general command of THE armies, and THE government of THE\n frontier provinces. 2. To determine THE list, or, as it was THEn\n styled, THE College of Consuls. They were twelve in number, who,\n in successive pairs, each, during THE space of two months, filled\n THE year, and represented THE dignity of that ancient office. The\n authority of THE senate, in THE nomination of THE consuls, was\n exercised with such independent freedom, that no regard was paid\n to an irregular request of THE emperor in favor of his broTHEr\n Florianus. “The senate,” exclaimed Tacitus, with THE honest\n transport of a patriot, “understand THE character of a prince\n whom THEy have chosen.” 3. To appoint THE proconsuls and\n presidents of THE provinces, and to confer on all THE magistrates\n THEir civil jurisdiction. 4. To receive appeals through THE\n intermediate office of THE præfect of THE city from all THE\n tribunals of THE empire. 5. To give force and validity, by THEir\n decrees, to such as THEy should approve of THE emperor’s edicts.\n 6. To THEse several branches of authority we may add some\n inspection over THE finances, since, even in THE stern reign of\n Aurelian, it was in THEir power to divert a part of THE revenue\n from THE public service. 14\n\n 12 (return) [ In his manumissions he never exceeded THE number of\n a hundred, as limited by THE Caninian law, which was enacted\n under Augustus, and at length repealed by Justinian. See Casaubon\n ad locum Vopisci.]\n\n 13 (return) [ See THE lives of Tacitus, Florianus, and Probus, in\n THE Augustan History; we may be well assured, that whatever THE\n soldier gave THE senator had already given.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 216. The passage is\n perfectly clear, both Casaubon and Salmasius wish to correct it.]\n\n Circular epistles were sent, without delay, to all THE principal\n cities of THE empire, Treves, Milan, Aquileia, Thessalonica,\n Corinth, ATHEns, Antioch, Alexandria, and Carthage, to claim\n THEir obedience, and to inform THEm of THE happy revolution,\n which had restored THE Roman senate to its ancient dignity. Two\n of THEse epistles are still extant. We likewise possess two very\n singular fragments of THE private correspondence of THE senators\n on this occasion. They discover THE most excessive joy, and THE\n most unbounded hopes. “Cast away your indolence,” it is thus that\n one of THE senators addresses his friend, “emerge from your\n retirements of Baiæ and Puteoli. Give yourself to THE city, to\n THE senate. Rome flourishes, THE whole republic flourishes.\n Thanks to THE Roman army, to an army truly Roman; at length we\n have recovered our just authority, THE end of all our desires. We\n hear appeals, we appoint proconsuls, we create emperors; perhaps\n too we may restrain THEm—to THE wise a word is sufficient.” 15\n These lofty expectations were, however, soon disappointed; nor,\n indeed, was it possible that THE armies and THE provinces should\n long obey THE luxurious and unwarlike nobles of Rome. On THE\n slightest touch, THE unsupported fabric of THEir pride and power\n fell to THE ground. The expiring senate displayed a sudden\n lustre, blazed for a moment, and was extinguished forever.\n\n 15 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 230, 232, 233. The\n senators celebrated THE happy restoration with hecatombs and\n public rejoicings.]\n\n All that had yet passed at Rome was no more than a THEatrical\n representation, unless it was ratified by THE more substantial\n power of THE legions. Leaving THE senators to enjoy THEir dream\n of freedom and ambition, Tacitus proceeded to THE Thracian camp,\n and was THEre, by THE Prætorian præfect, presented to THE\n assembled troops, as THE prince whom THEy THEmselves had\n demanded, and whom THE senate had bestowed. As soon as THE\n præfect was silent, THE emperor addressed himself to THE soldiers\n with eloquence and propriety. He gratified THEir avarice by a\n liberal distribution of treasure, under THE names of pay and\n donative. He engaged THEir esteem by a spirited declaration, that\n although his age might disable him from THE performance of\n military exploits, his counsels should never be unworthy of a\n Roman general, THE successor of THE brave Aurelian. 16\n\n 16 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 228.]\n\n Whilst THE deceased emperor was making preparations for a second\n expedition into THE East, he had negotiated with THE Alani, 161 a\n Scythian people, who pitched THEir tents in THE neighborhood of\n THE Lake Mæotis. Those barbarians, allured by presents and\n subsidies, had promised to invade Persia with a numerous body of\n light cavalry. They were faithful to THEir engagements; but when\n THEy arrived on THE Roman frontier, Aurelian was already dead,\n THE design of THE Persian war was at least suspended, and THE\n generals, who, during THE interregnum, exercised a doubtful\n authority, were unprepared eiTHEr to receive or to oppose THEm.\n Provoked by such treatment, which THEy considered as trifling and\n perfidious, THE Alani had recourse to THEir own valor for THEir\n payment and revenge; and as THEy moved with THE usual swiftness\n of Tartars, THEy had soon spread THEmselves over THE provinces of\n Pontus, Cappadocia, Cilicia, and Galatia. The legions, who from\n THE opposite shores of THE Bosphorus could almost distinguish THE\n flames of THE cities and villages, impatiently urged THEir\n general to lead THEm against THE invaders. The conduct of Tacitus\n was suitable to his age and station. He convinced THE barbarians\n of THE faith, as well as THE power, of THE empire. Great numbers\n of THE Alani, appeased by THE punctual discharge of THE\n engagements which Aurelian had contracted with THEm, relinquished\n THEir booty and captives, and quietly retreated to THEir own\n deserts, beyond THE Phasis. Against THE remainder, who refused\n peace, THE Roman emperor waged, in person, a successful war.\n Seconded by an army of brave and experienced veterans, in a few\n weeks he delivered THE provinces of Asia from THE terror of THE\n Scythian invasion. 17\n\n 161 (return) [ On THE Alani, see ch. xxvi. note 55.—M.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 230. Zosimus, l. i. p.\n 57. Zonaras, l. xii. p. 637. Two passages in THE life of Probus\n (p. 236, 238) convince me, that THEse Scythian invaders of Pontus\n were Alani. If we may believe Zosimus, (l. i. p. 58,) Florianus\n pursued THEm as far as THE Cimmerian Bosphorus. But he had\n scarcely time for so long and difficult an expedition.]\n\n But THE glory and life of Tacitus were of short duration.\n Transported, in THE depth of winter, from THE soft retirement of\n Campania to THE foot of Mount Caucasus, he sunk under THE\n unaccustomed hardships of a military life. The fatigues of THE\n body were aggravated by THE cares of THE mind. For a while, THE\n angry and selfish passions of THE soldiers had been suspended by\n THE enthusiasm of public virtue. They soon broke out with\n redoubled violence, and raged in THE camp, and even in THE tent\n of THE aged emperor. His mild and amiable character served only\n to inspire contempt, and he was incessantly tormented with\n factions which he could not assuage, and by demands which it was\n impossible to satisfy. Whatever flattering expectations he had\n conceived of reconciling THE public disorders, Tacitus soon was\n convinced that THE licentiousness of THE army disdained THE\n feeble restraint of laws, and his last hour was hastened by\n anguish and disappointment. It may be doubtful wheTHEr THE\n soldiers imbrued THEir hands in THE blood of this innocent\n prince. 18 It is certain that THEir insolence was THE cause of\n his death. He expired at Tyana in Cappadocia, after a reign of\n only six months and about twenty days. 19\n\n 18 (return) [ Eutropius and Aurelius Victor only say that he\n died; Victor Junior adds, that it was of a fever. Zosimus and\n Zonaras affirm, that he was killed by THE soldiers. Vopiscus\n mentions both accounts, and seems to hesitate. Yet surely THEse\n jarring opinions are easily reconciled.]\n\n 19 (return) [ According to THE two Victors, he reigned exactly\n two hundred days.]\n\n The eyes of Tacitus were scarcely closed, before his broTHEr\n Florianus showed himself unworthy to reign, by THE hasty\n usurpation of THE purple, without expecting THE approbation of\n THE senate. The reverence for THE Roman constitution, which yet\n influenced THE camp and THE provinces, was sufficiently strong to\n dispose THEm to censure, but not to provoke THEm to oppose, THE\n precipitate ambition of Florianus. The discontent would have\n evaporated in idle murmurs, had not THE general of THE East, THE\n heroic Probus, boldly declared himself THE avenger of THE senate.\n\n The contest, however, was still unequal; nor could THE most able\n leader, at THE head of THE effeminate troops of Egypt and Syria,\n encounter, with any hopes of victory, THE legions of Europe,\n whose irresistible strength appeared to support THE broTHEr of\n Tacitus. But THE fortune and activity of Probus triumphed over\n every obstacle. The hardy veterans of his rival, accustomed to\n cold climates, sickened and consumed away in THE sultry heats of\n Cilicia, where THE summer proved remarkably unwholesome. Their\n numbers were diminished by frequent desertion; THE passes of THE\n mountains were feebly defended; Tarsus opened its gates; and THE\n soldiers of Florianus, when THEy had permitted him to enjoy THE\n Imperial title about three months, delivered THE empire from\n civil war by THE easy sacrifice of a prince whom THEy despised.\n 20\n\n 20 (return) [ Hist. August, p. 231. Zosimus, l. i. p. 58, 59.\n Zonaras, l. xii. p. 637. Aurelius Victor says, that Probus\n assumed THE empire in Illyricum; an opinion which (though adopted\n by a very learned man) would throw that period of history into\n inextricable confusion.]\n\n The perpetual revolutions of THE throne had so perfectly erased\n every notion of hereditary title, that THE family of an\n unfortunate emperor was incapable of exciting THE jealousy of his\n successors. The children of Tacitus and Florianus were permitted\n to descend into a private station, and to mingle with THE general\n mass of THE people. Their poverty indeed became an additional\n safeguard to THEir innocence. When Tacitus was elected by THE\n senate, he resigned his ample patrimony to THE public service; 21\n an act of generosity specious in appearance, but which evidently\n disclosed his intention of transmitting THE empire to his\n descendants. The only consolation of THEir fallen state was THE\n remembrance of transient greatness, and a distant hope, THE child\n of a flattering prophecy, that at THE end of a thousand years, a\n monarch of THE race of Tacitus should arise, THE protector of THE\n senate, THE restorer of Rome, and THE conqueror of THE whole\n earth. 22\n\n 21 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 229]\n\n 22 (return) [ He was to send judges to THE Parthians, Persians,\n and Sarmatians, a president to Taprobani, and a proconsul to THE\n Roman island, (supposed by Casaubon and Salmasius to mean\n Britain.) Such a history as mine (says Vopiscus with proper\n modesty) will not subsist a thousand years, to expose or justify\n THE prediction.]\n\n The peasants of Illyricum, who had already given Claudius and\n Aurelian to THE sinking empire, had an equal right to glory in\n THE elevation of Probus. 23 Above twenty years before, THE\n emperor Valerian, with his usual penetration, had discovered THE\n rising merit of THE young soldier, on whom he conferred THE rank\n of tribune, long before THE age prescribed by THE military\n regulations. The tribune soon justified his choice, by a victory\n over a great body of Sarmatians, in which he saved THE life of a\n near relation of Valerian; and deserved to receive from THE\n emperor’s hand THE collars, bracelets, spears, and banners, THE\n mural and THE civic crown, and all THE honorable rewards reserved\n by ancient Rome for successful valor. The third, and afterwards\n THE tenth, legion were intrusted to THE command of Probus, who,\n in every step of his promotion, showed himself superior to THE\n station which he filled. Africa and Pontus, THE Rhine, THE\n Danube, THE Euphrates, and THE Nile, by turns afforded him THE\n most splendid occasions of displaying his personal prowess and\n his conduct in war. Aurelian was indebted for THE honest courage\n with which he often checked THE cruelty of his master. Tacitus,\n who desired by THE abilities of his generals to supply his own\n deficiency of military talents, named him commander-in-chief of\n all THE eastern provinces, with five times THE usual salary, THE\n promise of THE consulship, and THE hope of a triumph. When Probus\n ascended THE Imperial throne, he was about forty-four years of\n age; 24 in THE full possession of his fame, of THE love of THE\n army, and of a mature vigor of mind and body.\n\n 23 (return) [ For THE private life of Probus, see Vopiscus in\n Hist. August p. 234—237]\n\n 24 (return) [ According to THE Alexandrian chronicle, he was\n fifty at THE time of his death.]\n\n His acknowledged merit, and THE success of his arms against\n Florianus, left him without an enemy or a competitor. Yet, if we\n may credit his own professions, very far from being desirous of\n THE empire, he had accepted it with THE most sincere reluctance.\n “But it is no longer in my power,” says Probus, in a private\n letter, “to lay down a title so full of envy and of danger. I\n must continue to personate THE character which THE soldiers have\n imposed upon me.” 25 His dutiful address to THE senate displayed\n THE sentiments, or at least THE language, of a Roman patriot:\n “When you elected one of your order, conscript faTHErs! to\n succeed THE emperor Aurelian, you acted in a manner suitable to\n your justice and wisdom. For you are THE legal sovereigns of THE\n world, and THE power which you derive from your ancestors will\n descend to your posterity. Happy would it have been, if\n Florianus, instead of usurping THE purple of his broTHEr, like a\n private inheritance, had expected what your majesty might\n determine, eiTHEr in his favor, or in that of any oTHEr person.\n The prudent soldiers have punished his rashness. To me THEy have\n offered THE title of Augustus. But I submit to your clemency my\n pretensions and my merits.” 26 When this respectful epistle was\n read by THE consul, THE senators were unable to disguise THEir\n satisfaction, that Probus should condescend thus numbly to\n solicit a sceptre which he already possessed. They celebrated\n with THE warmest gratitude his virtues, his exploits, and above\n all his moderation. A decree immediately passed, without a\n dissenting voice, to ratify THE election of THE eastern armies,\n and to confer on THEir chief all THE several branches of THE\n Imperial dignity: THE names of Cæsar and Augustus, THE title of\n FaTHEr of his country, THE right of making in THE same day three\n motions in THE senate, 27 THE office of Pontifex Maximus, THE\n tribunitian power, and THE proconsular command; a mode of\n investiture, which, though it seemed to multiply THE authority of\n THE emperor, expressed THE constitution of THE ancient republic.\n The reign of Probus corresponded with this fair beginning. The\n senate was permitted to direct THE civil administration of THE\n empire. Their faithful general asserted THE honor of THE Roman\n arms, and often laid at THEir feet crowns of gold and barbaric\n trophies, THE fruits of his numerous victories. 28 Yet, whilst he\n gratified THEir vanity, he must secretly have despised THEir\n indolence and weakness. Though it was every moment in THEir power\n to repeal THE disgraceful edict of Gallienus, THE proud\n successors of THE Scipios patiently acquiesced in THEir exclusion\n from all military employments. They soon experienced, that those\n who refuse THE sword must renounce THE sceptre.\n\n 25 (return) [ This letter was addressed to THE Prætorian præfect,\n whom (on condition of his good behavior) he promised to continue\n in his great office. See Hist. August. p. 237.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 237. The date of THE\n letter is assuredly faulty. Instead of Nen. Februar. we may read\n Non August.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 238. It is odd that THE senate\n should treat Probus less favorably than Marcus Antoninus. That\n prince had received, even before THE death of Pius, Jus quintoe\n relationis. See Capitolin. in Hist. August. p. 24.]\n\n 28 (return) [ See THE dutiful letter of Probus to THE senate,\n after his German victories. Hist. August. p. 239.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XII: Reigns Of Tacitus, Probus, Carus And His Sons.—Part\n II.\n\n The strength of Aurelian had crushed on every side THE enemies of\n Rome. After his death THEy seemed to revive with an increase of\n fury and of numbers. They were again vanquished by THE active\n vigor of Probus, who, in a short reign of about six years, 29\n equalled THE fame of ancient heroes, and restored peace and order\n to every province of THE Roman world. The dangerous frontier of\n Rhætia he so firmly secured, that he left it without THE\n suspicion of an enemy. He broke THE wandering power of THE\n Sarmatian tribes, and by THE terror of his arms compelled those\n barbarians to relinquish THEir spoil. The Gothic nation courted\n THE alliance of so warlike an emperor. 30 He attacked THE\n Isaurians in THEir mountains, besieged and took several of THEir\n strongest castles, 31 and flattered himself that he had forever\n suppressed a domestic foe, whose independence so deeply wounded\n THE majesty of THE empire. The troubles excited by THE usurper\n Firmus in THE Upper Egypt had never been perfectly appeased, and\n THE cities of Ptolemais and Coptos, fortified by THE alliance of\n THE Blemmyes, still maintained an obscure rebellion. The\n chastisement of those cities, and of THEir auxiliaries THE\n savages of THE South, is said to have alarmed THE court of\n Persia, 32 and THE Great King sued in vain for THE friendship of\n Probus. Most of THE exploits which distinguished his reign were\n achieved by THE personal valor and conduct of THE emperor,\n insomuch that THE writer of his life expresses some amazement\n how, in so short a time, a single man could be present in so many\n distant wars. The remaining actions he intrusted to THE care of\n his lieutenants, THE judicious choice of whom forms no\n inconsiderable part of his glory. Carus, Diocletian, Maximian,\n Constantius, Galerius, Asclepiodatus, Annibalianus, and a crowd\n of oTHEr chiefs, who afterwards ascended or supported THE throne,\n were trained to arms in THE severe school of Aurelian and Probus.\n 33\n\n 29 (return) [ The date and duration of THE reign of Probus are\n very correctly ascertained by Cardinal Noris in his learned work,\n De Epochis Syro-Macedonum, p. 96—105. A passage of Eusebius\n connects THE second year of Probus with THE æras of several of\n THE Syrian cities.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 239.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Zosimus (l. i. p. 62—65) tells us a very long and\n trifling story of Lycius, THE Isaurian robber.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Zosim. l. i. p. 65. Vopiscus in Hist. August. p.\n 239, 240. But it seems incredible that THE defeat of THE savages\n of Æthiopia could affect THE Persian monarch.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Besides THEse well-known chiefs, several oTHErs are\n named by Vopiscus, (Hist. August. p. 241,) whose actions have not\n reached knowledge.]\n\n But THE most important service which Probus rendered to THE\n republic was THE deliverance of Gaul, and THE recovery of seventy\n flourishing cities oppressed by THE barbarians of Germany, who,\n since THE death of Aurelian, had ravaged that great province with\n impunity. 34 Among THE various multitude of those fierce invaders\n we may distinguish, with some degree of clearness, three great\n armies, or raTHEr nations, successively vanquished by THE valor\n of Probus. He drove back THE Franks into THEir morasses; a\n descriptive circumstance from whence we may infer, that THE\n confederacy known by THE manly appellation of _Free_, already\n occupied THE flat maritime country, intersected and almost\n overflown by THE stagnating waters of THE Rhine, and that several\n tribes of THE Frisians and Batavians had acceded to THEir\n alliance. He vanquished THE Burgundians, a considerable people of\n THE Vandalic race. 341 They had wandered in quest of booty from\n THE banks of THE Oder to those of THE Seine. They esteemed\n THEmselves sufficiently fortunate to purchase, by THE restitution\n of all THEir booty, THE permission of an undisturbed retreat.\n They attempted to elude that article of THE treaty. Their\n punishment was immediate and terrible. 35 But of all THE invaders\n of Gaul, THE most formidable were THE Lygians, a distant people,\n who reigned over a wide domain on THE frontiers of Poland and\n Silesia. 36 In THE Lygian nation, THE Arii held THE first rank by\n THEir numbers and fierceness. “The Arii” (it is thus that THEy\n are described by THE energy of Tacitus) “study to improve by art\n and circumstances THE innate terrors of THEir barbarism. Their\n shields are black, THEir bodies are painted black. They choose\n for THE combat THE darkest hour of THE night. Their host\n advances, covered as it were with a funeral shade; 37 nor do THEy\n often find an enemy capable of sustaining so strange and infernal\n an aspect. Of all our senses, THE eyes are THE first vanquished\n in battle.” 38 Yet THE arms and discipline of THE Romans easily\n discomfited THEse horrid phantoms. The Lygii were defeated in a\n general engagement, and Semno, THE most renowned of THEir chiefs,\n fell alive into THE hands of Probus. That prudent emperor,\n unwilling to reduce a brave people to despair, granted THEm an\n honorable capitulation, and permitted THEm to return in safety to\n THEir native country. But THE losses which THEy suffered in THE\n march, THE battle, and THE retreat, broke THE power of THE\n nation: nor is THE Lygian name ever repeated in THE history\n eiTHEr of Germany or of THE empire. The deliverance of Gaul is\n reported to have cost THE lives of four hundred thousand of THE\n invaders; a work of labor to THE Romans, and of expense to THE\n emperor, who gave a piece of gold for THE head of every\n barbarian. 39 But as THE fame of warriors is built on THE\n destruction of human kind, we may naturally suspect that THE\n sanguinary account was multiplied by THE avarice of THE soldiers,\n and accepted without any very severe examination by THE liberal\n vanity of Probus.\n\n 34 (return) [ See THE Cæsars of Julian, and Hist. August. p. 238,\n 240, 241.]\n\n 341 (return) [ It was only under THE emperors Diocletian and\n Maximian, that THE Burgundians, in concert with THE Alemanni,\n invaded THE interior of Gaul; under THE reign of Probus, THEy did\n no more than pass THE river which separated THEm from THE Roman\n Empire: THEy were repelled. Gatterer presumes that this river was\n THE Danube; a passage in Zosimus appears to me raTHEr to indicate\n THE Rhine. Zos. l. i. p. 37, edit H. Etienne, 1581.—G. On THE\n origin of THE Burgundians may be consulted Malte Brun, Geogr vi.\n p. 396, (edit. 1831,) who observes that all THE remains of THE\n Burgundian language indicate that THEy spoke a Gothic\n dialect.—M.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 62. Hist. August. p. 240. But THE\n latter supposes THE punishment inflicted with THE consent of\n THEir kings: if so, it was partial, like THE offence.]\n\n 36 (return) [ See Cluver. Germania Antiqua, l. iii. Ptolemy\n places in THEir country THE city of Calisia, probably Calish in\n Silesia. * Note: Luden (vol ii. 501) supposes that THEse have\n been erroneously identified with THE Lygii of Tacitus. Perhaps\n one fertile source of mistakes has been, that THE Romans have\n turned appellations into national names. Malte Brun observes of\n THE Lygii, “that THEir name appears Sclavonian, and signifies\n ‘inhabitants of plains;’ THEy are probably THE Lieches of THE\n middle ages, and THE ancestors of THE Poles. We find among THE\n Arii THE worship of THE two twin gods known in THE Sclavian\n mythology.” Malte Brun, vol. i. p. 278, (edit. 1831.)—M. But\n compare Schafarik, Slawische Alterthumer, 1, p. 406. They were of\n German or Keltish descent, occupying THE Wendish (or Slavian)\n district, Luhy.—M. 1845.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Feralis umbra, is THE expression of Tacitus: it is\n surely a very bold one.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Tacit. Germania, (c. 43.)]\n\n 39 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 238]\n\n Since THE expedition of Maximin, THE Roman generals had confined\n THEir ambition to a defensive war against THE nations of Germany,\n who perpetually pressed on THE frontiers of THE empire. The more\n daring Probus pursued his Gallic victories, passed THE Rhine, and\n displayed his invincible eagles on THE banks of THE Elbe and THE\n Neckar. He was fully convinced that nothing could reconcile THE\n minds of THE barbarians to peace, unless THEy experienced, in\n THEir own country, THE calamities of war. Germany, exhausted by\n THE ill success of THE last emigration, was astonished by his\n presence. Nine of THE most considerable princes repaired to his\n camp, and fell prostrate at his feet. Such a treaty was humbly\n received by THE Germans, as it pleased THE conqueror to dictate.\n He exacted a strict restitution of THE effects and captives which\n THEy had carried away from THE provinces; and obliged THEir own\n magistrates to punish THE more obstinate robbers who presumed to\n detain any part of THE spoil. A considerable tribute of corn,\n cattle, and horses, THE only wealth of barbarians, was reserved\n for THE use of THE garrisons which Probus established on THE\n limits of THEir territory. He even entertained some thoughts of\n compelling THE Germans to relinquish THE exercise of arms, and to\n trust THEir differences to THE justice, THEir safety to THE\n power, of Rome. To accomplish THEse salutary ends, THE constant\n residence of an Imperial governor, supported by a numerous army,\n was indispensably requisite. Probus THErefore judged it more\n expedient to defer THE execution of so great a design; which was\n indeed raTHEr of specious than solid utility. 40 Had Germany been\n reduced into THE state of a province, THE Romans, with immense\n labor and expense, would have acquired only a more extensive\n boundary to defend against THE fiercer and more active barbarians\n of Scythia.\n\n 40 (return) [ Hist. August. 238, 239. Vopiscus quotes a letter\n from THE emperor to THE senate, in which he mentions his design\n of reducing Germany into a province.]\n\n Instead of reducing THE warlike natives of Germany to THE\n condition of subjects, Probus contented himself with THE humble\n expedient of raising a bulwark against THEir inroads. The country\n which now forms THE circle of Swabia had been left desert in THE\n age of Augustus by THE emigration of its ancient inhabitants. 41\n The fertility of THE soil soon attracted a new colony from THE\n adjacent provinces of Gaul. Crowds of adventurers, of a roving\n temper and of desperate fortunes, occupied THE doubtful\n possession, and acknowledged, by THE payment of tiTHEs, THE\n majesty of THE empire. 42 To protect THEse new subjects, a line\n of frontier garrisons was gradually extended from THE Rhine to\n THE Danube. About THE reign of Hadrian, when that mode of defence\n began to be practised, THEse garrisons were connected and covered\n by a strong intrenchment of trees and palisades. In THE place of\n so rude a bulwark, THE emperor Probus constructed a stone wall of\n a considerable height, and strengTHEned it by towers at\n convenient distances. From THE neighborhood of Neustadt and\n Ratisbon on THE Danube, it stretched across hills, valleys,\n rivers, and morasses, as far as Wimpfen on THE Neckar, and at\n length terminated on THE banks of THE Rhine, after a winding\n course of near two hundred miles. 43 This important barrier,\n uniting THE two mighty streams that protected THE provinces of\n Europe, seemed to fill up THE vacant space through which THE\n barbarians, and particularly THE Alemanni, could penetrate with\n THE greatest facility into THE heart of THE empire. But THE\n experience of THE world, from China to Britain, has exposed THE\n vain attempt of fortifying any extensive tract of country. 44 An\n active enemy, who can select and vary his points of attack, must,\n in THE end, discover some feeble spot, or some unguarded moment.\n The strength, as well as THE attention, of THE defenders is\n divided; and such are THE blind effects of terror on THE firmest\n troops, that a line broken in a single place is almost instantly\n deserted. The fate of THE wall which Probus erected may confirm\n THE general observation. Within a few years after his death, it\n was overthrown by THE Alemanni. Its scattered ruins, universally\n ascribed to THE power of THE Dæmon, now serve only to excite THE\n wonder of THE Swabian peasant.\n\n 41 (return) [ Strabo, l. vii. According to Valleius Paterculus,\n (ii. 108,) Maroboduus led his Marcomanni into Bohemia; Cluverius\n (German. Antiq. iii. 8) proves that it was from Swabia.]\n\n 42 (return) [ These settlers, from THE payment of tiTHEs, were\n denominated Decunates. Tacit. Germania, c. 29]\n\n 43 (return) [ See notes de l’Abbé de la Bleterie a la Germanie de\n Tacite, p. 183. His account of THE wall is chiefly borrowed (as\n he says himself) from THE Alsatia Illustrata of Schoepflin.]\n\n 44 (return) [ See Recherches sur les Chinois et les Egyptiens,\n tom. ii. p. 81—102. The anonymous author is well acquainted with\n THE globe in general, and with Germany in particular: with regard\n to THE latter, he quotes a work of M. Hanselman; but he seems to\n confound THE wall of Probus, designed against THE Alemanni, with\n THE fortification of THE Mattiaci, constructed in THE\n neighborhood of Frankfort against THE Catti. * Note: De Pauw is\n well known to have been THE author of this work, as of THE\n Recherches sur les Americains before quoted. The judgment of M.\n Remusat on this writer is in a very different, I fear a juster\n tone. Quand au lieu de rechercher, d’examiner, d’etudier, on se\n borne, comme cet ecrivain, a juger a prononcer, a decider, sans\n connoitre ni l’histoire. ni les langues, sans recourir aux\n sources, sans meme se douter de leur existence, on peut en\n imposer pendant quelque temps a des lecteurs prevenus ou peu\n instruits; mais le mepris qui ne manque guere de succeder a cet\n engouement fait bientot justice de ces assertions hazardees, et\n elles retombent dans l’oubli d’autant plus promptement, qu’elles\n ont ete posees avec plus de confiance. Sur les l angues Tartares,\n p. 231.—M.]\n\n Among THE useful conditions of peace imposed by Probus on THE\n vanquished nations of Germany, was THE obligation of supplying\n THE Roman army with sixteen thousand recruits, THE bravest and\n most robust of THEir youth. The emperor dispersed THEm through\n all THE provinces, and distributed this dangerous reënforcement,\n in small bands of fifty or sixty each, among THE national troops;\n judiciously observing, that THE aid which THE republic derived\n from THE barbarians should be felt but not seen. 45 Their aid was\n now become necessary. The feeble elegance of Italy and THE\n internal provinces could no longer support THE weight of arms.\n The hardy frontiers of THE Rhine and Danube still produced minds\n and bodies equal to THE labors of THE camp; but a perpetual\n series of wars had gradually diminished THEir numbers. The\n infrequency of marriage, and THE ruin of agriculture, affected\n THE principles of population, and not only destroyed THE strength\n of THE present, but intercepted THE hope of future, generations.\n The wisdom of Probus embraced a great and beneficial plan of\n replenishing THE exhausted frontiers, by new colonies of captive\n or fugitive barbarians, on whom he bestowed lands, cattle,\n instruments of husbandry, and every encouragement that might\n engage THEm to educate a race of soldiers for THE service of THE\n republic. Into Britain, and most probably into Cambridgeshire, 46\n he transported a considerable body of Vandals. The impossibility\n of an escape reconciled THEm to THEir situation, and in THE\n subsequent troubles of that island, THEy approved THEmselves THE\n most faithful servants of THE state. 47 Great numbers of Franks\n and Gepidæ were settled on THE banks of THE Danube and THE Rhine.\n A hundred thousand Bastarnæ, expelled from THEir own country,\n cheerfully accepted an establishment in Thrace, and soon imbibed\n THE manners and sentiments of Roman subjects. 48 But THE\n expectations of Probus were too often disappointed. The\n impatience and idleness of THE barbarians could ill brook THE\n slow labors of agriculture. Their unconquerable love of freedom,\n rising against despotism, provoked THEm into hasty rebellions,\n alike fatal to THEmselves and to THE provinces; 49 nor could\n THEse artificial supplies, however repeated by succeeding\n emperors, restore THE important limit of Gaul and Illyricum to\n its ancient and native vigor.\n\n 45 (return) [ He distributed about fifty or sixty barbarians to a\n Numerus, as it was THEn called, a corps with whose established\n number we are not exactly acquainted.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Camden’s Britannia, Introduction, p. 136; but he\n speaks from a very doubtful conjecture.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Zosimus, l. i. p. 62. According to Vopiscus,\n anoTHEr body of Vandals was less faithful.]\n\n 48 (return) [Footnote 48: Hist. August. p. 240. They were\n probably expelled by THE Goths. Zosim. l. i. p. 66.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 240.]\n\n Of all THE barbarians who abandoned THEir new settlements, and\n disturbed THE public tranquillity, a very small number returned\n to THEir own country. For a short season THEy might wander in\n arms through THE empire; but in THE end THEy were surely\n destroyed by THE power of a warlike emperor. The successful\n rashness of a party of Franks was attended, however, with such\n memorable consequences, that it ought not to be passed unnoticed.\n They had been established by Probus, on THE sea-coast of Pontus,\n with a view of strengTHEning THE frontier against THE inroads of\n THE Alani. A fleet stationed in one of THE harbors of THE Euxine\n fell into THE hands of THE Franks; and THEy resolved, through\n unknown seas, to explore THEir way from THE mouth of THE Phasis\n to that of THE Rhine. They easily escaped through THE Bosphorus\n and THE Hellespont, and cruising along THE Mediterranean,\n indulged THEir appetite for revenge and plunder by frequent\n descents on THE unsuspecting shores of Asia, Greece, and Africa.\n The opulent city of Syracuse, in whose port THE navies of ATHEns\n and Carthage had formerly been sunk, was sacked by a handful of\n barbarians, who massacred THE greatest part of THE trembling\n inhabitants. From THE island of Sicily THE Franks proceeded to\n THE columns of Hercules, trusted THEmselves to THE ocean, coasted\n round Spain and Gaul, and steering THEir triumphant course\n through THE British Channel, at length finished THEir surprising\n voyage, by landing in safety on THE Batavian or Frisian shores.\n 50 The example of THEir success, instructing THEir countrymen to\n conceive THE advantages and to despise THE dangers of THE sea,\n pointed out to THEir enterprising spirit a new road to wealth and\n glory.\n\n 50 (return) [ Panegyr. Vet. v. 18. Zosimus, l. i. p. 66.]\n\n Notwithstanding THE vigilance and activity of Probus, it was\n almost impossible that he could at once contain in obedience\n every part of his wide-extended dominions. The barbarians, who\n broke THEir chains, had seized THE favorable opportunity of a\n domestic war. When THE emperor marched to THE relief of Gaul, he\n devolved THE command of THE East on Saturninus. That general, a\n man of merit and experience, was driven into rebellion by THE\n absence of his sovereign, THE levity of THE Alexandrian people,\n THE pressing instances of his friends, and his own fears; but\n from THE moment of his elevation, he never entertained a hope of\n empire, or even of life. “Alas!” he said, “THE republic has lost\n a useful servant, and THE rashness of an hour has destroyed THE\n services of many years. You know not,” continued he, “THE misery\n of sovereign power; a sword is perpetually suspended over our\n head. We dread our very guards, we distrust our companions. The\n choice of action or of repose is no longer in our disposition,\n nor is THEre any age, or character, or conduct, that can protect\n us from THE censure of envy. In thus exalting me to THE throne,\n you have doomed me to a life of cares, and to an untimely fate.\n The only consolation which remains is THE assurance that I shall\n not fall alone.” 51 But as THE former part of his prediction was\n verified by THE victory, so THE latter was disappointed by THE\n clemency, of Probus. That amiable prince attempted even to save\n THE unhappy Saturninus from THE fury of THE soldiers. He had more\n than once solicited THE usurper himself to place some confidence\n in THE mercy of a sovereign who so highly esteemed his character,\n that he had punished, as a malicious informer, THE first who\n related THE improbable news of his disaffection. 52 Saturninus\n might, perhaps, have embraced THE generous offer, had he not been\n restrained by THE obstinate distrust of his adherents. Their\n guilt was deeper, and THEir hopes more sanguine, than those of\n THEir experienced leader.\n\n 51 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 245, 246. The\n unfortunate orator had studied rhetoric at Carthage; and was\n THErefore more probably a Moor (Zosim. l. i. p. 60) than a Gaul,\n as Vopiscus calls him.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Zonaras, l. xii. p. 638.]\n\n The revolt of Saturninus was scarcely extinguished in THE East,\n before new troubles were excited in THE West, by THE rebellion of\n Bonosus and Proculus, in Gaul. The most distinguished merit of\n those two officers was THEir respective prowess, of THE one in\n THE combats of Bacchus, of THE oTHEr in those of Venus, 53 yet\n neiTHEr of THEm was destitute of courage and capacity, and both\n sustained, with honor, THE august character which THE fear of\n punishment had engaged THEm to assume, till THEy sunk at length\n beneath THE superior genius of Probus. He used THE victory with\n his accustomed moderation, and spared THE fortune, as well as THE\n lives of THEir innocent families. 54\n\n 53 (return) [ A very surprising instance is recorded of THE\n prowess of Proculus. He had taken one hundred Sarmatian virgins.\n The rest of THE story he must relate in his own language: “Ex his\n una necte decem inivi; omnes tamen, quod in me erat, mulieres\n intra dies quindecim reddidi.” Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 246.]\n\n 54 (return) [ Proculus, who was a native of Albengue, on THE\n Genoese coast armed two thousand of his own slaves. His riches\n were great, but THEy were acquired by robbery. It was afterwards\n a saying of his family, sibi non placere esse vel principes vel\n latrones. Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 247.]\n\n The arms of Probus had now suppressed all THE foreign and\n domestic enemies of THE state. His mild but steady administration\n confirmed THE re-ëstablishment of THE public tranquillity; nor\n was THEre left in THE provinces a hostile barbarian, a tyrant, or\n even a robber, to revive THE memory of past disorders. It was\n time that THE emperor should revisit Rome, and celebrate his own\n glory and THE general happiness. The triumph due to THE valor of\n Probus was conducted with a magnificence suitable to his fortune,\n and THE people, who had so lately admired THE trophies of\n Aurelian, gazed with equal pleasure on those of his heroic\n successor. 55 We cannot, on this occasion, forget THE desperate\n courage of about fourscore gladiators, reserved, with near six\n hundred oTHErs, for THE inhuman sports of THE amphiTHEatre.\n Disdaining to shed THEir blood for THE amusement of THE populace,\n THEy killed THEir keepers, broke from THE place of THEir\n confinement, and filled THE streets of Rome with blood and\n confusion. After an obstinate resistance, THEy were overpowered\n and cut in pieces by THE regular forces; but THEy obtained at\n least an honorable death, and THE satisfaction of a just revenge.\n 56\n\n 55 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 240.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Zosim. l. i. p. 66.]\n\n The military discipline which reigned in THE camps of Probus was\n less cruel than that of Aurelian, but it was equally rigid and\n exact. The latter had punished THE irregularities of THE soldiers\n with unrelenting severity, THE former prevented THEm by employing\n THE legions in constant and useful labors. When Probus commanded\n in Egypt, he executed many considerable works for THE splendor\n and benefit of that rich country. The navigation of THE Nile, so\n important to Rome itself, was improved; and temples, buildings,\n porticos, and palaces, were constructed by THE hands of THE\n soldiers, who acted by turns as architects, as engineers, and as\n husbandmen. 57 It was reported of Hannibal, that, in order to\n preserve his troops from THE dangerous temptations of idleness,\n he had obliged THEm to form large plantations of olive-trees\n along THE coast of Africa. 58 From a similar principle, Probus\n exercised his legions in covering with rich vineyards THE hills\n of Gaul and Pannonia, and two considerable spots are described,\n which were entirely dug and planted by military labor. 59 One of\n THEse, known under THE name of Mount Almo, was situated near\n Sirmium, THE country where Probus was born, for which he ever\n retained a partial affection, and whose gratitude he endeavored\n to secure, by converting into tillage a large and unhealthy tract\n of marshy ground. An army thus employed constituted perhaps THE\n most useful, as well as THE bravest, portion of Roman subjects.\n\n 57 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 236.]\n\n 58 (return) [ Aurel. Victor. in Prob. But THE policy of Hannibal,\n unnoticed by any more ancient writer, is irreconcilable with THE\n history of his life. He left Africa when he was nine years old,\n returned to it when he was forty-five, and immediately lost his\n army in THE decisive battle of Zama. Livilus, xxx. 37.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 240. Eutrop. ix. 17. Aurel.\n Victor. in Prob. Victor Junior. He revoked THE prohibition of\n Domitian, and granted a general permission of planting vines to\n THE Gauls, THE Britons, and THE Pannonians.]\n\n But in THE prosecution of a favorite scheme, THE best of men,\n satisfied with THE rectitude of THEir intentions, are subject to\n forget THE bounds of moderation; nor did Probus himself\n sufficiently consult THE patience and disposition of his fierce\n legionaries. 60 The dangers of THE military profession seem only\n to be compensated by a life of pleasure and idleness; but if THE\n duties of THE soldier are incessantly aggravated by THE labors of\n THE peasant, he will at last sink under THE intolerable burden,\n or shake it off with indignation. The imprudence of Probus is\n said to have inflamed THE discontent of his troops. More\n attentive to THE interests of mankind than to those of THE army,\n he expressed THE vain hope, that, by THE establishment of\n universal peace, he should soon abolish THE necessity of a\n standing and mercenary force. 61 The unguarded expression proved\n fatal to him. In one of THE hottest days of summer, as he\n severely urged THE unwholesome labor of draining THE marshes of\n Sirmium, THE soldiers, impatient of fatigue, on a sudden threw\n down THEir tools, grasped THEir arms, and broke out into a\n furious mutiny. The emperor, conscious of his danger, took refuge\n in a lofty tower, constructed for THE purpose of surveying THE\n progress of THE work. 62 The tower was instantly forced, and a\n thousand swords were plunged at once into THE bosom of THE\n unfortunate Probus. The rage of THE troops subsided as soon as it\n had been gratified. They THEn lamented THEir fatal rashness,\n forgot THE severity of THE emperor whom THEy had massacred, and\n hastened to perpetuate, by an honorable monument, THE memory of\n his virtues and victories. 63\n\n 60 (return) [ Julian bestows a severe, and indeed excessive,\n censure on THE rigor of Probus, who, as he thinks, almost\n deserved his fate.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 241. He lavishes on\n this idle hope a large stock of very foolish eloquence.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Turris ferrata. It seems to have been a movable\n tower, and cased with iron.]\n\n 63 (return) [ Probus, et vere probus situs est; Victor omnium\n gentium Barbararum; victor etiam tyrannorum.]\n\n When THE legions had indulged THEir grief and repentance for THE\n death of Probus, THEir unanimous consent declared Carus, his\n Prætorian præfect, THE most deserving of THE Imperial throne.\n Every circumstance that relates to this prince appears of a mixed\n and doubtful nature. He gloried in THE title of Roman Citizen;\n and affected to compare THE purity of _his_ blood with THE\n foreign and even barbarous origin of THE preceding emperors; yet\n THE most inquisitive of his contemporaries, very far from\n admitting his claim, have variously deduced his own birth, or\n that of his parents, from Illyricum, from Gaul, or from Africa.\n 64 Though a soldier, he had received a learned education; though\n a senator, he was invested with THE first dignity of THE army;\n and in an age when THE civil and military professions began to be\n irrecoverably separated from each oTHEr, THEy were united in THE\n person of Carus. Notwithstanding THE severe justice which he\n exercised against THE assassins of Probus, to whose favor and\n esteem he was highly indebted, he could not escape THE suspicion\n of being accessory to a deed from whence he derived THE principal\n advantage. He enjoyed, at least before his elevation, an\n acknowledged character of virtue and abilities; 65 but his\n austere temper insensibly degenerated into moroseness and\n cruelty; and THE imperfect writers of his life almost hesitate\n wheTHEr THEy shall not rank him in THE number of Roman tyrants.\n 66 When Carus assumed THE purple, he was about sixty years of\n age, and his two sons, Carinus and Numerian had already attained\n THE season of manhood. 67\n\n 64 (return) [ Yet all this may be conciliated. He was born at\n Narbonne in Illyricum, confounded by Eutropius with THE more\n famous city of that name in Gaul. His faTHEr might be an African,\n and his moTHEr a noble Roman. Carus himself was educated in THE\n capital. See Scaliger Animadversion. ad Euseb. Chron. p. 241.]\n\n 65 (return) [ Probus had requested of THE senate an equestrian\n statue and a marble palace, at THE public expense, as a just\n recompense of THE singular merit of Carus. Vopiscus in Hist.\n August. p. 249.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 242, 249. Julian\n excludes THE emperor Carus and both his sons from THE banquet of\n THE Cæsars.]\n\n 67 (return) [ John Malala, tom. i. p. 401. But THE authority of\n that ignorant Greek is very slight. He ridiculously derives from\n Carus THE city of Carrhæ, and THE province of Caria, THE latter\n of which is mentioned by Homer.]\n\n The authority of THE senate expired with Probus; nor was THE\n repentance of THE soldiers displayed by THE same dutiful regard\n for THE civil power, which THEy had testified after THE\n unfortunate death of Aurelian. The election of Carus was decided\n without expecting THE approbation of THE senate, and THE new\n emperor contented himself with announcing, in a cold and stately\n epistle, that he had ascended THE vacant throne. 68 A behavior so\n very opposite to that of his amiable predecessor afforded no\n favorable presage of THE new reign: and THE Romans, deprived of\n power and freedom, asserted THEir privilege of licentious\n murmurs. 69 The voice of congratulation and flattery was not,\n however, silent; and we may still peruse, with pleasure and\n contempt, an eclogue, which was composed on THE accession of THE\n emperor Carus. Two shepherds, avoiding THE noontide heat, retire\n into THE cave of Faunus. On a spreading beech THEy discover some\n recent characters. The rural deity had described, in prophetic\n verses, THE felicity promised to THE empire under THE reign of so\n great a prince. Faunus hails THE approach of that hero, who,\n receiving on his shoulders THE sinking weight of THE Roman world,\n shall extinguish war and faction, and once again restore THE\n innocence and security of THE golden age. 70\n\n 68 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 249. Carus congratulated THE\n senate, that one of THEir own order was made emperor.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 242.]\n\n 70 (return) [ See THE first eclogue of Calphurnius. The design of\n it is preferes by Fontenelle to that of Virgil’s Pollio. See tom.\n iii. p. 148.]\n\n It is more than probable, that THEse elegant trifles never\n reached THE ears of a veteran general, who, with THE consent of\n THE legions, was preparing to execute THE long-suspended design\n of THE Persian war. Before his departure for this distant\n expedition, Carus conferred on his two sons, Carinus and\n Numerian, THE title of Cæsar, and investing THE former with\n almost an equal share of THE Imperial power, directed THE young\n prince first to suppress some troubles which had arisen in Gaul,\n and afterwards to fix THE seat of his residence at Rome, and to\n assume THE government of THE Western provinces. 71 The safety of\n Illyricum was confirmed by a memorable defeat of THE Sarmatians;\n sixteen thousand of those barbarians remained on THE field of\n battle, and THE number of captives amounted to twenty thousand.\n The old emperor, animated with THE fame and prospect of victory,\n pursued his march, in THE midst of winter, through THE countries\n of Thrace and Asia Minor, and at length, with his younger son,\n Numerian, arrived on THE confines of THE Persian monarchy. There,\n encamping on THE summit of a lofty mountain, he pointed out to\n his troops THE opulence and luxury of THE enemy whom THEy were\n about to invade.\n\n 71 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 353. Eutropius, ix. 18. Pagi.\n Annal.]\n\n The successor of Artaxerxes, 711 Varanes, or Bahram, though he\n had subdued THE Segestans, one of THE most warlike nations of\n Upper Asia, 72 was alarmed at THE approach of THE Romans, and\n endeavored to retard THEir progress by a negotiation of peace.\n 721\n\n His ambassadors entered THE camp about sunset, at THE time when\n THE troops were satisfying THEir hunger with a frugal repast. The\n Persians expressed THEir desire of being introduced to THE\n presence of THE Roman emperor. They were at length conducted to a\n soldier, who was seated on THE grass. A piece of stale bacon and\n a few hard peas composed his supper. A coarse woollen garment of\n purple was THE only circumstance that announced his dignity. The\n conference was conducted with THE same disregard of courtly\n elegance. Carus, taking off a cap which he wore to conceal his\n baldness, assured THE ambassadors, that, unless THEir master\n acknowledged THE superiority of Rome, he would speedily render\n Persia as naked of trees as his own head was destitute of hair.\n 73 Notwithstanding some traces of art and preparation, we may\n discover in this scene THE manners of Carus, and THE severe\n simplicity which THE martial princes, who succeeded Gallienus,\n had already restored in THE Roman camps. The ministers of THE\n Great King trembled and retired.\n\n 711 (return) [ Three monarchs had intervened, Sapor, (Shahpour,)\n Hormisdas, (Hormooz,) Varanes; Baharam THE First.—M.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Agathias, l. iv. p. 135. We find one of his sayings\n in THE BiblioTHEque Orientale of M. d’Herbelot. “The definition\n of humanity includes all oTHEr virtues.”]\n\n 721 (return) [ The manner in which his life was saved by THE\n Chief Pontiff from a conspiracy of his nobles, is as remarkable\n as his saying. “By THE advice (of THE Pontiff) all THE nobles\n absented THEmselves from court. The king wandered through his\n palace alone. He saw no one; all was silence around. He became\n alarmed and distressed. At last THE Chief Pontiff appeared, and\n bowed his head in apparent misery, but spoke not a word. The king\n entreated him to declare what had happened. The virtuous man\n boldly related all that had passed, and conjured Bahram, in THE\n name of his glorious ancestors, to change his conduct and save\n himself from destruction. The king was much moved, professed\n himself most penitent, and said he was resolved his future life\n should prove his sincerity. The overjoyed High Priest, delighted\n at this success, made a signal, at which all THE nobles and\n attendants were in an instant, as if by magic, in THEir usual\n places. The monarch now perceived that only one opinion prevailed\n on his past conduct. He repeated THErefore to his nobles all he\n had said to THE Chief Pontiff, and his future reign was unstained\n by cruelty or oppression.” Malcolm’s Persia,—M.]\n\n 73 (return) [ Synesius tells this story of Carinus; and it is\n much more natural to understand it of Carus, than (as Petavius\n and Tillemont choose to do) of Probus.]\n\n The threats of Carus were not without effect. He ravaged\n Mesopotamia, cut in pieces whatever opposed his passage, made\n himself master of THE great cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon,\n (which seemed to have surrendered without resistance,) and\n carried his victorious arms beyond THE Tigris. 74 He had seized\n THE favorable moment for an invasion. The Persian councils were\n distracted by domestic factions, and THE greater part of THEir\n forces were detained on THE frontiers of India. Rome and THE East\n received with transport THE news of such important advantages.\n Flattery and hope painted, in THE most lively colors, THE fall of\n Persia, THE conquest of Arabia, THE submission of Egypt, and a\n lasting deliverance from THE inroads of THE Scythian nations. 75\n But THE reign of Carus was destined to expose THE vanity of\n predictions. They were scarcely uttered before THEy were\n contradicted by his death; an event attended with such ambiguous\n circumstances, that it may be related in a letter from his own\n secretary to THE præfect of THE city. “Carus,” says he, “our\n dearest emperor, was confined by sickness to his bed, when a\n furious tempest arose in THE camp. The darkness which overspread\n THE sky was so thick, that we could no longer distinguish each\n oTHEr; and THE incessant flashes of lightning took from us THE\n knowledge of all that passed in THE general confusion.\n Immediately after THE most violent clap of thunder, we heard a\n sudden cry that THE emperor was dead; and it soon appeared, that\n his chamberlains, in a rage of grief, had set fire to THE royal\n pavilion; a circumstance which gave rise to THE report that Carus\n was killed by lightning. But, as far as we have been able to\n investigate THE truth, his death was THE natural effect of his\n disorder.” 76\n\n 74 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 250. Eutropius, ix.\n 18. The two Victors.]\n\n 75 (return) [ To THE Persian victory of Carus I refer THE\n dialogue of THE Philopatris, which has so long been an object of\n dispute among THE learned. But to explain and justify my opinion,\n would require a dissertation. Note: Niebuhr, in THE new edition\n of THE Byzantine Historians, (vol. x.) has boldly assigned THE\n Philopatris to THE tenth century, and to THE reign of Nicephorus\n Phocas. An opinion so decisively pronounced by Niebuhr and\n favorably received by Hase, THE learned editor of Leo Diaconus,\n commands respectful consideration. But THE whole tone of THE work\n appears to me altogeTHEr inconsistent with any period in which\n philosophy did not stand, as it were, on some ground of equality\n with Christianity. The doctrine of THE Trinity is sarcastically\n introduced raTHEr as THE strange doctrine of a new religion, than\n THE established tenet of a faith universally prevalent. The\n argument, adopted from Solanus, concerning THE formula of THE\n procession of THE Holy Ghost, is utterly worthless, as it is a\n mere quotation in THE words of THE Gospel of St. John, xv. 26.\n The only argument of any value is THE historic one, from THE\n allusion to THE recent violation of many virgins in THE Island of\n Crete. But neiTHEr is THE language of Niebuhr quite accurate, nor\n his reference to THE Acroases of Theodosius satisfactory. When,\n THEn, could this occurrence take place? Why not in THE\n devastation of THE island by THE Gothic pirates, during THE reign\n of Claudius. Hist. Aug. in Claud. p. 814. edit. Var. Lugd. Bat\n 1661.—M.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 250. Yet Eutropius, Festus, Rufus,\n THE two Victors, Jerome, Sidonius Apollinaris, Syncellus, and\n Zonaras, all ascribe THE death of Carus to lightning.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XII: Reigns Of Tacitus, Probus, Carus And His Sons.—Part\n III.\n\n The vacancy of THE throne was not productive of any disturbance.\n The ambition of THE aspiring generals was checked by THEir\n natural fears, and young Numerian, with his absent broTHEr\n Carinus, were unanimously acknowledged as Roman emperors.\n\n The public expected that THE successor of Carus would pursue his\n faTHEr’s footsteps, and, without allowing THE Persians to recover\n from THEir consternation, would advance sword in hand to THE\n palaces of Susa and Ecbatana. 77 But THE legions, however strong\n in numbers and discipline, were dismayed by THE most abject\n superstition. Notwithstanding all THE arts that were practised to\n disguise THE manner of THE late emperor’s death, it was found\n impossible to remove THE opinion of THE multitude, and THE power\n of opinion is irresistible. Places or persons struck with\n lightning were considered by THE ancients with pious horror, as\n singularly devoted to THE wrath of Heaven. 78 An oracle was\n remembered, which marked THE River Tigris as THE fatal boundary\n of THE Roman arms. The troops, terrified with THE fate of Carus\n and with THEir own danger, called aloud on young Numerian to obey\n THE will of THE gods, and to lead THEm away from this\n inauspicious scene of war. The feeble emperor was unable to\n subdue THEir obstinate prejudice, and THE Persians wondered at\n THE unexpected retreat of a victorious enemy. 79\n\n 77 (return) [ See Nemesian. Cynegeticon, v. 71, &c.]\n\n 78 (return) [ See Festus and his commentators on THE word\n Scribonianum. Places struck by lightning were surrounded with a\n wall; things were buried with mysterious ceremony.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 250. Aurelius Victor\n seems to believe THE prediction, and to approve THE retreat.]\n\n The intelligence of THE mysterious fate of THE late emperor was\n soon carried from THE frontiers of Persia to Rome; and THE\n senate, as well as THE provinces, congratulated THE accession of\n THE sons of Carus. These fortunate youths were strangers,\n however, to that conscious superiority, eiTHEr of birth or of\n merit, which can alone render THE possession of a throne easy,\n and, as it were, natural. Born and educated in a private station,\n THE election of THEir faTHEr raised THEm at once to THE rank of\n princes; and his death, which happened about sixteen months\n afterwards, left THEm THE unexpected legacy of a vast empire. To\n sustain with temper this rapid elevation, an uncommon share of\n virtue and prudence was requisite; and Carinus, THE elder of THE\n broTHErs, was more than commonly deficient in those qualities. In\n THE Gallic war he discovered some degree of personal courage; 80\n but from THE moment of his arrival at Rome, he abandoned himself\n to THE luxury of THE capital, and to THE abuse of his fortune. He\n was soft, yet cruel; devoted to pleasure, but destitute of taste;\n and though exquisitely susceptible of vanity, indifferent to THE\n public esteem. In THE course of a few months, he successively\n married and divorced nine wives, most of whom he left pregnant;\n and notwithstanding this legal inconstancy, found time to indulge\n such a variety of irregular appetites, as brought dishonor on\n himself and on THE noblest houses of Rome. He beheld with\n inveterate hatred all those who might remember his former\n obscurity, or censure his present conduct. He banished, or put to\n death, THE friends and counsellors whom his faTHEr had placed\n about him, to guide his inexperienced youth; and he persecuted\n with THE meanest revenge his school-fellows and companions who\n had not sufficiently respected THE latent majesty of THE emperor.\n\n With THE senators, Carinus affected a lofty and regal demeanor,\n frequently declaring, that he designed to distribute THEir\n estates among THE populace of Rome. From THE dregs of that\n populace he selected his favorites, and even his ministers. The\n palace, and even THE Imperial table, were filled with singers,\n dancers, prostitutes, and all THE various retinue of vice and\n folly. One of his doorkeepers 81 he intrusted with THE government\n of THE city. In THE room of THE Prætorian præfect, whom he put to\n death, Carinus substituted one of THE ministers of his looser\n pleasures. AnoTHEr, who possessed THE same, or even a more\n infamous, title to favor, was invested with THE consulship. A\n confidential secretary, who had acquired uncommon skill in THE\n art of forgery, delivered THE indolent emperor, with his own\n consent from THE irksome duty of signing his name.\n\n 80 (return) [ Nemesian. Cynegeticon, v 69. He was a contemporary,\n but a poet.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Cancellarius. This word, so humble in its origin,\n has, by a singular fortune, risen into THE title of THE first\n great office of state in THE monarchies of Europe. See Casaubon\n and Salmasius, ad Hist. August, p. 253.]\n\n When THE emperor Carus undertook THE Persian war, he was induced,\n by motives of affection as well as policy, to secure THE fortunes\n of his family, by leaving in THE hands of his eldest son THE\n armies and provinces of THE West. The intelligence which he soon\n received of THE conduct of Carinus filled him with shame and\n regret; nor had he concealed his resolution of satisfying THE\n republic by a severe act of justice, and of adopting, in THE\n place of an unworthy son, THE brave and virtuous Constantius, who\n at that time was governor of Dalmatia. But THE elevation of\n Constantius was for a while deferred; and as soon as THE faTHEr’s\n death had released Carinus from THE control of fear or decency,\n he displayed to THE Romans THE extravagancies of Elagabalus,\n aggravated by THE cruelty of Domitian. 82\n\n 82 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 253, 254. Eutropius,\n x. 19. Vic to Junior. The reign of Diocletian indeed was so long\n and prosperous, that it must have been very unfavorable to THE\n reputation of Carinus.]\n\n The only merit of THE administration of Carinus that history\n could record, or poetry celebrate, was THE uncommon splendor with\n which, in his own and his broTHEr’s name, he exhibited THE Roman\n games of THE THEatre, THE circus, and THE amphiTHEatre. More than\n twenty years afterwards, when THE courtiers of Diocletian\n represented to THEir frugal sovereign THE fame and popularity of\n his munificent predecessor, he acknowledged that THE reign of\n Carinus had indeed been a reign of pleasure. 83 But this vain\n prodigality, which THE prudence of Diocletian might justly\n despise, was enjoyed with surprise and transport by THE Roman\n people. The oldest of THE citizens, recollecting THE spectacles\n of former days, THE triumphal pomp of Probus or Aurelian, and THE\n secular games of THE emperor Philip, acknowledged that THEy were\n all surpassed by THE superior magnificence of Carinus. 84\n\n 83 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 254. He calls him\n Carus, but THE sense is sufficiently obvious, and THE words were\n often confounded.]\n\n 84 (return) [ See Calphurnius, Eclog. vii. 43. We may observe,\n that THE spectacles of Probus were still recent, and that THE\n poet is seconded by THE historian.]\n\n The spectacles of Carinus may THErefore be best illustrated by\n THE observation of some particulars, which history has\n condescended to relate concerning those of his predecessors. If\n we confine ourselves solely to THE hunting of wild beasts,\n however we may censure THE vanity of THE design or THE cruelty of\n THE execution, we are obliged to confess that neiTHEr before nor\n since THE time of THE Romans so much art and expense have ever\n been lavished for THE amusement of THE people. 85 By THE order of\n Probus, a great quantity of large trees, torn up by THE roots,\n were transplanted into THE midst of THE circus. The spacious and\n shady forest was immediately filled with a thousand ostriches, a\n thousand stags, a thousand fallow deer, and a thousand wild\n boars; and all this variety of game was abandoned to THE riotous\n impetuosity of THE multitude. The tragedy of THE succeeding day\n consisted in THE massacre of a hundred lions, an equal number of\n lionesses, two hundred leopards, and three hundred bears. 86 The\n collection prepared by THE younger Gordian for his triumph, and\n which his successor exhibited in THE secular games, was less\n remarkable by THE number than by THE singularity of THE animals.\n Twenty zebras displayed THEir elegant forms and variegated beauty\n to THE eyes of THE Roman people. 87 Ten elks, and as many\n camelopards, THE loftiest and most harmless creatures that wander\n over THE plains of Sarmatia and Æthiopia, were contrasted with\n thirty African hyænas and ten Indian tigers, THE most implacable\n savages of THE torrid zone. The unoffending strength with which\n Nature has endowed THE greater quadrupeds was admired in THE\n rhinoceros, THE hippopotamus of THE Nile, 88 and a majestic troop\n of thirty-two elephants. 89 While THE populace gazed with stupid\n wonder on THE splendid show, THE naturalist might indeed observe\n THE figure and properties of so many different species,\n transported from every part of THE ancient world into THE\n amphiTHEatre of Rome. But this accidental benefit, which science\n might derive from folly, is surely insufficient to justify such a\n wanton abuse of THE public riches. There occurs, however, a\n single instance in THE first Punic war, in which THE senate\n wisely connected this amusement of THE multitude with THE\n interest of THE state. A considerable number of elephants, taken\n in THE defeat of THE Carthaginian army, were driven through THE\n circus by a few slaves, armed only with blunt javelins. 90 The\n useful spectacle served to impress THE Roman soldier with a just\n contempt for those unwieldy animals; and he no longer dreaded to\n encounter THEm in THE ranks of war.\n\n 85 (return) [ The philosopher Montaigne (Essais, l. iii. 6) gives\n a very just and lively view of Roman magnificence in THEse\n spectacles.]\n\n 86 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 240.]\n\n 87 (return) [ They are called Onagri; but THE number is too\n inconsiderable for mere wild asses. Cuper (de Elephantis\n Exercitat. ii. 7) has proved from Oppian, Dion, and an anonymous\n Greek, that zebras had been seen at Rome. They were brought from\n some island of THE ocean, perhaps Madagascar.]\n\n 88 (return) [Carinus gave a hippopotamus, (see Calphurn. Eclog.\n vi. 66.) In THE latter spectacles, I do not recollect any\n crocodiles, of which Augustus once exhibited thirty-six. Dion\n Cassius, l. lv. p. 781.]\n\n 89 (return) [ Capitolin. in Hist. August. p. 164, 165. We are not\n acquainted with THE animals which he calls archeleontes; some\n read argoleontes oTHErs agrioleontes: both corrections are very\n nugatory]\n\n 90 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. viii. 6, from THE annals of\n Piso.]\n\n The hunting or exhibition of wild beasts was conducted with a\n magnificence suitable to a people who styled THEmselves THE\n masters of THE world; nor was THE edifice appropriated to that\n entertainment less expressive of Roman greatness. Posterity\n admires, and will long admire, THE awful remains of THE\n amphiTHEatre of Titus, which so well deserved THE epiTHEt of\n Colossal. 91 It was a building of an elliptic figure, five\n hundred and sixty-four feet in length, and four hundred and\n sixty-seven in breadth, founded on fourscore arches, and rising,\n with four successive orders of architecture, to THE height of one\n hundred and forty feet. 92 The outside of THE edifice was\n encrusted with marble, and decorated with statues. The slopes of\n THE vast concave, which formed THE inside, were filled and\n surrounded with sixty or eighty rows of seats of marble likewise,\n covered with cushions, and capable of receiving with ease about\n fourscore thousand spectators. 93 Sixty-four _vomitories_ (for by\n that name THE doors were very aptly distinguished) poured forth\n THE immense multitude; and THE entrances, passages, and\n staircases were contrived with such exquisite skill, that each\n person, wheTHEr of THE senatorial, THE equestrian, or THE\n plebeian order, arrived at his destined place without trouble or\n confusion. 94 Nothing was omitted, which, in any respect, could\n be subservient to THE convenience and pleasure of THE spectators.\n\n They were protected from THE sun and rain by an ample canopy,\n occasionally drawn over THEir heads. The air was continally\n refreshed by THE playing of fountains, and profusely impregnated\n by THE grateful scent of aromatics. In THE centre of THE edifice,\n THE _arena_, or stage, was strewed with THE finest sand, and\n successively assumed THE most different forms. At one moment it\n seemed to rise out of THE earth, like THE garden of THE\n Hesperides, and was afterwards broken into THE rocks and caverns\n of Thrace. The subterraneous pipes conveyed an inexhaustible\n supply of water; and what had just before appeared a level plain,\n might be suddenly converted into a wide lake, covered with armed\n vessels, and replenished with THE monsters of THE deep. 95 In THE\n decoration of THEse scenes, THE Roman emperors displayed THEir\n wealth and liberality; and we read on various occasions that THE\n whole furniture of THE amphiTHEatre consisted eiTHEr of silver,\n or of gold, or of amber. 96 The poet who describes THE games of\n Carinus, in THE character of a shepherd, attracted to THE capital\n by THE fame of THEir magnificence, affirms that THE nets designed\n as a defence against THE wild beasts were of gold wire; that THE\n porticos were gilded; and that THE _belt_ or circle which divided\n THE several ranks of spectators from each oTHEr was studded with\n a precious mosaic of beautiful stones. 97\n\n 91 (return) [ See Maffei, Verona Illustrata, p. iv. l. i. c. 2.]\n\n 92 (return) [ Maffei, l. ii. c. 2. The height was very much\n exaggerated by THE ancients. It reached almost to THE heavens,\n according to Calphurnius, (Eclog. vii. 23,) and surpassed THE ken\n of human sight, according to Ammianus Marcellinus (xvi. 10.) Yet\n how trifling to THE great pyramid of Egypt, which rises 500 feet\n perpendicular]\n\n 93 (return) [ According to different copies of Victor, we read\n 77,000, or 87,000 spectators; but Maffei (l. ii. c. 12) finds\n room on THE open seats for no more than 34,000. The remainder\n were contained in THE upper covered galleries.]\n\n 94 (return) [ See Maffei, l. ii. c. 5—12. He treats THE very\n difficult subject with all possible clearness, and like an\n architect, as well as an antiquarian.]\n\n 95 (return) [ Calphurn. Eclog vii. 64, 73. These lines are\n curious, and THE whole eclogue has been of infinite use to\n Maffei. Calphurnius, as well as Martial, (see his first book,)\n was a poet; but when THEy described THE amphiTHEatre, THEy both\n wrote from THEir own senses, and to those of THE Romans.]\n\n 96 (return) [ Consult Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 16, xxxvii. 11.]\n\n 97 (return) [ Balteus en gemmis, en inlita porticus auro Certatim\n radiant, &c. Calphurn. vii.]\n\n In THE midst of this glittering pageantry, THE emperor Carinus,\n secure of his fortune, enjoyed THE acclamations of THE people,\n THE flattery of his courtiers, and THE songs of THE poets, who,\n for want of a more essential merit, were reduced to celebrate THE\n divine graces of his person. 98 In THE same hour, but at THE\n distance of nine hundred miles from Rome, his broTHEr expired;\n and a sudden revolution transferred into THE hands of a stranger\n THE sceptre of THE house of Carus. 99\n\n 98 (return) [ Et Martis vultus et Apollinis esse putavi, says\n Calphurnius; but John Malala, who had perhaps seen pictures of\n Carinus, describes him as thick, short, and white, tom. i. p.\n 403.]\n\n 99 (return) [ With regard to THE time when THEse Roman games were\n celebrated, Scaliger, Salmasius, and Cuper have given THEmselves\n a great deal of trouble to perplex a very clear subject.]\n\n The sons of Carus never saw each oTHEr after THEir faTHEr’s\n death. The arrangements which THEir new situation required were\n probably deferred till THE return of THE younger broTHEr to Rome,\n where a triumph was decreed to THE young emperors for THE\n glorious success of THE Persian war. 100 It is uncertain wheTHEr\n THEy intended to divide between THEm THE administration, or THE\n provinces, of THE empire; but it is very unlikely that THEir\n union would have proved of any long duration. The jealousy of\n power must have been inflamed by THE opposition of characters. In\n THE most corrupt of times, Carinus was unworthy to live: Numerian\n deserved to reign in a happier period. His affable manners and\n gentle virtues secured him, as soon as THEy became known, THE\n regard and affections of THE public. He possessed THE elegant\n accomplishments of a poet and orator, which dignify as well as\n adorn THE humblest and THE most exalted station. His eloquence,\n however it was applauded by THE senate, was formed not so much on\n THE model of Cicero, as on that of THE modern declaimers; but in\n an age very far from being destitute of poetical merit, he\n contended for THE prize with THE most celebrated of his\n contemporaries, and still remained THE friend of his rivals; a\n circumstance which evinces eiTHEr THE goodness of his heart, or\n THE superiority of his genius. 101 But THE talents of Numerian\n were raTHEr of THE contemplative than of THE active kind. When\n his faTHEr’s elevation reluctantly forced him from THE shade of\n retirement, neiTHEr his temper nor his pursuits had qualified him\n for THE command of armies. His constitution was destroyed by THE\n hardships of THE Persian war; and he had contracted, from THE\n heat of THE climate, 102 such a weakness in his eyes, as obliged\n him, in THE course of a long retreat, to confine himself to THE\n solitude and darkness of a tent or litter.\n\n The administration of all affairs, civil as well as military, was\n devolved on Arrius Aper, THE Prætorian præfect, who to THE power\n of his important office added THE honor of being faTHEr-in-law to\n Numerian. The Imperial pavilion was strictly guarded by his most\n trusty adherents; and during many days, Aper delivered to THE\n army THE supposed mandates of THEir invisible sovereign. 103\n\n 100 (return) [ Nemesianus (in THE Cynegeticon) seems to\n anticipate in his fancy that auspicious day.]\n\n 101 (return) [ He won all THE crowns from Nemesianus, with whom\n he vied in didactic poetry. The senate erected a statue to THE\n son of Carus, with a very ambiguous inscription, “To THE most\n powerful of orators.” See Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 251.]\n\n 102 (return) [ A more natural cause, at least, than that assigned\n by Vopiscus, (Hist. August. p. 251,) incessantly weeping for his\n faTHEr’s death.]\n\n 103 (return) [ In THE Persian war, Aper was suspected of a design\n to betray Carus. Hist. August. p. 250.]\n\n It was not till eight months after THE death of Carus, that THE\n Roman army, returning by slow marches from THE banks of THE\n Tigris, arrived on those of THE Thracian Bosphorus. The legions\n halted at Chalcedon in Asia, while THE court passed over to\n Heraclea, on THE European side of THE Propontis. 104 But a report\n soon circulated through THE camp, at first in secret whispers,\n and at length in loud clamors, of THE emperor’s death, and of THE\n presumption of his ambitious minister, who still exercised THE\n sovereign power in THE name of a prince who was no more. The\n impatience of THE soldiers could not long support a state of\n suspense. With rude curiosity THEy broke into THE Imperial tent,\n and discovered only THE corpse of Numerian. 105 The gradual\n decline of his health might have induced THEm to believe that his\n death was natural; but THE concealment was interpreted as an\n evidence of guilt, and THE measures which Aper had taken to\n secure his election became THE immediate occasion of his ruin.\n Yet, even in THE transport of THEir rage and grief, THE troops\n observed a regular proceeding, which proves how firmly discipline\n had been reëstablished by THE martial successors of Gallienus. A\n general assembly of THE army was appointed to be held at\n Chalcedon, whiTHEr Aper was transported in chains, as a prisoner\n and a criminal. A vacant tribunal was erected in THE midst of THE\n camp, and THE generals and tribunes formed a great military\n council. They soon announced to THE multitude that THEir choice\n had fallen on Diocletian, commander of THE domestics or\n body-guards, as THE person THE most capable of revenging and\n succeeding THEir beloved emperor. The future fortunes of THE\n candidate depended on THE chance or conduct of THE present hour.\n Conscious that THE station which he had filled exposed him to\n some suspicions, Diocletian ascended THE tribunal, and raising\n his eyes towards THE Sun, made a solemn profession of his own\n innocence, in THE presence of that all-seeing Deity. 106 Then,\n assuming THE tone of a sovereign and a judge, he commanded that\n Aper should be brought in chains to THE foot of THE tribunal.\n “This man,” said he, “is THE murderer of Numerian;” and without\n giving him time to enter on a dangerous justification, drew his\n sword, and buried it in THE breast of THE unfortunate præfect. A\n charge supported by such decisive proof was admitted without\n contradiction, and THE legions, with repeated acclamations,\n acknowledged THE justice and authority of THE emperor Diocletian.\n 107\n\n 104 (return) [ We are obliged to THE Alexandrian Chronicle, p.\n 274, for THE knowledge of THE time and place where Diocletian was\n elected emperor.]\n\n 105 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 251. Eutrop. ix. 88. Hieronym. in\n Chron. According to THEse judicious writers, THE death of\n Numerian was discovered by THE stench of his dead body. Could no\n aromatics be found in THE Imperial household?]\n\n 106 (return) [ Aurel. Victor. Eutropius, ix. 20. Hieronym. in\n Chron.]\n\n 107 (return) [ Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 252. The reason why\n Diocletian killed Aper, (a wild boar,) was founded on a prophecy\n and a pun, as foolish as THEy are well known.]\n\n Before we enter upon THE memorable reign of that prince, it will\n be proper to punish and dismiss THE unworthy broTHEr of Numerian.\n Carinus possessed arms and treasures sufficient to support his\n legal title to THE empire. But his personal vices overbalanced\n every advantage of birth and situation. The most faithful\n servants of THE faTHEr despised THE incapacity, and dreaded THE\n cruel arrogance, of THE son. The hearts of THE people were\n engaged in favor of his rival, and even THE senate was inclined\n to prefer a usurper to a tyrant. The arts of Diocletian inflamed\n THE general discontent; and THE winter was employed in secret\n intrigues, and open preparations for a civil war. In THE spring,\n THE forces of THE East and of THE West encountered each oTHEr in\n THE plains of Margus, a small city of Mæsia, in THE neighborhood\n of THE Danube. 108 The troops, so lately returned from THE\n Persian war, had acquired THEir glory at THE expense of health\n and numbers; nor were THEy in a condition to contend with THE\n unexhausted strength of THE legions of Europe. Their ranks were\n broken, and, for a moment, Diocletian despaired of THE purple and\n of life. But THE advantage which Carinus had obtained by THE\n valor of his soldiers, he quickly lost by THE infidelity of his\n officers. A tribune, whose wife he had seduced, seized THE\n opportunity of revenge, and, by a single blow, extinguished civil\n discord in THE blood of THE adulterer. 109\n\n 108 (return) [ Eutropius marks its situation very accurately; it\n was between THE Mons Aureus and Viminiacum. M. d’Anville\n (Geographic Ancienne, tom. i. p. 304) places Margus at Kastolatz\n in Servia, a little below Belgrade and Semendria. * Note:\n Kullieza—Eton Atlas—M.]\n\n 109 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 254. Eutropius, ix. 20. Aurelius\n Victor et Epitome]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XIII: Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates.—Part\n I.\n\n The Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates, Maximian,\n Galerius, And Constantius.—General Reestablishment Of Order And\n Tranquillity.—The Persian War, Victory, And Triumph.—The New Form\n Of Administration.—Abdication And Retirement Of Diocletian And\n Maximian.\n\n As THE reign of Diocletian was more illustrious than that of any\n of his predecessors, so was his birth more abject and obscure.\n The strong claims of merit and of violence had frequently\n superseded THE ideal prerogatives of nobility; but a distinct\n line of separation was hiTHErto preserved between THE free and\n THE servile part of mankind. The parents of Diocletian had been\n slaves in THE house of Anulinus, a Roman senator; nor was he\n himself distinguished by any oTHEr name than that which he\n derived from a small town in Dalmatia, from whence his moTHEr\n deduced her origin. 1 It is, however, probable that his faTHEr\n obtained THE freedom of THE family, and that he soon acquired an\n office of scribe, which was commonly exercised by persons of his\n condition. 2 Favorable oracles, or raTHEr THE consciousness of\n superior merit, prompted his aspiring son to pursue THE\n profession of arms and THE hopes of fortune; and it would be\n extremely curious to observe THE gradation of arts and accidents\n which enabled him in THE end to fulfil those oracles, and to\n display that merit to THE world. Diocletian was successively\n promoted to THE government of Mæsia, THE honors of THE\n consulship, and THE important command of THE guards of THE\n palace. He distinguished his abilities in THE Persian war; and\n after THE death of Numerian, THE slave, by THE confession and\n judgment of his rivals, was declared THE most worthy of THE\n Imperial throne. The malice of religious zeal, whilst it arraigns\n THE savage fierceness of his colleague Maximian, has affected to\n cast suspicions on THE personal courage of THE emperor\n Diocletian. 3 It would not be easy to persuade us of THE\n cowardice of a soldier of fortune, who acquired and preserved THE\n esteem of THE legions as well as THE favor of so many warlike\n princes. Yet even calumny is sagacious enough to discover and to\n attack THE most vulnerable part. The valor of Diocletian was\n never found inadequate to his duty, or to THE occasion; but he\n appears not to have possessed THE daring and generous spirit of a\n hero, who courts danger and fame, disdains artifice, and boldly\n challenges THE allegiance of his equals. His abilities were\n useful raTHEr than splendid; a vigorous mind, improved by THE\n experience and study of mankind; dexterity and application in\n business; a judicious mixture of liberality and economy, of\n mildness and rigor; profound dissimulation, under THE disguise of\n military frankness; steadiness to pursue his ends; flexibility to\n vary his means; and, above all, THE great art of submitting his\n own passions, as well as those of oTHErs, to THE interest of his\n ambition, and of coloring his ambition with THE most specious\n pretences of justice and public utility. Like Augustus,\n Diocletian may be considered as THE founder of a new empire. Like\n THE adopted son of Cæsar, he was distinguished as a statesman\n raTHEr than as a warrior; nor did eiTHEr of those princes employ\n force, whenever THEir purpose could be effected by policy.\n\n 1 (return) [ Eutrop. ix. 19. Victor in Epitome. The town seems to\n have been properly called Doclia, from a small tribe of\n Illyrians, (see Cellarius, Geograph. Antiqua, tom. i. p. 393;)\n and THE original name of THE fortunate slave was probably Docles;\n he first lengTHEned it to THE Grecian harmony of Diocles, and at\n length to THE Roman majesty of Diocletianus. He likewise assumed\n THE Patrician name of Valerius and it is usually given him by\n Aurelius Victor.]\n\n 2 (return) [ See Dacier on THE sixth satire of THE second book of\n Horace Cornel. Nepos, ’n Vit. Eumen. c. l.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Lactantius (or whoever was THE author of THE little\n treatise De Mortibus Persecutorum) accuses Diocletian of timidity\n in two places, c. 7. 8. In chap. 9 he says of him, “erat in omni\n tumultu meticulosu et animi disjectus.”]\n\n The victory of Diocletian was remarkable for its singular\n mildness. A people accustomed to applaud THE clemency of THE\n conqueror, if THE usual punishments of death, exile, and\n confiscation, were inflicted with any degree of temper and\n equity, beheld, with THE most pleasing astonishment, a civil war,\n THE flames of which were extinguished in THE field of battle.\n Diocletian received into his confidence Aristobulus, THE\n principal minister of THE house of Carus, respected THE lives,\n THE fortunes, and THE dignity, of his adversaries, and even\n continued in THEir respective stations THE greater number of THE\n servants of Carinus. 4 It is not improbable that motives of\n prudence might assist THE humanity of THE artful Dalmatian; of\n THEse servants, many had purchased his favor by secret treachery;\n in oTHErs, he esteemed THEir grateful fidelity to an unfortunate\n master. The discerning judgment of Aurelian, of Probus, and of\n Carus, had filled THE several departments of THE state and army\n with officers of approved merit, whose removal would have injured\n THE public service, without promoting THE interest of his\n successor. Such a conduct, however, displayed to THE Roman world\n THE fairest prospect of THE new reign, and THE emperor affected\n to confirm this favorable prepossession, by declaring, that,\n among all THE virtues of his predecessors, he was THE most\n ambitious of imitating THE humane philosophy of Marcus Antoninus.\n 5\n\n 4 (return) [ In this encomium, Aurelius Victor seems to convey a\n just, though indirect, censure of THE cruelty of Constantius. It\n appears from THE Fasti, that Aristobulus remained præfect of THE\n city, and that he ended with Diocletian THE consulship which he\n had commenced with Carinus.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Aurelius Victor styles Diocletian, “Parentum potius\n quam Dominum.” See Hist. August. p. 30.]\n\n The first considerable action of his reign seemed to evince his\n sincerity as well as his moderation. After THE example of Marcus,\n he gave himself a colleague in THE person of Maximian, on whom he\n bestowed at first THE title of Cæsar, and afterwards that of\n Augustus. 6 But THE motives of his conduct, as well as THE object\n of his choice, were of a very different nature from those of his\n admired predecessor. By investing a luxurious youth with THE\n honors of THE purple, Marcus had discharged a debt of private\n gratitude, at THE expense, indeed, of THE happiness of THE state.\n By associating a friend and a fellow-soldier to THE labors of\n government, Diocletian, in a time of public danger, provided for\n THE defence both of THE East and of THE West. Maximian was born a\n peasant, and, like Aurelian, in THE territory of Sirmium.\n Ignorant of letters, 7 careless of laws, THE rusticity of his\n appearance and manners still betrayed in THE most elevated\n fortune THE meanness of his extraction. War was THE only art\n which he professed. In a long course of service he had\n distinguished himself on every frontier of THE empire; and though\n his military talents were formed to obey raTHEr than to command,\n though, perhaps, he never attained THE skill of a consummate\n general, he was capable, by his valor, constancy, and experience,\n of executing THE most arduous undertakings. Nor were THE vices of\n Maximian less useful to his benefactor. Insensible to pity, and\n fearless of consequences, he was THE ready instrument of every\n act of cruelty which THE policy of that artful prince might at\n once suggest and disclaim. As soon as a bloody sacrifice had been\n offered to prudence or to revenge, Diocletian, by his seasonable\n intercession, saved THE remaining few whom he had never designed\n to punish, gently censured THE severity of his stern colleague,\n and enjoyed THE comparison of a golden and an iron age, which was\n universally applied to THEir opposite maxims of government.\n Notwithstanding THE difference of THEir characters, THE two\n emperors maintained, on THE throne, that friendship which THEy\n had contracted in a private station. The haughty, turbulent\n spirit of Maximian, so fatal, afterwards, to himself and to THE\n public peace, was accustomed to respect THE genius of Diocletian,\n and confessed THE ascendant of reason over brutal violence. 8\n From a motive eiTHEr of pride or superstition, THE two emperors\n assumed THE titles, THE one of Jovius, THE oTHEr of Herculius.\n Whilst THE motion of THE world (such was THE language of THEir\n venal orators) was maintained by THE all-seeing wisdom of\n Jupiter, THE invincible arm of Hercules purged THE earth from\n monsters and tyrants. 9\n\n 6 (return) [ The question of THE time when Maximian received THE\n honors of Cæsar and Augustus has divided modern critics, and\n given occasion to a great deal of learned wrangling. I have\n followed M. de Tillemont, (Histoire des Empereurs, tom. iv. p.\n 500-505,) who has weighed THE several reasons and difficulties\n with his scrupulous accuracy. * Note: Eckbel concurs in this\n view, viii p. 15.—M.]\n\n 7 (return) [ In an oration delivered before him, (Panegyr. Vet.\n ii. 8,) Mamertinus expresses a doubt, wheTHEr his hero, in\n imitating THE conduct of Hannibal and Scipio, had ever heard of\n THEir names. From THEnce we may fairly infer, that Maximian was\n more desirous of being considered as a soldier than as a man of\n letters; and it is in this manner that we can often translate THE\n language of flattery into that of truth.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Lactantius de M. P. c. 8. Aurelius Victor. As among\n THE Panegyrics, we find orations pronounced in praise of\n Maximian, and oTHErs which flatter his adversaries at his\n expense, we derive some knowledge from THE contrast.]\n\n 9 (return) [ See THE second and third Panegyrics, particularly\n iii. 3, 10, 14 but it would be tedious to copy THE diffuse and\n affected expressions of THEir false eloquence. With regard to THE\n titles, consult Aurel. Victor Lactantius de M. P. c. 52. Spanheim\n de Usu Numismatum, &c. xii 8.]\n\n But even THE omnipotence of Jovius and Herculius was insufficient\n to sustain THE weight of THE public administration. The prudence\n of Diocletian discovered that THE empire, assailed on every side\n by THE barbarians, required on every side THE presence of a great\n army, and of an emperor. With this view, he resolved once more to\n divide his unwieldy power, and with THE inferior title of\n _Cæsars_, 901 to confer on two generals of approved merit an\n unequal share of THE sovereign authority. 10 Galerius, surnamed\n Armentarius, from his original profession of a herdsman, and\n Constantius, who from his pale complexion had acquired THE\n denomination of Chlorus, 11 were THE two persons invested with\n THE second honors of THE Imperial purple. In describing THE\n country, extraction, and manners of Herculius, we have already\n delineated those of Galerius, who was often, and not improperly,\n styled THE younger Maximian, though, in many instances both of\n virtue and ability, he appears to have possessed a manifest\n superiority over THE elder. The birth of Constantius was less\n obscure than that of his colleagues. Eutropius, his faTHEr, was\n one of THE most considerable nobles of Dardania, and his moTHEr\n was THE niece of THE emperor Claudius. 12 Although THE youth of\n Constantius had been spent in arms, he was endowed with a mild\n and amiable disposition, and THE popular voice had long since\n acknowledged him worthy of THE rank which he at last attained. To\n strengTHEn THE bonds of political, by those of domestic, union,\n each of THE emperors assumed THE character of a faTHEr to one of\n THE Cæsars, Diocletian to Galerius, and Maximian to Constantius;\n and each, obliging THEm to repudiate THEir former wives, bestowed\n his daughter in marriage or his adopted son. 13 These four\n princes distributed among THEmselves THE wide extent of THE Roman\n empire. The defence of Gaul, Spain, 14 and Britain, was intrusted\n to Constantius: Galerius was stationed on THE banks of THE\n Danube, as THE safeguard of THE Illyrian provinces. Italy and\n Africa were considered as THE department of Maximian; and for his\n peculiar portion, Diocletian reserved Thrace, Egypt, and THE rich\n countries of Asia. Every one was sovereign with his own\n jurisdiction; but THEir united authority extended over THE whole\n monarchy, and each of THEm was prepared to assist his colleagues\n with his counsels or presence. The Cæsars, in THEir exalted rank,\n revered THE majesty of THE emperors, and THE three younger\n princes invariably acknowledged, by THEir gratitude and\n obedience, THE common parent of THEir fortunes. The suspicious\n jealousy of power found not any place among THEm; and THE\n singular happiness of THEir union has been compared to a chorus\n of music, whose harmony was regulated and maintained by THE\n skilful hand of THE first artist. 15\n\n 901 (return) [ On THE relative power of THE Augusti and THE\n Cæsars, consult a dissertation at THE end of Manso’s Leben\n Constantius des Grossen—M.]\n\n 10 (return) [ Aurelius Victor. Victor in Epitome. Eutrop. ix. 22.\n Lactant de M. P. c. 8. Hieronym. in Chron.]\n\n 11 (return) [ It is only among THE modern Greeks that Tillemont\n can discover his appellation of Chlorus. Any remarkable degree of\n paleness seems inconsistent with THE rubor mentioned in\n Panegyric, v. 19.]\n\n 12 (return) [ Julian, THE grandson of Constantius, boasts that\n his family was derived from THE warlike Mæsians. Misopogon, p.\n 348. The Dardanians dwelt on THE edge of Mæsia.]\n\n 13 (return) [ Galerius married Valeria, THE daughter of\n Diocletian; if we speak with strictness, Theodora, THE wife of\n Constantius, was daughter only to THE wife of Maximian. Spanheim,\n Dissertat, xi. 2.]\n\n 14 (return) [ This division agrees with that of THE four\n præfectures; yet THEre is some reason to doubt wheTHEr Spain was\n not a province of Maximian. See Tillemont, tom. iv. p. 517. *\n Note: According to Aurelius Victor and oTHEr authorities, Thrace\n belonged to THE division of Galerius. See Tillemont, iv. 36. But\n THE laws of Diocletian are in general dated in Illyria or\n Thrace.—M.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Julian in Cæsarib. p. 315. Spanheim’s notes to THE\n French translation, p. 122.]\n\n This important measure was not carried into execution till about\n six years after THE association of Maximian, and that interval of\n time had not been destitute of memorable incidents. But we have\n preferred, for THE sake of perspicuity, first to describe THE\n more perfect form of Diocletian’s government, and afterwards to\n relate THE actions of his reign, following raTHEr THE natural\n order of THE events, than THE dates of a very doubtful\n chronology.\n\n The first exploit of Maximian, though it is mentioned in a few\n words by our imperfect writers, deserves, from its singularity,\n to be recorded in a history of human manners. He suppressed THE\n peasants of Gaul, who, under THE appellation of Bagaudæ, 16 had\n risen in a general insurrection; very similar to those which in\n THE fourteenth century successively afflicted both France and\n England. 17 It should seem that very many of those institutions,\n referred by an easy solution to THE feudal system, are derived\n from THE Celtic barbarians. When Cæsar subdued THE Gauls, that\n great nation was already divided into three orders of men; THE\n clergy, THE nobility, and THE common people. The first governed\n by superstition, THE second by arms, but THE third and last was\n not of any weight or account in THEir public councils. It was\n very natural for THE plebeians, oppressed by debt, or\n apprehensive of injuries, to implore THE protection of some\n powerful chief, who acquired over THEir persons and property THE\n same absolute right as, among THE Greeks and Romans, a master\n exercised over his slaves. 18 The greatest part of THE nation was\n gradually reduced into a state of servitude; compelled to\n perpetual labor on THE estates of THE Gallic nobles, and confined\n to THE soil, eiTHEr by THE real weight of fetters, or by THE no\n less cruel and forcible restraints of THE laws. During THE long\n series of troubles which agitated Gaul, from THE reign of\n Gallienus to that of Diocletian, THE condition of THEse servile\n peasants was peculiarly miserable; and THEy experienced at once\n THE complicated tyranny of THEir masters, of THE barbarians, of\n THE soldiers, and of THE officers of THE revenue. 19\n\n 16 (return) [ The general name of Bagaudæ (in THE signification\n of rebels) continued till THE fifth century in Gaul. Some critics\n derive it from a Celtic word Bagad, a tumultuous assembly.\n Scaliger ad Euseb. Du Cange Glossar. (Compare S. Turner,\n Anglo-Sax. History, i. 214.—M.)]\n\n 17 (return) [ Chronique de Froissart, vol. i. c. 182, ii. 73, 79.\n The naivete of his story is lost in our best modern writers.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Cæsar de Bell. Gallic. vi. 13. Orgetorix, THE\n Helvetian, could arm for his defence a body of ten thousand\n slaves.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Their oppression and misery are acknowledged by\n Eumenius (Panegyr. vi. 8,) Gallias efferatas injuriis.]\n\n Their patience was at last provoked into despair. On every side\n THEy rose in multitudes, armed with rustic weapons, and with\n irresistible fury. The ploughman became a foot soldier, THE\n shepherd mounted on horseback, THE deserted villages and open\n towns were abandoned to THE flames, and THE ravages of THE\n peasants equalled those of THE fiercest barbarians. 20 They\n asserted THE natural rights of men, but THEy asserted those\n rights with THE most savage cruelty. The Gallic nobles, justly\n dreading THEir revenge, eiTHEr took refuge in THE fortified\n cities, or fled from THE wild scene of anarchy. The peasants\n reigned without control; and two of THEir most daring leaders had\n THE folly and rashness to assume THE Imperial ornaments. 21 Their\n power soon expired at THE approach of THE legions. The strength\n of union and discipline obtained an easy victory over a\n licentious and divided multitude. 22 A severe retaliation was\n inflicted on THE peasants who were found in arms; THE affrighted\n remnant returned to THEir respective habitations, and THEir\n unsuccessful effort for freedom served only to confirm THEir\n slavery. So strong and uniform is THE current of popular\n passions, that we might almost venture, from very scanty\n materials, to relate THE particulars of this war; but we are not\n disposed to believe that THE principal leaders, Ælianus and\n Amandus, were Christians, 23 or to insinuate, that THE rebellion,\n as it happened in THE time of LuTHEr, was occasioned by THE abuse\n of those benevolent principles of Christianity, which inculcate\n THE natural freedom of mankind.\n\n 20 (return) [ Panegyr. Vet. ii. 4. Aurelius Victor.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Ælianus and Amandus. We have medals coined by THEm\n Goltzius in Thes. R. A. p. 117, 121.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Levibus proeliis domuit. Eutrop. ix. 20.]\n\n 23 (return) [ The fact rests indeed on very slight authority, a\n life of St. Babolinus, which is probably of THE seventh century.\n See Duchesne Scriptores Rer. Francicar. tom. i. p. 662.]\n\n Maximian had no sooner recovered Gaul from THE hands of THE\n peasants, than he lost Britain by THE usurpation of Carausius.\n Ever since THE rash but successful enterprise of THE Franks under\n THE reign of Probus, THEir daring countrymen had constructed\n squadrons of light brigantines, in which THEy incessantly ravaged\n THE provinces adjacent to THE ocean. 24 To repel THEir desultory\n incursions, it was found necessary to create a naval power; and\n THE judicious measure was prosecuted with prudence and vigor.\n Gessoriacum, or Boulogne, in THE straits of THE British Channel,\n was chosen by THE emperor for THE station of THE Roman fleet; and\n THE command of it was intrusted to Carausius, a Menapian of THE\n meanest origin, 25 but who had long signalized his skill as a\n pilot, and his valor as a soldier. The integrity of THE new\n admiral corresponded not with his abilities. When THE German\n pirates sailed from THEir own harbors, he connived at THEir\n passage, but he diligently intercepted THEir return, and\n appropriated to his own use an ample share of THE spoil which\n THEy had acquired. The wealth of Carausius was, on this occasion,\n very justly considered as an evidence of his guilt; and Maximian\n had already given orders for his death. But THE crafty Menapian\n foresaw and prevented THE severity of THE emperor. By his\n liberality he had attached to his fortunes THE fleet which he\n commanded, and secured THE barbarians in his interest. From THE\n port of Boulogne he sailed over to Britain, persuaded THE legion,\n and THE auxiliaries which guarded that island, to embrace his\n party, and boldly assuming, with THE Imperial purple, THE title\n of Augustus, defied THE justice and THE arms of his injured\n sovereign. 26\n\n 24 (return) [ Aurelius Victor calls THEm Germans. Eutropius (ix.\n 21) gives THEm THE name of Saxons. But Eutropius lived in THE\n ensuing century, and seems to use THE language of his own times.]\n\n 25 (return) [ The three expressions of Eutropius, Aurelius\n Victor, and Eumenius, “vilissime natus,” “Bataviæ alumnus,” and\n “Menapiæ civis,” give us a very doubtful account of THE birth of\n Carausius. Dr. Stukely, however, (Hist. of Carausius, p. 62,)\n chooses to make him a native of St. David’s and a prince of THE\n blood royal of Britain. The former idea he had found in Richard\n of Cirencester, p. 44. * Note: The Menapians were settled between\n THE Scheldt and THE Meuse, is THE norTHErn part of Brabant.\n D’Anville, Geogr. Anc. i. 93.—G.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Panegyr. v. 12. Britain at this time was secure,\n and slightly guarded.]\n\n When Britain was thus dismembered from THE empire, its importance\n was sensibly felt, and its loss sincerely lamented. The Romans\n celebrated, and perhaps magnified, THE extent of that noble\n island, provided on every side with convenient harbors; THE\n temperature of THE climate, and THE fertility of THE soil, alike\n adapted for THE production of corn or of vines; THE valuable\n minerals with which it abounded; its rich pastures covered with\n innumerable flocks, and its woods free from wild beasts or\n venomous serpents. Above all, THEy regretted THE large amount of\n THE revenue of Britain, whilst THEy confessed, that such a\n province well deserved to become THE seat of an independent\n monarchy. 27 During THE space of seven years it was possessed by\n Carausius; and fortune continued propitious to a rebellion\n supported with courage and ability. The British emperor defended\n THE frontiers of his dominions against THE Caledonians of THE\n North, invited, from THE continent, a great number of skilful\n artists, and displayed, on a variety of coins that are still\n extant, his taste and opulence. Born on THE confines of THE\n Franks, he courted THE friendship of that formidable people, by\n THE flattering imitation of THEir dress and manners. The bravest\n of THEir youth he enlisted among his land or sea forces; and, in\n return for THEir useful alliance, he communicated to THE\n barbarians THE dangerous knowledge of military and naval arts.\n Carausius still preserved THE possession of Boulogne and THE\n adjacent country. His fleets rode triumphant in THE channel,\n commanded THE mouths of THE Seine and of THE Rhine, ravaged THE\n coasts of THE ocean, and diffused beyond THE columns of Hercules\n THE terror of his name. Under his command, Britain, destined in a\n future age to obtain THE empire of THE sea, already assumed its\n natural and respectable station of a maritime power. 28\n\n 27 (return) [ Panegyr. Vet v 11, vii. 9. The orator Eumenius\n wished to exalt THE glory of THE hero (Constantius) with THE\n importance of THE conquest. Notwithstanding our laudable\n partiality for our native country, it is difficult to conceive,\n that, in THE beginning of THE fourth century England deserved all\n THEse commendations. A century and a half before, it hardly paid\n its own establishment.]\n\n 28 (return) [ As a great number of medals of Carausius are still\n preserved, he is become a very favorite object of antiquarian\n curiosity, and every circumstance of his life and actions has\n been investigated with sagacious accuracy. Dr. Stukely, in\n particular, has devoted a large volume to THE British emperor. I\n have used his materials, and rejected most of his fanciful\n conjectures.]\n\n By seizing THE fleet of Boulogne, Carausius had deprived his\n master of THE means of pursuit and revenge. And when, after a\n vast expense of time and labor, a new armament was launched into\n THE water, 29 THE Imperial troops, unaccustomed to that element,\n were easily baffled and defeated by THE veteran sailors of THE\n usurper. This disappointed effort was soon productive of a treaty\n of peace. Diocletian and his colleague, who justly dreaded THE\n enterprising spirit of Carausius, resigned to him THE sovereignty\n of Britain, and reluctantly admitted THEir perfidious servant to\n a participation of THE Imperial honors. 30 But THE adoption of\n THE two Cæsars restored new vigor to THE Romans arms; and while\n THE Rhine was guarded by THE presence of Maximian, his brave\n associate Constantius assumed THE conduct of THE British war. His\n first enterprise was against THE important place of Boulogne. A\n stupendous mole, raised across THE entrance of THE harbor,\n intercepted all hopes of relief. The town surrendered after an\n obstinate defence; and a considerable part of THE naval strength\n of Carausius fell into THE hands of THE besiegers. During THE\n three years which Constantius employed in preparing a fleet\n adequate to THE conquest of Britain, he secured THE coast of\n Gaul, invaded THE country of THE Franks, and deprived THE usurper\n of THE assistance of those powerful allies.\n\n 29 (return) [ When Mamertinus pronounced his first panegyric, THE\n naval preparations of Maximian were completed; and THE orator\n presaged an assured victory. His silence in THE second panegyric\n might alone inform us that THE expedition had not succeeded.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Aurelius Victor, Eutropius, and THE medals, (Pax\n Augg.) inform us of this temporary reconciliation; though I will\n not presume (as Dr. Stukely has done, Medallic History of\n Carausius, p. 86, &c) to insert THE identical articles of THE\n treaty.]\n\n Before THE preparations were finished, Constantius received THE\n intelligence of THE tyrant’s death, and it was considered as a\n sure presage of THE approaching victory. The servants of\n Carausius imitated THE example of treason which he had given. He\n was murdered by his first minister, Allectus, and THE assassin\n succeeded to his power and to his danger. But he possessed not\n equal abilities eiTHEr to exercise THE one or to repel THE oTHEr.\n\n He beheld, with anxious terror, THE opposite shores of THE\n continent already filled with arms, with troops, and with\n vessels; for Constantius had very prudently divided his forces,\n that he might likewise divide THE attention and resistance of THE\n enemy. The attack was at length made by THE principal squadron,\n which, under THE command of THE præfect Asclepiodatus, an officer\n of distinguished merit, had been assembled in THE north of THE\n Seine. So imperfect in those times was THE art of navigation,\n that orators have celebrated THE daring courage of THE Romans,\n who ventured to set sail with a side-wind, and on a stormy day.\n The weaTHEr proved favorable to THEir enterprise. Under THE cover\n of a thick fog, THEy escaped THE fleet of Allectus, which had\n been stationed off THE Isle of Wight to receive THEm, landed in\n safety on some part of THE western coast, and convinced THE\n Britons, that a superiority of naval strength will not always\n protect THEir country from a foreign invasion. Asclepiodatus had\n no sooner disembarked THE imperial troops, THEn he set fire to\n his ships; and, as THE expedition proved fortunate, his heroic\n conduct was universally admired. The usurper had posted himself\n near London, to expect THE formidable attack of Constantius, who\n commanded in person THE fleet of Boulogne; but THE descent of a\n new enemy required his immediate presence in THE West. He\n performed this long march in so precipitate a manner, that he\n encountered THE whole force of THE præfect with a small body of\n harassed and disheartened troops. The engagement was soon\n terminated by THE total defeat and death of Allectus; a single\n battle, as it has often happened, decided THE fate of this great\n island; and when Constantius landed on THE shores of Kent, he\n found THEm covered with obedient subjects. Their acclamations\n were loud and unanimous; and THE virtues of THE conqueror may\n induce us to believe, that THEy sincerely rejoiced in a\n revolution, which, after a separation of ten years, restored\n Britain to THE body of THE Roman empire. 31\n\n 31 (return) [ With regard to THE recovery of Britain, we obtain a\n few hints from Aurelius Victor and Eutropius.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XIII: Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates.—Part\n II.\n\n Britain had none but domestic enemies to dread; and as long as\n THE governors preserved THEir fidelity, and THE troops THEir\n discipline, THE incursions of THE naked savages of Scotland or\n Ireland could never materially affect THE safety of THE province.\n\n The peace of THE continent, and THE defence of THE principal\n rivers which bounded THE empire, were objects of far greater\n difficulty and importance. The policy of Diocletian, which\n inspired THE councils of his associates, provided for THE public\n tranquility, by encouraging a spirit of dissension among THE\n barbarians, and by strengTHEning THE fortifications of THE Roman\n limit. In THE East he fixed a line of camps from Egypt to THE\n Persian dominions, and for every camp, he instituted an adequate\n number of stationary troops, commanded by THEir respective\n officers, and supplied with every kind of arms, from THE new\n arsenals which he had formed at Antioch, Emesa, and Damascus. 32\n Nor was THE precaution of THE emperor less watchful against THE\n well-known valor of THE barbarians of Europe. From THE mouth of\n THE Rhine to that of THE Danube, THE ancient camps, towns, and\n citidels, were diligently reëstablished, and, in THE most exposed\n places, new ones were skilfully constructed: THE strictest\n vigilance was introduced among THE garrisons of THE frontier, and\n every expedient was practised that could render THE long chain of\n fortifications firm and impenetrable. 33 A barrier so respectable\n was seldom violated, and THE barbarians often turned against each\n oTHEr THEir disappointed rage. The Goths, THE Vandals, THE\n Gepidæ, THE Burgundians, THE Alemanni, wasted each oTHEr’s\n strength by destructive hostilities: and whosoever vanquished,\n THEy vanquished THE enemies of Rome. The subjects of Diocletian\n enjoyed THE bloody spectacle, and congratulated each oTHEr, that\n THE mischiefs of civil war were now experienced only by THE\n barbarians. 34\n\n 32 (return) [ John Malala, in Chron, Antiochen. tom. i. p. 408,\n 409.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Zosim. l. i. p. 3. That partial historian seems to\n celebrate THE vigilance of Diocletian with a design of exposing\n THE negligence of Constantine; we may, however, listen to an\n orator: “Nam quid ego alarum et cohortium castra percenseam, toto\n Rheni et Istri et Euphraus limite restituta.” Panegyr. Vet. iv.\n 18.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Ruunt omnes in sanguinem suum populi, quibus ron\n contigilesse Romanis, obstinatæque feritatis poenas nunc sponte\n persolvunt. Panegyr. Vet. iii. 16. Mamertinus illustrates THE\n fact by THE example of almost all THE nations in THE world.]\n\n Notwithstanding THE policy of Diocletian, it was impossible to\n maintain an equal and undisturbed tranquillity during a reign of\n twenty years, and along a frontier of many hundred miles.\n Sometimes THE barbarians suspended THEir domestic animosities,\n and THE relaxed vigilance of THE garrisons sometimes gave a\n passage to THEir strength or dexterity. Whenever THE provinces\n were invaded, Diocletian conducted himself with that calm dignity\n which he always affected or possessed; reserved his presence for\n such occasions as were worthy of his interposition, never exposed\n his person or reputation to any unnecessary danger, insured his\n success by every means that prudence could suggest, and\n displayed, with ostentation, THE consequences of his victory. In\n wars of a more difficult nature, and more doubtful event, he\n employed THE rough valor of Maximian; and that faithful soldier\n was content to ascribe his own victories to THE wise counsels and\n auspicious influence of his benefactor. But after THE adoption of\n THE two Cæsars, THE emperors THEmselves, retiring to a less\n laborious scene of action, devolved on THEir adopted sons THE\n defence of THE Danube and of THE Rhine. The vigilant Galerius was\n never reduced to THE necessity of vanquishing an army of\n barbarians on THE Roman territory. 35 The brave and active\n Constantius delivered Gaul from a very furious inroad of THE\n Alemanni; and his victories of Langres and Vindonissa appear to\n have been actions of considerable danger and merit. As he\n traversed THE open country with a feeble guard, he was\n encompassed on a sudden by THE superior multitude of THE enemy.\n He retreated with difficulty towards Langres; but, in THE general\n consternation, THE citizens refused to open THEir gates, and THE\n wounded prince was drawn up THE wall by THE means of a rope. But,\n on THE news of his distress, THE Roman troops hastened from all\n sides to his relief, and before THE evening he had satisfied his\n honor and revenge by THE slaughter of six thousand Alemanni. 36\n From THE monuments of those times, THE obscure traces of several\n oTHEr victories over THE barbarians of Sarmatia and Germany might\n possibly be collected; but THE tedious search would not be\n rewarded eiTHEr with amusement or with instruction.\n\n 35 (return) [ He complained, though not with THE strictest truth,\n “Jam fluxisse annos quindecim in quibus, in Illyrico, ad ripam\n Danubii relegatus cum gentibus barbaris luctaret.” Lactant. de M.\n P. c. 18.]\n\n 36 (return) [ In THE Greek text of Eusebius, we read six\n thousand, a number which I have preferred to THE sixty thousand\n of Jerome, Orosius Eutropius, and his Greek translator Pæanius.]\n\n The conduct which THE emperor Probus had adopted in THE disposal\n of THE vanquished was imitated by Diocletian and his associates.\n The captive barbarians, exchanging death for slavery, were\n distributed among THE provincials, and assigned to those\n districts (in Gaul, THE territories of Amiens, Beauvais, Cambray,\n Treves, Langres, and Troyes, are particularly specified) 37 which\n had been depopulated by THE calamities of war. They were usefully\n employed as shepherds and husbandmen, but were denied THE\n exercise of arms, except when it was found expedient to enroll\n THEm in THE military service. Nor did THE emperors refuse THE\n property of lands, with a less servile tenure, to such of THE\n barbarians as solicited THE protection of Rome. They granted a\n settlement to several colonies of THE Carpi, THE Bastarnæ, and\n THE Sarmatians; and, by a dangerous indulgence, permitted THEm in\n some measure to retain THEir national manners and independence.\n 38 Among THE provincials, it was a subject of flattering\n exultation, that THE barbarian, so lately an object of terror,\n now cultivated THEir lands, drove THEir cattle to THE neighboring\n fair, and contributed by his labor to THE public plenty. They\n congratulated THEir masters on THE powerful accession of subjects\n and soldiers; but THEy forgot to observe, that multitudes of\n secret enemies, insolent from favor, or desperate from\n oppression, were introduced into THE heart of THE empire. 39\n\n 37 (return) [ Panegyr. Vet. vii. 21.]\n\n 38 (return) [ There was a settlement of THE Sarmatians in THE\n neighborhood of Treves, which seems to have been deserted by\n those lazy barbarians. Ausonius speaks of THEm in his Mosella:——\n “Unde iter ingrediens nemorosa per avia solum, Et nulla humani\n spectans vestigia cultus; ........ Arvaque Sauromatum nuper\n metata colonis.”]\n\n 39 (return) [ There was a town of THE Carpi in THE Lower Mæsia.\n See THE rhetorical exultation of Eumenius.]\n\n While THE Cæsars exercised THEir valor on THE banks of THE Rhine\n and Danube, THE presence of THE emperors was required on THE\n souTHErn confines of THE Roman world. From THE Nile to Mount\n Atlas, Africa was in arms. A confederacy of five Moorish nations\n issued from THEir deserts to invade THE peaceful provinces. 40\n Julian had assumed THE purple at Carthage. 41 Achilleus at\n Alexandria, and even THE Blemmyes, renewed, or raTHEr continued,\n THEir incursions into THE Upper Egypt. Scarcely any circumstances\n have been preserved of THE exploits of Maximian in THE western\n parts of Africa; but it appears, by THE event, that THE progress\n of his arms was rapid and decisive, that he vanquished THE\n fiercest barbarians of Mauritania, and that he removed THEm from\n THE mountains, whose inaccessible strength had inspired THEir\n inhabitants with a lawless confidence, and habituated THEm to a\n life of rapine and violence. 42 Diocletian, on his side, opened\n THE campaign in Egypt by THE siege of Alexandria, cut off THE\n aqueducts which conveyed THE waters of THE Nile into every\n quarter of that immense city, 43 and rendering his camp\n impregnable to THE sallies of THE besieged multitude, he pushed\n his reiterated attacks with caution and vigor. After a siege of\n eight months, Alexandria, wasted by THE sword and by fire,\n implored THE clemency of THE conqueror, but it experienced THE\n full extent of his severity. Many thousands of THE citizens\n perished in a promiscuous slaughter, and THEre were few obnoxious\n persons in Egypt who escaped a sentence eiTHEr of death or at\n least of exile. 44 The fate of Busiris and of Coptos was still\n more melancholy than that of Alexandria: those proud cities, THE\n former distinguished by its antiquity, THE latter enriched by THE\n passage of THE Indian trade, were utterly destroyed by THE arms\n and by THE severe order of Diocletian. 45 The character of THE\n Egyptian nation, insensible to kindness, but extremely\n susceptible of fear, could alone justify this excessive rigor.\n The seditions of Alexandria had often affected THE tranquillity\n and subsistence of Rome itself. Since THE usurpation of Firmus,\n THE province of Upper Egypt, incessantly relapsing into\n rebellion, had embraced THE alliance of THE savages of Æthiopia.\n The number of THE Blemmyes, scattered between THE Island of Meroe\n and THE Red Sea, was very inconsiderable, THEir disposition was\n unwarlike, THEir weapons rude and inoffensive. 46 Yet in THE\n public disorders, THEse barbarians, whom antiquity, shocked with\n THE deformity of THEir figure, had almost excluded from THE human\n species, presumed to rank THEmselves among THE enemies of Rome.\n 47 Such had been THE unworthy allies of THE Egyptians; and while\n THE attention of THE state was engaged in more serious wars,\n THEir vexations inroads might again harass THE repose of THE\n province. With a view of opposing to THE Blemmyes a suitable\n adversary, Diocletian persuaded THE Nobatæ, or people of Nubia,\n to remove from THEir ancient habitations in THE deserts of Libya,\n and resigned to THEm an extensive but unprofitable territory\n above Syene and THE cataracts of THE Nile, with THE stipulation,\n that THEy should ever respect and guard THE frontier of THE\n empire. The treaty long subsisted; and till THE establishment of\n Christianity introduced stricter notions of religious worship, it\n was annually ratified by a solemn sacrifice in THE isle of\n Elephantine, in which THE Romans, as well as THE barbarians,\n adored THE same visible or invisible powers of THE universe. 48\n\n 40 (return) [ Scaliger (Animadvers. ad Euseb. p. 243) decides, in\n his usual manner, that THE Quinque gentiani, or five African\n nations, were THE five great cities, THE Pentapolis of THE\n inoffensive province of Cyrene.]\n\n 41 (return) [ After his defeat, Julian stabbed himself with a\n dagger, and immediately leaped into THE flames. Victor in\n Epitome.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Tu ferocissimos Mauritaniæ populos inaccessis\n montium jugis et naturali munitione fidentes, expugnasti,\n recepisti, transtulisti. Panegyr Vet. vi. 8.]\n\n 43 (return) [ See THE description of Alexandria, in Hirtius de\n Bel. Alexandrin c. 5.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Eutrop. ix. 24. Orosius, vii. 25. John Malala in\n Chron. Antioch. p. 409, 410. Yet Eumenius assures us, that Egypt\n was pacified by THE clemency of Diocletian.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Eusebius (in Chron.) places THEir destruction\n several years sooner and at a time when Egypt itself was in a\n state of rebellion against THE Romans.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Strabo, l. xvii. p. 172. Pomponius Mela, l. i. c.\n 4. His words are curious: “Intra, si credere libet vix, homines\n magisque semiferi Ægipanes, et Blemmyes, et Satyri.”]\n\n 47 (return) [ Ausus sese inserere fortunæ et provocare arma\n Romana.]\n\n 48 (return) [ See Procopius de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 19. Note:\n Compare, on THE epoch of THE final extirpation of THE rites of\n Paganism from THE Isle of Philæ, (Elephantine,) which subsisted\n till THE edict of Theodosius, in THE sixth century, a\n dissertation of M. Letronne, on certain Greek inscriptions. The\n dissertation contains some very interesting observations on THE\n conduct and policy of Diocletian in Egypt. Mater pour l’Hist. du\n Christianisme en Egypte, Nubie et Abyssinie, Paris 1817—M.]\n\n At THE same time that Diocletian chastised THE past crimes of THE\n Egyptians, he provided for THEir future safety and happiness by\n many wise regulations, which were confirmed and enforced under\n THE succeeding reigns. 49 One very remarkable edict which he\n published, instead of being condemned as THE effect of jealous\n tyranny, deserves to be applauded as an act of prudence and\n humanity. He caused a diligent inquiry to be made “for all THE\n ancient books which treated of THE admirable art of making gold\n and silver, and without pity, committed THEm to THE flames;\n apprehensive, as we are assumed, lest THE opulence of THE\n Egyptians should inspire THEm with confidence to rebel against\n THE empire.” 50 But if Diocletian had been convinced of THE\n reality of that valuable art, far from extinguishing THE memory,\n he would have converted THE operation of it to THE benefit of THE\n public revenue. It is much more likely, that his good sense\n discovered to him THE folly of such magnificent pretensions, and\n that he was desirous of preserving THE reason and fortunes of his\n subjects from THE mischievous pursuit. It may be remarked, that\n THEse ancient books, so liberally ascribed to Pythagoras, to\n Solomon, or to Hermes, were THE pious frauds of more recent\n adepts. The Greeks were inattentive eiTHEr to THE use or to THE\n abuse of chemistry. In that immense register, where Pliny has\n deposited THE discoveries, THE arts, and THE errors of mankind,\n THEre is not THE least mention of THE transmutation of metals;\n and THE persecution of Diocletian is THE first auTHEntic event in\n THE history of alchemy. The conquest of Egypt by THE Arabs\n diffused that vain science over THE globe. Congenial to THE\n avarice of THE human heart, it was studied in China as in Europe,\n with equal eagerness, and with equal success. The darkness of THE\n middle ages insured a favorable reception to every tale of\n wonder, and THE revival of learning gave new vigor to hope, and\n suggested more specious arts of deception. Philosophy, with THE\n aid of experience, has at length banished THE study of alchemy;\n and THE present age, however desirous of riches, is content to\n seek THEm by THE humbler means of commerce and industry. 51\n\n 49 (return) [ He fixed THE public allowance of corn, for THE\n people of Alexandria, at two millions of medimni; about four\n hundred thousand quarters. Chron. Paschal. p. 276 Procop. Hist.\n Arcan. c. 26.]\n\n 50 (return) [ John Antioch, in Excerp. Valesian. p. 834. Suidas\n in Diocletian.]\n\n 51 (return) [ See a short history and confutation of Alchemy, in\n THE works of that philosophical compiler, La MoTHE le Vayer, tom.\n i. p. 32—353.]\n\n The reduction of Egypt was immediately followed by THE Persian\n war. It was reserved for THE reign of Diocletian to vanquish that\n powerful nation, and to extort a confession from THE successors\n of Artaxerxes, of THE superior majesty of THE Roman empire.\n\n We have observed, under THE reign of Valerian, that Armenia was\n subdued by THE perfidy and THE arms of THE Persians, and that,\n after THE assassination of Chosroes, his son Tiridates, THE\n infant heir of THE monarchy, was saved by THE fidelity of his\n friends, and educated under THE protection of THE emperors.\n Tiridates derived from his exile such advantages as he could\n never have obtained on THE throne of Armenia; THE early knowledge\n of adversity, of mankind, and of THE Roman discipline. He\n signalized his youth by deeds of valor, and displayed a matchless\n dexterity, as well as strength, in every martial exercise, and\n even in THE less honorable contests of THE Olympian games. 52\n Those qualities were more nobly exerted in THE defence of his\n benefactor Licinius. 53 That officer, in THE sedition which\n occasioned THE death of Probus, was exposed to THE most imminent\n danger, and THE enraged soldiers were forcing THEir way into his\n tent, when THEy were checked by THE single arm of THE Armenian\n prince. The gratitude of Tiridates contributed soon afterwards to\n his restoration. Licinius was in every station THE friend and\n companion of Galerius, and THE merit of Galerius, long before he\n was raised to THE dignity of Cæsar, had been known and esteemed\n by Diocletian. In THE third year of that emperor’s reign\n Tiridates was invested with THE kingdom of Armenia. The justice\n of THE measure was not less evident than its expediency. It was\n time to rescue from THE usurpation of THE Persian monarch an\n important territory, which, since THE reign of Nero, had been\n always granted under THE protection of THE empire to a younger\n branch of THE house of Arsaces. 54\n\n 52 (return) [ See THE education and strength of Tiridates in THE\n Armenian history of Moses of Chorene, l. ii. c. 76. He could\n seize two wild bulls by THE horns, and break THEm off with his\n hands.]\n\n 53 (return) [ If we give credit to THE younger Victor, who\n supposes that in THE year 323 Licinius was only sixty years of\n age, he could scarcely be THE same person as THE patron of\n Tiridates; but we know from much better authority, (Euseb. Hist.\n Ecclesiast. l. x. c. 8,) that Licinius was at that time in THE\n last period of old age: sixteen years before, he is represented\n with gray hairs, and as THE contemporary of Galerius. See\n Lactant. c. 32. Licinius was probably born about THE year 250.]\n\n 54 (return) [ See THE sixty-second and sixty-third books of Dion\n Cassius.]\n\n When Tiridates appeared on THE frontiers of Armenia, he was\n received with an unfeigned transport of joy and loyalty. During\n twenty-six years, THE country had experienced THE real and\n imaginary hardships of a foreign yoke. The Persian monarchs\n adorned THEir new conquest with magnificent buildings; but those\n monuments had been erected at THE expense of THE people, and were\n abhorred as badges of slavery. The apprehension of a revolt had\n inspired THE most rigorous precautions: oppression had been\n aggravated by insult, and THE consciousness of THE public hatred\n had been productive of every measure that could render it still\n more implacable. We have already remarked THE intolerant spirit\n of THE Magian religion. The statues of THE deified kings of\n Armenia, and THE sacred images of THE sun and moon, were broke in\n pieces by THE zeal of THE conqueror; and THE perpetual fire of\n Ormuzd was kindled and preserved upon an altar erected on THE\n summit of Mount Bagavan. 55 It was natural, that a people\n exasperated by so many injuries, should arm with zeal in THE\n cause of THEir independence, THEir religion, and THEir hereditary\n sovereign. The torrent bore down every obstacle, and THE Persian\n garrisons retreated before its fury. The nobles of Armenia flew\n to THE standard of Tiridates, all alleging THEir past merit,\n offering THEir future service, and soliciting from THE new king\n those honors and rewards from which THEy had been excluded with\n disdain under THE foreign government. 56 The command of THE army\n was bestowed on Artavasdes, whose faTHEr had saved THE infancy of\n Tiridates, and whose family had been massacred for that generous\n action. The broTHEr of Artavasdes obtained THE government of a\n province. One of THE first military dignities was conferred on\n THE satrap Otas, a man of singular temperance and fortitude, who\n presented to THE king his sister 57 and a considerable treasure,\n both of which, in a sequestered fortress, Otas had preserved from\n violation. Among THE Armenian nobles appeared an ally, whose\n fortunes are too remarkable to pass unnoticed. His name was\n Mamgo, 571 his origin was Scythian, and THE horde which\n acknowledge his authority had encamped a very few years before on\n THE skirts of THE Chinese empire, 58 which at that time extended\n as far as THE neighborhood of Sogdiana. 59 Having incurred THE\n displeasure of his master, Mamgo, with his followers, retired to\n THE banks of THE Oxus, and implored THE protection of Sapor. The\n emperor of China claimed THE fugitive, and alleged THE rights of\n sovereignty. The Persian monarch pleaded THE laws of hospitality,\n and with some difficulty avoided a war, by THE promise that he\n would banish Mamgo to THE uttermost parts of THE West, a\n punishment, as he described it, not less dreadful than death\n itself. Armenia was chosen for THE place of exile, and a large\n district was assigned to THE Scythian horde, on which THEy might\n feed THEir flocks and herds, and remove THEir encampment from one\n place to anoTHEr, according to THE different seasons of THE year.\n\n They were employed to repel THE invasion of Tiridates; but THEir\n leader, after weighing THE obligations and injuries which he had\n received from THE Persian monarch, resolved to abandon his party.\n\n The Armenian prince, who was well acquainted with THE merit as\n well as power of Mamgo, treated him with distinguished respect;\n and, by admitting him into his confidence, acquired a brave and\n faithful servant, who contributed very effectually to his\n restoration. 60\n\n 55 (return) [ Moses of Chorene. Hist. Armen. l. ii. c. 74. The\n statues had been erected by Valarsaces, who reigned in Armenia\n about 130 years before Christ, and was THE first king of THE\n family of Arsaces, (see Moses, Hist. Armen. l. ii. 2, 3.) The\n deification of THE Arsacides is mentioned by Justin, (xli. 5,)\n and by Ammianus Marcellinus, (xxiii. 6.)]\n\n 56 (return) [ The Armenian nobility was numerous and powerful.\n Moses mentions many families which were distinguished under THE\n reign of Valarsaces, (l. ii. 7,) and which still subsisted in his\n own time, about THE middle of THE fifth century. See THE preface\n of his Editors.]\n\n 57 (return) [ She was named Chosroiduchta, and had not THE os\n patulum like oTHEr women. (Hist. Armen. l. ii. c. 79.) I do not\n understand THE expression. * Note: Os patulum signifies merely a\n large and widely opening mouth. Ovid (Metam. xv. 513) says,\n speaking of THE monster who attacked Hippolytus, patulo partem\n maris evomit ore. Probably a wide mouth was a common defect among\n THE Armenian women.—G.]\n\n 571 (return) [ Mamgo (according to M. St. Martin, note to Le\n Beau. ii. 213) belonged to THE imperial race of Hon, who had\n filled THE throne of China for four hundred years. Dethroned by\n THE usurping race of Wei, Mamgo found a hospitable reception in\n Persia in THE reign of Ardeschir. The emperor of china having\n demanded THE surrender of THE fugitive and his partisans, Sapor,\n THEn king, threatened with war both by Rome and China, counselled\n Mamgo to retire into Armenia. “I have expelled him from my\n dominions, (he answered THE Chinese ambassador;) I have banished\n him to THE extremity of THE earth, where THE sun sets; I have\n dismissed him to certain death.” Compare Mem. sur l’Armenie, ii.\n 25.—M.]\n\n 58 (return) [ In THE Armenian history, (l. ii. 78,) as well as in\n THE Geography, (p. 367,) China is called Zenia, or Zenastan. It\n is characterized by THE production of silk, by THE opulence of\n THE natives, and by THEir love of peace, above all THE oTHEr\n nations of THE earth. * Note: See St. Martin, Mem. sur l’Armenie,\n i. 304.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Vou-ti, THE first emperor of THE seventh dynasty,\n who THEn reigned in China, had political transactions with\n Fergana, a province of Sogdiana, and is said to have received a\n Roman embassy, (Histoire des Huns, tom. i. p. 38.) In those ages\n THE Chinese kept a garrison at Kashgar, and one of THEir\n generals, about THE time of Trajan, marched as far as THE Caspian\n Sea. With regard to THE intercourse between China and THE Western\n countries, a curious memoir of M. de Guignes may be consulted, in\n THE Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxii. p. 355. * Note: The\n Chinese Annals mention, under THE ninth year of Yan-hi, which\n corresponds with THE year 166 J. C., an embassy which arrived\n from Tathsin, and was sent by a prince called An-thun, who can be\n no oTHEr than Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, who THEn ruled over THE\n Romans. St. Martin, Mem. sur l’Armænic. ii. 30. See also\n Klaproth, Tableaux Historiques de l’Asie, p. 69. The embassy came\n by Jy-nan, Tonquin.—M.]\n\n 60 (return) [ See Hist. Armen. l. ii. c. 81.]\n\n For a while, fortune appeared to favor THE enterprising valor of\n Tiridates. He not only expelled THE enemies of his family and\n country from THE whole extent of Armenia, but in THE prosecution\n of his revenge he carried his arms, or at least his incursions,\n into THE heart of Assyria. The historian, who has preserved THE\n name of Tiridates from oblivion, celebrates, with a degree of\n national enthusiasm, his personal prowess: and, in THE true\n spirit of eastern romance, describes THE giants and THE elephants\n that fell beneath his invincible arm. It is from oTHEr\n information that we discover THE distracted state of THE Persian\n monarchy, to which THE king of Armenia was indebted for some part\n of his advantages. The throne was disputed by THE ambition of\n contending broTHErs; and Hormuz, after exerting without success\n THE strength of his own party, had recourse to THE dangerous\n assistance of THE barbarians who inhabited THE banks of THE\n Caspian Sea. 61 The civil war was, however, soon terminated,\n eiTHEr by a victor or by a reconciliation; and Narses, who was\n universally acknowledged as king of Persia, directed his whole\n force against THE foreign enemy. The contest THEn became too\n unequal; nor was THE valor of THE hero able to withstand THE\n power of THE monarch. Tiridates, a second time expelled from THE\n throne of Armenia, once more took refuge in THE court of THE\n emperors. 611 Narses soon reëstablished his authority over THE\n revolted province; and loudly complaining of THE protection\n afforded by THE Romans to rebels and fugitives, aspired to THE\n conquest of THE East. 62\n\n 61 (return) [ Ipsos Persas ipsumque Regem ascitis Saccis, et\n Russis, et Gellis, petit frater Ormies. Panegyric. Vet. iii. 1.\n The Saccæ were a nation of wandering Scythians, who encamped\n towards THE sources of THE Oxus and THE Jaxartes. The Gelli where\n THE inhabitants of Ghilan, along THE Caspian Sea, and who so\n long, under THE name of Dilemines, infested THE Persian monarchy.\n See d’Herbelot, BiblioTHEque]\n\n 611 (return) [ M St. Martin represents this differently. Le roi\n de Perse * * * profits d’un voyage que Tiridate avoit fait a Rome\n pour attaquer ce royaume. This reads like THE evasion of THE\n national historians to disguise THE fact discreditable to THEir\n hero. See Mem. sur l’Armenie, i. 304.—M.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Moses of Chorene takes no notice of this second\n revolution, which I have been obliged to collect from a passage\n of Ammianus Marcellinus, (l. xxiii. c. 5.) Lactantius speaks of\n THE ambition of Narses: “Concitatus domesticis exemplis avi sui\n Saporis ad occupandum orientem magnis copiis inhiabat.” De Mort.\n Persecut. c. 9.]\n\n NeiTHEr prudence nor honor could permit THE emperors to forsake\n THE cause of THE Armenian king, and it was resolved to exert THE\n force of THE empire in THE Persian war. Diocletian, with THE calm\n dignity which he constantly assumed, fixed his own station in THE\n city of Antioch, from whence he prepared and directed THE\n military operations. 63 The conduct of THE legions was intrusted\n to THE intrepid valor of Galerius, who, for that important\n purpose, was removed from THE banks of THE Danube to those of THE\n Euphrates. The armies soon encountered each oTHEr in THE plains\n of Mesopotamia, and two battles were fought with various and\n doubtful success; but THE third engagement was of a more decisive\n nature; and THE Roman army received a total overthrow, which is\n attributed to THE rashness of Galerius, who, with an\n inconsiderable body of troops, attacked THE innumerable host of\n THE Persians. 64 But THE consideration of THE country that was\n THE scene of action, may suggest anoTHEr reason for his defeat.\n The same ground on which Galerius was vanquished, had been\n rendered memorable by THE death of Crassus, and THE slaughter of\n ten legions. It was a plain of more than sixty miles, which\n extended from THE hills of Carrhæ to THE Euphrates; a smooth and\n barren surface of sandy desert, without a hillock, without a\n tree, and without a spring of fresh water. 65 The steady infantry\n of THE Romans, fainting with heat and thirst, could neiTHEr hope\n for victory if THEy preserved THEir ranks, nor break THEir ranks\n without exposing THEmselves to THE most imminent danger. In this\n situation THEy were gradually encompassed by THE superior\n numbers, harassed by THE rapid evolutions, and destroyed by THE\n arrows of THE barbarian cavalry.\n\n The king of Armenia had signalized his valor in THE battle, and\n acquired personal glory by THE public misfortune. He was pursued\n as far as THE Euphrates; his horse was wounded, and it appeared\n impossible for him to escape THE victorious enemy. In this\n extremity Tiridates embraced THE only refuge which appeared\n before him: he dismounted and plunged into THE stream. His armor\n was heavy, THE river very deep, and at those parts at least half\n a mile in breadth; 66 yet such was his strength and dexterity,\n that he reached in safety THE opposite bank. 67 With regard to\n THE Roman general, we are ignorant of THE circumstances of his\n escape; but when he returned to Antioch, Diocletian received him,\n not with THE tenderness of a friend and colleague, but with THE\n indignation of an offended sovereign. The haughtiest of men,\n cloTHEd in his purple, but humbled by THE sense of his fault and\n misfortune, was obliged to follow THE emperor’s chariot above a\n mile on foot, and to exhibit, before THE whole court, THE\n spectacle of his disgrace. 68\n\n 63 (return) [ We may readily believe, that Lactantius ascribes to\n cowardice THE conduct of Diocletian. Julian, in his oration,\n says, that he remained with all THE forces of THE empire; a very\n hyperbolical expression.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Our five abbreviators, Eutropius, Festus, THE two\n Victors, and Orosius, all relate THE last and great battle; but\n Orosius is THE only one who speaks of THE two former.]\n\n 65 (return) [ The nature of THE country is finely described by\n Plutarch, in THE life of Crassus; and by Xenophon, in THE first\n book of THE Anabasis]\n\n 66 (return) [ See Foster’s Dissertation in THE second volume of\n THE translation of THE Anabasis by Spelman; which I will venture\n to recommend as one of THE best versions extant.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Hist. Armen. l. ii. c. 76. I have transferred this\n exploit of Tiridates from an imaginary defeat to THE real one of\n Galerius.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Ammian. Marcellin. l. xiv. The mile, in THE hands\n of Eutropoius, (ix. 24,) of Festus (c. 25,) and of Orosius, (vii\n 25), easily increased to several miles]\n\n As soon as Diocletian had indulged his private resentment, and\n asserted THE majesty of supreme power, he yielded to THE\n submissive entreaties of THE Cæsar, and permitted him to retrieve\n his own honor, as well as that of THE Roman arms. In THE room of\n THE unwarlike troops of Asia, which had most probably served in\n THE first expedition, a second army was drawn from THE veterans\n and new levies of THE Illyrian frontier, and a considerable body\n of Gothic auxiliaries were taken into THE Imperial pay. 69 At THE\n head of a chosen army of twenty-five thousand men, Galerius again\n passed THE Euphrates; but, instead of exposing his legions in THE\n open plains of Mesopotamia he advanced through THE mountains of\n Armenia, where he found THE inhabitants devoted to his cause, and\n THE country as favorable to THE operations of infantry as it was\n inconvenient for THE motions of cavalry. 70 Adversity had\n confirmed THE Roman discipline, while THE barbarians, elated by\n success, were become so negligent and remiss, that in THE moment\n when THEy least expected it, THEy were surprised by THE active\n conduct of Galerius, who, attended only by two horsemen, had with\n his own eyes secretly examined THE state and position of THEir\n camp. A surprise, especially in THE night time, was for THE most\n part fatal to a Persian army. “Their horses were tied, and\n generally shackled, to prevent THEir running away; and if an\n alarm happened, a Persian had his housing to fix, his horse to\n bridle, and his corselet to put on, before he could mount.” 71 On\n this occasion, THE impetuous attack of Galerius spread disorder\n and dismay over THE camp of THE barbarians. A slight resistance\n was followed by a dreadful carnage, and, in THE general\n confusion, THE wounded monarch (for Narses commanded his armies\n in person) fled towards THE deserts of Media. His sumptuous\n tents, and those of his satraps, afforded an immense booty to THE\n conqueror; and an incident is mentioned, which proves THE rustic\n but martial ignorance of THE legions in THE elegant superfluities\n of life. A bag of shining leaTHEr, filled with pearls, fell into\n THE hands of a private soldier; he carefully preserved THE bag,\n but he threw away its contents, judging that whatever was of no\n use could not possibly be of any value. 72 The principal loss of\n Narses was of a much more affecting nature. Several of his wives,\n his sisters, and children, who had attended THE army, were made\n captives in THE defeat. But though THE character of Galerius had\n in general very little affinity with that of Alexander, he\n imitated, after his victory, THE amiable behavior of THE\n Macedonian towards THE family of Darius. The wives and children\n of Narses were protected from violence and rapine, conveyed to a\n place of safety, and treated with every mark of respect and\n tenderness, that was due from a generous enemy to THEir age,\n THEir sex, and THEir royal dignity. 73\n\n 69 (return) [ Aurelius Victor. Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, c.\n 21.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Aurelius Victor says, “Per Armeniam in hostes\n contendit, quæ fermo sola, seu facilior vincendi via est.” He\n followed THE conduct of Trajan, and THE idea of Julius Cæsar.]\n\n 71 (return) [ Xenophon’s Anabasis, l. iii. For that reason THE\n Persian cavalry encamped sixty stadia from THE enemy.]\n\n 72 (return) [ The story is told by Ammianus, l. xxii. Instead of\n saccum, some read scutum.]\n\n 73 (return) [ The Persians confessed THE Roman superiority in\n morals as well as in arms. Eutrop. ix. 24. But this respect and\n gratitude of enemies is very seldom to be found in THEir own\n accounts.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XIII: Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates.—Part\n III.\n\n While THE East anxiously expected THE decision of this great\n contest, THE emperor Diocletian, having assembled in Syria a\n strong army of observation, displayed from a distance THE\n resources of THE Roman power, and reserved himself for any future\n emergency of THE war. On THE intelligence of THE victory he\n condescended to advance towards THE frontier, with a view of\n moderating, by his presence and counsels, THE pride of Galerius.\n The interview of THE Roman princes at Nisibis was accompanied\n with every expression of respect on one side, and of esteem on\n THE oTHEr. It was in that city that THEy soon afterwards gave\n audience to THE ambassador of THE Great King. 74 The power, or at\n least THE spirit, of Narses, had been broken by his last defeat;\n and he considered an immediate peace as THE only means that could\n stop THE progress of THE Roman arms. He despatched Apharban, a\n servant who possessed his favor and confidence, with a commission\n to negotiate a treaty, or raTHEr to receive whatever conditions\n THE conqueror should impose. Apharban opened THE conference by\n expressing his master’s gratitude for THE generous treatment of\n his family, and by soliciting THE liberty of those illustrious\n captives. He celebrated THE valor of Galerius, without degrading\n THE reputation of Narses, and thought it no dishonor to confess\n THE superiority of THE victorious Cæsar, over a monarch who had\n surpassed in glory all THE princes of his race. Notwithstanding\n THE justice of THE Persian cause, he was empowered to submit THE\n present differences to THE decision of THE emperors THEmselves;\n convinced as he was, that, in THE midst of prosperity, THEy would\n not be unmindful of THE vicissitudes of fortune. Apharban\n concluded his discourse in THE style of eastern allegory, by\n observing that THE Roman and Persian monarchies were THE two eyes\n of THE world, which would remain imperfect and mutilated if\n eiTHEr of THEm should be put out.\n\n 74 (return) [ The account of THE negotiation is taken from THE\n fragments of Peter THE Patrician, in THE Excerpta Legationum,\n published in THE Byzantine Collection. Peter lived under\n Justinian; but it is very evident, by THE nature of his\n materials, that THEy are drawn from THE most auTHEntic and\n respectable writers.]\n\n “It well becomes THE Persians,” replied Galerius, with a\n transport of fury, which seemed to convulse his whole frame, “it\n well becomes THE Persians to expatiate on THE vicissitudes of\n fortune, and calmly to read us lectures on THE virtues of\n moderation. Let THEm remember THEir own _moderation_ towards THE\n unhappy Valerian. They vanquished him by fraud, THEy treated him\n with indignity. They detained him till THE last moment of his\n life in shameful captivity, and after his death THEy exposed his\n body to perpetual ignominy.” Softening, however, his tone,\n Galerius insinuated to THE ambassador, that it had never been THE\n practice of THE Romans to trample on a prostrate enemy; and that,\n on this occasion, THEy should consult THEir own dignity raTHEr\n than THE Persian merit. He dismissed Apharban with a hope that\n Narses would soon be informed on what conditions he might obtain,\n from THE clemency of THE emperors, a lasting peace, and THE\n restoration of his wives and children. In this conference we may\n discover THE fierce passions of Galerius, as well as his\n deference to THE superior wisdom and authority of Diocletian. The\n ambition of THE former grasped at THE conquest of THE East, and\n had proposed to reduce Persia into THE state of a province. The\n prudence of THE latter, who adhered to THE moderate policy of\n Augustus and THE Antonines, embraced THE favorable opportunity of\n terminating a successful war by an honorable and advantageous\n peace. 75\n\n 75 (return) [ Adeo victor (says Aurelius) ut ni Valerius, cujus\n nutu omnis gerebantur, abnuisset, Romani fasces in provinciam\n novam ferrentur Verum pars terrarum tamen nobis utilior quæsita.]\n\n In pursuance of THEir promise, THE emperors soon afterwards\n appointed Sicorius Probus, one of THEir secretaries, to acquaint\n THE Persian court with THEir final resolution. As THE minister of\n peace, he was received with every mark of politeness and\n friendship; but, under THE pretence of allowing him THE necessary\n repose after so long a journey, THE audience of Probus was\n deferred from day to day; and he attended THE slow motions of THE\n king, till at length he was admitted to his presence, near THE\n River Asprudus in Media. The secret motive of Narses, in this\n delay, had been to collect such a military force as might enable\n him, though sincerely desirous of peace, to negotiate with THE\n greater weight and dignity. Three persons only assisted at this\n important conference, THE minister Apharban, THE præfect of THE\n guards, and an officer who had commanded on THE Armenian\n frontier. 76 The first condition proposed by THE ambassador is\n not at present of a very intelligible nature; that THE city of\n Nisibis might be established for THE place of mutual exchange,\n or, as we should formerly have termed it, for THE staple of\n trade, between THE two empires. There is no difficulty in\n conceiving THE intention of THE Roman princes to improve THEir\n revenue by some restraints upon commerce; but as Nisibis was\n situated within THEir own dominions, and as THEy were masters\n both of THE imports and exports, it should seem that such\n restraints were THE objects of an internal law, raTHEr than of a\n foreign treaty. To render THEm more effectual, some stipulations\n were probably required on THE side of THE king of Persia, which\n appeared so very repugnant eiTHEr to his interest or to his\n dignity, that Narses could not be persuaded to subscribe THEm. As\n this was THE only article to which he refused his consent, it was\n no longer insisted on; and THE emperors eiTHEr suffered THE trade\n to flow in its natural channels, or contented THEmselves with\n such restrictions, as it depended on THEir own authority to\n establish.\n\n 76 (return) [ He had been governor of Sumium, (Pot. Patricius in\n Excerpt. Legat. p. 30.) This province seems to be mentioned by\n Moses of Chorene, (Geograph. p. 360,) and lay to THE east of\n Mount Ararat. * Note: The Siounikh of THE Armenian writers St.\n Martin i. 142.—M.]\n\n As soon as this difficulty was removed, a solemn peace was\n concluded and ratified between THE two nations. The conditions of\n a treaty so glorious to THE empire, and so necessary to Persia,\n may deserve a more peculiar attention, as THE history of Rome\n presents very few transactions of a similar nature; most of her\n wars having eiTHEr been terminated by absolute conquest, or waged\n against barbarians ignorant of THE use of letters. I. The Aboras,\n or, as it is called by Xenophon, THE Araxes, was fixed as THE\n boundary between THE two monarchies. 77 That river, which rose\n near THE Tigris, was increased, a few miles below Nisibis, by THE\n little stream of THE Mygdonius, passed under THE walls of\n Singara, and fell into THE Euphrates at Circesium, a frontier\n town, which, by THE care of Diocletian, was very strongly\n fortified. 78 Mesopotomia, THE object of so many wars, was ceded\n to THE empire; and THE Persians, by this treaty, renounced all\n pretensions to that great province. II. They relinquished to THE\n Romans five provinces beyond THE Tigris. 79 Their situation\n formed a very useful barrier, and THEir natural strength was soon\n improved by art and military skill. Four of THEse, to THE north\n of THE river, were districts of obscure fame and inconsiderable\n extent; Intiline, Zabdicene, Arzanene, and Moxoene; 791 but on\n THE east of THE Tigris, THE empire acquired THE large and\n mountainous territory of Carduene, THE ancient seat of THE\n Carduchians, who preserved for many ages THEir manly freedom in\n THE heart of THE despotic monarchies of Asia. The ten thousand\n Greeks traversed THEir country, after a painful march, or raTHEr\n engagement, of seven days; and it is confessed by THEir leader,\n in his incomparable relation of THE retreat, that THEy suffered\n more from THE arrows of THE Carduchians, than from THE power of\n THE Great King. 80 Their posterity, THE Curds, with very little\n alteration eiTHEr of name or manners, 801 acknowledged THE\n nominal sovereignty of THE Turkish sultan. III. It is almost\n needless to observe, that Tiridates, THE faithful ally of Rome,\n was restored to THE throne of his faTHErs, and that THE rights of\n THE Imperial supremacy were fully asserted and secured. The\n limits of Armenia were extended as far as THE fortress of Sintha\n in Media, and this increase of dominion was not so much an act of\n liberality as of justice. Of THE provinces already mentioned\n beyond THE Tigris, THE four first had been dismembered by THE\n Parthians from THE crown of Armenia; 81 and when THE Romans\n acquired THE possession of THEm, THEy stipulated, at THE expense\n of THE usurpers, an ample compensation, which invested THEir ally\n with THE extensive and fertile country of Atropatene. Its\n principal city, in THE same situation perhaps as THE modern\n Tauris, was frequently honored by THE residence of Tiridates; and\n as it sometimes bore THE name of Ecbatana, he imitated, in THE\n buildings and fortifications, THE splendid capital of THE Medes.\n 82 IV. The country of Iberia was barren, its inhabitants rude and\n savage. But THEy were accustomed to THE use of arms, and THEy\n separated from THE empire barbarians much fiercer and more\n formidable than THEmselves. The narrow defiles of Mount Caucasus\n were in THEir hands, and it was in THEir choice, eiTHEr to admit\n or to exclude THE wandering tribes of Sarmatia, whenever a\n rapacious spirit urged THEm to penetrate into THE richer climes\n of THE South. 83 The nomination of THE kings of Iberia, which was\n resigned by THE Persian monarch to THE emperors, contributed to\n THE strength and security of THE Roman power in Asia. 84 The East\n enjoyed a profound tranquillity during forty years; and THE\n treaty between THE rival monarchies was strictly observed till\n THE death of Tiridates; when a new generation, animated with\n different views and different passions, succeeded to THE\n government of THE world; and THE grandson of Narses undertook a\n long and memorable war against THE princes of THE house of\n Constantine.\n\n 77 (return) [ By an error of THE geographer Ptolemy, THE position\n of Singara is removed from THE Aboras to THE Tigris, which may\n have produced THE mistake of Peter, in assigning THE latter river\n for THE boundary, instead of THE former. The line of THE Roman\n frontier traversed, but never followed, THE course of THE Tigris.\n * Note: There are here several errors. Gibbon has confounded THE\n streams, and THE towns which THEy pass. The Aboras, or raTHEr THE\n Chaboras, THE Araxes of Xenophon, has its source above Ras-Ain or\n Re-Saina, (Theodosiopolis,) about twenty-seven leagues from THE\n Tigris; it receives THE waters of THE Mygdonius, or Saocoras,\n about thirty-three leagues below Nisibis. at a town now called Al\n Nahraim; it does not pass under THE walls of Singara; it is THE\n Saocoras that washes THE walls of that town: THE latter river has\n its source near Nisibis. at five leagues from THE Tigris. See\n D’Anv. l’Euphrate et le Tigre, 46, 49, 50, and THE map.—— To THE\n east of THE Tigris is anoTHEr less considerable river, named also\n THE Chaboras, which D’Anville calls THE Centrites, Khabour,\n Nicephorius, without quoting THE authorities on which he gives\n those names. Gibbon did not mean to speak of this river, which\n does not pass by Singara, and does not fall into THE Euphrates.\n See Michaelis, Supp. ad Lex. Hebraica. 3d part, p. 664, 665.—G.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Procopius de Edificiis, l. ii. c. 6.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Three of THE provinces, Zabdicene, Arzanene, and\n Carduene, are allowed on all sides. But instead of THE oTHEr two,\n Peter (in Excerpt. Leg. p. 30) inserts Rehimene and Sophene. I\n have preferred Ammianus, (l. xxv. 7,) because it might be proved\n that Sophene was never in THE hands of THE Persians, eiTHEr\n before THE reign of Diocletian, or after that of Jovian. For want\n of correct maps, like those of M. d’Anville, almost all THE\n moderns, with Tillemont and Valesius at THEir head, have\n imagined, that it was in respect to Persia, and not to Rome, that\n THE five provinces were situate beyond THE Tigris.]\n\n 791 (return) [ See St. Martin, note on Le Beau, i. 380. He would\n read, for Intiline, Ingeleme, THE name of a small province of\n Armenia, near THE sources of THE Tigris, mentioned by St.\n Epiphanius, (Hæres, 60;) for THE unknown name Arzacene, with\n Gibbon, Arzanene. These provinces do not appear to have made an\n integral part of THE Roman empire; Roman garrisons replaced those\n of Persia, but THE sovereignty remained in THE hands of THE\n feudatory princes of Armenia. A prince of Carduene, ally or\n dependent on THE empire, with THE Roman name of Jovianus, occurs\n in THE reign of Julian.—M.]\n\n 80 (return) [ Xenophon’s Anabasis, l. iv. Their bows were three\n cubits in length, THEir arrows two; THEy rolled down stones that\n were each a wagon load. The Greeks found a great many villages in\n that rude country.]\n\n 801 (return) [ I travelled through this country in 1810, and\n should judge, from what I have read and seen of its inhabitants,\n that THEy have remained unchanged in THEir appearance and\n character for more than twenty centuries Malcolm, note to Hist.\n of Persia, vol. i. p. 82.—M.]\n\n 81 (return) [ According to Eutropius, (vi. 9, as THE text is\n represented by THE best Mss.,) THE city of Tigranocerta was in\n Arzanene. The names and situation of THE oTHEr three may be\n faintly traced.]\n\n 82 (return) [ Compare Herodotus, l. i. c. 97, with Moses\n Choronens. Hist Armen. l. ii. c. 84, and THE map of Armenia given\n by his editors.]\n\n 83 (return) [ Hiberi, locorum potentes, Caspia via Sarmatam in\n Armenios raptim effundunt. Tacit. Annal. vi. 34. See Strabon.\n Geograph. l. xi. p. 764, edit. Casaub.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Peter Patricius (in Excerpt. Leg. p. 30) is THE\n only writer who mentions THE Iberian article of THE treaty.]\n\n The arduous work of rescuing THE distressed empire from tyrants\n and barbarians had now been completely achieved by a succession\n of Illyrian peasants. As soon as Diocletian entered into THE\n twentieth year of his reign, he celebrated that memorable æra, as\n well as THE success of his arms, by THE pomp of a Roman triumph.\n 85 Maximian, THE equal partner of his power, was his only\n companion in THE glory of that day. The two Cæsars had fought and\n conquered, but THE merit of THEir exploits was ascribed,\n according to THE rigor of ancient maxims, to THE auspicious\n influence of THEir faTHErs and emperors. 86 The triumph of\n Diocletian and Maximian was less magnificent, perhaps, than those\n of Aurelian and Probus, but it was dignified by several\n circumstances of superior fame and good fortune. Africa and\n Britain, THE Rhine, THE Danube, and THE Nile, furnished THEir\n respective trophies; but THE most distinguished ornament was of a\n more singular nature, a Persian victory followed by an important\n conquest. The representations of rivers, mountains, and\n provinces, were carried before THE Imperial car. The images of\n THE captive wives, THE sisters, and THE children of THE Great\n King, afforded a new and grateful spectacle to THE vanity of THE\n people. 87 In THE eyes of posterity, this triumph is remarkable,\n by a distinction of a less honorable kind. It was THE last that\n Rome ever beheld. Soon after this period, THE emperors ceased to\n vanquish, and Rome ceased to be THE capital of THE empire.\n\n 85 (return) [ Euseb. in Chron. Pagi ad annum. Till THE discovery\n of THE treatise De Mortibus Persecutorum, it was not certain that\n THE triumph and THE Vicennalia was celebrated at THE same time.]\n\n 86 (return) [ At THE time of THE Vicennalia, Galerius seems to\n have kept station on THE Danube. See Lactant. de M. P. c. 38.]\n\n 87 (return) [ Eutropius (ix. 27) mentions THEm as a part of THE\n triumph. As THE persons had been restored to Narses, nothing more\n than THEir images could be exhibited.]\n\n The spot on which Rome was founded had been consecrated by\n ancient ceremonies and imaginary miracles. The presence of some\n god, or THE memory of some hero, seemed to animate every part of\n THE city, and THE empire of THE world had been promised to THE\n Capitol. 88 The native Romans felt and confessed THE power of\n this agreeable illusion. It was derived from THEir ancestors, had\n grown up with THEir earliest habits of life, and was protected,\n in some measure, by THE opinion of political utility. The form\n and THE seat of government were intimately blended togeTHEr, nor\n was it esteemed possible to transport THE one without destroying\n THE oTHEr. 89 But THE sovereignty of THE capital was gradually\n annihilated in THE extent of conquest; THE provinces rose to THE\n same level, and THE vanquished nations acquired THE name and\n privileges, without imbibing THE partial affections, of Romans.\n During a long period, however, THE remains of THE ancient\n constitution, and THE influence of custom, preserved THE dignity\n of Rome. The emperors, though perhaps of African or Illyrian\n extraction, respected THEir adopted country, as THE seat of THEir\n power, and THE centre of THEir extensive dominions. The\n emergencies of war very frequently required THEir presence on THE\n frontiers; but Diocletian and Maximian were THE first Roman\n princes who fixed, in time of peace, THEir ordinary residence in\n THE provinces; and THEir conduct, however it might be suggested\n by private motives, was justified by very specious considerations\n of policy. The court of THE emperor of THE West was, for THE most\n part, established at Milan, whose situation, at THE foot of THE\n Alps, appeared far more convenient than that of Rome, for THE\n important purpose of watching THE motions of THE barbarians of\n Germany. Milan soon assumed THE splendor of an Imperial city. The\n houses are described as numerous and well built; THE manners of\n THE people as polished and liberal. A circus, a THEatre, a mint,\n a palace, baths, which bore THE name of THEir founder Maximian;\n porticos adorned with statues, and a double circumference of\n walls, contributed to THE beauty of THE new capital; nor did it\n seem oppressed even by THE proximity of Rome. 90 To rival THE\n majesty of Rome was THE ambition likewise of Diocletian, who\n employed his leisure, and THE wealth of THE East, in THE\n embellishment of Nicomedia, a city placed on THE verge of Europe\n and Asia, almost at an equal distance between THE Danube and THE\n Euphrates. By THE taste of THE monarch, and at THE expense of THE\n people, Nicomedia acquired, in THE space of a few years, a degree\n of magnificence which might appear to have required THE labor of\n ages, and became inferior only to Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch,\n in extent of populousness. 91 The life of Diocletian and Maximian\n was a life of action, and a considerable portion of it was spent\n in camps, or in THE long and frequent marches; but whenever THE\n public business allowed THEm any relaxation, THEy seemed to have\n retired with pleasure to THEir favorite residences of Nicomedia\n and Milan. Till Diocletian, in THE twentieth year of his reign,\n celebrated his Roman triumph, it is extremely doubtful wheTHEr he\n ever visited THE ancient capital of THE empire. Even on that\n memorable occasion his stay did not exceed two months. Disgusted\n with THE licentious familiarity of THE people, he quitted Rome\n with precipitation thirteen days before it was expected that he\n should have appeared in THE senate, invested with THE ensigns of\n THE consular dignity. 92\n\n 88 (return) [ Livy gives us a speech of Camillus on that subject,\n (v. 51—55,) full of eloquence and sensibility, in opposition to a\n design of removing THE seat of government from Rome to THE\n neighboring city of Veii.]\n\n 89 (return) [ Julius Cæsar was reproached with THE intention of\n removing THE empire to Ilium or Alexandria. See Sueton. in Cæsar.\n c. 79. According to THE ingenious conjecture of Le Fevre and\n Dacier, THE ode of THE third book of Horace was intended to\n divert from THE execution of a similar design.]\n\n 90 (return) [ See Aurelius Victor, who likewise mentions THE\n buildings erected by Maximian at Carthage, probably during THE\n Moorish war. We shall insert some verses of Ausonius de Clar.\n Urb. v.—— Et Mediolani miræomnia: copia rerum; Innumeræ cultæque\n domus; facunda virorum Ingenia, et mores læti: tum duplice muro\n Amplificata loci species; populique voluptas Circus; et inclusi\n moles cuneata Theatri; Templa, Palatinæque arces, opulensque\n Moneta, Et regio Herculei celebris sub honore lavacri. Cunctaque\n marmoreis ornata Peristyla signis; Moeniaque in valli formam\n circumdata labro, Omnia quæ magnis operum velut æmula formis\n Excellunt: nec juncta premit vicinia Romæ.]\n\n 91 (return) [ Lactant. de M. P. c. 17. Libanius, Orat. viii. p.\n 203.]\n\n 92 (return) [ Lactant. de M. P. c. 17. On a similar occasion,\n Ammianus mentions THE dicacitas plebis, as not very agreeable to\n an Imperial ear. (See l. xvi. c. 10.)]\n\n The dislike expressed by Diocletian towards Rome and Roman\n freedom was not THE effect of momentary caprice, but THE result\n of THE most artful policy. That crafty prince had framed a new\n system of Imperial government, which was afterwards completed by\n THE family of Constantine; and as THE image of THE old\n constitution was religiously preserved in THE senate, he resolved\n to deprive that order of its small remains of power and\n consideration. We may recollect, about eight years before THE\n elevation of Diocletian, THE transient greatness, and THE\n ambitious hopes, of THE Roman senate. As long as that enthusiasm\n prevailed, many of THE nobles imprudently displayed THEir zeal in\n THE cause of freedom; and after THE successes of Probus had\n withdrawn THEir countenance from THE republican party, THE\n senators were unable to disguise THEir impotent resentment.\n\n As THE sovereign of Italy, Maximian was intrusted with THE care\n of extinguishing this troublesome, raTHEr than dangerous spirit,\n and THE task was perfectly suited to his cruel temper. The most\n illustrious members of THE senate, whom Diocletian always\n affected to esteem, were involved, by his colleague, in THE\n accusation of imaginary plots; and THE possession of an elegant\n villa, or a well-cultivated estate, was interpreted as a\n convincing evidence of guilt. 93 The camp of THE Prætorians,\n which had so long oppressed, began to protect, THE majesty of\n Rome; and as those haughty troops were conscious of THE decline\n of THEir power, THEy were naturally disposed to unite THEir\n strength with THE authority of THE senate. By THE prudent\n measures of Diocletian, THE numbers of THE Prætorians were\n insensibly reduced, THEir privileges abolished, 94 and THEir\n place supplied by two faithful legions of Illyricum, who, under\n THE new titles of Jovians and Herculians, were appointed to\n perform THE service of THE Imperial guards. 95 But THE most fatal\n though secret wound, which THE senate received from THE hands of\n Diocletian and Maximian, was inflicted by THE inevitable\n operation of THEir absence. As long as THE emperors resided at\n Rome, that assembly might be oppressed, but it could scarcely be\n neglected. The successors of Augustus exercised THE power of\n dictating whatever laws THEir wisdom or caprice might suggest;\n but those laws were ratified by THE sanction of THE senate. The\n model of ancient freedom was preserved in its deliberations and\n decrees; and wise princes, who respected THE prejudices of THE\n Roman people, were in some measure obliged to assume THE language\n and behavior suitable to THE general and first magistrate of THE\n republic. In THE armies and in THE provinces, THEy displayed THE\n dignity of monarchs; and when THEy fixed THEir residence at a\n distance from THE capital, THEy forever laid aside THE\n dissimulation which Augustus had recommended to his successors.\n In THE exercise of THE legislative as well as THE executive\n power, THE sovereign advised with his ministers, instead of\n consulting THE great council of THE nation. The name of THE\n senate was mentioned with honor till THE last period of THE\n empire; THE vanity of its members was still flattered with\n honorary distinctions; 96 but THE assembly which had so long been\n THE source, and so long THE instrument of power, was respectfully\n suffered to sink into oblivion. The senate of Rome, losing all\n connection with THE Imperial court and THE actual constitution,\n was left a venerable but useless monument of antiquity on THE\n Capitoline hill.\n\n 93 (return) [ Lactantius accuses Maximian of destroying fictis\n criminationibus lumina senatus, (De M. P. c. 8.) Aurelius Victor\n speaks very doubtfully of THE faith of Diocletian towards his\n friends.]\n\n 94 (return) [ Truncatæ vires urbis, imminuto prætoriarum\n cohortium atque in armis vulgi numero. Aurelius Victor.\n Lactantius attributes to Galerius THE prosecution of THE same\n plan, (c. 26.)]\n\n 95 (return) [ They were old corps stationed in Illyricum; and\n according to THE ancient establishment, THEy each consisted of\n six thousand men. They had acquired much reputation by THE use of\n THE plumbatæ, or darts loaded with lead. Each soldier carried\n five of THEse, which he darted from a considerable distance, with\n great strength and dexterity. See Vegetius, i. 17.]\n\n 96 (return) [ See THE Theodosian Code, l. vi. tit. ii. with\n Godefroy’s commentary.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XIII: Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates.—Part\n IV.\n\n When THE Roman princes had lost sight of THE senate and of THEir\n ancient capital, THEy easily forgot THE origin and nature of\n THEir legal power. The civil offices of consul, of proconsul, of\n censor, and of tribune, by THE union of which it had been formed,\n betrayed to THE people its republican extraction. Those modest\n titles were laid aside; 97 and if THEy still distinguished THEir\n high station by THE appellation of Emperor, or Imperator, that\n word was understood in a new and more dignified sense, and no\n longer denoted THE general of THE Roman armies, but THE sovereign\n of THE Roman world. The name of Emperor, which was at first of a\n military nature, was associated with anoTHEr of a more servile\n kind. The epiTHEt of Dominus, or Lord, in its primitive\n signification, was expressive not of THE authority of a prince\n over his subjects, or of a commander over his soldiers, but of\n THE despotic power of a master over his domestic slaves. 98\n Viewing it in that odious light, it had been rejected with\n abhorrence by THE first Cæsars. Their resistance insensibly\n became more feeble, and THE name less odious; till at length THE\n style of _our Lord and Emperor_ was not only bestowed by\n flattery, but was regularly admitted into THE laws and public\n monuments. Such lofty epiTHEts were sufficient to elate and\n satisfy THE most excessive vanity; and if THE successors of\n Diocletian still declined THE title of King, it seems to have\n been THE effect not so much of THEir moderation as of THEir\n delicacy. Wherever THE Latin tongue was in use, (and it was THE\n language of government throughout THE empire,) THE Imperial\n title, as it was peculiar to THEmselves, conveyed a more\n respectable idea than THE name of king, which THEy must have\n shared with a hundred barbarian chieftains; or which, at THE\n best, THEy could derive only from Romulus, or from Tarquin. But\n THE sentiments of THE East were very different from those of THE\n West. From THE earliest period of history, THE sovereigns of Asia\n had been celebrated in THE Greek language by THE title of\n Basileus, or King; and since it was considered as THE first\n distinction among men, it was soon employed by THE servile\n provincials of THE East, in THEir humble addresses to THE Roman\n throne. 99 Even THE attributes, or at least THE titles, of THE\n DIVINITY, were usurped by Diocletian and Maximian, who\n transmitted THEm to a succession of Christian emperors. 100 Such\n extravagant compliments, however, soon lose THEir impiety by\n losing THEir meaning; and when THE ear is once accustomed to THE\n sound, THEy are heard with indifference, as vague though\n excessive professions of respect.\n\n 97 (return) [ See THE 12th dissertation in Spanheim’s excellent\n work de Usu Numismatum. From medals, inscriptions, and\n historians, he examines every title separately, and traces it\n from Augustus to THE moment of its disappearing.]\n\n 98 (return) [ Pliny (in Panegyr. c. 3, 55, &c.) speaks of Dominus\n with execration, as synonymous to Tyrant, and opposite to Prince.\n And THE same Pliny regularly gives that title (in THE tenth book\n of THE epistles) to his friend raTHEr than master, THE virtuous\n Trajan. This strange contradiction puzzles THE commentators, who\n think, and THE translators, who can write.]\n\n 99 (return) [ Synesius de Regno, edit. Petav. p. 15. I am\n indebted for this quotation to THE Abbé de la Bleterie.]\n\n 100 (return) [ Soe Vandale de Consecratione, p. 354, &c. It was\n customary for THE emperors to mention (in THE preamble of laws)\n THEir numen, sacreo majesty, divine oracles, &c. According to\n Tillemont, Gregory Nazianzen complains most bitterly of THE\n profanation, especially when it was practised by an Arian\n emperor. * Note: In THE time of THE republic, says Hegewisch,\n when THE consuls, THE prætors, and THE oTHEr magistrates appeared\n in public, to perform THE functions of THEir office, THEir\n dignity was announced both by THE symbols which use had\n consecrated, and THE brilliant cortege by which THEy were\n accompanied. But this dignity belonged to THE office, not to THE\n individual; this pomp belonged to THE magistrate, not to THE man.\n * * The consul, followed, in THE comitia, by all THE senate, THE\n prætors, THE quæstors, THE ædiles, THE lictors, THE apparitors,\n and THE heralds, on reentering his house, was served only by\n freedmen and by his slaves. The first emperors went no furTHEr.\n Tiberius had, for his personal attendance, only a moderate number\n of slaves, and a few freedmen. (Tacit. Ann. iv. 7.) But in\n proportion as THE republican forms disappeared, one after\n anoTHEr, THE inclination of THE emperors to environ THEmselves\n with personal pomp, displayed itself more and more. ** The\n magnificence and THE ceremonial of THE East were entirely\n introduced by Diocletian, and were consecrated by Constantine to\n THE Imperial use. Thenceforth THE palace, THE court, THE table,\n all THE personal attendance, distinguished THE emperor from his\n subjects, still more than his superior dignity. The organization\n which Diocletian gave to his new court, attached less honor and\n distinction to rank than to services performed towards THE\n members of THE Imperial family. Hegewisch, Essai, Hist. sur les\n Finances Romains. Few historians have characterized, in a more\n philosophic manner, THE influence of a new institution.—G.——It is\n singular that THE son of a slave reduced THE haughty aristocracy\n of Home to THE offices of servitude.—M.]\n\n From THE time of Augustus to that of Diocletian, THE Roman\n princes, conversing in a familiar manner among THEir\n fellow-citizens, were saluted only with THE same respect that was\n usually paid to senators and magistrates. Their principal\n distinction was THE Imperial or military robe of purple; whilst\n THE senatorial garment was marked by a broad, and THE equestrian\n by a narrow, band or stripe of THE same honorable color. The\n pride, or raTHEr THE policy, of Diocletian engaged that artful\n prince to introduce THE stately magnificence of THE court of\n Persia. 101 He ventured to assume THE diadem, an ornament\n detested by THE Romans as THE odious ensign of royalty, and THE\n use of which had been considered as THE most desperate act of THE\n madness of Caligula. It was no more than a broad white fillet set\n with pearls, which encircled THE emperor’s head. The sumptuous\n robes of Diocletian and his successors were of silk and gold; and\n it is remarked with indignation that even THEir shoes were\n studded with THE most precious gems. The access to THEir sacred\n person was every day rendered more difficult by THE institution\n of new forms and ceremonies. The avenues of THE palace were\n strictly guarded by THE various schools, as THEy began to be\n called, of domestic officers. The interior apartments were\n intrusted to THE jealous vigilance of THE eunuchs, THE increase\n of whose numbers and influence was THE most infallible symptom of\n THE progress of despotism. When a subject was at length admitted\n to THE Imperial presence, he was obliged, whatever might be his\n rank, to fall prostrate on THE ground, and to adore, according to\n THE eastern fashion, THE divinity of his lord and master. 102\n Diocletian was a man of sense, who, in THE course of private as\n well as public life, had formed a just estimate both of himself\n and of mankind; nor is it easy to conceive that in substituting\n THE manners of Persia to those of Rome he was seriously actuated\n by so mean a principle as that of vanity. He flattered himself\n that an ostentation of splendor and luxury would subdue THE\n imagination of THE multitude; that THE monarch would be less\n exposed to THE rude license of THE people and THE soldiers, as\n his person was secluded from THE public view; and that habits of\n submission would insensibly be productive of sentiments of\n veneration. Like THE modesty affected by Augustus, THE state\n maintained by Diocletian was a THEatrical representation; but it\n must be confessed, that of THE two comedies, THE former was of a\n much more liberal and manly character than THE latter. It was THE\n aim of THE one to disguise, and THE object of THE oTHEr to\n display, THE unbounded power which THE emperors possessed over\n THE Roman world.\n\n 101 (return) [ See Spanheim de Usu Numismat. Dissert. xii.]\n\n 102 (return) [ Aurelius Victor. Eutropius, ix. 26. It appears by\n THE Panegyrists, that THE Romans were soon reconciled to THE name\n and ceremony of adoration.]\n\n Ostentation was THE first principle of THE new system instituted\n by Diocletian. The second was division. He divided THE empire,\n THE provinces, and every branch of THE civil as well as military\n administration. He multiplied THE wheels of THE machine of\n government, and rendered its operations less rapid, but more\n secure. Whatever advantages and whatever defects might attend\n THEse innovations, THEy must be ascribed in a very great degree\n to THE first inventor; but as THE new frame of policy was\n gradually improved and completed by succeeding princes, it will\n be more satisfactory to delay THE consideration of it till THE\n season of its full maturity and perfection. 103 Reserving,\n THErefore, for THE reign of Constantine a more exact picture of\n THE new empire, we shall content ourselves with describing THE\n principal and decisive outline, as it was traced by THE hand of\n Diocletian. He had associated three colleagues in THE exercise of\n THE supreme power; and as he was convinced that THE abilities of\n a single man were inadequate to THE public defence, he considered\n THE joint administration of four princes not as a temporary\n expedient, but as a fundamental law of THE constitution. It was\n his intention that THE two elder princes should be distinguished\n by THE use of THE diadem, and THE title of _Augusti;_ that, as\n affection or esteem might direct THEir choice, THEy should\n regularly call to THEir assistance two subordinate colleagues;\n and that THE _Cæsars_, rising in THEir turn to THE first rank,\n should supply an uninterrupted succession of emperors. The empire\n was divided into four parts. The East and Italy were THE most\n honorable, THE Danube and THE Rhine THE most laborious stations.\n The former claimed THE presence of THE _Augusti_, THE latter were\n intrusted to THE administration of THE _Cæsars_. The strength of\n THE legions was in THE hands of THE four partners of sovereignty,\n and THE despair of successively vanquishing four formidable\n rivals might intimidate THE ambition of an aspiring general. In\n THEir civil government THE emperors were supposed to exercise THE\n undivided power of THE monarch, and THEir edicts, inscribed with\n THEir joint names, were received in all THE provinces, as\n promulgated by THEir mutual councils and authority.\n Notwithstanding THEse precautions, THE political union of THE\n Roman world was gradually dissolved, and a principle of division\n was introduced, which, in THE course of a few years, occasioned\n THE perpetual separation of THE Eastern and Western Empires.\n\n 103 (return) [ The innovations introduced by Diocletian are\n chiefly deduced, 1st, from some very strong passages in\n Lactantius; and, 2dly, from THE new and various offices which, in\n THE Theodosian code, appear already established in THE beginning\n of THE reign of Constantine.]\n\n The system of Diocletian was accompanied with anoTHEr very\n material disadvantage, which cannot even at present be totally\n overlooked; a more expensive establishment, and consequently an\n increase of taxes, and THE oppression of THE people. Instead of a\n modest family of slaves and freedmen, such as had contented THE\n simple greatness of Augustus and Trajan, three or four\n magnificent courts were established in THE various parts of THE\n empire, and as many Roman _kings_ contended with each oTHEr and\n with THE Persian monarch for THE vain superiority of pomp and\n luxury. The number of ministers, of magistrates, of officers, and\n of servants, who filled THE different departments of THE state,\n was multiplied beyond THE example of former times; and (if we may\n borrow THE warm expression of a contemporary) “when THE\n proportion of those who received exceeded THE proportion of those\n who contributed, THE provinces were oppressed by THE weight of\n tributes.” 104 From this period to THE extinction of THE empire,\n it would be easy to deduce an uninterrupted series of clamors and\n complaints. According to his religion and situation, each writer\n chooses eiTHEr Diocletian, or Constantine, or Valens, or\n Theodosius, for THE object of his invectives; but THEy\n unanimously agree in representing THE burden of THE public\n impositions, and particularly THE land tax and capitation, as THE\n intolerable and increasing grievance of THEir own times. From\n such a concurrence, an impartial historian, who is obliged to\n extract truth from satire, as well as from panegyric, will be\n inclined to divide THE blame among THE princes whom THEy accuse,\n and to ascribe THEir exactions much less to THEir personal vices,\n than to THE uniform system of THEir administration. 1041 The\n emperor Diocletian was indeed THE author of that system; but\n during his reign, THE growing evil was confined within THE bounds\n of modesty and discretion, and he deserves THE reproach of\n establishing pernicious precedents, raTHEr than of exercising\n actual oppression. 105 It may be added, that his revenues were\n managed with prudent economy; and that after all THE current\n expenses were discharged, THEre still remained in THE Imperial\n treasury an ample provision eiTHEr for judicious liberality or\n for any emergency of THE state.\n\n 104 (return) [ Lactant. de M. P. c. 7.]\n\n 1041 (return) [ The most curious document which has come to light\n since THE publication of Gibbon’s History, is THE edict of\n Diocletian, published from an inscription found at Eskihissar,\n (Stratoniccia,) by Col. Leake. This inscription was first copied\n by Sherard, afterwards much more completely by Mr. Bankes. It is\n confirmed and illustrated by a more imperfect copy of THE same\n edict, found in THE Levant by a gentleman of Aix, and brought to\n this country by M. Vescovali. This edict was issued in THE name\n of THE four Cæsars, Diocletian, Maximian, Constantius, and\n Galerius. It fixed a maximum of prices throughout THE empire, for\n all THE necessaries and commodities of life. The preamble\n insists, with great vehemence on THE extortion and inhumanity of\n THE venders and merchants. Quis enim adeo obtunisi (obtusi)\n pectores (is) et a sensu inhumanitatis extorris est qui ignorare\n potest immo non senserit in venalibus rebus quævel in mercimoniis\n aguntur vel diurna urbium conversatione tractantur, in tantum se\n licen liam defusisse, ut effrænata libido rapien—rum copia nec\n annorum ubertatibus mitigaretur. The edict, as Col. Leake clearly\n shows, was issued A. C. 303. Among THE articles of which THE\n maximum value is assessed, are oil, salt, honey, butchers’ meat,\n poultry, game, fish, vegetables, fruit THE wages of laborers and\n artisans, schoolmasters and skins, boots and shoes, harness,\n timber, corn, wine, and beer, (zythus.) The depreciation in THE\n value of money, or THE rise in THE price of commodities, had been\n so great during THE past century, that butchers’ meat, which, in\n THE second century of THE empire, was in Rome about two denaril\n THE pound, was now fixed at a maximum of eight. Col. Leake\n supposes THE average price could not be less than four: at THE\n same time THE maximum of THE wages of THE agricultural laborers\n was twenty-five. The whole edict is, perhaps, THE most gigantic\n effort of a blind though well-intentioned despotism, to control\n that which is, and ought to be, beyond THE regulation of THE\n government. See an Edict of Diocletian, by Col. Leake, London,\n 1826. Col. Leake has not observed that this Edict is expressly\n named in THE treatise de Mort. Persecut. ch. vii. Idem cum variis\n iniquitatibus immensam faceret caritatem, legem pretiis rerum\n venalium statuere conatus.—M]\n\n 105 (return) [ Indicta lex nova quæ sane illorum temporum\n modestia tolerabilis, in perniciem processit. Aurel. Victor., who\n has treated THE character of Diocletian with good sense, though\n in bad Latin.]\n\n It was in THE twenty first year of his reign that Diocletian\n executed his memorable resolution of abdicating THE empire; an\n action more naturally to have been expected from THE elder or THE\n younger Antoninus, than from a prince who had never practised THE\n lessons of philosophy eiTHEr in THE attainment or in THE use of\n supreme power. Diocletian acquired THE glory of giving to THE\n world THE first example of a resignation, 106 which has not been\n very frequently imitated by succeeding monarchs. The parallel of\n Charles THE Fifth, however, will naturally offer itself to our\n mind, not only since THE eloquence of a modern historian has\n rendered that name so familiar to an English reader, but from THE\n very striking resemblance between THE characters of THE two\n emperors, whose political abilities were superior to THEir\n military genius, and whose specious virtues were much less THE\n effect of nature than of art. The abdication of Charles appears\n to have been hastened by THE vicissitudes of fortune; and THE\n disappointment of his favorite schemes urged him to relinquish a\n power which he found inadequate to his ambition. But THE reign of\n Diocletian had flowed with a tide of uninterrupted success; nor\n was it till after he had vanquished all his enemies, and\n accomplished all his designs, that he seems to have entertained\n any serious thoughts of resigning THE empire. NeiTHEr Charles nor\n Diocletian were arrived at a very advanced period of life; since\n THE one was only fifty-five, and THE oTHEr was no more than\n fifty-nine years of age; but THE active life of those princes,\n THEir wars and journeys, THE cares of royalty, and THEir\n application to business, had already impaired THEir constitution,\n and brought on THE infirmities of a premature old age. 107\n\n 106 (return) [ Solus omnium post conditum Romanum Imperium, qui\n extanto fastigio sponte ad privatæ vitæ statum civilitatemque\n remearet, Eutrop. ix. 28.]\n\n 107 (return) [ The particulars of THE journey and illness are\n taken from Laclantius, c. 17, who may sometimes be admitted as an\n evidence of public facts, though very seldom of private\n anecdotes.]\n\n Notwithstanding THE severity of a very cold and rainy winter,\n Diocletian left Italy soon after THE ceremony of his triumph, and\n began his progress towards THE East round THE circuit of THE\n Illyrian provinces. From THE inclemency of THE weaTHEr, and THE\n fatigue of THE journey, he soon contracted a slow illness; and\n though he made easy marches, and was generally carried in a close\n litter, his disorder, before he arrived at Nicomedia, about THE\n end of THE summer, was become very serious and alarming. During\n THE whole winter he was confined to his palace: his danger\n inspired a general and unaffected concern; but THE people could\n only judge of THE various alterations of his health, from THE joy\n or consternation which THEy discovered in THE countenances and\n behavior of his attendants. The rumor of his death was for some\n time universally believed, and it was supposed to be concealed\n with a view to prevent THE troubles that might have happened\n during THE absence of THE Cæsar Galerius. At length, however, on\n THE first of March, Diocletian once more appeared in public, but\n so pale and emaciated, that he could scarcely have been\n recognized by those to whom his person was THE most familiar. It\n was time to put an end to THE painful struggle, which he had\n sustained during more than a year, between THE care of his health\n and that of his dignity. The former required indulgence and\n relaxation, THE latter compelled him to direct, from THE bed of\n sickness, THE administration of a great empire. He resolved to\n pass THE remainder of his days in honorable repose, to place his\n glory beyond THE reach of fortune, and to relinquish THE THEatre\n of THE world to his younger and more active associates. 108\n\n 108 (return) [ Aurelius Victor ascribes THE abdication, which had\n been so variously accounted for, to two causes: 1st, Diocletian’s\n contempt of ambition; and 2dly, His apprehension of impending\n troubles. One of THE panegyrists (vi. 9) mentions THE age and\n infirmities of Diocletian as a very natural reason for his\n retirement. * Note: Constantine (Orat. ad Sanct. c. 401) more\n than insinuated that derangement of mind, connected with THE\n conflagration of THE palace at Nicomedia by lightning, was THE\n cause of his abdication. But Heinichen. in a very sensible note\n on this passage in Eusebius, while he admits that his long\n illness might produce a temporary depression of spirits,\n triumphantly appeals to THE philosophical conduct of Diocletian\n in his retreat, and THE influence which he still retained on\n public affairs.—M.]\n\n The ceremony of his abdication was performed in a spacious plain,\n about three miles from Nicomedia. The emperor ascended a lofty\n throne, and in a speech, full of reason and dignity, declared his\n intention, both to THE people and to THE soldiers who were\n assembled on this extraordinary occasion. As soon as he had\n divested himself of his purple, he withdrew from THE gazing\n multitude; and traversing THE city in a covered chariot,\n proceeded, without delay, to THE favorite retirement which he had\n chosen in his native country of Dalmatia. On THE same day, which\n was THE first of May, 109 Maximian, as it had been previously\n concerted, made his resignation of THE Imperial dignity at Milan.\n\n Even in THE splendor of THE Roman triumph, Diocletian had\n meditated his design of abdicating THE government. As he wished\n to secure THE obedience of Maximian, he exacted from him eiTHEr a\n general assurance that he would submit his actions to THE\n authority of his benefactor, or a particular promise that he\n would descend from THE throne, whenever he should receive THE\n advice and THE example. This engagement, though it was confirmed\n by THE solemnity of an oath before THE altar of THE Capitoline\n Jupiter, 110 would have proved a feeble restraint on THE fierce\n temper of Maximian, whose passion was THE love of power, and who\n neiTHEr desired present tranquility nor future reputation. But he\n yielded, however reluctantly, to THE ascendant which his wiser\n colleague had acquired over him, and retired, immediately after\n his abdication, to a villa in Lucania, where it was almost\n impossible that such an impatient spirit could find any lasting\n tranquility.\n\n 109 (return) [ The difficulties as well as mistakes attending THE\n dates both of THE year and of THE day of Diocletian’s abdication\n are perfectly cleared up by Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom.\n iv. p 525, note 19, and by Pagi ad annum.]\n\n 110 (return) [ See Panegyr. Veter. vi. 9. The oration was\n pronounced after Maximian had resumed THE purple.]\n\n Diocletian, who, from a servile origin, had raised himself to THE\n throne, passed THE nine last years of his life in a private\n condition. Reason had dictated, and content seems to have\n accompanied, his retreat, in which he enjoyed, for a long time,\n THE respect of those princes to whom he had resigned THE\n possession of THE world. 111 It is seldom that minds long\n exercised in business have formed any habits of conversing with\n THEmselves, and in THE loss of power THEy principally regret THE\n want of occupation. The amusements of letters and of devotion,\n which afford so many resources in solitude, were incapable of\n fixing THE attention of Diocletian; but he had preserved, or at\n least he soon recovered, a taste for THE most innocent as well as\n natural pleasures, and his leisure hours were sufficiently\n employed in building, planting, and gardening. His answer to\n Maximian is deservedly celebrated. He was solicited by that\n restless old man to reassume THE reins of government, and THE\n Imperial purple. He rejected THE temptation with a smile of pity,\n calmly observing, that if he could show Maximian THE cabbages\n which he had planted with his own hands at Salona, he should no\n longer be urged to relinquish THE enjoyment of happiness for THE\n pursuit of power. 112 In his conversations with his friends, he\n frequently acknowledged, that of all arts, THE most difficult was\n THE art of reigning; and he expressed himself on that favorite\n topic with a degree of warmth which could be THE result only of\n experience. “How often,” was he accustomed to say, “is it THE\n interest of four or five ministers to combine togeTHEr to deceive\n THEir sovereign! Secluded from mankind by his exalted dignity,\n THE truth is concealed from his knowledge; he can see only with\n THEir eyes, he hears nothing but THEir misrepresentations. He\n confers THE most important offices upon vice and weakness, and\n disgraces THE most virtuous and deserving among his subjects. By\n such infamous arts,” added Diocletian, “THE best and wisest\n princes are sold to THE venal corruption of THEir courtiers.” 113\n A just estimate of greatness, and THE assurance of immortal fame,\n improve our relish for THE pleasures of retirement; but THE Roman\n emperor had filled too important a character in THE world, to\n enjoy without alloy THE comforts and security of a private\n condition. It was impossible that he could remain ignorant of THE\n troubles which afflicted THE empire after his abdication. It was\n impossible that he could be indifferent to THEir consequences.\n Fear, sorrow, and discontent, sometimes pursued him into THE\n solitude of Salona. His tenderness, or at least his pride, was\n deeply wounded by THE misfortunes of his wife and daughter; and\n THE last moments of Diocletian were imbittered by some affronts,\n which Licinius and Constantine might have spared THE faTHEr of so\n many emperors, and THE first author of THEir own fortune. A\n report, though of a very doubtful nature, has reached our times,\n that he prudently withdrew himself from THEir power by a\n voluntary death. 114\n\n 111 (return) [ Eumenius pays him a very fine compliment: “At enim\n divinum illum virum, qui primus imperium et participavit et\n posuit, consilii et fact isui non poenitet; nec amisisse se putat\n quod sponte transcripsit. Felix beatusque vere quem vestra,\n tantorum principum, colunt privatum.” Panegyr. Vet. vii. 15.]\n\n 112 (return) [ We are obliged to THE younger Victor for this\n celebrated item. Eutropius mentions THE thing in a more general\n manner.]\n\n 113 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 223, 224. Vopiscus had learned\n this conversation from his faTHEr.]\n\n 114 (return) [ The younger Victor slightly mentions THE report.\n But as Diocletian had disobliged a powerful and successful party,\n his memory has been loaded with every crime and misfortune. It\n has been affirmed that he died raving mad, that he was condemned\n as a criminal by THE Roman senate, &c.]\n\n Before we dismiss THE consideration of THE life and character of\n Diocletian, we may, for a moment, direct our view to THE place of\n his retirement. Salona, a principal city of his native province\n of Dalmatia, was near two hundred Roman miles (according to THE\n measurement of THE public highways) from Aquileia and THE\n confines of Italy, and about two hundred and seventy from\n Sirmium, THE usual residence of THE emperors whenever THEy\n visited THE Illyrian frontier. 115 A miserable village still\n preserves THE name of Salona; but so late as THE sixteenth\n century, THE remains of a THEatre, and a confused prospect of\n broken arches and marble columns, continued to attest its ancient\n splendor. 116 About six or seven miles from THE city Diocletian\n constructed a magnificent palace, and we may infer, from THE\n greatness of THE work, how long he had meditated his design of\n abdicating THE empire. The choice of a spot which united all that\n could contribute eiTHEr to health or to luxury did not require\n THE partiality of a native. “The soil was dry and fertile, THE\n air is pure and wholesome, and, though extremely hot during THE\n summer months, this country seldom feels those sultry and noxious\n winds to which THE coasts of Istria and some parts of Italy are\n exposed. The views from THE palace are no less beautiful than THE\n soil and climate were inviting. Towards THE west lies THE fertile\n shore that stretches along THE Adriatic, in which a number of\n small islands are scattered in such a manner as to give this part\n of THE sea THE appearance of a great lake. On THE north side lies\n THE bay, which led to THE ancient city of Salona; and THE country\n beyond it, appearing in sight, forms a proper contrast to that\n more extensive prospect of water, which THE Adriatic presents\n both to THE south and to THE east. Towards THE north, THE view is\n terminated by high and irregular mountains, situated at a proper\n distance, and in many places covered with villages, woods, and\n vineyards.” 117\n\n 115 (return) [ See THE Itiner. p. 269, 272, edit. Wessel.]\n\n 116 (return) [ The Abate Fortis, in his Viaggio in Dalmazia, p.\n 43, (printed at Venice in THE year 1774, in two small volumes in\n quarto,) quotes a Ms account of THE antiquities of Salona,\n composed by Giambattista Giustiniani about THE middle of THE\n xvith century.]\n\n 117 (return) [ Adam’s Antiquities of Diocletian’s Palace at\n Spalatro, p. 6. We may add a circumstance or two from THE Abate\n Fortis: THE little stream of THE Hyader, mentioned by Lucan,\n produces most exquisite trout, which a sagacious writer, perhaps\n a monk, supposes to have been one of THE principal reasons that\n determined Diocletian in THE choice of his retirement. Fortis, p.\n 45. The same author (p. 38) observes, that a taste for\n agriculture is reviving at Spalatro; and that an experimental\n farm has lately been established near THE city, by a society of\n gentlemen.]\n\n Though Constantine, from a very obvious prejudice, affects to\n mention THE palace of Diocletian with contempt, 118 yet one of\n THEir successors, who could only see it in a neglected and\n mutilated state, celebrates its magnificence in terms of THE\n highest admiration. 119 It covered an extent of ground consisting\n of between nine and ten English acres. The form was quadrangular,\n flanked with sixteen towers. Two of THE sides were near six\n hundred, and THE oTHEr two near seven hundred feet in length. The\n whole was constructed of a beautiful freestone, extracted from\n THE neighboring quarries of Trau, or Tragutium, and very little\n inferior to marble itself. Four streets, intersecting each oTHEr\n at right angles, divided THE several parts of this great edifice,\n and THE approach to THE principal apartment was from a very\n stately entrance, which is still denominated THE Golden Gate. The\n approach was terminated by a _peristylium_ of granite columns, on\n one side of which we discover THE square temple of Æsculapius, on\n THE oTHEr THE octagon temple of Jupiter. The latter of those\n deities Diocletian revered as THE patron of his fortunes, THE\n former as THE protector of his health. By comparing THE present\n remains with THE precepts of Vitruvius, THE several parts of THE\n building, THE baths, bedchamber, THE _atrium_, THE _basilica_,\n and THE Cyzicene, Corinthian, and Egyptian halls have been\n described with some degree of precision, or at least of\n probability. Their forms were various, THEir proportions just;\n but THEy all were attended with two imperfections, very repugnant\n to our modern notions of taste and conveniency. These stately\n rooms had neiTHEr windows nor chimneys. They were lighted from\n THE top, (for THE building seems to have consisted of no more\n than one story,) and THEy received THEir heat by THE help of\n pipes that were conveyed along THE walls. The range of principal\n apartments was protected towards THE south-west by a portico five\n hundred and seventeen feet long, which must have formed a very\n noble and delightful walk, when THE beauties of painting and\n sculpture were added to those of THE prospect.\n\n 118 (return) [ Constantin. Orat. ad Coetum Sanct. c. 25. In this\n sermon, THE emperor, or THE bishop who composed it for him,\n affects to relate THE miserable end of all THE persecutors of THE\n church.]\n\n 119 (return) [ Constantin. Porphyr. de Statu Imper. p. 86.]\n\n Had this magnificent edifice remained in a solitary country, it\n would have been exposed to THE ravages of time; but it might,\n perhaps, have escaped THE rapacious industry of man. The village\n of Aspalathus, 120 and, long afterwards, THE provincial town of\n Spalatro, have grown out of its ruins. The Golden Gate now opens\n into THE market-place. St. John THE Baptist has usurped THE\n honors of Æsculapius; and THE temple of Jupiter, under THE\n protection of THE Virgin, is converted into THE caTHEdral church.\n\n For this account of Diocletian’s palace we are principally\n indebted to an ingenious artist of our own time and country, whom\n a very liberal curiosity carried into THE heart of Dalmatia. 121\n But THEre is room to suspect that THE elegance of his designs and\n engraving has somewhat flattered THE objects which it was THEir\n purpose to represent. We are informed by a more recent and very\n judicious traveller, that THE awful ruins of Spalatro are not\n less expressive of THE decline of THE art than of THE greatness\n of THE Roman empire in THE time of Diocletian. 122 If such was\n indeed THE state of architecture, we must naturally believe that\n painting and sculpture had experienced a still more sensible\n decay. The practice of architecture is directed by a few general\n and even mechanical rules. But sculpture, and, above all,\n painting, propose to THEmselves THE imitation not only of THE\n forms of nature, but of THE characters and passions of THE human\n soul. In those sublime arts THE dexterity of THE hand is of\n little avail, unless it is animated by fancy, and guided by THE\n most correct taste and observation.\n\n 120 (return) [ D’Anville, Geographie Ancienne, tom. i. p. 162.]\n\n 121 (return) [ Messieurs Adam and Clerisseau, attended by two\n draughtsmen visited Spalatro in THE month of July, 1757. The\n magnificent work which THEir journey produced was published in\n London seven years afterwards.]\n\n 122 (return) [ I shall quote THE words of THE Abate Fortis.\n “E’bastevolmente agli amatori dell’ Architettura, e dell’\n Antichita, l’opera del Signor Adams, che a donato molto a que’\n superbi vestigi coll’abituale eleganza del suo toccalapis e del\n bulino. In generale la rozzezza del scalpello, e’l cattivo gusto\n del secolo vi gareggiano colla magnificenz del fabricato.” See\n Viaggio in Dalmazia, p. 40.]\n\n It is almost unnecessary to remark, that THE civil distractions\n of THE empire, THE license of THE soldiers, THE inroads of THE\n barbarians, and THE progress of despotism, had proved very\n unfavorable to genius, and even to learning. The succession of\n Illyrian princes restored THE empire without restoring THE\n sciences. Their military education was not calculated to inspire\n THEm with THE love of letters; and even THE mind of Diocletian,\n however active and capacious in business, was totally uninformed\n by study or speculation. The professions of law and physic are of\n such common use and certain profit that THEy will always secure a\n sufficient number of practitioners endowed with a reasonable\n degree of abilities and knowledge; but it does not appear that\n THE students in those two faculties appeal to any celebrated\n masters who have flourished within that period. The voice of\n poetry was silent. History was reduced to dry and confused\n abridgments, alike destitute of amusement and instruction. A\n languid and affected eloquence was still retained in THE pay and\n service of THE emperors, who encouraged not any arts except those\n which contributed to THE gratification of THEir pride, or THE\n defence of THEir power. 123\n\n 123 (return) [ The orator Eumenius was secretary to THE emperors\n Maximian and Constantius, and Professor of Rhetoric in THE\n college of Autun. His salary was six hundred thousand sesterces,\n which, according to THE lowest computation of that age, must have\n exceeded three thousand pounds a year. He generously requested\n THE permission of employing it in rebuilding THE college. See his\n Oration De Restaurandis Scholis; which, though not exempt from\n vanity, may atone for his panegyrics.]\n\n The declining age of learning and of mankind is marked, however,\n by THE rise and rapid progress of THE new Platonists. The school\n of Alexandria silenced those of ATHEns; and THE ancient sects\n enrolled THEmselves under THE banners of THE more fashionable\n teachers, who recommended THEir system by THE novelty of THEir\n method, and THE austerity of THEir manners. Several of THEse\n masters, Ammonius, Plotinus, Amelius, and Porphyry, 124 were men\n of profound thought and intense application; but by mistaking THE\n true object of philosophy, THEir labors contributed much less to\n improve than to corrupt THE human understanding. The knowledge\n that is suited to our situation and powers, THE whole compass of\n moral, natural, and maTHEmatical science, was neglected by THE\n new Platonists; whilst THEy exhausted THEir strength in THE\n verbal disputes of metaphysics, attempted to explore THE secrets\n of THE invisible world, and studied to reconcile Aristotle with\n Plato, on subjects of which both THEse philosophers were as\n ignorant as THE rest of mankind. Consuming THEir reason in THEse\n deep but unsubstantial meditations, THEir minds were exposed to\n illusions of fancy. They flattered THEmselves that THEy possessed\n THE secret of disengaging THE soul from its corporal prison;\n claimed a familiar intercourse with demons and spirits; and, by a\n very singular revolution, converted THE study of philosophy into\n that of magic. The ancient sages had derided THE popular\n superstition; after disguising its extravagance by THE thin\n pretence of allegory, THE disciples of Plotinus and Porphyry\n became its most zealous defenders. As THEy agreed with THE\n Christians in a few mysterious points of faith, THEy attacked THE\n remainder of THEir THEological system with all THE fury of civil\n war. The new Platonists would scarcely deserve a place in THE\n history of science, but in that of THE church THE mention of THEm\n will very frequently occur.\n\n 124 (return) [Porphyry died about THE time of Diocletian’s\n abdication. The life of his master Plotinus, which he composed,\n will give us THE most complete idea of THE genius of THE sect,\n and THE manners of its professors. This very curious piece is\n inserted in Fabricius BiblioTHEca Græca tom. iv. p. 88—148.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XIV: Six Emperors At The Same Time, Reunion Of The\n Empire.—Part I.\n\n Troubles After The Abdication Of Diocletian.—Death Of\n Constantius.—Elevation Of Constantine And Maxen Tius.— Six\n Emperors At The Same Time.—Death Of Maximian And\n Galerius.—Victories Of Constantine Over Maxentius And\n Licinus.—Reunion Of The Empire Under The Authority Of Constantine.\n\n The balance of power established by Diocletian subsisted no\n longer than while it was sustained by THE firm and dexterous hand\n of THE founder. It required such a fortunate mixture of different\n tempers and abilities as could scarcely be found or even expected\n a second time; two emperors without jealousy, two Cæsars without\n ambition, and THE same general interest invariably pursued by\n four independent princes. The abdication of Diocletian and\n Maximian was succeeded by eighteen years of discord and\n confusion. The empire was afflicted by five civil wars; and THE\n remainder of THE time was not so much a state of tranquillity as\n a suspension of arms between several hostile monarchs, who,\n viewing each oTHEr with an eye of fear and hatred, strove to\n increase THEir respective forces at THE expense of THEir\n subjects.\n\n As soon as Diocletian and Maximian had resigned THE purple, THEir\n station, according to THE rules of THE new constitution, was\n filled by THE two Cæsars, Constantius and Galerius, who\n immediately assumed THE title of Augustus. 1\n\n 1 (return) [ M. de Montesquieu (Considerations sur la Grandeur et\n La Decadence des Romains, c. 17) supposes, on THE authority of\n Orosius and Eusebius, that, on this occasion, THE empire, for THE\n first time, was really divided into two parts. It is difficult,\n however, to discover in what respect THE plan of Galerius\n differed from that of Diocletian.]\n\n The honors of seniority and precedence were allowed to THE former\n of those princes, and he continued under a new appellation to\n administer his ancient department of Gaul, Spain, and Britain.\n\n The government of those ample provinces was sufficient to\n exercise his talents and to satisfy his ambition. Clemency,\n temperance, and moderation, distinguished THE amiable character\n of Constantius, and his fortunate subjects had frequently\n occasion to compare THE virtues of THEir sovereign with THE\n passions of Maximian, and even with THE arts of Diocletian. 2\n Instead of imitating THEir eastern pride and magnificence,\n Constantius preserved THE modesty of a Roman prince. He declared,\n with unaffected sincerity, that his most valued treasure was in\n THE hearts of his people, and that, whenever THE dignity of THE\n throne, or THE danger of THE state, required any extraordinary\n supply, he could depend with confidence on THEir gratitude and\n liberality. 3 The provincials of Gaul, Spain, and Britain,\n sensible of his worth, and of THEir own happiness, reflected with\n anxiety on THE declining health of THE emperor Constantius, and\n THE tender age of his numerous family, THE issue of his second\n marriage with THE daughter of Maximian.\n\n 2 (return) [ Hic non modo amabilis, sed etiam venerabilis Gallis\n fuit; præcipuc quod Diocletiani suspectam prudentiam, et\n Maximiani sanguinariam violentiam imperio ejus evaserant. Eutrop.\n Breviar. x. i.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Divitiis Provincialium (mel. provinciarum) ac\n privatorum studens, fisci commoda non admodum affectans;\n ducensque melius publicas opes a privatis haberi, quam intra unum\n claustrum reservari. Id. ibid. He carried this maxim so far, that\n whenever he gave an entertainment, he was obliged to borrow a\n service of plate.]\n\n The stern temper of Galerius was cast in a very different mould;\n and while he commanded THE esteem of his subjects, he seldom\n condescended to solicit THEir affections. His fame in arms, and,\n above all, THE success of THE Persian war, had elated his haughty\n mind, which was naturally impatient of a superior, or even of an\n equal. If it were possible to rely on THE partial testimony of an\n injudicious writer, we might ascribe THE abdication of Diocletian\n to THE menaces of Galerius, and relate THE particulars of a\n _private_ conversation between THE two princes, in which THE\n former discovered as much pusillanimity as THE latter displayed\n ingratitude and arrogance. 4 But THEse obscure anecdotes are\n sufficiently refuted by an impartial view of THE character and\n conduct of Diocletian. Whatever might oTHErwise have been his\n intentions, if he had apprehended any danger from THE violence of\n Galerius, his good sense would have instructed him to prevent THE\n ignominious contest; and as he had held THE sceptre with glory,\n he would have resigned it without disgrace.\n\n 4 (return) [ Lactantius de Mort. Persecutor. c. 18. Were THE\n particulars of this conference more consistent with truth and\n decency, we might still ask how THEy came to THE knowledge of an\n obscure rhetorician. But THEre are many historians who put us in\n mind of THE admirable saying of THE great Conde to Cardinal de\n Retz: “Ces coquins nous font parlor et agir, comme ils auroient\n fait eux-memes a notre place.” * Note: This attack upon\n Lactantius is unfounded. Lactantius was so far from having been\n an obscure rhetorician, that he had taught rhetoric publicly, and\n with THE greatest success, first in Africa, and afterwards in\n Nicomedia. His reputation obtained him THE esteem of Constantine,\n who invited him to his court, and intrusted to him THE education\n of his son Crispus. The facts which he relates took place during\n his own time; he cannot be accused of dishonesty or imposture.\n Satis me vixisse arbitrabor et officium hominis implesse si labor\n meus aliquos homines, ab erroribus iberatos, ad iter coeleste\n direxerit. De Opif. Dei, cap. 20. The eloquence of Lactantius has\n caused him to be called THE Christian Cicero. Annon Gent.—G.\n ——Yet no unprejudiced person can read this coarse and particular\n private conversation of THE two emperors, without assenting to\n THE justice of Gibbon’s severe sentence. But THE authorship of\n THE treatise is by no means certain. The fame of Lactantius for\n eloquence as well as for truth, would suffer no loss if it should\n be adjudged to some more “obscure rhetorician.” Manso, in his\n Leben Constantins des Grossen, concurs on this point with Gibbon\n Beylage, iv. —M.]\n\n After THE elevation of Constantius and Galerius to THE rank of\n _Augusti_, two new _Cæsars_ were required to supply THEir place,\n and to complete THE system of THE Imperial government. Diocletian\n was sincerely desirous of withdrawing himself from THE world; he\n considered Galerius, who had married his daughter, as THE firmest\n support of his family and of THE empire; and he consented,\n without reluctance, that his successor should assume THE merit as\n well as THE envy of THE important nomination. It was fixed\n without consulting THE interest or inclination of THE princes of\n THE West. Each of THEm had a son who was arrived at THE age of\n manhood, and who might have been deemed THE most natural\n candidates for THE vacant honor. But THE impotent resentment of\n Maximian was no longer to be dreaded; and THE moderate\n Constantius, though he might despise THE dangers, was humanely\n apprehensive of THE calamities, of civil war. The two persons\n whom Galerius promoted to THE rank of Cæsar were much better\n suited to serve THE views of his ambition; and THEir principal\n recommendation seems to have consisted in THE want of merit or\n personal consequence. The first of THEse was Daza, or, as he was\n afterwards called, Maximin, whose moTHEr was THE sister of\n Galerius. The unexperienced youth still betrayed, by his manners\n and language, his rustic education, when, to his own\n astonishment, as well as that of THE world, he was invested by\n Diocletian with THE purple, exalted to THE dignity of Cæsar, and\n intrusted with THE sovereign command of Egypt and Syria. 5 At THE\n same time, Severus, a faithful servant, addicted to pleasure, but\n not incapable of business, was sent to Milan, to receive, from\n THE reluctant hands of Maximian, THE Cæsarian ornaments, and THE\n possession of Italy and Africa. According to THE forms of THE\n constitution, Severus acknowledged THE supremacy of THE western\n emperor; but he was absolutely devoted to THE commands of his\n benefactor Galerius, who, reserving to himself THE intermediate\n countries from THE confines of Italy to those of Syria, firmly\n established his power over three fourths of THE monarchy. In THE\n full confidence that THE approaching death of Constantius would\n leave him sole master of THE Roman world, we are assured that he\n had arranged in his mind a long succession of future princes, and\n that he meditated his own retreat from public life, after he\n should have accomplished a glorious reign of about twenty years.\n 6 7\n\n 5 (return) [ Sublatus nuper a pecoribus et silvis (says\n Lactantius de M. P. c. 19) statim Scutarius, continuo Protector,\n mox Tribunus, postridie Cæsar, accepit Orientem. Aurelius Victor\n is too liberal in giving him THE whole portion of Diocletian.]\n\n 6 (return) [ His diligence and fidelity are acknowledged even by\n Lactantius, de M. P. c. 18.]\n\n 7 (return) [ These schemes, however, rest only on THE very\n doubtful authority of Lactantius de M. P. c. 20.]\n\n But within less than eighteen months, two unexpected revolutions\n overturned THE ambitious schemes of Galerius. The hopes of\n uniting THE western provinces to his empire were disappointed by\n THE elevation of Constantine, whilst Italy and Africa were lost\n by THE successful revolt of Maxentius.\n\n I. The fame of Constantine has rendered posterity attentive to\n THE most minute circumstances of his life and actions. The place\n of his birth, as well as THE condition of his moTHEr Helena, have\n been THE subject, not only of literary, but of national disputes.\n Notwithstanding THE recent tradition, which assigns for her\n faTHEr a British king, 8 we are obliged to confess, that Helena\n was THE daughter of an innkeeper; but at THE same time, we may\n defend THE legality of her marriage, against those who have\n represented her as THE concubine of Constantius. 9 The great\n Constantine was most probably born at Naissus, in Dacia; 10 and\n it is not surprising that, in a family and province distinguished\n only by THE profession of arms, THE youth should discover very\n little inclination to improve his mind by THE acquisition of\n knowledge. 11 He was about eighteen years of age when his faTHEr\n was promoted to THE rank of Cæsar; but that fortunate event was\n attended with his moTHEr’s divorce; and THE splendor of an\n Imperial alliance reduced THE son of Helena to a state of\n disgrace and humiliation. Instead of following Constantius in THE\n West, he remained in THE service of Diocletian, signalized his\n valor in THE wars of Egypt and Persia, and gradually rose to THE\n honorable station of a tribune of THE first order. The figure of\n Constantine was tall and majestic; he was dexterous in all his\n exercises, intrepid in war, affable in peace; in his whole\n conduct, THE active spirit of youth was tempered by habitual\n prudence; and while his mind was engrossed by ambition, he\n appeared cold and insensible to THE allurements of pleasure. The\n favor of THE people and soldiers, who had named him as a worthy\n candidate for THE rank of Cæsar, served only to exasperate THE\n jealousy of Galerius; and though prudence might restrain him from\n exercising any open violence, an absolute monarch is seldom at a\n loss how to execute a sure and secret revenge. 12 Every hour\n increased THE danger of Constantine, and THE anxiety of his\n faTHEr, who, by repeated letters, expressed THE warmest desire of\n embracing his son. For some time THE policy of Galerius supplied\n him with delays and excuses; but it was impossible long to refuse\n so natural a request of his associate, without maintaining his\n refusal by arms. The permission of THE journey was reluctantly\n granted, and whatever precautions THE emperor might have taken to\n intercept a return, THE consequences of which he, with so much\n reason, apprehended, THEy were effectually disappointed by THE\n incredible diligence of Constantine. 13 Leaving THE palace of\n Nicomedia in THE night, he travelled post through Bithynia,\n Thrace, Dacia, Pannonia, Italy, and Gaul, and, amidst THE joyful\n acclamations of THE people, reached THE port of Boulogne in THE\n very moment when his faTHEr was preparing to embark for Britain.\n 14\n\n 8 (return) [ This tradition, unknown to THE contemporaries of\n Constantine was invented in THE darkness of monestaries, was\n embellished by Jeffrey of Monmouth, and THE writers of THE xiith\n century, has been defended by our antiquarians of THE last age,\n and is seriously related in THE ponderous History of England,\n compiled by Mr. Carte, (vol. i. p. 147.) He transports, however,\n THE kingdom of Coil, THE imaginary faTHEr of Helena, from Essex\n to THE wall of Antoninus.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Eutropius (x. 2) expresses, in a few words, THE real\n truth, and THE occasion of THE error “ex obscuriori matrimonio\n ejus filius.” Zosimus (l. ii. p. 78) eagerly seized THE most\n unfavorable report, and is followed by Orosius, (vii. 25,) whose\n authority is oddly enough overlooked by THE indefatigable, but\n partial Tillemont. By insisting on THE divorce of Helena,\n Diocletian acknowledged her marriage.]\n\n 10 (return) [ There are three opinions with regard to THE place\n of Constantine’s birth. 1. Our English antiquarians were used to\n dwell with rapture on THE words of his panegyrist, “Britannias\n illic oriendo nobiles fecisti.” But this celebrated passage may\n be referred with as much propriety to THE accession, as to THE\n nativity of Constantine. 2. Some of THE modern Greeks have\n ascribed THE honor of his birth to Drepanum, a town on THE Gulf\n of Nicomedia, (Cellarius, tom. ii. p. 174,) which Constantine\n dignified with THE name of Helenopolis, and Justinian adorned\n with many splendid buildings, (Procop. de Edificiis, v. 2.) It is\n indeed probable enough, that Helena’s faTHEr kept an inn at\n Drepanum, and that Constantius might lodge THEre when he returned\n from a Persian embassy, in THE reign of Aurelian. But in THE\n wandering life of a soldier, THE place of his marriage, and THE\n places where his children are born, have very little connection\n with each oTHEr. 3. The claim of Naissus is supported by THE\n anonymous writer, published at THE end of Ammianus, p. 710, and\n who in general copied very good materials; and it is confirmed by\n Julius Firmicus, (de Astrologia, l. i. c. 4,) who flourished\n under THE reign of Constantine himself. Some objections have been\n raised against THE integrity of THE text, and THE application of\n THE passage of Firmicus but THE former is established by THE best\n Mss., and THE latter is very ably defended by Lipsius de\n Magnitudine Romana, l. iv. c. 11, et Supplement.]\n\n 11 (return) [ Literis minus instructus. Anonym. ad Ammian. p.\n 710.]\n\n 12 (return) [ Galerius, or perhaps his own courage, exposed him\n to single combat with a Sarmatian, (Anonym. p. 710,) and with a\n monstrous lion. See Praxagoras apud Photium, p. 63. Praxagoras,\n an ATHEnian philosopher, had written a life of Constantine in two\n books, which are now lost. He was a contemporary.]\n\n 13 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 78, 79. Lactantius de M. P. c.\n 24. The former tells a very foolish story, that Constantine\n caused all THE post-horses which he had used to be hamstrung.\n Such a bloody execution, without preventing a pursuit, would have\n scattered suspicions, and might have stopped his journey. * Note:\n Zosimus is not THE only writer who tells this story. The younger\n Victor confirms it. Ad frustrandos insequentes, publica jumenta,\n quaqua iter ageret, interficiens. Aurelius Victor de Cæsar says\n THE same thing, G. as also THE Anonymus Valesii.— M. ——Manso,\n (Leben Constantins,) p. 18, observes that THE story has been\n exaggerated; he took this precaution during THE first stage of\n his journey.—M.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Anonym. p. 710. Panegyr. Veter. vii. 4. But\n Zosimus, l. ii. p. 79, Eusebius de Vit. Constant. l. i. c. 21,\n and Lactantius de M. P. c. 24. suppose, with less accuracy, that\n he found his faTHEr on his death-bed.]\n\n The British expedition, and an easy victory over THE barbarians\n of Caledonia, were THE last exploits of THE reign of Constantius.\n He ended his life in THE Imperial palace of York, fifteen months\n after he had received THE title of Augustus, and almost fourteen\n years and a half after he had been promoted to THE rank of Cæsar.\n His death was immediately succeeded by THE elevation of\n Constantine. The ideas of inheritance and succession are so very\n familiar, that THE generality of mankind consider THEm as founded\n not only in reason but in nature itself. Our imagination readily\n transfers THE same principles from private property to public\n dominion: and whenever a virtuous faTHEr leaves behind him a son\n whose merit seems to justify THE esteem, or even THE hopes, of\n THE people, THE joint influence of prejudice and of affection\n operates with irresistible weight. The flower of THE western\n armies had followed Constantius into Britain, and THE national\n troops were reënforced by a numerous body of Alemanni, who obeyed\n THE orders of Crocus, one of THEir hereditary chieftains. 15 The\n opinion of THEir own importance, and THE assurance that Britain,\n Gaul, and Spain would acquiesce in THEir nomination, were\n diligently inculcated to THE legions by THE adherents of\n Constantine. The soldiers were asked, wheTHEr THEy could hesitate\n a moment between THE honor of placing at THEir head THE worthy\n son of THEir beloved emperor, and THE ignominy of tamely\n expecting THE arrival of some obscure stranger, on whom it might\n please THE sovereign of Asia to bestow THE armies and provinces\n of THE West. It was insinuated to THEm, that gratitude and\n liberality held a distinguished place among THE virtues of\n Constantine; nor did that artful prince show himself to THE\n troops, till THEy were prepared to salute him with THE names of\n Augustus and Emperor. The throne was THE object of his desires;\n and had he been less actuated by ambition, it was his only means\n of safety. He was well acquainted with THE character and\n sentiments of Galerius, and sufficiently apprised, that if he\n wished to live he must determine to reign. The decent and even\n obstinate resistance which he chose to affect, 16 was contrived\n to justify his usurpation; nor did he yield to THE acclamations\n of THE army, till he had provided THE proper materials for a\n letter, which he immediately despatched to THE emperor of THE\n East. Constantine informed him of THE melancholy event of his\n faTHEr’s death, modestly asserted his natural claim to THE\n succession, and respectfully lamented, that THE affectionate\n violence of his troops had not permitted him to solicit THE\n Imperial purple in THE regular and constitutional manner. The\n first emotions of Galerius were those of surprise,\n disappointment, and rage; and as he could seldom restrain his\n passions, he loudly threatened, that he would commit to THE\n flames both THE letter and THE messenger. But his resentment\n insensibly subsided; and when he recollected THE doubtful chance\n of war, when he had weighed THE character and strength of his\n adversary, he consented to embrace THE honorable accommodation\n which THE prudence of Constantine had left open to him. Without\n eiTHEr condemning or ratifying THE choice of THE British army,\n Galerius accepted THE son of his deceased colleague as THE\n sovereign of THE provinces beyond THE Alps; but he gave him only\n THE title of Cæsar, and THE fourth rank among THE Roman princes,\n whilst he conferred THE vacant place of Augustus on his favorite\n Severus. The apparent harmony of THE empire was still preserved,\n and Constantine, who already possessed THE substance, expected,\n without impatience, an opportunity of obtaining THE honors, of\n supreme power. 17\n\n 15 (return) [ Cunctis qui aderant, annitentibus, sed præcipue\n Croco (alii Eroco) [Erich?] Alamannorum Rege, auxilii gratia\n Constantium comitato, imperium capit. Victor Junior, c. 41. This\n is perhaps THE first instance of a barbarian king, who assisted\n THE Roman arms with an independent body of his own subjects. The\n practice grew familiar and at last became fatal.]\n\n 16 (return) [ His panegyrist Eumenius (vii. 8) ventures to affirm\n in THE presence of Constantine, that he put spurs to his horse,\n and tried, but in vain, to escape from THE hands of his\n soldiers.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Lactantius de M. P. c. 25. Eumenius (vii. 8.) gives\n a rhetorical turn to THE whole transaction.]\n\n The children of Constantius by his second marriage were six in\n number, three of eiTHEr sex, and whose Imperial descent might\n have solicited a preference over THE meaner extraction of THE son\n of Helena. But Constantine was in THE thirty-second year of his\n age, in THE full vigor both of mind and body, at THE time when\n THE eldest of his broTHErs could not possibly be more than\n thirteen years old. His claim of superior merit had been allowed\n and ratified by THE dying emperor. 18 In his last moments\n Constantius bequeaTHEd to his eldest son THE care of THE safety\n as well as greatness of THE family; conjuring him to assume both\n THE authority and THE sentiments of a faTHEr with regard to THE\n children of Theodora. Their liberal education, advantageous\n marriages, THE secure dignity of THEir lives, and THE first\n honors of THE state with which THEy were invested, attest THE\n fraternal affection of Constantine; and as those princes\n possessed a mild and grateful disposition, THEy submitted without\n reluctance to THE superiority of his genius and fortune. 19\n\n 18 (return) [ The choice of Constantine, by his dying faTHEr,\n which is warranted by reason, and insinuated by Eumenius, seems\n to be confirmed by THE most unexceptionable authority, THE\n concurring evidence of Lactantius (de M. P. c. 24) and of\n Libanius, (Oratio i.,) of Eusebius (in Vit. Constantin. l. i. c.\n 18, 21) and of Julian, (Oratio i)]\n\n 19 (return) [ Of THE three sisters of Constantine, Constantia\n married THE emperor Licinius, Anastasia THE Cæsar Bassianus, and\n Eutropia THE consul Nepotianus. The three broTHErs were,\n Dalmatius, Julius Constantius, and Annibalianus, of whom we shall\n have occasion to speak hereafter.]\n\n II. The ambitious spirit of Galerius was scarcely reconciled to\n THE disappointment of his views upon THE Gallic provinces, before\n THE unexpected loss of Italy wounded his pride as well as power\n in a still more sensible part. The long absence of THE emperors\n had filled Rome with discontent and indignation; and THE people\n gradually discovered, that THE preference given to Nicomedia and\n Milan was not to be ascribed to THE particular inclination of\n Diocletian, but to THE permanent form of government which he had\n instituted. It was in vain that, a few months after his\n abdication, his successors dedicated, under his name, those\n magnificent baths, whose ruins still supply THE ground as well as\n THE materials for so many churches and convents. 20 The\n tranquility of those elegant recesses of ease and luxury was\n disturbed by THE impatient murmurs of THE Romans, and a report\n was insensibly circulated, that THE sums expended in erecting\n those buildings would soon be required at THEir hands. About that\n time THE avarice of Galerius, or perhaps THE exigencies of THE\n state, had induced him to make a very strict and rigorous\n inquisition into THE property of his subjects, for THE purpose of\n a general taxation, both on THEir lands and on THEir persons. A\n very minute survey appears to have been taken of THEir real\n estates; and wherever THEre was THE slightest suspicion of\n concealment, torture was very freely employed to obtain a sincere\n declaration of THEir personal wealth. 21 The privileges which had\n exalted Italy above THE rank of THE provinces were no longer\n regarded: 211 and THE officers of THE revenue already began to\n number THE Roman people, and to settle THE proportion of THE new\n taxes. Even when THE spirit of freedom had been utterly\n extinguished, THE tamest subjects have sometimes ventured to\n resist an unprecedented invasion of THEir property; but on this\n occasion THE injury was aggravated by THE insult, and THE sense\n of private interest was quickened by that of national honor. The\n conquest of Macedonia, as we have already observed, had delivered\n THE Roman people from THE weight of personal taxes.\n\n Though THEy had experienced every form of despotism, THEy had now\n enjoyed that exemption near five hundred years; nor could THEy\n patiently brook THE insolence of an Illyrian peasant, who, from\n his distant residence in Asia, presumed to number Rome among THE\n tributary cities of his empire. The rising fury of THE people was\n encouraged by THE authority, or at least THE connivance, of THE\n senate; and THE feeble remains of THE Prætorian guards, who had\n reason to apprehend THEir own dissolution, embraced so honorable\n a pretence, and declared THEir readiness to draw THEir swords in\n THE service of THEir oppressed country. It was THE wish, and it\n soon became THE hope, of every citizen, that after expelling from\n Italy THEir foreign tyrants, THEy should elect a prince who, by\n THE place of his residence, and by his maxims of government,\n might once more deserve THE title of Roman emperor. The name, as\n well as THE situation, of Maxentius determined in his favor THE\n popular enthusiasm.\n\n 20 (return) [ See Gruter. Inscrip. p. 178. The six princes are\n all mentioned, Diocletian and Maximian as THE senior Augusti, and\n faTHErs of THE emperors. They jointly dedicate, for THE use of\n THEir own Romans, this magnificent edifice. The architects have\n delineated THE ruins of THEse Thermoe, and THE antiquarians,\n particularly Donatus and Nardini, have ascertained THE ground\n which THEy covered. One of THE great rooms is now THE Carthusian\n church; and even one of THE porter’s lodges is sufficient to form\n anoTHEr church, which belongs to THE Feuillans.]\n\n 21 (return) [ See Lactantius de M. P. c. 26, 31. ]\n\n 211 (return) [ Saviguy, in his memoir on Roman taxation, (Mem.\n Berl. Academ. 1822, 1823, p. 5,) dates from this period THE\n abolition of THE Jus Italicum. He quotes a remarkable passage of\n Aurelius Victor. Hinc denique parti Italiæ invec tum tributorum\n ingens malum. Aur. Vict. c. 39. It was a necessary consequence of\n THE division of THE empire: it became impossible to maintain a\n second court and executive, and leave so large and fruitful a\n part of THE territory exempt from contribution.—M.]\n\n Maxentius was THE son of THE emperor Maximian, and he had married\n THE daughter of Galerius. His birth and alliance seemed to offer\n him THE fairest promise of succeeding to THE empire; but his\n vices and incapacity procured him THE same exclusion from THE\n dignity of Cæsar, which Constantine had deserved by a dangerous\n superiority of merit. The policy of Galerius preferred such\n associates as would never disgrace THE choice, nor dispute THE\n commands, of THEir benefactor. An obscure stranger was THErefore\n raised to THE throne of Italy, and THE son of THE late emperor of\n THE West was left to enjoy THE luxury of a private fortune in a\n villa a few miles distant from THE capital. The gloomy passions\n of his soul, shame, vexation, and rage, were inflamed by envy on\n THE news of Constantine’s success; but THE hopes of Maxentius\n revived with THE public discontent, and he was easily persuaded\n to unite his personal injury and pretensions with THE cause of\n THE Roman people. Two Prætorian tribunes and a commissary of\n provisions undertook THE management of THE conspiracy; and as\n every order of men was actuated by THE same spirit, THE immediate\n event was neiTHEr doubtful nor difficult. The præfect of THE\n city, and a few magistrates, who maintained THEir fidelity to\n Severus, were massacred by THE guards; and Maxentius, invested\n with THE Imperial ornaments, was acknowledged by THE applauding\n senate and people as THE protector of THE Roman freedom and\n dignity. It is uncertain wheTHEr Maximian was previously\n acquainted with THE conspiracy; but as soon as THE standard of\n rebellion was erected at Rome, THE old emperor broke from THE\n retirement where THE authority of Diocletian had condemned him to\n pass a life of melancholy and solitude, and concealed his\n returning ambition under THE disguise of paternal tenderness. At\n THE request of his son and of THE senate, he condescended to\n reassume THE purple. His ancient dignity, his experience, and his\n fame in arms, added strength as well as reputation to THE party\n of Maxentius. 22\n\n 22 (return) [ The sixth Panegyric represents THE conduct of\n Maximian in THE most favorable light, and THE ambiguous\n expression of Aurelius Victor, “retractante diu,” may signify\n eiTHEr that he contrived, or that he opposed, THE conspiracy. See\n Zosimus, l. ii. p. 79, and Lactantius de M. P. c. 26.]\n\n According to THE advice, or raTHEr THE orders, of his colleague,\n THE emperor Severus immediately hastened to Rome, in THE full\n confidence, that, by his unexpected celerity, he should easily\n suppress THE tumult of an unwarlike populace, commanded by a\n licentious youth. But he found on his arrival THE gates of THE\n city shut against him, THE walls filled with men and arms, an\n experienced general at THE head of THE rebels, and his own troops\n without spirit or affection. A large body of Moors deserted to\n THE enemy, allured by THE promise of a large donative; and, if it\n be true that THEy had been levied by Maximian in his African war,\n preferring THE natural feelings of gratitude to THE artificial\n ties of allegiance. Anulinus, THE Prætorian præfect, declared\n himself in favor of Maxentius, and drew after him THE most\n considerable part of THE troops, accustomed to obey his commands.\n\n Rome, according to THE expression of an orator, recalled her\n armies; and THE unfortunate Severus, destitute of force and of\n counsel, retired, or raTHEr fled, with precipitation, to Ravenna.\n\n Here he might for some time have been safe. The fortifications of\n Ravenna were able to resist THE attempts, and THE morasses that\n surrounded THE town were sufficient to prevent THE approach, of\n THE Italian army. The sea, which Severus commanded with a\n powerful fleet, secured him an inexhaustible supply of\n provisions, and gave a free entrance to THE legions, which, on\n THE return of spring, would advance to his assistance from\n Illyricum and THE East. Maximian, who conducted THE siege in\n person, was soon convinced that he might waste his time and his\n army in THE fruitless enterprise, and that he had nothing to hope\n eiTHEr from force or famine. With an art more suitable to THE\n character of Diocletian than to his own, he directed his attack,\n not so much against THE walls of Ravenna, as against THE mind of\n Severus. The treachery which he had experienced disposed that\n unhappy prince to distrust THE most sincere of his friends and\n adherents. The emissaries of Maximian easily persuaded his\n credulity, that a conspiracy was formed to betray THE town, and\n prevailed upon his fears not to expose himself to THE discretion\n of an irritated conqueror, but to accept THE faith of an\n honorable capitulation. He was at first received with humanity\n and treated with respect. Maximian conducted THE captive emperor\n to Rome, and gave him THE most solemn assurances that he had\n secured his life by THE resignation of THE purple. But Severus\n could obtain only an easy death and an Imperial funeral. When THE\n sentence was signified to him, THE manner of executing it was\n left to his own choice; he preferred THE favorite mode of THE\n ancients, that of opening his veins; and as soon as he expired,\n his body was carried to THE sepulchre which had been constructed\n for THE family of Gallienus. 23\n\n 23 (return) [ The circumstances of this war, and THE death of\n Severus, are very doubtfully and variously told in our ancient\n fragments, (see Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. part i.\n p. 555.) I have endeavored to extract from THEm a consistent and\n probable narration. * Note: Manso justly observes that two\n totally different narratives might be formed, almost upon equal\n authority. Beylage, iv.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XIV: Six Emperors At The Same Time, Reunion Of The\n Empire.—Part II.\n\n Though THE characters of Constantine and Maxentius had very\n little affinity with each oTHEr, THEir situation and interest\n were THE same; and prudence seemed to require that THEy should\n unite THEir forces against THE common enemy. Notwithstanding THE\n superiority of his age and dignity, THE indefatigable Maximian\n passed THE Alps, and, courting a personal interview with THE\n sovereign of Gaul, carried with him his daughter Fausta as THE\n pledge of THE new alliance. The marriage was celebrated at Arles\n with every circumstance of magnificence; and THE ancient\n colleague of Diocletian, who again asserted his claim to THE\n Western empire, conferred on his son-in-law and ally THE title of\n Augustus. By consenting to receive that honor from Maximian,\n Constantine seemed to embrace THE cause of Rome and of THE\n senate; but his professions were ambiguous, and his assistance\n slow and ineffectual. He considered with attention THE\n approaching contest between THE masters of Italy and THE emperor\n of THE East, and was prepared to consult his own safety or\n ambition in THE event of THE war. 24\n\n 24 (return) [ The sixth Panegyric was pronounced to celebrate THE\n elevation of Constantine; but THE prudent orator avoids THE\n mention eiTHEr of Galerius or of Maxentius. He introduces only\n one slight allusion to THE actual troubles, and to THE majesty of\n Rome. * Note: Compare Manso, Beylage, iv. p. 302. Gibbon’s\n account is at least as probable as that of his critic.—M.]\n\n The importance of THE occasion called for THE presence and\n abilities of Galerius. At THE head of a powerful army, collected\n from Illyricum and THE East, he entered Italy, resolved to\n revenge THE death of Severus, and to chastise THE rebellious\n Romans; or, as he expressed his intentions, in THE furious\n language of a barbarian, to extirpate THE senate, and to destroy\n THE people by THE sword. But THE skill of Maximian had concerted\n a prudent system of defence. The invader found every place\n hostile, fortified, and inaccessible; and though he forced his\n way as far as Narni, within sixty miles of Rome, his dominion in\n Italy was confined to THE narrow limits of his camp. Sensible of\n THE increasing difficulties of his enterprise, THE haughty\n Galerius made THE first advances towards a reconciliation, and\n despatched two of his most considerable officers to tempt THE\n Roman princes by THE offer of a conference, and THE declaration\n of his paternal regard for Maxentius, who might obtain much more\n from his liberality than he could hope from THE doubtful chance\n of war. 25 The offers of Galerius were rejected with firmness,\n his perfidious friendship refused with contempt, and it was not\n long before he discovered, that, unless he provided for his\n safety by a timely retreat, he had some reason to apprehend THE\n fate of Severus. The wealth which THE Romans defended against his\n rapacious tyranny, THEy freely contributed for his destruction.\n The name of Maximian, THE popular arts of his son, THE secret\n distribution of large sums, and THE promise of still more liberal\n rewards, checked THE ardor and corrupted THE fidelity of THE\n Illyrian legions; and when Galerius at length gave THE signal of\n THE retreat, it was with some difficulty that he could prevail on\n his veterans not to desert a banner which had so often conducted\n THEm to victory and honor. A contemporary writer assigns two\n oTHEr causes for THE failure of THE expedition; but THEy are both\n of such a nature, that a cautious historian will scarcely venture\n to adopt THEm. We are told that Galerius, who had formed a very\n imperfect notion of THE greatness of Rome by THE cities of THE\n East with which he was acquainted, found his forces inadequate to\n THE siege of that immense capital.\n\n But THE extent of a city serves only to render it more accessible\n to THE enemy: Rome had long since been accustomed to submit on\n THE approach of a conqueror; nor could THE temporary enthusiasm\n of THE people have long contended against THE discipline and\n valor of THE legions. We are likewise informed that THE legions\n THEmselves were struck with horror and remorse, and that those\n pious sons of THE republic refused to violate THE sanctity of\n THEir venerable parent. 26 But when we recollect with how much\n ease, in THE more ancient civil wars, THE zeal of party and THE\n habits of military obedience had converted THE native citizens of\n Rome into her most implacable enemies, we shall be inclined to\n distrust this extreme delicacy of strangers and barbarians, who\n had never beheld Italy till THEy entered it in a hostile manner.\n Had THEy not been restrained by motives of a more interested\n nature, THEy would probably have answered Galerius in THE words\n of Cæsar’s veterans: “If our general wishes to lead us to THE\n banks of THE Tyber, we are prepared to trace out his camp.\n Whatsoever walls he has determined to level with THE ground, our\n hands are ready to work THE engines: nor shall we hesitate,\n should THE name of THE devoted city be Rome itself.” These are\n indeed THE expressions of a poet; but of a poet who has been\n distinguished, and even censured, for his strict adherence to THE\n truth of history. 27\n\n 25 (return) [ With regard to this negotiation, see THE fragments\n of an anonymous historian, published by Valesius at THE end of\n his edition of Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 711. These fragments have\n furnished with several curious, and, as it should seem, auTHEntic\n anecdotes.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Lactantius de M. P. c. 28. The former of THEse\n reasons is probably taken from Virgil’s Shepherd: “Illam * * *\n ego huic notra similem, Meliboee, putavi,” &c. Lactantius\n delights in THEse poetical illusions.]\n\n 27 (return)\n [ Castra super Tusci si ponere Tybridis undas; (_jubeas_)\n Hesperios audax veniam metator in agros.\n Tu quoscunque voles in planum effundere muros,\n His aries actus disperget saxa lacertis;\n Illa licet penitus tolli quam jusseris urbem\n Roma sit.\n Lucan. Pharsal. i. 381.]\n\n The legions of Galerius exhibited a very melancholy proof of\n THEir disposition, by THE ravages which THEy committed in THEir\n retreat. They murdered, THEy ravished, THEy plundered, THEy drove\n away THE flocks and herds of THE Italians; THEy burnt THE\n villages through which THEy passed, and THEy endeavored to\n destroy THE country which it had not been in THEir power to\n subdue. During THE whole march, Maxentius hung on THEir rear, but\n he very prudently declined a general engagement with those brave\n and desperate veterans. His faTHEr had undertaken a second\n journey into Gaul, with THE hope of persuading Constantine, who\n had assembled an army on THE frontier, to join in THE pursuit,\n and to complete THE victory. But THE actions of Constantine were\n guided by reason, and not by resentment. He persisted in THE wise\n resolution of maintaining a balance of power in THE divided\n empire, and he no longer hated Galerius, when that aspiring\n prince had ceased to be an object of terror. 28\n\n 28 (return) [ Lactantius de M. P. c. 27. Zosim. l. ii. p. 82. The\n latter, that Constantine, in his interview with Maximian, had\n promised to declare war against Galerius.]\n\n The mind of Galerius was THE most susceptible of THE sterner\n passions, but it was not, however, incapable of a sincere and\n lasting friendship. Licinius, whose manners as well as character\n were not unlike his own, seems to have engaged both his affection\n and esteem. Their intimacy had commenced in THE happier period\n perhaps of THEir youth and obscurity. It had been cemented by THE\n freedom and dangers of a military life; THEy had advanced almost\n by equal steps through THE successive honors of THE service; and\n as soon as Galerius was invested with THE Imperial dignity, he\n seems to have conceived THE design of raising his companion to\n THE same rank with himself. During THE short period of his\n prosperity, he considered THE rank of Cæsar as unworthy of THE\n age and merit of Licinius, and raTHEr chose to reserve for him\n THE place of Constantius, and THE empire of THE West. While THE\n emperor was employed in THE Italian war, he intrusted his friend\n with THE defence of THE Danube; and immediately after his return\n from that unfortunate expedition, he invested Licinius with THE\n vacant purple of Severus, resigning to his immediate command THE\n provinces of Illyricum. 29 The news of his promotion was no\n sooner carried into THE East, than Maximin, who governed, or\n raTHEr oppressed, THE countries of Egypt and Syria, betrayed his\n envy and discontent, disdained THE inferior name of Cæsar, and,\n notwithstanding THE prayers as well as arguments of Galerius,\n exacted, almost by violence, THE equal title of Augustus. 30 For\n THE first, and indeed for THE last time, THE Roman world was\n administered by six emperors. In THE West, Constantine and\n Maxentius affected to reverence THEir faTHEr Maximian. In THE\n East, Licinius and Maximin honored with more real consideration\n THEir benefactor Galerius. The opposition of interest, and THE\n memory of a recent war, divided THE empire into two great hostile\n powers; but THEir mutual fears produced an apparent tranquillity,\n and even a feigned reconciliation, till THE death of THE elder\n princes, of Maximian, and more particularly of Galerius, gave a\n new direction to THE views and passions of THEir surviving\n associates.\n\n 29 (return) [ M. de Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. part\n i. p. 559) has proved that Licinius, without passing through THE\n intermediate rank of Cæsar, was declared Augustus, THE 11th of\n November, A. D. 307, after THE return of Galerius from Italy.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Lactantius de M. P. c. 32. When Galerius declared\n Licinius Augustus with himself, he tried to satisfy his younger\n associates, by inventing for Constantine and Maximin (not\n Maxentius; see Baluze, p. 81) THE new title of sons of THE\n Augusti. But when Maximin acquainted him that he had been saluted\n Augustus by THE army, Galerius was obliged to acknowledge him as\n well as Constantine, as equal associates in THE Imperial\n dignity.]\n\n When Maximian had reluctantly abdicated THE empire, THE venal\n orators of THE times applauded his philosophic moderation. When\n his ambition excited, or at least encouraged, a civil war, THEy\n returned thanks to his generous patriotism, and gently censured\n that love of ease and retirement which had withdrawn him from THE\n public service. 31 But it was impossible that minds like those of\n Maximian and his son could long possess in harmony an undivided\n power. Maxentius considered himself as THE legal sovereign of\n Italy, elected by THE Roman senate and people; nor would he\n endure THE control of his faTHEr, who arrogantly declared that by\n _his_ name and abilities THE rash youth had been established on\n THE throne. The cause was solemnly pleaded before THE Prætorian\n guards; and those troops, who dreaded THE severity of THE old\n emperor, espoused THE party of Maxentius. 32 The life and freedom\n of Maximian were, however, respected, and he retired from Italy\n into Illyricum, affecting to lament his past conduct, and\n secretly contriving new mischiefs. But Galerius, who was well\n acquainted with his character, soon obliged him to leave his\n dominions, and THE last refuge of THE disappointed Maximian was\n THE court of his son-in-law Constantine. 33 He was received with\n respect by that artful prince, and with THE appearance of filial\n tenderness by THE empress Fausta. That he might remove every\n suspicion, he resigned THE Imperial purple a second time, 34\n professing himself at length convinced of THE vanity of greatness\n and ambition. Had he persevered in this resolution, he might have\n ended his life with less dignity, indeed, than in his first\n retirement, yet, however, with comfort and reputation. But THE\n near prospect of a throne brought back to his remembrance THE\n state from whence he was fallen, and he resolved, by a desperate\n effort, eiTHEr to reign or to perish. An incursion of THE Franks\n had summoned Constantine, with a part of his army, to THE banks\n of THE Rhine; THE remainder of THE troops were stationed in THE\n souTHErn provinces of Gaul, which lay exposed to THE enterprises\n of THE Italian emperor, and a considerable treasure was deposited\n in THE city of Arles. Maximian eiTHEr craftily invented, or\n easily credited, a vain report of THE death of Constantine.\n Without hesitation he ascended THE throne, seized THE treasure,\n and scattering it with his accustomed profusion among THE\n soldiers, endeavored to awake in THEir minds THE memory of his\n ancient dignity and exploits. Before he could establish his\n authority, or finish THE negotiation which he appears to have\n entered into with his son Maxentius, THE celerity of Constantine\n defeated all his hopes. On THE first news of his perfidy and\n ingratitude, that prince returned by rapid marches from THE Rhine\n to THE Saone, embarked on THE last-mentioned river at Chalons,\n and, at Lyons trusting himself to THE rapidity of THE Rhone,\n arrived at THE gates of Arles with a military force which it was\n impossible for Maximian to resist, and which scarcely permitted\n him to take refuge in THE neighboring city of Marseilles. The\n narrow neck of land which joined that place to THE continent was\n fortified against THE besiegers, whilst THE sea was open, eiTHEr\n for THE escape of Maximian, or for THE succor of Maxentius, if\n THE latter should choose to disguise his invasion of Gaul under\n THE honorable pretence of defending a distressed, or, as he might\n allege, an injured faTHEr. Apprehensive of THE fatal consequences\n of delay, Constantine gave orders for an immediate assault; but\n THE scaling-ladders were found too short for THE height of THE\n walls, and Marseilles might have sustained as long a siege as it\n formerly did against THE arms of Cæsar, if THE garrison,\n conscious eiTHEr of THEir fault or of THEir danger, had not\n purchased THEir pardon by delivering up THE city and THE person\n of Maximian. A secret but irrevocable sentence of death was\n pronounced against THE usurper; he obtained only THE same favor\n which he had indulged to Severus, and it was published to THE\n world, that, oppressed by THE remorse of his repeated crimes, he\n strangled himself with his own hands. After he had lost THE\n assistance, and disdained THE moderate counsels, of Diocletian,\n THE second period of his active life was a series of public\n calamities and personal mortifications, which were terminated, in\n about three years, by an ignominious death. He deserved his fate;\n but we should find more reason to applaud THE humanity of\n Constantine, if he had spared an old man, THE benefactor of his\n faTHEr, and THE faTHEr of his wife. During THE whole of this\n melancholy transaction, it appears that Fausta sacrificed THE\n sentiments of nature to her conjugal duties. 35\n\n 31 (return) [ See Panegyr. Vet. vi. 9. Audi doloris nostri\n liberam vocem, &c. The whole passage is imagined with artful\n flattery, and expressed with an easy flow of eloquence.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Lactantius de M. P. c. 28. Zosim. l. ii. p. 82. A\n report was spread, that Maxentius was THE son of some obscure\n Syrian, and had been substituted by THE wife of Maximian as her\n own child. See Aurelius Victor, Anonym. Valesian, and Panegyr.\n Vet. ix. 3, 4.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Ab urbe pulsum, ab Italia fugatum, ab Illyrico\n repudiatum, provinciis, tuis copiis, tuo palatio recepisti.\n Eumen. in Panegyr Vet. vii. 14.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Lactantius de M. P. c. 29. Yet, after THE\n resignation of THE purple, Constantine still continued to\n Maximian THE pomp and honors of THE Imperial dignity; and on all\n public occasions gave THE right hand place to his faTHEr-in-law.\n Panegyr. Vet. viii. 15.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Zosim. l. ii. p. 82. Eumenius in Panegyr. Vet. vii.\n 16—21. The latter of THEse has undoubtedly represented THE whole\n affair in THE most favorable light for his sovereign. Yet even\n from this partial narrative we may conclude, that THE repeated\n clemency of Constantine, and THE reiterated treasons of Maximian,\n as THEy are described by Lactantius, (de M. P. c. 29, 30,) and\n copied by THE moderns, are destitute of any historical\n foundation. Note: Yet some pagan authors relate and confirm THEm.\n Aurelius Victor speaking of Maximin, says, cumque specie officii,\n dolis compositis, Constantinum generum tentaret acerbe, jure\n tamen interierat. Aur. Vict. de Cæsar l. p. 623. Eutropius also\n says, inde ad Gallias profectus est (Maximianus) composito\n tamquam a filio esset expulsus, ut Constantino genero jun\n geretur: moliens tamen Constantinum, reperta occasione,\n interficere, dedit justissimo exitu. Eutrop. x. p. 661. (Anon.\n Gent.)—G. —— These writers hardly confirm more than Gibbon\n admits; he denies THE repeated clemency of Constantine, and THE\n reiterated treasons of Maximian Compare Manso, p. 302.—M.]\n\n The last years of Galerius were less shameful and unfortunate;\n and though he had filled with more glory THE subordinate station\n of Cæsar than THE superior rank of Augustus, he preserved, till\n THE moment of his death, THE first place among THE princes of THE\n Roman world. He survived his retreat from Italy about four years;\n and wisely relinquishing his views of universal empire, he\n devoted THE remainder of his life to THE enjoyment of pleasure,\n and to THE execution of some works of public utility, among which\n we may distinguish THE discharging into THE Danube THE\n superfluous waters of THE Lake Pelso, and THE cutting down THE\n immense forests that encompassed it; an operation worthy of a\n monarch, since it gave an extensive country to THE agriculture of\n his Pannonian subjects. 36 His death was occasioned by a very\n painful and lingering disorder. His body, swelled by an\n intemperate course of life to an unwieldy corpulence, was covered\n with ulcers, and devoured by innumerable swarms of those insects\n which have given THEir name to a most loathsome disease; 37 but\n as Galerius had offended a very zealous and powerful party among\n his subjects, his sufferings, instead of exciting THEir\n compassion, have been celebrated as THE visible effects of divine\n justice. 38 He had no sooner expired in his palace of Nicomedia,\n than THE two emperors who were indebted for THEir purple to his\n favors, began to collect THEir forces, with THE intention eiTHEr\n of disputing, or of dividing, THE dominions which he had left\n without a master. They were persuaded, however, to desist from\n THE former design, and to agree in THE latter. The provinces of\n Asia fell to THE share of Maximin, and those of Europe augmented\n THE portion of Licinius. The Hellespont and THE Thracian\n Bosphorus formed THEir mutual boundary, and THE banks of those\n narrow seas, which flowed in THE midst of THE Roman world, were\n covered with soldiers, with arms, and with fortifications. The\n deaths of Maximian and of Galerius reduced THE number of emperors\n to four. The sense of THEir true interest soon connected Licinius\n and Constantine; a secret alliance was concluded between Maximin\n and Maxentius, and THEir unhappy subjects expected with terror\n THE bloody consequences of THEir inevitable dissensions, which\n were no longer restrained by THE fear or THE respect which THEy\n had entertained for Galerius. 39\n\n 36 (return) [ Aurelius Victor, c. 40. But that lake was situated\n on THE upper Pannonia, near THE borders of Noricum; and THE\n province of Valeria (a name which THE wife of Galerius gave to\n THE drained country) undoubtedly lay between THE Drave and THE\n Danube, (Sextus Rufus, c. 9.) I should THErefore suspect that\n Victor has confounded THE Lake Pelso with THE Volocean marshes,\n or, as THEy are now called, THE Lake Sabaton. It is placed in THE\n heart of Valeria, and its present extent is not less than twelve\n Hungarian miles (about seventy English) in length, and two in\n breadth. See Severini Pannonia, l. i. c. 9.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Lactantius (de M. P. c. 33) and Eusebius (l. viii.\n c. 16) describe THE symptoms and progress of his disorder with\n singular accuracy and apparent pleasure.]\n\n 38 (return) [ If any (like THE late Dr. Jortin, Remarks on\n Ecclesiastical History, vol. ii. p. 307—356) still delight in\n recording THE wonderful deaths of THE persecutors, I would\n recommend to THEir perusal an admirable passage of Grotius (Hist.\n l. vii. p. 332) concerning THE last illness of Philip II. of\n Spain.]\n\n 39 (return) [ See Eusebius, l. ix. 6, 10. Lactantius de M. P. c.\n 36. Zosimus is less exact, and evidently confounds Maximian with\n Maximin.]\n\n Among so many crimes and misfortunes, occasioned by THE passions\n of THE Roman princes, THEre is some pleasure in discovering a\n single action which may be ascribed to THEir virtue. In THE sixth\n year of his reign, Constantine visited THE city of Autun, and\n generously remitted THE arrears of tribute, reducing at THE same\n time THE proportion of THEir assessment from twenty-five to\n eighteen thousand heads, subject to THE real and personal\n capitation. 40 Yet even this indulgence affords THE most\n unquestionable proof of THE public misery. This tax was so\n extremely oppressive, eiTHEr in itself or in THE mode of\n collecting it, that whilst THE revenue was increased by\n extortion, it was diminished by despair: a considerable part of\n THE territory of Autun was left uncultivated; and great numbers\n of THE provincials raTHEr chose to live as exiles and outlaws,\n than to support THE weight of civil society. It is but too\n probable, that THE bountiful emperor relieved, by a partial act\n of liberality, one among THE many evils which he had caused by\n his general maxims of administration. But even those maxims were\n less THE effect of choice than of necessity. And if we except THE\n death of Maximian, THE reign of Constantine in Gaul seems to have\n been THE most innocent and even virtuous period of his life.\n\n The provinces were protected by his presence from THE inroads of\n THE barbarians, who eiTHEr dreaded or experienced his active\n valor. After a signal victory over THE Franks and Alemanni,\n several of THEir princes were exposed by his order to THE wild\n beasts in THE amphiTHEatre of Treves, and THE people seem to have\n enjoyed THE spectacle, without discovering, in such a treatment\n of royal captives, any thing that was repugnant to THE laws of\n nations or of humanity. 41\n\n 40 (return) [ See THE viiith Panegyr., in which Eumenius\n displays, in THE presence of Constantine, THE misery and THE\n gratitude of THE city of Autun.]\n\n 41 (return) [Eutropius, x. 3. Panegyr. Veter. vii. 10, 11, 12. A\n great number of THE French youth were likewise exposed to THE\n same cruel and ignominious death Yet THE panegyric assumes\n something of an apologetic tone. Te vero Constantine,\n quantumlibet oderint hoses, dum perhorrescant. Hæc est enim vera\n virtus, ut non ament et quiescant. The orator appeals to THE\n ancient ideal of THE republic.—M.]\n\n The virtues of Constantine were rendered more illustrious by THE\n vices of Maxentius. Whilst THE Gallic provinces enjoyed as much\n happiness as THE condition of THE times was capable of receiving,\n Italy and Africa groaned under THE dominion of a tyrant, as\n contemptible as he was odious. The zeal of flattery and faction\n has indeed too frequently sacrificed THE reputation of THE\n vanquished to THE glory of THEir successful rivals; but even\n those writers who have revealed, with THE most freedom and\n pleasure, THE faults of Constantine, unanimously confess that\n Maxentius was cruel, rapacious, and profligate. 42 He had THE\n good fortune to suppress a slight rebellion in Africa. The\n governor and a few adherents had been guilty; THE province\n suffered for THEir crime. The flourishing cities of Cirtha and\n Carthage, and THE whole extent of that fertile country, were\n wasted by fire and sword. The abuse of victory was followed by\n THE abuse of law and justice. A formidable army of sycophants and\n delators invaded Africa; THE rich and THE noble were easily\n convicted of a connection with THE rebels; and those among THEm\n who experienced THE emperor’s clemency, were only punished by THE\n confiscation of THEir estates. 43 So signal a victory was\n celebrated by a magnificent triumph, and Maxentius exposed to THE\n eyes of THE people THE spoils and captives of a Roman province.\n The state of THE capital was no less deserving of compassion than\n that of Africa. The wealth of Rome supplied an inexhaustible fund\n for his vain and prodigal expenses, and THE ministers of his\n revenue were skilled in THE arts of rapine. It was under his\n reign that THE method of exacting a _free gift_ from THE senators\n was first invented; and as THE sum was insensibly increased, THE\n pretences of levying it, a victory, a birth, a marriage, or an\n imperial consulship, were proportionably multiplied. 44 Maxentius\n had imbibed THE same implacable aversion to THE senate, which had\n characterized most of THE former tyrants of Rome; nor was it\n possible for his ungrateful temper to forgive THE generous\n fidelity which had raised him to THE throne, and supported him\n against all his enemies. The lives of THE senators were exposed\n to his jealous suspicions, THE dishonor of THEir wives and\n daughters heightened THE gratification of his sensual passions.\n 45 It may be presumed that an Imperial lover was seldom reduced\n to sigh in vain; but whenever persuasion proved ineffectual, he\n had recourse to violence; and THEre remains _one_ memorable\n example of a noble matron, who preserved her chastity by a\n voluntary death. The soldiers were THE only order of men whom he\n appeared to respect, or studied to please. He filled Rome and\n Italy with armed troops, connived at THEir tumults, suffered THEm\n with impunity to plunder, and even to massacre, THE defenceless\n people; 46 and indulging THEm in THE same licentiousness which\n THEir emperor enjoyed, Maxentius often bestowed on his military\n favorites THE splendid villa, or THE beautiful wife, of a\n senator. A prince of such a character, alike incapable of\n governing, eiTHEr in peace or in war, might purchase THE support,\n but he could never obtain THE esteem, of THE army. Yet his pride\n was equal to his oTHEr vices. Whilst he passed his indolent life\n eiTHEr within THE walls of his palace, or in THE neighboring\n gardens of Sallust, he was repeatedly heard to declare, that _he\n alone_ was emperor, and that THE oTHEr princes were no more than\n his lieutenants, on whom he had devolved THE defence of THE\n frontier provinces, that he might enjoy without interruption THE\n elegant luxury of THE capital. Rome, which had so long regretted\n THE absence, lamented, during THE six years of his reign, THE\n presence of her sovereign. 47\n\n 42 (return) [ Julian excludes Maxentius from THE banquet of THE\n Cæsars with abhorrence and contempt; and Zosimus (l. ii. p. 85)\n accuses him of every kind of cruelty and profligacy.]\n\n 43 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 83—85. Aurelius Victor.]\n\n 44 (return) [ The passage of Aurelius Victor should be read in\n THE following manner: Primus instituto pessimo, munerum specie,\n Patres Oratores que pecuniam conferre prodigenti sibi cogeret.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Panegyr. Vet. ix. 3. Euseb. Hist Eccles. viii. 14,\n et in Vit. Constant i. 33, 34. Rufinus, c. 17. The virtuous\n matron who stabbed herself to escape THE violence of Maxentius,\n was a Christian, wife to THE præfect of THE city, and her name\n was Sophronia. It still remains a question among THE casuists,\n wheTHEr, on such occasions, suicide is justifiable.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Prætorianis cædem vulgi quondam annueret, is THE\n vague expression of Aurelius Victor. See more particular, though\n somewhat different, accounts of a tumult and massacre which\n happened at Rome, in Eusebius, (l. viii. c. 14,) and in Zosimus,\n (l. ii. p. 84.)]\n\n 47 (return) [ See, in THE Panegyrics, (ix. 14,) a lively\n description of THE indolence and vain pride of Maxentius. In\n anoTHEr place THE orator observes that THE riches which Rome had\n accumulated in a period of 1060 years, were lavished by THE\n tyrant on his mercenary bands; redemptis ad civile latrocinium\n manibus in gesserat.]\n\n Though Constantine might view THE conduct of Maxentius with\n abhorrence, and THE situation of THE Romans with compassion, we\n have no reason to presume that he would have taken up arms to\n punish THE one or to relieve THE oTHEr. But THE tyrant of Italy\n rashly ventured to provoke a formidable enemy, whose ambition had\n been hiTHErto restrained by considerations of prudence, raTHEr\n than by principles of justice. 48 After THE death of Maximian,\n his titles, according to THE established custom, had been erased,\n and his statues thrown down with ignominy. His son, who had\n persecuted and deserted him when alive, effected to display THE\n most pious regard for his memory, and gave orders that a similar\n treatment should be immediately inflicted on all THE statues that\n had been erected in Italy and Africa to THE honor of Constantine.\n\n That wise prince, who sincerely wished to decline a war, with THE\n difficulty and importance of which he was sufficiently\n acquainted, at first dissembled THE insult, and sought for\n redress by THE milder expedient of negotiation, till he was\n convinced that THE hostile and ambitious designs of THE Italian\n emperor made it necessary for him to arm in his own defence.\n Maxentius, who openly avowed his pretensions to THE whole\n monarchy of THE West, had already prepared a very considerable\n force to invade THE Gallic provinces on THE side of Rhætia; and\n though he could not expect any assistance from Licinius, he was\n flattered with THE hope that THE legions of Illyricum, allured by\n his presents and promises, would desert THE standard of that\n prince, and unanimously declare THEmselves his soldiers and\n subjects. 49 Constantine no longer hesitated. He had deliberated\n with caution, he acted with vigor. He gave a private audience to\n THE ambassadors, who, in THE name of THE senate and people,\n conjured him to deliver Rome from a detested tyrant; and without\n regarding THE timid remonstrances of his council, he resolved to\n prevent THE enemy, and to carry THE war into THE heart of Italy.\n 50\n\n 48 (return) [ After THE victory of Constantine, it was\n universally allowed, that THE motive of delivering THE republic\n from a detested tyrant, would, at any time, have justified his\n expedition into Italy. Euseb in Vi’. Constantin. l. i. c. 26.\n Panegyr. Vet. ix. 2.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 84, 85. Nazarius in Panegyr. x.\n 7—13.]\n\n 50 (return) [ See Panegyr. Vet. ix. 2. Omnibus fere tuis\n Comitibus et Ducibus non solum tacite mussantibus, sed etiam\n aperte timentibus; contra consilia hominum, contra Haruspicum\n monita, ipse per temet liberandæ arbis tempus venisse sentires.\n The embassy of THE Romans is mentioned only by Zonaras, (l.\n xiii.,) and by Cedrenus, (in Compend. Hist. p. 370;) but those\n modern Greeks had THE opportunity of consulting many writers\n which have since been lost, among which we may reckon THE life of\n Constantine by Praxagoras. Photius (p. 63) has made a short\n extract from that historical work.]\n\n The enterprise was as full of danger as of glory; and THE\n unsuccessful event of two former invasions was sufficient to\n inspire THE most serious apprehensions. The veteran troops, who\n revered THE name of Maximian, had embraced in both those wars THE\n party of his son, and were now restrained by a sense of honor, as\n well as of interest, from entertaining an idea of a second\n desertion. Maxentius, who considered THE Prætorian guards as THE\n firmest defence of his throne, had increased THEm to THEir\n ancient establishment; and THEy composed, including THE rest of\n THE Italians who were enlisted into his service, a formidable\n body of fourscore thousand men. Forty thousand Moors and\n Carthaginians had been raised since THE reduction of Africa. Even\n Sicily furnished its proportion of troops; and THE armies of\n Maxentius amounted to one hundred and seventy thousand foot and\n eighteen thousand horse. The wealth of Italy supplied THE\n expenses of THE war; and THE adjacent provinces were exhausted,\n to form immense magazines of corn and every oTHEr kind of\n provisions.\n\n The whole force of Constantine consisted of ninety thousand foot\n and eight thousand horse; 51 and as THE defence of THE Rhine\n required an extraordinary attention during THE absence of THE\n emperor, it was not in his power to employ above half his troops\n in THE Italian expedition, unless he sacrificed THE public safety\n to his private quarrel. 52 At THE head of about forty thousand\n soldiers he marched to encounter an enemy whose numbers were at\n least four times superior to his own. But THE armies of Rome,\n placed at a secure distance from danger, were enervated by\n indulgence and luxury. Habituated to THE baths and THEatres of\n Rome, THEy took THE field with reluctance, and were chiefly\n composed of veterans who had almost forgotten, or of new levies\n who had never acquired, THE use of arms and THE practice of war.\n The hardy legions of Gaul had long defended THE frontiers of THE\n empire against THE barbarians of THE North; and in THE\n performance of that laborious service, THEir valor was exercised\n and THEir discipline confirmed. There appeared THE same\n difference between THE leaders as between THE armies. Caprice or\n flattery had tempted Maxentius with THE hopes of conquest; but\n THEse aspiring hopes soon gave way to THE habits of pleasure and\n THE consciousness of his inexperience. The intrepid mind of\n Constantine had been trained from his earliest youth to war, to\n action, and to military command.\n\n 51 (return) [ Zosimus (l. ii. p. 86) has given us this curious\n account of THE forces on both sides. He makes no mention of any\n naval armaments, though we are assured (Panegyr. Vet. ix. 25)\n that THE war was carried on by sea as well as by land; and that\n THE fleet of Constantine took possession of Sardinia, Corsica,\n and THE ports of Italy.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Panegyr. Vet. ix. 3. It is not surprising that THE\n orator should diminish THE numbers with which his sovereign\n achieved THE conquest of Italy; but it appears somewhat singular\n that he should esteem THE tyrant’s army at no more than 100,000\n men.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XIV: Six Emperors At The Same Time, Reunion Of The\n Empire.—Part III.\n\n When Hannibal marched from Gaul into Italy, he was obliged, first\n to discover, and THEn to open, a way over mountains, and through\n savage nations, that had never yielded a passage to a regular\n army. 53 The Alps were THEn guarded by nature, THEy are now\n fortified by art. Citadels, constructed with no less skill than\n labor and expense, command every avenue into THE plain, and on\n that side render Italy almost inaccessible to THE enemies of THE\n king of Sardinia. 54 But in THE course of THE intermediate\n period, THE generals, who have attempted THE passage, have seldom\n experienced any difficulty or resistance. In THE age of\n Constantine, THE peasants of THE mountains were civilized and\n obedient subjects; THE country was plentifully stocked with\n provisions, and THE stupendous highways, which THE Romans had\n carried over THE Alps, opened several communications between Gaul\n and Italy. 55 Constantine preferred THE road of THE Cottian Alps,\n or, as it is now called, of Mount Cenis, and led his troops with\n such active diligence, that he descended into THE plain of\n Piedmont before THE court of Maxentius had received any certain\n intelligence of his departure from THE banks of THE Rhine. The\n city of Susa, however, which is situated at THE foot of Mount\n Cenis, was surrounded with walls, and provided with a garrison\n sufficiently numerous to check THE progress of an invader; but\n THE impatience of Constantine’s troops disdained THE tedious\n forms of a siege. The same day that THEy appeared before Susa,\n THEy applied fire to THE gates, and ladders to THE walls; and\n mounting to THE assault amidst a shower of stones and arrows,\n THEy entered THE place sword in hand, and cut in pieces THE\n greatest part of THE garrison. The flames were extinguished by\n THE care of Constantine, and THE remains of Susa preserved from\n total destruction. About forty miles from THEnce, a more severe\n contest awaited him. A numerous army of Italians was assembled\n under THE lieutenants of Maxentius, in THE plains of Turin. Its\n principal strength consisted in a species of heavy cavalry, which\n THE Romans, since THE decline of THEir discipline, had borrowed\n from THE nations of THE East. The horses, as well as THE men,\n were cloTHEd in complete armor, THE joints of which were artfully\n adapted to THE motions of THEir bodies. The aspect of this\n cavalry was formidable, THEir weight almost irresistible; and as,\n on this occasion, THEir generals had drawn THEm up in a compact\n column or wedge, with a sharp point, and with spreading flanks,\n THEy flattered THEmselves that THEy could easily break and\n trample down THE army of Constantine. They might, perhaps, have\n succeeded in THEir design, had not THEir experienced adversary\n embraced THE same method of defence, which in similar\n circumstances had been practised by Aurelian. The skilful\n evolutions of Constantine divided and baffled this massy column\n of cavalry. The troops of Maxentius fled in confusion towards\n Turin; and as THE gates of THE city were shut against THEm, very\n few escaped THE sword of THE victorious pursuers. By this\n important service, Turin deserved to experience THE clemency and\n even favor of THE conqueror. He made his entry into THE Imperial\n palace of Milan, and almost all THE cities of Italy between THE\n Alps and THE Po not only acknowledged THE power, but embraced\n with zeal THE party, of Constantine. 56\n\n 53 (return) [ The three principal passages of THE Alps between\n Gaul and Italy, are those of Mount St. Bernard, Mount Cenis, and\n Mount Genevre. Tradition, and a resemblance of names, (Alpes\n Penninoe,) had assigned THE first of THEse for THE march of\n Hannibal, (see Simler de Alpibus.) The Chevalier de Folard\n (Polyp. tom. iv.) and M. d’Anville have led him over Mount\n Genevre. But notwithstanding THE authority of an experienced\n officer and a learned geographer, THE pretensions of Mount Cenis\n are supported in a specious, not to say a convincing, manner, by\n M. Grosley. Observations sur l’Italie, tom. i. p. 40, &c. ——The\n dissertation of Messrs. Cramer and Wickham has clearly shown that\n THE Little St. Bernard must claim THE honor of Hannibal’s\n passage. Mr. Long (London, 1831) has added some sensible\n corrections re Hannibal’s march to THE Alps.—M]\n\n 54 (return) [ La Brunette near Suse, Demont, Exiles,\n Fenestrelles, Coni, &c.]\n\n 55 (return) [ See Ammian. Marcellin. xv. 10. His description of\n THE roads over THE Alps is clear, lively, and accurate.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Zosimus as well as Eusebius hasten from THE passage\n of THE Alps to THE decisive action near Rome. We must apply to\n THE two Panegyrics for THE intermediate actions of Constantine.]\n\n From Milan to Rome, THE Æmilian and Flaminian highways offered an\n easy march of about four hundred miles; but though Constantine\n was impatient to encounter THE tyrant, he prudently directed his\n operations against anoTHEr army of Italians, who, by THEir\n strength and position, might eiTHEr oppose his progress, or, in\n case of a misfortune, might intercept his retreat. Ruricius\n Pompeianus, a general distinguished by his valor and ability, had\n under his command THE city of Verona, and all THE troops that\n were stationed in THE province of Venetia. As soon as he was\n informed that Constantine was advancing towards him, he detached\n a large body of cavalry, which was defeated in an engagement near\n Brescia, and pursued by THE Gallic legions as far as THE gates of\n Verona. The necessity, THE importance, and THE difficulties of\n THE siege of Verona, immediately presented THEmselves to THE\n sagacious mind of Constantine. 57 The city was accessible only by\n a narrow peninsula towards THE west, as THE oTHEr three sides\n were surrounded by THE Adige, a rapid river, which covered THE\n province of Venetia, from whence THE besieged derived an\n inexhaustible supply of men and provisions. It was not without\n great difficulty, and after several fruitless attempts, that\n Constantine found means to pass THE river at some distance above\n THE city, and in a place where THE torrent was less violent. He\n THEn encompassed Verona with strong lines, pushed his attacks\n with prudent vigor, and repelled a desperate sally of Pompeianus.\n That intrepid general, when he had used every means of defence\n that THE strength of THE place or that of THE garrison could\n afford, secretly escaped from Verona, anxious not for his own,\n but for THE public safety. With indefatigable diligence he soon\n collected an army sufficient eiTHEr to meet Constantine in THE\n field, or to attack him if he obstinately remained within his\n lines. The emperor, attentive to THE motions, and informed of THE\n approach of so formidable an enemy, left a part of his legions to\n continue THE operations of THE siege, whilst, at THE head of\n those troops on whose valor and fidelity he more particularly\n depended, he advanced in person to engage THE general of\n Maxentius. The army of Gaul was drawn up in two lines, according\n to THE usual practice of war; but THEir experienced leader,\n perceiving that THE numbers of THE Italians far exceeded his own,\n suddenly changed his disposition, and, reducing THE second,\n extended THE front of his first line to a just proportion with\n that of THE enemy. Such evolutions, which only veteran troops can\n execute without confusion in a moment of danger, commonly prove\n decisive; but as this engagement began towards THE close of THE\n day, and was contested with great obstinacy during THE whole\n night, THEre was less room for THE conduct of THE generals than\n for THE courage of THE soldiers. The return of light displayed\n THE victory of Constantine, and a field of carnage covered with\n many thousands of THE vanquished Italians. Their general,\n Pompeianus, was found among THE slain; Verona immediately\n surrendered at discretion, and THE garrison was made prisoners of\n war. 58 When THE officers of THE victorious army congratulated\n THEir master on this important success, THEy ventured to add some\n respectful complaints, of such a nature, however, as THE most\n jealous monarchs will listen to without displeasure. They\n represented to Constantine, that, not contented with all THE\n duties of a commander, he had exposed his own person with an\n excess of valor which almost degenerated into rashness; and THEy\n conjured him for THE future to pay more regard to THE\n preservation of a life in which THE safety of Rome and of THE\n empire was involved. 59\n\n 57 (return) [ The Marquis Maffei has examined THE siege and\n battle of Verona with that degree of attention and accuracy which\n was due to a memorable action that happened in his native\n country. The fortifications of that city, constructed by\n Gallienus, were less extensive than THE modern walls, and THE\n amphiTHEatre was not included within THEir circumference. See\n Verona Illustrata, part i. p. 142 150.]\n\n 58 (return) [ They wanted chains for so great a multitude of\n captives; and THE whole council was at a loss; but THE sagacious\n conqueror imagined THE happy expedient of converting into fetters\n THE swords of THE vanquished. Panegyr. Vet. ix. 11.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Panegyr. Vet. ix. 11.]\n\n While Constantine signalized his conduct and valor in THE field,\n THE sovereign of Italy appeared insensible of THE calamities and\n danger of a civil war which reigned in THE heart of his\n dominions. Pleasure was still THE only business of Maxentius.\n Concealing, or at least attempting to conceal, from THE public\n knowledge THE misfortunes of his arms, 60 he indulged himself in\n a vain confidence which deferred THE remedies of THE approaching\n evil, without deferring THE evil itself. 61 The rapid progress of\n Constantine 62 was scarcely sufficient to awaken him from his\n fatal security; he flattered himself, that his well-known\n liberality, and THE majesty of THE Roman name, which had already\n delivered him from two invasions, would dissipate with THE same\n facility THE rebellious army of Gaul. The officers of experience\n and ability, who had served under THE banners of Maximian, were\n at length compelled to inform his effeminate son of THE imminent\n danger to which he was reduced; and, with a freedom that at once\n surprised and convinced him, to urge THE necessity of preventing\n his ruin by a vigorous exertion of his remaining power. The\n resources of Maxentius, both of men and money, were still\n considerable. The Prætorian guards felt how strongly THEir own\n interest and safety were connected with his cause; and a third\n army was soon collected, more numerous than those which had been\n lost in THE battles of Turin and Verona. It was far from THE\n intention of THE emperor to lead his troops in person. A stranger\n to THE exercises of war, he trembled at THE apprehension of so\n dangerous a contest; and as fear is commonly superstitious, he\n listened with melancholy attention to THE rumors of omens and\n presages which seemed to menace his life and empire. Shame at\n length supplied THE place of courage, and forced him to take THE\n field. He was unable to sustain THE contempt of THE Roman people.\n The circus resounded with THEir indignant clamors, and THEy\n tumultuously besieged THE gates of THE palace, reproaching THE\n pusillanimity of THEir indolent sovereign, and celebrating THE\n heroic spirit of Constantine. 63 Before Maxentius left Rome, he\n consulted THE Sibylline books. The guardians of THEse ancient\n oracles were as well versed in THE arts of this world as THEy\n were ignorant of THE secrets of fate; and THEy returned him a\n very prudent answer, which might adapt itself to THE event, and\n secure THEir reputation, whatever should be THE chance of arms.\n 64\n\n 60 (return) [ Literas calamitatum suarum indices supprimebat.\n Panegyr Vet. ix. 15.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Remedia malorum potius quam mala differebat, is THE\n fine censure which Tacitus passes on THE supine indolence of\n Vitellius.]\n\n 62 (return) [ The Marquis Maffei has made it extremely probable\n that Constantine was still at Verona, THE 1st of September, A.D.\n 312, and that THE memorable æra of THE indications was dated from\n his conquest of THE Cisalpine Gaul.]\n\n 63 (return) [ See Panegyr. Vet. xi. 16. Lactantius de M. P. c.\n 44.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Illo die hostem Romanorum esse periturum. The\n vanquished became of course THE enemy of Rome.]\n\n The celerity of Constantine’s march has been compared to THE\n rapid conquest of Italy by THE first of THE Cæsars; nor is THE\n flattering parallel repugnant to THE truth of history, since no\n more than fifty-eight days elapsed between THE surrender of\n Verona and THE final decision of THE war. Constantine had always\n apprehended that THE tyrant would consult THE dictates of fear,\n and perhaps of prudence; and that, instead of risking his last\n hopes in a general engagement, he would shut himself up within\n THE walls of Rome. His ample magazines secured him against THE\n danger of famine; and as THE situation of Constantine admitted\n not of delay, he might have been reduced to THE sad necessity of\n destroying with fire and sword THE Imperial city, THE noblest\n reward of his victory, and THE deliverance of which had been THE\n motive, or raTHEr indeed THE pretence, of THE civil war. 65 It\n was with equal surprise and pleasure, that on his arrival at a\n place called Saxa Rubra, about nine miles from Rome, 66 he\n discovered THE army of Maxentius prepared to give him battle. 67\n Their long front filled a very spacious plain, and THEir deep\n array reached to THE banks of THE Tyber, which covered THEir\n rear, and forbade THEir retreat. We are informed, and we may\n believe, that Constantine disposed his troops with consummate\n skill, and that he chose for himself THE post of honor and\n danger. Distinguished by THE splendor of his arms, he charged in\n person THE cavalry of his rival; and his irresistible attack\n determined THE fortune of THE day. The cavalry of Maxentius was\n principally composed eiTHEr of unwieldy cuirassiers, or of light\n Moors and Numidians. They yielded to THE vigor of THE Gallic\n horse, which possessed more activity than THE one, more firmness\n than THE oTHEr. The defeat of THE two wings left THE infantry\n without any protection on its flanks, and THE undisciplined\n Italians fled without reluctance from THE standard of a tyrant\n whom THEy had always hated, and whom THEy no longer feared. The\n Prætorians, conscious that THEir offences were beyond THE reach\n of mercy, were animated by revenge and despair. Notwithstanding\n THEir repeated efforts, those brave veterans were unable to\n recover THE victory: THEy obtained, however, an honorable death;\n and it was observed that THEir bodies covered THE same ground\n which had been occupied by THEir ranks. 68 The confusion THEn\n became general, and THE dismayed troops of Maxentius, pursued by\n an implacable enemy, rushed by thousands into THE deep and rapid\n stream of THE Tyber. The emperor himself attempted to escape back\n into THE city over THE Milvian bridge; but THE crowds which\n pressed togeTHEr through that narrow passage forced him into THE\n river, where he was immediately drowned by THE weight of his\n armor. 69 His body, which had sunk very deep into THE mud, was\n found with some difficulty THE next day. The sight of his head,\n when it was exposed to THE eyes of THE people, convinced THEm of\n THEir deliverance, and admonished THEm to receive with\n acclamations of loyalty and gratitude THE fortunate Constantine,\n who thus achieved by his valor and ability THE most splendid\n enterprise of his life. 70\n\n 65 (return) [ See Panegyr. Vet. ix. 16, x. 27. The former of\n THEse orators magnifies THE hoards of corn, which Maxentius had\n collected from Africa and THE Islands. And yet, if THEre is any\n truth in THE scarcity mentioned by Eusebius, (in Vit. Constantin.\n l. i. c. 36,) THE Imperial granaries must have been open only to\n THE soldiers.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Maxentius... tandem urbe in Saxa Rubra, millia\n ferme novem ægerrime progressus. Aurelius Victor. See Cellarius\n Geograph. Antiq. tom. i. p. 463. Saxa Rubra was in THE\n neighborhood of THE Cremera, a trifling rivulet, illustrated by\n THE valor and glorious death of THE three hundred Fabii.]\n\n 67 (return) [ The post which Maxentius had taken, with THE Tyber\n in his rear is very clearly described by THE two Panegyrists, ix.\n 16, x. 28.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Exceptis latrocinii illius primis auctoribus, qui\n desperata venia ocum quem pugnæ sumpserant texere corporibus.\n Panegyr. Vet 17.]\n\n 69 (return) [ A very idle rumor soon prevailed, that Maxentius,\n who had not taken any precaution for his own retreat, had\n contrived a very artful snare to destroy THE army of THE\n pursuers; but that THE wooden bridge, which was to have been\n loosened on THE approach of Constantine, unluckily broke down\n under THE weight of THE flying Italians. M. de Tillemont (Hist.\n des Empereurs, tom. iv. part i. p. 576) very seriously examines\n wheTHEr, in contradiction to common sense, THE testimony of\n Eusebius and Zosimus ought to prevail over THE silence of\n Lactantius, Nazarius, and THE anonymous, but contemporary orator,\n who composed THE ninth Panegyric. * Note: Manso (Beylage, vi.)\n examines THE question, and adduces two manifest allusions to THE\n bridge, from THE Life of Constantine by Praxagoras, and from\n Libanius. Is it not very probable that such a bridge was thrown\n over THE river to facilitate THE advance, and to secure THE\n retreat, of THE army of Maxentius? In case of defeat, orders were\n given for destroying it, in order to check THE pursuit: it broke\n down accidentally, or in THE confusion was destroyed, as has not\n unfrequently been THE case, before THE proper time.—M.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 86-88, and THE two Panegyrics,\n THE former of which was pronounced a few months afterwards,\n afford THE clearest notion of this great battle. Lactantius,\n Eusebius, and even THE Epitomes, supply several useful hints.]\n\n In THE use of victory, Constantine neiTHEr deserved THE praise of\n clemency, nor incurred THE censure of immoderate rigor. 71 He\n inflicted THE same treatment to which a defeat would have exposed\n his own person and family, put to death THE two sons of THE\n tyrant, and carefully extirpated his whole race. The most\n distinguished adherents of Maxentius must have expected to share\n his fate, as THEy had shared his prosperity and his crimes; but\n when THE Roman people loudly demanded a greater number of\n victims, THE conqueror resisted, with firmness and humanity,\n those servile clamors, which were dictated by flattery as well as\n by resentment. Informers were punished and discouraged; THE\n innocent, who had suffered under THE late tyranny, were recalled\n from exile, and restored to THEir estates. A general act of\n oblivion quieted THE minds and settled THE property of THE\n people, both in Italy and in Africa. 72 The first time that\n Constantine honored THE senate with his presence, he\n recapitulated his own services and exploits in a modest oration,\n assured that illustrious order of his sincere regard, and\n promised to reëstablish its ancient dignity and privileges. The\n grateful senate repaid THEse unmeaning professions by THE empty\n titles of honor, which it was yet in THEir power to bestow; and\n without presuming to ratify THE authority of Constantine, THEy\n passed a decree to assign him THE first rank among THE three\n _Augusti_ who governed THE Roman world. 73 Games and festivals\n were instituted to preserve THE fame of his victory, and several\n edifices, raised at THE expense of Maxentius, were dedicated to\n THE honor of his successful rival. The triumphal arch of\n Constantine still remains a melancholy proof of THE decline of\n THE arts, and a singular testimony of THE meanest vanity. As it\n was not possible to find in THE capital of THE empire a sculptor\n who was capable of adorning that public monument, THE arch of\n Trajan, without any respect eiTHEr for his memory or for THE\n rules of propriety, was stripped of its most elegant figures. The\n difference of times and persons, of actions and characters, was\n totally disregarded. The Parthian captives appear prostrate at\n THE feet of a prince who never carried his arms beyond THE\n Euphrates; and curious antiquarians can still discover THE head\n of Trajan on THE trophies of Constantine. The new ornaments which\n it was necessary to introduce between THE vacancies of ancient\n sculpture are executed in THE rudest and most unskilful manner.\n 74\n\n 71 (return) [ Zosimus, THE enemy of Constantine, allows (l. ii.\n p. 88) that only a few of THE friends of Maxentius were put to\n death; but we may remark THE expressive passage of Nazarius,\n (Panegyr. Vet. x. 6.) Omnibus qui labefactari statum ejus\n poterant cum stirpe deletis. The oTHEr orator (Panegyr. Vet. ix.\n 20, 21) contents himself with observing, that Constantine, when\n he entered Rome, did not imitate THE cruel massacres of Cinna, of\n Marius, or of Sylla. * Note: This may refer to THE son or sons of\n Maxentius.—M.]\n\n 72 (return) [ See THE two Panegyrics, and THE laws of this and\n THE ensuing year, in THE Theodosian Code.]\n\n 73 (return) [ Panegyr. Vet. ix. 20. Lactantius de M. P. c. 44.\n Maximin, who was confessedly THE eldest Cæsar, claimed, with some\n show of reason, THE first rank among THE Augusti.]\n\n 74 (return) [ Adhuc cuncta opera quæ magnifice construxerat,\n urbis fanum atque basilicam, Flavii meritis patres sacravere.\n Aurelius Victor. With regard to THE THEft of Trajan’s trophies,\n consult Flaminius Vacca, apud Montfaucon, Diarium Italicum, p.\n 250, and l’Antiquite Expliquee of THE latter, tom. iv. p. 171.]\n\n The final abolition of THE Prætorian guards was a measure of\n prudence as well as of revenge. Those haughty troops, whose\n numbers and privileges had been restored, and even augmented, by\n Maxentius, were forever suppressed by Constantine. Their\n fortified camp was destroyed, and THE few Prætorians who had\n escaped THE fury of THE sword were dispersed among THE legions,\n and banished to THE frontiers of THE empire, where THEy might be\n serviceable without again becoming dangerous. 75 By suppressing\n THE troops which were usually stationed in Rome, Constantine gave\n THE fatal blow to THE dignity of THE senate and people, and THE\n disarmed capital was exposed without protection to THE insults or\n neglect of its distant master. We may observe, that in this last\n effort to preserve THEir expiring freedom, THE Romans, from THE\n apprehension of a tribute, had raised Maxentius to THE throne. He\n exacted that tribute from THE senate under THE name of a free\n gift. They implored THE assistance of Constantine. He vanquished\n THE tyrant, and converted THE free gift into a perpetual tax. The\n senators, according to THE declaration which was required of\n THEir property, were divided into several classes. The most\n opulent paid annually eight pounds of gold, THE next class paid\n four, THE last two, and those whose poverty might have claimed an\n exemption, were assessed, however, at seven pieces of gold.\n Besides THE regular members of THE senate, THEir sons, THEir\n descendants, and even THEir relations, enjoyed THE vain\n privileges, and supported THE heavy burdens, of THE senatorial\n order; nor will it any longer excite our surprise, that\n Constantine should be attentive to increase THE number of persons\n who were included under so useful a description. 76 After THE\n defeat of Maxentius, THE victorious emperor passed no more than\n two or three months in Rome, which he visited twice during THE\n remainder of his life, to celebrate THE solemn festivals of THE\n tenth and of THE twentieth years of his reign. Constantine was\n almost perpetually in motion, to exercise THE legions, or to\n inspect THE state of THE provinces. Treves, Milan, Aquileia,\n Sirmium, Naissus, and Thessalonica, were THE occasional places of\n his residence, till he founded a new Rome on THE confines of\n Europe and Asia. 77\n\n 75 (return) [ Prætoriæ legiones ac subsidia factionibus aptiora\n quam urbi Romæ, sublata penitus; simul arma atque usus indumenti\n militaris Aurelius Victor. Zosimus (l. ii. p. 89) mentions this\n fact as an historian, and it is very pompously celebrated in THE\n ninth Panegyric.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Ex omnibus provinciis optimates viros Curiæ tuæ\n pigneraveris ut Senatus dignitas.... ex totius Orbis flore\n consisteret. Nazarius in Panegyr. Vet x. 35. The word\n pigneraveris might almost seem maliciously chosen. Concerning THE\n senatorial tax, see Zosimus, l. ii. p. 115, THE second title of\n THE sixth book of THE Theodosian Code, with Godefroy’s\n Commentary, and Memoires de l’Academic des Inscriptions, tom.\n xxviii. p. 726.]\n\n 77 (return) [ From THE Theodosian Code, we may now begin to trace\n THE motions of THE emperors; but THE dates both of time and place\n have frequently been altered by THE carelessness of\n transcribers.]\n\n Before Constantine marched into Italy, he had secured THE\n friendship, or at least THE neutrality, of Licinius, THE Illyrian\n emperor. He had promised his sister Constantia in marriage to\n that prince; but THE celebration of THE nuptials was deferred\n till after THE conclusion of THE war, and THE interview of THE\n two emperors at Milan, which was appointed for that purpose,\n appeared to cement THE union of THEir families and interests. 78\n In THE midst of THE public festivity THEy were suddenly obliged\n to take leave of each oTHEr. An inroad of THE Franks summoned\n Constantine to THE Rhine, and THE hostile approach of THE\n sovereign of Asia demanded THE immediate presence of Licinius.\n Maximin had been THE secret ally of Maxentius, and without being\n discouraged by his fate, he resolved to try THE fortune of a\n civil war. He moved out of Syria, towards THE frontiers of\n Bithynia, in THE depth of winter. The season was severe and\n tempestuous; great numbers of men as well as horses perished in\n THE snow; and as THE roads were broken up by incessant rains, he\n was obliged to leave behind him a considerable part of THE heavy\n baggage, which was unable to follow THE rapidity of his forced\n marches. By this extraordinary effort of diligence, he arrived\n with a harassed but formidable army, on THE banks of THE Thracian\n Bosphorus before THE lieutenants of Licinius were apprised of his\n hostile intentions. Byzantium surrendered to THE power of\n Maximin, after a siege of eleven days. He was detained some days\n under THE walls of Heraclea; and he had no sooner taken\n possession of that city than he was alarmed by THE intelligence\n that Licinius had pitched his camp at THE distance of only\n eighteen miles. After a fruitless negotiation, in which THE two\n princes attempted to seduce THE fidelity of each oTHEr’s\n adherents, THEy had recourse to arms. The emperor of THE East\n commanded a disciplined and veteran army of above seventy\n thousand men; and Licinius, who had collected about thirty\n thousand Illyrians, was at first oppressed by THE superiority of\n numbers. His military skill, and THE firmness of his troops,\n restored THE day, and obtained a decisive victory. The incredible\n speed which Maximin exerted in his flight is much more celebrated\n than his prowess in THE battle. Twenty-four hours afterwards he\n was seen, pale, trembling, and without his Imperial ornaments, at\n Nicomedia, one hundred and sixty miles from THE place of his\n defeat. The wealth of Asia was yet unexhausted; and though THE\n flower of his veterans had fallen in THE late action, he had\n still power, if he could obtain time, to draw very numerous\n levies from Syria and Egypt. But he survived his misfortune only\n three or four months. His death, which happened at Tarsus, was\n variously ascribed to despair, to poison, and to THE divine\n justice. As Maximin was alike destitute of abilities and of\n virtue, he was lamented neiTHEr by THE people nor by THE\n soldiers. The provinces of THE East, delivered from THE terrors\n of civil war, cheerfully acknowledged THE authority of Licinius.\n 79\n\n 78 (return) [ Zosimus (l. ii. p. 89) observes, that before THE\n war THE sister of Constantine had been betroTHEd to Licinius.\n According to THE younger Victor, Diocletian was invited to THE\n nuptials; but having ventured to plead his age and infirmities,\n he received a second letter, filled with reproaches for his\n supposed partiality to THE cause of Maxentius and Maximin.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Zosimus mentions THE defeat and death of Maximin as\n ordinary events; but Lactantius expatiates on THEm, (de M. P. c.\n 45-50,) ascribing THEm to THE miraculous interposition of Heaven.\n Licinius at that time was one of THE protectors of THE church.]\n\n The vanquished emperor left behind him two children, a boy of\n about eight, and a girl of about seven, years old. Their\n inoffensive age might have excited compassion; but THE compassion\n of Licinius was a very feeble resource, nor did it restrain him\n from _extinguishing_ THE name and memory of his adversary. The\n death of Severianus will admit of less excuse, as it was dictated\n neiTHEr by revenge nor by policy. The conqueror had never\n received any injury from THE faTHEr of that unhappy youth, and\n THE short and obscure reign of Severus, in a distant part of THE\n empire, was already forgotten. But THE execution of Candidianus\n was an act of THE blackest cruelty and ingratitude. He was THE\n natural son of Galerius, THE friend and benefactor of Licinius.\n The prudent faTHEr had judged him too young to sustain THE weight\n of a diadem; but he hoped that, under THE protection of princes\n who were indebted to his favor for THE Imperial purple,\n Candidianus might pass a secure and honorable life. He was now\n advancing towards THE twentieth year of his age, and THE royalty\n of his birth, though unsupported eiTHEr by merit or ambition, was\n sufficient to exasperate THE jealous mind of Licinius. 80 To\n THEse innocent and illustrious victims of his tyranny, we must\n add THE wife and daughter of THE emperor Diocletian. When that\n prince conferred on Galerius THE title of Cæsar, he had given him\n in marriage his daughter Valeria, whose melancholy adventures\n might furnish a very singular subject for tragedy. She had\n fulfilled and even surpassed THE duties of a wife. As she had not\n any children herself, she condescended to adopt THE illegitimate\n son of her husband, and invariably displayed towards THE unhappy\n Candidianus THE tenderness and anxiety of a real moTHEr. After\n THE death of Galerius, her ample possessions provoked THE\n avarice, and her personal attractions excited THE desires, of his\n successor, Maximin. 81 He had a wife still alive; but divorce was\n permitted by THE Roman law, and THE fierce passions of THE tyrant\n demanded an immediate gratification. The answer of Valeria was\n such as became THE daughter and widow of emperors; but it was\n tempered by THE prudence which her defenceless condition\n compelled her to observe. She represented to THE persons whom\n Maximin had employed on this occasion, “that even if honor could\n permit a woman of her character and dignity to entertain a\n thought of second nuptials, decency at least must forbid her to\n listen to his addresses at a time when THE ashes of her husband\n and his benefactor were still warm, and while THE sorrows of her\n mind were still expressed by her mourning garments. She ventured\n to declare, that she could place very little confidence in THE\n professions of a man whose cruel inconstancy was capable of\n repudiating a faithful and affectionate wife.” 82 On this\n repulse, THE love of Maximin was converted into fury; and as\n witnesses and judges were always at his disposal, it was easy for\n him to cover his fury with an appearance of legal proceedings,\n and to assault THE reputation as well as THE happiness of\n Valeria. Her estates were confiscated, her eunuchs and domestics\n devoted to THE most inhuman tortures; and several innocent and\n respectable matrons, who were honored with her friendship,\n suffered death, on a false accusation of adultery. The empress\n herself, togeTHEr with her moTHEr Prisca, was condemned to exile;\n and as THEy were ignominiously hurried from place to place before\n THEy were confined to a sequestered village in THE deserts of\n Syria, THEy exposed THEir shame and distress to THE provinces of\n THE East, which, during thirty years, had respected THEir august\n dignity. Diocletian made several ineffectual efforts to alleviate\n THE misfortunes of his daughter; and, as THE last return that he\n expected for THE Imperial purple, which he had conferred upon\n Maximin, he entreated that Valeria might be permitted to share\n his retirement of Salona, and to close THE eyes of her afflicted\n faTHEr. 83 He entreated; but as he could no longer threaten, his\n prayers were received with coldness and disdain; and THE pride of\n Maximin was gratified, in treating Diocletian as a suppliant, and\n his daughter as a criminal. The death of Maximin seemed to assure\n THE empresses of a favorable alteration in THEir fortune. The\n public disorders relaxed THE vigilance of THEir guard, and THEy\n easily found means to escape from THE place of THEir exile, and\n to repair, though with some precaution, and in disguise, to THE\n court of Licinius. His behavior, in THE first days of his reign,\n and THE honorable reception which he gave to young Candidianus,\n inspired Valeria with a secret satisfaction, both on her own\n account and on that of her adopted son. But THEse grateful\n prospects were soon succeeded by horror and astonishment; and THE\n bloody executions which stained THE palace of Nicomedia\n sufficiently convinced her that THE throne of Maximin was filled\n by a tyrant more inhuman than himself. Valeria consulted her\n safety by a hasty flight, and, still accompanied by her moTHEr\n Prisca, THEy wandered above fifteen months 84 through THE\n provinces, concealed in THE disguise of plebeian habits. They\n were at length discovered at Thessalonica; and as THE sentence of\n THEir death was already pronounced, THEy were immediately\n beheaded, and THEir bodies thrown into THE sea. The people gazed\n on THE melancholy spectacle; but THEir grief and indignation were\n suppressed by THE terrors of a military guard. Such was THE\n unworthy fate of THE wife and daughter of Diocletian. We lament\n THEir misfortunes, we cannot discover THEir crimes; and whatever\n idea we may justly entertain of THE cruelty of Licinius, it\n remains a matter of surprise that he was not contented with some\n more secret and decent method of revenge. 85\n\n 80 (return) [ Lactantius de M. P. c. 50. Aurelius Victor touches\n on THE different conduct of Licinius, and of Constantine, in THE\n use of victory.]\n\n 81 (return) [ The sensual appetites of Maximin were gratified at\n THE expense of his subjects. His eunuchs, who forced away wives\n and virgins, examined THEir naked charms with anxious curiosity,\n lest any part of THEir body should be found unworthy of THE royal\n embraces. Coyness and disdain were considered as treason, and THE\n obstinate fair one was condemned to be drowned. A custom was\n gradually introduced, that no person should marry a wife without\n THE permission of THE emperor, “ut ipse in omnibus nuptiis\n prægustator esset.” Lactantius de M. P. c. 38.]\n\n 82 (return) [ Lactantius de M. P. c. 39.]\n\n 83 (return) [ Diocletian at last sent cognatum suum, quendam\n militarem æ potentem virum, to intercede in favor of his\n daughter, (Lactantius de M. P. c. 41.) We are not sufficiently\n acquainted with THE history of THEse times to point out THE\n person who was employed.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Valeria quoque per varias provincias quindecim\n mensibus plebeio cultu pervagata. Lactantius de M. P. c. 51.\n There is some doubt wheTHEr we should compute THE fifteen months\n from THE moment of her exile, or from that of her escape. The\n expression of parvagata seems to denote THE latter; but in that\n case we must suppose that THE treatise of Lactantius was written\n after THE first civil war between Licinius and Constantine. See\n Cuper, p. 254.]\n\n 85 (return) [ Ita illis pudicitia et conditio exitio fuit.\n Lactantius de M. P. c. 51. He relates THE misfortunes of THE\n innocent wife and daughter of Discletian with a very natural\n mixture of pity and exultation.]\n\n The Roman world was now divided between Constantine and Licinius,\n THE former of whom was master of THE West, and THE latter of THE\n East. It might perhaps have been expected that THE conquerors,\n fatigued with civil war, and connected by a private as well as\n public alliance, would have renounced, or at least would have\n suspended, any furTHEr designs of ambition. And yet a year had\n scarcely elapsed after THE death of Maximin, before THE\n victorious emperors turned THEir arms against each oTHEr. The\n genius, THE success, and THE aspiring temper of Constantine, may\n seem to mark him out as THE aggressor; but THE perfidious\n character of Licinius justifies THE most unfavorable suspicions,\n and by THE faint light which history reflects on this\n transaction, 86 we may discover a conspiracy fomented by his arts\n against THE authority of his colleague. Constantine had lately\n given his sister Anastasia in marriage to Bassianus, a man of a\n considerable family and fortune, and had elevated his new kinsman\n to THE rank of Cæsar. According to THE system of government\n instituted by Diocletian, Italy, and perhaps Africa, were\n designed for his department in THE empire. But THE performance of\n THE promised favor was eiTHEr attended with so much delay, or\n accompanied with so many unequal conditions, that THE fidelity of\n Bassianus was alienated raTHEr than secured by THE honorable\n distinction which he had obtained. His nomination had been\n ratified by THE consent of Licinius; and that artful prince, by\n THE means of his emissaries, soon contrived to enter into a\n secret and dangerous correspondence with THE new Cæsar, to\n irritate his discontents, and to urge him to THE rash enterprise\n of extorting by violence what he might in vain solicit from THE\n justice of Constantine. But THE vigilant emperor discovered THE\n conspiracy before it was ripe for execution; and after solemnly\n renouncing THE alliance of Bassianus, despoiled him of THE\n purple, and inflicted THE deserved punishment on his treason and\n ingratitude. The haughty refusal of Licinius, when he was\n required to deliver up THE criminals who had taken refuge in his\n dominions, confirmed THE suspicions already entertained of his\n perfidy; and THE indignities offered at Æmona, on THE frontiers\n of Italy, to THE statues of Constantine, became THE signal of\n discord between THE two princes. 87\n\n 86 (return) [ The curious reader, who consults THE Valesian\n fragment, p. 713, will probably accuse me of giving a bold and\n licentious paraphrase; but if he considers it with attention, he\n will acknowledge that my interpretation is probable and\n consistent.]\n\n 87 (return) [ The situation of Æmona, or, as it is now called,\n Laybach, in Carniola, (D’Anville, Geographie Ancienne, tom. i. p.\n 187,) may suggest a conjecture. As it lay to THE north-east of\n THE Julian Alps, that important territory became a natural object\n of dispute between THE sovereigns of Italy and of Illyricum.]\n\n The first battle was fought near Cibalis, a city of Pannonia,\n situated on THE River Save, about fifty miles above Sirmium. 88\n From THE inconsiderable forces which in this important contest\n two such powerful monarchs brought into THE field, it may be\n inferred that THE one was suddenly provoked, and that THE oTHEr\n was unexpectedly surprised. The emperor of THE West had only\n twenty thousand, and THE sovereign of THE East no more than five\n and thirty thousand, men. The inferiority of number was, however,\n compensated by THE advantage of THE ground. Constantine had taken\n post in a defile about half a mile in breadth, between a steep\n hill and a deep morass, and in that situation he steadily\n expected and repulsed THE first attack of THE enemy. He pursued\n his success, and advanced into THE plain. But THE veteran legions\n of Illyricum rallied under THE standard of a leader who had been\n trained to arms in THE school of Probus and Diocletian. The\n missile weapons on both sides were soon exhausted; THE two\n armies, with equal valor, rushed to a closer engagement of swords\n and spears, and THE doubtful contest had already lasted from THE\n dawn of THE day to a late hour of THE evening, when THE right\n wing, which Constantine led in person, made a vigorous and\n decisive charge. The judicious retreat of Licinius saved THE\n remainder of his troops from a total defeat; but when he computed\n his loss, which amounted to more than twenty thousand men, he\n thought it unsafe to pass THE night in THE presence of an active\n and victorious enemy. Abandoning his camp and magazines, he\n marched away with secrecy and diligence at THE head of THE\n greatest part of his cavalry, and was soon removed beyond THE\n danger of a pursuit. His diligence preserved his wife, his son,\n and his treasures, which he had deposited at Sirmium. Licinius\n passed through that city, and breaking down THE bridge on THE\n Save, hastened to collect a new army in Dacia and Thrace. In his\n flight he bestowed THE precarious title of Cæsar on Valens, his\n general of THE Illyrian frontier. 89\n\n 88 (return) [ Cibalis or Cibalæ (whose name is still preserved in\n THE obscure ruins of Swilei) was situated about fifty miles from\n Sirmium, THE capital of Illyricum, and about one hundred from\n Taurunum, or Belgrade, and THE conflux of THE Danube and THE\n Save. The Roman garrisons and cities on those rivers are finely\n illustrated by M. d’Anville in a memoir inserted in l’Academie\n des Inscriptions, tom. xxviii.]\n\n 89 (return) [ Zosimus (l. ii. p. 90, 91) gives a very particular\n account of this battle; but THE descriptions of Zosimus are\n rhetorical raTHEr than military]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XIV: Six Emperors At The Same Time, Reunion Of The\n Empire.—Part IV.\n\n The plain of Mardia in Thrace was THE THEatre of a second battle\n no less obstinate and bloody than THE former. The troops on both\n sides displayed THE same valor and discipline; and THE victory\n was once more decided by THE superior abilities of Constantine,\n who directed a body of five thousand men to gain an advantageous\n height, from whence, during THE heat of THE action, THEy attacked\n THE rear of THE enemy, and made a very considerable slaughter.\n The troops of Licinius, however, presenting a double front, still\n maintained THEir ground, till THE approach of night put an end to\n THE combat, and secured THEir retreat towards THE mountains of\n Macedonia. 90 The loss of two battles, and of his bravest\n veterans, reduced THE fierce spirit of Licinius to sue for peace.\n His ambassador Mistrianus was admitted to THE audience of\n Constantine: he expatiated on THE common topics of moderation and\n humanity, which are so familiar to THE eloquence of THE\n vanquished; represented in THE most insinuating language, that\n THE event of THE war was still doubtful, whilst its inevitable\n calamities were alike pernicious to both THE contending parties;\n and declared that he was authorized to propose a lasting and\n honorable peace in THE name of THE _two_ emperors his masters.\n Constantine received THE mention of Valens with indignation and\n contempt. “It was not for such a purpose,” he sternly replied,\n “that we have advanced from THE shores of THE western ocean in an\n uninterrupted course of combats and victories, that, after\n rejecting an ungrateful kinsman, we should accept for our\n colleague a contemptible slave. The abdication of Valens is THE\n first article of THE treaty.” 91 It was necessary to accept this\n humiliating condition; and THE unhappy Valens, after a reign of a\n few days, was deprived of THE purple and of his life. As soon as\n this obstacle was removed, THE tranquillity of THE Roman world\n was easily restored. The successive defeats of Licinius had\n ruined his forces, but THEy had displayed his courage and\n abilities. His situation was almost desperate, but THE efforts of\n despair are sometimes formidable, and THE good sense of\n Constantine preferred a great and certain advantage to a third\n trial of THE chance of arms. He consented to leave his rival, or,\n as he again styled Licinius, his friend and broTHEr, in THE\n possession of Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt; but THE\n provinces of Pannonia, Dalmatia, Dacia, Macedonia, and Greece,\n were yielded to THE Western empire, and THE dominions of\n Constantine now extended from THE confines of Caledonia to THE\n extremity of Peloponnesus. It was stipulated by THE same treaty,\n that three royal youths, THE sons of emperors, should be called\n to THE hopes of THE succession. Crispus and THE young Constantine\n were soon afterwards declared Cæsars in THE West, while THE\n younger Licinius was invested with THE same dignity in THE East.\n In this double proportion of honors, THE conqueror asserted THE\n superiority of his arms and power. 92\n\n 90 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 92, 93. Anonym. Valesian. p.\n 713. The Epitomes furnish some circumstances; but THEy frequently\n confound THE two wars between Licinius and Constantine.]\n\n 91 (return) [ Petrus Patricius in Excerpt. Legat. p. 27. If it\n should be thought that signifies more properly a son-in-law, we\n might conjecture that Constantine, assuming THE name as well as\n THE duties of a faTHEr, had adopted his younger broTHErs and\n sisters, THE children of Theodora. But in THE best authors\n sometimes signifies a husband, sometimes a faTHEr-in-law, and\n sometimes a kinsman in general. See Spanheim, Observat. ad\n Julian. Orat. i. p. 72.]\n\n 92 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 93. Anonym. Valesian. p. 713.\n Eutropius, x. v. Aurelius Victor, Euseb. in Chron. Sozomen, l. i.\n c. 2. Four of THEse writers affirm that THE promotion of THE\n Cæsars was an article of THE treaty. It is, however, certain,\n that THE younger Constantine and Licinius were not yet born; and\n it is highly probable that THE promotion was made THE 1st of\n March, A. D. 317. The treaty had probably stipulated that THE two\n Cæsars might be created by THE western, and one only by THE\n eastern emperor; but each of THEm reserved to himself THE choice\n of THE persons.]\n\n The reconciliation of Constantine and Licinius, though it was\n imbittered by resentment and jealousy, by THE remembrance of\n recent injuries, and by THE apprehension of future dangers,\n maintained, however, above eight years, THE tranquility of THE\n Roman world. As a very regular series of THE Imperial laws\n commences about this period, it would not be difficult to\n transcribe THE civil regulations which employed THE leisure of\n Constantine. But THE most important of his institutions are\n intimately connected with THE new system of policy and religion,\n which was not perfectly established till THE last and peaceful\n years of his reign. There are many of his laws, which, as far as\n THEy concern THE rights and property of individuals, and THE\n practice of THE bar, are more properly referred to THE private\n than to THE public jurisprudence of THE empire; and he published\n many edicts of so local and temporary a nature, that THEy would\n ill deserve THE notice of a general history. Two laws, however,\n may be selected from THE crowd; THE one for its importance, THE\n oTHEr for its singularity; THE former for its remarkable\n benevolence, THE latter for its excessive severity. 1. The horrid\n practice, so familiar to THE ancients, of exposing or murdering\n THEir new-born infants, was become every day more frequent in THE\n provinces, and especially in Italy. It was THE effect of\n distress; and THE distress was principally occasioned by THE\n intolerant burden of taxes, and by THE vexatious as well as cruel\n prosecutions of THE officers of THE revenue against THEir\n insolvent debtors. The less opulent or less industrious part of\n mankind, instead of rejoicing in an increase of family, deemed it\n an act of paternal tenderness to release THEir children from THE\n impending miseries of a life which THEy THEmselves were unable to\n support. The humanity of Constantine, moved, perhaps, by some\n recent and extraordinary instances of despair, engaged him to\n address an edict to all THE cities of Italy, and afterwards of\n Africa, directing immediate and sufficient relief to be given to\n those parents who should produce before THE magistrates THE\n children whom THEir own poverty would not allow THEm to educate.\n But THE promise was too liberal, and THE provision too vague, to\n effect any general or permanent benefit. 93 The law, though it\n may merit some praise, served raTHEr to display than to alleviate\n THE public distress. It still remains an auTHEntic monument to\n contradict and confound those venal orators, who were too well\n satisfied with THEir own situation to discover eiTHEr vice or\n misery under THE government of a generous sovereign. 94 2. The\n laws of Constantine against rapes were dictated with very little\n indulgence for THE most amiable weaknesses of human nature; since\n THE description of that crime was applied not only to THE brutal\n violence which compelled, but even to THE gentle seduction which\n might persuade, an unmarried woman, under THE age of twenty-five,\n to leave THE house of her parents. “The successful ravisher was\n punished with death;” and as if simple death was inadequate to\n THE enormity of his guilt, he was eiTHEr burnt alive, or torn in\n pieces by wild beasts in THE amphiTHEatre. The virgin’s\n declaration, that she had been carried away with her own consent,\n instead of saving her lover, exposed her to share his fate. The\n duty of a public prosecution was intrusted to THE parents of THE\n guilty or unfortunate maid; and if THE sentiments of nature\n prevailed on THEm to dissemble THE injury, and to repair by a\n subsequent marriage THE honor of THEir family, THEy were\n THEmselves punished by exile and confiscation. The slaves,\n wheTHEr male or female, who were convicted of having been\n accessory to rape or seduction, were burnt alive, or put to death\n by THE ingenious torture of pouring down THEir throats a quantity\n of melted lead. As THE crime was of a public kind, THE accusation\n was permitted even to strangers.9401\n\n 9401 (return) [ This explanation appears to me little probable.\n Godefroy has made a much more happy conjecture, supported by all\n THE historical circumstances which relate to this edict. It was\n published THE 12th of May, A. D. 315. at Naissus in Pannonia, THE\n birthplace of Constantine. The 8th of October, in that year,\n Constantine gained THE victory of Cibalis over Licinius. He was\n yet uncertain as to THE fate of THE war: THE Christians, no\n doubt, whom he favored, had prophesied his victory. Lactantius,\n THEn preceptor of Crispus, had just written his work upon\n Christianity, (his Divine Institutes;) he had dedicated it to\n Constantine. In this book he had inveighed with great force\n against infanticide, and THE exposure of infants, (l. vi. c. 20.)\n Is it not probable that Constantine had read this work, that he\n had conversed on THE subject with Lactantius, that he was moved,\n among oTHEr things, by THE passage to which I have referred, and\n in THE first transport of his enthusiasm, he published THE edict\n in question? The whole of THE edict bears THE character of\n precipitation, of excitement, (entrainement,) raTHEr than of\n deliberate reflection—THE extent of THE promises, THE\n indefiniteness of THE means, of THE conditions, and of THE time\n during which THE parents might have a right to THE succor of THE\n state. Is THEre not reason to believe that THE humanity of\n Constantine was excited by THE influence of Lactantius, by that\n of THE principles of Christianity, and of THE Christians\n THEmselves, already in high esteem with THE emperor, raTHEr than\n by some “extraordinary instances of despair”? * * * See\n Hegewisch, Essai Hist. sur les Finances Romaines. The edict for\n Africa was not published till 322: of that we may say in truth\n that its origin was in THE misery of THE times. Africa had\n suffered much from THE cruelty of Maxentius. Constantine says\n expressly, that he had learned that parents, under THE pressure\n of distress, were THEre selling THEir children. This decree is\n more distinct, more maturely deliberated than THE former; THE\n succor which was to be given to THE parents, and THE source from\n which it was to be derived, are determined. (Code Theod. l. xi.\n tit. 27, c 2.) If THE direct utility of THEse laws may not have\n been very extensive, THEy had at least THE great and happy effect\n of establishing a decisive opposition between THE principles of\n THE government and those which, at this time, had prevailed among\n THE subjects of THE empire.—G.]\n\n The commencement of THE action was not limited to any term of\n years, and THE consequences of THE sentence were extended to THE\n innocent offspring of such an irregular union. 95 But whenever\n THE offence inspires less horror than THE punishment, THE rigor\n of penal law is obliged to give way to THE common feelings of\n mankind. The most odious parts of this edict were softened or\n repealed in THE subsequent reigns; 96 and even Constantine\n himself very frequently alleviated, by partial acts of mercy, THE\n stern temper of his general institutions. Such, indeed, was THE\n singular humor of that emperor, who showed himself as indulgent,\n and even remiss, in THE execution of his laws, as he was severe,\n and even cruel, in THE enacting of THEm. It is scarcely possible\n to observe a more decisive symptom of weakness, eiTHEr in THE\n character of THE prince, or in THE constitution of THE\n government. 97\n\n 93 (return) [ Codex Theodosian. l. xi. tit. 27, tom. iv. p. 188,\n with Godefroy’s observations. See likewise l. v. tit. 7, 8.]\n\n 94 (return) [ Omnia foris placita, domi prospera, annonæ\n ubertate, fructuum copia, &c. Panegyr. Vet. x. 38. This oration\n of Nazarius was pronounced on THE day of THE Quinquennalia of THE\n Cæsars, THE 1st of March, A. D. 321.]\n\n 95 (return) [ See THE edict of Constantine, addressed to THE\n Roman people, in THE Theodosian Code, l. ix. tit. 24, tom. iii.\n p. 189.]\n\n 96 (return) [ His son very fairly assigns THE true reason of THE\n repeal: “Na sub specie atrocioris judicii aliqua in ulciscendo\n crimine dilatio næ ceretur.” Cod. Theod. tom. iii. p. 193]\n\n 97 (return) [ Eusebius (in Vita Constant. l. iii. c. 1) chooses\n to affirm, that in THE reign of this hero, THE sword of justice\n hung idle in THE hands of THE magistrates. Eusebius himself, (l.\n iv. c. 29, 54,) and THE Theodosian Code, will inform us that this\n excessive lenity was not owing to THE want eiTHEr of atrocious\n criminals or of penal laws.]\n\n The civil administration was sometimes interrupted by THE\n military defence of THE empire. Crispus, a youth of THE most\n amiable character, who had received with THE title of Cæsar THE\n command of THE Rhine, distinguished his conduct, as well as\n valor, in several victories over THE Franks and Alemanni, and\n taught THE barbarians of that frontier to dread THE eldest son of\n Constantine, and THE grandson of Constantius. 98 The emperor\n himself had assumed THE more difficult and important province of\n THE Danube. The Goths, who in THE time of Claudius and Aurelian\n had felt THE weight of THE Roman arms, respected THE power of THE\n empire, even in THE midst of its intestine divisions. But THE\n strength of that warlike nation was now restored by a peace of\n near fifty years; a new generation had arisen, who no longer\n remembered THE misfortunes of ancient days; THE Sarmatians of THE\n Lake Mæotis followed THE Gothic standard eiTHEr as subjects or as\n allies, and THEir united force was poured upon THE countries of\n Illyricum. Campona, Margus, and Benonia, 982 appear to have been\n THE scenes of several memorable sieges and battles; 99 and though\n Constantine encountered a very obstinate resistance, he prevailed\n at length in THE contest, and THE Goths were compelled to\n purchased an ignominious retreat, by restoring THE booty and\n prisoners which THEy had taken. Nor was this advantage sufficient\n to satisfy THE indignation of THE emperor. He resolved to\n chastise as well as to repulse THE insolent barbarians who had\n dared to invade THE territories of Rome. At THE head of his\n legions he passed THE Danube, after repairing THE bridge which\n had been constructed by Trajan, penetrated into THE strongest\n recesses of Dacia, 100 and when he had inflicted a severe\n revenge, condescended to give peace to THE suppliant Goths, on\n condition that, as often as THEy were required, THEy should\n supply his armies with a body of forty thousand soldiers. 101\n Exploits like THEse were no doubt honorable to Constantine, and\n beneficial to THE state; but it may surely be questioned, wheTHEr\n THEy can justify THE exaggerated assertion of Eusebius, that ALL\n SCYTHIA, as far as THE extremity of THE North, divided as it was\n into so many names and nations of THE most various and savage\n manners, had been added by his victorious arms to THE Roman\n empire. 102\n\n 98 (return) [ Nazarius in Panegyr. Vet. x. The victory of Crispus\n over THE Alemanni is expressed on some medals. * Note: OTHEr\n medals are extant, THE legends of which commemorate THE success\n of Constantine over THE Sarmatians and oTHEr barbarous nations,\n Sarmatia Devicta. Victoria Gothica. Debellatori Gentium\n Barbarorum. Exuperator Omnium Gentium. St. Martin, note on Le\n Beau, i. 148.—M.]\n\n 982 (return) [ Campona, Old Buda in Hungary; Margus, Benonia,\n Widdin, in Mæsia—G and M.]\n\n 99 (return) [ See Zosimus, l. ii. p. 93, 94; though THE narrative\n of that historian is neiTHEr clear nor consistent. The Panegyric\n of Optatianus (c. 23) mentions THE alliance of THE Sarmatians\n with THE Carpi and Getæ, and points out THE several fields of\n battle. It is supposed that THE Sarmatian games, celebrated in\n THE month of November, derived THEir origin from THE success of\n this war.]\n\n 100 (return) [ In THE Cæsars of Julian, (p. 329. Commentaire de\n Spanheim, p. 252.) Constantine boasts, that he had recovered THE\n province (Dacia) which Trajan had subdued. But it is insinuated\n by Silenus, that THE conquests of Constantine were like THE\n gardens of Adonis, which fade and wiTHEr almost THE moment THEy\n appear.]\n\n 101 (return) [ Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, c. 21. I know not\n wheTHEr we may entirely depend on his authority. Such an alliance\n has a very recent air, and scarcely is suited to THE maxims of\n THE beginning of THE fourth century.]\n\n 102 (return) [ Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. l. i. c. 8. This\n passage, however, is taken from a general declamation on THE\n greatness of Constantine, and not from any particular account of\n THE Gothic war.]\n\n In this exalted state of glory, it was impossible that\n Constantine should any longer endure a partner in THE empire.\n Confiding in THE superiority of his genius and military power, he\n determined, without any previous injury, to exert THEm for THE\n destruction of Licinius, whose advanced age and unpopular vices\n seemed to offer a very easy conquest. 103 But THE old emperor,\n awakened by THE approaching danger, deceived THE expectations of\n his friends, as well as of his enemies. Calling forth that spirit\n and those abilities by which he had deserved THE friendship of\n Galerius and THE Imperial purple, he prepared himself for THE\n contest, collected THE forces of THE East, and soon filled THE\n plains of Hadrianople with his troops, and THE straits of THE\n Hellespont with his fleet. The army consisted of one hundred and\n fifty thousand foot, and fifteen thousand horse; and as THE\n cavalry was drawn, for THE most part, from Phrygia and\n Cappadocia, we may conceive a more favorable opinion of THE\n beauty of THE horses, than of THE courage and dexterity of THEir\n riders. The fleet was composed of three hundred and fifty galleys\n of three ranks of oars. A hundred and thirty of THEse were\n furnished by Egypt and THE adjacent coast of Africa. A hundred\n and ten sailed from THE ports of Phœnicia and THE isle of Cyprus;\n and THE maritime countries of Bithynia, Ionia, and Caria were\n likewise obliged to provide a hundred and ten galleys. The troops\n of Constantine were ordered to a rendezvous at Thessalonica; THEy\n amounted to above a hundred and twenty thousand horse and foot.\n 104 Their emperor was satisfied with THEir martial appearance,\n and his army contained more soldiers, though fewer men, than that\n of his eastern competitor. The legions of Constantine were levied\n in THE warlike provinces of Europe; action had confirmed THEir\n discipline, victory had elevated THEir hopes, and THEre were\n among THEm a great number of veterans, who, after seventeen\n glorious campaigns under THE same leader, prepared THEmselves to\n deserve an honorable dismission by a last effort of THEir valor.\n 105 But THE naval preparations of Constantine were in every\n respect much inferior to those of Licinius. The maritime cities\n of Greece sent THEir respective quotas of men and ships to THE\n celebrated harbor of Piræus, and THEir united forces consisted of\n no more than two hundred small vessels—a very feeble armament, if\n it is compared with those formidable fleets which were equipped\n and maintained by THE republic of ATHEns during THE Peloponnesian\n war. 106 Since Italy was no longer THE seat of government, THE\n naval establishments of Misenum and Ravenna had been gradually\n neglected; and as THE shipping and mariners of THE empire were\n supported by commerce raTHEr than by war, it was natural that\n THEy should THE most abound in THE industrious provinces of Egypt\n and Asia. It is only surprising that THE eastern emperor, who\n possessed so great a superiority at sea, should have neglected\n THE opportunity of carrying an offensive war into THE centre of\n his rival’s dominions.\n\n 103 (return) [ Constantinus tamen, vir ingens, et omnia efficere\n nitens quæ animo præparasset, simul principatum totius urbis\n affectans, Licinio bellum intulit. Eutropius, x. 5. Zosimus, l.\n ii. p 89. The reasons which THEy have assigned for THE first\n civil war, may, with more propriety, be applied to THE second.]\n\n 104 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 94, 95.]\n\n 105 (return) [ Constantine was very attentive to THE privileges\n and comforts of his fellow-veterans, (Conveterani,) as he now\n began to style THEm. See THE Theodosian Code, l. vii. tit. 10,\n tom. ii. p. 419, 429.]\n\n 106 (return) [ Whilst THE ATHEnians maintained THE empire of THE\n sea, THEir fleet consisted of three, and afterwards of four,\n hundred galleys of three ranks of oars, all completely equipped\n and ready for immediate service. The arsenal in THE port of\n Piræus had cost THE republic a thousand talents, about two\n hundred and sixteen thousand pounds. See Thucydides de Bel.\n Pelopon. l. ii. c. 13, and Meursius de Fortuna Attica, c. 19.]\n\n Instead of embracing such an active resolution, which might have\n changed THE whole face of THE war, THE prudent Licinius expected\n THE approach of his rival in a camp near Hadrianople, which he\n had fortified with an anxious care that betrayed his apprehension\n of THE event. Constantine directed his march from Thessalonica\n towards that part of Thrace, till he found himself stopped by THE\n broad and rapid stream of THE Hebrus, and discovered THE numerous\n army of Licinius, which filled THE steep ascent of THE hill, from\n THE river to THE city of Hadrianople. Many days were spent in\n doubtful and distant skirmishes; but at length THE obstacles of\n THE passage and of THE attack were removed by THE intrepid\n conduct of Constantine. In this place we might relate a wonderful\n exploit of Constantine, which, though it can scarcely be\n paralleled eiTHEr in poetry or romance, is celebrated, not by a\n venal orator devoted to his fortune, but by an historian, THE\n partial enemy of his fame. We are assured that THE valiant\n emperor threw himself into THE River Hebrus, accompanied only by\n _twelve_ horsemen, and that by THE effort or terror of his\n invincible arm, he broke, slaughtered, and put to flight a host\n of a hundred and fifty thousand men. The credulity of Zosimus\n prevailed so strongly over his passion, that among THE events of\n THE memorable battle of Hadrianople, he seems to have selected\n and embellished, not THE most important, but THE most marvellous.\n The valor and danger of Constantine are attested by a slight\n wound which he received in THE thigh; but it may be discovered\n even from an imperfect narration, and perhaps a corrupted text,\n that THE victory was obtained no less by THE conduct of THE\n general than by THE courage of THE hero; that a body of five\n thousand archers marched round to occupy a thick wood in THE rear\n of THE enemy, whose attention was diverted by THE construction of\n a bridge, and that Licinius, perplexed by so many artful\n evolutions, was reluctantly drawn from his advantageous post to\n combat on equal ground on THE plain. The contest was no longer\n equal. His confused multitude of new levies was easily vanquished\n by THE experienced veterans of THE West. Thirty-four thousand men\n are reported to have been slain. The fortified camp of Licinius\n was taken by assault THE evening of THE battle; THE greater part\n of THE fugitives, who had retired to THE mountains, surrendered\n THEmselves THE next day to THE discretion of THE conqueror; and\n his rival, who could no longer keep THE field, confined himself\n within THE walls of Byzantium. 107\n\n 107 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 95, 96. This great battle is\n described in THE Valesian fragment, (p. 714,) in a clear though\n concise manner. “Licinius vero circum Hadrianopolin maximo\n exercitu latera ardui montis impleverat; illuc toto agmine\n Constantinus inflexit. Cum bellum terra marique traheretur,\n quamvis per arduum suis nitentibus, attamen disciplina militari\n et felicitate, Constantinus Licinu confusum et sine ordine\n agentem vicit exercitum; leviter femore sau ciatus.”]\n\n The siege of Byzantium, which was immediately undertaken by\n Constantine, was attended with great labor and uncertainty. In\n THE late civil wars, THE fortifications of that place, so justly\n considered as THE key of Europe and Asia, had been repaired and\n strengTHEned; and as long as Licinius remained master of THE sea,\n THE garrison was much less exposed to THE danger of famine than\n THE army of THE besiegers. The naval commanders of Constantine\n were summoned to his camp, and received his positive orders to\n force THE passage of THE Hellespont, as THE fleet of Licinius,\n instead of seeking and destroying THEir feeble enemy, continued\n inactive in those narrow straits, where its superiority of\n numbers was of little use or advantage. Crispus, THE emperor’s\n eldest son, was intrusted with THE execution of this daring\n enterprise, which he performed with so much courage and success,\n that he deserved THE esteem, and most probably excited THE\n jealousy, of his faTHEr. The engagement lasted two days; and in\n THE evening of THE first, THE contending fleets, after a\n considerable and mutual loss, retired into THEir respective\n harbors of Europe and Asia. The second day, about noon, a strong\n south wind 108 sprang up, which carried THE vessels of Crispus\n against THE enemy; and as THE casual advantage was improved by\n his skilful intrepidity, he soon obtained a complete victory. A\n hundred and thirty vessels were destroyed, five thousand men were\n slain, and Amandus, THE admiral of THE Asiatic fleet, escaped\n with THE utmost difficulty to THE shores of Chalcedon. As soon as\n THE Hellespont was open, a plentiful convoy of provisions flowed\n into THE camp of Constantine, who had already advanced THE\n operations of THE siege. He constructed artificial mounds of\n earth of an equal height with THE ramparts of Byzantium. The\n lofty towers which were erected on that foundation galled THE\n besieged with large stones and darts from THE military engines,\n and THE battering rams had shaken THE walls in several places. If\n Licinius persisted much longer in THE defence, he exposed himself\n to be involved in THE ruin of THE place. Before he was\n surrounded, he prudently removed his person and treasures to\n Chalcedon in Asia; and as he was always desirous of associating\n companions to THE hopes and dangers of his fortune, he now\n bestowed THE title of Cæsar on Martinianus, who exercised one of\n THE most important offices of THE empire. 109\n\n 108 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 97, 98. The current always sets\n out of THE Hellespont; and when it is assisted by a north wind,\n no vessel can attempt THE passage. A south wind renders THE force\n of THE current almost imperceptible. See Tournefort’s Voyage au\n Levant, Let. xi.]\n\n 109 (return) [ Aurelius Victor. Zosimus, l. ii. p. 93. According\n to THE latter, Martinianus was Magister Officiorum, (he uses THE\n Latin appellation in Greek.) Some medals seem to intimate, that\n during his short reign he received THE title of Augustus.]\n\n Such were still THE resources, and such THE abilities, of\n Licinius, that, after so many successive defeats, he collected in\n Bithynia a new army of fifty or sixty thousand men, while THE\n activity of Constantine was employed in THE siege of Byzantium.\n The vigilant emperor did not, however, neglect THE last struggles\n of his antagonist. A considerable part of his victorious army was\n transported over THE Bosphorus in small vessels, and THE decisive\n engagement was fought soon after THEir landing on THE heights of\n Chrysopolis, or, as it is now called, of Scutari. The troops of\n Licinius, though THEy were lately raised, ill armed, and worse\n disciplined, made head against THEir conquerors with fruitless\n but desperate valor, till a total defeat, and a slaughter of five\n and twenty thousand men, irretrievably determined THE fate of\n THEir leader. 110 He retired to Nicomedia, raTHEr with THE view\n of gaining some time for negotiation, than with THE hope of any\n effectual defence. Constantia, his wife, and THE sister of\n Constantine, interceded with her broTHEr in favor of her husband,\n and obtained from his policy, raTHEr than from his compassion, a\n solemn promise, confirmed by an oath, that after THE sacrifice of\n Martinianus, and THE resignation of THE purple, Licinius himself\n should be permitted to pass THE remainder of this life in peace\n and affluence. The behavior of Constantia, and her relation to\n THE contending parties, naturally recalls THE remembrance of that\n virtuous matron who was THE sister of Augustus, and THE wife of\n Antony. But THE temper of mankind was altered, and it was no\n longer esteemed infamous for a Roman to survive his honor and\n independence. Licinius solicited and accepted THE pardon of his\n offences, laid himself and his purple at THE feet of his _lord_\n and _master_, was raised from THE ground with insulting pity, was\n admitted THE same day to THE Imperial banquet, and soon\n afterwards was sent away to Thessalonica, which had been chosen\n for THE place of his confinement. 111 His confinement was soon\n terminated by death, and it is doubtful wheTHEr a tumult of THE\n soldiers, or a decree of THE senate, was suggested as THE motive\n for his execution. According to THE rules of tyranny, he was\n accused of forming a conspiracy, and of holding a treasonable\n correspondence with THE barbarians; but as he was never\n convicted, eiTHEr by his own conduct or by any legal evidence, we\n may perhaps be allowed, from his weakness, to presume his\n innocence. 112 The memory of Licinius was branded with infamy,\n his statues were thrown down, and by a hasty edict, of such\n mischievous tendency that it was almost immediately corrected,\n all his laws, and all THE judicial proceedings of his reign, were\n at once abolished. 113 By this victory of Constantine, THE Roman\n world was again united under THE authority of one emperor,\n thirty-seven years after Diocletian had divided his power and\n provinces with his associate Maximian.\n\n 110 (return) [ Eusebius (in Vita Constantin. I. ii. c. 16, 17)\n ascribes this decisive victory to THE pious prayers of THE\n emperor. The Valesian fragment (p. 714) mentions a body of Gothic\n auxiliaries, under THEir chief Aliquaca, who adhered to THE party\n of Licinius.]\n\n 111 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 102. Victor Junior in Epitome.\n Anonym. Valesian. p. 714.]\n\n 112 (return) [ Contra religionem sacramenti Thessalonicæ privatus\n occisus est. Eutropius, x. 6; and his evidence is confirmed by\n Jerome (in Chronic.) as well as by Zosimus, l. ii. p. 102. The\n Valesian writer is THE only one who mentions THE soldiers, and it\n is Zonaras alone who calls in THE assistance of THE senate.\n Eusebius prudently slides over this delicate transaction. But\n Sozomen, a century afterwards, ventures to assert THE treasonable\n practices of Licinius.]\n\n 113 (return) [ See THE Theodosian Code, l. xv. tit. 15, tom. v. p\n 404, 405. These edicts of Constantine betray a degree of passion\n and precipitation very unbecoming THE character of a lawgiver.]\n\n The successive steps of THE elevation of Constantine, from his\n first assuming THE purple at York, to THE resignation of\n Licinius, at Nicomedia, have been related with some minuteness\n and precision, not only as THE events are in THEmselves both\n interesting and important, but still more, as THEy contributed to\n THE decline of THE empire by THE expense of blood and treasure,\n and by THE perpetual increase, as well of THE taxes, as of THE\n military establishment. The foundation of Constantinople, and THE\n establishment of THE Christian religion, were THE immediate and\n memorable consequences of this revolution.\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part I.\n\n The Progress Of The Christian Religion, And The Sentiments,\n Manners, Numbers, And Condition Of The Primitive Christians. 101\n\n 101 (return) [ In spite of my resolution, Lardner led me to look\n through THE famous fifteenth and sixteenth chapters of Gibbon. I\n could not lay THEm down without finishing THEm. The causes\n assigned, in THE fifteenth chapter, for THE diffusion of\n Christianity, must, no doubt, have contributed to it materially;\n but I doubt wheTHEr he saw THEm all. Perhaps those which he\n enumerates are among THE most obvious. They might all be safely\n adopted by a Christian writer, with some change in THE language\n and manner. Mackintosh see Life, i. p. 244.—M.]\n\n A candid but rational inquiry into THE progress and establishment\n of Christianity may be considered as a very essential part of THE\n history of THE Roman empire. While that great body was invaded by\n open violence, or undermined by slow decay, a pure and humble\n religion gently insinuated itself into THE minds of men, grew up\n in silence and obscurity, derived new vigor from opposition, and\n finally erected THE triumphant banner of THE Cross on THE ruins\n of THE Capitol. Nor was THE influence of Christianity confined to\n THE period or to THE limits of THE Roman empire. After a\n revolution of thirteen or fourteen centuries, that religion is\n still professed by THE nations of Europe, THE most distinguished\n portion of human kind in arts and learning as well as in arms. By\n THE industry and zeal of THE Europeans, it has been widely\n diffused to THE most distant shores of Asia and Africa; and by\n THE means of THEir colonies has been firmly established from\n Canada to Chili, in a world unknown to THE ancients.\n\n But this inquiry, however useful or entertaining, is attended\n with two peculiar difficulties. The scanty and suspicious\n materials of ecclesiastical history seldom enable us to dispel\n THE dark cloud that hangs over THE first age of THE church. The\n great law of impartiality too often obliges us to reveal THE\n imperfections of THE uninspired teachers and believers of THE\n gospel; and, to a careless observer, _THEir_ faults may seem to\n cast a shade on THE faith which THEy professed. But THE scandal\n of THE pious Christian, and THE fallacious triumph of THE\n Infidel, should cease as soon as THEy recollect not only _by\n whom_, but likewise _to whom_, THE Divine Revelation was given.\n The THEologian may indulge THE pleasing task of describing\n Religion as she descended from Heaven, arrayed in her native\n purity. A more melancholy duty is imposed on THE historian. He\n must discover THE inevitable mixture of error and corruption,\n which she contracted in a long residence upon earth, among a weak\n and degenerate race of beings. 102\n\n 102 (return) [ The art of Gibbon, or at least THE unfair\n impression produced by THEse two memorable chapters, consists in\n confounding togeTHEr, in one undistinguishable mass, THE origin\n and apostolic propagation of THE Christian religion with its\n later progress. The main question, THE divine origin of THE\n religion, is dexterously eluded or speciously conceded; his plan\n enables him to commence his account, in most parts, below THE\n apostolic times; and it is only by THE strength of THE dark\n coloring with which he has brought out THE failings and THE\n follies of succeeding ages, that a shadow of doubt and suspicion\n is thrown back on THE primitive period of Christianity. Divest\n this whole passage of THE latent sarcasm betrayed by THE\n subsequent one of THE whole disquisition, and it might commence a\n Christian history, written in THE most Christian spirit of\n candor.—M.]\n\n Our curiosity is naturally prompted to inquire by what means THE\n Christian faith obtained so remarkable a victory over THE\n established religions of THE earth. To this inquiry, an obvious\n but satisfactory answer may be returned; that it was owing to THE\n convincing evidence of THE doctrine itself, and to THE ruling\n providence of its great Author. But as truth and reason seldom\n find so favorable a reception in THE world, and as THE wisdom of\n Providence frequently condescends to use THE passions of THE\n human heart, and THE general circumstances of mankind, as\n instruments to execute its purpose, we may still be permitted,\n though with becoming submission, to ask, not indeed what were THE\n first, but what were THE secondary causes of THE rapid growth of\n THE Christian church. It will, perhaps, appear, that it was most\n effectually favored and assisted by THE five following causes:\n\n I. The inflexible, and if we may use THE expression, THE\n intolerant zeal of THE Christians, derived, it is true, from THE\n Jewish religion, but purified from THE narrow and unsocial\n spirit, which, instead of inviting, had deterred THE Gentiles\n from embracing THE law of Moses.1023\n\n II. The doctrine of a future life, improved by every additional\n circumstance which could give weight and efficacy to that\n important truth. III. The miraculous powers ascribed to THE\n primitive church. IV. The pure and austere morals of THE\n Christians.\n\n V. The union and discipline of THE Christian republic, which\n gradually formed an independent and increasing state in THE heart\n of THE Roman empire.\n\n 1023 (return) [Though we are thus far agreed with respect to THE\n inflexibility and intolerance of Christian zeal, yet as to THE\n principle from which it was derived, we are, toto cœlo, divided\n in opinion. You deduce it from THE Jewish religion; I would refer\n it to a more adequate and a more obvious source, a full\n persuasion of THE truth of Christianity. Watson. Letters Gibbon,\n i. 9.—M.]\n\n I. We have already described THE religious harmony of THE ancient\n world, and THE facility with which THE most different and even\n hostile nations embraced, or at least respected, each oTHEr’s\n superstitions. A single people refused to join in THE common\n intercourse of mankind. The Jews, who, under THE Assyrian and\n Persian monarchies, had languished for many ages THE most\n despised portion of THEir slaves, 1 emerged from obscurity under\n THE successors of Alexander; and as THEy multiplied to a\n surprising degree in THE East, and afterwards in THE West, THEy\n soon excited THE curiosity and wonder of oTHEr nations. 2 The\n sullen obstinacy with which THEy maintained THEir peculiar rites\n and unsocial manners seemed to mark THEm out as a distinct\n species of men, who boldly professed, or who faintly disguised,\n THEir implacable habits to THE rest of human kind. 3 NeiTHEr THE\n violence of Antiochus, nor THE arts of Herod, nor THE example of\n THE circumjacent nations, could ever persuade THE Jews to\n associate with THE institutions of Moses THE elegant mythology of\n THE Greeks. 4 According to THE maxims of universal toleration,\n THE Romans protected a superstition which THEy despised. 5 The\n polite Augustus condescended to give orders, that sacrifices\n should be offered for his prosperity in THE temple of Jerusalem;\n 6 whilst THE meanest of THE posterity of Abraham, who should have\n paid THE same homage to THE Jupiter of THE Capitol, would have\n been an object of abhorrence to himself and to his brethren.\n\n But THE moderation of THE conquerors was insufficient to appease\n THE jealous prejudices of THEir subjects, who were alarmed and\n scandalized at THE ensigns of paganism, which necessarily\n introduced THEmselves into a Roman province. 7 The mad attempt of\n Caligula to place his own statue in THE temple of Jerusalem was\n defeated by THE unanimous resolution of a people who dreaded\n death much less than such an idolatrous profanation. 8 Their\n attachment to THE law of Moses was equal to THEir detestation of\n foreign religions. The current of zeal and devotion, as it was\n contracted into a narrow channel, ran with THE strength, and\n sometimes with THE fury, of a torrent. This facility has not\n always prevented intolerance, which seems inherent in THE\n religious spirit, when armed with authority. The separation of\n THE ecclesiastical and civil power, appears to be THE only means\n of at once maintaining religion and tolerance: but this is a very\n modern notion. The passions, which mingle THEmselves with\n opinions, made THE Pagans very often intolerant and persecutors;\n witness THE Persians, THE Egyptians even THE Greeks and Romans.\n\n 1st. The Persians.—Cambyses, conqueror of THE Egyptians,\n condemned to death THE magistrates of Memphis, because THEy had\n offered divine honors to THEir god. Apis: he caused THE god to be\n brought before him, struck him with his dagger, commanded THE\n priests to be scourged, and ordered a general massacre of all THE\n Egyptians who should be found celebrating THE festival of THE\n statues of THE gods to be burnt. Not content with this\n intolerance, he sent an army to reduce THE Ammonians to slavery,\n and to set on fire THE temple in which Jupiter delivered his\n oracles. See Herod. iii. 25—29, 37. Xerxes, during his invasion\n of Greece, acted on THE same principles: l c destroyed all THE\n temples of Greece and Ionia, except that of Ephesus. See Paus. l.\n vii. p. 533, and x. p. 887.\n\n Strabo, l. xiv. b. 941. 2d. The Egyptians.—They thought\n THEmselves defiled when THEy had drunk from THE same cup or eaten\n at THE same table with a man of a different belief from THEir\n own. “He who has voluntarily killed any sacred animal is punished\n with death; but if any one, even involuntarily, has killed a cat\n or an ibis, he cannot escape THE extreme penalty: THE people drag\n him away, treat him in THE most cruel manner, sometimes without\n waiting for a judicial sentence. * * * Even at THE time when King\n Ptolemy was not yet THE acknowledged friend of THE Roman people,\n while THE multitude were paying court with all possible attention\n to THE strangers who came from Italy * * a Roman having killed a\n cat, THE people rushed to his house, and neiTHEr THE entreaties\n of THE nobles, whom THE king sent to THEm, nor THE terror of THE\n Roman name, were sufficiently powerful to rescue THE man from\n punishment, though he had committed THE crime involuntarily.”\n Diod. Sic. i 83. Juvenal, in his 13th Satire, describes THE\n sanguinary conflict between THE inhabitants of Ombos and of\n Tentyra, from religious animosity. The fury was carried so far,\n that THE conquerors tore and devoured THE quivering limbs of THE\n conquered.\n\n Ardet adhuc Ombos et Tentyra, summus utrinque Inde furor vulgo,\n quod numina vicinorum Odit uterque locus; quum solos credat\n habendos Esse Deos quos ipse colit. Sat. xv. v. 85.\n\n 3d. The Greeks.—“Let us not here,” says THE Abbé Guénée, “refer\n to THE cities of Peloponnesus and THEir severity against aTHEism;\n THE Ephesians prosecuting Heraclitus for impiety; THE Greeks\n armed one against THE oTHEr by religious zeal, in THE\n Amphictyonic war. Let us say nothing eiTHEr of THE frightful\n cruelties inflicted by three successors of Alexander upon THE\n Jews, to force THEm to abandon THEir religion, nor of Antiochus\n expelling THE philosophers from his states. Let us not seek our\n proofs of intolerance so far off. ATHEns, THE polite and learned\n ATHEns, will supply us with sufficient examples. Every citizen\n made a public and solemn vow to conform to THE religion of his\n country, to defend it, and to cause it to be respected. An\n express law severely punished all discourses against THE gods,\n and a rigid decree ordered THE denunciation of all who should\n deny THEir existence. * * * The practice was in unison with THE\n severity of THE law. The proceedings commenced against\n Protagoras; a price set upon THE head of Diagoras; THE danger of\n Alcibiades; Aristotle obliged to fly; Stilpo banished; Anaxagoras\n hardly escaping death; Pericles himself, after all his services\n to his country, and all THE glory he had acquired, compelled to\n appear before THE tribunals and make his defence; * * a priestess\n executed for having introduced strange gods; Socrates condemned\n and drinking THE hemlock, because he was accused of not\n recognizing those of his country, &c.; THEse facts attest too\n loudly, to be called in question, THE religious intolerance of\n THE most humane and enlightened people in Greece.” Lettres de\n quelques Juifs a Mons. Voltaire, i. p. 221. (Compare Bentley on\n Freethinking, from which much of this is derived.)—M.\n\n 4th. The Romans.—The laws of Rome were not less express and\n severe. The intolerance of foreign religions reaches, with THE\n Romans, as high as THE laws of THE twelve tables; THE\n prohibitions were afterwards renewed at different times.\n Intolerance did not discontinue under THE emperors; witness THE\n counsel of Mæcenas to Augustus. This counsel is so remarkable,\n that I think it right to insert it entire. “Honor THE gods\n yourself,” says Mæcenas to Augustus, “in every way according to\n THE usage of your ancestors, and compel oTHErs to worship THEm.\n Hate and punish those who introduce strange gods, not only for\n THE sake of THE gods, (he who despises THEm will respect no one,)\n but because those who introduce new gods engage a multitude of\n persons in foreign laws and customs. From hence arise unions\n bound by oaths and confederacies, and associations, things\n dangerous to a monarchy.” Dion Cass. l. ii. c. 36. (But, though\n some may differ from it, see Gibbon’s just observation on this\n passage in Dion Cassius, ch. xvi. note 117; impugned, indeed, by\n M. Guizot, note in loc.)—M.\n\n Even THE laws which THE philosophers of ATHEns and of Rome wrote\n for THEir imaginary republics are intolerant. Plato does not\n leave to his citizens freedom of religious worship; and Cicero\n expressly prohibits THEm from having oTHEr gods than those of THE\n state. Lettres de quelques Juifs a Mons. Voltaire, i. p. 226.—G.\n\n According to M. Guizot’s just remarks, religious intolerance will\n always ally itself with THE passions of man, however different\n those passions may be. In THE instances quoted above, with THE\n Persians it was THE pride of despotism; to conquer THE gods of a\n country was THE last mark of subjugation. With THE Egyptians, it\n was THE gross Fetichism of THE superstitious populace, and THE\n local jealousy of neighboring towns. In Greece, persecution was\n in general connected with political party; in Rome, with THE\n stern supremacy of THE law and THE interests of THE state. Gibbon\n has been mistaken in attributing to THE tolerant spirit of\n Paganism that which arose out of THE peculiar circumstances of\n THE times. 1st. The decay of THE old PolyTHEism, through THE\n progress of reason and intelligence, and THE prevalence of\n philosophical opinions among THE higher orders.\n\n 2d. The Roman character, in which THE political always\n predominated over THE religious party. The Romans were contented\n with having bowed THE world to a uniformity of subjection to\n THEir power, and cared not for establishing THE (to THEm) less\n important uniformity of religion.—M.\n\n 1 (return) [ Dum Assyrios penes, Medosque, et Persas Oriens fuit,\n despectissima pars servientium. Tacit. Hist. v. 8. Herodotus, who\n visited Asia whilst it obeyed THE last of those empires, slightly\n mentions THE Syrians of Palestine, who, according to THEir own\n confession, had received from Egypt THE rite of circumcision. See\n l. ii. c. 104.]\n\n 2 (return) [ Diodorus Siculus, l. xl. Dion Cassius, l. xxxvii. p.\n 121. Tacit Hist. v. 1—9. Justin xxxvi. 2, 3.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Tradidit arcano quæcunque volumine Moses, Non\n monstrare vias cadem nisi sacra colenti, Quæsitum ad fontem solos\n deducere verpas. The letter of this law is not to be found in THE\n present volume of Moses. But THE wise, THE humane Maimonides\n openly teaches that if an idolater fall into THE water, a Jew\n ought not to save him from instant death. See Basnage, Histoire\n des Juifs, l. vi. c. 28. * Note: It is diametrically opposed to\n its spirit and to its letter, see, among oTHEr passages, Deut. v.\n 18. 19, (God) “loveth THE stranger in giving him food and\n raiment. Love ye, THErefore, THE stranger: for ye were strangers\n in THE land of Egypt.” Comp. Lev. xxiii. 25. Juvenal is a\n satirist, whose strong expressions can hardly be received as\n historic evidence; and he wrote after THE horrible cruelties of\n THE Romans, which, during and after THE war, might give some\n cause for THE complete isolation of THE Jew from THE rest of THE\n world. The Jew was a bigot, but his religion was not THE only\n source of his bigotry. After how many centuries of mutual wrong\n and hatred, which had still furTHEr estranged THE Jew from\n mankind, did Maimonides write?—M.]\n\n 4 (return) [ A Jewish sect, which indulged THEmselves in a sort\n of occasional conformity, derived from Herod, by whose example\n and authority THEy had been seduced, THE name of Herodians. But\n THEir numbers were so inconsiderable, and THEir duration so\n short, that Josephus has not thought THEm worthy of his notice.\n See Prideaux’s Connection, vol. ii. p. 285. * Note: The Herodians\n were probably more of a political party than a religious sect,\n though Gibbon is most likely right as to THEir occasional\n conformity. See Hist. of THE Jews, ii. 108.—M.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Cicero pro Flacco, c. 28. * Note: The edicts of\n Julius Cæsar, and of some of THE cities in Asia Minor (Krebs.\n Decret. pro Judæis,) in favor of THE nation in general, or of THE\n Asiatic Jews, speak a different language.—M.]\n\n 6 (return) [ Philo de Legatione. Augustus left a foundation for a\n perpetual sacrifice. Yet he approved of THE neglect which his\n grandson Caius expressed towards THE temple of Jerusalem. See\n Sueton. in August. c. 93, and Casaubon’s notes on that passage.]\n\n 7 (return) [ See, in particular, Joseph. Antiquitat. xvii. 6,\n xviii. 3; and de Bell. Judiac. i. 33, and ii. 9, edit. Havercamp.\n * Note: This was during THE government of Pontius Pilate. (Hist.\n of Jews, ii. 156.) Probably in part to avoid this collision, THE\n Roman governor, in general, resided at Cæsarea.—M.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Jussi a Caio Cæsare, effigiem ejus in templo locare,\n arma potius sumpsere. Tacit. Hist. v. 9. Philo and Josephus gave\n a very circumstantial, but a very rhetorical, account of this\n transaction, which exceedingly perplexed THE governor of Syria.\n At THE first mention of this idolatrous proposal, King Agrippa\n fainted away; and did not recover his senses until THE third day.\n (Hist. of Jews, ii. 181, &c.)]\n\n This inflexible perseverance, which appeared so odious or so\n ridiculous to THE ancient world, assumes a more awful character,\n since Providence has deigned to reveal to us THE mysterious\n history of THE chosen people. But THE devout and even scrupulous\n attachment to THE Mosaic religion, so conspicuous among THE Jews\n who lived under THE second temple, becomes still more surprising,\n if it is compared with THE stubborn incredulity of THEir\n forefaTHErs. When THE law was given in thunder from Mount Sinai,\n when THE tides of THE ocean and THE course of THE planets were\n suspended for THE convenience of THE Israelites, and when\n temporal rewards and punishments were THE immediate consequences\n of THEir piety or disobedience, THEy perpetually relapsed into\n rebellion against THE visible majesty of THEir Divine King,\n placed THE idols of THE nations in THE sanctuary of Jehovah, and\n imitated every fantastic ceremony that was practised in THE tents\n of THE Arabs, or in THE cities of Phœnicia. 9 As THE protection\n of Heaven was deservedly withdrawn from THE ungrateful race,\n THEir faith acquired a proportionable degree of vigor and purity.\n\n The contemporaries of Moses and Joshua had beheld with careless\n indifference THE most amazing miracles. Under THE pressure of\n every calamity, THE belief of those miracles has preserved THE\n Jews of a later period from THE universal contagion of idolatry;\n and in contradiction to every known principle of THE human mind,\n that singular people seems to have yielded a stronger and more\n ready assent to THE traditions of THEir remote ancestors, than to\n THE evidence of THEir own senses. 10\n\n 9 (return) [ For THE enumeration of THE Syrian and Arabian\n deities, it may be observed, that Milton has comprised in one\n hundred and thirty very beautiful lines THE two large and learned\n syntagmas which Selden had composed on that abstruse subject.]\n\n 10 (return) [ “How long will this people provoke me? and how long\n will it be ere THEy believe me, for all THE signs which I have\n shown among THEm?” (Numbers xiv. 11.) It would be easy, but it\n would be unbecoming, to justify THE complaint of THE Deity from\n THE whole tenor of THE Mosaic history. Note: Among a rude and\n barbarous people, religious impressions are easily made, and are\n as soon effaced. The ignorance which multiplies imaginary\n wonders, would weaken and destroy THE effect of real miracle. At\n THE period of THE Jewish history, referred to in THE passage from\n Numbers, THEir fears predominated over THEir faith,—THE fears of\n an unwarlike people, just rescued from debasing slavery, and\n commanded to attack a fierce, a well-armed, a gigantic, and a far\n more numerous race, THE inhabitants of Canaan. As to THE frequent\n apostasy of THE Jews, THEir religion was beyond THEir state of\n civilization. Nor is it uncommon for a people to cling with\n passionate attachment to that of which, at first, THEy could not\n appreciate THE value. Patriotism and national pride will contend,\n even to death, for political rights which have been forced upon a\n reluctant people. The Christian may at least retort, with\n justice, that THE great sign of his religion, THE resurrection of\n Jesus, was most ardently believed, and most resolutely asserted,\n by THE eye witnesses of THE fact.—M.]\n\n The Jewish religion was admirably fitted for defence, but it was\n never designed for conquest; and it seems probable that THE\n number of proselytes was never much superior to that of\n apostates. The divine promises were originally made, and THE\n distinguishing rite of circumcision was enjoined, to a single\n family. When THE posterity of Abraham had multiplied like THE\n sands of THE sea, THE Deity, from whose mouth THEy received a\n system of laws and ceremonies, declared himself THE proper and as\n it were THE national God of Israel; and with THE most jealous\n care separated his favorite people from THE rest of mankind. The\n conquest of THE land of Canaan was accompanied with so many\n wonderful and with so many bloody circumstances, that THE\n victorious Jews were left in a state of irreconcilable hostility\n with all THEir neighbors. They had been commanded to extirpate\n some of THE most idolatrous tribes, and THE execution of THE\n divine will had seldom been retarded by THE weakness of humanity.\n\n With THE oTHEr nations THEy were forbidden to contract any\n marriages or alliances; and THE prohibition of receiving THEm\n into THE congregation, which in some cases was perpetual, almost\n always extended to THE third, to THE seventh, or even to THE\n tenth generation. The obligation of preaching to THE Gentiles THE\n faith of Moses had never been inculcated as a precept of THE law,\n nor were THE Jews inclined to impose it on THEmselves as a\n voluntary duty.\n\n In THE admission of new citizens that unsocial people was\n actuated by THE selfish vanity of THE Greeks, raTHEr than by THE\n generous policy of Rome. The descendants of Abraham were\n flattered by THE opinion that THEy alone were THE heirs of THE\n covenant, and THEy were apprehensive of diminishing THE value of\n THEir inheritance by sharing it too easily with THE strangers of\n THE earth. A larger acquaintance with mankind extended THEir\n knowledge without correcting THEir prejudices; and whenever THE\n God of Israel acquired any new votaries, he was much more\n indebted to THE inconstant humor of polyTHEism than to THE active\n zeal of his own missionaries. 11 The religion of Moses seems to\n be instituted for a particular country as well as for a single\n nation; and if a strict obedience had been paid to THE order,\n that every male, three times in THE year, should present himself\n before THE Lord Jehovah, it would have been impossible that THE\n Jews could ever have spread THEmselves beyond THE narrow limits\n of THE promised land. 12 That obstacle was indeed removed by THE\n destruction of THE temple of Jerusalem; but THE most considerable\n part of THE Jewish religion was involved in its destruction; and\n THE Pagans, who had long wondered at THE strange report of an\n empty sanctuary, 13 were at a loss to discover what could be THE\n object, or what could be THE instruments, of a worship which was\n destitute of temples and of altars, of priests and of sacrifices.\n\n Yet even in THEir fallen state, THE Jews, still asserting THEir\n lofty and exclusive privileges, shunned, instead of courting, THE\n society of strangers. They still insisted with inflexible rigor\n on those parts of THE law which it was in THEir power to\n practise. Their peculiar distinctions of days, of meats, and a\n variety of trivial though burdensome observances, were so many\n objects of disgust and aversion for THE oTHEr nations, to whose\n habits and prejudices THEy were diametrically opposite. The\n painful and even dangerous rite of circumcision was alone capable\n of repelling a willing proselyte from THE door of THE synagogue.\n 14\n\n 11 (return) [ All that relates to THE Jewish proselytes has been\n very ably by Basnage, Hist. des Juifs, l. vi. c. 6, 7.]\n\n 12 (return) [ See Exod. xxiv. 23, Deut. xvi. 16, THE\n commentators, and a very sensible note in THE Universal History,\n vol. i. p. 603, edit. fol.]\n\n 13 (return) [ When Pompey, using or abusing THE right of\n conquest, entered into THE Holy of Holies, it was observed with\n amazement, “Nulli intus Deum effigie, vacuam sedem et inania\n arcana.” Tacit. Hist. v. 9. It was a popular saying, with regard\n to THE Jews, “Nil præter nubes et coeli numen adorant.”]\n\n 14 (return) [ A second kind of circumcision was inflicted on a\n Samaritan or Egyptian proselyte. The sullen indifference of THE\n Talmudists, with respect to THE conversion of strangers, may be\n seen in Basnage Histoire des Juifs, l. xi. c. 6.]\n\n Under THEse circumstances, Christianity offered itself to THE\n world, armed with THE strength of THE Mosaic law, and delivered\n from THE weight of its fetters. An exclusive zeal for THE truth\n of religion, and THE unity of God, was as carefully inculcated in\n THE new as in THE ancient system; and whatever was now revealed\n to mankind concerning THE nature and designs of THE Supreme Being\n was fitted to increase THEir reverence for that mysterious\n doctrine. The divine authority of Moses and THE prophets was\n admitted, and even established, as THE firmest basis of\n Christianity. From THE beginning of THE world, an uninterrupted\n series of predictions had announced and prepared THE\n long-expected coming of THE Messiah, who, in compliance with THE\n gross apprehensions of THE Jews, had been more frequently\n represented under THE character of a King and Conqueror, than\n under that of a Prophet, a Martyr, and THE Son of God. By his\n expiatory sacrifice, THE imperfect sacrifices of THE temple were\n at once consummated and abolished. The ceremonial law, which\n consisted only of types and figures, was succeeded by a pure and\n spiritual worship equally adapted to all climates, as well as to\n every condition of mankind; and to THE initiation of blood was\n substituted a more harmless initiation of water. The promise of\n divine favor, instead of being partially confined to THE\n posterity of Abraham, was universally proposed to THE freeman and\n THE slave, to THE Greek and to THE barbarian, to THE Jew and to\n THE Gentile. Every privilege that could raise THE proselyte from\n earth to heaven, that could exalt his devotion, secure his\n happiness, or even gratify that secret pride which, under THE\n semblance of devotion, insinuates itself into THE human heart,\n was still reserved for THE members of THE Christian church; but\n at THE same time all mankind was permitted, and even solicited,\n to accept THE glorious distinction, which was not only proffered\n as a favor, but imposed as an obligation. It became THE most\n sacred duty of a new convert to diffuse among his friends and\n relations THE inestimable blessing which he had received, and to\n warn THEm against a refusal that would be severely punished as a\n criminal disobedience to THE will of a benevolent but\n all-powerful Deity.\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part II.\n\n The enfranchisement of THE church from THE bonds of THE synagogue\n was a work, however, of some time and of some difficulty. The\n Jewish converts, who acknowledged Jesus in THE character of THE\n Messiah foretold by THEir ancient oracles, respected him as a\n prophetic teacher of virtue and religion; but THEy obstinately\n adhered to THE ceremonies of THEir ancestors, and were desirous\n of imposing THEm on THE Gentiles, who continually augmented THE\n number of believers. These Judaizing Christians seem to have\n argued with some degree of plausibility from THE divine origin of\n THE Mosaic law, and from THE immutable perfections of its great\n Author. They affirmed, that if THE Being, who is THE same through\n all eternity, had designed to abolish those sacred rites which\n had served to distinguish his chosen people, THE repeal of THEm\n would have been no less clear and solemn than THEir first\n promulgation: _that_, instead of those frequent declarations,\n which eiTHEr suppose or assert THE perpetuity of THE Mosaic\n religion, it would have been represented as a provisionary scheme\n intended to last only to THE coming of THE Messiah, who should\n instruct mankind in a more perfect mode of faith and of worship:\n 15 _that_ THE Messiah himself, and his disciples who conversed\n with him on earth, instead of authorizing by THEir example THE\n most minute observances of THE Mosaic law, 16 would have\n published to THE world THE abolition of those useless and\n obsolete ceremonies, without suffering Christianity to remain\n during so many years obscurely confounded among THE sects of THE\n Jewish church. Arguments like THEse appear to have been used in\n THE defence of THE expiring cause of THE Mosaic law; but THE\n industry of our learned divines has abundantly explained THE\n ambiguous language of THE Old Testament, and THE ambiguous\n conduct of THE apostolic teachers. It was proper gradually to\n unfold THE system of THE gospel, and to pronounce, with THE\n utmost caution and tenderness, a sentence of condemnation so\n repugnant to THE inclination and prejudices of THE believing\n Jews.\n\n 15 (return) [ These arguments were urged with great ingenuity by\n THE Jew Orobio, and refuted with equal ingenuity and candor by\n THE Christian Limborch. See THE Amica Collatio, (it well deserves\n that name,) or account of THE dispute between THEm.]\n\n 16 (return) [ Jesus... circumcisus erat; cibis utebatur Judaicis;\n vestitu simili; purgatos scabie mittebat ad sacerdotes; Paschata\n et alios dies festos religiose observabat: Si quos sanavit\n sabbatho, ostendit non tantum ex lege, sed et exceptis\n sententiis, talia opera sabbatho non interdicta. Grotius de\n Veritate Religionis Christianæ, l. v. c. 7. A little afterwards,\n (c. 12,) he expatiates on THE condescension of THE apostles.]\n\n The history of THE church of Jerusalem affords a lively proof of\n THE necessity of those precautions, and of THE deep impression\n which THE Jewish religion had made on THE minds of its sectaries.\n The first fifteen bishops of Jerusalem were all circumcised Jews;\n and THE congregation over which THEy presided united THE law of\n Moses with THE doctrine of Christ. 17 It was natural that THE\n primitive tradition of a church which was founded only forty days\n after THE death of Christ, and was governed almost as many years\n under THE immediate inspection of his apostle, should be received\n as THE standard of orthodoxy. The distant churches very\n frequently appealed to THE authority of THEir venerable Parent,\n and relieved her distresses by a liberal contribution of alms.\n But when numerous and opulent societies were established in THE\n great cities of THE empire, in Antioch, Alexandria, Ephesus,\n Corinth, and Rome, THE reverence which Jerusalem had inspired to\n all THE Christian colonies insensibly diminished. 18b The Jewish\n converts, or, as THEy were afterwards called, THE Nazarenes, who\n had laid THE foundations of THE church, soon found THEmselves\n overwhelmed by THE increasing multitudes, that from all THE\n various religions of polyTHEism enlisted under THE banner of\n Christ: and THE Gentiles, who, with THE approbation of THEir\n peculiar apostle, had rejected THE intolerable weight of THE\n Mosaic ceremonies, at length refused to THEir more scrupulous\n brethren THE same toleration which at first THEy had humbly\n solicited for THEir own practice. The ruin of THE temple of THE\n city, and of THE public religion of THE Jews, was severely felt\n by THE Nazarenes; as in THEir manners, though not in THEir faith,\n THEy maintained so intimate a connection with THEir impious\n countrymen, whose misfortunes were attributed by THE Pagans to\n THE contempt, and more justly ascribed by THE Christians to THE\n wrath, of THE Supreme Deity. The Nazarenes retired from THE ruins\n of Jerusalem 18 to THE little town of Pella beyond THE Jordan,\n where that ancient church languished above sixty years in\n solitude and obscurity. 19 They still enjoyed THE comfort of\n making frequent and devout visits to THE _Holy City_, and THE\n hope of being one day restored to those seats which both nature\n and religion taught THEm to love as well as to revere. But at\n length, under THE reign of Hadrian, THE desperate fanaticism of\n THE Jews filled up THE measure of THEir calamities; and THE\n Romans, exasperated by THEir repeated rebellions, exercised THE\n rights of victory with unusual rigor. The emperor founded, under\n THE name of Ælia Capitolina, a new city on Mount Sion, 20 to\n which he gave THE privileges of a colony; and denouncing THE\n severest penalties against any of THE Jewish people who should\n dare to approach its precincts, he fixed a vigilant garrison of a\n Roman cohort to enforce THE execution of his orders. The\n Nazarenes had only one way left to escape THE common\n proscription, and THE force of truth was on this occasion\n assisted by THE influence of temporal advantages. They elected\n Marcus for THEir bishop, a prelate of THE race of THE Gentiles,\n and most probably a native eiTHEr of Italy or of some of THE\n Latin provinces. At his persuasion, THE most considerable part of\n THE congregation renounced THE Mosaic law, in THE practice of\n which THEy had persevered above a century. By this sacrifice of\n THEir habits and prejudices, THEy purchased a free admission into\n THE colony of Hadrian, and more firmly cemented THEir union with\n THE Catholic church. 21\n\n 17 (return) [ Pæne omnes Christum Deum sub legis observatione\n credebant Sulpicius Severus, ii. 31. See Eusebius, Hist.\n Ecclesiast. l. iv. c. 5.]\n\n 18b (return) [Footnote 18b: Mosheim de Rebus Christianis ante\n Constantinum Magnum, page 153. In this masterly performance,\n which I shall often have occasion to quote he enters much more\n fully into THE state of THE primitive church than he has an\n opportunity of doing in his General History.]\n\n 18 (return) [ This is incorrect: all THE traditions concur in\n placing THE abandonment of THE city by THE Christians, not only\n before it was in ruins, but before THE seige had commenced.\n Euseb. loc. cit., and Le Clerc.—M.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Eusebius, l. iii. c. 5. Le Clerc, Hist. Ecclesiast.\n p. 605. During this occasional absence, THE bishop and church of\n Pella still retained THE title of Jerusalem. In THE same manner,\n THE Roman pontiffs resided seventy years at Avignon; and THE\n patriarchs of Alexandria have long since transferred THEir\n episcopal seat to Cairo.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Dion Cassius, l. lxix. The exile of THE Jewish\n nation from Jerusalem is attested by Aristo of Pella, (apud\n Euseb. l. iv. c. 6,) and is mentioned by several ecclesiastical\n writers; though some of THEm too hastily extend this interdiction\n to THE whole country of Palestine.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Eusebius, l. iv. c. 6. Sulpicius Severus, ii. 31.\n By comparing THEir unsatisfactory accounts, Mosheim (p. 327, &c.)\n has drawn out a very distinct representation of THE circumstances\n and motives of this revolution.]\n\n When THE name and honors of THE church of Jerusalem had been\n restored to Mount Sion, THE crimes of heresy and schism were\n imputed to THE obscure remnant of THE Nazarenes, which refused to\n accompany THEir Latin bishop. They still preserved THEir former\n habitation of Pella, spread THEmselves into THE villages adjacent\n to Damascus, and formed an inconsiderable church in THE city of\n Berœa, or, as it is now called, of Aleppo, in Syria. 22 The name\n of Nazarenes was deemed too honorable for those Christian Jews,\n and THEy soon received, from THE supposed poverty of THEir\n understanding, as well as of THEir condition, THE contemptuous\n epiTHEt of Ebionites. 23 In a few years after THE return of THE\n church of Jerusalem, it became a matter of doubt and controversy,\n wheTHEr a man who sincerely acknowledged Jesus as THE Messiah,\n but who still continued to observe THE law of Moses, could\n possibly hope for salvation. The humane temper of Justin Martyr\n inclined him to answer this question in THE affirmative; and\n though he expressed himself with THE most guarded diffidence, he\n ventured to determine in favor of such an imperfect Christian, if\n he were content to practise THE Mosaic ceremonies, without\n pretending to assert THEir general use or necessity. But when\n Justin was pressed to declare THE sentiment of THE church, he\n confessed that THEre were very many among THE orthodox\n Christians, who not only excluded THEir Judaizing brethren from\n THE hope of salvation, but who declined any intercourse with THEm\n in THE common offices of friendship, hospitality, and social\n life. 24 The more rigorous opinion prevailed, as it was natural\n to expect, over THE milder; and an eternal bar of separation was\n fixed between THE disciples of Moses and those of Christ. The\n unfortunate Ebionites, rejected from one religion as apostates,\n and from THE oTHEr as heretics, found THEmselves compelled to\n assume a more decided character; and although some traces of that\n obsolete sect may be discovered as late as THE fourth century,\n THEy insensibly melted away, eiTHEr into THE church or THE\n synagogue. 25\n\n 22 (return) [ Le Clerc (Hist. Ecclesiast. p. 477, 535) seems to\n have collected from Eusebius, Jerome, Epiphanius, and oTHEr\n writers, all THE principal circumstances that relate to THE\n Nazarenes or Ebionites. The nature of THEir opinions soon divided\n THEm into a stricter and a milder sect; and THEre is some reason\n to conjecture, that THE family of Jesus Christ remained members,\n at least, of THE latter and more moderate party.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Some writers have been pleased to create an Ebion,\n THE imaginary author of THEir sect and name. But we can more\n safely rely on THE learned Eusebius than on THE vehement\n Tertullian, or THE credulous Epiphanius. According to Le Clerc,\n THE Hebrew word Ebjonim may be translated into Latin by that of\n Pauperes. See Hist. Ecclesiast. p. 477. * Note: The opinion of Le\n Clerc is generally admitted; but Neander has suggested some good\n reasons for supposing that this term only applied to poverty of\n condition. The obscure history of THEir tenets and divisions, is\n clearly and rationally traced in his History of THE Church, vol.\n i. part ii. p. 612, &c., Germ. edit.—M.]\n\n 24 (return) [ See THE very curious Dialogue of Justin Martyr with\n THE Jew Tryphon. The conference between THEm was held at Ephesus,\n in THE reign of Antoninus Pius, and about twenty years after THE\n return of THE church of Pella to Jerusalem. For this date consult\n THE accurate note of Tillemont, Memoires Ecclesiastiques, tom.\n ii. p. 511. * Note: Justin Martyr makes an important distinction,\n which Gibbon has neglected to notice. * * * There were some who\n were not content with observing THE Mosaic law THEmselves, but\n enforced THE same observance, as necessary to salvation, upon THE\n heaTHEn converts, and refused all social intercourse with THEm if\n THEy did not conform to THE law. Justin Martyr himself freely\n admits those who kept THE law THEmselves to Christian communion,\n though he acknowledges that some, not THE Church, thought\n oTHErwise; of THE oTHEr party, he himself thought less favorably.\n The former by some are considered THE Nazarenes THE atter THE\n Ebionites—G and M.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Of all THE systems of Christianity, that of\n Abyssinia is THE only one which still adheres to THE Mosaic\n rites. (Geddes’s Church History of Æthiopia, and Dissertations de\n La Grand sur la Relation du P. Lobo.) The eunuch of THE queen\n Candace might suggest some suspicious; but as we are assured\n (Socrates, i. 19. Sozomen, ii. 24. Ludolphus, p. 281) that THE\n Æthiopians were not converted till THE fourth century, it is more\n reasonable to believe that THEy respected THE sabbath, and\n distinguished THE forbidden meats, in imitation of THE Jews, who,\n in a very early period, were seated on both sides of THE Red Sea.\n Circumcision had been practised by THE most ancient Æthiopians,\n from motives of health and cleanliness, which seem to be\n explained in THE Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains,\n tom. ii. p. 117.]\n\n While THE orthodox church preserved a just medium between\n excessive veneration and improper contempt for THE law of Moses,\n THE various heretics deviated into equal but opposite extremes of\n error and extravagance. From THE acknowledged truth of THE Jewish\n religion, THE Ebionites had concluded that it could never be\n abolished. From its supposed imperfections, THE Gnostics as\n hastily inferred that it never was instituted by THE wisdom of\n THE Deity. There are some objections against THE authority of\n Moses and THE prophets, which too readily present THEmselves to\n THE sceptical mind; though THEy can only be derived from our\n ignorance of remote antiquity, and from our incapacity to form an\n adequate judgment of THE divine economy. These objections were\n eagerly embraced and as petulantly urged by THE vain science of\n THE Gnostics. 26 As those heretics were, for THE most part,\n averse to THE pleasures of sense, THEy morosely arraigned THE\n polygamy of THE patriarchs, THE gallantries of David, and THE\n seraglio of Solomon. The conquest of THE land of Canaan, and THE\n extirpation of THE unsuspecting natives, THEy were at a loss how\n to reconcile with THE common notions of humanity and justice. 261\n But when THEy recollected THE sanguinary list of murders, of\n executions, and of massacres, which stain almost every page of\n THE Jewish annals, THEy acknowledged that THE barbarians of\n Palestine had exercised as much compassion towards THEir\n idolatrous enemies, as THEy had ever shown to THEir friends or\n countrymen. 27 Passing from THE sectaries of THE law to THE law\n itself, THEy asserted that it was impossible that a religion\n which consisted only of bloody sacrifices and trifling\n ceremonies, and whose rewards as well as punishments were all of\n a carnal and temporal nature, could inspire THE love of virtue,\n or restrain THE impetuosity of passion. The Mosaic account of THE\n creation and fall of man was treated with profane derision by THE\n Gnostics, who would not listen with patience to THE repose of THE\n Deity after six days’ labor, to THE rib of Adam, THE garden of\n Eden, THE trees of life and of knowledge, THE speaking serpent,\n THE forbidden fruit, and THE condemnation pronounced against\n human kind for THE venial offence of THEir first progenitors. 28\n The God of Israel was impiously represented by THE Gnostics as a\n being liable to passion and to error, capricious in his favor,\n implacable in his resentment, meanly jealous of his superstitious\n worship, and confining his partial providence to a single people,\n and to this transitory life. In such a character THEy could\n discover none of THE features of THE wise and omnipotent FaTHEr\n of THE universe. 29 They allowed that THE religion of THE Jews\n was somewhat less criminal than THE idolatry of THE Gentiles; but\n it was THEir fundamental doctrine that THE Christ whom THEy\n adored as THE first and brightest emanation of THE Deity appeared\n upon earth to rescue mankind from THEir various errors, and to\n reveal a new system of truth and perfection. The most learned of\n THE faTHErs, by a very singular condescension, have imprudently\n admitted THE sophistry of THE Gnostics. 291 Acknowledging that\n THE literal sense is repugnant to every principle of faith as\n well as reason, THEy deem THEmselves secure and invulnerable\n behind THE ample veil of allegory, which THEy carefully spread\n over every tender part of THE Mosaic dispensation. 30\n\n 26 (return) [ Beausobre, Histoire du Manicheisme, l. i. c. 3, has\n stated THEir objections, particularly those of Faustus, THE\n adversary of Augustin, with THE most learned impartiality.]\n\n 261 (return) [ On THE “war law” of THE Jews, see Hist. of Jews,\n i. 137.—M.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Apud ipsos fides obstinata, misericordia in\n promptu: adversus amnes alios hostile odium. Tacit. Hist. v. 4.\n Surely Tacitus had seen THE Jews with too favorable an eye. The\n perusal of Josephus must have destroyed THE antiTHEsis. * Note:\n Few writers have suspected Tacitus of partiality towards THE\n Jews. The whole later history of THE Jews illustrates as well\n THEir strong feelings of humanity to THEir brethren, as THEir\n hostility to THE rest of mankind. The character and THE position\n of Josephus with THE Roman authorities, must be kept in mind\n during THE perusal of his History. Perhaps he has not exaggerated\n THE ferocity and fanaticism of THE Jews at that time; but\n insurrectionary warfare is not THE best school for THE humaner\n virtues, and much must be allowed for THE grinding tyranny of THE\n later Roman governors. See Hist. of Jews, ii. 254.—M.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Dr. Burnet (Archæologia, l. ii. c. 7) has discussed\n THE first chapters of Genesis with too much wit and freedom. *\n Note: Dr. Burnet apologized for THE levity with which he had\n conducted some of his arguments, by THE excuse that he wrote in a\n learned language for scholars alone, not for THE vulgar. Whatever\n may be thought of his success in tracing an Eastern allegory in\n THE first chapters of Genesis, his oTHEr works prove him to have\n been a man of great genius, and of sincere piety.—M]\n\n 29 (return) [ The milder Gnostics considered Jehovah, THE\n Creator, as a Being of a mixed nature between God and THE Dæmon.\n OTHErs confounded him with an evil principle. Consult THE second\n century of THE general history of Mosheim, which gives a very\n distinct, though concise, account of THEir strange opinions on\n this subject.]\n\n 291 (return) [ The Gnostics, and THE historian who has stated\n THEse plausible objections with so much force as almost to make\n THEm his own, would have shown a more considerate and not less\n reasonable philosophy, if THEy had considered THE religion of\n Moses with reference to THE age in which it was promulgated; if\n THEy had done justice to its sublime as well as its more\n imperfect views of THE divine nature; THE humane and civilizing\n provisions of THE Hebrew law, as well as those adapted for an\n infant and barbarous people. See Hist of Jews, i. 36, 37, &c.—M.]\n\n 30 (return) [ See Beausobre, Hist. du Manicheisme, l. i. c. 4.\n Origen and St. Augustin were among THE allegorists.]\n\n It has been remarked with more ingenuity than truth, that THE\n virgin purity of THE church was never violated by schism or\n heresy before THE reign of Trajan or Hadrian, about one hundred\n years after THE death of Christ. 31 We may observe with much more\n propriety, that, during that period, THE disciples of THE Messiah\n were indulged in a freer latitude, both of faith and practice,\n than has ever been allowed in succeeding ages. As THE terms of\n communion were insensibly narrowed, and THE spiritual authority\n of THE prevailing party was exercised with increasing severity,\n many of its most respectable adherents, who were called upon to\n renounce, were provoked to assert THEir private opinions, to\n pursue THE consequences of THEir mistaken principles, and openly\n to erect THE standard of rebellion against THE unity of THE\n church. The Gnostics were distinguished as THE most polite, THE\n most learned, and THE most wealthy of THE Christian name; and\n that general appellation, which expressed a superiority of\n knowledge, was eiTHEr assumed by THEir own pride, or ironically\n bestowed by THE envy of THEir adversaries. They were almost\n without exception of THE race of THE Gentiles, and THEir\n principal founders seem to have been natives of Syria or Egypt,\n where THE warmth of THE climate disposes both THE mind and THE\n body to indolent and contemplative devotion. The Gnostics blended\n with THE faith of Christ many sublime but obscure tenets, which\n THEy derived from oriental philosophy, and even from THE religion\n of Zoroaster, concerning THE eternity of matter, THE existence of\n two principles, and THE mysterious hierarchy of THE invisible\n world. 32 As soon as THEy launched out into that vast abyss, THEy\n delivered THEmselves to THE guidance of a disordered imagination;\n and as THE paths of error are various and infinite, THE Gnostics\n were imperceptibly divided into more than fifty particular sects,\n 33 of whom THE most celebrated appear to have been THE\n Basilidians, THE Valentinians, THE Marcionites, and, in a still\n later period, THE Manichæans. Each of THEse sects could boast of\n its bishops and congregations, of its doctors and martyrs; 34\n and, instead of THE Four Gospels adopted by THE church, 341 THE\n heretics produced a multitude of histories, in which THE actions\n and discourses of Christ and of his apostles were adapted to\n THEir respective tenets. 35 The success of THE Gnostics was rapid\n and extensive. 36 They covered Asia and Egypt, established\n THEmselves in Rome, and sometimes penetrated into THE provinces\n of THE West. For THE most part THEy arose in THE second century,\n flourished during THE third, and were suppressed in THE fourth or\n fifth, by THE prevalence of more fashionable controversies, and\n by THE superior ascendant of THE reigning power. Though THEy\n constantly disturbed THE peace, and frequently disgraced THE\n name, of religion, THEy contributed to assist raTHEr than to\n retard THE progress of Christianity. The Gentile converts, whose\n strongest objections and prejudices were directed against THE law\n of Moses, could find admission into many Christian societies,\n which required not from THEir untutored mind any belief of an\n antecedent revelation. Their faith was insensibly fortified and\n enlarged, and THE church was ultimately benefited by THE\n conquests of its most inveterate enemies. 37\n\n 31 (return) [ Hegesippus, ap. Euseb. l. iii. 32, iv. 22. Clemens\n Alexandrin Stromat. vii. 17. * Note: The assertion of Hegesippus\n is not so positive: it is sufficient to read THE whole passage in\n Eusebius, to see that THE former part is modified by THE matter.\n Hegesippus adds, that up to this period THE church had remained\n pure and immaculate as a virgin. Those who labored to corrupt THE\n doctrines of THE gospel worked as yet in obscurity—G]\n\n 32 (return) [ In THE account of THE Gnostics of THE second and\n third centuries, Mosheim is ingenious and candid; Le Clerc dull,\n but exact; Beausobre almost always an apologist; and it is much\n to be feared that THE primitive faTHErs are very frequently\n calumniators. * Note The Histoire du Gnosticisme of M. Matter is\n at once THE fairest and most complete account of THEse sects.—M.]\n\n 33 (return) [ See THE catalogues of Irenæus and Epiphanius. It\n must indeed be allowed, that those writers were inclined to\n multiply THE number of sects which opposed THE unity of THE\n church.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Eusebius, l. iv. c. 15. Sozomen, l. ii. c. 32. See\n in Bayle, in THE article of Marcion, a curious detail of a\n dispute on that subject. It should seem that some of THE Gnostics\n (THE Basilidians) declined, and even refused THE honor of\n Martyrdom. Their reasons were singular and abstruse. See Mosheim,\n p. 539.]\n\n 341 (return) [ M. Hahn has restored THE Marcionite Gospel with\n great ingenuity. His work is reprinted in Thilo. Codex. Apoc.\n Nov. Test. vol. i.—M.]\n\n 35 (return) [ See a very remarkable passage of Origen, (Proem. ad\n Lucam.) That indefatigable writer, who had consumed his life in\n THE study of THE Scriptures, relies for THEir auTHEnticity on THE\n inspired authority of THE church. It was impossible that THE\n Gnostics could receive our present Gospels, many parts of which\n (particularly in THE resurrection of Christ) are directly, and as\n it might seem designedly, pointed against THEir favorite tenets.\n It is THErefore somewhat singular that Ignatius (Epist. ad Smyrn.\n Patr. Apostol. tom. ii. p. 34) should choose to employ a vague\n and doubtful tradition, instead of quoting THE certain testimony\n of THE evangelists. Note: Bishop Pearson has attempted very\n happily to explain this singularity.’ The first Christians were\n acquainted with a number of sayings of Jesus Christ, which are\n not related in our Gospels, and indeed have never been written.\n Why might not St. Ignatius, who had lived with THE apostles or\n THEir disciples, repeat in oTHEr words that which St. Luke has\n related, particularly at a time when, being in prison, he could\n have THE Gospels at hand? Pearson, Vind Ign. pp. 2, 9 p. 396 in\n tom. ii. Patres Apost. ed. Coteler—G.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Faciunt favos et vespæ; faciunt ecclesias et\n Marcionitæ, is THE strong expression of Tertullian, which I am\n obliged to quote from memory. In THE time of Epiphanius (advers.\n Hæreses, p. 302) THE Marcionites were very numerous in Italy,\n Syria, Egypt, Arabia, and Persia.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Augustin is a memorable instance of this gradual\n progress from reason to faith. He was, during several years,\n engaged in THE Manichæar sect.]\n\n But whatever difference of opinion might subsist between THE\n Orthodox, THE Ebionites, and THE Gnostics, concerning THE\n divinity or THE obligation of THE Mosaic law, THEy were all\n equally animated by THE same exclusive zeal, and by THE same\n abhorrence for idolatry, which had distinguished THE Jews from\n THE oTHEr nations of THE ancient world. The philosopher, who\n considered THE system of polyTHEism as a composition of human\n fraud and error, could disguise a smile of contempt under THE\n mask of devotion, without apprehending that eiTHEr THE mockery,\n or THE compliance, would expose him to THE resentment of any\n invisible, or, as he conceived THEm, imaginary powers. But THE\n established religions of Paganism were seen by THE primitive\n Christians in a much more odious and formidable light. It was THE\n universal sentiment both of THE church and of heretics, that THE\n dæmons were THE authors, THE patrons, and THE objects of\n idolatry. 38 Those rebellious spirits who had been degraded from\n THE rank of angels, and cast down into THE infernal pit, were\n still permitted to roam upon earth, to torment THE bodies, and to\n seduce THE minds, of sinful men. The dæmons soon discovered and\n abused THE natural propensity of THE human heart towards\n devotion, and artfully withdrawing THE adoration of mankind from\n THEir Creator, THEy usurped THE place and honors of THE Supreme\n Deity. By THE success of THEir malicious contrivances, THEy at\n once gratified THEir own vanity and revenge, and obtained THE\n only comfort of which THEy were yet susceptible, THE hope of\n involving THE human species in THE participation of THEir guilt\n and misery. It was confessed, or at least it was imagined, that\n THEy had distributed among THEmselves THE most important\n characters of polyTHEism, one dæmon assuming THE name and\n attributes of Jupiter, anoTHEr of Æsculapius, a third of Venus,\n and a fourth perhaps of Apollo; 39 and that, by THE advantage of\n THEir long experience and ærial nature, THEy were enabled to\n execute, with sufficient skill and dignity, THE parts which THEy\n had undertaken. They lurked in THE temples, instituted festivals\n and sacrifices, invented fables, pronounced oracles, and were\n frequently allowed to perform miracles. The Christians, who, by\n THE interposition of evil spirits, could so readily explain every\n præternatural appearance, were disposed and even desirous to\n admit THE most extravagant fictions of THE Pagan mythology. But\n THE belief of THE Christian was accompanied with horror. The most\n trifling mark of respect to THE national worship he considered as\n a direct homage yielded to THE dæmon, and as an act of rebellion\n against THE majesty of God.\n\n 38 (return) [ The unanimous sentiment of THE primitive church is\n very clearly explained by Justin Martyr, Apolog. Major, by\n ATHEnagoras, Legat. c. 22. &c., and by Lactantius, Institut.\n Divin. ii. 14—19.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Tertullian (Apolog. c. 23) alleges THE confession\n of THE dæmons THEmselves as often as THEy were tormented by THE\n Christian exorcists]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part III.\n\n In consequence of this opinion, it was THE first but arduous duty\n of a Christian to preserve himself pure and undefiled by THE\n practice of idolatry. The religion of THE nations was not merely\n a speculative doctrine professed in THE schools or preached in\n THE temples. The innumerable deities and rites of polyTHEism were\n closely interwoven with every circumstance of business or\n pleasure, of public or of private life, and it seemed impossible\n to escape THE observance of THEm, without, at THE same time,\n renouncing THE commerce of mankind, and all THE offices and\n amusements of society. 40 The important transactions of peace and\n war were prepared or concluded by solemn sacrifices, in which THE\n magistrate, THE senator, and THE soldier, were obliged to preside\n or to participate. 41 The public spectacles were an essential\n part of THE cheerful devotion of THE Pagans, and THE gods were\n supposed to accept, as THE most grateful offering, THE games that\n THE prince and people celebrated in honor of THEir peculiar\n festivals. 42 The Christians, who with pious horror avoided THE\n abomination of THE circus or THE THEatre, found himself\n encompassed with infernal snares in every convivial\n entertainment, as often as his friends, invoking THE hospitable\n deities, poured out libations to each oTHEr’s happiness. 43 When\n THE bride, struggling with well-affected reluctance, was forced\n in hymenæal pomp over THE threshold of her new habitation, 44 or\n when THE sad procession of THE dead slowly moved towards THE\n funeral pile, 45 THE Christian, on THEse interesting occasions,\n was compelled to desert THE persons who were THE dearest to him,\n raTHEr than contract THE guilt inherent to those impious\n ceremonies. Every art and every trade that was in THE least\n concerned in THE framing or adorning of idols was polluted by THE\n stain of idolatry; 46 a severe sentence, since it devoted to\n eternal misery THE far greater part of THE community, which is\n employed in THE exercise of liberal or mechanic professions. If\n we cast our eyes over THE numerous remains of antiquity, we shall\n perceive, that besides THE immediate representations of THE gods,\n and THE holy instruments of THEir worship, THE elegant forms and\n agreeable fictions consecrated by THE imagination of THE Greeks,\n were introduced as THE richest ornaments of THE houses, THE\n dress, and THE furniture of THE Pagans. 47 Even THE arts of music\n and painting, of eloquence and poetry, flowed from THE same\n impure origin. In THE style of THE faTHErs, Apollo and THE Muses\n were THE organs of THE infernal spirit; Homer and Virgil were THE\n most eminent of his servants; and THE beautiful mythology which\n pervades and animates THE compositions of THEir genius, is\n destined to celebrate THE glory of THE dæmons. Even THE common\n language of Greece and Rome abounded with familiar but impious\n expressions, which THE imprudent Christian might too carelessly\n utter, or too patiently hear. 48\n\n 40 (return) [ Tertullian has written a most severe treatise\n against idolatry, to caution his brethren against THE hourly\n danger of incurring that guilt. Recogita sylvam, et quantæ\n latitant spinæ. De Corona Militis, c. 10.]\n\n 41 (return) [ The Roman senate was always held in a temple or\n consecrated place. (Aulus Gellius, xiv. 7.) Before THEy entered\n on business, every senator dropped some wine and frankincense on\n THE altar. Sueton. in August. c. 35.]\n\n 42 (return) [ See Tertullian, De Spectaculis. This severe\n reformer shows no more indulgence to a tragedy of Euripides, than\n to a combat of gladiators. The dress of THE actors particularly\n offends him. By THE use of THE lofty buskin, THEy impiously\n strive to add a cubit to THEir stature. c. 23.]\n\n 43 (return) [ The ancient practice of concluding THE\n entertainment with libations, may be found in every classic.\n Socrates and Seneca, in THEir last moments, made a noble\n application of this custom. Postquam stagnum, calidæ aquæ\n introiit, respergens proximos servorum, addita voce, libare se\n liquorem illum Jovi Liberatori. Tacit. Annal. xv. 64.]\n\n 44 (return) [ See THE elegant but idolatrous hymn of Catullus, on\n THE nuptials of Manlius and Julia. O Hymen, Hymenæe Io! Quis huic\n Deo compararier ausit?]\n\n 45 (return) [ The ancient funerals (in those of Misenus and\n Pallas) are no less accurately described by Virgil, than THEy are\n illustrated by his commentator Servius. The pile itself was an\n altar, THE flames were fed with THE blood of victims, and all THE\n assistants were sprinkled with lustral water.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Tertullian de Idololatria, c. 11. * Note: The\n exaggerated and declamatory opinions of Tertullian ought not to\n be taken as THE general sentiment of THE early Christians. Gibbon\n has too often allowed himself to consider THE peculiar notions of\n certain FaTHErs of THE Church as inherent in Christianity. This\n is not accurate.—G.]\n\n 47 (return) [ See every part of Montfaucon’s Antiquities. Even\n THE reverses of THE Greek and Roman coins were frequently of an\n idolatrous nature. Here indeed THE scruples of THE Christian were\n suspended by a stronger passion. Note: All this scrupulous nicety\n is at variance with THE decision of St. Paul about meat offered\n to idols, 1, Cor. x. 21— 32.—M.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Tertullian de Idololatria, c. 20, 21, 22. If a\n Pagan friend (on THE occasion perhaps of sneezing) used THE\n familiar expression of “Jupiter bless you,” THE Christian was\n obliged to protest against THE divinity of Jupiter.]\n\n The dangerous temptations which on every side lurked in ambush to\n surprise THE unguarded believer, assailed him with redoubled\n violence on THE days of solemn festivals. So artfully were THEy\n framed and disposed throughout THE year, that superstition always\n wore THE appearance of pleasure, and often of virtue. Some of THE\n most sacred festivals in THE Roman ritual were destined to salute\n THE new calends of January with vows of public and private\n felicity; to indulge THE pious remembrance of THE dead and\n living; to ascertain THE inviolable bounds of property; to hail,\n on THE return of spring, THE genial powers of fecundity; to\n perpetuate THE two memorable æras of Rome, THE foundation of THE\n city and that of THE republic; and to restore, during THE humane\n license of THE Saturnalia, THE primitive equality of mankind.\n Some idea may be conceived of THE abhorrence of THE Christians\n for such impious ceremonies, by THE scrupulous delicacy which\n THEy displayed on a much less alarming occasion. On days of\n general festivity it was THE custom of THE ancients to adorn\n THEir doors with lamps and with branches of laurel, and to crown\n THEir heads with a garland of flowers. This innocent and elegant\n practice might perhaps have been tolerated as a mere civil\n institution. But it most unluckily happened that THE doors were\n under THE protection of THE household gods, that THE laurel was\n sacred to THE lover of Daphne, and that garlands of flowers,\n though frequently worn as a symbol eiTHEr of joy or mourning, had\n been dedicated in THEir first origin to THE service of\n superstition. The trembling Christians, who were persuaded in\n this instance to comply with THE fashion of THEir country, and\n THE commands of THE magistrate, labored under THE most gloomy\n apprehensions, from THE reproaches of his own conscience, THE\n censures of THE church, and THE denunciations of divine\n vengeance. 49 50\n\n 49 (return) [ Consult THE most labored work of Ovid, his\n imperfect Fasti. He finished no more than THE first six months of\n THE year. The compilation of Macrobius is called THE Saturnalia,\n but it is only a small part of THE first book that bears any\n relation to THE title.]\n\n 50 (return) [ Tertullian has composed a defence, or raTHEr\n panegyric, of THE rash action of a Christian soldier, who, by\n throwing away his crown of laurel, had exposed himself and his\n brethren to THE most imminent danger. By THE mention of THE\n emperors, (Severus and Caracalla,) it is evident, notwithstanding\n THE wishes of M. de Tillemont, that Tertullian composed his\n treatise De Corona long before he was engaged in THE errors of\n THE Montanists. See Memoires Ecclesiastiques, tom. iii. p. 384.\n Note: The soldier did not tear off his crown to throw it down\n with contempt; he did not even throw it away; he held it in his\n hand, while oTHErs were it on THEir heads. Solus libero capite,\n ornamento in manu otioso.—G Note: Tertullian does not expressly\n name THE two emperors, Severus and Caracalla: he speaks only of\n two emperors, and of a long peace which THE church had enjoyed.\n It is generally agreed that Tertullian became a Montanist about\n THE year 200: his work, de Corona Militis, appears to have been\n written, at THE earliest about THE year 202 before THE\n persecution of Severus: it may be maintained, THEn, that it is\n subsequent to THE Montanism of THE author. See Mosheim, Diss. de\n Apol. Tertull. p. 53. Biblioth. Amsterd. tom. x. part ii. p. 292.\n Cave’s Hist. Lit. p. 92, 93.—G. ——The state of Tertullian’s\n opinions at THE particular period is almost an idle question.\n “The fiery African” is not at any time to be considered a fair\n representative of Christianity.—M.]\n\n Such was THE anxious diligence which was required to guard THE\n chastity of THE gospel from THE infectious breath of idolatry.\n The superstitious observances of public or private rites were\n carelessly practised, from education and habit, by THE followers\n of THE established religion. But as often as THEy occurred, THEy\n afforded THE Christians an opportunity of declaring and\n confirming THEir zealous opposition. By THEse frequent\n protestations THEir attachment to THE faith was continually\n fortified; and in proportion to THE increase of zeal, THEy\n combated with THE more ardor and success in THE holy war, which\n THEy had undertaken against THE empire of THE demons.\n\n II. The writings of Cicero 51 represent in THE most lively colors\n THE ignorance, THE errors, and THE uncertainty of THE ancient\n philosophers with regard to THE immortality of THE soul. When\n THEy are desirous of arming THEir disciples against THE fear of\n death, THEy inculcate, as an obvious though melancholy position,\n that THE fatal stroke of our dissolution releases us from THE\n calamities of life; and that those can no longer suffer, who no\n longer exist. Yet THEre were a few sages of Greece and Rome who\n had conceived a more exalted, and, in some respects, a juster\n idea of human nature, though it must be confessed, that in THE\n sublime inquiry, THEir reason had been often guided by THEir\n imagination, and that THEir imagination had been prompted by\n THEir vanity. When THEy viewed with complacency THE extent of\n THEir own mental powers, when THEy exercised THE various\n faculties of memory, of fancy, and of judgment, in THE most\n profound speculations, or THE most important labors, and when\n THEy reflected on THE desire of fame, which transported THEm into\n future ages, far beyond THE bounds of death and of THE grave,\n THEy were unwilling to confound THEmselves with THE beasts of THE\n field, or to suppose that a being, for whose dignity THEy\n entertained THE most sincere admiration, could be limited to a\n spot of earth, and to a few years of duration. With this\n favorable prepossession THEy summoned to THEir aid THE science,\n or raTHEr THE language, of Metaphysics. They soon discovered,\n that as none of THE properties of matter will apply to THE\n operations of THE mind, THE human soul must consequently be a\n substance distinct from THE body, pure, simple, and spiritual,\n incapable of dissolution, and susceptible of a much higher degree\n of virtue and happiness after THE release from its corporeal\n prison. From THEse specious and noble principles, THE\n philosophers who trod in THE footsteps of Plato deduced a very\n unjustifiable conclusion, since THEy asserted, not only THE\n future immortality, but THE past eternity, of THE human soul,\n which THEy were too apt to consider as a portion of THE infinite\n and self-existing spirit, which pervades and sustains THE\n universe. 52 A doctrine thus removed beyond THE senses and THE\n experience of mankind might serve to amuse THE leisure of a\n philosophic mind; or, in THE silence of solitude, it might\n sometimes impart a ray of comfort to desponding virtue; but THE\n faint impression which had been received in THE schools was soon\n obliterated by THE commerce and business of active life. We are\n sufficiently acquainted with THE eminent persons who flourished\n in THE age of Cicero and of THE first Cæsars, with THEir actions,\n THEir characters, and THEir motives, to be assured that THEir\n conduct in this life was never regulated by any serious\n conviction of THE rewards or punishments of a future state. At\n THE bar and in THE senate of Rome THE ablest orators were not\n apprehensive of giving offence to THEir hearers by exposing that\n doctrine as an idle and extravagant opinion, which was rejected\n with contempt by every man of a liberal education and\n understanding. 53\n\n 51 (return) [ In particular, THE first book of THE Tusculan\n Questions, and THE treatise De Senectute, and THE Somnium\n Scipionis, contain, in THE most beautiful language, every thing\n that Grecian philosophy, on Roman good sense, could possibly\n suggest on this dark but important object.]\n\n 52 (return) [ The preexistence of human souls, so far at least as\n that doctrine is compatible with religion, was adopted by many of\n THE Greek and Latin faTHErs. See Beausobre, Hist. du Manicheisme,\n l. vi. c. 4.]\n\n 53 (return) [ See Cicero pro Cluent. c. 61. Cæsar ap. Sallust. de\n Bell. Catilis n 50. Juvenal. Satir. ii. 149. ——Esse aliquid\n manes, et subterranea regna, —————Nec pueri credunt, nisi qui\n nondum æree lavantæ.]\n\n Since THErefore THE most sublime efforts of philosophy can extend\n no furTHEr than feebly to point out THE desire, THE hope, or, at\n most, THE probability, of a future state, THEre is nothing,\n except a divine revelation, that can ascertain THE existence and\n describe THE condition, of THE invisible country which is\n destined to receive THE souls of men after THEir separation from\n THE body. But we may perceive several defects inherent to THE\n popular religions of Greece and Rome, which rendered THEm very\n unequal to so arduous a task. 1. The general system of THEir\n mythology was unsupported by any solid proofs; and THE wisest\n among THE Pagans had already disclaimed its usurped authority. 2.\n The description of THE infernal regions had been abandoned to THE\n fancy of painters and of poets, who peopled THEm with so many\n phantoms and monsters, who dispensed THEir rewards and\n punishments with so little equity, that a solemn truth, THE most\n congenial to THE human heart, was oppressed and disgraced by THE\n absurd mixture of THE wildest fictions. 54 3. The doctrine of a\n future state was scarcely considered among THE devout polyTHEists\n of Greece and Rome as a fundamental article of faith. The\n providence of THE gods, as it related to public communities\n raTHEr than to private individuals, was principally displayed on\n THE visible THEatre of THE present world. The petitions which\n were offered on THE altars of Jupiter or Apollo expressed THE\n anxiety of THEir worshippers for temporal happiness, and THEir\n ignorance or indifference concerning a future life. 55 The\n important truth of THE immortality of THE soul was inculcated\n with more diligence, as well as success, in India, in Assyria, in\n Egypt, and in Gaul; and since we cannot attribute such a\n difference to THE superior knowledge of THE barbarians, we must\n ascribe it to THE influence of an established priesthood, which\n employed THE motives of virtue as THE instrument of ambition. 56\n\n 54 (return) [ The xith book of THE Odyssey gives a very dreary\n and incoherent account of THE infernal shades. Pindar and Virgil\n have embellished THE picture; but even those poets, though more\n correct than THEir great model, are guilty of very strange\n inconsistencies. See Bayle, Responses aux Questions d’un\n Provincial, part iii. c. 22.]\n\n 55 (return) [ See xvith epistle of THE first book of Horace, THE\n xiiith Satire of Juvenal, and THE iid Satire of Persius: THEse\n popular discourses express THE sentiment and language of THE\n multitude.]\n\n 56 (return) [ If we confine ourselves to THE Gauls, we may\n observe, that THEy intrusted, not only THEir lives, but even\n THEir money, to THE security of anoTHEr world. Vetus ille mos\n Gallorum occurrit (says Valerius Maximus, l. ii. c. 6, p. 10)\n quos, memoria proditum est pecunias montuas, quæ his apud inferos\n redderentur, dare solitos. The same custom is more darkly\n insinuated by Mela, l. iii. c. 2. It is almost needless to add,\n that THE profits of trade hold a just proportion to THE credit of\n THE merchant, and that THE Druids derived from THEir holy\n profession a character of responsibility, which could scarcely be\n claimed by any oTHEr order of men.]\n\n We might naturally expect that a principle so essential to\n religion, would have been revealed in THE clearest terms to THE\n chosen people of Palestine, and that it might safely have been\n intrusted to THE hereditary priesthood of Aaron. It is incumbent\n on us to adore THE mysterious dispensations of Providence, 57\n when we discover that THE doctrine of THE immortality of THE soul\n is omitted in THE law of Moses; it is darkly insinuated by THE\n prophets; and during THE long period which elapsed between THE\n Egyptian and THE Babylonian servitudes, THE hopes as well as\n fears of THE Jews appear to have been confined within THE narrow\n compass of THE present life. 58 After Cyrus had permitted THE\n exiled nation to return into THE promised land, and after Ezra\n had restored THE ancient records of THEir religion, two\n celebrated sects, THE Sadducees and THE Pharisees, insensibly\n arose at Jerusalem. 59 The former, selected from THE more opulent\n and distinguished ranks of society, were strictly attached to THE\n literal sense of THE Mosaic law, and THEy piously rejected THE\n immortality of THE soul, as an opinion that received no\n countenance from THE divine book, which THEy revered as THE only\n rule of THEir faith. To THE authority of Scripture THE Pharisees\n added that of tradition, and THEy accepted, under THE name of\n traditions, several speculative tenets from THE philosophy or\n religion of THE eastern nations. The doctrines of fate or\n predestination, of angels and spirits, and of a future state of\n rewards and punishments, were in THE number of THEse new articles\n of belief; and as THE Pharisees, by THE austerity of THEir\n manners, had drawn into THEir party THE body of THE Jewish\n people, THE immortality of THE soul became THE prevailing\n sentiment of THE synagogue, under THE reign of THE Asmonæan\n princes and pontiffs. The temper of THE Jews was incapable of\n contenting itself with such a cold and languid assent as might\n satisfy THE mind of a PolyTHEist; and as soon as THEy admitted\n THE idea of a future state, THEy embraced it with THE zeal which\n has always formed THE characteristic of THE nation. Their zeal,\n however, added nothing to its evidence, or even probability: and\n it was still necessary that THE doctrine of life and immortality,\n which had been dictated by nature, approved by reason, and\n received by superstition, should obtain THE sanction of divine\n truth from THE authority and example of Christ.\n\n 57 (return) [ The right reverend author of THE Divine Legation of\n Moses as signs a very curious reason for THE omission, and most\n ingeniously retorts it on THE unbelievers. * Note: The hypoTHEsis\n of Warburton concerning this remarkable fact, which, as far as\n THE Law of Moses, is unquestionable, made few disciples; and it\n is difficult to suppose that it could be intended by THE author\n himself for more than a display of intellectual strength. Modern\n writers have accounted in various ways for THE silence of THE\n Hebrew legislator on THE immortality of THE soul. According to\n Michaelis, “Moses wrote as an historian and as a lawgiver; he\n regulated THE ecclesiastical discipline, raTHEr than THE\n religious belief of his people; and THE sanctions of THE law\n being temporal, he had no occasion, and as a civil legislator\n could not with propriety, threaten punishments in anoTHEr world.”\n See Michaelis, Laws of Moses, art. 272, vol. iv. p. 209, Eng.\n Trans.; and Syntagma Commentationum, p. 80, quoted by Guizot. M.\n Guizot adds, THE “ingenious conjecture of a philosophic\n THEologian,” which approximates to an opinion long entertained by\n THE Editor. That writer believes, that in THE state of\n civilization at THE time of THE legislator, this doctrine, become\n popular among THE Jews, would necessarily have given birth to a\n multitude of idolatrous superstitions which he wished to prevent.\n His primary object was to establish a firm THEocracy, to make his\n people THE conservators of THE doctrine of THE Divine Unity, THE\n basis upon which Christianity was hereafter to rest. He carefully\n excluded everything which could obscure or weaken that doctrine.\n OTHEr nations had strangely abused THEir notions on THE\n immortality of THE soul; Moses wished to prevent this abuse:\n hence he forbade THE Jews from consulting necromancers, (those\n who evoke THE spirits of THE dead.) Deut. xviii. 11. Those who\n reflect on THE state of THE Pagans and THE Jews, and on THE\n facility with which idolatry crept in on every side, will not be\n astonished that Moses has not developed a doctrine of which THE\n influence might be more pernicious than useful to his people.\n Orat. Fest. de Vitæ Immort. Spe., &c., auct. Ph. Alb. Stapfer, p.\n 12 13, 20. Berne, 1787. ——Moses, as well from THE intimations\n scattered in his writings, THE passage relating to THE\n translation of Enoch, (Gen. v. 24,) THE prohibition of\n necromancy, (Michaelis believes him to be THE author of THE Book\n of Job though this opinion is in general rejected; oTHEr learned\n writers consider this Book to be coeval with and known to Moses,)\n as from his long residence in Egypt, and his acquaintance with\n Egyptian wisdom, could not be ignorant of THE doctrine of THE\n immortality of THE soul. But this doctrine if popularly known\n among THE Jews, must have been purely Egyptian, and as so,\n intimately connected with THE whole religious system of that\n country. It was no doubt moulded up with THE tenet of THE\n transmigration of THE soul, perhaps with notions analogous to THE\n emanation system of India in which THE human soul was an efflux\n from or indeed a part of, THE Deity. The Mosaic religion drew a\n wide and impassable interval between THE Creator and created\n human beings: in this it differed from THE Egyptian and all THE\n Eastern religions. As THEn THE immortality of THE soul was thus\n inseparably blended with those foreign religions which were\n altogeTHEr to be effaced from THE minds of THE people, and by no\n means necessary for THE establishment of THE THEocracy, Moses\n maintained silence on this point and a purer notion of it was\n left to be developed at a more favorable period in THE history of\n man.—M.]\n\n 58 (return) [ See Le Clerc (Prolegomena ad Hist. Ecclesiast.\n sect. 1, c. 8) His authority seems to carry THE greater weight,\n as he has written a learned and judicious commentary on THE books\n of THE Old Testament.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Joseph. Antiquitat. l. xiii. c. 10. De Bell. Jud.\n ii. 8. According to THE most natural interpretation of his words,\n THE Sadducees admitted only THE Pentateuch; but it has pleased\n some modern critics to add THE Prophets to THEir creed, and to\n suppose that THEy contented THEmselves with rejecting THE\n traditions of THE Pharisees. Dr. Jortin has argued that point in\n his Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol. ii. p. 103.]\n\n When THE promise of eternal happiness was proposed to mankind on\n condition of adopting THE faith, and of observing THE precepts,\n of THE gospel, it is no wonder that so advantageous an offer\n should have been accepted by great numbers of every religion, of\n every rank, and of every province in THE Roman empire. The\n ancient Christians were animated by a contempt for THEir present\n existence, and by a just confidence of immortality, of which THE\n doubtful and imperfect faith of modern ages cannot give us any\n adequate notion. In THE primitive church, THE influence of truth\n was very powerfully strengTHEned by an opinion, which, however it\n may deserve respect for its usefulness and antiquity, has not\n been found agreeable to experience. It was universally believed,\n that THE end of THE world, and THE kingdom of heaven, were at\n hand. 591 The near approach of this wonderful event had been\n predicted by THE apostles; THE tradition of it was preserved by\n THEir earliest disciples, and those who understood in THEir\n literal senses THE discourse of Christ himself, were obliged to\n expect THE second and glorious coming of THE Son of Man in THE\n clouds, before that generation was totally extinguished, which\n had beheld his humble condition upon earth, and which might still\n be witness of THE calamities of THE Jews under Vespasian or\n Hadrian. The revolution of seventeen centuries has instructed us\n not to press too closely THE mysterious language of prophecy and\n revelation; but as long as, for wise purposes, this error was\n permitted to subsist in THE church, it was productive of THE most\n salutary effects on THE faith and practice of Christians, who\n lived in THE awful expectation of that moment, when THE globe\n itself, and all THE various race of mankind, should tremble at\n THE appearance of THEir divine Judge. 60\n\n 591 (return) [ This was, in fact, an integral part of THE Jewish\n notion of THE Messiah, from which THE minds of THE apostles\n THEmselves were but gradually detached. See Bertholdt,\n Christologia Judæorum, concluding chapters—M.]\n\n 60 (return) [ This expectation was countenanced by THE\n twenty-fourth chapter of St. MatTHEw, and by THE first epistle of\n St. Paul to THE Thessalonians. Erasmus removes THE difficulty by\n THE help of allegory and metaphor; and THE learned Grotius\n ventures to insinuate, that, for wise purposes, THE pious\n deception was permitted to take place. * Note: Some modern\n THEologians explain it without discovering eiTHEr allegory or\n deception. They say, that Jesus Christ, after having proclaimed\n THE ruin of Jerusalem and of THE Temple, speaks of his second\n coming and THE sings which were to precede it; but those who\n believed that THE moment was near deceived THEmselves as to THE\n sense of two words, an error which still subsists in our versions\n of THE Gospel according to St. MatTHEw, xxiv. 29, 34. In verse\n 29, we read, “Immediately after THE tribulation of those days\n shall THE sun be darkened,” &c. The Greek word signifies all at\n once, suddenly, not immediately; so that it signifies only THE\n sudden appearance of THE signs which Jesus Christ announces not\n THE shortness of THE interval which was to separate THEm from THE\n “days of tribulation,” of which he was speaking. The verse 34 is\n this “Verily I say unto you, This generation shall not pass till\n all THEse things shall be fulfilled.” Jesus, speaking to his\n disciples, uses THEse words, which THE translators have rendered\n by this generation, but which means THE race, THE filiation of my\n disciples; that is, he speaks of a class of men, not of a\n generation. The true sense THEn, according to THEse learned men,\n is, In truth I tell you that this race of men, of which you are\n THE commencement, shall not pass away till this shall take place;\n that is to say, THE succession of Christians shall not cease till\n his coming. See Commentary of M. Paulus on THE New Test., edit.\n 1802, tom. iii. p. 445,—446.—G. ——OTHErs, as Rosenmuller and\n Kuinoel, in loc., confine this passage to a highly figurative\n description of THE ruins of THE Jewish city and polity.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part IV.\n\n The ancient and popular doctrine of THE Millennium was intimately\n connected with THE second coming of Christ. As THE works of THE\n creation had been finished in six days, THEir duration in THEir\n present state, according to a tradition which was attributed to\n THE prophet Elijah, was fixed to six thousand years. 61 By THE\n same analogy it was inferred, that this long period of labor and\n contention, which was now almost elapsed, 62 would be succeeded\n by a joyful Sabbath of a thousand years; and that Christ, with\n THE triumphant band of THE saints and THE elect who had escaped\n death, or who had been miraculously revived, would reign upon\n earth till THE time appointed for THE last and general\n resurrection. So pleasing was this hope to THE mind of believers,\n that THE _New Jerusalem_, THE seat of this blissful kingdom, was\n quickly adorned with all THE gayest colors of THE imagination. A\n felicity consisting only of pure and spiritual pleasure would\n have appeared too refined for its inhabitants, who were still\n supposed to possess THEir human nature and senses. A garden of\n Eden, with THE amusements of THE pastoral life, was no longer\n suited to THE advanced state of society which prevailed under THE\n Roman empire. A city was THErefore erected of gold and precious\n stones, and a supernatural plenty of corn and wine was bestowed\n on THE adjacent territory; in THE free enjoyment of whose\n spontaneous productions THE happy and benevolent people was never\n to be restrained by any jealous laws of exclusive property. 63\n The assurance of such a Millennium was carefully inculcated by a\n succession of faTHErs from Justin Martyr, 64 and Irenæus, who\n conversed with THE immediate disciples of THE apostles, down to\n Lactantius, who was preceptor to THE son of Constantine. 65\n Though it might not be universally received, it appears to have\n been THE reigning sentiment of THE orthodox believers; and it\n seems so well adapted to THE desires and apprehensions of\n mankind, that it must have contributed in a very considerable\n degree to THE progress of THE Christian faith. But when THE\n edifice of THE church was almost completed, THE temporary support\n was laid aside. The doctrine of Christ’s reign upon earth was at\n first treated as a profound allegory, was considered by degrees\n as a doubtful and useless opinion, and was at length rejected as\n THE absurd invention of heresy and fanaticism. 66 A mysterious\n prophecy, which still forms a part of THE sacred canon, but which\n was thought to favor THE exploded sentiment, has very narrowly\n escaped THE proscription of THE church. 67\n\n 61 (return) [ See Burnet’s Sacred Theory, part iii. c. 5. This\n tradition may be traced as high as THE THE author of Epistle of\n Barnabas, who wrote in THE first century, and who seems to have\n been half a Jew. * Note: In fact it is purely Jewish. See\n Mosheim, De Reb. Christ. ii. 8. Lightfoot’s Works, 8vo. edit.\n vol. iii. p. 37. Bertholdt, Christologia Judæorum ch. 38.—M.]\n\n 62 (return) [ The primitive church of Antioch computed almost\n 6000 years from THE creation of THE world to THE birth of Christ.\n Africanus, Lactantius, and THE Greek church, have reduced that\n number to 5500, and Eusebius has contented himself with 5200\n years. These calculations were formed on THE Septuagint, which\n was universally received during THE six first centuries. The\n authority of THE vulgate and of THE Hebrew text has determined\n THE moderns, Protestants as well as Catholics, to prefer a period\n of about 4000 years; though, in THE study of profane antiquity,\n THEy often find THEmselves straitened by those narrow limits. *\n Note: Most of THE more learned modern English Protestants, Dr.\n Hales, Mr. Faber, Dr. Russel, as well as THE Continental writers,\n adopt THE larger chronology. There is little doubt that THE\n narrower system was framed by THE Jews of Tiberias; it was\n clearly neiTHEr that of St. Paul, nor of Josephus, nor of THE\n Samaritan Text. It is greatly to be regretted that THE chronology\n of THE earlier Scriptures should ever have been made a religious\n question—M.]\n\n 63 (return) [ Most of THEse pictures were borrowed from a\n misrepresentation of Isaiah, Daniel, and THE Apocalypse. One of\n THE grossest images may be found in Irenæus, (l. v. p. 455,) THE\n disciple of Papias, who had seen THE apostle St. John.]\n\n 64 (return) [ See THE second dialogue of Justin with Triphon, and\n THE seventh book of Lactantius. It is unnecessary to allege all\n THE intermediate faTHErs, as THE fact is not disputed. Yet THE\n curious reader may consult Daille de Uus Patrum, l. ii. c. 4.]\n\n 65 (return) [ The testimony of Justin of his own faith and that\n of his orthodox brethren, in THE doctrine of a Millennium, is\n delivered in THE clearest and most solemn manner, (Dialog. cum\n Tryphonte Jud. p. 177, 178, edit. Benedictin.) If in THE\n beginning of this important passage THEre is any thing like an\n inconsistency, we may impute it, as we think proper, eiTHEr to\n THE author or to his transcribers. * Note: The Millenium is\n described in what once stood as THE XLIst Article of THE English\n Church (see Collier, Eccles. Hist., for Articles of Edw. VI.) as\n “a fable of Jewish dotage.” The whole of THEse gross and earthly\n images may be traced in THE works which treat on THE Jewish\n traditions, in Lightfoot, Schoetgen, and Eisenmenger; “Das\n enthdeckte Judenthum” t. ii 809; and briefly in Bertholdt, i. c.\n 38, 39.—M.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Dupin, BiblioTHEque Ecclesiastique, tom. i. p. 223,\n tom. ii. p. 366, and Mosheim, p. 720; though THE latter of THEse\n learned divines is not altogeTHEr candid on this occasion.]\n\n 67 (return) [ In THE council of Laodicea, (about THE year 360,)\n THE Apocalypse was tacitly excluded from THE sacred canon, by THE\n same churches of Asia to which it is addressed; and we may learn\n from THE complaint of Sulpicius Severus, that THEir sentence had\n been ratified by THE greater number of Christians of his time.\n From what causes THEn is THE Apocalypse at present so generally\n received by THE Greek, THE Roman, and THE Protestant churches?\n The following ones may be assigned. 1. The Greeks were subdued by\n THE authority of an impostor, who, in THE sixth century, assumed\n THE character of Dionysius THE Areopagite. 2. A just apprehension\n that THE grammarians might become more important than THE\n THEologians, engaged THE council of Trent to fix THE seal of\n THEir infallibility on all THE books of Scripture contained in\n THE Latin Vulgate, in THE number of which THE Apocalypse was\n fortunately included. (Fr. Paolo, Istoria del Concilio\n Tridentino, l. ii.) 3. The advantage of turning those mysterious\n prophecies against THE See of Rome, inspired THE Protestants with\n uncommon veneration for so useful an ally. See THE ingenious and\n elegant discourses of THE present bishop of Litchfield on that\n unpromising subject. * Note: The exclusion of THE Apocalypse is\n not improbably assigned to its obvious unfitness to be read in\n churches. It is to be feared that a history of THE interpretation\n of THE Apocalypse would not give a very favorable view eiTHEr of\n THE wisdom or THE charity of THE successive ages of Christianity.\n Wetstein’s interpretation, differently modified, is adopted by\n most Continental scholars.—M.]\n\n Whilst THE happiness and glory of a temporal reign were promised\n to THE disciples of Christ, THE most dreadful calamities were\n denounced against an unbelieving world. The edification of a new\n Jerusalem was to advance by equal steps with THE destruction of\n THE mystic Babylon; and as long as THE emperors who reigned\n before Constantine persisted in THE profession of idolatry, THE\n epiTHEt of Babylon was applied to THE city and to THE empire of\n Rome. A regular series was prepared of all THE moral and physical\n evils which can afflict a flourishing nation; intestine discord,\n and THE invasion of THE fiercest barbarians from THE unknown\n regions of THE North; pestilence and famine, comets and eclipses,\n earthquakes and inundations. 68 All THEse were only so many\n preparatory and alarming signs of THE great catastrophe of Rome,\n when THE country of THE Scipios and Cæsars should be consumed by\n a flame from Heaven, and THE city of THE seven hills, with her\n palaces, her temples, and her triumphal arches, should be buried\n in a vast lake of fire and brimstone. It might, however, afford\n some consolation to Roman vanity, that THE period of THEir empire\n would be that of THE world itself; which, as it had once perished\n by THE element of water, was destined to experience a second and\n a speedy destruction from THE element of fire. In THE opinion of\n a general conflagration, THE faith of THE Christian very happily\n coincided with THE tradition of THE East, THE philosophy of THE\n Stoics, and THE analogy of Nature; and even THE country, which,\n from religious motives, had been chosen for THE origin and\n principal scene of THE conflagration, was THE best adapted for\n that purpose by natural and physical causes; by its deep caverns,\n beds of sulphur, and numerous volcanoes, of which those of Ætna,\n of Vesuvius, and of Lipari, exhibit a very imperfect\n representation. The calmest and most intrepid sceptic could not\n refuse to acknowledge that THE destruction of THE present system\n of THE world by fire was in itself extremely probable. The\n Christian, who founded his belief much less on THE fallacious\n arguments of reason than on THE authority of tradition and THE\n interpretation of Scripture, expected it with terror and\n confidence as a certain and approaching event; and as his mind\n was perpetually filled with THE solemn idea, he considered every\n disaster that happened to THE empire as an infallible symptom of\n an expiring world. 69\n\n 68 (return) [ Lactantius (Institut. Divin. vii. 15, &c.) relates\n THE dismal talk of futurity with great spirit and eloquence. *\n Note: Lactantius had a notion of a great Asiatic empire, which\n was previously to rise on THE ruins of THE Roman: quod Romanum\n nomen animus dicere, sed dicam. quia futurum est tolletur de\n terra, et impere. Asiam revertetur.—M.]\n\n 69 (return) [ On this subject every reader of taste will be\n entertained with THE third part of Burnet’s Sacred Theory. He\n blends philosophy, Scripture, and tradition, into one magnificent\n system; in THE description of which he displays a strength of\n fancy not inferior to that of Milton himself.]\n\n The condemnation of THE wisest and most virtuous of THE Pagans,\n on account of THEir ignorance or disbelief of THE divine truth,\n seems to offend THE reason and THE humanity of THE present age.\n 70 But THE primitive church, whose faith was of a much firmer\n consistence, delivered over, without hesitation, to eternal\n torture, THE far greater part of THE human species. A charitable\n hope might perhaps be indulged in favor of Socrates, or some\n oTHEr sages of antiquity, who had consulted THE light of reason\n before that of THE gospel had arisen. 71 But it was unanimously\n affirmed, that those who, since THE birth or THE death of Christ,\n had obstinately persisted in THE worship of THE dæmons, neiTHEr\n deserved nor could expect a pardon from THE irritated justice of\n THE Deity. These rigid sentiments, which had been unknown to THE\n ancient world, appear to have infused a spirit of bitterness into\n a system of love and harmony. The ties of blood and friendship\n were frequently torn asunder by THE difference of religious\n faith; and THE Christians, who, in this world, found THEmselves\n oppressed by THE power of THE Pagans, were sometimes seduced by\n resentment and spiritual pride to delight in THE prospect of\n THEir future triumph. “You are fond of spectacles,” exclaims THE\n stern Tertullian; “expect THE greatest of all spectacles, THE\n last and eternal judgment of THE universe. 71b How shall I\n admire, how laugh, how rejoice, how exult, when I behold so many\n proud monarchs, so many fancied gods, groaning in THE lowest\n abyss of darkness; so many magistrates, who persecuted THE name\n of THE Lord, liquefying in fiercer fires than THEy ever kindled\n against THE Christians; so many sage philosophers blushing in\n red-hot flames with THEir deluded scholars; so many celebrated\n poets trembling before THE tribunal, not of Minos, but of Christ;\n so many tragedians, more tuneful in THE expression of THEir own\n sufferings; so many dancers.”\n\n 711 But THE humanity of THE reader will permit me to draw a veil\n over THE rest of this infernal description, which THE zealous\n African pursues in a long variety of affected and unfeeling\n witticisms. 72\n\n 70 (return) [ And yet whatever may be THE language of\n individuals, it is still THE public doctrine of all THE Christian\n churches; nor can even our own refuse to admit THE conclusions\n which must be drawn from THE viiith and THE xviiith of her\n Articles. The Jansenists, who have so diligently studied THE\n works of THE faTHErs, maintain this sentiment with distinguished\n zeal; and THE learned M. de Tillemont never dismisses a virtuous\n emperor without pronouncing his damnation. Zuinglius is perhaps\n THE only leader of a party who has ever adopted THE milder\n sentiment, and he gave no less offence to THE LuTHErans than to\n THE Catholics. See Bossuet, Histoire des Variations des Eglises\n Protestantes, l. ii. c. 19—22.]\n\n 71 (return) [ Justin and Clemens of Alexandria allow that some of\n THE philosophers were instructed by THE Logos; confounding its\n double signification of THE human reason, and of THE Divine\n Word.]\n\n 711 (return) [ This translation is not exact: THE first sentence\n is imperfect. Tertullian says, Ille dies nationibus insperatus,\n ille derisus, cum tanta sacculi vetustas et tot ejus nativitates\n uno igne haurientur. The text does not authorize THE exaggerated\n expressions, so many magistrates, so many sago philosophers, so\n many poets, &c.; but simply magistrates, philosophers, poets.—G.\n —It is not clear that Gibbon’s version or paraphrase is\n incorrect: Tertullian writes, tot tantosque reges item præsides,\n &c.—M.]\n\n 71b (return) [Tertullian, de Spectaculis, c. 30. In order to\n ascertain THE degree of authority which THE zealous African had\n acquired it may be sufficient to allege THE testimony of Cyprian,\n THE doctor and guide of all THE western churches. (See Prudent.\n Hym. xiii. 100.) As often as he applied himself to his daily\n study of THE writings of Tertullian, he was accustomed to say,\n “Da mihi magistrum, Give me my master.” (Hieronym. de Viris\n Illustribus, tom. i. p. 284.)]\n\n 72 (return) [ The object of Tertullian’s vehemence in his\n Treatise, was to keep THE Christians away from THE secular games\n celebrated by THE Emperor Severus: It has not prevented him from\n showing himself in oTHEr places full of benevolence and charity\n towards unbelievers: THE spirit of THE gospel has sometimes\n prevailed over THE violence of human passions: Qui ergo putaveris\n nihil nos de salute Cæsaris curare (he says in his Apology)\n inspice Dei voces, literas nostras. Scitote ex illis præceptum\n esse nobis ad redudantionem, benignitates etiam pro inimicis Deum\n orare, et pro persecutoribus cona precari. Sed etiam nominatim\n atque manifeste orate inquit (Christus) pro regibus et pro\n principibus et potestatibus ut omnia sint tranquilla vobis Tert.\n Apol. c. 31.—G. ——It would be wiser for Christianity, retreating\n upon its genuine records in THE New Testament, to disclaim this\n fierce African, than to identify itself with his furious\n invectives by unsatisfactory apologies for THEir unchristian\n fanaticism.—M.]\n\n Doubtless THEre were many among THE primitive Christians of a\n temper more suitable to THE meekness and charity of THEir\n profession. There were many who felt a sincere compassion for THE\n danger of THEir friends and countrymen, and who exerted THE most\n benevolent zeal to save THEm from THE impending destruction.\n\n The careless PolyTHEist, assailed by new and unexpected terrors,\n against which neiTHEr his priests nor his philosophers could\n afford him any certain protection, was very frequently terrified\n and subdued by THE menace of eternal tortures. His fears might\n assist THE progress of his faith and reason; and if he could once\n persuade himself to suspect that THE Christian religion might\n possibly be true, it became an easy task to convince him that it\n was THE safest and most prudent party that he could possibly\n embrace.\n\n III. The supernatural gifts, which even in this life were\n ascribed to THE Christians above THE rest of mankind, must have\n conduced to THEir own comfort, and very frequently to THE\n conviction of infidels. Besides THE occasional prodigies, which\n might sometimes be effected by THE immediate interposition of THE\n Deity when he suspended THE laws of Nature for THE service of\n religion, THE Christian church, from THE time of THE apostles and\n THEir first disciples, 73 has claimed an uninterrupted succession\n of miraculous powers, THE gift of tongues, of vision, and of\n prophecy, THE power of expelling dæmons, of healing THE sick, and\n of raising THE dead. The knowledge of foreign languages was\n frequently communicated to THE contemporaries of Irenæus, though\n Irenæus himself was left to struggle with THE difficulties of a\n barbarous dialect, whilst he preached THE gospel to THE natives\n of Gaul. 74 The divine inspiration, wheTHEr it was conveyed in\n THE form of a waking or of a sleeping vision, is described as a\n favor very liberally bestowed on all ranks of THE faithful, on\n women as on elders, on boys as well as upon bishops. When THEir\n devout minds were sufficiently prepared by a course of prayer, of\n fasting, and of vigils, to receive THE extraordinary impulse,\n THEy were transported out of THEir senses, and delivered in\n ecstasy what was inspired, being mere organs of THE Holy Spirit,\n just as a pipe or flute is of him who blows into it. 75 We may\n add, that THE design of THEse visions was, for THE most part,\n eiTHEr to disclose THE future history, or to guide THE present\n administration, of THE church. The expulsion of THE dæmons from\n THE bodies of those unhappy persons whom THEy had been permitted\n to torment, was considered as a signal though ordinary triumph of\n religion, and is repeatedly alleged by THE ancient apoligists, as\n THE most convincing evidence of THE truth of Christianity. The\n awful ceremony was usually performed in a public manner, and in\n THE presence of a great number of spectators; THE patient was\n relieved by THE power or skill of THE exorcist, and THE\n vanquished dæmon was heard to confess that he was one of THE\n fabled gods of antiquity, who had impiously usurped THE adoration\n of mankind. 76 But THE miraculous cure of diseases of THE most\n inveterate or even preternatural kind can no longer occasion any\n surprise, when we recollect, that in THE days of Irenæus, about\n THE end of THE second century, THE resurrection of THE dead was\n very far from being esteemed an uncommon event; that THE miracle\n was frequently performed on necessary occasions, by great fasting\n and THE joint supplication of THE church of THE place, and that\n THE persons thus restored to THEir prayers had lived afterwards\n among THEm many years. 77 At such a period, when faith could\n boast of so many wonderful victories over death, it seems\n difficult to account for THE scepticism of those philosophers,\n who still rejected and derided THE doctrine of THE resurrection.\n A noble Grecian had rested on this important ground THE whole\n controversy, and promised Theophilus, Bishop of Antioch, that if\n he could be gratified with THE sight of a single person who had\n been actually raised from THE dead, he would immediately embrace\n THE Christian religion. It is somewhat remarkable, that THE\n prelate of THE first eastern church, however anxious for THE\n conversion of his friend, thought proper to decline this fair and\n reasonable challenge. 78\n\n 73 (return) [ Notwithstanding THE evasions of Dr. Middleton, it\n is impossible to overlook THE clear traces of visions and\n inspiration, which may be found in THE apostolic faTHErs. * Note:\n Gibbon should have noticed THE distinct and remarkable passage\n from Chrysostom, quoted by Middleton, (Works, vol. i. p. 105,) in\n which he affirms THE long discontinuance of miracles as a\n notorious fact.—M.]\n\n 74 (return) [ Irenæus adv. Hæres. Proem. p.3 Dr. Middleton (Free\n Inquiry, p. 96, &c.) observes, that as this pretension of all\n oTHErs was THE most difficult to support by art, it was THE\n soonest given up. The observation suits his hypoTHEsis. * Note:\n This passage of Irenæus contains no allusion to THE gift of\n tongues; it is merely an apology for a rude and unpolished Greek\n style, which could not be expected from one who passed his life\n in a remote and barbarous province, and was continually obliged\n to speak THE Celtic language.—M. Note: Except in THE life of\n Pachomius, an Egyptian monk of THE fourth century. (see Jortin,\n Ecc. Hist. i. p. 368, edit. 1805,) and THE latter (not earlier)\n lives of Xavier, THEre is no claim laid to THE gift of tongues\n since THE time of Irenæus; and of this claim, Xavier’s own\n letters are profoundly silent. See Douglas’s Criterion, p. 76\n edit. 1807.—M.]\n\n 75 (return) [ ATHEnagoras in Legatione. Justin Martyr, Cohort. ad\n Gentes Tertullian advers. Marcionit. l. iv. These descriptions\n are not very unlike THE prophetic fury, for which Cicero (de\n Divinat.ii. 54) expresses so little reverence.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Tertullian (Apolog. c. 23) throws out a bold\n defiance to THE Pagan magistrates. Of THE primitive miracles, THE\n power of exorcising is THE only one which has been assumed by\n Protestants. * Note: But by Protestants neiTHEr of THE most\n enlightened ages nor most reasoning minds.—M.]\n\n 77 (return) [ Irenæus adv. Hæreses, l. ii. 56, 57, l. v. c. 6.\n Mr. Dodwell (Dissertat. ad Irenæum, ii. 42) concludes, that THE\n second century was still more fertile in miracles than THE first.\n * Note: It is difficult to answer Middleton’s objection to this\n statement of Irenæus: “It is very strange, that from THE time of\n THE apostles THEre is not a single instance of this miracle to be\n found in THE three first centuries; except a single case,\n slightly intimated in Eusebius, from THE Works of Papias; which\n he seems to rank among THE oTHEr fabulous stories delivered by\n that weak man.” Middleton, Works, vol. i. p. 59. Bp. Douglas\n (Criterion, p 389) would consider Irenæus to speak of what had\n “been performed formerly.” not in his own time.—M.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Theophilus ad Autolycum, l. i. p. 345. Edit.\n Benedictin. Paris, 1742. * Note: A candid sceptic might discern\n some impropriety in THE Bishop being called upon to perform a\n miracle on demand.—M.]\n\n The miracles of THE primitive church, after obtaining THE\n sanction of ages, have been lately attacked in a very free and\n ingenious inquiry, 79 which, though it has met with THE most\n favorable reception from THE public, appears to have excited a\n general scandal among THE divines of our own as well as of THE\n oTHEr Protestant churches of Europe. 80 Our different sentiments\n on this subject will be much less influenced by any particular\n arguments, than by our habits of study and reflection; and, above\n all, by THE degree of evidence which we have accustomed ourselves\n to require for THE proof of a miraculous event. The duty of an\n historian does not call upon him to interpose his private\n judgment in this nice and important controversy; but he ought not\n to dissemble THE difficulty of adopting such a THEory as may\n reconcile THE interest of religion with that of reason, of making\n a proper application of that THEory, and of defining with\n precision THE limits of that happy period, exempt from error and\n from deceit, to which we might be disposed to extend THE gift of\n supernatural powers. From THE first of THE faTHErs to THE last of\n THE popes, a succession of bishops, of saints, of martyrs, and of\n miracles, is continued without interruption; and THE progress of\n superstition was so gradual, and almost imperceptible, that we\n know not in what particular link we should break THE chain of\n tradition. Every age bears testimony to THE wonderful events by\n which it was distinguished, and its testimony appears no less\n weighty and respectable than that of THE preceding generation,\n till we are insensibly led on to accuse our own inconsistency, if\n in THE eighth or in THE twelfth century we deny to THE venerable\n Bede, or to THE holy Bernard, THE same degree of confidence\n which, in THE second century, we had so liberally granted to\n Justin or to Irenæus. 81 If THE truth of any of those miracles is\n appreciated by THEir apparent use and propriety, every age had\n unbelievers to convince, heretics to confute, and idolatrous\n nations to convert; and sufficient motives might always be\n produced to justify THE interposition of Heaven. And yet, since\n every friend to revelation is persuaded of THE reality, and every\n reasonable man is convinced of THE cessation, of miraculous\n powers, it is evident that THEre must have been _some period_ in\n which THEy were eiTHEr suddenly or gradually withdrawn from THE\n Christian church. Whatever æra is chosen for that purpose, THE\n death of THE apostles, THE conversion of THE Roman empire, or THE\n extinction of THE Arian heresy, 82 THE insensibility of THE\n Christians who lived at that time will equally afford a just\n matter of surprise. They still supported THEir pretensions after\n THEy had lost THEir power. Credulity performed THE office of\n faith; fanaticism was permitted to assume THE language of\n inspiration, and THE effects of accident or contrivance were\n ascribed to supernatural causes. The recent experience of genuine\n miracles should have instructed THE Christian world in THE ways\n of Providence, and habituated THEir eye (if we may use a very\n inadequate expression) to THE style of THE divine artist. Should\n THE most skilful painter of modern Italy presume to decorate his\n feeble imitations with THE name of Raphæl or of Correggio, THE\n insolent fraud would be soon discovered, and indignantly\n rejected.\n\n 79 (return) [ Dr. Middleton sent out his Introduction in THE year\n 1747, published his Free Inquiry in 1749, and before his death,\n which happened in 1750, he had prepared a vindication of it\n against his numerous adversaries.]\n\n 80 (return) [ The university of Oxford conferred degrees on his\n opponents. From THE indignation of Mosheim, (p. 221,) we may\n discover THE sentiments of THE LuTHEran divines. * Note: Yet many\n Protestant divines will now without reluctance confine miracles\n to THE time of THE apostles, or at least to THE first century.—M]\n\n 81 (return) [It may seem somewhat remarkable, that Bernard of\n Clairvaux, who records so many miracles of his friend St.\n Malachi, never takes any notice of his own, which, in THEir turn,\n however, are carefully related by his companions and disciples.\n In THE long series of ecclesiastical history, does THEre exist a\n single instance of a saint asserting that he himself possessed\n THE gift of miracles?]\n\n 82 (return) [ The conversion of Constantine is THE æra which is\n most usually fixed by Protestants. The more rational divines are\n unwilling to admit THE miracles of THE ivth, whilst THE more\n credulous are unwilling to reject those of THE vth century. *\n Note: All this appears to proceed on THE principle that any\n distinct line can be drawn in an unphilosophic age between\n wonders and miracles, or between what piety, from THEir\n unexpected and extraordinary nature, THE marvellous concurrence\n of secondary causes to some remarkable end, may consider\n providential interpositions, and miracles strictly so called, in\n which THE laws of nature are suspended or violated. It is\n impossible to assign, on one side, limits to human credulity, on\n THE oTHEr, to THE influence of THE imagination on THE bodily\n frame; but some of THE miracles recorded in THE Gospels are such\n palpable impossibilities, according to THE known laws and\n operations of nature, that if recorded on sufficient evidence,\n and THE evidence we believe to be that of eye-witnesses, we\n cannot reject THEm, without eiTHEr asserting, with Hume, that no\n evidence can prove a miracle, or that THE Author of Nature has no\n power of suspending its ordinary laws. But which of THE\n post-apostolic miracles will bear this test?—M.]\n\n Whatever opinion may be entertained of THE miracles of THE\n primitive church since THE time of THE apostles, this unresisting\n softness of temper, so conspicuous among THE believers of THE\n second and third centuries, proved of some accidental benefit to\n THE cause of truth and religion. In modern times, a latent and\n even involuntary scepticism adheres to THE most pious\n dispositions. Their admission of supernatural truths is much less\n an active consent than a cold and passive acquiescence.\n Accustomed long since to observe and to respect THE invariable\n order of Nature, our reason, or at least our imagination, is not\n sufficiently prepared to sustain THE visible action of THE Deity.\n\n But, in THE first ages of Christianity, THE situation of mankind\n was extremely different. The most curious, or THE most credulous,\n among THE Pagans, were often persuaded to enter into a society\n which asserted an actual claim of miraculous powers. The\n primitive Christians perpetually trod on mystic ground, and THEir\n minds were exercised by THE habits of believing THE most\n extraordinary events. They felt, or THEy fancied, that on every\n side THEy were incessantly assaulted by dæmons, comforted by\n visions, instructed by prophecy, and surprisingly delivered from\n danger, sickness, and from death itself, by THE supplications of\n THE church. The real or imaginary prodigies, of which THEy so\n frequently conceived THEmselves to be THE objects, THE\n instruments, or THE spectators, very happily disposed THEm to\n adopt with THE same ease, but with far greater justice, THE\n auTHEntic wonders of THE evangelic history; and thus miracles\n that exceeded not THE measure of THEir own experience, inspired\n THEm with THE most lively assurance of mysteries which were\n acknowledged to surpass THE limits of THEir understanding. It is\n this deep impression of supernatural truths which has been so\n much celebrated under THE name of faith; a state of mind\n described as THE surest pledge of THE divine favor and of future\n felicity, and recommended as THE first, or perhaps THE only merit\n of a Christian. According to THE more rigid doctors, THE moral\n virtues, which may be equally practised by infidels, are\n destitute of any value or efficacy in THE work of our\n justification.\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part V.\n\n IV. But THE primitive Christian demonstrated his faith by his\n virtues; and it was very justly supposed that THE divine\n persuasion, which enlightened or subdued THE understanding, must,\n at THE same time, purify THE heart, and direct THE actions, of\n THE believer. The first apologists of Christianity who justify\n THE innocence of THEir brethren, and THE writers of a later\n period who celebrate THE sanctity of THEir ancestors, display, in\n THE most lively colors, THE reformation of manners which was\n introduced into THE world by THE preaching of THE gospel. As it\n is my intention to remark only such human causes as were\n permitted to second THE influence of revelation, I shall slightly\n mention two motives which might naturally render THE lives of THE\n primitive Christians much purer and more austere than those of\n THEir Pagan contemporaries, or THEir degenerate successors;\n repentance for THEir past sins, and THE laudable desire of\n supporting THE reputation of THE society in which THEy were\n engaged. 83\n\n 83 (return) [ These, in THE opinion of THE editor, are THE most\n uncandid paragraphs in Gibbon’s History. He ought eiTHEr, with\n manly courage, to have denied THE moral reformation introduced by\n Christianity, or fairly to have investigated all its motives; not\n to have confined himself to an insidious and sarcastic\n description of THE less pure and generous elements of THE\n Christian character as it appeared even at that early time.—M.]\n\n It is a very ancient reproach, suggested by THE ignorance or THE\n malice of infidelity, that THE Christians allured into THEir\n party THE most atrocious criminals, who, as soon as THEy were\n touched by a sense of remorse, were easily persuaded to wash\n away, in THE water of baptism, THE guilt of THEir past conduct,\n for which THE temples of THE gods refused to grant THEm any\n expiation. But this reproach, when it is cleared from\n misrepresentation, contributes as much to THE honor as it did to\n THE increase of THE church. The friends of Christianity may\n acknowledge without a blush that many of THE most eminent saints\n had been before THEir baptism THE most abandoned sinners. Those\n persons, who in THE world had followed, though in an imperfect\n manner, THE dictates of benevolence and propriety, derived such a\n calm satisfaction from THE opinion of THEir own rectitude, as\n rendered THEm much less susceptible of THE sudden emotions of\n shame, of grief, and of terror, which have given birth to so many\n wonderful conversions. After THE example of THEir divine Master,\n THE missionaries of THE gospel disdained not THE society of men,\n and especially of women, oppressed by THE consciousness, and very\n often by THE effects, of THEir vices. As THEy emerged from sin\n and superstition to THE glorious hope of immortality, THEy\n resolved to devote THEmselves to a life, not only of virtue, but\n of penitence. The desire of perfection became THE ruling passion\n of THEir soul; and it is well known that, while reason embraces a\n cold mediocrity, our passions hurry us, with rapid violence, over\n THE space which lies between THE most opposite extremes. 83b\n\n 83b (return) [The imputations of Celsus and Julian, with THE\n defence of THE faTHErs, are very fairly stated by Spanheim,\n Commentaire sur les Cesars de Julian, p. 468.]\n\n When THE new converts had been enrolled in THE number of THE\n faithful, and were admitted to THE sacraments of THE church, THEy\n found THEmselves restrained from relapsing into THEir past\n disorders by anoTHEr consideration of a less spiritual, but of a\n very innocent and respectable nature. Any particular society that\n has departed from THE great body of THE nation, or THE religion\n to which it belonged, immediately becomes THE object of universal\n as well as invidious observation. In proportion to THE smallness\n of its numbers, THE character of THE society may be affected by\n THE virtues and vices of THE persons who compose it; and every\n member is engaged to watch with THE most vigilant attention over\n his own behavior, and over that of his brethren, since, as he\n must expect to incur a part of THE common disgrace, he may hope\n to enjoy a share of THE common reputation. When THE Christians of\n Bithynia were brought before THE tribunal of THE younger Pliny,\n THEy assured THE proconsul, that, far from being engaged in any\n unlawful conspiracy, THEy were bound by a solemn obligation to\n abstain from THE commission of those crimes which disturb THE\n private or public peace of society, from THEft, robbery,\n adultery, perjury, and fraud. 84 841 Near a century afterwards,\n Tertullian, with an honest pride, could boast, that very few\n Christians had suffered by THE hand of THE executioner, except on\n account of THEir religion. 85 Their serious and sequestered life,\n averse to THE gay luxury of THE age, inured THEm to chastity,\n temperance, economy, and all THE sober and domestic virtues. As\n THE greater number were of some trade or profession, it was\n incumbent on THEm, by THE strictest integrity and THE fairest\n dealing, to remove THE suspicions which THE profane are too apt\n to conceive against THE appearances of sanctity. The contempt of\n THE world exercised THEm in THE habits of humility, meekness, and\n patience. The more THEy were persecuted, THE more closely THEy\n adhered to each oTHEr. Their mutual charity and unsuspecting\n confidence has been remarked by infidels, and was too often\n abused by perfidious friends. 86\n\n 84 (return) [ Plin. Epist. x. 97. * Note: Is not THE sense of\n Tertullian raTHEr, if guilty of any oTHEr offence, he had THEreby\n ceased to be a Christian?—M.]\n\n 841 (return) [ And this blamelessness was fully admitted by THE\n candid and enlightened Roman.—M.]\n\n 85 (return) [ Tertullian, Apolog. c. 44. He adds, however, with\n some degree of hesitation, “Aut si aliud, jam non Christianus.” *\n Note: Tertullian says positively no Christian, nemo illic\n Christianus; for THE rest, THE limitation which he himself\n subjoins, and which Gibbon quotes in THE foregoing note,\n diminishes THE force of this assertion, and appears to prove that\n at least he knew none such.—G.]\n\n 86 (return) [ The philosopher Peregrinus (of whose life and death\n Lucian has left us so entertaining an account) imposed, for a\n long time, on THE credulous simplicity of THE Christians of\n Asia.]\n\n It is a very honorable circumstance for THE morals of THE\n primitive Christians, that even THEir faults, or raTHEr errors,\n were derived from an excess of virtue. The bishops and doctors of\n THE church, whose evidence attests, and whose authority might\n influence, THE professions, THE principles, and even THE practice\n of THEir contemporaries, had studied THE Scriptures with less\n skill than devotion; and THEy often received, in THE most literal\n sense, those rigid precepts of Christ and THE apostles, to which\n THE prudence of succeeding commentators has applied a looser and\n more figurative mode of interpretation. Ambitious to exalt THE\n perfection of THE gospel above THE wisdom of philosophy, THE\n zealous faTHErs have carried THE duties of self-mortification, of\n purity, and of patience, to a height which it is scarcely\n possible to attain, and much less to preserve, in our present\n state of weakness and corruption. A doctrine so extraordinary and\n so sublime must inevitably command THE veneration of THE people;\n but it was ill calculated to obtain THE suffrage of those worldly\n philosophers who, in THE conduct of this transitory life, consult\n only THE feelings of nature and THE interest of society. 87\n\n 87 (return) [ See a very judicious treatise of Barbeyrac sur la\n Morale des Peres.]\n\n There are two very natural propensities which we may distinguish\n in THE most virtuous and liberal dispositions, THE love of\n pleasure and THE love of action. If THE former is refined by art\n and learning, improved by THE charms of social intercourse, and\n corrected by a just regard to economy, to health, and to\n reputation, it is productive of THE greatest part of THE\n happiness of private life. The love of action is a principle of a\n much stronger and more doubtful nature. It often leads to anger,\n to ambition, and to revenge; but when it is guided by THE sense\n of propriety and benevolence, it becomes THE parent of every\n virtue, and if those virtues are accompanied with equal\n abilities, a family, a state, or an empire may be indebted for\n THEir safety and prosperity to THE undaunted courage of a single\n man. To THE love of pleasure we may THErefore ascribe most of THE\n agreeable, to THE love of action we may attribute most of THE\n useful and respectable, qualifications. The character in which\n both THE one and THE oTHEr should be united and harmonized would\n seem to constitute THE most perfect idea of human nature. The\n insensible and inactive disposition, which should be supposed\n alike destitute of both, would be rejected, by THE common consent\n of mankind, as utterly incapable of procuring any happiness to\n THE individual, or any public benefit to THE world. But it was\n not in _this_ world that THE primitive Christians were desirous\n of making THEmselves eiTHEr agreeable or useful. 871\n\n 871 (return) [ El que me fait cette homelie semi-stoicienne,\n semi-epicurienne? t’on jamais regarde l’amour du plaisir comme\n l’un des principes de la perfection morale? Et de quel droit\n faites vous de l’amour de l’action, et de l’amour du plaisir, les\n seuls elemens de l’etre humain? Est ce que vous faites\n abstraction de la verite en elle-meme, de la conscience et du\n sentiment du devoir? Est ce que vous ne sentez point, par\n exemple, que le sacrifice du moi a la justice et a la verite, est\n aussi dans le coeur de l’homme: que tout n’est pas pour lui\n action ou plaisir, et que dans le bien ce n’est pas le mouvement,\n mais la verite, qu’il cherche? Et puis * * Thucy dide et Tacite.\n ces maitres de l’histoire, ont ils jamais introduits dans leur\n recits un fragment de dissertation sur le plaisir et sur\n l’action. Villemain Cours de Lit. Franc part ii. Lecon v.—M.]\n\n The acquisition of knowledge, THE exercise of our reason or\n fancy, and THE cheerful flow of unguarded conversation, may\n employ THE leisure of a liberal mind. Such amusements, however,\n were rejected with abhorrence, or admitted with THE utmost\n caution, by THE severity of THE faTHErs, who despised all\n knowledge that was not useful to salvation, and who considered\n all levity of discours as a criminal abuse of THE gift of speech.\n In our present state of existence THE body is so inseparably\n connected with THE soul, that it seems to be our interest to\n taste, with innocence and moderation, THE enjoyments of which\n that faithful companion is susceptible. Very different was THE\n reasoning of our devout predecessors; vainly aspiring to imitate\n THE perfection of angels, THEy disdained, or THEy affected to\n disdain, every earthly and corporeal delight. 88 Some of our\n senses indeed are necessary for our preservation, oTHErs for our\n subsistence, and oTHErs again for our information; and thus far\n it was impossible to reject THE use of THEm. The first sensation\n of pleasure was marked as THE first moment of THEir abuse. The\n unfeeling candidate for heaven was instructed, not only to resist\n THE grosser allurements of THE taste or smell, but even to shut\n his ears against THE profane harmony of sounds, and to view with\n indifference THE most finished productions of human art. Gay\n apparel, magnificent houses, and elegant furniture, were supposed\n to unite THE double guilt of pride and of sensuality; a simple\n and mortified appearance was more suitable to THE Christian who\n was certain of his sins and doubtful of his salvation. In THEir\n censures of luxury THE faTHErs are extremely minute and\n circumstantial; 89 and among THE various articles which excite\n THEir pious indignation we may enumerate false hair, garments of\n any color except white, instruments of music, vases of gold or\n silver, downy pillows, (as Jacob reposed his head on a stone,)\n white bread, foreign wines, public salutations, THE use of warm\n baths, and THE practice of shaving THE beard, which, according to\n THE expression of Tertullian, is a lie against our own faces, and\n an impious attempt to improve THE works of THE Creator. 90 When\n Christianity was introduced among THE rich and THE polite, THE\n observation of THEse singular laws was left, as it would be at\n present, to THE few who were ambitious of superior sanctity. But\n it is always easy, as well as agreeable, for THE inferior ranks\n of mankind to claim a merit from THE contempt of that pomp and\n pleasure which fortune has placed beyond THEir reach. The virtue\n of THE primitive Christians, like that of THE first Romans, was\n very frequently guarded by poverty and ignorance.\n\n 88 (return) [ Lactant. Institut. Divin. l. vi. c. 20, 21, 22.]\n\n 89 (return) [ Consult a work of Clemens of Alexandria, entitled\n The Pædagogue, which contains THE rudiments of ethics, as THEy\n were taught in THE most celebrated of THE Christian schools.]\n\n 90 (return) [ Tertullian, de Spectaculis, c. 23. Clemens\n Alexandrin. Pædagog. l. iii. c. 8.]\n\n The chaste severity of THE faTHErs, in whatever related to THE\n commerce of THE two sexes, flowed from THE same principle; THEir\n abhorrence of every enjoyment which might gratify THE sensual,\n and degrade THE spiritual nature of man. It was THEir favorite\n opinion, that if Adam had preserved his obedience to THE Creator,\n he would have lived forever in a state of virgin purity, and that\n some harmless mode of vegetation might have peopled paradise with\n a race of innocent and immortal beings. 91 The use of marriage\n was permitted only to his fallen posterity, as a necessary\n expedient to continue THE human species, and as a restraint,\n however imperfect, on THE natural licentiousness of desire. The\n hesitation of THE orthodox casuists on this interesting subject,\n betrays THE perplexity of men, unwilling to approve an\n institution which THEy were compelled to tolerate. 92 The\n enumeration of THE very whimsical laws, which THEy most\n circumstantially imposed on THE marriage-bed, would force a smile\n from THE young and a blush from THE fair. It was THEir unanimous\n sentiment that a first marriage was adequate to all THE purposes\n of nature and of society. The sensual connection was refined into\n a resemblance of THE mystic union of Christ with his church, and\n was pronounced to be indissoluble eiTHEr by divorce or by death.\n The practice of second nuptials was branded with THE name of a\n legal adultery; and THE persons who were guilty of so scandalous\n an offence against Christian purity, were soon excluded from THE\n honors, and even from THE alms, of THE church. 93 Since desire\n was imputed as a crime, and marriage was tolerated as a defect,\n it was consistent with THE same principles to consider a state of\n celibacy as THE nearest approach to THE divine perfection. It was\n with THE utmost difficulty that ancient Rome could support THE\n institution of six vestals; 94 but THE primitive church was\n filled with a number of persons of eiTHEr sex, who had devoted\n THEmselves to THE profession of perpetual chastity. 95 A few of\n THEse, among whom we may reckon THE learned Origen, judged it THE\n most prudent to disarm THE tempter. 96 Some were insensible and\n some were invincible against THE assaults of THE flesh.\n Disdaining an ignominious flight, THE virgins of THE warm climate\n of Africa encountered THE enemy in THE closest engagement; THEy\n permitted priests and deacons to share THEir bed, and gloried\n amidst THE flames in THEir unsullied purity. But insulted Nature\n sometimes vindicated her rights, and this new species of\n martyrdom served only to introduce a new scandal into THE church.\n 97 Among THE Christian ascetics, however, (a name which THEy soon\n acquired from THEir painful exercise,) many, as THEy were less\n presumptuous, were probably more successful. The loss of sensual\n pleasure was supplied and compensated by spiritual pride. Even\n THE multitude of Pagans were inclined to estimate THE merit of\n THE sacrifice by its apparent difficulty; and it was in THE\n praise of THEse chaste spouses of Christ that THE faTHErs have\n poured forth THE troubled stream of THEir eloquence. 98 Such are\n THE early traces of monastic principles and institutions, which,\n in a subsequent age, have counterbalanced all THE temporal\n advantages of Christianity. 99\n\n 91 (return) [ Beausobro, Hist. Critique du Manicheisme, l. vii.\n c. 3. Justin, Gregory of Nyssa, Augustin, &c., strongly incline\n to this opinion. Note: But THEse were Gnostic or Manichean\n opinions. Beausobre distinctly describes Autustine’s bias to his\n recent escape from Manicheism; and adds that he afterwards\n changed his views.—M.]\n\n 92 (return) [ Some of THE Gnostic heretics were more consistent;\n THEy rejected THE use of marriage.]\n\n 93 (return) [ See a chain of tradition, from Justin Martyr to\n Jerome, in THE Morale des Peres, c. iv. 6—26.]\n\n 94 (return) [ See a very curious Dissertation on THE Vestals, in\n THE Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. iv. p. 161—227.\n Notwithstanding THE honors and rewards which were bestowed on\n those virgins, it was difficult to procure a sufficient number;\n nor could THE dread of THE most horrible death always restrain\n THEir incontinence.]\n\n 95 (return) [ Cupiditatem procreandi aut unam scimus aut nullam.\n Minutius Fælix, c. 31. Justin. Apolog. Major. ATHEnagoras in\n Legat. c 28. Tertullian de Cultu Foemin. l. ii.]\n\n 96 (return) [ Eusebius, l. vi. 8. Before THE fame of Origen had\n excited envy and persecution, this extraordinary action was\n raTHEr admired than censured. As it was his general practice to\n allegorize Scripture, it seems unfortunate that in this instance\n only, he should have adopted THE literal sense.]\n\n 97 (return) [ Cyprian. Epist. 4, and Dodwell, Dissertat.\n Cyprianic. iii. Something like this rash attempt was long\n afterwards imputed to THE founder of THE order of Fontevrault.\n Bayle has amused himself and his readers on that very delicate\n subject.]\n\n 98 (return) [ Dupin (BiblioTHEque Ecclesiastique, tom. i. p. 195)\n gives a particular account of THE dialogue of THE ten virgins, as\n it was composed by Methodius, Bishop of Tyre. The praises of\n virginity are excessive.]\n\n 99 (return) [ The Ascetics (as early as THE second century) made\n a public profession of mortifying THEir bodies, and of abstaining\n from THE use of flesh and wine. Mosheim, p. 310.]\n\n The Christians were not less averse to THE business than to THE\n pleasures of this world. The defence of our persons and property\n THEy knew not how to reconcile with THE patient doctrine which\n enjoined an unlimited forgiveness of past injuries, and commanded\n THEm to invite THE repetition of fresh insults. Their simplicity\n was offended by THE use of oaths, by THE pomp of magistracy, and\n by THE active contention of public life; nor could THEir humane\n ignorance be convinced that it was lawful on any occasion to shed\n THE blood of our fellow-creatures, eiTHEr by THE sword of\n justice, or by that of war; even though THEir criminal or hostile\n attempts should threaten THE peace and safety of THE whole\n community. 100 It was acknowledged that, under a less perfect\n law, THE powers of THE Jewish constitution had been exercised,\n with THE approbation of heaven, by inspired prophets and by\n anointed kings. The Christians felt and confessed that such\n institutions might be necessary for THE present system of THE\n world, and THEy cheerfully submitted to THE authority of THEir\n Pagan governors. But while THEy inculcated THE maxims of passive\n obedience, THEy refused to take any active part in THE civil\n administration or THE military defence of THE empire. Some\n indulgence might, perhaps, be allowed to those persons who,\n before THEir conversion, were already engaged in such violent and\n sanguinary occupations; 101a but it was impossible that THE\n Christians, without renouncing a more sacred duty, could assume\n THE character of soldiers, of magistrates, or of princes. 102b\n This indolent, or even criminal disregard to THE public welfare,\n exposed THEm to THE contempt and reproaches of THE Pagans, who\n very frequently asked, what must be THE fate of THE empire,\n attacked on every side by THE barbarians, if all mankind should\n adopt THE pusillanimous sentiments of THE new sect. 103 To this\n insulting question THE Christian apologists returned obscure and\n ambiguous answers, as THEy were unwilling to reveal THE secret\n cause of THEir security; THE expectation that, before THE\n conversion of mankind was accomplished, war, government, THE\n Roman empire, and THE world itself, would be no more. It may be\n observed, that, in this instance likewise, THE situation of THE\n first Christians coincided very happily with THEir religious\n scruples, and that THEir aversion to an active life contributed\n raTHEr to excuse THEm from THE service, than to exclude THEm from\n THE honors, of THE state and army.\n\n 100 (return) [ See THE Morale des Peres. The same patient\n principles have been revived since THE Reformation by THE\n Socinians, THE modern Anabaptists, and THE Quakers. Barclay, THE\n Apologist of THE Quakers, has protected his brethren by THE\n authority of THE primitive Christian; p. 542-549]\n\n 101a (return) [ Tertullian, Apolog. c. 21. De Idololatria, c. 17,\n 18. Origen contra Celsum, l. v. p. 253, l. vii. p. 348, l. viii.\n p. 423-428.]\n\n 102b (return) [ Tertullian (de Corona Militis, c. 11) suggested\n to THEm THE expedient of deserting; a counsel which, if it had\n been generally known, was not very proper to conciliate THE favor\n of THE emperors towards THE Christian sect. * Note: There is\n nothing which ought to astonish us in THE refusal of THE\n primitive Christians to take part in public affairs; it was THE\n natural consequence of THE contrariety of THEir principles to THE\n customs, laws, and active life of THE Pagan world. As Christians,\n THEy could not enter into THE senate, which, according to Gibbon\n himself, always assembled in a temple or consecrated place, and\n where each senator, before he took his seat, made a libation of a\n few drops of wine, and burnt incense on THE altar; as Christians,\n THEy could not assist at festivals and banquets, which always\n terminated with libations, &c.; finally, as “THE innumerable\n deities and rites of polyTHEism were closely interwoven with\n every circumstance of public and private life,” THE Christians\n could not participate in THEm without incurring, according to\n THEir principles, THE guilt of impiety. It was THEn much less by\n an effect of THEir doctrine, than by THE consequence of THEir\n situation, that THEy stood aloof from public business. Whenever\n this situation offered no impediment, THEy showed as much\n activity as THE Pagans. Proinde, says Justin Martyr, (Apol. c.\n 17,) nos solum Deum adoramus, et vobis in rebus aliis læti\n inservimus.—G. ——-This latter passage, M. Guizot quotes in Latin;\n if he had consulted THE original, he would have found it to be\n altogeTHEr irrelevant: it merely relates to THE payment of\n taxes.—M. — —Tertullian does not suggest to THE soldiers THE\n expedient of deserting; he says that THEy ought to be constantly\n on THEir guard to do nothing during THEir service contrary to THE\n law of God, and to resolve to suffer martyrdom raTHEr than submit\n to a base compliance, or openly to renounce THE service. (De Cor.\n Mil. ii. p. 127.) He does not positively decide that THE military\n service is not permitted to Christians; he ends, indeed, by\n saying, Puta denique licere militiam usque ad causam coronæ.—G.\n ——M. Guizot is. I think, again unfortunate in his defence of\n Tertullian. That faTHEr says, that many Christian soldiers had\n deserted, aut deserendum statim sit, ut a multis actum. The\n latter sentence, Puta, &c, &c., is a concession for THE sake of\n argument: wha follows is more to THE purpose.—M. Many oTHEr\n passages of Tertullian prove that THE army was full of\n Christians, Hesterni sumus et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes,\n insulas, castella, municipia, conciliabula, castra ipsa. (Apol.\n c. 37.) Navigamus et not vobiscum et militamus. (c. 42.) Origen,\n in truth, appears to have maintained a more rigid opinion, (Cont.\n Cels. l. viii.;) but he has often renounced this exaggerated\n severity, perhaps necessary to produce great results, and he\n speaks of THE profession of arms as an honorable one. (l. iv. c.\n 218.)— G. ——On THEse points Christian opinion, it should seem,\n was much divided Tertullian, when he wrote THE De Cor. Mil., was\n evidently inclining to more ascetic opinions, and Origen was of\n THE same class. See Neander, vol. l part ii. p. 305, edit.\n 1828.—M.]\n\n 103 (return) [ As well as we can judge from THE mutilated\n representation of Origen, (1. viii. p. 423,) his adversary,\n Celsus, had urged his objection with great force and candor.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part VI.\n\n V. But THE human character, however it may be exalted or\n depressed by a temporary enthusiasm, will return by degrees to\n its proper and natural level, and will resume those passions that\n seem THE most adapted to its present condition. The primitive\n Christians were dead to THE business and pleasures of THE world;\n but THEir love of action, which could never be entirely\n extinguished, soon revived, and found a new occupation in THE\n government of THE church. A separate society, which attacked THE\n established religion of THE empire, was obliged to adopt some\n form of internal policy, and to appoint a sufficient number of\n ministers, intrusted not only with THE spiritual functions, but\n even with THE temporal direction of THE Christian commonwealth.\n The safety of that society, its honor, its aggrandizement, were\n productive, even in THE most pious minds, of a spirit of\n patriotism, such as THE first of THE Romans had felt for THE\n republic, and sometimes of a similar indifference, in THE use of\n whatever means might probably conduce to so desirable an end. The\n ambition of raising THEmselves or THEir friends to THE honors and\n offices of THE church, was disguised by THE laudable intention of\n devoting to THE public benefit THE power and consideration,\n which, for that purpose only, it became THEir duty to solicit. In\n THE exercise of THEir functions, THEy were frequently called upon\n to detect THE errors of heresy or THE arts of faction, to oppose\n THE designs of perfidious brethren, to stigmatize THEir\n characters with deserved infamy, and to expel THEm from THE bosom\n of a society whose peace and happiness THEy had attempted to\n disturb. The ecclesiastical governors of THE Christians were\n taught to unite THE wisdom of THE serpent with THE innocence of\n THE dove; but as THE former was refined, so THE latter was\n insensibly corrupted, by THE habits of government. In THE church\n as well as in THE world, THE persons who were placed in any\n public station rendered THEmselves considerable by THEir\n eloquence and firmness, by THEir knowledge of mankind, and by\n THEir dexterity in business; and while THEy concealed from\n oTHErs, and perhaps from THEmselves, THE secret motives of THEir\n conduct, THEy too frequently relapsed into all THE turbulent\n passions of active life, which were tinctured with an additional\n degree of bitterness and obstinacy from THE infusion of spiritual\n zeal.\n\n The government of THE church has often been THE subject, as well\n as THE prize, of religious contention. The hostile disputants of\n Rome, of Paris, of Oxford, and of Geneva, have alike struggled to\n reduce THE primitive and apostolic model 1041 to THE respective\n standards of THEir own policy. The few who have pursued this\n inquiry with more candor and impartiality, are of opinion, 105\n that THE apostles declined THE office of legislation, and raTHEr\n chose to endure some partial scandals and divisions, than to\n exclude THE Christians of a future age from THE liberty of\n varying THEir forms of ecclesiastical government according to THE\n changes of times and circumstances. The scheme of policy, which,\n under THEir approbation, was adopted for THE use of THE first\n century, may be discovered from THE practice of Jerusalem, of\n Ephesus, or of Corinth. The societies which were instituted in\n THE cities of THE Roman empire were united only by THE ties of\n faith and charity. Independence and equality formed THE basis of\n THEir internal constitution. The want of discipline and human\n learning was supplied by THE occasional assistance of THE\n _prophets_, 106 who were called to that function without\n distinction of age, of sex, 1061 or of natural abilities, and\n who, as often as THEy felt THE divine impulse, poured forth THE\n effusions of THE Spirit in THE assembly of THE faithful. But\n THEse extraordinary gifts were frequently abused or misapplied by\n THE prophetic teachers. They displayed THEm at an improper\n season, presumptuously disturbed THE service of THE assembly,\n and, by THEir pride or mistaken zeal, THEy introduced,\n particularly into THE apostolic church of Corinth, a long and\n melancholy train of disorders. 107 As THE institution of prophets\n became useless, and even pernicious, THEir powers were withdrawn,\n and THEir office abolished. The public functions of religion were\n solely intrusted to THE established ministers of THE church, THE\n _bishops_ and THE _presbyters;_ two appellations which, in THEir\n first origin, appear to have distinguished THE same office and\n THE same order of persons. The name of Presbyter was expressive\n of THEir age, or raTHEr of THEir gravity and wisdom. The title of\n Bishop denoted THEir inspection over THE faith and manners of THE\n Christians who were committed to THEir pastoral care. In\n proportion to THE respective numbers of THE faithful, a larger or\n smaller number of THEse _episcopal presbyters_ guided each infant\n congregation with equal authority and with united counsels. 108\n\n 1041 (return) [ The aristocratical party in France, as well as in\n England, has strenuously maintained THE divine origin of bishops.\n But THE Calvinistical presbyters were impatient of a superior;\n and THE Roman Pontiff refused to acknowledge an equal. See Fra\n Paolo.]\n\n 105 (return) [ In THE history of THE Christian hierarchy, I have,\n for THE most part, followed THE learned and candid Mosheim.]\n\n 106 (return) [ For THE prophets of THE primitive church, see\n Mosheim, Dissertationes ad Hist. Eccles. pertinentes, tom. ii. p.\n 132—208.]\n\n 1061 (return) [ St. Paul distinctly reproves THE intrusion of\n females into THE prophets office. 1 Cor. xiv. 34, 35. 1 Tim. ii.\n 11.—M.]\n\n 107 (return) [ See THE epistles of St. Paul, and of Clemens, to\n THE Corinthians. * Note: The first ministers established in THE\n church were THE deacons, appointed at Jerusalem, seven in number;\n THEy were charged with THE distribution of THE alms; even females\n had a share in this employment. After THE deacons came THE elders\n or priests, charged with THE maintenance of order and decorum in\n THE community, and to act every where in its name. The bishops\n were afterwards charged to watch over THE faith and THE\n instruction of THE disciples: THE apostles THEmselves appointed\n several bishops. Tertullian, (adv. Marium, c. v.,) Clement of\n Alexandria, and many faTHErs of THE second and third century, do\n not permit us to doubt this fact. The equality of rank between\n THEse different functionaries did not prevent THEir functions\n being, even in THEir origin, distinct; THEy became subsequently\n still more so. See Plank, Geschichte der Christ. Kirch.\n Verfassung., vol. i. p. 24.—G. On this extremely obscure subject,\n which has been so much perplexed by passion and interest, it is\n impossible to justify any opinion without entering into long and\n controversial details.——It must be admitted, in opposition to\n Plank, that in THE New Testament, several words are sometimes\n indiscriminately used. (Acts xx. v. 17, comp. with 28 Tit. i. 5\n and 7. Philip. i. 1.) But it is as clear, that as soon as we can\n discern THE form of church government, at a period closely\n bordering upon, if not within, THE apostolic age, it appears with\n a bishop at THE head of each community, holding some superiority\n over THE presbyters. WheTHEr he was, as Gibbon from Mosheim\n supposes, merely an elective head of THE College of Presbyters,\n (for this we have, in fact, no valid authority,) or wheTHEr his\n distinct functions were established on apostolic authority, is\n still contested. The universal submission to this episcopacy, in\n every part of THE Christian world appears to me strongly to favor\n THE latter view.—M.]\n\n 108 (return) [ Hooker’s Ecclesiastical Polity, l. vii.]\n\n But THE most perfect equality of freedom requires THE directing\n hand of a superior magistrate: and THE order of public\n deliberations soon introduces THE office of a president, invested\n at least with THE authority of collecting THE sentiments, and of\n executing THE resolutions, of THE assembly. A regard for THE\n public tranquillity, which would so frequently have been\n interrupted by annual or by occasional elections, induced THE\n primitive Christians to constitute an honorable and perpetual\n magistracy, and to choose one of THE wisest and most holy among\n THEir presbyters to execute, during his life, THE duties of THEir\n ecclesiastical governor. It was under THEse circumstances that\n THE lofty title of Bishop began to raise itself above THE humble\n appellation of Presbyter; and while THE latter remained THE most\n natural distinction for THE members of every Christian senate,\n THE former was appropriated to THE dignity of its new president.\n 109 The advantages of this episcopal form of government, which\n appears to have been introduced before THE end of THE first\n century, 110 were so obvious, and so important for THE future\n greatness, as well as THE present peace, of Christianity, that it\n was adopted without delay by all THE societies which were already\n scattered over THE empire, had acquired in a very early period\n THE sanction of antiquity, 111 and is still revered by THE most\n powerful churches, both of THE East and of THE West, as a\n primitive and even as a divine establishment. 112 It is needless\n to observe, that THE pious and humble presbyters, who were first\n dignified with THE episcopal title, could not possess, and would\n probably have rejected, THE power and pomp which now encircles\n THE tiara of THE Roman pontiff, or THE mitre of a German prelate.\n But we may define, in a few words, THE narrow limits of THEir\n original jurisdiction, which was chiefly of a spiritual, though\n in some instances of a temporal nature. 113 It consisted in THE\n administration of THE sacraments and discipline of THE church,\n THE superintendency of religious ceremonies, which imperceptibly\n increased in number and variety, THE consecration of\n ecclesiastical ministers, to whom THE bishop assigned THEir\n respective functions, THE management of THE public fund, and THE\n determination of all such differences as THE faithful were\n unwilling to expose before THE tribunal of an idolatrous judge.\n These powers, during a short period, were exercised according to\n THE advice of THE presbyteral college, and with THE consent and\n approbation of THE assembly of Christians. The primitive bishops\n were considered only as THE first of THEir equals, and THE\n honorable servants of a free people. Whenever THE episcopal chair\n became vacant by death, a new president was chosen among THE\n presbyters by THE suffrage of THE whole congregation, every\n member of which supposed himself invested with a sacred and\n sacerdotal character. 114\n\n 109 (return) [ See Jerome and Titum, c. i. and Epistol. 85, (in\n THE Benedictine edition, 101,) and THE elaborate apology of\n Blondel, pro sententia Hieronymi. The ancient state, as it is\n described by Jerome, of THE bishop and presbyters of Alexandria,\n receives a remarkable confirmation from THE patriarch Eutychius,\n (Annal. tom. i. p. 330, Vers Pocock;) whose testimony I know not\n how to reject, in spite of all THE objections of THE learned\n Pearson in his Vindiciæ Ignatianæ, part i. c. 11.]\n\n 110 (return) [ See THE introduction to THE Apocalypse. Bishops,\n under THE name of angels, were already instituted in THE seven\n cities of Asia. And yet THE epistle of Clemens (which is probably\n of as ancient a date) does not lead us to discover any traces of\n episcopacy eiTHEr at Corinth or Rome.]\n\n 111 (return) [ Nulla Ecclesia sine Episcopo, has been a fact as\n well as a maxim since THE time of Tertullian and Irenæus.]\n\n 112 (return) [ After we have passed THE difficulties of THE first\n century, we find THE episcopal government universally\n established, till it was interrupted by THE republican genius of\n THE Swiss and German reformers.]\n\n 113 (return) [ See Mosheim in THE first and second centuries.\n Ignatius (ad Smyrnæos, c. 3, &c.) is fond of exalting THE\n episcopal dignity. Le Clerc (Hist. Eccles. p. 569) very bluntly\n censures his conduct, Mosheim, with a more critical judgment, (p.\n 161,) suspects THE purity even of THE smaller epistles.]\n\n 114 (return) [ Nonne et Laici sacerdotes sumus? Tertullian,\n Exhort. ad Castitat. c. 7. As THE human heart is still THE same,\n several of THE observations which Mr. Hume has made on\n Enthusiasm, (Essays, vol. i. p. 76, quarto edit.) may be applied\n even to real inspiration. * Note: This expression was employed by\n THE earlier Christian writers in THE sense used by St. Peter, 1\n Ep ii. 9. It was THE sanctity and virtue not THE power of\n priesthood, in which all Christians were to be equally\n distinguished.—M.]\n\n Such was THE mild and equal constitution by which THE Christians\n were governed more than a hundred years after THE death of THE\n apostles. Every society formed within itself a separate and\n independent republic; and although THE most distant of THEse\n little states maintained a mutual as well as friendly intercourse\n of letters and deputations, THE Christian world was not yet\n connected by any supreme authority or legislative assembly. As\n THE numbers of THE faithful were gradually multiplied, THEy\n discovered THE advantages that might result from a closer union\n of THEir interest and designs. Towards THE end of THE second\n century, THE churches of Greece and Asia adopted THE useful\n institutions of provincial synods, 1141 and THEy may justly be\n supposed to have borrowed THE model of a representative council\n from THE celebrated examples of THEir own country, THE\n Amphictyons, THE Achæan league, or THE assemblies of THE Ionian\n cities. It was soon established as a custom and as a law, that\n THE bishops of THE independent churches should meet in THE\n capital of THE province at THE stated periods of spring and\n autumn. Their deliberations were assisted by THE advice of a few\n distinguished presbyters, and moderated by THE presence of a\n listening multitude. 115 Their decrees, which were styled Canons,\n regulated every important controversy of faith and discipline;\n and it was natural to believe that a liberal effusion of THE Holy\n Spirit would be poured on THE united assembly of THE delegates of\n THE Christian people. The institution of synods was so well\n suited to private ambition, and to public interest, that in THE\n space of a few years it was received throughout THE whole empire.\n A regular correspondence was established between THE provincial\n councils, which mutually communicated and approved THEir\n respective proceedings; and THE catholic church soon assumed THE\n form, and acquired THE strength, of a great fœderative republic.\n 116\n\n 1141 (return) [ The synods were not THE first means taken by THE\n insulated churches to enter into communion and to assume a\n corporate character. The dioceses were first formed by THE union\n of several country churches with a church in a city: many\n churches in one city uniting among THEmselves, or joining a more\n considerable church, became metropolitan. The dioceses were not\n formed before THE beginning of THE second century: before that\n time THE Christians had not established sufficient churches in\n THE country to stand in need of that union. It is towards THE\n middle of THE same century that we discover THE first traces of\n THE metropolitan constitution. (Probably THE country churches\n were founded in general by missionaries from those in THE city,\n and would preserve a natural connection with THE parent\n church.)—M. ——The provincial synods did not commence till towards\n THE middle of THE third century, and were not THE first synods.\n History gives us distinct notions of THE synods, held towards THE\n end of THE second century, at Ephesus at Jerusalem, at Pontus,\n and at Rome, to put an end to THE disputes which had arisen\n between THE Latin and Asiatic churches about THE celebration of\n Easter. But THEse synods were not subject to any regular form or\n periodical return; this regularity was first established with THE\n provincial synods, which were formed by a union of THE bishops of\n a district, subject to a metropolitan. Plank, p. 90. Geschichte\n der Christ. Kirch. Verfassung—G]\n\n 115 (return) [ Acta Concil. Carthag. apud Cyprian. edit. Fell, p.\n 158. This council was composed of eighty-seven bishops from THE\n provinces of Mauritania, Numidia, and Africa; some presbyters and\n deacons assisted at THE assembly; præsente plebis maxima parte.]\n\n 116 (return) [ Aguntur præterea per Græcias illas, certis in\n locis concilia, &c Tertullian de Jejuniis, c. 13. The African\n mentions it as a recent and foreign institution. The coalition of\n THE Christian churches is very ably explained by Mosheim, p. 164\n 170.]\n\n As THE legislative authority of THE particular churches was\n insensibly superseded by THE use of councils, THE bishops\n obtained by THEir alliance a much larger share of executive and\n arbitrary power; and as soon as THEy were connected by a sense of\n THEir common interest, THEy were enabled to attack, with united\n vigor, THE original rights of THEir clergy and people. The\n prelates of THE third century imperceptibly changed THE language\n of exhortation into that of command, scattered THE seeds of\n future usurpations, and supplied, by scripture allegories and\n declamatory rhetoric, THEir deficiency of force and of reason.\n They exalted THE unity and power of THE church, as it was\n represented in THE episcopal office, of which every bishop\n enjoyed an equal and undivided portion. 117 Princes and\n magistrates, it was often repeated, might boast an earthly claim\n to a transitory dominion; it was THE episcopal authority alone\n which was derived from THE Deity, and extended itself over this\n and over anoTHEr world. The bishops were THE vicegerents of\n Christ, THE successors of THE apostles, and THE mystic\n substitutes of THE high priest of THE Mosaic law. Their exclusive\n privilege of conferring THE sacerdotal character invaded THE\n freedom both of clerical and of popular elections; and if, in THE\n administration of THE church, THEy still consulted THE judgment\n of THE presbyters, or THE inclination of THE people, THEy most\n carefully inculcated THE merit of such a voluntary condescension.\n The bishops acknowledged THE supreme authority which resided in\n THE assembly of THEir brethren; but in THE government of his\n peculiar diocese, each of THEm exacted from his _flock_ THE same\n implicit obedience as if that favorite metaphor had been\n literally just, and as if THE shepherd had been of a more exalted\n nature than that of his sheep. 118 This obedience, however, was\n not imposed without some efforts on one side, and some resistance\n on THE oTHEr. The democratical part of THE constitution was, in\n many places, very warmly supported by THE zealous or interested\n opposition of THE inferior clergy. But THEir patriotism received\n THE ignominious epiTHEts of faction and schism; and THE episcopal\n cause was indebted for its rapid progress to THE labors of many\n active prelates, who, like Cyprian of Carthage, could reconcile\n THE arts of THE most ambitious statesman with THE Christian\n virtues which seem adapted to THE character of a saint and\n martyr. 119\n\n 117 (return) [ Cyprian, in his admired treatise De Unitate\n Ecclesiæ. p. 75—86]\n\n 118 (return) [ We may appeal to THE whole tenor of Cyprian’s\n conduct, of his doctrine, and of his epistles. Le Clerc, in a\n short life of Cyprian, (BiblioTHEque Universelle, tom. xii. p.\n 207—378,) has laid him open with great freedom and accuracy.]\n\n 119 (return) [ If Novatus, Felicissimus, &c., whom THE Bishop of\n Carthage expelled from his church, and from Africa, were not THE\n most detestable monsters of wickedness, THE zeal of Cyprian must\n occasionally have prevailed over his veracity. For a very just\n account of THEse obscure quarrels, see Mosheim, p. 497—512.]\n\n The same causes which at first had destroyed THE equality of THE\n presbyters introduced among THE bishops a preeminence of rank,\n and from THEnce a superiority of jurisdiction. As often as in THE\n spring and autumn THEy met in provincial synod, THE difference of\n personal merit and reputation was very sensibly felt among THE\n members of THE assembly, and THE multitude was governed by THE\n wisdom and eloquence of THE few. But THE order of public\n proceedings required a more regular and less invidious\n distinction; THE office of perpetual presidents in THE councils\n of each province was conferred on THE bishops of THE principal\n city; and THEse aspiring prelates, who soon acquired THE lofty\n titles of Metropolitans and Primates, secretly prepared\n THEmselves to usurp over THEir episcopal brethren THE same\n authority which THE bishops had so lately assumed above THE\n college of presbyters. 120 Nor was it long before an emulation of\n preeminence and power prevailed among THE Metropolitans\n THEmselves, each of THEm affecting to display, in THE most\n pompous terms, THE temporal honors and advantages of THE city\n over which he presided; THE numbers and opulence of THE\n Christians who were subject to THEir pastoral care; THE saints\n and martyrs who had arisen among THEm; and THE purity with which\n THEy preserved THE tradition of THE faith, as it had been\n transmitted through a series of orthodox bishops from THE apostle\n or THE apostolic disciple, to whom THE foundation of THEir church\n was ascribed. 121 From every cause, eiTHEr of a civil or of an\n ecclesiastical nature, it was easy to foresee that Rome must\n enjoy THE respect, and would soon claim THE obedience, of THE\n provinces. The society of THE faithful bore a just proportion to\n THE capital of THE empire; and THE Roman church was THE greatest,\n THE most numerous, and, in regard to THE West, THE most ancient\n of all THE Christian establishments, many of which had received\n THEir religion from THE pious labors of her missionaries. Instead\n of one apostolic founder, THE utmost boast of Antioch, of\n Ephesus, or of Corinth, THE banks of THE Tyber were supposed to\n have been honored with THE preaching and martyrdom of THE two\n most eminent among THE apostles; 122 and THE bishops of Rome very\n prudently claimed THE inheritance of whatsoever prerogatives were\n attributed eiTHEr to THE person or to THE office of St. Peter.\n 123 The bishops of Italy and of THE provinces were disposed to\n allow THEm a primacy of order and association (such was THEir\n very accurate expression) in THE Christian aristocracy. 124 But\n THE power of a monarch was rejected with abhorrence, and THE\n aspiring genius of Rome experienced from THE nations of Asia and\n Africa a more vigorous resistance to her spiritual, than she had\n formerly done to her temporal, dominion. The patriotic Cyprian,\n who ruled with THE most absolute sway THE church of Carthage and\n THE provincial synods, opposed with resolution and success THE\n ambition of THE Roman pontiff, artfully connected his own cause\n with that of THE eastern bishops, and, like Hannibal, sought out\n new allies in THE heart of Asia. 125 If this Punic war was\n carried on without any effusion of blood, it was owing much less\n to THE moderation than to THE weakness of THE contending\n prelates. Invectives and excommunications were _THEir_ only\n weapons; and THEse, during THE progress of THE whole controversy,\n THEy hurled against each oTHEr with equal fury and devotion. The\n hard necessity of censuring eiTHEr a pope, or a saint and martyr,\n distresses THE modern Catholics whenever THEy are obliged to\n relate THE particulars of a dispute in which THE champions of\n religion indulged such passions as seem much more adapted to THE\n senate or to THE camp. 126\n\n 120 (return) [ Mosheim, p. 269, 574. Dupin, Antiquæ Eccles.\n Disciplin. p. 19, 20.]\n\n 121 (return) [ Tertullian, in a distinct treatise, has pleaded\n against THE heretics THE right of prescription, as it was held by\n THE apostolic churches.]\n\n 122 (return) [ The journey of St. Peter to Rome is mentioned by\n most of THE ancients, (see Eusebius, ii. 25,) maintained by all\n THE Catholics, allowed by some Protestants, (see Pearson and\n Dodwell de Success. Episcop. Roman,) but has been vigorously\n attacked by Spanheim, (Miscellanes Sacra, iii. 3.) According to\n FaTHEr Hardouin, THE monks of THE thirteenth century, who\n composed THE Æneid, represented St. Peter under THE allegorical\n character of THE Trojan hero. * Note: It is quite clear that,\n strictly speaking, THE church of Rome was not founded by eiTHEr\n of THEse apostles. St. Paul’s Epistle to THE Romans proves\n undeniably THE flourishing state of THE church before his visit\n to THE city; and many Roman Catholic writers have given up THE\n impracticable task of reconciling with chronology any visit of\n St. Peter to Rome before THE end of THE reign of Claudius, or THE\n beginning of that of Nero.—M.]\n\n 123 (return) [ It is in French only that THE famous allusion to\n St. Peter’s name is exact. Tu es Pierre, et sur cette pierre.—The\n same is imperfect in Greek, Latin, Italian, &c., and totally\n unintelligible in our Tentonic languages. * Note: It is exact in\n Syro-Chaldaic, THE language in which it was spoken by Jesus\n Christ. (St. Matt. xvi. 17.) Peter was called Cephas; and cepha\n signifies base, foundation, rock—G.]\n\n 124 (return) [ Irenæus adv. Hæreses, iii. 3. Tertullian de\n Præscription. c. 36, and Cyprian, Epistol. 27, 55, 71, 75. Le\n Clere (Hist. Eccles. p. 764) and Mosheim (p. 258, 578) labor in\n THE interpretation of THEse passages. But THE loose and\n rhetorical style of THE faTHErs often appears favorable to THE\n pretensions of Rome.]\n\n 125 (return) [ See THE sharp epistle from Firmilianus, bishop of\n Cæsarea, to Stephen, bishop of Rome, ap. Cyprian, Epistol. 75.]\n\n 126 (return) [ Concerning this dispute of THE rebaptism of\n heretics, see THE epistles of Cyprian, and THE seventh book of\n Eusebius.]\n\n The progress of THE ecclesiastical authority gave birth to THE\n memorable distinction of THE laity and of THE clergy, which had\n been unknown to THE Greeks and Romans. 127 The former of THEse\n appellations comprehended THE body of THE Christian people; THE\n latter, according to THE signification of THE word, was\n appropriated to THE chosen portion that had been set apart for\n THE service of religion; a celebrated order of men, which has\n furnished THE most important, though not always THE most\n edifying, subjects for modern history. Their mutual hostilities\n sometimes disturbed THE peace of THE infant church, but THEir\n zeal and activity were united in THE common cause, and THE love\n of power, which (under THE most artful disguises) could insinuate\n itself into THE breasts of bishops and martyrs, animated THEm to\n increase THE number of THEir subjects, and to enlarge THE limits\n of THE Christian empire. They were destitute of any temporal\n force, and THEy were for a long time discouraged and oppressed,\n raTHEr than assisted, by THE civil magistrate; but THEy had\n acquired, and THEy employed within THEir own society, THE two\n most efficacious instruments of government, rewards and\n punishments; THE former derived from THE pious liberality, THE\n latter from THE devout apprehensions, of THE faithful.\n\n 127 (return) [ For THE origin of THEse words, see Mosheim, p.\n 141. Spanheim, Hist. Ecclesiast. p. 633. The distinction of\n Clerus and Iaicus was established before THE time of Tertullian.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part VII\n\n I. The community of goods, which had so agreeably amused THE\n imagination of Plato, 128 and which subsisted in some degree\n among THE austere sect of THE Essenians, 129 was adopted for a\n short time in THE primitive church. The fervor of THE first\n proselytes prompted THEm to sell those worldly possessions, which\n THEy despised, to lay THE price of THEm at THE feet of THE\n apostles, and to content THEmselves with receiving an equal share\n out of THE general distribution. 130 The progress of THE\n Christian religion relaxed, and gradually abolished, this\n generous institution, which, in hands less pure than those of THE\n apostles, would too soon have been corrupted and abused by THE\n returning selfishness of human nature; and THE converts who\n embraced THE new religion were permitted to retain THE possession\n of THEir patrimony, to receive legacies and inheritances, and to\n increase THEir separate property by all THE lawful means of trade\n and industry. Instead of an absolute sacrifice, a moderate\n proportion was accepted by THE ministers of THE gospel; and in\n THEir weekly or monthly assemblies, every believer, according to\n THE exigency of THE occasion, and THE measure of his wealth and\n piety, presented his voluntary offering for THE use of THE common\n fund. 131 Nothing, however inconsiderable, was refused; but it\n was diligently inculcated that, in THE article of TiTHEs, THE\n Mosaic law was still of divine obligation; and that since THE\n Jews, under a less perfect discipline, had been commanded to pay\n a tenth part of all that THEy possessed, it would become THE\n disciples of Christ to distinguish THEmselves by a superior\n degree of liberality, 132 and to acquire some merit by resigning\n a superfluous treasure, which must so soon be annihilated with\n THE world itself. 133 It is almost unnecessary to observe, that\n THE revenue of each particular church, which was of so uncertain\n and fluctuating a nature, must have varied with THE poverty or\n THE opulence of THE faithful, as THEy were dispersed in obscure\n villages, or collected in THE great cities of THE empire. In THE\n time of THE emperor Decius, it was THE opinion of THE\n magistrates, that THE Christians of Rome were possessed of very\n considerable wealth; that vessels of gold and silver were used in\n THEir religious worship, and that many among THEir proselytes had\n sold THEir lands and houses to increase THE public riches of THE\n sect, at THE expense, indeed, of THEir unfortunate children, who\n found THEmselves beggars, because THEir parents had been saints.\n 134 We should listen with distrust to THE suspicions of strangers\n and enemies: on this occasion, however, THEy receive a very\n specious and probable color from THE two following circumstances,\n THE only ones that have reached our knowledge, which define any\n precise sums, or convey any distinct idea. Almost at THE same\n period, THE bishop of Carthage, from a society less opulent than\n that of Rome, collected a hundred thousand sesterces, (above\n eight hundred and fifty pounds sterling,) on a sudden call of\n charity to redeem THE brethren of Numidia, who had been carried\n away captives by THE barbarians of THE desert. 135 About a\n hundred years before THE reign of Decius, THE Roman church had\n received, in a single donation, THE sum of two hundred thousand\n sesterces from a stranger of Pontus, who proposed to fix his\n residence in THE capital. 136 These oblations, for THE most part,\n were made in money; nor was THE society of Christians eiTHEr\n desirous or capable of acquiring, to any considerable degree, THE\n encumbrance of landed property. It had been provided by several\n laws, which were enacted with THE same design as our statutes of\n mortmain, that no real estates should be given or bequeaTHEd to\n any corporate body, without eiTHEr a special privilege or a\n particular dispensation from THE emperor or from THE senate; 137\n who were seldom disposed to grant THEm in favor of a sect, at\n first THE object of THEir contempt, and at last of THEir fears\n and jealousy. A transaction, however, is related under THE reign\n of Alexander Severus, which discovers that THE restraint was\n sometimes eluded or suspended, and that THE Christians were\n permitted to claim and to possess lands within THE limits of Rome\n itself. 138 The progress of Christianity, and THE civil confusion\n of THE empire, contributed to relax THE severity of THE laws; and\n before THE close of THE third century many considerable estates\n were bestowed on THE opulent churches of Rome, Milan, Carthage,\n Antioch, Alexandria, and THE oTHEr great cities of Italy and THE\n provinces.\n\n 128 (return) [ The community instituted by Plato is more perfect\n than that which Sir Thomas More had imagined for his Utopia. The\n community of women, and that of temporal goods, may be considered\n as inseparable parts of THE same system.]\n\n 129 (return) [ Joseph. Antiquitat. xviii. 2. Philo, de Vit.\n Contemplativ.]\n\n 130 (return) [ See THE Acts of THE Apostles, c. 2, 4, 5, with\n Grotius’s Commentary. Mosheim, in a particular dissertation,\n attacks THE common opinion with very inconclusive arguments. *\n Note: This is not THE general judgment on Mosheim’s learned\n dissertation. There is no trace in THE latter part of THE New\n Testament of this community of goods, and many distinct proofs of\n THE contrary. All exhortations to almsgiving would have been\n unmeaning if property had been in common—M.]\n\n 131 (return) [ Justin Martyr, Apolog. Major, c. 89. Tertullian,\n Apolog. c. 39.]\n\n 132 (return) [ Irenæus ad Hæres. l. iv. c. 27, 34. Origen in Num.\n Hom. ii Cyprian de Unitat. Eccles. Constitut. Apostol. l. ii. c.\n 34, 35, with THE notes of Cotelerius. The Constitutions introduce\n this divine precept, by declaring that priests are as much above\n kings as THE soul is above THE body. Among THE tithable articles,\n THEy enumerate corn, wine, oil, and wool. On this interesting\n subject, consult Prideaux’s History of TiTHEs, and Fra Paolo\n delle Materie Beneficiarie; two writers of a very different\n character.]\n\n 133 (return) [ The same opinion which prevailed about THE year\n one thousand, was productive of THE same effects. Most of THE\n Donations express THEir motive, “appropinquante mundi fine.” See\n Mosheim’s General History of THE Church, vol. i. p. 457.]\n\n 134 (return) [ Tum summa cura est fratribus (Ut sermo testatur\n loquax.) Offerre, fundis venditis Sestertiorum millia. Addicta\n avorum prædia Foedis sub auctionibus, Successor exheres gemit\n Sanctis egens Parentibus. Hæc occuluntur abditis Ecclesiarum in\n angulis. Et summa pietas creditur Nudare dulces\n liberos.——Prudent. Hymn 2. The subsequent conduct of THE deacon\n Laurence only proves how proper a use was made of THE wealth of\n THE Roman church; it was undoubtedly very considerable; but Fra\n Paolo (c. 3) appears to exaggerate, when he supposes that THE\n successors of Commodus were urged to persecute THE Christians by\n THEir own avarice, or that of THEir Prætorian præfects.]\n\n 135 (return) [ Cyprian, Epistol. 62.]\n\n 136 (return) [ Tertullian de Præscriptione, c. 30.]\n\n 137 (return) [ Diocletian gave a rescript, which is only a\n declaration of THE old law; “Collegium, si nullo speciali\n privilegio subnixum sit, hæreditatem capere non posse, dubium non\n est.” Fra Paolo (c. 4) thinks that THEse regulations had been\n much neglected since THE reign of Valerian.]\n\n 138 (return) [ Hist. August. p. 131. The ground had been public;\n and was row disputed between THE society of Christians and that\n of butchers. Note *: Carponarii, raTHEr victuallers.—M.]\n\n The bishop was THE natural steward of THE church; THE public\n stock was intrusted to his care without account or control; THE\n presbyters were confined to THEir spiritual functions, and THE\n more dependent order of THE deacons was solely employed in THE\n management and distribution of THE ecclesiastical revenue. 139 If\n we may give credit to THE vehement declamations of Cyprian, THEre\n were too many among his African brethren, who, in THE execution\n of THEir charge, violated every precept, not only of evangelical\n perfection, but even of moral virtue. By some of THEse unfaithful\n stewards THE riches of THE church were lavished in sensual\n pleasures; by oTHErs THEy were perverted to THE purposes of\n private gain, of fraudulent purchases, and of rapacious usury.\n 140 But as long as THE contributions of THE Christian people were\n free and unconstrained, THE abuse of THEir confidence could not\n be very frequent, and THE general uses to which THEir liberality\n was applied reflected honor on THE religious society. A decent\n portion was reserved for THE maintenance of THE bishop and his\n clergy; a sufficient sum was allotted for THE expenses of THE\n public worship, of which THE feasts of love, THE _agapæ_, as THEy\n were called, constituted a very pleasing part. The whole\n remainder was THE sacred patrimony of THE poor. According to THE\n discretion of THE bishop, it was distributed to support widows\n and orphans, THE lame, THE sick, and THE aged of THE community;\n to comfort strangers and pilgrims, and to alleviate THE\n misfortunes of prisoners and captives, more especially when THEir\n sufferings had been occasioned by THEir firm attachment to THE\n cause of religion. 141 A generous intercourse of charity united\n THE most distant provinces, and THE smaller congregations were\n cheerfully assisted by THE alms of THEir more opulent brethren.\n 142 Such an institution, which paid less regard to THE merit than\n to THE distress of THE object, very materially conduced to THE\n progress of Christianity. The Pagans, who were actuated by a\n sense of humanity, while THEy derided THE doctrines, acknowledged\n THE benevolence, of THE new sect. 143 The prospect of immediate\n relief and of future protection allured into its hospitable bosom\n many of those unhappy persons whom THE neglect of THE world would\n have abandoned to THE miseries of want, of sickness, and of old\n age. There is some reason likewise to believe that great numbers\n of infants, who, according to THE inhuman practice of THE times,\n had been exposed by THEir parents, were frequently rescued from\n death, baptized, educated, and maintained by THE piety of THE\n Christians, and at THE expense of THE public treasure. 144\n\n 139 (return) [ Constitut. Apostol. ii. 35.]\n\n 140 (return) [ Cyprian de Lapsis, p. 89. Epistol. 65. The charge\n is confirmed by THE 19th and 20th canon of THE council of\n Illiberis.]\n\n 141 (return) [ See THE apologies of Justin, Tertullian, &c.]\n\n 142 (return) [ The wealth and liberality of THE Romans to THEir\n most distant brethren is gratefully celebrated by Dionysius of\n Corinth, ap. Euseb. l. iv. c. 23.]\n\n 143 (return) [ See Lucian iu Peregrin. Julian (Epist. 49) seems\n mortified that THE Christian charity maintains not only THEir\n own, but likewise THE heaTHEn poor.]\n\n 144 (return) [ Such, at least, has been THE laudable conduct of\n more modern missionaries, under THE same circumstances. Above\n three thousand new-born infants are annually exposed in THE\n streets of Pekin. See Le Comte, Memoires sur la Chine, and THE\n Recherches sur les Chinois et les Egyptians, tom. i. p. 61.]\n\n II. It is THE undoubted right of every society to exclude from\n its communion and benefits such among its members as reject or\n violate those regulations which have been established by general\n consent. In THE exercise of this power, THE censures of THE\n Christian church were chiefly directed against scandalous\n sinners, and particularly those who were guilty of murder, of\n fraud, or of incontinence; against THE authors or THE followers\n of any heretical opinions which had been condemned by THE\n judgment of THE episcopal order; and against those unhappy\n persons, who, wheTHEr from choice or compulsion, had polluted\n THEmselves after THEir baptism by any act of idolatrous worship.\n The consequences of excommunication were of a temporal as well as\n a spiritual nature. The Christian against whom it was pronounced\n was deprived of any part in THE oblations of THE faithful. The\n ties both of religious and of private friendship were dissolved:\n he found himself a profane object of abhorrence to THE persons\n whom he THE most esteemed, or by whom he had been THE most\n tenderly beloved; and as far as an expulsion from a respectable\n society could imprint on his character a mark of disgrace, he was\n shunned or suspected by THE generality of mankind. The situation\n of THEse unfortunate exiles was in itself very painful and\n melancholy; but, as it usually happens, THEir apprehensions far\n exceeded THEir sufferings. The benefits of THE Christian\n communion were those of eternal life; nor could THEy erase from\n THEir minds THE awful opinion, that to those ecclesiastical\n governors by whom THEy were condemned, THE Deity had committed\n THE keys of Hell and of Paradise. The heretics, indeed, who might\n be supported by THE consciousness of THEir intentions, and by THE\n flattering hope that THEy alone had discovered THE true path of\n salvation, endeavored to regain, in THEir separate assemblies,\n those comforts, temporal as well as spiritual, which THEy no\n longer derived from THE great society of Christians. But almost\n all those who had reluctantly yielded to THE power of vice or\n idolatry were sensible of THEir fallen condition, and anxiously\n desirous of being restored to THE benefits of THE Christian\n communion.\n\n With regard to THE treatment of THEse penitents, two opposite\n opinions, THE one of justice, THE oTHEr of mercy, divided THE\n primitive church. The more rigid and inflexible casuists refused\n THEm forever, and without exception, THE meanest place in THE\n holy community, which THEy had disgraced or deserted; and leaving\n THEm to THE remorse of a guilty conscience, indulged THEm only\n with a faint ray of hope that THE contrition of THEir life and\n death might possibly be accepted by THE Supreme Being. 145 A\n milder sentiment was embraced, in practice as well as in THEory,\n by THE purest and most respectable of THE Christian churches. 146\n The gates of reconciliation and of heaven were seldom shut\n against THE returning penitent; but a severe and solemn form of\n discipline was instituted, which, while it served to expiate his\n crime, might powerfully deter THE spectators from THE imitation\n of his example. Humbled by a public confession, emaciated by\n fasting and cloTHEd in sackcloth, THE penitent lay prostrate at\n THE door of THE assembly, imploring with tears THE pardon of his\n offences, and soliciting THE prayers of THE faithful. 147 If THE\n fault was of a very heinous nature, whole years of penance were\n esteemed an inadequate satisfaction to THE divine justice; and it\n was always by slow and painful gradations that THE sinner, THE\n heretic, or THE apostate, was readmitted into THE bosom of THE\n church. A sentence of perpetual excommunication was, however,\n reserved for some crimes of an extraordinary magnitude, and\n particularly for THE inexcusable relapses of those penitents who\n had already experienced and abused THE clemency of THEir\n ecclesiastical superiors. According to THE circumstances or THE\n number of THE guilty, THE exercise of THE Christian discipline\n was varied by THE discretion of THE bishops. The councils of\n Ancyra and Illiberis were held about THE same time, THE one in\n Galatia, THE oTHEr in Spain; but THEir respective canons, which\n are still extant, seem to breaTHE a very different spirit. The\n Galatian, who after his baptism had repeatedly sacrificed to\n idols, might obtain his pardon by a penance of seven years; and\n if he had seduced oTHErs to imitate his example, only three years\n more were added to THE term of his exile. But THE unhappy\n Spaniard, who had committed THE same offence, was deprived of THE\n hope of reconciliation, even in THE article of death; and his\n idolatry was placed at THE head of a list of seventeen oTHEr\n crimes, against which a sentence no less terrible was pronounced.\n Among THEse we may distinguish THE inexpiable guilt of\n calumniating a bishop, a presbyter, or even a deacon. 148\n\n 145 (return) [ The Montanists and THE Novatians, who adhered to\n this opinion with THE greatest rigor and obstinacy, found\n THEmselves at last in THE number of excommunicated heretics. See\n THE learned and copious Mosheim, Secul. ii. and iii.]\n\n 146 (return) [ Dionysius ap. Euseb. iv. 23. Cyprian, de Lapsis.]\n\n 147 (return) [ Cave’s Primitive Christianity, part iii. c. 5. The\n admirers of antiquity regret THE loss of this public penance.]\n\n 148 (return) [ See in Dupin, BiblioTHEque Ecclesiastique, tom.\n ii. p. 304—313, a short but rational exposition of THE canons of\n those councils, which were assembled in THE first moments of\n tranquillity, after THE persecution of Diocletian. This\n persecution had been much less severely felt in Spain than in\n Galatia; a difference which may, in some measure account for THE\n contrast of THEir regulations.]\n\n The well-tempered mixture of liberality and rigor, THE judicious\n dispensation of rewards and punishments, according to THE maxims\n of policy as well as justice, constituted THE _human_ strength of\n THE church. The Bishops, whose paternal care extended itself to\n THE government of both worlds, were sensible of THE importance of\n THEse prerogatives; and covering THEir ambition with THE fair\n pretence of THE love of order, THEy were jealous of any rival in\n THE exercise of a discipline so necessary to prevent THE\n desertion of those troops which had enlisted THEmselves under THE\n banner of THE cross, and whose numbers every day became more\n considerable. From THE imperious declamations of Cyprian, we\n should naturally conclude that THE doctrines of excommunication\n and penance formed THE most essential part of religion; and that\n it was much less dangerous for THE disciples of Christ to neglect\n THE observance of THE moral duties, than to despise THE censures\n and authority of THEir bishops. Sometimes we might imagine that\n we were listening to THE voice of Moses, when he commanded THE\n earth to open, and to swallow up, in consuming flames, THE\n rebellious race which refused obedience to THE priesthood of\n Aaron; and we should sometimes suppose that we heard a Roman\n consul asserting THE majesty of THE republic, and declaring his\n inflexible resolution to enforce THE rigor of THE laws. “If such\n irregularities are suffered with impunity,” (it is thus that THE\n bishop of Carthage chides THE lenity of his colleague,) “if such\n irregularities are suffered, THEre is an end of EPISCOPAL VIGOR;\n 149 an end of THE sublime and divine power of governing THE\n Church, an end of Christianity itself.” Cyprian had renounced\n those temporal honors which it is probable he would never have\n obtained; but THE acquisition of such absolute command over THE\n consciences and understanding of a congregation, however obscure\n or despised by THE world, is more truly grateful to THE pride of\n THE human heart than THE possession of THE most despotic power,\n imposed by arms and conquest on a reluctant people.\n\n 1491] (return) [ Gibbon has been accused of injustice to THE\n character of Cyprian, as exalting THE “censures and authority of\n THE church above THE observance of THE moral duties.”\n Felicissimus had been condemned by a synod of bishops, (non\n tantum mea, sed plurimorum coepiscorum, sententia condemnatum,)\n on THE charge not only of schism, but of embezzlement of public\n money, THE debauching of virgins, and frequent acts of adultery.\n His violent menaces had extorted his readmission into THE church,\n against which Cyprian protests with much vehemence: ne pecuniæ\n commissæ sibi fraudator, ne stuprator virginum, ne matrimoniorum\n multorum depopulator et corruptor, ultra adhuc sponsam Christi\n incorruptam præsentiæ suæ dedecore, et impudica atque incesta\n contagione, violaret. See Chelsum’s Remarks, p. 134. If THEse\n charges against Felicissimus were true, THEy were something more\n than “irregularities,” A Roman censor would have been a fairer\n subject of comparison than a consul. On THE oTHEr hand, it must\n be admitted that THE charge of adultery deepens very rapidly as\n THE controversy becomes more violent. It is first represented as\n a single act, recently detected, and which men of character were\n prepared to substantiate: adulterii etiam crimen accedit. quod\n patres nostri graves viri deprehendisse se nuntiaverunt, et\n probaturos se asseverarunt. Epist. xxxviii. The heretic has now\n darkened into a man of notorious and general profligacy. Nor can\n it be denied that of THE whole long epistle, very far THE larger\n and THE more passionate part dwells on THE breach of\n ecclesiastical unity raTHEr than on THE violation of Christian\n holiness.—M.]\n\n 149 (return) [ Cyprian Epist. 69.]\n\n 1492 (return) [ This supposition appears unfounded: THE birth and\n THE talents of Cyprian might make us presume THE contrary.\n Thascius Cæcilius Cyprianus, Carthaginensis, artis oratoriæ\n professione clarus, magnam sibi gloriam, opes, honores\n acquisivit, epularibus cænis et largis dapibus assuetus, pretiosa\n veste conspicuus, auro atque purpura fulgens, fascibus oblectatus\n et honoribus, stipatus clientium cuneis, frequentiore comitatu\n officii agminis honestatus, ut ipse de se loquitur in Epistola ad\n Donatum. See De Cave, Hist. Liter. b. i. p. 87.—G. Cave has\n raTHEr embellished Cyprian’s language.—M.]\n\n In THE course of this important, though perhaps tedious inquiry,\n I have attempted to display THE secondary causes which so\n efficaciously assisted THE truth of THE Christian religion. If\n among THEse causes we have discovered any artificial ornaments,\n any accidental circumstances, or any mixture of error and\n passion, it cannot appear surprising that mankind should be THE\n most sensibly affected by such motives as were suited to THEir\n imperfect nature. It was by THE aid of THEse causes, exclusive\n zeal, THE immediate expectation of anoTHEr world, THE claim of\n miracles, THE practice of rigid virtue, and THE constitution of\n THE primitive church, that Christianity spread itself with so\n much success in THE Roman empire. To THE first of THEse THE\n Christians were indebted for THEir invincible valor, which\n disdained to capitulate with THE enemy whom THEy were resolved to\n vanquish. The three succeeding causes supplied THEir valor with\n THE most formidable arms. The last of THEse causes united THEir\n courage, directed THEir arms, and gave THEir efforts that\n irresistible weight, which even a small band of well-trained and\n intrepid volunteers has so often possessed over an undisciplined\n multitude, ignorant of THE subject and careless of THE event of\n THE war. In THE various religions of PolyTHEism, some wandering\n fanatics of Egypt and Syria, who addressed THEmselves to THE\n credulous superstition of THE populace, were perhaps THE only\n order of priests 150 that derived THEir whole support and credit\n from THEir sacerdotal profession, and were very deeply affected\n by a personal concern for THE safety or prosperity of THEir\n tutelar deities. The ministers of PolyTHEism, both in Rome and in\n THE provinces, were, for THE most part, men of a noble birth, and\n of an affluent fortune, who received, as an honorable\n distinction, THE care of a celebrated temple, or of a public\n sacrifice, exhibited, very frequently at THEir own expense, THE\n sacred games, 151 and with cold indifference performed THE\n ancient rites, according to THE laws and fashion of THEir\n country. As THEy were engaged in THE ordinary occupations of\n life, THEir zeal and devotion were seldom animated by a sense of\n interest, or by THE habits of an ecclesiastical character.\n Confined to THEir respective temples and cities, THEy remained\n without any connection of discipline or government; and whilst\n THEy acknowledged THE supreme jurisdiction of THE senate, of THE\n college of pontiffs, and of THE emperor, those civil magistrates\n contented THEmselves with THE easy task of maintaining in peace\n and dignity THE general worship of mankind. We have already seen\n how various, how loose, and how uncertain were THE religious\n sentiments of PolyTHEists. They were abandoned, almost without\n control, to THE natural workings of a superstitious fancy. The\n accidental circumstances of THEir life and situation determined\n THE object as well as THE degree of THEir devotion; and as long\n as THEir adoration was successively prostituted to a thousand\n deities, it was scarcely possible that THEir hearts could be\n susceptible of a very sincere or lively passion for any of THEm.\n\n 150 (return) [ The arts, THE manners, and THE vices of THE\n priests of THE Syrian goddess are very humorously described by\n Apuleius, in THE eighth book of his Metamorphosis.]\n\n 151 (return) [ The office of Asiarch was of this nature, and it\n is frequently mentioned in Aristides, THE Inscriptions, &c. It\n was annual and elective. None but THE vainest citizens could\n desire THE honor; none but THE most wealthy could support THE\n expense. See, in THE Patres Apostol. tom. ii. p. 200, with how\n much indifference Philip THE Asiarch conducted himself in THE\n martyrdom of Polycarp. There were likewise Bithyniarchs,\n Lyciarchs, &c.]\n\n When Christianity appeared in THE world, even THEse faint and\n imperfect impressions had lost much of THEir original power.\n Human reason, which by its unassisted strength is incapable of\n perceiving THE mysteries of faith, had already obtained an easy\n triumph over THE folly of Paganism; and when Tertullian or\n Lactantius employ THEir labors in exposing its falsehood and\n extravagance, THEy are obliged to transcribe THE eloquence of\n Cicero or THE wit of Lucian. The contagion of THEse sceptical\n writings had been diffused far beyond THE number of THEir\n readers. The fashion of incredulity was communicated from THE\n philosopher to THE man of pleasure or business, from THE noble to\n THE plebeian, and from THE master to THE menial slave who waited\n at his table, and who eagerly listened to THE freedom of his\n conversation. On public occasions THE philosophic part of mankind\n affected to treat with respect and decency THE religious\n institutions of THEir country; but THEir secret contempt\n penetrated through THE thin and awkward disguise; and even THE\n people, when THEy discovered that THEir deities were rejected and\n derided by those whose rank or understanding THEy were accustomed\n to reverence, were filled with doubts and apprehensions\n concerning THE truth of those doctrines, to which THEy had\n yielded THE most implicit belief. The decline of ancient\n prejudice exposed a very numerous portion of human kind to THE\n danger of a painful and comfortless situation. A state of\n scepticism and suspense may amuse a few inquisitive minds. But\n THE practice of superstition is so congenial to THE multitude,\n that if THEy are forcibly awakened, THEy still regret THE loss of\n THEir pleasing vision. Their love of THE marvellous and\n supernatural, THEir curiosity with regard to future events, and\n THEir strong propensity to extend THEir hopes and fears beyond\n THE limits of THE visible world, were THE principal causes which\n favored THE establishment of PolyTHEism. So urgent on THE vulgar\n is THE necessity of believing, that THE fall of any system of\n mythology will most probably be succeeded by THE introduction of\n some oTHEr mode of superstition. Some deities of a more recent\n and fashionable cast might soon have occupied THE deserted\n temples of Jupiter and Apollo, if, in THE decisive moment, THE\n wisdom of Providence had not interposed a genuine revelation,\n fitted to inspire THE most rational esteem and conviction,\n whilst, at THE same time, it was adorned with all that could\n attract THE curiosity, THE wonder, and THE veneration of THE\n people. In THEir actual disposition, as many were almost\n disengaged from THEir artificial prejudices, but equally\n susceptible and desirous of a devout attachment; an object much\n less deserving would have been sufficient to fill THE vacant\n place in THEir hearts, and to gratify THE uncertain eagerness of\n THEir passions. Those who are inclined to pursue this reflection,\n instead of viewing with astonishment THE rapid progress of\n Christianity, will perhaps be surprised that its success was not\n still more rapid and still more universal. It has been observed,\n with truth as well as propriety, that THE conquests of Rome\n prepared and facilitated those of Christianity. In THE second\n chapter of this work we have attempted to explain in what manner\n THE most civilized provinces of Europe, Asia, and Africa were\n united under THE dominion of one sovereign, and gradually\n connected by THE most intimate ties of laws, of manners, and of\n language. The Jews of Palestine, who had fondly expected a\n temporal deliverer, gave so cold a reception to THE miracles of\n THE divine prophet, that it was found unnecessary to publish, or\n at least to preserve, any Hebrew gospel. 152 The auTHEntic\n histories of THE actions of Christ were composed in THE Greek\n language, at a considerable distance from Jerusalem, and after\n THE Gentile converts were grown extremely numerous. 153 As soon\n as those histories were translated into THE Latin tongue, THEy\n were perfectly intelligible to all THE subjects of Rome,\n excepting only to THE peasants of Syria and Egypt, for whose\n benefit particular versions were afterwards made. The public\n highways, which had been constructed for THE use of THE legions,\n opened an easy passage for THE Christian missionaries from\n Damascus to Corinth, and from Italy to THE extremity of Spain or\n Britain; nor did those spiritual conquerors encounter any of THE\n obstacles which usually retard or prevent THE introduction of a\n foreign religion into a distant country. There is THE strongest\n reason to believe, that before THE reigns of Diocletian and\n Constantine, THE faith of Christ had been preached in every\n province, and in all THE great cities of THE empire; but THE\n foundation of THE several congregations, THE numbers of THE\n faithful who composed THEm, and THEir proportion to THE\n unbelieving multitude, are now buried in obscurity, or disguised\n by fiction and declamation. Such imperfect circumstances,\n however, as have reached our knowledge concerning THE increase of\n THE Christian name in Asia and Greece, in Egypt, in Italy, and in\n THE West, we shall now proceed to relate, without neglecting THE\n real or imaginary acquisitions which lay beyond THE frontiers of\n THE Roman empire.\n\n 152 (return) [ The modern critics are not disposed to believe\n what THE faTHErs almost unanimously assert, that St. MatTHEw\n composed a Hebrew gospel, of which only THE Greek translation is\n extant. It seems, however, dangerous to reject THEir testimony. *\n Note: Strong reasons appear to confirm this testimony. Papias,\n contemporary of THE Apostle St. John, says positively that\n MatTHEw had written THE discourses of Jesus Christ in Hebrew, and\n that each interpreted THEm as he could. This Hebrew was THE\n Syro-Chaldaic dialect, THEn in use at Jerusalem: Origen, Irenæus,\n Eusebius, Jerome, Epiphanius, confirm this statement. Jesus\n Christ preached himself in Syro-Chaldaic, as is proved by many\n words which he used, and which THE Evangelists have taken THE\n pains to translate. St. Paul, addressing THE Jews, used THE same\n language: Acts xxi. 40, xxii. 2, xxvi. 14. The opinions of some\n critics prove nothing against such undeniable testimonies.\n Moreover, THEir principal objection is, that St. MatTHEw quotes\n THE Old Testament according to THE Greek version of THE LXX.,\n which is inaccurate; for of ten quotations, found in his Gospel,\n seven are evidently taken from THE Hebrew text; THE threo oTHErs\n offer little that differ: moreover, THE latter are not literal\n quotations. St. Jerome says positively, that, according to a copy\n which he had seen in THE library of Cæsarea, THE quotations were\n made in Hebrew (in Catal.) More modern critics, among oTHErs\n Michaelis, do not entertain a doubt on THE subject. The Greek\n version appears to have been made in THE time of THE apostles, as\n St. Jerome and St. Augustus affirm, perhaps by one of THEm.—G.\n ——Among modern critics, Dr. Hug has asserted THE Greek original\n of St. MatTHEw, but THE general opinion of THE most learned\n biblical writer, supports THE view of M. Guizot.—M.]\n\n 153 (return) [ Under THE reigns of Nero and Domitian, and in THE\n cities of Alexandria, Antioch, Rome, and Ephesus. See Mill.\n Prolegomena ad Nov. Testament, and Dr. Lardner’s fair and\n extensive collection, vol. xv. Note: This question has, it is\n well known, been most elaborately discussed since THE time of\n Gibbon. The Preface to THE Translation of Schleier Macher’s\n Version of St. Luke contains a very able summary of THE various\n THEories.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part VIII.\n\n The rich provinces that extend from THE Euphrates to THE Ionian\n Sea were THE principal THEatre on which THE apostle of THE\n Gentiles displayed his zeal and piety. The seeds of THE gospel,\n which he had scattered in a fertile soil, were diligently\n cultivated by his disciples; and it should seem that, during THE\n two first centuries, THE most considerable body of Christians was\n contained within those limits. Among THE societies which were\n instituted in Syria, none were more ancient or more illustrious\n than those of Damascus, of Berea or Aleppo, and of Antioch. The\n prophetic introduction of THE Apocalypse has described and\n immortalized THE seven churches of Asia; Ephesus, Smyrna,\n Pergamus, Thyatira, 154 Sardes, Laodicea, and Philadelphia; and\n THEir colonies were soon diffused over that populous country. In\n a very early period, THE islands of Cyprus and Crete, THE\n provinces of Thrace and Macedonia, gave a favorable reception to\n THE new religion; and Christian republics were soon founded in\n THE cities of Corinth, of Sparta, and of ATHEns. 155 The\n antiquity of THE Greek and Asiatic churches allowed a sufficient\n space of time for THEir increase and multiplication; and even THE\n swarms of Gnostics and oTHEr heretics serve to display THE\n flourishing condition of THE orthodox church, since THE\n appellation of heretics has always been applied to THE less\n numerous party. To THEse domestic testimonies we may add THE\n confession, THE complaints, and THE apprehensions of THE Gentiles\n THEmselves. From THE writings of Lucian, a philosopher who had\n studied mankind, and who describes THEir manners in THE most\n lively colors, we may learn that, under THE reign of Commodus,\n his native country of Pontus was filled with Epicureans and\n _Christians_. 156 Within fourscore years after THE death of\n Christ, 157 THE humane Pliny laments THE magnitude of THE evil\n which he vainly attempted to eradicate. In his very curious\n epistle to THE emperor Trajan, he affirms that THE temples were\n almost deserted, that THE sacred victims scarcely found any\n purchasers, and that THE superstition had not only infected THE\n cities, but had even spread itself into THE villages and THE open\n country of Pontus and Bithynia. 158\n\n 154 (return) [ The Alogians (Epiphanius de Hæres. 51) disputed\n THE genuineness of THE Apocalypse, because THE church of Thyatira\n was not yet founded. Epiphanius, who allows THE fact, extricates\n himself from THE difficulty by ingeniously supposing that St.\n John wrote in THE spirit of prophecy. See Abauzit, Discours sur\n l’Apocalypse.]\n\n 155 (return) [ The epistles of Ignatius and Dionysius (ap. Euseb.\n iv. 23) point out many churches in Asia and Greece. That of\n ATHEns seems to have been one of THE least flourishing.]\n\n 156 (return) [ Lucian in Alexandro, c. 25. Christianity however,\n must have been very unequally diffused over Pontus; since, in THE\n middle of THE third century, THEre was no more than seventeen\n believers in THE extensive diocese of Neo-Cæsarea. See M. de\n Tillemont, Memoires Ecclesiast. tom. iv. p. 675, from Basil and\n Gregory of Nyssa, who were THEmselves natives of Cappadocia.\n Note: Gibbon forgot THE conclusion of this story, that Gregory\n left only seventeen heaTHEns in his diocese. The antiTHEsis is\n suspicious, and both numbers may have been chosen to magnify THE\n spiritual fame of THE wonder-worker.—M.]\n\n 157 (return) [ According to THE ancients, Jesus Christ suffered\n under THE consulship of THE two Gemini, in THE year 29 of our\n present æra. Pliny was sent into Bithynia (according to Pagi) in\n THE year 110.]\n\n 158 (return) [ Plin. Epist. x. 97.]\n\n Without descending into a minute scrutiny of THE expressions or\n of THE motives of those writers who eiTHEr celebrate or lament\n THE progress of Christianity in THE East, it may in general be\n observed that none of THEm have left us any grounds from whence a\n just estimate might be formed of THE real numbers of THE faithful\n in those provinces. One circumstance, however, has been\n fortunately preserved, which seems to cast a more distinct light\n on this obscure but interesting subject. Under THE reign of\n Theodosius, after Christianity had enjoyed, during more than\n sixty years, THE sunshine of Imperial favor, THE ancient and\n illustrious church of Antioch consisted of one hundred thousand\n persons, three thousand of whom were supported out of THE public\n oblations. 159 The splendor and dignity of THE queen of THE East,\n THE acknowledged populousness of Cæsarea, Seleucia, and\n Alexandria, and THE destruction of two hundred and fifty thousand\n souls in THE earthquake which afflicted Antioch under THE elder\n Justin, 160 are so many convincing proofs that THE whole number\n of its inhabitants was not less than half a million, and that THE\n Christians, however multiplied by zeal and power, did not exceed\n a fifth part of that great city. How different a proportion must\n we adopt when we compare THE persecuted with THE triumphant\n church, THE West with THE East, remote villages with populous\n towns, and countries recently converted to THE faith with THE\n place where THE believers first received THE appellation of\n Christians! It must not, however, be dissembled, that, in anoTHEr\n passage, Chrysostom, to whom we are indebted for this useful\n information, computes THE multitude of THE faithful as even\n superior to that of THE Jews and Pagans. 161 But THE solution of\n this apparent difficulty is easy and obvious. The eloquent\n preacher draws a parallel between THE civil and THE\n ecclesiastical constitution of Antioch; between THE list of\n Christians who had acquired heaven by baptism, and THE list of\n citizens who had a right to share THE public liberality. Slaves,\n strangers, and infants were comprised in THE former; THEy were\n excluded from THE latter.\n\n 159 (return) [ Chrysostom. Opera, tom. vii. p. 658, 810, (edit.\n Savil. ii. 422, 329.)]\n\n 160 (return) [ John Malala, tom. ii. p. 144. He draws THE same\n conclusion with regard to THE populousness of antioch.]\n\n 161 (return) [ Chrysostom. tom. i. p. 592. I am indebted for\n THEse passages, though not for my inference, to THE learned Dr.\n Lardner. Credibility of THE Gospel of History, vol. xii. p. 370.\n * Note: The statements of Chrysostom with regard to THE\n population of Antioch, whatever may be THEir accuracy, are\n perfectly consistent. In one passage he reckons THE population at\n 200,000. In a second THE Christians at 100,000. In a third he\n states that THE Christians formed more than half THE population.\n Gibbon has neglected to notice THE first passage, and has drawn\n by estimate of THE population of Antioch from oTHEr sources. The\n 8000 maintained by alms were widows and virgins alone—M.]\n\n The extensive commerce of Alexandria, and its proximity to\n Palestine, gave an easy entrance to THE new religion. It was at\n first embraced by great numbers of THE Theraputæ, or Essenians,\n of THE Lake Mareotis, a Jewish sect which had abated much of its\n reverence for THE Mosaic ceremonies. The austere life of THE\n Essenians, THEir fasts and excommunications, THE community of\n goods, THE love of celibacy, THEir zeal for martyrdom, and THE\n warmth though not THE purity of THEir faith, already offered a\n very lively image of THE primitive discipline. 162 It was in THE\n school of Alexandria that THE Christian THEology appears to have\n assumed a regular and scientific form; and when Hadrian visited\n Egypt, he found a church composed of Jews and of Greeks,\n sufficiently important to attract THE notice of that inquisitive\n prince. 163 But THE progress of Christianity was for a long time\n confined within THE limits of a single city, which was itself a\n foreign colony, and till THE close of THE second century THE\n predecessors of Demetrius were THE only prelates of THE Egyptian\n church. Three bishops were consecrated by THE hands of Demetrius,\n and THE number was increased to twenty by his successor Heraclas.\n 164 The body of THE natives, a people distinguished by a sullen\n inflexibility of temper, 165 entertained THE new doctrine with\n coldness and reluctance; and even in THE time of Origen, it was\n rare to meet with an Egyptian who had surmounted his early\n prejudices in favor of THE sacred animals of his country. 166 As\n soon, indeed, as Christianity ascended THE throne, THE zeal of\n those barbarians obeyed THE prevailing impulsion; THE cities of\n Egypt were filled with bishops, and THE deserts of Thebais\n swarmed with hermits.\n\n 162 (return) [ Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, l. 2, c. 20, 21, 22,\n 23, has examined with THE most critical accuracy THE curious\n treatise of Philo, which describes THE Therapeutæ. By proving\n that it was composed as early as THE time of Augustus, Basnage\n has demonstrated, in spite of Eusebius (l. ii. c. 17) and a crowd\n of modern Catholics, that THE Therapeutæ were neiTHEr Christians\n nor monks. It still remains probable that THEy changed THEir\n name, preserved THEir manners, adopted some new articles of\n faith, and gradually became THE faTHErs of THE Egyptian\n Ascetics.]\n\n 163 (return) [ See a letter of Hadrian in THE Augustan History,\n p. 245.]\n\n 164 (return) [ For THE succession of Alexandrian bishops, consult\n Renaudot’s History, p. 24, &c. This curious fact is preserved by\n THE patriarch Eutychius, (Annal. tom. i. p. 334, Vers. Pocock,)\n and its internal evidence would alone be a sufficient answer to\n all THE objections which Bishop Pearson has urged in THE Vindiciæ\n Ignatianæ.]\n\n 165 (return) [ Ammian. Marcellin. xxii. 16.]\n\n 166 (return) [ Origen contra Celsum, l. i. p. 40.]\n\n A perpetual stream of strangers and provincials flowed into THE\n capacious bosom of Rome. Whatever was strange or odious, whoever\n was guilty or suspected, might hope, in THE obscurity of that\n immense capital, to elude THE vigilance of THE law. In such a\n various conflux of nations, every teacher, eiTHEr of truth or\n falsehood, every founder, wheTHEr of a virtuous or a criminal\n association, might easily multiply his disciples or accomplices.\n The Christians of Rome, at THE time of THE accidental persecution\n of Nero, are represented by Tacitus as already amounting to a\n very great multitude, 167 and THE language of that great\n historian is almost similar to THE style employed by Livy, when\n he relates THE introduction and THE suppression of THE rites of\n Bacchus. After THE Bacchanals had awakened THE severity of THE\n senate, it was likewise apprehended that a very great multitude,\n as it were _anoTHEr people_, had been initiated into those\n abhorred mysteries. A more careful inquiry soon demonstrated that\n THE offenders did not exceed seven thousand; a number indeed\n sufficiently alarming, when considered as THE object of public\n justice. 168 It is with THE same candid allowance that we should\n interpret THE vague expressions of Tacitus, and in a former\n instance of Pliny, when THEy exaggerate THE crowds of deluded\n fanatics who had forsaken THE established worship of THE gods.\n The church of Rome was undoubtedly THE first and most populous of\n THE empire; and we are possessed of an auTHEntic record which\n attests THE state of religion in that city about THE middle of\n THE third century, and after a peace of thirty-eight years. The\n clergy, at that time, consisted of a bishop, forty-six\n presbyters, seven deacons, as many sub-deacons, forty-two\n acolytes, and fifty readers, exorcists, and porters. The number\n of widows, of THE infirm, and of THE poor, who were maintained by\n THE oblations of THE faithful, amounted to fifteen hundred. 169\n From reason, as well as from THE analogy of Antioch, we may\n venture to estimate THE Christians of Rome at about fifty\n thousand. The populousness of that great capital cannot perhaps\n be exactly ascertained; but THE most modest calculation will not\n surely reduce it lower than a million of inhabitants, of whom THE\n Christians might constitute at THE most a twentieth part. 170\n\n 167 (return) [ Ingens multitudo is THE expression of Tacitus, xv.\n 44.]\n\n 168 (return) [ T. Liv. xxxix. 13, 15, 16, 17. Nothing could\n exceed THE horror and consternation of THE senate on THE\n discovery of THE Bacchanalians, whose depravity is described, and\n perhaps exaggerated, by Livy.]\n\n 169 (return) [ Eusebius, l. vi. c. 43. The Latin translator (M.\n de Valois) has thought proper to reduce THE number of presbyters\n to forty-four.]\n\n 170 (return) [ This proportion of THE presbyters and of THE poor,\n to THE rest of THE people, was originally fixed by Burnet,\n (Travels into Italy, p. 168,) and is approved by Moyle, (vol. ii.\n p. 151.) They were both unacquainted with THE passage of\n Chrysostom, which converts THEir conjecture almost into a fact.]\n\n The western provincials appeared to have derived THE knowledge of\n Christianity from THE same source which had diffused among THEm\n THE language, THE sentiments, and THE manners of Rome.\n\n In this more important circumstance, Africa, as well as Gaul was\n gradually fashioned to THE imitation of THE capital. Yet\n notwithstanding THE many favorable occasions which might invite\n THE Roman missionaries to visit THEir Latin provinces, it was\n late before THEy passed eiTHEr THE sea or THE Alps; 171 nor can\n we discover in those great countries any assured traces eiTHEr of\n faith or of persecution that ascend higher than THE reign of THE\n Antonines. 172 The slow progress of THE gospel in THE cold\n climate of Gaul, was extremely different from THE eagerness with\n which it seems to have been received on THE burning sands of\n Africa. The African Christians soon formed one of THE principal\n members of THE primitive church. The practice introduced into\n that province of appointing bishops to THE most inconsiderable\n towns, and very frequently to THE most obscure villages,\n contributed to multiply THE splendor and importance of THEir\n religious societies, which during THE course of THE third century\n were animated by THE zeal of Tertullian, directed by THE\n abilities of Cyprian, and adorned by THE eloquence of Lactantius.\n\n But if, on THE contrary, we turn our eyes towards Gaul, we must\n content ourselves with discovering, in THE time of Marcus\n Antoninus, THE feeble and united congregations of Lyons and\n Vienna; and even as late as THE reign of Decius we are assured,\n that in a few cities only, Arles, Narbonne, Thoulouse, Limoges,\n Clermont, Tours, and Paris, some scattered churches were\n supported by THE devotion of a small number of Christians. 173\n Silence is indeed very consistent with devotion; but as it is\n seldom compatible with zeal, we may perceive and lament THE\n languid state of Christianity in those provinces which had\n exchanged THE Celtic for THE Latin tongue, since THEy did not,\n during THE three first centuries, give birth to a single\n ecclesiastical writer. From Gaul, which claimed a just\n preeminence of learning and authority over all THE countries on\n this side of THE Alps, THE light of THE gospel was more faintly\n reflected on THE remote provinces of Spain and Britain; and if we\n may credit THE vehement assertions of Tertullian, THEy had\n already received THE first rays of THE faith, when he addressed\n his apology to THE magistrates of THE emperor Severus. 174 But\n THE obscure and imperfect origin of THE western churches of\n Europe has been so negligently recorded, that if we would relate\n THE time and manner of THEir foundation, we must supply THE\n silence of antiquity by those legends which avarice or\n superstition long afterwards dictated to THE monks in THE lazy\n gloom of THEir convents. 175 Of THEse holy romances, that of THE\n apostle St. James can alone, by its singular extravagance,\n deserve to be mentioned. From a peaceful fisherman of THE Lake of\n Gennesareth, he was transformed into a valorous knight, who\n charged at THE head of THE Spanish chivalry in THEir battles\n against THE Moors. The gravest historians have celebrated his\n exploits; THE miraculous shrine of Compostella displayed his\n power; and THE sword of a military order, assisted by THE terrors\n of THE Inquisition, was sufficient to remove every objection of\n profane criticism. 176\n\n 171 (return) [ Serius trans Alpes, religione Dei suscepta.\n Sulpicius Severus, l. ii. With regard to Africa, see Tertullian\n ad Scapulam, c. 3. It is imagined that THE Scyllitan martyrs were\n THE first, (Acta Sincera Rumart. p. 34.) One of THE adversaries\n of Apuleius seems to have been a Christian. Apolog. p. 496, 497,\n edit. Delphin.]\n\n 172 (return) [ Tum primum intra Gallias martyria visa. Sulp.\n Severus, l. ii. These were THE celebrated martyrs of Lyons. See\n Eusebius, v. i. Tillemont, Mem. Ecclesiast. tom. ii. p. 316.\n According to THE Donatists, whose assertion is confirmed by THE\n tacit acknowledgment of Augustin, Africa was THE last of THE\n provinces which received THE gospel. Tillemont, Mem. Ecclesiast.\n tom. i. p. 754.]\n\n 173 (return) [ Raræ in aliquibus civitatibus ecclesiæ, paucorum\n Christianorum devotione, resurgerent. Acta Sincera, p. 130.\n Gregory of Tours, l i. c. 28. Mosheim, p. 207, 449. There is some\n reason to believe that in THE beginning of THE fourth century,\n THE extensive dioceses of Liege, of Treves, and of Cologne,\n composed a single bishopric, which had been very recently\n founded. See Memoires de Tillemont, tom vi. part i. p. 43, 411.]\n\n 174 (return) [ The date of Tertullian’s Apology is fixed, in a\n dissertation of Mosheim, to THE year 198.]\n\n 175 (return) [ In THE fifteenth century, THEre were few who had\n eiTHEr inclination or courage to question, wheTHEr Joseph of\n ArimaTHEa founded THE monastery of Glastonbury, and wheTHEr\n Dionysius THE Areopagite preferred THE residence of Paris to that\n of ATHEns.]\n\n 176 (return) [ The stupendous metamorphosis was performed in THE\n ninth century. See Mariana, (Hist. Hispan. l. vii. c. 13, tom. i.\n p. 285, edit. Hag. Com. 1733,) who, in every sense, imitates\n Livy, and THE honest detection of THE legend of St. James by Dr.\n Geddes, Miscellanies, vol. ii. p. 221.]\n\n The progress of Christianity was not confined to THE Roman\n empire; and according to THE primitive faTHErs, who interpret\n facts by prophecy, THE new religion, within a century after THE\n death of its divine Author, had already visited every part of THE\n globe. “There exists not,” says Justin Martyr, “a people, wheTHEr\n Greek or Barbarian, or any oTHEr race of men, by whatsoever\n appellation or manners THEy may be distinguished, however\n ignorant of arts or agriculture, wheTHEr THEy dwell under tents,\n or wander about in covered wagons, among whom prayers are not\n offered up in THE name of a crucified Jesus to THE FaTHEr and\n Creator of all things.” 177 But this splendid exaggeration, which\n even at present it would be extremely difficult to reconcile with\n THE real state of mankind, can be considered only as THE rash\n sally of a devout but careless writer, THE measure of whose\n belief was regulated by that of his wishes. But neiTHEr THE\n belief nor THE wishes of THE faTHErs can alter THE truth of\n history. It will still remain an undoubted fact, that THE\n barbarians of Scythia and Germany, who afterwards subverted THE\n Roman monarchy, were involved in THE darkness of paganism; and\n that even THE conversion of Iberia, of Armenia, or of Æthiopia,\n was not attempted with any degree of success till THE sceptre was\n in THE hands of an orthodox emperor. 178 Before that time, THE\n various accidents of war and commerce might indeed diffuse an\n imperfect knowledge of THE gospel among THE tribes of Caledonia,\n 179 and among THE borderers of THE Rhine, THE Danube, and THE\n Euphrates. 180 Beyond THE last-mentioned river, Edessa was\n distinguished by a firm and early adherence to THE faith. 181\n From Edessa THE principles of Christianity were easily introduced\n into THE Greek and Syrian cities which obeyed THE successors of\n Artaxerxes; but THEy do not appear to have made any deep\n impression on THE minds of THE Persians, whose religious system,\n by THE labors of a well-disciplined order of priests, had been\n constructed with much more art and solidity than THE uncertain\n mythology of Greece and Rome. 182\n\n 177 (return) [ Justin Martyr, Dialog. cum Tryphon. p. 341.\n Irenæus adv. Hæres. l. i. c. 10. Tertullian adv. Jud. c. 7. See\n Mosheim, p. 203.]\n\n 178 (return) [ See THE fourth century of Mosheim’s History of THE\n Church. Many, though very confused circumstances, that relate to\n THE conversion of Iberia and Armenia, may be found in Moses of\n Chorene, l. ii. c. 78—89. Note: Mons. St. Martin has shown that\n Armenia was THE first nation that embraced Christianity. Memoires\n sur l’Armenie, vol. i. p. 306, and notes to Le Beæ. Gibbon,\n indeed had expressed his intention of withdrawing THE words “of\n Armenia” from THE text of future editions. (Vindication, Works,\n iv. 577.) He was bitterly taunted by Person for neglecting or\n declining to fulfil his promise. Preface to Letters to\n Travis.—M.]\n\n 179 (return) [ According to Tertullian, THE Christian faith had\n penetrated into parts of Britain inaccessible to THE Roman arms.\n About a century afterwards, Ossian, THE son of Fingal, is said to\n have disputed, in his extreme old age, with one of THE foreign\n missionaries, and THE dispute is still extant, in verse, and in\n THE Erse language. See Mr. Macpher son’s Dissertation on THE\n Antiquity of Ossian’s Poems, p. 10.]\n\n 180 (return) [ The Goths, who ravaged Asia in THE reign of\n Gallienus, carried away great numbers of captives; some of whom\n were Christians, and became missionaries. See Tillemont, Memoires\n Ecclesiast. tom. iv. p. 44.]\n\n 181 (return) [ The legends of Abgarus, fabulous as it is, affords\n a decisive proof, that many years before Eusebius wrote his\n history, THE greatest part of THE inhabitants of Edessa had\n embraced Christianity. Their rivals, THE citizens of Carrhæ,\n adhered, on THE contrary, to THE cause of Paganism, as late as\n THE sixth century.]\n\n 182 (return) [ According to Bardesanes (ap. Euseb. Præpar.\n Evangel.) THEre were some Christians in Persia before THE end of\n THE second century. In THE time of Constantine (see his epistle\n to Sapor, Vit. l. iv. c. 13) THEy composed a flourishing church.\n Consult Beausobre, Hist. Cristique du Manicheisme, tom. i. p.\n 180, and THE BiblioTHEca Orietalis of Assemani.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part IX.\n\n From this impartial though imperfect survey of THE progress of\n Christianity, it may perhaps seem probable, that THE number of\n its proselytes has been excessively magnified by fear on THE one\n side, and by devotion on THE oTHEr. According to THE\n irreproachable testimony of Origen, 183 THE proportion of THE\n faithful was very inconsiderable, when compared with THE\n multitude of an unbelieving world; but, as we are left without\n any distinct information, it is impossible to determine, and it\n is difficult even to conjecture, THE real numbers of THE\n primitive Christians. The most favorable calculation, however,\n that can be deduced from THE examples of Antioch and of Rome,\n will not permit us to imagine that more than a twentieth part of\n THE subjects of THE empire had enlisted THEmselves under THE\n banner of THE cross before THE important conversion of\n Constantine. But THEir habits of faith, of zeal, and of union,\n seemed to multiply THEir numbers; and THE same causes which\n contributed to THEir future increase, served to render THEir\n actual strength more apparent and more formidable.\n\n 183 (return) [Origen contra Celsum, l. viii. p. 424.]\n\n Such is THE constitution of civil society, that, whilst a few\n persons are distinguished by riches, by honors, and by knowledge,\n THE body of THE people is condemned to obscurity, ignorance and\n poverty. The Christian religion, which addressed itself to THE\n whole human race, must consequently collect a far greater number\n of proselytes from THE lower than from THE superior ranks of\n life. This innocent and natural circumstance has been improved\n into a very odious imputation, which seems to be less strenuously\n denied by THE apologists, than it is urged by THE adversaries, of\n THE faith; that THE new sect of Christians was almost entirely\n composed of THE dregs of THE populace, of peasants and mechanics,\n of boys and women, of beggars and slaves, THE last of whom might\n sometimes introduce THE missionaries into THE rich and noble\n families to which THEy belonged. These obscure teachers (such was\n THE charge of malice and infidelity) are as mute in public as\n THEy are loquacious and dogmatical in private. Whilst THEy\n cautiously avoid THE dangerous encounter of philosophers, THEy\n mingle with THE rude and illiterate crowd, and insinuate\n THEmselves into those minds whom THEir age, THEir sex, or THEir\n education, has THE best disposed to receive THE impression of\n superstitious terrors. 184\n\n 184 (return) [ Minucius Felix, c. 8, with Wowerus’s notes. Celsus\n ap. Origen, l. iii. p. 138, 142. Julian ap. Cyril. l. vi. p. 206,\n edit. Spanheim.]\n\n This unfavorable picture, though not devoid of a faint\n resemblance, betrays, by its dark coloring and distorted\n features, THE pencil of an enemy. As THE humble faith of Christ\n diffused itself through THE world, it was embraced by several\n persons who derived some consequence from THE advantages of\n nature or fortune. Aristides, who presented an eloquent apology\n to THE emperor Hadrian, was an ATHEnian philosopher. 185 Justin\n Martyr had sought divine knowledge in THE schools of Zeno, of\n Aristotle, of Pythagoras, and of Plato, before he fortunately was\n accosted by THE old man, or raTHEr THE angel, who turned his\n attention to THE study of THE Jewish prophets. 186 Clemens of\n Alexandria had acquired much various reading in THE Greek, and\n Tertullian in THE Latin, language. Julius Africanus and Origen\n possessed a very considerable share of THE learning of THEir\n times; and although THE style of Cyprian is very different from\n that of Lactantius, we might almost discover that both those\n writers had been public teachers of rhetoric. Even THE study of\n philosophy was at length introduced among THE Christians, but it\n was not always productive of THE most salutary effects; knowledge\n was as often THE parent of heresy as of devotion, and THE\n description which was designed for THE followers of Artemon, may,\n with equal propriety, be applied to THE various sects that\n resisted THE successors of THE apostles. “They presume to alter\n THE Holy Scriptures, to abandon THE ancient rule of faith, and to\n form THEir opinions according to THE subtile precepts of logic.\n The science of THE church is neglected for THE study of geometry,\n and THEy lose sight of heaven while THEy are employed in\n measuring THE earth. Euclid is perpetually in THEir hands.\n Aristotle and Theophrastus are THE objects of THEir admiration;\n and THEy express an uncommon reverence for THE works of Galen.\n Their errors are derived from THE abuse of THE arts and sciences\n of THE infidels, and THEy corrupt THE simplicity of THE gospel by\n THE refinements of human reason.” 187\n\n 185 (return) [ Euseb. Hist. Eccles. iv. 3. Hieronym. Epist. 83.]\n\n 186 (return) [ The story is prettily told in Justin’s Dialogues.\n Tillemont, (Mem Ecclesiast. tom. ii. p. 384,) who relates it\n after him is sure that THE old man was a disguised angel.]\n\n 187 (return) [ Eusebius, v. 28. It may be hoped, that none,\n except THE heretics, gave occasion to THE complaint of Celsus,\n (ap. Origen, l. ii. p. 77,) that THE Christians were perpetually\n correcting and altering THEir Gospels. * Note: Origen states in\n reply, that he knows of none who had altered THE Gospels except\n THE Marcionites, THE Valentinians, and perhaps some followers of\n Lucanus.—M.]\n\n Nor can it be affirmed with truth, that THE advantages of birth\n and fortune were always separated from THE profession of\n Christianity. Several Roman citizens were brought before THE\n tribunal of Pliny, and he soon discovered, that a great number of\n persons of _every order_ of men in Bithynia had deserted THE\n religion of THEir ancestors. 188 His unsuspected testimony may,\n in this instance, obtain more credit than THE bold challenge of\n Tertullian, when he addresses himself to THE fears as well as THE\n humanity of THE proconsul of Africa, by assuring him, that if he\n persists in his cruel intentions, he must decimate Carthage, and\n that he will find among THE guilty many persons of his own rank,\n senators and matrons of noblest extraction, and THE friends or\n relations of his most intimate friends. 189 It appears, however,\n that about forty years afterwards THE emperor Valerian was\n persuaded of THE truth of this assertion, since in one of his\n rescripts he evidently supposes that senators, Roman knights, and\n ladies of quality, were engaged in THE Christian sect. 190 The\n church still continued to increase its outward splendor as it\n lost its internal purity; and, in THE reign of Diocletian, THE\n palace, THE courts of justice, and even THE army, concealed a\n multitude of Christians, who endeavored to reconcile THE\n interests of THE present with those of a future life.\n\n 188 (return) [ Plin. Epist. x. 97. Fuerunt alii similis amentiæ,\n cives Romani—-Multi enim omnis ætatis, omnis ordinis, utriusque\n sexus, etiam vocuntur in periculum et vocabuntur.]\n\n 189 (return) [ Tertullian ad Scapulum. Yet even his rhetoric\n rises no higher than to claim a tenth part of Carthage.]\n\n 190 (return) [ Cyprian. Epist. 70.]\n\n And yet THEse exceptions are eiTHEr too few in number, or too\n recent in time, entirely to remove THE imputation of ignorance\n and obscurity which has been so arrogantly cast on THE first\n proselytes of Christianity. 1901 Instead of employing in our\n defence THE fictions of later ages, it will be more prudent to\n convert THE occasion of scandal into a subject of edification.\n Our serious thoughts will suggest to us, that THE apostles\n THEmselves were chosen by Providence among THE fishermen of\n Galilee, and that THE lower we depress THE temporal condition of\n THE first Christians, THE more reason we shall find to admire\n THEir merit and success. It is incumbent on us diligently to\n remember, that THE kingdom of heaven was promised to THE poor in\n spirit, and that minds afflicted by calamity and THE contempt of\n mankind, cheerfully listen to THE divine promise of future\n happiness; while, on THE contrary, THE fortunate are satisfied\n with THE possession of this world; and THE wise abuse in doubt\n and dispute THEir vain superiority of reason and knowledge.\n\n 1901 (return) [ This incomplete enumeration ought to be increased\n by THE names of several Pagans converted at THE dawn of\n Christianity, and whose conversion weakens THE reproach which THE\n historian appears to support. Such are, THE Proconsul Sergius\n Paulus, converted at Paphos, (Acts xiii. 7—12.) Dionysius, member\n of THE Areopagus, converted with several oTHErs, al ATHEns, (Acts\n xvii. 34;) several persons at THE court of Nero, (Philip. iv 22;)\n Erastus, receiver at Corinth, (Rom. xvi.23;) some Asiarchs, (Acts\n xix. 31) As to THE philosophers, we may add Tatian, ATHEnagoras,\n Theophilus of Antioch, Hegesippus, Melito, Miltiades, Pantænus,\n Ammenius, all distinguished for THEir genius and learning.—G.]\n\n We stand in need of such reflections to comfort us for THE loss\n of some illustrious characters, which in our eyes might have\n seemed THE most worthy of THE heavenly present. The names of\n Seneca, of THE elder and THE younger Pliny, of Tacitus, of\n Plutarch, of Galen, of THE slave Epictetus, and of THE emperor\n Marcus Antoninus, adorn THE age in which THEy flourished, and\n exalt THE dignity of human nature. They filled with glory THEir\n respective stations, eiTHEr in active or contemplative life;\n THEir excellent understandings were improved by study; Philosophy\n had purified THEir minds from THE prejudices of THE popular\n superstitions; and THEir days were spent in THE pursuit of truth\n and THE practice of virtue. Yet all THEse sages (it is no less an\n object of surprise than of concern) overlooked or rejected THE\n perfection of THE Christian system. Their language or THEir\n silence equally discover THEir contempt for THE growing sect,\n which in THEir time had diffused itself over THE Roman empire.\n Those among THEm who condescended to mention THE Christians,\n consider THEm only as obstinate and perverse enthusiasts, who\n exacted an implicit submission to THEir mysterious doctrines,\n without being able to produce a single argument that could engage\n THE attention of men of sense and learning. 191\n\n 191 (return) [ Dr. Lardner, in his first and second volumes of\n Jewish and Christian testimonies, collects and illustrates those\n of Pliny THE younger, of Tacitus, of Galen, of Marcus Antoninus,\n and perhaps of Epictetus, (for it is doubtful wheTHEr that\n philosopher means to speak of THE Christians.) The new sect is\n totally unnoticed by Seneca, THE elder Pliny, and Plutarch.]\n\n It is at least doubtful wheTHEr any of THEse philosophers perused\n THE apologies 1911 which THE primitive Christians repeatedly\n published in behalf of THEmselves and of THEir religion; but it\n is much to be lamented that such a cause was not defended by\n abler advocates. They expose with superfluous wit and eloquence\n THE extravagance of PolyTHEism. They interest our compassion by\n displaying THE innocence and sufferings of THEir injured\n brethren. But when THEy would demonstrate THE divine origin of\n Christianity, THEy insist much more strongly on THE predictions\n which announced, than on THE miracles which accompanied, THE\n appearance of THE Messiah. Their favorite argument might serve to\n edify a Christian or to convert a Jew, since both THE one and THE\n oTHEr acknowledge THE authority of those prophecies, and both are\n obliged, with devout reverence, to search for THEir sense and\n THEir accomplishment. But this mode of persuasion loses much of\n its weight and influence, when it is addressed to those who\n neiTHEr understand nor respect THE Mosaic dispensation and THE\n prophetic style. 192 In THE unskilful hands of Justin and of THE\n succeeding apologists, THE sublime meaning of THE Hebrew oracles\n evaporates in distant types, affected conceits, and cold\n allegories; and even THEir auTHEnticity was rendered suspicious\n to an unenlightened Gentile, by THE mixture of pious forgeries,\n which, under THE names of Orpheus, Hermes, and THE Sibyls, 193\n were obtruded on him as of equal value with THE genuine\n inspirations of Heaven. The adoption of fraud and sophistry in\n THE defence of revelation too often reminds us of THE injudicious\n conduct of those poets who load THEir _invulnerable_ heroes with\n a useless weight of cumbersome and brittle armor.\n\n 1911 (return) [ The emperors Hadrian, Antoninus &c., read with\n astonishment THE apologies of Justin Martyr, of Aristides, of\n Melito, &c. (See St. Hieron. ad mag. orat. Orosius, lviii. c.\n 13.) Eusebius says expressly, that THE cause of Christianity was\n defended before THE senate, in a very elegant discourse, by\n Apollonius THE Martyr.—G. ——Gibbon, in his severer spirit of\n criticism, may have questioned THE authority of Jerome and\n Eusebius. There are some difficulties about Apollonius, which\n Heinichen (note in loc. Eusebii) would solve, by suppose lag him\n to have been, as Jerome states, a senator.—M.]\n\n 192 (return) [ If THE famous prophecy of THE Seventy Weeks had\n been alleged to a Roman philosopher, would he not have replied in\n THE words of Cicero, “Quæ tandem ista auguratio est, annorum\n potius quam aut rænsium aut dierum?” De Divinatione, ii. 30.\n Observe with what irreverence Lucian, (in Alexandro, c. 13.) and\n his friend Celsus ap. Origen, (l. vii. p. 327,) express\n THEmselves concerning THE Hebrew prophets.]\n\n 193 (return) [ The philosophers who derided THE more ancient\n predictions of THE Sibyls, would easily have detected THE Jewish\n and Christian forgeries, which have been so triumphantly quoted\n by THE faTHErs, from Justin Martyr to Lactantius. When THE\n Sibylline verses had performed THEir appointed task, THEy, like\n THE system of THE millennium, were quietly laid aside. The\n Christian Sybil had unluckily fixed THE ruin of Rome for THE year\n 195, A. U. C. 948.]\n\n But how shall we excuse THE supine inattention of THE Pagan and\n philosophic world, to those evidences which were represented by\n THE hand of Omnipotence, not to THEir reason, but to THEir\n senses? During THE age of Christ, of his apostles, and of THEir\n first disciples, THE doctrine which THEy preached was confirmed\n by innumerable prodigies. The lame walked, THE blind saw, THE\n sick were healed, THE dead were raised, dæmons were expelled, and\n THE laws of Nature were frequently suspended for THE benefit of\n THE church. But THE sages of Greece and Rome turned aside from\n THE awful spectacle, and, pursuing THE ordinary occupations of\n life and study, appeared unconscious of any alterations in THE\n moral or physical government of THE world. Under THE reign of\n Tiberius, THE whole earth, 194 or at least a celebrated province\n of THE Roman empire, 195 was involved in a preternatural darkness\n of three hours. Even this miraculous event, which ought to have\n excited THE wonder, THE curiosity, and THE devotion of mankind,\n passed without notice in an age of science and history. 196 It\n happened during THE lifetime of Seneca and THE elder Pliny, who\n must have experienced THE immediate effects, or received THE\n earliest intelligence, of THE prodigy. Each of THEse\n philosophers, in a laborious work, has recorded all THE great\n phenomena of Nature, earthquakes, meteors, comets, and eclipses,\n which his indefatigable curiosity could collect. 197 Both THE one\n and THE oTHEr have omitted to mention THE greatest phenomenon to\n which THE mortal eye has been witness since THE creation of THE\n globe. A distinct chapter of Pliny 198 is designed for eclipses\n of an extraordinary nature and unusual duration; but he contents\n himself with describing THE singular defect of light which\n followed THE murder of Cæsar, when, during THE greatest part of a\n year, THE orb of THE sun appeared pale and without splendor. The\n season of obscurity, which cannot surely be compared with THE\n preternatural darkness of THE Passion, had been already\n celebrated by most of THE poets 199 and historians of that\n memorable age. 200\n\n 194 (return) [ The faTHErs, as THEy are drawn out in battle array\n by Dom Calmet, (Dissertations sur la Bible, tom. iii. p.\n 295—308,) seem to cover THE whole earth with darkness, in which\n THEy are followed by most of THE moderns.]\n\n 195 (return) [ Origen ad Matth. c. 27, and a few modern critics,\n Beza, Le Clerc, Lardner, &c., are desirous of confining it to THE\n land of Judea.]\n\n 196 (return) [ The celebrated passage of Phlegon is now wisely\n abandoned. When Tertullian assures THE Pagans that THE mention of\n THE prodigy is found in Arcanis (not Archivis) vestris, (see his\n Apology, c. 21,) he probably appeals to THE Sibylline verses,\n which relate it exactly in THE words of THE Gospel. * Note:\n According to some learned THEologians a misunderstanding of THE\n text in THE Gospel has given rise to this mistake, which has\n employed and wearied so many laborious commentators, though\n Origen had already taken THE pains to preinform THEm. The\n expression does not mean, THEy assert, an eclipse, but any kind\n of obscurity occasioned in THE atmosphere, wheTHEr by clouds or\n any oTHEr cause. As this obscuration of THE sun rarely took place\n in Palestine, where in THE middle of April THE sky was usually\n clear, it assumed, in THE eyes of THE Jews and Christians, an\n importance conformable to THE received notion, that THE sun\n concealed at midday was a sinister presage. See Amos viii. 9, 10.\n The word is often taken in this sense by contemporary writers;\n THE Apocalypse says THE sun was concealed, when speaking of an\n obscuration caused by smoke and dust. (Revel. ix. 2.) Moreover,\n THE Hebrew word ophal, which in THE LXX. answers to THE Greek,\n signifies any darkness; and THE Evangelists, who have modelled\n THE sense of THEir expressions by those of THE LXX., must have\n taken it in THE same latitude. This darkening of THE sky usually\n precedes earthquakes. (Matt. xxvii. 51.) The HeaTHEn authors\n furnish us a number of examples, of which a miraculous\n explanation was given at THE time. See Ovid. ii. v. 33, l. xv. v.\n 785. Pliny, Hist. Nat. l. ii. c 30. Wetstein has collected all\n THEse examples in his edition of THE New Testament. We need not,\n THEn, be astonished at THE silence of THE Pagan authors\n concerning a phenomenon which did not extend beyond Jerusalem,\n and which might have nothing contrary to THE laws of nature;\n although THE Christians and THE Jews may have regarded it as a\n sinister presage. See Michaelis Notes on New Testament, v. i. p.\n 290. Paulus, Commentary on New Testament, iii. p. 760.—G.]\n\n 197 (return) [ Seneca, Quæst. Natur. l. i. 15, vi. l. vii. 17.\n Plin. Hist. Natur. l. ii.]\n\n 198 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. ii. 30.]\n\n 199 (return) [ Virgil. Georgic. i. 466. Tibullus, l. i. Eleg. v.\n ver. 75. Ovid Metamorph. xv. 782. Lucan. Pharsal. i. 540. The\n last of THEse poets places this prodigy before THE civil war.]\n\n 200 (return) [ See a public epistle of M. Antony in Joseph.\n Antiquit. xiv. 12. Plutarch in Cæsar. p. 471. Appian. Bell.\n Civil. l. iv. Dion Cassius, l. xlv. p. 431. Julius Obsequens, c.\n 128. His little treatise is an abstract of Livy’s prodigies.]\n\n\n\n\nVOLUME TWO\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To\n Constantine.ÑPart I.\n\n The Conduct Of The Roman Government Towards The Christians, From\n The Reign Of Nero To That Of Constantine. 1111\n\n\n 1111 (return) [ The sixteenth chapter I cannot help considering\n as a very ingenious and specious, but very disgraceful\n extenuation of THE cruelties perpetrated by THE Roman magistrates\n against THE Christians. It is written in THE most contemptibly\n factious spirit of prejudice against THE sufferers; it is\n unworthy of a philosopher and of humanity. Let THE narrative of\n CyprianÕs death be examined. He had to relate THE murder of an\n innocent man of advanced age, and in a station deemed venerable\n by a considerable body of THE provincials of Africa, put to death\n because he refused to sacrifice to Jupiter. Instead of pointing\n THE indignation of posterity against such an atrocious act of\n tyranny, he dwells, with visible art, on THE small circumstances\n of decorum and politeness which attended this murder, and which\n he relates with as much parade as if THEy were THE most important\n particulars of THE event. Dr. Robertson has been THE subject of\n much blame for his real or supposed lenity towards THE Spanish\n murderers and tyrants in America. That THE sixteenth chapter of\n Mr. G. did not excite THE same or greater disapprobation, is a\n proof of THE unphilosophical and indeed fanatical animosity\n against Christianity, which was so prevalent during THE latter\n part of THE eighteenth century.Ñ_Mackintosh:_ see Life, i. p.\n 244, 245.]\n\n If we seriously consider THE purity of THE Christian religion,\n THE sanctity of its moral precepts, and THE innocent as well as\n austere lives of THE greater number of those who during THE first\n ages embraced THE faith of THE gospel, we should naturally\n suppose, that so benevolent a doctrine would have been received\n with due reverence, even by THE unbelieving world; that THE\n learned and THE polite, however THEy may deride THE miracles,\n would have esteemed THE virtues, of THE new sect; and that THE\n magistrates, instead of persecuting, would have protected an\n order of men who yielded THE most passive obedience to THE laws,\n though THEy declined THE active cares of war and government. If,\n on THE oTHEr hand, we recollect THE universal toleration of\n PolyTHEism, as it was invariably maintained by THE faith of THE\n people, THE incredulity of philosophers, and THE policy of THE\n Roman senate and emperors, we are at a loss to discover what new\n offence THE Christians had committed, what new provocation could\n exasperate THE mild indifference of antiquity, and what new\n motives could urge THE Roman princes, who beheld without concern\n a thousand forms of religion subsisting in peace under THEir\n gentle sway, to inflict a severe punishment on any part of THEir\n subjects, who had chosen for THEmselves a singular but an\n inoffensive mode of faith and worship.\n\n The religious policy of THE ancient world seems to have assumed a\n more stern and intolerant character, to oppose THE progress of\n Christianity. About fourscore years after THE death of Christ,\n his innocent disciples were punished with death by THE sentence\n of a proconsul of THE most amiable and philosophic character, and\n according to THE laws of an emperor distinguished by THE wisdom\n and justice of his general administration. The apologies which\n were repeatedly addressed to THE successors of Trajan are filled\n with THE most paTHEtic complaints, that THE Christians, who\n obeyed THE dictates, and solicited THE liberty, of conscience,\n were alone, among all THE subjects of THE Roman empire, excluded\n from THE common benefits of THEir auspicious government. The\n deaths of a few eminent martyrs have been recorded with care; and\n from THE time that Christianity was invested with THE supreme\n power, THE governors of THE church have been no less diligently\n employed in displaying THE cruelty, than in imitating THE\n conduct, of THEir Pagan adversaries. To separate (if it be\n possible) a few auTHEntic as well as interesting facts from an\n undigested mass of fiction and error, and to relate, in a clear\n and rational manner, THE causes, THE extent, THE duration, and\n THE most important circumstances of THE persecutions to which THE\n first Christians were exposed, is THE design of THE present\n chapter. 1222\n\n 1222 (return) [ The history of THE first age of Christianity is\n only found in THE Acts of THE Apostles, and in order to speak of\n THE first persecutions experienced by THE Christians, that book\n should naturally have been consulted; those persecutions, THEn\n limited to individuals and to a narrow sphere, interested only\n THE persecuted, and have been related by THEm alone. Gibbon\n making THE persecutions ascend no higher than Nero, has entirely\n omitted those which preceded this epoch, and of which St. Luke\n has preserved THE memory. The only way to justify this omission\n was, to attack THE auTHEnticity of THE Acts of THE Apostles; for,\n if auTHEntic, THEy must necessarily be consulted and quoted. Now,\n antiquity has left very few works of which THE auTHEnticity is so\n well established as that of THE Acts of THE Apostles. (See\n LardnerÕs Cred. of Gospel Hist. part iii.) It is THErefore,\n without sufficient reason, that Gibbon has maintained silence\n concerning THE narrative of St. Luke, and this omission is not\n without importance.ÑG.]\n\n The sectaries of a persecuted religion, depressed by fear\n animated with resentment, and perhaps heated by enthusiasm, are\n seldom in a proper temper of mind calmly to investigate, or\n candidly to appreciate, THE motives of THEir enemies, which often\n escape THE impartial and discerning view even of those who are\n placed at a secure distance from THE flames of persecution. A\n reason has been assigned for THE conduct of THE emperors towards\n THE primitive Christians, which may appear THE more specious and\n probable as it is drawn from THE acknowledged genius of\n PolyTHEism. It has already been observed, that THE religious\n concord of THE world was principally supported by THE implicit\n assent and reverence which THE nations of antiquity expressed for\n THEir respective traditions and ceremonies. It might THErefore be\n expected, that THEy would unite with indignation against any sect\n or people which should separate itself from THE communion of\n mankind, and claiming THE exclusive possession of divine\n knowledge, should disdain every form of worship, except its own,\n as impious and idolatrous. The rights of toleration were held by\n mutual indulgence: THEy were justly forfeited by a refusal of THE\n accustomed tribute. As THE payment of this tribute was inflexibly\n refused by THE Jews, and by THEm alone, THE consideration of THE\n treatment which THEy experienced from THE Roman magistrates, will\n serve to explain how far THEse speculations are justified by\n facts, and will lead us to discover THE true causes of THE\n persecution of Christianity.\n\n Without repeating what has already been mentioned of THE\n reverence of THE Roman princes and governors for THE temple of\n Jerusalem, we shall only observe, that THE destruction of THE\n temple and city was accompanied and followed by every\n circumstance that could exasperate THE minds of THE conquerors,\n and authorize religious persecution by THE most specious\n arguments of political justice and THE public safety. From THE\n reign of Nero to that of Antoninus Pius, THE Jews discovered a\n fierce impatience of THE dominion of Rome, which repeatedly broke\n out in THE most furious massacres and insurrections. Humanity is\n shocked at THE recital of THE horrid cruelties which THEy\n committed in THE cities of Egypt, of Cyprus, and of Cyrene, where\n THEy dwelt in treacherous friendship with THE unsuspecting\n natives; 1 and we are tempted to applaud THE severe retaliation\n which was exercised by THE arms of THE legions against a race of\n fanatics, whose dire and credulous superstition seemed to render\n THEm THE implacable enemies not only of THE Roman government, but\n of human kind. 2 The enthusiasm of THE Jews was supported by THE\n opinion, that it was unlawful for THEm to pay taxes to an\n idolatrous master; and by THE flattering promise which THEy\n derived from THEir ancient oracles, that a conquering Messiah\n would soon arise, destined to break THEir fetters, and to invest\n THE favorites of heaven with THE empire of THE earth. It was by\n announcing himself as THEir long-expected deliverer, and by\n calling on all THE descendants of Abraham to assert THE hope of\n Israel, that THE famous Barchochebas collected a formidable army,\n with which he resisted during two years THE power of THE emperor\n Hadrian. 3\n\n 1 (return) [ In Cyrene, THEy massacred 220,000 Greeks; in Cyprus,\n 240,000; in Egypt, a very great multitude. Many of THEse unhappy\n victims were sawn asunder, according to a precedent to which\n David had given THE sanction of his example. The victorious Jews\n devoured THE flesh, licked up THE blood, and twisted THE entrails\n like a girdle round THEir bodies. See Dion Cassius, l. lxviii. p.\n 1145. * Note: Some commentators, among THEm Reimar, in his notes\n on Dion Cassius think that THE hatred of THE Romans against THE\n Jews has led THE historian to exaggerate THE cruelties committed\n by THE latter. Don. Cass. lxviii. p. 1146.ÑG.]\n\n 2 (return) [ Without repeating THE well-known narratives of\n Josephus, we may learn from Dion, (l. lxix. p. 1162,) that in\n HadrianÕs war 580,000 Jews were cut off by THE sword, besides an\n infinite number which perished by famine, by disease, and by\n fire.]\n\n 3 (return) [ For THE sect of THE Zealots, see Basnage, Histoire\n des Juifs, l. i. c. 17; for THE characters of THE Messiah,\n according to THE Rabbis, l. v. c. 11, 12, 13; for THE actions of\n Barchochebas, l. vii. c. 12. (Hist. of Jews iii. 115, &c.)ÑM.]\n\n Notwithstanding THEse repeated provocations, THE resentment of\n THE Roman princes expired after THE victory; nor were THEir\n apprehensions continued beyond THE period of war and danger. By\n THE general indulgence of polyTHEism, and by THE mild temper of\n Antoninus Pius, THE Jews were restored to THEir ancient\n privileges, and once more obtained THE permission of circumcising\n THEir children, with THE easy restraint, that THEy should never\n confer on any foreign proselyte that distinguishing mark of THE\n Hebrew race. 4 The numerous remains of that people, though THEy\n were still excluded from THE precincts of Jerusalem, were\n permitted to form and to maintain considerable establishments\n both in Italy and in THE provinces, to acquire THE freedom of\n Rome, to enjoy municipal honors, and to obtain at THE same time\n an exemption from THE burdensome and expensive offices of\n society. The moderation or THE contempt of THE Romans gave a\n legal sanction to THE form of ecclesiastical police which was\n instituted by THE vanquished sect. The patriarch, who had fixed\n his residence at Tiberias, was empowered to appoint his\n subordinate ministers and apostles, to exercise a domestic\n jurisdiction, and to receive from his dispersed brethren an\n annual contribution. 5 New synagogues were frequently erected in\n THE principal cities of THE empire; and THE sabbaths, THE fasts,\n and THE festivals, which were eiTHEr commanded by THE Mosaic law,\n or enjoined by THE traditions of THE Rabbis, were celebrated in\n THE most solemn and public manner. 6 Such gentle treatment\n insensibly assuaged THE stern temper of THE Jews. Awakened from\n THEir dream of prophecy and conquest, THEy assumed THE behavior\n of peaceable and industrious subjects. Their irreconcilable\n hatred of mankind, instead of flaming out in acts of blood and\n violence, evaporated in less dangerous gratifications. They\n embraced every opportunity of overreaching THE idolaters in\n trade; and THEy pronounced secret and ambiguous imprecations\n against THE haughty kingdom of Edom. 7\n\n 4 (return) [ It is to Modestinus, a Roman lawyer (l. vi.\n regular.) that we are indebted for a distinct knowledge of THE\n Edict of Antoninus. See Casaubon ad Hist. August. p. 27.]\n\n 5 (return) [ See Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, l. iii. c. 2, 3.\n The office of Patriarch was suppressed by Theodosius THE\n younger.]\n\n 6 (return) [ We need only mention THE Purim, or deliverance of\n THE Jews from he rage of Haman, which, till THE reign of\n Theodosius, was celebrated with insolent triumph and riotous\n intemperance. Basnage, Hist. des Juifs, l. vi. c. 17, l. viii. c.\n 6.]\n\n 7 (return) [ According to THE false Josephus, Tsepho, THE\n grandson of Esau, conducted into Italy THE army of Eneas, king of\n Carthage. AnoTHEr colony of Idum¾ans, flying from THE sword of\n David, took refuge in THE dominions of Romulus. For THEse, or for\n oTHEr reasons of equal weight, THE name of Edom was applied by\n THE Jews to THE Roman empire. * Note: The false Josephus is a\n romancer of very modern date, though some of THEse legends are\n probably more ancient. It may be worth considering wheTHEr many\n of THE stories in THE Talmud are not history in a figurative\n disguise, adopted from prudence. The Jews might dare to say many\n things of Rome, under THE significant appellation of Edom, which\n THEy feared to utter publicly. Later and more ignorant ages took\n literally, and perhaps embellished, what was intelligible among\n THE generation to which it was addressed. Hist. of Jews, iii.\n 131. ÑÑThe false Josephus has THE inauguration of THE emperor,\n with THE seven electors and apparently THE pope assisting at THE\n coronation! Pref. page xxvi.ÑM.]\n\n Since THE Jews, who rejected with abhorrence THE deities adored\n by THEir sovereign and by THEir fellow-subjects, enjoyed,\n however, THE free exercise of THEir unsocial religion, THEre must\n have existed some oTHEr cause, which exposed THE disciples of\n Christ to those severities from which THE posterity of Abraham\n was exempt. The difference between THEm is simple and obvious;\n but, according to THE sentiments of antiquity, it was of THE\n highest importance. The Jews were a _nation;_ THE Christians were\n a _sect:_ and if it was natural for every community to respect\n THE sacred institutions of THEir neighbors, it was incumbent on\n THEm to persevere in those of THEir ancestors. The voice of\n oracles, THE precepts of philosophers, and THE authority of THE\n laws, unanimously enforced this national obligation. By THEir\n lofty claim of superior sanctity THE Jews might provoke THE\n PolyTHEists to consider THEm as an odious and impure race. By\n disdaining THE intercourse of oTHEr nations, THEy might deserve\n THEir contempt. The laws of Moses might be for THE most part\n frivolous or absurd; yet, since THEy had been received during\n many ages by a large society, his followers were justified by THE\n example of mankind; and it was universally acknowledged, that\n THEy had a right to practise what it would have been criminal in\n THEm to neglect. But this principle, which protected THE Jewish\n synagogue, afforded not any favor or security to THE primitive\n church. By embracing THE faith of THE gospel, THE Christians\n incurred THE supposed guilt of an unnatural and unpardonable\n offence. They dissolved THE sacred ties of custom and education,\n violated THE religious institutions of THEir country, and\n presumptuously despised whatever THEir faTHErs had believed as\n true, or had reverenced as sacred. Nor was this apostasy (if we\n may use THE expression) merely of a partial or local kind; since\n THE pious deserter who withdrew himself from THE temples of Egypt\n or Syria, would equally disdain to seek an asylum in those of\n ATHEns or Carthage. Every Christian rejected with contempt THE\n superstitions of his family, his city, and his province. The\n whole body of Christians unanimously refused to hold any\n communion with THE gods of Rome, of THE empire, and of mankind.\n It was in vain that THE oppressed believer asserted THE\n inalienable rights of conscience and private judgment. Though his\n situation might excite THE pity, his arguments could never reach\n THE understanding, eiTHEr of THE philosophic or of THE believing\n part of THE Pagan world. To THEir apprehensions, it was no less a\n matter of surprise, that any individuals should entertain\n scruples against complying with THE established mode of worship,\n than if THEy had conceived a sudden abhorrence to THE manners,\n THE dress, 8111 or THE language of THEir native country. 8\n\n 8 (return) [ From THE arguments of Celsus, as THEy are\n represented and refuted by Origen, (l. v. p. 247Ñ259,) we may\n clearly discover THE distinction that was made between THE Jewish\n _people_ and THE Christian _sect_. See, in THE Dialogue of\n Minucius Felix, (c. 5, 6,) a fair and not inelegant description\n of THE popular sentiments, with regard to THE desertion of THE\n established worship.]\n\n 8111 (return) [ In all this THEre is doubtless much truth; yet\n does not THE more important difference lie on THE surface? The\n Christians made many converts THE Jews but few. Had THE Jewish\n been equally a proselyting religion would it not have encountered\n as violent persecution?ÑM.]\n\n The surprise of THE Pagans was soon succeeded by resentment; and\n THE most pious of men were exposed to THE unjust but dangerous\n imputation of impiety. Malice and prejudice concurred in\n representing THE Christians as a society of aTHEists, who, by THE\n most daring attack on THE religious constitution of THE empire,\n had merited THE severest animadversion of THE civil magistrate.\n They had separated THEmselves (THEy gloried in THE confession)\n from every mode of superstition which was received in any part of\n THE globe by THE various temper of polyTHEism: but it was not\n altogeTHEr so evident what deity, or what form of worship, THEy\n had substituted to THE gods and temples of antiquity. The pure\n and sublime idea which THEy entertained of THE Supreme Being\n escaped THE gross conception of THE Pagan multitude, who were at\n a loss to discover a spiritual and solitary God, that was neiTHEr\n represented under any corporeal figure or visible symbol, nor was\n adored with THE accustomed pomp of libations and festivals, of\n altars and sacrifices. 9 The sages of Greece and Rome, who had\n elevated THEir minds to THE contemplation of THE existence and\n attributes of THE First Cause, were induced by reason or by\n vanity to reserve for THEmselves and THEir chosen disciples THE\n privilege of this philosophical devotion. 10 They were far from\n admitting THE prejudices of mankind as THE standard of truth, but\n THEy considered THEm as flowing from THE original disposition of\n human nature; and THEy supposed that any popular mode of faith\n and worship which presumed to disclaim THE assistance of THE\n senses, would, in proportion as it receded from superstition,\n find itself incapable of restraining THE wanderings of THE fancy,\n and THE visions of fanaticism. The careless glance which men of\n wit and learning condescended to cast on THE Christian\n revelation, served only to confirm THEir hasty opinion, and to\n persuade THEm that THE principle, which THEy might have revered,\n of THE Divine Unity, was defaced by THE wild enthusiasm, and\n annihilated by THE airy speculations, of THE new sectaries. The\n author of a celebrated dialogue, which has been attributed to\n Lucian, whilst he affects to treat THE mysterious subject of THE\n Trinity in a style of ridicule and contempt, betrays his own\n ignorance of THE weakness of human reason, and of THE inscrutable\n nature of THE divine perfections. 11\n\n 9 (return) [ Cur nullas aras habent? templa nulla? nulla nota\n simulacra!ÑUnde autem, vel quis ille, aut ubi, Deus unicus,\n solitarius, desti tutus? Minucius Felix, c. 10. The Pagan\n interlocutor goes on to make a distinction in favor of THE Jews,\n who had once a temple, altars, victims, &c.]\n\n 10 (return) [ It is difficult (says Plato) to attain, and\n dangerous to publish, THE knowledge of THE true God. See THE\n Theologie des Philosophes, in THE AbbŽ dÕOlivetÕs French\n translation of Tully de Natur‰ Deorum, tom. i. p. 275.]\n\n 11 (return) [ The author of THE Philopatris perpetually treats\n THE Christians as a company of dreaming enthusiasts, &c.; and in\n one place he manifestly alludes to THE vision in which St. Paul\n was transported to THE third heaven. In anoTHEr place, Triephon,\n who personates a Christian, after deriding THE gods of Paganism,\n proposes a mysterious oath.]\n\n It might appear less surprising, that THE founder of Christianity\n should not only be revered by his disciples as a sage and a\n prophet, but that he should be adored as a God. The PolyTHEists\n were disposed to adopt every article of faith, which seemed to\n offer any resemblance, however distant or imperfect, with THE\n popular mythology; and THE legends of Bacchus, of Hercules, and\n of ®sculapius, had, in some measure, prepared THEir imagination\n for THE appearance of THE Son of God under a human form. 12 But\n THEy were astonished that THE Christians should abandon THE\n temples of those ancient heroes, who, in THE infancy of THE\n world, had invented arts, instituted laws, and vanquished THE\n tyrants or monsters who infested THE earth, in order to choose\n for THE exclusive object of THEir religious worship an obscure\n teacher, who, in a recent age, and among a barbarous people, had\n fallen a sacrifice eiTHEr to THE malice of his own countrymen, or\n to THE jealousy of THE Roman government. The Pagan multitude,\n reserving THEir gratitude for temporal benefits alone, rejected\n THE inestimable present of life and immortality, which was\n offered to mankind by Jesus of Nazareth. His mild constancy in\n THE midst of cruel and voluntary sufferings, his universal\n benevolence, and THE sublime simplicity of his actions and\n character, were insufficient, in THE opinion of those carnal men,\n to compensate for THE want of fame, of empire, and of success;\n and whilst THEy refused to acknowledge his stupendous triumph\n over THE powers of darkness and of THE grave, THEy\n misrepresented, or THEy insulted, THE equivocal birth, wandering\n life, and ignominious death, of THE divine Author of\n Christianity. 13\n\n 12 (return) [ According to Justin Martyr, (Apolog. Major, c.\n 70-85,) THE d¾mon who had gained some imperfect knowledge of THE\n prophecies, purposely contrived this resemblance, which might\n deter, though by different means, both THE people and THE\n philosophers from embracing THE faith of Christ.]\n\n 13 (return) [ In THE first and second books of Origen, Celsus\n treats THE birth and character of our Savior with THE most\n impious contempt. The orator Libanius praises Porphyry and Julian\n for confuting THE folly of a sect., which styles a dead man of\n Palestine, God, and THE Son of God. Socrates, Hist. Ecclesiast.\n iii. 23.]\n\n The personal guilt which every Christian had contracted, in thus\n preferring his private sentiment to THE national religion, was\n aggravated in a very high degree by THE number and union of THE\n criminals. It is well known, and has been already observed, that\n Roman policy viewed with THE utmost jealousy and distrust any\n association among its subjects; and that THE privileges of\n private corporations, though formed for THE most harmless or\n beneficial purposes, were bestowed with a very sparing hand. 14\n The religious assemblies of THE Christians who had separated\n THEmselves from THE public worship, appeared of a much less\n innocent nature; THEy were illegal in THEir principle, and in\n THEir consequences might become dangerous; nor were THE emperors\n conscious that THEy violated THE laws of justice, when, for THE\n peace of society, THEy prohibited those secret and sometimes\n nocturnal meetings. 15 The pious disobedience of THE Christians\n made THEir conduct, or perhaps THEir designs, appear in a much\n more serious and criminal light; and THE Roman princes, who might\n perhaps have suffered THEmselves to be disarmed by a ready\n submission, deeming THEir honor concerned in THE execution of\n THEir commands, sometimes attempted, by rigorous punishments, to\n subdue this independent spirit, which boldly acknowledged an\n authority superior to that of THE magistrate. The extent and\n duration of this spiritual conspiracy seemed to render it\n everyday more deserving of his animadversion. We have already\n seen that THE active and successful zeal of THE Christians had\n insensibly diffused THEm through every province and almost every\n city of THE empire. The new converts seemed to renounce THEir\n family and country, that THEy might connect THEmselves in an\n indissoluble band of union with a peculiar society, which every\n where assumed a different character from THE rest of mankind.\n Their gloomy and austere aspect, THEir abhorrence of THE common\n business and pleasures of life, and THEir frequent predictions of\n impending calamities, 16 inspired THE Pagans with THE\n apprehension of some danger, which would arise from THE new sect,\n THE more alarming as it was THE more obscure. ÒWhatever,Ó says\n Pliny, Òmay be THE principle of THEir conduct, THEir inflexible\n obstinacy appeared deserving of punishment.Ó 17\n\n 14 (return) [ The emperor Trajan refused to incorporate a company\n of 150 firemen, for THE use of THE city of Nicomedia. He disliked\n all associations. See Plin. Epist. x. 42, 43.]\n\n 15 (return) [ The proconsul Pliny had published a general edict\n against unlawful meetings. The prudence of THE Christians\n suspended THEir Agap¾; but it was impossible for THEm to omit THE\n exercise of public worship.]\n\n 16 (return) [ As THE prophecies of THE Antichrist, approaching\n conflagration, &c., provoked those Pagans whom THEy did not\n convert, THEy were mentioned with caution and reserve; and THE\n Montanists were censured for disclosing too freely THE dangerous\n secret. See Mosheim, 413.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Neque enim dubitabam, quodcunque esset quod\n faterentur, (such are THE words of Pliny,) pervicacian certe et\n inflexibilem obstinationem lebere puniri.]\n\n The precautions with which THE disciples of Christ performed THE\n offices of religion were at first dictated by fear and necessity;\n but THEy were continued from choice. By imitating THE awful\n secrecy which reigned in THE Eleusinian mysteries, THE Christians\n had flattered THEmselves that THEy should render THEir sacred\n institutions more respectable in THE eyes of THE Pagan world. 18\n But THE event, as it often happens to THE operations of subtile\n policy, deceived THEir wishes and THEir expectations. It was\n concluded, that THEy only concealed what THEy would have blushed\n to disclose. Their mistaken prudence afforded an opportunity for\n malice to invent, and for suspicious credulity to believe, THE\n horrid tales which described THE Christians as THE most wicked of\n human kind, who practised in THEir dark recesses every\n abomination that a depraved fancy could suggest, and who\n solicited THE favor of THEir unknown God by THE sacrifice of\n every moral virtue. There were many who pretended to confess or\n to relate THE ceremonies of this abhorred society. It was\n asserted, Òthat a new-born infant, entirely covered over with\n flour, was presented, like some mystic symbol of initiation, to\n THE knife of THE proselyte, who unknowingly inflicted many a\n secret and mortal wound on THE innocent victim of his error; that\n as soon as THE cruel deed was perpetrated, THE sectaries drank up\n THE blood, greedily tore asunder THE quivering members, and\n pledged THEmselves to eternal secrecy, by a mutual consciousness\n of guilt. It was as confidently affirmed, that this inhuman\n sacrifice was succeeded by a suitable entertainment, in which\n intemperance served as a provocative to brutal lust; till, at THE\n appointed moment, THE lights were suddenly extinguished, shame\n was banished, nature was forgotten; and, as accident might\n direct, THE darkness of THE night was polluted by THE incestuous\n commerce of sisters and broTHErs, of sons and of moTHErs.Ó 19\n\n 18 (return) [ See MosheimÕs Ecclesiastical History, vol. i. p.\n 101, and Spanheim, Remarques sur les C¾sars de Julien, p. 468,\n &c.]\n\n 19 (return) [ See Justin Martyr, Apolog. i. 35, ii. 14.\n ATHEnagoras, in Legation, c. 27. Tertullian, Apolog. c. 7, 8, 9.\n Minucius Felix, c. 9, 10, 80, 31. The last of THEse writers\n relates THE accusation in THE most elegant and circumstantial\n manner. The answer of Tertullian is THE boldest and most\n vigorous.]\n\n But THE perusal of THE ancient apologies was sufficient to remove\n even THE slightest suspicion from THE mind of a candid adversary.\n The Christians, with THE intrepid security of innocence, appeal\n from THE voice of rumor to THE equity of THE magistrates. They\n acknowledge, that if any proof can be produced of THE crimes\n which calumny has imputed to THEm, THEy are worthy of THE most\n severe punishment. They provoke THE punishment, and THEy\n challenge THE proof. At THE same time THEy urge, with equal truth\n and propriety, that THE charge is not less devoid of probability,\n than it is destitute of evidence; THEy ask, wheTHEr any one can\n seriously believe that THE pure and holy precepts of THE gospel,\n which so frequently restrain THE use of THE most lawful\n enjoyments, should inculcate THE practice of THE most abominable\n crimes; that a large society should resolve to dishonor itself in\n THE eyes of its own members; and that a great number of persons\n of eiTHEr sex, and every age and character, insensible to THE\n fear of death or infamy, should consent to violate those\n principles which nature and education had imprinted most deeply\n in THEir minds. 20 Nothing, it should seem, could weaken THE\n force or destroy THE effect of so unanswerable a justification,\n unless it were THE injudicious conduct of THE apologists\n THEmselves, who betrayed THE common cause of religion, to gratify\n THEir devout hatred to THE domestic enemies of THE church. It was\n sometimes faintly insinuated, and sometimes boldly asserted, that\n THE same bloody sacrifices, and THE same incestuous festivals,\n which were so falsely ascribed to THE orthodox believers, were in\n reality celebrated by THE Marcionites, by THE Carpocratians, and\n by several oTHEr sects of THE Gnostics, who, notwithstanding THEy\n might deviate into THE paths of heresy, were still actuated by\n THE sentiments of men, and still governed by THE precepts of\n Christianity. 21 Accusations of a similar kind were retorted upon\n THE church by THE schismatics who had departed from its\n communion, 22 and it was confessed on all sides, that THE most\n scandalous licentiousness of manners prevailed among great\n numbers of those who affected THE name of Christians. A Pagan\n magistrate, who possessed neiTHEr leisure nor abilities to\n discern THE almost imperceptible line which divides THE orthodox\n faith from heretical pravity, might easily have imagined that\n THEir mutual animosity had extorted THE discovery of THEir common\n guilt. It was fortunate for THE repose, or at least for THE\n reputation, of THE first Christians, that THE magistrates\n sometimes proceeded with more temper and moderation than is\n usually consistent with religious zeal, and that THEy reported,\n as THE impartial result of THEir judicial inquiry, that THE\n sectaries, who had deserted THE established worship, appeared to\n THEm sincere in THEir professions, and blameless in THEir\n manners; however THEy might incur, by THEir absurd and excessive\n superstition, THE censure of THE laws. 23\n\n 20 (return) [ In THE persecution of Lyons, some Gentile slaves\n were compelled, by THE fear of tortures, to accuse THEir\n Christian master. The church of Lyons, writing to THEir brethren\n of Asia, treat THE horrid charge with proper indignation and\n contempt. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. v. i.]\n\n 21 (return) [ See Justin Martyr, Apolog. i. 35. Iren¾us adv.\n H¾res. i. 24. Clemens. Alexandrin. Stromat. l. iii. p. 438.\n Euseb. iv. 8. It would be tedious and disgusting to relate all\n that THE succeeding writers have imagined, all that Epiphanius\n has received, and all that Tillemont has copied. M. de Beausobre\n (Hist. du Manicheisme, l. ix. c. 8, 9) has exposed, with great\n spirit, THE disingenuous arts of Augustin and Pope Leo I.]\n\n 22 (return) [ When Tertullian became a Montanist, he aspersed THE\n morals of THE church which he had so resolutely defended. ÒSed\n majoris est Agape, quia per hanc adolescentes tui cum sororibus\n dormiunt, appendices scilicet gul¾ lascivia et luxuria.Ó De\n Jejuniis c. 17. The 85th canon of THE council of Illiberis\n provides against THE scandals which too often polluted THE vigils\n of THE church, and disgraced THE Christian name in THE eyes of\n unbelievers.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Tertullian (Apolog. c. 2) expatiates on THE fair\n and honorable testimony of Pliny, with much reason and some\n declamation.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To\n Constantine.ÑPart II.\n\n\n History, which undertakes to record THE transactions of THE past,\n for THE instruction of future ages, would ill deserve that\n honorable office, if she condescended to plead THE cause of\n tyrants, or to justify THE maxims of persecution. It must,\n however, be acknowledged, that THE conduct of THE emperors who\n appeared THE least favorable to THE primitive church, is by no\n means so criminal as that of modern sovereigns, who have employed\n THE arm of violence and terror against THE religious opinions of\n any part of THEir subjects. From THEir reflections, or even from\n THEir own feelings, a Charles V. or a Lewis XIV. might have\n acquired a just knowledge of THE rights of conscience, of THE\n obligation of faith, and of THE innocence of error. But THE\n princes and magistrates of ancient Rome were strangers to those\n principles which inspired and authorized THE inflexible obstinacy\n of THE Christians in THE cause of truth, nor could THEy\n THEmselves discover in THEir own breasts any motive which would\n have prompted THEm to refuse a legal, and as it were a natural,\n submission to THE sacred institutions of THEir country. The same\n reason which contributes to alleviate THE guilt, must have tended\n to abate THE vigor, of THEir persecutions. As THEy were actuated,\n not by THE furious zeal of bigots, but by THE temperate policy of\n legislators, contempt must often have relaxed, and humanity must\n frequently have suspended, THE execution of those laws which THEy\n enacted against THE humble and obscure followers of Christ. From\n THE general view of THEir character and motives we might\n naturally conclude: I. That a considerable time elapsed before\n THEy considered THE new sectaries as an object deserving of THE\n attention of government. II. That in THE conviction of any of\n THEir subjects who were accused of so very singular a crime, THEy\n proceeded with caution and reluctance. III. That THEy were\n moderate in THE use of punishments; and, IV. That THE afflicted\n church enjoyed many intervals of peace and tranquility.\n Notwithstanding THE careless indifference which THE most copious\n and THE most minute of THE Pagan writers have shown to THE\n affairs of THE Christians, 24 it may still be in our power to\n confirm each of THEse probable suppositions, by THE evidence of\n auTHEntic facts.\n\n 24 (return) [ In THE various compilation of THE Augustan History,\n (a part of which was composed under THE reign of Constantine,)\n THEre are not six lines which relate to THE Christians; nor has\n THE diligence of Xiphilin discovered THEir name in THE large\n history of Dion Cassius. * Note: The greater part of THE Augustan\n History is dedicated to Diocletian. This may account for THE\n silence of its authors concerning Christianity. The notices that\n occur are almost all in THE lives composed under THE reign of\n Constantine. It may fairly be concluded, from THE language which\n he had into THE mouth of M¾cenas, that Dion was an enemy to all\n innovations in religion. (See Gibbon, _infra_, note 105.) In\n fact, when THE silence of Pagan historians is noticed, it should\n be remembered how meagre and mutilated are all THE extant\n histories of THE periodÑM.]\n\n 1. By THE wise dispensation of Providence, a mysterious veil was\n cast over THE infancy of THE church, which, till THE faith of THE\n Christians was matured, and THEir numbers were multiplied, served\n to protect THEm not only from THE malice but even from THE\n knowledge of THE Pagan world. The slow and gradual abolition of\n THE Mosaic ceremonies afforded a safe and innocent disguise to\n THE more early proselytes of THE gospel. As THEy were, for THE\n greater part, of THE race of Abraham, THEy were distinguished by\n THE peculiar mark of circumcision, offered up THEir devotions in\n THE Temple of Jerusalem till its final destruction, and received\n both THE Law and THE Prophets as THE genuine inspirations of THE\n Deity. The Gentile converts, who by a spiritual adoption had been\n associated to THE hope of Israel, were likewise confounded under\n THE garb and appearance of Jews, 25 and as THE PolyTHEists paid\n less regard to articles of faith than to THE external worship,\n THE new sect, which carefully concealed, or faintly announced,\n its future greatness and ambition, was permitted to shelter\n itself under THE general toleration which was granted to an\n ancient and celebrated people in THE Roman empire. It was not\n long, perhaps, before THE Jews THEmselves, animated with a\n fiercer zeal and a more jealous faith, perceived THE gradual\n separation of THEir Nazarene brethren from THE doctrine of THE\n synagogue; and THEy would gladly have extinguished THE dangerous\n heresy in THE blood of its adherents. But THE decrees of Heaven\n had already disarmed THEir malice; and though THEy might\n sometimes exert THE licentious privilege of sedition, THEy no\n longer possessed THE administration of criminal justice; nor did\n THEy find it easy to infuse into THE calm breast of a Roman\n magistrate THE rancor of THEir own zeal and prejudice. The\n provincial governors declared THEmselves ready to listen to any\n accusation that might affect THE public safety; but as soon as\n THEy were informed that it was a question not of facts but of\n words, a dispute relating only to THE interpretation of THE\n Jewish laws and prophecies, THEy deemed it unworthy of THE\n majesty of Rome seriously to discuss THE obscure differences\n which might arise among a barbarous and superstitious people. The\n innocence of THE first Christians was protected by ignorance and\n contempt; and THE tribunal of THE Pagan magistrate often proved\n THEir most assured refuge against THE fury of THE synagogue. 26\n If indeed we were disposed to adopt THE traditions of a too\n credulous antiquity, we might relate THE distant peregrinations,\n THE wonderful achievements, and THE various deaths of THE twelve\n apostles: but a more accurate inquiry will induce us to doubt,\n wheTHEr any of those persons who had been witnesses to THE\n miracles of Christ were permitted, beyond THE limits of\n Palestine, to seal with THEir blood THE truth of THEir testimony.\n 27 From THE ordinary term of human life, it may very naturally be\n presumed that most of THEm were deceased before THE discontent of\n THE Jews broke out into that furious war, which was terminated\n only by THE ruin of Jerusalem. During a long period, from THE\n death of Christ to that memorable rebellion, we cannot discover\n any traces of Roman intolerance, unless THEy are to be found in\n THE sudden, THE transient, but THE cruel persecution, which was\n exercised by Nero against THE Christians of THE capital,\n thirty-five years after THE former, and only two years before THE\n latter, of those great events. The character of THE philosophic\n historian, to whom we are principally indebted for THE knowledge\n of this singular transaction, would alone be sufficient to\n recommend it to our most attentive consideration.\n\n 25 (return) [ An obscure passage of Suetonius (in Claud. c. 25)\n may seem to offer a proof how strangely THE Jews and Christians\n of Rome were confounded with each oTHEr.]\n\n 26 (return) [ See, in THE xviiith and xxvth chapters of THE Acts\n of THE Apostles, THE behavior of Gallio, proconsul of Achaia, and\n of Festus, procurator of Judea.]\n\n 27 (return) [ In THE time of Tertullian and Clemens of\n Alexandria, THE glory of martyrdom was confined to St. Peter, St.\n Paul, and St. James. It was gradually bestowed on THE rest of THE\n apostles, by THE more recent Greeks, who prudently selected for\n THE THEatre of THEir preaching and sufferings some remote country\n beyond THE limits of THE Roman empire. See Mosheim, p. 81; and\n Tillemont, MŽmoires EcclŽsiastiques, tom. i. part iii.]\n\n In THE tenth year of THE reign of Nero, THE capital of THE empire\n was afflicted by a fire which raged beyond THE memory or example\n of former ages. 28 The monuments of Grecian art and of Roman\n virtue, THE trophies of THE Punic and Gallic wars, THE most holy\n temples, and THE most splendid palaces, were involved in one\n common destruction. Of THE fourteen regions or quarters into\n which Rome was divided, four only subsisted entire, three were\n levelled with THE ground, and THE remaining seven, which had\n experienced THE fury of THE flames, displayed a melancholy\n prospect of ruin and desolation. The vigilance of government\n appears not to have neglected any of THE precautions which might\n alleviate THE sense of so dreadful a calamity. The Imperial\n gardens were thrown open to THE distressed multitude, temporary\n buildings were erected for THEir accommodation, and a plentiful\n supply of corn and provisions was distributed at a very moderate\n price. 29 The most generous policy seemed to have dictated THE\n edicts which regulated THE disposition of THE streets and THE\n construction of private houses; and as it usually happens, in an\n age of prosperity, THE conflagration of Rome, in THE course of a\n few years, produced a new city, more regular and more beautiful\n than THE former. But all THE prudence and humanity affected by\n Nero on this occasion were insufficient to preserve him from THE\n popular suspicion. Every crime might be imputed to THE assassin\n of his wife and moTHEr; nor could THE prince who prostituted his\n person and dignity on THE THEatre be deemed incapable of THE most\n extravagant folly. The voice of rumor accused THE emperor as THE\n incendiary of his own capital; and as THE most incredible stories\n are THE best adapted to THE genius of an enraged people, it was\n gravely reported, and firmly believed, that Nero, enjoying THE\n calamity which he had occasioned, amused himself with singing to\n his lyre THE destruction of ancient Troy. 30 To divert a\n suspicion, which THE power of despotism was unable to suppress,\n THE emperor resolved to substitute in his own place some\n fictitious criminals. ÒWith this view,Ó continues Tacitus, Òhe\n inflicted THE most exquisite tortures on those men, who, under\n THE vulgar appellation of Christians, were already branded with\n deserved infamy. They derived THEir name and origin from Christ,\n who in THE reign of Tiberius had suffered death by THE sentence\n of THE procurator Pontius Pilate. 31 For a while this dire\n superstition was checked; but it again burst forth; 3111 and not\n only spread itself over Jud¾a, THE first seat of this mischievous\n sect, but was even introduced into Rome, THE common asylum which\n receives and protects whatever is impure, whatever is atrocious.\n The confessions of those who were seized discovered a great\n multitude of THEir accomplices, and THEy were all convicted, not\n so much for THE crime of setting fire to THE city, as for THEir\n hatred of human kind. 32 They died in torments, and THEir\n torments were imbittered by insult and derision. Some were nailed\n on crosses; oTHErs sewn up in THE skins of wild beasts, and\n exposed to THE fury of dogs; oTHErs again, smeared over with\n combustible materials, were used as torches to illuminate THE\n darkness of THE night. The gardens of Nero were destined for THE\n melancholy spectacle, which was accompanied with a horse-race and\n honored with THE presence of THE emperor, who mingled with THE\n populace in THE dress and attitude of a charioteer. The guilt of\n THE Christians deserved indeed THE most exemplary punishment, but\n THE public abhorrence was changed into commiseration, from THE\n opinion that those unhappy wretches were sacrificed, not so much\n to THE public welfare, as to THE cruelty of a jealous tyrant.Ó 33\n Those who survey with a curious eye THE revolutions of mankind,\n may observe, that THE gardens and circus of Nero on THE Vatican,\n which were polluted with THE blood of THE first Christians, have\n been rendered still more famous by THE triumph and by THE abuse\n of THE persecuted religion. On THE same spot, 34 a temple, which\n far surpasses THE ancient glories of THE Capitol, has been since\n erected by THE Christian Pontiffs, who, deriving THEir claim of\n universal dominion from an humble fisherman of Galilee, have\n succeeded to THE throne of THE C¾sars, given laws to THE\n barbarian conquerors of Rome, and extended THEir spiritual\n jurisdiction from THE coast of THE Baltic to THE shores of THE\n Pacific Ocean.\n\n 28 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. xv. 38Ñ44. Sueton in Neron. c. 38.\n Dion Cassius, l. lxii. p. 1014. Orosius, vii. 7.]\n\n 29 (return) [ The price of wheat (probably of THE _modius_,) was\n reduced as low as _terni Nummi;_ which would be equivalent to\n about fifteen shillings THE English quarter.]\n\n 30 (return) [ We may observe, that THE rumor is mentioned by\n Tacitus with a very becoming distrust and hesitation, whilst it\n is greedily transcribed by Suetonius, and solemnly confirmed by\n Dion.]\n\n 31 (return) [ This testimony is alone sufficient to expose THE\n anachronism of THE Jews, who place THE birth of Christ near a\n century sooner. (Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, l. v. c. 14, 15.)\n We may learn from Josephus, (Antiquitat. xviii. 3,) that THE\n procuratorship of Pilate corresponded with THE last ten years of\n Tiberius, A. D. 27Ñ37. As to THE particular time of THE death of\n Christ, a very early tradition fixed it to THE 25th of March, A.\n D. 29, under THE consulship of THE two Gemini. (Tertullian adv.\n Jud¾os, c. 8.) This date, which is adopted by Pagi, Cardinal\n Norris, and Le Clerc, seems at least as probable as THE vulgar\n ¾ra, which is placed (I know not from what conjectures) four\n years later.]\n\n 3111 (return) [ This single phrase, Repressa in pr¾sens\n exitiabilis superstitio rursus erumpebat, proves that THE\n Christians had already attracted THE attention of THE government;\n and that Nero was not THE first to persecute THEm. I am surprised\n that more stress has not been laid on THE confirmation which THE\n Acts of THE Apostles derive from THEse words of Tacitus, Repressa\n in pr¾sens, and rursus erumpebat.ÑG. ÑÑI have been unwilling to\n suppress this note, but surely THE expression of Tacitus refers\n to THE expected extirpation of THE religion by THE death of its\n founder, Christ.ÑM.]\n\n 32 (return) [ _Odio humani generis convicti_. These words may\n eiTHEr signify THE hatred of mankind towards THE Christians, or\n THE hatred of THE Christians towards mankind. I have preferred\n THE latter sense, as THE most agreeable to THE style of Tacitus,\n and to THE popular error, of which a precept of THE gospel (see\n Luke xiv. 26) had been, perhaps, THE innocent occasion. My\n interpretation is justified by THE authority of Lipsius; of THE\n Italian, THE French, and THE English translators of Tacitus; of\n Mosheim, (p. 102,) of Le Clerc, (Historia Ecclesiast. p. 427,) of\n Dr. Lardner, (Testimonies, vol. i. p. 345,) and of THE Bishop of\n Gloucester, (Divine Legation, vol. iii. p. 38.) But as THE word\n _convicti_ does not unite very happily with THE rest of THE\n sentence, James Gronovius has preferred THE reading of\n _conjuncti_, which is authorized by THE valuable MS. of\n Florence.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Tacit. Annal xv. 44.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Nardini Roma Antica, p. 487. Donatus de Roma\n Antiqua, l. iii. p. 449.]\n\n But it would be improper to dismiss this account of NeroÕs\n persecution, till we have made some observations that may serve\n to remove THE difficulties with which it is perplexed, and to\n throw some light on THE subsequent history of THE church.\n\n 1. The most sceptical criticism is obliged to respect THE truth\n of this extraordinary fact, and THE integrity of this celebrated\n passage of Tacitus. The former is confirmed by THE diligent and\n accurate Suetonius, who mentions THE punishment which Nero\n inflicted on THE Christians, a sect of men who had embraced a new\n and criminal superstition. 35 The latter may be proved by THE\n consent of THE most ancient manuscripts; by THE inimitable\n character of THE style of Tacitus by his reputation, which\n guarded his text from THE interpolations of pious fraud; and by\n THE purport of his narration, which accused THE first Christians\n of THE most atrocious crimes, without insinuating that THEy\n possessed any miraculous or even magical powers above THE rest of\n mankind. 36 2. Notwithstanding it is probable that Tacitus was\n born some years before THE fire of Rome, 37 he could derive only\n from reading and conversation THE knowledge of an event which\n happened during his infancy. Before he gave himself to THE\n public, he calmly waited till his genius had attained its full\n maturity, and he was more than forty years of age, when a\n grateful regard for THE memory of THE virtuous Agricola extorted\n from him THE most early of those historical compositions which\n will delight and instruct THE most distant posterity. After\n making a trial of his strength in THE life of Agricola and THE\n description of Germany, he conceived, and at length executed, a\n more arduous work; THE history of Rome, in thirty books, from THE\n fall of Nero to THE accession of Nerva. The administration of\n Nerva introduced an age of justice and propriety, which Tacitus\n had destined for THE occupation of his old age; 38 but when he\n took a nearer view of his subject, judging, perhaps, that it was\n a more honorable or a less invidious office to record THE vices\n of past tyrants, than to celebrate THE virtues of a reigning\n monarch, he chose raTHEr to relate, under THE form of annals, THE\n actions of THE four immediate successors of Augustus. To collect,\n to dispose, and to adorn a series of fourscore years, in an\n immortal work, every sentence of which is pregnant with THE\n deepest observations and THE most lively images, was an\n undertaking sufficient to exercise THE genius of Tacitus himself\n during THE greatest part of his life. In THE last years of THE\n reign of Trajan, whilst THE victorious monarch extended THE power\n of Rome beyond its ancient limits, THE historian was describing,\n in THE second and fourth books of his annals, THE tyranny of\n Tiberius; 39 and THE emperor Hadrian must have succeeded to THE\n throne, before Tacitus, in THE regular prosecution of his work,\n could relate THE fire of THE capital, and THE cruelty of Nero\n towards THE unfortunate Christians. At THE distance of sixty\n years, it was THE duty of THE annalist to adopt THE narratives of\n contemporaries; but it was natural for THE philosopher to indulge\n himself in THE description of THE origin, THE progress, and THE\n character of THE new sect, not so much according to THE knowledge\n or prejudices of THE age of Nero, as according to those of THE\n time of Hadrian. 3 Tacitus very frequently trusts to THE\n curiosity or reflection of his readers to supply those\n intermediate circumstances and ideas, which, in his extreme\n conciseness, he has thought proper to suppress. We may THErefore\n presume to imagine some probable cause which could direct THE\n cruelty of Nero against THE Christians of Rome, whose obscurity,\n as well as innocence, should have shielded THEm from his\n indignation, and even from his notice. The Jews, who were\n numerous in THE capital, and oppressed in THEir own country, were\n a much fitter object for THE suspicions of THE emperor and of THE\n people: nor did it seem unlikely that a vanquished nation, who\n already discovered THEir abhorrence of THE Roman yoke, might have\n recourse to THE most atrocious means of gratifying THEir\n implacable revenge. But THE Jews possessed very powerful\n advocates in THE palace, and even in THE heart of THE tyrant; his\n wife and mistress, THE beautiful Popp¾a, and a favorite player of\n THE race of Abraham, who had already employed THEir intercession\n in behalf of THE obnoxious people. 40 In THEir room it was\n necessary to offer some oTHEr victims, and it might easily be\n suggested that, although THE genuine followers of Moses were\n innocent of THE fire of Rome, THEre had arisen among THEm a new\n and pernicious sect of Galil¾ans, which was capable of THE most\n horrid crimes. Under THE appellation of Galil¾ans, two\n distinctions of men were confounded, THE most opposite to each\n oTHEr in THEir manners and principles; THE disciples who had\n embraced THE faith of Jesus of Nazareth, 41 and THE zealots who\n had followed THE standard of Judas THE Gaulonite. 42 The former\n were THE friends, THE latter were THE enemies, of human kind; and\n THE only resemblance between THEm consisted in THE same\n inflexible constancy, which, in THE defence of THEir cause,\n rendered THEm insensible of death and tortures. The followers of\n Judas, who impelled THEir countrymen into rebellion, were soon\n buried under THE ruins of Jerusalem; whilst those of Jesus, known\n by THE more celebrated name of Christians, diffused THEmselves\n over THE Roman empire. How natural was it for Tacitus, in THE\n time of Hadrian, to appropriate to THE Christians THE guilt and\n THE sufferings, 4211 which he might, with far greater truth and\n justice, have attributed to a sect whose odious memory was almost\n extinguished! 4. Whatever opinion may be entertained of this\n conjecture, (for it is no more than a conjecture,) it is evident\n that THE effect, as well as THE cause, of NeroÕs persecution, was\n confined to THE walls of Rome, 43 that THE religious tenets of\n THE Galil¾ans or Christians, 431 were never made a subject of\n punishment, or even of inquiry; and that, as THE idea of THEir\n sufferings was for a long time connected with THE idea of cruelty\n and injustice, THE moderation of succeeding princes inclined THEm\n to spare a sect, oppressed by a tyrant, whose rage had been\n usually directed against virtue and innocence.\n\n 35 (return) [ Sueton. in Nerone, c. 16. The epiTHEt of\n _malefica_, which some sagacious commentators have translated\n magical, is considered by THE more rational Mosheim as only\n synonymous to THE _exitiabilis_ of Tacitus.]\n\n 36 (return) [ The passage concerning Jesus Christ, which was\n inserted into THE text of Josephus, between THE time of Origen\n and that of Eusebius, may furnish an example of no vulgar\n forgery. The accomplishment of THE prophecies, THE virtues,\n miracles, and resurrection of Jesus, are distinctly related.\n Josephus acknowledges that he was THE Messiah, and hesitates\n wheTHEr he should call him a man. If any doubt can still remain\n concerning this celebrated passage, THE reader may examine THE\n pointed objections of Le Fevre, (Havercamp. Joseph. tom. ii. p.\n 267-273), THE labored answers of Daubuz, (p. 187-232, and THE\n masterly reply (Biblioth\x8fque Ancienne et Moderne, tom. vii. p.\n 237-288) of an anonymous critic, whom I believe to have been THE\n learned AbbŽ de Longuerue. * Note: The modern editor of Eusebius,\n Heinichen, has adopted, and ably supported, a notion, which had\n before suggested itself to THE editor, that this passage is not\n altogeTHEr a forgery, but interpolated with many additional\n clauses. Heinichen has endeavored to disengage THE original text\n from THE foreign and more recent matter.ÑM.]\n\n 37 (return) [ See THE lives of Tacitus by Lipsius and THE AbbŽ de\n la Bleterie, Dictionnaire de Bayle a lÕarticle Particle Tacite,\n and Fabricius, Biblioth. Latin tem. Latin. tom. ii. p. 386, edit.\n Ernest. Ernst.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Principatum Divi Nerv¾, et imperium Trajani,\n uberiorem, securioremque materiam senectuti seposui. Tacit. Hist.\n i.]\n\n 39 (return) [ See Tacit. Annal. ii. 61, iv. 4. * Note: The\n perusal of this passage of Tacitus alone is sufficient, as I have\n already said, to show that THE Christian sect was not so obscure\n as not already to have been repressed, (repressa,) and that it\n did not pass for innocent in THE eyes of THE Romans.ÑG.]\n\n 40 (return) [ The playerÕs name was Aliturus. Through THE same\n channel, Josephus, (de vit‰ su‰, c. 2,) about two years before,\n had obtained THE pardon and release of some Jewish priests, who\n were prisoners at Rome.]\n\n 41 (return) [ The learned Dr. Lardner (Jewish and HeaTHEn\n Testimonies, vol ii. p. 102, 103) has proved that THE name of\n Galil¾ans was a very ancient, and perhaps THE primitive\n appellation of THE Christians.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Joseph. Antiquitat. xviii. 1, 2. Tillemont, Ruine\n des Juifs, p. 742 The sons of Judas were crucified in THE time of\n Claudius. His grandson Eleazar, after Jerusalem was taken,\n defended a strong fortress with 960 of his most desperate\n followers. When THE battering ram had made a breach, THEy turned\n THEir swords against THEir wives THEir children, and at length\n against THEir own breasts. They dies to THE last man.]\n\n 4211 (return) [ This conjecture is entirely devoid, not merely of\n verisimilitude, but even of possibility. Tacitus could not be\n deceived in appropriating to THE Christians of Rome THE guilt and\n THE sufferings which he might have attributed with far greater\n truth to THE followers of Judas THE Gaulonite, for THE latter\n never went to Rome. Their revolt, THEir attempts, THEir opinions,\n THEir wars, THEir punishment, had no oTHEr THEatre but Jud¾a\n (Basn. Hist. des. Juifs, t. i. p. 491.) Moreover THE name of\n Christians had long been given in Rome to THE disciples of Jesus;\n and Tacitus affirms too positively, refers too distinctly to its\n etymology, to allow us to suspect any mistake on his part.ÑG.\n ÑÑM. GuizotÕs expressions are not in THE least too strong against\n this strange imagination of Gibbon; it may be doubted wheTHEr THE\n followers of Judas were known as a sect under THE name of\n Galil¾ans.ÑM.]\n\n 43 (return) [ See Dodwell. Paucitat. Mart. l. xiii. The Spanish\n Inscription in Gruter. p. 238, No. 9, is a manifest and\n acknowledged forgery contrived by that noted imposter. Cyriacus\n of Ancona, to flatter THE pride and prejudices of THE Spaniards.\n See Ferreras, Histoire DÕEspagne, tom. i. p. 192.]\n\n 431 (return) [ M. Guizot, on THE authority of Sulpicius Severus,\n ii. 37, and of Orosius, viii. 5, inclines to THE opinion of those\n who extend THE persecution to THE provinces. Mosheim raTHEr leans\n to that side on this much disputed question, (c. xxxv.) Neander\n takes THE view of Gibbon, which is in general that of THE most\n learned writers. There is indeed no evidence, which I can\n discover, of its reaching THE provinces; and THE apparent\n security, at least as regards his life, with which St. Paul\n pursued his travels during this period, affords at least a strong\n inference against a rigid and general inquisition against THE\n Christians in oTHEr parts of THE empire.ÑM.]\n\n It is somewhat remarkable that THE flames of war consumed, almost\n at THE same time, THE temple of Jerusalem and THE Capitol of\n Rome; 44 and it appears no less singular, that THE tribute which\n devotion had destined to THE former, should have been converted\n by THE power of an assaulting victor to restore and adorn THE\n splendor of THE latter. 45 The emperors levied a general\n capitation tax on THE Jewish people; and although THE sum\n assessed on THE head of each individual was inconsiderable, THE\n use for which it was designed, and THE severity with which it was\n exacted, were considered as an intolerable grievance. 46 Since\n THE officers of THE revenue extended THEir unjust claim to many\n persons who were strangers to THE blood or religion of THE Jews,\n it was impossible that THE Christians, who had so often sheltered\n THEmselves under THE shade of THE synagogue, should now escape\n this rapacious persecution. Anxious as THEy were to avoid THE\n slightest infection of idolatry, THEir conscience forbade THEm to\n contribute to THE honor of that d¾mon who had assumed THE\n character of THE Capitoline Jupiter. As a very numerous though\n declining party among THE Christians still adhered to THE law of\n Moses, THEir efforts to dissemble THEir Jewish origin were\n detected by THE decisive test of circumcision; 47 nor were THE\n Roman magistrates at leisure to inquire into THE difference of\n THEir religious tenets. Among THE Christians who were brought\n before THE tribunal of THE emperor, or, as it seems more\n probable, before that of THE procurator of Jud¾a, two persons are\n said to have appeared, distinguished by THEir extraction, which\n was more truly noble than that of THE greatest monarchs. These\n were THE grandsons of St. Jude THE apostle, who himself was THE\n broTHEr of Jesus Christ. 48 Their natural pretensions to THE\n throne of David might perhaps attract THE respect of THE people,\n and excite THE jealousy of THE governor; but THE meanness of\n THEir garb, and THE simplicity of THEir answers, soon convinced\n him that THEy were neiTHEr desirous nor capable of disturbing THE\n peace of THE Roman empire. They frankly confessed THEir royal\n origin, and THEir near relation to THE Messiah; but THEy\n disclaimed any temporal views, and professed that his kingdom,\n which THEy devoutly expected, was purely of a spiritual and\n angelic nature. When THEy were examined concerning THEir fortune\n and occupation, THEy showed THEir hands, hardened with daily\n labor, and declared that THEy derived THEir whole subsistence\n from THE cultivation of a farm near THE village of Cocaba, of THE\n extent of about twenty-four English acres, 49 and of THE value of\n nine thousand drachms, or three hundred pounds sterling. The\n grandsons of St. Jude were dismissed with compassion and\n contempt. 50\n\n 44 (return) [ The Capitol was burnt during THE civil war between\n Vitellius and Vespasian, THE 19th of December, A. D. 69. On THE\n 10th of August, A. D. 70, THE temple of Jerusalem was destroyed\n by THE hands of THE Jews THEmselves, raTHEr than by those of THE\n Romans.]\n\n 45 (return) [ The new Capitol was dedicated by Domitian. Sueton.\n in Domitian. c. 5. Plutarch in Poplicola, tom. i. p. 230, edit.\n Bryant. The gilding alone cost 12,000 talents (above two millions\n and a half.) It was THE opinion of Martial, (l. ix. Epigram 3,)\n that if THE emperor had called in his debts, Jupiter himself,\n even though he had made a general auction of Olympus, would have\n been unable to pay two shillings in THE pound.]\n\n 46 (return) [ With regard to THE tribute, see Dion Cassius, l.\n lxvi. p. 1082, with ReimarusÕs notes. Spanheim, de Usu\n Numismatum, tom. ii. p. 571; and Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, l.\n vii. c. 2.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Suetonius (in Domitian. c. 12) had seen an old man\n of ninety publicly examined before THE procuratorÕs tribunal.\n This is what Martial calls, Mentula tributis damnata.]\n\n 48 (return) [ This appellation was at first understood in THE\n most obvious sense, and it was supposed, that THE broTHErs of\n Jesus were THE lawful issue of Joseph and Mary. A devout respect\n for THE virginity of THE moTHEr of God suggested to THE Gnostics,\n and afterwards to THE orthodox Greeks, THE expedient of bestowing\n a second wife on Joseph. The Latins (from THE time of Jerome)\n improved on that hint, asserted THE perpetual celibacy of Joseph,\n and justified by many similar examples THE new interpretation\n that Jude, as well as Simon and James, who were styled THE\n broTHErs of Jesus Christ, were only his first cousins. See\n Tillemont, MŽm. Ecclesiast. tom. i. part iii.: and Beausobre,\n Hist. Critique du Manicheisme, l. ii. c. 2.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Thirty-nine, squares of a hundred feet each, which,\n if strictly computed, would scarcely amount to nine acres.]\n\n 50 (return) [ Eusebius, iii. 20. The story is taken from\n Hegesippus.]\n\n But although THE obscurity of THE house of David might protect\n THEm from THE suspicions of a tyrant, THE present greatness of\n his own family alarmed THE pusillanimous temper of Domitian,\n which could only be appeased by THE blood of those Romans whom he\n eiTHEr feared, or hated, or esteemed. Of THE two sons of his\n uncle Flavius Sabinus, 51 THE elder was soon convicted of\n treasonable intentions, and THE younger, who bore THE name of\n Flavius Clemens, was indebted for his safety to his want of\n courage and ability. 52 The emperor for a long time,\n distinguished so harmless a kinsman by his favor and protection,\n bestowed on him his own niece Domitilla, adopted THE children of\n that marriage to THE hope of THE succession, and invested THEir\n faTHEr with THE honors of THE consulship.\n\n 51 (return) [ See THE death and character of Sabinus in Tacitus,\n (Hist. iii. 74 ) Sabinus was THE elder broTHEr, and, till THE\n accession of Vespasian, had been considered as THE principal\n support of THE Flavium family]\n\n 52 (return) [ Flavium Clementem patruelem suum _contemptissim¾\n inerti¾_.. ex tenuissim‰ suspicione interemit. Sueton. in\n Domitian. c. 15.]\n\n But he had scarcely finished THE term of his annual magistracy,\n when, on a slight pretence, he was condemned and executed;\n Domitilla was banished to a desolate island on THE coast of\n Campania; 53 and sentences eiTHEr of death or of confiscation\n were pronounced against a great number of who were involved in\n THE same accusation. The guilt imputed to THEir charge was that\n of _ATHEism_ and _Jewish manners;_ 54 a singular association of\n ideas, which cannot with any propriety be applied except to THE\n Christians, as THEy were obscurely and imperfectly viewed by THE\n magistrates and by THE writers of that period. On THE strength of\n so probable an interpretation, and too eagerly admitting THE\n suspicions of a tyrant as an evidence of THEir honorable crime,\n THE church has placed both Clemens and Domitilla among its first\n martyrs, and has branded THE cruelty of Domitian with THE name of\n THE second persecution. But this persecution (if it deserves that\n epiTHEt) was of no long duration. A few months after THE death of\n Clemens, and THE banishment of Domitilla, Stephen, a freedman\n belonging to THE latter, who had enjoyed THE favor, but who had\n not surely embraced THE faith, of his mistress, 5411 assassinated\n THE emperor in his palace. 55 The memory of Domitian was\n condemned by THE senate; his acts were rescinded; his exiles\n recalled; and under THE gentle administration of Nerva, while THE\n innocent were restored to THEir rank and fortunes, even THE most\n guilty eiTHEr obtained pardon or escaped punishment. 56\n\n 53 (return) [ The Isle of Pandataria, according to Dion. Bruttius\n Pr¾sens (apud Euseb. iii. 18) banishes her to that of Pontia,\n which was not far distant from THE oTHEr. That difference, and a\n mistake, eiTHEr of Eusebius or of his transcribers, have given\n occasion to suppose two Domitillas, THE wife and THE niece of\n Clemens. See Tillemont, MŽmoires EcclŽsiastiques, tom. ii. p.\n 224.]\n\n 54 (return) [ Dion. l. lxvii. p. 1112. If THE Bruttius Pr¾sens,\n from whom it is probable that he collected this account, was THE\n correspondent of Pliny, (Epistol. vii. 3,) we may consider him as\n a contemporary writer.]\n\n 5411 (return) [ This is an uncandid sarcasm. There is nothing to\n connect Stephen with THE religion of Domitilla. He was a knave\n detected in THE malversation of moneyÑinterceptarum pecuniaram\n reus.ÑM.]\n\n 55 (return) [ Suet. in Domit. c. 17. Philostratus in Vit.\n Apollon. l. viii.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Dion. l. lxviii. p. 1118. Plin. Epistol. iv. 22.]\n\n II. About ten years afterwards, under THE reign of Trajan, THE\n younger Pliny was intrusted by his friend and master with THE\n government of Bithynia and Pontus. He soon found himself at a\n loss to determine by what rule of justice or of law he should\n direct his conduct in THE execution of an office THE most\n repugnant to his humanity. Pliny had never assisted at any\n judicial proceedings against THE Christians, with whose name\n alone he seems to be acquainted; and he was totally uninformed\n with regard to THE nature of THEir guilt, THE method of THEir\n conviction, and THE degree of THEir punishment. In this\n perplexity he had recourse to his usual expedient, of submitting\n to THE wisdom of Trajan an impartial, and, in some respects, a\n favorable account of THE new superstition, requesting THE\n emperor, that he would condescend to resolve his doubts, and to\n instruct his ignorance. 57 The life of Pliny had been employed in\n THE acquisition of learning, and in THE business of THE world.\n\n Since THE age of nineteen he had pleaded with distinction in THE\n tribunals of Rome, 58 filled a place in THE senate, had been\n invested with THE honors of THE consulship, and had formed very\n numerous connections with every order of men, both in Italy and\n in THE provinces. From _his_ ignorance THErefore we may derive\n some useful information. We may assure ourselves, that when he\n accepted THE government of Bithynia, THEre were no general laws\n or decrees of THE senate in force against THE Christians; that\n neiTHEr Trajan nor any of his virtuous predecessors, whose edicts\n were received into THE civil and criminal jurisprudence, had\n publicly declared THEir intentions concerning THE new sect; and\n that whatever proceedings had been carried on against THE\n Christians, THEre were none of sufficient weight and authority to\n establish a precedent for THE conduct of a Roman magistrate.\n\n 57 (return) [ Plin. Epistol. x. 97. The learned Mosheim expresses\n himself (p. 147, 232) with THE highest approbation of PlinyÕs\n moderate and candid temper. Notwithstanding Dr. LardnerÕs\n suspicions (see Jewish and HeaTHEn Testimonies, vol. ii. p. 46,)\n I am unable to discover any bigotry in his language or\n proceedings. * Note: Yet THE humane Pliny put two female\n attendants, probably deaconesses to THE torture, in order to\n ascertain THE real nature of THEse suspicious meetings:\n necessarium credidi, ex duabus ancillis, qu¾ ministr¾ dicebantor\n quid asset veri et _per tormenta_ qu¾rere.ÑM.]\n\n 58 (return) [ Plin. Epist. v. 8. He pleaded his first cause A. D.\n 81; THE year after THE famous eruptions of Mount Vesuvius, in\n which his uncle lost his life.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To\n Constantine.ÑPart III.\n\n\n The answer of Trajan, to which THE Christians of THE succeeding\n age have frequently appealed, discovers as much regard for\n justice and humanity as could be reconciled with his mistaken\n notions of religious policy. 59 Instead of displaying THE\n implacable zeal of an inquisitor, anxious to discover THE most\n minute particles of heresy, and exulting in THE number of his\n victims, THE emperor expresses much more solicitude to protect\n THE security of THE innocent, than to prevent THE escape of THE\n guilty. He acknowledged THE difficulty of fixing any general\n plan; but he lays down two salutary rules, which often afforded\n relief and support to THE distressed Christians. Though he\n directs THE magistrates to punish such persons as are legally\n convicted, he prohibits THEm, with a very humane inconsistency,\n from making any inquiries concerning THE supposed criminals. Nor\n was THE magistrate allowed to proceed on every kind of\n information. Anonymous charges THE emperor rejects, as too\n repugnant to THE equity of his government; and he strictly\n requires, for THE conviction of those to whom THE guilt of\n Christianity is imputed, THE positive evidence of a fair and open\n accuser. It is likewise probable, that THE persons who assumed so\n invidiuous an office, were obliged to declare THE grounds of\n THEir suspicions, to specify (both in respect to time and place)\n THE secret assemblies, which THEir Christian adversary had\n frequented, and to disclose a great number of circumstances,\n which were concealed with THE most vigilant jealousy from THE eye\n of THE profane. If THEy succeeded in THEir prosecution, THEy were\n exposed to THE resentment of a considerable and active party, to\n THE censure of THE more liberal portion of mankind, and to THE\n ignominy which, in every age and country, has attended THE\n character of an informer. If, on THE contrary, THEy failed in\n THEir proofs, THEy incurred THE severe and perhaps capital\n penalty, which, according to a law published by THE emperor\n Hadrian, was inflicted on those who falsely attributed to THEir\n fellow-citizens THE crime of Christianity. The violence of\n personal or superstitious animosity might sometimes prevail over\n THE most natural apprehensions of disgrace and danger but it\n cannot surely be imagined, 60 that accusations of so unpromising\n an appearance were eiTHEr lightly or frequently undertaken by THE\n Pagan subjects of THE Roman empire. 6011\n\n 59 (return) [ Plin. Epist. x. 98. Tertullian (Apolog. c. 5)\n considers this rescript as a relaxation of THE ancient penal\n laws, Òquas Trajanus exparte frustratus est:Ó and yet Tertullian,\n in anoTHEr part of his Apology, exposes THE inconsistency of\n prohibiting inquiries, and enjoining punishments.]\n\n 60 (return) [ Eusebius (Hist. Ecclesiast. l. iv. c. 9) has\n preserved THE edict of Hadrian. He has likewise (c. 13) given us\n one still more favorable, under THE name of Antoninus; THE\n auTHEnticity of which is not so universally allowed. The second\n Apology of Justin contains some curious particulars relative to\n THE accusations of Christians. * Note: Professor Hegelmayer has\n proved THE auTHEnticity of THE edict of Antoninus, in his Comm.\n Hist. Theol. in Edict. Imp. Antonini. Tubing. 1777, in 4to.ÑG.\n ÑÑNeander doubts its auTHEnticity, (vol. i. p. 152.) In my\n opinion, THE internal evidence is decisive against it.ÑM]\n\n 6011 (return) [ The enactment of this law affords strong\n presumption, that accusations of THE Òcrime of Christianity,Ó\n were by no means so uncommon, nor received with so much mistrust\n and caution by THE ruling authorities, as Gibbon would insinuate.\n ÑM.]\n\n The expedient which was employed to elude THE prudence of THE\n laws, affords a sufficient proof how effectually THEy\n disappointed THE mischievous designs of private malice or\n superstitious zeal. In a large and tumultuous assembly, THE\n restraints of fear and shame, so forcible on THE minds of\n individuals, are deprived of THE greatest part of THEir\n influence. The pious Christian, as he was desirous to obtain, or\n to escape, THE glory of martyrdom, expected, eiTHEr with\n impatience or with terror, THE stated returns of THE public games\n and festivals. On those occasions THE inhabitants of THE great\n cities of THE empire were collected in THE circus or THE THEatre,\n where every circumstance of THE place, as well as of THE\n ceremony, contributed to kindle THEir devotion, and to extinguish\n THEir humanity. Whilst THE numerous spectators, crowned with\n garlands, perfumed with incense, purified with THE blood of\n victims, and surrounded with THE altars and statues of THEir\n tutelar deities, resigned THEmselves to THE enjoyment of\n pleasures, which THEy considered as an essential part of THEir\n religious worship, THEy recollected, that THE Christians alone\n abhorred THE gods of mankind, and by THEir absence and melancholy\n on THEse solemn festivals, seemed to insult or to lament THE\n public felicity. If THE empire had been afflicted by any recent\n calamity, by a plague, a famine, or an unsuccessful war; if THE\n Tyber had, or if THE Nile had not, risen beyond its banks; if THE\n earth had shaken, or if THE temperate order of THE seasons had\n been interrupted, THE superstitious Pagans were convinced that\n THE crimes and THE impiety of THE Christians, who were spared by\n THE excessive lenity of THE government, had at length provoked\n THE divine justice. It was not among a licentious and exasperated\n populace, that THE forms of legal proceedings could be observed;\n it was not in an amphiTHEatre, stained with THE blood of wild\n beasts and gladiators, that THE voice of compassion could be\n heard. The impatient clamors of THE multitude denounced THE\n Christians as THE enemies of gods and men, doomed THEm to THE\n severest tortures, and venturing to accuse by name some of THE\n most distinguished of THE new sectaries, required with\n irresistible vehemence that THEy should be instantly apprehended\n and cast to THE lions. 61 The provincial governors and\n magistrates who presided in THE public spectacles were usually\n inclined to gratify THE inclinations, and to appease THE rage, of\n THE people, by THE sacrifice of a few obnoxious victims. But THE\n wisdom of THE emperors protected THE church from THE danger of\n THEse tumultuous clamors and irregular accusations, which THEy\n justly censured as repugnant both to THE firmness and to THE\n equity of THEir administration. The edicts of Hadrian and of\n Antoninus Pius expressly declared, that THE voice of THE\n multitude should never be admitted as legal evidence to convict\n or to punish those unfortunate persons who had embraced THE\n enthusiasm of THE Christians. 62\n\n 61 (return) [ See Tertullian, (Apolog. c. 40.) The acts of THE\n martyrdom of Polycarp exhibit a lively picture of THEse tumults,\n which were usually fomented by THE malice of THE Jews.]\n\n 62 (return) [ These regulations are inserted in THE above\n mentioned document of Hadrian and Pius. See THE apology of\n Melito, (apud Euseb. l iv 26)]\n\n III. Punishment was not THE inevitable consequence of conviction,\n and THE Christians, whose guilt was THE most clearly proved by\n THE testimony of witnesses, or even by THEir voluntary\n confession, still retained in THEir own power THE alternative of\n life or death. It was not so much THE past offence, as THE actual\n resistance, which excited THE indignation of THE magistrate. He\n was persuaded that he offered THEm an easy pardon, since, if THEy\n consented to cast a few grains of incense upon THE altar, THEy\n were dismissed from THE tribunal in safety and with applause. It\n was esteemed THE duty of a humane judge to endeavor to reclaim,\n raTHEr than to punish, those deluded enthusiasts. Varying his\n tone according to THE age, THE sex, or THE situation of THE\n prisoners, he frequently condescended to set before THEir eyes\n every circumstance which could render life more pleasing, or\n death more terrible; and to solicit, nay, to entreat, THEm, that\n THEy would show some compassion to THEmselves, to THEir families,\n and to THEir friends. 63 If threats and persuasions proved\n ineffectual, he had often recourse to violence; THE scourge and\n THE rack were called in to supply THE deficiency of argument, and\n every art of cruelty was employed to subdue such inflexible, and,\n as it appeared to THE Pagans, such criminal, obstinacy. The\n ancient apologists of Christianity have censured, with equal\n truth and severity, THE irregular conduct of THEir persecutors\n who, contrary to every principle of judicial proceeding, admitted\n THE use of torture, in order to obtain, not a confession, but a\n denial, of THE crime which was THE object of THEir inquiry. 64\n The monks of succeeding ages, who, in THEir peaceful solitudes,\n entertained THEmselves with diversifying THE deaths and\n sufferings of THE primitive martyrs, have frequently invented\n torments of a much more refined and ingenious nature. In\n particular, it has pleased THEm to suppose, that THE zeal of THE\n Roman magistrates, disdaining every consideration of moral virtue\n or public decency, endeavored to seduce those whom THEy were\n unable to vanquish, and that by THEir orders THE most brutal\n violence was offered to those whom THEy found it impossible to\n seduce. It is related, that females, who were prepared to despise\n death, were sometimes condemned to a more severe trial, 6411 and\n called upon to determine wheTHEr THEy set a higher value on THEir\n religion or on THEir chastity. The youths to whose licentious\n embraces THEy were abandoned, received a solemn exhortation from\n THE judge, to exert THEir most strenuous efforts to maintain THE\n honor of Venus against THE impious virgin who refused to burn\n incense on her altars. Their violence, however, was commonly\n disappointed, and THE seasonable interposition of some miraculous\n power preserved THE chaste spouses of Christ from THE dishonor\n even of an involuntary defeat. We should not indeed neglect to\n remark, that THE more ancient as well as auTHEntic memorials of\n THE church are seldom polluted with THEse extravagant and\n indecent fictions. 65\n\n 63 (return) [ See THE rescript of Trajan, and THE conduct of\n Pliny. The most auTHEntic acts of THE martyrs abound in THEse\n exhortations. Note: PlinyÕs test was THE worship of THE gods,\n offerings to THE statue of THE emperor, and blaspheming\n ChristÑpr¾terea maledicerent Christo.ÑM.]\n\n 64 (return) [ In particular, see Tertullian, (Apolog. c. 2, 3,)\n and Lactantius, (Institut. Divin. v. 9.) Their reasonings are\n almost THE same; but we may discover, that one of THEse\n apologists had been a lawyer, and THE oTHEr a rhetorician.]\n\n 6411 (return) [ The more ancient as well as auTHEntic memorials\n of THE church, relate many examples of THE fact, (of THEse\n _severe trials_,) which THEre is nothing to contradict.\n Tertullian, among oTHErs, says, Nam proxime ad lenonem damnando\n Christianam, potius quam ad leonem, confessi estis labem\n pudiciti¾ apud nos atrociorem omni pÏna et omni morte reputari,\n Apol. cap. ult. Eusebius likewise says, ÒOTHEr virgins, dragged\n to broTHEls, have lost THEir life raTHEr than defile THEir\n virtue.Ó Euseb. Hist. Ecc. viii. 14.ÑG. The miraculous\n interpositions were THE offspring of THE coarse imaginations of\n THE monks.ÑM.]\n\n 65 (return) [ See two instances of this kind of torture in THE\n Acta Sincere Martyrum, published by Ruinart, p. 160, 399. Jerome,\n in his Legend of Paul THE Hermit, tells a strange story of a\n young man, who was chained naked on a bed of flowers, and\n assaulted by a beautiful and wanton courtesan. He quelled THE\n rising temptation by biting off his tongue.]\n\n The total disregard of truth and probability in THE\n representation of THEse primitive martyrdoms was occasioned by a\n very natural mistake. The ecclesiastical writers of THE fourth or\n fifth centuries ascribed to THE magistrates of Rome THE same\n degree of implacable and unrelenting zeal which filled THEir own\n breasts against THE heretics or THE idolaters of THEir own times.\n\n It is not improbable that some of those persons who were raised\n to THE dignities of THE empire, might have imbibed THE prejudices\n of THE populace, and that THE cruel disposition of oTHErs might\n occasionally be stimulated by motives of avarice or of personal\n resentment. 66 But it is certain, and we may appeal to THE\n grateful confessions of THE first Christians, that THE greatest\n part of those magistrates who exercised in THE provinces THE\n authority of THE emperor, or of THE senate, and to whose hands\n alone THE jurisdiction of life and death was intrusted, behaved\n like men of polished manners and liberal education, who respected\n THE rules of justice, and who were conversant with THE precepts\n of philosophy. They frequently declined THE odious task of\n persecution, dismissed THE charge with contempt, or suggested to\n THE accused Christian some legal evasion, by which he might elude\n THE severity of THE laws. 67 Whenever THEy were invested with a\n discretionary power, 68 THEy used it much less for THE\n oppression, than for THE relief and benefit of THE afflicted\n church. They were far from condemning all THE Christians who were\n accused before THEir tribunal, and very far from punishing with\n death all those who were convicted of an obstinate adherence to\n THE new superstition. Contenting THEmselves, for THE most part,\n with THE milder chastisements of imprisonment, exile, or slavery\n in THE mines, 69 THEy left THE unhappy victims of THEir justice\n some reason to hope, that a prosperous event, THE accession, THE\n marriage, or THE triumph of an emperor, might speedily restore\n THEm, by a general pardon, to THEir former state. The martyrs,\n devoted to immediate execution by THE Roman magistrates, appear\n to have been selected from THE most opposite extremes. They were\n eiTHEr bishops and presbyters, THE persons THE most distinguished\n among THE Christians by THEir rank and influence, and whose\n example might strike terror into THE whole sect; 70 or else THEy\n were THE meanest and most abject among THEm, particularly those\n of THE servile condition, whose lives were esteemed of little\n value, and whose sufferings were viewed by THE ancients with too\n careless an indifference. 71 The learned Origen, who, from his\n experience as well as reading, was intimately acquainted with THE\n history of THE Christians, declares, in THE most express terms,\n that THE number of martyrs was very inconsiderable. 72 His\n authority would alone be sufficient to annihilate that formidable\n army of martyrs, whose relics, drawn for THE most part from THE\n catacombs of Rome, have replenished so many churches, 73 and\n whose marvellous achievements have been THE subject of so many\n volumes of Holy Romance. 74 But THE general assertion of Origen\n may be explained and confirmed by THE particular testimony of his\n friend Dionysius, who, in THE immense city of Alexandria, and\n under THE rigorous persecution of Decius, reckons only ten men\n and seven women who suffered for THE profession of THE Christian\n name. 75\n\n 66 (return) [ The conversion of his wife provoked Claudius\n Herminianus, governor of Cappadocia, to treat THE Christians with\n uncommon severity. Tertullian ad Scapulam, c. 3.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Tertullian, in his epistle to THE governor of\n Africa, mentions several remarkable instances of lenity and\n forbearance, which had happened within his knowledge.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Neque enim in universum aliquid quod quasi certam\n formam habeat, constitui potest; an expression of Trajan, which\n gave a very great latitude to THE governors of provinces. * Note:\n Gibbon altogeTHEr forgets that Trajan fully approved of THE\n course pursued by Pliny. That course was, to order all who\n persevered in THEir faith to be led to execution: perseverantes\n duci jussi.ÑM.]\n\n 69 (return) [ In Metalla damnamur, in insulas relegamur.\n Tertullian, Apolog. c. 12. The mines of Numidia contained nine\n bishops, with a proportionable number of THEir clergy and people,\n to whom Cyprian addressed a pious epistle of praise and comfort.\n See Cyprian. Epistol. 76, 77.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Though we cannot receive with entire confidence\n eiTHEr THE epistles, or THE acts, of Ignatius, (THEy may be found\n in THE 2d volume of THE Apostolic FaTHErs,) yet we may quote that\n bishop of Antioch as one of THEse _exemplary_ martyrs. He was\n sent in chains to Rome as a public spectacle, and when he arrived\n at Troas, he received THE pleasing intelligence, that THE\n persecution of Antioch was already at an end. * Note: The acts of\n Ignatius are generally received as auTHEntic, as are seven of his\n letters. Eusebius and St. Jerome mention THEm: THEre are two\n editions; in one, THE letters are longer, and many passages\n appear to have been interpolated; THE oTHEr edition is that which\n contains THE real letters of St. Ignatius; such at least is THE\n opinion of THE wisest and most enlightened critics. (See Lardner.\n Cred. of Gospel Hist.) Less, uber dis Religion, v. i. p. 529.\n Usser. Diss. de Ign. Epist. Pearson, Vindic, Ignatian¾. It should\n be remarked, that it was under THE reign of Trajan that THE\n bishop Ignatius was carried from Antioch to Rome, to be exposed\n to THE lions in THE amphiTHEatre, THE year of J. C. 107,\n according to some; of 116, according to oTHErs.ÑG.]\n\n 71 (return) [ Among THE martyrs of Lyons, (Euseb. l. v. c. 1,)\n THE slave Blandina was distinguished by more exquisite tortures.\n Of THE five martyrs so much celebrated in THE acts of Felicitas\n and Perpetua, two were of a servile, and two oTHErs of a very\n mean, condition.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Origen. advers. Celsum, l. iii. p. 116. His words\n deserve to be transcribed. * Note: The words that follow should\n be quoted. ÒGod not permitting that all his class of men should\n be exterminated:Ó which appears to indicate that Origen thought\n THE number put to death inconsiderable only when compared to THE\n numbers who had survived. Besides this, he is speaking of THE\n state of THE religion under Caracalla, Elagabalus, Alexander\n Severus, and Philip, who had not persecuted THE Christians. It\n was during THE reign of THE latter that Origen wrote his books\n against Celsus.ÑG.]\n\n 73 (return) [ If we recollect that all THE Plebeians of Rome were\n not Christians, and that all THE Christians were not saints and\n martyrs, we may judge with how much safety religious honors can\n be ascribed to bones or urns, indiscriminately taken from THE\n public burial-place. After ten centuries of a very free and open\n trade, some suspicions have arisen among THE more learned\n Catholics. They now require as a proof of sanctity and martyrdom,\n THE letters B.M., a vial full of red liquor supposed to be blood,\n or THE figure of a palm-tree. But THE two former signs are of\n little weight, and with regard to THE last, it is observed by THE\n critics, 1. That THE figure, as it is called, of a palm, is\n perhaps a cypress, and perhaps only a stop, THE flourish of a\n comma used in THE monumental inscriptions. 2. That THE palm was\n THE symbol of victory among THE Pagans. 3. That among THE\n Christians it served as THE emblem, not only of martyrdom, but in\n general of a joyful resurrection. See THE epistle of P. Mabillon,\n on THE worship of unknown saints, and Muratori sopra le Antichita\n Italiane, Dissertat. lviii.]\n\n 74 (return) [ As a specimen of THEse legends, we may be satisfied\n with 10,000 Christian soldiers crucified in one day, eiTHEr by\n Trajan or Hadrian on Mount Ararat. See Baronius ad Martyrologium\n Romanum; Tille mont, MŽm. Ecclesiast. tom. ii. part ii. p. 438;\n and GeddesÕs Miscellanies, vol. ii. p. 203. The abbreviation of\n Mil., which may signify eiTHEr _soldiers_ or _thousands_, is said\n to have occasioned some extraordinary mistakes.]\n\n 75 (return) [ Dionysius ap. Euseb l. vi. c. 41 One of THE\n seventeen was likewise accused of robbery. * Note: Gibbon ought\n to have said, was falsely accused of robbery, for so it is in THE\n Greek text. This Christian, named Nemesion, falsely accused of\n robbery before THE centurion, was acquitted of a crime altogeTHEr\n foreign to his character, but he was led before THE governor as\n guilty of being a Christian, and THE governor inflicted upon him\n a double torture. (Euseb. loc. cit.) It must be added, that Saint\n Dionysius only makes particular mention of THE principal martyrs,\n [this is very doubtful.ÑM.] and that he says, in general, that\n THE fury of THE Pagans against THE Christians gave to Alexandria\n THE appearance of a city taken by storm. [This refers to plunder\n and ill usage, not to actual slaughter.ÑM.] Finally it should be\n observed that Origen wrote before THE persecution of THE emperor\n Decius.ÑG.]\n\n During THE same period of persecution, THE zealous, THE eloquent,\n THE ambitious Cyprian governed THE church, not only of Carthage,\n but even of Africa. He possessed every quality which could engage\n THE reverence of THE faithful, or provoke THE suspicions and\n resentment of THE Pagan magistrates. His character as well as his\n station seemed to mark out that holy prelate as THE most\n distinguished object of envy and danger. 76 The experience,\n however, of THE life of Cyprian, is sufficient to prove that our\n fancy has exaggerated THE perilous situation of a Christian\n bishop; and THE dangers to which he was exposed were less\n imminent than those which temporal ambition is always prepared to\n encounter in THE pursuit of honors. Four Roman emperors, with\n THEir families, THEir favorites, and THEir adherents, perished by\n THE sword in THE space of ten years, during which THE bishop of\n Carthage guided by his authority and eloquence THE councils of\n THE African church. It was only in THE third year of his\n administration, that he had reason, during a few months, to\n apprehend THE severe edicts of Decius, THE vigilance of THE\n magistrate and THE clamors of THE multitude, who loudly demanded,\n that Cyprian, THE leader of THE Christians, should be thrown to\n THE lions. Prudence suggested THE necessity of a temporary\n retreat, and THE voice of prudence was obeyed. He withdrew\n himself into an obscure solitude, from whence he could maintain a\n constant correspondence with THE clergy and people of Carthage;\n and, concealing himself till THE tempest was past, he preserved\n his life, without relinquishing eiTHEr his power or his\n reputation. His extreme caution did not, however, escape THE\n censure of THE more rigid Christians, who lamented, or THE\n reproaches of his personal enemies, who insulted, a conduct which\n THEy considered as a pusillanimous and criminal desertion of THE\n most sacred duty. 77 The propriety of reserving himself for THE\n future exigencies of THE church, THE example of several holy\n bishops, 78 and THE divine admonitions, which, as he declares\n himself, he frequently received in visions and ecstacies, were\n THE reasons alleged in his justification. 79 But his best apology\n may be found in THE cheerful resolution, with which, about eight\n years afterwards, he suffered death in THE cause of religion. The\n auTHEntic history of his martyrdom has been recorded with unusual\n candor and impartiality. A short abstract, THErefore, of its most\n important circumstances, will convey THE clearest information of\n THE spirit, and of THE forms, of THE Roman persecutions. 80\n\n 76 (return) [ The letters of Cyprian exhibit a very curious and\n original picture both of THE _man_ and of THE _times_. See\n likewise THE two lives of Cyprian, composed with equal accuracy,\n though with very different views; THE one by Le Clerc\n (Biblioth\x8fque Universelle, tom. xii. p. 208-378,) THE oTHEr by\n Tillemont, MŽmoires EcclŽsiastiques, tom. iv part i. p. 76-459.]\n\n 77 (return) [ See THE polite but severe epistle of THE clergy of\n Rome to THE bishop of Carthage. (Cyprian. Epist. 8, 9.) Pontius\n labors with THE greatest care and diligence to justify his master\n against THE general censure.]\n\n 78 (return) [ In particular those of Dionysius of Alexandria, and\n Gregory Thaumaturgus, of Neo-C¾sarea. See Euseb. Hist.\n Ecclesiast. l. vi. c. 40; and MŽmoires de Tillemont, tom. iv.\n part ii. p. 685.]\n\n 79 (return) [ See Cyprian. Epist. 16, and his life by Pontius.]\n\n 80 (return) [ We have an original life of Cyprian by THE deacon\n Pontius, THE companion of his exile, and THE spectator of his\n death; and we likewise possess THE ancient proconsular acts of\n his martyrdom. These two relations are consistent with each\n oTHEr, and with probability; and what is somewhat remarkable,\n THEy are both unsullied by any miraculous circumstances.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To\n Constantine.ÑPart IV.\n\n\n When Valerian was consul for THE third, and Gallienus for THE\n fourth time, Paternus, proconsul of Africa, summoned Cyprian to\n appear in his private council-chamber. He THEre acquainted him\n with THE Imperial mandate which he had just received, 81 that\n those who had abandoned THE Roman religion should immediately\n return to THE practice of THE ceremonies of THEir ancestors.\n Cyprian replied without hesitation, that he was a Christian and a\n bishop, devoted to THE worship of THE true and only Deity, to\n whom he offered up his daily supplications for THE safety and\n prosperity of THE two emperors, his lawful sovereigns.\n\n With modest confidence he pleaded THE privilege of a citizen, in\n refusing to give any answer to some invidious and indeed illegal\n questions which THE proconsul had proposed. A sentence of\n banishment was pronounced as THE penalty of CyprianÕs\n disobedience; and he was conducted without delay to Curubis, a\n free and maritime city of Zeugitania, in a pleasant situation, a\n fertile territory, and at THE distance of about forty miles from\n Carthage. 82 The exiled bishop enjoyed THE conveniences of life\n and THE consciousness of virtue. His reputation was diffused over\n Africa and Italy; an account of his behavior was published for\n THE edification of THE Christian world; 83 and his solitude was\n frequently interrupted by THE letters, THE visits, and THE\n congratulations of THE faithful. On THE arrival of a new\n proconsul in THE province THE fortune of Cyprian appeared for\n some time to wear a still more favorable aspect. He was recalled\n from banishment; and though not yet permitted to return to\n Carthage, his own gardens in THE neighborhood of THE capital were\n assigned for THE place of his residence. 84\n\n 81 (return) [ It should seem that THEse were circular orders,\n sent at THE same time to all THE governors. Dionysius (ap. Euseb.\n l. vii. c. 11) relates THE history of his own banishment from\n Alexandria almost in THE same manner. But as he escaped and\n survived THE persecution, we must account him eiTHEr more or less\n fortunate than Cyprian.]\n\n 82 (return) [ See Plin. Hist. Natur. v. 3. Cellarius, Geograph.\n Antiq. part iii. p. 96. ShawÕs Travels, p. 90; and for THE\n adjacent country, (which is terminated by Cape Bona, or THE\n promontory of Mercury,) lÕAfrique de Marmol. tom. ii. p. 494.\n There are THE remains of an aqueduct near Curubis, or Curbis, at\n present altered into Gurbes; and Dr. Shaw read an inscription,\n which styles that city _Colonia Fulvia_. The deacon Pontius (in\n Vit. Cyprian. c. 12) calls it ÒApricum et competentem locum,\n hospitium pro voluntate secretum, et quicquid apponi eis ante\n promissum est, qui regnum et justitiam Dei qu¾runt.Ó]\n\n 83 (return) [ See Cyprian. Epistol. 77, edit. Fell.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Upon his conversion, he had sold those gardens for\n THE benefit of THE poor. The indulgence of God (most probably THE\n liberality of some Christian friend) restored THEm to Cyprian.\n See Pontius, c. 15.]\n\n At length, exactly one year 85 after Cyprian was first\n apprehended, Galerius Maximus, proconsul of Africa, received THE\n Imperial warrant for THE execution of THE Christian teachers. The\n bishop of Carthage was sensible that he should be singled out for\n one of THE first victims; and THE frailty of nature tempted him\n to withdraw himself, by a secret flight, from THE danger and THE\n honor of martyrdom; 8511 but soon recovering that fortitude which\n his character required, he returned to his gardens, and patiently\n expected THE ministers of death. Two officers of rank, who were\n intrusted with that commission, placed Cyprian between THEm in a\n chariot, and as THE proconsul was not THEn at leisure, THEy\n conducted him, not to a prison, but to a private house in\n Carthage, which belonged to one of THEm. An elegant supper was\n provided for THE entertainment of THE bishop, and his Christian\n friends were permitted for THE last time to enjoy his society,\n whilst THE streets were filled with a multitude of THE faithful,\n anxious and alarmed at THE approaching fate of THEir spiritual\n faTHEr. 86 In THE morning he appeared before THE tribunal of THE\n proconsul, who, after informing himself of THE name and situation\n of Cyprian, commanded him to offer sacrifice, and pressed him to\n reflect on THE consequences of his disobedience. The refusal of\n Cyprian was firm and decisive; and THE magistrate, when he had\n taken THE opinion of his council, pronounced with some reluctance\n THE sentence of death. It was conceived in THE following terms:\n ÒThat Thascius Cyprianus should be immediately beheaded, as THE\n enemy of THE gods of Rome, and as THE chief and ringleader of a\n criminal association, which he had seduced into an impious\n resistance against THE laws of THE most holy emperors, Valerian\n and Gallienus.Ó 87 The manner of his execution was THE mildest\n and least painful that could be inflicted on a person convicted\n of any capital offence; nor was THE use of torture admitted to\n obtain from THE bishop of Carthage eiTHEr THE recantation of his\n principles or THE discovery of his accomplices.\n\n 85 (return) [ When Cyprian; a twelvemonth before, was sent into\n exile, he dreamt that he should be put to death THE next day. The\n event made it necessary to explain that word, as signifying a\n year. Pontius, c. 12.]\n\n 8511 (return) [ This was not, as it appears, THE motive which\n induced St. Cyprian to conceal himself for a short time; he was\n threatened to be carried to Utica; he preferred remaining at\n Carthage, in order to suffer martyrdom in THE midst of his flock,\n and in order that his death might conduce to THE edification of\n those whom he had guided during life. Such, at least, is his own\n explanation of his conduct in one of his letters: Cum perlatum ad\n nos fuisset, fratres carissimi, frumentarios esse missos qui me\n Uticam per ducerent, consilioque carissimorum persuasum est, ut\n de hortis interim recederemus, justa interveniente caus‰,\n consensi; eo quod congruat episcopum in e‰ civitate, in qu‰\n Ecclesi¾ dominic¾ pr¾est, illie. Dominum confiteri et plebem\n universam pr¾positi pr¾sentis confessione clarificari Ep. 83.ÑG]\n\n 86 (return) [ Pontius (c. 15) acknowledges that Cyprian, with\n whom he supped, passed THE night custodia delicata. The bishop\n exercised a last and very proper act of jurisdiction, by\n directing that THE younger females, who watched in THE streets,\n should be removed from THE dangers and temptations of a nocturnal\n crowd. Act. Preconsularia, c. 2.]\n\n 87 (return) [ See THE original sentence in THE Acts, c. 4; and in\n Pontius, c. 17 The latter expresses it in a more rhetorical\n manner.]\n\n As soon as THE sentence was proclaimed, a general cry of ÒWe will\n die with him,Ó arose at once among THE listening multitude of\n Christians who waited before THE palace gates. The generous\n effusions of THEir zeal and THEir affection were neiTHEr\n serviceable to Cyprian nor dangerous to THEmselves. He was led\n away under a guard of tribunes and centurions, without resistance\n and without insult, to THE place of his execution, a spacious and\n level plain near THE city, which was already filled with great\n numbers of spectators. His faithful presbyters and deacons were\n permitted to accompany THEir holy bishop. 8711 They assisted him\n in laying aside his upper garment, spread linen on THE ground to\n catch THE precious relics of his blood, and received his orders\n to bestow five-and-twenty pieces of gold on THE executioner. The\n martyr THEn covered his face with his hands, and at one blow his\n head was separated from his body. His corpse remained during some\n hours exposed to THE curiosity of THE Gentiles: but in THE night\n it was removed, and transported in a triumphal procession, and\n with a splendid illumination, to THE burial-place of THE\n Christians. The funeral of Cyprian was publicly celebrated\n without receiving any interruption from THE Roman magistrates;\n and those among THE faithful, who had performed THE last offices\n to his person and his memory, were secure from THE danger of\n inquiry or of punishment. It is remarkable, that of so great a\n multitude of bishops in THE province of Africa, Cyprian was THE\n first who was esteemed worthy to obtain THE crown of martyrdom.\n 88\n\n 8711 (return) [ There is nothing in THE life of St. Cyprian, by\n Pontius, nor in THE ancient manuscripts, which can make us\n suppose that THE presbyters and deacons in THEir clerical\n character, and known to be such, had THE permission to attend\n THEir holy bishop. Setting aside all religious considerations, it\n is impossible not to be surprised at THE kind of complaisance\n with which THE historian here insists, in favor of THE\n persecutors, on some mitigating circumstances allowed at THE\n death of a man whose only crime was maintaining his own opinions\n with frankness and courage.ÑG.]\n\n 88 (return) [ Pontius, c. 19. M. de Tillemont (MŽmoires, tom. iv.\n part i. p. 450, note 50) is not pleased with so positive an\n exclusion of any former martyr of THE episcopal rank. * Note: M.\n de. Tillemont, as an honest writer, explains THE difficulties\n which he felt about THE text of Pontius, and concludes by\n distinctly stating, that without doubt THEre is some mistake, and\n that Pontius must have meant only Africa Minor or Carthage; for\n St. Cyprian, in his 58th (69th) letter addressed to Pupianus,\n speaks expressly of many bishops his colleagues, qui proscripti\n sunt, vel apprehensi in carcere et catenis fuerunt; aut qui in\n exilium relegati, illustri itinere ed Dominum profecti sunt; aut\n qui quibusdam locis animadversi, cÏlestes coronas de Domini\n clarificatione sumpserunt.ÑG.]\n\n It was in THE choice of Cyprian, eiTHEr to die a martyr, or to\n live an apostate; but on THE choice depended THE alternative of\n honor or infamy. Could we suppose that THE bishop of Carthage had\n employed THE profession of THE Christian faith only as THE\n instrument of his avarice or ambition, it was still incumbent on\n him to support THE character he had assumed; 89 and if he\n possessed THE smallest degree of manly fortitude, raTHEr to\n expose himself to THE most cruel tortures, than by a single act\n to exchange THE reputation of a whole life, for THE abhorrence of\n his Christian brethren, and THE contempt of THE Gentile world.\n But if THE zeal of Cyprian was supported by THE sincere\n conviction of THE truth of those doctrines which he preached, THE\n crown of martyrdom must have appeared to him as an object of\n desire raTHEr than of terror. It is not easy to extract any\n distinct ideas from THE vague though eloquent declamations of THE\n FaTHErs, or to ascertain THE degree of immortal glory and\n happiness which THEy confidently promised to those who were so\n fortunate as to shed THEir blood in THE cause of religion. 90\n They inculcated with becoming diligence, that THE fire of\n martyrdom supplied every defect and expiated every sin; that\n while THE souls of ordinary Christians were obliged to pass\n through a slow and painful purification, THE triumphant sufferers\n entered into THE immediate fruition of eternal bliss, where, in\n THE society of THE patriarchs, THE apostles, and THE prophets,\n THEy reigned with Christ, and acted as his assessors in THE\n universal judgment of mankind. The assurance of a lasting\n reputation upon earth, a motive so congenial to THE vanity of\n human nature, often served to animate THE courage of THE martyrs.\n\n The honors which Rome or ATHEns bestowed on those citizens who\n had fallen in THE cause of THEir country, were cold and unmeaning\n demonstrations of respect, when compared with THE ardent\n gratitude and devotion which THE primitive church expressed\n towards THE victorious champions of THE faith. The annual\n commemoration of THEir virtues and sufferings was observed as a\n sacred ceremony, and at length terminated in religious worship.\n Among THE Christians who had publicly confessed THEir religious\n principles, those who (as it very frequently happened) had been\n dismissed from THE tribunal or THE prisons of THE Pagan\n magistrates, obtained such honors as were justly due to THEir\n imperfect martyrdom and THEir generous resolution. The most pious\n females courted THE permission of imprinting kisses on THE\n fetters which THEy had worn, and on THE wounds which THEy had\n received. Their persons were esteemed holy, THEir decisions were\n admitted with deference, and THEy too often abused, by THEir\n spiritual pride and licentious manners, THE pre‘minence which\n THEir zeal and intrepidity had acquired. 91 Distinctions like\n THEse, whilst THEy display THE exalted merit, betray THE\n inconsiderable number of those who suffered, and of those who\n died, for THE profession of Christianity.\n\n 89 (return) [ Whatever opinion we may entertain of THE character\n or principles of Thomas Becket, we must acknowledge that he\n suffered death with a constancy not unworthy of THE primitive\n martyrs. See Lord LyttletonÕs History of Henry II. vol. ii. p.\n 592, &c.]\n\n 90 (return) [ See in particular THE treatise of Cyprian de\n Lapsis, p. 87-98, edit. Fell. The learning of Dodwell (Dissertat.\n Cyprianic. xii. xiii.,) and THE ingenuity of Middleton, (Free\n Inquiry, p. 162, &c.,) have left scarcely any thing to add\n concerning THE merit, THE honors, and THE motives of THE\n martyrs.]\n\n 91 (return) [ Cyprian. Epistol. 5, 6, 7, 22, 24; and de Unitat.\n Ecclesi¾. The number of pretended martyrs has been very much\n multiplied, by THE custom which was introduced of bestowing that\n honorable name on confessors. Note: M. Guizot denies that THE\n letters of Cyprian, to which he refers, bear out THE statement in\n THE text. I cannot scruple to admit THE accuracy of GibbonÕs\n quotation. To take only THE fifth letter, we find this passage:\n Doleo enim quando audio quosdam improbe et insolenter discurrere,\n et ad ineptian vel ad discordias vacare, Christi membra et jam\n Christum confessa per concubitžs illicitos inquinari, nec a\n diaconis aut presbyteris regi posse, sed id agere ut per paucorum\n pravos et malos mores, multorum et bonorum confessorum gloria\n honesta maculetur. GibbonÕs misrepresentation lies in THE\n ambiguous expression Òtoo often.Ó Were THE epistles arranged in a\n different manner in THE edition consulted by M. Guizot?ÑM.]\n\n The sober discretion of THE present age will more readily censure\n than admire, but can more easily admire than imitate, THE fervor\n of THE first Christians, who, according to THE lively expressions\n of Sulpicius Severus, desired martyrdom with more eagerness than\n his own contemporaries solicited a bishopric. 92 The epistles\n which Ignatius composed as he was carried in chains through THE\n cities of Asia, breaTHE sentiments THE most repugnant to THE\n ordinary feelings of human nature. He earnestly beseeches THE\n Romans, that when he should be exposed in THE amphiTHEatre, THEy\n would not, by THEir kind but unseasonable intercession, deprive\n him of THE crown of glory; and he declares his resolution to\n provoke and irritate THE wild beasts which might be employed as\n THE instruments of his death. 93 Some stories are related of THE\n courage of martyrs, who actually performed what Ignatius had\n intended; who exasperated THE fury of THE lions, pressed THE\n executioner to hasten his office, cheerfully leaped into THE\n fires which were kindled to consume THEm, and discovered a\n sensation of joy and pleasure in THE midst of THE most exquisite\n tortures. Several examples have been preserved of a zeal\n impatient of those restraints which THE emperors had provided for\n THE security of THE church. The Christians sometimes supplied by\n THEir voluntary declaration THE want of an accuser, rudely\n disturbed THE public service of paganism, 94 and rushing in\n crowds round THE tribunal of THE magistrates, called upon THEm to\n pronounce and to inflict THE sentence of THE law. The behavior of\n THE Christians was too remarkable to escape THE notice of THE\n ancient philosophers; but THEy seem to have considered it with\n much less admiration than astonishment. Incapable of conceiving\n THE motives which sometimes transported THE fortitude of\n believers beyond THE bounds of prudence or reason, THEy treated\n such an eagerness to die as THE strange result of obstinate\n despair, of stupid insensibility, or of superstitious frenzy. 95\n ÒUnhappy men!Ó exclaimed THE proconsul Antoninus to THE\n Christians of Asia; Òunhappy men! if you are thus weary of your\n lives, is it so difficult for you to find ropes and precipices?Ó\n 96 He was extremely cautious (as it is observed by a learned and\n picus historian) of punishing men who had found no accusers but\n THEmselves, THE Imperial laws not having made any provision for\n so unexpected a case: condemning THErefore a few as a warning to\n THEir brethren, he dismissed THE multitude with indignation and\n contempt. 97 Notwithstanding this real or affected disdain, THE\n intrepid constancy of THE faithful was productive of more\n salutary effects on those minds which nature or grace had\n disposed for THE easy reception of religious truth. On THEse\n melancholy occasions, THEre were many among THE Gentiles who\n pitied, who admired, and who were converted. The generous\n enthusiasm was communicated from THE sufferer to THE spectators;\n and THE blood of martyrs, according to a well-known observation,\n became THE seed of THE church.\n\n 92 (return) [ Certatim gloriosa in certamina ruebatur; multique\n avidius tum martyria gloriosis mortibus qu¾rebantur, quam nunc\n Episcopatus pravis ambitionibus appetuntur. Sulpicius Severus, l.\n ii. He might have omitted THE word _nunc_.]\n\n 93 (return) [ See Epist. ad Roman. c. 4, 5, ap. Patres Apostol.\n tom. ii. p. 27. It suited THE purpose of Bishop Pearson (see\n Vindici¾ Ignatian¾, part ii. c. 9) to justify, by a profusion of\n examples and authorities, THE sentiments of Ignatius.]\n\n 94 (return) [ The story of Polyeuctes, on which Corneille has\n founded a very beautiful tragedy, is one of THE most celebrated,\n though not perhaps THE most auTHEntic, instances of this\n excessive zeal. We should observe, that THE 60th canon of THE\n council of Illiberis refuses THE title of martyrs to those who\n exposed THEmselves to death, by publicly destroying THE idols.]\n\n 95 (return) [ See Epictetus, l. iv. c. 7, (though THEre is some\n doubt wheTHEr he alludes to THE Christians.) Marcus Antoninus de\n Rebus suis, l. xi. c. 3 Lucian in Peregrin.]\n\n 96 (return) [ Tertullian ad Scapul. c. 5. The learned are divided\n between three persons of THE same name, who were all proconsuls\n of Asia. I am inclined to ascribe this story to Antoninus Pius,\n who was afterwards emperor; and who may have governed Asia under\n THE reign of Trajan.]\n\n 97 (return) [ Mosheim, de Rebus Christ, ante Constantin. p. 235.]\n\n But although devotion had raised, and eloquence continued to\n inflame, this fever of THE mind, it insensibly gave way to THE\n more natural hopes and fears of THE human heart, to THE love of\n life, THE apprehension of pain, and THE horror of dissolution.\n The more prudent rulers of THE church found THEmselves obliged to\n restrain THE indiscreet ardor of THEir followers, and to distrust\n a constancy which too often abandoned THEm in THE hour of trial.\n 98 As THE lives of THE faithful became less mortified and\n austere, THEy were every day less ambitious of THE honors of\n martyrdom; and THE soldiers of Christ, instead of distinguishing\n THEmselves by voluntary deeds of heroism, frequently deserted\n THEir post, and fled in confusion before THE enemy whom it was\n THEir duty to resist. There were three methods, however, of\n escaping THE flames of persecution, which were not attended with\n an equal degree of guilt: first, indeed, was generally allowed to\n be innocent; THE second was of a doubtful, or at least of a\n venial, nature; but THE third implied a direct and criminal\n apostasy from THE Christian faith.\n\n 98 (return) [ See THE Epistle of THE Church of Smyrna, ap. Euseb.\n Hist. Eccles. Liv. c. 15 * Note: The 15th chapter of THE 10th\n book of THE Eccles. History of Eusebius treats principally of THE\n martyrdom of St. Polycarp, and mentions some oTHEr martyrs. A\n single example of weakness is related; it is that of a Phrygian\n named Quintus, who, appalled at THE sight of THE wild beasts and\n THE tortures, renounced his faith. This example proves little\n against THE mass of Christians, and this chapter of Eusebius\n furnished much stronger evidence of THEir courage than of THEir\n timidity.ÑGÑÑThis Quintus had, however, rashly and of his own\n accord appeared before THE tribunal; and THE church of Smyrna\n condemn Ò_his indiscreet ardor_,Ó coupled as it was with weakness\n in THE hour of trial.ÑM.]\n\n I. A modern inquisitor would hear with surprise, that whenever an\n information was given to a Roman magistrate of any person within\n his jurisdiction who had embraced THE sect of THE Christians, THE\n charge was communicated to THE party accused, and that a\n convenient time was allowed him to settle his domestic concerns,\n and to prepare an answer to THE crime which was imputed to him.\n 99 If he entertained any doubt of his own constancy, such a delay\n afforded him THE opportunity of preserving his life and honor by\n flight, of withdrawing himself into some obscure retirement or\n some distant province, and of patiently expecting THE return of\n peace and security. A measure so consonant to reason was soon\n authorized by THE advice and example of THE most holy prelates;\n and seems to have been censured by few except by THE Montanists,\n who deviated into heresy by THEir strict and obstinate adherence\n to THE rigor of ancient discipline. 100\n\n II.The provincial governors, whose zeal was less prevalent than\n THEir avarice, had countenanced THE practice of selling\n certificates, (or libels, as THEy were called,) which attested,\n that THE persons THErein mentioned had complied with THE laws,\n and sacrificed to THE Roman deities. By producing THEse false\n declarations, THE opulent and timid Christians were enabled to\n silence THE malice of an informer, and to reconcile in some\n measure THEir safety with THEir religion.101 A slight penance\n atoned for this profane dissimulation. 1011\n\n III. In every persecution THEre were great numbers of unworthy\n Christians who publicly disowned or renounced THE faith which\n THEy had professed; and who confirmed THE sincerity of THEir\n abjuration, by THE legal acts of burning incense or of offering\n sacrifices. Some of THEse apostates had yielded on THE first\n menace or exhortation of THE magistrate; whilst THE patience of\n oTHErs had been subdued by THE length and repetition of tortures.\n The affrighted countenances of some betrayed THEir inward\n remorse, while oTHErs advanced with confidence and alacrity to\n THE altars of THE gods. 102 But THE disguise which fear had\n imposed, subsisted no longer than THE present danger. As soon as\n THE severity of THE persecution was abated, THE doors of THE\n churches were assailed by THE returning multitude of penitents\n who detested THEir idolatrous submission, and who solicited with\n equal ardor, but with various success, THEir readmission into THE\n society of Christians. 103 1031\n\n 99 (return) [ In THE second apology of Justin, THEre is a\n particular and very curious instance of this legal delay. The\n same indulgence was granted to accused Christians, in THE\n persecution of Decius: and Cyprian (de Lapsis) expressly mentions\n THE ÒDies negantibus pr¾stitutus.Ó * Note: The examples drawn by\n THE historian from Justin Martyr and Cyprian relate altogeTHEr to\n particular cases, and prove nothing as to THE general practice\n adopted towards THE accused; it is evident, on THE contrary, from\n THE same apology of St. Justin, that THEy hardly ever obtained\n delay. ÒA man named Lucius, himself a Christian, present at an\n unjust sentence passed against a Christian by THE judge Urbicus,\n asked him why he thus punished a man who was neiTHEr adulterer\n nor robber, nor guilty of any oTHEr crime but that of avowing\n himself a Christian.Ó Urbicus answered only in THEse words: ÒThou\n also hast THE appearance of being a Christian.Ó ÒYes, without\n doubt,Ó replied Lucius. The judge ordered that he should be put\n to death on THE instant. A third, who came up, was condemned to\n be beaten with rods. Here, THEn, are three examples where no\n delay was granted.ÑÑ[Surely THEse acts of a single passionate and\n irritated judge prove THE general practice as little as those\n quoted by Gibbon.ÑM.] There exist a multitude of oTHErs, such as\n those of Ptolemy, Marcellus, &c. Justin expressly charges THE\n judges with ordering THE accused to be executed without hearing\n THE cause. The words of St. Cyprian are as particular, and simply\n say, that he had appointed a day by which THE Christians must\n have renounced THEir faith; those who had not done it by that\n time were condemned.ÑG. This confirms THE statement in THE\n text.ÑM.]\n\n 100 (return) [ Tertullian considers flight from persecution as an\n imperfect, but very criminal, apostasy, as an impious attempt to\n elude THE will of God, &c., &c. He has written a treatise on this\n subject, (see p. 536Ñ544, edit. Rigalt.,) which is filled with\n THE wildest fanaticism and THE most incoherent declamation. It\n is, however, somewhat remarkable, that Tertullian did not suffer\n martyrdom himself.]\n\n 101 (return) [ The _libellatici_, who are chiefly known by THE\n writings of Cyprian, are described with THE utmost precision, in\n THE copious commentary of Mosheim, p. 483Ñ489.]\n\n 1011 (return) [ The penance was not so slight, for it was exactly\n THE same with that of apostates who had sacrificed to idols; it\n lasted several years. See Fleun Hist. Ecc. v. ii. p. 171.ÑG.]\n\n 102 (return) [ Plin. Epist. x. 97. Dionysius Alexandrin. ap.\n Euseb. l. vi. c. 41. Ad prima statim verba minantis inimici\n maximus fratrum numerus fidem suam prodidit: nec prostratus est\n persecutionis impetu, sed voluntario lapsu seipsum prostravit.\n Cyprian. Opera, p. 89. Among THEse deserters were many priests,\n and even bishops.]\n\n 103 (return) [ It was on this occasion that Cyprian wrote his\n treatise De Lapsis, and many of his epistles. The controversy\n concerning THE treatment of penitent apostates, does not occur\n among THE Christians of THE preceding century. Shall we ascribe\n this to THE superiority of THEir faith and courage, or to our\n less intimate knowledge of THEir history!]\n\n 1031 (return) [ Pliny says, that THE greater part of THE\n Christians persisted in avowing THEmselves to be so; THE reason\n for his consulting Trajan was THE periclitantium numerus.\n Eusebius (l. vi. c. 41) does not permit us to doubt that THE\n number of those who renounced THEir faith was infinitely below\n THE number of those who boldly confessed it. The prefect, he says\n and his assessors present at THE council, were alarmed at seeing\n THE crowd of Christians; THE judges THEmselves trembled. Lastly,\n St. Cyprian informs us, that THE greater part of those who had\n appeared weak brethren in THE persecution of Decius, signalized\n THEir courage in that of Gallius. Steterunt fortes, et ipso\n dolore pÏnitenti¾ facti ad pr¾lium fortiores Epist. lx. p.\n 142.ÑG.]\n\n IV. Notwithstanding THE general rules established for THE\n conviction and punishment of THE Christians, THE fate of those\n sectaries, in an extensive and arbitrary government, must still\n in a great measure, have depended on THEir own behavior, THE\n circumstances of THE times, and THE temper of THEir supreme as\n well as subordinate rulers. Zeal might sometimes provoke, and\n prudence might sometimes avert or assuage, THE superstitious fury\n of THE Pagans. A variety of motives might dispose THE provincial\n governors eiTHEr to enforce or to relax THE execution of THE\n laws; and of THEse motives THE most forcible was THEir regard not\n only for THE public edicts, but for THE secret intentions of THE\n emperor, a glance from whose eye was sufficient to kindle or to\n extinguish THE flames of persecution. As often as any occasional\n severities were exercised in THE different parts of THE empire,\n THE primitive Christians lamented and perhaps magnified THEir own\n sufferings; but THE celebrated number of _ten_ persecutions has\n been determined by THE ecclesiastical writers of THE fifth\n century, who possessed a more distinct view of THE prosperous or\n adverse fortunes of THE church, from THE age of Nero to that of\n Diocletian. The ingenious parallels of THE _ten_ plagues of\n Egypt, and of THE _ten_ horns of THE Apocalypse, first suggested\n this calculation to THEir minds; and in THEir application of THE\n faith of prophecy to THE truth of history, THEy were careful to\n select those reigns which were indeed THE most hostile to THE\n Christian cause. 104 But THEse transient persecutions served only\n to revive THE zeal and to restore THE discipline of THE faithful;\n and THE moments of extraordinary rigor were compensated by much\n longer intervals of peace and security. The indifference of some\n princes, and THE indulgence of oTHErs, permitted THE Christians\n to enjoy, though not perhaps a legal, yet an actual and public,\n toleration of THEir religion.\n\n 104 (return) [ See Mosheim, p. 97. Sulpicius Severus was THE\n first author of this computation; though he seemed desirous of\n reserving THE tenth and greatest persecution for THE coming of\n THE Antichrist.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To\n Constantine.ÑPart V.\n\n\n The apology of Tertullian contains two very ancient, very\n singular, but at THE same time very suspicious, instances of\n Imperial clemency; THE edicts published by Tiberius, and by\n Marcus Antoninus, and designed not only to protect THE innocence\n of THE Christians, but even to proclaim those stupendous miracles\n which had attested THE truth of THEir doctrine. The first of\n THEse examples is attended with some difficulties which might\n perplex a sceptical mind. 105 We are required to believe, _that_\n Pontius Pilate informed THE emperor of THE unjust sentence of\n death which he had pronounced against an innocent, and, as it\n appeared, a divine, person; and that, without acquiring THE\n merit, he exposed himself to THE danger of martyrdom; _that_\n Tiberius, who avowed his contempt for all religion, immediately\n conceived THE design of placing THE Jewish Messiah among THE gods\n of Rome; _that_ his servile senate ventured to disobey THE\n commands of THEir master; _that_ Tiberius, instead of resenting\n THEir refusal, contented himself with protecting THE Christians\n from THE severity of THE laws, many years before such laws were\n enacted, or before THE church had assumed any distinct name or\n existence; and lastly, _that_ THE memory of this extraordinary\n transaction was preserved in THE most public and auTHEntic\n records, which escaped THE knowledge of THE historians of Greece\n and Rome, and were only visible to THE eyes of an African\n Christian, who composed his apology one hundred and sixty years\n after THE death of Tiberius. The edict of Marcus Antoninus is\n supposed to have been THE effect of his devotion and gratitude\n for THE miraculous deliverance which he had obtained in THE\n Marcomannic war. The distress of THE legions, THE seasonable\n tempest of rain and hail, of thunder and of lightning, and THE\n dismay and defeat of THE barbarians, have been celebrated by THE\n eloquence of several Pagan writers. If THEre were any Christians\n in that army, it was natural that THEy should ascribe some merit\n to THE fervent prayers, which, in THE moment of danger, THEy had\n offered up for THEir own and THE public safety. But we are still\n assured by monuments of brass and marble, by THE Imperial medals,\n and by THE Antonine column, that neiTHEr THE prince nor THE\n people entertained any sense of this signal obligation, since\n THEy unanimously attribute THEir deliverance to THE providence of\n Jupiter, and to THE interposition of Mercury. 106 During THE\n whole course of his reign, Marcus despised THE Christians as a\n philosopher, and punished THEm as a sovereign. 1061\n\n 105 (return) [ The testimony given by Pontius Pilate is first\n mentioned by Justin. The successive improvements which THE story\n acquired (as if has passed through THE hands of Tertullian,\n Eusebius, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, Orosius, Gregory of Tours, and\n THE authors of THE several editions of THE acts of Pilate) are\n very fairly stated by Dom Calmet Dissertat. sur lÕEcriture, tom.\n iii. p. 651, &c.]\n\n 106 (return) [ On this miracle, as it is commonly called, of THE\n thundering legion, see THE admirable criticism of Mr. Moyle, in\n his Works, vol. ii. p. 81Ñ390.]\n\n 1061 (return) [ Gibbon, with this phrase, and that below, which\n admits THE injustice of Marcus, has dexterously glossed over one\n of THE most remarkable facts in THE early Christian history, that\n THE reign of THE wisest and most humane of THE heaTHEn emperors\n was THE most fatal to THE Christians. Most writers have ascribed\n THE persecutions under Marcus to THE latent bigotry of his\n character; Mosheim, to THE influence of THE philosophic party;\n but THE fact is admitted by all. A late writer (Mr. Waddington,\n Hist. of THE Church, p. 47) has not scrupled to assert, that\n Òthis prince polluted every year of a long reign with innocent\n blood;Ó but THE causes as well as THE date of THE persecutions\n authorized or permitted by Marcus are equally uncertain. Of THE\n Asiatic edict recorded by Melito. THE date is unknown, nor is it\n quite clear that it was an Imperial edict. If it was THE act\n under which Polycarp suffered, his martyrdom is placed by Ruinart\n in THE sixth, by Mosheim in THE ninth, year of THE reign of\n Marcus. The martyrs of Vienne and Lyons are assigned by Dodwell\n to THE seventh, by most writers to THE seventeenth. In fact, THE\n commencement of THE persecutions of THE Christians appears to\n synchronize exactly with THE period of THE breaking out of THE\n Marcomannic war, which seems to have alarmed THE whole empire,\n and THE emperor himself, into a paroxysm of returning piety to\n THEir gods, of which THE Christians were THE victims. See Jul,\n Capit. Script. Hist August. p. 181, edit. 1661. It is remarkable\n that Tertullian (Apologet. c. v.) distinctly asserts that Verus\n (M. Aurelius) issued no edicts against THE Christians, and almost\n positively exempts him from THE charge of persecution.ÑM. This\n remarkable synchronism, which explains THE persecutions under M\n Aurelius, is shown at length in MilmanÕs History of Christianity,\n book ii. v.ÑM. 1845.]\n\n By a singular fatality, THE hardships which THEy had endured\n under THE government of a virtuous prince, immediately ceased on\n THE accession of a tyrant; and as none except THEmselves had\n experienced THE injustice of Marcus, so THEy alone were protected\n by THE lenity of Commodus. The celebrated Marcia, THE most\n favored of his concubines, and who at length contrived THE murder\n of her Imperial lover, entertained a singular affection for THE\n oppressed church; and though it was impossible that she could\n reconcile THE practice of vice with THE precepts of THE gospel,\n she might hope to atone for THE frailties of her sex and\n profession by declaring herself THE patroness of THE Christians.\n 107 Under THE gracious protection of Marcia, THEy passed in\n safety THE thirteen years of a cruel tyranny; and when THE empire\n was established in THE house of Severus, THEy formed a domestic\n but more honorable connection with THE new court. The emperor was\n persuaded, that in a dangerous sickness, he had derived some\n benefit, eiTHEr spiritual or physical, from THE holy oil, with\n which one of his slaves had anointed him. He always treated with\n peculiar distinction several persons of both sexes who had\n embraced THE new religion. The nurse as well as THE preceptor of\n Caracalla were Christians; 1071 and if that young prince ever\n betrayed a sentiment of humanity, it was occasioned by an\n incident, which, however trifling, bore some relation to THE\n cause of Christianity. 108 Under THE reign of Severus, THE fury\n of THE populace was checked; THE rigor of ancient laws was for\n some time suspended; and THE provincial governors were satisfied\n with receiving an annual present from THE churches within THEir\n jurisdiction, as THE price, or as THE reward, of THEir\n moderation. 109 The controversy concerning THE precise time of\n THE celebration of Easter, armed THE bishops of Asia and Italy\n against each oTHEr, and was considered as THE most important\n business of this period of leisure and tranquillity. 110 Nor was\n THE peace of THE church interrupted, till THE increasing numbers\n of proselytes seem at length to have attracted THE attention, and\n to have alienated THE mind of Severus. With THE design of\n restraining THE progress of Christianity, he published an edict,\n which, though it was designed to affect only THE new converts,\n could not be carried into strict execution, without exposing to\n danger and punishment THE most zealous of THEir teachers and\n missionaries. In this mitigated persecution we may still discover\n THE indulgent spirit of Rome and of PolyTHEism, which so readily\n admitted every excuse in favor of those who practised THE\n religious ceremonies of THEir faTHErs. 111\n\n 107 (return) [ Dion Cassius, or raTHEr his abbreviator Xiphilin,\n l. lxxii. p. 1206. Mr. Moyle (p. 266) has explained THE condition\n of THE church under THE reign of Commodus.]\n\n 1071 (return) [ The Jews and Christians contest THE honor of\n having furnished a nurse is THE fratricide son of Severus\n Caracalla. Hist. of Jews, iii. 158.ÑM.]\n\n 108 (return) [ Compare THE life of Caracalla in THE Augustan\n History, with THE epistle of Tertullian to Scapula. Dr. Jortin\n (Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol. ii. p. 5, &c.) considers\n THE cure of Severus by THE means of holy oil, with a strong\n desire to convert it into a miracle.]\n\n 109 (return) [ Tertullian de Fuga, c. 13. The present was made\n during THE feast of THE Saturnalia; and it is a matter of serious\n concern to Tertullian, that THE faithful should be confounded\n with THE most infamous professions which purchased THE connivance\n of THE government.]\n\n 110 (return) [ Euseb. l. v. c. 23, 24. Mosheim, p. 435Ñ447.]\n\n 111 (return) [ Jud¾os fieri sub gravi pÏna vetuit. Idem etiam de\n Christianis sanxit. Hist. August. p. 70.]\n\n But THE laws which Severus had enacted soon expired with THE\n authority of that emperor; and THE Christians, after this\n accidental tempest, enjoyed a calm of thirty-eight years. 112\n Till this period THEy had usually held THEir assemblies in\n private houses and sequestered places. They were now permitted to\n erect and consecrate convenient edifices for THE purpose of\n religious worship; 113 to purchase lands, even at Rome itself,\n for THE use of THE community; and to conduct THE elections of\n THEir ecclesiastical ministers in so public, but at THE same time\n in so exemplary a manner, as to deserve THE respectful attention\n of THE Gentiles. 114 This long repose of THE church was\n accompanied with dignity. The reigns of those princes who derived\n THEir extraction from THE Asiatic provinces, proved THE most\n favorable to THE Christians; THE eminent persons of THE sect,\n instead of being reduced to implore THE protection of a slave or\n concubine, were admitted into THE palace in THE honorable\n characters of priests and philosophers; and THEir mysterious\n doctrines, which were already diffused among THE people,\n insensibly attracted THE curiosity of THEir sovereign. When THE\n empress Mamm¾a passed through Antioch, she expressed a desire of\n conversing with THE celebrated Origen, THE fame of whose piety\n and learning was spread over THE East. Origen obeyed so\n flattering an invitation, and though he could not expect to\n succeed in THE conversion of an artful and ambitious woman, she\n listened with pleasure to his eloquent exhortations, and\n honorably dismissed him to his retirement in Palestine. 115 The\n sentiments of Mamm¾a were adopted by her son Alexander, and THE\n philosophic devotion of that emperor was marked by a singular but\n injudicious regard for THE Christian religion. In his domestic\n chapel he placed THE statues of Abraham, of Orpheus, of\n Apollonius, and of Christ, as an honor justly due to those\n respectable sages who had instructed mankind in THE various modes\n of addressing THEir homage to THE supreme and universal Deity.\n 116 A purer faith, as well as worship, was openly professed and\n practised among his household. Bishops, perhaps for THE first\n time, were seen at court; and, after THE death of Alexander, when\n THE inhuman Maximin discharged his fury on THE favorites and\n servants of his unfortunate benefactor, a great number of\n Christians of every rank and of both sexes, were involved in THE\n promiscuous massacre, which, on THEir account, has improperly\n received THE name of Persecution. 117 1171\n\n 112 (return) [ Sulpicius Severus, l. ii. p. 384. This computation\n (allowing for a single exception) is confirmed by THE history of\n Eusebius, and by THE writings of Cyprian.]\n\n 113 (return) [ The antiquity of Christian churches is discussed\n by Tillemont, (MŽmoires EcclŽsiastiques, tom. iii. part ii. p.\n 68-72,) and by Mr. Moyle, (vol. i. p. 378-398.) The former refers\n THE first construction of THEm to THE peace of Alexander Severus;\n THE latter, to THE peace of Gallienus.]\n\n 114 (return) [ See THE Augustan History, p. 130. The emperor\n Alexander adopted THEir method of publicly proposing THE names of\n those persons who were candidates for ordination. It is true that\n THE honor of this practice is likewise attributed to THE Jews.]\n\n 115 (return) [ Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. l. vi. c. 21. Hieronym.\n de Script. Eccles. c. 54. Mamm¾a was styled a holy and pious\n woman, both by THE Christians and THE Pagans. From THE former,\n THErefore, it was impossible that she should deserve that\n honorable epiTHEt.]\n\n 116 (return) [ See THE Augustan History, p. 123. Mosheim (p. 465)\n seems to refine too much on THE domestic religion of Alexander.\n His design of building a public temple to Christ, (Hist. August.\n p. 129,) and THE objection which was suggested eiTHEr to him, or\n in similar circumstances to Hadrian, appear to have no oTHEr\n foundation than an improbable report, invented by THE Christians,\n and credulously adopted by an historian of THE age of\n Constantine.]\n\n 117 (return) [ Euseb. l. vi. c. 28. It may be presumed that THE\n success of THE Christians had exasperated THE increasing bigotry\n of THE Pagans. Dion Cassius, who composed his history under THE\n former reign, had most probably intended for THE use of his\n master those counsels of persecution, which he ascribes to a\n better age, and to and to THE favorite of Augustus. Concerning\n this oration of M¾cenas, or raTHEr of Dion, I may refer to my own\n unbiased opinion, (vol. i. c. 1, note 25,) and to THE AbbŽ de la\n Bleterie (MŽmoires de lÕAcadŽmie, tom. xxiv. p. 303 tom xxv. p.\n 432.) * Note: If this be THE case, Dion Cassius must have known\n THE Christians THEy must have been THE subject of his particular\n attention, since THE author supposes that he wished his master to\n profit by THEse Òcounsels of persecution.Ó How are we to\n reconcile this necessary consequence with what Gibbon has said of\n THE ignorance of Dion Cassius even of THE name of THE Christians?\n (c. xvi. n. 24.) (Gibbon speaks of DionÕs _silence_, not of his\n _ignorance_.ÑM) The supposition in this note is supported by no\n proof; it is probable that Dion Cassius has often designated THE\n Christians by THE name of Jews. See Dion Cassius, l. lxvii. c 14,\n lxviii. lÑG. On this point I should adopt THE view of Gibbon\n raTHEr than that of M Guizot.ÑM]\n\n 1171 (return) [ It is with good reason that this massacre has\n been called a persecution, for it lasted during THE whole reign\n of Maximin, as may be seen in Eusebius. (l. vi. c. 28.) Rufinus\n expressly confirms it: Tribus annis a Maximino persecutione\n commota, in quibus finem et persecutionis fecit et vitas Hist. l.\n vi. c. 19.ÑG.]\n\n Notwithstanding THE cruel disposition of Maximin, THE effects of\n his resentment against THE Christians were of a very local and\n temporary nature, and THE pious Origen, who had been proscribed\n as a devoted victim, was still reserved to convey THE truths of\n THE gospel to THE ear of monarchs. 118 He addressed several\n edifying letters to THE emperor Philip, to his wife, and to his\n moTHEr; and as soon as that prince, who was born in THE\n neighborhood of Palestine, had usurped THE Imperial sceptre, THE\n Christians acquired a friend and a protector. The public and even\n partial favor of Philip towards THE sectaries of THE new\n religion, and his constant reverence for THE ministers of THE\n church, gave some color to THE suspicion, which prevailed in his\n own times, that THE emperor himself was become a convert to THE\n faith; 119 and afforded some grounds for a fable which was\n afterwards invented, that he had been purified by confession and\n penance from THE guilt contracted by THE murder of his innocent\n predecessor. 120 The fall of Philip introduced, with THE change\n of masters, a new system of government, so oppressive to THE\n Christians, that THEir former condition, ever since THE time of\n Domitian, was represented as a state of perfect freedom and\n security, if compared with THE rigorous treatment which THEy\n experienced under THE short reign of Decius. 121 The virtues of\n that prince will scarcely allow us to suspect that he was\n actuated by a mean resentment against THE favorites of his\n predecessor; and it is more reasonable to believe, that in THE\n prosecution of his general design to restore THE purity of Roman\n manners, he was desirous of delivering THE empire from what he\n condemned as a recent and criminal superstition. The bishops of\n THE most considerable cities were removed by exile or death: THE\n vigilance of THE magistrates prevented THE clergy of Rome during\n sixteen months from proceeding to a new election; and it was THE\n opinion of THE Christians, that THE emperor would more patiently\n endure a competitor for THE purple, than a bishop in THE capital.\n 122 Were it possible to suppose that THE penetration of Decius\n had discovered pride under THE disguise of humility, or that he\n could foresee THE temporal dominion which might insensibly arise\n from THE claims of spiritual authority, we might be less\n surprised, that he should consider THE successors of St. Peter,\n as THE most formidable rivals to those of Augustus.\n\n 118 (return) [ Orosius, l. vii. c. 19, mentions Origen as THE\n object of MaximinÕs resentment; and Firmilianus, a Cappadocian\n bishop of that age, gives a just and confined idea of this\n persecution, (apud Cyprian Epist. 75.)]\n\n 119 (return) [ The mention of those princes who were publicly\n supposed to be Christians, as we find it in an epistle of\n Dionysius of Alexandria, (ap. Euseb. l. vii. c. 10,) evidently\n alludes to Philip and his family, and forms a contemporary\n evidence, that such a report had prevailed; but THE Egyptian\n bishop, who lived at an humble distance from THE court of Rome,\n expresses himself with a becoming diffidence concerning THE truth\n of THE fact. The epistles of Origen (which were extant in THE\n time of Eusebius, see l. vi. c. 36) would most probably decide\n this curious raTHEr than important question.]\n\n 120 (return) [ Euseb. l. vi. c. 34. The story, as is usual, has\n been embellished by succeeding writers, and is confuted, with\n much superfluous learning, by Frederick Spanheim, (Opera Varia,\n tom. ii. p. 400, &c.)]\n\n 121 (return) [ Lactantius, de Mortibus Persecutorum, c. 3, 4.\n After celebrating THE felicity and increase of THE church, under\n a long succession of good princes, he adds, ÒExtitit post annos\n plurimos, execrabile animal, Decius, qui vexaret Ecclesiam.Ó]\n\n 122 (return) [ Euseb. l. vi. c. 39. Cyprian. Epistol. 55. The see\n of Rome remained vacant from THE martyrdom of Fabianus, THE 20th\n of January, A. D. 259, till THE election of Cornelius, THE 4th of\n June, A. D. 251 Decius had probably left Rome, since he was\n killed before THE end of that year.]\n\n The administration of Valerian was distinguished by a levity and\n inconstancy ill suited to THE gravity of THE _Roman Censor_. In\n THE first part of his reign, he surpassed in clemency those\n princes who had been suspected of an attachment to THE Christian\n faith. In THE last three years and a half, listening to THE\n insinuations of a minister addicted to THE superstitions of\n Egypt, he adopted THE maxims, and imitated THE severity, of his\n predecessor Decius. 123 The accession of Gallienus, which\n increased THE calamities of THE empire, restored peace to THE\n church; and THE Christians obtained THE free exercise of THEir\n religion by an edict addressed to THE bishops, and conceived in\n such terms as seemed to acknowledge THEir office and public\n character. 124 The ancient laws, without being formally repealed,\n were suffered to sink into oblivion; and (excepting only some\n hostile intentions which are attributed to THE emperor Aurelian\n 125 THE disciples of Christ passed above forty years in a state\n of prosperity, far more dangerous to THEir virtue than THE\n severest trials of persecution.\n\n 123 (return) [ Euseb. l. vii. c. 10. Mosheim (p. 548) has very\n clearly shown that THE pr¾fect Macrianus, and THE Egyptian\n _Magus_, are one and THE same person.]\n\n 124 (return) [ Eusebius (l. vii. c. 13) gives us a Greek version\n of this Latin edict, which seems to have been very concise. By\n anoTHEr edict, he directed that THE _C¾meteria_ should be\n restored to THE Christians.]\n\n 125 (return) [ Euseb. l. vii. c. 30. Lactantius de M. P. c. 6.\n Hieronym. in Chron. p. 177. Orosius, l. vii. c. 23. Their\n language is in general so ambiguous and incorrect, that we are at\n a loss to determine how far Aurelian had carried his intentions\n before he was assassinated. Most of THE moderns (except Dodwell,\n Dissertat. Cyprian. vi. 64) have seized THE occasion of gaining a\n few extraordinary martyrs. * Note: Dr. Lardner has detailed, with\n his usual impartiality, all that has come down to us relating to\n THE persecution of Aurelian, and concludes by saying, ÒUpon more\n carefully examining THE words of Eusebius, and observing THE\n accounts of oTHEr authors, learned men have generally, and, as I\n think, very judiciously, determined, that Aurelian not only\n intended, but did actually persecute: but his persecution was\n short, he having died soon after THE publication of his edicts.Ó\n HeaTHEn Test. c. xxxvi.ÑBasmage positively pronounces THE same\n opinion: Non intentatum modo, sed executum quoque brevissimo\n tempore mandatum, nobis infixum est in aniasis. Basn. Ann. 275,\n No. 2 and compare Pagi Ann. 272, Nos. 4, 12, 27ÑG.]\n\n The story of Paul of Samosata, who filled THE metropolitan see of\n Antioch, while THE East was in THE hands of Odenathus and\n Zenobia, may serve to illustrate THE condition and character of\n THE times. The wealth of that prelate was a sufficient evidence\n of his guilt, since it was neiTHEr derived from THE inheritance\n of his faTHErs, nor acquired by THE arts of honest industry. But\n Paul considered THE service of THE church as a very lucrative\n profession. 126 His ecclesiastical jurisdiction was venal and\n rapacious; he extorted frequent contributions from THE most\n opulent of THE faithful, and converted to his own use a\n considerable part of THE public revenue. By his pride and luxury,\n THE Christian religion was rendered odious in THE eyes of THE\n Gentiles. His council chamber and his throne, THE splendor with\n which he appeared in public, THE suppliant crowd who solicited\n his attention, THE multitude of letters and petitions to which he\n dictated his answers, and THE perpetual hurry of business in\n which he was involved, were circumstances much better suited to\n THE state of a civil magistrate, 127 than to THE humility of a\n primitive bishop. When he harangued his people from THE pulpit,\n Paul affected THE figurative style and THE THEatrical gestures of\n an Asiatic sophist, while THE caTHEdral resounded with THE\n loudest and most extravagant acclamations in THE praise of his\n divine eloquence. Against those who resisted his power, or\n refused to flatter his vanity, THE prelate of Antioch was\n arrogant, rigid, and inexorable; but he relaxed THE discipline,\n and lavished THE treasures of THE church on his dependent clergy,\n who were permitted to imitate THEir master in THE gratification\n of every sensual appetite. For Paul indulged himself very freely\n in THE pleasures of THE table, and he had received into THE\n episcopal palace two young and beautiful women as THE constant\n companions of his leisure moments. 128\n\n 126 (return) [ Paul was better pleased with THE title of\n _Ducenarius_, than with that of bishop. The _Ducenarius_ was an\n Imperial procurator, so called from his salary of two hundred\n _Sestertia_, or 1600_l_. a year. (See Salmatius ad Hist. August.\n p. 124.) Some critics suppose that THE bishop of Antioch had\n actually obtained such an office from Zenobia, while oTHErs\n consider it only as a figurative expression of his pomp and\n insolence.]\n\n 127 (return) [ Simony was not unknown in those times; and THE\n clergy some times bought what THEy intended to sell. It appears\n that THE bishopric of Carthage was purchased by a wealthy matron,\n named Lucilla, for her servant Majorinus. The price was 400\n _Folles_. (Monument. Antiq. ad calcem Optati, p. 263.) Every\n _Follis_ contained 125 pieces of silver, and THE whole sum may be\n computed at about 2400_l_.]\n\n 128 (return) [ If we are desirous of extenuating THE vices of\n Paul, we must suspect THE assembled bishops of THE East of\n publishing THE most malicious calumnies in circular epistles\n addressed to all THE churches of THE empire, (ap. Euseb. l. vii.\n c. 30.)]\n\n Notwithstanding THEse scandalous vices, if Paul of Samosata had\n preserved THE purity of THE orthodox faith, his reign over THE\n capital of Syria would have ended only with his life; and had a\n seasonable persecution intervened, an effort of courage might\n perhaps have placed him in THE rank of saints and martyrs. 1281\n\n Some nice and subtle errors, which he imprudently adopted and\n obstinately maintained, concerning THE doctrine of THE Trinity,\n excited THE zeal and indignation of THE Eastern churches. 129\n\n From Egypt to THE Euxine Sea, THE bishops were in arms and in\n motion. Several councils were held, confutations were published,\n excommunications were pronounced, ambiguous explanations were by\n turns accepted and refused, treaties were concluded and violated,\n and at length Paul of Samosata was degraded from his episcopal\n character, by THE sentence of seventy or eighty bishops, who\n assembled for that purpose at Antioch, and who, without\n consulting THE rights of THE clergy or people, appointed a\n successor by THEir own authority. The manifest irregularity of\n this proceeding increased THE numbers of THE discontented\n faction; and as Paul, who was no stranger to THE arts of courts,\n had insinuated himself into THE favor of Zenobia, he maintained\n above four years THE possession of THE episcopal house and\n office. 1291 The victory of Aurelian changed THE face of THE\n East, and THE two contending parties, who applied to each oTHEr\n THE epiTHEts of schism and heresy, were eiTHEr commanded or\n permitted to plead THEir cause before THE tribunal of THE\n conqueror. This public and very singular trial affords a\n convincing proof that THE existence, THE property, THE\n privileges, and THE internal policy of THE Christians, were\n acknowledged, if not by THE laws, at least by THE magistrates, of\n THE empire. As a Pagan and as a soldier, it could scarcely be\n expected that Aurelian should enter into THE discussion, wheTHEr\n THE sentiments of Paul or those of his adversaries were most\n agreeable to THE true standard of THE orthodox faith. His\n determination, however, was founded on THE general principles of\n equity and reason. He considered THE bishops of Italy as THE most\n impartial and respectable judges among THE Christians, and as\n soon as he was informed that THEy had unanimously approved THE\n sentence of THE council, he acquiesced in THEir opinion, and\n immediately gave orders that Paul should be compelled to\n relinquish THE temporal possessions belonging to an office, of\n which, in THE judgment of his brethren, he had been regularly\n deprived. But while we applaud THE justice, we should not\n overlook THE policy, of Aurelian, who was desirous of restoring\n and cementing THE dependence of THE provinces on THE capital, by\n every means which could bind THE interest or prejudices of any\n part of his subjects. 130\n\n 1281 (return) [ It appears, neverTHEless, that THE vices and\n immoralities of Paul of Samosata had much weight in THE sentence\n pronounced against him by THE bishops. The object of THE letter,\n addressed by THE synod to THE bishops of Rome and Alexandria, was\n to inform THEm of THE change in THE faith of Paul, THE\n altercations and discussions to which it had given rise, as well\n as of his morals and THE whole of his conduct. Euseb. Hist. Eccl.\n l. vii c. xxxÑG.]\n\n 129 (return) [ His heresy (like those of Noetus and Sabellius, in\n THE same century) tended to confound THE mysterious distinction\n of THE divine persons. See Mosheim, p. 702, &c.]\n\n 1291 (return) [ ÒHer favorite, (ZenobiaÕs,) Paul of Samosata,\n seems to have entertained some views of attempting a union\n between Judaism and Christianity; both parties rejected THE\n unnatural alliance.Ó Hist. of Jews, iii. 175, and Jost.\n Geschichte der Israeliter, iv. 167. The protection of THE severe\n Zenobia is THE only circumstance which may raise a doubt of THE\n notorious immorality of Paul.ÑM.]\n\n 130 (return) [ Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. l. vii. c. 30. We are\n entirely indebted to him for THE curious story of Paul of\n Samosata.]\n\n Amidst THE frequent revolutions of THE empire, THE Christians\n still flourished in peace and prosperity; and notwithstanding a\n celebrated ¾ra of martyrs has been deduced from THE accession of\n Diocletian, 131 THE new system of policy, introduced and\n maintained by THE wisdom of that prince, continued, during more\n than eighteen years, to breaTHE THE mildest and most liberal\n spirit of religious toleration. The mind of Diocletian himself\n was less adapted indeed to speculative inquiries, than to THE\n active labors of war and government. His prudence rendered him\n averse to any great innovation, and though his temper was not\n very susceptible of zeal or enthusiasm, he always maintained an\n habitual regard for THE ancient deities of THE empire. But THE\n leisure of THE two empresses, of his wife Prisca, and of Valeria,\n his daughter, permitted THEm to listen with more attention and\n respect to THE truths of Christianity, which in every age has\n acknowledged its important obligations to female devotion. 132\n The principal eunuchs, Lucian 133 and DoroTHEus, Gorgonius and\n Andrew, who attended THE person, possessed THE favor, and\n governed THE household of Diocletian, protected by THEir powerful\n influence THE faith which THEy had embraced. Their example was\n imitated by many of THE most considerable officers of THE palace,\n who, in THEir respective stations, had THE care of THE Imperial\n ornaments, of THE robes, of THE furniture, of THE jewels, and\n even of THE private treasury; and, though it might sometimes be\n incumbent on THEm to accompany THE emperor when he sacrificed in\n THE temple, 134 THEy enjoyed, with THEir wives, THEir children,\n and THEir slaves, THE free exercise of THE Christian religion.\n Diocletian and his colleagues frequently conferred THE most\n important offices on those persons who avowed THEir abhorrence\n for THE worship of THE gods, but who had displayed abilities\n proper for THE service of THE state. The bishops held an\n honorable rank in THEir respective provinces, and were treated\n with distinction and respect, not only by THE people, but by THE\n magistrates THEmselves. Almost in every city, THE ancient\n churches were found insufficient to contain THE increasing\n multitude of proselytes; and in THEir place more stately and\n capacious edifices were erected for THE public worship of THE\n faithful. The corruption of manners and principles, so forcibly\n lamented by Eusebius, 135 may be considered, not only as a\n consequence, but as a proof, of THE liberty which THE Christians\n enjoyed and abused under THE reign of Diocletian. Prosperity had\n relaxed THE nerves of discipline. Fraud, envy, and malice\n prevailed in every congregation. The presbyters aspired to THE\n episcopal office, which every day became an object more worthy of\n THEir ambition. The bishops, who contended with each oTHEr for\n ecclesiastical pre‘minence, appeared by THEir conduct to claim a\n secular and tyrannical power in THE church; and THE lively faith\n which still distinguished THE Christians from THE Gentiles, was\n shown much less in THEir lives, than in THEir controversial\n writings.\n\n 131 (return) [ The ®ra of Martyrs, which is still in use among\n THE Copts and THE Abyssinians, must be reckoned from THE 29th of\n August, A. D. 284; as THE beginning of THE Egyptian year was\n nineteen days earlier than THE real accession of Diocletian. See\n Dissertation Preliminaire a lÕArt de verifier les Dates. * Note:\n On THE ¾ra of martyrs see THE very curious dissertations of Mons\n Letronne on some recently discovered inscriptions in Egypt and\n Nubis, p. 102, &c.ÑM.]\n\n 132 (return) [ The expression of Lactantius, (de M. P. c. 15,)\n Òsacrificio pollui coegit,Ó implies THEir antecedent conversion\n to THE faith, but does not seem to justify THE assertion of\n Mosheim, (p. 912,) that THEy had been privately baptized.]\n\n 133 (return) [ M. de Tillemont (MŽmoires EcclŽsiastiques, tom. v.\n part i. p. 11, 12) has quoted from THE Spicilegium of Dom Luc\n dÕArcheri a very curious instruction which Bishop Theonas\n composed for THE use of Lucian.]\n\n 134 (return) [ Lactantius, de M. P. c. 10.]\n\n 135 (return) [ Eusebius, Hist. Ecclesiast. l. viii. c. 1. The\n reader who consults THE original will not accuse me of\n heightening THE picture. Eusebius was about sixteen years of age\n at THE accession of THE emperor Diocletian.]\n\n Notwithstanding this seeming security, an attentive observer\n might discern some symptoms that threatened THE church with a\n more violent persecution than any which she had yet endured. The\n zeal and rapid progress of THE Christians awakened THE\n PolyTHEists from THEir supine indifference in THE cause of those\n deities, whom custom and education had taught THEm to revere. The\n mutual provocations of a religious war, which had already\n continued above two hundred years, exasperated THE animosity of\n THE contending parties. The Pagans were incensed at THE rashness\n of a recent and obscure sect, which presumed to accuse THEir\n countrymen of error, and to devote THEir ancestors to eternal\n misery. The habits of justifying THE popular mythology against\n THE invectives of an implacable enemy, produced in THEir minds\n some sentiments of faith and reverence for a system which THEy\n had been accustomed to consider with THE most careless levity.\n The supernatural powers assumed by THE church inspired at THE\n same time terror and emulation. The followers of THE established\n religion intrenched THEmselves behind a similar fortification of\n prodigies; invented new modes of sacrifice, of expiation, and of\n initiation; 136 attempted to revive THE credit of THEir expiring\n oracles; 137 and listened with eager credulity to every impostor,\n who flattered THEir prejudices by a tale of wonders. 138 Both\n parties seemed to acknowledge THE truth of those miracles which\n were claimed by THEir adversaries; and while THEy were contented\n with ascribing THEm to THE arts of magic, and to THE power of\n d¾mons, THEy mutually concurred in restoring and establishing THE\n reign of superstition. 139 Philosophy, her most dangerous enemy,\n was now converted into her most useful ally. The groves of THE\n academy, THE gardens of Epicurus, and even THE portico of THE\n Stoics, were almost deserted, as so many different schools of\n scepticism or impiety; 140 and many among THE Romans were\n desirous that THE writings of Cicero should be condemned and\n suppressed by THE authority of THE senate. 141 The prevailing\n sect of THE new Platonicians judged it prudent to connect\n THEmselves with THE priests, whom perhaps THEy despised, against\n THE Christians, whom THEy had reason to fear. These fashionable\n Philosophers prosecuted THE design of extracting allegorical\n wisdom from THE fictions of THE Greek poets; instituted\n mysterious rites of devotion for THE use of THEir chosen\n disciples; recommended THE worship of THE ancient gods as THE\n emblems or ministers of THE Supreme Deity, and composed against\n THE faith of THE gospel many elaborate treatises, 142 which have\n since been committed to THE flames by THE prudence of orthodox\n emperors. 143\n\n 136 (return) [ We might quote, among a great number of instances,\n THE mysterious worship of Mythras, and THE Taurobolia; THE latter\n of which became fashionable in THE time of THE Antonines, (see a\n Dissertation of M. de Boze, in THE MŽmoires de lÕAcadŽmie des\n Inscriptions, tom. ii. p. 443.) The romance of Apuleius is as\n full of devotion as of satire. * Note: On THE extraordinary\n progress of THE Mahriac rites, in THE West, see De GuigniaudÕs\n translation of Creuzer, vol. i. p. 365, and Note 9, tom. i. part\n 2, p. 738, &c.ÑM.]\n\n 137 (return) [ The impostor Alexander very strongly recommended\n THE oracle of Trophonius at Mallos, and those of Apollo at Claros\n and Miletus, (Lucian, tom. ii. p. 236, edit. Reitz.) The last of\n THEse, whose singular history would furnish a very curious\n episode, was consulted by Diocletian before he published his\n edicts of persecution, (Lactantius, de M. P. c. 11.)]\n\n 138 (return) [ Besides THE ancient stories of Pythagoras and\n Aristeas, THE cures performed at THE shrine of ®sculapius, and\n THE fables related of Apollonius of Tyana, were frequently\n opposed to THE miracles of Christ; though I agree with Dr.\n Lardner, (see Testimonies, vol. iii. p. 253, 352,) that when\n Philostratus composed THE life of Apollonius, he had no such\n intention.]\n\n 139 (return) [ It is seriously to be lamented, that THE Christian\n faTHErs, by acknowledging THE supernatural, or, as THEy deem it,\n THE infernal part of Paganism, destroy with THEir own hands THE\n great advantage which we might oTHErwise derive from THE liberal\n concessions of our adversaries.]\n\n 140 (return) [ Julian (p. 301, edit. Spanheim) expresses a pious\n joy, that THE providence of THE gods had extinguished THE impious\n sects, and for THE most part destroyed THE books of THE\n Pyrrhonians and Epicur¾ans, which had been very numerous, since\n Epicurus himself composed no less than 300 volumes. See Diogenes\n Laertius, l. x. c. 26.]\n\n 141 (return) [ Cumque alios audiam mussitare indignanter, et\n dicere opportere statui per Senatum, aboleantur ut h¾c scripta,\n quibus Christiana Religio comprobetur, et vetustatis opprimatur\n auctoritas. Arnobius adversus Gentes, l. iii. p. 103, 104. He\n adds very properly, Erroris convincite Ciceronem... nam\n intercipere scripta, et publicatam velle submergere lectionem,\n non est Deum defendere sed veritatis testificationem timere.]\n\n 142 (return) [ Lactantius (Divin. Institut. l. v. c. 2, 3) gives\n a very clear and spirited account of two of THEse philosophic\n adversaries of THE faith. The large treatise of Porphyry against\n THE Christians consisted of thirty books, and was composed in\n Sicily about THE year 270.]\n\n 143 (return) [ See Socrates, Hist. Ecclesiast. l. i. c. 9, and\n Codex Justinian. l. i. i. l. s.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To\n Constantine.ÑPart VI.\n\n\n Although THE policy of Diocletian and THE humanity of Constantius\n inclined THEm to preserve inviolate THE maxims of toleration, it\n was soon discovered that THEir two associates, Maximian and\n Galerius, entertained THE most implacable aversion for THE name\n and religion of THE Christians. The minds of those princes had\n never been enlightened by science; education had never softened\n THEir temper. They owed THEir greatness to THEir swords, and in\n THEir most elevated fortune THEy still retained THEir\n superstitious prejudices of soldiers and peasants. In THE general\n administration of THE provinces THEy obeyed THE laws which THEir\n benefactor had established; but THEy frequently found occasions\n of exercising within THEir camp and palaces a secret persecution,\n 144 for which THE imprudent zeal of THE Christians sometimes\n offered THE most specious pretences. A sentence of death was\n executed upon Maximilianus, an African youth, who had been\n produced by his own faTHEr 1441 before THE magistrate as a\n sufficient and legal recruit, but who obstinately persisted in\n declaring, that his conscience would not permit him to embrace\n THE profession of a soldier. 145 It could scarcely be expected\n that any government should suffer THE action of Marcellus THE\n Centurion to pass with impunity. On THE day of a public festival,\n that officer threw away his belt, his arms, and THE ensigns of\n his office, and exclaimed with a loud voice, that he would obey\n none but Jesus Christ THE eternal King, and that he renounced\n forever THE use of carnal weapons, and THE service of an\n idolatrous master. The soldiers, as soon as THEy recovered from\n THEir astonishment, secured THE person of Marcellus. He was\n examined in THE city of Tingi by THE president of that part of\n Mauritania; and as he was convicted by his own confession, he was\n condemned and beheaded for THE crime of desertion. 146 Examples\n of such a nature savor much less of religious persecution than of\n martial or even civil law; but THEy served to alienate THE mind\n of THE emperors, to justify THE severity of Galerius, who\n dismissed a great number of Christian officers from THEir\n employments; and to authorize THE opinion, that a sect of\n enthusiastics, which avowed principles so repugnant to THE public\n safety, must eiTHEr remain useless, or would soon become\n dangerous, subjects of THE empire.\n\n 144 (return) [ Eusebius, l. viii. c. 4, c. 17. He limits THE\n number of military martyrs, by a remarkable expression, of which\n neiTHEr his Latin nor French translator have rendered THE energy.\n Notwithstanding THE authority of Eusebius, and THE silence of\n Lactantius, Ambrose, Sulpicius, Orosius, &c., it has been long\n believed, that THE Theb¾an legion, consisting of 6000 Christians,\n suffered martyrdom by THE order of Maximian, in THE valley of THE\n Pennine Alps. The story was first published about THE middle of\n THE 5th century, by Eucherius, bishop of Lyons, who received it\n from certain persons, who received it from Isaac, bishop of\n Geneva, who is said to have received it from Theodore, bishop of\n Octodurum. The abbey of St. Maurice still subsists, a rich\n monument of THE credulity of Sigismund, king of Burgundy. See an\n excellent Dissertation in xxxvith volume of THE Biblioth\x8fque\n RaisonnŽe, p. 427-454.]\n\n 1441 (return) [ M. Guizot criticizes GibbonÕs account of this\n incident. He supposes that Maximilian was not Òproduced by his\n faTHEr as a recruit,Ó but was obliged to appear by THE law, which\n compelled THE sons of soldiers to serve at 21 years old. Was not\n this a law of Constantine? NeiTHEr does this circumstance appear\n in THE acts. His faTHEr had clearly expected him to serve, as he\n had bought him a new dress for THE occasion; yet he refused to\n force THE conscience of his son. and when Maximilian was\n condemned to death, THE faTHEr returned home in joy, blessing God\n for having bestowed upon him such a son.ÑM.]\n\n 145 (return) [ See THE Acta Sincera, p. 299. The accounts of his\n martyrdom and that of Marcellus, bear every mark of truth and\n auTHEnticity.]\n\n 146 (return) [ Acta Sincera, p. 302. * Note: M. Guizot here\n justly observes, that it was THE necessity of sacrificing to THE\n gods, which induced Marcellus to act in this manner.ÑM.]\n\n After THE success of THE Persian war had raised THE hopes and THE\n reputation of Galerius, he passed a winter with Diocletian in THE\n palace of Nicomedia; and THE fate of Christianity became THE\n object of THEir secret consultations. 147 The experienced emperor\n was still inclined to pursue measures of lenity; and though he\n readily consented to exclude THE Christians from holding any\n employments in THE household or THE army, he urged in THE\n strongest terms THE danger as well as cruelty of shedding THE\n blood of those deluded fanatics. Galerius at length extorted 1471\n from him THE permission of summoning a council, composed of a few\n persons THE most distinguished in THE civil and military\n departments of THE state.\n\n The important question was agitated in THEir presence, and those\n ambitious courtiers easily discerned, that it was incumbent on\n THEm to second, by THEir eloquence, THE importunate violence of\n THE C¾sar. It may be presumed, that THEy insisted on every topic\n which might interest THE pride, THE piety, or THE fears, of THEir\n sovereign in THE destruction of Christianity. Perhaps THEy\n represented, that THE glorious work of THE deliverance of THE\n empire was left imperfect, as long as an independent people was\n permitted to subsist and multiply in THE heart of THE provinces.\n The Christians, (it might specially be alleged,) renouncing THE\n gods and THE institutions of Rome, had constituted a distinct\n republic, which might yet be suppressed before it had acquired\n any military force; but which was already governed by its own\n laws and magistrates, was possessed of a public treasure, and was\n intimately connected in all its parts by THE frequent assemblies\n of THE bishops, to whose decrees THEir numerous and opulent\n congregations yielded an implicit obedience. Arguments like THEse\n may seem to have determined THE reluctant mind of Diocletian to\n embrace a new system of persecution; but though we may suspect,\n it is not in our power to relate, THE secret intrigues of THE\n palace, THE private views and resentments, THE jealousy of women\n or eunuchs, and all those trifling but decisive causes which so\n often influence THE fate of empires, and THE councils of THE\n wisest monarchs. 148\n\n 147 (return) [ De M. P. c. 11. Lactantius (or whoever was THE\n author of this little treatise) was, at that time, an inhabitant\n of Nicomedia; but it seems difficult to conceive how he could\n acquire so accurate a knowledge of what passed in THE Imperial\n cabinet. Note: * Lactantius, who was subsequently chosen by\n Constantine to educate Crispus, might easily have learned THEse\n details from Constantine himself, already of sufficient age to\n interest himself in THE affairs of THE government, and in a\n position to obtain THE best information.ÑG. This assumes THE\n doubtful point of THE authorship of THE Treatise.ÑM.]\n\n 1471 (return) [ This permission was not extorted from Diocletian;\n he took THE step of his own accord. Lactantius says, in truth,\n Nec tamen deflectere potuit (Diocletianus) pr¾cipitis hominis\n insaniam; placuit ergo amicorum sententiam experiri. (De Mort.\n Pers. c. 11.) But this measure was in accordance with THE\n artificial character of Diocletian, who wished to have THE\n appearance of doing good by his own impulse and evil by THE\n impulse of oTHErs. Nam erat hujus maliti¾, cum bonum quid facere\n decrevisse sine consilio faciebat, ut ipse laudaretur. Cum autem\n malum. quoniam id reprehendendum sciebat, in consilium multos\n advocabat, ut alioram culp¾ adscriberetur quicquid ipse\n deliquerat. Lact. ib. Eutropius says likewise, Miratus callide\n fuit, sagax pr¾terea et admodum subtilis ingenio, et qui\n severitatem suam aliena invidia vellet explere. Eutrop. ix. c.\n 26.ÑG.ÑÑThe manner in which THE coarse and unfriendly pencil of\n THE author of THE Treatise de Mort. Pers. has drawn THE character\n of Diocletian, seems inconsistent with this profound subtilty.\n Many readers will perhaps agree with Gibbon.ÑM.]\n\n 148 (return) [ The only circumstance which we can discover, is\n THE devotion and jealousy of THE moTHEr of Galerius. She is\n described by Lactantius, as Deorum montium cultrix; mulier\n admodum superstitiosa. She had a great influence over her son,\n and was offended by THE disregard of some of her Christian\n servants. * Note: This disregard consisted in THE Christians\n fasting and praying instead of participating in THE banquets and\n sacrifices which she celebrated with THE Pagans. Dapibus\n sacrificabat pÏne quotidie ac vicariis suis epulis exhibebat.\n Christiani abstinebant, et illa cum gentibus epulante, jejuniis\n hi et oratiomibus insisteban; hine concepit odium Lact de Hist.\n Pers. c. 11.ÑG.]\n\n The pleasure of THE emperors was at length signified to THE\n Christians, who, during THE course of this melancholy winter, had\n expected, with anxiety, THE result of so many secret\n consultations. The twenty-third of February, which coincided with\n THE Roman festival of THE Terminalia, 149 was appointed (wheTHEr\n from accident or design) to set bounds to THE progress of\n Christianity. At THE earliest dawn of day, THE Pr¾torian pr¾fect,\n 150 accompanied by several generals, tribunes, and officers of\n THE revenue, repaired to THE principal church of Nicomedia, which\n was situated on an eminence in THE most populous and beautiful\n part of THE city. The doors were instantly broke open; THEy\n rushed into THE sanctuary; and as THEy searched in vain for some\n visible object of worship, THEy were obliged to content\n THEmselves with committing to THE flames THE volumes of THE holy\n Scripture. The ministers of Diocletian were followed by a\n numerous body of guards and pioneers, who marched in order of\n battle, and were provided with all THE instruments used in THE\n destruction of fortified cities. By THEir incessant labor, a\n sacred edifice, which towered above THE Imperial palace, and had\n long excited THE indignation and envy of THE Gentiles, was in a\n few hours levelled with THE ground. 151\n\n 149 (return) [ The worship and festival of THE god Terminus are\n elegantly illustrated by M. de Boze, MŽm. de lÕAcadŽmie des\n Inscriptions, tom. i. p. 50.]\n\n 150 (return) [ In our only MS. of Lactantius, we read\n _profectus;_ but reason, and THE authority of all THE critics,\n allow us, instead of that word, which destroys THE sense of THE\n passage, to substitute _prÏfectus_.]\n\n 151 (return) [ Lactantius, de M. P. c. 12, gives a very lively\n picture of THE destruction of THE church.]\n\n The next day THE general edict of persecution was published; 152\n and though Diocletian, still averse to THE effusion of blood, had\n moderated THE fury of Galerius, who proposed, that every one\n refusing to offer sacrifice should immediately be burnt alive,\n THE penalties inflicted on THE obstinacy of THE Christians might\n be deemed sufficiently rigorous and effectual. It was enacted,\n that THEir churches, in all THE provinces of THE empire, should\n be demolished to THEir foundations; and THE punishment of death\n was denounced against all who should presume to hold any secret\n assemblies for THE purpose of religious worship. The\n philosophers, who now assumed THE unworthy office of directing\n THE blind zeal of persecution, had diligently studied THE nature\n and genius of THE Christian religion; and as THEy were not\n ignorant that THE speculative doctrines of THE faith were\n supposed to be contained in THE writings of THE prophets, of THE\n evangelists, and of THE apostles, THEy most probably suggested\n THE order, that THE bishops and presbyters should deliver all\n THEir sacred books into THE hands of THE magistrates; who were\n commanded, under THE severest penalties, to burn THEm in a public\n and solemn manner. By THE same edict, THE property of THE church\n was at once confiscated; and THE several parts of which it might\n consist were eiTHEr sold to THE highest bidder, united to THE\n Imperial domain, bestowed on THE cities and corporations, or\n granted to THE solicitations of rapacious courtiers. After taking\n such effectual measures to abolish THE worship, and to dissolve\n THE government of THE Christians, it was thought necessary to\n subject to THE most intolerable hardships THE condition of those\n perverse individuals who should still reject THE religion of\n nature, of Rome, and of THEir ancestors. Persons of a liberal\n birth were declared incapable of holding any honors or\n employments; slaves were forever deprived of THE hopes of\n freedom, and THE whole body of THE people were put out of THE\n protection of THE law. The judges were authorized to hear and to\n determine every action that was brought against a Christian. But\n THE Christians were not permitted to complain of any injury which\n THEy THEmselves had suffered; and thus those unfortunate\n sectaries were exposed to THE severity, while THEy were excluded\n from THE benefits, of public justice. This new species of\n martyrdom, so painful and lingering, so obscure and ignominious,\n was, perhaps, THE most proper to weary THE constancy of THE\n faithful: nor can it be doubted that THE passions and interest of\n mankind were disposed on this occasion to second THE designs of\n THE emperors. But THE policy of a well-ordered government must\n sometimes have interposed in behalf of THE oppressed Christians;\n 1521 nor was it possible for THE Roman princes entirely to remove\n THE apprehension of punishment, or to connive at every act of\n fraud and violence, without exposing THEir own authority and THE\n rest of THEir subjects to THE most alarming dangers. 153\n\n 152 (return) [ Mosheim, (p. 922Ñ926,) from man scattered passages\n of Lactantius and Eusebius, has collected a very just and\n accurate notion of this edict though he sometimes deviates into\n conjecture and refinement.]\n\n 1521 (return) [ This wants proof. The edict of Diocletian was\n executed in all its right during THE rest of his reign. Euseb.\n Hist. Eccl. l viii. c. 13.ÑG.]\n\n 153 (return) [ Many ages afterwards, Edward J. practised, with\n great success, THE same mode of persecution against THE clergy of\n England. See HumeÕs History of England, vol. ii. p. 300, last 4to\n edition.]\n\n This edict was scarcely exhibited to THE public view, in THE most\n conspicuous place of Nicomedia, before it was torn down by THE\n hands of a Christian, who expressed at THE same time, by THE\n bitterest invectives, his contempt as well as abhorrence for such\n impious and tyrannical governors. His offence, according to THE\n mildest laws, amounted to treason, and deserved death. And if it\n be true that he was a person of rank and education, those\n circumstances could serve only to aggravate his guilt. He was\n burnt, or raTHEr roasted, by a slow fire; and his executioners,\n zealous to revenge THE personal insult which had been offered to\n THE emperors, exhausted every refinement of cruelty, without\n being able to subdue his patience, or to alter THE steady and\n insulting smile which in his dying agonies he still preserved in\n his countenance. The Christians, though THEy confessed that his\n conduct had not been strictly conformable to THE laws of\n prudence, admired THE divine fervor of his zeal; and THE\n excessive commendations which THEy lavished on THE memory of\n THEir hero and martyr, contributed to fix a deep impression of\n terror and hatred in THE mind of Diocletian. 154\n\n 154 (return) [ Lactantius only calls him quidam, et si non recte,\n magno tamer animo, &c., c. 12. Eusebius (l. viii. c. 5) adorns\n him with secular honora NeiTHEr have condescended to mention his\n name; but THE Greeks celebrate his memory under that of John. See\n Tillemont, Memones EcclŽsiastiques, tom. v. part ii. p. 320.]\n\n His fears were soon alarmed by THE view of a danger from which he\n very narrowly escaped. Within fifteen days THE palace of\n Nicomedia, and even THE bed-chamber of Diocletian, were twice in\n flames; and though both times THEy were extinguished without any\n material damage, THE singular repetition of THE fire was justly\n considered as an evident proof that it had not been THE effect of\n chance or negligence. The suspicion naturally fell on THE\n Christians; and it was suggested, with some degree of\n probability, that those desperate fanatics, provoked by THEir\n present sufferings, and apprehensive of impending calamities, had\n entered into a conspiracy with THEir faithful brethren, THE\n eunuchs of THE palace, against THE lives of two emperors, whom\n THEy detested as THE irreconcilable enemies of THE church of God.\n\n Jealousy and resentment prevailed in every breast, but especially\n in that of Diocletian. A great number of persons, distinguished\n eiTHEr by THE offices which THEy had filled, or by THE favor\n which THEy had enjoyed, were thrown into prison. Every mode of\n torture was put in practice, and THE court, as well as city, was\n polluted with many bloody executions. 155 But as it was found\n impossible to extort any discovery of this mysterious\n transaction, it seems incumbent on us eiTHEr to presume THE\n innocence, or to admire THE resolution, of THE sufferers. A few\n days afterwards Galerius hastily withdrew himself from Nicomedia,\n declaring, that if he delayed his departure from that devoted\n palace, he should fall a sacrifice to THE rage of THE Christians.\n\n The ecclesiastical historians, from whom alone we derive a\n partial and imperfect knowledge of this persecution, are at a\n loss how to account for THE fears and dangers of THE emperors.\n Two of THEse writers, a prince and a rhetorician, were\n eye-witnesses of THE fire of Nicomedia. The one ascribes it to\n lightning, and THE divine wrath; THE oTHEr affirms, that it was\n kindled by THE malice of Galerius himself. 156\n\n 155 (return) [ Lactantius de M. P. c. 13, 14. Potentissimi\n quondam Eunuchi necati, per quos Palatium et ipse constabat.\n Eusebius (l. viii. c. 6) mentions THE cruel executions of THE\n eunuchs, Gorgonius and DoroTHEus, and of Anthimius, bishop of\n Nicomedia; and both those writers describe, in a vague but\n tragical manner, THE horrid scenes which were acted even in THE\n Imperial presence.]\n\n 156 (return) [ See Lactantius, Eusebius, and Constantine, ad\n CÏtum Sanctorum, c. xxv. Eusebius confesses his ignorance of THE\n cause of this fire. Note: As THE history of THEse times affords\n us no example of any attempts made by THE Christians against\n THEir persecutors, we have no reason, not THE slightest\n probability, to attribute to THEm THE fire in THE palace; and THE\n authority of Constantine and Lactantius remains to explain it. M.\n de Tillemont has shown how THEy can be reconciled. Hist. des\n Empereurs, Vie de Diocletian, xix.ÑG. Had it been done by a\n Christian, it would probably have been a fanatic, who would have\n avowed and gloried in it. TillemontÕs supposition that THE fire\n was first caused by lightning, and fed and increased by THE\n malice of Galerius, seems singularly improbable.ÑM.]\n\n As THE edict against THE Christians was designed for a general\n law of THE whole empire, and as Diocletian and Galerius, though\n THEy might not wait for THE consent, were assured of THE\n concurrence, of THE Western princes, it would appear more\n consonant to our ideas of policy, that THE governors of all THE\n provinces should have received secret instructions to publish, on\n one and THE same day, this declaration of war within THEir\n respective departments. It was at least to be expected, that THE\n convenience of THE public highways and established posts would\n have enabled THE emperors to transmit THEir orders with THE\n utmost despatch from THE palace of Nicomedia to THE extremities\n of THE Roman world; and that THEy would not have suffered fifty\n days to elapse, before THE edict was published in Syria, and near\n four months before it was signified to THE cities of Africa. 157\n\n This delay may perhaps be imputed to THE cautious temper of\n Diocletian, who had yielded a reluctant consent to THE measures\n of persecution, and who was desirous of trying THE experiment\n under his more immediate eye, before he gave way to THE disorders\n and discontent which it must inevitably occasion in THE distant\n provinces. At first, indeed, THE magistrates were restrained from\n THE effusion of blood; but THE use of every oTHEr severity was\n permitted, and even recommended to THEir zeal; nor could THE\n Christians, though THEy cheerfully resigned THE ornaments of\n THEir churches, resolve to interrupt THEir religious assemblies,\n or to deliver THEir sacred books to THE flames. The pious\n obstinacy of Felix, an African bishop, appears to have\n embarrassed THE subordinate ministers of THE government. The\n curator of his city sent him in chains to THE proconsul. The\n proconsul transmitted him to THE Pr¾torian pr¾fect of Italy; and\n Felix, who disdained even to give an evasive answer, was at\n length beheaded at Venusia, in Lucania, a place on which THE\n birth of Horace has conferred fame. 158 This precedent, and\n perhaps some Imperial rescript, which was issued in consequence\n of it, appeared to authorize THE governors of provinces, in\n punishing with death THE refusal of THE Christians to deliver up\n THEir sacred books. There were undoubtedly many persons who\n embraced this opportunity of obtaining THE crown of martyrdom;\n but THEre were likewise too many who purchased an ignominious\n life, by discovering and betraying THE holy Scripture into THE\n hands of infidels. A great number even of bishops and presbyters\n acquired, by this criminal compliance, THE opprobrious epiTHEt of\n _Traditors;_ and THEir offence was productive of much present\n scandal and of much future discord in THE African church. 159\n\n 157 (return) [ Tillemont, MŽmoires Ecclesiast. tom. v. part i. p.\n 43.]\n\n 158 (return) [ See THE Acta Sincera of Ruinart, p. 353; those of\n Felix of Thibara, or Tibiur, appear much less corrupted than in\n THE oTHEr editions, which afford a lively specimen of legendary\n license.]\n\n 159 (return) [ See THE first book of Optatus of Milevis against\n THE Donatiste, Paris, 1700, edit. Dupin. He lived under THE reign\n of Valens.]\n\n The copies as well as THE versions of Scripture, were already so\n multiplied in THE empire, that THE most severe inquisition could\n no longer be attended with any fatal consequences; and even THE\n sacrifice of those volumes, which, in every congregation, were\n preserved for public use, required THE consent of some\n treacherous and unworthy Christians. But THE ruin of THE churches\n was easily effected by THE authority of THE government, and by\n THE labor of THE Pagans. In some provinces, however, THE\n magistrates contented THEmselves with shutting up THE places of\n religious worship. In oTHErs, THEy more literally complied with\n THE terms of THE edict; and after taking away THE doors, THE\n benches, and THE pulpit, which THEy burnt as it were in a funeral\n pile, THEy completely demolished THE remainder of THE edifice.\n 160 It is perhaps to this melancholy occasion that we should\n apply a very remarkable story, which is related with so many\n circumstances of variety and improbability, that it serves raTHEr\n to excite than to satisfy our curiosity. In a small town in\n Phrygia, of whose name as well as situation we are left ignorant,\n it should seem that THE magistrates and THE body of THE people\n had embraced THE Christian faith; and as some resistance might be\n apprehended to THE execution of THE edict, THE governor of THE\n province was supported by a numerous detachment of legionaries.\n On THEir approach THE citizens threw THEmselves into THE church,\n with THE resolution eiTHEr of defending by arms that sacred\n edifice, or of perishing in its ruins. They indignantly rejected\n THE notice and permission which was given THEm to retire, till\n THE soldiers, provoked by THEir obstinate refusal, set fire to\n THE building on all sides, and consumed, by this extraordinary\n kind of martyrdom, a great number of Phrygians, with THEir wives\n and children. 161\n\n 160 (return) [ The ancient monuments, published at THE end of\n Optatus, p. 261, &c. describe, in a very circumstantial manner,\n THE proceedings of THE governors in THE destruction of churches.\n They made a minute inventory of THE plate, &c., which THEy found\n in THEm. That of THE church of Cirta, in Numidia, is still\n extant. It consisted of two chalices of gold, and six of silver;\n six urns, one kettle, seven lamps, all likewise of silver;\n besides a large quantity of brass utensils, and wearing apparel.]\n\n 161 (return) [ Lactantius (Institut. Divin. v. 11) confines THE\n calamity to THE _conventiculum_, with its congregation. Eusebius\n (viii. 11) extends it to a whole city, and introduces something\n very like a regular siege. His ancient Latin translator, Rufinus,\n adds THE important circumstance of THE permission given to THE\n inhabitants of retiring from THEnce. As Phrygia reached to THE\n confines of Isauria, it is possible that THE restless temper of\n those independent barbarians may have contributed to this\n misfortune. Note: Universum populum. Lact. Inst. Div. v. 11.ÑG.]\n\n Some slight disturbances, though THEy were suppressed almost as\n soon as excited, in Syria and THE frontiers of Armenia, afforded\n THE enemies of THE church a very plausible occasion to insinuate,\n that those troubles had been secretly fomented by THE intrigues\n of THE bishops, who had already forgotten THEir ostentatious\n professions of passive and unlimited obedience. 162\n\n The resentment, or THE fears, of Diocletian, at length\n transported him beyond THE bounds of moderation, which he had\n hiTHErto preserved, and he declared, in a series of cruel edicts,\n 1621 his intention of abolishing THE Christian name. By THE first\n of THEse edicts, THE governors of THE provinces were directed to\n apprehend all persons of THE ecclesiastical order; and THE\n prisons, destined for THE vilest criminals, were soon filled with\n a multitude of bishops, presbyters, deacons, readers, and\n exorcists. By a second edict, THE magistrates were commanded to\n employ every method of severity, which might reclaim THEm from\n THEir odious superstition, and oblige THEm to return to THE\n established worship of THE gods. This rigorous order was\n extended, by a subsequent edict, to THE whole body of Christians,\n who were exposed to a violent and general persecution. 163\n\n Instead of those salutary restraints, which had required THE\n direct and solemn testimony of an accuser, it became THE duty as\n well as THE interest of THE Imperial officers to discover, to\n pursue, and to torment THE most obnoxious among THE faithful.\n Heavy penalties were denounced against all who should presume to\n save a prescribed sectary from THE just indignation of THE gods,\n and of THE emperors. Yet, notwithstanding THE severity of this\n law, THE virtuous courage of many of THE Pagans, in concealing\n THEir friends or relations, affords an honorable proof, that THE\n rage of superstition had not extinguished in THEir minds THE\n sentiments of nature and humanity. 164\n\n 162 (return) [ Eusebius, l. viii. c. 6. M. de Valois (with some\n probability) thinks that he has discovered THE Syrian rebellion\n in an oration of Libanius; and that it was a rash attempt of THE\n tribune Eugenius, who with only five hundred men seized Antioch,\n and might perhaps allure THE Christians by THE promise of\n religious toleration. From Eusebius, (l. ix. c. 8,) as well as\n from Moses of Chorene, (Hist. Armen. l. ii. 77, &c.,) it may be\n inferred, that Christianity was already introduced into Armenia.]\n\n 1621 (return) [ He had already passed THEm in his first edict. It\n does not appear that resentment or fear had any share in THE new\n persecutions: perhaps THEy originated in superstition, and a\n specious apparent respect for its ministers. The oracle of\n Apollo, consulted by Diocletian, gave no answer; and said that\n just men hindered it from speaking. Constantine, who assisted at\n THE ceremony, affirms, with an oath, that when questioned about\n THEse men, THE high priest named THE Christians. ÒThe Emperor\n eagerly seized on this answer; and drew against THE innocent a\n sword, destined only to punish THE guilty: he instantly issued\n edicts, written, if I may use THE expression, with a poniard; and\n ordered THE judges to employ all THEir skill to invent new modes\n of punishment. Euseb. Vit Constant. l. ii c 54.ÓÑG.]\n\n 163 (return) [ See Mosheim, p. 938: THE text of Eusebius very\n plainly shows that THE governors, whose powers were enlarged, not\n restrained, by THE new laws, could punish with death THE most\n obstinate Christians as an example to THEir brethren.]\n\n 164 (return) [ Athanasius, p. 833, ap. Tillemont, MŽm.\n Ecclesiast. tom v part i. 90.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To\n Constantine.ÑPart VII.\n\n\n Diocletian had no sooner published his edicts against THE\n Christians, than, as if he had been desirous of committing to\n oTHEr hands THE work of persecution, he divested himself of THE\n Imperial purple. The character and situation of his colleagues\n and successors sometimes urged THEm to enforce and sometimes\n inclined THEm to suspend, THE execution of THEse rigorous laws;\n nor can we acquire a just and distinct idea of this important\n period of ecclesiastical history, unless we separately consider\n THE state of Christianity, in THE different parts of THE empire,\n during THE space of ten years, which elapsed between THE first\n edicts of Diocletian and THE final peace of THE church.\n\n The mild and humane temper of Constantius was averse to THE\n oppression of any part of his subjects. The principal offices of\n his palace were exercised by Christians. He loved THEir persons,\n esteemed THEir fidelity, and entertained not any dislike to THEir\n religious principles. But as long as Constantius remained in THE\n subordinate station of C¾sar, it was not in his power openly to\n reject THE edicts of Diocletian, or to disobey THE commands of\n Maximian. His authority contributed, however, to alleviate THE\n sufferings which he pitied and abhorred. He consented with\n reluctance to THE ruin of THE churches; but he ventured to\n protect THE Christians THEmselves from THE fury of THE populace,\n and from THE rigor of THE laws. The provinces of Gaul (under\n which we may probably include those of Britain) were indebted for\n THE singular tranquillity which THEy enjoyed, to THE gentle\n interposition of THEir sovereign. 165 But Datianus, THE president\n or governor of Spain, actuated eiTHEr by zeal or policy, chose\n raTHEr to execute THE public edicts of THE emperors, than to\n understand THE secret intentions of Constantius; and it can\n scarcely be doubted, that his provincial administration was\n stained with THE blood of a few martyrs. 166\n\n The elevation of Constantius to THE supreme and independent\n dignity of Augustus, gave a free scope to THE exercise of his\n virtues, and THE shortness of his reign did not prevent him from\n establishing a system of toleration, of which he left THE precept\n and THE example to his son Constantine. His fortunate son, from\n THE first moment of his accession, declaring himself THE\n protector of THE church, at length deserved THE appellation of\n THE first emperor who publicly professed and established THE\n Christian religion. The motives of his conversion, as THEy may\n variously be deduced from benevolence, from policy, from\n conviction, or from remorse, and THE progress of THE revolution,\n which, under his powerful influence and that of his sons,\n rendered Christianity THE reigning religion of THE Roman empire,\n will form a very interesting and important chapter in THE present\n volume of this history. At present it may be sufficient to\n observe, that every victory of Constantine was productive of some\n relief or benefit to THE church.\n\n 165 (return) [ Eusebius, l. viii. c. 13. Lactantius de M. P. c.\n 15. Dodwell (Dissertat. Cyprian. xi. 75) represents THEm as\n inconsistent with each oTHEr. But THE former evidently speaks of\n Constantius in THE station of C¾sar, and THE latter of THE same\n prince in THE rank of Augustus.]\n\n 166 (return) [ Datianus is mentioned, in GruterÕs Inscriptions,\n as having determined THE limits between THE territories of Pax\n Julia, and those of Ebora, both cities in THE souTHErn part of\n Lusitania. If we recollect THE neighborhood of those places to\n Cape St. Vincent, we may suspect that THE celebrated deacon and\n martyr of that name had been inaccurately assigned by Prudentius,\n &c., to Saragossa, or Valentia. See THE pompous history of his\n sufferings, in THE MŽmoires de Tillemont, tom. v. part ii. p.\n 58-85. Some critics are of opinion, that THE department of\n Constantius, as C¾sar, did not include Spain, which still\n continued under THE immediate jurisdiction of Maximian.]\n\n The provinces of Italy and Africa experienced a short but violent\n persecution. The rigorous edicts of Diocletian were strictly and\n cheerfully executed by his associate Maximian, who had long hated\n THE Christians, and who delighted in acts of blood and violence.\n In THE autumn of THE first year of THE persecution, THE two\n emperors met at Rome to celebrate THEir triumph; several\n oppressive laws appear to have issued from THEir secret\n consultations, and THE diligence of THE magistrates was animated\n by THE presence of THEir sovereigns. After Diocletian had\n divested himself of THE purple, Italy and Africa were\n administered under THE name of Severus, and were exposed, without\n defence, to THE implacable resentment of his master Galerius.\n Among THE martyrs of Rome, Adauctus deserves THE notice of\n posterity. He was of a noble family in Italy, and had raised\n himself, through THE successive honors of THE palace, to THE\n important office of treasurer of THE private Jemesnes. Adauctus\n is THE more remarkable for being THE only person of rank and\n distinction who appears to have suffered death, during THE whole\n course of this general persecution. 167\n\n 167 (return) [ Eusebius, l. viii. c. 11. Gruter, Inscrip. p.\n 1171, No. 18. Rufinus has mistaken THE office of Adauctus, as\n well as THE place of his martyrdom. * Note: M. Guizot suggests\n THE powerful cunuchs of THE palace. DoroTHEus, Gorgonius, and\n Andrew, admitted by Gibbon himself to have been put to death, p.\n 66.]\n\n The revolt of Maxentius immediately restored peace to THE\n churches of Italy and Africa; and THE same tyrant who oppressed\n every oTHEr class of his subjects, showed himself just, humane,\n and even partial, towards THE afflicted Christians. He depended\n on THEir gratitude and affection, and very naturally presumed,\n that THE injuries which THEy had suffered, and THE dangers which\n THEy still apprehended from his most inveterate enemy, would\n secure THE fidelity of a party already considerable by THEir\n numbers and opulence. 168 Even THE conduct of Maxentius towards\n THE bishops of Rome and Carthage may be considered as THE proof\n of his toleration, since it is probable that THE most orthodox\n princes would adopt THE same measures with regard to THEir\n established clergy. Marcellus, THE former of THEse prelates, had\n thrown THE capital into confusion, by THE severe penance which he\n imposed on a great number of Christians, who, during THE late\n persecution, had renounced or dissembled THEir religion. The rage\n of faction broke out in frequent and violent seditions; THE blood\n of THE faithful was shed by each oTHErÕs hands, and THE exile of\n Marcellus, whose prudence seems to have been less eminent than\n his zeal, was found to be THE only measure capable of restoring\n peace to THE distracted church of Rome. 169 The behavior of\n Mensurius, bishop of Carthage, appears to have been still more\n reprehensible. A deacon of that city had published a libel\n against THE emperor. The offender took refuge in THE episcopal\n palace; and though it was somewhat early to advance any claims of\n ecclesiastical immunities, THE bishop refused to deliver him up\n to THE officers of justice. For this treasonable resistance,\n Mensurius was summoned to court, and instead of receiving a legal\n sentence of death or banishment, he was permitted, after a short\n examination, to return to his diocese. 170 Such was THE happy\n condition of THE Christian subjects of Maxentius, that whenever\n THEy were desirous of procuring for THEir own use any bodies of\n martyrs, THEy were obliged to purchase THEm from THE most distant\n provinces of THE East. A story is related of Aglae, a Roman lady,\n descended from a consular family, and possessed of so ample an\n estate, that it required THE management of seventy-three\n stewards. Among THEse Boniface was THE favorite of his mistress;\n and as Aglae mixed love with devotion, it is reported that he was\n admitted to share her bed. Her fortune enabled her to gratify THE\n pious desire of obtaining some sacred relics from THE East. She\n intrusted Boniface with a considerable sum of gold, and a large\n quantity of aromatics; and her lover, attended by twelve horsemen\n and three covered chariots, undertook a remote pilgrimage, as far\n as Tarsus in Cilicia. 171\n\n 168 (return) [ Eusebius, l. viii. c. 14. But as Maxentius was\n vanquished by Constantine, it suited THE purpose of Lactantius to\n place his death among those of THE persecutors. * Note: M. Guizot\n directly contradicts this statement of Gibbon, and appeals to\n Eusebius. Maxentius, who assumed THE power in Italy, pretended at\n first to be a Christian, to gain THE favor of THE Roman people;\n he ordered his ministers to cease to persecute THE Christians,\n affecting a hypocritical piety, in order to appear more mild than\n his predecessors; but his actions soon proved that he was very\n different from what THEy had at first hoped. The actions of\n Maxentius were those of a cruel tyrant, but not those of a\n persecutor: THE Christians, like THE rest of his subjects,\n suffered from his vices, but THEy were not oppressed as a sect.\n Christian females were exposed to his lusts, as well as to THE\n brutal violence of his colleague Maximian, but THEy were not\n selected as Christians.ÑM.]\n\n 169 (return) [ The epitaph of Marcellus is to be found in Gruter,\n Inscrip. p 1172, No. 3, and it contains all that we know of his\n history. Marcellinus and Marcellus, whose names follow in THE\n list of popes, are supposed by many critics to be different\n persons; but THE learned AbbŽ de Longuerue was convinced that\n THEy were one and THE same.\n\n Veridicus rector lapsis quia crimina flere\n Pr¾dixit miseris, fuit omnibus hostis amarus.\n Hinc furor, hinc odium; sequitur discordia, lites,\n Seditio, c¾des; solvuntur fÏdera pacis.\n Crimen ob alterius, Christum qui in pace negavit\n Finibus expulsus patri¾ est feritate Tyranni.\n H¾c breviter Damasus voluit comperta referre:\n Marcelli populus meritum cognoscere posset.\n\n We may observe that Damasus was made Bishop of Rome, A. D. 366.]\n\n 170 (return) [ Optatus contr. Donatist. l. i. c. 17, 18. * Note:\n The words of Optatus are, Profectus (Roman) causam dixit; jussus\n con reverti Carthaginem; perhaps, in pleading his cause, he\n exculpated himself, since he received an order to return to\n Carthage.ÑG.]\n\n 171 (return) [ The Acts of THE Passion of St. Boniface, which\n abound in miracles and declamation, are published by Ruinart, (p.\n 283Ñ291,) both in Greek and Latin, from THE authority of very\n ancient manuscripts. Note: We are ignorant wheTHEr Aglae and\n Boniface were Christians at THE time of THEir unlawful\n connection. See Tillemont. Mem, Eccles. Note on THE Persecution\n of Domitian, tom. v. note 82. M. de Tillemont proves also that\n THE history is doubtful.ÑG. ÑÑSir D. Dalrymple (Lord Hailes)\n calls THE story of Aglae and Boniface as of equal authority with\n our _popular_ histories of Whittington and Hickathrift. Christian\n Antiquities, ii. 64.ÑM.]\n\n The sanguinary temper of Galerius, THE first and principal author\n of THE persecution, was formidable to those Christians whom THEir\n misfortunes had placed within THE limits of his dominions; and it\n may fairly be presumed that many persons of a middle rank, who\n were not confined by THE chains eiTHEr of wealth or of poverty,\n very frequently deserted THEir native country, and sought a\n refuge in THE milder climate of THE West. 1711 As long as he\n commanded only THE armies and provinces of Illyricum, he could\n with difficulty eiTHEr find or make a considerable number of\n martyrs, in a warlike country, which had entertained THE\n missionaries of THE gospel with more coldness and reluctance than\n any oTHEr part of THE empire. 172 But when Galerius had obtained\n THE supreme power, and THE government of THE East, he indulged in\n THEir fullest extent his zeal and cruelty, not only in THE\n provinces of Thrace and Asia, which acknowledged his immediate\n jurisdiction, but in those of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, where\n Maximin gratified his own inclination, by yielding a rigorous\n obedience to THE stern commands of his benefactor. 173 The\n frequent disappointments of his ambitious views, THE experience\n of six years of persecution, and THE salutary reflections which a\n lingering and painful distemper suggested to THE mind of\n Galerius, at length convinced him that THE most violent efforts\n of despotism are insufficient to extirpate a whole people, or to\n subdue THEir religious prejudices. Desirous of repairing THE\n mischief that he had occasioned, he published in his own name,\n and in those of Licinius and Constantine, a general edict, which,\n after a pompous recital of THE Imperial titles, proceeded in THE\n following manner:Ñ\n\n 1711 (return) [ A little after this, Christianity was propagated\n to THE north of THE Roman provinces, among THE tribes of Germany:\n a multitude of Christians, forced by THE persecutions of THE\n Emperors to take refuge among THE Barbarians, were received with\n kindness. Euseb. de Vit. Constant. ii. 53. Semler Select. cap. H.\n E. p. 115. The Goths owed THEir first knowledge of Christianity\n to a young girl, a prisoner of war; she continued in THE midst of\n THEm her exercises of piety; she fasted, prayed, and praised God\n day and night. When she was asked what good would come of so much\n painful trouble she answered, ÒIt is thus that Christ, THE Son of\n God, is to be honored.Ó Sozomen, ii. c. 6.ÑG.]\n\n 172 (return) [ During THE four first centuries, THEre exist few\n traces of eiTHEr bishops or bishoprics in THE western Illyricum.\n It has been thought probable that THE primate of Milan extended\n his jurisdiction over Sirmium, THE capital of that great\n province. See THE Geographia Sacra of Charles de St. Paul, p.\n 68-76, with THE observations of Lucas Holstenius.]\n\n 173 (return) [ The viiith book of Eusebius, as well as THE\n supplement concerning THE martyrs of Palestine, principally\n relate to THE persecution of Galerius and Maximin. The general\n lamentations with which Lactantius opens THE vth book of his\n Divine Institutions allude to THEir cruelty.] ÒAmong THE\n important cares which have occupied our mind for THE utility and\n preservation of THE empire, it was our intention to correct and\n reestablish all things according to THE ancient laws and public\n discipline of THE Romans. We were particularly desirous of\n reclaiming into THE way of reason and nature, THE deluded\n Christians who had renounced THE religion and ceremonies\n instituted by THEir faTHErs; and presumptuously despising THE\n practice of antiquity, had invented extravagant laws and\n opinions, according to THE dictates of THEir fancy, and had\n collected a various society from THE different provinces of our\n empire. The edicts, which we have published to enforce THE\n worship of THE gods, having exposed many of THE Christians to\n danger and distress, many having suffered death, and many more,\n who still persist in THEir impious folly, being left destitute of\n _any_ public exercise of religion, we are disposed to extend to\n those unhappy men THE effects of our wonted clemency. We permit\n THEm THErefore freely to profess THEir private opinions, and to\n assemble in THEir conventicles without fear or molestation,\n provided always that THEy preserve a due respect to THE\n established laws and government. By anoTHEr rescript we shall\n signify our intentions to THE judges and magistrates; and we hope\n that our indulgence will engage THE Christians to offer up THEir\n prayers to THE Deity whom THEy adore, for our safety and\n prosperity for THEir own, and for that of THE republic.Ó 174 It\n is not usually in THE language of edicts and manifestos that we\n should search for THE real character or THE secret motives of\n princes; but as THEse were THE words of a dying emperor, his\n situation, perhaps, may be admitted as a pledge of his sincerity.\n\n 174 (return) [ Eusebius (l. viii. c. 17) has given us a Greek\n version, and Lactantius (de M. P. c. 34) THE Latin original, of\n this memorable edict. NeiTHEr of THEse writers seems to recollect\n how directly it contradicts whatever THEy have just affirmed of\n THE remorse and repentance of Galerius. Note: But Gibbon has\n answered this by his just observation, that it is not in THE\n language of edicts and manifestos that we should search * * for\n THE secre motives of princes.ÑM.]\n\n When Galerius subscribed this edict of toleration, he was well\n assured that Licinius would readily comply with THE inclinations\n of his friend and benefactor, and that any measures in favor of\n THE Christians would obtain THE approbation of Constantine. But\n THE emperor would not venture to insert in THE preamble THE name\n of Maximin, whose consent was of THE greatest importance, and who\n succeeded a few days afterwards to THE provinces of Asia. In THE\n first six months, however, of his new reign, Maximin affected to\n adopt THE prudent counsels of his predecessor; and though he\n never condescended to secure THE tranquillity of THE church by a\n public edict, Sabinus, his Pr¾torian pr¾fect, addressed a\n circular letter to all THE governors and magistrates of THE\n provinces, expatiating on THE Imperial clemency, acknowledging\n THE invincible obstinacy of THE Christians, and directing THE\n officers of justice to cease THEir ineffectual prosecutions, and\n to connive at THE secret assemblies of those enthusiasts. In\n consequence of THEse orders, great numbers of Christians were\n released from prison, or delivered from THE mines. The\n confessors, singing hymns of triumph, returned into THEir own\n countries; and those who had yielded to THE violence of THE\n tempest, solicited with tears of repentance THEir readmission\n into THE bosom of THE church. 175\n\n 175 (return) [ Eusebius, l. ix. c. 1. He inserts THE epistle of\n THE pr¾fect.]\n\n But this treacherous calm was of short duration; nor could THE\n Christians of THE East place any confidence in THE character of\n THEir sovereign. Cruelty and superstition were THE ruling\n passions of THE soul of Maximin. The former suggested THE means,\n THE latter pointed out THE objects of persecution. The emperor\n was devoted to THE worship of THE gods, to THE study of magic,\n and to THE belief of oracles. The prophets or philosophers, whom\n he revered as THE favorites of Heaven, were frequently raised to\n THE government of provinces, and admitted into his most secret\n councils. They easily convinced him that THE Christians had been\n indebted for THEir victories to THEir regular discipline, and\n that THE weakness of polyTHEism had principally flowed from a\n want of union and subordination among THE ministers of religion.\n A system of government was THErefore instituted, which was\n evidently copied from THE policy of THE church. In all THE great\n cities of THE empire, THE temples were repaired and beautified by\n THE order of Maximin, and THE officiating priests of THE various\n deities were subjected to THE authority of a superior pontiff\n destined to oppose THE bishop, and to promote THE cause of\n paganism. These pontiffs acknowledged, in THEir turn, THE supreme\n jurisdiction of THE metropolitans or high priests of THE\n province, who acted as THE immediate vicegerents of THE emperor\n himself. A white robe was THE ensign of THEir dignity; and THEse\n new prelates were carefully selected from THE most noble and\n opulent families. By THE influence of THE magistrates, and of THE\n sacerdotal order, a great number of dutiful addresses were\n obtained, particularly from THE cities of Nicomedia, Antioch, and\n Tyre, which artfully represented THE well-known intentions of THE\n court as THE general sense of THE people; solicited THE emperor\n to consult THE laws of justice raTHEr than THE dictates of his\n clemency; expressed THEir abhorrence of THE Christians, and\n humbly prayed that those impious sectaries might at least be\n excluded from THE limits of THEir respective territories. The\n answer of Maximin to THE address which he obtained from THE\n citizens of Tyre is still extant. He praises THEir zeal and\n devotion in terms of THE highest satisfaction, descants on THE\n obstinate impiety of THE Christians, and betrays, by THE\n readiness with which he consents to THEir banishment, that he\n considered himself as receiving, raTHEr than as conferring, an\n obligation. The priests as well as THE magistrates were empowered\n to enforce THE execution of his edicts, which were engraved on\n tables of brass; and though it was recommended to THEm to avoid\n THE effusion of blood, THE most cruel and ignominious punishments\n were inflicted on THE refractory Christians. 176\n\n 176 (return) [ See Eusebius, l. viii. c. 14, l. ix. c. 2Ñ8.\n Lactantius de M. P. c. 36. These writers agree in representing\n THE arts of Maximin; but THE former relates THE execution of\n several martyrs, while THE latter expressly affirms, occidi\n servos Dei vetuit. * Note: It is easy to reconcile THEm; it is\n sufficient to quote THE entire text of Lactantius: Nam cum\n clementiam specie tenus profiteretur, occidi servos Dei vetuit,\n debilitari jussit. Itaque confessoribus effodiebantur oculi,\n amputabantur manus, nares vel auricul¾ desecabantur. H¾c ille\n moliens Constantini litteris deterretur. Dissimulavit ergo, et\n tamen, si quis inciderit. mari occulte mergebatur. This detail of\n torments inflicted on THE Christians easily reconciles Lactantius\n and Eusebius. Those who died in consequence of THEir tortures,\n those who were plunged into THE sea, might well pass for martyrs.\n The mutilation of THE words of Lactantius has alone given rise to\n THE apparent contradiction.ÑG. ÑÑEusebius. ch. vi., relates THE\n public martyrdom of THE aged bishop of Emesa, with two oTHErs,\n who were thrown to THE wild beasts, THE beheading of Peter,\n bishop of Alexandria, with several oTHErs, and THE death of\n Lucian, presbyter of Antioch, who was carried to Numidia, and put\n to death in prison. The contradiction is direct and undeniable,\n for although Eusebius may have misplaced THE former martyrdoms,\n it may be doubted wheTHEr THE authority of Maximin extended to\n Nicomedia till after THE death of Galerius. The last edict of\n toleration issued by Maximin and published by Eusebius himself,\n Eccl. Hist. ix. 9. confirms THE statement of Lactantius.ÑM.]\n\n The Asiatic Christians had every thing to dread from THE severity\n of a bigoted monarch who prepared his measures of violence with\n such deliberate policy. But a few months had scarcely elapsed\n before THE edicts published by THE two Western emperors obliged\n Maximin to suspend THE prosecution of his designs: THE civil war\n which he so rashly undertook against Licinius employed all his\n attention; and THE defeat and death of Maximin soon delivered THE\n church from THE last and most implacable of her enemies. 177\n\n 177 (return) [ A few days before his death, he published a very\n ample edict of toleration, in which he imputes all THE severities\n which THE Christians suffered to THE judges and governors, who\n had misunderstood his intentions.See THE edict of Eusebius, l.\n ix. c. 10.]\n\n In this general view of THE persecution, which was first\n authorized by THE edicts of Diocletian, I have purposely\n refrained from describing THE particular sufferings and deaths of\n THE Christian martyrs. It would have been an easy task, from THE\n history of Eusebius, from THE declamations of Lactantius, and\n from THE most ancient acts, to collect a long series of horrid\n and disgustful pictures, and to fill many pages with racks and\n scourges, with iron hooks and red-hot beds, and with all THE\n variety of tortures which fire and steel, savage beasts, and more\n savage executioners, could inflict upon THE human body. These\n melancholy scenes might be enlivened by a crowd of visions and\n miracles destined eiTHEr to delay THE death, to celebrate THE\n triumph, or to discover THE relics of those canonized saints who\n suffered for THE name of Christ. But I cannot determine what I\n ought to transcribe, till I am satisfied how much I ought to\n believe. The gravest of THE ecclesiastical historians, Eusebius\n himself, indirectly confesses, that he has related whatever might\n redound to THE glory, and that he has suppressed all that could\n tend to THE disgrace, of religion. 178 Such an acknowledgment\n will naturally excite a suspicion that a writer who has so openly\n violated one of THE fundamental laws of history, has not paid a\n very strict regard to THE observance of THE oTHEr; and THE\n suspicion will derive additional credit from THE character of\n Eusebius, 1781 which was less tinctured with credulity, and more\n practised in THE arts of courts, than that of almost any of his\n contemporaries. On some particular occasions, when THE\n magistrates were exasperated by some personal motives of interest\n or resentment, THE rules of prudence, and perhaps of decency, to\n overturn THE altars, to pour out imprecations against THE\n emperors, or to strike THE judge as he sat on his tribunal, it\n may be presumed, that every mode of torture which cruelty could\n invent, or constancy could endure, was exhausted on those devoted\n victims. 179 Two circumstances, however, have been unwarily\n mentioned, which insinuate that THE general treatment of THE\n Christians, who had been apprehended by THE officers of justice,\n was less intolerable than it is usually imagined to have been. 1.\n The confessors who were condemned to work in THE mines were\n permitted by THE humanity or THE negligence of THEir keepers to\n build chapels, and freely to profess THEir religion in THE midst\n of those dreary habitations. 180 2. The bishops were obliged to\n check and to censure THE forward zeal of THE Christians, who\n voluntarily threw THEmselves into THE hands of THE magistrates.\n Some of THEse were persons oppressed by poverty and debts, who\n blindly sought to terminate a miserable existence by a glorious\n death. OTHErs were allured by THE hope that a short confinement\n would expiate THE sins of a whole life; and oTHErs again were\n actuated by THE less honorable motive of deriving a plentiful\n subsistence, and perhaps a considerable profit, from THE alms\n which THE charity of THE faithful bestowed on THE prisoners. 181\n After THE church had triumphed over all her enemies, THE interest\n as well as vanity of THE captives prompted THEm to magnify THE\n merit of THEir respective sufferings. A convenient distance of\n time or place gave an ample scope to THE progress of fiction; and\n THE frequent instances which might be alleged of holy martyrs,\n whose wounds had been instantly healed, whose strength had been\n renewed, and whose lost members had miraculously been restored,\n were extremely convenient for THE purpose of removing every\n difficulty, and of silencing every objection. The most\n extravagant legends, as THEy conduced to THE honor of THE church,\n were applauded by THE credulous multitude, countenanced by THE\n power of THE clergy, and attested by THE suspicious evidence of\n ecclesiastical history.\n\n 178 (return) [ Such is THE _fair_ deduction from two remarkable\n passages in Eusebius, l. viii. c. 2, and de Martyr. Palestin. c.\n 12. The prudence of THE historian has exposed his own character\n to censure and suspicion. It was well known that he himself had\n been thrown into prison; and it was suggested that he had\n purchased his deliverance by some dishonorable compliance. The\n reproach was urged in his lifetime, and even in his presence, at\n THE council of Tyre. See Tillemont, MŽmoires EcclŽsiastiques,\n tom. viii. part i. p. 67.]\n\n 1781 (return) [ Historical criticism does not consist in\n rejecting indiscriminately all THE facts which do not agree with\n a particular system, as Gibbon does in this chapter, in which,\n except at THE last extremity, he will not consent to believe a\n martyrdom. Authorities are to be weighed, not excluded from\n examination. Now, THE Pagan historians justify in many places THE\n detail which have been transmitted to us by THE historians of THE\n church, concerning THE tortures endured by THE Christians. Celsus\n reproaches THE Christians with holding THEir assemblies in\n secret, on account of THE fear inspired by THEir sufferings, Òfor\n when you are arrested,Ó he says, Òyou are dragged to punishment:\n and, before you are put to death, you have to suffer all kinds of\n tortures.Ó Origen cont. Cels. l. i. ii. vi. viii. passing.\n Libanius, THE panegyrist of Julian, says, while speaking of THE\n Christians. ÒThose who followed a corrupt religion were in\n continual apprehensions; THEy feared lest Julian should invent\n tortures still more refined than those to which THEy had been\n exposed before, as mutilation, burning alive, &c.; for THE\n emperors had inflicted upon THEm all THEse barbarities.Ó Lib.\n Parent in Julian. ap. Fab. Bib. Gr¾c. No. 9, No. 58, p. 283ÑG.\n ÑÑThis sentence of Gibbon has given rise to several learned\n dissertation: Mšller, de Fide Eusebii C¾sar, &c., Havni¾, 1813.\n Danzius, de Eusebio C¾s. Hist. Eccl. Scriptore, ejusque tide\n historica recte ¾stimand‰, &c., Jen¾, 1815. Kestner Commentatio\n de Eusebii Hist. Eccles. conditoris auctoritate et fide, &c. See\n also Reuterdahl, de Fontibus Histori¾ Eccles. Eusebian¾, Lond.\n Goth., 1826. GibbonÕs inference may appear stronger than THE text\n will warrant, yet it is difficult, after reading THE passages, to\n dismiss all suspicion of partiality from THE mind.ÑM.]\n\n 179 (return) [ The ancient, and perhaps auTHEntic, account of THE\n sufferings of Tarachus and his companions, (Acta Sincera Ruinart,\n p. 419Ñ448,) is filled with strong expressions of resentment and\n contempt, which could not fail of irritating THE magistrate. The\n behavior of ®desius to Hierocles, pr¾fect of Egypt, was still\n more extraordinary. Euseb. de Martyr. Palestin. c. 5. * Note: M.\n Guizot states, that THE acts of Tarachus and his companion\n contain nothing that appears dictated by violent feelings,\n (sentiment outrŽ.) Nothing can be more painful than THE constant\n attempt of Gibbon throughout this discussion, to find some flaw\n in THE virtue and heroism of THE martyrs, some extenuation for\n THE cruelty of THE persecutors. But truth must not be sacrificed\n even to well-grounded moral indignation. Though THE language of\n THEse martyrs is in great part that of calm de fiance, of noble\n firmness, yet THEre are many expressions which betray Òresentment\n and contempt.Ó ÒChildren of Satan, worshippers of Devils,Ó is\n THEir common appellation of THE heaTHEn. One of THEm calls THE\n judge anoTHEr, one curses, and declares that he will curse THE\n Emperors, as pestilential and bloodthirsty tyrants, whom God will\n soon visit in his wrath. On THE oTHEr hand, though at first THEy\n speak THE milder language of persuasion, THE cold barbarity of\n THE judges and officers might surely have called forth one\n sentence of abhorrence from Gibbon. On THE first unsatisfactory\n answer, ÒBreak his jaw,Ó is THE order of THE judge. They direct\n and witness THE most excruciating tortures; THE people, as M.\n Guizot observers, were so much revolted by THE cruelty of Maximus\n that when THE martyrs appeared in THE amphiTHEatre, fear seized\n on all hearts, and general murmurs against THE unjust judge rank\n through THE assembly. It is singular, at least, that Gibbon\n should have quoted Òas probably auTHEntic,Ó acts so much\n embellished with miracle as THEse of Tarachus are, particularly\n towards THE end.ÑM. * Note: Scarcely were THE authorities\n informed of this, than THE president of THE province, a man, says\n Eusebius, harsh and cruel, banished THE confessors, some to\n Cyprus, oTHErs to different parts of Palestine, and ordered THEm\n to be tormented by being set to THE most painful labors. Four of\n THEm, whom he required to abjure THEir faith and refused, were\n burnt alive. Euseb. de Mart. Palest. c. xiii.ÑG. Two of THEse\n were bishops; a fifth, Silvanus, bishop of Gaza, was THE last\n martyr; anoTHEr, named John was blinded, but used to officiate,\n and recite from memory long passages of THE sacred writingsÑM.]\n\n 180 (return) [ Euseb. de Martyr. Palestin. c. 13.]\n\n 181 (return) [ Augustin. Collat. Carthagin. Dei, iii. c. 13, ap.\n Tillanant, MŽmoires EcclŽsiastiques, tom. v. part i. p. 46. The\n controversy with THE Donatists, has reflected some, though\n perhaps a partial, light on THE history of THE African church.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To\n Constantine.ÑPart VIII.\n\n\n The vague descriptions of exile and imprisonment, of pain and\n torture, are so easily exaggerated or softened by THE pencil of\n an artful orator, 1811 that we are naturally induced to inquire\n into a fact of a more distinct and stubborn kind; THE number of\n persons who suffered death in consequence of THE edicts published\n by Diocletian, his associates, and his successors. The recent\n legendaries record whole armies and cities, which were at once\n swept away by THE undistinguishing rage of persecution. The more\n ancient writers content THEmselves with pouring out a liberal\n effusion of loose and tragical invectives, without condescending\n to ascertain THE precise number of those persons who were\n permitted to seal with THEir blood THEir belief of THE gospel.\n From THE history of Eusebius, it may, however, be collected, that\n only nine bishops were punished with death; and we are assured,\n by his particular enumeration of THE martyrs of Palestine, 182\n that no more than ninety-two Christians were entitled to that\n honorable appellation. 1821 As we are unacquainted with THE\n degree of episcopal zeal and courage which prevailed at that\n time, it is not in our power to draw any useful inferences from\n THE former of THEse facts: but THE latter may serve to justify a\n very important and probable conclusion. According to THE\n distribution of Roman provinces, Palestine may be considered as\n THE sixteenth part of THE Eastern empire: 183 and since THEre\n were some governors, who from a real or affected clemency had\n preserved THEir hands unstained with THE blood of THE faithful,\n 184 it is reasonable to believe, that THE country which had given\n birth to Christianity, produced at least THE sixteenth part of\n THE martyrs who suffered death within THE dominions of Galerius\n and Maximin; THE whole might consequently amount to about fifteen\n hundred, a number which, if it is equally divided between THE ten\n years of THE persecution, will allow an annual consumption of one\n hundred and fifty martyrs. Allotting THE same proportion to THE\n provinces of Italy, Africa, and perhaps Spain, where, at THE end\n of two or three years, THE rigor of THE penal laws was eiTHEr\n suspended or abolished, THE multitude of Christians in THE Roman\n empire, on whom a capital punishment was inflicted by a judicia,\n sentence, will be reduced to somewhat less than two thousand\n persons. Since it cannot be doubted that THE Christians were more\n numerous, and THEir enemies more exasperated, in THE time of\n Diocletian, than THEy had ever been in any former persecution,\n this probable and moderate computation may teach us to estimate\n THE number of primitive saints and martyrs who sacrificed THEir\n lives for THE important purpose of introducing Christianity into\n THE world.\n\n 1811 (return) [ Perhaps THEre never was an instance of an author\n committing so deliberately THE fault which he reprobates so\n strongly in oTHErs. What is THE dexterous management of THE more\n inartificial historians of Christianity, in exaggerating THE\n numbers of THE martyrs, compared to THE unfair address with which\n Gibbon here quietly dismisses from THE account all THE horrible\n and excruciating tortures which fell short of death? The reader\n may refer to THE xiith chapter (book viii.) of Eusebius for THE\n description and for THE scenes of THEse tortures.ÑM.]\n\n 182 (return) [ Eusebius de Martyr. Palestin. c. 13. He closes his\n narration by assuring us that THEse were THE martyrdoms inflicted\n in Palestine, during THE _whole_ course of THE persecution. The\n 9th chapter of his viiith book, which relates to THE province of\n Thebais in Egypt, may seem to contradict our moderate\n computation; but it will only lead us to admire THE artful\n management of THE historian. Choosing for THE scene of THE most\n exquisite cruelty THE most remote and sequestered country of THE\n Roman empire, he relates that in Thebais from ten to one hundred\n persons had frequently suffered martyrdom in THE same day. But\n when he proceeds to mention his own journey into Egypt, his\n language insensibly becomes more cautious and moderate. Instead\n of a large, but definite number, he speaks of many Christians,\n and most artfully selects two ambiguous words, which may signify\n eiTHEr what he had seen, or what he had heard; eiTHEr THE\n expectation, or THE execution of THE punishment. Having thus\n provided a secure evasion, he commits THE equivocal passage to\n his readers and translators; justly conceiving that THEir piety\n would induce THEm to prefer THE most favorable sense. There was\n perhaps some malice in THE remark of Theodorus Metochita, that\n all who, like Eusebius, had been conversant with THE Egyptians,\n delighted in an obscure and intricate style. (See Valesius ad\n loc.)]\n\n 1821 (return) [ This calculation is made from THE martyrs, of\n whom Eusebius speaks by name; but he recognizes a much greater\n number. Thus THE ninth and tenth chapters of his work are\n entitled, ÒOf Antoninus, Zebinus, Germanus, and oTHEr martyrs; of\n Peter THE monk. of Asclepius THE Maroionite, and oTHEr martyrs.Ó\n [Are THEse vague contents of chapters very good authority?ÑM.]\n Speaking of those who suffered under Diocletian, he says, ÒI will\n only relate THE death of one of THEse, from which, THE reader may\n divine what befell THE rest.Ó Hist. Eccl. viii. 6. [This relates\n only to THE martyrs in THE royal household.ÑM.] Dodwell had made,\n before Gibbon, this calculation and THEse objections; but Ruinart\n (Act. Mart. Pref p. 27, _et seq_.) has answered him in a\n peremptory manner: Nobis constat Eusebium in historia infinitos\n passim martyres admisisse. quamvis revera paucorum nomina\n recensuerit. Nec alium Eusebii interpretem quam ipsummet Eusebium\n proferimus, qui (l. iii. c. 33) ait sub Trajano plurimosa ex\n fidelibus martyrii certamen subiisse (l. v. init.) sub Antonino\n et Vero innumerabiles prope martyres per universum orbem\n enituisse affirmat. (L. vi. c. 1.) Severum persecutionem\n concitasse refert, in qua per omnes ubique locorum Ecclesias, ab\n athletis pro pietate certantibus, illustria confecta fuerunt\n martyria. Sic de Decii, sic de Valeriani, persecutionibus\n loquitur, qu¾ an Dodwelli faveant conjectionibus judicet ¾quus\n lector. Even in THE persecutions which Gibbon has represented as\n much more mild than that of Diocletian, THE number of martyrs\n appears much greater than that to which he limits THE martyrs of\n THE latter: and this number is attested by incontestable\n monuments. I will quote but one example. We find among THE\n letters of St. Cyprian one from Lucianus to Celerinus, written\n from THE depth of a prison, in which Lucianus names seventeen of\n his brethren dead, some in THE quarries, some in THE midst of\n tortures some of starvation in prison. Jussi sumus (he proceeds)\n secundum pr¾ ceptum imperatoris, fame et siti necari, et reclusi\n sumus in duabus cellis, ta ut nos afficerent fame et siti et\n ignis vapore.ÑG.]\n\n 183 (return) [ When Palestine was divided into three, THE\n pr¾fecture of THE East contained forty-eight provinces. As THE\n ancient distinctions of nations were long since abolished, THE\n Romans distributed THE provinces according to a general\n proportion of THEir extent and opulence.]\n\n 184 (return) [ Ut gloriari possint nullam se innocentium\n poremisse, nam et ipse audivi aloquos gloriantes, quia\n administratio sua, in hac paris merit incruenta. Lactant.\n Institur. Divin v. 11.]\n\n We shall conclude this chapter by a melancholy truth, which\n obtrudes itself on THE reluctant mind; that even admitting,\n without hesitation or inquiry, all that history has recorded, or\n devotion has feigned, on THE subject of martyrdoms, it must still\n be acknowledged, that THE Christians, in THE course of THEir\n intestine dissensions, have inflicted far greater severities on\n each oTHEr, than THEy had experienced from THE zeal of infidels.\n During THE ages of ignorance which followed THE subversion of THE\n Roman empire in THE West, THE bishops of THE Imperial city\n extended THEir dominion over THE laity as well as clergy of THE\n Latin church. The fabric of superstition which THEy had erected,\n and which might long have defied THE feeble efforts of reason,\n was at length assaulted by a crowd of daring fanatics, who from\n THE twelfth to THE sixteenth century assumed THE popular\n character of reformers. The church of Rome defended by violence\n THE empire which she had acquired by fraud; a system of peace and\n benevolence was soon disgraced by proscriptions, war, massacres,\n and THE institution of THE holy office. And as THE reformers were\n animated by THE love of civil as well as of religious freedom,\n THE Catholic princes connected THEir own interest with that of\n THE clergy, and enforced by fire and THE sword THE terrors of\n spiritual censures. In THE NeTHErlands alone, more than one\n hundred thousand of THE subjects of Charles V. are said to have\n suffered by THE hand of THE executioner; and this extraordinary\n number is attested by Grotius, 185 a man of genius and learning,\n who preserved his moderation amidst THE fury of contending sects,\n and who composed THE annals of his own age and country, at a time\n when THE invention of printing had facilitated THE means of\n intelligence, and increased THE danger of detection.\n\n If we are obliged to submit our belief to THE authority of\n Grotius, it must be allowed, that THE number of Protestants, who\n were executed in a single province and a single reign, far\n exceeded that of THE primitive martyrs in THE space of three\n centuries, and of THE Roman empire. But if THE improbability of\n THE fact itself should prevail over THE weight of evidence; if\n Grotius should be convicted of exaggerating THE merit and\n sufferings of THE Reformers; 186 we shall be naturally led to\n inquire what confidence can be placed in THE doubtful and\n imperfect monuments of ancient credulity; what degree of credit\n can be assigned to a courtly bishop, and a passionate declaimer,\n 1861 who, under THE protection of Constantine, enjoyed THE\n exclusive privilege of recording THE persecutions inflicted on\n THE Christians by THE vanquished rivals or disregarded\n predecessors of THEir gracious sovereign.\n\n 185 (return) [ Grot. Annal. de Rebus Belgicis, l. i. p. 12, edit.\n fol.]\n\n 186 (return) [ Fra Paola (Istoria del Concilio Tridentino, l.\n iii.) reduces THE number of THE Belgic martyrs to 50,000. In\n learning and moderation Fra Paola was not inferior to Grotius.\n The priority of time gives some advantage to THE evidence of THE\n former, which he loses, on THE oTHEr hand, by THE distance of\n Venice from THE NeTHErlands.]\n\n 1861 (return) [ Eusebius and THE author of THE Treatise de\n Mortibus Persecutorum. It is deeply to be regretted that THE\n history of this period rest so much on THE loose and, it must be\n admitted, by no means scrupulous authority of Eusebius.\n Ecclesiastical history is a solemn and melancholy lesson that THE\n best, even THE most sacred, cause will eventually THE least\n departure from truth!ÑM.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.ÑPart I.\n\n Foundation Of Constantinople.ÑPolitical System Constantine, And\n His Successors.ÑMilitary Discipline.ÑThe Palace.ÑThe Finances.\n\n\n The unfortunate Licinius was THE last rival who opposed THE\n greatness, and THE last captive who adorned THE triumph, of\n Constantine. After a tranquil and prosperous reign, THE conquerer\n bequeaTHEd to his family THE inheritance of THE Roman empire; a\n new capital, a new policy, and a new religion; and THE\n innovations which he established have been embraced and\n consecrated by succeeding generations. The age of THE great\n Constantine and his sons is filled with important events; but THE\n historian must be oppressed by THEir number and variety, unless\n he diligently separates from each oTHEr THE scenes which are\n connected only by THE order of time. He will describe THE\n political institutions that gave strength and stability to THE\n empire, before he proceeds to relate THE wars and revolutions\n which hastened its decline. He will adopt THE division unknown to\n THE ancients of civil and ecclesiastical affairs: THE victory of\n THE Christians, and THEir intestine discord, will supply copious\n and distinct materials both for edification and for scandal.\n\n After THE defeat and abdication of Licinius, his victorious rival\n proceeded to lay THE foundations of a city destined to reign in\n future times, THE mistress of THE East, and to survive THE empire\n and religion of Constantine. The motives, wheTHEr of pride or of\n policy, which first induced Diocletian to withdraw himself from\n THE ancient seat of government, had acquired additional weight by\n THE example of his successors, and THE habits of forty years.\n Rome was insensibly confounded with THE dependent kingdoms which\n had once acknowledged her supremacy; and THE country of THE\n C¾sars was viewed with cold indifference by a martial prince,\n born in THE neighborhood of THE Danube, educated in THE courts\n and armies of Asia, and invested with THE purple by THE legions\n of Britain. The Italians, who had received Constantine as THEir\n deliverer, submissively obeyed THE edicts which he sometimes\n condescended to address to THE senate and people of Rome; but\n THEy were seldom honored with THE presence of THEir new\n sovereign. During THE vigor of his age, Constantine, according to\n THE various exigencies of peace and war, moved with slow dignity,\n or with active diligence, along THE frontiers of his extensive\n dominions; and was always prepared to take THE field eiTHEr\n against a foreign or a domestic enemy. But as he gradually\n reached THE summit of prosperity and THE decline of life, he\n began to meditate THE design of fixing in a more permanent\n station THE strength as well as majesty of THE throne. In THE\n choice of an advantageous situation, he preferred THE confines of\n Europe and Asia; to curb with a powerful arm THE barbarians who\n dwelt between THE Danube and THE Tanais; to watch with an eye of\n jealousy THE conduct of THE Persian monarch, who indignantly\n supported THE yoke of an ignominious treaty. With THEse views,\n Diocletian had selected and embellished THE residence of\n Nicomedia: but THE memory of Diocletian was justly abhorred by\n THE protector of THE church: and Constantine was not insensible\n to THE ambition of founding a city which might perpetuate THE\n glory of his own name. During THE late operations of THE war\n against Licinius, he had sufficient opportunity to contemplate,\n both as a soldier and as a statesman, THE incomparable position\n of Byzantium; and to observe how strongly it was guarded by\n nature against a hostile attack, whilst it was accessible on\n every side to THE benefits of commercial intercourse. Many ages\n before Constantine, one of THE most judicious historians of\n antiquity1 had described THE advantages of a situation, from\n whence a feeble colony of Greeks derived THE command of THE sea,\n and THE honors of a flourishing and independent republic. 2\n\n 1 (return) [ Polybius, l. iv. p. 423, edit. Casaubon. He observes\n that THE peace of THE Byzantines was frequently disturbed, and\n THE extent of THEir territory contracted, by THE inroads of THE\n wild Thracians.]\n\n 2 (return) [ The navigator Byzas, who was styled THE son of\n Neptune, founded THE city 656 years before THE Christian ¾ra. His\n followers were drawn from Argos and Megara. Byzantium was\n afterwards rebuild and fortified by THE Spartan general\n Pausanias. See Scaliger Animadvers. ad Euseb. p. 81. Ducange,\n Constantinopolis, l. i part i. cap 15, 16. With regard to THE\n wars of THE Byzantines against Philip, THE Gauls, and THE kings\n of Bithynia, we should trust none but THE ancient writers who\n lived before THE greatness of THE Imperial city had excited a\n spirit of flattery and fiction.]\n\n If we survey Byzantium in THE extent which it acquired with THE\n august name of Constantinople, THE figure of THE Imperial city\n may be represented under that of an unequal triangle. The obtuse\n point, which advances towards THE east and THE shores of Asia,\n meets and repels THE waves of THE Thracian Bosphorus. The\n norTHErn side of THE city is bounded by THE harbor; and THE\n souTHErn is washed by THE Propontis, or Sea of Marmara. The basis\n of THE triangle is opposed to THE west, and terminates THE\n continent of Europe. But THE admirable form and division of THE\n circumjacent land and water cannot, without a more ample\n explanation, be clearly or sufficiently understood. The winding\n channel through which THE waters of THE Euxine flow with a rapid\n and incessant course towards THE Mediterranean, received THE\n appellation of Bosphorus, a name not less celebrated in THE\n history, than in THE fables, of antiquity. 3 A crowd of temples\n and of votive altars, profusely scattered along its steep and\n woody banks, attested THE unskilfulness, THE terrors, and THE\n devotion of THE Grecian navigators, who, after THE example of THE\n Argonauts, explored THE dangers of THE inhospitable Euxine. On\n THEse banks tradition long preserved THE memory of THE palace of\n Phineus, infested by THE obscene harpies; 4 and of THE sylvan\n reign of Amycus, who defied THE son of Leda to THE combat of THE\n cestus. 5 The straits of THE Bosphorus are terminated by THE\n Cyanean rocks, which, according to THE description of THE poets,\n had once floated on THE face of THE waters; and were destined by\n THE gods to protect THE entrance of THE Euxine against THE eye of\n profane curiosity. 6 From THE Cyanean rocks to THE point and\n harbor of Byzantium, THE winding length of THE Bosphorus extends\n about sixteen miles, 7 and its most ordinary breadth may be\n computed at about one mile and a half. The new castles of Europe\n and Asia are constructed, on eiTHEr continent, upon THE\n foundations of two celebrated temples, of Serapis and of Jupiter\n Urius. The _old_ castles, a work of THE Greek emperors, command\n THE narrowest part of THE channel in a place where THE opposite\n banks advance within five hundred paces of each oTHEr. These\n fortresses were destroyed and strengTHEned by Mahomet THE Second,\n when he meditated THE siege of Constantinople: 8 but THE Turkish\n conqueror was most probably ignorant, that near two thousand\n years before his reign, Darius had chosen THE same situation to\n connect THE two continents by a bridge of boats. 9 At a small\n distance from THE old castles we discover THE little town of\n Chrysopolis, or Scutari, which may almost be considered as THE\n Asiatic suburb of Constantinople. The Bosphorus, as it begins to\n open into THE Propontis, passes between Byzantium and Chalcedon.\n The latter of those cities was built by THE Greeks, a few years\n before THE former; and THE blindness of its founders, who\n overlooked THE superior advantages of THE opposite coast, has\n been stigmatized by a proverbial expression of contempt. 10\n\n 3 (return) [ The Bosphorus has been very minutely described by\n Dionysius of Byzantium, who lived in THE time of Domitian,\n (Hudson, Geograph Minor, tom. iii.,) and by Gilles or Gyllius, a\n French traveller of THE XVIth century. Tournefort (Lettre XV.)\n seems to have used his own eyes, and THE learning of Gyllius. Add\n Von Hammer, Constantinopolis und der Bosphoros, 8vo.ÑM.]\n\n 4 (return) [ There are very few conjectures so happy as that of\n Le Clere, (Bibliotehque Universelle, tom. i. p. 148,) who\n supposes that THE harpies were only locusts. The Syriac or\n PhÏnician name of those insects, THEir noisy flight, THE stench\n and devastation which THEy occasion, and THE north wind which\n drives THEm into THE sea, all contribute to form THE striking\n resemblance.]\n\n 5 (return) [ The residence of Amycus was in Asia, between THE old\n and THE new castles, at a place called Laurus Insana. That of\n Phineus was in Europe, near THE village of Mauromole and THE\n Black Sea. See Gyllius de Bosph. l. ii. c. 23. Tournefort, Lettre\n XV.]\n\n 6 (return) [ The deception was occasioned by several pointed\n rocks, alternately sovered and abandoned by THE waves. At present\n THEre are two small islands, one towards eiTHEr shore; that of\n Europe is distinguished by THE column of Pompey.]\n\n 7 (return) [ The ancients computed one hundred and twenty stadia,\n or fifteen Roman miles. They measured only from THE new castles,\n but THEy carried THE straits as far as THE town of Chalcedon.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Ducas. Hist. c. 34. Leunclavius Hist. Turcica\n Mussulmanica, l. xv. p. 577. Under THE Greek empire THEse castles\n were used as state prisons, under THE tremendous name of LeTHE,\n or towers of oblivion.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Darius engraved in Greek and Assyrian letters, on\n two marble columns, THE names of his subject nations, and THE\n amazing numbers of his land and sea forces. The Byzantines\n afterwards transported THEse columns into THE city, and used THEm\n for THE altars of THEir tutelar deities. Herodotus, l. iv. c.\n 87.]\n\n 10 (return) [ Namque arctissimo inter Europam Asiamque divortio\n Byzantium in extrem‰ Europ‰ posuere Greci, quibus, Pythium\n Apollinem consulentibus ubi conderent urbem, redditum oraculum\n est, qu¾rerent sedem _c¾cerum_ terris adversam. Ea ambage\n Chalcedonii monstrabantur quod priores illuc advecti, pr¾vis‰\n locorum utilitate pejora legissent Tacit. Annal. xii. 63.]\n\n The harbor of Constantinople, which may be considered as an arm\n of THE Bosphorus, obtained, in a very remote period, THE\n denomination of THE _Golden Horn_. The curve which it describes\n might be compared to THE horn of a stag, or as it should seem,\n with more propriety, to that of an ox. 11 The epiTHEt of _golden_\n was expressive of THE riches which every wind wafted from THE\n most distant countries into THE secure and capacious port of\n Constantinople. The River Lycus, formed by THE conflux of two\n little streams, pours into THE harbor a perpetual supply of fresh\n water, which serves to cleanse THE bottom, and to invite THE\n periodical shoals of fish to seek THEir retreat in that\n convenient recess. As THE vicissitudes of tides are scarcely felt\n in those seas, THE constant depth of THE harbor allows goods to\n be landed on THE quays without THE assistance of boats; and it\n has been observed, that in many places THE largest vessels may\n rest THEir prows against THE houses, while THEir sterns are\n floating in THE water. 12 From THE mouth of THE Lycus to that of\n THE harbor, this arm of THE Bosphorus is more than seven miles in\n length. The entrance is about five hundred yards broad, and a\n strong chain could be occasionally drawn across it, to guard THE\n port and city from THE attack of a hostile navy. 13\n\n 11 (return) [ Strabo, l. vii. p. 492, [edit. Casaub.] Most of THE\n antlers are now broken off; or, to speak less figuratively, most\n of THE recesses of THE harbor are filled up. See Gill. de\n Bosphoro Thracio, l. i. c. 5.]\n\n 12 (return) [ Procopius de ®dificiis, l. i. c. 5. His description\n is confirmed by modern travellers. See Thevenot, part i. l. i. c.\n 15. Tournefort, Lettre XII. Niebuhr, Voyage dÕArabie, p. 22.]\n\n 13 (return) [ See Ducange, C. P. l. i. part i. c. 16, and his\n Observations sur Villehardouin, p. 289. The chain was drawn from\n THE Acropolis near THE modern Kiosk, to THE tower of Galata; and\n was supported at convenient distances by large wooden piles.]\n\n Between THE Bosphorus and THE Hellespont, THE shores of Europe\n and Asia, receding on eiTHEr side, enclose THE sea of Marmara,\n which was known to THE ancients by THE denomination of Propontis.\n The navigation from THE issue of THE Bosphorus to THE entrance of\n THE Hellespont is about one hundred and twenty miles.\n\n Those who steer THEir westward course through THE middle of THE\n Propontis, may at once descry THE high lands of Thrace and\n Bithynia, and never lose sight of THE lofty summit of Mount\n Olympus, covered with eternal snows. 14 They leave on THE left a\n deep gulf, at THE bottom of which Nicomedia was seated, THE\n Imperial residence of Diocletian; and THEy pass THE small islands\n of Cyzicus and Proconnesus before THEy cast anchor at Gallipoli;\n where THE sea, which separates Asia from Europe, is again\n contracted into a narrow channel.\n\n 14 (return) [ Thevenot (Voyages au Levant, part i. l. i. c. 14)\n contracts THE measure to 125 small Greek miles. Belon\n (Observations, l. ii. c. 1.) gives a good description of THE\n Propontis, but contents himself with THE vague expression of one\n day and one nightÕs sail. When SandyÕs (Travels, p. 21) talks of\n 150 furlongs in length, as well as breadth we can only suppose\n some mistake of THE press in THE text of that judicious\n traveller.]\n\n The geographers who, with THE most skilful accuracy, have\n surveyed THE form and extent of THE Hellespont, assign about\n sixty miles for THE winding course, and about three miles for THE\n ordinary breadth of those celebrated straits. 15 But THE\n narrowest part of THE channel is found to THE northward of THE\n old Turkish castles between THE cities of Sestus and Abydus. It\n was here that THE adventurous Leander braved THE passage of THE\n flood for THE possession of his mistress. 16 It was here\n likewise, in a place where THE distance between THE opposite\n banks cannot exceed five hundred paces, that Xerxes imposed a\n stupendous bridge of boats, for THE purpose of transporting into\n Europe a hundred and seventy myriads of barbarians. 17 A sea\n contracted within such narrow limits may seem but ill to deserve\n THE singular epiTHEt of _broad_, which Homer, as well as Orpheus,\n has frequently bestowed on THE Hellespont. 1711 But our ideas of\n greatness are of a relative nature: THE traveller, and especially\n THE poet, who sailed along THE Hellespont, who pursued THE\n windings of THE stream, and contemplated THE rural scenery, which\n appeared on every side to terminate THE prospect, insensibly lost\n THE remembrance of THE sea; and his fancy painted those\n celebrated straits, with all THE attributes of a mighty river\n flowing with a swift current, in THE midst of a woody and inland\n country, and at length, through a wide mouth, discharging itself\n into THE ®gean or Archipelago. 18 Ancient Troy, 19 seated on a an\n eminence at THE foot of Mount Ida, overlooked THE mouth of THE\n Hellespont, which scarcely received an accession of waters from\n THE tribute of those immortal rivulets THE Simois and Scamander.\n The Grecian camp had stretched twelve miles along THE shore from\n THE Sig¾an to THE Rh¾tean promontory; and THE flanks of THE army\n were guarded by THE bravest chiefs who fought under THE banners\n of Agamemnon. The first of those promontories was occupied by\n Achilles with his invincible myrmidons, and THE dauntless Ajax\n pitched his tents on THE oTHEr. After Ajax had fallen a sacrifice\n to his disappointed pride, and to THE ingratitude of THE Greeks,\n his sepulchre was erected on THE ground where he had defended THE\n navy against THE rage of Jove and of Hector; and THE citizens of\n THE rising town of Rh¾teum celebrated his memory with divine\n honors. 20 Before Constantine gave a just preference to THE\n situation of Byzantium, he had conceived THE design of erecting\n THE seat of empire on this celebrated spot, from whence THE\n Romans derived THEir fabulous origin. The extensive plain which\n lies below ancient Troy, towards THE Rh¾tean promontory and THE\n tomb of Ajax, was first chosen for his new capital; and though\n THE undertaking was soon relinquished THE stately remains of\n unfinished walls and towers attracted THE notice of all who\n sailed through THE straits of THE Hellespont. 21\n\n 15 (return) [ See an admirable dissertation of M. dÕAnville upon\n THE Hellespont or Dardanelles, in THE MŽmoires tom. xxviii. p.\n 318Ñ346. Yet even that ingenious geographer is too fond of\n supposing new, and perhaps imaginary _measures_, for THE purpose\n of rendering ancient writers as accurate as himself. The stadia\n employed by Herodotus in THE description of THE Euxine, THE\n Bosphorus, &c., (l. iv. c. 85,) must undoubtedly be all of THE\n same species; but it seems impossible to reconcile THEm eiTHEr\n with truth or with each oTHEr.]\n\n 16 (return) [ The oblique distance between Sestus and Abydus was\n thirty stadia. The improbable tale of Hero and Leander is exposed\n by M. Mahudel, but is defended on THE authority of poets and\n medals by M. de la Nauze. See THE AcadŽmie des Inscriptions, tom.\n vii. Hist. p. 74. elem. p. 240. Note: The practical illustration\n of THE possibility of LeanderÕs feat by Lord Byron and oTHEr\n English swimmers is too well known to need particularly\n referenceÑM.]\n\n 17 (return) [ See THE seventh book of Herodotus, who has erected\n an elegant trophy to his own fame and to that of his country. The\n review appears to have been made with tolerable accuracy; but THE\n vanity, first of THE Persians, and afterwards of THE Greeks, was\n interested to magnify THE armament and THE victory. I should much\n doubt wheTHEr THE _invaders_ have ever outnumbered THE _men_ of\n any country which THEy attacked.]\n\n 1711 (return) [ Gibbon does not allow greater width between THE\n two nearest points of THE shores of THE Hellespont than between\n those of THE Bosphorus; yet all THE ancient writers speak of THE\n Hellespontic strait as broader than THE oTHEr: THEy agree in\n giving it seven stadia in its narrowest width, (Herod. in Melp.\n c. 85. Polym. c. 34. Strabo, p. 591. Plin. iv. c. 12.) which make\n 875 paces. It is singular that Gibbon, who in THE fifteenth note\n of this chapter reproaches dÕAnville with being fond of supposing\n new and perhaps imaginary measures, has here adopted THE peculiar\n measurement which dÕAnville has assigned to THE stadium. This\n great geographer believes that THE ancients had a stadium of\n fifty-one toises, and it is that which he applies to THE walls of\n Babylon. Now, seven of THEse stadia are equal to about 500 paces,\n 7 stadia = 2142 feet: 500 paces = 2135 feet 5 inches.ÑG. See\n Rennell, Geog. of Herod. p. 121. Add Ukert, Geographie der\n Griechen und Romer, v. i. p. 2, 71.ÑM.]\n\n 18 (return) [ See WoodÕs Observations on Homer, p. 320. I have,\n with pleasure, selected this remark from an author who in general\n seems to have disappointed THE expectation of THE public as a\n critic, and still more as a traveller. He had visited THE banks\n of THE Hellespont; and had read Strabo; he ought to have\n consulted THE Roman itineraries. How was it possible for him to\n confound Ilium and Alexandria Troas, (Observations, p. 340, 341,)\n two cities which were sixteen miles distant from each oTHEr? *\n Note: Compare WalpoleÕs Memoirs on Turkey, v. i. p. 101. Dr.\n Clarke adopted Mr. WalpoleÕs interpretation of THE salt\n Hellespont. But THE old interpretation is more graphic and\n Homeric. ClarkeÕs Travels, ii. 70.ÑM.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Demetrius of Scepsis wrote sixty books on thirty\n lines of HomerÕs catalogue. The XIIIth Book of Strabo is\n sufficient for _our_ curiosity.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Strabo, l. xiii. p. 595, [890, edit. Casaub.] The\n disposition of THE ships, which were drawn upon dry land, and THE\n posts of Ajax and Achilles, are very clearly described by Homer.\n See Iliad, ix. 220.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Zosim. l. ii. [c. 30,] p. 105. Sozomen, l. ii. c.\n 3. Theophanes, p. 18. Nicephorus Callistus, l. vii. p. 48.\n Zonaras, tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 6. Zosimus places THE new city\n between Ilium and Alexandria, but this apparent difference may be\n reconciled by THE large extent of its circumference. Before THE\n foundation of Constantinople, Thessalonica is mentioned by\n Cedrenus, (p. 283,) and Sardica by Zonaras, as THE intended\n capital. They both suppose with very little probability, that THE\n emperor, if he had not been prevented by a prodigy, would have\n repeated THE mistake of THE _blind_ Chalcedonians.]\n\n We are at present qualified to view THE advantageous position of\n Constantinople; which appears to have been formed by nature for\n THE centre and capital of a great monarchy. Situated in THE\n forty-first degree of latitude, THE Imperial city commanded, from\n her seven hills, 22 THE opposite shores of Europe and Asia; THE\n climate was healthy and temperate, THE soil fertile, THE harbor\n secure and capacious; and THE approach on THE side of THE\n continent was of small extent and easy defence. The Bosphorus and\n THE Hellespont may be considered as THE two gates of\n Constantinople; and THE prince who possessed those important\n passages could always shut THEm against a naval enemy, and open\n THEm to THE fleets of commerce. The preservation of THE eastern\n provinces may, in some degree, be ascribed to THE policy of\n Constantine, as THE barbarians of THE Euxine, who in THE\n preceding age had poured THEir armaments into THE heart of THE\n Mediterranean, soon desisted from THE exercise of piracy, and\n despaired of forcing this insurmountable barrier. When THE gates\n of THE Hellespont and Bosphorus were shut, THE capital still\n enjoyed within THEir spacious enclosure every production which\n could supply THE wants, or gratify THE luxury, of its numerous\n inhabitants. The sea-coasts of Thrace and Bithynia, which\n languish under THE weight of Turkish oppression, still exhibit a\n rich prospect of vineyards, of gardens, and of plentiful\n harvests; and THE Propontis has ever been renowned for an\n inexhaustible store of THE most exquisite fish, that are taken in\n THEir stated seasons, without skill, and almost without labor. 23\n But when THE passages of THE straits were thrown open for trade,\n THEy alternately admitted THE natural and artificial riches of\n THE north and south, of THE Euxine, and of THE Mediterranean.\n Whatever rude commodities were collected in THE forests of\n Germany and Scythia, and far as THE sources of THE Tanais and THE\n BorysTHEnes; whatsoever was manufactured by THE skill of Europe\n or Asia; THE corn of Egypt, and THE gems and spices of THE\n farTHEst India, were brought by THE varying winds into THE port\n of Constantinople, which for many ages attracted THE commerce of\n THE ancient world. 24\n\n [See Basilica Of Constantinople]\n\n 22 (return) [ PocockÕs Description of THE East, vol. ii. part ii.\n p. 127. His plan of THE seven hills is clear and accurate. That\n traveller is seldom unsatisfactory.]\n\n 23 (return) [ See Belon, Observations, c. 72Ñ76. Among a variety\n of different species, THE Pelamides, a sort of Thunnies, were THE\n most celebrated. We may learn from Polybius, Strabo, and Tacitus,\n that THE profits of THE fishery constituted THE principal revenue\n of Byzantium.]\n\n 24 (return) [ See THE eloquent description of Busbequius,\n epistol. i. p. 64. Est in Europa; habet in conspectu Asiam,\n Egyptum. Africamque a dextr‰: qu¾ tametsi contigu¾ non sunt,\n maris tamen navigandique commoditate veluti junguntur. A sinistra\n vero Pontus est Euxinus, &c.]\n\n The prospect of beauty, of safety, and of wealth, united in a\n single spot, was sufficient to justify THE choice of Constantine.\n But as some decent mixture of prodigy and fable has, in every\n age, been supposed to reflect a becoming majesty on THE origin of\n great cities, 25 THE emperor was desirous of ascribing his\n resolution, not so much to THE uncertain counsels of human\n policy, as to THE infallible and eternal decrees of divine\n wisdom. In one of his laws he has been careful to instruct\n posterity, that in obedience to THE commands of God, he laid THE\n everlasting foundations of Constantinople: 26 and though he has\n not condescended to relate in what manner THE celestial\n inspiration was communicated to his mind, THE defect of his\n modest silence has been liberally supplied by THE ingenuity of\n succeeding writers; who describe THE nocturnal vision which\n appeared to THE fancy of Constantine, as he slept within THE\n walls of Byzantium. The tutelar genius of THE city, a venerable\n matron sinking under THE weight of years and infirmities, was\n suddenly transformed into a blooming maid, whom his own hands\n adorned with all THE symbols of Imperial greatness. 27 The\n monarch awoke, interpreted THE auspicious omen, and obeyed,\n without hesitation, THE will of Heaven. The day which gave birth\n to a city or colony was celebrated by THE Romans with such\n ceremonies as had been ordained by a generous superstition; 28\n and though Constantine might omit some rites which savored too\n strongly of THEir Pagan origin, yet he was anxious to leave a\n deep impression of hope and respect on THE minds of THE\n spectators. On foot, with a lance in his hand, THE emperor\n himself led THE solemn procession; and directed THE line, which\n was traced as THE boundary of THE destined capital: till THE\n growing circumference was observed with astonishment by THE\n assistants, who, at length, ventured to observe, that he had\n already exceeded THE most ample measure of a great city. ÒI shall\n still advance,Ó replied Constantine, Òtill He, THE invisible\n guide who marches before me, thinks proper to stop.Ó 29 Without\n presuming to investigate THE nature or motives of this\n extraordinary conductor, we shall content ourselves with THE more\n humble task of describing THE extent and limits of\n Constantinople. 30\n\n 25 (return) [ Datur h¾c venia antiquitati, ut miscendo humana\n divinis, primordia urbium augustiora faciat. T. Liv. in proÏm.]\n\n 26 (return) [ He says in one of his laws, pro commoditate urbis\n quam ¾terno nomine, jubente Deo, donavimus. Cod. Theodos. l.\n xiii. tit. v. leg. 7.]\n\n 27 (return) [ The Greeks, Theophanes, Cedrenus, and THE author of\n THE Alexandrian Chronicle, confine THEmselves to vague and\n general expressions. For a more particular account of THE vision,\n we are obliged to have recourse to such Latin writers as William\n of Malmesbury. See Ducange, C. P. l. i. p. 24, 25.]\n\n 28 (return) [ See Plutarch in Romul. tom. i. p. 49, edit. Bryan.\n Among oTHEr ceremonies, a large hole, which had been dug for that\n purpose, was filled up with handfuls of earth, which each of THE\n settlers brought from THE place of his birth, and thus adopted\n his new country.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Philostorgius, l. ii. c. 9. This incident, though\n borrowed from a suspected writer, is characteristic and\n probable.]\n\n 30 (return) [ See in THE MŽmoires de lÕAcadŽmie, tom. xxxv p.\n 747-758, a dissertation of M. dÕAnville on THE extent of\n Constantinople. He takes THE plan inserted in THE Imperium\n Orientale of Banduri as THE most complete; but, by a series of\n very nice observations, he reduced THE extravagant proportion of\n THE scale, and instead of 9500, determines THE circumference of\n THE city as consisting of about 7800 French _toises_.]\n\n In THE actual state of THE city, THE palace and gardens of THE\n Seraglio occupy THE eastern promontory, THE first of THE seven\n hills, and cover about one hundred and fifty acres of our own\n measure. The seat of Turkish jealousy and despotism is erected on\n THE foundations of a Grecian republic; but it may be supposed\n that THE Byzantines were tempted by THE conveniency of THE harbor\n to extend THEir habitations on that side beyond THE modern limits\n of THE Seraglio. The new walls of Constantine stretched from THE\n port to THE Propontis across THE enlarged breadth of THE\n triangle, at THE distance of fifteen stadia from THE ancient\n fortification; and with THE city of Byzantium THEy enclosed five\n of THE seven hills, which, to THE eyes of those who approach\n Constantinople, appear to rise above each oTHEr in beautiful\n order. 31 About a century after THE death of THE founder, THE new\n buildings, extending on one side up THE harbor, and on THE oTHEr\n along THE Propontis, already covered THE narrow ridge of THE\n sixth, and THE broad summit of THE seventh hill. The necessity of\n protecting those suburbs from THE incessant inroads of THE\n barbarians engaged THE younger Theodosius to surround his capital\n with an adequate and permanent enclosure of walls. 32 From THE\n eastern promontory to THE golden gate, THE extreme length of\n Constantinople was about three Roman miles; 33 THE circumference\n measured between ten and eleven; and THE surface might be\n computed as equal to about two thousand English acres. It is\n impossible to justify THE vain and credulous exaggerations of\n modern travellers, who have sometimes stretched THE limits of\n Constantinople over THE adjacent villages of THE European, and\n even of THE Asiatic coast. 34 But THE suburbs of Pera and Galata,\n though situate beyond THE harbor, may deserve to be considered as\n a part of THE city; 35 and this addition may perhaps authorize\n THE measure of a Byzantine historian, who assigns sixteen Greek\n (about fourteen Roman) miles for THE circumference of his native\n city. 36 Such an extent may not seem unworthy of an Imperial\n residence. Yet Constantinople must yield to Babylon and Thebes,\n 37 to ancient Rome, to London, and even to Paris. 38\n\n 31 (return) [ Codinus, Antiquitat. Const. p. 12. He assigns THE\n church of St. Anthony as THE boundary on THE side of THE harbor.\n It is mentioned in Ducange, l. iv. c. 6; but I have tried,\n without success, to discover THE exact place where it was\n situated.]\n\n 32 (return) [ The new wall of Theodosius was constructed in THE\n year 413. In 447 it was thrown down by an earthquake, and rebuilt\n in three months by THE diligence of THE pr¾fect Cyrus. The suburb\n of THE Blanchern¾ was first taken into THE city in THE reign of\n Heraclius Ducange, Const. l. i. c. 10, 11.]\n\n 33 (return) [ The measurement is expressed in THE Notitia by\n 14,075 feet. It is reasonable to suppose that THEse were Greek\n feet, THE proportion of which has been ingeniously determined by\n M. dÕAnville. He compares THE 180 feet with 78 Hashemite cubits,\n which in different writers are assigned for THE heights of St.\n Sophia. Each of THEse cubits was equal to 27 French inches.]\n\n 34 (return) [ The accurate Thevenot (l. i. c. 15) walked in one\n hour and three quarters round two of THE sides of THE triangle,\n from THE Kiosk of THE Seraglio to THE seven towers. DÕAnville\n examines with care, and receives with confidence, this decisive\n testimony, which gives a circumference of ten or twelve miles.\n The extravagant computation of Tournefort (Lettre XI) of\n thirty-tour or thirty miles, without including Scutari, is a\n strange departure from his usual character.]\n\n 35 (return) [ The syc¾, or fig-trees, formed THE thirteenth\n region, and were very much embellished by Justinian. It has since\n borne THE names of Pera and Galata. The etymology of THE former\n is obvious; that of THE latter is unknown. See Ducange, Const. l.\n i. c. 22, and Gyllius de Byzant. l. iv. c. 10.]\n\n 36 (return) [ One hundred and eleven stadia, which may be\n translated into modern Greek miles each of seven stadia, or 660,\n sometimes only 600 French toises. See DÕAnville, Mesures\n Itineraires, p. 53.]\n\n 37 (return) [ When THE ancient texts, which describe THE size of\n Babylon and Thebes, are settled, THE exaggerations reduced, and\n THE measures ascertained, we find that those famous cities filled\n THE great but not incredible circumference of about twenty-five\n or thirty miles. Compare DÕAnville, MŽm. de lÕAcadŽmie, tom.\n xxviii. p. 235, with his Description de lÕEgypte, p. 201, 202.]\n\n 38 (return) [ If we divide Constantinople and Paris into equal\n squares of 50 French _toises_, THE former contains 850, and THE\n latter 1160, of those divisions.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.ÑPart II.\n\n\n The master of THE Roman world, who aspired to erect an eternal\n monument of THE glories of his reign could employ in THE\n prosecution of that great work, THE wealth, THE labor, and all\n that yet remained of THE genius of obedient millions. Some\n estimate may be formed of THE expense bestowed with Imperial\n liberality on THE foundation of Constantinople, by THE allowance\n of about two millions five hundred thousand pounds for THE\n construction of THE walls, THE porticos, and THE aqueducts. 39\n The forests that overshadowed THE shores of THE Euxine, and THE\n celebrated quarries of white marble in THE little island of\n Proconnesus, supplied an inexhaustible stock of materials, ready\n to be conveyed, by THE convenience of a short water carriage, to\n THE harbor of Byzantium. 40 A multitude of laborers and\n artificers urged THE conclusion of THE work with incessant toil:\n but THE impatience of Constantine soon discovered, that, in THE\n decline of THE arts, THE skill as well as numbers of his\n architects bore a very unequal proportion to THE greatness of his\n designs. The magistrates of THE most distant provinces were\n THErefore directed to institute schools, to appoint professors,\n and by THE hopes of rewards and privileges, to engage in THE\n study and practice of architecture a sufficient number of\n ingenious youths, who had received a liberal education. 41 The\n buildings of THE new city were executed by such artificers as THE\n reign of Constantine could afford; but THEy were decorated by THE\n hands of THE most celebrated masters of THE age of Pericles and\n Alexander. To revive THE genius of Phidias and Lysippus,\n surpassed indeed THE power of a Roman emperor; but THE immortal\n productions which THEy had bequeaTHEd to posterity were exposed\n without defence to THE rapacious vanity of a despot. By his\n commands THE cities of Greece and Asia were despoiled of THEir\n most valuable ornaments. 42 The trophies of memorable wars, THE\n objects of religious veneration, THE most finished statues of THE\n gods and heroes, of THE sages and poets, of ancient times,\n contributed to THE splendid triumph of Constantinople; and gave\n occasion to THE remark of THE historian Cedrenus, 43 who\n observes, with some enthusiasm, that nothing seemed wanting\n except THE souls of THE illustrious men whom THEse admirable\n monuments were intended to represent. But it is not in THE city\n of Constantine, nor in THE declining period of an empire, when\n THE human mind was depressed by civil and religious slavery, that\n we should seek for THE souls of Homer and of DemosTHEnes.\n\n 39 (return) [ Six hundred centenaries, or sixty thousand poundsÕ\n weight of gold. This sum is taken from Codinus, Antiquit. Const.\n p. 11; but unless that contemptible author had derived his\n information from some purer sources, he would probably have been\n unacquainted with so obsolete a mode of reckoning.]\n\n 40 (return) [ For THE forests of THE Black Sea, consult\n Tournefort, Lettre XVI. for THE marble quarries of Proconnesus,\n see Strabo, l. xiii. p. 588, (881, edit. Casaub.) The latter had\n already furnished THE materials of THE stately buildings of\n Cyzicus.]\n\n 41 (return) [ See THE Codex Theodos. l. xiii. tit. iv. leg. 1.\n This law is dated in THE year 334, and was addressed to THE\n pr¾fect of Italy, whose jurisdiction extended over Africa. The\n commentary of Godefroy on THE whole title well deserves to be\n consulted.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Constantinopolis dedicatur pÏne omnium urbium\n nuditate. Hieronym. Chron. p. 181. See Codinus, p. 8, 9. The\n author of THE Antiquitat. Const. l. iii. (apud Banduri Imp.\n Orient. tom. i. p. 41) enumerates Rome, Sicily, Antioch, ATHEns,\n and a long list of oTHEr cities. The provinces of Greece and Asia\n Minor may be supposed to have yielded THE richest booty.]\n\n 43 (return) [ Hist. Compend. p. 369. He describes THE statue, or\n raTHEr bust, of Homer with a degree of taste which plainly\n indicates that Cadrenus copied THE style of a more fortunate\n age.]\n\n During THE siege of Byzantium, THE conqueror had pitched his tent\n on THE commanding eminence of THE second hill. To perpetuate THE\n memory of his success, he chose THE same advantageous position\n for THE principal Forum; 44 which appears to have been of a\n circular, or raTHEr elliptical form. The two opposite entrances\n formed triumphal arches; THE porticos, which enclosed it on every\n side, were filled with statues; and THE centre of THE Forum was\n occupied by a lofty column, of which a mutilated fragment is now\n degraded by THE appellation of THE _burnt pillar_. This column\n was erected on a pedestal of white marble twenty feet high; and\n was composed of ten pieces of porphyry, each of which measured\n about ten feet in height, and about thirty-three in\n circumference. 45 On THE summit of THE pillar, above one hundred\n and twenty feet from THE ground, stood THE colossal statue of\n Apollo. It was a bronze, had been transported eiTHEr from ATHEns\n or from a town of Phrygia, and was supposed to be THE work of\n Phidias. The artist had represented THE god of day, or, as it was\n afterwards interpreted, THE emperor Constantine himself, with a\n sceptre in his right hand, THE globe of THE world in his left,\n and a crown of rays glittering on his head. 46 The Circus, or\n Hippodrome, was a stately building about four hundred paces in\n length, and one hundred in breadth. 47 The space between THE two\n _met¾_ or goals were filled with statues and obelisks; and we may\n still remark a very singular fragment of antiquity; THE bodies of\n three serpents, twisted into one pillar of brass. Their triple\n heads had once supported THE golden tripod which, after THE\n defeat of Xerxes, was consecrated in THE temple of Delphi by THE\n victorious Greeks. 48 The beauty of THE Hippodrome has been long\n since defaced by THE rude hands of THE Turkish conquerors; 4811\n but, under THE similar appellation of Atmeidan, it still serves\n as a place of exercise for THEir horses. From THE throne, whence\n THE emperor viewed THE Circensian games, a winding staircase 49\n descended to THE palace; a magnificent edifice, which scarcely\n yielded to THE residence of Rome itself, and which, togeTHEr with\n THE dependent courts, gardens, and porticos, covered a\n considerable extent of ground upon THE banks of THE Propontis\n between THE Hippodrome and THE church of St. Sophia. 50 We might\n likewise celebrate THE baths, which still retained THE name of\n Zeuxippus, after THEy had been enriched, by THE munificence of\n Constantine, with lofty columns, various marbles, and above\n threescore statues of bronze. 51 But we should deviate from THE\n design of this history, if we attempted minutely to describe THE\n different buildings or quarters of THE city. It may be sufficient\n to observe, that whatever could adorn THE dignity of a great\n capital, or contribute to THE benefit or pleasure of its numerous\n inhabitants, was contained within THE walls of Constantinople. A\n particular description, composed about a century after its\n foundation, enumerates a capitol or school of learning, a circus,\n two THEatres, eight public, and one hundred and fifty-three\n private baths, fifty-two porticos, five granaries, eight\n aqueducts or reservoirs of water, four spacious halls for THE\n meetings of THE senate or courts of justice, fourteen churches,\n fourteen palaces, and four thousand three hundred and\n eighty-eight houses, which, for THEir size or beauty, deserved to\n be distinguished from THE multitude of plebeian inhabitants. 52\n\n 44 (return) [ Zosim. l. ii. p. 106. Chron. Alexandrin. vel\n Paschal. p. 284, Ducange, Const. l. i. c. 24. Even THE last of\n those writers seems to confound THE Forum of Constantine with THE\n Augusteum, or court of THE palace. I am not satisfied wheTHEr I\n have properly distinguished what belongs to THE one and THE\n oTHEr.]\n\n 45 (return) [ The most tolerable account of this column is given\n by Pocock. Description of THE East, vol. ii. part ii. p. 131. But\n it is still in many instances perplexed and unsatisfactory.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Ducange, Const. l. i. c. 24, p. 76, and his notes\n ad Alexiad. p. 382. The statue of Constantine or Apollo was\n thrown down under THE reign of Alexius Comnenus. * Note: On this\n column (says M. von Hammer) Constantine, with singular\n shamelessness, placed his own statue with THE attributes of\n Apollo and Christ. He substituted THE nails of THE Passion for\n THE rays of THE sun. Such is THE direct testimony of THE author\n of THE Antiquit. Constantinop. apud Banduri. Constantine was\n replaced by THE Ògreat and religiousÓ Julian, Julian, by\n Theodosius. A. D. 1412, THE key stone was loosened by an\n earthquake. The statue fell in THE reign of Alexius Comnenus, and\n was replaced by THE cross. The Palladium was said to be buried\n under THE pillar. Von Hammer, Constantinopolis und der Bosporos,\n i. 162.ÑM.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Tournefort (Lettre XII.) computes THE Atmeidan at\n four hundred paces. If he means geometrical paces of five feet\n each, it was three hundred _toises_ in length, about forty more\n than THE great circus of Rome. See DÕAnville, Mesures\n Itineraires, p. 73.]\n\n 48 (return) [ The guardians of THE most holy relics would rejoice\n if THEy were able to produce such a chain of evidence as may be\n alleged on this occasion. See Banduri ad Antiquitat. Const. p.\n 668. Gyllius de Byzant. l. ii. c. 13. 1. The original\n consecration of THE tripod and pillar in THE temple of Delphi may\n be proved from Herodotus and Pausanias. 2. The Pagan Zosimus\n agrees with THE three ecclesiastical historians, Eusebius,\n Socrates, and Sozomen, that THE sacred ornaments of THE temple of\n Delphi were removed to Constantinople by THE order of\n Constantine; and among THEse THE serpentine pillar of THE\n Hippodrome is particularly mentioned. 3. All THE European\n travellers who have visited Constantinople, from Buondelmonte to\n Pocock, describe it in THE same place, and almost in THE same\n manner; THE differences between THEm are occasioned only by THE\n injuries which it has sustained from THE Turks. Mahomet THE\n Second broke THE under jaw of one of THE serpents with a stroke\n of his battle axe Thevenot, l. i. c. 17. * Note: See note 75, ch.\n lxviii. for Dr. ClarkeÕs rejection of ThevenotÕs authority. Von\n Hammer, however, repeats THE story of Thevenot without\n questioning its auTHEnticity.ÑM.]\n\n 4811 (return) [ In 1808 THE Janizaries revolted against THE\n vizier Mustapha Baisactar, who wished to introduce a new system\n of military organization, besieged THE quarter of THE Hippodrome,\n in which stood THE palace of THE viziers, and THE Hippodrome was\n consumed in THE conflagration.ÑG.]\n\n 49 (return) [ The Latin name _Cochlea_ was adopted by THE Greeks,\n and very frequently occurs in THE Byzantine history. Ducange,\n Const. i. c. l, p. 104.]\n\n 50 (return) [ There are three topographical points which indicate\n THE situation of THE palace. 1. The staircase which connected it\n with THE Hippodrome or Atmeidan. 2. A small artificial port on\n THE Propontis, from whence THEre was an easy ascent, by a flight\n of marble steps, to THE gardens of THE palace. 3. The Augusteum\n was a spacious court, one side of which was occupied by THE front\n of THE palace, and anoTHEr by THE church of St. Sophia.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Zeuxippus was an epiTHEt of Jupiter, and THE baths\n were a part of old Byzantium. The difficulty of assigning THEir\n true situation has not been felt by Ducange. History seems to\n connect THEm with St. Sophia and THE palace; but THE original\n plan inserted in Banduri places THEm on THE oTHEr side of THE\n city, near THE harbor. For THEir beauties, see Chron. Paschal. p.\n 285, and Gyllius de Byzant. l. ii. c. 7. Christodorus (see\n Antiquitat. Const. l. vii.) composed inscriptions in verse for\n each of THE statues. He was a Theban poet in genius as well as in\n birth:ÑB¾otum in crasso jurares a‘re natum. * Note: Yet, for his\n age, THE description of THE statues of Hecuba and of Homer are by\n no means without merit. See Antholog. Palat. (edit. Jacobs) i.\n 37ÑM.]\n\n 52 (return) [ See THE Notitia. Rome only reckoned 1780 large\n houses, _domus;_ but THE word must have had a more dignified\n signification. No _insul¾_ are mentioned at Constantinople. The\n old capital consisted of 42 streets, THE new of 322.]\n\n The populousness of his favored city was THE next and most\n serious object of THE attention of its founder. In THE dark ages\n which succeeded THE translation of THE empire, THE remote and THE\n immediate consequences of that memorable event were strangely\n confounded by THE vanity of THE Greeks and THE credulity of THE\n Latins. 53 It was asserted, and believed, that all THE noble\n families of Rome, THE senate, and THE equestrian order, with\n THEir innumerable attendants, had followed THEir emperor to THE\n banks of THE Propontis; that a spurious race of strangers and\n plebeians was left to possess THE solitude of THE ancient\n capital; and that THE lands of Italy, long since converted into\n gardens, were at once deprived of cultivation and inhabitants. 54\n In THE course of this history, such exaggerations will be reduced\n to THEir just value: yet, since THE growth of Constantinople\n cannot be ascribed to THE general increase of mankind and of\n industry, it must be admitted that this artificial colony was\n raised at THE expense of THE ancient cities of THE empire. Many\n opulent senators of Rome, and of THE eastern provinces, were\n probably invited by Constantine to adopt for THEir country THE\n fortunate spot, which he had chosen for his own residence. The\n invitations of a master are scarcely to be distinguished from\n commands; and THE liberality of THE emperor obtained a ready and\n cheerful obedience. He bestowed on his favorites THE palaces\n which he had built in THE several quarters of THE city, assigned\n THEm lands and pensions for THE support of THEir dignity, 55 and\n alienated THE demesnes of Pontus and Asia to grant hereditary\n estates by THE easy tenure of maintaining a house in THE capital.\n 56 But THEse encouragements and obligations soon became\n superfluous, and were gradually abolished. Wherever THE seat of\n government is fixed, a considerable part of THE public revenue\n will be expended by THE prince himself, by his ministers, by THE\n officers of justice, and by THE domestics of THE palace. The most\n wealthy of THE provincials will be attracted by THE powerful\n motives of interest and duty, of amusement and curiosity. A third\n and more numerous class of inhabitants will insensibly be formed,\n of servants, of artificers, and of merchants, who derive THEir\n subsistence from THEir own labor, and from THE wants or luxury of\n THE superior ranks. In less than a century, Constantinople\n disputed with Rome itself THE pre‘minence of riches and numbers.\n New piles of buildings, crowded togeTHEr with too little regard\n to health or convenience, scarcely allowed THE intervals of\n narrow streets for THE perpetual throng of men, of horses, and of\n carriages. The allotted space of ground was insufficient to\n contain THE increasing people; and THE additional foundations,\n which, on eiTHEr side, were advanced into THE sea, might alone\n have composed a very considerable city. 57\n\n 53 (return) [ Liutprand, Legatio ad Imp. Nicephornm, p. 153. The\n modern Greeks have strangely disfigured THE antiquities of\n Constantinople. We might excuse THE errors of THE Turkish or\n Arabian writers; but it is somewhat astonishing, that THE Greeks,\n who had access to THE auTHEntic materials preserved in THEir own\n language, should prefer fiction to truth, and loose tradition to\n genuine history. In a single page of Codinus we may detect twelve\n unpardonable mistakes; THE reconciliation of Severus and Niger,\n THE marriage of THEir son and daughter, THE siege of Byzantium by\n THE Macedonians, THE invasion of THE Gauls, which recalled\n Severus to Rome, THE _sixty_ years which elapsed from his death\n to THE foundation of Constantinople, &c.]\n\n 54 (return) [ Montesquieu, Grandeur et DŽcadence des Romains, c.\n 17.]\n\n 55 (return) [ Themist. Orat. iii. p. 48, edit. Hardouin. Sozomen,\n l. ii. c. 3. Zosim. l. ii. p. 107. Anonym. Valesian. p. 715. If\n we could credit Codinus, (p. 10,) Constantine built houses for\n THE senators on THE exact model of THEir Roman palaces, and\n gratified THEm, as well as himself, with THE pleasure of an\n agreeable surprise; but THE whole story is full of fictions and\n inconsistencies.]\n\n 56 (return) [ The law by which THE younger Theodosius, in THE\n year 438, abolished this tenure, may be found among THE Novell¾\n of that emperor at THE end of THE Theodosian Code, tom. vi. nov.\n 12. M. de Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 371) has\n evidently mistaken THE nature of THEse estates. With a grant from\n THE Imperial demesnes, THE same condition was accepted as a\n favor, which would justly have been deemed a hardship, if it had\n been imposed upon private property.]\n\n 57 (return) [ The passages of Zosimus, of Eunapius, of Sozomen,\n and of Agathias, which relate to THE increase of buildings and\n inhabitants at Constantinople, are collected and connected by\n Gyllius de Byzant. l. i. c. 3. Sidonius Apollinaris (in Panegyr.\n AnTHEm. 56, p. 279, edit. Sirmond) describes THE moles that were\n pushed forwards into THE sea, THEy consisted of THE famous\n Puzzolan sand, which hardens in THE water.]\n\n The frequent and regular distributions of wine and oil, of corn\n or bread, of money or provisions, had almost exempted THE poorest\n citizens of Rome from THE necessity of labor. The magnificence of\n THE first C¾sars was in some measure imitated by THE founder of\n Constantinople: 58 but his liberality, however it might excite\n THE applause of THE people, has in curred THE censure of\n posterity. A nation of legislators and conquerors might assert\n THEir claim to THE harvests of Africa, which had been purchased\n with THEir blood; and it was artfully contrived by Augustus,\n that, in THE enjoyment of plenty, THE Romans should lose THE\n memory of freedom. But THE prodigality of Constantine could not\n be excused by any consideration eiTHEr of public or private\n interest; and THE annual tribute of corn imposed upon Egypt for\n THE benefit of his new capital, was applied to feed a lazy and\n insolent populace, at THE expense of THE husbandmen of an\n industrious province. 59 5911 Some oTHEr regulations of this\n emperor are less liable to blame, but THEy are less deserving of\n notice. He divided Constantinople into fourteen regions or\n quarters, 60 dignified THE public council with THE appellation of\n senate, 61 communicated to THE citizens THE privileges of Italy,\n 62 and bestowed on THE rising city THE title of Colony, THE first\n and most favored daughter of ancient Rome. The venerable parent\n still maintained THE legal and acknowledged supremacy, which was\n due to her age, her dignity, and to THE remembrance of her former\n greatness. 63\n\n 58 (return) [ Sozomen, l. ii. c. 3. Philostorg. l. ii. c. 9.\n Codin. Antiquitat. Const. p. 8. It appears by Socrates, l. ii. c.\n 13, that THE daily allowance of THE city consisted of eight\n myriads of which we may eiTHEr translate, with Valesius, by THE\n words modii of corn, or consider us expressive of THE number of\n loaves of bread. * Note: At Rome THE poorer citizens who received\n THEse gratuities were inscribed in a register; THEy had only a\n personal right. Constantine attached THE right to THE houses in\n his new capital, to engage THE lower classes of THE people to\n build THEir houses with expedition. Codex Therodos. l. xiv.ÑG.]\n\n 59 (return) [ See Cod. Theodos. l. xiii. and xiv., and Cod.\n Justinian. Edict. xii. tom. ii. p. 648, edit. Genev. See THE\n beautiful complaint of Rome in THE poem of Claudian de Bell.\n Gildonico, ver. 46-64.ÑÑCum subiit par Roma mihi, divisaque\n sumsit ®quales aurora togas; ®gyptia rura In partem cessere\n novam.]\n\n 5911 (return) [ This was also at THE expense of Rome. The emperor\n ordered that THE fleet of Alexandria should transport to\n Constantinople THE grain of Egypt which it carried before to\n Rome: this grain supplied Rome during four months of THE year.\n Claudian has described with force THE famine occasioned by this\n measure:Ñ\n\n H¾c nobis, h¾c ante dabas; nunc pabula tantum Roma precor:\n miserere tu¾; pater optime, gentis: Extremam defende famem. Claud.\n de Bell. Gildon. v. 34.ÑG.\n\n It was scarcely this measure. Gildo had cut off THE African as\n well as THE Egyptian supplies.ÑM.]\n\n 60 (return) [ The regions of Constantinople are mentioned in THE\n code of Justinian, and particularly described in THE Notitia of\n THE younger Theodosius; but as THE four last of THEm are not\n included within THE wall of Constantine, it may be doubted\n wheTHEr this division of THE city should be referred to THE\n founder.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Senatum constituit secundi ordinis; _Claros_\n vocavit. Anonym Valesian. p. 715. The senators of old Rome were\n styled _Clarissimi_. See a curious note of Valesius ad Ammian.\n Marcellin. xxii. 9. From THE eleventh epistle of Julian, it\n should seem that THE place of senator was considered as a burden,\n raTHEr than as an honor; but THE AbbŽ de la Bleterie (Vie de\n Jovien, tom. ii. p. 371) has shown that this epistle could not\n relate to Constantinople. Might we not read, instead of THE\n celebrated name of THE obscure but more probable word BisanTHE or\n RhÏdestus, now Rhodosto, was a small maritime city of Thrace. See\n Stephan. Byz. de Urbibus, p. 225, and Cellar. Geograph. tom. i.\n p. 849.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Cod. Theodos. l. xiv. 13. The commentary of\n Godefroy (tom. v. p. 220) is long, but perplexed; nor indeed is\n it easy to ascertain in what THE Jus Italicum could consist,\n after THE freedom of THE city had been communicated to THE whole\n empire. * Note: ÒThis right, (THE Jus Italicum,) which by most\n writers is referred with out foundation to THE personal condition\n of THE citizens, properly related to THE city as a whole, and\n contained two parts. First, THE Roman or quiritarian property in\n THE soil, (commercium,) and its capability of mancipation,\n usucaption, and vindication; moreover, as an inseparable\n consequence of this, exemption from land-tax. Then, secondly, a\n free constitution in THE Italian form, with Duumvirs,\n Quinquennales. and ®diles, and especially with Jurisdiction.Ó\n Savigny, Geschichte des Rom. Rechts i. p. 51ÑM.]\n\n 63 (return) [ Julian (Orat. i. p. 8) celebrates Constantinople as\n not less superior to all oTHEr cities than she was inferior to\n Rome itself. His learned commentator (Spanheim, p. 75, 76)\n justifies this language by several parallel and contemporary\n instances. Zosimus, as well as Socrates and Sozomen, flourished\n after THE division of THE empire between THE two sons of\n Theodosius, which established a perfect _equality_ between THE\n old and THE new capital.]\n\n As Constantine urged THE progress of THE work with THE impatience\n of a lover, THE walls, THE porticos, and THE principal edifices\n were completed in a few years, or, according to anoTHEr account,\n in a few months; 64 but this extraordinary diligence should\n excite THE less admiration, since many of THE buildings were\n finished in so hasty and imperfect a manner, that under THE\n succeeding reign, THEy were preserved with difficulty from\n impending ruin. 65 But while THEy displayed THE vigor and\n freshness of youth, THE founder prepared to celebrate THE\n dedication of his city. 66 The games and largesses which crowned\n THE pomp of this memorable festival may easily be supposed; but\n THEre is one circumstance of a more singular and permanent\n nature, which ought not entirely to be overlooked. As often as\n THE birthday of THE city returned, THE statue of Constantine,\n framed by his order, of gilt wood, and bearing in his right hand\n a small image of THE genius of THE place, was erected on a\n triumphal car. The guards, carrying white tapers, and cloTHEd in\n THEir richest apparel, accompanied THE solemn procession as it\n moved through THE Hippodrome. When it was opposite to THE throne\n of THE reigning emperor, he rose from his seat, and with grateful\n reverence adored THE memory of his predecessor. 67 At THE\n festival of THE dedication, an edict, engraved on a column of\n marble, bestowed THE title of Second or New Rome on THE city of\n Constantine. 68 But THE name of Constantinople 69 has prevailed\n over that honorable epiTHEt; and after THE revolution of fourteen\n centuries, still perpetuates THE fame of its author. 70\n\n 64 (return) [ Codinus (Antiquitat. p. 8) affirms, that THE\n foundations of Constantinople were laid in THE year of THE world\n 5837, (A. D. 329,) on THE 26th of September, and that THE city\n was dedicated THE 11th of May, 5838, (A. D. 330.) He connects\n those dates with several characteristic epochs, but THEy\n contradict each oTHEr; THE authority of Codinus is of little\n weight, and THE space which he assigns must appear insufficient.\n The term of ten years is given us by Julian, (Orat. i. p. 8;) and\n Spanheim labors to establish THE truth of it, (p. 69-75,) by THE\n help of two passages from Themistius, (Orat. iv. p. 58,) and of\n Philostorgius, (l. ii. c. 9,) which form a period from THE year\n 324 to THE year 334. Modern critics are divided concerning this\n point of chronology and THEir different sentiments are very\n accurately described by Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv.\n p. 619-625.]\n\n 65 (return) [ Themistius. Orat. iii. p. 47. Zosim. l. ii. p. 108.\n Constantine himself, in one of his laws, (Cod. Theod. l. xv. tit.\n i.,) betrays his impatience.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Cedrenus and Zonaras, faithful to THE mode of\n superstition which prevailed in THEir own times, assure us that\n Constantinople was consecrated to THE virgin MoTHEr of God.]\n\n 67 (return) [ The earliest and most complete account of this\n extraordinary ceremony may be found in THE Alexandrian Chronicle,\n p. 285. Tillemont, and THE oTHEr friends of Constantine, who are\n offended with THE air of Paganism which seems unworthy of a\n Christian prince, had a right to consider it as doubtful, but\n THEy were not authorized to omit THE mention of it.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Sozomen, l. ii. c. 2. Ducange C. P. l. i. c. 6.\n Velut ipsius Rom¾ filiam, is THE expression of Augustin. de\n Civitat. Dei, l. v. c. 25.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Eutropius, l. x. c. 8. Julian. Orat. i. p. 8.\n Ducange C. P. l. i. c. 5. The name of Constantinople is extant on\n THE medals of Constantine.]\n\n 70 (return) [ The lively Fontenelle (Dialogues des Morts, xii.)\n affects to deride THE vanity of human ambition, and seems to\n triumph in THE disappointment of Constantine, whose immortal name\n is now lost in THE vulgar appellation of Istambol, a Turkish\n corruption of. Yet THE original name is still preserved, 1. By\n THE nations of Europe. 2. By THE modern Greeks. 3. By THE Arabs,\n whose writings are diffused over THE wide extent of THEir\n conquests in Asia and Africa. See DÕHerbelot, Biblioth\x8fque\n Orientale, p. 275. 4. By THE more learned Turks, and by THE\n emperor himself in his public mandates CantemirÕs History of THE\n Othman Empire, p. 51.]\n\n The foundation of a new capital is naturally connected with THE\n establishment of a new form of civil and military administration.\n The distinct view of THE complicated system of policy, introduced\n by Diocletian, improved by Constantine, and completed by his\n immediate successors, may not only amuse THE fancy by THE\n singular picture of a great empire, but will tend to illustrate\n THE secret and internal causes of its rapid decay. In THE pursuit\n of any remarkable institution, we may be frequently led into THE\n more early or THE more recent times of THE Roman history; but THE\n proper limits of this inquiry will be included within a period of\n about one hundred and thirty years, from THE accession of\n Constantine to THE publication of THE Theodosian code; 71 from\n which, as well as from THE _Notitia_ 7111 of THE East and West,\n 72 we derive THE most copious and auTHEntic information of THE\n state of THE empire. This variety of objects will suspend, for\n some time, THE course of THE narrative; but THE interruption will\n be censured only by those readers who are insensible to THE\n importance of laws and manners, while THEy peruse, with eager\n curiosity, THE transient intrigues of a court, or THE accidental\n event of a battle.\n\n 71 (return) [ The Theodosian code was promulgated A. D. 438. See\n THE Prolegomena of Godefroy, c. i. p. 185.]\n\n 7111 (return) [ The Notitia Dignitatum Imperii is a description\n of all THE offices in THE court and THE state, of THE legions,\n &c. It resembles our court almanacs, (Red Books,) with this\n single difference, that our almanacs name THE persons in office,\n THE Notitia only THE offices. It is of THE time of THE emperor\n Theodosius II., that is to say, of THE fifth century, when THE\n empire was divided into THE Eastern and Western. It is probable\n that it was not made for THE first time, and that descriptions of\n THE same kind existed before.ÑG.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Pancirolus, in his elaborate Commentary, assigns to\n THE Notitia a date almost similar to that of THE Theodosian Code;\n but his proofs, or raTHEr conjectures, are extremely feeble. I\n should be raTHEr inclined to place this useful work between THE\n final division of THE empire (A. D. 395) and THE successful\n invasion of Gaul by THE barbarians, (A. D. 407.) See Histoire des\n Anciens Peuples de lÕEurope, tom. vii. p. 40.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.ÑPart III.\n\n\n The manly pride of THE Romans, content with substantial power,\n had left to THE vanity of THE East THE forms and ceremonies of\n ostentatious greatness. 73 But when THEy lost even THE semblance\n of those virtues which were derived from THEir ancient freedom,\n THE simplicity of Roman manners was insensibly corrupted by THE\n stately affectation of THE courts of Asia. The distinctions of\n personal merit and influence, so conspicuous in a republic, so\n feeble and obscure under a monarchy, were abolished by THE\n despotism of THE emperors; who substituted in THEir room a severe\n subordination of rank and office from THE titled slaves who were\n seated on THE steps of THE throne, to THE meanest instruments of\n arbitrary power. This multitude of abject dependants was\n interested in THE support of THE actual government from THE dread\n of a revolution, which might at once confound THEir hopes and\n intercept THE reward of THEir services. In this divine hierarchy\n (for such it is frequently styled) every rank was marked with THE\n most scrupulous exactness, and its dignity was displayed in a\n variety of trifling and solemn ceremonies, which it was a study\n to learn, and a sacrilege to neglect. 74 The purity of THE Latin\n language was debased, by adopting, in THE intercourse of pride\n and flattery, a profusion of epiTHEts, which Tully would scarcely\n have understood, and which Augustus would have rejected with\n indignation. The principal officers of THE empire were saluted,\n even by THE sovereign himself, with THE deceitful titles of your\n _Sincerity_, your _Gravity_, your _Excellency_, your _Eminence_,\n your _sublime and wonderful Magnitude_, your _illustrious and\n magnificent Highness_. 75 The codicils or patents of THEir office\n were curiously emblazoned with such emblems as were best adapted\n to explain its nature and high dignity; THE image or portrait of\n THE reigning emperors; a triumphal car; THE book of mandates\n placed on a table, covered with a rich carpet, and illuminated by\n four tapers; THE allegorical figures of THE provinces which THEy\n governed; or THE appellations and standards of THE troops whom\n THEy commanded. Some of THEse official ensigns were really\n exhibited in THEir hall of audience; oTHErs preceded THEir\n pompous march whenever THEy appeared in public; and every\n circumstance of THEir demeanor, THEir dress, THEir ornaments, and\n THEir train, was calculated to inspire a deep reverence for THE\n representatives of supreme majesty. By a philosophic observer,\n THE system of THE Roman government might have been mistaken for a\n splendid THEatre, filled with players of every character and\n degree, who repeated THE language, and imitated THE passions, of\n THEir original model. 76\n\n 73 (return) [ Scilicet extern¾ superbi¾ sueto, non inerat notitia\n nostri, (perhaps _nostr¾;_) apud quos vis Imperii valet, inania\n transmittuntur. Tacit. Annal. xv. 31. The gradation from THE\n style of freedom and simplicity, to that of form and servitude,\n may be traced in THE Epistles of Cicero, of Pliny, and of\n Symmachus.]\n\n 74 (return) [ The emperor Gratian, after confirming a law of\n precedency published by Valentinian, THE faTHEr of his\n _Divinity_, thus continues: Siquis igitur indebitum sibi locum\n usurpaverit, nulla se ignoratione defendat; sitque plane\n _sacrilegii_ reus, qui _divina_ pr¾cepta neglexerit. Cod. Theod.\n l. vi. tit. v. leg. 2.]\n\n 75 (return) [ Consult THE _Notitia Dignitatum_ at THE end of THE\n Theodosian code, tom. vi. p. 316. * Note: Constantin, qui\n remplaca le grand Patriciat par une noblesse titree et qui\n changea avec dÕautres institutions la nature de la societe\n Latine, est le veritable fondateur de la royaute moderne, dans ce\n quelle conserva de Romain. Chateaubriand, Etud. Histor. Preface,\n i. 151. Manso, (Leben Constantins des Grossen,) p. 153, &c., has\n given a lucid view of THE dignities and duties of THE officers in\n THE Imperial court.ÑM.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Pancirolus ad Notitiam utriusque Imperii, p. 39.\n But his explanations are obscure, and he does not sufficiently\n distinguish THE painted emblems from THE effective ensigns of\n office.]\n\n All THE magistrates of sufficient importance to find a place in\n THE general state of THE empire, were accurately divided into\n three classes. 1. The _Illustrious_. 2. The _Spectabiles_, or\n _Respectable_. And, 3. THE _Clarissimi;_ whom we may translate by\n THE word _Honorable_. In THE times of Roman simplicity, THE\n last-mentioned epiTHEt was used only as a vague expression of\n deference, till it became at length THE peculiar and appropriated\n title of all who were members of THE senate, 77 and consequently\n of all who, from that venerable body, were selected to govern THE\n provinces. The vanity of those who, from THEir rank and office,\n might claim a superior distinction above THE rest of THE\n senatorial order, was long afterwards indulged with THE new\n appellation of _Respectable;_ but THE title of _Illustrious_ was\n always reserved to some eminent personages who were obeyed or\n reverenced by THE two subordinate classes. It was communicated\n only, I. To THE consuls and patricians; II. To THE Pr¾torian\n pr¾fects, with THE pr¾fects of Rome and Constantinople; III. To\n THE masters-general of THE cavalry and THE infantry; and IV. To\n THE seven ministers of THE palace, who exercised THEir _sacred_\n functions about THE person of THE emperor. 78 Among those\n illustrious magistrates who were esteemed coordinate with each\n oTHEr, THE seniority of appointment gave place to THE union of\n dignities. 79 By THE expedient of honorary codicils, THE\n emperors, who were fond of multiplying THEir favors, might\n sometimes gratify THE vanity, though not THE ambition, of\n impatient courtiers. 80\n\n 77 (return) [ In THE Pandects, which may be referred to THE\n reigns of THE Antonines, Clarissimus is THE ordinary and legal\n title of a senator.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Pancirol. p. 12-17. I have not taken any notice of\n THE two inferior ranks, _Prefectissimus_ and _Egregius_, which\n were given to many persons who were not raised to THE senatorial\n dignity.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Cod. Theodos. l. vi. tit. vi. The rules of\n precedency are ascertained with THE most minute accuracy by THE\n emperors, and illustrated with equal prolixity by THEir learned\n interpreter.]\n\n 80 (return) [ Cod. Theodos. l. vi. tit. xxii.]\n\n I. As long as THE Roman consuls were THE first magistrates of a\n free state, THEy derived THEir right to power from THE choice of\n THE people. As long as THE emperors condescended to disguise THE\n servitude which THEy imposed, THE consuls were still elected by\n THE real or apparent suffrage of THE senate. From THE reign of\n Diocletian, even THEse vestiges of liberty were abolished, and\n THE successful candidates who were invested with THE annual\n honors of THE consulship, affected to deplore THE humiliating\n condition of THEir predecessors. The Scipios and THE Catos had\n been reduced to solicit THE votes of plebeians, to pass through\n THE tedious and expensive forms of a popular election, and to\n expose THEir dignity to THE shame of a public refusal; while\n THEir own happier fate had reserved THEm for an age and\n government in which THE rewards of virtue were assigned by THE\n unerring wisdom of a gracious sovereign. 81 In THE epistles which\n THE emperor addressed to THE two consuls elect, it was declared,\n that THEy were created by his sole authority. 82 Their names and\n portraits, engraved on gilt tables of ivory, were dispersed over\n THE empire as presents to THE provinces, THE cities, THE\n magistrates, THE senate, and THE people. 83 Their solemn\n inauguration was performed at THE place of THE Imperial\n residence; and during a period of one hundred and twenty years,\n Rome was constantly deprived of THE presence of her ancient\n magistrates. 84\n\n 81 (return) [ Ausonius (in Gratiarum Actione) basely expatiates\n on this unworthy topic, which is managed by Mamertinus (Panegyr.\n Vet. xi. [x.] 16, 19) with somewhat more freedom and ingenuity.]\n\n 82 (return) [ Cum de Consulibus in annum creandis, solus mecum\n volutarem.... te Consulem et designavi, et declaravi, et priorem\n nuncupavi; are some of THE expressions employed by THE emperor\n Gratian to his preceptor, THE poet Ausonius.]\n\n 83 (return) [ Immanesque... dentes Qui secti ferro in tabulas\n auroque micantes, Inscripti rutilum cÏlato Consule nomen Per\n proceres et vulgus eant. ÑClaud. in ii. Cons. Stilichon. 456.\n\n Montfaucon has represented some of THEse tablets or dypticks see\n Supplement ˆ lÕAntiquitŽ expliquŽe, tom. iii. p. 220.]\n\n 84 (return) [\n\n Consule l¾tatur post plurima seculo viso Pallanteus apex:\n agnoscunt rostra curules Auditas quondam proavis: desuetaque\n cingit Regius auratis Fora fascibus Ulpia lictor. ÑClaud. in vi.\n Cons. Honorii, 643.\n\n From THE reign of Carus to THE sixth consulship of Honorius,\n THEre was an interval of one hundred and twenty years, during\n which THE emperors were always absent from Rome on THE first day\n of January. See THE Chronologie de Tillemonte, tom. iii. iv. and\n v.]\n\n On THE morning of THE first of January, THE consuls assumed THE\n ensigns of THEir dignity. Their dress was a robe of purple,\n embroidered in silk and gold, and sometimes ornamented with\n costly gems. 85 On this solemn occasion THEy were attended by THE\n most eminent officers of THE state and army, in THE habit of\n senators; and THE useless fasces, armed with THE once formidable\n axes, were borne before THEm by THE lictors. The procession moved\n from THE palace 87 to THE Forum or principal square of THE city;\n where THE consuls ascended THEir tribunal, and seated THEmselves\n in THE curule chairs, which were framed after THE fashion of\n ancient times. They immediately exercised an act of jurisdiction,\n by THE manumission of a slave, who was brought before THEm for\n that purpose; and THE ceremony was intended to represent THE\n celebrated action of THE elder Brutus, THE author of liberty and\n of THE consulship, when he admitted among his fellow-citizens THE\n faithful Vindex, who had revealed THE conspiracy of THE Tarquins.\n 88 The public festival was continued during several days in all\n THE principal cities in Rome, from custom; in Constantinople,\n from imitation in Carthage, Antioch, and Alexandria, from THE\n love of pleasure, and THE superfluity of wealth. 89 In THE two\n capitals of THE empire THE annual games of THE THEatre, THE\n circus, and THE amphiTHEatre, 90 cost four thousand pounds of\n gold, (about) one hundred and sixty thousand pounds sterling: and\n if so heavy an expense surpassed THE faculties or THE\n inclinations of THE magistrates THEmselves, THE sum was supplied\n from THE Imperial treasury. 91 As soon as THE consuls had\n discharged THEse customary duties, THEy were at liberty to retire\n into THE shade of private life, and to enjoy, during THE\n remainder of THE year, THE undisturbed contemplation of THEir own\n greatness. They no longer presided in THE national councils; THEy\n no longer executed THE resolutions of peace or war. Their\n abilities (unless THEy were employed in more effective offices)\n were of little moment; and THEir names served only as THE legal\n date of THE year in which THEy had filled THE chair of Marius and\n of Cicero. Yet it was still felt and acknowledged, in THE last\n period of Roman servitude, that this empty name might be\n compared, and even preferred, to THE possession of substantial\n power. The title of consul was still THE most splendid object of\n ambition, THE noblest reward of virtue and loyalty. The emperors\n THEmselves, who disdained THE faint shadow of THE republic, were\n conscious that THEy acquired an additional splendor and majesty\n as often as THEy assumed THE annual honors of THE consular\n dignity. 92\n\n 85 (return) [ See Claudian in Cons. Prob. et Olybrii, 178, &c.;\n and in iv. Cons. Honorii, 585, &c.; though in THE latter it is\n not easy to separate THE ornaments of THE emperor from those of\n THE consul. Ausonius received from THE liberality of Gratian a\n _vestis palmata_, or robe of state, in which THE figure of THE\n emperor Constantius was embroidered. Cernis et armorum proceres\n legumque potentes: Patricios sumunt habitus; et more Gabino\n Discolor incedit legio, positisque parumper Bellorum signis,\n sequitur vexilla Quirini. Lictori cedunt aquil¾, ridetque togatus\n Miles, et in mediis effulget curia castris. ÑClaud. in iv. Cons.\n Honorii, 5. Ñ_strictaque_ procul radiare _secures_. ÑIn Cons.\n Prob. 229]\n\n 87 (return) [ See Valesius ad Ammian. Marcellin. l. xxii. c. 7.]\n\n 88 (return) [ Auspice mox l¾to sonuit clamore tribunal; Te fastos\n ineunte quater; solemnia ludit Omina libertas; deductum Vindice\n morem Lex servat, famulusque jugo laxatus herili Ducitur, et\n grato remeat securior ictu. ÑClaud. in iv Cons. Honorii, 611]\n\n 89 (return) [ Celebrant quidem solemnes istos dies omnes ubique\n urbes qu¾ sub legibus agunt; et Roma de more, et Constantinopolis\n de imitatione, et Antiochia pro luxu, et discincta Carthago, et\n domus fluminis Alexandria, sed Treviri Principis beneficio.\n Ausonius in Grat. Actione.]\n\n 90 (return) [ Claudian (in Cons. Mall. Theodori, 279-331)\n describes, in a lively and fanciful manner, THE various games of\n THE circus, THE THEatre, and THE amphiTHEatre, exhibited by THE\n new consul. The sanguinary combats of gladiators had already been\n prohibited.]\n\n 91 (return) [ Procopius in Hist. Arcana, c. 26.]\n\n 92 (return) [ In Consulatu honos sine labore suscipitur.\n (Mamertin. in Panegyr. Vet. xi. [x.] 2.) This exalted idea of THE\n consulship is borrowed from an oration (iii. p. 107) pronounced\n by Julian in THE servile court of Constantius. See THE AbbŽ de la\n Bleterie, (MŽmoires de lÕAcadŽmie, tom. xxiv. p. 289,) who\n delights to pursue THE vestiges of THE old constitution, and who\n sometimes finds THEm in his copious fancy]\n\n The proudest and most perfect separation which can be found in\n any age or country, between THE nobles and THE people, is perhaps\n that of THE Patricians and THE Plebeians, as it was established\n in THE first age of THE Roman republic. Wealth and honors, THE\n offices of THE state, and THE ceremonies of religion, were almost\n exclusively possessed by THE former who, preserving THE purity of\n THEir blood with THE most insulting jealousy, 93 held THEir\n clients in a condition of specious vassalage. But THEse\n distinctions, so incompatible with THE spirit of a free people,\n were removed, after a long struggle, by THE persevering efforts\n of THE Tribunes. The most active and successful of THE Plebeians\n accumulated wealth, aspired to honors, deserved triumphs,\n contracted alliances, and, after some generations, assumed THE\n pride of ancient nobility. 94 The Patrician families, on THE\n oTHEr hand, whose original number was never recruited till THE\n end of THE commonwealth, eiTHEr failed in THE ordinary course of\n nature, or were extinguished in so many foreign and domestic\n wars, or, through a want of merit or fortune, insensibly mingled\n with THE mass of THE people. 95 Very few remained who could\n derive THEir pure and genuine origin from THE infancy of THE\n city, or even from that of THE republic, when C¾sar and Augustus,\n Claudius and Vespasian, created from THE body of THE senate a\n competent number of new Patrician families, in THE hope of\n perpetuating an order, which was still considered as honorable\n and sacred. 96 But THEse artificial supplies (in which THE\n reigning house was always included) were rapidly swept away by\n THE rage of tyrants, by frequent revolutions, by THE change of\n manners, and by THE intermixture of nations. 97 Little more was\n left when Constantine ascended THE throne, than a vague and\n imperfect tradition, that THE Patricians had once been THE first\n of THE Romans. To form a body of nobles, whose influence may\n restrain, while it secures THE authority of THE monarch, would\n have been very inconsistent with THE character and policy of\n Constantine; but had he seriously entertained such a design, it\n might have exceeded THE measure of his power to ratify, by an\n arbitrary edict, an institution which must expect THE sanction of\n time and of opinion. He revived, indeed, THE title of Patricians,\n but he revived it as a personal, not as an hereditary\n distinction. They yielded only to THE transient superiority of\n THE annual consuls; but THEy enjoyed THE pre-eminence over all\n THE great officers of state, with THE most familiar access to THE\n person of THE prince. This honorable rank was bestowed on THEm\n for life; and as THEy were usually favorites, and ministers who\n had grown old in THE Imperial court, THE true etymology of THE\n word was perverted by ignorance and flattery; and THE Patricians\n of Constantine were reverenced as THE adopted _FaTHErs_ of THE\n emperor and THE republic. 98\n\n 93 (return) [ Intermarriages between THE Patricians and Plebeians\n were prohibited by THE laws of THE XII Tables; and THE uniform\n operations of human nature may attest that THE custom survived\n THE law. See in Livy (iv. 1-6) THE pride of family urged by THE\n consul, and THE rights of mankind asserted by THE tribune\n Canuleius.]\n\n 94 (return) [ See THE animated picture drawn by Sallust, in THE\n Jugurthine war, of THE pride of THE nobles, and even of THE\n virtuous Metellus, who was unable to brook THE idea that THE\n honor of THE consulship should be bestowed on THE obscure merit\n of his lieutenant Marius. (c. 64.) Two hundred years before, THE\n race of THE Metelli THEmselves were confounded among THE\n Plebeians of Rome; and from THE etymology of THEir name of\n _C¾cilius_, THEre is reason to believe that those haughty nobles\n derived THEir origin from a sutler.]\n\n 95 (return) [ In THE year of Rome 800, very few remained, not\n only of THE old Patrician families, but even of those which had\n been created by C¾sar and Augustus. (Tacit. Annal. xi. 25.) The\n family of Scaurus (a branch of THE Patrician ®milii) was degraded\n so low that his faTHEr, who exercised THE trade of a charcoal\n merchant, left him only teu slaves, and somewhat less than three\n hundred pounds sterling. (Valerius Maximus, l. iv. c. 4, n. 11.\n Aurel. Victor in Scauro.) The family was saved from oblivion by\n THE merit of THE son.]\n\n 96 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. xi. 25. Dion Cassius, l. iii. p. 698.\n The virtues of Agricola, who was created a Patrician by THE\n emperor Vespasian, reflected honor on that ancient order; but his\n ancestors had not any claim beyond an Equestrian nobility.]\n\n 97 (return) [ This failure would have been almost impossible if\n it were true, as Casaubon compels Aurelius Victor to affirm (ad\n Sueton, in C¾sar v. 24. See Hist. August p. 203 and Casaubon\n Comment., p. 220) that Vespasian created at once a thousand\n Patrician families. But this extravagant number is too much even\n for THE whole Senatorial order. unless we should include all THE\n Roman knights who were distinguished by THE permission of wearing\n THE laticlave.]\n\n 98 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 118; and Godefroy ad Cod.\n Theodos. l. vi. tit. vi.]\n\n II. The fortunes of THE Pr¾torian pr¾fects were essentially\n different from those of THE consuls and Patricians. The latter\n saw THEir ancient greatness evaporate in a vain title.\n\n The former, rising by degrees from THE most humble condition,\n were invested with THE civil and military administration of THE\n Roman world. From THE reign of Severus to that of Diocletian, THE\n guards and THE palace, THE laws and THE finances, THE armies and\n THE provinces, were intrusted to THEir superintending care; and,\n like THE Viziers of THE East, THEy held with one hand THE seal,\n and with THE oTHEr THE standard, of THE empire. The ambition of\n THE pr¾fects, always formidable, and sometimes fatal to THE\n masters whom THEy served, was supported by THE strength of THE\n Pr¾torian bands; but after those haughty troops had been weakened\n by Diocletian, and finally suppressed by Constantine, THE\n pr¾fects, who survived THEir fall, were reduced without\n difficulty to THE station of useful and obedient ministers. When\n THEy were no longer responsible for THE safety of THE emperorÕs\n person, THEy resigned THE jurisdiction which THEy had hiTHErto\n claimed and exercised over all THE departments of THE palace.\n They were deprived by Constantine of all military command, as\n soon as THEy had ceased to lead into THE field, under THEir\n immediate orders, THE flower of THE Roman troops; and at length,\n by a singular revolution, THE captains of THE guards were\n transformed into THE civil magistrates of THE provinces.\n According to THE plan of government instituted by Diocletian, THE\n four princes had each THEir Pr¾torian pr¾fect; and after THE\n monarchy was once more united in THE person of Constantine, he\n still continued to create THE same number of Four Pr¾fects, and\n intrusted to THEir care THE same provinces which THEy already\n administered. 1. The pr¾fect of THE East stretched his ample\n jurisdiction into THE three parts of THE globe which were subject\n to THE Romans, from THE cataracts of THE Nile to THE banks of THE\n Phasis, and from THE mountains of Thrace to THE frontiers of\n Persia. 2. The important provinces of Pannonia, Dacia, Macedonia,\n and Greece, once acknowledged THE authority of THE pr¾fect of\n Illyricum. 3. The power of THE pr¾fect of Italy was not confined\n to THE country from whence he derived his title; it extended over\n THE additional territory of Rh¾tia as far as THE banks of THE\n Danube, over THE dependent islands of THE Mediterranean, and over\n that part of THE continent of Africa which lies between THE\n confines of Cyrene and those of Tingitania. 4. The pr¾fect of THE\n Gauls comprehended under that plural denomination THE kindred\n provinces of Britain and Spain, and his authority was obeyed from\n THE wall of Antoninus to THE foot of Mount Atlas. 99\n\n 99 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 109, 110. If we had not\n fortunately possessed this satisfactory account of THE division\n of THE power and provinces of THE Pr¾torian pr¾fects, we should\n frequently have been perplexed amidst THE copious details of THE\n Code, and THE circumstantial minuteness of THE Notitia.]\n\n After THE Pr¾torian pr¾fects had been dismissed from all military\n command, THE civil functions which THEy were ordained to exercise\n over so many subject nations, were adequate to THE ambition and\n abilities of THE most consummate ministers. To THEir wisdom was\n committed THE supreme administration of justice and of THE\n finances, THE two objects which, in a state of peace, comprehend\n almost all THE respective duties of THE sovereign and of THE\n people; of THE former, to protect THE citizens who are obedient\n to THE laws; of THE latter, to contribute THE share of THEir\n property which is required for THE expenses of THE state. The\n coin, THE highways, THE posts, THE granaries, THE manufactures,\n whatever could interest THE public prosperity, was moderated by\n THE authority of THE Pr¾torian pr¾fects. As THE immediate\n representatives of THE Imperial majesty, THEy were empowered to\n explain, to enforce, and on some occasions to modify, THE general\n edicts by THEir discretionary proclamations. They watched over\n THE conduct of THE provincial governors, removed THE negligent,\n and inflicted punishments on THE guilty. From all THE inferior\n jurisdictions, an appeal in every matter of importance, eiTHEr\n civil or criminal, might be brought before THE tribunal of THE\n pr¾fect; but _his_ sentence was final and absolute; and THE\n emperors THEmselves refused to admit any complaints against THE\n judgment or THE integrity of a magistrate whom THEy honored with\n such unbounded confidence. 100 His appointments were suitable to\n his dignity; 101 and if avarice was his ruling passion, he\n enjoyed frequent opportunities of collecting a rich harvest of\n fees, of presents, and of perquisites. Though THE emperors no\n longer dreaded THE ambition of THEir pr¾fects, THEy were\n attentive to counterbalance THE power of this great office by THE\n uncertainty and shortness of its duration. 102\n\n 100 (return) [ See a law of Constantine himself. A pr¾fectis\n autem pr¾torio provocare, non sinimus. Cod. Justinian. l. vii.\n tit. lxii. leg. 19. Charisius, a lawyer of THE time of\n Constantine, (Heinec. Hist. Romani, p. 349,) who admits this law\n as a fundamental principle of jurisprudence, compares THE\n Pr¾torian pr¾fects to THE masters of THE horse of THE ancient\n dictators. Pandect. l. i. tit. xi.]\n\n 101 (return) [ When Justinian, in THE exhausted condition of THE\n empire, instituted a Pr¾torian pr¾fect for Africa, he allowed him\n a salary of one hundred pounds of gold. Cod. Justinian. l. i.\n tit. xxvii. leg. i.]\n\n 102 (return) [ For this, and THE oTHEr dignities of THE empire,\n it may be sufficient to refer to THE ample commentaries of\n Pancirolus and Godefroy, who have diligently collected and\n accurately digested in THEir proper order all THE legal and\n historical materials. From those authors, Dr. Howell (History of\n THE World, vol. ii. p. 24-77) has deduced a very distinct\n abridgment of THE state of THE Roman empire]\n\n From THEir superior importance and dignity, Rome and\n Constantinople were alone excepted from THE jurisdiction of THE\n Pr¾torian pr¾fects. The immense size of THE city, and THE\n experience of THE tardy, ineffectual operation of THE laws, had\n furnished THE policy of Augustus with a specious pretence for\n introducing a new magistrate, who alone could restrain a servile\n and turbulent populace by THE strong arm of arbitrary power. 103\n Valerius Messalla was appointed THE first pr¾fect of Rome, that\n his reputation might countenance so invidious a measure; but, at\n THE end of a few days, that accomplished citizen 104 resigned his\n office, declaring, with a spirit worthy of THE friend of Brutus,\n that he found himself incapable of exercising a power\n incompatible with public freedom. 105 As THE sense of liberty\n became less exquisite, THE advantages of order were more clearly\n understood; and THE pr¾fect, who seemed to have been designed as\n a terror only to slaves and vagrants, was permitted to extend his\n civil and criminal jurisdiction over THE equestrian and noble\n families of Rome. The pr¾tors, annually created as THE judges of\n law and equity, could not long dispute THE possession of THE\n Forum with a vigorous and permanent magistrate, who was usually\n admitted into THE confidence of THE prince. Their courts were\n deserted, THEir number, which had once fluctuated between twelve\n and eighteen, 106 was gradually reduced to two or three, and\n THEir important functions were confined to THE expensive\n obligation 107 of exhibiting games for THE amusement of THE\n people. After THE office of THE Roman consuls had been changed\n into a vain pageant, which was rarely displayed in THE capital,\n THE pr¾fects assumed THEir vacant place in THE senate, and were\n soon acknowledged as THE ordinary presidents of that venerable\n assembly. They received appeals from THE distance of one hundred\n miles; and it was allowed as a principle of jurisprudence, that\n all municipal authority was derived from THEm alone. 108 In THE\n discharge of his laborious employment, THE governor of Rome was\n assisted by fifteen officers, some of whom had been originally\n his equals, or even his superiors. The principal departments were\n relative to THE command of a numerous watch, established as a\n safeguard against fires, robberies, and nocturnal disorders; THE\n custody and distribution of THE public allowance of corn and\n provisions; THE care of THE port, of THE aqueducts, of THE common\n sewers, and of THE navigation and bed of THE Tyber; THE\n inspection of THE markets, THE THEatres, and of THE private as\n well as THE public works. Their vigilance insured THE three\n principal objects of a regular police, safety, plenty, and\n cleanliness; and as a proof of THE attention of government to\n preserve THE splendor and ornaments of THE capital, a particular\n inspector was appointed for THE statues; THE guardian, as it\n were, of that inanimate people, which, according to THE\n extravagant computation of an old writer, was scarcely inferior\n in number to THE living inhabitants of Rome. About thirty years\n after THE foundation of Constantinople, a similar magistrate was\n created in that rising metropolis, for THE same uses and with THE\n same powers. A perfect equality was established between THE\n dignity of THE _two_ municipal, and that of THE _four_ Pr¾torian\n pr¾fects. 109\n\n 103 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. vi. 11. Euseb. in Chron. p. 155.\n Dion Cassius, in THE oration of M¾cenas, (l. lvii. p. 675,)\n describes THE prerogatives of THE pr¾fect of THE city as THEy\n were established in his own time.]\n\n 104 (return) [ The fame of Messalla has been scarcely equal to\n his merit. In THE earliest youth he was recommended by Cicero to\n THE friendship of Brutus. He followed THE standard of THE\n republic till it was broken in THE fields of Philippi; he THEn\n accepted and deserved THE favor of THE most moderate of THE\n conquerors; and uniformly asserted his freedom and dignity in THE\n court of Augustus. The triumph of Messalla was justified by THE\n conquest of Aquitain. As an orator, he disputed THE palm of\n eloquence with Cicero himself. Messalla cultivated every muse,\n and was THE patron of every man of genius. He spent his evenings\n in philosophic conversation with Horace; assumed his place at\n table between Delia and Tibullus; and amused his leisure by\n encouraging THE poetical talents of young Ovid.]\n\n 105 (return) [ Incivilem esse potestatem contestans, says THE\n translator of Eusebius. Tacitus expresses THE same idea in oTHEr\n words; quasi nescius exercendi.]\n\n 106 (return) [ See Lipsius, Excursus D. ad 1 lib. Tacit. Annal.]\n\n 107 (return) [ Heineccii. Element. Juris Civilis secund ordinem\n Pandect i. p. 70. See, likewise, Spanheim de Usu. Numismatum,\n tom. ii. dissertat. x. p. 119. In THE year 450, Marcian published\n a law, that _three_ citizens should be annually created Pr¾tors\n of Constantinople by THE choice of THE senate, but with THEir own\n consent. Cod. Justinian. li. i. tit. xxxix. leg. 2.]\n\n 108 (return) [ Quidquid igitur intra urbem admittitur, ad P. U.\n videtur pertinere; sed et siquid intra contesimum milliarium.\n Ulpian in Pandect l. i. tit. xiii. n. 1. He proceeds to enumerate\n THE various offices of THE pr¾fect, who, in THE code of\n Justinian, (l. i. tit. xxxix. leg. 3,) is declared to precede and\n command all city magistrates sine injuria ac detrimento honoris\n alieni.]\n\n 109 (return) [ Besides our usual guides, we may observe that\n Felix Cantelorius has written a separate treatise, De Pr¾fecto\n Urbis; and that many curious details concerning THE police of\n Rome and Constantinople are contained in THE fourteenth book of\n THE Theodosian Code.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.ÑPart IV.\n\n\n Those who, in THE imperial hierarchy, were distinguished by THE\n title of _Respectable_, formed an intermediate class between THE\n _illustrious_ pr¾fects, and THE _honorable_ magistrates of THE\n provinces. In this class THE proconsuls of Asia, Achaia, and\n Africa, claimed a pre‘minence, which was yielded to THE\n remembrance of THEir ancient dignity; and THE appeal from THEir\n tribunal to that of THE pr¾fects was almost THE only mark of\n THEir dependence. 110 But THE civil government of THE empire was\n distributed into thirteen great Dioceses, each of which equalled\n THE just measure of a powerful kingdom. The first of THEse\n dioceses was subject to THE jurisdiction of THE _count_ of THE\n east; and we may convey some idea of THE importance and variety\n of his functions, by observing, that six hundred apparitors, who\n would be styled at present eiTHEr secretaries, or clerks, or\n ushers, or messengers, were employed in his immediate office. 111\n The place of _Augustal pr¾fect_ of Egypt was no longer filled by\n a Roman knight; but THE name was retained; and THE extraordinary\n powers which THE situation of THE country, and THE temper of THE\n inhabitants, had once made indispensable, were still continued to\n THE governor. The eleven remaining dioceses, of Asiana, Pontica,\n and Thrace; of Macedonia, Dacia, and Pannonia, or Western\n Illyricum; of Italy and Africa; of Gaul, Spain, and Britain; were\n governed by twelve _vicars_ or _vice-pr¾fects_, 112 whose name\n sufficiently explains THE nature and dependence of THEir office.\n It may be added, that THE lieutenant-generals of THE Roman\n armies, THE military counts and dukes, who will be hereafter\n mentioned, were allowed THE rank and title of _Respectable_.\n\n 110 (return) [ Eunapius affirms, that THE proconsul of Asia was\n independent of THE pr¾fect; which must, however, be understood\n with some allowance. THE jurisdiction of THE vice-pr¾fect he most\n assuredly disclaimed. Pancirolus, p. 161.]\n\n 111 (return) [ The proconsul of Africa had four hundred\n apparitors; and THEy all received large salaries, eiTHEr from THE\n treasury or THE province See Pancirol. p. 26, and Cod. Justinian.\n l. xii. tit. lvi. lvii.]\n\n 112 (return) [ In Italy THEre was likewise THE _Vicar of Rome_.\n It has been much disputed wheTHEr his jurisdiction measured one\n hundred miles from THE city, or wheTHEr it stretched over THE ten\n thousand provinces of Italy.]\n\n As THE spirit of jealousy and ostentation prevailed in THE\n councils of THE emperors, THEy proceeded with anxious diligence\n to divide THE substance and to multiply THE titles of power. The\n vast countries which THE Roman conquerors had united under THE\n same simple form of administration, were imperceptibly crumbled\n into minute fragments; till at length THE whole empire was\n distributed into one hundred and sixteen provinces, each of which\n supported an expensive and splendid establishment. Of THEse,\n three were governed by _proconsuls_, thirty-seven by _consulars_,\n five by _correctors_, and seventy-one by _presidents_. The\n appellations of THEse magistrates were different; THEy ranked in\n successive order, and THE ensigns of and THEir situation, from\n accidental circumstances, might be more or less agreeable or\n advantageous. But THEy were all (excepting only THE pro-consuls)\n alike included in THE class of _honorable_ persons; and THEy were\n alike intrusted, during THE pleasure of THE prince, and under THE\n authority of THE pr¾fects or THEir deputies, with THE\n administration of justice and THE finances in THEir respective\n districts. The ponderous volumes of THE Codes and Pandects 113\n would furnish ample materials for a minute inquiry into THE\n system of provincial government, as in THE space of six centuries\n it was approved by THE wisdom of THE Roman statesmen and lawyers.\n\n It may be sufficient for THE historian to select two singular and\n salutary provisions, intended to restrain THE abuse of authority.\n\n 1. For THE preservation of peace and order, THE governors of THE\n provinces were armed with THE sword of justice. They inflicted\n corporal punishments, and THEy exercised, in capital offences,\n THE power of life and death. But THEy were not authorized to\n indulge THE condemned criminal with THE choice of his own\n execution, or to pronounce a sentence of THE mildest and most\n honorable kind of exile. These prerogatives were reserved to THE\n pr¾fects, who alone could impose THE heavy fine of fifty pounds\n of gold: THEir vicegerents were confined to THE trifling weight\n of a few ounces. 114 This distinction, which seems to grant THE\n larger, while it denies THE smaller degree of authority, was\n founded on a very rational motive. The smaller degree was\n infinitely more liable to abuse. The passions of a provincial\n magistrate might frequently provoke him into acts of oppression,\n which affected only THE freedom or THE fortunes of THE subject;\n though, from a principle of prudence, perhaps of humanity, he\n might still be terrified by THE guilt of innocent blood. It may\n likewise be considered, that exile, considerable fines, or THE\n choice of an easy death, relate more particularly to THE rich and\n THE noble; and THE persons THE most exposed to THE avarice or\n resentment of a provincial magistrate, were thus removed from his\n obscure persecution to THE more august and impartial tribunal of\n THE Pr¾torian pr¾fect. 2. As it was reasonably apprehended that\n THE integrity of THE judge might be biased, if his interest was\n concerned, or his affections were engaged, THE strictest\n regulations were established, to exclude any person, without THE\n special dispensation of THE emperor, from THE government of THE\n province where he was born; 115 and to prohibit THE governor or\n his son from contracting marriage with a native, or an\n inhabitant; 116 or from purchasing slaves, lands, or houses,\n within THE extent of his jurisdiction. 117 Notwithstanding THEse\n rigorous precautions, THE emperor Constantine, after a reign of\n twenty-five years, still deplores THE venal and oppressive\n administration of justice, and expresses THE warmest indignation\n that THE audience of THE judge, his despatch of business, his\n seasonable delays, and his final sentence, were publicly sold,\n eiTHEr by himself or by THE officers of his court. The\n continuance, and perhaps THE impunity, of THEse crimes, is\n attested by THE repetition of impotent laws and ineffectual\n menaces. 118\n\n 113 (return) [ Among THE works of THE celebrated Ulpian, THEre\n was one in ten books, concerning THE office of a proconsul, whose\n duties in THE most essential articles were THE same as those of\n an ordinary governor of a province.]\n\n 114 (return) [ The presidents, or consulars, could impose only\n two ounces; THE vice-pr¾fects, three; THE proconsuls, count of\n THE east, and pr¾fect of Egypt, six. See Heineccii Jur. Civil.\n tom. i. p. 75. Pandect. l. xlviii. tit. xix. n. 8. Cod.\n Justinian. l. i. tit. liv. leg. 4, 6.]\n\n 115 (return) [ Ut nulli patri¾ su¾ administratio sine speciali\n principis permissu permittatur. Cod. Justinian. l. i. tit. xli.\n This law was first enacted by THE emperor Marcus, after THE\n rebellion of Cassius. (Dion. l. lxxi.) The same regulation is\n observed in China, with equal strictness, and with equal effect.]\n\n 116 (return) [ Pandect. l. xxiii. tit. ii. n. 38, 57, 63.]\n\n 117 (return) [ In jure continetur, ne quis in administratione\n constitutus aliquid compararet. Cod. Theod. l. viii. tit. xv.\n leg. l. This maxim of common law was enforced by a series of\n edicts (see THE remainder of THE title) from Constantine to\n Justin. From this prohibition, which is extended to THE meanest\n officers of THE governor, THEy except only cloTHEs and\n provisions. The purchase within five years may be recovered;\n after which on information, it devolves to THE treasury.]\n\n 118 (return) [ Cessent rapaces jam nunc officialium manus;\n cessent, inquam nam si moniti non cessaverint, gladiis\n pr¾cidentur, &c. Cod. Theod. l. i. tit. vii. leg. l. Zeno enacted\n that all governors should remain in THE province, to answer any\n accusations, fifty days after THE expiration of THEir power. Cod\n Justinian. l. ii. tit. xlix. leg. l.]\n\n All THE civil magistrates were drawn from THE profession of THE\n law. The celebrated Institutes of Justinian are addressed to THE\n youth of his dominions, who had devoted THEmselves to THE study\n of Roman jurisprudence; and THE sovereign condescends to animate\n THEir diligence, by THE assurance that THEir skill and ability\n would in time be rewarded by an adequate share in THE government\n of THE republic. 119 The rudiments of this lucrative science were\n taught in all THE considerable cities of THE east and west; but\n THE most famous school was that of Berytus, 120 on THE coast of\n PhÏnicia; which flourished above three centuries from THE time of\n Alexander Severus, THE author perhaps of an institution so\n advantageous to his native country. After a regular course of\n education, which lasted five years, THE students dispersed\n THEmselves through THE provinces, in search of fortune and\n honors; nor could THEy want an inexhaustible supply of business\n in a great empire already corrupted by THE multiplicity of laws,\n of arts, and of vices. The court of THE Pr¾torian pr¾fect of THE\n east could alone furnish employment for one hundred and fifty\n advocates, sixty-four of whom were distinguished by peculiar\n privileges, and two were annually chosen, with a salary of sixty\n pounds of gold, to defend THE causes of THE treasury. The first\n experiment was made of THEir judicial talents, by appointing THEm\n to act occasionally as assessors to THE magistrates; from THEnce\n THEy were often raised to preside in THE tribunals before which\n THEy had pleaded. They obtained THE government of a province;\n and, by THE aid of merit, of reputation, or of favor, THEy\n ascended, by successive steps, to THE _illustrious_ dignities of\n THE state. 121 In THE practice of THE bar, THEse men had\n considered reason as THE instrument of dispute; THEy interpreted\n THE laws according to THE dictates of private interest and THE\n same pernicious habits might still adhere to THEir characters in\n THE public administration of THE state. The honor of a liberal\n profession has indeed been vindicated by ancient and modern\n advocates, who have filled THE most important stations, with pure\n integrity and consummate wisdom: but in THE decline of Roman\n jurisprudence, THE ordinary promotion of lawyers was pregnant\n with mischief and disgrace. The noble art, which had once been\n preserved as THE sacred inheritance of THE patricians, was fallen\n into THE hands of freedmen and plebeians, 122 who, with cunning\n raTHEr than with skill, exercised a sordid and pernicious trade.\n Some of THEm procured admittance into families for THE purpose of\n fomenting differences, of encouraging suits, and of preparing a\n harvest of gain for THEmselves or THEir brethren. OTHErs, recluse\n in THEir chambers, maintained THE dignity of legal professors, by\n furnishing a rich client with subtleties to confound THE plainest\n truths, and with arguments to color THE most unjustifiable\n pretensions. The splendid and popular class was composed of THE\n advocates, who filled THE Forum with THE sound of THEir turgid\n and loquacious rhetoric. Careless of fame and of justice, THEy\n are described, for THE most part, as ignorant and rapacious\n guides, who conducted THEir clients through a maze of expense, of\n delay, and of disappointment; from whence, after a tedious series\n of years, THEy were at length dismissed, when THEir patience and\n fortune were almost exhausted. 123\n\n 119 (return) [ Summ‰ igitur ope, et alacri studio has leges\n nostras accipite; et vosmetipsos sic eruditos ostendite, ut spes\n vos pulcherrima foveat; toto legitimo opere perfecto, posse etiam\n nostram rempublicam in par tibus ejus vobis credendis gubernari.\n Justinian in proem. Institutionum.]\n\n 120 (return) [ The splendor of THE school of Berytus, which\n preserved in THE east THE language and jurisprudence of THE\n Romans, may be computed to have lasted from THE third to THE\n middle of THE sixth century Heinecc. Jur. Rom. Hist. p. 351-356.]\n\n 121 (return) [ As in a former period I have traced THE civil and\n military promotion of Pertinax, I shall here insert THE civil\n honors of Mallius Theodorus. 1. He was distinguished by his\n eloquence, while he pleaded as an advocate in THE court of THE\n Pr¾torian pr¾fect. 2. He governed one of THE provinces of Africa,\n eiTHEr as president or consular, and deserved, by his\n administration, THE honor of a brass statue. 3. He was appointed\n vicar, or vice-pr¾fect, of Macedonia. 4. Qu¾stor. 5. Count of THE\n sacred largesses. 6. Pr¾torian pr¾fect of THE Gauls; whilst he\n might yet be represented as a young man. 7. After a retreat,\n perhaps a disgrace of many years, which Mallius (confounded by\n some critics with THE poet Manilius; see Fabricius BiblioTHEc.\n Latin. Edit. Ernest. tom. i.c. 18, p. 501) employed in THE study\n of THE Grecian philosophy he was named Pr¾torian pr¾fect of\n Italy, in THE year 397. 8. While he still exercised that great\n office, he was created, it THE year 399, consul for THE West; and\n his name, on account of THE infamy of his colleague, THE eunuch\n Eutropius, often stands alone in THE Fasti. 9. In THE year 408,\n Mallius was appointed a second time Pr¾torian pr¾fect of Italy.\n Even in THE venal panegyric of Claudian, we may discover THE\n merit of Mallius Theodorus, who, by a rare felicity, was THE\n intimate friend, both of Symmachus and of St. Augustin. See\n Tillemont, Hist. des Emp. tom. v. p. 1110-1114.]\n\n 122 (return) [ Mamertinus in Panegyr. Vet. xi. [x.] 20. Asterius\n apud Photium, p. 1500.]\n\n 123 (return) [ The curious passage of Ammianus, (l. xxx. c. 4,)\n in which he paints THE manners of contemporary lawyers, affords a\n strange mixture of sound sense, false rhetoric, and extravagant\n satire. Godefroy (Prolegom. ad. Cod. Theod. c. i. p. 185)\n supports THE historian by similar complaints and auTHEntic facts.\n In THE fourth century, many camels might have been laden with\n law-books. Eunapius in Vit. ®desii, p. 72.]\n\n III. In THE system of policy introduced by Augustus, THE\n governors, those at least of THE Imperial provinces, were\n invested with THE full powers of THE sovereign himself. Ministers\n of peace and war, THE distribution of rewards and punishments\n depended on THEm alone, and THEy successively appeared on THEir\n tribunal in THE robes of civil magistracy, and in complete armor\n at THE head of THE Roman legions. 124 The influence of THE\n revenue, THE authority of law, and THE command of a military\n force, concurred to render THEir power supreme and absolute; and\n whenever THEy were tempted to violate THEir allegiance, THE loyal\n province which THEy involved in THEir rebellion was scarcely\n sensible of any change in its political state. From THE time of\n Commodus to THE reign of Constantine, near one hundred governors\n might be enumerated, who, with various success, erected THE\n standard of revolt; and though THE innocent were too often\n sacrificed, THE guilty might be sometimes prevented, by THE\n suspicious cruelty of THEir master. 125 To secure his throne and\n THE public tranquillity from THEse formidable servants,\n Constantine resolved to divide THE military from THE civil\n administration, and to establish, as a permanent and professional\n distinction, a practice which had been adopted only as an\n occasional expedient. The supreme jurisdiction exercised by THE\n Pr¾torian pr¾fects over THE armies of THE empire, was transferred\n to THE two _masters-general_ whom he instituted, THE one for THE\n _cavalry_, THE oTHEr for THE _infantry;_ and though each of THEse\n _illustrious_ officers was more peculiarly responsible for THE\n discipline of those troops which were under his immediate\n inspection, THEy both indifferently commanded in THE field THE\n several bodies, wheTHEr of horse or foot, which were united in\n THE same army. 126 Their number was soon doubled by THE division\n of THE east and west; and as separate generals of THE same rank\n and title were appointed on THE four important frontiers of THE\n Rhine, of THE Upper and THE Lower Danube, and of THE Euphrates,\n THE defence of THE Roman empire was at length committed to eight\n masters-general of THE cavalry and infantry. Under THEir orders,\n thirty-five military commanders were stationed in THE provinces:\n three in Britain, six in Gaul, one in Spain, one in Italy, five\n on THE Upper, and four on THE Lower Danube; in Asia, eight, three\n in Egypt, and four in Africa. The titles of _counts_, and\n _dukes_, 127 by which THEy were properly distinguished, have\n obtained in modern languages so very different a sense, that THE\n use of THEm may occasion some surprise. But it should be\n recollected, that THE second of those appellations is only a\n corruption of THE Latin word, which was indiscriminately applied\n to any military chief. All THEse provincial generals were\n THErefore _dukes;_ but no more than ten among THEm were dignified\n with THE rank of _counts_ or companions, a title of honor, or\n raTHEr of favor, which had been recently invented in THE court of\n Constantine. A gold belt was THE ensign which distinguished THE\n office of THE counts and dukes; and besides THEir pay, THEy\n received a liberal allowance sufficient to maintain one hundred\n and ninety servants, and one hundred and fifty-eight horses. They\n were strictly prohibited from interfering in any matter which\n related to THE administration of justice or THE revenue; but THE\n command which THEy exercised over THE troops of THEir department,\n was independent of THE authority of THE magistrates. About THE\n same time that Constantine gave a legal sanction to THE\n ecclesiastical order, he instituted in THE Roman empire THE nice\n balance of THE civil and THE military powers. The emulation, and\n sometimes THE discord, which reigned between two professions of\n opposite interests and incompatible manners, was productive of\n beneficial and of pernicious consequences. It was seldom to be\n expected that THE general and THE civil governor of a province\n should eiTHEr conspire for THE disturbance, or should unite for\n THE service, of THEir country. While THE one delayed to offer THE\n assistance which THE oTHEr disdained to solicit, THE troops very\n frequently remained without orders or without supplies; THE\n public safety was betrayed, and THE defenceless subjects were\n left exposed to THE fury of THE Barbarians. The divided\n administration which had been formed by Constantine, relaxed THE\n vigor of THE state, while it secured THE tranquillity of THE\n monarch.\n\n 124 (return) [ See a very splendid example in THE life of\n Agricola, particularly c. 20, 21. The lieutenant of Britain was\n intrusted with THE same powers which Cicero, proconsul of\n Cilicia, had exercised in THE name of THE senate and people.]\n\n 125 (return) [ The AbbŽ Dubos, who has examined with accuracy\n (see Hist. de la Monarchie Fran\x8doise, tom. i. p. 41-100, edit.\n 1742) THE institutions of Augustus and of Constantine, observes,\n that if Otho had been put to death THE day before he executed his\n conspiracy, Otho would now appear in history as innocent as\n Corbulo.]\n\n 126 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 110. Before THE end of THE\n reign of Constantius, THE _magistri militum_ were already\n increased to four. See Velesius ad Ammian. l. xvi. c. 7.]\n\n 127 (return) [ Though THE military counts and dukes are\n frequently mentioned, both in history and THE codes, we must have\n recourse to THE Notitia for THE exact knowledge of THEir number\n and stations. For THE institution, rank, privileges, &c., of THE\n counts in general see Cod. Theod. l. vi. tit. xii.Ñxx., with THE\n commentary of Godefroy.]\n\n The memory of Constantine has been deservedly censured for\n anoTHEr innovation, which corrupted military discipline and\n prepared THE ruin of THE empire. The nineteen years which\n preceded his final victory over Licinius, had been a period of\n license and intestine war. The rivals who contended for THE\n possession of THE Roman world, had withdrawn THE greatest part of\n THEir forces from THE guard of THE general frontier; and THE\n principal cities which formed THE boundary of THEir respective\n dominions were filled with soldiers, who considered THEir\n countrymen as THEir most implacable enemies. After THE use of\n THEse internal garrisons had ceased with THE civil war, THE\n conqueror wanted eiTHEr wisdom or firmness to revive THE severe\n discipline of Diocletian, and to suppress a fatal indulgence,\n which habit had endeared and almost confirmed to THE military\n order. From THE reign of Constantine, a popular and even legal\n distinction was admitted between THE _Palatines_ 128 and THE\n _Borderers;_ THE troops of THE court, as THEy were improperly\n styled, and THE troops of THE frontier. The former, elevated by\n THE superiority of THEir pay and privileges, were permitted,\n except in THE extraordinary emergencies of war, to occupy THEir\n tranquil stations in THE heart of THE provinces. The most\n flourishing cities were oppressed by THE intolerable weight of\n quarters. The soldiers insensibly forgot THE virtues of THEir\n profession, and contracted only THE vices of civil life. They\n were eiTHEr degraded by THE industry of mechanic trades, or\n enervated by THE luxury of baths and THEatres. They soon became\n careless of THEir martial exercises, curious in THEir diet and\n apparel; and while THEy inspired terror to THE subjects of THE\n empire, THEy trembled at THE hostile approach of THE Barbarians.\n 129 The chain of fortifications which Diocletian and his\n colleagues had extended along THE banks of THE great rivers, was\n no longer maintained with THE same care, or defended with THE\n same vigilance. The numbers which still remained under THE name\n of THE troops of THE frontier, might be sufficient for THE\n ordinary defence; but THEir spirit was degraded by THE\n humiliating reflection, that _THEy_ who were exposed to THE\n hardships and dangers of a perpetual warfare, were rewarded only\n with about two thirds of THE pay and emoluments which were\n lavished on THE troops of THE court. Even THE bands or legions\n that were raised THE nearest to THE level of those unworthy\n favorites, were in some measure disgraced by THE title of honor\n which THEy were allowed to assume. It was in vain that\n Constantine repeated THE most dreadful menaces of fire and sword\n against THE Borderers who should dare desert THEir colors, to\n connive at THE inroads of THE Barbarians, or to participate in\n THE spoil. 130 The mischiefs which flow from injudicious counsels\n are seldom removed by THE application of partial severities; and\n though succeeding princes labored to restore THE strength and\n numbers of THE frontier garrisons, THE empire, till THE last\n moment of its dissolution, continued to languish under THE mortal\n wound which had been so rashly or so weakly inflicted by THE hand\n of Constantine.\n\n 128 (return) [ Zosimus, l ii. p. 111. The distinction between THE\n two classes of Roman troops, is very darkly expressed in THE\n historians, THE laws, and THE Notitia. Consult, however, THE\n copious _paratitlon_, or abstract, which Godefroy has drawn up of\n THE seventh book, de Re Militari, of THE Theodosian Code, l. vii.\n tit. i. leg. 18, l. viii. tit. i. leg. 10.]\n\n 129 (return) [ Ferox erat in suos miles et rapax, ignavus vero in\n hostes et fractus. Ammian. l. xxii. c. 4. He observes, that THEy\n loved downy beds and houses of marble; and that THEir cups were\n heavier than THEir swords.]\n\n 130 (return) [ Cod. Theod. l. vii. tit. i. leg. 1, tit. xii. leg.\n i. See HowellÕs Hist. of THE World, vol. ii. p. 19. That learned\n historian, who is not sufficiently known, labors to justify THE\n character and policy of Constantine.]\n\n The same timid policy, of dividing whatever is united, of\n reducing whatever is eminent, of dreading every active power, and\n of expecting that THE most feeble will prove THE most obedient,\n seems to pervade THE institutions of several princes, and\n particularly those of Constantine. The martial pride of THE\n legions, whose victorious camps had so often been THE scene of\n rebellion, was nourished by THE memory of THEir past exploits,\n and THE consciousness of THEir actual strength. As long as THEy\n maintained THEir ancient establishment of six thousand men, THEy\n subsisted, under THE reign of Diocletian, each of THEm singly, a\n visible and important object in THE military history of THE Roman\n empire. A few years afterwards, THEse gigantic bodies were shrunk\n to a very diminutive size; and when _seven_ legions, with some\n auxiliaries, defended THE city of Amida against THE Persians, THE\n total garrison, with THE inhabitants of both sexes, and THE\n peasants of THE deserted country, did not exceed THE number of\n twenty thousand persons. 131 From this fact, and from similar\n examples, THEre is reason to believe, that THE constitution of\n THE legionary troops, to which THEy partly owed THEir valor and\n discipline, was dissolved by Constantine; and that THE bands of\n Roman infantry, which still assumed THE same names and THE same\n honors, consisted only of one thousand or fifteen hundred men.\n 132 The conspiracy of so many separate detachments, each of which\n was awed by THE sense of its own weakness, could easily be\n checked; and THE successors of Constantine might indulge THEir\n love of ostentation, by issuing THEir orders to one hundred and\n thirty-two legions, inscribed on THE muster-roll of THEir\n numerous armies. The remainder of THEir troops was distributed\n into several hundred cohorts of infantry, and squadrons of\n cavalry. Their arms, and titles, and ensigns, were calculated to\n inspire terror, and to display THE variety of nations who marched\n under THE Imperial standard. And not a vestige was left of that\n severe simplicity, which, in THE ages of freedom and victory, had\n distinguished THE line of battle of a Roman army from THE\n confused host of an Asiatic monarch. 133 A more particular\n enumeration, drawn from THE_ Notitia_, might exercise THE\n diligence of an antiquary; but THE historian will content himself\n with observing, that THE number of permanent stations or\n garrisons established on THE frontiers of THE empire, amounted to\n five hundred and eighty-three; and that, under THE successors of\n Constantine, THE complete force of THE military establishment was\n computed at six hundred and forty-five thousand soldiers. 134 An\n effort so prodigious surpassed THE wants of a more ancient, and\n THE faculties of a later, period.\n\n 131 (return) [ Ammian. l. xix. c. 2. He observes, (c. 5,) that\n THE desperate sallies of two Gallic legions were like a handful\n of water thrown on a great conflagration.]\n\n 132 (return) [ Pancirolus ad Notitiam, p. 96. MŽmoires de\n lÕAcadŽmie des Inscriptions, tom. xxv. p. 491.]\n\n 133 (return) [ Romana acies unius prope form¾ erat et hominum et\n armorum genere.ÑRegia acies varia magis multis gentibus\n dissimilitudine armorum auxiliorumque erat. T. Liv. l. xxxvii. c.\n 39, 40. Flaminius, even before THE event, had compared THE army\n of Antiochus to a supper in which THE flesh of one vile animal\n was diversified by THE skill of THE cooks. See THE Life of\n Flaminius in Plutarch.]\n\n 134 (return) [ Agathias, l. v. p. 157, edit. Louvre.]\n\n In THE various states of society, armies are recruited from very\n different motives. Barbarians are urged by THE love of war; THE\n citizens of a free republic may be prompted by a principle of\n duty; THE subjects, or at least THE nobles, of a monarchy, are\n animated by a sentiment of honor; but THE timid and luxurious\n inhabitants of a declining empire must be allured into THE\n service by THE hopes of profit, or compelled by THE dread of\n punishment. The resources of THE Roman treasury were exhausted by\n THE increase of pay, by THE repetition of donatives, and by THE\n invention of new emolument and indulgences, which, in THE opinion\n of THE provincial youth might compensate THE hardships and\n dangers of a military life. Yet, although THE stature was\n lowered, 135 although slaves, least by a tacit connivance, were\n indiscriminately received into THE ranks, THE insurmountable\n difficulty of procuring a regular and adequate supply of\n volunteers, obliged THE emperors to adopt more effectual and\n coercive methods. The lands bestowed on THE veterans, as THE free\n reward of THEir valor were henceforward granted under a condition\n which contain THE first rudiments of THE feudal tenures; that\n THEir sons, who succeeded to THE inheritance, should devote\n THEmselves to THE profession of arms, as soon as THEy attained\n THE age of manhood; and THEir cowardly refusal was punished by\n THE loss of honor, of fortune, or even of life. 136 But as THE\n annual growth of THE sons of THE veterans bore a very small\n proportion to THE demands of THE service, levies of men were\n frequently required from THE provinces, and every proprietor was\n obliged eiTHEr to take up arms, or to procure a substitute, or to\n purchase his exemption by THE payment of a heavy fine. The sum of\n forty-two pieces of gold, to which it was _reduced_ ascertains\n THE exorbitant price of volunteers, and THE reluctance with which\n THE government admitted of this alternative. 137 Such was THE\n horror for THE profession of a soldier, which had affected THE\n minds of THE degenerate Romans, that many of THE youth of Italy\n and THE provinces chose to cut off THE fingers of THEir right\n hand, to escape from being pressed into THE service; and this\n strange expedient was so commonly practised, as to deserve THE\n severe animadversion of THE laws, 138 and a peculiar name in THE\n Latin language. 139\n\n 135 (return) [ Valentinian (Cod. Theodos. l. vii. tit. xiii. leg.\n 3) fixes THE standard at five feet seven inches, about five feet\n four inches and a half, English measure. It had formerly been\n five feet ten inches, and in THE best corps, six Roman feet. Sed\n tunc erat amplior multitude se et plures sequebantur militiam\n armatam. Vegetius de Re Militari l. i. c. v.]\n\n 136 (return) [ See THE two titles, De Veteranis and De Filiis\n Veteranorum, in THE seventh book of THE Theodosian Code. The age\n at which THEir military service was required, varied from\n twenty-five to sixteen. If THE sons of THE veterans appeared with\n a horse, THEy had a right to serve in THE cavalry; two horses\n gave THEm some valuable privileges]\n\n 137 (return) [ Cod. Theod. l. vii. tit. xiii. leg. 7. According\n to THE historian Socrates, (see Godefroy ad loc.,) THE same\n emperor Valens sometimes required eighty pieces of gold for a\n recruit. In THE following law it is faintly expressed, that\n slaves shall not be admitted inter optimas lectissimorum militum\n turmas.]\n\n 138 (return) [ The person and property of a Roman knight, who had\n mutilated his two sons, were sold at public auction by order of\n Augustus. (Sueton. in August. c. 27.) The moderation of that\n artful usurper proves, that this example of severity was\n justified by THE spirit of THE times. Ammianus makes a\n distinction between THE effeminate Italians and THE hardy Gauls.\n (L. xv. c. 12.) Yet only 15 years afterwards, Valentinian, in a\n law addressed to THE pr¾fect of Gaul, is obliged to enact that\n THEse cowardly deserters shall be burnt alive. (Cod. Theod. l.\n vii. tit. xiii. leg. 5.) Their numbers in Illyricum were so\n considerable, that THE province complained of a scarcity of\n recruits. (Id. leg. 10.)]\n\n 139 (return) [ They were called _Murci. Murcidus_ is found in\n Plautus and Festus, to denote a lazy and cowardly person, who,\n according to Arnobius and Augustin, was under THE immediate\n protection of THE goddess _Murcia_. From this particular instance\n of cowardice, _murcare_ is used as synonymous to _mutilare_, by\n THE writers of THE middle Latinity. See Linder brogius and\n Valesius ad Ammian. Marcellin, l. xv. c. 12]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.ÑPart V.\n\n\n The introduction of Barbarians into THE Roman armies became every\n day more universal, more necessary, and more fatal. The most\n daring of THE Scythians, of THE Goths, and of THE Germans, who\n delighted in war, and who found it more profitable to defend than\n to ravage THE provinces, were enrolled, not only in THE\n auxiliaries of THEir respective nations, but in THE legions\n THEmselves, and among THE most distinguished of THE Palatine\n troops. As THEy freely mingled with THE subjects of THE empire,\n THEy gradually learned to despise THEir manners, and to imitate\n THEir arts. They abjured THE implicit reverence which THE pride\n of Rome had exacted from THEir ignorance, while THEy acquired THE\n knowledge and possession of those advantages by which alone she\n supported her declining greatness. The Barbarian soldiers, who\n displayed any military talents, were advanced, without exception,\n to THE most important commands; and THE names of THE tribunes, of\n THE counts and dukes, and of THE generals THEmselves, betray a\n foreign origin, which THEy no longer condescended to disguise.\n They were often intrusted with THE conduct of a war against THEir\n countrymen; and though most of THEm preferred THE ties of\n allegiance to those of blood, THEy did not always avoid THE\n guilt, or at least THE suspicion, of holding a treasonable\n correspondence with THE enemy, of inviting his invasion, or of\n sparing his retreat. The camps and THE palace of THE son of\n Constantine were governed by THE powerful faction of THE Franks,\n who preserved THE strictest connection with each oTHEr, and with\n THEir country, and who resented every personal affront as a\n national indignity. 140 When THE tyrant Caligula was suspected of\n an intention to invest a very extraordinary candidate with THE\n consular robes, THE sacrilegious profanation would have scarcely\n excited less astonishment, if, instead of a horse, THE noblest\n chieftain of Germany or Britain had been THE object of his\n choice. The revolution of three centuries had produced so\n remarkable a change in THE prejudices of THE people, that, with\n THE public approbation, Constantine showed his successors THE\n example of bestowing THE honors of THE consulship on THE\n Barbarians, who, by THEir merit and services, had deserved to be\n ranked among THE first of THE Romans. 141 But as THEse hardy\n veterans, who had been educated in THE ignorance or contempt of\n THE laws, were incapable of exercising any civil offices, THE\n powers of THE human mind were contracted by THE irreconcilable\n separation of talents as well as of professions. The accomplished\n citizens of THE Greek and Roman republics, whose characters could\n adapt THEmselves to THE bar, THE senate, THE camp, or THE\n schools, had learned to write, to speak, and to act with THE same\n spirit, and with equal abilities.\n\n 140 (return) [ MalarichusÑadhibitis Francis quorum ea tempestate\n in palatio multitudo florebat, erectius jam loquebatur\n tumultuabaturque. Ammian. l. xv. c. 5.]\n\n 141 (return) [ Barbaros omnium primus, ad usque fasces auxerat et\n trabeas consulares. Ammian. l. xx. c. 10. Eusebius (in Vit.\n Constantin. l. iv c.7) and Aurelius Victor seem to confirm THE\n truth of this assertion yet in THE thirty-two consular Fasti of\n THE reign of Constantine cannot discover THE name of a single\n Barbarian. I should THErefore interpret THE liberality of that\n prince as relative to THE ornaments raTHEr than to THE office, of\n THE consulship.]\n\n IV. Besides THE magistrates and generals, who at a distance from\n THE court diffused THEir delegated authority over THE provinces\n and armies, THE emperor conferred THE rank of _Illustrious_ on\n seven of his more immediate servants, to whose fidelity he\n intrusted his safety, or his counsels, or his treasures. 1. The\n private apartments of THE palace were governed by a favorite\n eunuch, who, in THE language of that age, was styled THE\n _pr¾positus_, or pr¾fect of THE sacred bed-chamber. His duty was\n to attend THE emperor in his hours of state, or in those of\n amusement, and to perform about his person all those menial\n services, which can only derive THEir splendor from THE influence\n of royalty. Under a prince who deserved to reign, THE great\n chamberlain (for such we may call him) was a useful and humble\n domestic; but an artful domestic, who improves every occasion of\n unguarded confidence, will insensibly acquire over a feeble mind\n that ascendant which harsh wisdom and uncomplying virtue can\n seldom obtain. The degenerate grandsons of Theodosius, who were\n invisible to THEir subjects, and contemptible to THEir enemies,\n exalted THE pr¾fects of THEir bed-chamber above THE heads of all\n THE ministers of THE palace; 142 and even his deputy, THE first\n of THE splendid train of slaves who waited in THE presence, was\n thought worthy to rank before THE _respectable_ proconsuls of\n Greece or Asia. The jurisdiction of THE chamberlain was\n acknowledged by THE _counts_, or superintendents, who regulated\n THE two important provinces of THE magnificence of THE wardrobe,\n and of THE luxury of THE Imperial table. 143 2. The principal\n administration of public affairs was committed to THE diligence\n and abilities of THE _master of THE offices_. 144 He was THE\n supreme magistrate of THE palace, inspected THE discipline of THE\n civil and military _schools_, and received appeals from all parts\n of THE empire, in THE causes which related to that numerous army\n of privileged persons, who, as THE servants of THE court, had\n obtained for THEmselves and families a right to decline THE\n authority of THE ordinary judges. The correspondence between THE\n prince and his subjects was managed by THE four _scrinia_, or\n offices of this minister of state. The first was appropriated to\n memorials, THE second to epistles, THE third to petitions, and\n THE fourth to papers and orders of a miscellaneous kind. Each of\n THEse was directed by an _inferior_ master of _respectable_\n dignity, and THE whole business was despatched by a hundred and\n forty-eight secretaries, chosen for THE most part from THE\n profession of THE law, on account of THE variety of abstracts of\n reports and references which frequently occurred in THE exercise\n of THEir several functions. From a condescension, which in former\n ages would have been esteemed unworthy THE Roman majesty, a\n particular secretary was allowed for THE Greek language; and\n interpreters were appointed to receive THE ambassadors of THE\n Barbarians; but THE department of foreign affairs, which\n constitutes so essential a part of modern policy, seldom diverted\n THE attention of THE master of THE offices. His mind was more\n seriously engaged by THE general direction of THE posts and\n arsenals of THE empire. There were thirty-four cities, fifteen in\n THE East, and nineteen in THE West, in which regular companies of\n workmen were perpetually employed in fabricating defensive armor,\n offensive weapons of all sorts, and military engines, which were\n deposited in THE arsenals, and occasionally delivered for THE\n service of THE troops. 3. In THE course of nine centuries, THE\n office of _qu¾stor_ had experienced a very singular revolution.\n In THE infancy of Rome, two inferior magistrates were annually\n elected by THE people, to relieve THE consuls from THE invidious\n management of THE public treasure; 145 a similar assistant was\n granted to every proconsul, and to every pr¾tor, who exercised a\n military or provincial command; with THE extent of conquest, THE\n two qu¾stors were gradually multiplied to THE number of four, of\n eight, of twenty, and, for a short time, perhaps, of forty; 146\n and THE noblest citizens ambitiously solicited an office which\n gave THEm a seat in THE senate, and a just hope of obtaining THE\n honors of THE republic. Whilst Augustus affected to maintain THE\n freedom of election, he consented to accept THE annual privilege\n of recommending, or raTHEr indeed of nominating, a certain\n proportion of candidates; and it was his custom to select one of\n THEse distinguished youths, to read his orations or epistles in\n THE assemblies of THE senate. 147 The practice of Augustus was\n imitated by succeeding princes; THE occasional commission was\n established as a permanent office; and THE favored qu¾stor,\n assuming a new and more illustrious character, alone survived THE\n suppression of his ancient and useless colleagues. 148 As THE\n orations which he composed in THE name of THE emperor, 149\n acquired THE force, and, at length, THE form, of absolute edicts,\n he was considered as THE representative of THE legislative power,\n THE oracle of THE council, and THE original source of THE civil\n jurisprudence. He was sometimes invited to take his seat in THE\n supreme judicature of THE Imperial consistory, with THE Pr¾torian\n pr¾fects, and THE master of THE offices; and he was frequently\n requested to resolve THE doubts of inferior judges: but as he was\n not oppressed with a variety of subordinate business, his leisure\n and talents were employed to cultivate that dignified style of\n eloquence, which, in THE corruption of taste and language, still\n preserves THE majesty of THE Roman laws. 150 In some respects,\n THE office of THE Imperial qu¾stor may be compared with that of a\n modern chancellor; but THE use of a great seal, which seems to\n have been adopted by THE illiterate barbarians, was never\n introduced to attest THE public acts of THE emperors. 4. The\n extraordinary title of _count of THE sacred largesses_ was\n bestowed on THE treasurer-general of THE revenue, with THE\n intention perhaps of inculcating, that every payment flowed from\n THE voluntary bounty of THE monarch. To conceive THE almost\n infinite detail of THE annual and daily expense of THE civil and\n military administration in every part of a great empire, would\n exceed THE powers of THE most vigorous imagination.\n\n The actual account employed several hundred persons, distributed\n into eleven different offices, which were artfully contrived to\n examine and control THEir respective operations. The multitude of\n THEse agents had a natural tendency to increase; and it was more\n than once thought expedient to dismiss to THEir native homes THE\n useless supernumeraries, who, deserting THEir honest labors, had\n pressed with too much eagerness into THE lucrative profession of\n THE finances. 151 Twenty-nine provincial receivers, of whom\n eighteen were honored with THE title of count, corresponded with\n THE treasurer; and he extended his jurisdiction over THE mines\n from whence THE precious metals were extracted, over THE mints,\n in which THEy were converted into THE current coin, and over THE\n public treasuries of THE most important cities, where THEy were\n deposited for THE service of THE state. The foreign trade of THE\n empire was regulated by this minister, who directed likewise all\n THE linen and woollen manufactures, in which THE successive\n operations of spinning, weaving, and dyeing were executed,\n chiefly by women of a servile condition, for THE use of THE\n palace and army. Twenty-six of THEse institutions are enumerated\n in THE West, where THE arts had been more recently introduced,\n and a still larger proportion may be allowed for THE industrious\n provinces of THE East. 152 5. Besides THE public revenue, which\n an absolute monarch might levy and expend according to his\n pleasure, THE emperors, in THE capacity of opulent citizens,\n possessed a very extensive property, which was administered by\n THE _count_ or treasurer of _THE private estate_. Some part had\n perhaps been THE ancient demesnes of kings and republics; some\n accessions might be derived from THE families which were\n successively invested with THE purple; but THE most considerable\n portion flowed from THE impure source of confiscations and\n forfeitures. The Imperial estates were scattered through THE\n provinces, from Mauritania to Britain; but THE rich and fertile\n soil of Cappadocia tempted THE monarch to acquire in that country\n his fairest possessions, 153 and eiTHEr Constantine or his\n successors embraced THE occasion of justifying avarice by\n religious zeal. They suppressed THE rich temple of Comana, where\n THE high priest of THE goddess of war supported THE dignity of a\n sovereign prince; and THEy applied to THEir private use THE\n consecrated lands, which were inhabited by six thousand subjects\n or slaves of THE deity and her ministers. 154 But THEse were not\n THE valuable inhabitants: THE plains that stretch from THE foot\n of Mount Arg¾us to THE banks of THE Sarus, bred a generous race\n of horses, renowned above all oTHErs in THE ancient world for\n THEir majestic shape and incomparable swiftness. These _sacred_\n animals, destined for THE service of THE palace and THE Imperial\n games, were protected by THE laws from THE profanation of a\n vulgar master. 155 The demesnes of Cappadocia were important\n enough to require THE inspection of a count; 156 officers of an\n inferior rank were stationed in THE oTHEr parts of THE empire;\n and THE deputies of THE private, as well as those of THE public,\n treasurer were maintained in THE exercise of THEir independent\n functions, and encouraged to control THE authority of THE\n provincial magistrates. 157 6, 7. The chosen bands of cavalry and\n infantry, which guarded THE person of THE emperor, were under THE\n immediate command of THE _two counts of THE domestics_. The whole\n number consisted of three thousand five hundred men, divided into\n seven _schools_, or troops, of five hundred each; and in THE\n East, this honorable service was almost entirely appropriated to\n THE Armenians. Whenever, on public ceremonies, THEy were drawn up\n in THE courts and porticos of THE palace, THEir lofty stature,\n silent order, and splendid arms of silver and gold, displayed a\n martial pomp not unworthy of THE Roman majesty. 158 From THE\n seven schools two companies of horse and foot were selected, of\n THE _protectors_, whose advantageous station was THE hope and\n reward of THE most deserving soldiers. They mounted guard in THE\n interior apartments, and were occasionally despatched into THE\n provinces, to execute with celerity and vigor THE orders of THEir\n master. 159 The counts of THE domestics had succeeded to THE\n office of THE Pr¾torian pr¾fects; like THE pr¾fects, THEy aspired\n from THE service of THE palace to THE command of armies.\n\n 142 (return) [ Cod. Theod. l. vi. tit. 8.]\n\n 143 (return) [ By a very singular metaphor, borrowed from THE\n military character of THE first emperors, THE steward of THEir\n household was styled THE count of THEir camp, (comes castrensis.)\n Cassiodorus very seriously represents to him, that his own fame,\n and that of THE empire, must depend on THE opinion which foreign\n ambassadors may conceive of THE plenty and magnificence of THE\n royal table. (Variar. l. vi. epistol. 9.)]\n\n 144 (return) [ GuTHErius (de Officiis Domžs August¾, l. ii. c.\n 20, l. iii.) has very accurately explained THE functions of THE\n master of THE offices, and THE constitution of THE subordinate\n _scrinia_. But he vainly attempts, on THE most doubtful\n authority, to deduce from THE time of THE Antonines, or even of\n Nero, THE origin of a magistrate who cannot be found in history\n before THE reign of Constantine.]\n\n 145 (return) [ Tacitus (Annal. xi. 22) says, that THE first\n qu¾stors were elected by THE people, sixty-four years after THE\n foundation of THE republic; but he is of opinion, that THEy had,\n long before that period, been annually appointed by THE consuls,\n and even by THE kings. But this obscure point of antiquity is\n contested by oTHEr writers.]\n\n 146 (return) [ Tacitus (Annal. xi. 22) seems to consider twenty\n as THE highest number of qu¾stors; and Dion (l. xliii. p 374)\n insinuates, that if THE dictator C¾sar once created forty, it was\n only to facilitate THE payment of an immense debt of gratitude.\n Yet THE augmentation which he made of pr¾tors subsisted under THE\n succeeding reigns.]\n\n 147 (return) [ Sueton. in August. c. 65, and Torrent. ad loc.\n Dion. Cas. p. 755.]\n\n 148 (return) [ The youth and inexperience of THE qu¾stors, who\n entered on that important office in THEir twenty-fifth year,\n (Lips. Excurs. ad Tacit. l. iii. D.,) engaged Augustus to remove\n THEm from THE management of THE treasury; and though THEy were\n restored by Claudius, THEy seem to have been finally dismissed by\n Nero. (Tacit Annal. xiii. 29. Sueton. in Aug. c. 36, in Claud. c.\n 24. Dion, p. 696, 961, &c. Plin. Epistol. x. 20, et alibi.) In\n THE provinces of THE Imperial division, THE place of THE qu¾stors\n was more ably supplied by THE _procurators_, (Dion Cas. p. 707.\n Tacit. in Vit. Agricol. c. 15;) or, as THEy were afterwards\n called, _rationales_. (Hist. August. p. 130.) But in THE\n provinces of THE senate we may still discover a series of\n qu¾stors till THE reign of Marcus Antoninus. (See THE\n Inscriptions of Gruter, THE Epistles of Pliny, and a decisive\n fact in THE Augustan History, p. 64.) From Ulpian we may learn,\n (Pandect. l. i. tit. 13,) that under THE government of THE house\n of Severus, THEir provincial administration was abolished; and in\n THE subsequent troubles, THE annual or triennial elections of\n qu¾stors must have naturally ceased.]\n\n 149 (return) [ Cum patris nomine et epistolas ipse dictaret, et\n edicta conscrib eret, orationesque in senatu recitaret, etiam\n qu¾storis vice. Sueton, in Tit. c. 6. The office must have\n acquired new dignity, which was occasionally executed by THE heir\n apparent of THE empire. Trajan intrusted THE same care to\n Hadrian, his qu¾stor and cousin. See Dodwell, Pr¾lection.\n Cambden, x. xi. p. 362-394.]\n\n 150 (return) [ Terris edicta daturus; Supplicibus\n responsa.ÑOracula regis Eloquio crevere tuo; nec dignius unquam\n Majestas meminit sese Romana locutam.ÑÑClaudian in Consulat.\n Mall. Theodor. 33. See likewise Symmachus (Epistol. i. 17) and\n Cassiodorus. (Variar. iv. 5.)]\n\n 151 (return) [ Cod. Theod. l. vi. tit. 30. Cod. Justinian. l.\n xii. tit. 24.]\n\n 152 (return) [ In THE departments of THE two counts of THE\n treasury, THE eastern part of THE _Notitia_ happens to be very\n defective. It may be observed, that we had a treasury chest in\n London, and a gyneceum or manufacture at Winchester. But Britain\n was not thought worthy eiTHEr of a mint or of an arsenal. Gaul\n alone possessed three of THE former, and eight of THE latter.]\n\n 153 (return) [ Cod. Theod. l. vi. tit. xxx. leg. 2, and Godefroy\n ad loc.]\n\n 154 (return) [ Strabon. Geograph. l. xxii. p. 809, [edit.\n Casaub.] The oTHEr temple of Comana, in Pontus, was a colony from\n that of Cappadocia, l. xii. p. 835. The President Des Brosses\n (see his Saluste, tom. ii. p. 21, [edit. Causub.]) conjectures\n that THE deity adored in both Comanas was Beltis, THE Venus of\n THE east, THE goddess of generation; a very different being\n indeed from THE goddess of war.]\n\n 155 (return) [ Cod. Theod. l. x. tit. vi. de Grege Dominico.\n Godefroy has collected every circumstance of antiquity relative\n to THE Cappadocian horses. One of THE finest breeds, THE\n Palmatian, was THE forfeiture of a rebel, whose estate lay about\n sixteen miles from Tyana, near THE great road between\n Constantinople and Antioch.]\n\n 156 (return) [ Justinian (Novell. 30) subjected THE province of\n THE count of Cappadocia to THE immediate authority of THE\n favorite eunuch, who presided over THE sacred bed-chamber.]\n\n 157 (return) [ Cod. Theod. l. vi. tit. xxx. leg. 4, &c.]\n\n 158 (return) [ Pancirolus, p. 102, 136. The appearance of THEse\n military domestics is described in THE Latin poem of Corippus, de\n Laudibus Justin. l. iii. 157-179. p. 419, 420 of THE Appendix\n Hist. Byzantin. Rom. 177.]\n\n 159 (return) [ Ammianus Marcellinus, who served so many years,\n obtained only THE rank of a protector. The first ten among THEse\n honorable soldiers were _Clarissimi_.]\n\n The perpetual intercourse between THE court and THE provinces was\n facilitated by THE construction of roads and THE institution of\n posts. But THEse beneficial establishments were accidentally\n connected with a pernicious and intolerable abuse. Two or three\n hundred _agents_ or messengers were employed, under THE\n jurisdiction of THE master of THE offices, to announce THE names\n of THE annual consuls, and THE edicts or victories of THE\n emperors. They insensibly assumed THE license of reporting\n whatever THEy could observe of THE conduct eiTHEr of magistrates\n or of private citizens; and were soon considered as THE eyes of\n THE monarch, 160 and THE scourge of THE people. Under THE warm\n influence of a feeble reign, THEy multiplied to THE incredible\n number of ten thousand, disdained THE mild though frequent\n admonitions of THE laws, and exercised in THE profitable\n management of THE posts a rapacious and insolent oppression.\n These official spies, who regularly corresponded with THE palace,\n were encouraged by favor and reward, anxiously to watch THE\n progress of every treasonable design, from THE faint and latent\n symptoms of disaffection, to THE actual preparation of an open\n revolt. Their careless or criminal violation of truth and justice\n was covered by THE consecrated mask of zeal; and THEy might\n securely aim THEir poisoned arrows at THE breast eiTHEr of THE\n guilty or THE innocent, who had provoked THEir resentment, or\n refused to purchase THEir silence. A faithful subject, of Syria\n perhaps, or of Britain, was exposed to THE danger, or at least to\n THE dread, of being dragged in chains to THE court of Milan or\n Constantinople, to defend his life and fortune against THE\n malicious charge of THEse privileged informers. The ordinary\n administration was conducted by those methods which extreme\n necessity can alone palliate; and THE defects of evidence were\n diligently supplied by THE use of torture. 161\n\n 160 (return) [ Xenophon, Cyrop¾d. l. viii. Brisson, de Regno\n Persico, l. i No 190, p. 264. The emperors adopted with pleasure\n this Persian metaphor.]\n\n 161 (return) [ For THE _Agentes in Rebus_, see Ammian. l. xv. c.\n 3, l. xvi. c. 5, l. xxii. c. 7, with THE curious annotations of\n Valesius. Cod. Theod. l. vi. tit. xxvii. xxviii. xxix. Among THE\n passages collected in THE Commentary of Godefroy, THE most\n remarkable is one from Libanius, in his discourse concerning THE\n death of Julian.]\n\n The deceitful and dangerous experiment of THE criminal\n _qu¾stion_, as it is emphatically styled, was admitted, raTHEr\n than approved, in THE jurisprudence of THE Romans. They applied\n this sanguinary mode of examination only to servile bodies, whose\n sufferings were seldom weighed by those haughty republicans in\n THE scale of justice or humanity; but THEy would never consent to\n violate THE sacred person of a citizen, till THEy possessed THE\n clearest evidence of his guilt. 162 The annals of tyranny, from\n THE reign of Tiberius to that of Domitian, circumstantially\n relate THE executions of many innocent victims; but, as long as\n THE faintest remembrance was kept alive of THE national freedom\n and honor, THE last hours of a Roman were secured from THE danger\n of ignominions torture. 163 The conduct of THE provincial\n magistrates was not, however, regulated by THE practice of THE\n city, or THE strict maxims of THE civilians. They found THE use\n of torture established not only among THE slaves of oriental\n despotism, but among THE Macedonians, who obeyed a limited\n monarch; among THE Rhodians, who flourished by THE liberty of\n commerce; and even among THE sage ATHEnians, who had asserted and\n adorned THE dignity of human kind. 164 The acquiescence of THE\n provincials encouraged THEir governors to acquire, or perhaps to\n usurp, a discretionary power of employing THE rack, to extort\n from vagrants or plebeian criminals THE confession of THEir\n guilt, till THEy insensibly proceeded to confound THE distinction\n of rank, and to disregard THE privileges of Roman citizens. The\n apprehensions of THE subjects urged THEm to solicit, and THE\n interest of THE sovereign engaged him to grant, a variety of\n special exemptions, which tacitly allowed, and even authorized,\n THE general use of torture. They protected all persons of\n illustrious or honorable rank, bishops and THEir presbyters,\n professors of THE liberal arts, soldiers and THEir families,\n municipal officers, and THEir posterity to THE third generation,\n and all children under THE age of puberty. 165 But a fatal maxim\n was introduced into THE new jurisprudence of THE empire, that in\n THE case of treason, which included every offence that THE\n subtlety of lawyers could derive from a _hostile intention_\n towards THE prince or republic, 166 all privileges were\n suspended, and all conditions were reduced to THE same\n ignominious level. As THE safety of THE emperor was avowedly\n preferred to every consideration of justice or humanity, THE\n dignity of age and THE tenderness of youth were alike exposed to\n THE most cruel tortures; and THE terrors of a malicious\n information, which might select THEm as THE accomplices, or even\n as THE witnesses, perhaps, of an imaginary crime, perpetually\n hung over THE heads of THE principal citizens of THE Roman world.\n 167\n\n 162 (return) [ The Pandects (l. xlviii. tit. xviii.) contain THE\n sentiments of THE most celebrated civilians on THE subject of\n torture. They strictly confine it to slaves; and Ulpian himself\n is ready to acknowledge that Res est fragilis, et periculosa, et\n qu¾ veritatem fallat.]\n\n 163 (return) [ In THE conspiracy of Piso against Nero, Epicharis\n (libertina mulier) was THE only person tortured; THE rest were\n _intacti tormentis_. It would be superfluous to add a weaker, and\n it would be difficult to find a stronger, example. Tacit. Annal.\n xv. 57.]\n\n 164 (return) [ Dicendum... de Institutis ATHEniensium, Rhodiorum,\n doctissimorum hominum, apud quos etiam (id quod acerbissimum est)\n liberi, civesque torquentur. Cicero, Partit. Orat. c. 34. We may\n learn from THE trial of Philotas THE practice of THE Macedonians.\n (Diodor. Sicul. l. xvii. p. 604. Q. Curt. l. vi. c. 11.)]\n\n 165 (return) [ Heineccius (Element. Jur. Civil. part vii. p. 81)\n has collected THEse exemptions into one view.]\n\n 166 (return) [ This definition of THE sage Ulpian (Pandect. l.\n xlviii. tit. iv.) seems to have been adapted to THE court of\n Caracalla, raTHEr than to that of Alexander Severus. See THE\n Codes of Theodosius and ad leg. Juliam majestatis.]\n\n 167 (return) [ Arcadius Charisius is THE oldest lawyer quoted to\n justify THE universal practice of torture in all cases of\n treason; but this maxim of tyranny, which is admitted by Ammianus\n with THE most respectful terror, is enforced by several laws of\n THE successors of Constantine. See Cod. Theod. l. ix. tit. xxxv.\n majestatis crimine omnibus ¾qua est conditio.]\n\n These evils, however terrible THEy may appear, were confined to\n THE smaller number of Roman subjects, whose dangerous situation\n was in some degree compensated by THE enjoyment of those\n advantages, eiTHEr of nature or of fortune, which exposed THEm to\n THE jealousy of THE monarch. The obscure millions of a great\n empire have much less to dread from THE cruelty than from THE\n avarice of THEir masters, and _THEir_ humble happiness is\n principally affected by THE grievance of excessive taxes, which,\n gently pressing on THE wealthy, descend with accelerated weight\n on THE meaner and more indigent classes of society. An ingenious\n philosopher 168 has calculated THE universal measure of THE\n public impositions by THE degrees of freedom and servitude; and\n ventures to assert, that, according to an invariable law of\n nature, it must always increase with THE former, and diminish in\n a just proportion to THE latter. But this reflection, which would\n tend to alleviate THE miseries of despotism, is contradicted at\n least by THE history of THE Roman empire; which accuses THE same\n princes of despoiling THE senate of its authority, and THE\n provinces of THEir wealth. Without abolishing all THE various\n customs and duties on merchandises, which are imperceptibly\n discharged by THE apparent choice of THE purchaser, THE policy of\n Constantine and his successors preferred a simple and direct mode\n of taxation, more congenial to THE spirit of an arbitrary\n government. 169\n\n 168 (return) [ Montesquieu, Esprit des Loix, l. xii. c. 13.]\n\n 169 (return) [ Mr. Hume (Essays, vol. i. p. 389) has seen this\n importance with some degree of perplexity.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVII: Foundation Of Constantinople.ÑPart VI.\n\n\n The name and use of THE _indictions_, 170 which serve to\n ascertain THE chronology of THE middle ages, were derived from\n THE regular practice of THE Roman tributes. 171 The emperor\n subscribed with his own hand, and in purple ink, THE solemn\n edict, or indiction, which was fixed up in THE principal city of\n each diocese, during two months previous to THE first day of\n September. And by a very easy connection of ideas, THE word\n _indiction_ was transferred to THE measure of tribute which it\n prescribed, and to THE annual term which it allowed for THE\n payment. This general estimate of THE supplies was proportioned\n to THE real and imaginary wants of THE state; but as often as THE\n expense exceeded THE revenue, or THE revenue fell short of THE\n computation, an additional tax, under THE name of\n _superindiction_, was imposed on THE people, and THE most\n valuable attribute of sovereignty was communicated to THE\n Pr¾torian pr¾fects, who, on some occasions, were permitted to\n provide for THE unforeseen and extraordinary exigencies of THE\n public service. The execution of THEse laws (which it would be\n tedious to pursue in THEir minute and intricate detail) consisted\n of two distinct operations: THE resolving THE general imposition\n into its constituent parts, which were assessed on THE provinces,\n THE cities, and THE individuals of THE Roman world; and THE\n collecting THE separate contributions of THE individuals, THE\n cities, and THE provinces, till THE accumulated sums were poured\n into THE Imperial treasuries. But as THE account between THE\n monarch and THE subject was perpetually open, and as THE renewal\n of THE demand anticipated THE perfect discharge of THE preceding\n obligation, THE weighty machine of THE finances was moved by THE\n same hands round THE circle of its yearly revolution. Whatever\n was honorable or important in THE administration of THE revenue,\n was committed to THE wisdom of THE pr¾fects, and THEir provincia.\n representatives; THE lucrative functions were claimed by a crowd\n of subordinate officers, some of whom depended on THE treasurer,\n oTHErs on THE governor of THE province; and who, in THE\n inevitable conflicts of a perplexed jurisdiction, had frequent\n opportunities of disputing with each oTHEr THE spoils of THE\n people. The laborious offices, which could be productive only of\n envy and reproach, of expense and danger, were imposed on THE\n _Decurions_, who formed THE corporations of THE cities, and whom\n THE severity of THE Imperial laws had condemned to sustain THE\n burdens of civil society. 172 The whole landed property of THE\n empire (without excepting THE patrimonial estates of THE monarch)\n was THE object of ordinary taxation; and every new purchaser\n contracted THE obligations of THE former proprietor. An accurate\n _census_, 173 or survey, was THE only equitable mode of\n ascertaining THE proportion which every citizen should be obliged\n to contribute for THE public service; and from THE well-known\n period of THE indictions, THEre is reason to believe that this\n difficult and expensive operation was repeated at THE regular\n distance of fifteen years. The lands were measured by surveyors,\n who were sent into THE provinces; THEir nature, wheTHEr arable or\n pasture, or vineyards or woods, was distinctly reported; and an\n estimate was made of THEir common value from THE average produce\n of five years. The numbers of slaves and of cattle constituted an\n essential part of THE report; an oath was administered to THE\n proprietors, which bound THEm to disclose THE true state of THEir\n affairs; and THEir attempts to prevaricate, or elude THE\n intention of THE legislator, were severely watched, and punished\n as a capital crime, which included THE double guilt of treason\n and sacrilege. 174 A large portion of THE tribute was paid in\n money; and of THE current coin of THE empire, gold alone could be\n legally accepted. 175 The remainder of THE taxes, according to\n THE proportions determined by THE annual indiction, was furnished\n in a manner still more direct, and still more oppressive.\n According to THE different nature of lands, THEir real produce in\n THE various articles of wine or oil, corn or barley, wood or\n iron, was transported by THE labor or at THE expense of THE\n provincials 17511 to THE Imperial magazines, from whence THEy\n were occasionally distributed for THE use of THE court, of THE\n army, and of two capitals, Rome and Constantinople. The\n commissioners of THE revenue were so frequently obliged to make\n considerable purchases, that THEy were strictly prohibited from\n allowing any compensation, or from receiving in money THE value\n of those supplies which were exacted in kind. In THE primitive\n simplicity of small communities, this method may be well adapted\n to collect THE almost voluntary offerings of THE people; but it\n is at once susceptible of THE utmost latitude, and of THE utmost\n strictness, which in a corrupt and absolute monarchy must\n introduce a perpetual contest between THE power of oppression and\n THE arts of fraud. 176 The agriculture of THE Roman provinces was\n insensibly ruined, and, in THE progress of despotism which tends\n to disappoint its own purpose, THE emperors were obliged to\n derive some merit from THE forgiveness of debts, or THE remission\n of tributes, which THEir subjects were utterly incapable of\n paying. According to THE new division of Italy, THE fertile and\n happy province of Campania, THE scene of THE early victories and\n of THE delicious retirements of THE citizens of Rome, extended\n between THE sea and THE Apennine, from THE Tiber to THE Silarus.\n Within sixty years after THE death of Constantine, and on THE\n evidence of an actual survey, an exemption was granted in favor\n of three hundred and thirty thousand English acres of desert and\n uncultivated land; which amounted to one eighth of THE whole\n surface of THE province. As THE footsteps of THE Barbarians had\n not yet been seen in Italy, THE cause of this amazing desolation,\n which is recorded in THE laws, can be ascribed only to THE\n administration of THE Roman emperors. 177\n\n 170 (return) [ The cycle of indictions, which may be traced as\n high as THE reign of Constantius, or perhaps of his faTHEr,\n Constantine, is still employed by THE Papal court; but THE\n commencement of THE year has been very reasonably altered to THE\n first of January. See lÕArt de Verifier les Dates, p. xi.; and\n Dictionnaire Raison. de la Diplomatique, tom. ii. p. 25; two\n accurate treatises, which come from THE workshop of THE\n Benedictines. ÑÑ It does not appear that THE establishment of THE\n indiction is to be at tributed to Constantine: it existed before\n he had been created _Augustus_ at Rome, and THE remission granted\n by him to THE city of Autun is THE proof. He would not have\n ventured while only _C¾sar_, and under THE necessity of courting\n popular favor, to establish such an odious impost. Aurelius\n Victor and Lactantius agree in designating Diocletian as THE\n author of this despotic institution. Aur. Vict. de C¾s. c. 39.\n Lactant. de Mort. Pers. c. 7ÑG.]\n\n 171 (return) [ The first twenty-eight titles of THE eleventh book\n of THE Theodosian Code are filled with THE circumstantial\n regulations on THE important subject of tributes; but THEy\n suppose a clearer knowledge of fundamental principles than it is\n at present in our power to attain.]\n\n 172 (return) [ The title concerning THE Decurions (l. xii. tit.\n i.) is THE most ample in THE whole Theodosian Code; since it\n contains not less than one hundred and ninety-two distinct laws\n to ascertain THE duties and privileges of that useful order of\n citizens. * Note: The Decurions were charged with assessing,\n according to THE census of property prepared by THE tabularii,\n THE payment due from each proprietor. This odious office was\n authoritatively imposed on THE richest citizens of each town;\n THEy had no salary, and all THEir compensation was, to be exempt\n from certain corporal punishments, in case THEy should have\n incurred THEm. The Decurionate was THE ruin of all THE rich.\n Hence THEy tried every way of avoiding this dangerous honor; THEy\n concealed THEmselves, THEy entered into military service; but\n THEir efforts were unavailing; THEy were seized, THEy were\n compelled to become Decurions, and THE dread inspired by this\n title was termed _Impiety_.ÑG. ÑÑThe Decurions were mutually\n responsible; THEy were obliged to undertake for pieces of ground\n abandoned by THEir owners on account of THE pressure of THE\n taxes, and, finally, to make up all deficiencies. Savigny chichte\n des Rom. Rechts, i. 25.ÑM.]\n\n 173 (return) [ Habemus enim et hominum numerum qui delati sunt,\n et agrun modum. Eumenius in Panegyr. Vet. viii. 6. See Cod.\n Theod. l. xiii. tit. x. xi., with GodefroyÕs Commentary.]\n\n 174 (return) [ Siquis sacrileg‰ vitem falce succiderit, aut\n feracium ramorum fÏtus hebetaverit, quo delinet fidem Censuum, et\n mentiatur callide paupertatis ingenium, mox detectus capitale\n subibit exitium, et bona ejus in Fisci jura migrabunt. Cod.\n Theod. l. xiii. tit. xi. leg. 1. Although this law is not without\n its studied obscurity, it is, however clear enough to prove THE\n minuteness of THE inquisition, and THE disproportion of THE\n penalty.]\n\n 175 (return) [ The astonishment of Pliny would have ceased.\n Equidem miror P. R. victis gentibus argentum semper imperitasse\n non aurum. Hist Natur. xxxiii. 15.]\n\n 17511 (return) [ The proprietors were not charged with THE\n expense of this transport in THE provinces situated on THE\n sea-shore or near THE great rivers, THEre were companies of\n boatmen, and of masters of vessels, who had this commission, and\n furnished THE means of transport at THEir own expense. In return,\n THEy were THEmselves exempt, altogeTHEr, or in part, from THE\n indiction and oTHEr imposts. They had certain privileges;\n particular regulations determined THEir rights and obligations.\n (Cod. Theod. l. xiii. tit. v. ix.) The transports by land were\n made in THE same manner, by THE intervention of a privileged\n company called Bastaga; THE members were called Bastagarii Cod.\n Theod. l. viii. tit. v.ÑG.]\n\n 176 (return) [ Some precautions were taken (see Cod. Theod. l.\n xi. tit. ii. and Cod. Justinian. l. x. tit. xxvii. leg. 1, 2, 3)\n to restrain THE magistrates from THE abuse of THEir authority,\n eiTHEr in THE exaction or in THE purchase of corn: but those who\n had learning enough to read THE orations of Cicero against\n Verres, (iii. de Frumento,) might instruct THEmselves in all THE\n various arts of oppression, with regard to THE weight, THE price,\n THE quality, and THE carriage. The avarice of an unlettered\n governor would supply THE ignorance of precept or precedent.]\n\n 177 (return) [ Cod. Theod. l. xi. tit. xxviii. leg. 2, published\n THE 24th of March, A. D. 395, by THE emperor Honorius, only two\n months after THE death of his faTHEr, Theodosius. He speaks of\n 528,042 Roman jugera, which I have reduced to THE English\n measure. The jugerum contained 28,800 square Roman feet.]\n\n EiTHEr from design or from accident, THE mode of assessment\n seemed to unite THE substance of a land tax with THE forms of a\n capitation. 178 The returns which were sent of every province or\n district, expressed THE number of tributary subjects, and THE\n amount of THE public impositions. The latter of THEse sums was\n divided by THE former; and THE estimate, that such a province\n contained so many _capita_, or heads of tribute; and that each\n _head_ was rated at such a price, was universally received, not\n only in THE popular, but even in THE legal computation. The value\n of a tributary head must have varied, according to many\n accidental, or at least fluctuating circumstances; but some\n knowledge has been preserved of a very curious fact, THE more\n important, since it relates to one of THE richest provinces of\n THE Roman empire, and which now flourishes as THE most splendid\n of THE European kingdoms. The rapacious ministers of Constantius\n had exhausted THE wealth of Gaul, by exacting twenty-five pieces\n of gold for THE annual tribute of every head. The humane policy\n of his successor reduced THE capitation to seven pieces. 179 A\n moderate proportion between THEse opposite extremes of\n extraordinary oppression and of transient indulgence, may\n THErefore be fixed at sixteen pieces of gold, or about nine\n pounds sterling, THE common standard, perhaps, of THE impositions\n of Gaul. 180 But this calculation, or raTHEr, indeed, THE facts\n from whence it is deduced, cannot fail of suggesting two\n difficulties to a thinking mind, who will be at once surprised by\n THE _equality_, and by THE _enormity_, of THE capitation. An\n attempt to explain THEm may perhaps reflect some light on THE\n interesting subject of THE finances of THE declining empire.\n\n 178 (return) [ Godefroy (Cod. Theod. tom. vi. p. 116) argues with\n weight and learning on THE subject of THE capitation; but while\n he explains THE _caput_, as a share or measure of property, he\n too absolutely excludes THE idea of a personal assessment.]\n\n 179 (return) [ Quid profuerit (_Julianus_) anhelantibus extrem‰\n penuri‰ Gallis, hinc maxime claret, quod primitus partes eas\n ingressus, pro _capitibus_ singulis tributi nomine vicenos quinos\n aureos reperit flagitari; discedens vero septenos tantum numera\n universa complentes. Ammian. l. xvi. c. 5.]\n\n 180 (return) [ In THE calculation of any sum of money under\n Constantine and his successors, we need only refer to THE\n excellent discourse of Mr. Greaves on THE Denarius, for THE proof\n of THE following principles; 1. That THE ancient and modern Roman\n pound, containing 5256 grains of Troy weight, is about one\n twelfth lighter than THE English pound, which is composed of 5760\n of THE same grains. 2. That THE pound of gold, which had once\n been divided into forty-eight _aurei_, was at this time coined\n into seventy-two smaller pieces of THE same denomination. 3. That\n five of THEse aurei were THE legal tender for a pound of silver,\n and that consequently THE pound of gold was exchanged for\n fourteen pounds eight ounces of silver, according to THE Roman,\n or about thirteen pounds according to THE English weight. 4. That\n THE English pound of silver is coined into sixty-two shillings.\n From THEse elements we may compute THE Roman pound of gold, THE\n usual method of reckoning large sums, at forty pounds sterling,\n and we may fix THE currency of THE _aureus_ at somewhat more than\n eleven shillings. * Note: See, likewise, a Dissertation of M.\n Letronne, ÒConsiderations GŽnerales sur lÕEvaluation des Monnaies\n Grecques et RomainesÓ Paris, 1817ÑM.]\n\n I. It is obvious, that, as long as THE immutable constitution of\n human nature produces and maintains so unequal a division of\n property, THE most numerous part of THE community would be\n deprived of THEir subsistence, by THE equal assessment of a tax\n from which THE sovereign would derive a very trifling revenue.\n Such indeed might be THE THEory of THE Roman capitation; but in\n THE practice, this unjust equality was no longer felt, as THE\n tribute was collected on THE principle of a _real_, not of a\n _personal_ imposition. 18011 Several indigent citizens\n contributed to compose a single _head_, or share of taxation;\n while THE wealthy provincial, in proportion to his fortune, alone\n represented several of those imaginary beings. In a poetical\n request, addressed to one of THE last and most deserving of THE\n Roman princes who reigned in Gaul, Sidonius Apollinaris\n personifies his tribute under THE figure of a triple monster, THE\n Geryon of THE Grecian fables, and entreats THE new Hercules that\n he would most graciously be pleased to save his life by cutting\n off three of his heads. 181 The fortune of Sidonius far exceeded\n THE customary wealth of a poet; but if he had pursued THE\n allusion, he might have painted many of THE Gallic nobles with\n THE hundred heads of THE deadly Hydra, spreading over THE face of\n THE country, and devouring THE substance of a hundred families.\n II. The difficulty of allowing an annual sum of about nine pounds\n sterling, even for THE average of THE capitation of Gaul, may be\n rendered more evident by THE comparison of THE present state of\n THE same country, as it is now governed by THE absolute monarch\n of an industrious, wealthy, and affectionate people. The taxes of\n France cannot be magnified, eiTHEr by fear or by flattery, beyond\n THE annual amount of eighteen millions sterling, which ought\n perhaps to be shared among four and twenty millions of\n inhabitants. 182 Seven millions of THEse, in THE capacity of\n faTHErs, or broTHErs, or husbands, may discharge THE obligations\n of THE remaining multitude of women and children; yet THE equal\n proportion of each tributary subject will scarcely rise above\n fifty shillings of our money, instead of a proportion almost four\n times as considerable, which was regularly imposed on THEir\n Gallic ancestors. The reason of this difference may be found, not\n so much in THE relative scarcity or plenty of gold and silver, as\n in THE different state of society, in ancient Gaul and in modern\n France. In a country where personal freedom is THE privilege of\n every subject, THE whole mass of taxes, wheTHEr THEy are levied\n on property or on consumption, may be fairly divided among THE\n whole body of THE nation. But THE far greater part of THE lands\n of ancient Gaul, as well as of THE oTHEr provinces of THE Roman\n world, were cultivated by slaves, or by peasants, whose dependent\n condition was a less rigid servitude. 183 In such a state THE\n poor were maintained at THE expense of THE masters who enjoyed\n THE fruits of THEir labor; and as THE rolls of tribute were\n filled only with THE names of those citizens who possessed THE\n means of an honorable, or at least of a decent subsistence, THE\n comparative smallness of THEir numbers explains and justifies THE\n high rate of THEir capitation. The truth of this assertion may be\n illustrated by THE following example: The ®dui, one of THE most\n powerful and civilized tribes or _cities_ of Gaul, occupied an\n extent of territory, which now contains about five hundred\n thousand inhabitants, in THE two ecclesiastical dioceses of Autun\n and Nevers; 184 and with THE probable accession of those of\n Ch‰lons and Ma\x8don, 185 THE population would amount to eight\n hundred thousand souls. In THE time of Constantine, THE territory\n of THE ®dui afforded no more than twenty-five thousand _heads_ of\n capitation, of whom seven thousand were discharged by that prince\n from THE intolerable weight of tribute. 186 A just analogy would\n seem to countenance THE opinion of an ingenious historian, 187\n that THE free and tributary citizens did not surpass THE number\n of half a million; and if, in THE ordinary administration of\n government, THEir annual payments may be computed at about four\n millions and a half of our money, it would appear, that although\n THE share of each individual was four times as considerable, a\n fourth part only of THE modern taxes of France was levied on THE\n Imperial province of Gaul. The exactions of Constantius may be\n calculated at seven millions sterling, which were reduced to two\n millions by THE humanity or THE wisdom of Julian.\n\n 18011 (return) [ Two masterly dissertations of M. Savigny, in THE\n Mem. of THE Berlin Academy (1822 and 1823) have thrown new light\n on THE taxation system of THE Empire. Gibbon, according to M.\n Savigny, is mistaken in supposing that THEre was but one kind of\n capitation tax; THEre was a land tax, and a capitation tax,\n strictly so called. The land tax was, in its operation, a\n proprietorÕs or landlordÕs tax. But, besides this, THEre was a\n direct capitation tax on all who were not possessed of landed\n property. This tax dates from THE time of THE Roman conquests;\n its amount is not clearly known. Gradual exemptions released\n different persons and classes from this tax. One edict exempts\n painters. In Syria, all under twelve or fourteen, or above\n sixty-five, were exempted; at a later period, all under twenty,\n and all unmarried females; still later, all under twenty-five,\n widows and nuns, soldiers, veterani and clericiÑwhole dioceses,\n that of Thrace and Illyricum. Under Galerius and Licinius, THE\n plebs urbana became exempt; though this, perhaps, was only an\n ordinance for THE East. By degrees, however, THE exemption was\n extended to all THE inhabitants of towns; and as it was strictly\n capitatio plebeia, from which all possessors were exempted it\n fell at length altogeTHEr on THE coloni and agricultural slaves.\n These were registered in THE same cataster (capitastrum) with THE\n land tax. It was paid by THE proprietor, who raised it again from\n his coloni and laborers.ÑM.]\n\n 181 (return) [\n\n Geryones nos esse puta, monstrumque tributum, H”c _capita_ ut\n vivam, tu mihi tolle _tria_. Sidon. Apollinar. Carm. xiii.\n\n The reputation of FaTHEr Sirmond led me to expect more\n satisfaction than I have found in his note (p. 144) on this\n remarkable passage. The words, suo vel _suorum_ nomine, betray\n THE perplexity of THE commentator.]\n\n 182 (return) [ This assertion, however formidable it may seem, is\n founded on THE original registers of births, deaths, and\n marriages, collected by public authority, and now deposited in\n THE _Contr™lee General_ at Paris. The annual average of births\n throughout THE whole kingdom, taken in five years, (from 1770 to\n 1774, both inclusive,) is 479,649 boys, and 449,269 girls, in all\n 928,918 children. The province of French Hainault alone furnishes\n 9906 births; and we are assured, by an actual enumeration of THE\n people, annually repeated from THE year 1773 to THE year 1776,\n that upon an average, Hainault contains 257,097 inhabitants. By\n THE rules of fair analogy, we might infer, that THE ordinary\n proportion of annual births to THE whole people, is about 1 to\n 26; and that THE kingdom of France contains 24,151,868 persons of\n both sexes and of every age. If we content ourselves with THE\n more moderate proportion of 1 to 25, THE whole population will\n amount to 23,222,950. From THE diligent researches of THE French\n Government, (which are not unworthy of our own imitation,) we may\n hope to obtain a still greater degree of certainty on this\n important subject * Note: On no subject has so much valuable\n information been collected since THE time of Gibbon, as THE\n statistics of THE different countries of Europe but much is still\n wanting as to our ownÑM.]\n\n 183 (return) [ Cod. Theod. l. v. tit. ix. x. xi. Cod. Justinian.\n l. xi. tit. lxiii. Coloni appellantur qui conditionem debent\n genitali solo, propter agriculturum sub dominio possessorum.\n Augustin. de Civitate Dei, l. x. c. i.]\n\n 184 (return) [ The ancient jurisdiction of (_Augustodunum_) Autun\n in Burgundy, THE capital of THE ®dui, comprehended THE adjacent\n territory of (_Noviodunum_) Nevers. See DÕAnville, Notice de\n lÕAncienne Gaule, p. 491. The two dioceses of Autun and Nevers\n are now composed, THE former of 610, and THE latter of 160\n parishes. The registers of births, taken during eleven years, in\n 476 parishes of THE same province of Burgundy, and multiplied by\n THE moderate proportion of 25, (see Messance Recherches sur la\n Population, p. 142,) may authorizes us to assign an average\n number of 656 persons for each parish, which being again\n multiplied by THE 770 parishes of THE dioceses of Nevers and\n Autun, will produce THE sum of 505,120 persons for THE extent of\n country which was once possessed by THE ®dui.]\n\n 185 (return) [ We might derive an additional supply of 301,750\n inhabitants from THE dioceses of Ch‰lons (_Cabillonum_) and of\n Ma\x8don, (_Matisco_,) since THEy contain, THE one 200, and THE\n oTHEr 260 parishes. This accession of territory might be\n justified by very specious reasons. 1. Ch‰lons and Ma\x8don were\n undoubtedly within THE original jurisdiction of THE ®dui. (See\n DÕAnville, Notice, p. 187, 443.) 2. In THE Notitia of Gaul, THEy\n are enumerated not as _Civitates_, but merely as _Castra_. 3.\n They do not appear to have been episcopal seats before THE fifth\n and sixth centuries. Yet THEre is a passage in Eumenius (Panegyr.\n Vet. viii. 7) which very forcibly deters me from extending THE\n territory of THE ®dui, in THE reign of Constantine, along THE\n beautiful banks of THE navigable Sa™ne. * Note: In this passage\n of Eumenius, Savigny supposes THE original number to have been\n 32,000: 7000 being discharged, THEre remained 25,000 liable to\n THE tribute. See Mem. quoted above.ÑM.]\n\n 186 (return) [ Eumenius in Panegyr Vet. viii. 11.]\n\n 187 (return) [ LÕAbbŽ du Bos, Hist. Critique de la M. F. tom. i.\n p. 121]\n\n But this tax, or capitation, on THE proprietors of land, would\n have suffered a rich and numerous class of free citizens to\n escape. With THE view of sharing that species of wealth which is\n derived from art or labor, and which exists in money or in\n merchandise, THE emperors imposed a distinct and personal tribute\n on THE trading part of THEir subjects. 188 Some exemptions, very\n strictly confined both in time and place, were allowed to THE\n proprietors who disposed of THE produce of THEir own estates.\n Some indulgence was granted to THE profession of THE liberal\n arts: but every oTHEr branch of commercial industry was affected\n by THE severity of THE law. The honorable merchant of Alexandria,\n who imported THE gems and spices of India for THE use of THE\n western world; THE usurer, who derived from THE interest of money\n a silent and ignominious profit; THE ingenious manufacturer, THE\n diligent mechanic, and even THE most obscure retailer of a\n sequestered village, were obliged to admit THE officers of THE\n revenue into THE partnership of THEir gain; and THE sovereign of\n THE Roman empire, who tolerated THE profession, consented to\n share THE infamous salary, of public prostitutes. 18811 As this\n general tax upon industry was collected every fourth year, it was\n styled THE _Lustral Contribution:_ and THE historian Zosimus 189\n laments that THE approach of THE fatal period was announced by\n THE tears and terrors of THE citizens, who were often compelled\n by THE impending scourge to embrace THE most abhorred and\n unnatural methods of procuring THE sum at which THEir property\n had been assessed. The testimony of Zosimus cannot indeed be\n justified from THE charge of passion and prejudice; but, from THE\n nature of this tribute it seems reasonable to conclude, that it\n was arbitrary in THE distribution, and extremely rigorous in THE\n mode of collecting. The secret wealth of commerce, and THE\n precarious profits of art or labor, are susceptible only of a\n discretionary valuation, which is seldom disadvantageous to THE\n interest of THE treasury; and as THE person of THE trader\n supplies THE want of a visible and permanent security, THE\n payment of THE imposition, which, in THE case of a land tax, may\n be obtained by THE seizure of property, can rarely be extorted by\n any oTHEr means than those of corporal punishments. The cruel\n treatment of THE insolvent debtors of THE state, is attested, and\n was perhaps mitigated by a very humane edict of Constantine, who,\n disclaiming THE use of racks and of scourges, allots a spacious\n and airy prison for THE place of THEir confinement. 190\n\n 188 (return) [ See Cod. Theod. l. xiii. tit. i. and iv.]\n\n 18811 (return) [ The emperor Theodosius put an end, by a law. to\n this disgraceful source of revenue. (Godef. ad Cod. Theod. xiii.\n tit. i. c. 1.) But before he deprived himself of it, he made sure\n of some way of replacing this deficit. A rich patrician,\n Florentius, indignant at this legalized licentiousness, had made\n representations on THE subject to THE emperor. To induce him to\n tolerate it no longer, he offered his own property to supply THE\n diminution of THE revenue. The emperor had THE baseness to accept\n his offerÑG.]\n\n 189 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 115. There is probably as much\n passion and prejudice in THE attack of Zosimus, as in THE\n elaborate defence of THE memory of Constantine by THE zealous Dr.\n Howell. Hist. of THE World, vol. ii. p. 20.]\n\n 190 (return) [ Cod. Theod. l. xi. tit vii. leg. 3.]\n\n These general taxes were imposed and levied by THE absolute\n authority of THE monarch; but THE occasional offerings of THE\n _coronary gold_ still retained THE name and semblance of popular\n consent. It was an ancient custom that THE allies of THE\n republic, who ascribed THEir safety or deliverance to THE success\n of THE Roman arms, and even THE cities of Italy, who admired THE\n virtues of THEir victorious general, adorned THE pomp of his\n triumph by THEir voluntary gifts of crowns of gold, which after\n THE ceremony were consecrated in THE temple of Jupiter, to remain\n a lasting monument of his glory to future ages. The progress of\n zeal and flattery soon multiplied THE number, and increased THE\n size, of THEse popular donations; and THE triumph of C¾sar was\n enriched with two thousand eight hundred and twenty-two massy\n crowns, whose weight amounted to twenty thousand four hundred and\n fourteen pounds of gold. This treasure was immediately melted\n down by THE prudent dictator, who was satisfied that it would be\n more serviceable to his soldiers than to THE gods: his example\n was imitated by his successors; and THE custom was introduced of\n exchanging THEse splendid ornaments for THE more acceptable\n present of THE current gold coin of THE empire. 191 The\n spontaneous offering was at length exacted as THE debt of duty;\n and instead of being confined to THE occasion of a triumph, it\n was supposed to be granted by THE several cities and provinces of\n THE monarchy, as often as THE emperor condescended to announce\n his accession, his consulship, THE birth of a son, THE creation\n of a C¾sar, a victory over THE Barbarians, or any oTHEr real or\n imaginary event which graced THE annals of his reign. The\n peculiar free gift of THE senate of Rome was fixed by custom at\n sixteen hundred pounds of gold, or about sixty-four thousand\n pounds sterling. The oppressed subjects celebrated THEir own\n felicity, that THEir sovereign should graciously consent to\n accept this feeble but voluntary testimony of THEir loyalty and\n gratitude. 192\n\n 191 (return) [ See Lipsius de Magnitud. Romana, l. ii. c. 9. The\n Tarragonese Spain presented THE emperor Claudius with a crown of\n gold of seven, and Gaul with anoTHEr of nine, _hundred_ pounds\n weight. I have followed THE rational emendation of Lipsius. *\n Note: This custom is of still earlier date, THE Romans had\n borrowed it from Greece. Who is not acquainted with THE famous\n oration of DemosTHEnes for THE golden crown, which his citizens\n wished to bestow, and ®schines to deprive him of?ÑG.]\n\n 192 (return) [ Cod. Theod. l. xii. tit. xiii. The senators were\n supposed to be exempt from THE _Aurum Coronarium;_ but THE _Auri\n Oblatio_, which was required at THEir hands, was precisely of THE\n same nature.]\n\n A people elated by pride, or soured by discontent, are seldom\n qualified to form a just estimate of THEir actual situation. The\n subjects of Constantine were incapable of discerning THE decline\n of genius and manly virtue, which so far degraded THEm below THE\n dignity of THEir ancestors; but THEy could feel and lament THE\n rage of tyranny, THE relaxation of discipline, and THE increase\n of taxes. The impartial historian, who acknowledges THE justice\n of THEir complaints, will observe some favorable circumstances\n which tended to alleviate THE misery of THEir condition. The\n threatening tempest of Barbarians, which so soon subverted THE\n foundations of Roman greatness, was still repelled, or suspended,\n on THE frontiers. The arts of luxury and literature were\n cultivated, and THE elegant pleasures of society were enjoyed, by\n THE inhabitants of a considerable portion of THE globe. The\n forms, THE pomp, and THE expense of THE civil administration\n contributed to restrain THE irregular license of THE soldiers;\n and although THE laws were violated by power, or perverted by\n subtlety, THE sage principles of THE Roman jurisprudence\n preserved a sense of order and equity, unknown to THE despotic\n governments of THE East. The rights of mankind might derive some\n protection from religion and philosophy; and THE name of freedom,\n which could no longer alarm, might sometimes admonish, THE\n successors of Augustus, that THEy did not reign over a nation of\n Slaves or Barbarians. 193\n\n 193 (return) [ The great Theodosius, in his judicious advice to\n his son, (Claudian in iv. Consulat. Honorii, 214, &c.,)\n distinguishes THE station of a Roman prince from that of a\n Parthian monarch. Virtue was necessary for THE one; birth might\n suffice for THE oTHEr.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVIII: Character Of Constantine And His Sons.ÑPart I.\n\n Character Of Constantine.ÑGothic War.ÑDeath Of\n Constantine.ÑDivision Of The Empire Among His Three Sons.Ñ Persian\n War.ÑTragic Deaths Of Constantine The Younger And\n Constans.ÑUsurpation Of Magnentius.ÑCivil War.ÑVictory Of\n Constantius.\n\n\n The character of THE prince who removed THE seat of empire, and\n introduced such important changes into THE civil and religious\n constitution of his country, has fixed THE attention, and divided\n THE opinions, of mankind. By THE grateful zeal of THE Christians,\n THE deliverer of THE church has been decorated with every\n attribute of a hero, and even of a saint; while THE discontent of\n THE vanquished party has compared Constantine to THE most\n abhorred of those tyrants, who, by THEir vice and weakness,\n dishonored THE Imperial purple. The same passions have in some\n degree been perpetuated to succeeding generations, and THE\n character of Constantine is considered, even in THE present age,\n as an object eiTHEr of satire or of panegyric. By THE impartial\n union of those defects which are confessed by his warmest\n admirers, and of those virtues which are acknowledged by his\n most-implacable enemies, we might hope to delineate a just\n portrait of that extraordinary man, which THE truth and candor of\n history should adopt without a blush. 1 But it would soon appear,\n that THE vain attempt to blend such discordant colors, and to\n reconcile such inconsistent qualities, must produce a figure\n monstrous raTHEr than human, unless it is viewed in its proper\n and distinct lights, by a careful separation of THE different\n periods of THE reign of Constantine.\n\n 1 (return) [ On ne se trompera point sur Constantin, en croyant\n tout le mal ruÕen dit Eusebe, et tout le bien quÕen dit Zosime.\n Fleury, Hist. Ecclesiastique, tom. iii. p. 233. Eusebius and\n Zosimus form indeed THE two extremes of flattery and invective.\n The intermediate shades are expressed by those writers, whose\n character or situation variously tempered THE influence of THEir\n religious zeal.]\n\n The person, as well as THE mind, of Constantine, had been\n enriched by nature with her choicest endowments. His stature was\n lofty, his countenance majestic, his deportment graceful; his\n strength and activity were displayed in every manly exercise, and\n from his earliest youth, to a very advanced season of life, he\n preserved THE vigor of his constitution by a strict adherence to\n THE domestic virtues of chastity and temperance. He delighted in\n THE social intercourse of familiar conversation; and though he\n might sometimes indulge his disposition to raillery with less\n reserve than was required by THE severe dignity of his station,\n THE courtesy and liberality of his manners gained THE hearts of\n all who approached him. The sincerity of his friendship has been\n suspected; yet he showed, on some occasions, that he was not\n incapable of a warm and lasting attachment. The disadvantage of\n an illiterate education had not prevented him from forming a just\n estimate of THE value of learning; and THE arts and sciences\n derived some encouragement from THE munificent protection of\n Constantine. In THE despatch of business, his diligence was\n indefatigable; and THE active powers of his mind were almost\n continually exercised in reading, writing, or meditating, in\n giving audiences to ambassadors, and in examining THE complaints\n of his subjects. Even those who censured THE propriety of his\n measures were compelled to acknowledge, that he possessed\n magnanimity to conceive, and patience to execute, THE most\n arduous designs, without being checked eiTHEr by THE prejudices\n of education, or by THE clamors of THE multitude. In THE field,\n he infused his own intrepid spirit into THE troops, whom he\n conducted with THE talents of a consummate general; and to his\n abilities, raTHEr than to his fortune, we may ascribe THE signal\n victories which he obtained over THE foreign and domestic foes of\n THE republic. He loved glory as THE reward, perhaps as THE\n motive, of his labors. The boundless ambition, which, from THE\n moment of his accepting THE purple at York, appears as THE ruling\n passion of his soul, may be justified by THE dangers of his own\n situation, by THE character of his rivals, by THE consciousness\n of superior merit, and by THE prospect that his success would\n enable him to restore peace and order to THE distracted empire.\n In his civil wars against Maxentius and Licinius, he had engaged\n on his side THE inclinations of THE people, who compared THE\n undissembled vices of those tyrants with THE spirit of wisdom and\n justice which seemed to direct THE general tenor of THE\n administration of Constantine. 2\n\n 2 (return) [ The virtues of Constantine are collected for THE\n most part from Eutropius and THE younger Victor, two sincere\n pagans, who wrote after THE extinction of his family. Even\n Zosimus, and THE _Emperor_ Julian, acknowledge his personal\n courage and military achievements.]\n\n Had Constantine fallen on THE banks of THE Tyber, or even in THE\n plains of Hadrianople, such is THE character which, with a few\n exceptions, he might have transmitted to posterity. But THE\n conclusion of his reign (according to THE moderate and indeed\n tender sentence of a writer of THE same age) degraded him from\n THE rank which he had acquired among THE most deserving of THE\n Roman princes. 3 In THE life of Augustus, we behold THE tyrant of\n THE republic, converted, almost by imperceptible degrees, into\n THE faTHEr of his country, and of human kind. In that of\n Constantine, we may contemplate a hero, who had so long inspired\n his subjects with love, and his enemies with terror, degenerating\n into a cruel and dissolute monarch, corrupted by his fortune, or\n raised by conquest above THE necessity of dissimulation. The\n general peace which he maintained during THE last fourteen years\n of his reign, was a period of apparent splendor raTHEr than of\n real prosperity; and THE old age of Constantine was disgraced by\n THE opposite yet reconcilable vices of rapaciousness and\n prodigality. The accumulated treasures found in THE palaces of\n Maxentius and Licinius, were lavishly consumed; THE various\n innovations introduced by THE conqueror, were attended with an\n increasing expense; THE cost of his buildings, his court, and his\n festivals, required an immediate and plentiful supply; and THE\n oppression of THE people was THE only fund which could support\n THE magnificence of THE sovereign. 4 His unworthy favorites,\n enriched by THE boundless liberality of THEir master, usurped\n with impunity THE privilege of rapine and corruption. 5 A secret\n but universal decay was felt in every part of THE public\n administration, and THE emperor himself, though he still retained\n THE obedience, gradually lost THE esteem, of his subjects. The\n dress and manners, which, towards THE decline of life, he chose\n to affect, served only to degrade him in THE eyes of mankind. The\n Asiatic pomp, which had been adopted by THE pride of Diocletian,\n assumed an air of softness and effeminacy in THE person of\n Constantine. He is represented with false hair of various colors,\n laboriously arranged by THE skilful artists to THE times; a\n diadem of a new and more expensive fashion; a profusion of gems\n and pearls, of collars and bracelets, and a variegated flowing\n robe of silk, most curiously embroidered with flowers of gold. In\n such apparel, scarcely to be excused by THE youth and folly of\n Elagabalus, we are at a loss to discover THE wisdom of an aged\n monarch, and THE simplicity of a Roman veteran. 6 A mind thus\n relaxed by prosperity and indulgence, was incapable of rising to\n that magnanimity which disdains suspicion, and dares to forgive.\n The deaths of Maximian and Licinius may perhaps be justified by\n THE maxims of policy, as THEy are taught in THE schools of\n tyrants; but an impartial narrative of THE executions, or raTHEr\n murders, which sullied THE declining age of Constantine, will\n suggest to our most candid thoughts THE idea of a prince who\n could sacrifice without reluctance THE laws of justice, and THE\n feelings of nature, to THE dictates eiTHEr of his passions or of\n his interest.\n\n 3 (return) [ See Eutropius, x. 6. In primo Imperii tempore\n optimis principibus, ultimo mediis comparandus. From THE ancient\n Greek version of Poeanius, (edit. Havercamp. p. 697,) I am\n inclined to suspect that Eutropius had originally written _vix_\n mediis; and that THE offensive monosyllable was dropped by THE\n wilful inadvertency of transcribers. Aurelius Victor expresses\n THE general opinion by a vulgar and indeed obscure proverb.\n _Trachala_ decem annis pr¾stantissimds; duodecim sequentibus\n _latro;_ decem novissimis _pupillus_ ob immouicas profusiones.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Julian, Orat. i. p. 8, in a flattering discourse\n pronounced before THE son of Constantine; and C¾sares, p. 336.\n Zosimus, p. 114, 115. The stately buildings of Constantinople,\n &c., may be quoted as a lasting and unexceptionable proof of THE\n profuseness of THEir founder.]\n\n 5 (return) [ The impartial Ammianus deserves all our confidence.\n Proximorum fauces aperuit primus omnium Constantinus. L. xvi. c.\n 8. Eusebius himself confesses THE abuse, (Vit. Constantin. l. iv.\n c. 29, 54;) and some of THE Imperial laws feebly point out THE\n remedy. See above, p. 146 of this volume.]\n\n 6 (return) [ Julian, in THE C¾sars, attempts to ridicule his\n uncle. His suspicious testimony is confirmed, however, by THE\n learned Spanheim, with THE authority of medals, (see Commentaire,\n p. 156, 299, 397, 459.) Eusebius (Orat. c. 5) alleges, that\n Constantine dressed for THE public, not for himself. Were this\n admitted, THE vainest coxcomb could never want an excuse.]\n\n The same fortune which so invariably followed THE standard of\n Constantine, seemed to secure THE hopes and comforts of his\n domestic life. Those among his predecessors who had enjoyed THE\n longest and most prosperous reigns, Augustus Trajan, and\n Diocletian, had been disappointed of posterity; and THE frequent\n revolutions had never allowed sufficient time for any Imperial\n family to grow up and multiply under THE shade of THE purple. But\n THE royalty of THE Flavian line, which had been first ennobled by\n THE Gothic Claudius, descended through several generations; and\n Constantine himself derived from his royal faTHEr THE hereditary\n honors which he transmitted to his children. The emperor had been\n twice married. Minervina, THE obscure but lawful object of his\n youthful attachment, 7 had left him only one son, who was called\n Crispus. By Fausta, THE daughter of Maximian, he had three\n daughters, and three sons known by THE kindred names of\n Constantine, Constantius, and Constans. The unambitious broTHErs\n of THE great Constantine, Julius Constantius, Dalmatius, and\n Hannibalianus, 8 were permitted to enjoy THE most honorable rank,\n and THE most affluent fortune, that could be consistent with a\n private station. The youngest of THE three lived without a name,\n and died without posterity. His two elder broTHErs obtained in\n marriage THE daughters of wealthy senators, and propagated new\n branches of THE Imperial race. Gallus and Julian afterwards\n became THE most illustrious of THE children of Julius\n Constantius, THE _Patrician_. The two sons of Dalmatius, who had\n been decorated with THE vain title of _Censor_, were named\n Dalmatius and Hannibalianus. The two sisters of THE great\n Constantine, Anastasia and Eutropia, were bestowed on Optatus and\n Nepotianus, two senators of noble birth and of consular dignity.\n His third sister, Constantia, was distinguished by her\n pre‘minence of greatness and of misery. She remained THE widow of\n THE vanquished Licinius; and it was by her entreaties, that an\n innocent boy, THE offspring of THEir marriage, preserved, for\n some time, his life, THE title of C¾sar, and a precarious hope of\n THE succession. Besides THE females, and THE allies of THE\n Flavian house, ten or twelve males, to whom THE language of\n modern courts would apply THE title of princes of THE blood,\n seemed, according to THE order of THEir birth, to be destined\n eiTHEr to inherit or to support THE throne of Constantine. But in\n less than thirty years, this numerous and increasing family was\n reduced to THE persons of Constantius and Julian, who alone had\n survived a series of crimes and calamities, such as THE tragic\n poets have deplored in THE devoted lines of Pelops and of Cadmus.\n\n 7 (return) [ Zosimus and Zonaras agree in representing Minervina\n as THE concubine of Constantine; but Ducange has very gallantly\n rescued her character, by producing a decisive passage from one\n of THE panegyrics: ÒAb ipso fine pueriti¾ te matrimonii legibus\n dedisti.Ó]\n\n 8 (return) [ Ducange (Famili¾ Byzantin¾, p. 44) bestows on him,\n after Zosimus, THE name of Constantine; a name somewhat unlikely,\n as it was already occupied by THE elder broTHEr. That of\n Hannibalianus is mentioned in THE Paschal Chronicle, and is\n approved by Tillemont. Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 527.]\n\n Crispus, THE eldest son of Constantine, and THE presumptive heir\n of THE empire, is represented by impartial historians as an\n amiable and accomplished youth. The care of his education, or at\n least of his studies, was intrusted to Lactantius, THE most\n eloquent of THE Christians; a preceptor admirably qualified to\n form THE taste, and THE excite THE virtues, of his illustrious\n disciple. 9 At THE age of seventeen, Crispus was invested with\n THE title of C¾sar, and THE administration of THE Gallic\n provinces, where THE inroads of THE Germans gave him an early\n occasion of signalizing his military prowess. In THE civil war\n which broke out soon afterwards, THE faTHEr and son divided THEir\n powers; and this history has already celebrated THE valor as well\n as conduct displayed by THE latter, in forcing THE straits of THE\n Hellespont, so obstinately defended by THE superior fleet of\n Lacinius. This naval victory contributed to determine THE event\n of THE war; and THE names of Constantine and of Crispus were\n united in THE joyful acclamations of THEir eastern subjects; who\n loudly proclaimed, that THE world had been subdued, and was now\n governed, by an emperor endowed with every virtue; and by his\n illustrious son, a prince beloved of Heaven, and THE lively image\n of his faTHErÕs perfections. The public favor, which seldom\n accompanies old age, diffused its lustre over THE youth of\n Crispus. He deserved THE esteem, and he engaged THE affections,\n of THE court, THE army, and THE people. The experienced merit of\n a reigning monarch is acknowledged by his subjects with\n reluctance, and frequently denied with partial and discontented\n murmurs; while, from THE opening virtues of his successor, THEy\n fondly conceive THE most unbounded hopes of private as well as\n public felicity. 10\n\n 9 (return) [ Jerom. in Chron. The poverty of Lactantius may be\n applied eiTHEr to THE praise of THE disinterested philosopher, or\n to THE shame of THE unfeeling patron. See Tillemont, MŽm.\n Ecclesiast. tom. vi. part 1. p. 345. Dupin, Biblioth\x8fque\n Ecclesiast. tom. i. p. 205. LardnerÕs Credibility of THE Gospel\n History, part ii. vol. vii. p. 66.]\n\n 10 (return) [ Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. l. x. c. 9. Eutropius (x.\n 6) styles him Òegregium virum;Ó and Julian (Orat. i.) very\n plainly alludes to THE exploits of Crispus in THE civil war. See\n Spanheim, Comment. p. 92.]\n\n This dangerous popularity soon excited THE attention of\n Constantine, who, both as a faTHEr and as a king, was impatient\n of an equal. Instead of attempting to secure THE allegiance of\n his son by THE generous ties of confidence and gratitude, he\n resolved to prevent THE mischiefs which might be apprehended from\n dissatisfied ambition. Crispus soon had reason to complain, that\n while his infant broTHEr Constantius was sent, with THE title of\n C¾sar, to reign over his peculiar department of THE Gallic\n provinces, 11 _he_, a prince of mature years, who had performed\n such recent and signal services, instead of being raised to THE\n superior rank of Augustus, was confined almost a prisoner to his\n faTHErÕs court; and exposed, without power or defence, to every\n calumny which THE malice of his enemies could suggest. Under such\n painful circumstances, THE royal youth might not always be able\n to compose his behavior, or suppress his discontent; and we may\n be assured, that he was encompassed by a train of indiscreet or\n perfidious followers, who assiduously studied to inflame, and who\n were perhaps instructed to betray, THE unguarded warmth of his\n resentment. An edict of Constantine, published about this time,\n manifestly indicates his real or affected suspicions, that a\n secret conspiracy had been formed against his person and\n government. By all THE allurements of honors and rewards, he\n invites informers of every degree to accuse without exception his\n magistrates or ministers, his friends or his most intimate\n favorites, protesting, with a solemn asseveration, that he\n himself will listen to THE charge, that he himself will revenge\n his injuries; and concluding with a prayer, which discovers some\n apprehension of danger, that THE providence of THE Supreme Being\n may still continue to protect THE safety of THE emperor and of\n THE empire. 12\n\n 11 (return) [ Compare Idatius and THE Paschal Chronicle, with\n Ammianus, (l, xiv. c. 5.) The _year_ in which Constantius was\n created C¾sar seems to be more accurately fixed by THE two\n chronologists; but THE historian who lived in his court could not\n be ignorant of THE _day_ of THE anniversary. For THE appointment\n of THE new C¾sar to THE provinces of Gaul, see Julian, Orat. i.\n p. 12, Godefroy, Chronol. Legum, p. 26. and Blondel, de PrimautŽ\n de lÕEglise, p. 1183.]\n\n 12 (return) [ Cod. Theod. l. ix. tit. iv. Godefroy suspected THE\n secret motives of this law. Comment. tom. iii. p. 9.]\n\n The informers, who complied with so liberal an invitation, were\n sufficiently versed in THE arts of courts to select THE friends\n and adherents of Crispus as THE guilty persons; nor is THEre any\n reason to distrust THE veracity of THE emperor, who had promised\n an ample measure of revenge and punishment. The policy of\n Constantine maintained, however, THE same appearances of regard\n and confidence towards a son, whom he began to consider as his\n most irreconcilable enemy. Medals were struck with THE customary\n vows for THE long and auspicious reign of THE young C¾sar; 13 and\n as THE people, who were not admitted into THE secrets of THE\n palace, still loved his virtues, and respected his dignity, a\n poet who solicits his recall from exile, adores with equal\n devotion THE majesty of THE faTHEr and that of THE son. 14 The\n time was now arrived for celebrating THE august ceremony of THE\n twentieth year of THE reign of Constantine; and THE emperor, for\n that purpose, removed his court from Nicomedia to Rome, where THE\n most splendid preparations had been made for his reception. Every\n eye, and every tongue, affected to express THEir sense of THE\n general happiness, and THE veil of ceremony and dissimulation was\n drawn for a while over THE darkest designs of revenge and murder.\n 15 In THE midst of THE festival, THE unfortunate Crispus was\n apprehended by order of THE emperor, who laid aside THE\n tenderness of a faTHEr, without assuming THE equity of a judge.\n The examination was short and private; 16 and as it was thought\n decent to conceal THE fate of THE young prince from THE eyes of\n THE Roman people, he was sent under a strong guard to Pola, in\n Istria, where, soon afterwards, he was put to death, eiTHEr by\n THE hand of THE executioner, or by THE more gentle operations of\n poison. 17 The C¾sar Licinius, a youth of amiable manners, was\n involved in THE ruin of Crispus: 18 and THE stern jealousy of\n Constantine was unmoved by THE prayers and tears of his favorite\n sister, pleading for THE life of a son, whose rank was his only\n crime, and whose loss she did not long survive. The story of\n THEse unhappy princes, THE nature and evidence of THEir guilt,\n THE forms of THEir trial, and THE circumstances of THEir death,\n were buried in mysterious obscurity; and THE courtly bishop, who\n has celebrated in an elaborate work THE virtues and piety of his\n hero, observes a prudent silence on THE subject of THEse tragic\n events. 19 Such haughty contempt for THE opinion of mankind,\n whilst it imprints an indelible stain on THE memory of\n Constantine, must remind us of THE very different behavior of one\n of THE greatest monarchs of THE present age. The Czar Peter, in\n THE full possession of despotic power, submitted to THE judgment\n of Russia, of Europe, and of posterity, THE reasons which had\n compelled him to subscribe THE condemnation of a criminal, or at\n least of a degenerate son. 20\n\n 13 (return) [ Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 28. Tillemont, tom. iv. p.\n 610.]\n\n 14 (return) [ His name was Porphyrius Optatianus. The date of his\n panegyric, written, according to THE taste of THE age, in vile\n acrostics, is settled by Scaliger ad Euseb. p. 250, Tillemont,\n tom. iv. p. 607, and Fabricius, Biblioth. Latin, l. iv. c. 1.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Zosim. l. ii. p. 103. Godefroy, Chronol. Legum, p.\n 28.]\n\n 16 (return) [ The elder Victor, who wrote under THE next reign,\n speaks with becoming caution. ÒNatu grandior incertum qua causa,\n patris judicio occidisset.Ó If we consult THE succeeding writers,\n Eutropius, THE younger Victor, Orosius, Jerom, Zosimus,\n Philostorgius, and Gregory of Tours, THEir knowledge will appear\n gradually to increase, as THEir means of information must have\n diminishedÑa circumstance which frequently occurs in historical\n disquisition.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Ammianus (l. xiv. c. 11) uses THE general\n expression of peremptum Codinus (p. 34) beheads THE young prince;\n but Sidonius Apollinaris (Epistol. v. 8,) for THE sake perhaps of\n an antiTHEsis to FaustaÕs _warm_ bath, chooses to administer a\n draught of _cold_ poison.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Sororis filium, commod¾ indolis juvenem. Eutropius,\n x. 6 May I not be permitted to conjecture that Crispus had\n married Helena THE daughter of THE emperor Licinius, and that on\n THE happy delivery of THE princess, in THE year 322, a general\n pardon was granted by Constantine? See Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p.\n 47, and THE law (l. ix. tit. xxxvii.) of THE Theodosian code,\n which has so much embarrassed THE interpreters. Godefroy, tom.\n iii. p. 267 * Note: This conjecture is very doubtful. The\n obscurity of THE law quoted from THE Theodosian code scarcely\n allows any inference, and THEre is extant but one meda which can\n be attributed to a Helena, wife of Crispus.]\n\n 19 (return) [ See THE life of Constantine, particularly l. ii. c.\n 19, 20. Two hundred and fifty years afterwards Evagrius (l. iii.\n c. 41) deduced from THE silence of Eusebius a vain argument\n against THE reality of THE fact.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Histoire de Pierre le Grand, par Voltaire, part ii.\n c. 10.]\n\n The innocence of Crispus was so universally acknowledged, that\n THE modern Greeks, who adore THE memory of THEir founder, are\n reduced to palliate THE guilt of a parricide, which THE common\n feelings of human nature forbade THEm to justify. They pretend,\n that as soon as THE afflicted faTHEr discovered THE falsehood of\n THE accusation by which his credulity had been so fatally misled,\n he published to THE world his repentance and remorse; that he\n mourned forty days, during which he abstained from THE use of THE\n bath, and all THE ordinary comforts of life; and that, for THE\n lasting instruction of posterity, he erected a golden statue of\n Crispus, with this memorable inscription: To my son, whom I\n unjustly condemned. 21 A tale so moral and so interesting would\n deserve to be supported by less exceptionable authority; but if\n we consult THE more ancient and auTHEntic writers, THEy will\n inform us, that THE repentance of Constantine was manifested only\n in acts of blood and revenge; and that he atoned for THE murder\n of an innocent son, by THE execution, perhaps, of a guilty wife.\n They ascribe THE misfortunes of Crispus to THE arts of his\n step-moTHEr Fausta, whose implacable hatred, or whose\n disappointed love, renewed in THE palace of Constantine THE\n ancient tragedy of Hippolitus and of Ph¾dra. 22 Like THE daughter\n of Minos, THE daughter of Maximian accused her son-in-law of an\n incestuous attempt on THE chastity of his faTHErÕs wife; and\n easily obtained, from THE jealousy of THE emperor, a sentence of\n death against a young prince, whom she considered with reason as\n THE most formidable rival of her own children. But Helena, THE\n aged moTHEr of Constantine, lamented and revenged THE untimely\n fate of her grandson Crispus; nor was it long before a real or\n pretended discovery was made, that Fausta herself entertained a\n criminal connection with a slave belonging to THE Imperial\n stables. 23 Her condemnation and punishment were THE instant\n consequences of THE charge; and THE adulteress was suffocated by\n THE steam of a bath, which, for that purpose, had been heated to\n an extraordinary degree. 24 By some it will perhaps be thought,\n that THE remembrance of a conjugal union of twenty years, and THE\n honor of THEir common offspring, THE destined heirs of THE\n throne, might have softened THE obdurate heart of Constantine,\n and persuaded him to suffer his wife, however guilty she might\n appear, to expiate her offences in a solitary prison. But it\n seems a superfluous labor to weigh THE propriety, unless we could\n ascertain THE truth, of this singular event, which is attended\n with some circumstances of doubt and perplexity. Those who have\n attacked, and those who have defended, THE character of\n Constantine, have alike disregarded two very remarkable passages\n of two orations pronounced under THE succeeding reign. The former\n celebrates THE virtues, THE beauty, and THE fortune of THE\n empress Fausta, THE daughter, wife, sister, and moTHEr of so many\n princes. 25 The latter asserts, in explicit terms, that THE\n moTHEr of THE younger Constantine, who was slain three years\n after his faTHErÕs death, survived to weep over THE fate of her\n son. 26 Notwithstanding THE positive testimony of several writers\n of THE Pagan as well as of THE Christian religion, THEre may\n still remain some reason to believe, or at least to suspect, that\n Fausta escaped THE blind and suspicious cruelty of her husband.\n 2611 The deaths of a son and a nephew, with THE execution of a\n great number of respectable, and perhaps innocent friends, 27 who\n were involved in THEir fall, may be sufficient, however, to\n justify THE discontent of THE Roman people, and to explain THE\n satirical verses affixed to THE palace gate, comparing THE\n splendid and bloody reigns of Constantine and Nero. 28\n\n 21 (return) [ In order to prove that THE statue was erected by\n Constantine, and afterwards concealed by THE malice of THE\n Arians, Codinus very readily creates (p. 34) two witnesses,\n Hippolitus, and THE younger Herodotus, to whose imaginary\n histories he appeals with unblushing confidence.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Zosimus (l. ii. p. 103) may be considered as our\n original. The ingenuity of THE moderns, assisted by a few hints\n from THE ancients, has illustrated and improved his obscure and\n imperfect narrative.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Philostorgius, l. ii. c. 4. Zosimus (l. ii. p. 104,\n 116) imputes to Constantine THE death of two wives, of THE\n innocent Fausta, and of an adulteress, who was THE moTHEr of his\n three successors. According to Jerom, three or four years elapsed\n between THE death of Crispus and that of Fausta. The elder Victor\n is prudently silent.]\n\n 24 (return) [ If Fausta was put to death, it is reasonable to\n believe that THE private apartments of THE palace were THE scene\n of her execution. The orator Chrysostom indulges his fancy by\n exposing THE naked desert mountain to be devoured by wild\n beasts.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Julian. Orat. i. He seems to call her THE moTHEr of\n Crispus. She might assume that title by adoption. At least, she\n was not considered as his mortal enemy. Julian compares THE\n fortune of Fausta with that of Parysatis, THE Persian queen. A\n Roman would have more naturally recollected THE second Agrippina:\n Et moi, qui sur le trone ai suivi mes anc\x90tres: Moi, fille,\n femme,sÏur, et mere de vos maitres.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Monod. in Constantin. Jun. c. 4, ad Calcem Eutrop.\n edit. Havercamp. The orator styles her THE most divine and pious\n of queens.]\n\n 2611 (return) [ Manso (Leben Constantins, p. 65) treats this\n inference o: Gibbon, and THE authorities to which he appeals,\n with too much contempt, considering THE general scantiness of\n proof on this curious question.ÑM.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Interfecit numerosos amicos. Eutrop. xx. 6.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Saturni aurea s¾cula quis requirat? Sunt h¾c\n gemmea, sed Neroniana. Sidon. Apollinar. v. 8. ÑÑIt is somewhat\n singular that THEse satirical lines should be attributed, not to\n an obscure libeller, or a disappointed patriot, but to Ablavius,\n prime minister and favorite of THE emperor. We may now perceive\n that THE imprecations of THE Roman people were dictated by\n humanity, as well as by superstition. Zosim. l. ii. p. 105.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVIII: Character Of Constantine And His Sons.ÑPart II.\n\n\n By THE death of Crispus, THE inheritance of THE empire seemed to\n devolve on THE three sons of Fausta, who have been already\n mentioned under THE names of Constantine, of Constantius, and of\n Constans. These young princes were successively invested with THE\n title of C¾sar; and THE dates of THEir promotion may be referred\n to THE tenth, THE twentieth, and THE thirtieth years of THE reign\n of THEir faTHEr. 29 This conduct, though it tended to multiply\n THE future masters of THE Roman world, might be excused by THE\n partiality of paternal affection; but it is not so easy to\n understand THE motives of THE emperor, when he endangered THE\n safety both of his family and of his people, by THE unnecessary\n elevation of his two nephews, Dalmatius and Hannibalianus. The\n former was raised, by THE title of C¾sar, to an equality with his\n cousins. In favor of THE latter, Constantine invented THE new and\n singular appellation of _Nobilissimus;_ 30 to which he annexed\n THE flattering distinction of a robe of purple and gold. But of\n THE whole series of Roman princes in any age of THE empire,\n Hannibalianus alone was distinguished by THE title of King; a\n name which THE subjects of Tiberius would have detested, as THE\n profane and cruel insult of capricious tyranny. The use of such a\n title, even as it appears under THE reign of Constantine, is a\n strange and unconnected fact, which can scarcely be admitted on\n THE joint authority of Imperial medals and contemporary writers.\n 31 3111\n\n 29 (return) [ Euseb. Orat. in Constantin. c. 3. These dates are\n sufficiently correct to justify THE orator.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Zosim. l. ii. p. 117. Under THE predecessors of\n Constantine, _Nobilissimus_ was a vague epiTHEt, raTHEr than a\n legal and determined title.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Adstruunt nummi veteres ac singulares. Spanheim de\n Usu Numismat. Dissertat. xii. vol. ii. p. 357. Ammianus speaks of\n this Roman king (l. xiv. c. l, and Valesius ad loc.) The Valesian\n fragment styles him King of kings; and THE Paschal Chronicle\n acquires THE weight of Latin evidence.]\n\n 3111 (return) [ Hannibalianus is always designated in THEse\n authors by THE title of king. There still exist medals struck to\n his honor, on which THE same title is found, Fl. Hannibaliano\n Regi. See Eckhel, Doct. Num. t. viii. 204. Armeniam nationesque\n circum socias habebat, says Aur. Victor, p. 225. The writer means\n THE Lesser Armenia. Though it is not possible to question a fact\n supported by such respectable authorities, Gibbon considers it\n inexplicable and incredible. It is a strange abuse of THE\n privilege of doubting, to refuse all belief in a fact of such\n little importance in itself, and attested thus formally by\n contemporary authors and public monuments. St. Martin note to Le\n Beau i. 341.ÑM.]\n\n The whole empire was deeply interested in THE education of THEse\n five youths, THE acknowledged successors of Constantine. The\n exercise of THE body prepared THEm for THE fatigues of war and\n THE duties of active life. Those who occasionally mention THE\n education or talents of Constantius, allow that he excelled in\n THE gymnastic arts of leaping and running that he was a dexterous\n archer, a skilful horseman, and a master of all THE different\n weapons used in THE service eiTHEr of THE cavalry or of THE\n infantry. 32 The same assiduous cultivation was bestowed, though\n not perhaps with equal success, to improve THE minds of THE sons\n and nephews of Constantine. 33 The most celebrated professors of\n THE Christian faith, of THE Grecian philosophy, and of THE Roman\n jurisprudence, were invited by THE liberality of THE emperor, who\n reserved for himself THE important task of instructing THE royal\n youths in THE science of government, and THE knowledge of\n mankind. But THE genius of Constantine himself had been formed by\n adversity and experience. In THE free intercourse of private\n life, and amidst THE dangers of THE court of Galerius, he had\n learned to command his own passions, to encounter those of his\n equals, and to depend for his present safety and future greatness\n on THE prudence and firmness of his personal conduct. His\n destined successors had THE misfortune of being born and educated\n in THE imperial purple. Incessantly surrounded with a train of\n flatterers, THEy passed THEir youth in THE enjoyment of luxury,\n and THE expectation of a throne; nor would THE dignity of THEir\n rank permit THEm to descend from that elevated station from\n whence THE various characters of human nature appear to wear a\n smooth and uniform aspect. The indulgence of Constantine admitted\n THEm, at a very tender age, to share THE administration of THE\n empire; and THEy studied THE art of reigning, at THE expense of\n THE people intrusted to THEir care. The younger Constantine was\n appointed to hold his court in Gaul; and his broTHEr Constantius\n exchanged that department, THE ancient patrimony of THEir faTHEr,\n for THE more opulent, but less martial, countries of THE East.\n Italy, THE Western Illyricum, and Africa, were accustomed to\n revere Constans, THE third of his sons, as THE representative of\n THE great Constantine. He fixed Dalmatius on THE Gothic frontier,\n to which he annexed THE government of Thrace, Macedonia, and\n Greece. The city of C¾sarea was chosen for THE residence of\n Hannibalianus; and THE provinces of Pontus, Cappadocia, and THE\n Lesser Armenia, were destined to form THE extent of his new\n kingdom. For each of THEse princes a suitable establishment was\n provided. A just proportion of guards, of legions, and of\n auxiliaries, was allotted for THEir respective dignity and\n defence. The ministers and generals, who were placed about THEir\n persons, were such as Constantine could trust to assist, and even\n to control, THEse youthful sovereigns in THE exercise of THEir\n delegated power. As THEy advanced in years and experience, THE\n limits of THEir authority were insensibly enlarged: but THE\n emperor always reserved for himself THE title of Augustus; and\n while he showed THE _C¾sars_ to THE armies and provinces, he\n maintained every part of THE empire in equal obedience to its\n supreme head. 34 The tranquillity of THE last fourteen years of\n his reign was scarcely interrupted by THE contemptible\n insurrection of a camel-driver in THE Island of Cyprus, 35 or by\n THE active part which THE policy of Constantine engaged him to\n assume in THE wars of THE Goths and Sarmatians.\n\n 32 (return) [ His dexterity in martial exercises is celebrated by\n Julian, (Orat. i. p. 11, Orat. ii. p. 53,) and allowed by\n Ammianus, (l. xxi. c. 16.)]\n\n 33 (return) [ Euseb. in Vit. Constantin. l. iv. c. 51. Julian,\n Orat. i. p. 11-16, with SpanheimÕs elaborate Commentary.\n Libanius, Orat. iii. p. 109. Constantius studied with laudable\n diligence; but THE dulness of his fancy prevented him from\n succeeding in THE art of poetry, or even of rhetoric.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Eusebius, (l. iv. c. 51, 52,) with a design of\n exalting THE authority and glory of Constantine, affirms, that he\n divided THE Roman empire as a private citizen might have divided\n his patrimony. His distribution of THE provinces may be collected\n from Eutropius, THE two Victors and THE Valesian fragment.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Calocerus, THE obscure leader of this rebellion, or\n raTHEr tumult, was apprehended and burnt alive in THE\n market-place of Tarsus, by THE vigilance of Dalmatius. See THE\n elder Victor, THE Chronicle of Jerom, and THE doubtful traditions\n of Theophanes and Cedrenus.]\n\n Among THE different branches of THE human race, THE Sarmatians\n form a very remarkable shade; as THEy seem to unite THE manners\n of THE Asiatic barbarians with THE figure and complexion of THE\n ancient inhabitants of Europe. According to THE various accidents\n of peace and war, of alliance or conquest, THE Sarmatians were\n sometimes confined to THE banks of THE Tanais; and THEy sometimes\n spread THEmselves over THE immense plains which lie between THE\n Vistula and THE Volga. 36 The care of THEir numerous flocks and\n herds, THE pursuit of game, and THE exercises of war, or raTHEr\n of rapine, directed THE vagrant motions of THE Sarmatians. The\n movable camps or cities, THE ordinary residence of THEir wives\n and children, consisted only of large wagons drawn by oxen, and\n covered in THE form of tents. The military strength of THE nation\n was composed of cavalry; and THE custom of THEir warriors, to\n lead in THEir hand one or two spare horses, enabled THEm to\n advance and to retreat with a rapid diligence, which surprised\n THE security, and eluded THE pursuit, of a distant enemy. 37\n Their poverty of iron prompted THEir rude industry to invent a\n sort of cuirass, which was capable of resisting a sword or\n javelin, though it was formed only of horsesÕ hoofs, cut into\n thin and polished slices, carefully laid over each oTHEr in THE\n manner of scales or feaTHErs, and strongly sewed upon an under\n garment of coarse linen. 38 The offensive arms of THE Sarmatians\n were short daggers, long lances, and a weighty bow with a quiver\n of arrows. They were reduced to THE necessity of employing\n fish-bones for THE points of THEir weapons; but THE custom of\n dipping THEm in a venomous liquor, that poisoned THE wounds which\n THEy inflicted, is alone sufficient to prove THE most savage\n manners, since a people impressed with a sense of humanity would\n have abhorred so cruel a practice, and a nation skilled in THE\n arts of war would have disdained so impotent a resource. 39\n Whenever THEse Barbarians issued from THEir deserts in quest of\n prey, THEir shaggy beards, uncombed locks, THE furs with which\n THEy were covered from head to foot, and THEir fierce\n countenances, which seemed to express THE innate cruelty of THEir\n minds, inspired THE more civilized provincials of Rome with\n horror and dismay.\n\n 36 (return) [ Cellarius has collected THE opinions of THE\n ancients concerning THE European and Asiatic Sarmatia; and M.\n DÕAnville has applied THEm to modern geography with THE skill and\n accuracy which always distinguish that excellent writer.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Ammian. l. xvii. c. 12. The Sarmatian horses were\n castrated to prevent THE mischievous accidents which might happen\n from THE noisy and ungovernable passions of THE males.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Pausanius, l. i. p. 50,. edit. Kuhn. That\n inquisitive traveller had carefully examined a Sarmatian cuirass,\n which was preserved in THE temple of ®sculapius at ATHEns.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Aspicis et mitti sub adunco toxica ferro, Et telum\n causas mortis habere duas. Ovid, ex Ponto, l. iv. ep. 7, ver.\n 7.ÑÑSee in THE Recherches sur les Americains, tom. ii. p.\n 236Ñ271, a very curious dissertation on poisoned darts. The venom\n was commonly extracted from THE vegetable reign: but that\n employed by THE Scythians appears to have been drawn from THE\n viper, and a mixture of human blood.]\n\n The use of poisoned arms, which has been spread over both worlds,\n never preserved a savage tribe from THE arms of a disciplined\n enemy. The tender Ovid, after a youth spent in THE enjoyment of\n fame and luxury, was condemned to a hopeless exile on THE frozen\n banks of THE Danube, where he was exposed, almost without\n defence, to THE fury of THEse monsters of THE desert, with whose\n stern spirits he feared that his gentle shade might hereafter be\n confounded. In his paTHEtic, but sometimes unmanly lamentations,\n 40 he describes in THE most lively colors THE dress and manners,\n THE arms and inroads, of THE Get¾ and Sarmatians, who were\n associated for THE purposes of destruction; and from THE accounts\n of history THEre is some reason to believe that THEse Sarmatians\n were THE Jazyg¾, one of THE most numerous and warlike tribes of\n THE nation. The allurements of plenty engaged THEm to seek a\n permanent establishment on THE frontiers of THE empire. Soon\n after THE reign of Augustus, THEy obliged THE Dacians, who\n subsisted by fishing on THE banks of THE River Teyss or Tibiscus,\n to retire into THE hilly country, and to abandon to THE\n victorious Sarmatians THE fertile plains of THE Upper Hungary,\n which are bounded by THE course of THE Danube and THE\n semicircular enclosure of THE Carpathian Mountains. 41 In this\n advantageous position, THEy watched or suspended THE moment of\n attack, as THEy were provoked by injuries or appeased by\n presents; THEy gradually acquired THE skill of using more\n dangerous weapons, and although THE Sarmatians did not illustrate\n THEir name by any memorable exploits, THEy occasionally assisted\n THEir eastern and western neighbors, THE Goths and THE Germans,\n with a formidable body of cavalry. They lived under THE irregular\n aristocracy of THEir chieftains: 42 but after THEy had received\n into THEir bosom THE fugitive Vandals, who yielded to THE\n pressure of THE Gothic power, THEy seem to have chosen a king\n from that nation, and from THE illustrious race of THE Astingi,\n who had formerly dwelt on THE hores of THE norTHErn ocean. 43\n\n 40 (return) [ The nine books of Poetical Epistles which Ovid\n composed during THE seven first years of his melancholy exile,\n possess, beside THE merit of elegance, a double value. They\n exhibit a picture of THE human mind under very singular\n circumstances; and THEy contain many curious observations, which\n no Roman except Ovid, could have an opportunity of making. Every\n circumstance which tends to illustrate THE history of THE\n Barbarians, has been drawn togeTHEr by THE very accurate Count de\n Buat. Hist. Ancienne des Peuples de lÕEurope, tom. iv. c. xvi. p.\n 286-317]\n\n 41 (return) [ The Sarmatian Jazyg¾ were settled on THE banks of\n Pathissus or Tibiscus, when Pliny, in THE year 79, published his\n Natural History. See l. iv. c. 25. In THE time of Strabo and\n Ovid, sixty or seventy years before, THEy appear to have\n inhabited beyond THE Get¾, along THE coast of THE Euxine.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Principes Sarmaturum Jazygum penes quos civitatis\n regimen plebem quoque et vim equitum, qua sola valent,\n offerebant. Tacit. Hist. iii. p. 5. This offer was made in THE\n civil war between Vitellino and Vespasian.]\n\n 43 (return) [ This hypoTHEsis of a Vandal king reigning over\n Sarmatian subjects, seems necessary to reconcile THE Goth\n Jornandes with THE Greek and Latin historians of Constantine. It\n may be observed that Isidore, who lived in Spain under THE\n dominion of THE Goths, gives THEm for enemies, not THE Vandals,\n but THE Sarmatians. See his Chronicle in Grotius, p. 709. Note: I\n have already noticed THE confusion which must necessarily arise\n in history, when names purely _geographical_, as this of\n Sarmatia, are taken for _historical_ names belonging to a single\n nation. We perceive it here; it has forced Gibbon to suppose,\n without any reason but THE necessity of extricating himself from\n his perplexity, that THE Sarmatians had taken a king from among\n THE Vandals; a supposition entirely contrary to THE usages of\n Barbarians Dacia, at this period, was occupied, not by\n Sarmatians, who have never formed a distinct race, but by\n Vandals, whom THE ancients have often confounded under THE\n general term Sarmatians. See GattererÕs Welt-Geschiehte p.\n 464ÑG.]\n\n This motive of enmity must have inflamed THE subjects of\n contention, which perpetually arise on THE confines of warlike\n and independent nations. The Vandal princes were stimulated by\n fear and revenge; THE Gothic kings aspired to extend THEir\n dominion from THE Euxine to THE frontiers of Germany; and THE\n waters of THE Maros, a small river which falls into THE Teyss,\n were stained with THE blood of THE contending Barbarians. After\n some experience of THE superior strength and numbers of THEir\n adversaries, THE Sarmatians implored THE protection of THE Roman\n monarch, who beheld with pleasure THE discord of THE nations, but\n who was justly alarmed by THE progress of THE Gothic arms. As\n soon as Constantine had declared himself in favor of THE weaker\n party, THE haughty Araric, king of THE Goths, instead of\n expecting THE attack of THE legions, boldly passed THE Danube,\n and spread terror and devastation through THE province of M¾sia.\n\n To oppose THE inroad of this destroying host, THE aged emperor\n took THE field in person; but on this occasion eiTHEr his conduct\n or his fortune betrayed THE glory which he had acquired in so\n many foreign and domestic wars. He had THE mortification of\n seeing his troops fly before an inconsiderable detachment of THE\n Barbarians, who pursued THEm to THE edge of THEir fortified camp,\n and obliged him to consult his safety by a precipitate and\n ignominious retreat. 4311 The event of a second and more\n successful action retrieved THE honor of THE Roman name; and THE\n powers of art and discipline prevailed, after an obstinate\n contest, over THE efforts of irregular valor. The broken army of\n THE Goths abandoned THE field of battle, THE wasted province, and\n THE passage of THE Danube: and although THE eldest of THE sons of\n Constantine was permitted to supply THE place of his faTHEr, THE\n merit of THE victory, which diffused universal joy, was ascribed\n to THE auspicious counsels of THE emperor himself.\n\n 4311 (return) [ Gibbon states, that Constantine was defeated by\n THE Goths in a first battle. No ancient author mentions such an\n event. It is, no doubt, a mistake in Gibbon. St Martin, note to\n Le Beau. i. 324.ÑM.]\n\n He contributed at least to improve this advantage, by his\n negotiations with THE free and warlike people of Chersonesus, 44\n whose capital, situate on THE western coast of THE Tauric or\n Crim¾an peninsula, still retained some vestiges of a Grecian\n colony, and was governed by a perpetual magistrate, assisted by a\n council of senators, emphatically styled THE FaTHErs of THE City.\n\n The Chersonites were animated against THE Goths, by THE memory of\n THE wars, which, in THE preceding century, THEy had maintained\n with unequal forces against THE invaders of THEir country. They\n were connected with THE Romans by THE mutual benefits of\n commerce; as THEy were supplied from THE provinces of Asia with\n corn and manufactures, which THEy purchased with THEir only\n productions, salt, wax, and hides. Obedient to THE requisition of\n Constantine, THEy prepared, under THE conduct of THEir magistrate\n Diogenes, a considerable army, of which THE principal strength\n consisted in cross-bows and military chariots. The speedy march\n and intrepid attack of THE Chersonites, by diverting THE\n attention of THE Goths, assisted THE operations of THE Imperial\n generals. The Goths, vanquished on every side, were driven into\n THE mountains, where, in THE course of a severe campaign, above a\n hundred thousand were computed to have perished by cold and\n hunger. Peace was at length granted to THEir humble\n supplications; THE eldest son of Araric was accepted as THE most\n valuable hostage; and Constantine endeavored to convince THEir\n chiefs, by a liberal distribution of honors and rewards, how far\n THE friendship of THE Romans was preferable to THEir enmity. In\n THE expressions of his gratitude towards THE faithful\n Chersonites, THE emperor was still more magnificent. The pride of\n THE nation was gratified by THE splendid and almost royal\n decorations bestowed on THEir magistrate and his successors. A\n perpetual exemption from all duties was stipulated for THEir\n vessels which traded to THE ports of THE Black Sea. A regular\n subsidy was promised, of iron, corn, oil, and of every supply\n which could be useful eiTHEr in peace or war. But it was thought\n that THE Sarmatians were sufficiently rewarded by THEir\n deliverance from impending ruin; and THE emperor, perhaps with\n too strict an economy, deducted some part of THE expenses of THE\n war from THE customary gratifications which were allowed to that\n turbulent nation.\n\n 44 (return) [ I may stand in need of some apology for having\n used, without scruple, THE authority of Constantine\n Porphyrogenitus, in all that relates to THE wars and negotiations\n of THE Chersonites. I am aware that he was a Greek of THE tenth\n century, and that his accounts of ancient history are frequently\n confused and fabulous. But on this occasion his narrative is, for\n THE most part, consistent and probable nor is THEre much\n difficulty in conceiving that an emperor might have access to\n some secret archives, which had escaped THE diligence of meaner\n historians. For THE situation and history of Chersone, see\n Peyssonel, des Peuples barbares qui ont habite les Bords du\n Danube, c. xvi. 84-90. ÑÑGibbon has confounded THE inhabitants of\n THE city of Cherson, THE ancient Chersonesus, with THE people of\n THE Chersonesus Taurica. If he had read with more attention THE\n chapter of Constantius Porphyrogenitus, from which this narrative\n is derived, he would have seen that THE author clearly\n distinguishes THE republic of Cherson from THE rest of THE Tauric\n Peninsula, THEn possessed by THE kings of THE Cimmerian\n Bosphorus, and that THE city of Cherson alone furnished succors\n to THE Romans. The English historian is also mistaken in saying\n that THE Stephanephoros of THE Chersonites was a perpetual\n magistrate; since it is easy to discover from THE great number of\n Stephanephoroi mentioned by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, that\n THEy were annual magistrates, like almost all those which\n governed THE Grecian republics. St. Martin, note to Le Beau i.\n 326.ÑM.]\n\n Exasperated by this apparent neglect, THE Sarmatians soon forgot,\n with THE levity of barbarians, THE services which THEy had so\n lately received, and THE dangers which still threatened THEir\n safety. Their inroads on THE territory of THE empire provoked THE\n indignation of Constantine to leave THEm to THEir fate; and he no\n longer opposed THE ambition of Geberic, a renowned warrior, who\n had recently ascended THE Gothic throne. Wisumar, THE Vandal\n king, whilst alone, and unassisted, he defended his dominions\n with undaunted courage, was vanquished and slain in a decisive\n battle, which swept away THE flower of THE Sarmatian youth. 4411\n The remainder of THE nation embraced THE desperate expedient of\n arming THEir slaves, a hardy race of hunters and herdsmen, by\n whose tumultuary aid THEy revenged THEir defeat, and expelled THE\n invader from THEir confines. But THEy soon discovered that THEy\n had exchanged a foreign for a domestic enemy, more dangerous and\n more implacable. Enraged by THEir former servitude, elated by\n THEir present glory, THE slaves, under THE name of Limigantes,\n claimed and usurped THE possession of THE country which THEy had\n saved. Their masters, unable to withstand THE ungoverned fury of\n THE populace, preferred THE hardships of exile to THE tyranny of\n THEir servants. Some of THE fugitive Sarmatians solicited a less\n ignominious dependence, under THE hostile standard of THE Goths.\n A more numerous band retired beyond THE Carpathian Mountains,\n among THE Quadi, THEir German allies, and were easily admitted to\n share a superfluous waste of uncultivated land. But THE far\n greater part of THE distressed nation turned THEir eyes towards\n THE fruitful provinces of Rome. Imploring THE protection and\n forgiveness of THE emperor, THEy solemnly promised, as subjects\n in peace, and as soldiers in war, THE most inviolable fidelity to\n THE empire which should graciously receive THEm into its bosom.\n According to THE maxims adopted by Probus and his successors, THE\n offers of this barbarian colony were eagerly accepted; and a\n competent portion of lands in THE provinces of Pannonia, Thrace,\n Macedonia, and Italy, were immediately assigned for THE\n habitation and subsistence of three hundred thousand Sarmatians.\n 45 4511\n\n 4411 (return) [ Gibbon supposes that this war took place because\n Constantine had deducted a part of THE customary gratifications,\n granted by his predecessors to THE Sarmatians. Nothing of this\n kind appears in THE authors. We see, on THE contrary, that after\n his victory, and to punish THE Sarmatia is for THE ravages THEy\n had committed, he withheld THE sums which it had been THE custom\n to bestow. St. Martin, note to Le Beau, i. 327.ÑM.]\n\n 45 (return) [ The Gothic and Sarmatian wars are related in so\n broken and imperfect a manner, that I have been obliged to\n compare THE following writers, who mutually supply, correct, and\n illustrate each oTHEr. Those who will take THE same trouble, may\n acquire a right of criticizing my narrative. Ammianus, l. xvii.\n c. 12. Anonym. Valesian. p. 715. Eutropius, x. 7. Sextus Rufus de\n Provinciis, c. 26. Julian Orat. i. p. 9, and Spanheim, Comment.\n p. 94. Hieronym. in Chron. Euseb. in Vit. Constantin. l. iv. c.\n 6. Socrates, l. i. c. 18. Sozomen, l. i. c. 8. Zosimus, l. ii. p.\n 108. Jornandes de Reb. Geticis, c. 22. Isidorus in Chron. p. 709;\n in Hist. Gothorum Grotii. Constantin. Porphyrogenitus de\n Administrat. Imperii, c. 53, p. 208, edit. Meursii.]\n\n 4511 (return) [ Compare, on this very obscure but remarkable war,\n Manso, Leben Coa xantius, p. 195ÑM.]\n\n By chastising THE pride of THE Goths, and by accepting THE homage\n of a suppliant nation, Constantine asserted THE majesty of THE\n Roman empire; and THE ambassadors of ®thiopia, Persia, and THE\n most remote countries of India, congratulated THE peace and\n prosperity of his government. 46 If he reckoned, among THE favors\n of fortune, THE death of his eldest son, of his nephew, and\n perhaps of his wife, he enjoyed an uninterrupted flow of private\n as well as public felicity, till THE thirtieth year of his reign;\n a period which none of his predecessors, since Augustus, had been\n permitted to celebrate. Constantine survived that solemn festival\n about ten months; and at THE mature age of sixty-four, after a\n short illness, he ended his memorable life at THE palace of\n Aquyrion, in THE suburbs of Nicomedia, whiTHEr he had retired for\n THE benefit of THE air, and with THE hope of recruiting his\n exhausted strength by THE use of THE warm baths. The excessive\n demonstrations of grief, or at least of mourning, surpassed\n whatever had been practised on any former occasion.\n Notwithstanding THE claims of THE senate and people of ancient\n Rome, THE corpse of THE deceased emperor, according to his last\n request, was transported to THE city, which was destined to\n preserve THE name and memory of its founder. The body of\n Constantine adorned with THE vain symbols of greatness, THE\n purple and diadem, was deposited on a golden bed in one of THE\n apartments of THE palace, which for that purpose had been\n splendidly furnished and illuminated. The forms of THE court were\n strictly maintained. Every day, at THE appointed hours, THE\n principal officers of THE state, THE army, and THE household,\n approaching THE person of THEir sovereign with bended knees and a\n composed countenance, offered THEir respectful homage as\n seriously as if he had been still alive. From motives of policy,\n this THEatrical representation was for some time continued; nor\n could flattery neglect THE opportunity of remarking that\n Constantine alone, by THE peculiar indulgence of Heaven, had\n reigned after his death. 47\n\n 46 (return) [ Eusebius (in Vit. Const. l. iv. c. 50) remarks\n three circumstances relative to THEse Indians. 1. They came from\n THE shores of THE eastern ocean; a description which might be\n applied to THE coast of China or Coromandel. 2. They presented\n shining gems, and unknown animals. 3. They protested THEir kings\n had erected statues to represent THE supreme majesty of\n Constantine.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Funus relatum in urbem sui nominis, quod sane P. R.\n ¾gerrime tulit. Aurelius Victor. Constantine prepared for himself\n a stately tomb in THE church of THE Holy Apostles. Euseb. l. iv.\n c. 60. The best, and indeed almost THE only account of THE\n sickness, death, and funeral of Constantine, is contained in THE\n fourth book of his Life by Eusebius.]\n\n But this reign could subsist only in empty pageantry; and it was\n soon discovered that THE will of THE most absolute monarch is\n seldom obeyed, when his subjects have no longer anything to hope\n from his favor, or to dread from his resentment. The same\n ministers and generals, who bowed with such referential awe\n before THE inanimate corpse of THEir deceased sovereign, were\n engaged in secret consultations to exclude his two nephews,\n Dalmatius and Hannibalianus, from THE share which he had assigned\n THEm in THE succession of THE empire. We are too imperfectly\n acquainted with THE court of Constantine to form any judgment of\n THE real motives which influenced THE leaders of THE conspiracy;\n unless we should suppose that THEy were actuated by a spirit of\n jealousy and revenge against THE pr¾fect Ablavius, a proud\n favorite, who had long directed THE counsels and abused THE\n confidence of THE late emperor. The arguments, by which THEy\n solicited THE concurrence of THE soldiers and people, are of a\n more obvious nature; and THEy might with decency, as well as\n truth, insist on THE superior rank of THE children of\n Constantine, THE danger of multiplying THE number of sovereigns,\n and THE impending mischiefs which threatened THE republic, from\n THE discord of so many rival princes, who were not connected by\n THE tender sympathy of fraternal affection. The intrigue was\n conducted with zeal and secrecy, till a loud and unanimous\n declaration was procured from THE troops, that THEy would suffer\n none except THE sons of THEir lamented monarch to reign over THE\n Roman empire. 48 The younger Dalmatius, who was united with his\n collateral relations by THE ties of friendship and interest, is\n allowed to have inherited a considerable share of THE abilities\n of THE great Constantine; but, on this occasion, he does not\n appear to have concerted any measure for supporting, by arms, THE\n just claims which himself and his royal broTHEr derived from THE\n liberality of THEir uncle. Astonished and overwhelmed by THE tide\n of popular fury, THEy seem to have remained, without THE power of\n flight or of resistance, in THE hands of THEir implacable\n enemies. Their fate was suspended till THE arrival of\n Constantius, THE second, and perhaps THE most favored, of THE\n sons of Constantine. 49\n\n 48 (return) [ Eusebius (l. iv. c. 6) terminates his narrative by\n this loyal declaration of THE troops, and avoids all THE\n invidious circumstances of THE subsequent massacre.]\n\n 49 (return) [ The character of Dalmatius is advantageously,\n though concisely drawn by Eutropius. (x. 9.) Dalmatius C¾sar\n prosperrim‰ indole, neque patrou absimilis, _haud multo_ post\n oppressus est factione militari. As both Jerom and THE\n Alexandrian Chronicle mention THE third year of THE C¾sar, which\n did not commence till THE 18th or 24th of September, A. D. 337,\n it is certain that THEse military factions continued above four\n months.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVIII: Character Of Constantine And His Sons.ÑPart III.\n\n\n The voice of THE dying emperor had recommended THE care of his\n funeral to THE piety of Constantius; and that prince, by THE\n vicinity of his eastern station, could easily prevent THE\n diligence of his broTHErs, who resided in THEir distant\n government of Italy and Gaul. As soon as he had taken possession\n of THE palace of Constantinople, his first care was to remove THE\n apprehensions of his kinsmen, by a solemn oath which he pledged\n for THEir security. His next employment was to find some specious\n pretence which might release his conscience from THE obligation\n of an imprudent promise. The arts of fraud were made subservient\n to THE designs of cruelty; and a manifest forgery was attested by\n a person of THE most sacred character. From THE hands of THE\n Bishop of Nicomedia, Constantius received a fatal scroll,\n affirmed to be THE genuine testament of his faTHEr; in which THE\n emperor expressed his suspicions that he had been poisoned by his\n broTHErs; and conjured his sons to revenge his death, and to\n consult THEir own safety, by THE punishment of THE guilty. 50\n Whatever reasons might have been alleged by THEse unfortunate\n princes to defend THEir life and honor against so incredible an\n accusation, THEy were silenced by THE furious clamors of THE\n soldiers, who declared THEmselves, at once, THEir enemies, THEir\n judges, and THEir executioners. The spirit, and even THE forms of\n legal proceedings were repeatedly violated in a promiscuous\n massacre; which involved THE two uncles of Constantius, seven of\n his cousins, of whom Dalmatius and Hannibalianus were THE most\n illustrious, THE Patrician Optatus, who had married a sister of\n THE late emperor, and THE Pr¾fect Ablavius, whose power and\n riches had inspired him with some hopes of obtaining THE purple.\n If it were necessary to aggravate THE horrors of this bloody\n scene, we might add, that Constantius himself had espoused THE\n daughter of his uncle Julius, and that he had bestowed his sister\n in marriage on his cousin Hannibalianus. These alliances, which\n THE policy of Constantine, regardless of THE public prejudice, 51\n had formed between THE several branches of THE Imperial house,\n served only to convince mankind, that THEse princes were as cold\n to THE endearments of conjugal affection, as THEy were insensible\n to THE ties of consanguinity, and THE moving entreaties of youth\n and innocence. Of so numerous a family, Gallus and Julian alone,\n THE two youngest children of Julius Constantius, were saved from\n THE hands of THE assassins, till THEir rage, satiated with\n slaughter, had in some measure subsided. The emperor Constantius,\n who, in THE absence of his broTHErs, was THE most obnoxious to\n guilt and reproach, discovered, on some future occasions, a faint\n and transient remorse for those cruelties which THE perfidious\n counsels of his ministers, and THE irresistible violence of THE\n troops, had extorted from his unexperienced youth. 52\n\n 50 (return) [ I have related this singular anecdote on THE\n authority of Philostorgius, l. ii. c. 16. But if such a pretext\n was ever used by Constantius and his adherents, it was laid aside\n with contempt, as soon as it served THEir immediate purpose.\n Athanasius (tom. i. p. 856) mention THE oath which Constantius\n had taken for THE security of his kinsmen. ÑÑThe authority of\n Philostorgius is so suspicious, as not to be sufficient to\n establish this fact, which Gibbon has inserted in his history as\n certain, while in THE note he appears to doubt it.ÑG.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Conjugia sobrinarum diu ignorata, tempore addito\n percrebuisse. Tacit. Annal. xii. 6, and Lipsius ad loc. The\n repeal of THE ancient law, and THE practice of five hundred\n years, were insufficient to eradicate THE prejudices of THE\n Romans, who still considered THE marriages of cousins-german as a\n species of imperfect incest. (Augustin de Civitate Dei, xv. 6;)\n and Julian, whose mind was biased by superstition and resentment,\n stigmatizes THEse unnatural alliances between his own cousins\n with THE opprobrious epiTHEt (Orat. vii. p. 228.). The\n jurisprudence of THE canons has since received and enforced this\n prohibition, without being able to introduce it eiTHEr into THE\n civil or THE common law of Europe. See on THE subject of THEse\n marriages, TaylorÕs Civil Law, p. 331. Brouer de Jure Connub. l.\n ii. c. 12. Hericourt des Loix EcclŽsiastiques, part iii. c. 5.\n Fleury, Institutions du Droit Canonique, tom. i. p. 331. Paris,\n 1767, and Fra Paolo, Istoria del Concilio Trident, l. viii.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Julian (ad S. P.. Q. ATHEn. p. 270) charges his\n cousin Constantius with THE whole guilt of a massacre, from which\n he himself so narrowly escaped. His assertion is confirmed by\n Athanasius, who, for reasons of a very different nature, was not\n less an enemy of Constantius, (tom. i. p. 856.) Zosimus joins in\n THE same accusation. But THE three abbreviators, Eutropius and\n THE Victors, use very qualifying expressions: Òsinente potius\n quam jubente;Ó Òincertum quo suasore;Ó Òvi militum.Ó]\n\n The massacre of THE Flavian race was succeeded by a new division\n of THE provinces; which was ratified in a personal interview of\n THE three broTHErs. Constantine, THE eldest of THE C¾sars,\n obtained, with a certain pre‘minence of rank, THE possession of\n THE new capital, which bore his own name and that of his faTHEr.\n Thrace, and THE countries of THE East, were allotted for THE\n patrimony of Constantius; and Constans was acknowledged as THE\n lawful sovereign of Italy, Africa, and THE Western Illyricum. The\n armies submitted to THEir hereditary right; and THEy\n condescended, after some delay, to accept from THE Roman senate\n THE title of _Augustus_. When THEy first assumed THE reins of\n government, THE eldest of THEse princes was twenty-one, THE\n second twenty, and THE third only seventeen, years of age. 53\n\n 53 (return) [ Euseb. in Vit. Constantin. l. iv. c. 69. Zosimus,\n l. ii. p. 117. Idat. in Chron. See two notes of Tillemont, Hist.\n des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 1086-1091. The reign of THE eldest\n broTHEr at Constantinople is noticed only in THE Alexandrian\n Chronicle.]\n\n While THE martial nations of Europe followed THE standards of his\n broTHErs, Constantius, at THE head of THE effeminate troops of\n Asia, was left to sustain THE weight of THE Persian war. At THE\n decease of Constantine, THE throne of THE East was filled by\n Sapor, son of Hormouz, or Hormisdas, and grandson of Narses, who,\n after THE victory of Galerius, had humbly confessed THE\n superiority of THE Roman power. Although Sapor was in THE\n thirtieth year of his long reign, he was still in THE vigor of\n youth, as THE date of his accession, by a very strange fatality,\n had preceded that of his birth. The wife of Hormouz remained\n pregnant at THE time of her husbandÕs death; and THE uncertainty\n of THE sex, as well as of THE event, excited THE ambitious hopes\n of THE princes of THE house of Sassan. The apprehensions of civil\n war were at length removed, by THE positive assurance of THE\n Magi, that THE widow of Hormouz had conceived, and would safely\n produce a son. Obedient to THE voice of superstition, THE\n Persians prepared, without delay, THE ceremony of his coronation.\n\n A royal bed, on which THE queen lay in state, was exhibited in\n THE midst of THE palace; THE diadem was placed on THE spot, which\n might be supposed to conceal THE future heir of Artaxerxes, and\n THE prostrate satraps adored THE majesty of THEir invisible and\n insensible sovereign. 54 If any credit can be given to this\n marvellous tale, which seems, however, to be countenanced by THE\n manners of THE people, and by THE extraordinary duration of his\n reign, we must admire not only THE fortune, but THE genius, of\n Sapor. In THE soft, sequestered education of a Persian harem, THE\n royal youth could discover THE importance of exercising THE vigor\n of his mind and body; and, by his personal merit, deserved a\n throne, on which he had been seated, while he was yet unconscious\n of THE duties and temptations of absolute power. His minority was\n exposed to THE almost inevitable calamities of domestic discord;\n his capital was surprised and plundered by Thair, a powerful king\n of Yemen, or Arabia; and THE majesty of THE royal family was\n degraded by THE captivity of a princess, THE sister of THE\n deceased king. But as soon as Sapor attained THE age of manhood,\n THE presumptuous Thair, his nation, and his country, fell beneath\n THE first effort of THE young warrior; who used his victory with\n so judicious a mixture of rigor and clemency, that he obtained\n from THE fears and gratitude of THE Arabs THE title of\n _Dhoulacnaf_, or protector of THE nation. 55 5511\n\n 54 (return) [ Agathias, who lived in THE sixth century, is THE\n author of this story, (l. iv. p. 135, edit. Louvre.) He derived\n his information from some extracts of THE Persian Chronicles,\n obtained and translated by THE interpreter Sergius, during his\n embassy at that country. The coronation of THE moTHEr of Sapor is\n likewise mentioned by Snikard, (Tarikh. p. 116,) and DÕHerbelot\n (Biblioth\x8fque Orientale, p. 703.) ÑÑThe author of THE\n Zenut-ul-Tarikh states, that THE lady herself affirmed her belief\n of this from THE extraordinary liveliness of THE infant, and its\n lying on THE right side. Those who are sage on such subjects must\n determine what right she had to be positive from THEse symptoms.\n Malcolm, Hist. of Persia, i 83.ÑM.]\n\n 55 (return) [ DÕHerbelot, Biblioth\x8fque Orientale, p. 764.]\n\n 5511 (return) [ Gibbon, according to Sir J. Malcolm, has greatly\n mistaken THE derivation of this name; it means Zoolaktaf, THE\n Lord of THE Shoulders, from his directing THE shoulders of his\n captives to be pierced and THEn dislocated by a string passed\n through THEm. Eastern authors are agreed with respect to THE\n origin of this title. Malcolm, i. 84. Gibbon took his derivation\n from DÕHerbelot, who gives both, THE latter on THE authority of\n THE Leb. Tarikh.ÑM.]\n\n The ambition of THE Persian, to whom his enemies ascribe THE\n virtues of a soldier and a statesman, was animated by THE desire\n of revenging THE disgrace of his faTHErs, and of wresting from\n THE hands of THE Romans THE five provinces beyond THE Tigris. The\n military fame of Constantine, and THE real or apparent strength\n of his government, suspended THE attack; and while THE hostile\n conduct of Sapor provoked THE resentment, his artful negotiations\n amused THE patience of THE Imperial court. The death of\n Constantine was THE signal of war, 56 and THE actual condition of\n THE Syrian and Armenian frontier seemed to encourage THE Persians\n by THE prospect of a rich spoil and an easy conquest. The example\n of THE massacres of THE palace diffused a spirit of\n licentiousness and sedition among THE troops of THE East, who\n were no longer restrained by THEir habits of obedience to a\n veteran commander. By THE prudence of Constantius, who, from THE\n interview with his broTHErs in Pannonia, immediately hastened to\n THE banks of THE Euphrates, THE legions were gradually restored\n to a sense of duty and discipline; but THE season of anarchy had\n permitted Sapor to form THE siege of Nisibis, and to occupy\n several of THE mo st important fortresses of Mesopotamia. 57 In\n Armenia, THE renowned Tiridates had long enjoyed THE peace and\n glory which he deserved by his valor and fidelity to THE cause of\n Rome. 5711 The firm alliance which he maintained with Constantine\n was productive of spiritual as well as of temporal benefits; by\n THE conversion of Tiridates, THE character of a saint was applied\n to that of a hero, THE Christian faith was preached and\n established from THE Euphrates to THE shores of THE Caspian, and\n Armenia was attached to THE empire by THE double ties of policy\n and religion. But as many of THE Armenian nobles still refused to\n abandon THE plurality of THEir gods and of THEir wives, THE\n public tranquillity was disturbed by a discontented faction,\n which insulted THE feeble age of THEir sovereign, and impatiently\n expected THE hour of his death. He died at length after a reign\n of fifty-six years, and THE fortune of THE Armenian monarchy\n expired with Tiridates. His lawful heir was driven into exile,\n THE Christian priests were eiTHEr murdered or expelled from THEir\n churches, THE barbarous tribes of Albania were solicited to\n descend from THEir mountains; and two of THE most powerful\n governors, usurping THE ensigns or THE powers of royalty,\n implored THE assistance of Sapor, and opened THE gates of THEir\n cities to THE Persian garrisons. The Christian party, under THE\n guidance of THE Archbishop of Artaxata, THE immediate successor\n of St. Gregory THE Illuminator, had recourse to THE piety of\n Constantius. After THE troubles had continued about three years,\n Antiochus, one of THE officers of THE household, executed with\n success THE Imperial commission of restoring Chosroes, 5712 THE\n son of Tiridates, to THE throne of his faTHErs, of distributing\n honors and rewards among THE faithful servants of THE house of\n Arsaces, and of proclaiming a general amnesty, which was accepted\n by THE greater part of THE rebellious satraps. But THE Romans\n derived more honor than advantage from this revolution. Chosroes\n was a prince of a puny stature and a pusillanimous spirit.\n Unequal to THE fatigues of war, averse to THE society of mankind,\n he withdrew from his capital to a retired palace, which he built\n on THE banks of THE River EleuTHErus, and in THE centre of a\n shady grove; where he consumed his vacant hours in THE rural\n sports of hunting and hawking. To secure this inglorious ease, he\n submitted to THE conditions of peace which Sapor condescended to\n impose; THE payment of an annual tribute, and THE restitution of\n THE fertile province of Atropatene, which THE courage of\n Tiridates, and THE victorious arms of Galerius, had annexed to\n THE Armenian monarchy. 58 5811\n\n 56 (return) [ Sextus Rufus, (c. 26,) who on this occasion is no\n contemptible authority, affirms, that THE Persians sued in vain\n for peace, and that Constantine was preparing to march against\n THEm: yet THE superior weight of THE testimony of Eusebius\n obliges us to admit THE preliminaries, if not THE ratification,\n of THE treaty. See Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p.\n 420. ÑÑConstantine had endeavored to allay THE fury of THE\n prosecutions, which, at THE instigation of THE Magi and THE Jews,\n Sapor had commenced against THE Christians. Euseb Vit. Hist.\n Theod. i. 25. Sozom. ii. c. 8, 15.ÑM.]\n\n 57 (return) [ Julian. Orat. i. p. 20.]\n\n 5711 (return) [ Tiridates had sustained a war against Maximin.\n caused by THE hatred of THE latter against Christianity. Armenia\n was THE first _nation_ which embraced Christianity. About THE\n year 276 it was THE religion of THE king, THE nobles, and THE\n people of Armenia. From St. Martin, Supplement to Le Beau, v. i.\n p. 78.ÑÑCompare Preface to History of Vartan by Professor\n Neumann, p ix.ÑM.]\n\n 5712 (return) [ Chosroes was restored probably by Licinius,\n between 314 and 319. There was an Antiochus who was pr¾fectus\n vigilum at Rome, as appears from THE Theodosian Code, (l. iii. de\n inf. his qu¾ sub ty.,) in 326, and from a fragment of THE same\n work published by M. Amedee Peyron, in 319. He may before this\n have been sent into Armenia. St. M. p. 407. [Is it not more\n probable that Antiochus was an officer in THE service of THE\n C¾sar who ruled in THE East?ÑM.] Chosroes was succeeded in THE\n year 322 by his son Diran. Diran was a weak prince, and in THE\n sixteenth year of his reign. A. D. 337. was betrayed into THE\n power of THE Persians by THE treachery of his chamberlain and THE\n Persian governor of Atropatene or Aderbidjan. He was blinded: his\n wife and his son Arsaces shared his captivity, but THE princes\n and nobles of Armenia claimed THE protection of Rome; and this\n was THE cause of ConstantineÕs declaration of war against THE\n Persians.ÑThe king of Persia attempted to make himself master of\n Armenia; but THE brave resistance of THE people, THE advance of\n Constantius, and a defeat which his army suffered at Oskha in\n Armenia, and THE failure before Nisibis, forced Shahpour to\n submit to terms of peace. Varaz-Shahpour, THE perfidious governor\n of Atropatene, was flayed alive; Diran and his son were released\n from captivity; Diran refused to ascend THE throne, and retired\n to an obscure retreat: his son Arsaces was crowned king of\n Armenia. Arsaces pursued a vacillating policy between THE\n influence of Rome and Persia, and THE war recommenced in THE year\n 345. At least, that was THE period of THE expedition of\n Constantius to THE East. See St. Martin, additions to Le Beau, i.\n 442. The Persians have made an extraordinary romance out of THE\n history of Shahpour, who went as a spy to Constantinople, was\n taken, harnessed like a horse, and carried to witness THE\n devastation of his kingdom. Malcolm. 84ÑM.]\n\n 58 (return) [ Julian. Orat. i. p. 20, 21. Moses of Chorene, l.\n ii. c. 89, l. iii. c. 1Ñ9, p. 226Ñ240. The perfect agreement\n between THE vague hints of THE contemporary orator, and THE\n circumstantial narrative of THE national historian, gives light\n to THE former, and weight to THE latter. For THE credit of Moses,\n it may be likewise observed, that THE name of Antiochus is found\n a few years before in a civil office of inferior dignity. See\n Godefroy, Cod. Theod. tom. vi. p. 350.]\n\n 5811 (return) [ Gibbon has endeavored, in his History, to make\n use of THE information furnished by Moses of Chorene, THE only\n Armenian historian THEn translated into Latin. Gibbon has not\n perceived all THE chronological difficulties which occur in THE\n narrative of that writer. He has not thought of all THE critical\n discussions which his text ought to undergo before it can be\n combined with THE relations of THE western writers. From want of\n this attention, Gibbon has made THE facts which he has drawn from\n this source more erroneous than THEy are in THE original. This\n judgment applies to all which THE English historian has derived\n from THE Armenian author. I have made THE History of Moses a\n subject of particular attention; and it is with confidence that I\n offer THE results, which I insert here, and which will appear in\n THE course of my notes. In order to form a judgment of THE\n difference which exists between me and Gibbon, I will content\n myself with remarking, that throughout he has committed an\n anachronism of thirty years, from whence it follows, that he\n assigns to THE reign of Constantius many events which took place\n during that of Constantine. He could not, THErefore, discern THE\n true connection which exists between THE Roman history and that\n of Armenia, or form a correct notion of THE reasons which induced\n Constantine, at THE close of his life, to make war upon THE\n Persians, or of THE motives which detained Constantius so long in\n THE East; he does not even mention THEm. St. Martin, note on Le\n Beau, i. 406. I have inserted M. St. MartinÕs observations, but I\n must add, that THE chronology which he proposes, is not generally\n received by Armenian scholars, not, I believe, by Professor\n Neumann.ÑM.]\n\n During THE long period of THE reign of Constantius, THE provinces\n of THE East were afflicted by THE calamities of THE Persian war.\n 5813 The irregular incursions of THE light troops alternately\n spread terror and devastation beyond THE Tigris and beyond THE\n Euphrates, from THE gates of Ctesiphon to those of Antioch; and\n this active service was performed by THE Arabs of THE desert, who\n were divided in THEir interest and affections; some of THEir\n independent chiefs being enlisted in THE party of Sapor, whilst\n oTHErs had engaged THEir doubtful fidelity to THE emperor. 59 The\n more grave and important operations of THE war were conducted\n with equal vigor; and THE armies of Rome and Persia encountered\n each oTHEr in nine bloody fields, in two of which Constantius\n himself commanded in person. 60 The event of THE day was most\n commonly adverse to THE Romans, but in THE battle of Singara,\n THEir imprudent valor had almost achieved a signal and decisive\n victory. The stationary troops of Singara 6011 retired on THE\n approach of Sapor, who passed THE Tigris over three bridges, and\n occupied near THE village of Hilleh an advantageous camp, which,\n by THE labor of his numerous pioneers, he surrounded in one day\n with a deep ditch and a lofty rampart. His formidable host, when\n it was drawn out in order of battle, covered THE banks of THE\n river, THE adjacent heights, and THE whole extent of a plain of\n above twelve miles, which separated THE two armies. Both were\n alike impatient to engage; but THE Barbarians, after a slight\n resistance, fled in disorder; unable to resist, or desirous to\n weary, THE strength of THE heavy legions, who, fainting with heat\n and thirst, pursued THEm across THE plain, and cut in pieces a\n line of cavalry, cloTHEd in complete armor, which had been posted\n before THE gates of THE camp to protect THEir retreat.\n Constantius, who was hurried along in THE pursuit, attempted,\n without effect, to restrain THE ardor of his troops, by\n representing to THEm THE dangers of THE approaching night, and\n THE certainty of completing THEir success with THE return of day.\n As THEy depended much more on THEir own valor than on THE\n experience or THE abilities of THEir chief, THEy silenced by\n THEir clamors his timid remonstrances; and rushing with fury to\n THE charge, filled up THE ditch, broke down THE rampart, and\n dispersed THEmselves through THE tents to recruit THEir exhausted\n strength, and to enjoy THE rich harvest of THEir labors. But THE\n prudent Sapor had watched THE moment of victory. His army, of\n which THE greater part, securely posted on THE heights, had been\n spectators of THE action, advanced in silence, and under THE\n shadow of THE night; and his Persian archers, guided by THE\n illumination of THE camp, poured a shower of arrows on a disarmed\n and licentious crowd. The sincerity of history 61 declares, that\n THE Romans were vanquished with a dreadful slaughter, and that\n THE flying remnant of THE legions was exposed to THE most\n intolerable hardships. Even THE tenderness of panegyric,\n confessing that THE glory of THE emperor was sullied by THE\n disobedience of his soldiers, chooses to draw a veil over THE\n circumstances of this melancholy retreat. Yet one of those venal\n orators, so jealous of THE fame of Constantius, relates, with\n amazing coolness, an act of such incredible cruelty, as, in THE\n judgment of posterity, must imprint a far deeper stain on THE\n honor of THE Imperial name. The son of Sapor, THE heir of his\n crown, had been made a captive in THE Persian camp. The unhappy\n youth, who might have excited THE compassion of THE most savage\n enemy, was scourged, tortured, and publicly executed by THE\n inhuman Romans. 62\n\n 5813 (return) [ It was during this war that a bold flatterer\n (whose name is unknown) published THE Itineraries of Alexander\n and Trajan, in order to direct THE _victorious_ Constantius in\n THE footsteps of those great conquerors of THE East. The former\n of THEse has been published for THE first time by M. Angelo Mai\n (Milan, 1817, reprinted at Frankfort, 1818.) It adds so little to\n our knowledge of AlexanderÕs campaigns, that it only excites our\n regret that it is not THE Itinerary of Trajan, of whose eastern\n victories we have no distinct recordÑM]\n\n 59 (return) [ Ammianus (xiv. 4) gives a lively description of THE\n wandering and predatory life of THE Saracens, who stretched from\n THE confines of Assyria to THE cataracts of THE Nile. It appears\n from THE adventures of Malchus, which Jerom has related in so\n entertaining a manner, that THE high road between Ber¾a and\n Edessa was infested by THEse robbers. See Hieronym. tom. i. p.\n 256.]\n\n 60 (return) [ We shall take from Eutropius THE general idea of\n THE war. A Persis enim multa et gravia perpessus, s¾pe captis,\n oppidis, obsessis urbibus, c¾sis exercitibus, nullumque ei contra\n Saporem prosperum pr¾lium fuit, nisi quod apud Singaram, &c. This\n honest account is confirmed by THE hints of Ammianus, Rufus, and\n Jerom. The two first orations of Julian, and THE third oration of\n Libanius, exhibit a more flattering picture; but THE recantation\n of both those orators, after THE death of Constantius, while it\n restores us to THE possession of THE truth, degrades THEir own\n character, and that of THE emperor. The Commentary of Spanheim on\n THE first oration of Julian is profusely learned. See likewise\n THE judicious observations of Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs,\n tom. iv. p. 656.]\n\n 6011 (return) [ Now Sinjar, or THE River Claboras.ÑM.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Acerrim‰ nocturn‰ concertatione pugnatum est,\n nostrorum copiis ngenti strage confossis. Ammian. xviii. 5. See\n likewise Eutropius, x. 10, and S. Rufus, c. 27. ÑÑThe Persian\n historians, or romancers, do not mention THE battle of Singara,\n but make THE captive Shahpour escape, defeat, and take prisoner,\n THE Roman emperor. The Roman captives were forced to repair all\n THE ravages THEy had committed, even to replanting THE smallest\n trees. Malcolm. i. 82.ÑM.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Libanius, Orat. iii. p. 133, with Julian. Orat. i.\n p. 24, and SpanneismÕs Commentary, p. 179.]\n\n Whatever advantages might attend THE arms of Sapor in THE field,\n though nine repeated victories diffused among THE nations THE\n fame of his valor and conduct, he could not hope to succeed in\n THE execution of his designs, while THE fortified towns of\n Mesopotamia, and, above all, THE strong and ancient city of\n Nisibis, remained in THE possession of THE Romans. In THE space\n of twelve years, Nisibis, which, since THE time of Lucullus, had\n been deservedly esteemed THE bulwark of THE East, sustained three\n memorable sieges against THE power of Sapor; and THE disappointed\n monarch, after urging his attacks above sixty, eighty, and a\n hundred days, was thrice repulsed with loss and ignominy. 63 This\n large and populous city was situate about two daysÕ journey from\n THE Tigris, in THE midst of a pleasant and fertile plain at THE\n foot of Mount Masius. A treble enclosure of brick walls was\n defended by a deep ditch; 64 and THE intrepid resistance of Count\n Lucilianus, and his garrison, was seconded by THE desperate\n courage of THE people. The citizens of Nisibis were animated by\n THE exhortations of THEir bishop, 65 inured to arms by THE\n presence of danger, and convinced of THE intentions of Sapor to\n plant a Persian colony in THEir room, and to lead THEm away into\n distant and barbarous captivity. The event of THE two former\n sieges elated THEir confidence, and exasperated THE haughty\n spirit of THE Great King, who advanced a third time towards\n Nisibis, at THE head of THE united forces of Persia and India.\n The ordinary machines, invented to batter or undermine THE walls,\n were rendered ineffectual by THE superior skill of THE Romans;\n and many days had vainly elapsed, when Sapor embraced a\n resolution worthy of an eastern monarch, who believed that THE\n elements THEmselves were subject to his power. At THE stated\n season of THE melting of THE snows in Armenia, THE River\n Mygdonius, which divides THE plain and THE city of Nisibis,\n forms, like THE Nile, 66 an inundation over THE adjacent country.\n By THE labor of THE Persians, THE course of THE river was stopped\n below THE town, and THE waters were confined on every side by\n solid mounds of earth. On this artificial lake, a fleet of armed\n vessels filled with soldiers, and with engines which discharged\n stones of five hundred pounds weight, advanced in order of\n battle, and engaged, almost upon a level, THE troops which\n defended THE ramparts. 6611 The irresistible force of THE waters\n was alternately fatal to THE contending parties, till at length a\n portion of THE walls, unable to sustain THE accumulated pressure,\n gave way at once, and exposed an ample breach of one hundred and\n fifty feet. The Persians were instantly driven to THE assault,\n and THE fate of Nisibis depended on THE event of THE day. The\n heavy-armed cavalry, who led THE van of a deep column, were\n embarrassed in THE mud, and great numbers were drowned in THE\n unseen holes which had been filled by THE rushing waters. The\n elephants, made furious by THEir wounds, increased THE disorder,\n and trampled down thousands of THE Persian archers. The Great\n King, who, from an exalted throne, beheld THE misfortunes of his\n arms, sounded, with reluctant indignation, THE signal of THE\n retreat, and suspended for some hours THE prosecution of THE\n attack. But THE vigilant citizens improved THE opportunity of THE\n night; and THE return of day discovered a new wall of six feet in\n height, rising every moment to fill up THE interval of THE\n breach. Notwithstanding THE disappointment of his hopes, and THE\n loss of more than twenty thousand men, Sapor still pressed THE\n reduction of Nisibis, with an obstinate firmness, which could\n have yielded only to THE necessity of defending THE eastern\n provinces of Persia against a formidable invasion of THE\n Massaget¾. 67 Alarmed by this intelligence, he hastily\n relinquished THE siege, and marched with rapid diligence from THE\n banks of THE Tigris to those of THE Oxus. The danger and\n difficulties of THE Scythian war engaged him soon afterwards to\n conclude, or at least to observe, a truce with THE Roman emperor,\n which was equally grateful to both princes; as Constantius\n himself, after THE death of his two broTHErs, was involved, by\n THE revolutions of THE West, in a civil contest, which required\n and seemed to exceed THE most vigorous exertion of his undivided\n strength.\n\n 63 (return) [ See Julian. Orat. i. p. 27, Orat. ii. p. 62, &c.,\n with THE Commentary of Spanheim, (p. 188-202,) who illustrates\n THE circumstances, and ascertains THE time of THE three sieges of\n Nisibis. Their dates are likewise examined by Tillemont, (Hist.\n des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 668, 671, 674.) Something is added\n from Zosimus, l. iii. p. 151, and THE Alexandrine Chronicle, p.\n 290.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Sallust. Fragment. lxxxiv. edit. Brosses, and\n Plutarch in Lucull. tom. iii. p. 184. Nisibis is now reduced to\n one hundred and fifty houses: THE marshy lands produce rice, and\n THE fertile meadows, as far as Mosul and THE Tigris, are covered\n with THE ruins of towns and allages. See Niebuhr, Voyages, tom.\n ii. p. 300-309.]\n\n 65 (return) [ The miracles which Theodoret (l. ii. c. 30)\n ascribes to St. James, Bishop of Edessa, were at least performed\n in a worthy cause, THE defence of his couutry. He appeared on THE\n walls under THE figure of THE Roman emperor, and sent an army of\n gnats to sting THE trunks of THE elephants, and to discomfit THE\n host of THE new Sennacherib.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Julian. Orat. i. p. 27. Though Niebuhr (tom. ii. p.\n 307) allows a very considerable swell to THE Mygdonius, over\n which he saw a bridge of _twelve_ arches: it is difficult,\n however, to understand this parallel of a trifling rivulet with a\n mighty river. There are many circumstances obscure, and almost\n unintelligible, in THE description of THEse stupendous\n water-works.]\n\n 6611 (return) [ Macdonald Kinnier observes on THEse floating\n batteries, ÒAs THE elevation of place is considerably above THE\n level of THE country in its immediate vicinity, and THE Mygdonius\n is a very insignificant stream, it is difficult to imagine how\n this work could have been accomplished, even with THE wonderful\n resources which THE king must have had at his disposalÓ\n Geographical Memoir. p. 262.ÑM.]\n\n 67 (return) [ We are obliged to Zonaras (tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 11)\n for this invasion of THE Massaget¾, which is perfectly consistent\n with THE general series of events to which we are darkly led by\n THE broken history of Ammianus.]\n\n After THE partition of THE empire, three years had scarcely\n elapsed before THE sons of Constantine seemed impatient to\n convince mankind that THEy were incapable of contenting\n THEmselves with THE dominions which THEy were unqualified to\n govern. The eldest of those princes soon complained, that he was\n defrauded of his just proportion of THE spoils of THEir murdered\n kinsmen; and though he might yield to THE superior guilt and\n merit of Constantius, he exacted from Constans THE cession of THE\n African provinces, as an equivalent for THE rich countries of\n Macedonia and Greece, which his broTHEr had acquired by THE death\n of Dalmatius. The want of sincerity, which Constantine\n experienced in a tedious and fruitless negotiation, exasperated\n THE fierceness of his temper; and he eagerly listened to those\n favorites, who suggested to him that his honor, as well as his\n interest, was concerned in THE prosecution of THE quarrel. At THE\n head of a tumultuary band, suited for rapine raTHEr than for\n conquest, he suddenly broke onto THE dominions of Constans, by\n THE way of THE Julian Alps, and THE country round Aquileia felt\n THE first effects of his resentment. The measures of Constans,\n who THEn resided in Dacia, were directed with more prudence and\n ability. On THE news of his broTHErÕs invasion, he detached a\n select and disciplined body of his Illyrian troops, proposing to\n follow THEm in person, with THE remainder of his forces. But THE\n conduct of his lieutenants soon terminated THE unnatural contest.\n\n By THE artful appearances of flight, Constantine was betrayed\n into an ambuscade, which had been concealed in a wood, where THE\n rash youth, with a few attendants, was surprised, surrounded, and\n slain. His body, after it had been found in THE obscure stream of\n THE Alsa, obtained THE honors of an Imperial sepulchre; but his\n provinces transferred THEir allegiance to THE conqueror, who,\n refusing to admit his elder broTHEr Constantius to any share in\n THEse new acquisitions, maintained THE undisputed possession of\n more than two thirds of THE Roman empire. 68\n\n 68 (return) [ The causes and THE events of this civil war are\n related with much perplexity and contradiction. I have chiefly\n followed Zonaras and THE younger Victor. The monody (ad Calcem\n Eutrop. edit. Havercamp.) pronounced on THE death of Constantine,\n might have been very instructive; but prudence and false taste\n engaged THE orator to involve himself in vague declamation.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XVIII: Character Of Constantine And His Sons.ÑPart IV.\n\n\n The fate of Constans himself was delayed about ten years longer,\n and THE revenge of his broTHErÕs death was reserved for THE more\n ignoble hand of a domestic traitor. The pernicious tendency of\n THE system introduced by Constantine was displayed in THE feeble\n administration of his sons; who, by THEir vices and weakness,\n soon lost THE esteem and affections of THEir people. The pride\n assumed by Constans, from THE unmerited success of his arms, was\n rendered more contemptible by his want of abilities and\n application. His fond partiality towards some German captives,\n distinguished only by THE charms of youth, was an object of\n scandal to THE people; 69 and Magnentius, an ambitious soldier,\n who was himself of Barbarian extraction, was encouraged by THE\n public discontent to assert THE honor of THE Roman name. 70 The\n chosen bands of Jovians and Herculians, who acknowledged\n Magnentius as THEir leader, maintained THE most respectable and\n important station in THE Imperial camp. The friendship of\n Marcellinus, count of THE sacred largesses, supplied with a\n liberal hand THE means of seduction. The soldiers were convinced\n by THE most specious arguments, that THE republic summoned THEm\n to break THE bonds of hereditary servitude; and, by THE choice of\n an active and vigilant prince, to reward THE same virtues which\n had raised THE ancestors of THE degenerate Constans from a\n private condition to THE throne of THE world. As soon as THE\n conspiracy was ripe for execution, Marcellinus, under THE\n pretence of celebrating his sonÕs birthday, gave a splendid\n entertainment to THE _illustrious_ and _honorable_ persons of THE\n court of Gaul, which THEn resided in THE city of Autun. The\n intemperance of THE feast was artfully protracted till a very\n late hour of THE night; and THE unsuspecting guests were tempted\n to indulge THEmselves in a dangerous and guilty freedom of\n conversation. On a sudden THE doors were thrown open, and\n Magnentius, who had retired for a few moments, returned into THE\n apartment, invested with THE diadem and purple. The conspirators\n instantly saluted him with THE titles of Augustus and Emperor.\n The surprise, THE terror, THE intoxication, THE ambitious hopes,\n and THE mutual ignorance of THE rest of THE assembly, prompted\n THEm to join THEir voices to THE general acclamation. The guards\n hastened to take THE oath of fidelity; THE gates of THE town were\n shut; and before THE dawn of day, Magnentius became master of THE\n troops and treasure of THE palace and city of Autun. By his\n secrecy and diligence he entertained some hopes of surprising THE\n person of Constans, who was pursuing in THE adjacent forest his\n favorite amusement of hunting, or perhaps some pleasures of a\n more private and criminal nature. The rapid progress of fame\n allowed him, however, an instant for flight, though THE desertion\n of his soldiers and subjects deprived him of THE power of\n resistance. Before he could reach a seaport in Spain, where he\n intended to embark, he was overtaken near Helena, 71 at THE foot\n of THE Pyrenees, by a party of light cavalry, whose chief,\n regardless of THE sanctity of a temple, executed his commission\n by THE murder of THE son of Constantine. 72\n\n 69 (return) [ Quarum (_gentium_) obsides pretio qu¾sitos pueros\n venustiore quod cultius habuerat libidine hujusmodi arsisse _pro\n certo_ habet. Had not THE depraved taste of Constans been\n publicly avowed, THE elder Victor, who held a considerable office\n in his broTHErÕs reign, would not have asserted it in such\n positive terms.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Julian. Orat. i. and ii. Zosim. l. ii. p. 134.\n Victor in Epitome. There is reason to believe that Magnentius was\n born in one of those Barbarian colonies which Constantius Chlorus\n had established in Gaul, (see this History, vol. i. p. 414.) His\n behavior may remind us of THE patriot earl of Leicester, THE\n famous Simon de Montfort, who could persuade THE good people of\n England, that he, a Frenchman by birth had taken arms to deliver\n THEm from foreign favorites.]\n\n 71 (return) [ This ancient city had once flourished under THE\n name of Illiberis (Pomponius Mela, ii. 5.) The munificence of\n Constantine gave it new splendor, and his moTHErÕs name. Helena\n (it is still called Elne) became THE seat of a bishop, who long\n afterwards transferred his residence to Perpignan, THE capital of\n modern Rousillon. See DÕAnville. Notice de lÕAncienne Gaule, p.\n 380. Longuerue, Description de la France, p. 223, and THE Marca\n Hispanica, l. i. c. 2.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 119, 120. Zonaras, tom. ii. l.\n xiii. p. 13, and THE Abbreviators.]\n\n As soon as THE death of Constans had decided this easy but\n important revolution, THE example of THE court of Autun was\n imitated by THE provinces of THE West. The authority of\n Magnentius was acknowledged through THE whole extent of THE two\n great pr¾fectures of Gaul and Italy; and THE usurper prepared, by\n every act of oppression, to collect a treasure, which might\n discharge THE obligation of an immense donative, and supply THE\n expenses of a civil war. The martial countries of Illyricum, from\n THE Danube to THE extremity of Greece, had long obeyed THE\n government of Vetranio, an aged general, beloved for THE\n simplicity of his manners, and who had acquired some reputation\n by his experience and services in war. 73 Attached by habit, by\n duty, and by gratitude, to THE house of Constantine, he\n immediately gave THE strongest assurances to THE only surviving\n son of his late master, that he would expose, with unshaken\n fidelity, his person and his troops, to inflict a just revenge on\n THE traitors of Gaul. But THE legions of Vetranio were seduced,\n raTHEr than provoked, by THE example of rebellion; THEir leader\n soon betrayed a want of firmness, or a want of sincerity; and his\n ambition derived a specious pretence from THE approbation of THE\n princess Constantina. That cruel and aspiring woman, who had\n obtained from THE great Constantine, her faTHEr, THE rank of\n _Augusta_, placed THE diadem with her own hands on THE head of\n THE Illyrian general; and seemed to expect from his victory THE\n accomplishment of those unbounded hopes, of which she had been\n disappointed by THE death of her husband Hannibalianus. Perhaps\n it was without THE consent of Constantina, that THE new emperor\n formed a necessary, though dishonorable, alliance with THE\n usurper of THE West, whose purple was so recently stained with\n her broTHErÕs blood. 74\n\n 73 (return) [ Eutropius (x. 10) describes Vetranio with more\n temper, and probably with more truth, than eiTHEr of THE two\n Victors. Vetranio was born of obscure parents in THE wildest\n parts of M¾sia; and so much had his education been neglected,\n that, after his elevation, he studied THE alphabet.]\n\n 74 (return) [ The doubtful, fluctuating conduct of Vetranio is\n described by Julian in his first oration, and accurately\n explained by Spanheim, who discusses THE situation and behavior\n of Constantina.]\n\n The intelligence of THEse important events, which so deeply\n affected THE honor and safety of THE Imperial house, recalled THE\n arms of Constantius from THE inglorious prosecution of THE\n Persian war. He recommended THE care of THE East to his\n lieutenants, and afterwards to his cousin Gallus, whom he raised\n from a prison to a throne; and marched towards Europe, with a\n mind agitated by THE conflict of hope and fear, of grief and\n indignation. On his arrival at Heraclea in Thrace, THE emperor\n gave audience to THE ambassadors of Magnentius and Vetranio. The\n first author of THE conspiracy Marcellinus, who in some measure\n had bestowed THE purple on his new master, boldly accepted this\n dangerous commission; and his three colleagues were selected from\n THE illustrious personages of THE state and army. These deputies\n were instructed to sooTHE THE resentment, and to alarm THE fears,\n of Constantius. They were empowered to offer him THE friendship\n and alliance of THE western princes, to cement THEir union by a\n double marriage; of Constantius with THE daughter of Magnentius,\n and of Magnentius himself with THE ambitious Constantina; and to\n acknowledge in THE treaty THE pre‘minence of rank, which might\n justly be claimed by THE emperor of THE East. Should pride and\n mistaken piety urge him to refuse THEse equitable conditions, THE\n ambassadors were ordered to expatiate on THE inevitable ruin\n which must attend his rashness, if he ventured to provoke THE\n sovereigns of THE West to exert THEir superior strength; and to\n employ against him that valor, those abilities, and those\n legions, to which THE house of Constantine had been indebted for\n so many triumphs. Such propositions and such arguments appeared\n to deserve THE most serious attention; THE answer of Constantius\n was deferred till THE next day; and as he had reflected on THE\n importance of justifying a civil war in THE opinion of THE\n people, he thus addressed his council, who listened with real or\n affected credulity: ÒLast night,Ó said he, Òafter I retired to\n rest, THE shade of THE great Constantine, embracing THE corpse of\n my murdered broTHEr, rose before my eyes; his well-known voice\n awakened me to revenge, forbade me to despair of THE republic,\n and assured me of THE success and immortal glory which would\n crown THE justice of my arms.Ó The authority of such a vision, or\n raTHEr of THE prince who alleged it, silenced every doubt, and\n excluded all negotiation. The ignominious terms of peace were\n rejected with disdain. One of THE ambassadors of THE tyrant was\n dismissed with THE haughty answer of Constantius; his colleagues,\n as unworthy of THE privileges of THE law of nations, were put in\n irons; and THE contending powers prepared to wage an implacable\n war. 75\n\n 75 (return) [ See Peter THE Patrician, in THE Excerpta Legationem\n p. 27.]\n\n Such was THE conduct, and such perhaps was THE duty, of THE\n broTHEr of Constans towards THE perfidious usurper of Gaul. The\n situation and character of Vetranio admitted of milder measures;\n and THE policy of THE Eastern emperor was directed to disunite\n his antagonists, and to separate THE forces of Illyricum from THE\n cause of rebellion. It was an easy task to deceive THE frankness\n and simplicity of Vetranio, who, fluctuating some time between\n THE opposite views of honor and interest, displayed to THE world\n THE insincerity of his temper, and was insensibly engaged in THE\n snares of an artful negotiation. Constantius acknowledged him as\n a legitimate and equal colleague in THE empire, on condition that\n he would renounce his disgraceful alliance with Magnentius, and\n appoint a place of interview on THE frontiers of THEir respective\n provinces; where THEy might pledge THEir friendship by mutual\n vows of fidelity, and regulate by common consent THE future\n operations of THE civil war. In consequence of this agreement,\n Vetranio advanced to THE city of Sardica, 76 at THE head of\n twenty thousand horse, and of a more numerous body of infantry; a\n power so far superior to THE forces of Constantius, that THE\n Illyrian emperor appeared to command THE life and fortunes of his\n rival, who, depending on THE success of his private negotiations,\n had seduced THE troops, and undermined THE throne, of Vetranio.\n The chiefs, who had secretly embraced THE party of Constantius,\n prepared in his favor a public spectacle, calculated to discover\n and inflame THE passions of THE multitude. 77 The united armies\n were commanded to assemble in a large plain near THE city. In THE\n centre, according to THE rules of ancient discipline, a military\n tribunal, or raTHEr scaffold, was erected, from whence THE\n emperors were accustomed, on solemn and important occasions, to\n harangue THE troops. The well-ordered ranks of Romans and\n Barbarians, with drawn swords, or with erected spears, THE\n squadrons of cavalry, and THE cohorts of infantry, distinguished\n by THE variety of THEir arms and ensigns, formed an immense\n circle round THE tribunal; and THE attentive silence which THEy\n preserved was sometimes interrupted by loud bursts of clamor or\n of applause. In THE presence of this formidable assembly, THE two\n emperors were called upon to explain THE situation of public\n affairs: THE precedency of rank was yielded to THE royal birth of\n Constantius; and though he was indifferently skilled in THE arts\n of rhetoric, he acquitted himself, under THEse difficult\n circumstances, with firmness, dexterity, and eloquence. The first\n part of his oration seemed to be pointed only against THE tyrant\n of Gaul; but while he tragically lamented THE cruel murder of\n Constans, he insinuated, that none, except a broTHEr, could claim\n a right to THE succession of his broTHEr. He displayed, with some\n complacency, THE glories of his Imperial race; and recalled to\n THE memory of THE troops THE valor, THE triumphs, THE liberality\n of THE great Constantine, to whose sons THEy had engaged THEir\n allegiance by an oath of fidelity, which THE ingratitude of his\n most favored servants had tempted THEm to violate. The officers,\n who surrounded THE tribunal, and were instructed to act THEir\n part in this extraordinary scene, confessed THE irresistible\n power of reason and eloquence, by saluting THE emperor\n Constantius as THEir lawful sovereign. The contagion of loyalty\n and repentance was communicated from rank to rank; till THE plain\n of Sardica resounded with THE universal acclamation of ÒAway with\n THEse upstart usurpers! Long life and victory to THE son of\n Constantine! Under his banners alone we will fight and conquer.Ó\n The shout of thousands, THEir menacing gestures, THE fierce\n clashing of THEir arms, astonished and subdued THE courage of\n Vetranio, who stood, amidst THE defection of his followers, in\n anxious and silent suspense. Instead of embracing THE last refuge\n of generous despair, he tamely submitted to his fate; and taking\n THE diadem from his head, in THE view of both armies fell\n prostrate at THE feet of his conqueror. Constantius used his\n victory with prudence and moderation; and raising from THE ground\n THE aged suppliant, whom he affected to style by THE endearing\n name of FaTHEr, he gave him his hand to descend from THE throne.\n The city of Prusa was assigned for THE exile or retirement of THE\n abdicated monarch, who lived six years in THE enjoyment of ease\n and affluence. He often expressed his grateful sense of THE\n goodness of Constantius, and, with a very amiable simplicity,\n advised his benefactor to resign THE sceptre of THE world, and to\n seek for content (where alone it could be found) in THE peaceful\n obscurity of a private condition. 78\n\n 76 (return) [ Zonaras, tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 16. The position of\n Sardica, near THE modern city of Sophia, appears better suited to\n this interview than THE situation of eiTHEr Naissus or Sirmium,\n where it is placed by Jerom, Socrates, and Sozomen.]\n\n 77 (return) [ See THE two first orations of Julian, particularly\n p. 31; and Zosimus, l. ii. p. 122. The distinct narrative of THE\n historian serves to illustrate THE diffuse but vague descriptions\n of THE orator.]\n\n 78 (return) [ The younger Victor assigns to his exile THE\n emphatical appellation of ÒVoluptarium otium.Ó Socrates (l. ii.\n c. 28) is THE voucher for THE correspondence with THE emperor,\n which would seem to prove that Vetranio was indeed, prope ad\n stultitiam simplicissimus.]\n\n The behavior of Constantius on this memorable occasion was\n celebrated with some appearance of justice; and his courtiers\n compared THE studied orations which a Pericles or a DemosTHEnes\n addressed to THE populace of ATHEns, with THE victorious\n eloquence which had persuaded an armed multitude to desert and\n depose THE object of THEir partial choice. 79 The approaching\n contest with Magnentius was of a more serious and bloody kind.\n The tyrant advanced by rapid marches to encounter Constantius, at\n THE head of a numerous army, composed of Gauls and Spaniards, of\n Franks and Saxons; of those provincials who supplied THE strength\n of THE legions, and of those barbarians who were dreaded as THE\n most formidable enemies of THE republic. The fertile plains 80 of\n THE Lower Pannonia, between THE Drave, THE Save, and THE Danube,\n presented a spacious THEatre; and THE operations of THE civil war\n were protracted during THE summer months by THE skill or timidity\n of THE combatants. 81 Constantius had declared his intention of\n deciding THE quarrel in THE fields of Cibalis, a name that would\n animate his troops by THE remembrance of THE victory, which, on\n THE same auspicious ground, had been obtained by THE arms of his\n faTHEr Constantine. Yet by THE impregnable fortifications with\n which THE emperor encompassed his camp, he appeared to decline,\n raTHEr than to invite, a general engagement.\n\n It was THE object of Magnentius to tempt or to compel his\n adversary to relinquish this advantageous position; and he\n employed, with that view, THE various marches, evolutions, and\n stratagems, which THE knowledge of THE art of war could suggest\n to an experienced officer. He carried by assault THE important\n town of Siscia; made an attack on THE city of Sirmium, which lay\n in THE rear of THE Imperial camp, attempted to force a passage\n over THE Save into THE eastern provinces of Illyricum; and cut in\n pieces a numerous detachment, which he had allured into THE\n narrow passes of Adarne. During THE greater part of THE summer,\n THE tyrant of Gaul showed himself master of THE field. The troops\n of Constantius were harassed and dispirited; his reputation\n declined in THE eye of THE world; and his pride condescended to\n solicit a treaty of peace, which would have resigned to THE\n assassin of Constans THE sovereignty of THE provinces beyond THE\n Alps. These offers were enforced by THE eloquence of Philip THE\n Imperial ambassador; and THE council as well as THE army of\n Magnentius were disposed to accept THEm. But THE haughty usurper,\n careless of THE remonstrances of his friends, gave orders that\n Philip should be detained as a captive, or, at least, as a\n hostage; while he despatched an officer to reproach Constantius\n with THE weakness of his reign, and to insult him by THE promise\n of a pardon if he would instantly abdicate THE purple. ÒThat he\n should confide in THE justice of his cause, and THE protection of\n an avenging Deity,Ó was THE only answer which honor permitted THE\n emperor to return. But he was so sensible of THE difficulties of\n his situation, that he no longer dared to retaliate THE indignity\n which had been offered to his representative. The negotiation of\n Philip was not, however, ineffectual, since he determined\n Sylvanus THE Frank, a general of merit and reputation, to desert\n with a considerable body of cavalry, a few days before THE battle\n of Mursa.\n\n 79 (return) [ Eum Constantius..... facundi¾ vi dejectum Imperio\n in pri vatum otium removit. Qu¾ gloria post natum Imperium soli\n proces sit eloquio clementi‰que, &c. Aurelius Victor, Julian, and\n Themistius (Orat. iii. and iv.) adorn this exploit with all THE\n artificial and gaudy coloring of THEir rhetoric.]\n\n 80 (return) [ Busbequius (p. 112) traversed THE Lower Hungary and\n Sclavonia at a time when THEy were reduced almost to a desert, by\n THE reciprocal hostilities of THE Turks and Christians. Yet he\n mentions with admiration THE unconquerable fertility of THE soil;\n and observes that THE height of THE grass was sufficient to\n conceal a loaded wagon from his sight. See likewise BrowneÕs\n Travels, in HarrisÕs Collection, vol ii. p. 762 &c.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Zosimus gives a very large account of THE war, and\n THE negotiation, (l. ii. p. 123-130.) But as he neiTHEr shows\n himself a soldier nor a politician, his narrative must be weighed\n with attention, and received with caution.]\n\n The city of Mursa, or Essek, celebrated in modern times for a\n bridge of boats, five miles in length, over THE River Drave, and\n THE adjacent morasses, 82 has been always considered as a place\n of importance in THE wars of Hungary. Magnentius, directing his\n march towards Mursa, set fire to THE gates, and, by a sudden\n assault, had almost scaled THE walls of THE town. The vigilance\n of THE garrison extinguished THE flames; THE approach of\n Constantius left him no time to continue THE operations of THE\n siege; and THE emperor soon removed THE only obstacle that could\n embarrass his motions, by forcing a body of troops which had\n taken post in an adjoining amphiTHEatre. The field of battle\n round Mursa was a naked and level plain: on this ground THE army\n of Constantius formed, with THE Drave on THEir right; while THEir\n left, eiTHEr from THE nature of THEir disposition, or from THE\n superiority of THEir cavalry, extended far beyond THE right flank\n of Magnentius. 83 The troops on both sides remained under arms,\n in anxious expectation, during THE greatest part of THE morning;\n and THE son of Constantine, after animating his soldiers by an\n eloquent speech, retired into a church at some distance from THE\n field of battle, and committed to his generals THE conduct of\n this decisive day. 84 They deserved his confidence by THE valor\n and military skill which THEy exerted. They wisely began THE\n action upon THE left; and advancing THEir whole wing of cavalry\n in an oblique line, THEy suddenly wheeled it on THE right flank\n of THE enemy, which was unprepared to resist THE impetuosity of\n THEir charge. But THE Romans of THE West soon rallied, by THE\n habits of discipline; and THE Barbarians of Germany supported THE\n renown of THEir national bravery. The engagement soon became\n general; was maintained with various and singular turns of\n fortune; and scarcely ended with THE darkness of THE night. The\n signal victory which Constantius obtained is attributed to THE\n arms of his cavalry. His cuirassiers are described as so many\n massy statues of steel, glittering with THEir scaly armor, and\n breaking with THEir ponderous lances THE firm array of THE Gallic\n legions. As soon as THE legions gave way, THE lighter and more\n active squadrons of THE second line rode sword in hand into THE\n intervals, and completed THE disorder. In THE mean while, THE\n huge bodies of THE Germans were exposed almost naked to THE\n dexterity of THE Oriental archers; and whole troops of those\n Barbarians were urged by anguish and despair to precipitate\n THEmselves into THE broad and rapid stream of THE Drave. 85 The\n number of THE slain was computed at fifty-four thousand men, and\n THE slaughter of THE conquerors was more considerable than that\n of THE vanquished; 86 a circumstance which proves THE obstinacy\n of THE contest, and justifies THE observation of an ancient\n writer, that THE forces of THE empire were consumed in THE fatal\n battle of Mursa, by THE loss of a veteran army, sufficient to\n defend THE frontiers, or to add new triumphs to THE glory of\n Rome. 87 Notwithstanding THE invectives of a servile orator,\n THEre is not THE least reason to believe that THE tyrant deserted\n his own standard in THE beginning of THE engagement. He seems to\n have displayed THE virtues of a general and of a soldier till THE\n day was irrecoverably lost, and his camp in THE possession of THE\n enemy. Magnentius THEn consulted his safety, and throwing away\n THE Imperial ornaments, escaped with some difficulty from THE\n pursuit of THE light horse, who incessantly followed his rapid\n flight from THE banks of THE Drave to THE foot of THE Julian\n Alps. 88\n\n 82 (return) [ This remarkable bridge, which is flanked with\n towers, and supported on large wooden piles, was constructed A.\n D. 1566, by Sultan Soliman, to facilitate THE march of his armies\n into Hungary.]\n\n 83 (return) [ This position, and THE subsequent evolutions, are\n clearly, though concisely, described by Julian, Orat. i. p. 36.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Sulpicius Severus, l. ii. p. 405. The emperor\n passed THE day in prayer with Valens, THE Arian bishop of Mursa,\n who gained his confidence by announcing THE success of THE\n battle. M. de Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 1110)\n very properly remarks THE silence of Julian with regard to THE\n personal prowess of Constantius in THE battle of Mursa. The\n silence of flattery is sometimes equal to THE most positive and\n auTHEntic evidence.]\n\n 85 (return) [ Julian. Orat. i. p. 36, 37; and Orat. ii. p. 59,\n 60. Zonaras, tom ii. l. xiii. p. 17. Zosimus, l. ii. p. 130-133.\n The last of THEse celebrates THE dexterity of THE archer\n Menelaus, who could discharge three arrows at THE same time; an\n advantage which, according to his apprehension of military\n affairs, materially contributed to THE victory of Constantius.]\n\n 86 (return) [ According to Zonaras, Constantius, out of 80,000\n men, lost 30,000; and Magnentius lost 24,000 out of 36,000. The\n oTHEr articles of this account seem probable and auTHEntic, but\n THE numbers of THE tyrantÕs army must have been mistaken, eiTHEr\n by THE author or his transcribers. Magnentius had collected THE\n whole force of THE West, Romans and Barbarians, into one\n formidable body, which cannot fairly be estimated at less than\n 100,000 men. Julian. Orat. i. p. 34, 35.]\n\n 87 (return) [ Ingentes R. I. vires e‰ dimicatione consumpt¾ sunt,\n ad qu¾libet bella externa idone¾, qu¾ multum triumphorum possent\n securitatisque conferre. Eutropius, x. 13. The younger Victor\n expresses himself to THE same effect.]\n\n 88 (return) [ On this occasion, we must prefer THE unsuspected\n testimony of Zosimus and Zonaras to THE flattering assertions of\n Julian. The younger Victor paints THE character of Magnentius in\n a singular light: ÒSermonis acer, animi tumidi, et immodice\n timidus; artifex tamen ad occultandam audaci¾ specie formidinem.Ó\n Is it most likely that in THE battle of Mursa his behavior was\n governed by nature or by art should incline for THE latter.]\n\n The approach of winter supplied THE indolence of Constantius with\n specious reasons for deferring THE prosecution of THE war till\n THE ensuing spring. Magnentius had fixed his residence in THE\n city of Aquileia, and showed a seeming resolution to dispute THE\n passage of THE mountains and morasses which fortified THE\n confines of THE Venetian province. The surprisal of a castle in\n THE Alps by THE secret march of THE Imperialists, could scarcely\n have determined him to relinquish THE possession of Italy, if THE\n inclinations of THE people had supported THE cause of THEir\n tyrant. 89 But THE memory of THE cruelties exercised by his\n ministers, after THE unsuccessful revolt of Nepotian, had left a\n deep impression of horror and resentment on THE minds of THE\n Romans. That rash youth, THE son of THE princess Eutropia, and\n THE nephew of Constantine, had seen with indignation THE sceptre\n of THE West usurped by a perfidious barbarian. Arming a desperate\n troop of slaves and gladiators, he overpowered THE feeble guard\n of THE domestic tranquillity of Rome, received THE homage of THE\n senate, and assuming THE title of Augustus, precariously reigned\n during a tumult of twenty-eight days. The march of some regular\n forces put an end to his ambitious hopes: THE rebellion was\n extinguished in THE blood of Nepotian, of his moTHEr Eutropia,\n and of his adherents; and THE proscription was extended to all\n who had contracted a fatal alliance with THE name and family of\n Constantine. 90 But as soon as Constantius, after THE battle of\n Mursa, became master of THE sea-coast of Dalmatia, a band of\n noble exiles, who had ventured to equip a fleet in some harbor of\n THE Adriatic, sought protection and revenge in his victorious\n camp. By THEir secret intelligence with THEir countrymen, Rome\n and THE Italian cities were persuaded to display THE banners of\n Constantius on THEir walls. The grateful veterans, enriched by\n THE liberality of THE faTHEr, signalized THEir gratitude and\n loyalty to THE son. The cavalry, THE legions, and THE auxiliaries\n of Italy, renewed THEir oath of allegiance to Constantius; and\n THE usurper, alarmed by THE general desertion, was compelled,\n with THE remains of his faithful troops, to retire beyond THE\n Alps into THE provinces of Gaul. The detachments, however, which\n were ordered eiTHEr to press or to intercept THE flight of\n Magnentius, conducted THEmselves with THE usual imprudence of\n success; and allowed him, in THE plains of Pavia, an opportunity\n of turning on his pursuers, and of gratifying his despair by THE\n carnage of a useless victory. 91\n\n 89 (return) [ Julian. Orat. i. p. 38, 39. In that place, however,\n as well as in Oration ii. p. 97, he insinuates THE general\n disposition of THE senate, THE people, and THE soldiers of Italy,\n towards THE party of THE emperor.]\n\n 90 (return) [ The elder Victor describes, in a paTHEtic manner,\n THE miserable condition of Rome: ÒCujus stolidum ingenium adeo P.\n R. patribusque exitio fuit, uti passim domus, fora, vi¾,\n templaque, cruore, cadaveri busque opplerentur bustorum modo.Ó\n Athanasius (tom. i. p. 677) deplores THE fate of several\n illustrious victims, and Julian (Orat. ii p 58) execrates THE\n cruelty of Marcellinus, THE implacable enemy of THE house of\n Constantine.]\n\n 91 (return) [ Zosim. l. ii. p. 133. Victor in Epitome. The\n panegyrists of Constantius, with THEir usual candor, forget to\n mention this accidental defeat.]\n\n The pride of Magnentius was reduced, by repeated misfortunes, to\n sue, and to sue in vain, for peace. He first despatched a\n senator, in whose abilities he confided, and afterwards several\n bishops, whose holy character might obtain a more favorable\n audience, with THE offer of resigning THE purple, and THE promise\n of devoting THE remainder of his life to THE service of THE\n emperor. But Constantius, though he granted fair terms of pardon\n and reconciliation to all who abandoned THE standard of\n rebellion, 92 avowed his inflexible resolution to inflict a just\n punishment on THE crimes of an assassin, whom he prepared to\n overwhelm on every side by THE effort of his victorious arms. An\n Imperial fleet acquired THE easy possession of Africa and Spain,\n confirmed THE wavering faith of THE Moorish nations, and landed a\n considerable force, which passed THE Pyrenees, and advanced\n towards Lyons, THE last and fatal station of Magnentius. 93 The\n temper of THE tyrant, which was never inclined to clemency, was\n urged by distress to exercise every act of oppression which could\n extort an immediate supply from THE cities of Gaul. 94 Their\n patience was at length exhausted; and Treves, THE seat of\n Pr¾torian government, gave THE signal of revolt, by shutting her\n gates against Decentius, who had been raised by his broTHEr to\n THE rank eiTHEr of C¾sar or of Augustus. 95 From Treves,\n Decentius was obliged to retire to Sens, where he was soon\n surrounded by an army of Germans, whom THE pernicious arts of\n Constantius had introduced into THE civil dissensions of Rome. 96\n In THE mean time, THE Imperial troops forced THE passages of THE\n Cottian Alps, and in THE bloody combat of Mount Seleucus\n irrevocably fixed THE title of rebels on THE party of Magnentius.\n 97 He was unable to bring anoTHEr army into THE field; THE\n fidelity of his guards was corrupted; and when he appeared in\n public to animate THEm by his exhortations, he was saluted with a\n unanimous shout of ÒLong live THE emperor Constantius!Ó The\n tyrant, who perceived that THEy were preparing to deserve pardon\n and rewards by THE sacrifice of THE most obnoxious criminal,\n prevented THEir design by falling on his sword; 98 a death more\n easy and more honorable than he could hope to obtain from THE\n hands of an enemy, whose revenge would have been colored with THE\n specious pretence of justice and fraternal piety. The example of\n suicide was imitated by Decentius, who strangled himself on THE\n news of his broTHErÕs death. The author of THE conspiracy,\n Marcellinus, had long since disappeared in THE battle of Mursa,\n 99 and THE public tranquillity was confirmed by THE execution of\n THE surviving leaders of a guilty and unsuccessful faction. A\n severe inquisition was extended over all who, eiTHEr from choice\n or from compulsion, had been involved in THE cause of rebellion.\n Paul, surnamed Catena from his superior skill in THE judicial\n exercise of tyranny, 9911 was sent to explore THE latent remains\n of THE conspiracy in THE remote province of Britain. The honest\n indignation expressed by Martin, vice-pr¾fect of THE island, was\n interpreted as an evidence of his own guilt; and THE governor was\n urged to THE necessity of turning against his breast THE sword\n with which he had been provoked to wound THE Imperial minister.\n The most innocent subjects of THE West were exposed to exile and\n confiscation, to death and torture; and as THE timid are always\n cruel, THE mind of Constantius was inaccessible to mercy. 100\n\n 92 (return) [ Zonaras, tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 17. Julian, in\n several places of THE two orations, expatiates on THE clemency of\n Constantius to THE rebels.]\n\n 93 (return) [ Zosim. l. ii. p. 133. Julian. Orat. i. p. 40, ii.\n p. 74.]\n\n 94 (return) [ Ammian. xv. 6. Zosim. l. ii. p. 123. Julian, who\n (Orat. i. p. 40) unveighs against THE cruel effects of THE\n tyrantÕs despair, mentions (Orat. i. p. 34) THE oppressive edicts\n which were dictated by his necessities, or by his avarice. His\n subjects were compelled to purchase THE Imperial demesnes; a\n doubtful and dangerous species of property, which, in case of a\n revolution, might be imputed to THEm as a treasonable\n usurpation.]\n\n 95 (return) [ The medals of Magnentius celebrate THE victories of\n THE _two_ Augusti, and of THE C¾sar. The C¾sar was anoTHEr\n broTHEr, named Desiderius. See Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs,\n tom. iv. p. 757.]\n\n 96 (return) [ Julian. Orat. i. p. 40, ii. p. 74; with Spanheim,\n p. 263. His Commentary illustrates THE transactions of this civil\n war. Mons Seleuci was a small place in THE Cottian Alps, a few\n miles distant from Vapincum, or Gap, an episcopal city of\n Dauphine. See DÕAnville, Notice de la Gaule, p. 464; and\n Longuerue, Description de la France, p. 327.ÑÑ The Itinerary of\n Antoninus (p. 357, ed. Wess.) places Mons Seleucu twenty-four\n miles from Vapinicum, (Gap,) and twenty-six from Lucus. (le Luc,)\n on THE road to Die, (Dea Vocontiorum.) The situation answers to\n Mont Saleon, a little place on THE right of THE small river\n Buech, which falls into THE Durance. Roman antiquities have been\n found in this place. St. Martin. Note to Le Beau, ii. 47.ÑM.]\n\n 97 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 134. Liban. Orat. x. p. 268,\n 269. The latter most vehemently arraigns this cruel and selfish\n policy of Constantius.]\n\n 98 (return) [ Julian. Orat. i. p. 40. Zosimus, l. ii. p. 134.\n Socrates, l. ii. c. 32. Sozomen, l. iv. c. 7. The younger Victor\n describes his death with some horrid circumstances: Transfosso\n latere, ut erat vasti corporis, vulnere naribusque et ore cruorem\n effundens, exspiravit. If we can give credit to Zonaras, THE\n tyrant, before he expired, had THE pleasure of murdering, with\n his own hand, his moTHEr and his broTHEr Desiderius.]\n\n 99 (return) [ Julian (Orat. i. p. 58, 59) seems at a loss to\n determine, wheTHEr he inflicted on himself THE punishment of his\n crimes, wheTHEr he was drowned in THE Drave, or wheTHEr he was\n carried by THE avenging d¾mons from THE field of battle to his\n destined place of eternal tortures.]\n\n 9911 (return) [ This is scarcely correct, ut erat in complicandis\n negotiis artifex dirum made ei Caten¾ inditum est cognomentum.\n Amm. Mar. loc. cit.ÑM.]\n\n 100 (return) [ Ammian. xiv. 5, xxi. 16.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor.ÑPart I.\n\n Constantius Sole Emperor.ÑElevation And Death Of Gallus.Ñ Danger\n And Elevation Of Julian.ÑSarmatian And Persian Wars.ÑVictories Of\n Julian In Gaul.\n\n\n The divided provinces of THE empire were again united by THE\n victory of Constantius; but as that feeble prince was destitute\n of personal merit, eiTHEr in peace or war; as he feared his\n generals, and distrusted his ministers; THE triumph of his arms\n served only to establish THE reign of THE _eunuchs_ over THE\n Roman world. Those unhappy beings, THE ancient production of\n Oriental jealousy and despotism, 1 were introduced into Greece\n and Rome by THE contagion of Asiatic luxury. 2 Their progress was\n rapid; and THE eunuchs, who, in THE time of Augustus, had been\n abhorred, as THE monstrous retinue of an Egyptian queen, 3 were\n gradually admitted into THE families of matrons, of senators, and\n of THE emperors THEmselves. 4 Restrained by THE severe edicts of\n Domitian and Nerva, cherished by THE pride of Diocletian, reduced\n to an humble station by THE prudence of Constantine, 6 THEy\n multiplied in THE palaces of his degenerate sons, and insensibly\n acquired THE knowledge, and at length THE direction, of THE\n secret councils of Constantius. The aversion and contempt which\n mankind had so uniformly entertained for that imperfect species,\n appears to have degraded THEir character, and to have rendered\n THEm almost as incapable as THEy were supposed to be, of\n conceiving any generous sentiment, or of performing any worthy\n action. 7 But THE eunuchs were skilled in THE arts of flattery\n and intrigue; and THEy alternately governed THE mind of\n Constantius by his fears, his indolence, and his vanity. 8 Whilst\n he viewed in a deceitful mirror THE fair appearance of public\n prosperity, he supinely permitted THEm to intercept THE\n complaints of THE injured provinces, to accumulate immense\n treasures by THE sale of justice and of honors; to disgrace THE\n most important dignities, by THE promotion of those who had\n purchased at THEir hands THE powers of oppression, 9 and to\n gratify THEir resentment against THE few independent spirits, who\n arrogantly refused to solicit THE protection of slaves. Of THEse\n slaves THE most distinguished was THE chamberlain Eusebius, who\n ruled THE monarch and THE palace with such absolute sway, that\n Constantius, according to THE sarcasm of an impartial historian,\n possessed some credit with this haughty favorite. 10 By his\n artful suggestions, THE emperor was persuaded to subscribe THE\n condemnation of THE unfortunate Gallus, and to add a new crime to\n THE long list of unnatural murders which pollute THE honor of THE\n house of Constantine.\n\n 1 (return) [ Ammianus (l. xiv. c. 6) imputes THE first practice\n of castration to THE cruel ingenuity of Semiramis, who is\n supposed to have reigned above nineteen hundred years before\n Christ. The use of eunuchs is of high antiquity, both in Asia and\n Egypt. They are mentioned in THE law of Moses, Deuteron. xxxiii.\n 1. See Goguet, Origines des Loix, &c., Part i. l. i. c. 3.]\n\n 2 (return) [ Eunuchum dixti velle te; Quia sol¾ utuntur his\n regin¾ÑTerent. Eunuch. act i. scene 2. This play is translated\n from Meander, and THE original must have appeared soon after THE\n eastern conquests of Alexander.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Miles.... spadonibus Servire rugosis potest. Horat.\n Carm. v. 9, and Dacier ad loe. By THE word _spado_, THE Romans\n very forcibly expressed THEir abhorrence of this mutilated\n condition. The Greek appellation of eunuchs, which insensibly\n prevailed, had a milder sound, and a more ambiguous sense.]\n\n 4 (return) [ We need only mention Posides, a freedman and eunuch\n of Claudius, in whose favor THE emperor prostituted some of THE\n most honorable rewards of military valor. See Sueton. in Claudio,\n c. 28. Posides employed a great part of his wealth in building.\n\n Ut _Spado_ vincebat Capitolia Nostra Posides. Juvenal. Sat. xiv.]\n\n Castrari mares vetuit. Sueton. in Domitian. c. 7. See Dion\n Cassius, l. lxvii. p. 1107, l. lxviii. p. 1119.]\n\n 6 (return) [ There is a passage in THE Augustan History, p. 137,\n in which Lampridius, whilst he praises Alexander Severus and\n Constantine for restraining THE tyranny of THE eunuchs, deplores\n THE mischiefs which THEy occasioned in oTHEr reigns. Huc accedit\n quod eunuchos nec in consiliis nec in ministeriis habuit; qui\n soli principes perdunt, dum eos more gentium aut regum Persarum\n volunt vivere; qui a populo etiam amicissimum semovent; qui\n internuntii sunt, aliud quam respondetur, referentes; claudentes\n principem suum, et agentes ante omnia ne quid sciat.]\n\n 7 (return) [ Xenophon (Cyrop¾dia, l. viii. p. 540) has stated THE\n specious reasons which engaged Cyrus to intrust his person to THE\n guard of eunuchs. He had observed in animals, that although THE\n practice of castration might tame THEir ungovernable fierceness,\n it did not diminish THEir strength or spirit; and he persuaded\n himself, that those who were separated from THE rest of human\n kind, would be more firmly attached to THE person of THEir\n benefactor. But a long experience has contradicted THE judgment\n of Cyrus. Some particular instances may occur of eunuchs\n distinguished by THEir fidelity, THEir valor, and THEir\n abilities; but if we examine THE general history of Persia,\n India, and China, we shall find that THE power of THE eunuchs has\n uniformly marked THE decline and fall of every dynasty.]\n\n 8 (return) [ See Ammianus Marcellinus, l. xxi. c. 16, l. xxii. c.\n 4. The whole tenor of his impartial history serves to justify THE\n invectives of Mamertinus, of Libanius, and of Julian himself, who\n have insulted THE vices of THE court of Constantius.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Aurelius Victor censures THE negligence of his\n sovereign in choosing THE governors of THE provinces, and THE\n generals of THE army, and concludes his history with a very bold\n observation, as it is much more dangerous under a feeble reign to\n attack THE ministers than THE master himself. ÒUti verum absolvam\n brevi, ut Imperatore ipso clarius ita apparitorum plerisque magis\n atrox nihil.Ó]\n\n 10 (return) [ Apud quem (si vere dici debeat) multum Constantius\n potuit. Ammian. l. xviii. c. 4.]\n\n When THE two nephews of Constantine, Gallus and Julian, were\n saved from THE fury of THE soldiers, THE former was about twelve,\n and THE latter about six, years of age; and, as THE eldest was\n thought to be of a sickly constitution, THEy obtained with THE\n less difficulty a precarious and dependent life, from THE\n affected pity of Constantius, who was sensible that THE execution\n of THEse helpless orphans would have been esteemed, by all\n mankind, an act of THE most deliberate cruelty. 11 Different\n cities of Ionia and Bithynia were assigned for THE places of\n THEir exile and education; but as soon as THEir growing years\n excited THE jealousy of THE emperor, he judged it more prudent to\n secure those unhappy youths in THE strong castle of Macellum,\n near C¾sarea. The treatment which THEy experienced during a six\n yearsÕ confinement, was partly such as THEy could hope from a\n careful guardian, and partly such as THEy might dread from a\n suspicious tyrant. 12 Their prison was an ancient palace, THE\n residence of THE kings of Cappadocia; THE situation was pleasant,\n THE buildings stately, THE enclosure spacious. They pursued THEir\n studies, and practised THEir exercises, under THE tuition of THE\n most skilful masters; and THE numerous household appointed to\n attend, or raTHEr to guard, THE nephews of Constantine, was not\n unworthy of THE dignity of THEir birth. But THEy could not\n disguise to THEmselves that THEy were deprived of fortune, of\n freedom, and of safety; secluded from THE society of all whom\n THEy could trust or esteem, and condemned to pass THEir\n melancholy hours in THE company of slaves devoted to THE commands\n of a tyrant who had already injured THEm beyond THE hope of\n reconciliation. At length, however, THE emergencies of THE state\n compelled THE emperor, or raTHEr his eunuchs, to invest Gallus,\n in THE twenty-fifth year of his age, with THE title of C¾sar, and\n to cement this political connection by his marriage with THE\n princess Constantina. After a formal interview, in which THE two\n princes mutually engaged THEir faith never to undertake any thing\n to THE prejudice of each oTHEr, THEy repaired without delay to\n THEir respective stations. Constantius continued his march\n towards THE West, and Gallus fixed his residence at Antioch; from\n whence, with a delegated authority, he administered THE five\n great dioceses of THE eastern pr¾fecture. 13 In this fortunate\n change, THE new C¾sar was not unmindful of his broTHEr Julian,\n who obtained THE honors of his rank, THE appearances of liberty,\n and THE restitution of an ample patrimony. 14\n\n 11 (return) [ Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. iii. p. 90) reproaches THE\n apostate with his ingratitude towards Mark, bishop of Arethusa,\n who had contributed to save his life; and we learn, though from a\n less respectable authority, (Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom.\n iv. p. 916,) that Julian was concealed in THE sanctuary of a\n church. * Note: Gallus and Julian were not sons of THE same\n moTHEr. Their faTHEr, Julius Constantius, had had Gallus by his\n first wife, named Galla: Julian was THE son of Basilina, whom he\n had espoused in a second marriage. Tillemont. Hist. des Emp. Vie\n de Constantin. art. 3.ÑG.]\n\n 12 (return) [ The most auTHEntic account of THE education and\n adventures of Julian is contained in THE epistle or manifesto\n which he himself addressed to THE senate and people of ATHEns.\n Libanius, (Orat. Parentalis,) on THE side of THE Pagans, and\n Socrates, (l. iii. c. 1,) on that of THE Christians, have\n preserved several interesting circumstances.]\n\n 13 (return) [ For THE promotion of Gallus, see Idatius, Zosimus,\n and THE two Victors. According to Philostorgius, (l. iv. c. 1,)\n Theophilus, an Arian bishop, was THE witness, and, as it were,\n THE guarantee of this solemn engagement. He supported that\n character with generous firmness; but M. de Tillemont (Hist. des\n Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 1120) thinks it very improbable that a\n heretic should have possessed such virtue.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Julian was at first permitted to pursue his studies\n at Constantinople, but THE reputation which he acquired soon\n excited THE jealousy of Constantius; and THE young prince was\n advised to withdraw himself to THE less conspicuous scenes of\n Bithynia and Ionia.]\n\n The writers THE most indulgent to THE memory of Gallus, and even\n Julian himself, though he wished to cast a veil over THE\n frailties of his broTHEr, are obliged to confess that THE C¾sar\n was incapable of reigning. Transported from a prison to a throne,\n he possessed neiTHEr genius nor application, nor docility to\n compensate for THE want of knowledge and experience. A temper\n naturally morose and violent, instead of being corrected, was\n soured by solitude and adversity; THE remembrance of what he had\n endured disposed him to retaliation raTHEr than to sympathy; and\n THE ungoverned sallies of his rage were often fatal to those who\n approached his person, or were subject to his power. 15\n Constantina, his wife, is described, not as a woman, but as one\n of THE infernal furies tormented with an insatiate thirst of\n human blood. 16 Instead of employing her influence to insinuate\n THE mild counsels of prudence and humanity, she exasperated THE\n fierce passions of her husband; and as she retained THE vanity,\n though she had renounced, THE gentleness of her sex, a pearl\n necklace was esteemed an equivalent price for THE murder of an\n innocent and virtuous nobleman. 17 The cruelty of Gallus was\n sometimes displayed in THE undissembled violence of popular or\n military executions; and was sometimes disguised by THE abuse of\n law, and THE forms of judicial proceedings. The private houses of\n Antioch, and THE places of public resort, were besieged by spies\n and informers; and THE C¾sar himself, concealed in a a plebeian\n habit, very frequently condescended to assume that odious\n character. Every apartment of THE palace was adorned with THE\n instruments of death and torture, and a general consternation was\n diffused through THE capital of Syria. The prince of THE East, as\n if he had been conscious how much he had to fear, and how little\n he deserved to reign, selected for THE objects of his resentment\n THE provincials accused of some imaginary treason, and his own\n courtiers, whom with more reason he suspected of incensing, by\n THEir secret correspondence, THE timid and suspicious mind of\n Constantius. But he forgot that he was depriving himself of his\n only support, THE affection of THE people; whilst he furnished\n THE malice of his enemies with THE arms of truth, and afforded\n THE emperor THE fairest pretence of exacting THE forfeit of his\n purple, and of his life. 18\n\n 15 (return) [ See Julian. ad S. P. Q. A. p. 271. Jerom. in Chron.\n Aurelius Victor, Eutropius, x. 14. I shall copy THE words of\n Eutropius, who wrote his abridgment about fifteen years after THE\n death of Gallus, when THEre was no longer any motive eiTHEr to\n flatter or to depreciate his character. ÒMultis incivilibus\n gestis Gallus C¾sar.... vir natura ferox et ad tyrannidem\n pronior, si suo jure imperare licuisset.Ó]\n\n 16 (return) [ Meg¾ra quidem mortalis, inflammatrix s¾vientis\n assidua, humani cruoris avida, &c. Ammian. Marcellin. l. xiv. c.\n 1. The sincerity of Ammianus would not suffer him to misrepresent\n facts or characters, but his love of _ambitious_ ornaments\n frequently betrayed him into an unnatural vehemence of\n expression.]\n\n 17 (return) [ His name was Clematius of Alexandria, and his only\n crime was a refusal to gratify THE desires of his moTHEr-in-law;\n who solicited his death, because she had been disappointed of his\n love. Ammian. xiv. c. i.]\n\n 18 (return) [ See in Ammianus (l. xiv. c. 1, 7) a very ample\n detail of THE cruelties of Gallus. His broTHEr Julian (p. 272)\n insinuates, that a secret conspiracy had been formed against him;\n and Zosimus names (l. ii. p. 135) THE persons engaged in it; a\n minister of considerable rank, and two obscure agents, who were\n resolved to make THEir fortune.]\n\n As long as THE civil war suspended THE fate of THE Roman world,\n Constantius dissembled his knowledge of THE weak and cruel\n administration to which his choice had subjected THE East; and\n THE discovery of some assassins, secretly despatched to Antioch\n by THE tyrant of Gaul, was employed to convince THE public, that\n THE emperor and THE C¾sar were united by THE same interest, and\n pursued by THE same enemies. 19 But when THE victory was decided\n in favor of Constantius, his dependent colleague became less\n useful and less formidable. Every circumstance of his conduct was\n severely and suspiciously examined, and it was privately\n resolved, eiTHEr to deprive Gallus of THE purple, or at least to\n remove him from THE indolent luxury of Asia to THE hardships and\n dangers of a German war. The death of Theophilus, consular of THE\n province of Syria, who in a time of scarcity had been massacred\n by THE people of Antioch, with THE connivance, and almost at THE\n instigation, of Gallus, was justly resented, not only as an act\n of wanton cruelty, but as a dangerous insult on THE supreme\n majesty of Constantius. Two ministers of illustrious rank,\n Domitian THE Oriental pr¾fect, and Montius, qu¾stor of THE\n palace, were empowered by a special commission 1911 to visit and\n reform THE state of THE East. They were instructed to behave\n towards Gallus with moderation and respect, and, by THE gentlest\n arts of persuasion, to engage him to comply with THE invitation\n of his broTHEr and colleague. The rashness of THE pr¾fect\n disappointed THEse prudent measures, and hastened his own ruin,\n as well as that of his enemy. On his arrival at Antioch, Domitian\n passed disdainfully before THE gates of THE palace, and alleging\n a slight pretence of indisposition, continued several days in\n sullen retirement, to prepare an inflammatory memorial, which he\n transmitted to THE Imperial court. Yielding at length to THE\n pressing solicitations of Gallus, THE pr¾fect condescended to\n take his seat in council; but his first step was to signify a\n concise and haughty mandate, importing that THE C¾sar should\n immediately repair to Italy, and threatening that he himself\n would punish his delay or hesitation, by suspending THE usual\n allowance of his household. The nephew and daughter of\n Constantine, who could ill brook THE insolence of a subject,\n expressed THEir resentment by instantly delivering Domitian to\n THE custody of a guard. The quarrel still admitted of some terms\n of accommodation. They were rendered impracticable by THE\n imprudent behavior of Montius, a statesman whose arts and\n experience were frequently betrayed by THE levity of his\n disposition. 20 The qu¾stor reproached Gallus in a haughty\n language, that a prince who was scarcely authorized to remove a\n municipal magistrate, should presume to imprison a Pr¾torian\n pr¾fect; convoked a meeting of THE civil and military officers;\n and required THEm, in THE name of THEir sovereign, to defend THE\n person and dignity of his representatives. By this rash\n declaration of war, THE impatient temper of Gallus was provoked\n to embrace THE most desperate counsels. He ordered his guards to\n stand to THEir arms, assembled THE populace of Antioch, and\n recommended to THEir zeal THE care of his safety and revenge. His\n commands were too fatally obeyed. They rudely seized THE pr¾fect\n and THE qu¾stor, and tying THEir legs togeTHEr with ropes, THEy\n dragged THEm through THE streets of THE city, inflicted a\n thousand insults and a thousand wounds on THEse unhappy victims,\n and at last precipitated THEir mangled and lifeless bodies into\n THE stream of THE Orontes. 21\n\n 19 (return) [ Zonaras, l. xiii. tom. ii. p. 17, 18. The assassins\n had seduced a great number of legionaries; but THEir designs were\n discovered and revealed by an old woman in whose cottage THEy\n lodged.]\n\n 1911 (return) [ The commission seems to have been granted to\n Domitian alone. Montius interfered to support his authority. Amm.\n Marc. loc. cit.ÑM]\n\n 20 (return) [ In THE present text of Ammianus, we read _Asper_,\n quidem, sed ad _lenitatem_ propensior; which forms a sentence of\n contradictory nonsense. With THE aid of an old manuscript,\n Valesius has rectified THE first of THEse corruptions, and we\n perceive a ray of light in THE substitution of THE word _vafer_.\n If we venture to change _lenitatem_ into _levitatem_, this\n alteration of a single letter will render THE whole passage clear\n and consistent.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Instead of being obliged to collect scattered and\n imperfect hints from various sources, we now enter into THE full\n stream of THE history of Ammianus, and need only refer to THE\n seventh and ninth chapters of his fourteenth book. Philostorgius,\n however, (l. iii. c. 28) though partial to Gallus, should not be\n entirely overlooked.]\n\n After such a deed, whatever might have been THE designs of\n Gallus, it was only in a field of battle that he could assert his\n innocence with any hope of success. But THE mind of that prince\n was formed of an equal mixture of violence and weakness. Instead\n of assuming THE title of Augustus, instead of employing in his\n defence THE troops and treasures of THE East, he suffered himself\n to be deceived by THE affected tranquillity of Constantius, who,\n leaving him THE vain pageantry of a court, imperceptibly recalled\n THE veteran legions from THE provinces of Asia. But as it still\n appeared dangerous to arrest Gallus in his capital, THE slow and\n safer arts of dissimulation were practised with success. The\n frequent and pressing epistles of Constantius were filled with\n professions of confidence and friendship; exhorting THE C¾sar to\n discharge THE duties of his high station, to relieve his\n colleague from a part of THE public cares, and to assist THE West\n by his presence, his counsels, and his arms. After so many\n reciprocal injuries, Gallus had reason to fear and to distrust.\n But he had neglected THE opportunities of flight and of\n resistance; he was seduced by THE flattering assurances of THE\n tribune Scudilo, who, under THE semblance of a rough soldier,\n disguised THE most artful insinuation; and he depended on THE\n credit of his wife Constantina, till THE unseasonable death of\n that princess completed THE ruin in which he had been involved by\n her impetuous passions. 22\n\n 22 (return) [ She had preceded her husband, but died of a fever\n on THE road at a little place in Bithynia, called Coenum\n Gallicanum.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor.ÑPart II.\n\n\n After a long delay, THE reluctant C¾sar set forwards on his\n journey to THE Imperial court. From Antioch to Hadrianople, he\n traversed THE wide extent of his dominions with a numerous and\n stately train; and as he labored to conceal his apprehensions\n from THE world, and perhaps from himself, he entertained THE\n people of Constantinople with an exhibition of THE games of THE\n circus. The progress of THE journey might, however, have warned\n him of THE impending danger. In all THE principal cities he was\n met by ministers of confidence, commissioned to seize THE offices\n of government, to observe his motions, and to prevent THE hasty\n sallies of his despair. The persons despatched to secure THE\n provinces which he left behind, passed him with cold salutations,\n or affected disdain; and THE troops, whose station lay along THE\n public road, were studiously removed on his approach, lest THEy\n might be tempted to offer THEir swords for THE service of a civil\n war. 23 After Gallus had been permitted to repose himself a few\n days at Hadrianople, he received a mandate, expressed in THE most\n haughty and absolute style, that his splendid retinue should halt\n in that city, while THE C¾sar himself, with only ten\n post-carriages, should hasten to THE Imperial residence at Milan.\n\n In this rapid journey, THE profound respect which was due to THE\n broTHEr and colleague of Constantius, was insensibly changed into\n rude familiarity; and Gallus, who discovered in THE countenances\n of THE attendants that THEy already considered THEmselves as his\n guards, and might soon be employed as his executioners, began to\n accuse his fatal rashness, and to recollect, with terror and\n remorse, THE conduct by which he had provoked his fate. The\n dissimulation which had hiTHErto been preserved, was laid aside\n at Petovio, 2311 in Pannonia. He was conducted to a palace in THE\n suburbs, where THE general Barbatio, with a select band of\n soldiers, who could neiTHEr be moved by pity, nor corrupted by\n rewards, expected THE arrival of his illustrious victim. In THE\n close of THE evening he was arrested, ignominiously stripped of\n THE ensigns of C¾sar, and hurried away to Pola, [23b] in Istria,\n a sequestered prison, which had been so recently polluted with\n royal blood. The horror which he felt was soon increased by THE\n appearance of his implacable enemy THE eunuch Eusebius, who, with\n THE assistance of a notary and a tribune, proceeded to\n interrogate him concerning THE administration of THE East. The\n C¾sar sank under THE weight of shame and guilt, confessed all THE\n criminal actions and all THE treasonable designs with which he\n was charged; and by imputing THEm to THE advice of his wife,\n exasperated THE indignation of Constantius, who reviewed with\n partial prejudice THE minutes of THE examination. The emperor was\n easily convinced, that his own safety was incompatible with THE\n life of his cousin: THE sentence of death was signed, despatched,\n and executed; and THE nephew of Constantine, with his hands tied\n behind his back, was beheaded in prison like THE vilest\n malefactor. 24 Those who are inclined to palliate THE cruelties\n of Constantius, assert that he soon relented, and endeavored to\n recall THE bloody mandate; but that THE second messenger,\n intrusted with THE reprieve, was detained by THE eunuchs, who\n dreaded THE unforgiving temper of Gallus, and were desirous of\n reuniting to _THEir_ empire THE wealthy provinces of THE East. 25\n\n 23 (return) [ The Theb¾an legions, which were THEn quartered at\n Hadrianople, sent a deputation to Gallus, with a tender of THEir\n services. Ammian. l. xiv. c. 11. The Notitia (s. 6, 20, 38, edit.\n Labb.) mentions three several legions which bore THE name of\n Theb¾an. The zeal of M. de Voltaire to destroy a despicable\n though celebrated legion, has tempted him on THE slightest\n grounds to deny THE existence of a Theb¾an legion in THE Roman\n armies. See Îuvres de Voltaire, tom. xv. p. 414, quarto edition.]\n\n 2311 (return) [ Pettau in Styria.ÑM ---- RaTHEr to Flanonia. now\n Fianone, near Pola. St. Martin.ÑM.]\n\n 24 (return) [ See THE complete narrative of THE journey and death\n of Gallus in Ammianus, l. xiv. c. 11. Julian complains that his\n broTHEr was put to death without a trial; attempts to justify, or\n at least to excuse, THE cruel revenge which he had inflicted on\n his enemies; but seems at last to acknowledge that he might\n justly have been deprived of THE purple.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Philostorgius, l. iv. c. 1. Zonaras, l. xiii. tom.\n ii. p. 19. But THE former was partial towards an Arian monarch,\n and THE latter transcribed, without choice or criticism, whatever\n he found in THE writings of THE ancients.]\n\n Besides THE reigning emperor, Julian alone survived, of all THE\n numerous posterity of Constantius Chlorus. The misfortune of his\n royal birth involved him in THE disgrace of Gallus. From his\n retirement in THE happy country of Ionia, he was conveyed under a\n strong guard to THE court of Milan; where he languished above\n seven months, in THE continual apprehension of suffering THE same\n ignominious death, which was daily inflicted almost before his\n eyes, on THE friends and adherents of his persecuted family. His\n looks, his gestures, his silence, were scrutinized with malignant\n curiosity, and he was perpetually assaulted by enemies whom he\n had never offended, and by arts to which he was a stranger. 26\n But in THE school of adversity, Julian insensibly acquired THE\n virtues of firmness and discretion. He defended his honor, as\n well as his life, against THE insnaring subtleties of THE\n eunuchs, who endeavored to extort some declaration of his\n sentiments; and whilst he cautiously suppressed his grief and\n resentment, he nobly disdained to flatter THE tyrant, by any\n seeming approbation of his broTHErÕs murder. Julian most devoutly\n ascribes his miraculous deliverance to THE protection of THE\n gods, who had exempted his innocence from THE sentence of\n destruction pronounced by THEir justice against THE impious house\n of Constantine. 27 As THE most effectual instrument of THEir\n providence, he gratefully acknowledges THE steady and generous\n friendship of THE empress Eusebia, 28 a woman of beauty and\n merit, who, by THE ascendant which she had gained over THE mind\n of her husband, counterbalanced, in some measure, THE powerful\n conspiracy of THE eunuchs. By THE intercession of his patroness,\n Julian was admitted into THE Imperial presence: he pleaded his\n cause with a decent freedom, he was heard with favor; and,\n notwithstanding THE efforts of his enemies, who urged THE danger\n of sparing an avenger of THE blood of Gallus, THE milder\n sentiment of Eusebia prevailed in THE council. But THE effects of\n a second interview were dreaded by THE eunuchs; and Julian was\n advised to withdraw for a while into THE neighborhood of Milan,\n till THE emperor thought proper to assign THE city of ATHEns for\n THE place of his honorable exile. As he had discovered, from his\n earliest youth, a propensity, or raTHEr passion, for THE\n language, THE manners, THE learning, and THE religion of THE\n Greeks, he obeyed with pleasure an order so agreeable to his\n wishes. Far from THE tumult of arms, and THE treachery of courts,\n he spent six months under THE groves of THE academy, in a free\n intercourse with THE philosophers of THE age, who studied to\n cultivate THE genius, to encourage THE vanity, and to inflame THE\n devotion of THEir royal pupil. Their labors were not\n unsuccessful; and Julian inviolably preserved for ATHEns that\n tender regard which seldom fails to arise in a liberal mind, from\n THE recollection of THE place where it has discovered and\n exercised its growing powers. The gentleness and affability of\n manners, which his temper suggested and his situation imposed,\n insensibly engaged THE affections of THE strangers, as well as\n citizens, with whom he conversed. Some of his fellow-students\n might perhaps examine his behavior with an eye of prejudice and\n aversion; but Julian established, in THE schools of ATHEns, a\n general prepossession in favor of his virtues and talents, which\n was soon diffused over THE Roman world. 29\n\n 26 (return) [ See Ammianus Marcellin. l. xv. c. 1, 3, 8. Julian\n himself in his epistle to THE ATHEnians, draws a very lively and\n just picture of his own danger, and of his sentiments. He shows,\n however, a tendency to exaggerate his sufferings, by insinuating,\n though in obscure terms, that THEy lasted above a year; a period\n which cannot be reconciled with THE truth of chronology.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Julian has worked THE crimes and misfortunes of THE\n family of Constantine into an allegorical fable, which is happily\n conceived and agreeably related. It forms THE conclusion of THE\n seventh Oration, from whence it has been detached and translated\n by THE AbbŽ de la Bleterie, Vie de Jovien, tom. ii. p. 385-408.]\n\n 28 (return) [ She was a native of Thessalonica, in Macedonia, of\n a noble family, and THE daughter, as well as sister, of consuls.\n Her marriage with THE emperor may be placed in THE year 352. In a\n divided age, THE historians of all parties agree in her praises.\n See THEir testimonies collected by Tillemont, Hist. des\n Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 750-754.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Libanius and Gregory Nazianzen have exhausted THE\n arts as well as THE powers of THEir eloquence, to represent\n Julian as THE first of heroes, or THE worst of tyrants. Gregory\n was his fellow-student at ATHEns; and THE symptoms which he so\n tragically describes, of THE future wickedness of THE apostate,\n amount only to some bodily imperfections, and to some\n peculiarities in his speech and manner. He protests, however,\n that he _THEn_ foresaw and foretold THE calamities of THE church\n and state. (Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. iv. p. 121, 122.)]\n\n Whilst his hours were passed in studious retirement, THE empress,\n resolute to achieve THE generous design which she had undertaken,\n was not unmindful of THE care of his fortune. The death of THE\n late C¾sar had left Constantius invested with THE sole command,\n and oppressed by THE accumulated weight, of a mighty empire.\n Before THE wounds of civil discord could be healed, THE provinces\n of Gaul were overwhelmed by a deluge of Barbarians. The\n Sarmatians no longer respected THE barrier of THE Danube. The\n impunity of rapine had increased THE boldness and numbers of THE\n wild Isaurians: those robbers descended from THEir craggy\n mountains to ravage THE adjacent country, and had even presumed,\n though without success, to besiege THE important city of\n Seleucia, which was defended by a garrison of three Roman\n legions. Above all, THE Persian monarch, elated by victory, again\n threatened THE peace of Asia, and THE presence of THE emperor was\n indispensably required, both in THE West and in THE East. For THE\n first time, Constantius sincerely acknowledged, that his single\n strength was unequal to such an extent of care and of dominion.\n 30 Insensible to THE voice of flattery, which assured him that\n his all-powerful virtue, and celestial fortune, would still\n continue to triumph over every obstacle, he listened with\n complacency to THE advice of Eusebia, which gratified his\n indolence, without offending his suspicious pride. As she\n perceived that THE remembrance of Gallus dwelt on THE emperorÕs\n mind, she artfully turned his attention to THE opposite\n characters of THE two broTHErs, which from THEir infancy had been\n compared to those of Domitian and of Titus. 31 She accustomed her\n husband to consider Julian as a youth of a mild, unambitious\n disposition, whose allegiance and gratitude might be secured by\n THE gift of THE purple, and who was qualified to fill with honor\n a subordinate station, without aspiring to dispute THE commands,\n or to shade THE glories, of his sovereign and benefactor. After\n an obstinate, though secret struggle, THE opposition of THE\n favorite eunuchs submitted to THE ascendency of THE empress; and\n it was resolved that Julian, after celebrating his nuptials with\n Helena, sister of Constantius, should be appointed, with THE\n title of C¾sar, to reign over THE countries beyond THE Alps. 32\n\n 30 (return) [ Succumbere tot necessitatibus tamque crebris unum\n se, quod nunquam fecerat, aperte demonstrans. Ammian. l. xv. c.\n 8. He THEn expresses, in THEir own words, THE fattering\n assurances of THE courtiers.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Tantum a temperatis moribus Juliani differens\n fratris quantum inter Vespasiani filios fuit, Domitianum et\n Titum. Ammian. l. xiv. c. 11. The circumstances and education of\n THE two broTHErs, were so nearly THE same, as to afford a strong\n example of THE innate difference of characters.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Ammianus, l. xv. c. 8. Zosimus, l. iii. p. 137,\n 138.]\n\n Although THE order which recalled him to court was probably\n accompanied by some intimation of his approaching greatness, he\n appeals to THE people of ATHEns to witness his tears of\n undissembled sorrow, when he was reluctantly torn away from his\n beloved retirement. 33 He trembled for his life, for his fame,\n and even for his virtue; and his sole confidence was derived from\n THE persuasion, that Minerva inspired all his actions, and that\n he was protected by an invisible guard of angels, whom for that\n purpose she had borrowed from THE Sun and Moon. He approached,\n with horror, THE palace of Milan; nor could THE ingenuous youth\n conceal his indignation, when he found himself accosted with\n false and servile respect by THE assassins of his family.\n Eusebia, rejoicing in THE success of her benevolent schemes,\n embraced him with THE tenderness of a sister; and endeavored, by\n THE most soothing caresses, to dispel his terrors, and reconcile\n him to his fortune. But THE ceremony of shaving his beard, and\n his awkward demeanor, when he first exchanged THE cloak of a\n Greek philosopher for THE military habit of a Roman prince,\n amused, during a few days, THE levity of THE Imperial court. 34\n\n 33 (return) [ Julian. ad S. P. Q. A. p. 275, 276. Libanius, Orat.\n x. p. 268. Julian did not yield till THE gods had signified THEir\n will by repeated visions and omens. His piety THEn forbade him to\n resist.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Julian himself relates, (p. 274) with some humor,\n THE circumstances of his own metamorphoses, his downcast looks,\n and his perplexity at being thus suddenly transported into a new\n world, where every object appeared strange and hostile.]\n\n The emperors of THE age of Constantine no longer deigned to\n consult with THE senate in THE choice of a colleague; but THEy\n were anxious that THEir nomination should be ratified by THE\n consent of THE army. On this solemn occasion, THE guards, with\n THE oTHEr troops whose stations were in THE neighborhood of\n Milan, appeared under arms; and Constantius ascended his lofty\n tribunal, holding by THE hand his cousin Julian, who entered THE\n same day into THE twenty-fifth year of his age. 35 In a studied\n speech, conceived and delivered with dignity, THE emperor\n represented THE various dangers which threatened THE prosperity\n of THE republic, THE necessity of naming a C¾sar for THE\n administration of THE West, and his own intention, if it was\n agreeable to THEir wishes, of rewarding with THE honors of THE\n purple THE promising virtues of THE nephew of Constantine. The\n approbation of THE soldiers was testified by a respectful murmur;\n THEy gazed on THE manly countenance of Julian, and observed with\n pleasure, that THE fire which sparkled in his eyes was tempered\n by a modest blush, on being thus exposed, for THE first time, to\n THE public view of mankind. As soon as THE ceremony of his\n investiture had been performed, Constantius addressed him with\n THE tone of authority which his superior age and station\n permitted him to assume; and exhorting THE new C¾sar to deserve,\n by heroic deeds, that sacred and immortal name, THE emperor gave\n his colleague THE strongest assurances of a friendship which\n should never be impaired by time, nor interrupted by THEir\n separation into THE most distant climes. As soon as THE speech\n was ended, THE troops, as a token of applause, clashed THEir\n shields against THEir knees; 36 while THE officers who surrounded\n THE tribunal expressed, with decent reserve, THEir sense of THE\n merits of THE representative of Constantius.\n\n 35 (return) [ See Ammian. Marcellin. l. xv. c. 8. Zosimus, l.\n iii. p. 139. Aurelius Victor. Victor Junior in Epitom. Eutrop. x.\n 14.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Militares omnes horrendo fragore scuta genibus\n illidentes; quod est prosperitatis indicium plenum; nam contra\n cum hastis clypei feriuntur, ir¾ documentum est et doloris... ...\n Ammianus adds, with a nice distinction, Eumque ut potiori\n reverentia servaretur, nec supra modum laudabant nec infra quam\n decebat.]\n\n The two princes returned to THE palace in THE same chariot; and\n during THE slow procession, Julian repeated to himself a verse of\n his favorite Homer, which he might equally apply to his fortune\n and to his fears. 37 The four-and-twenty days which THE C¾sar\n spent at Milan after his investiture, and THE first months of his\n Gallic reign, were devoted to a splendid but severe captivity;\n nor could THE acquisition of honor compensate for THE loss of\n freedom. 38 His steps were watched, his correspondence was\n intercepted; and he was obliged, by prudence, to decline THE\n visits of his most intimate friends. Of his former domestics,\n four only were permitted to attend him; two pages, his physician,\n and his librarian; THE last of whom was employed in THE care of a\n valuable collection of books, THE gift of THE empress, who\n studied THE inclinations as well as THE interest of her friend.\n In THE room of THEse faithful servants, a household was formed,\n such indeed as became THE dignity of a C¾sar; but it was filled\n with a crowd of slaves, destitute, and perhaps incapable, of any\n attachment for THEir new master, to whom, for THE most part, THEy\n were eiTHEr unknown or suspected. His want of experience might\n require THE assistance of a wise council; but THE minute\n instructions which regulated THE service of his table, and THE\n distribution of his hours, were adapted to a youth still under\n THE discipline of his preceptors, raTHEr than to THE situation of\n a prince intrusted with THE conduct of an important war. If he\n aspired to deserve THE esteem of his subjects, he was checked by\n THE fear of displeasing his sovereign; and even THE fruits of his\n marriage-bed were blasted by THE jealous artifices of Eusebia 39\n herself, who, on this occasion alone, seems to have been\n unmindful of THE tenderness of her sex, and THE generosity of her\n character. The memory of his faTHEr and of his broTHErs reminded\n Julian of his own danger, and his apprehensions were increased by\n THE recent and unworthy fate of Sylvanus. In THE summer which\n preceded his own elevation, that general had been chosen to\n deliver Gaul from THE tyranny of THE Barbarians; but Sylvanus\n soon discovered that he had left his most dangerous enemies in\n THE Imperial court. A dexterous informer, countenanced by several\n of THE principal ministers, procured from him some recommendatory\n letters; and erasing THE whole of THE contents, except THE\n signature, filled up THE vacant parchment with matters of high\n and treasonable import. By THE industry and courage of his\n friends, THE fraud was however detected, and in a great council\n of THE civil and military officers, held in THE presence of THE\n emperor himself, THE innocence of Sylvanus was publicly\n acknowledged. But THE discovery came too late; THE report of THE\n calumny, and THE hasty seizure of his estate, had already\n provoked THE indignant chief to THE rebellion of which he was so\n unjustly accused. He assumed THE purple at his head- quarters of\n Cologne, and his active powers appeared to menace Italy with an\n invasion, and Milan with a siege. In this emergency, Ursicinus, a\n general of equal rank, regained, by an act of treachery, THE\n favor which he had lost by his eminent services in THE East.\n Exasperated, as he might speciously allege, by THE injuries of a\n similar nature, he hastened with a few followers to join THE\n standard, and to betray THE confidence, of his too credulous\n friend. After a reign of only twenty-eight days, Sylvanus was\n assassinated: THE soldiers who, without any criminal intention,\n had blindly followed THE example of THEir leader, immediately\n returned to THEir allegiance; and THE flatterers of Constantius\n celebrated THE wisdom and felicity of THE monarch who had\n extinguished a civil war without THE hazard of a battle. 40\n\n 37 (return) [ The word _purple_ which Homer had used as a vague\n but common epiTHEt for death, was applied by Julian to express,\n very aptly, THE nature and object of his own apprehensions.]\n\n 38 (return) [ He represents, in THE most paTHEtic terms, (p.\n 277,) THE distress of his new situation. The provision for his\n table was, however, so elegant and sumptuous, that THE young\n philosopher rejected it with disdain. Quum legeret libellum\n assidue, quem Constantius ut privignum ad studia mittens manž su‰\n conscripserat, pr¾licenter disponens quid in convivio C¾saris\n impendi deberit: Phasianum, et vulvam et sumen exigi vetuit et\n inferri. Ammian. Marcellin. l. xvi. c. 5.]\n\n 39 (return) [ If we recollect that Constantine, THE faTHEr of\n Helena, died above eighteen years before, in a mature old age, it\n will appear probable, that THE daughter, though a virgin, could\n not be very young at THE time of her marriage. She was soon\n afterwards delivered of a son, who died immediately, quod\n obstetrix corrupta mercede, mox natum pr¾secto plusquam\n convenerat umbilico necavit. She accompanied THE emperor and\n empress in THEir journey to Rome, and THE latter, qu¾situm\n venenum bibere per fraudem illexit, ut quotiescunque concepisset,\n immaturum abjicerit partum. Ammian. l. xvi. c. 10. Our physicians\n will determine wheTHEr THEre exists such a poison. For my own\n part I am inclined to hope that THE public malignity imputed THE\n effects of accident as THE guilt of Eusebia.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Ammianus (xv. v.) was perfectly well informed of\n THE conduct and fate of Sylvanus. He himself was one of THE few\n followers who attended Ursicinus in his dangerous enterprise.]\n\n The protection of THE Rh¾tian frontier, and THE persecution of\n THE Catholic church, detained Constantius in Italy above eighteen\n months after THE departure of Julian. Before THE emperor returned\n into THE East, he indulged his pride and curiosity in a visit to\n THE ancient capital. 41 He proceeded from Milan to Rome along THE\n ®milian and Flaminian ways, and as soon as he approached within\n forty miles of THE city, THE march of a prince who had never\n vanquished a foreign enemy, assumed THE appearance of a triumphal\n procession. His splendid train was composed of all THE ministers\n of luxury; but in a time of profound peace, he was encompassed by\n THE glittering arms of THE numerous squadrons of his guards and\n cuirassiers. Their streaming banners of silk, embossed with gold,\n and shaped in THE form of dragons, waved round THE person of THE\n emperor. Constantius sat alone in a lofty car, resplendent with\n gold and precious gems; and, except when he bowed his head to\n pass under THE gates of THE cities, he affected a stately\n demeanor of inflexible, and, as it might seem, of insensible\n gravity. The severe discipline of THE Persian youth had been\n introduced by THE eunuchs into THE Imperial palace; and such were\n THE habits of patience which THEy had inculcated, that during a\n slow and sultry march, he was never seen to move his hand towards\n his face, or to turn his eyes eiTHEr to THE right or to THE left.\n He was received by THE magistrates and senate of Rome; and THE\n emperor surveyed, with attention, THE civil honors of THE\n republic, and THE consular images of THE noble families. The\n streets were lined with an innumerable multitude. Their repeated\n acclamations expressed THEir joy at beholding, after an absence\n of thirty-two years, THE sacred person of THEir sovereign, and\n Constantius himself expressed, with some pleasantry, he affected\n surprise that THE human race should thus suddenly be collected on\n THE same spot. The son of Constantine was lodged in THE ancient\n palace of Augustus: he presided in THE senate, harangued THE\n people from THE tribunal which Cicero had so often ascended,\n assisted with unusual courtesy at THE games of THE Circus, and\n accepted THE crowns of gold, as well as THE Panegyrics which had\n been prepared for THE ceremony by THE deputies of THE principal\n cities. His short visit of thirty days was employed in viewing\n THE monuments of art and power which were scattered over THE\n seven hills and THE interjacent valleys. He admired THE awful\n majesty of THE Capitol, THE vast extent of THE baths of Caracalla\n and Diocletian, THE severe simplicity of THE PanTHEon, THE massy\n greatness of THE amphiTHEatre of Titus, THE elegant architecture\n of THE THEatre of Pompey and THE Temple of Peace, and, above all,\n THE stately structure of THE Forum and column of Trajan;\n acknowledging that THE voice of fame, so prone to invent and to\n magnify, had made an inadequate report of THE metropolis of THE\n world. The traveller, who has contemplated THE ruins of ancient\n Rome, may conceive some imperfect idea of THE sentiments which\n THEy must have inspired when THEy reared THEir heads in THE\n splendor of unsullied beauty.\n\n [See The PanTHEon: The severe simplicity of THE PanTHEon]\n\n 41 (return) [ For THE particulars of THE visit of Constantius to\n Rome, see Ammianus, l. xvi. c. 10. We have only to add, that\n Themistius was appointed deputy from Constantinople, and that he\n composed his fourth oration for his ceremony.]\n\n The satisfaction which Constantius had received from this journey\n excited him to THE generous emulation of bestowing on THE Romans\n some memorial of his own gratitude and munificence. His first\n idea was to imitate THE equestrian and colossal statue which he\n had seen in THE Forum of Trajan; but when he had maturely weighed\n THE difficulties of THE execution, 42 he chose raTHEr to\n embellish THE capital by THE gift of an Egyptian obelisk. In a\n remote but polished age, which seems to have preceded THE\n invention of alphabetical writing, a great number of THEse\n obelisks had been erected, in THE cities of Thebes and\n Heliopolis, by THE ancient sovereigns of Egypt, in a just\n confidence that THE simplicity of THEir form, and THE hardness of\n THEir substance, would resist THE injuries of time and violence.\n 43 Several of THEse extraordinary columns had been transported to\n Rome by Augustus and his successors, as THE most durable\n monuments of THEir power and victory; 44 but THEre remained one\n obelisk, which, from its size or sanctity, escaped for a long\n time THE rapacious vanity of THE conquerors. It was designed by\n Constantine to adorn his new city; 45 and, after being removed by\n his order from THE pedestal where it stood before THE Temple of\n THE Sun at Heliopolis, was floated down THE Nile to Alexandria.\n The death of Constantine suspended THE execution of his purpose,\n and this obelisk was destined by his son to THE ancient capital\n of THE empire. A vessel of uncommon strength and capaciousness\n was provided to convey this enormous weight of granite, at least\n a hundred and fifteen feet in length, from THE banks of THE Nile\n to those of THE Tyber. The obelisk of Constantius was landed\n about three miles from THE city, and elevated, by THE efforts of\n art and labor, in THE great Circus of Rome. 46 4611\n\n 42 (return) [ Hormisdas, a fugitive prince of Persia, observed to\n THE emperor, that if he made such a horse, he must think of\n preparing a similar stable, (THE Forum of Trajan.) AnoTHEr saying\n of Hormisdas is recorded, Òthat one thing only had _displeased_\n him, to find that men died at Rome as well as elsewhere.Ó If we\n adopt this reading of THE text of Ammianus, (_displicuisse_,\n instead of _placuisse_,) we may consider it as a reproof of Roman\n vanity. The contrary sense would be that of a misanthrope.]\n\n 43 (return) [ When Germanicus visited THE ancient monuments of\n Thebes, THE eldest of THE priests explained to him THE meaning of\n THEse hiero glyphics. Tacit. Annal. ii. c. 60. But it seems\n probable, that before THE useful invention of an alphabet, THEse\n natural or arbitrary signs were THE common characters of THE\n Egyptian nation. See WarburtonÕs Divine Legation of Moses, vol.\n iii. p. 69-243.]\n\n 44 (return) [ See Plin. Hist. Natur. l. xxxvi. c. 14, 15.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Ammian. Marcellin l. xvii. c. 4. He gives us a\n Greek interpretation of THE hieroglyphics, and his commentator\n Lindenbrogius adds a Latin inscription, which, in twenty verses\n of THE age of Constantius, contain a short history of THE\n obelisk.]\n\n 46 (return) [ See Donat. Roma. Antiqua, l. iii. c. 14, l. iv. c.\n 12, and THE learned, though confused, Dissertation of Barg¾us on\n Obelisks, inserted in THE fourth volume of Gr¾viusÕs Roman\n Antiquities, p. 1897- 1936. This dissertation is dedicated to\n Pope Sixtus V., who erected THE obelisk of Constantius in THE\n square before THE patriarchal church of at. John Lateran.]\n\n 4611 (return) [ It is doubtful wheTHEr THE obelisk transported by\n Constantius to Rome now exists. Even from THE text of Ammianus,\n it is uncertain wheTHEr THE interpretation of Hermapion refers to\n THE older obelisk, (obelisco incisus est veteri quem videmus in\n Circo,) raised, as he himself states, in THE Circus Maximus, long\n before, by Augustus, or to THE one brought by Constantius. The\n obelisk in THE square before THE church of St. John Lateran is\n ascribed not to Rameses THE Great but to Thoutmos II.\n Champollion, 1. Lettre a M. de Blacas, p. 32.ÑM]\n\n The departure of Constantius from Rome was hastened by THE\n alarming intelligence of THE distress and danger of THE Illyrian\n provinces. The distractions of civil war, and THE irreparable\n loss which THE Roman legions had sustained in THE battle of\n Mursa, exposed those countries, almost without defence, to THE\n light cavalry of THE Barbarians; and particularly to THE inroads\n of THE Quadi, a fierce and powerful nation, who seem to have\n exchanged THE institutions of Germany for THE arms and military\n arts of THEir Sarmatian allies. 47 The garrisons of THE frontiers\n were insufficient to check THEir progress; and THE indolent\n monarch was at length compelled to assemble, from THE extremities\n of his dominions, THE flower of THE Palatine troops, to take THE\n field in person, and to employ a whole campaign, with THE\n preceding autumn and THE ensuing spring, in THE serious\n prosecution of THE war. The emperor passed THE Danube on a bridge\n of boats, cut in pieces all that encountered his march,\n penetrated into THE heart of THE country of THE Quadi, and\n severely retaliated THE calamities which THEy had inflicted on\n THE Roman province. The dismayed Barbarians were soon reduced to\n sue for peace: THEy offered THE restitution of his captive\n subjects as an atonement for THE past, and THE noblest hostages\n as a pledge of THEir future conduct. The generous courtesy which\n was shown to THE first among THEir chieftains who implored THE\n clemency of Constantius, encouraged THE more timid, or THE more\n obstinate, to imitate THEir example; and THE Imperial camp was\n crowded with THE princes and ambassadors of THE most distant\n tribes, who occupied THE plains of THE Lesser Poland, and who\n might have deemed THEmselves secure behind THE lofty ridge of THE\n Carpathian Mountains. While Constantius gave laws to THE\n Barbarians beyond THE Danube, he distinguished, with specious\n compassion, THE Sarmatian exiles, who had been expelled from\n THEir native country by THE rebellion of THEir slaves, and who\n formed a very considerable accession to THE power of THE Quadi.\n The emperor, embracing a generous but artful system of policy,\n released THE Sarmatians from THE bands of this humiliating\n dependence, and restored THEm, by a separate treaty, to THE\n dignity of a nation united under THE government of a king, THE\n friend and ally of THE republic. He declared his resolution of\n asserting THE justice of THEir cause, and of securing THE peace\n of THE provinces by THE extirpation, or at least THE banishment,\n of THE Limigantes, whose manners were still infected with THE\n vices of THEir servile origin. The execution of this design was\n attended with more difficulty than glory. The territory of THE\n Limigantes was protected against THE Romans by THE Danube,\n against THE hostile Barbarians by THE Teyss. The marshy lands\n which lay between those rivers, and were often covered by THEir\n inundations, formed an intricate wilderness, pervious only to THE\n inhabitants, who were acquainted with its secret paths and\n inaccessible fortresses. On THE approach of Constantius, THE\n Limigantes tried THE efficacy of prayers, of fraud, and of arms;\n but he sternly rejected THEir supplications, defeated THEir rude\n stratagems, and repelled with skill and firmness THE efforts of\n THEir irregular valor. One of THEir most warlike tribes,\n established in a small island towards THE conflux of THE Teyss\n and THE Danube, consented to pass THE river with THE intention of\n surprising THE emperor during THE security of an amicable\n conference. They soon became THE victims of THE perfidy which\n THEy meditated. Encompassed on every side, trampled down by THE\n cavalry, slaughtered by THE swords of THE legions, THEy disdained\n to ask for mercy; and with an undaunted countenance, still\n grasped THEir weapons in THE agonies of death. After this\n victory, a considerable body of Romans was landed on THE opposite\n banks of THE Danube; THE Taifal¾, a Gothic tribe engaged in THE\n service of THE empire, invaded THE Limigantes on THE side of THE\n Teyss; and THEir former masters, THE free Sarmatians, animated by\n hope and revenge, penetrated through THE hilly country, into THE\n heart of THEir ancient possessions. A general conflagration\n revealed THE huts of THE Barbarians, which were seated in THE\n depth of THE wilderness; and THE soldier fought with confidence\n on marshy ground, which it was dangerous for him to tread. In\n this extremity, THE bravest of THE Limigantes were resolved to\n die in arms, raTHEr than to yield: but THE milder sentiment,\n enforced by THE authority of THEir elders, at length prevailed;\n and THE suppliant crowd, followed by THEir wives and children,\n repaired to THE Imperial camp, to learn THEir fate from THE mouth\n of THE conqueror. After celebrating his own clemency, which was\n still inclined to pardon THEir repeated crimes, and to spare THE\n remnant of a guilty nation, Constantius assigned for THE place of\n THEir exile a remote country, where THEy might enjoy a safe and\n honorable repose. The Limigantes obeyed with reluctance; but\n before THEy could reach, at least before THEy could occupy, THEir\n destined habitations, THEy returned to THE banks of THE Danube,\n exaggerating THE hardships of THEir situation, and requesting,\n with fervent professions of fidelity, that THE emperor would\n grant THEm an undisturbed settlement within THE limits of THE\n Roman provinces. Instead of consulting his own experience of\n THEir incurable perfidy, Constantius listened to his flatterers,\n who were ready to represent THE honor and advantage of accepting\n a colony of soldiers, at a time when it was much easier to obtain\n THE pecuniary contributions than THE military service of THE\n subjects of THE empire. The Limigantes were permitted to pass THE\n Danube; and THE emperor gave audience to THE multitude in a large\n plain near THE modern city of Buda. They surrounded THE tribunal,\n and seemed to hear with respect an oration full of mildness and\n dignity when one of THE Barbarians, casting his shoe into THE\n air, exclaimed with a loud voice, _Marha! Marha!_ 4711 a word of\n defiance, which was received as a signal of THE tumult. They\n rushed with fury to seize THE person of THE emperor; his royal\n throne and golden couch were pillaged by THEse rude hands; but\n THE faithful defence of his guards, who died at his feet, allowed\n him a moment to mount a fleet horse, and to escape from THE\n confusion. The disgrace which had been incurred by a treacherous\n surprise was soon retrieved by THE numbers and discipline of THE\n Romans; and THE combat was only terminated by THE extinction of\n THE name and nation of THE Limigantes. The free Sarmatians were\n reinstated in THE possession of THEir ancient seats; and although\n Constantius distrusted THE levity of THEir character, he\n entertained some hopes that a sense of gratitude might influence\n THEir future conduct. He had remarked THE lofty stature and\n obsequious demeanor of Zizais, one of THE noblest of THEir\n chiefs. He conferred on him THE title of King; and Zizais proved\n that he was not unworthy to reign, by a sincere and lasting\n attachment to THE interests of his benefactor, who, after this\n splendid success, received THE name of _Sarmaticus_ from THE\n acclamations of his victorious army. 48\n\n 47 (return) [ The events of this Quadian and Sarmatian war are\n related by Ammianus, xvi. 10, xvii. 12, 13, xix. 11]\n\n 4711 (return) [ Reinesius reads Warrha, Warrha, Guerre, War.\n Wagner note as a mm. Marc xix. ll.ÑM.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Genti Sarmatarum magno decori confidens apud eos\n regem dedit. Aurelius Victor. In a pompous oration pronounced by\n Constantius himself, he expatiates on his own exploits with much\n vanity, and some truth]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor.ÑPart III.\n\n\n While THE Roman emperor and THE Persian monarch, at THE distance\n of three thousand miles, defended THEir extreme limits against\n THE Barbarians of THE Danube and of THE Oxus, THEir intermediate\n frontier experienced THE vicissitudes of a languid war, and a\n precarious truce. Two of THE eastern ministers of Constantius,\n THE Pr¾torian pr¾fect Musonian, whose abilities were disgraced by\n THE want of truth and integrity, and Cassian, duke of\n Mesopotamia, a hardy and veteran soldier, opened a secret\n negotiation with THE satrap Tamsapor. 49 4911 These overtures of\n peace, translated into THE servile and flattering language of\n Asia, were transmitted to THE camp of THE Great King; who\n resolved to signify, by an ambassador, THE terms which he was\n inclined to grant to THE suppliant Romans. Narses, whom he\n invested with that character, was honorably received in his\n passage through Antioch and Constantinople: he reached Sirmium\n after a long journey, and, at his first audience, respectfully\n unfolded THE silken veil which covered THE haughty epistle of his\n sovereign. Sapor, King of Kings, and BroTHEr of THE Sun and Moon,\n (such were THE lofty titles affected by Oriental vanity,)\n expressed his satisfaction that his broTHEr, Constantius C¾sar,\n had been taught wisdom by adversity. As THE lawful successor of\n Darius Hystaspes, Sapor asserted, that THE River Strymon, in\n Macedonia, was THE true and ancient boundary of his empire;\n declaring, however, that as an evidence of his moderation, he\n would content himself with THE provinces of Armenia and\n Mesopotamia, which had been fraudulently extorted from his\n ancestors. He alleged, that, without THE restitution of THEse\n disputed countries, it was impossible to establish any treaty on\n a solid and permanent basis; and he arrogantly threatened, that\n if his ambassador returned in vain, he was prepared to take THE\n field in THE spring, and to support THE justice of his cause by\n THE strength of his invincible arms. Narses, who was endowed with\n THE most polite and amiable manners, endeavored, as far as was\n consistent with his duty, to soften THE harshness of THE message.\n 50 Both THE style and substance were maturely weighed in THE\n Imperial council, and he was dismissed with THE following answer:\n ÒConstantius had a right to disclaim THE officiousness of his\n ministers, who had acted without any specific orders from THE\n throne: he was not, however, averse to an equal and honorable\n treaty; but it was highly indecent, as well as absurd, to propose\n to THE sole and victorious emperor of THE Roman world, THE same\n conditions of peace which he had indignantly rejected at THE time\n when his power was contracted within THE narrow limits of THE\n East: THE chance of arms was uncertain; and Sapor should\n recollect, that if THE Romans had sometimes been vanquished in\n battle, THEy had almost always been successful in THE event of\n THE war.Ó A few days after THE departure of Narses, three\n ambassadors were sent to THE court of Sapor, who was already\n returned from THE Scythian expedition to his ordinary residence\n of Ctesiphon. A count, a notary, and a sophist, had been selected\n for this important commission; and Constantius, who was secretly\n anxious for THE conclusion of THE peace, entertained some hopes\n that THE dignity of THE first of THEse ministers, THE dexterity\n of THE second, and THE rhetoric of THE third, 51 would persuade\n THE Persian monarch to abate of THE rigor of his demands. But THE\n progress of THEir negotiation was opposed and defeated by THE\n hostile arts of Antoninus, 52 a Roman subject of Syria, who had\n fled from oppression, and was admitted into THE councils of\n Sapor, and even to THE royal table, where, according to THE\n custom of THE Persians, THE most important business was\n frequently discussed. 53 The dexterous fugitive promoted his\n interest by THE same conduct which gratified his revenge. He\n incessantly urged THE ambition of his new master to embrace THE\n favorable opportunity when THE bravest of THE Palatine troops\n were employed with THE emperor in a distant war on THE Danube. He\n pressed Sapor to invade THE exhausted and defenceless provinces\n of THE East, with THE numerous armies of Persia, now fortified by\n THE alliance and accession of THE fiercest Barbarians. The\n ambassadors of Rome retired without success, and a second\n embassy, of a still more honorable rank, was detained in strict\n confinement, and threatened eiTHEr with death or exile.\n\n 49 (return) [ Ammian. xvi. 9.]\n\n 4911 (return) [ In Persian, Ten-schah-pour. St. Martin, ii.\n 177.ÑM.]\n\n 50 (return) [ Ammianus (xvii. 5) transcribes THE haughty letter.\n Themistius (Orat. iv. p. 57, edit. Petav.) takes notice of THE\n silken covering. Idatius and Zonaras mention THE journey of THE\n ambassador; and Peter THE Patrician (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 58)\n has informed us of his behavior.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Ammianus, xvii. 5, and Valesius ad loc. The\n sophist, or philosopher, (in that age THEse words were almost\n synonymous,) was Eustathius THE Cappadocian, THE disciple of\n Jamblichus, and THE friend of St. Basil. Eunapius (in Vit.\n ®desii, p. 44-47) fondly attributes to this philosophic\n ambassador THE glory of enchanting THE Barbarian king by THE\n persuasive charms of reason and eloquence. See Tillemont, Hist.\n des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 828, 1132.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Ammian. xviii. 5, 6, 8. The decent and respectful\n behavior of Antoninus towards THE Roman general, sets him in a\n very interesting light; and Ammianus himself speaks of THE\n traitor with some compassion and esteem.]\n\n 53 (return) [ This circumstance, as it is noticed by Ammianus,\n serves to prove THE veracity of Herodotus, (l. i. c. 133,) and\n THE permanency of THE Persian manners. In every age THE Persians\n have been addicted to intemperance, and THE wines of Shiraz have\n triumphed over THE law of Mahomet. Brisson de Regno Pers. l. ii.\n p. 462-472, and Voyages en Perse, tom, iii. p. 90.]\n\n The military historian, 54 who was himself despatched to observe\n THE army of THE Persians, as THEy were preparing to construct a\n bridge of boats over THE Tigris, beheld from an eminence THE\n plain of Assyria, as far as THE edge of THE horizon, covered with\n men, with horses, and with arms. Sapor appeared in THE front,\n conspicuous by THE splendor of his purple. On his left hand, THE\n place of honor among THE Orientals, Grumbates, king of THE\n Chionites, displayed THE stern countenance of an aged and\n renowned warrior. The monarch had reserved a similar place on his\n right hand for THE king of THE Albanians, who led his independent\n tribes from THE shores of THE Caspian. 5411 The satraps and\n generals were distributed according to THEir several ranks, and\n THE whole army, besides THE numerous train of Oriental luxury,\n consisted of more than one hundred thousand effective men, inured\n to fatigue, and selected from THE bravest nations of Asia. The\n Roman deserter, who in some measure guided THE councils of Sapor,\n had prudently advised, that, instead of wasting THE summer in\n tedious and difficult sieges, he should march directly to THE\n Euphrates, and press forwards without delay to seize THE feeble\n and wealthy metropolis of Syria. But THE Persians were no sooner\n advanced into THE plains of Mesopotamia, than THEy discovered\n that every precaution had been used which could retard THEir\n progress, or defeat THEir design. The inhabitants, with THEir\n cattle, were secured in places of strength, THE green forage\n throughout THE country was set on fire, THE fords of THE rivers\n were fortified by sharp stakes; military engines were planted on\n THE opposite banks, and a seasonable swell of THE waters of THE\n Euphrates deterred THE Barbarians from attempting THE ordinary\n passage of THE bridge of Thapsacus. Their skilful guide, changing\n his plan of operations, THEn conducted THE army by a longer\n circuit, but through a fertile territory, towards THE head of THE\n Euphrates, where THE infant river is reduced to a shallow and\n accessible stream. Sapor overlooked, with prudent disdain, THE\n strength of Nisibis; but as he passed under THE walls of Amida,\n he resolved to try wheTHEr THE majesty of his presence would not\n awe THE garrison into immediate submission. The sacrilegious\n insult of a random dart, which glanced against THE royal tiara,\n convinced him of his error; and THE indignant monarch listened\n with impatience to THE advice of his ministers, who conjured him\n not to sacrifice THE success of his ambition to THE gratification\n of his resentment. The following day Grumbates advanced towards\n THE gates with a select body of troops, and required THE instant\n surrender of THE city, as THE only atonement which could be\n accepted for such an act of rashness and insolence. His proposals\n were answered by a general discharge, and his only son, a\n beautiful and valiant youth, was pierced through THE heart by a\n javelin, shot from one of THE balist¾. The funeral of THE prince\n of THE Chionites was celebrated according to THE rites of THE\n country; and THE grief of his aged faTHEr was alleviated by THE\n solemn promise of Sapor, that THE guilty city of Amida should\n serve as a funeral pile to expiate THE death, and to perpetuate\n THE memory, of his son.\n\n 54 (return) [ Ammian. lxviii. 6, 7, 8, 10.]\n\n 5411 (return) [ These perhaps were THE barbarous tribes who\n inhabit THE norTHErn part of THE present Schirwan, THE Albania of\n THE ancients. This country, now inhabited by THE Lezghis, THE\n terror of THE neighboring districts, was THEn occupied by THE\n same people, called by THE ancients Leg¾, by THE Armenians Gheg,\n or Leg. The latter represent THEm as constant allies of THE\n Persians in THEir wars against Armenia and THE Empire. A little\n after this period, a certain Schergir was THEir king, and it is\n of him doubtless Ammianus Marcellinus speaks. St. Martin, ii.\n 285.ÑM.]\n\n The ancient city of Amid or Amida, 55 which sometimes assumes THE\n provincial appellation of Diarbekir, 56 is advantageously situate\n in a fertile plain, watered by THE natural and artificial\n channels of THE Tigris, of which THE least inconsiderable stream\n bends in a semicircular form round THE eastern part of THE city.\n The emperor Constantius had recently conferred on Amida THE honor\n of his own name, and THE additional fortifications of strong\n walls and lofty towers. It was provided with an arsenal of\n military engines, and THE ordinary garrison had been reenforced\n to THE amount of seven legions, when THE place was invested by\n THE arms of Sapor. 57 His first and most sanguine hopes depended\n on THE success of a general assault. To THE several nations which\n followed his standard, THEir respective posts were assigned; THE\n south to THE Vert¾; THE north to THE Albanians; THE east to THE\n Chionites, inflamed with grief and indignation; THE west to THE\n Segestans, THE bravest of his warriors, who covered THEir front\n with a formidable line of Indian elephants. 58 The Persians, on\n every side, supported THEir efforts, and animated THEir courage;\n and THE monarch himself, careless of his rank and safety,\n displayed, in THE prosecution of THE siege, THE ardor of a\n youthful soldier. After an obstinate combat, THE Barbarians were\n repulsed; THEy incessantly returned to THE charge; THEy were\n again driven back with a dreadful slaughter, and two rebel\n legions of Gauls, who had been banished into THE East, signalized\n THEir undisciplined courage by a nocturnal sally into THE heart\n of THE Persian camp. In one of THE fiercest of THEse repeated\n assaults, Amida was betrayed by THE treachery of a deserter, who\n indicated to THE Barbarians a secret and neglected staircase,\n scooped out of THE rock that hangs over THE stream of THE Tigris.\n Seventy chosen archers of THE royal guard ascended in silence to\n THE third story of a lofty tower, which commanded THE precipice;\n THEy elevated on high THE Persian banner, THE signal of\n confidence to THE assailants, and of dismay to THE besieged; and\n if this devoted band could have maintained THEir post a few\n minutes longer, THE reduction of THE place might have been\n purchased by THE sacrifice of THEir lives. After Sapor had tried,\n without success, THE efficacy of force and of stratagem, he had\n recourse to THE slower but more certain operations of a regular\n siege, in THE conduct of which he was instructed by THE skill of\n THE Roman deserters. The trenches were opened at a convenient\n distance, and THE troops destined for that service advanced under\n THE portable cover of strong hurdles, to fill up THE ditch, and\n undermine THE foundations of THE walls. Wooden towers were at THE\n same time constructed, and moved forwards on wheels, till THE\n soldiers, who were provided with every species of missile\n weapons, could engage almost on level ground with THE troops who\n defended THE rampart. Every mode of resistance which art could\n suggest, or courage could execute, was employed in THE defence of\n Amida, and THE works of Sapor were more than once destroyed by\n THE fire of THE Romans. But THE resources of a besieged city may\n be exhausted. The Persians repaired THEir losses, and pushed\n THEir approaches; a large preach was made by THE battering-ram,\n and THE strength of THE garrison, wasted by THE sword and by\n disease, yielded to THE fury of THE assault. The soldiers, THE\n citizens, THEir wives, THEir children, all who had not time to\n escape through THE opposite gate, were involved by THE conquerors\n in a promiscuous massacre.\n\n 55 (return) [ For THE description of Amida, see DÕHerbelot,\n BeblioTHEque Orientale, p. Biblioth\x8fque Orientale, p. 108.\n Histoire de Timur Bec, par Cherefeddin Ali, l. iii. c. 41. Ahmed\n Arabsiades, tom. i. p. 331, c. 43. Voyages de Tavernier, tom. i.\n p. 301. Voyages dÕOtter, tom. ii. p. 273, and Voyages de Niebuhr,\n tom. ii. p. 324-328. The last of THEse travellers, a learned and\n accurate Dane, has given a plan of Amida, which illustrates THE\n operations of THE siege.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Diarbekir, which is styled Amid, or Kara Amid, in\n THE public writings of THE Turks, contains above 16,000 houses,\n and is THE residence of a pacha with three tails. The epiTHEt of\n _Kara_ is derived from THE _blackness_ of THE stone which\n composes THE strong and ancient wall of Amida. ÑÑIn my MŽm. Hist.\n sur lÕArmenie, l. i. p. 166, 173, I conceive that I have proved\n this city, still called, by THE Armenians, Dirkranagerd, THE city\n of Tigranes, to be THE same with THE famous Tigranocerta, of\n which THE situation was unknown. St. Martin, i. 432. On THE siege\n of Amida, see St. MartinÕs Notes, ii. 290. Faustus of Byzantium,\n nearly a contemporary, (Armenian,) states that THE Persians, on\n becoming masters of it, destroyed 40,000 houses though Ammianus\n describes THE city as of no great extent, (civitatis ambitum non\n nimium ampl¾.) Besides THE ordinary population, and those who\n took refuge from THE country, it contained 20,000 soldiers. St.\n Martin, ii. 290. This interpretation is extremely doubtful.\n Wagner (note on Ammianus) considers THE whole population to\n amount only toÑM.]\n\n 57 (return) [ The operations of THE siege of Amida are very\n minutely described by Ammianus, (xix. 1-9,) who acted an\n honorable part in THE defence, and escaped with difficulty when\n THE city was stormed by THE Persians.]\n\n 58 (return) [ Of THEse four nations, THE Albanians are too well\n known to require any description. The Segestans [_Sacasten\x8f. St.\n Martin._] inhabited a large and level country, which still\n preserves THEir name, to THE south of Khorasan, and THE west of\n Hindostan. (See Geographia Nubiensis. p. 133, and DÕHerbelot,\n Biblioth\x8fque Orientale, p. 797.) Notwithstanding THE boasted\n victory of Bahram, (vol. i. p. 410,) THE Segestans, above\n fourscore years afterwards, appear as an independent nation, THE\n ally of Persia. We are ignorant of THE situation of THE Vert¾ and\n Chionites, but I am inclined to place THEm (at least THE latter)\n towards THE confines of India and Scythia. See Ammian. ÑÑKlaproth\n considers THE real Albanians THE same with THE ancient Alani, and\n quotes a passage of THE emperor Julian in support of his opinion.\n They are THE Osset¾, now inhabiting part of Caucasus. Tableaux\n Hist. de lÕAsie, p. 179, 180.ÑM. ÑÑThe Vert¾ are still unknown.\n It is possible that THE Chionites are THE same as THE Huns. These\n people were already known; and we find from Armenian authors that\n THEy were making, at this period, incursions into Asia. They were\n often at war with THE Persians. The name was perhaps pronounced\n differently in THE East and in THE West, and this prevents us\n from recognizing it. St. Martin, ii. 177.ÑM.]\n\n But THE ruin of Amida was THE safety of THE Roman provinces.\n\n As soon as THE first transports of victory had subsided, Sapor\n was at leisure to reflect, that to chastise a disobedient city,\n he had lost THE flower of his troops, and THE most favorable\n season for conquest. 59 Thirty thousand of his veterans had\n fallen under THE walls of Amida, during THE continuance of a\n siege, which lasted seventy-three days; and THE disappointed\n monarch returned to his capital with affected triumph and secret\n mortification. It is more than probable, that THE inconstancy of\n his Barbarian allies was tempted to relinquish a war in which\n THEy had encountered such unexpected difficulties; and that THE\n aged king of THE Chionites, satiated with revenge, turned away\n with horror from a scene of action where he had been deprived of\n THE hope of his family and nation. The strength as well as THE\n spirit of THE army with which Sapor took THE field in THE ensuing\n spring was no longer equal to THE unbounded views of his\n ambition. Instead of aspiring to THE conquest of THE East, he was\n obliged to content himself with THE reduction of two fortified\n cities of Mesopotamia, Singara and Bezabde; 60 THE one situate in\n THE midst of a sandy desert, THE oTHEr in a small peninsula,\n surrounded almost on every side by THE deep and rapid stream of\n THE Tigris. Five Roman legions, of THE diminutive size to which\n THEy had been reduced in THE age of Constantine, were made\n prisoners, and sent into remote captivity on THE extreme confines\n of Persia. After dismantling THE walls of Singara, THE conqueror\n abandoned that solitary and sequestered place; but he carefully\n restored THE fortifications of Bezabde, and fixed in that\n important post a garrison or colony of veterans; amply supplied\n with every means of defence, and animated by high sentiments of\n honor and fidelity. Towards THE close of THE campaign, THE arms\n of Sapor incurred some disgrace by an unsuccessful enterprise\n against Virtha, or Tecrit, a strong, or, as it was universally\n esteemed till THE age of Tamerlane, an impregnable fortress of\n THE independent Arabs. 61 6111\n\n 59 (return) [ Ammianus has marked THE chronology of this year by\n three signs, which do not perfectly coincide with each oTHEr, or\n with THE series of THE history. 1 The corn was ripe when Sapor\n invaded Mesopotamia; ÒCum jam stipula flaveate turgerent;Ó a\n circumstance, which, in THE latitude of Aleppo, would naturally\n refer us to THE month of April or May. See HarmerÕs Observations\n on Scripture vol. i. p. 41. ShawÕs Travels, p. 335, edit 4to. 2.\n The progress of Sapor was checked by THE overflowing of THE\n Euphrates, which generally happens in July and August. Plin.\n Hist. Nat. v. 21. Viaggi di Pietro della Valle, tom. i. p. 696.\n 3. When Sapor had taken Amida, after a siege of seventy-three\n days, THE autumn was far advanced. ÒAutumno pr¾cipiti h¾dorumque\n improbo sidere exorto.Ó To reconcile THEse apparent\n contradictions, we must allow for some delay in THE Persian king,\n some inaccuracy in THE historian, and some disorder in THE\n seasons.]\n\n 60 (return) [ The account of THEse sieges is given by Ammianus,\n xx. 6, 7. ÑÑThe Christian bishop of Bezabde went to THE camp of\n THE king of Persia, to persuade him to check THE waste of human\n blood Amm. Mare xx. 7.ÑM.]\n\n 61 (return) [ For THE identity of Virtha and Tecrit, see\n DÕAnville, Geographie. For THE siege of that castle by Timur Bec\n or Tamerlane, see Cherefeddin, l. iii. c. 33. The Persian\n biographer exaggerates THE merit and difficulty of this exploit,\n which delivered THE caravans of Bagdad from a formidable gang of\n robbers.]\n\n 6111 (return) [ St. Martin doubts wheTHEr it lay so much to THE\n south. ÒThe word Girtha means in Syriac a castle or fortress, and\n might be applied to many places.Ó]\n\n The defence of THE East against THE arms of Sapor required and\n would have exercised, THE abilities of THE most consummate\n general; and it seemed fortunate for THE state, that it was THE\n actual province of THE brave Ursicinus, who alone deserved THE\n confidence of THE soldiers and people. In THE hour of danger, 62\n Ursicinus was removed from his station by THE intrigues of THE\n eunuchs; and THE military command of THE East was bestowed, by\n THE same influence, on Sabinian, a wealthy and subtle veteran,\n who had attained THE infirmities, without acquiring THE\n experience, of age. By a second order, which issued from THE same\n jealous and inconstant councils, Ursicinus was again despatched\n to THE frontier of Mesopotamia, and condemned to sustain THE\n labors of a war, THE honors of which had been transferred to his\n unworthy rival. Sabinian fixed his indolent station under THE\n walls of Edessa; and while he amused himself with THE idle parade\n of military exercise, and moved to THE sound of flutes in THE\n Pyrrhic dance, THE public defence was abandoned to THE boldness\n and diligence of THE former general of THE East. But whenever\n Ursicinus recommended any vigorous plan of operations; when he\n proposed, at THE head of a light and active army, to wheel round\n THE foot of THE mountains, to intercept THE convoys of THE enemy,\n to harass THE wide extent of THE Persian lines, and to relieve\n THE distress of Amida; THE timid and envious commander alleged,\n that he was restrained by his positive orders from endangering\n THE safety of THE troops. Amida was at length taken; its bravest\n defenders, who had escaped THE sword of THE Barbarians, died in\n THE Roman camp by THE hand of THE executioner: and Ursicinus\n himself, after supporting THE disgrace of a partial inquiry, was\n punished for THE misconduct of Sabinian by THE loss of his\n military rank. But Constantius soon experienced THE truth of THE\n prediction which honest indignation had extorted from his injured\n lieutenant, that as long as such maxims of government were\n suffered to prevail, THE emperor himself would find it is no easy\n task to defend his eastern dominions from THE invasion of a\n foreign enemy. When he had subdued or pacified THE Barbarians of\n THE Danube, Constantius proceeded by slow marches into THE East;\n and after he had wept over THE smoking ruins of Amida, he formed,\n with a powerful army, THE siege of Becabde. The walls were shaken\n by THE reiterated efforts of THE most enormous of THE\n battering-rams; THE town was reduced to THE last extremity; but\n it was still defended by THE patient and intrepid valor of THE\n garrison, till THE approach of THE rainy season obliged THE\n emperor to raise THE siege, and ingloviously to retreat into his\n winter quarters at Antioch. 63 The pride of Constantius, and THE\n ingenuity of his courtiers, were at a loss to discover any\n materials for panegyric in THE events of THE Persian war; while\n THE glory of his cousin Julian, to whose military command he had\n intrusted THE provinces of Gaul, was proclaimed to THE world in\n THE simple and concise narrative of his exploits.\n\n 62 (return) [ Ammianus (xviii. 5, 6, xix. 3, xx. 2) represents\n THE merit and disgrace of Ursicinus with that faithful attention\n which a soldier owed to his general. Some partiality may be\n suspected, yet THE whole account is consistent and probable.]\n\n 63 (return) [ Ammian. xx. 11. Omisso vano incepto, hiematurus\n Antiochi¾ redit in Syriam ¾rumnosam, perpessus et ulcerum sed et\n atrocia, diuque deflenda. It is _thus_ that James Gronovius has\n restored an obscure passage; and he thinks that this correction\n alone would have deserved a new edition of his author: whose\n sense may now be darkly perceived. I expected some additional\n light from THE recent labors of THE learned Ernestus. (Lipsi¾,\n 1773.) * Note: The late editor (Wagner) has nothing better to\n suggest, and le menta with Gibbon, THE silence of Ernesti.ÑM.]\n\n In THE blind fury of civil discord, Constantius had abandoned to\n THE Barbarians of Germany THE countries of Gaul, which still\n acknowledged THE authority of his rival. A numerous swarm of\n Franks and Alemanni were invited to cross THE Rhine by presents\n and promises, by THE hopes of spoil, and by a perpetual grant of\n all THE territories which THEy should be able to subdue. 64 But\n THE emperor, who for a temporary service had thus imprudently\n provoked THE rapacious spirit of THE Barbarians, soon discovered\n and lamented THE difficulty of dismissing THEse formidable\n allies, after THEy had tasted THE richness of THE Roman soil.\n Regardless of THE nice distinction of loyalty and rebellion,\n THEse undisciplined robbers treated as THEir natural enemies all\n THE subjects of THE empire, who possessed any property which THEy\n were desirous of acquiring Forty-five flourishing cities,\n Tongres, Cologne, Treves, Worms, Spires, Strasburgh, &c., besides\n a far greater number of towns and villages, were pillaged, and\n for THE most part reduced to ashes. The Barbarians of Germany,\n still faithful to THE maxims of THEir ancestors, abhorred THE\n confinement of walls, to which THEy applied THE odious names of\n prisons and sepulchres; and fixing THEir independent habitations\n on THE banks of rivers, THE Rhine, THE Moselle, and THE Meuse,\n THEy secured THEmselves against THE danger of a surprise, by a\n rude and hasty fortification of large trees, which were felled\n and thrown across THE roads. The Alemanni were established in THE\n modern countries of Alsace and Lorraine; THE Franks occupied THE\n island of THE Batavians, togeTHEr with an extensive district of\n Brabant, which was THEn known by THE appellation of Toxandria, 65\n and may deserve to be considered as THE original seat of THEir\n Gallic monarchy. 66 From THE sources, to THE mouth, of THE Rhine,\n THE conquests of THE Germans extended above forty miles to THE\n west of that river, over a country peopled by colonies of THEir\n own name and nation: and THE scene of THEir devastations was\n three times more extensive than that of THEir conquests. At a\n still greater distance THE open towns of Gaul were deserted, and\n THE inhabitants of THE fortified cities, who trusted to THEir\n strength and vigilance, were obliged to content THEmselves with\n such supplies of corn as THEy could raise on THE vacant land\n within THE enclosure of THEir walls. The diminished legions,\n destitute of pay and provisions, of arms and discipline, trembled\n at THE approach, and even at THE name, of THE Barbarians.\n\n 64 (return) [ The ravages of THE Germans, and THE distress of\n Gaul, may be collected from Julian himself. Orat. ad S. P. Q.\n ATHEn. p. 277. Ammian. xv. ll. Libanius, Orat. x. Zosimus, l.\n iii. p. 140. Sozomen, l. iii. c. l. (Mamertin. Grat. Art. c.\n iv.)]\n\n 65 (return) [ Ammianus, xvi. 8. This name seems to be derived\n from THE Toxandri of Pliny, and very frequently occurs in THE\n histories of THE middle age. Toxandria was a country of woods and\n morasses, which extended from THE neighborhood of Tongres to THE\n conflux of THE Vahal and THE Rhine. See Valesius, Notit. Galliar.\n p. 558.]\n\n 66 (return) [ The paradox of P. Daniel, that THE Franks never\n obtained any permanent settlement on this side of THE Rhine\n before THE time of Clovis, is refuted with much learning and good\n sense by M. Biet, who has proved by a chain of evidence, THEir\n uninterrupted possession of Toxandria, one hundred and thirty\n years before THE accession of Clovis. The Dissertation of M. Biet\n was crowned by THE Academy of Soissons, in THE year 1736, and\n seems to have been justly preferred to THE discourse of his more\n celebrated competitor, THE AbbŽ le BÏuf, an antiquarian, whose\n name was happily expressive of his talents.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor.ÑPart IV.\n\n\n Under THEse melancholy circumstances, an unexperienced youth was\n appointed to save and to govern THE provinces of Gaul, or raTHEr,\n as he expressed it himself, to exhibit THE vain image of Imperial\n greatness. The retired scholastic education of Julian, in which\n he had been more conversant with books than with arms, with THE\n dead than with THE living, left him in profound ignorance of THE\n practical arts of war and government; and when he awkwardly\n repeated some military exercise which it was necessary for him to\n learn, he exclaimed with a sigh, ÒO Plato, Plato, what a task for\n a philosopher!Ó Yet even this speculative philosophy, which men\n of business are too apt to despise, had filled THE mind of Julian\n with THE noblest precepts and THE most shining examples; had\n animated him with THE love of virtue, THE desire of fame, and THE\n contempt of death. The habits of temperance recommended in THE\n schools, are still more essential in THE severe discipline of a\n camp. The simple wants of nature regulated THE measure of his\n food and sleep. Rejecting with disdain THE delicacies provided\n for his table, he satisfied his appetite with THE coarse and\n common fare which was allotted to THE meanest soldiers. During\n THE rigor of a Gallic winter, he never suffered a fire in his\n bed-chamber; and after a short and interrupted slumber, he\n frequently rose in THE middle of THE night from a carpet spread\n on THE floor, to despatch any urgent business, to visit his\n rounds, or to steal a few moments for THE prosecution of his\n favorite studies. 67 The precepts of eloquence, which he had\n hiTHErto practised on fancied topics of declamation, were more\n usefully applied to excite or to assuage THE passions of an armed\n multitude: and although Julian, from his early habits of\n conversation and literature, was more familiarly acquainted with\n THE beauties of THE Greek language, he had attained a competent\n knowledge of THE Latin tongue. 68 Since Julian was not originally\n designed for THE character of a legislator, or a judge, it is\n probable that THE civil jurisprudence of THE Romans had not\n engaged any considerable share of his attention: but he derived\n from his philosophic studies an inflexible regard for justice,\n tempered by a disposition to clemency; THE knowledge of THE\n general principles of equity and evidence, and THE faculty of\n patiently investigating THE most intricate and tedious questions\n which could be proposed for his discussion. The measures of\n policy, and THE operations of war, must submit to THE various\n accidents of circumstance and character, and THE unpractised\n student will often be perplexed in THE application of THE most\n perfect THEory.\n\n But in THE acquisition of this important science, Julian was\n assisted by THE active vigor of his own genius, as well as by THE\n wisdom and experience of Sallust, and officer of rank, who soon\n conceived a sincere attachment for a prince so worthy of his\n friendship; and whose incorruptible integrity was adorned by THE\n talent of insinuating THE harshest truths without wounding THE\n delicacy of a royal ear. 69\n\n 67 (return) [ The private life of Julian in Gaul, and THE severe\n discipline which he embraced, are displayed by Ammianus, (xvi.\n 5,) who professes to praise, and by Julian himself, who affects\n to ridicule, (Misopogon, p. 340,) a conduct, which, in a prince\n of THE house of Constantine, might justly excite THE surprise of\n mankind.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Aderat Latine quoque disserenti sufficiens sermo.\n Ammianus xvi. 5. But Julian, educated in THE schools of Greece,\n always considered THE language of THE Romans as a foreign and\n popular dialect which he might use on necessary occasions.]\n\n 69 (return) [ We are ignorant of THE actual office of this\n excellent minister, whom Julian afterwards created pr¾fect of\n Gaul. Sallust was speedly recalled by THE jealousy of THE\n emperor; and we may still read a sensible but pedantic discourse,\n (p. 240-252,) in which Julian deplores THE loss of so valuable a\n friend, to whom he acknowledges himself indebted for his\n reputation. See La Bleterie, Preface a la Vie de lovien, p. 20.]\n\n Immediately after Julian had received THE purple at Milan, he was\n sent into Gaul with a feeble retinue of three hundred and sixty\n soldiers. At Vienna, where he passed a painful and anxious winter\n in THE hands of those ministers to whom Constantius had intrusted\n THE direction of his conduct, THE C¾sar was informed of THE siege\n and deliverance of Autun. That large and ancient city, protected\n only by a ruined wall and pusillanimous garrison, was saved by\n THE generous resolution of a few veterans, who resumed THEir arms\n for THE defence of THEir country. In his march from Autun,\n through THE heart of THE Gallic provinces, Julian embraced with\n ardor THE earliest opportunity of signalizing his courage. At THE\n head of a small body of archers and heavy cavalry, he preferred\n THE shorter but THE more dangerous of two roads; 6911 and\n sometimes eluding, and sometimes resisting, THE attacks of THE\n Barbarians, who were masters of THE field, he arrived with honor\n and safety at THE camp near Rheims, where THE Roman troops had\n been ordered to assemble. The aspect of THEir young prince\n revived THE drooping spirits of THE soldiers, and THEy marched\n from Rheims in search of THE enemy, with a confidence which had\n almost proved fatal to THEm. The Alemanni, familiarized to THE\n knowledge of THE country, secretly collected THEir scattered\n forces, and seizing THE opportunity of a dark and rainy day,\n poured with unexpected fury on THE rear-guard of THE Romans.\n Before THE inevitable disorder could be remedied, two legions\n were destroyed; and Julian was taught by experience that caution\n and vigilance are THE most important lessons of THE art of war.\n In a second and more successful action, he recovered and\n established his military fame; but as THE agility of THE\n Barbarians saved THEm from THE pursuit, his victory was neiTHEr\n bloody nor decisive. He advanced, however, to THE banks of THE\n Rhine, surveyed THE ruins of Cologne, convinced himself of THE\n difficulties of THE war, and retreated on THE approach of winter,\n discontented with THE court, with his army, and with his own\n success. 70 The power of THE enemy was yet unbroken; and THE\n C¾sar had no sooner separated his troops, and fixed his own\n quarters at Sens, in THE centre of Gaul, than he was surrounded\n and besieged, by a numerous host of Germans. Reduced, in this\n extremity, to THE resources of his own mind, he displayed a\n prudent intrepidity, which compensated for all THE deficiencies\n of THE place and garrison; and THE Barbarians, at THE end of\n thirty days, were obliged to retire with disappointed rage.\n\n 6911 (return) [ Aliis per ArborÑquibusdam per Sedelaucum et Coram\n in debere firrantibus. Amm. Marc. xvi. 2. I do not know what\n place can be meant by THE mutilated name Arbor. Sedelanus is\n Saulieu, a small town of THE department of THE Cote dÕOr, six\n leagues from Autun. Cora answers to THE village of Cure, on THE\n river of THE same name, between Autun and Nevera 4; Martin, ii.\n 162.ÑM. ÑÑNote: At Brocomages, Brumat, near Strasburgh. St.\n Martin, ii. 184.ÑM.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Ammianus (xvi. 2, 3) appears much better satisfied\n with THE success of his first campaign than Julian himself; who\n very fairly owns that he did nothing of consequence, and that he\n fled before THE enemy.]\n\n The conscious pride of Julian, who was indebted only to his sword\n for this signal deliverance, was imbittered by THE reflection,\n that he was abandoned, betrayed, and perhaps devoted to\n destruction, by those who were bound to assist him, by every tie\n of honor and fidelity. Marcellus, master-general of THE cavalry\n in Gaul, interpreting too strictly THE jealous orders of THE\n court, beheld with supine indifference THE distress of Julian,\n and had restrained THE troops under his command from marching to\n THE relief of Sens. If THE C¾sar had dissembled in silence so\n dangerous an insult, his person and authority would have been\n exposed to THE contempt of THE world; and if an action so\n criminal had been suffered to pass with impunity, THE emperor\n would have confirmed THE suspicions, which received a very\n specious color from his past conduct towards THE princes of THE\n Flavian family. Marcellus was recalled, and gently dismissed from\n his office. 71 In his room Severus was appointed general of THE\n cavalry; an experienced soldier, of approved courage and\n fidelity, who could advise with respect, and execute with zeal;\n and who submitted, without reluctance to THE supreme command\n which Julian, by THE inrerest of his patroness Eusebia, at length\n obtained over THE armies of Gaul. 72 A very judicious plan of\n operations was adopted for THE approaching campaign. Julian\n himself, at THE head of THE remains of THE veteran bands, and of\n some new levies which he had been permitted to form, boldly\n penetrated into THE centre of THE German cantonments, and\n carefully reestablished THE fortifications of Saverne, in an\n advantageous post, which would eiTHEr check THE incursions, or\n intercept THE retreat, of THE enemy. At THE same time, Barbatio,\n general of THE infantry, advanced from Milan with an army of\n thirty thousand men, and passing THE mountains, prepared to throw\n a bridge over THE Rhine, in THE neighborhood of Basil. It was\n reasonable to expect that THE Alemanni, pressed on eiTHEr side by\n THE Roman arms, would soon be forced to evacuate THE provinces of\n Gaul, and to hasten to THE defence of THEir native country. But\n THE hopes of THE campaign were defeated by THE incapacity, or THE\n envy, or THE secret instructions, of Barbatio; who acted as if he\n had been THE enemy of THE C¾sar, and THE secret ally of THE\n Barbarians. The negligence with which he permitted a troop of\n pillagers freely to pass, and to return almost before THE gates\n of his camp, may be imputed to his want of abilities; but THE\n treasonable act of burning a number of boats, and a superfluous\n stock of provisions, which would have been of THE most essential\n service to THE army of Gaul, was an evidence of his hostile and\n criminal intentions. The Germans despised an enemy who appeared\n destitute eiTHEr of power or of inclination to offend THEm; and\n THE ignominious retreat of Barbatio deprived Julian of THE\n expected support; and left him to extricate himself from a\n hazardous situation, where he could neiTHEr remain with safety,\n nor retire with honor. 73\n\n 71 (return) [ Ammian. xvi. 7. Libanius speaks raTHEr more\n advantageously of THE military talents of Marcellus, Orat. x. p.\n 272. And Julian insinuates, that he would not have been so easily\n recalled, unless he had given oTHEr reasons of offence to THE\n court, p. 278.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Severus, non discors, non arrogans, sed longa\n militi¾ frugalitate compertus; et eum recta pr¾euntem secuturus,\n ut duetorem morigeran miles. Ammian xvi. 11. Zosimus, l. iii. p.\n 140.]\n\n 73 (return) [ On THE design and failure of THE cooperation\n between Julian and Barbatio, see Ammianus (xvi. 11) and Libanius,\n (Orat. x. p. 273.) Note: Barbatio seems to have allowed himself\n to be surprised and defeatedÑM.]\n\n As soon as THEy were delivered from THE fears of invasion, THE\n Alemanni prepared to chastise THE Roman youth, who presumed to\n dispute THE possession of that country, which THEy claimed as\n THEir own by THE right of conquest and of treaties. They employed\n three days, and as many nights, in transporting over THE Rhine\n THEir military powers. The fierce Chnodomar, shaking THE\n ponderous javelin which he had victoriously wielded against THE\n broTHEr of Magnentius, led THE van of THE Barbarians, and\n moderated by his experience THE martial ardor which his example\n inspired. 74 He was followed by six oTHEr kings, by ten princes\n of regal extraction, by a long train of high-spirited nobles, and\n by thirty-five thousand of THE bravest warriors of THE tribes of\n Germany. The confidence derived from THE view of THEir own\n strength, was increased by THE intelligence which THEy received\n from a deserter, that THE C¾sar, with a feeble army of thirteen\n thousand men, occupied a post about one-and-twenty miles from\n THEir camp of Strasburgh. With this inadequate force, Julian\n resolved to seek and to encounter THE Barbarian host; and THE\n chance of a general action was preferred to THE tedious and\n uncertain operation of separately engaging THE dispersed parties\n of THE Alemanni. The Romans marched in close order, and in two\n columns; THE cavalry on THE right, THE infantry on THE left; and\n THE day was so far spent when THEy appeared in sight of THE\n enemy, that Julian was desirous of deferring THE battle till THE\n next morning, and of allowing his troops to recruit THEir\n exhausted strength by THE necessary refreshments of sleep and\n food. Yielding, however, with some reluctance, to THE clamors of\n THE soldiers, and even to THE opinion of his council, he exhorted\n THEm to justify by THEir valor THE eager impatience, which, in\n case of a defeat, would be universally branded with THE epiTHEts\n of rashness and presumption. The trumpets sounded, THE military\n shout was heard through THE field, and THE two armies rushed with\n equal fury to THE charge. The C¾sar, who conducted in person his\n right wing, depended on THE dexterity of his archers, and THE\n weight of his cuirassiers. But his ranks were instantly broken by\n an irregular mixture of light horse and of light infantry, and he\n had THE mortification of beholding THE flight of six hundred of\n his most renowned cuirassiers. 75 The fugitives were stopped and\n rallied by THE presence and authority of Julian, who, careless of\n his own safety, threw himself before THEm, and urging every\n motive of shame and honor, led THEm back against THE victorious\n enemy. The conflict between THE two lines of infantry was\n obstinate and bloody. The Germans possessed THE superiority of\n strength and stature, THE Romans that of discipline and temper;\n and as THE Barbarians, who served under THE standard of THE\n empire, united THE respective advantages of both parties, THEir\n strenuous efforts, guided by a skilful leader, at length\n determined THE event of THE day. The Romans lost four tribunes,\n and two hundred and forty-three soldiers, in this memorable\n battle of Strasburgh, so glorious to THE C¾sar, 76 and so\n salutary to THE afflicted provinces of Gaul. Six thousand of THE\n Alemanni were slain in THE field, without including those who\n were drowned in THE Rhine, or transfixed with darts while THEy\n attempted to swim across THE river. 77 Chnodomar himself was\n surrounded and taken prisoner, with three of his brave\n companions, who had devoted THEmselves to follow in life or death\n THE fate of THEir chieftain. Julian received him with military\n pomp in THE council of his officers; and expressing a generous\n pity for THE fallen state, dissembled his inward contempt for THE\n abject humiliation, of his captive. Instead of exhibiting THE\n vanquished king of THE Alemanni, as a grateful spectacle to THE\n cities of Gaul, he respectfully laid at THE feet of THE emperor\n this splendid trophy of his victory. Chnodomar experienced an\n honorable treatment: but THE impatient Barbarian could not long\n survive his defeat, his confinement, and his exile. 78\n\n 74 (return) [ Ammianus (xvi. 12) describes with his inflated\n eloquence THE figure and character of Chnodomar. Audax et fidens\n ingenti robore lacertorum, ubi ardor prÏlii sperabatur immanis,\n equo spumante sublimior, erectus in jaculum formidand¾\n vastitatis, armorumque nitore conspicuus: antea strenuus et\n miles, et utilis pr¾ter c¾teros ductor... Decentium C¾sarem\n superavit ¾quo marte congressus.]\n\n 75 (return) [ After THE battle, Julian ventured to revive THE\n rigor of ancient discipline, by exposing THEse fugitives in\n female apparel to THE derision of THE whole camp. In THE next\n campaign, THEse troops nobly retrieved THEir honor. Zosimus, l.\n iii. p. 142.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Julian himself (ad S. P. Q. ATHEn. p. 279) speaks\n of THE battle of Strasburgh with THE modesty of conscious merit;\n Zosimus compares it with THE victory of Alexander over Darius;\n and yet we are at a loss to discover any of those strokes of\n military genius which fix THE attention of ages on THE conduct\n and success of a single day.]\n\n 77 (return) [ Ammianus, xvi. 12. Libanius adds 2000 more to THE\n number of THE slain, (Orat. x. p. 274.) But THEse trifling\n differences disappear before THE 60,000 Barbarians, whom Zosimus\n has sacrificed to THE glory of his hero, (l. iii. p. 141.) We\n might attribute this extravagant number to THE carelessness of\n transcribers, if this credulous or partial historian had not\n swelled THE army of 35,000 Alemanni to an innumerable multitude\n of Barbarians,. It is our own fault if this detection does not\n inspire us with proper distrust on similar occasions.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Ammian. xvi. 12. Libanius, Orat. x. p. 276.]\n\n After Julian had repulsed THE Alemanni from THE provinces of THE\n Upper Rhine, he turned his arms against THE Franks, who were\n seated nearer to THE ocean, on THE confines of Gaul and Germany;\n and who, from THEir numbers, and still more from THEir intrepid\n valor, had ever been esteemed THE most formidable of THE\n Barbarians. 79 Although THEy were strongly actuated by THE\n allurements of rapine, THEy professed a disinterested love of\n war; which THEy considered as THE supreme honor and felicity of\n human nature; and THEir minds and bodies were so completely\n hardened by perpetual action, that, according to THE lively\n expression of an orator, THE snows of winter were as pleasant to\n THEm as THE flowers of spring. In THE month of December, which\n followed THE battle of Strasburgh, Julian attacked a body of six\n hundred Franks, who had thrown THEmselves into two castles on THE\n Meuse. 80 In THE midst of that severe season THEy sustained, with\n inflexible constancy, a siege of fifty-four days; till at length,\n exhausted by hunger, and satisfied that THE vigilance of THE\n enemy, in breaking THE ice of THE river, left THEm no hopes of\n escape, THE Franks consented, for THE first time, to dispense\n with THE ancient law which commanded THEm to conquer or to die.\n The C¾sar immediately sent his captives to THE court of\n Constantius, who, accepting THEm as a valuable present, 81\n rejoiced in THE opportunity of adding so many heroes to THE\n choicest troops of his domestic guards. The obstinate resistance\n of this handful of Franks apprised Julian of THE difficulties of\n THE expedition which he meditated for THE ensuing spring, against\n THE whole body of THE nation. His rapid diligence surprised and\n astonished THE active Barbarians. Ordering his soldiers to\n provide THEmselves with biscuit for twenty days, he suddenly\n pitched his camp near Tongres, while THE enemy still supposed him\n in his winter quarters of Paris, expecting THE slow arrival of\n his convoys from Aquitain. Without allowing THE Franks to unite\n or deliberate, he skilfully spread his legions from Cologne to\n THE ocean; and by THE terror, as well as by THE success, of his\n arms, soon reduced THE suppliant tribes to implore THE clemency,\n and to obey THE commands, of THEir conqueror. The Chamavians\n submissively retired to THEir former habitations beyond THE\n Rhine; but THE Salians were permitted to possess THEir new\n establishment of Toxandria, as THE subjects and auxiliaries of\n THE Roman empire. 82 The treaty was ratified by solemn oaths; and\n perpetual inspectors were appointed to reside among THE Franks,\n with THE authority of enforcing THE strict observance of THE\n conditions. An incident is related, interesting enough in itself,\n and by no means repugnant to THE character of Julian, who\n ingeniously contrived both THE plot and THE catastrophe of THE\n tragedy. When THE Chamavians sued for peace, he required THE son\n of THEir king, as THE only hostage on whom he could rely. A\n mournful silence, interrupted by tears and groans, declared THE\n sad perplexity of THE Barbarians; and THEir aged chief lamented\n in paTHEtic language, that his private loss was now imbittered by\n a sense of public calamity. While THE Chamavians lay prostrate at\n THE foot of his throne, THE royal captive, whom THEy believed to\n have been slain, unexpectedly appeared before THEir eyes; and as\n soon as THE tumult of joy was hushed into attention, THE C¾sar\n addressed THE assembly in THE following terms: ÒBehold THE son,\n THE prince, whom you wept. You had lost him by your fault. God\n and THE Romans have restored him to you. I shall still preserve\n and educate THE youth, raTHEr as a monument of my own virtue,\n than as a pledge of your sincerity. Should you presume to violate\n THE faith which you have sworn, THE arms of THE republic will\n avenge THE perfidy, not on THE innocent, but on THE guilty.Ó The\n Barbarians withdrew from his presence, impressed with THE warmest\n sentiments of gratitude and admiration. 83\n\n 79 (return) [ Libanius (Orat. iii. p. 137) draws a very lively\n picture of THE manners of THE Franks.]\n\n 80 (return) [ Ammianus, xvii. 2. Libanius, Orat. x. p. 278. The\n Greek orator, by misapprehending a passage of Julian, has been\n induced to represent THE Franks as consisting of a thousand men;\n and as his head was always full of THE Peloponnesian war, he\n compares THEm to THE Laced¾monians, who were besieged and taken\n in THE Island of Sphatoria.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Julian. ad S. P. Q. ATHEn. p. 280. Libanius, Orat.\n x. p. 278. According to THE expression of Libanius, THE emperor,\n which La Bleterie understands (Vie de Julien, p. 118) as an\n honest confession, and Valesius (ad Ammian. xvii. 2) as a mean\n evasion, of THE truth. Dom Bouquet, (Historiens de France, tom.\n i. p. 733,) by substituting anoTHEr word, would suppress both THE\n difficulty and THE spirit of this passage.]\n\n 82 (return) [ Ammian. xvii. 8. Zosimus, l. iii. p. 146-150, (his\n narrative is darkened by a mixture of fable,) and Julian. ad S.\n P. Q. ATHEn. p. 280. His expression. This difference of treatment\n confirms THE opinion that THE Salian Franks were permitted to\n retain THE settlements in Toxandria. Note: A newly discovered\n fragment of Eunapius, whom Zosimus probably transcribed,\n illustrates this transaction. ÒJulian commanded THE Romans to\n abstain from all hostile measures against THE Salians, neiTHEr to\n waste or ravage _THEir own_ country, for he called every country\n _THEir own_ which was surrendered without resistance or toil on\n THE part of THE conquerors.Ó Mai, Script. Vez Nov. Collect. ii.\n 256, and Eunapius in Niebuhr, Byzant. Hist.]\n\n 83 (return) [ This interesting story, which Zosimus has abridged,\n is related by Eunapius, (in Excerpt. Legationum, p. 15, 16, 17,)\n with all THE amplifications of Grecian rhetoric: but THE silence\n of Libanius, of Ammianus, and of Julian himself, renders THE\n truth of it extremely suspicious.]\n\n It was not enough for Julian to have delivered THE provinces of\n Gaul from THE Barbarians of Germany. He aspired to emulate THE\n glory of THE first and most illustrious of THE emperors; after\n whose example, he composed his own commentaries of THE Gallic\n war. 84 C¾sar has related, with conscious pride, THE manner in\n which he _twice_ passed THE Rhine. Julian could boast, that\n before he assumed THE title of Augustus, he had carried THE Roman\n eagles beyond that great river in _three_ successful expeditions.\n 85 The consternation of THE Germans, after THE battle of\n Strasburgh, encouraged him to THE first attempt; and THE\n reluctance of THE troops soon yielded to THE persuasive eloquence\n of a leader, who shared THE fatigues and dangers which he imposed\n on THE meanest of THE soldiers. The villages on eiTHEr side of\n THE Meyn, which were plentifully stored with corn and cattle,\n felt THE ravages of an invading army. The principal houses,\n constructed with some imitation of Roman elegance, were consumed\n by THE flames; and THE C¾sar boldly advanced about ten miles,\n till his progress was stopped by a dark and impenetrable forest,\n undermined by subterraneous passages, which threatened with\n secret snares and ambush every step of THE assailants. The ground\n was already covered with snow; and Julian, after repairing an\n ancient castle which had been erected by Trajan, granted a truce\n of ten months to THE submissive Barbarians. At THE expiration of\n THE truce, Julian undertook a second expedition beyond THE Rhine,\n to humble THE pride of Surmar and Hortaire, two of THE kings of\n THE Alemanni, who had been present at THE battle of Strasburgh.\n They promised to restore all THE Roman captives who yet remained\n alive; and as THE C¾sar had procured an exact account from THE\n cities and villages of Gaul, of THE inhabitants whom THEy had\n lost, he detected every attempt to deceive him, with a degree of\n readiness and accuracy, which almost established THE belief of\n his supernatural knowledge. His third expedition was still more\n splendid and important than THE two former. The Germans had\n collected THEir military powers, and moved along THE opposite\n banks of THE river, with a design of destroying THE bridge, and\n of preventing THE passage of THE Romans. But this judicious plan\n of defence was disconcerted by a skilful diversion. Three hundred\n light-armed and active soldiers were detached in forty small\n boats, to fall down THE stream in silence, and to land at some\n distance from THE posts of THE enemy. They executed THEir orders\n with so much boldness and celerity, that THEy had almost\n surprised THE Barbarian chiefs, who returned in THE fearless\n confidence of intoxication from one of THEir nocturnal festivals.\n Without repeating THE uniform and disgusting tale of slaughter\n and devastation, it is sufficient to observe, that Julian\n dictated his own conditions of peace to six of THE haughtiest\n kings of THE Alemanni, three of whom were permitted to view THE\n severe discipline and martial pomp of a Roman camp. Followed by\n twenty thousand captives, whom he had rescued from THE chains of\n THE Barbarians, THE C¾sar repassed THE Rhine, after terminating a\n war, THE success of which has been compared to THE ancient\n glories of THE Punic and Cimbric victories.\n\n 84 (return) [ Libanius, THE friend of Julian, clearly insinuates\n (Orat. ix. p. 178) that his hero had composed THE history of his\n Gallic campaigns But Zosimus (l. iii. p, 140) seems to have\n derived his information only from THE Orations and THE Epistles\n of Julian. The discourse which is addressed to THE ATHEnians\n contains an accurate, though general, account of THE war against\n THE Germans.]\n\n 85 (return) [ See Ammian. xvii. 1, 10, xviii. 2, and Zosim. l.\n iii. p. 144. Julian ad S. P. Q. ATHEn. p. 280.]\n\n As soon as THE valor and conduct of Julian had secured an\n interval of peace, he applied himself to a work more congenial to\n his humane and philosophic temper. The cities of Gaul, which had\n suffered from THE inroads of THE Barbarians, he diligently\n repaired; and seven important posts, between Mentz and THE mouth\n of THE Rhine, are particularly mentioned, as having been rebuilt\n and fortified by THE order of Julian. 86 The vanquished Germans\n had submitted to THE just but humiliating condition of preparing\n and conveying THE necessary materials. The active zeal of Julian\n urged THE prosecution of THE work; and such was THE spirit which\n he had diffused among THE troops, that THE auxiliaries\n THEmselves, waiving THEir exemption from any duties of fatigue,\n contended in THE most servile labors with THE diligence of THE\n Roman soldiers. It was incumbent on THE C¾sar to provide for THE\n subsistence, as well as for THE safety, of THE inhabitants and of\n THE garrisons. The desertion of THE former, and THE mutiny of THE\n latter, must have been THE fatal and inevitable consequences of\n famine. The tillage of THE provinces of Gaul had been interrupted\n by THE calamities of war; but THE scanty harvests of THE\n continent were supplied, by his paternal care, from THE plenty of\n THE adjacent island. Six hundred large barks, framed in THE\n forest of THE Ardennes, made several voyages to THE coast of\n Britain; and returning from THEnce, laden with corn, sailed up\n THE Rhine, and distributed THEir cargoes to THE several towns and\n fortresses along THE banks of THE river. 87 The arms of Julian\n had restored a free and secure navigation, which Constantinius\n had offered to purchase at THE expense of his dignity, and of a\n tributary present of two thousand pounds of silver. The emperor\n parsimoniously refused to his soldiers THE sums which he granted\n with a lavish and trembling hand to THE Barbarians. The\n dexterity, as well as THE firmness, of Julian was put to a severe\n trial, when he took THE field with a discontented army, which had\n already served two campaigns, without receiving any regular pay\n or any extraordinary donative. 88\n\n 86 (return) [ Ammian. xviii. 2. Libanius, Orat. x. p. 279, 280.\n Of THEse seven posts, four are at present towns of some\n consequence; Bingen, Andernach, Bonn, and Nuyss. The oTHEr three,\n Tricesim¾, Quadriburgium, and Castra Herculis, or Heraclea, no\n longer subsist; but THEre is room to believe, that on THE ground\n of Quadriburgium THE Dutch have constructed THE fort of Schenk, a\n name so offensive to THE fastidious delicacy of Boileau. See\n DÕAnville, Notice de lÕAncienne Gaule, p. 183. Boileau, Epitre\n iv. and THE notes. Note: Tricesim¾, Kellen, Mannert, quoted by\n Wagner. Heraclea, Erkeleus in THE district of Juliers. St.\n Martin, ii. 311.ÑM.]\n\n 87 (return) [ We may credit Julian himself, (Orat. ad S. P. Q.\n ATHEniensem, p. 280,) who gives a very particular account of THE\n transaction. Zosimus adds two hundred vessels more, (l. iii. p.\n 145.) If we compute THE 600 corn ships of Julian at only seventy\n tons each, THEy were capable of exporting 120,000 quarters, (see\n ArbuthnotÕs Weights and Measures, p. 237;) and THE country which\n could bear so large an exportation, must already have attained an\n improved state of agriculture.]\n\n 88 (return) [ The troops once broke out into a mutiny,\n immediately before THE second passage of THE Rhine. Ammian. xvii.\n 9.]\n\n A tender regard for THE peace and happiness of his subjects was\n THE ruling principle which directed, or seemed to direct, THE\n administration of Julian. 89 He devoted THE leisure of his winter\n quarters to THE offices of civil government; and affected to\n assume, with more pleasure, THE character of a magistrate than\n that of a general. Before he took THE field, he devolved on THE\n provincial governors most of THE public and private causes which\n had been referred to his tribunal; but, on his return, he\n carefully revised THEir proceedings, mitigated THE rigor of THE\n law, and pronounced a second judgment on THE judges THEmselves.\n Superior to THE last temptation of virtuous minds, an indiscreet\n and intemperate zeal for justice, he restrained, with calmness\n and dignity, THE warmth of an advocate, who prosecuted, for\n extortion, THE president of THE Narbonnese province. ÒWho will\n ever be found guilty,Ó exclaimed THE vehement Delphidius, Òif it\n be enough to deny?Ó ÒAnd who,Ó replied Julian, Òwill ever be\n innocent, if it be sufficient to affirm?Ó In THE general\n administration of peace and war, THE interest of THE sovereign is\n commonly THE same as that of his people; but Constantius would\n have thought himself deeply injured, if THE virtues of Julian had\n defrauded him of any part of THE tribute which he extorted from\n an oppressed and exhausted country. The prince who was invested\n with THE ensigns of royalty, might sometimes presume to correct\n THE rapacious insolence of his inferior agents, to expose THEir\n corrupt arts, and to introduce an equal and easier mode of\n collection. But THE management of THE finances was more safely\n intrusted to Florentius, pr¾torian pr¾fect of Gaul, an effeminate\n tyrant, incapable of pity or remorse: and THE haughty minister\n complained of THE most decent and gentle opposition, while Julian\n himself was raTHEr inclined to censure THE weakness of his own\n behavior. The C¾sar had rejected, with abhorrence, a mandate for\n THE levy of an extraordinary tax; a new superindiction, which THE\n pr¾fect had offered for his signature; and THE faithful picture\n of THE public misery, by which he had been obliged to justify his\n refusal, offended THE court of Constantius. We may enjoy THE\n pleasure of reading THE sentiments of Julian, as he expresses\n THEm with warmth and freedom in a letter to one of his most\n intimate friends. After stating his own conduct, he proceeds in\n THE following terms: ÒWas it possible for THE disciple of Plato\n and Aristotle to act oTHErwise than I have done? Could I abandon\n THE unhappy subjects intrusted to my care? Was I not called upon\n to defend THEm from THE repeated injuries of THEse unfeeling\n robbers? A tribune who deserts his post is punished with death,\n and deprived of THE honors of burial. With what justice could I\n pronounce _his_ sentence, if, in THE hour of danger, I myself\n neglected a duty far more sacred and far more important? God has\n placed me in this elevated post; his providence will guard and\n support me. Should I be condemned to suffer, I shall derive\n comfort from THE testimony of a pure and upright conscience.\n Would to Heaven that I still possessed a counsellor like Sallust!\n If THEy think proper to send me a successor, I shall submit\n without reluctance; and had much raTHEr improve THE short\n opportunity of doing good, than enjoy a long and lasting impunity\n of evil.Ó 90 The precarious and dependent situation of Julian\n displayed his virtues and concealed his defects. The young hero\n who supported, in Gaul, THE throne of Constantius, was not\n permitted to reform THE vices of THE government; but he had\n courage to alleviate or to pity THE distress of THE people.\n Unless he had been able to revive THE martial spirit of THE\n Romans, or to introduce THE arts of industry and refinement among\n THEir savage enemies, he could not entertain any rational hopes\n of securing THE public tranquillity, eiTHEr by THE peace or\n conquest of Germany. Yet THE victories of Julian suspended, for a\n short time, THE inroads of THE Barbarians, and delayed THE ruin\n of THE Western Empire.\n\n 89 (return) [ Ammian. xvi. 5, xviii. 1. Mamertinus in Panegyr.\n Vet. xi. 4]\n\n 90 (return) [ Ammian. xvii. 3. Julian. Epistol. xv. edit.\n Spanheim. Such a conduct almost justifies THE encomium of\n Mamertinus. Ita illi anni spatia divisa sunt, ut aut Barbaros\n domitet, aut civibus jura restituat, perpetuum professus, aut\n contra hostem, aut contra vitia, certamen.]\n\n His salutary influence restored THE cities of Gaul, which had\n been so long exposed to THE evils of civil discord, Barbarian\n war, and domestic tyranny; and THE spirit of industry was revived\n with THE hopes of enjoyment. Agriculture, manufactures, and\n commerce, again flourished under THE protection of THE laws; and\n THE _curi¾_, or civil corporations, were again filled with useful\n and respectable members: THE youth were no longer apprehensive of\n marriage; and married persons were no longer apprehensive of\n posterity: THE public and private festivals were celebrated with\n customary pomp; and THE frequent and secure intercourse of THE\n provinces displayed THE image of national prosperity. 91 A mind\n like that of Julian must have felt THE general happiness of which\n he was THE author; but he viewed, with particular satisfaction\n and complacency, THE city of Paris; THE seat of his winter\n residence, and THE object even of his partial affection. 92 That\n splendid capital, which now embraces an ample territory on eiTHEr\n side of THE Seine, was originally confined to THE small island in\n THE midst of THE river, from whence THE inhabitants derived a\n supply of pure and salubrious water. The river baTHEd THE foot of\n THE walls; and THE town was accessible only by two wooden\n bridges. A forest overspread THE norTHErn side of THE Seine, but\n on THE south, THE ground, which now bears THE name of THE\n University, was insensibly covered with houses, and adorned with\n a palace and amphiTHEatre, baths, an aqueduct, and a field of\n Mars for THE exercise of THE Roman troops. The severity of THE\n climate was tempered by THE neighborhood of THE ocean; and with\n some precautions, which experience had taught, THE vine and\n fig-tree were successfully cultivated. But in remarkable winters,\n THE Seine was deeply frozen; and THE huge pieces of ice that\n floated down THE stream, might be compared, by an Asiatic, to THE\n blocks of white marble which were extracted from THE quarries of\n Phrygia. The licentiousness and corruption of Antioch recalled to\n THE memory of Julian THE severe and simple manners of his beloved\n Lutetia; 93 where THE amusements of THE THEatre were unknown or\n despised. He indignantly contrasted THE effeminate Syrians with\n THE brave and honest simplicity of THE Gauls, and almost forgave\n THE intemperance, which was THE only stain of THE Celtic\n character. 94 If Julian could now revisit THE capital of France,\n he might converse with men of science and genius, capable of\n understanding and of instructing a disciple of THE Greeks; he\n might excuse THE lively and graceful follies of a nation, whose\n martial spirit has never been enervated by THE indulgence of\n luxury; and he must applaud THE perfection of that inestimable\n art, which softens and refines and embellishes THE intercourse of\n social life.\n\n 91 (return) [ Libanius, Orat. Parental. in Imp. Julian. c. 38, in\n Fabricius BiblioTHEc. Gr¾c. tom. vii. p. 263, 264.]\n\n 92 (return) [ See Julian. in Misopogon, p. 340, 341. The\n primitive state of Paris is illustrated by Henry Valesius, (ad\n Ammian. xx. 4,) his broTHEr Hadrian Valesius, or de Valois, and\n M. DÕAnville, (in THEir respective Notitias of ancient Gaul,) THE\n AbbŽ de Longuerue, (Description de la France, tom. i. p. 12, 13,)\n and M. Bonamy, (in THE MŽm. de lÕAcadŽmie des Inscriptions, tom.\n xv. p. 656-691.)]\n\n 93 (return) [ Julian, in Misopogon, p. 340. Leuce tia, or\n Lutetia, was THE ancient name of THE city, which, according to\n THE fashion of THE fourth century, assumed THE territorial\n appellation of _Parisii_.]\n\n 94 (return) [ Julian in Misopogon, p. 359, 360.]\n\n Chapter XX: Conversion Of Constantine.ÑPart I.\n\nThe Motives, Progress, And Effects Of The Conversion Of\nConstantine.ÑLegal Establishment And Constitution Of The Christian Or\nCatholic Church.\n\nThe public establishment of Christianity may be considered as one of\nthose important and domestic revolutions which excite THE most lively\ncuriosity, and afford THE most valuable instruction. The victories and\nTHE civil policy of Constantine no longer influence THE state of\nEurope; but a considerable portion of THE globe still retains THE\nimpression which it received from THE conversion of that monarch; and\nTHE ecclesiastical institutions of his reign are still connected, by an\nindissoluble chain, with THE opinions, THE passions, and THE interests\nof THE present generation. In THE consideration of a subject which may\nbe examined with impartiality, but cannot be viewed with indifference,\na difficulty immediately arises of a very unexpected nature; that of\nascertaining THE real and precise date of THE conversion of\nConstantine. The eloquent Lactantius, in THE midst of his court, seems\nimpatient 1 to proclaim to THE world THE glorious example of THE\nsovereign of Gaul; who, in THE first moments of his reign, acknowledged\nand adored THE majesty of THE true and only God. 2 The learned Eusebius\nhas ascribed THE faith of Constantine to THE miraculous sign which was\ndisplayed in THE heavens whilst he meditated and prepared THE Italian\nexpedition. 3 The historian Zosimus maliciously asserts, that THE\nemperor had imbrued his hands in THE blood of his eldest son, before he\npublicly renounced THE gods of Rome and of his ancestors. 4 The\nperplexity produced by THEse discordant authorities is derived from THE\nbehavior of Constantine himself. According to THE strictness of\necclesiastical language, THE first of THE _Christian_ emperors was\nunworthy of that name, till THE moment of his death; since it was only\nduring his last illness that he received, as a catechumen, THE\nimposition of hands, 5 and was afterwards admitted, by THE initiatory\nrites of baptism, into THE number of THE faithful. 6 The Christianity\nof Constantine must be allowed in a much more vague and qualified\nsense; and THE nicest accuracy is required in tracing THE slow and\nalmost imperceptible gradations by which THE monarch declared himself\nTHE protector, and at length THE proselyte, of THE church. It was an\narduous task to eradicate THE habits and prejudices of his education,\nto acknowledge THE divine power of Christ, and to understand that THE\ntruth of _his_ revelation was incompatible with THE worship of THE\ngods. The obstacles which he had probably experienced in his own mind,\ninstructed him to proceed with caution in THE momentous change of a\nnational religion; and he insensibly discovered his new opinions, as\nfar as he could enforce THEm with safety and with effect. During THE\nwhole course of his reign, THE stream of Christianity flowed with a\ngentle, though accelerated, motion: but its general direction was\nsometimes checked, and sometimes diverted, by THE accidental\ncircumstances of THE times, and by THE prudence, or possibly by THE\ncaprice, of THE monarch. His ministers were permitted to signify THE\nintentions of THEir master in THE various language which was best\nadapted to THEir respective principles; 7 and he artfully balanced THE\nhopes and fears of his subjects, by publishing in THE same year two\nedicts; THE first of which enjoined THE solemn observance of Sunday, 8\nand THE second directed THE regular consultation of THE Aruspices. 9\nWhile this important revolution yet remained in suspense, THE\nChristians and THE Pagans watched THE conduct of THEir sovereign with\nTHE same anxiety, but with very opposite sentiments. The former were\nprompted by every motive of zeal, as well as vanity, to exaggerate THE\nmarks of his favor, and THE evidences of his faith. The latter, till\nTHEir just apprehensions were changed into despair and resentment,\nattempted to conceal from THE world, and from THEmselves, that THE gods\nof Rome could no longer reckon THE emperor in THE number of THEir\nvotaries. The same passions and prejudices have engaged THE partial\nwriters of THE times to connect THE public profession of Christianity\nwith THE most glorious or THE most ignominious ¾ra of THE reign of\nConstantine.\n\n1 (return) [ The date of THE Divine Institutions of Lactantius has been\naccurately discussed, difficulties have been started, solutions\nproposed, and an expedient imagined of two _original_ editions; THE\nformer published during THE persecution of Diocletian, THE latter under\nthat of Licinius. See Dufresnoy, Prefat. p. v. Tillemont, MŽm.\nEcclesiast. tom. vi. p. 465-470. LardnerÕs Credibility, part ii. vol.\nvii. p. 78-86. For my own part, I am _almost_ convinced that Lactantius\ndedicated his Institutions to THE sovereign of Gaul, at a time when\nGalerius, Maximin, and even Licinius, persecuted THE Christians; that\nis, between THE years 306 and 311.]\n\n2 (return) [ Lactant. Divin. Instit. i. l. vii. 27. The first and most\nimportant of THEse passages is indeed wanting in twenty-eight\nmanuscripts; but it is found in nineteen. If we weigh THE comparative\nvalue of THEse manuscripts, one of 900 years old, in THE king of\nFranceÕs library may be alleged in its favor; but THE passage is\nomitted in THE correct manuscript of Bologna, which THE P. de\nMontfaucon ascribes to THE sixth or seventh century (Diarium Italic. p.\n489.) The taste of most of THE editors (except Is¾us; see Lactant.\nedit. Dufresnoy, tom. i. p. 596) has felt THE genuine style of\nLactantius.]\n\n3 (return) [ Euseb. in Vit. Constant. l. i. c. 27-32.]\n\n4 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 104.]\n\n5 (return) [ That rite was _always_ used in making a catechumen, (see\nBinghamÕs Antiquities. l. x. c. i. p. 419. Dom Chardon, Hist. des\nSacramens, tom. i. p. 62,) and Constantine received it for THE _first_\ntime (Euseb. in Vit Constant. l. iv. c. 61) immediately before his\nbaptism and death. From THE connection of THEse two facts, Valesius (ad\nloc. Euseb.) has drawn THE conclusion which is reluctantly admitted by\nTillemont, (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 628,) and opposed with\nfeeble arguments by Mosheim, (p. 968.)]\n\n6 (return) [ Euseb. in Vit. Constant. l. iv. c. 61, 62, 63. The legend\nof ConstantineÕs baptism at Rome, thirteen years before his death, was\ninvented in THE eighth century, as a proper motive for his _donation_.\nSuch has been THE gradual progress of knowledge, that a story, of which\nCardinal Baronius (Annual Ecclesiast. A. D. 324, No. 43-49) declared\nhimself THE unblushing advocate, is now feebly supported, even within\nTHE verge of THE Vatican. See THE Antiquitates Christian¾, tom. ii. p.\n232; a work published with six approbations at Rome, in THE year 1751\nby FaTHEr Mamachi, a learned Dominican.]\n\n7 (return) [ The qu¾stor, or secretary, who composed THE law of THE\nTheodosian Code, makes his master say with indifference, Òhominibus\nsupradict¾ religionis,Ó (l. xvi. tit. ii. leg. 1.) The minister of\necclesiastical affairs was allowed a more devout and respectful style,\n[**Greek] THE legal, most holy, and Catholic worship.]\n\n8 (return) [ Cod. Theodos. l. ii. viii. tit. leg. 1. Cod. Justinian. l.\niii. tit. xii. leg. 3. Constantine styles THE LordÕs day _dies solis_,\na name which could not offend THE ears of his pagan subjects.]\n\n9 (return) [ Cod. Theodos. l. xvi. tit. x. leg. l. Godefroy, in THE\ncharacter of a commentator, endeavors (tom. vi. p. 257) to excuse\nConstantine; but THE more zealous Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A. D. 321,\nNo. 17) censures his profane conduct with truth and asperity.]\n\nWhatever symptoms of Christian piety might transpire in THE discourses\nor actions of Constantine, he persevered till he was near forty years\nof age in THE practice of THE established religion; 10 and THE same\nconduct which in THE court of Nicomedia might be imputed to his fear,\ncould be ascribed only to THE inclination or policy of THE sovereign of\nGaul. His liberality restored and enriched THE temples of THE gods; THE\nmedals which issued from his Imperial mint are impressed with THE\nfigures and attributes of Jupiter and Apollo, of Mars and Hercules; and\nhis filial piety increased THE council of Olympus by THE solemn\napoTHEosis of his faTHEr Constantius. 11 But THE devotion of\nConstantine was more peculiarly directed to THE genius of THE Sun, THE\nApollo of Greek and Roman mythology; and he was pleased to be\nrepresented with THE symbols of THE God of Light and Poetry. The\nunerring shafts of that deity, THE brightness of his eyes, his laurel\nwreath, immortal beauty, and elegant accomplishments, seem to point him\nout as THE patron of a young hero. The altars of Apollo were crowned\nwith THE votive offerings of Constantine; and THE credulous multitude\nwere taught to believe, that THE emperor was permitted to behold with\nmortal eyes THE visible majesty of THEir tutelar deity; and that,\neiTHEr walking or in a vision, he was blessed with THE auspicious omens\nof a long and victorious reign. The Sun was universally celebrated as\nTHE invincible guide and protector of Constantine; and THE Pagans might\nreasonably expect that THE insulted god would pursue with unrelenting\nvengeance THE impiety of his ungrateful favorite. 12\n\n10 (return) [ Theodoret. (l. i. c. 18) seems to insinuate that Helena\ngave her son a Christian education; but we may be assured, from THE\nsuperior authority of Eusebius, (in Vit. Constant. l. iii. c. 47,) that\nshe herself was indebted to Constantine for THE knowledge of\nChristianity.]\n\n11 (return) [ See THE medals of Constantine in Ducange and Banduri. As\nfew cities had retained THE privilege of coining, almost all THE medals\nof that age issued from THE mint under THE sanction of THE Imperial\nauthority.]\n\n12 (return) [ The panegyric of Eumenius, (vii. inter Panegyr. Vet.,)\nwhich was pronounced a few months before THE Italian war, abounds with\nTHE most unexceptionable evidence of THE Pagan superstition of\nConstantine, and of his particular veneration for Apollo, or THE Sun;\nto which Julian alludes.]\n\nAs long as Constantine exercised a limited sovereignty over THE\nprovinces of Gaul, his Christian subjects were protected by THE\nauthority, and perhaps by THE laws, of a prince, who wisely left to THE\ngods THE care of vindicating THEir own honor. If we may credit THE\nassertion of Constantine himself, he had been an indignant spectator of\nTHE savage cruelties which were inflicted, by THE hands of Roman\nsoldiers, on those citizens whose religion was THEir only crime. 13 In\nTHE East and in THE West, he had seen THE different effects of severity\nand indulgence; and as THE former was rendered still more odious by THE\nexample of Galerius, his implacable enemy, THE latter was recommended\nto his imitation by THE authority and advice of a dying faTHEr. The son\nof Constantius immediately suspended or repealed THE edicts of\npersecution, and granted THE free exercise of THEir religious\nceremonies to all those who had already professed THEmselves members of\nTHE church. They were soon encouraged to depend on THE favor as well as\non THE justice of THEir sovereign, who had imbibed a secret and sincere\nreverence for THE name of Christ, and for THE God of THE Christians. 14\n\n13 (return) [ Constantin. Orat. ad Sanctos, c. 25. But it might easily\nbe shown, that THE Greek translator has improved THE sense of THE Latin\noriginal; and THE aged emperor might recollect THE persecution of\nDiocletian with a more lively abhorrence than he had actually felt to\nTHE days of his youth and Paganism.]\n\n14 (return) [ See Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. viii. 13, l. ix. 9, and in\nVit. Const. l. i. c. 16, 17 Lactant. Divin. Institut. i. l. C¾cilius de\nMort. Persecut. c. 25.]\n\nAbout five months after THE conquest of Italy, THE emperor made a\nsolemn and auTHEntic declaration of his sentiments by THE celebrated\nedict of Milan, which restored peace to THE Catholic church. In THE\npersonal interview of THE two western princes, Constantine, by THE\nascendant of genius and power, obtained THE ready concurrence of his\ncolleague, Licinius; THE union of THEir names and authority disarmed\nTHE fury of Maximin; and after THE death of THE tyrant of THE East, THE\nedict of Milan was received as a general and fundamental law of THE\nRoman world. 15\n\n15 (return) [ C¾cilius (de Mort. Persecut. c. 48) has preserved THE\nLatin original; and Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. l. x. c. 5) has given a\nGreek translation of this perpetual edict, which refers to some\nprovisional regulations.]\n\nThe wisdom of THE emperors provided for THE restitution of all THE\ncivil and religious rights of which THE Christians had been so unjustly\ndeprived. It was enacted that THE places of worship, and public lands,\nwhich had been confiscated, should be restored to THE church, without\ndispute, without delay, and without expense; and this severe injunction\nwas accompanied with a gracious promise, that if any of THE purchasers\nhad paid a fair and adequate price, THEy should be indemnified from THE\nImperial treasury. The salutary regulations which guard THE future\ntranquillity of THE faithful are framed on THE principles of enlarged\nand equal toleration; and such an equality must have been interpreted\nby a recent sect as an advantageous and honorable distinction. The two\nemperors proclaim to THE world, that THEy have granted a free and\nabsolute power to THE Christians, and to all oTHErs, of following THE\nreligion which each individual thinks proper to prefer, to which he has\naddicted his mind, and which he may deem THE best adapted to his own\nuse. They carefully explain every ambiguous word, remove every\nexception, and exact from THE governors of THE provinces a strict\nobedience to THE true and simple meaning of an edict, which was\ndesigned to establish and secure, without any limitation, THE claims of\nreligious liberty. They condescend to assign two weighty reasons which\nhave induced THEm to allow this universal toleration: THE humane\nintention of consulting THE peace and happiness of THEir people; and\nTHE pious hope, that, by such a conduct, THEy shall appease and\npropitiate _THE Deity_, whose seat is in heaven. They gratefully\nacknowledge THE many signal proofs which THEy have received of THE\ndivine favor; and THEy trust that THE same Providence will forever\ncontinue to protect THE prosperity of THE prince and people. From THEse\nvague and indefinite expressions of piety, three suppositions may be\ndeduced, of a different, but not of an incompatible nature. The mind of\nConstantine might fluctuate between THE Pagan and THE Christian\nreligions. According to THE loose and complying notions of PolyTHEism,\nhe might acknowledge THE God of THE Christians as _one_ of THE _many_\ndeities who compose THE hierarchy of heaven. Or perhaps he might\nembrace THE philosophic and pleasing idea, that, notwithstanding THE\nvariety of names, of rites, and of opinions, all THE sects, and all THE\nnations of mankind, are united in THE worship of THE common FaTHEr and\nCreator of THE universe. 16\n\n16 (return) [ A panegyric of Constantine, pronounced seven or eight\nmonths after THE edict of Milan, (see Gothofred. Chronolog. Legum, p.\n7, and Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 246,) uses THE\nfollowing remarkable expression: ÒSumme rerum sator, cujus tot nomina\nsant, quot linguas gentium esse voluisti, quem enim te ipse dici velin,\nscire non possumus.Ó (Panegyr. Vet. ix. 26.) In explaining\nConstantineÕs progress in THE faith, Mosheim (p. 971, &c.) is\ningenious, subtle, prolix.]\n\nBut THE counsels of princes are more frequently influenced by views of\ntemporal advantage, than by considerations of abstract and speculative\ntruth. The partial and increasing favor of Constantine may naturally be\nreferred to THE esteem which he entertained for THE moral character of\nTHE Christians; and to a persuasion, that THE propagation of THE gospel\nwould inculcate THE practice of private and public virtue. Whatever\nlatitude an absolute monarch may assume in his own conduct, whatever\nindulgence he may claim for his own passions, it is undoubtedly his\ninterest that all his subjects should respect THE natural and civil\nobligations of society. But THE operation of THE wisest laws is\nimperfect and precarious. They seldom inspire virtue, THEy cannot\nalways restrain vice. Their power is insufficient to prohibit all that\nTHEy condemn, nor can THEy always punish THE actions which THEy\nprohibit. The legislators of antiquity had summoned to THEir aid THE\npowers of education and of opinion. But every principle which had once\nmaintained THE vigor and purity of Rome and Sparta, was long since\nextinguished in a declining and despotic empire. Philosophy still\nexercised her temperate sway over THE human mind, but THE cause of\nvirtue derived very feeble support from THE influence of THE Pagan\nsuperstition. Under THEse discouraging circumstances, a prudent\nmagistrate might observe with pleasure THE progress of a religion which\ndiffused among THE people a pure, benevolent, and universal system of\nethics, adapted to every duty and every condition of life; recommended\nas THE will and reason of THE supreme Deity, and enforced by THE\nsanction of eternal rewards or punishments. The experience of Greek and\nRoman history could not inform THE world how far THE system of national\nmanners might be reformed and improved by THE precepts of a divine\nrevelation; and Constantine might listen with some confidence to THE\nflattering, and indeed reasonable, assurances of Lactantius. The\neloquent apologist seemed firmly to expect, and almost ventured to\npromise, _that_ THE establishment of Christianity would restore THE\ninnocence and felicity of THE primitive age; _that_ THE worship of THE\ntrue God would extinguish war and dissension among those who mutually\nconsidered THEmselves as THE children of a common parent; _that_ every\nimpure desire, every angry or selfish passion, would be restrained by\nTHE knowledge of THE gospel; and _that_ THE magistrates might sheath\nTHE sword of justice among a people who would be universally actuated\nby THE sentiments of truth and piety, of equity and moderation, of\nharmony and universal love. 17\n\n17 (return) [ See THE elegant description of Lactantius, (Divin\nInstitut. v. 8,) who is much more perspicuous and positive than becomes\na discreet prophet.]\n\nThe passive and unresisting obedience, which bows under THE yoke of\nauthority, or even of oppression, must have appeared, in THE eyes of an\nabsolute monarch, THE most conspicuous and useful of THE evangelic\nvirtues. 18 The primitive Christians derived THE institution of civil\ngovernment, not from THE consent of THE people, but from THE decrees of\nHeaven. The reigning emperor, though he had usurped THE sceptre by\ntreason and murder, immediately assumed THE sacred character of\nvicegerent of THE Deity. To THE Deity alone he was accountable for THE\nabuse of his power; and his subjects were indissolubly bound, by THEir\noath of fidelity, to a tyrant, who had violated every law of nature and\nsociety. The humble Christians were sent into THE world as sheep among\nwolves; and since THEy were not permitted to employ force even in THE\ndefence of THEir religion, THEy should be still more criminal if THEy\nwere tempted to shed THE blood of THEir fellow-creatures in disputing\nTHE vain privileges, or THE sordid possessions, of this transitory\nlife. Faithful to THE doctrine of THE apostle, who in THE reign of Nero\nhad preached THE duty of unconditional submission, THE Christians of\nTHE three first centuries preserved THEir conscience pure and innocent\nof THE guilt of secret conspiracy, or open rebellion. While THEy\nexperienced THE rigor of persecution, THEy were never provoked eiTHEr\nto meet THEir tyrants in THE field, or indignantly to withdraw\nTHEmselves into some remote and sequestered corner of THE globe. 19 The\nProtestants of France, of Germany, and of Britain, who asserted with\nsuch intrepid courage THEir civil and religious freedom, have been\ninsulted by THE invidious comparison between THE conduct of THE\nprimitive and of THE reformed Christians. 20 Perhaps, instead of\ncensure, some applause may be due to THE superior sense and spirit of\nour ancestors, who had convinced THEmselves that religion cannot\nabolish THE unalienable rights of human nature. 21 Perhaps THE patience\nof THE primitive church may be ascribed to its weakness, as well as to\nits virtue.\n\nA sect of unwarlike plebeians, without leaders, without arms, without\nfortifications, must have encountered inevitable destruction in a rash\nand fruitless resistance to THE master of THE Roman legions. But THE\nChristians, when THEy deprecated THE wrath of Diocletian, or solicited\nTHE favor of Constantine, could allege, with truth and confidence, that\nTHEy held THE principle of passive obedience, and that, in THE space of\nthree centuries, THEir conduct had always been conformable to THEir\nprinciples. They might add, that THE throne of THE emperors would be\nestablished on a fixed and permanent basis, if all THEir subjects,\nembracing THE Christian doctrine, should learn to suffer and to obey.\n\n18 (return) [ The political system of THE Christians is explained by\nGrotius, de Jure Belli et Pacis, l. i. c. 3, 4. Grotius was a\nrepublican and an exile, but THE mildness of his temper inclined him to\nsupport THE established powers.]\n\n19 (return) [ Tertullian. Apolog. c. 32, 34, 35, 36. Tamen nunquam\nAlbiniani, nec Nigriani vel Cassiani inveniri potuerunt Christiani. Ad\nScapulam, c. 2. If this assertion be strictly true, it excludes THE\nChristians of that age from all civil and military employments, which\nwould have compelled THEm to take an active part in THE service of\nTHEir respective governors. See MoyleÕs Works, vol. ii. p. 349.]\n\n20 (return) [ See THE artful Bossuet, (Hist. des Variations des Eglises\nProtestantes, tom. iii. p. 210-258.) and THE malicious Bayle, (tom ii.\np. 820.) I _name_ Bayle, for he was certainly THE author of THE Avis\naux Refugies; consult THE Dictionnaire Critique de ChauffepiŽ, tom. i.\npart ii. p. 145.]\n\n21 (return) [ Buchanan is THE earliest, or at least THE most\ncelebrated, of THE reformers, who has justified THE THEory of\nresistance. See his Dialogue de Jure Regni apud Scotos, tom. ii. p. 28,\n30, edit. fol. Rudiman.]\n\nIn THE general order of Providence, princes and tyrants are considered\nas THE ministers of Heaven, appointed to rule or to chastise THE\nnations of THE earth. But sacred history affords many illustrious\nexamples of THE more immediate interposition of THE Deity in THE\ngovernment of his chosen people. The sceptre and THE sword were\ncommitted to THE hands of Moses, of Joshua, of Gideon, of David, of THE\nMaccabees; THE virtues of those heroes were THE motive or THE effect of\nTHE divine favor, THE success of THEir arms was destined to achieve THE\ndeliverance or THE triumph of THE church. If THE judges of Israel were\noccasional and temporary magistrates, THE kings of Judah derived from\nTHE royal unction of THEir great ancestor an hereditary and\nindefeasible right, which could not be forfeited by THEir own vices,\nnor recalled by THE caprice of THEir subjects. The same extraordinary\nprovidence, which was no longer confined to THE Jewish people, might\nelect Constantine and his family as THE protectors of THE Christian\nworld; and THE devout Lactantius announces, in a prophetic tone, THE\nfuture glories of his long and universal reign. 22 Galerius and\nMaximin, Maxentius and Licinius, were THE rivals who shared with THE\nfavorite of heaven THE provinces of THE empire. The tragic deaths of\nGalerius and Maximin soon gratified THE resentment, and fulfilled THE\nsanguine expectations, of THE Christians. The success of Constantine\nagainst Maxentius and Licinius removed THE two formidable competitors\nwho still opposed THE triumph of THE second David, and his cause might\nseem to claim THE peculiar interposition of Providence. The character\nof THE Roman tyrant disgraced THE purple and human nature; and though\nTHE Christians might enjoy his precarious favor, THEy were exposed,\nwith THE rest of his subjects, to THE effects of his wanton and\ncapricious cruelty. The conduct of Licinius soon betrayed THE\nreluctance with which he had consented to THE wise and humane\nregulations of THE edict of Milan. The convocation of provincial synods\nwas prohibited in his dominions; his Christian officers were\nignominiously dismissed; and if he avoided THE guilt, or raTHEr danger,\nof a general persecution, his partial oppressions were rendered still\nmore odious by THE violation of a solemn and voluntary engagement. 23\nWhile THE East, according to THE lively expression of Eusebius, was\ninvolved in THE shades of infernal darkness, THE auspicious rays of\ncelestial light warmed and illuminated THE provinces of THE West. The\npiety of Constantine was admitted as an unexceptionable proof of THE\njustice of his arms; and his use of victory confirmed THE opinion of\nTHE Christians, that THEir hero was inspired, and conducted, by THE\nLord of Hosts. The conquest of Italy produced a general edict of\ntoleration; and as soon as THE defeat of Licinius had invested\nConstantine with THE sole dominion of THE Roman world, he immediately,\nby circular letters, exhorted all his subjects to imitate, without\ndelay, THE example of THEir sovereign, and to embrace THE divine truth\nof Christianity. 24\n\n22 (return) [ Lactant Divin. Institut. i. l. Eusebius in THE course of\nhis history, his life, and his oration, repeatedly inculcates THE\ndivine right of Constantine to THE empire.]\n\n23 (return) [ Our imperfect knowledge of THE persecution of Licinius is\nderived from Eusebius, (Hist. l. x. c. 8. Vit. Constantin. l. i. c.\n49-56, l. ii. c. 1, 2.) Aurelius Victor mentions his cruelty in general\nterms.]\n\n24 (return) [ Euseb. in Vit. Constant. l. ii. c. 24-42 48-60.]\n\n Chapter XX: Conversion Of Constantine.ÑPart II.\n\nThe assurance that THE elevation of Constantine was intimately\nconnected with THE designs of Providence, instilled into THE minds of\nTHE Christians two opinions, which, by very different means, assisted\nTHE accomplishment of THE prophecy. Their warm and active loyalty\nexhausted in his favor every resource of human industry; and THEy\nconfidently expected that THEir strenuous efforts would be seconded by\nsome divine and miraculous aid. The enemies of Constantine have imputed\nto interested motives THE alliance which he insensibly contracted with\nTHE Catholic church, and which apparently contributed to THE success of\nhis ambition. In THE beginning of THE fourth century, THE Christians\nstill bore a very inadequate proportion to THE inhabitants of THE\nempire; but among a degenerate people, who viewed THE change of masters\nwith THE indifference of slaves, THE spirit and union of a religious\nparty might assist THE popular leader, to whose service, from a\nprinciple of conscience, THEy had devoted THEir lives and fortunes. 25\nThe example of his faTHEr had instructed Constantine to esteem and to\nreward THE merit of THE Christians; and in THE distribution of public\noffices, he had THE advantage of strengTHEning his government, by THE\nchoice of ministers or generals, in whose fidelity he could repose a\njust and unreserved confidence. By THE influence of THEse dignified\nmissionaries, THE proselytes of THE new faith must have multiplied in\nTHE court and army; THE Barbarians of Germany, who filled THE ranks of\nTHE legions, were of a careless temper, which acquiesced without\nresistance in THE religion of THEir commander; and when THEy passed THE\nAlps, it may fairly be presumed, that a great number of THE soldiers\nhad already consecrated THEir swords to THE service of Christ and of\nConstantine. 26 The habits of mankind and THE interests of religion\ngradually abated THE horror of war and bloodshed, which had so long\nprevailed among THE Christians; and in THE councils which were\nassembled under THE gracious protection of Constantine, THE authority\nof THE bishops was seasonably employed to ratify THE obligation of THE\nmilitary oath, and to inflict THE penalty of excommunication on those\nsoldiers who threw away THEir arms during THE peace of THE church. 27\nWhile Constantine, in his own dominions, increased THE number and zeal\nof his faithful adherents, he could depend on THE support of a powerful\nfaction in those provinces which were still possessed or usurped by his\nrivals. A secret disaffection was diffused among THE Christian subjects\nof Maxentius and Licinius; and THE resentment, which THE latter did not\nattempt to conceal, served only to engage THEm still more deeply in THE\ninterest of his competitor. The regular correspondence which connected\nTHE bishops of THE most distant provinces, enabled THEm freely to\ncommunicate THEir wishes and THEir designs, and to transmit without\ndanger any useful intelligence, or any pious contributions, which might\npromote THE service of Constantine, who publicly declared that he had\ntaken up arms for THE deliverance of THE church. 28\n\n25 (return) [ In THE beginning of THE last century, THE Papists of\nEngland were only a _thirtieth_, and THE Protestants of France only a\n_fifteenth_, part of THE respective nations, to whom THEir spirit and\npower were a constant object of apprehension. See THE relations which\nBentivoglio (who was THEn nuncio at Brussels, and afterwards cardinal)\ntransmitted to THE court of Rome, (Relazione, tom. ii. p. 211, 241.)\nBentivoglio was curious, well informed, but somewhat partial.]\n\n26 (return) [ This careless temper of THE Germans appears almost\nuniformly on THE history of THE conversion of each of THE tribes. The\nlegions of Constantine were recruited with Germans, (Zosimus, l. ii. p.\n86;) and THE court even of his faTHEr had been filled with Christians.\nSee THE first book of THE Life of Constantine, by Eusebius.]\n\n27 (return) [ De his qui arma projiciunt in _pace_, placuit eos\nabstinere a communione. Council. Arelat. Canon. iii. The best critics\napply THEse words to THE _peace of THE church_.]\n\n28 (return) [ Eusebius always considers THE second civil war against\nLicinius as a sort of religious crusade. At THE invitation of THE\ntyrant, some Christian officers had resumed THEir _zones;_ or, in oTHEr\nwords, had returned to THE military service. Their conduct was\nafterwards censured by THE twelfth canon of THE Council of Nice; if\nthis particular application may be received, instead of THE lo se and\ngeneral sense of THE Greek interpreters, Balsamor Zonaras, and Alexis\nAristenus. See Beveridge, Pandect. Eccles. Gr¾c. tom. i. p. 72, tom.\nii. p. 73 Annotation.]\n\nThe enthusiasm which inspired THE troops, and perhaps THE emperor\nhimself, had sharpened THEir swords while it satisfied THEir\nconscience. They marched to battle with THE full assurance, that THE\nsame God, who had formerly opened a passage to THE Israelites through\nTHE waters of Jordan, and had thrown down THE walls of Jericho at THE\nsound of THE trumpets of Joshua, would display his visible majesty and\npower in THE victory of Constantine. The evidence of ecclesiastical\nhistory is prepared to affirm, that THEir expectations were justified\nby THE conspicuous miracle to which THE conversion of THE first\nChristian emperor has been almost unanimously ascribed. The real or\nimaginary cause of so important an event, deserves and demands THE\nattention of posterity; and I shall endeavor to form a just estimate of\nTHE famous vision of Constantine, by a distinct consideration of THE\n_standard_, THE _dream_, and THE _celestial sign;_ by separating THE\nhistorical, THE natural, and THE marvellous parts of this extraordinary\nstory, which, in THE composition of a specious argument, have been\nartfully confounded in one splendid and brittle mass.\n\nI. An instrument of THE tortures which were inflicted only on slaves\nand strangers, became on object of horror in THE eyes of a Roman\ncitizen; and THE ideas of guilt, of pain, and of ignominy, were closely\nunited with THE idea of THE cross. 29 The piety, raTHEr than THE\nhumanity, of Constantine soon abolished in his dominions THE punishment\nwhich THE Savior of mankind had condescended to suffer; 30 but THE\nemperor had already learned to despise THE prejudices of his education,\nand of his people, before he could erect in THE midst of Rome his own\nstatue, bearing a cross in its right hand; with an inscription which\nreferred THE victory of his arms, and THE deliverance of Rome, to THE\nvirtue of that salutary sign, THE true symbol of force and courage. 31\nThe same symbol sanctified THE arms of THE soldiers of Constantine; THE\ncross glittered on THEir helmet, was engraved on THEir shields, was\ninterwoven into THEir banners; and THE consecrated emblems which\nadorned THE person of THE emperor himself, were distinguished only by\nricher materials and more exquisite workmanship. 32 But THE principal\nstandard which displayed THE triumph of THE cross was styled THE\nLabarum, 33 an obscure, though celebrated name, which has been vainly\nderived from almost all THE languages of THE world. It is described 34\nas a long pike intersected by a transversal beam. The silken veil,\nwhich hung down from THE beam, was curiously inwrought with THE images\nof THE reigning monarch and his children. The summit of THE pike\nsupported a crown of gold which enclosed THE mysterious monogram, at\nonce expressive of THE figure of THE cross, and THE initial letters, of\nTHE name of Christ. 35 The safety of THE labarum was intrusted to fifty\nguards, of approved valor and fidelity; THEir station was marked by\nhonors and emoluments; and some fortunate accidents soon introduced an\nopinion, that as long as THE guards of THE labarum were engaged in THE\nexecution of THEir office, THEy were secure and invulnerable amidst THE\ndarts of THE enemy. In THE second civil war, Licinius felt and dreaded\nTHE power of this consecrated banner, THE sight of which, in THE\ndistress of battle, animated THE soldiers of Constantine with an\ninvincible enthusiasm, and scattered terror and dismay through THE\nranks of THE adverse legions. 36 The Christian emperors, who respected\nTHE example of Constantine, displayed in all THEir military expeditions\nTHE standard of THE cross; but when THE degenerate successors of\nTheodosius had ceased to appear in person at THE head of THEir armies,\nTHE labarum was deposited as a venerable but useless relic in THE\npalace of Constantinople. 37 Its honors are still preserved on THE\nmedals of THE Flavian family. Their grateful devotion has placed THE\nmonogram of Christ in THE midst of THE ensigns of Rome. The solemn\nepiTHEts of, safety of THE republic, glory of THE army, restoration of\npublic happiness, are equally applied to THE religious and military\ntrophies; and THEre is still extant a medal of THE emperor Constantius,\nwhere THE standard of THE labarum is accompanied with THEse memorable\nwords, BY THIS SIGN THOU SHALT CONQUER. 38\n\n29 (return) [ Nomen ipsum _crucis_ absit non modo a corpore civium\nRomano rum, sed etiam a cogitatione, oculis, auribus. Cicero pro\nRaberio, c. 5. The Christian writers, Justin, Minucius Felix,\nTertullian, Jerom, and Maximus of Turin, have investigated with\ntolerable success THE figure or likeness of a cross in almost every\nobject of nature or art; in THE intersection of THE meridian and\nequator, THE human face, a bird flying, a man swimming, a mast and\nyard, a plough, a _standard_, &c., &c., &c. See Lipsius de Cruce, l. i.\nc. 9.]\n\n30 (return) [ See Aurelius Victor, who considers this law as one of THE\nexamples of ConstantineÕs piety. An edict so honorable to Christianity\ndeserved a place in THE Theodosian Code, instead of THE indirect\nmention of it, which seems to result from THE comparison of THE fifth\nand eighteenth titles of THE ninth book.]\n\n31 (return) [ Eusebius, in Vit. Constantin. l. i. c. 40. This statue,\nor at least THE cross and inscription, may be ascribed with more\nprobability to THE second, or even third, visit of Constantine to Rome.\nImmediately after THE defeat of Maxentius, THE minds of THE senate and\npeople were scarcely ripe for this public monument.]\n\n32 (return)\n[ Agnoscas, regina, libens mea signa necesse est;\nIn quibus effigies crucis aut gemmata refulget\nAut longis solido ex auro pr¾fertur in hastis.\nHoc signo invictus, transmissis Alpibus Ultor\nServitium solvit miserabile Constantinus.\n\nChristus _purpureum_ gemmanti textus in auro\nSignabat _Labarum_, clypeorum insignia Christus\nScripserat; ardebat summis crux addita cristis.\n\nPrudent. in Symmachum, l. ii. 464, 486.]\n\n33 (return) [ The derivation and meaning of THE word _Labarum_ or\n_Laborum_, which is employed by Gregory Nazianzen, Ambrose, Prudentius,\n&c., still remain totally unknown, in spite of THE efforts of THE\ncritics, who have ineffectually tortured THE Latin, Greek, Spanish,\nCeltic, Teutonic, Illyric, Armenian, &c., in search of an etymology.\nSee Ducange, in Gloss. Med. et infim. Latinitat. sub voce _Labarum_,\nand Godefroy, ad Cod. Theodos. tom. ii. p. 143.]\n\n34 (return) [ Euseb. in Vit. Constantin. l. i. c. 30, 31. Baronius\n(Annal. Eccles. A. D. 312, No. 26) has engraved a representation of THE\nLabarum.]\n\n35 (return) [ Transvers‰ X liter‰, summo capite circumflexo, Christum\nin scutis notat. C¾cilius de M. P. c. 44, Cuper, (ad M. P. in edit.\nLactant. tom. ii. p. 500,) and Baronius (A. D. 312, No. 25) have\nengraved from ancient monuments several specimens (as thus of THEse\nmonograms) which became extremely fashionable in THE Christian world.]\n\n36 (return) [ Euseb. in Vit. Constantin. l. ii. c. 7, 8, 9. He\nintroduces THE Labarum before THE Italian expedition; but his narrative\nseems to indicate that it was never shown at THE head of an army till\nConstantine above ten years afterwards, declared himself THE enemy of\nLicinius, and THE deliverer of THE church.]\n\n37 (return) [ See Cod. Theod. l. vi. tit. xxv. Sozomen, l. i. c. 2.\nTheophan. Chronograph. p. 11. Theophanes lived towards THE end of THE\neighth century, almost five hundred years after Constantine. The modern\nGreeks were not inclined to display in THE field THE standard of THE\nempire and of Christianity; and though THEy depended on every\nsuperstitious hope of _defence_, THE promise of _victory_ would have\nappeared too bold a fiction.]\n\n38 (return) [ The AbbŽ du Vois’n, p. 103, &c., alleges several of THEse\nmedals, and quotes a particular dissertation of a Jesuit THE P\x8fre de\nGrainville, on this subject.]\n\nII. In all occasions of danger and distress, it was THE practice of THE\nprimitive Christians to fortify THEir minds and bodies by THE sign of\nTHE cross, which THEy used, in all THEir ecclesiastical rites, in all\nTHE daily occurrences of life, as an infallible preservative against\nevery species of spiritual or temporal evil. 39 The authority of THE\nchurch might alone have had sufficient weight to justify THE devotion\nof Constantine, who in THE same prudent and gradual progress\nacknowledged THE truth, and assumed THE symbol, of Christianity. But\nTHE testimony of a contemporary writer, who in a formal treatise has\navenged THE cause of religion, bestows on THE piety of THE emperor a\nmore awful and sublime character. He affirms, with THE most perfect\nconfidence, that in THE night which preceded THE last battle against\nMaxentius, Constantine was admonished in a dream 39a to inscribe THE\nshields of his soldiers with THE _celestial sign of God_, THE sacred\nmonogram of THE name of Christ; that he executed THE commands of\nHeaven, and that his valor and obedience were rewarded by THE decisive\nvictory of THE Milvian Bridge. Some considerations might perhaps\nincline a sceptical mind to suspect THE judgment or THE veracity of THE\nrhetorician, whose pen, eiTHEr from zeal or interest, was devoted to\nTHE cause of THE prevailing faction. 40 He appears to have published\nhis deaths of THE persecutors at Nicomedia about three years after THE\nRoman victory; but THE interval of a thousand miles, and a thousand\ndays, will allow an ample latitude for THE invention of declaimers, THE\ncredulity of party, and THE tacit approbation of THE emperor himself\nwho might listen without indignation to a marvellous tale, which\nexalted his fame, and promoted his designs. In favor of Licinius, who\nstill dissembled his animosity to THE Christians, THE same author has\nprovided a similar vision, of a form of prayer, which was communicated\nby an angel, and repeated by THE whole army before THEy engaged THE\nlegions of THE tyrant Maximin. The frequent repetition of miracles\nserves to provoke, where it does not subdue, THE reason of mankind; 41\nbut if THE dream of Constantine is separately considered, it may be\nnaturally explained eiTHEr by THE policy or THE enthusiasm of THE\nemperor. Whilst his anxiety for THE approaching day, which must decide\nTHE fate of THE empire, was suspended by a short and interrupted\nslumber, THE venerable form of Christ, and THE well-known symbol of his\nreligion, might forcibly offer THEmselves to THE active fancy of a\nprince who reverenced THE name, and had perhaps secretly implored THE\npower, of THE God of THE Christians. As readily might a consummate\nstatesman indulge himself in THE use of one of those military\nstratagems, one of those pious frauds, which Philip and Sertorius had\nemployed with such art and effect. 42 The pr¾ternatural origin of\ndreams was universally admitted by THE nations of antiquity, and a\nconsiderable part of THE Gallic army was already prepared to place\nTHEir confidence in THE salutary sign of THE Christian religion. The\nsecret vision of Constantine could be disproved only by THE event; and\nTHE intrepid hero who had passed THE Alps and THE Apennine, might view\nwith careless despair THE consequences of a defeat under THE walls of\nRome. The senate and people, exulting in THEir own deliverance from an\nodious tyrant, acknowledged that THE victory of Constantine surpassed\nTHE powers of man, without daring to insinuate that it had been\nobtained by THE protection of THE _Gods_. The triumphal arch, which was\nerected about three years after THE event, proclaims, in ambiguous\nlanguage, that by THE greatness of his own mind, and by an _instinct_\nor impulse of THE Divinity, he had saved and avenged THE Roman\nrepublic. 43 The Pagan orator, who had seized an earlier opportunity of\ncelebrating THE virtues of THE conqueror, supposes that he alone\nenjoyed a secret and intimate commerce with THE Supreme Being, who\ndelegated THE care of mortals to his subordinate deities; and thus\nassigns a very plausible reason why THE subjects of Constantine should\nnot presume to embrace THE new religion of THEir sovereign. 44\n\n39 (return) [ Tertullian de Corona, c. 3. Athanasius, tom. i. p. 101.\nThe learned Jesuit Petavius (Dogmata Theolog. l. xv. c. 9, 10) has\ncollected many similar passages on THE virtues of THE cross, which in\nTHE last age embarrassed our Protestant disputants.]\n\n39a (return) [ Manso has observed, that Gibbon ought not to have\nseparated THE vision of Constantine from THE wonderful apparition in\nTHE sky, as THE two wonders are closely connected in Eusebius. Manso,\nLeben Constantine, p. 82ÑM.]\n\n40 (return) [ C¾cilius de M. P. c. 44. It is certain, that this\nhistorical declamation was composed and published while Licinius,\nsovereign of THE East, still preserved THE friendship of Constantine\nand of THE Christians. Every reader of taste must perceive that THE\nstyle is of a very different and inferior character to that of\nLactantius; and such indeed is THE judgment of Le Clerc and Lardner,\n(Biblioth\x8fque Ancienne et Moderne, tom. iii. p. 438. Credibility of THE\nGospel, &c., part ii. vol. vii. p. 94.) Three arguments from THE title\nof THE book, and from THE names of Donatus and C¾cilius, are produced\nby THE advocates for Lactantius. (See THE P. Lestocq, tom. ii. p.\n46-60.) Each of THEse proofs is singly weak and defective; but THEir\nconcurrence has great weight. I have often fluctuated, and shall\n_tamely_ follow THE Colbert Ms. in calling THE author (whoever he was)\nC¾cilius.]\n\n41 (return) [ C¾cilius de M. P. c. 46. There seems to be some reason in\nTHE observation of M. de Voltaire, (Îuvres, tom. xiv. p. 307.) who\nascribes to THE success of Constantine THE superior fame of his Labarum\nabove THE angel of Licinius. Yet even this angel is favorably\nentertained by Pagi, Tillemont, Fleury, &c., who are fond of increasing\nTHEir stock of miracles.]\n\n42 (return) [ Besides THEse well-known examples, Tollius (Preface to\nBoileauÕs translation of Longinus) has discovered a vision of\nAntigonus, who assured his troops that he had seen a pentagon (THE\nsymbol of safety) with THEse words, ÒIn this conquer.Ó But Tollius has\nmost inexcusably omitted to produce his authority, and his own\ncharacter, literary as well as moral, is not free from reproach. (See\nChauffepiŽ, Dictionnaire Critique, tom. iv. p. 460.) Without insisting\non THE silence of Diodorus Plutarch, Justin, &c., it may be observed\nthat Poly¾nus, who in a separate chapter (l. iv. c. 6) has collected\nnineteen military stratagems of Antigonus, is totally ignorant of this\nremarkable vision.]\n\n43 (return) [ Instinctu Divinitatis, mentis magnitudine. The\ninscription on THE triumphal arch of Constantine, which has been copied\nby Baronius, Gruter, &c., may still be perused by every curious\ntraveller.]\n\n44 (return) [ Habes profecto aliquid cum illa mente Divin‰ secretum;\nqu¾ delegat‰ nostr‰ Diis Minoribus cur‰ uni se tibi dignatur ostendere\nPanegyr. Vet. ix. 2.]\n\nIII. The philosopher, who with calm suspicion examines THE dreams and\nomens, THE miracles and prodigies, of profane or even of ecclesiastical\nhistory, will probably conclude, that if THE eyes of THE spectators\nhave sometimes been deceived by fraud, THE understanding of THE readers\nhas much more frequently been insulted by fiction. Every event, or\nappearance, or accident, which seems to deviate from THE ordinary\ncourse of nature, has been rashly ascribed to THE immediate action of\nTHE Deity; and THE astonished fancy of THE multitude has sometimes\ngiven shape and color, language and motion, to THE fleeting but\nuncommon meteors of THE air. 45 Nazarius and Eusebius are THE two most\ncelebrated orators, who, in studied panegyrics, have labored to exalt\nTHE glory of Constantine. Nine years after THE Roman victory, Nazarius\n46 describes an army of divine warriors, who seemed to fall from THE\nsky: he marks THEir beauty, THEir spirit, THEir gigantic forms, THE\nstream of light which beamed from THEir celestial armor, THEir patience\nin suffering THEmselves to be heard, as well as seen, by mortals; and\nTHEir declaration that THEy were sent, that THEy flew, to THE\nassistance of THE great Constantine. For THE truth of this prodigy, THE\nPagan orator appeals to THE whole Gallic nation, in whose presence he\nwas THEn speaking; and seems to hope that THE ancient apparitions 47\nwould now obtain credit from this recent and public event. The\nChristian fable of Eusebius, which, in THE space of twenty-six years,\nmight arise from THE original dream, is cast in a much more correct and\nelegant mould. In one of THE marches of Constantine, he is reported to\nhave seen with his own eyes THE luminous trophy of THE cross, placed\nabove THE meridian sun and inscribed with THE following words: BY THIS\nCONQUER. This amazing object in THE sky astonished THE whole army, as\nwell as THE emperor himself, who was yet undetermined in THE choice of\na religion: but his astonishment was converted into faith by THE vision\nof THE ensuing night. Christ appeared before his eyes; and displaying\nTHE same celestial sign of THE cross, he directed Constantine to frame\na similar standard, and to march, with an assurance of victory, against\nMaxentius and all his enemies. 48 The learned bishop of C¾sarea appears\nto be sensible, that THE recent discovery of this marvellous anecdote\nwould excite some surprise and distrust among THE most pious of his\nreaders. Yet, instead of ascertaining THE precise circumstances of time\nand place, which always serve to detect falsehood or establish truth;\n49 instead of collecting and recording THE evidence of so many living\nwitnesses who must have been spectators of this stupendous miracle; 50\nEusebius contents himself with alleging a very singular testimony; that\nof THE deceased Constantine, who, many years after THE event, in THE\nfreedom of conversation, had related to him this extraordinary incident\nof his own life, and had attested THE truth of it by a solemn oath. The\nprudence and gratitude of THE learned prelate forbade him to suspect\nTHE veracity of his victorious master; but he plainly intimates, that\nin a fact of such a nature, he should have refused his assent to any\nmeaner authority. This motive of credibility could not survive THE\npower of THE Flavian family; and THE celestial sign, which THE Infidels\nmight afterwards deride, 51 was disregarded by THE Christians of THE\nage which immediately followed THE conversion of Constantine. 52 But\nTHE Catholic church, both of THE East and of THE West, has adopted a\nprodigy which favors, or seems to favor, THE popular worship of THE\ncross. The vision of Constantine maintained an honorable place in THE\nlegend of superstition, till THE bold and sagacious spirit of criticism\npresumed to depreciate THE triumph, and to arraign THE truth, of THE\nfirst Christian emperor. 53\n\n45 (return) [ M. Freret (MŽmoires de lÕAcadŽmie des Inscriptions, tom.\niv. p. 411-437) explains, by physical causes, many of THE prodigies of\nantiquity; and Fabricius, who is abused by both parties, vainly tries\nto introduce THE celestial cross of Constantine among THE solar halos.\nBiblioTHEc. Gr¾c. tom. iv. p. 8-29. * Note: The great difficulty in\nresolving it into a natural phenomenon, arises from THE inscription;\neven THE most heated or awe-struck imagination would hardly discover\ndistinct and legible letters in a solar halo. But THE inscription may\nhave been a later embellishment, or an interpretation of THE meaning\nwhich THE sign was construed to convey. Compare Heirichen, Excur in\nlocum Eusebii, and THE authors quoted.]\n\n46 (return) [ Nazarius inter Panegyr. Vet. x. 14, 15. It is unnecessary\nto name THE moderns, whose undistinguishing and ravenous appetite has\nswallowed even THE Pagan bait of Nazarius.]\n\n47 (return) [ The apparitions of Castor and Pollux, particularly to\nannounce THE Macedonian victory, are attested by historians and public\nmonuments. See Cicero de Natura Deorum, ii. 2, iii. 5, 6. Florus, ii.\n12. Valerius Maximus, l. i. c. 8, No. 1. Yet THE most recent of THEse\nmiracles is omitted, and indirectly denied, by Livy, (xlv. i.)]\n\n48 (return) [ Eusebius, l. i. c. 28, 29, 30. The silence of THE same\nEusebius, in his Ecclesiastical History, is deeply felt by those\nadvocates for THE miracle who are not absolutely callous.]\n\n49 (return) [ The narrative of Constantine seems to indicate, that he\nsaw THE cross in THE sky before he passed THE Alps against Maxentius.\nThe scene has been fixed by provincial vanity at Tr\x8fves, Besan\x8don, &c.\nSee Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 573.]\n\n50 (return) [ The pious Tillemont (MŽm. Eccles. tom. vii. p. 1317)\nrejects with a sigh THE useful Acts of Artemius, a veteran and a\nmartyr, who attests as an eye-witness to THE vision of Constantine.]\n\n51 (return) [ Gelasius Cyzic. in Act. Concil. Nicen. l. i. c. 4.]\n\n52 (return) [ The advocates for THE vision are unable to produce a\nsingle testimony from THE FaTHErs of THE fourth and fifth centuries,\nwho, in THEir voluminous writings, repeatedly celebrate THE triumph of\nTHE church and of Constantine. As THEse venerable men had not any\ndislike to a miracle, we may suspect, (and THE suspicion is confirmed\nby THE ignorance of Jerom,) that THEy were all unacquainted with THE\nlife of Constantine by Eusebius. This tract was recovered by THE\ndiligence of those who translated or continued his Ecclesiastical\nHistory, and who have represented in various colors THE vision of THE\ncross.]\n\n53 (return) [ Godefroy was THE first, who, in THE year 1643, (Not ad\nPhilostorgium, l. i. c. 6, p. 16,) expressed any doubt of a miracle\nwhich had been supported with equal zeal by Cardinal Baronius, and THE\nCenturiators of Magdeburgh. Since that time, many of THE Protestant\ncritics have inclined towards doubt and disbelief. The objections are\nurged, with great force, by M. ChauffepiŽ, (Dictionnaire Critique, tom.\niv. p. 6Ð11;) and, in THE year 1774, a doctor of Sorbonne, THE AbbŽ du\nVoisin published an apology, which deserves THE praise of learning and\nmoderation. * Note: The first Excursus of Heinichen (in Vitam\nConstantini, p. 507) contains a full summary of THE opinions and\narguments of THE later writers who have discussed this interminable\nsubject. As to his conversion, where interest and inclination, state\npolicy, and, if not a sincere conviction of its truth, at least a\nrespect, an esteem, an awe of Christianity, thus coincided, Constantine\nhimself would probably have been unable to trace THE actual history of\nTHE workings of his own mind, or to assign its real influence to each\nconcurrent motive.ÑM]\n\nThe Protestant and philosophic readers of THE present age will incline\nto believe, that in THE account of his own conversion, Constantine\nattested a wilful falsehood by a solemn and deliberate perjury. They\nmay not hesitate to pronounce, that in THE choice of a religion, his\nmind was determined only by a sense of interest; and that (according to\nTHE expression of a profane poet) 54 he used THE altars of THE church\nas a convenient footstool to THE throne of THE empire. A conclusion so\nharsh and so absolute is not, however, warranted by our knowledge of\nhuman nature, of Constantine, or of Christianity. In an age of\nreligious fervor, THE most artful statesmen are observed to feel some\npart of THE enthusiasm which THEy inspire, and THE most orthodox saints\nassume THE dangerous privilege of defending THE cause of truth by THE\narms of deceit and falsehood.\n\nPersonal interest is often THE standard of our belief, as well as of\nour practice; and THE same motives of temporal advantage which might\ninfluence THE public conduct and professions of Constantine, would\ninsensibly dispose his mind to embrace a religion so propitious to his\nfame and fortunes. His vanity was gratified by THE flattering\nassurance, that _he_ had been chosen by Heaven to reign over THE earth;\nsuccess had justified his divine title to THE throne, and that title\nwas founded on THE truth of THE Christian revelation. As real virtue is\nsometimes excited by undeserved applause, THE specious piety of\nConstantine, if at first it was only specious, might gradually, by THE\ninfluence of praise, of habit, and of example, be matured into serious\nfaith and fervent devotion. The bishops and teachers of THE new sect,\nwhose dress and manners had not qualified THEm for THE residence of a\ncourt, were admitted to THE Imperial table; THEy accompanied THE\nmonarch in his expeditions; and THE ascendant which one of THEm, an\nEgyptian or a Spaniard, 55 acquired over his mind, was imputed by THE\nPagans to THE effect of magic. 56 Lactantius, who has adorned THE\nprecepts of THE gospel with THE eloquence of Cicero, 57 and Eusebius,\nwho has consecrated THE learning and philosophy of THE Greeks to THE\nservice of religion, 58 were both received into THE friendship and\nfamiliarity of THEir sovereign; and those able masters of controversy\ncould patiently watch THE soft and yielding moments of persuasion, and\ndexterously apply THE arguments which were THE best adapted to his\ncharacter and understanding. Whatever advantages might be derived from\nTHE acquisition of an Imperial proselyte, he was distinguished by THE\nsplendor of his purple, raTHEr than by THE superiority of wisdom, or\nvirtue, from THE many thousands of his subjects who had embraced THE\ndoctrines of Christianity. Nor can it be deemed incredible, that THE\nmind of an unlettered soldier should have yielded to THE weight of\nevidence, which, in a more enlightened age, has satisfied or subdued\nTHE reason of a Grotius, a Pascal, or a Locke. In THE midst of THE\nincessant labors of his great office, this soldier employed, or\naffected to employ, THE hours of THE night in THE diligent study of THE\nScriptures, and THE composition of THEological discourses; which he\nafterwards pronounced in THE presence of a numerous and applauding\naudience. In a very long discourse, which is still extant, THE royal\npreacher expatiates on THE various proofs still extant, THE royal\npreacher expatiates on THE various proofs of religion; but he dwells\nwith peculiar complacency on THE Sibylline verses, 59 and THE fourth\neclogue of Virgil. 60 Forty years before THE birth of Christ, THE\nMantuan bard, as if inspired by THE celestial muse of Isaiah, had\ncelebrated, with all THE pomp of oriental metaphor, THE return of THE\nVirgin, THE fall of THE serpent, THE approaching birth of a godlike\nchild, THE offspring of THE great Jupiter, who should expiate THE guilt\nof human kind, and govern THE peaceful universe with THE virtues of his\nfaTHEr; THE rise and appearance of a heavenly race, primitive nation\nthroughout THE world; and THE gradual restoration of THE innocence and\nfelicity of THE golden age. The poet was perhaps unconscious of THE\nsecret sense and object of THEse sublime predictions, which have been\nso unworthily applied to THE infant son of a consul, or a triumvir; 61\nbut if a more splendid, and indeed specious interpretation of THE\nfourth eclogue contributed to THE conversion of THE first Christian\nemperor, Virgil may deserve to be ranked among THE most successful\nmissionaries of THE gospel. 62\n\n54 (return) [\n Lors Constantin dit ces propres paroles:\n JÕai renversŽ le culte des idoles:\n Sur les debris de leurs temples fumans\n Au Dieu du Ciel jÕai prodigue lÕencens.\n Mais tous mes soins pour sa grandeur supreme\n NÕeurent jamais dÕautre obj\x90t que moi-m\x90me;\n\n Les saints autels nÕetoient ˆ mes regards\n QuÕun marchepiŽ du trone des CŽsars.\n LÕambition, la fureur, les delices\n Etoient mes Dieux, avoient mes sacrifices.\n LÕor des Chr\x90tiens, leur intrigues, leur sang\n Ont cimentŽ ma fortune et mon rang.\n\nThe poem which contains THEse lines may be read with pleasure, but\ncannot be named with decency.]\n\n55 (return) [ This favorite was probably THE great Osius, bishop of\nCordova, who preferred THE pastoral care of THE whole church to THE\ngovernment of a particular diocese. His character is magnificently,\nthough concisely, expressed by Athanasius, (tom. i. p. 703.) See\nTillemont, MŽm. Eccles. tom. vii. p. 524-561. Osius was accused,\nperhaps unjustly, of retiring from court with a very ample fortune.]\n\n56 (return) [ See Eusebius (in Vit. Constant. passim) and Zosimus, l.\nii. p. 104.]\n\n57 (return) [ The Christianity of Lactantius was of a moral raTHEr than\nof a mysterious cast. ÒErat p¾ne rudis (says THE orthodox Bull)\ndisciplin¾ Christian¾, et in rhetorica melius quam in THEologia\nversatus.Ó Defensio Fidei Nicen¾, sect. ii. c. 14.]\n\n58 (return) [ Fabricius, with his usual diligence, has collected a list\nof between three and four hundred authors quoted in THE Evangelical\nPreparation of Eusebius. See Bibl. Gr¾c. l. v. c. 4, tom. vi. p.\n37-56.]\n\n59 (return) [ See Constantin. Orat. ad Sanctos, c. 19 20. He chiefly\ndepends on a mysterious acrostic, composed in THE sixth age after THE\nDeluge, by THE Erythr¾an Sibyl, and translated by Cicero into Latin.\nThe initial letters of THE thirty-four Greek verses form this prophetic\nsentence: Jesus Christ, Son of God, Savior of THE World.]\n\n60 (return) [ In his paraphrase of Virgil, THE emperor has frequently\nassisted and improved THE literal sense of THE Latin ext. See Blondel\ndes Sibylles, l. i. c. 14, 15, 16.]\n\n61 (return) [ The different claims of an elder and younger son of\nPollio, of Julia, of Drusus, of Marcellus, are found to be incompatible\nwith chronology, history, and THE good sense of Virgil.]\n\n62 (return) [ See Lowth de Sacra Poesi Hebr¾orum Pr¾lect. xxi. p. 289-\n293. In THE examination of THE fourth eclogue, THE respectable bishop\nof London has displayed learning, taste, ingenuity, and a temperate\nenthusiasm, which exalts his fancy without degrading his judgment.]\n\n Chapter XX: Conversion Of Constantine.ÑPart III.\n\nThe awful mysteries of THE Christian faith and worship were concealed\nfrom THE eyes of strangers, and even of catechu mens, with an affected\nsecrecy, which served to excite THEir wonder and curiosity. 63 But THE\nsevere rules of discipline which THE prudence of THE bishops had\ninstituted, were relaxed by THE same prudence in favor of an Imperial\nproselyte, whom it was so important to allure, by every gentle\ncondescension, into THE pale of THE church; and Constantine was\npermitted, at least by a tacit dispensation, to enjoy _most_ of THE\nprivileges, before he had contracted _any_ of THE obligations, of a\nChristian. Instead of retiring from THE congregation, when THE voice of\nTHE deacon dismissed THE profane multitude, he prayed with THE\nfaithful, disputed with THE bishops, preached on THE most sublime and\nintricate subjects of THEology, celebrated with sacred rites THE vigil\nof Easter, and publicly declared himself, not only a partaker, but, in\nsome measure, a priest and hierophant of THE Christian mysteries. 64\nThe pride of Constantine might assume, and his services had deserved,\nsome extraordinary distinction: and ill-timed rigor might have blasted\nTHE unripened fruits of his conversion; and if THE doors of THE church\nhad been strictly closed against a prince who had deserted THE altars\nof THE gods, THE master of THE empire would have been left destitute of\nany form of religious worship. In his last visit to Rome, he piously\ndisclaimed and insulted THE superstition of his ancestors, by refusing\nto lead THE military procession of THE equestrian order, and to offer\nTHE public vows to THE Jupiter of THE Capitoline Hill. 65 Many years\nbefore his baptism and death, Constantine had proclaimed to THE world,\nthat neiTHEr his person nor his image should ever more be seen within\nTHE walls of an idolatrous temple; while he distributed through THE\nprovinces a variety of medals and pictures, which represented THE\nemperor in an humble and suppliant posture of Christian devotion. 66\n\n63 (return) [ The distinction between THE public and THE secret parts\nof divine service, THE _missa catechumenorum_ and THE _missa fidelium_,\nand THE mysterious veil which piety or policy had cast over THE latter,\nare very judiciously explained by Thiers, Exposition du Saint\nSacrament, l. i. c. 8- 12, p. 59-91: but as, on this subject, THE\nPapists may reasonably be suspected, a Protestant reader will depend\nwith more confidence on THE learned Bingham, Antiquities, l. x. c. 5.]\n\n64 (return) [ See Eusebius in Vit. Const. l. iv. c. 15-32, and THE\nwhole tenor of ConstantineÕs Sermon. The faith and devotion of THE\nemperor has furnished Batonics with a specious argument in favor of his\nearly baptism. Note: Compare Heinichen, Excursus iv. et v., where THEse\nquestions are examined with candor and acuteness, and with constant\nreference to THE opinions of more modern writers.ÑM.]\n\n65 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 105.]\n\n66 (return) [ Eusebius in Vit. Constant. l. iv. c. 15, 16.]\n\nThe pride of Constantine, who refused THE privileges of a catechumen,\ncannot easily be explained or excused; but THE delay of his baptism may\nbe justified by THE maxims and THE practice of ecclesiastical\nantiquity. The sacrament of baptism 67 was regularly administered by\nTHE bishop himself, with his assistant clergy, in THE caTHEdral church\nof THE diocese, during THE fifty days between THE solemn festivals of\nEaster and Pentecost; and this holy term admitted a numerous band of\ninfants and adult persons into THE bosom of THE church. The discretion\nof parents often suspended THE baptism of THEir children till THEy\ncould understand THE obligations which THEy contracted: THE severity of\nancient bishops exacted from THE new converts a novitiate of two or\nthree years; and THE catechumens THEmselves, from different motives of\na temporal or a spiritual nature, were seldom impatient to assume THE\ncharacter of perfect and initiated Christians. The sacrament of baptism\nwas supposed to contain a full and absolute expiation of sin; and THE\nsoul was instantly restored to its original purity, and entitled to THE\npromise of eternal salvation. Among THE proselytes of Christianity,\nTHEre are many who judged it imprudent to precipitate a salutary rite,\nwhich could not be repeated; to throw away an inestimable privilege,\nwhich could never be recovered. By THE delay of THEir baptism, THEy\ncould venture freely to indulge THEir passions in THE enjoyments of\nthis world, while THEy still retained in THEir own hands THE means of a\nsure and easy absolution. 68 The sublime THEory of THE gospel had made\na much fainter impression on THE heart than on THE understanding of\nConstantine himself. He pursued THE great object of his ambition\nthrough THE dark and bloody paths of war and policy; and, after THE\nvictory, he abandoned himself, without moderation, to THE abuse of his\nfortune. Instead of asserting his just superiority above THE imperfect\nheroism and profane philosophy of Trajan and THE Antonines, THE mature\nage of Constantine forfeited THE reputation which he had acquired in\nhis youth. As he gradually advanced in THE knowledge of truth, he\nproportionally declined in THE practice of virtue; and THE same year of\nhis reign in which he convened THE council of Nice, was polluted by THE\nexecution, or raTHEr murder, of his eldest son. This date is alone\nsufficient to refute THE ignorant and malicious suggestions of Zosimus,\n69 who affirms, that, after THE death of Crispus, THE remorse of his\nfaTHEr accepted from THE ministers of christianity THE expiation which\nhe had vainly solicited from THE Pagan pontiffs. At THE time of THE\ndeath of Crispus, THE emperor could no longer hesitate in THE choice of\na religion; he could no longer be ignorant that THE church was\npossessed of an infallible remedy, though he chose to defer THE\napplication of it till THE approach of death had removed THE temptation\nand danger of a relapse. The bishops whom he summoned, in his last\nillness, to THE palace of Nicomedia, were edified by THE fervor with\nwhich he requested and received THE sacrament of baptism, by THE solemn\nprotestation that THE remainder of his life should be worthy of a\ndisciple of Christ, and by his humble refusal to wear THE Imperial\npurple after he had been cloTHEd in THE white garment of a Neophyte.\nThe example and reputation of Constantine seemed to countenance THE\ndelay of baptism. 70 Future tyrants were encouraged to believe, that\nTHE innocent blood which THEy might shed in a long reign would\ninstantly be washed away in THE waters of regeneration; and THE abuse\nof religion dangerously undermined THE foundations of moral virtue.\n\n67 (return) [ The THEory and practice of antiquity, with regard to THE\nsacrament of baptism, have been copiously explained by Dom Chardon,\nHist. des Sacremens, tom. i. p. 3-405; Dom Martenne de Ritibus Ecclesi¾\nAntiquis, tom. i.; and by Bingham, in THE tenth and eleventh books of\nhis Christian Antiquities. One circumstance may be observed, in which\nTHE modern churches have materially departed from THE ancient custom.\nThe sacrament of baptism (even when it was administered to infants) was\nimmediately followed by confirmation and THE holy communion.]\n\n68 (return) [ The FaTHErs, who censured this criminal delay, could not\ndeny THE certain and victorious efficacy even of a death-bed baptism.\nThe ingenious rhetoric of Chrysostom could find only three arguments\nagainst THEse prudent Christians. 1. That we should love and pursue\nvirtue for her own sake, and not merely for THE reward. 2. That we may\nbe surprised by death without an opportunity of baptism. 3. That\nalthough we shall be placed in heaven, we shall only twinkle like\nlittle stars, when compared to THE suns of righteousness who have run\nTHEir appointed course with labor, with success, and with glory.\nChrysos tom in Epist. ad Hebr¾os, Homil. xiii. apud Chardon, Hist. des\nSacremens, tom. i. p. 49. I believe that this delay of baptism, though\nattended with THE most pernicious consequences, was never condemned by\nany general or provincial council, or by any public act or declaration\nof THE church. The zeal of THE bishops was easily kindled on much\nslighter occasion. * Note: This passage of Chrysostom, though not in\nhis more forcible manner, is not quite fairly represented. He is\nstronger in oTHEr places, in Act. Hom. xxiii.Ñand Hom. i. Compare,\nlikewise, THE sermon of Gregory of Nysea on this subject, and Gregory\nNazianzen. After all, to those who believed in THE efficacy of baptism,\nwhat argument could be more conclusive, than THE danger of dying\nwithout it? Orat. xl.ÑM.]\n\n69 (return) [ Zosimus, l. ii. p. 104. For this disingenuous falsehood\nhe has deserved and experienced THE harshest treatment from all THE\necclesiastical writers, except Cardinal Baronius, (A. D. 324, No.\n15-28,) who had occasion to employ THE infidel on a particular service\nagainst THE Arian Eusebius. Note: Heyne, in a valuable note on this\npassage of Zosimus, has shown decisively that this malicious way of\naccounting for THE conversion of Constantine was not an invention of\nZosimus. It appears to have been THE current calumny eagerly adopted\nand propagated by THE exasperated Pagan party. Reitemeter, a later\neditor of Zosimus, whose notes are retained in THE recent edition, in\nTHE collection of THE Byzantine historians, has a disquisition on THE\npassage, as candid, but not more conclusive than some which have\npreceded himÑM.]\n\n70 (return) [ Eusebius, l. iv. c. 61, 62, 63. The bishop of C¾sarea\nsupposes THE salvation of Constantine with THE most perfect\nconfidence.]\n\nThe gratitude of THE church has exalted THE virtues and excused THE\nfailings of a generous patron, who seated Christianity on THE throne of\nTHE Roman world; and THE Greeks, who celebrate THE festival of THE\nImperial saint, seldom mention THE name of Constantine without adding\nTHE title of _equal to THE Apostles_. 71 Such a comparison, if it\nallude to THE character of those divine missionaries, must be imputed\nto THE extravagance of impious flattery. But if THE parallel be\nconfined to THE extent and number of THEir evangelic victories THE\nsuccess of Constantine might perhaps equal that of THE Apostles\nTHEmselves. By THE edicts of toleration, he removed THE temporal\ndisadvantages which had hiTHErto retarded THE progress of Christianity;\nand its active and numerous ministers received a free permission, a\nliberal encouragement, to recommend THE salutary truths of revelation\nby every argument which could affect THE reason or piety of mankind.\nThe exact balance of THE two religions continued but a moment; and THE\npiercing eye of ambition and avarice soon discovered, that THE\nprofession of Christianity might contribute to THE interest of THE\npresent, as well as of a future life. 72 The hopes of wealth and\nhonors, THE example of an emperor, his exhortations, his irresistible\nsmiles, diffused conviction among THE venal and obsequious crowds which\nusually fill THE apartments of a palace. The cities which signalized a\nforward zeal by THE voluntary destruction of THEir temples, were\ndistinguished by municipal privileges, and rewarded with popular\ndonatives; and THE new capital of THE East gloried in THE singular\nadvantage that Constantinople was never profaned by THE worship of\nidols. 73 As THE lower ranks of society are governed by imitation, THE\nconversion of those who possessed any eminence of birth, of power, or\nof riches, was soon followed by dependent multitudes. 74 The salvation\nof THE common people was purchased at an easy rate, if it be true that,\nin one year, twelve thousand men were baptized at Rome, besides a\nproportionable number of women and children, and that a white garment,\nwith twenty pieces of gold, had been promised by THE emperor to every\nconvert. 75 The powerful influence of Constantine was not circumscribed\nby THE narrow limits of his life, or of his dominions. The education\nwhich he bestowed on his sons and nephews secured to THE empire a race\nof princes, whose faith was still more lively and sincere, as THEy\nimbibed, in THEir earliest infancy, THE spirit, or at least THE\ndoctrine, of Christianity. War and commerce had spread THE knowledge of\nTHE gospel beyond THE confines of THE Roman provinces; and THE\nBarbarians, who had disdained as humble and proscribed sect, soon\nlearned to esteem a religion which had been so lately embraced by THE\ngreatest monarch, and THE most civilized nation, of THE globe. 76 The\nGoths and Germans, who enlisted under THE standard of Rome, revered THE\ncross which glittered at THE head of THE legions, and THEir fierce\ncountrymen received at THE same time THE lessons of faith and of\nhumanity. The kings of Iberia and Armenia76a worshipped THE god of\nTHEir protector; and THEir subjects, who have invariably preserved THE\nname of Christians, soon formed a sacred and perpetual connection with\nTHEir Roman brethren. The Christians of Persia were suspected, in time\nof war, of preferring THEir religion to THEir country; but as long as\npeace subsisted between THE two empires, THE persecuting spirit of THE\nMagi was effectually restrained by THE interposition of Constantine. 77\nThe rays of THE gospel illuminated THE coast of India. The colonies of\nJews, who had penetrated into Arabia and Ethiopia, 78 opposed THE\nprogress of Christianity; but THE labor of THE missionaries was in some\nmeasure facilitated by a previous knowledge of THE Mosaic revelation;\nand Abyssinia still reveres THE memory of Frumentius, 78a who, in THE\ntime of Constantine, devoted his life to THE conversion of those\nsequestered regions. Under THE reign of his son Constantius,\nTheophilus, 79 who was himself of Indian extraction, was invested with\nTHE double character of ambassador and bishop. He embarked on THE Red\nSea with two hundred horses of THE purest breed of Cappadocia, which\nwere sent by THE emperor to THE prince of THE Sab¾ans, or Homerites.\nTheophilus was intrusted with many oTHEr useful or curious presents,\nwhich might raise THE admiration, and conciliate THE friendship, of THE\nBarbarians; and he successfully employed several years in a pastoral\nvisit to THE churches of THE torrid zone. 80\n\n71 (return) [ See Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 429. The\nGreeks, THE Russians, and, in THE darker ages, THE Latins THEmselves,\nhave been desirous of placing Constantine in THE catalogue of saints.]\n\n72 (return) [ See THE third and fourth books of his life. He was\naccustomed to say, that wheTHEr Christ was preached in pretence, or in\ntruth, he should still rejoice, (l. iii. c. 58.)]\n\n73 (return) [ M. de Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 374,\n616) has defended, with strength and spirit, THE virgin purity of\nConstantinople against some malevolent insinuations of THE Pagan\nZosimus.]\n\n74 (return) [ The author of THE Histoire Politique et Philosophique des\ndeux Indes (tom. i. p. 9) condemns a law of Constantine, which gave\nfreedom to all THE slaves who should embrace Christianity. The emperor\ndid indeed publish a law, which restrained THE Jews from circumcising,\nperhaps from keeping, any Christian slave. (See Euseb. in Vit.\nConstant. l. iv. c. 27, and Cod. Theod. l. xvi. tit. ix., with\nGodefroyÕs Commentary, tom. vi. p. 247.) But this imperfect exception\nrelated only to THE Jews, and THE great body of slaves, who were THE\nproperty of Christian or Pagan masters, could not improve THEir\ntemporal condition by changing THEir religion. I am ignorant by what\nguides THE AbbŽ Raynal was deceived; as THE total absence of quotations\nis THE unpardonable blemish of his entertaining history.]\n\n75 (return) [ See Acta Sti Silvestri, and Hist. Eccles. Nicephor.\nCallist. l. vii. c. 34, ap. Baronium Annal. Eccles. A. D. 324, No. 67,\n74. Such evidence is contemptible enough; but THEse circumstances are\nin THEmselves so probable, that THE learned Dr. Howell (History of THE\nWorld, vol. iii. p. 14) has not scrupled to adopt THEm.]\n\n76 (return) [ The conversion of THE Barbarians under THE reign of\nConstantine is celebrated by THE ecclesiastical historians. (See\nSozomen, l. ii. c. 6, and Theodoret, l. i. c. 23, 24.) But Rufinus, THE\nLatin translator of Eusebius, deserves to be considered as an original\nauthority. His information was curiously collected from one of THE\ncompanions of THE Apostle of ®thiopia, and from Bacurius, an Iberian\nprince, who was count of THE domestics. FaTHEr Mamachi has given an\nample compilation on THE progress of Christianity, in THE first and\nsecond volumes of his great but imperfect work.]\n\n76a (return) [ According to THE Georgian chronicles, Iberia (Georgia)\nwas converted by THE virgin Nino, who effected an extraordinary cure on\nTHE wife of THE king Mihran. The temple of THE god Aramazt, or Armaz,\nnot far from THE capital Mtskitha, was destroyed, and THE cross erected\nin its place. Le Beau, i. 202, with St. MartinÕs Notes.ÑSt. Martin has\nlikewise clearly shown (St. Martin, Add. to Le Beau, i. 291) Armenia\nwas THE first _nation_ which embraced Christianity, (Addition to Le\nBeau, i. 76. and MŽmoire sur lÕArmenie, i. 305.) Gibbon himself\nsuspected this truth.ÑÒInstead of maintaining that THE conversion of\nArmenia was not attempted with any degree of success, till THE sceptre\nwas in THE hands of an orthodox emperor,Ó I ought to have said, that\nTHE seeds of THE faith were deeply sown during THE season of THE last\nand greatest persecution, that many Roman exiles might assist THE\nlabors of Gregory, and that THE renowned Tiridates, THE hero of THE\nEast, may dispute with Constantine THE honor of being THE first\nsovereign who embraced THE Christian religion Vindication]\n\n77 (return) [ See, in Eusebius, (in Vit. l. iv. c. 9,) THE pressing and\npaTHEtic epistle of Constantine in favor of his Christian brethren of\nPersia.]\n\n78 (return) [ See Basnage, Hist. des Juifs, tom. vii. p. 182, tom.\nviii. p. 333, tom. ix. p. 810. The curious diligence of this writer\npursues THE Jewish exiles to THE extremities of THE globe.]\n\n78a (return) [ Abba Salama, or Fremonatus, is mentioned in THE Tareek\nNegushti, chronicle of THE kings of Abyssinia. SaltÕs Travels, vol. ii.\np. 464.ÑM.]\n\n79 (return) [ Theophilus had been given in his infancy as a hostage by\nhis countrymen of THE Isle of Diva, and was educated by THE Romans in\nlearning and piety. The Maldives, of which Male, or Diva, may be THE\ncapital, are a cluster of 1900 or 2000 minute islands in THE Indian\nOcean. The ancients were imperfectly acquainted with THE Maldives; but\nTHEy are described in THE two Mahometan travellers of THE ninth\ncentury, published by Renaudot, Geograph. Nubiensis, p. 30, 31\nDÕHerbelot, Biblioth\x8fque Orientale p. 704. Hist. Generale des Voy ages,\ntom. viii.ÑSee THE dissertation of M. Letronne on this question. He\nconceives that Theophilus was born in THE island of Dahlak, in THE\nArabian Gulf. His embassy was to Abyssinia raTHEr than to India.\nLetronne, Materiaux pour lÕHist. du Christianisme en Egypte Indie, et\nAbyssinie. Paris, 1832 3d Dissert.ÑM.]\n\n80 (return) [ Philostorgius, l. iii. c. 4, 5, 6, with GodefroyÕs\nlearned observations. The historical narrative is soon lost in an\ninquiry concerning THE seat of Paradise, strange monsters, &c.]\n\nThe irresistible power of THE Roman emperors was displayed in THE\nimportant and dangerous change of THE national religion. The terrors of\na military force silenced THE faint and unsupported murmurs of THE\nPagans, and THEre was reason to expect, that THE cheerful submission of\nTHE Christian clergy, as well as people, would be THE result of\nconscience and gratitude. It was long since established, as a\nfundamental maxim of THE Roman constitution, that every rank of\ncitizens was alike subject to THE laws, and that THE care of religion\nwas THE right as well as duty of THE civil magistrate. Constantine and\nhis successors could not easily persuade THEmselves that THEy had\nforfeited, by THEir conversion, any branch of THE Imperial\nprerogatives, or that THEy were incapable of giving laws to a religion\nwhich THEy had protected and embraced. The emperors still continued to\nexercise a supreme jurisdiction over THE ecclesiastical order, and THE\nsixteenth book of THE Theodosian code represents, under a variety of\ntitles, THE authority which THEy assumed in THE government of THE\nCatholic church. But THE distinction of THE spiritual and temporal\npowers, 81 which had never been imposed on THE free spirit of Greece\nand Rome, was introduced and confirmed by THE legal establishment of\nChristianity. The office of supreme pontiff, which, from THE time of\nNuma to that of Augustus, had always been exercised by one of THE most\neminent of THE senators, was at length united to THE Imperial dignity.\nThe first magistrate of THE state, as often as he was prompted by\nsuperstition or policy, performed with his own hands THE sacerdotal\nfunctions; 82 nor was THEre any order of priests, eiTHEr at Rome or in\nTHE provinces, who claimed a more sacred character among men, or a more\nintimate communication with THE gods. But in THE Christian church,\nwhich instrusts THE service of THE altar to a perpetual succession of\nconsecrated ministers, THE monarch, whose spiritual rank is less\nhonorable than that of THE meanest deacon, was seated below THE rails\nof THE sanctuary, and confounded with THE rest of THE faithful\nmultitude. 83 The emperor might be saluted as THE faTHEr of his people,\nbut he owed a filial duty and reverence to THE faTHErs of THE church;\nand THE same marks of respect, which Constantine had paid to THE\npersons of saints and confessors, were soon exacted by THE pride of THE\nepiscopal order. 84 A secret conflict between THE civil and\necclesiastical jurisdictions embarrassed THE operation of THE Roman\ngovernment; and a pious emperor was alarmed by THE guilt and danger of\ntouching with a profane hand THE ark of THE covenant. The separation of\nmen into THE two orders of THE clergy and of THE laity was, indeed,\nfamiliar to many nations of antiquity; and THE priests of India, of\nPersia, of Assyria, of Judea, of ®thiopia, of Egypt, and of Gaul,\nderived from a celestial origin THE temporal power and possessions\nwhich THEy had acquired. These venerable institutions had gradually\nassimilated THEmselves to THE manners and government of THEir\nrespective countries; 85 but THE opposition or contempt of THE civil\npower served to cement THE discipline of THE primitive church. The\nChristians had been obliged to elect THEir own magistrates, to raise\nand distribute a peculiar revenue, and to regulate THE internal policy\nof THEir republic by a code of laws, which were ratified by THE consent\nof THE people and THE practice of three hundred years. When Constantine\nembraced THE faith of THE Christians, he seemed to contract a perpetual\nalliance with a distinct and independent society; and THE privileges\ngranted or confirmed by that emperor, or by his successors, were\naccepted, not as THE precarious favors of THE court, but as THE just\nand inalienable rights of THE ecclesiastical order.\n\n81 (return) [ See THE epistle of Osius, ap. Athanasium, vol. i. p. 840.\nThe public remonstrance which Osius was forced to address to THE son,\ncontained THE same principles of ecclesiastical and civil government\nwhich he had secretly instilled into THE mind of THE faTHEr.]\n\n82 (return) [ M. de la Bastiel has evidently proved, that Augustus and\nhis successors exercised in person all THE sacred functions of pontifex\nmaximus, of high priest, of THE Roman empire.]\n\n83 (return) [ Something of a contrary practice had insensibly prevailed\nin THE church of Constantinople; but THE rigid Ambrose commanded\nTheodosius to retire below THE rails, and taught him to know THE\ndifference between a king and a priest. See Theodoret, l. v. c. 18.]\n\n84 (return) [ At THE table of THE emperor Maximus, Martin, bishop of\nTours, received THE cup from an attendant, and gave it to THE\npresbyter, his companion, before he allowed THE emperor to drink; THE\nempress waited on Martin at table. Sulpicius Severus, in Vit. Sti\nMartin, c. 23, and Dialogue ii. 7. Yet it may be doubted, wheTHEr THEse\nextraordinary compliments were paid to THE bishop or THE saint. The\nhonors usually granted to THE former character may be seen in BinghamÕs\nAntiquities, l. ii. c. 9, and Vales ad Theodoret, l. iv. c. 6. See THE\nhaughty ceremonial which Leontius, bishop of Tripoli, imposed on THE\nempress. Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 754. (Patres\nApostol. tom. ii. p. 179.)]\n\n85 (return) [ Plutarch, in his treatise of Isis and Osiris, informs us\nthat THE kings of Egypt, who were not already priests, were initiated,\nafter THEir election, into THE sacerdotal order.]\n\nThe Catholic church was administered by THE spiritual and legal\njurisdiction of eighteen hundred bishops; 86 of whom one thousand were\nseated in THE Greek, and eight hundred in THE Latin, provinces of THE\nempire. The extent and boundaries of THEir respective dioceses had been\nvariously and accidentally decided by THE zeal and success of THE first\nmissionaries, by THE wishes of THE people, and by THE propagation of\nTHE gospel. Episcopal churches were closely planted along THE banks of\nTHE Nile, on THE sea-coast of Africa, in THE proconsular Asia, and\nthrough THE souTHErn provinces of Italy. The bishops of Gaul and Spain,\nof Thrace and Pontus, reigned over an ample territory, and delegated\nTHEir rural suffragans to execute THE subordinate duties of THE\npastoral office. 87 A Christian diocese might be spread over a\nprovince, or reduced to a village; but all THE bishops possessed an\nequal and indelible character: THEy all derived THE same powers and\nprivileges from THE apostles, from THE people, and from THE laws. While\nTHE _civil_ and _military_ professions were separated by THE policy of\nConstantine, a new and perpetual order of _ecclesiastical_ ministers,\nalways respectable, sometimes dangerous, was established in THE church\nand state. The important review of THEir station and attributes may be\ndistributed under THE following heads: I. Popular Election. II.\nOrdination of THE Clergy. III. Property. IV. Civil Jurisdiction. V.\nSpiritual censures. VI. Exercise of public oratory. VII. Privilege of\nlegislative assemblies.\n\n86 (return) [ The numbers are not ascertained by any ancient writer or\noriginal catalogue; for THE partial lists of THE eastern churches are\ncomparatively modern. The patient diligence of Charles a Sto Paolo, of\nLuke Holstentius, and of Bingham, has laboriously investigated all THE\nepiscopal sees of THE Catholic church, which was almost commensurate\nwith THE Roman empire. The ninth book of THE Christian antiquities is a\nvery accurate map of ecclesiastical geography.]\n\n87 (return) [ On THE subject of rural bishops, or _Chorepiscopi_, who\nvoted in tynods, and conferred THE minor orders, See Thomassin,\nDiscipline de lÕEglise, tom. i. p. 447, &c., and Chardon, Hist. des\nSacremens, tom. v. p. 395, &c. They do not appear till THE fourth\ncentury; and this equivocal character, which had excited THE jealousy\nof THE prelates, was abolished before THE end of THE tenth, both in THE\nEast and THE West.]\n\nI. The freedom of election subsisted long after THE legal establishment\nof Christianity; 88 and THE subjects of Rome enjoyed in THE church THE\nprivilege which THEy had lost in THE republic, of choosing THE\nmagistrates whom THEy were bound to obey. As soon as a bishop had\nclosed his eyes, THE metropolitan issued a commission to one of his\nsuffragans to administer THE vacant see, and prepare, within a limited\ntime, THE future election. The right of voting was vested in THE\ninferior clergy, who were best qualified to judge of THE merit of THE\ncandidates; in THE senators or nobles of THE city, all those who were\ndistinguished by THEir rank or property; and finally in THE whole body\nof THE people, who, on THE appointed day, flocked in multitudes from\nTHE most remote parts of THE diocese, 89 and sometimes silenced by\nTHEir tumultuous acclamations, THE voice of reason and THE laws of\ndiscipline. These acclamations might accidentally fix on THE head of\nTHE most deserving competitor; of some ancient presbyter, some holy\nmonk, or some layman, conspicuous for his zeal and piety. But THE\nepiscopal chair was solicited, especially in THE great and opulent\ncities of THE empire, as a temporal raTHEr than as a spiritual dignity.\nThe interested views, THE selfish and angry passions, THE arts of\nperfidy and dissimulation, THE secret corruption, THE open and even\nbloody violence which had formerly disgraced THE freedom of election in\nTHE commonwealths of Greece and Rome, too often influenced THE choice\nof THE successors of THE apostles. While one of THE candidates boasted\nTHE honors of his family, a second allured his judges by THE delicacies\nof a plentiful table, and a third, more guilty than his rivals, offered\nto share THE plunder of THE church among THE accomplices of his\nsacrilegious hopes 90 The civil as well as ecclesiastical laws\nattempted to exclude THE populace from this solemn and important\ntransaction. The canons of ancient discipline, by requiring several\nepiscopal qualifications, of age, station, &c., restrained, in some\nmeasure, THE indiscriminate caprice of THE electors. The authority of\nTHE provincial bishops, who were assembled in THE vacant church to\nconsecrate THE choice of THE people, was interposed to moderate THEir\npassions and to correct THEir mistakes. The bishops could refuse to\nordain an unworthy candidate, and THE rage of contending factions\nsometimes accepted THEir impartial mediation. The submission, or THE\nresistance, of THE clergy and people, on various occasions, afforded\ndifferent precedents, which were insensibly converted into positive\nlaws and provincial customs; 91 but it was every where admitted, as a\nfundamental maxim of religious policy, that no bishop could be imposed\non an orthodox church, without THE consent of its members. The\nemperors, as THE guardians of THE public peace, and as THE first\ncitizens of Rome and Constantinople, might effectually declare THEir\nwishes in THE choice of a primate; but those absolute monarchs\nrespected THE freedom of ecclesiastical elections; and while THEy\ndistributed and resumed THE honors of THE state and army, THEy allowed\neighteen hundred perpetual magistrates to receive THEir important\noffices from THE free suffrages of THE people. 92 It was agreeable to\nTHE dictates of justice, that THEse magistrates should not desert an\nhonorable station from which THEy could not be removed; but THE wisdom\nof councils endeavored, without much success, to enforce THE residence,\nand to prevent THE translation, of bishops. The discipline of THE West\nwas indeed less relaxed than that of THE East; but THE same passions\nwhich made those regulations necessary, rendered THEm ineffectual. The\nreproaches which angry prelates have so vehemently urged against each\noTHEr, serve only to expose THEir common guilt, and THEir mutual\nindiscretion.\n\n88 (return) [ Thomassin (Discipline de lÕEglise, tom, ii. l. ii. c.\n1-8, p. 673-721) has copiously treated of THE election of bishops\nduring THE five first centuries, both in THE East and in THE West; but\nhe shows a very partial bias in favor of THE episcopal aristocracy.\nBingham, (l. iv. c. 2) is moderate; and Chardon (Hist. des Sacremens\ntom. v. p. 108-128) is very clear and concise. * Note: This freedom was\nextremely limited, and soon annihilated; already, from THE third\ncentury, THE deacons were no longer nominated by THE members of THE\ncommunity, but by THE bishops. Although it appears by THE letters of\nCyprian, that even in his time, no priest could be elected without THE\nconsent of THE community. (Ep. 68,) that election was far from being\naltogeTHEr free. The bishop proposed to his parishioners THE candidate\nwhom he had chosen, and THEy were permitted to make such objections as\nmight be suggested by his conduct and morals. (St. Cyprian, Ep. 33.)\nThey lost this last right towards THE middle of THE fourth century.ÑG]\n\n89 (return) [ Incredibilis multitudo, non solum ex eo oppido,\n(_Tours_,) sed etiam ex vicinis urbibus ad suffragia ferenda\nconvenerat, &c. Sulpicius Severus, in Vit. Martin. c. 7. The council of\nLaodicea, (canon xiii.) prohibits mobs and tumults; and Justinian\nconfines confined THE right of election to THE nobility. Novel. cxxiii.\nl.]\n\n90 (return) [ The epistles of Sidonius Apollinaris (iv. 25, vii. 5, 9)\nexhibit some of THE scandals of THE Gallican church; and Gaul was less\npolished and less corrupt than THE East.]\n\n91 (return) [ A compromise was sometimes introduced by law or by\nconsent; eiTHEr THE bishops or THE people chose one of THE three\ncandidates who had been named by THE oTHEr party.]\n\n92 (return) [ All THE examples quoted by Thomassin (Discipline de\nlÕEglise, tom. ii. l. iii. c. vi. p. 704-714) appear to be\nextraordinary acts of power, and even of oppression. The confirmation\nof THE bishop of Alexandria is mentioned by Philostorgius as a more\nregular proceeding. (Hist Eccles. l. ii. ll.) * Note: The statement of\nPlanck is more consistent with history: ÒFrom THE middle of THE fourth\ncentury, THE bishops of some of THE larger churches, particularly those\nof THE Imperial residence, were almost always chosen under THE\ninfluence of THE court, and often directly and immediately nominated by\nTHE emperor.Ó Planck, Geschichte der Christlich-kirchlichen\nGesellschafteverfassung, verfassung, vol. i p 263.ÑM.]\n\nII. The bishops alone possessed THE faculty of _spiritual_ generation:\nand this extraordinary privilege might compensate, in some degree, for\nTHE painful celibacy 93 which was imposed as a virtue, as a duty, and\nat length as a positive obligation. The religions of antiquity, which\nestablished a separate order of priests, dedicated a holy race, a tribe\nor family, to THE perpetual service of THE gods. 94 Such institutions\nwere founded for possession, raTHEr than conquest. The children of THE\npriests enjoyed, with proud and indolent security, THEir sacred\ninheritance; and THE fiery spirit of enthusiasm was abated by THE\ncares, THE pleasures, and THE endearments of domestic life. But THE\nChristian sanctuary was open to every ambitious candidate, who aspired\nto its heavenly promises or temporal possessions. This office of\npriests, like that of soldiers or magistrates, was strenuously\nexercised by those men, whose temper and abilities had prompted THEm to\nembrace THE ecclesiastical profession, or who had been selected by a\ndiscerning bishop, as THE best qualified to promote THE glory and\ninterest of THE church. The bishops 95 (till THE abuse was restrained\nby THE prudence of THE laws) might constrain THE reluctant, and protect\nTHE distressed; and THE imposition of hands forever bestowed some of\nTHE most valuable privileges of civil society. The whole body of THE\nCatholic clergy, more numerous perhaps than THE legions, was exempted\n[95a] by THE emperors from all service, private or public, all\nmunicipal offices, and all personal taxes and contributions, which\npressed on THEir fellow- citizens with intolerable weight; and THE\nduties of THEir holy profession were accepted as a full discharge of\nTHEir obligations to THE republic. 96 Each bishop acquired an absolute\nand indefeasible right to THE perpetual obedience of THE clerk whom he\nordained: THE clergy of each episcopal church, with its dependent\nparishes, formed a regular and permanent society; and THE caTHEdrals of\nConstantinople 97 and Carthage 98 maintained THEir peculiar\nestablishment of five hundred ecclesiastical ministers. Their ranks 99\nand numbers were insensibly multiplied by THE superstition of THE\ntimes, which introduced into THE church THE splendid ceremonies of a\nJewish or Pagan temple; and a long train of priests, deacons,\nsub-deacons, acolyTHEs, exorcists, readers, singers, and doorkeepers,\ncontributed, in THEir respective stations, to swell THE pomp and\nharmony of religious worship. The clerical name and privileges were\nextended to many pious fraternities, who devoutly supported THE\necclesiastical throne. 100 Six hundred _parabolani_, or adventurers,\nvisited THE sick at Alexandria; eleven hundred _copiat¾_, or\ngrave-diggers, buried THE dead at Constantinople; and THE swarms of\nmonks, who arose from THE Nile, overspread and darkened THE face of THE\nChristian world.\n\n93 (return) [ The celibacy of THE clergy during THE first five or six\ncenturies, is a subject of discipline, and indeed of controversy, which\nhas been very diligently examined. See in particular, Thomassin,\nDiscipline de lÕEglise, tom. i. l. ii. c. lx. lxi. p. 886-902, and\nBinghamÕs Antiquities, l. iv. c. 5. By each of THEse learned but\npartial critics, one half of THE truth is produced, and THE oTHEr is\nconcealed.ÑNote: Compare Planck, (vol. i. p. 348.) This century, THE\nthird, first brought forth THE monks, or THE spirit of monkery, THE\ncelibacy of THE clergy. Planck likewise observes, that from THE history\nof Eusebius alone, names of married bishops and presbyters may be\nadduced by dozens.ÑM.]\n\n94 (return) [ Diodorus Siculus attests and approves THE hereditary\nsuccession of THE priesthood among THE Egyptians, THE Chaldeans, and\nTHE Indians, (l. i. p. 84, l. ii. p. 142, 153, edit. Wesseling.) The\nmagi are described by Ammianus as a very numerous family: ÒPer s¾cula\nmulta ad pr¾sens un‰ e‰demque prosapi‰ multitudo creata, Deorum\ncultibus dedicata.Ó (xxiii. 6.) Ausonius celebrates THE _Stirps\nDruidarum_, (De Professorib. Burdigal. iv.;) but we may infer from THE\nremark of C¾sar, (vi. 13,) that in THE Celtic hierarchy, some room was\nleft for choice and emulation.]\n\n95 (return) [ The subject of THE vocation, ordination, obedience, &c.,\nof THE clergy, is laboriously discussed by Thomassin (Discipline de\nlÕEglise, tom. ii. p. 1-83) and Bingham, (in THE 4th book of his\nAntiquities, more especially THE 4th, 6th, and 7th chapters.) When THE\nbroTHEr of St. Jerom was ordained in Cyprus, THE deacons forcibly\nstopped his mouth, lest he should make a solemn protestation, which\nmight invalidate THE holy rites.]\n\n [ This exemption was very much limited. The municipal offices were of\n two kinds; THE one attached to THE individual in his character of\n inhabitant, THE oTHEr in that of _proprietor_. Constantine had\n exempted ecclesiastics from offices of THE first description. (Cod.\n Theod. xvi. t. ii. leg. 1, 2 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. l. x. c. vii.)\n They sought, also, to be exempted from those of THE second, (munera\n patrimoniorum.) The rich, to obtain this privilege, obtained\n subordinate situations among THE clergy. Constantine published in 320\n an edict, by which he prohibited THE more opulent citizens (decuriones\n and curiales) from embracing THE ecclesiastical profession, and THE\n bishops from admitting new ecclesiastics, before a place should be\n vacant by THE death of THE occupant, (Godefroy ad Cod. Theod.t. xii.\n t. i. de Decur.) Valentinian THE First, by a rescript still more\n general enacted that no rich citizen should obtain a situation in THE\n church, (De Episc 1. lxvii.) He also enacted that ecclesiastics, who\n wished to be exempt from offices which THEy were bound to discharge as\n proprietors, should be obliged to give up THEir property to THEir\n relations. Cod Theodos l. xii t. i. leb. 49ÑG.]\n\n96 (return) [ The charter of immunities, which THE clergy obtained from\nTHE Christian emperors, is contained in THE 16th book of THE Theodosian\ncode; and is illustrated with tolerable candor by THE learned Godefroy,\nwhose mind was balanced by THE opposite prejudices of a civilian and a\nProtestant.]\n\n97 (return) [ Justinian. Novell. ciii. Sixty presbyters, or priests,\none hundred deacons, forty deaconesses, ninety sub-deacons, one hundred\nand ten readers, twenty-five chanters, and one hundred door-keepers; in\nall, five hundred and twenty-five. This moderate number was fixed by\nTHE emperor to relieve THE distress of THE church, which had been\ninvolved in debt and usury by THE expense of a much higher\nestablishment.]\n\n98 (return) [ Universus clerus ecclesi¾ Carthaginiensis.... fere\n_quingenti_ vel amplius; inter quos quamplurima erant lectores\ninfantuli. Victor Vitensis, de Persecut. Vandal. v. 9, p. 78, edit.\nRuinart. This remnant of a more prosperous state still subsisted under\nTHE oppression of THE Vandals.]\n\n99 (return) [ The number of _seven_ orders has been fixed in THE Latin\nchurch, exclusive of THE episcopal character. But THE four inferior\nranks, THE minor orders, are now reduced to empty and useless titles.]\n\n100 (return) [ See Cod. Theodos. l. xvi. tit. ii. leg. 42, 43.\nGodefroyÕs Commentary, and THE Ecclesiastical History of Alexandria,\nshow THE danger of THEse pious institutions, which often disturbed THE\npeace of that turbulent capital.]\n\n Chapter XX: Conversion Of Constantine.ÑPart IV.\n\nIII. The edict of Milan secured THE revenue as well as THE peace of THE\nchurch. 101 The Christians not only recovered THE lands and houses of\nwhich THEy had been stripped by THE persecuting laws of Diocletian, but\nTHEy acquired a perfect title to all THE possessions which THEy had\nhiTHErto enjoyed by THE connivance of THE magistrate. As soon as\nChristianity became THE religion of THE emperor and THE empire, THE\nnational clergy might claim a decent and honorable maintenance; and THE\npayment of an annual tax might have delivered THE people from THE more\noppressive tribute, which superstition imposes on her votaries. But as\nTHE wants and expenses of THE church increased with her prosperity, THE\necclesiastical order was still supported and enriched by THE voluntary\noblations of THE faithful. Eight years after THE edict of Milan,\nConstantine granted to all his subjects THE free and universal\npermission of bequeathing THEir fortunes to THE holy Catholic church;\n102 and THEir devout liberality, which during THEir lives was checked\nby luxury or avarice, flowed with a profuse stream at THE hour of THEir\ndeath. The wealthy Christians were encouraged by THE example of THEir\nsovereign. An absolute monarch, who is rich without patrimony, may be\ncharitable without merit; and Constantine too easily believed that he\nshould purchase THE favor of Heaven, if he maintained THE idle at THE\nexpense of THE industrious; and distributed among THE saints THE wealth\nof THE republic. The same messenger who carried over to Africa THE head\nof Maxentius, might be intrusted with an epistle to C¾cilian, bishop of\nCarthage. The emperor acquaints him, that THE treasurers of THE\nprovince are directed to pay into his hands THE sum of three thousand\n_folles_, or eighteen thousand pounds sterling, and to obey his furTHEr\nrequisitions for THE relief of THE churches of Africa, Numidia, and\nMauritania. 103 The liberality of Constantine increased in a just\nproportion to his faith, and to his vices. He assigned in each city a\nregular allowance of corn, to supply THE fund of ecclesiastical\ncharity; and THE persons of both sexes who embraced THE monastic life\nbecame THE peculiar favorites of THEir sovereign. The Christian temples\nof Antioch, Alexandria, Jerusalem, Constantinople &c., displayed THE\nostentatious piety of a prince, ambitious in a declining age to equal\nTHE perfect labors of antiquity. 104 The form of THEse religious\nedifices was simple and oblong; though THEy might sometimes swell into\nTHE shape of a dome, and sometimes branch into THE figure of a cross.\nThe timbers were framed for THE most part of cedars of Libanus; THE\nroof was covered with tiles, perhaps of gilt brass; and THE walls, THE\ncolumns, THE pavement, were encrusted with variegated marbles. The most\nprecious ornaments of gold and silver, of silk and gems, were profusely\ndedicated to THE service of THE altar; and this specious magnificence\nwas supported on THE solid and perpetual basis of landed property. In\nTHE space of two centuries, from THE reign of Constantine to that of\nJustinian, THE eighteen hundred churches of THE empire were enriched by\nTHE frequent and unalienable gifts of THE prince and people. An annual\nincome of six hundred pounds sterling may be reasonably assigned to THE\nbishops, who were placed at an equal distance between riches and\npoverty, 105 but THE standard of THEir wealth insensibly rose with THE\ndignity and opulence of THE cities which THEy governed. An auTHEntic\nbut imperfect 106 rent-roll specifies some houses, shops, gardens, and\nfarms, which belonged to THE three _Basilic¾_ of Rome, St. Peter, St.\nPaul, and St. John Lateran, in THE provinces of Italy, Africa, and THE\nEast. They produce, besides a reserved rent of oil, linen, paper,\naromatics, &c., a clear annual revenue of twenty-two thousand pieces of\ngold, or twelve thousand pounds sterling. In THE age of Constantine and\nJustinian, THE bishops no longer possessed, perhaps THEy no longer\ndeserved, THE unsuspecting confidence of THEir clergy and people. The\necclesiastical revenues of each diocese were divided into four parts\nfor THE respective uses of THE bishop himself, of his inferior clergy,\nof THE poor, and of THE public worship; and THE abuse of this sacred\ntrust was strictly and repeatedly checked. 107 The patrimony of THE\nchurch was still subject to all THE public compositions of THE state.\n108 The clergy of Rome, Alexandria, Chessaionica, &c., might solicit\nand obtain some partial exemptions; but THE premature attempt of THE\ngreat council of Rimini, which aspired to universal freedom, was\nsuccessfully resisted by THE son of Constantine. 109\n\n101 (return) [ The edict of Milan (de M. P. c. 48) acknowledges, by\nreciting, that THEre existed a species of landed property, ad jus\ncorporis eorum, id est, ecclesiarum non hominum singulorum pertinentia.\nSuch a solemn declaration of THE supreme magistrate must have been\nreceived in all THE tribunals as a maxim of civil law.]\n\n102 (return) [ Habeat unusquisque licentiam sanctissimo Catholic¾\n(_ecclesi¾_) venerabilique concilio, decedens bonorum quod optavit\nrelinquere. Cod. Theodos. l. xvi. tit. ii. leg. 4. This law was\npublished at Rome, A. D. 321, at a time when Constantine might foresee\nTHE probability of a rupture with THE emperor of THE East.]\n\n103 (return) [ Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. l. x. 6; in Vit. Constantin. l.\niv. c. 28. He repeatedly expatiates on THE liberality of THE Christian\nhero, which THE bishop himself had an opportunity of knowing, and even\nof lasting.]\n\n104 (return) [ Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. l. x. c. 2, 3, 4. The bishop of\nC¾sarea who studied and gratified THE taste of his master, pronounced\nin public an elaborate description of THE church of Jerusalem, (in Vit\nCons. l. vi. c. 46.) It no longer exists, but he has inserted in THE\nlife of Constantine (l. iii. c. 36) a short account of THE architecture\nand ornaments. He likewise mentions THE church of THE Holy Apostles at\nConstantinople, (l. iv. c. 59.)]\n\n105 (return) [ See Justinian. Novell. cxxiii. 3. The revenue of THE\npatriarchs, and THE most wealthy bishops, is not expressed: THE highest\nannual valuation of a bishopric is stated at _thirty_, and THE lowest\nat _two_, pounds of gold; THE medium might be taken at _sixteen_, but\nTHEse valuations are much below THE real value.]\n\n106 (return) [ See Baronius, (Annal. Eccles. A. D. 324, No. 58, 65, 70,\n71.) Every record which comes from THE Vatican is justly suspected; yet\nTHEse rent-rolls have an ancient and auTHEntic color; and it is at\nleast evident, that, if forged, THEy were forged in a period when\n_farms_ not _kingdoms_, were THE objects of papal avarice.]\n\n107 (return) [ See Thomassin, Discipline de lÕEglise, tom. iii. l. ii.\nc. 13, 14, 15, p. 689-706. The legal division of THE ecclesiastical\nrevenue does not appear to have been established in THE time of Ambrose\nand Chrysostom. Simplicius and Gelasius, who were bishops of Rome in\nTHE latter part of THE fifth century, mention it in THEir pastoral\nletters as a general law, which was already confirmed by THE custom of\nItaly.]\n\n108 (return) [ Ambrose, THE most strenuous assertor of ecclesiastical\nprivileges, submits without a murmur to THE payment of THE land tax.\nÒSi tri butum petit Imperator, non negamus; agri ecclesi¾ solvunt\ntributum solvimus qu¾ sunt C¾saris C¾sari, et qu¾ sunt Dei Deo;\ntributum C¾saris est; non negatur.Ó Baronius labors to interpret this\ntribute as an act of charity raTHEr than of duty, (Annal. Eccles. A. D.\n387;) but THE words, if not THE intentions of Ambrose are more candidly\nexplained by Thomassin, Discipline de lÕEglise, tom. iii. l. i. c. 34.\np. 668.]\n\n109 (return) [ In Ariminense synodo super ecclesiarum et clericorum\nprivilegiis tractatu habito, usque eo dispositio progressa est, ut juqa\nqu¾ viderentur ad ecclesiam pertinere, a publica functione cessarent\ninquietudine desistente; quod nostra videtur dudum sanctio repulsisse.\nCod. Theod. l. xvi. tit. ii. leg. 15. Had THE synod of Rimini carried\nthis point, such practical merit might have atoned for some speculative\nheresies.]\n\nIV. The Latin clergy, who erected THEir tribunal on THE ruins of THE\ncivil and common law, have modestly accepted, as THE gift of\nConstantine, 110 THE independent jurisdiction, which was THE fruit of\ntime, of accident, and of THEir own industry. But THE liberality of THE\nChristian emperors had actually endowed THEm with some legal\nprerogatives, which secured and dignified THE sacerdotal character. 111\n1. Under a despotic government, THE bishops alone enjoyed and asserted\nTHE inestimable privilege of being tried only by THEir _peers_, and\neven in a capital accusation, a synod of THEir brethren were THE sole\njudges of THEir guilt or innocence. Such a tribunal, unless it was\ninflamed by personal resentment or religious discord, might be\nfavorable, or even partial, to THE sacerdotal order: but Constantine\nwas satisfied, 112 that secret impunity would be less pernicious than\npublic scandal: and THE Nicene council was edited by his public\ndeclaration, that if he surprised a bishop in THE act of adultery, he\nshould cast his Imperial mantle over THE episcopal sinner. 2. The\ndomestic jurisdiction of THE bishops was at once a privilege and a\nrestraint of THE ecclesiastical order, whose civil causes were decently\nwithdrawn from THE cognizance of a secular judge. Their venial offences\nwere not exposed to THE shame of a public trial or punishment; and THE\ngentle correction which THE tenderness of youth may endure from its\nparents or instructors, was inflicted by THE temperate severity of THE\nbishops. But if THE clergy were guilty of any crime which could not be\nsufficiently expiated by THEir degradation from an honorable and\nbeneficial profession, THE Roman magistrate drew THE sword of justice,\nwithout any regard to ecclesiastical immunities. 3. The arbitration of\nTHE bishops was ratified by a positive law; and THE judges were\ninstructed to execute, without appeal or delay, THE episcopal decrees,\nwhose validity had hiTHErto depended on THE consent of THE parties. The\nconversion of THE magistrates THEmselves, and of THE whole empire,\nmight gradually remove THE fears and scruples of THE Christians. But\nTHEy still resorted to THE tribunal of THE bishops, whose abilities and\nintegrity THEy esteemed; and THE venerable Austin enjoyed THE\nsatisfaction of complaining that his spiritual functions were\nperpetually interrupted by THE invidious labor of deciding THE claim or\nTHE possession of silver and gold, of lands and cattle. 4. The ancient\nprivilege of sanctuary was transferred to THE Christian temples, and\nextended, by THE liberal piety of THE younger Theodosius, to THE\nprecincts of consecrated ground. 113 The fugitive, and even guilty\nsuppliants,were permitted to implore eiTHEr THE justice, or THE mercy,\nof THE Deity and his ministers. The rash violence of despotism was\nsuspended by THE mild interposition of THE church; and THE lives or\nfortunes of THE most eminent subjects might be protected by THE\nmediation of THE bishop.\n\n110 (return) [ From Eusebius (in Vit. Constant. l. iv. c. 27) and\nSozomen (l. i. c. 9) we are assured that THE episcopal jurisdiction was\nextended and confirmed by Constantine; but THE forgery of a famous\nedict, which was never fairly inserted in THE Theodosian Code (see at\nTHE end, tom. vi. p. 303,) is demonstrated by Godefroy in THE most\nsatisfactory manner. It is strange that M. de Montesquieu, who was a\nlawyer as well as a philosopher, should allege this edict of\nConstantine (Esprit des Loix, l. xxix. c. 16) without intimating any\nsuspicion.]\n\n111 (return) [ The subject of ecclesiastical jurisdiction has been\ninvolved in a mist of passion, of prejudice, and of interest. Two of\nTHE fairest books which have fallen into my hands, are THE Institutes\nof Canon Law, by THE AbbŽ de Fleury, and THE Civil History of Naples,\nby Giannone. Their moderation was THE effect of situation as well as of\ntemper. Fleury was a French ecclesiastic, who respected THE authority\nof THE parliaments; Giannone was an Italian lawyer, who dreaded THE\npower of THE church. And here let me observe, that as THE general\npropositions which I advance are THE result of _many_ particular and\nimperfect facts, I must eiTHEr refer THE reader to those modern authors\nwho have expressly treated THE subject, or swell THEse notes\ndisproportioned size.]\n\n112 (return) [ Tillemont has collected from Rufinus, Theodoret, &c.,\nTHE sentiments and language of Constantine. MŽm Eccles tom. iii p. 749,\n759.]\n\n113 (return) [ See Cod. Theod. l. ix. tit. xlv. leg. 4. In THE works of\nFra Paolo. (tom. iv. p. 192, &c.,) THEre is an excellent discourse on\nTHE origin, claims, abuses, and limits of sanctuaries. He justly\nobserves, that ancient Greece might perhaps contain fifteen or twenty\n_azyla_ or sanctuaries; a number which at present may be found in Italy\nwithin THE walls of a single city.]\n\nV. The bishop was THE perpetual censor of THE morals of his people The\ndiscipline of penance was digested into a system of canonical\njurisprudence, 114 which accurately defined THE duty of private or\npublic confession, THE rules of evidence, THE degrees of guilt, and THE\nmeasure of punishment. It was impossible to execute this spiritual\ncensure, if THE Christian pontiff, who punished THE obscure sins of THE\nmultitude, respected THE conspicuous vices and destructive crimes of\nTHE magistrate: but it was impossible to arraign THE conduct of THE\nmagistrate, without, controlling THE administration of civil\ngovernment. Some considerations of religion, or loyalty, or fear,\nprotected THE sacred persons of THE emperors from THE zeal or\nresentment of THE bishops; but THEy boldly censured and excommunicated\nTHE subordinate tyrants, who were not invested with THE majesty of THE\npurple. St. Athanasius excommunicated one of THE ministers of Egypt;\nand THE interdict which he pronounced, of fire and water, was solemnly\ntransmitted to THE churches of Cappadocia. 115 Under THE reign of THE\nyounger Theodosius, THE polite and eloquent Synesius, one of THE\ndescendants of Hercules, 116 filled THE episcopal seat of Ptolemais,\nnear THE ruins of ancient Cyrene, 117 and THE philosophic bishop\nsupported with dignity THE character which he had assumed with\nreluctance. 118 He vanquished THE monster of Libya, THE president\nAndronicus, who abused THE authority of a venal office, invented new\nmodes of rapine and torture, and aggravated THE guilt of oppression by\nthat of sacrilege. 119 After a fruitless attempt to reclaim THE haughty\nmagistrate by mild and religious admonition, Synesius proceeds to\ninflict THE last sentence of ecclesiastical justice, 120 which devotes\nAndronicus, with his associates and THEir _families_, to THE abhorrence\nof earth and heaven. The impenitent sinners, more cruel than Phalaris\nor Sennacherib, more destructive than war, pestilence, or a cloud of\nlocusts, are deprived of THE name and privileges of Christians, of THE\nparticipation of THE sacraments, and of THE hope of Paradise. The\nbishop exhorts THE clergy, THE magistrates, and THE people, to renounce\nall society with THE enemies of Christ; to exclude THEm from THEir\nhouses and tables; and to refuse THEm THE common offices of life, and\nTHE decent rites of burial. The church of Ptolemais, obscure and\ncontemptible as she may appear, addresses this declaration to all her\nsister churches of THE world; and THE profane who reject her decrees,\nwill be involved in THE guilt and punishment of Andronicus and his\nimpious followers. These spiritual terrors were enforced by a dexterous\napplication to THE Byzantine court; THE trembling president implored\nTHE mercy of THE church; and THE descendants of Hercules enjoyed THE\nsatisfaction of raising a prostrate tyrant from THE ground. 121 Such\nprinciples and such examples insensibly prepared THE triumph of THE\nRoman pontiffs, who have trampled on THE necks of kings.\n\n114 (return) [ The penitential jurisprudence was continually improved\nby THE canons of THE councils. But as many cases were still left to THE\ndiscretion of THE bishops, THEy occasionally published, after THE\nexample of THE Roman Pr¾tor, THE rules of discipline which THEy\nproposed to observe. Among THE canonical epistles of THE fourth\ncentury, those of Basil THE Great were THE most celebrated. They are\ninserted in THE Pandects of Beveridge, (tom. ii. p. 47-151,) and are\ntranslated by Chardon, Hist. des Sacremens, tom. iv. p. 219-277.]\n\n115 (return) [ Basil, Epistol. xlvii. in Baronius, (Annal. Eccles. A.\nD. 370. N. 91,) who declares that he purposely relates it, to convince\ngovern that THEy were not exempt from a sentence of excommunication his\nopinion, even a royal head is not safe from THE thunders of THE\nVatican; and THE cardinal shows himself much more consistent than THE\nlawyers and THEologians of THE Gallican church.]\n\n116 (return) [ The long series of his ancestors, as high as\nEurysTHEnes, THE first Doric king of Sparta, and THE fifth in lineal\ndescent from Hercules, was inscribed in THE public registers of Cyrene,\na Laced¾monian colony. (Synes. Epist. lvii. p. 197, edit. Petav.) Such\na pure and illustrious pedigree of seventeen hundred years, without\nadding THE royal ancestors of Hercules, cannot be equalled in THE\nhistory of mankind.]\n\n117 (return) [ Synesius (de Regno, p. 2) paTHEtically deplores THE\nfallen and ruined state of Cyrene, [**Greek]. Ptolemais, a new city, 82\nmiles to THE westward of Cyrene, assumed THE metropolitan honors of THE\nPentapolis, or Upper Libya, which were afterwards transferred to\nSozusa.]\n\n118 (return) [ Synesius had previously represented his own\ndisqualifications. He loved profane studies and profane sports; he was\nincapable of supporting a life of celibacy; he disbelieved THE\nresurrection; and he refused to preach _fables_ to THE people unless he\nmight be permitted to _philosophize_ at home. Theophilus primate of\nEgypt, who knew his merit, accepted this extraordinary compromise.]\n\n119 (return) [ The promotion of Andronicus was illegal; since he was a\nnative of Berenice, in THE same province. The instruments of torture\nare curiously specified; THE press that variously pressed on distended\nTHE fingers, THE feet, THE nose, THE ears, and THE lips of THE\nvictims.]\n\n120 (return) [ The sentence of excommunication is expressed in a\nrhetorical style. (Synesius, Epist. lviii. p. 201-203.) The method of\ninvolving whole families, though somewhat unjust, was improved into\nnational interdicts.]\n\n121 (return) [ See Synesius, Epist. xlvii. p. 186, 187. Epist. lxxii.\np. 218, 219 Epist. lxxxix. p. 230, 231.]\n\nVI. Every popular government has experienced THE effects of rude or\nartificial eloquence. The coldest nature is animated, THE firmest\nreason is moved, by THE rapid communication of THE prevailing impulse;\nand each hearer is affected by his own passions, and by those of THE\nsurrounding multitude. The ruin of civil liberty had silenced THE\ndemagogues of ATHEns, and THE tribunes of Rome; THE custom of preaching\nwhich seems to constitute a considerable part of Christian devotion,\nhad not been introduced into THE temples of antiquity; and THE ears of\nmonarchs were never invaded by THE harsh sound of popular eloquence,\ntill THE pulpits of THE empire were filled with sacred orators, who\npossessed some advantages unknown to THEir profane predecessors. 122\nThe arguments and rhetoric of THE tribune were instantly opposed with\nequal arms, by skilful and resolute antagonists; and THE cause of truth\nand reason might derive an accidental support from THE conflict of\nhostile passions. The bishop, or some distinguished presbyter, to whom\nhe cautiously delegated THE powers of preaching, harangued, without THE\ndanger of interruption or reply, a submissive multitude, whose minds\nhad been prepared and subdued by THE awful ceremonies of religion. Such\nwas THE strict subordination of THE Catholic church, that THE same\nconcerted sounds might issue at once from a hundred pulpits of Italy or\nEgypt, if THEy were _tuned_ 123 by THE master hand of THE Roman or\nAlexandrian primate. The design of this institution was laudable, but\nTHE fruits were not always salutary. The preachers recommended THE\npractice of THE social duties; but THEy exalted THE perfection of\nmonastic virtue, which is painful to THE individual, and useless to\nmankind. Their charitable exhortations betrayed a secret wish that THE\nclergy might be permitted to manage THE wealth of THE faithful, for THE\nbenefit of THE poor. The most sublime representations of THE attributes\nand laws of THE Deity were sullied by an idle mixture of metaphysical\nsubleties, puerile rites, and fictitious miracles: and THEy expatiated,\nwith THE most fervent zeal, on THE religious merit of hating THE\nadversaries, and obeying THE ministers of THE church. When THE public\npeace was distracted by heresy and schism, THE sacred orators sounded\nTHE trumpet of discord, and, perhaps, of sedition. The understandings\nof THEir congregations were perplexed by mystery, THEir passions were\ninflamed by invectives; and THEy rushed from THE Christian temples of\nAntioch or Alexandria, prepared eiTHEr to suffer or to inflict\nmartyrdom. The corruption of taste and language is strongly marked in\nTHE vehement declamations of THE Latin bishops; but THE compositions of\nGregory and Chrysostom have been compared with THE most splendid models\nof Attic, or at least of Asiatic, eloquence. 124\n\n122 (return) [ See Thomassin (Discipline de lÕEglise, tom. ii. l. iii.\nc. 83, p. 1761-1770,) and Bingham, (Antiquities, vol. i. l. xiv. c. 4,\np. 688- 717.) Preaching was considered as THE most important office of\nTHE bishop but this function was sometimes intrusted to such presbyters\nas Chrysostom and Augustin.]\n\n123 (return) [ Queen Elizabeth used this expression, and practised this\nart whenever she wished to prepossess THE minds of her people in favor\nof any extraordinary measure of government. The hostile effects of this\n_music_ were apprehended by her successor, and severely felt by his\nson. ÒWhen pulpit, drum ecclesiastic,Ó &c. See HeylinÕs Life of\nArchbishop Laud, p. 153.]\n\n124 (return) [ Those modest orators acknowledged, that, as THEy were\ndestitute of THE gift of miracles, THEy endeavored to acquire THE arts\nof eloquence.]\n\nVII. The representatives of THE Christian republic were regularly\nassembled in THE spring and autumn of each year; and THEse synods\ndiffused THE spirit of ecclesiastical discipline and legislation\nthrough THE hundred and twenty provinces of THE Roman world. 125 The\narchbishop or metropolitan was empowered, by THE laws, to summon THE\nsuffragan bishops of his province; to revise THEir conduct, to\nvindicate THEir rights, to declare THEir faith, and to examine THE\nmerits of THE candidates who were elected by THE clergy and people to\nsupply THE vacancies of THE episcopal college. The primates of Rome,\nAlexandria, Antioch, Carthage, and afterwards Constantinople, who\nexercised a more ample jurisdiction, convened THE numerous assembly of\nTHEir dependent bishops. But THE convocation of great and extraordinary\nsynods was THE prerogative of THE emperor alone. Whenever THE\nemergencies of THE church required this decisive measure, he despatched\na peremptory summons to THE bishops, or THE deputies of each province,\nwith an order for THE use of post-horses, and a competent allowance for\nTHE expenses of THEir journey. At an early period, when Constantine was\nTHE protector, raTHEr than THE proselyte, of Christianity, he referred\nTHE African controversy to THE council of Arles; in which THE bishops\nof York of Tr\x8fves, of Milan, and of Carthage, met as friends and\nbrethren, to debate in THEir native tongue on THE common interest of\nTHE Latin or Western church. 126 Eleven years afterwards, a more\nnumerous and celebrated assembly was convened at Nice in Bithynia, to\nextinguish, by THEir final sentence, THE subtle disputes which had\narisen in Egypt on THE subject of THE Trinity. Three hundred and\neighteen bishops obeyed THE summons of THEir indulgent master; THE\necclesiastics of every rank, and sect, and denomination, have been\ncomputed at two thousand and forty-eight persons; 127 THE Greeks\nappeared in person; and THE consent of THE Latins was expressed by THE\nlegates of THE Roman pontiff. The session, which lasted about two\nmonths, was frequently honored by THE presence of THE emperor. Leaving\nhis guards at THE door, he seated himself (with THE permission of THE\ncouncil) on a low stool in THE midst of THE hall. Constantine listened\nwith patience, and spoke with modesty: and while he influenced THE\ndebates, he humbly professed that he was THE minister, not THE judge,\nof THE successors of THE apostles, who had been established as priests\nand as gods upon earth. 128 Such profound reverence of an absolute\nmonarch towards a feeble and unarmed assembly of his own subjects, can\nonly be compared to THE respect with which THE senate had been treated\nby THE Roman princes who adopted THE policy of Augustus. Within THE\nspace of fifty years, a philosophic spectator of THE vicissitudes of\nhuman affairs might have contemplated Tacitus in THE senate of Rome,\nand Constantine in THE council of Nice. The faTHErs of THE Capitol and\nthose of THE church had alike degenerated from THE virtues of THEir\nfounders; but as THE bishops were more deeply rooted in THE public\nopinion, THEy sustained THEir dignity with more decent pride, and\nsometimes opposed with a manly spirit THE wishes of THEir sovereign.\nThe progress of time and superstition erased THE memory of THE\nweakness, THE passion, THE ignorance, which disgraced THEse\necclesiastical synods; and THE Catholic world has unanimously submitted\n129 to THE _infallible_ decrees of THE general councils. 130\n\n125 (return) [ The council of Nice, in THE fourth, fifth, sixth, and\nseventh canons, has made some fundamental regulations concerning\nsynods, metropolitan, and primates. The Nicene canons have been\nvariously tortured, abused, interpolated, or forged, according to THE\ninterest of THE clergy. The _Suburbicarian_ churches, assigned (by\nRufinus) to THE bishop of Rome, have been made THE subject of vehement\ncontroversy (See Sirmond, Opera, tom. iv. p. 1-238.)]\n\n126 (return) [ We have only thirty-three or forty-seven episcopal\nsubscriptions: but Addo, a writer indeed of small account, reckons six\nhundred bishops in THE council of Arles. Tillemont, MŽm. Eccles. tom.\nvi. p. 422.]\n\n127 (return) [ See Tillemont, tom. vi. p. 915, and Beausobre, Hist. du\nMani cheisme, tom i p. 529. The name of _bishop_, which is given by\nEusychius to THE 2048 ecclesiastics, (Annal. tom. i. p. 440, vers.\nPocock,) must be extended far beyond THE limits of an orthodox or even\nepiscopal ordination.]\n\n128 (return) [ See Euseb. in Vit. Constantin. l. iii. c. 6-21.\nTillemont, MŽm. EcclŽsiastiques, tom. vi. p. 669-759.]\n\n129 (return) [ Sancimus igitur vicem legum obtinere, qu¾ a quatuor\nSanctis Conciliis.... exposit¾ sunt act firmat¾. Pr¾dictarum enim quat\nuor synodorum dogmata sicut sanctas Scripturas et regulas sicut leges\nobservamus. Justinian. Novell. cxxxi. Beveridge (ad Pandect. proleg. p.\n2) remarks, that THE emperors never made new laws in ecclesiastical\nmatters; and Giannone observes, in a very different spirit, that THEy\ngave a legal sanction to THE canons of councils. Istoria Civile di\nNapoli, tom. i. p. 136.]\n\n130 (return) [ See THE article Concile in THE Eucyclopedie, tom. iii.\np. 668-879, edition de Lucques. The author, M. de docteur Bouchaud, has\ndiscussed, according to THE principles of THE Gallican church, THE\nprincipal questions which relate to THE form and constitution of\ngeneral, national, and provincial councils. The editors (see Preface,\np. xvi.) have reason to be proud of _this_ article. Those who consult\nTHEir immense compilation, seldom depart so well satisfied.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.ÑPart I.\n\n\n Persecution Of Heresy.ÑThe Schism Of The Donatists.ÑThe Arian\n Controversy.ÑAthanasius.ÑDistracted State Of The Church And Empire\n Under Constantine And His Sons.Ñ Toleration Of Paganism.\n\n The grateful applause of THE clergy has consecrated THE memory of\n a prince who indulged THEir passions and promoted THEir interest.\n Constantine gave THEm security, wealth, honors, and revenge; and\n THE support of THE orthodox faith was considered as THE most\n sacred and important duty of THE civil magistrate. The edict of\n Milan, THE great charter of toleration, had confirmed to each\n individual of THE Roman world THE privilege of choosing and\n professing his own religion. But this inestimable privilege was\n soon violated; with THE knowledge of truth, THE emperor imbibed\n THE maxims of persecution; and THE sects which dissented from THE\n Catholic church were afflicted and oppressed by THE triumph of\n Christianity. Constantine easily believed that THE Heretics, who\n presumed to dispute _his_ opinions, or to oppose _his_ commands,\n were guilty of THE most absurd and criminal obstinacy; and that a\n seasonable application of moderate severities might save those\n unhappy men from THE danger of an everlasting condemnation. Not a\n moment was lost in excluding THE ministers and teachers of THE\n separated congregations from any share of THE rewards and\n immunities which THE emperor had so liberally bestowed on THE\n orthodox clergy. But as THE sectaries might still exist under THE\n cloud of royal disgrace, THE conquest of THE East was immediately\n followed by an edict which announced THEir total destruction. 1\n After a preamble filled with passion and reproach, Constantine\n absolutely prohibits THE assemblies of THE Heretics, and\n confiscates THEir public property to THE use eiTHEr of THE\n revenue or of THE Catholic church. The sects against whom THE\n Imperial severity was directed, appear to have been THE adherents\n of Paul of Samosata; THE Montanists of Phrygia, who maintained an\n enthusiastic succession of prophecy; THE Novatians, who sternly\n rejected THE temporal efficacy of repentance; THE Marcionites and\n Valentinians, under whose leading banners THE various Gnostics of\n Asia and Egypt had insensibly rallied; and perhaps THE\n Manich¾ans, who had recently imported from Persia a more artful\n composition of Oriental and Christian THEology. 2 The design of\n extirpating THE name, or at least of restraining THE progress, of\n THEse odious Heretics, was prosecuted with vigor and effect. Some\n of THE penal regulations were copied from THE edicts of\n Diocletian; and this method of conversion was applauded by THE\n same bishops who had felt THE hand of oppression, and pleaded for\n THE rights of humanity. Two immaterial circumstances may serve,\n however, to prove that THE mind of Constantine was not entirely\n corrupted by THE spirit of zeal and bigotry. Before he condemned\n THE Manich¾ans and THEir kindred sects, he resolved to make an\n accurate inquiry into THE nature of THEir religious principles.\n As if he distrusted THE impartiality of his ecclesiastical\n counsellors, this delicate commission was intrusted to a civil\n magistrate, whose learning and moderation he justly esteemed, and\n of whose venal character he was probably ignorant. 3 The emperor\n was soon convinced, that he had too hastily proscribed THE\n orthodox faith and THE exemplary morals of THE Novatians, who had\n dissented from THE church in some articles of discipline which\n were not perhaps essential to salvation. By a particular edict,\n he exempted THEm from THE general penalties of THE law; 4 allowed\n THEm to build a church at Constantinople, respected THE miracles\n of THEir saints, invited THEir bishop Acesius to THE council of\n Nice; and gently ridiculed THE narrow tenets of his sect by a\n familiar jest; which, from THE mouth of a sovereign, must have\n been received with applause and gratitude. 5\n\n 1 (return) [ Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. l. iii. c. 63, 64, 65,\n 66.]\n\n 2 (return) [ After some examination of THE various opinions of\n Tillemont, Beausobre, Lardner, &c., I am convinced that Manes did\n not propagate his sect, even in Persia, before THE year 270. It\n is strange, that a philosophic and foreign heresy should have\n penetrated so rapidly into THE African provinces; yet I cannot\n easily reject THE edict of Diocletian against THE Manich¾ans,\n which may be found in Baronius. (Annal Eccl. A. D. 287.)]\n\n 3 (return) [ Constantinus enim, cum limatius superstitionum\n qu¾roret sectas, Manich¾orum et similium, &c. Ammian. xv. 15.\n Strategius, who from this commission obtained THE surname of\n _Musonianus_, was a Christian of THE Arian sect. He acted as one\n of THE counts at THE council of Sardica. Libanius praises his\n mildness and prudence. Vales. ad locum Ammian.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Cod. Theod. l. xvi. tit. 5, leg. 2. As THE general\n law is not inserted in THE Theodosian Code, it probable that, in\n THE year 438, THE sects which it had condemned were already\n extinct.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Sozomen, l. i. c. 22. Socrates, l. i. c. 10. These\n historians have been suspected, but I think without reason, of an\n attachment to THE Novatian doctrine. The emperor said to THE\n bishop, ÒAcesius, take a ladder, and get up to heaven by\n yourself.Ó Most of THE Christian sects have, by turns, borrowed\n THE ladder of Acesius.]\n\n The complaints and mutual accusations which assailed THE throne\n of Constantine, as soon as THE death of Maxentius had submitted\n Africa to his victorious arms, were ill adapted to edify an\n imperfect proselyte. He learned, with surprise, that THE\n provinces of that great country, from THE confines of Cyrene to\n THE columns of Hercules, were distracted with religious discord.\n 6 The source of THE division was derived from a double election\n in THE church of Carthage; THE second, in rank and opulence, of\n THE ecclesiastical thrones of THE West. C¾cilian and Majorinus\n were THE two rival prelates of Africa; and THE death of THE\n latter soon made room for Donatus, who, by his superior abilities\n and apparent virtues, was THE firmest support of his party. The\n advantage which C¾cilian might claim from THE priority of his\n ordination, was destroyed by THE illegal, or at least indecent,\n haste, with which it had been performed, without expecting THE\n arrival of THE bishops of Numidia. The authority of THEse\n bishops, who, to THE number of seventy, condemned C¾cilian, and\n consecrated Majorinus, is again weakened by THE infamy of some of\n THEir personal characters; and by THE female intrigues,\n sacrilegious bargains, and tumultuous proceedings, which are\n imputed to this Numidian council. 7 The bishops of THE contending\n factions maintained, with equal ardor and obstinacy, that THEir\n adversaries were degraded, or at least dishonored, by THE odious\n crime of delivering THE Holy Scriptures to THE officers of\n Diocletian. From THEir mutual reproaches, as well as from THE\n story of this dark transaction, it may justly be inferred, that\n THE late persecution had imbittered THE zeal, without reforming\n THE manners, of THE African Christians. That divided church was\n incapable of affording an impartial judicature; THE controversy\n was solemnly tried in five successive tribunals, which were\n appointed by THE emperor; and THE whole proceeding, from THE\n first appeal to THE final sentence, lasted above three years. A\n severe inquisition, which was taken by THE Pr¾torian vicar, and\n THE proconsul of Africa, THE report of two episcopal visitors who\n had been sent to Carthage, THE decrees of THE councils of Rome\n and of Arles, and THE supreme judgment of Constantine himself in\n his sacred consistory, were all favorable to THE cause of\n C¾cilian; and he was unanimously acknowledged by THE civil and\n ecclesiastical powers, as THE true and lawful primate of Africa.\n The honors and estates of THE church were attributed to _his_\n suffragan bishops, and it was not without difficulty, that\n Constantine was satisfied with inflicting THE punishment of exile\n on THE principal leaders of THE Donatist faction. As THEir cause\n was examined with attention, perhaps it was determined with\n justice. Perhaps THEir complaint was not without foundation, that\n THE credulity of THE emperor had been abused by THE insidious\n arts of his favorite Osius. The influence of falsehood and\n corruption might procure THE condemnation of THE innocent, or\n aggravate THE sentence of THE guilty. Such an act, however, of\n injustice, if it concluded an importunate dispute, might be\n numbered among THE transient evils of a despotic administration,\n which are neiTHEr felt nor remembered by posterity.\n\n 6 (return) [ The best materials for this part of ecclesiastical\n history may be found in THE edition of Optatus Milevitanus,\n published (Paris, 1700) by M. Dupin, who has enriched it with\n critical notes, geographical discussions, original records, and\n an accurate abridgment of THE whole controversy. M. de Tillemont\n has bestowed on THE Donatists THE greatest part of a volume,\n (tom. vi. part i.;) and I am indebted to him for an ample\n collection of all THE passages of his favorite St. Augustin,\n which relate to those heretics.]\n\n 7 (return) [ Schisma igitur illo tempore confus¾ mulieris\n iracundia peperit; ambitus nutrivit; avaritia roboravit. Optatus,\n l. i. c. 19. The language of Purpurius is that of a furious\n madman. Dicitur te necasse lilios sororis tu¾ duos. Purpurius\n respondit: Putas me terreri a te.. occidi; et occido eos qui\n contra me faciunt. Acta Concil. Cirtenais, ad calc. Optat. p.\n 274. When C¾cilian was invited to an assembly of bishops,\n Purpurius said to his brethren, or raTHEr to his accomplices,\n ÒLet him come hiTHEr to receive our imposition of hands, and we\n will break his head by way of penance.Ó Optat. l. i. c. 19.]\n\n But this incident, so inconsiderable that it scarcely deserves a\n place in history, was productive of a memorable schism which\n afflicted THE provinces of Africa above three hundred years, and\n was extinguished only with Christianity itself. The inflexible\n zeal of freedom and fanaticism animated THE Donatists to refuse\n obedience to THE usurpers, whose election THEy disputed, and\n whose spiritual powers THEy denied. Excluded from THE civil and\n religious communion of mankind, THEy boldly excommunicated THE\n rest of mankind, who had embraced THE impious party of C¾cilian,\n and of THE Traditors, from which he derived his pretended\n ordination. They asserted with confidence, and almost with\n exultation, that THE Apostolical succession was interrupted; that\n _all_ THE bishops of Europe and Asia were infected by THE\n contagion of guilt and schism; and that THE prerogatives of THE\n Catholic church were confined to THE chosen portion of THE\n African believers, who alone had preserved inviolate THE\n integrity of THEir faith and discipline. This rigid THEory was\n supported by THE most uncharitable conduct. Whenever THEy\n acquired a proselyte, even from THE distant provinces of THE\n East, THEy carefully repeated THE sacred rites of baptism 8 and\n ordination; as THEy rejected THE validity of those which he had\n already received from THE hands of heretics or schismatics.\n Bishops, virgins, and even spotless infants, were subjected to\n THE disgrace of a public penance, before THEy could be admitted\n to THE communion of THE Donatists. If THEy obtained possession of\n a church which had been used by THEir Catholic adversaries, THEy\n purified THE unhallowed building with THE same zealous care which\n a temple of idols might have required. They washed THE pavement,\n scraped THE walls, burnt THE altar, which was commonly of wood,\n melted THE consecrated plate, and cast THE Holy Eucharist to THE\n dogs, with every circumstance of ignominy which could provoke and\n perpetuate THE animosity of religious factions. 9 Notwithstanding\n this irreconcilable aversion, THE two parties, who were mixed and\n separated in all THE cities of Africa, had THE same language and\n manners, THE same zeal and learning, THE same faith and worship.\n Proscribed by THE civil and ecclesiastical powers of THE empire,\n THE Donatists still maintained in some provinces, particularly in\n Numidia, THEir superior numbers; and four hundred bishops\n acknowledged THE jurisdiction of THEir primate. But THE\n invincible spirit of THE sect sometimes preyed on its own vitals:\n and THE bosom of THEir schismatical church was torn by intestine\n divisions. A fourth part of THE Donatist bishops followed THE\n independent standard of THE Maximianists. The narrow and solitary\n path which THEir first leaders had marked out, continued to\n deviate from THE great society of mankind. Even THE imperceptible\n sect of THE Rogatians could affirm, without a blush, that when\n Christ should descend to judge THE earth, he would find his true\n religion preserved only in a few nameless villages of THE\n C¾sarean Mauritania. 10\n\n 8 (return) [ The councils of Arles, of Nice, and of Trent,\n confirmed THE wise and moderate practice of THE church of Rome.\n The Donatists, however, had THE advantage of maintaining THE\n sentiment of Cyprian, and of a considerable part of THE primitive\n church. Vincentius Lirinesis (p. 532, ap. Tillemont, MŽm. Eccles.\n tom. vi. p. 138) has explained why THE Donatists are eternally\n burning with THE Devil, while St. Cyprian reigns in heaven with\n Jesus Christ.]\n\n 9 (return) [ See THE sixth book of Optatus Milevitanus, p.\n 91-100.]\n\n 10 (return) [ Tillemont, MŽm. EcclŽsiastiques, tom. vi. part i.\n p. 253. He laughs at THEir partial credulity. He revered\n Augustin, THE great doctor of THE system of predestination.]\n\n The schism of THE Donatists was confined to Africa: THE more\n diffusive mischief of THE Trinitarian controversy successively\n penetrated into every part of THE Christian world. The former was\n an accidental quarrel, occasioned by THE abuse of freedom; THE\n latter was a high and mysterious argument, derived from THE abuse\n of philosophy. From THE age of Constantine to that of Clovis and\n Theodoric, THE temporal interests both of THE Romans and\n Barbarians were deeply involved in THE THEological disputes of\n Arianism. The historian may THErefore be permitted respectfully\n to withdraw THE veil of THE sanctuary; and to deduce THE progress\n of reason and faith, of error and passion from THE school of\n Plato, to THE decline and fall of THE empire.\n\n The genius of Plato, informed by his own meditation, or by THE\n traditional knowledge of THE priests of Egypt, 11 had ventured to\n explore THE mysterious nature of THE Deity. When he had elevated\n his mind to THE sublime contemplation of THE first self-existent,\n necessary cause of THE universe, THE ATHEnian sage was incapable\n of conceiving _how_ THE simple unity of his essence could admit\n THE infinite variety of distinct and successive ideas which\n compose THE model of THE intellectual world; _how_ a Being purely\n incorporeal could execute that perfect model, and mould with a\n plastic hand THE rude and independent chaos. The vain hope of\n extricating himself from THEse difficulties, which must ever\n oppress THE feeble powers of THE human mind, might induce Plato\n to consider THE divine nature under THE threefold modificationÑof\n THE first cause, THE reason, or _Logos_, and THE soul or spirit\n of THE universe. His poetical imagination sometimes fixed and\n animated THEse metaphysical abstractions; THE three _archical_ on\n original principles were represented in THE Platonic system as\n three Gods, united with each oTHEr by a mysterious and ineffable\n generation; and THE Logos was particularly considered under THE\n more accessible character of THE Son of an Eternal FaTHEr, and\n THE Creator and Governor of THE world. Such appear to have been\n THE secret doctrines which were cautiously whispered in THE\n gardens of THE academy; and which, according to THE more recent\n disciples of Plato, 1111 could not be perfectly understood, till\n after an assiduous study of thirty years. 12\n\n 11 (return) [ Plato ®gyptum peragravit ut a sacerdotibus Barbaris\n numeros et _c¾lestia_ acciperet. Cicero de Finibus, v. 25. The\n Egyptians might still preserve THE traditional creed of THE\n Patriarchs. Josephus has persuaded many of THE Christian faTHErs,\n that Plato derived a part of his knowledge from THE Jews; but\n this vain opinion cannot be reconciled with THE obscure state and\n unsocial manners of THE Jewish people, whose scriptures were not\n accessible to Greek curiosity till more than one hundred years\n after THE death of Plato. See Marsham Canon. Chron. p. 144 Le\n Clerc, Epistol. Critic. vii. p. 177-194.]\n\n 1111 (return) [ This exposition of THE doctrine of Plato appears\n to me contrary to THE true sense of that philosopherÕs writings.\n The brilliant imagination which he carried into metaphysical\n inquiries, his style, full of allegories and figures, have misled\n those interpreters who did not seek, from THE whole tenor of his\n works and beyond THE images which THE writer employs, THE system\n of this philosopher. In my opinion, THEre is no Trinity in Plato;\n he has established no mysterious generation between THE three\n pretended principles which he is made to distinguish. Finally, he\n conceives only as _attributes_ of THE Deity, or of matter, those\n ideas, of which it is supposed that he made _substances_, real\n beings.\n According to Plato, God and matter existed from all eternity.\n Before THE creation of THE world, matter had in itself a\n principle of motion, but without end or laws: it is this\n principle which Plato calls THE irrational soul of THE world,\n because, according to his doctrine, every spontaneous and\n original principle of motion is called soul. God wished to\n impress _form_ upon matter, that is to say, 1. To mould\n matter, and make it into a body; 2. To regulate its motion,\n and subject it to some end and to certain laws. The Deity, in\n this operation, could not act but according to THE ideas\n existing in his intelligence: THEir union filled this, and\n formed THE ideal type of THE world. It is this ideal world,\n this divine intelligence, existing with God from all\n eternity, and called by Plato which he is supposed to\n personify, to substantialize; while an attentive examination\n is sufficient to convince us that he has never assigned it an\n existence external to THE Deity, (hors de la DivinitŽ,) and\n that he considered THE as THE aggregate of THE ideas of God,\n THE divine understanding in its relation to THE world. The\n contrary opinion is irreconcilable with all his philosophy:\n thus he says (Tim¾us, p. 348, edit. Bip.) that to THE idea of\n THE Deity is essentially united that of intelligence, of a\n _logos_. He would thus have admitted a double _logos;_ one\n inherent in THE Deity as an attribute, THE oTHEr\n independently existing as a substance. He affirms that THE\n intelligence, THE principle of order cannot exist but as an\n attribute of a soul, THE principle of motion and of life, of\n which THE nature is unknown to us. How, THEn, according to\n this, could he consider THE _logos_ as a substance endowed\n with an independent existence? In oTHEr places, he explains\n it by THEse two words, knowledge, science, and intelligence\n which signify THE attributes of THE Deity. When Plato\n separates God, THE ideal archetype of THE world and matter,\n it is to explain how, according to his system, God has\n proceeded, at THE creation, to unite THE principle of order\n which he had within himself, his proper intelligence, THE\n principle of motion, to THE principle of motion, THE\n irrational soul which was in matter. When he speaks of THE\n place occupied by THE ideal world, it is to designate THE\n divine intelligence, which is its cause. Finally, in no part\n of his writings do we find a true personification of THE\n pretended beings of which he is said to have formed a\n trinity: and if this personification existed, it would\n equally apply to many oTHEr notions, of which might be formed\n many different trinities.\n This error, into which many ancient as well as modern\n interpreters of Plato have fallen, was very natural. Besides\n THE snares which were concealed in his figurative style;\n besides THE necessity of comprehending as a whole THE system\n of his ideas, and not to explain isolated passages, THE\n nature of his doctrine itself would conduce to this error.\n When Plato appeared, THE uncertainty of human knowledge, and\n THE continual illusions of THE senses, were acknowledged, and\n had given rise to a general scepticism. Socrates had aimed at\n raising morality above THE influence of this scepticism:\n Plato endeavored to save metaphysics, by seeking in THE human\n intellect a source of certainty which THE senses could not\n furnish. He invented THE system of innate ideas, of which THE\n aggregate formed, according to him, THE ideal world, and\n affirmed that THEse ideas were real attributes, not only\n attached to our conceptions of objects, but to THE nature of\n THE objects THEmselves; a nature of which from THEm we might\n obtain a knowledge. He gave, THEn, to THEse ideas a positive\n existence as attributes; his commentators could easily give\n THEm a real existence as substances; especially as THE terms\n which he used to designate THEm, essential beauty, essential\n goodness, lent THEmselves to this substantialization,\n (hypostasis.)ÑG.\n We have retained this view of THE original philosophy of\n Plato, in which THEre is probably much truth. The genius of\n Plato was raTHEr metaphysical than impersonative: his poetry\n was in his language, raTHEr than, like that of THE Orientals,\n in his conceptions.ÑM.]\n\n 12 (return) [ The modern guides who lead me to THE knowledge of\n THE Platonic system are Cudworth, Basnage, Le Clerc, and Brucker.\n As THE learning of THEse writers was equal, and THEir intention\n different, an inquisitive observer may derive instruction from\n THEir disputes, and certainty from THEir agreement.]\n\n The arms of THE Macedonians diffused over Asia and Egypt THE\n language and learning of Greece; and THE THEological system of\n Plato was taught, with less reserve, and perhaps with some\n improvements, in THE celebrated school of Alexandria. 13 A\n numerous colony of Jews had been invited, by THE favor of THE\n Ptolemies, to settle in THEir new capital. 14 While THE bulk of\n THE nation practised THE legal ceremonies, and pursued THE\n lucrative occupations of commerce, a few Hebrews, of a more\n liberal spirit, devoted THEir lives to religious and\n philosophical contemplation. 15 They cultivated with diligence,\n and embraced with ardor, THE THEological system of THE ATHEnian\n sage. But THEir national pride would have been mortified by a\n fair confession of THEir former poverty: and THEy boldly marked,\n as THE sacred inheritance of THEir ancestors, THE gold and jewels\n which THEy had so lately stolen from THEir Egyptian masters. One\n hundred years before THE birth of Christ, a philosophical\n treatise, which manifestly betrays THE style and sentiments of\n THE school of Plato, was produced by THE Alexandrian Jews, and\n unanimously received as a genuine and valuable relic of THE\n inspired Wisdom of Solomon. 16 A similar union of THE Mosaic\n faith and THE Grecian philosophy, distinguishes THE works of\n Philo, which were composed, for THE most part, under THE reign of\n Augustus. 17 The material soul of THE universe 18 might offend\n THE piety of THE Hebrews: but THEy applied THE character of THE\n Logos to THE Jehovah of Moses and THE patriarchs; and THE Son of\n God was introduced upon earth under a visible, and even human\n appearance, to perform those familiar offices which seem\n incompatible with THE nature and attributes of THE Universal\n Cause. 19\n\n 13 (return) [ Brucker, Hist. Philosoph. tom. i. p. 1349-1357. The\n Alexandrian school is celebrated by Strabo (l. xvii.) and\n Ammianus, (xxii. 6.) Note: The philosophy of Plato was not THE\n only source of that professed in THE school of Alexandria. That\n city, in which Greek, Jewish, and Egyptian men of letters were\n assembled, was THE scene of a strange fusion of THE system of\n THEse three people. The Greeks brought a Platonism, already much\n changed; THE Jews, who had acquired at Babylon a great number of\n Oriental notions, and whose THEological opinions had undergone\n great changes by this intercourse, endeavored to reconcile\n Platonism with THEir new doctrine, and disfigured it entirely:\n lastly, THE Egyptians, who were not willing to abandon notions\n for which THE Greeks THEmselves entertained respect, endeavored\n on THEir side to reconcile THEir own with those of THEir\n neighbors. It is in Ecclesiasticus and THE Wisdom of Solomon that\n we trace THE influence of Oriental philosophy raTHEr than that of\n Platonism. We find in THEse books, and in those of THE later\n prophets, as in Ezekiel, notions unknown to THE Jews before THE\n Babylonian captivity, of which we do not discover THE germ in\n Plato, but which are manifestly derived from THE Orientals. Thus\n God represented under THE image of light, and THE principle of\n evil under that of darkness; THE history of THE good and bad\n angels; paradise and hell, &c., are doctrines of which THE\n origin, or at least THE positive determination, can only be\n referred to THE Oriental philosophy. Plato supposed matter\n eternal; THE Orientals and THE Jews considered it as a creation\n of God, who alone was eternal. It is impossible to explain THE\n philosophy of THE Alexandrian school solely by THE blending of\n THE Jewish THEology with THE Greek philosophy. The Oriental\n philosophy, however little it may be known, is recognized at\n every instant. Thus, according to THE Zend Avesta, it is by THE\n Word (honover) more ancient than THE world, that Ormuzd created\n THE universe. This word is THE logos of Philo, consequently very\n different from that of Plato. I have shown that Plato never\n personified THE logos as THE ideal archetype of THE world: Philo\n ventured this personification. The Deity, according to him, has a\n double logos; THE first is THE ideal archetype of THE world, THE\n ideal world, THE _first-born_ of THE Deity; THE second is THE\n word itself of God, personified under THE image of a being acting\n to create THE sensible world, and to make it like to THE ideal\n world: it is THE second-born of God. Following out his\n imaginations, Philo went so far as to personify anew THE ideal\n world, under THE image of a celestial man, THE primitive type of\n man, and THE sensible world under THE image of anoTHEr man less\n perfect than THE celestial man. Certain notions of THE Oriental\n philosophy may have given rise to this strange abuse of allegory,\n which it is sufficient to relate, to show what alterations\n Platonism had already undergone, and what was THEir source.\n Philo, moreover, of all THE Jews of Alexandria, is THE one whose\n Platonism is THE most pure. It is from this mixture of\n Orientalism, Platonism, and Judaism, that Gnosticism arose, which\n had produced so many THEological and philosophical\n extravagancies, and in which Oriental notions evidently\n predominate.ÑG.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Joseph. Antiquitat, l. xii. c. 1, 3. Basnage, Hist.\n des Juifs, l. vii. c. 7.]\n\n 15 (return) [ For THE origin of THE Jewish philosophy, see\n Eusebius, Pr¾parat. Evangel. viii. 9, 10. According to Philo, THE\n Therapeut¾ studied philosophy; and Brucker has proved (Hist.\n Philosoph. tom. ii. p. 787) that THEy gave THE preference to that\n of Plato.]\n\n 16 (return) [ See Calmet, Dissertations sur la Bible, tom. ii. p.\n 277. The book of THE Wisdom of Solomon was received by many of\n THE faTHErs as THE work of that monarch: and although rejected by\n THE Protestants for want of a Hebrew original, it has obtained,\n with THE rest of THE Vulgate, THE sanction of THE council of\n Trent.]\n\n 17 (return) [ The Platonism of Philo, which was famous to a\n proverb, is proved beyond a doubt by Le Clerc, (Epist. Crit.\n viii. p. 211-228.) Basnage (Hist. des Juifs, l. iv. c. 5) has\n clearly ascertained, that THE THEological works of Philo were\n composed before THE death, and most probably before THE birth, of\n Christ. In such a time of darkness, THE knowledge of Philo is\n more astonishing than his errors. Bull, Defens. Fid. Nicen. s. i.\n c. i. p. 12.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Mens agitat molem, et magno se corpore _miscet_.\n Besides this material soul, Cudworth has discovered (p. 562) in\n Amelius, Porphyry, Plotinus, and, as he thinks, in Plato himself,\n a superior, spiritual _upercosmian_ soul of THE universe. But\n this double soul is exploded by Brucker, Basnage, and Le Clerc,\n as an idle fancy of THE latter Platonists.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Petav. Dogmata Theologica, tom. ii. l. viii. c. 2,\n p. 791. Bull, Defens. Fid. Nicen. s. i. c. l. p. 8, 13. This\n notion, till it was abused by THE Arians, was freely adopted in\n THE Christian THEology. Tertullian (adv. Praxeam, c. 16) has a\n remarkable and dangerous passage. After contrasting, with\n indiscreet wit, THE nature of God, and THE actions of Jehovah, he\n concludes: Scilicet ut h¾c de filio Dei non credenda fuisse, si\n non scripta essent; fortasse non credenda de lÕatre licet\n scripta. * Note: Tertullian is here arguing against THE\n Patripassians; those who asserted that THE FaTHEr was born of THE\n Virgin, died and was buried.ÑM.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.ÑPart II.\n\n\n The eloquence of Plato, THE name of Solomon, THE authority of THE\n school of Alexandria, and THE consent of THE Jews and Greeks,\n were insufficient to establish THE truth of a mysterious\n doctrine, which might please, but could not satisfy, a rational\n mind. A prophet, or apostle, inspired by THE Deity, can alone\n exercise a lawful dominion over THE faith of mankind: and THE\n THEology of Plato might have been forever confounded with THE\n philosophical visions of THE Academy, THE Porch, and THE Lyc¾um,\n if THE name and divine attributes of THE _Logos_ had not been\n confirmed by THE celestial pen of THE last and most sublime of\n THE Evangelists. 20 The Christian Revelation, which was\n consummated under THE reign of Nerva, disclosed to THE world THE\n amazing secret, that THE Logos, who was with God from THE\n beginning, and was God, who had made all things, and for whom all\n things had been made, was incarnate in THE person of Jesus of\n Nazareth; who had been born of a virgin, and suffered death on\n THE cross. Besides THE general design of fixing on a perpetual\n basis THE divine honors of Christ, THE most ancient and\n respectable of THE ecclesiastical writers have ascribed to THE\n evangelic THEologian a particular intention to confute two\n opposite heresies, which disturbed THE peace of THE primitive\n church. 21 I. The faith of THE Ebionites, 22 perhaps of THE\n Nazarenes, 23 was gross and imperfect. They revered Jesus as THE\n greatest of THE prophets, endowed with supernatural virtue and\n power. They ascribed to his person and to his future reign all\n THE predictions of THE Hebrew oracles which relate to THE\n spiritual and everlasting kingdom of THE promised Messiah. 24\n Some of THEm might confess that he was born of a virgin; but THEy\n obstinately rejected THE preceding existence and divine\n perfections of THE _Logos_, or Son of God, which are so clearly\n defined in THE Gospel of St. John. About fifty years afterwards,\n THE Ebionites, whose errors are mentioned by Justin Martyr with\n less severity than THEy seem to deserve, 25 formed a very\n inconsiderable portion of THE Christian name. II. The Gnostics,\n who were distinguished by THE epiTHEt of _Docetes_, deviated into\n THE contrary extreme; and betrayed THE human, while THEy asserted\n THE divine, nature of Christ. Educated in THE school of Plato,\n accustomed to THE sublime idea of THE Logos, THEy readily\n conceived that THE brightest _®on_, or _Emanation_ of THE Deity,\n might assume THE outward shape and visible appearances of a\n mortal; 26 but THEy vainly pretended, that THE imperfections of\n matter are incompatible with THE purity of a celestial substance.\n\n While THE blood of Christ yet smoked on Mount Calvary, THE\n Docetes invented THE impious and extravagant hypoTHEsis, that,\n instead of issuing from THE womb of THE Virgin, 27 he had\n descended on THE banks of THE Jordan in THE form of perfect\n manhood; that he had imposed on THE senses of his enemies, and of\n his disciples; and that THE ministers of Pilate had wasted THEir\n impotent rage on an ury phantom, who _seemed_ to expire on THE\n cross, and, after three days, to rise from THE dead. 28\n\n 20 (return) [ The Platonists admired THE beginning of THE Gospel\n of St. John as containing an exact transcript of THEir own\n principles. Augustin de Civitat. Dei, x. 29. Amelius apud Cyril.\n advers. Julian. l. viii. p. 283. But in THE third and fourth\n centuries, THE Platonists of Alexandria might improve THEir\n Trinity by THE secret study of THE Christian THEology. Note: A\n short discussion on THE sense in which St. John has used THE word\n Logos, will prove that he has not borrowed it from THE philosophy\n of Plato. The evangelist adopts this word without previous\n explanation, as a term with which his contemporaries were already\n familiar, and which THEy could at once comprehend. To know THE\n sense which he gave to it, we must inquire that which it\n generally bore in his time. We find two: THE one attached to THE\n word _logos_ by THE Jews of Palestine, THE oTHEr by THE school of\n Alexandria, particularly by Philo. The Jews had feared at all\n times to pronounce THE name of Jehovah; THEy had formed a habit\n of designating God by one of his attributes; THEy called him\n sometimes Wisdom, sometimes THE Word. _By THE word of THE Lord\n were THE heavens made_. (Psalm xxxiii. 6.) Accustomed to\n allegories, THEy often addressed THEmselves to this attribute of\n THE Deity as a real being. Solomon makes Wisdom say ÒThe Lord\n possessed me in THE beginning of his way, before his works of\n old. I was set up from everlasting, from THE beginning, or ever\n THE earth was.Ó (Prov. viii. 22, 23.) Their residence in Persia\n only increased this inclination to sustained allegories. In THE\n Ecclesiasticus of THE son of Sirach, and THE Book of Wisdom, we\n find allegorical descriptions of Wisdom like THE following: ÒI\n came out of THE mouth of THE Most High; I covered THE earth as a\n cloud;... I alone compassed THE circuit of heaven, and walked in\n THE bottom of THE deep... The Creator created me from THE\n beginning, before THE world, and I shall never fail.Ó (Eccles.\n xxiv. 35- 39.) See also THE Wisdom of Solomon, c. vii. v. 9. [The\n latter book is clearly Alexandrian.ÑM.] We see from this that THE\n Jews understood from THE Hebrew and Chaldaic words which signify\n Wisdom, THE Word, and which were translated into Greek, a simple\n attribute of THE Deity, allegorically personified, but of which\n THEy did not make a real particular being separate from THE\n Deity.\n The school of Alexandria, on THE contrary, and Philo among\n THE rest, mingling Greek with Jewish and Oriental notions,\n and abandoning himself to his inclination to mysticism,\n personified THE logos, and represented it a distinct being,\n created by God, and intermediate between God and man. This is\n THE second _logos_ of Philo, that which acts from THE\n beginning of THE world, alone in its kind, creator of THE\n sensible world, formed by God according to THE ideal world\n which he had in himself, and which was THE first logos, THE\n first- born of THE Deity. The logos taken in this sense,\n THEn, was a created being, but, anterior to THE creation of\n THE world, near to God, and charged with his revelations to\n mankind.\n Which of THEse two senses is that which St. John intended to\n assign to THE word logos in THE first chapter of his Gospel,\n and in all his writings? St. John was a Jew, born and\n educated in Palestine; he had no knowledge, at least very\n little, of THE philosophy of THE Greeks, and that of THE\n Grecizing Jews: he would naturally, THEn, attach to THE word\n _logos_ THE sense attached to it by THE Jews of Palestine.\n If, in fact, we compare THE attributes which he assigns to\n THE _logos_ with those which are assigned to it in Proverbs,\n in THE Wisdom of Solomon, in Ecclesiasticus, we shall see\n that THEy are THE same. The Word was in THE world, and THE\n world was made by him; in him was life, and THE life was THE\n light of men, (c. i. v. 10-14.) It is impossible not to trace\n in this chapter THE ideas which THE Jews had formed of THE\n allegorized logos. The evangelist afterwards really\n personifies that which his predecessors have personified only\n poetically; for he affirms Ò_that THE Word became flesh_,Ó\n (v. 14.) It was to prove this that he wrote. Closely\n examined, THE ideas which he gives of THE logos cannot agree\n with those of Philo and THE school of Alexandria; THEy\n correspond, on THE contrary, with those of THE Jews of\n Palestine. Perhaps St. John, employing a well-known term to\n explain a doctrine which was yet unknown, has slightly\n altered THE sense; it is this alteration which we appear to\n discover on comparing different passages of his writings.\n It is worthy of remark, that THE Jews of Palestine, who did\n not perceive this alteration, could find nothing\n extraordinary in what St. John said of THE Logos; at least\n THEy comprehended it without difficulty, while THE Greeks and\n Grecizing Jews, on THEir part, brought to it prejudices and\n preconceptions easily reconciled with those of THE\n evangelist, who did not expressly contradict THEm. This\n circumstance must have much favored THE progress of\n Christianity. Thus THE faTHErs of THE church in THE two first\n centuries and later, formed almost all in THE school of\n Alexandria, gave to THE Logos of St. John a sense nearly\n similar to that which it received from Philo. Their doctrine\n approached very near to that which in THE fourth century THE\n council of Nice condemned in THE person of Arius.ÑG.\n M. Guizot has forgotten THE long residence of St. John at\n Ephesus, THE centre of THE mingling opinions of THE East and\n West, which were gradually growing up into Gnosticism. (See\n Matter. Hist. du Gnosticisme, vol. i. p. 154.) St. JohnÕs\n sense of THE Logos seems as far removed from THE simple\n allegory ascribed to THE Palestinian Jews as from THE\n Oriental impersonation of THE Alexandrian. The simple truth\n may be that St. John took THE familiar term, and, as it were\n infused into it THE peculiar and Christian sense in which it\n is used in his writings.ÑM.]\n\n 21 (return) [ See Beausobre, Hist. Critique du Manicheisme, tom.\n i. p. 377. The Gospel according to St. John is supposed to have\n been published about seventy years after THE death of Christ.]\n\n 22 (return) [ The sentiments of THE Ebionites are fairly stated\n by Mosheim (p. 331) and Le Clerc, (Hist. Eccles. p. 535.) The\n Clementines, published among THE apostolical faTHErs, are\n attributed by THE critics to one of THEse sectaries.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Stanch polemics, like a Bull, (Judicium Eccles.\n Cathol. c. 2,) insist on THE orthodoxy of THE Nazarenes; which\n appears less pure and certain in THE eyes of Mosheim, (p. 330.)]\n\n 24 (return) [ The humble condition and sufferings of Jesus have\n always been a stumbling-block to THE Jews. ÒDeus... contrariis\n coloribus Messiam depinxerat: futurus erat Rex, Judex, Pastor,Ó\n &c. See Limborch et Orobio Amica Collat. p. 8, 19, 53-76,\n 192-234. But this objection has obliged THE believing Christians\n to lift up THEir eyes to a spiritual and everlasting kingdom.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Justin Martyr, Dialog. cum Tryphonte, p. 143, 144.\n See Le Clerc, Hist. Eccles. p. 615. Bull and his editor Grabe\n (Judicium Eccles. Cathol. c. 7, and Appendix) attempt to distort\n eiTHEr THE sentiments or THE words of Justin; but THEir violent\n correction of THE text is rejected even by THE Benedictine\n editors.]\n\n 26 (return) [ The Arians reproached THE orthodox party with\n borrowing THEir Trinity from THE Valentinians and Marcionites.\n See Beausobre, Hist. de Manicheisme, l. iii. c. 5, 7.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Non dignum est ex utero credere Deum, et Deum\n Christum.... non dignum est ut tanta majestas per sordes et\n squalores muli eris transire credatur. The Gnostics asserted THE\n impurity of matter, and of marriage; and THEy were scandalized by\n THE gross interpretations of THE faTHErs, and even of Augustin\n himself. See Beausobre, tom. ii. p. 523, * Note: The greater part\n of THE Docet¾ rejected THE true divinity of Jesus Christ, as well\n as his human nature. They belonged to THE Gnostics, whom some\n philosophers, in whose party Gibbon has enlisted, make to derive\n THEir opinions from those of Plato. These philosophers did not\n consider that Platonism had undergone continual alterations, and\n that those who gave it some analogy with THE notions of THE\n Gnostics were later in THEir origin than most of THE sects\n comprehended under this name Mosheim has proved (in his Instit.\n Histor. Eccles. Major. s. i. p. 136, sqq and p. 339, sqq.) that\n THE Oriental philosophy, combined with THE cabalistical\n philosophy of THE Jews, had given birth to Gnosticism. The\n relations which exist between this doctrine and THE records which\n remain to us of that of THE Orientals, THE Chaldean and Persian,\n have been THE source of THE errors of THE Gnostic Christians, who\n wished to reconcile THEir ancient notions with THEir new belief.\n It is on this account that, denying THE human nature of Christ,\n THEy also denied his intimate union with God, and took him for\n one of THE substances (¾ons) created by God. As THEy believed in\n THE eternity of matter, and considered it to be THE principle of\n evil, in opposition to THE Deity, THE first cause and principle\n of good, THEy were unwilling to admit that one of THE pure\n substances, one of THE ¾ons which came forth from God, had, by\n partaking in THE material nature, allied himself to THE principle\n of evil; and this was THEir motive for rejecting THE real\n humanity of Jesus Christ. See Ch. G. F. Walch, Hist. of Heresies\n in Germ. t. i. p. 217, sqq. Brucker, Hist. Crit. Phil. ii. p\n 639.ÑG.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Apostolis adhuc in s¾culo superstitibus apud Jud¾am\n Christi sanguine recente, et _phantasma_ corpus Domini\n asserebatur. Cotelerius thinks (Patres Apostol. tom. ii. p. 24)\n that those who will not allow THE _Docetes_ to have arisen in THE\n time of THE Apostles, may with equal reason deny that THE sun\n shines at noonday. These _Docetes_, who formed THE most\n considerable party among THE Gnostics, were so called, because\n THEy granted only a _seeming_ body to Christ. * Note: The name of\n Docet¾ was given to THEse sectaries only in THE course of THE\n second century: this name did not designate a sect, properly so\n called; it applied to all THE sects who taught THE non- reality\n of THE material body of Christ; of this number were THE\n Valentinians, THE Basilidians, THE Ophites, THE Marcionites,\n (against whom Tertullian wrote his book, De Carne Christi,) and\n oTHEr Gnostics. In truth, Clement of Alexandria (l. iii. Strom.\n c. 13, p. 552) makes express mention of a sect of Docet¾, and\n even names as one of its heads a certain Cassianus; but every\n thing leads us to believe that it was not a distinct sect.\n Philastrius (de H¾res, c. 31) reproaches Saturninus with being a\n Docete. Iren¾us (adv. H¾r. c. 23) makes THE same reproach against\n Basilides. Epiphanius and Philastrius, who have treated in detail\n on each particular heresy, do not specially name that of THE\n Docet¾. Serapion, bishop of Antioch, (Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. vi.\n c. 12,) and Clement of Alexandria, (l. vii. Strom. p. 900,)\n appear to be THE first who have used THE generic name. It is not\n found in any earlier record, though THE error which it points out\n existed even in THE time of THE Apostles. See Ch. G. F. Walch,\n Hist. of Her. v. i. p. 283. Tillemont, Mempour servir a la Hist\n Eccles. ii. p. 50. Budd¾us de Eccles. Apost. c. 5 & 7ÑG.]\n\n The divine sanction, which THE Apostle had bestowed on THE\n fundamental principle of THE THEology of Plato, encouraged THE\n learned proselytes of THE second and third centuries to admire\n and study THE writings of THE ATHEnian sage, who had thus\n marvellously anticipated one of THE most surprising discoveries\n of THE Christian revelation. The respectable name of Plato was\n used by THE orthodox, 29 and abused by THE heretics, 30 as THE\n common support of truth and error: THE authority of his skilful\n commentators, and THE science of dialectics, were employed to\n justify THE remote consequences of his opinions and to supply THE\n discreet silence of THE inspired writers. The same subtle and\n profound questions concerning THE nature, THE generation, THE\n distinction, and THE equality of THE three divine persons of THE\n mysterious _Triad_, or _Trinity_, 31 were agitated in THE\n philosophical and in THE Christian schools of Alexandria. An\n eager spirit of curiosity urged THEm to explore THE secrets of\n THE abyss; and THE pride of THE professors, and of THEir\n disciples, was satisfied with THE sciences of words. But THE most\n sagacious of THE Christian THEologians, THE great Athanasius\n himself, has candidly confessed, 32 that whenever he forced his\n understanding to meditate on THE divinity of THE _Logos_, his\n toilsome and unavailing efforts recoiled on THEmselves; that THE\n more he thought, THE less he comprehended; and THE more he wrote,\n THE less capable was he of expressing his thoughts. In every step\n of THE inquiry, we are compelled to feel and acknowledge THE\n immeasurable disproportion between THE size of THE object and THE\n capacity of THE human mind. We may strive to abstract THE notions\n of time, of space, and of matter, which so closely adhere to all\n THE perceptions of our experimental knowledge. But as soon as we\n presume to reason of infinite substance, of spiritual generation;\n as often as we deduce any positive conclusions from a negative\n idea, we are involved in darkness, perplexity, and inevitable\n contradiction. As THEse difficulties arise from THE nature of THE\n subject, THEy oppress, with THE same insuperable weight, THE\n philosophic and THE THEological disputant; but we may observe two\n essential and peculiar circumstances, which discriminated THE\n doctrines of THE Catholic church from THE opinions of THE\n Platonic school.\n\n 29 (return) [ Some proofs of THE respect which THE Christians\n entertained for THE person and doctrine of Plato may be found in\n De la MoTHE le Vayer, tom. v. p. 135, &c., edit. 1757; and\n Basnage, Hist. des Juifs tom. iv. p. 29, 79, &c.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Doleo bona fide, Platonem omnium her¾ticorum\n condimentarium factum. Tertullian. de Anima, c. 23. Petavius\n (Dogm. Theolog. tom. iii. proleg. 2) shows that this was a\n general complaint. Beausobre (tom. i. l. iii. c. 9, 10) has\n deduced THE Gnostic errors from Platonic principles; and as, in\n THE school of Alexandria, those principles were blended with THE\n Oriental philosophy, (Brucker, tom. i. p. 1356,) THE sentiment of\n Beausobre may be reconciled with THE opinion of Mosheim, (General\n History of THE Church, vol. i. p. 37.)]\n\n 31 (return) [ If Theophilus, bishop of Antioch, (see Dupin,\n Biblioth\x8fque Ecclesiastique, tom. i. p. 66,) was THE first who\n employed THE word _Triad_, _Trinity_, that abstract term, which\n was already familiar to THE schools of philosophy, must have been\n introduced into THE THEology of THE Christians after THE middle\n of THE second century.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Athanasius, tom. i. p. 808. His expressions have an\n uncommon energy; and as he was writing to monks, THEre could not\n be any occasion for him to _affect_ a rational language.]\n\n I. A chosen society of philosophers, men of a liberal education\n and curious disposition, might silently meditate, and temperately\n discuss in THE gardens of ATHEns or THE library of Alexandria,\n THE abstruse questions of metaphysical science. The lofty\n speculations, which neiTHEr convinced THE understanding, nor\n agitated THE passions, of THE Platonists THEmselves, were\n carelessly overlooked by THE idle, THE busy, and even THE\n studious part of mankind. 33 But after THE _Logos_ had been\n revealed as THE sacred object of THE faith, THE hope, and THE\n religious worship of THE Christians, THE mysterious system was\n embraced by a numerous and increasing multitude in every province\n of THE Roman world. Those persons who, from THEir age, or sex, or\n occupations, were THE least qualified to judge, who were THE\n least exercised in THE habits of abstract reasoning, aspired to\n contemplate THE economy of THE Divine Nature: and it is THE boast\n of Tertullian, 34 that a Christian mechanic could readily answer\n such questions as had perplexed THE wisest of THE Grecian sages.\n Where THE subject lies so far beyond our reach, THE difference\n between THE highest and THE lowest of human understandings may\n indeed be calculated as infinitely small; yet THE degree of\n weakness may perhaps be measured by THE degree of obstinacy and\n dogmatic confidence. These speculations, instead of being treated\n as THE amusement of a vacant hour, became THE most serious\n business of THE present, and THE most useful preparation for a\n future, life. A THEology, which it was incumbent to believe,\n which it was impious to doubt, and which it might be dangerous,\n and even fatal, to mistake, became THE familiar topic of private\n meditation and popular discourse. The cold indifference of\n philosophy was inflamed by THE fervent spirit of devotion; and\n even THE metaphors of common language suggested THE fallacious\n prejudices of sense and experience. The Christians, who abhorred\n THE gross and impure generation of THE Greek mythology, 35 were\n tempted to argue from THE familiar analogy of THE filial and\n paternal relations. The character of _Son_ seemed to imply a\n perpetual subordination to THE voluntary author of his existence;\n 36 but as THE act of generation, in THE most spiritual and\n abstracted sense, must be supposed to transmit THE properties of\n a common nature, 37 THEy durst not presume to circumscribe THE\n powers or THE duration of THE Son of an eternal and omnipotent\n FaTHEr. Fourscore years after THE death of Christ, THE Christians\n of Bithynia, declared before THE tribunal of Pliny, that THEy\n invoked him as a god: and his divine honors have been perpetuated\n in every age and country, by THE various sects who assume THE\n name of his disciples. 38 Their tender reverence for THE memory\n of Christ, and THEir horror for THE profane worship of any\n created being, would have engaged THEm to assert THE equal and\n absolute divinity of THE _Logos_, if THEir rapid ascent towards\n THE throne of heaven had not been imperceptibly checked by THE\n apprehension of violating THE unity and sole supremacy of THE\n great FaTHEr of Christ and of THE Universe. The suspense and\n fluctuation produced in THE minds of THE Christians by THEse\n opposite tendencies, may be observed in THE writings of THE\n THEologians who flourished after THE end of THE apostolic age,\n and before THE origin of THE Arian controversy. Their suffrage is\n claimed, with equal confidence, by THE orthodox and by THE\n heretical parties; and THE most inquisitive critics have fairly\n allowed, that if THEy had THE good fortune of possessing THE\n Catholic verity, THEy have delivered THEir conceptions in loose,\n inaccurate, and sometimes contradictory language. 39\n\n 33 (return) [ In a treatise, which professed to explain THE\n opinions of THE ancient philosophers concerning THE nature of THE\n gods we might expect to discover THE THEological Trinity of\n Plato. But Cicero very honestly confessed, that although he had\n translated THE Tim¾us, he could never understand that mysterious\n dialogue. See Hieronym. pr¾f. ad l. xii. in Isaiam, tom. v. p.\n 154.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Tertullian. in Apolog. c. 46. See Bayle,\n Dictionnaire, au mot _Simonide_. His remarks on THE presumption\n of Tertullian are profound and interesting.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Lactantius, iv. 8. Yet THE _Probole_, or\n _Prolatio_, which THE most orthodox divines borrowed without\n scruple from THE Valentinians, and illustrated by THE comparisons\n of a fountain and stream, THE sun and its rays, &c., eiTHEr meant\n nothing, or favored a material idea of THE divine generation. See\n Beausobre, tom. i. l. iii. c. 7, p. 548.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Many of THE primitive writers have frankly\n confessed, that THE Son owed his being to THE _will_ of THE\n FaTHEr.ÑÑSee ClarkeÕs Scripture Trinity, p. 280-287. On THE oTHEr\n hand, Athanasius and his followers seem unwilling to grant what\n THEy are afraid to deny. The schoolmen extricate THEmselves from\n this difficulty by THE distinction of a _preceding_ and a\n _concomitant_ will. Petav. Dogm. Theolog. tom. ii. l. vi. c. 8,\n p. 587-603.]\n\n 37 (return) [ See Petav. Dogm. Theolog. tom. ii. l. ii. c. 10, p.\n 159.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Carmenque Christo quasi Deo dicere secum invicem.\n Plin. Epist. x. 97. The sense of _Deus, Elohim_, in THE ancient\n languages, is critically examined by Le Clerc, (Ars Critica, p.\n 150-156,) and THE propriety of worshipping a very excellent\n creature is ably defended by THE Socinian Emlyn, (Tracts, p.\n 29-36, 51-145.)]\n\n 39 (return) [ See Daille de Usu Patrum, and Le Clerc,\n Biblioth\x8fque Universelle, tom. x. p. 409. To arraign THE faith of\n THE Ante-Nicene faTHErs, was THE object, or at least has been THE\n effect, of THE stupendous work of Petavius on THE Trinity, (Dogm.\n Theolog. tom. ii.;) nor has THE deep impression been erased by\n THE learned defence of Bishop Bull. Note: Dr. BurtonÕs work on\n THE doctrine of THE Ante-Nicene faTHErs must be consulted by\n those who wish to obtain clear notions on this subject.ÑM.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.ÑPart\n III.\n\n\n II. The devotion of individuals was THE first circumstance which\n distinguished THE Christians from THE Platonists: THE second was\n THE authority of THE church. The disciples of philosophy asserted\n THE rights of intellectual freedom, and THEir respect for THE\n sentiments of THEir teachers was a liberal and voluntary tribute,\n which THEy offered to superior reason. But THE Christians formed\n a numerous and disciplined society; and THE jurisdiction of THEir\n laws and magistrates was strictly exercised over THE minds of THE\n faithful. The loose wanderings of THE imagination were gradually\n confined by creeds and confessions; 40 THE freedom of private\n judgment submitted to THE public wisdom of synods; THE authority\n of a THEologian was determined by his ecclesiastical rank; and\n THE episcopal successors of THE apostles inflicted THE censures\n of THE church on those who deviated from THE orthodox belief. But\n in an age of religious controversy, every act of oppression adds\n new force to THE elastic vigor of THE mind; and THE zeal or\n obstinacy of a spiritual rebel was sometimes stimulated by secret\n motives of ambition or avarice. A metaphysical argument became\n THE cause or pretence of political contests; THE subtleties of\n THE Platonic school were used as THE badges of popular factions,\n and THE distance which separated THEir respective tenets were\n enlarged or magnified by THE acrimony of dispute. As long as THE\n dark heresies of Praxeas and Sabellius labored to confound THE\n _FaTHEr_ with THE _Son_, 41 THE orthodox party might be excused\n if THEy adhered more strictly and more earnestly to THE\n _distinction_, than to THE _equality_, of THE divine persons. But\n as soon as THE heat of controversy had subsided, and THE progress\n of THE Sabellians was no longer an object of terror to THE\n churches of Rome, of Africa, or of Egypt, THE tide of THEological\n opinion began to flow with a gentle but steady motion towards THE\n contrary extreme; and THE most orthodox doctors allowed\n THEmselves THE use of THE terms and definitions which had been\n censured in THE mouth of THE sectaries. 42 After THE edict of\n toleration had restored peace and leisure to THE Christians, THE\n Trinitarian controversy was revived in THE ancient seat of\n Platonism, THE learned, THE opulent, THE tumultuous city of\n Alexandria; and THE flame of religious discord was rapidly\n communicated from THE schools to THE clergy, THE people, THE\n province, and THE East. The abstruse question of THE eternity of\n THE _Logos_ was agitated in ecclesiastic conferences and popular\n sermons; and THE heterodox opinions of Arius 43 were soon made\n public by his own zeal, and by that of his adversaries. His most\n implacable adversaries have acknowledged THE learning and\n blameless life of that eminent presbyter, who, in a former\n election, had declared, and perhaps generously declined, his\n pretensions to THE episcopal throne. 44 His competitor Alexander\n assumed THE office of his judge. The important cause was argued\n before him; and if at first he seemed to hesitate, he at length\n pronounced his final sentence, as an absolute rule of faith. 45\n The undaunted presbyter, who presumed to resist THE authority of\n his angry bishop, was separated from THE community of THE church.\n But THE pride of Arius was supported by THE applause of a\n numerous party. He reckoned among his immediate followers two\n bishops of Egypt, seven presbyters, twelve deacons, and (what may\n appear almost incredible) seven hundred virgins. A large majority\n of THE bishops of Asia appeared to support or favor his cause;\n and THEir measures were conducted by Eusebius of C¾sarea, THE\n most learned of THE Christian prelates; and by Eusebius of\n Nicomedia, who had acquired THE reputation of a statesman without\n forfeiting that of a saint. Synods in Palestine and Bithynia were\n opposed to THE synods of Egypt. The attention of THE prince and\n people was attracted by this THEological dispute; and THE\n decision, at THE end of six years, 46 was referred to THE supreme\n authority of THE general council of Nice.\n\n 40 (return) [ The most ancient creeds were drawn up with THE\n greatest latitude. See Bull, (Judicium Eccles. Cathol.,) who\n tries to prevent Episcopius from deriving any advantage from this\n observation.]\n\n 41 (return) [ The heresies of Praxeas, Sabellius, &c., are\n accurately explained by Mosheim (p. 425, 680-714.) Praxeas, who\n came to Rome about THE end of THE second century, deceived, for\n some time, THE simplicity of THE bishop, and was confuted by THE\n pen of THE angry Tertullian.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Socrates acknowledges, that THE heresy of Arius\n proceeded from his strong desire to embrace an opinion THE most\n diametrically opposite to that of Sabellius.]\n\n 43 (return) [ The figure and manners of Arius, THE character and\n numbers of his first proselytes, are painted in very lively\n colors by Epiphanius, (tom. i. H¾res. lxix. 3, p. 729,) and we\n cannot but regret that he should soon forget THE historian, to\n assume THE task of controversy.]\n\n 44 (return) [ See Philostorgius (l. i. c. 3,) and GodefroyÕs\n ample Commentary. Yet THE credibility of Philostorgius is\n lessened, in THE eyes of THE orthodox, by his Arianism; and in\n those of rational critics, by his passion, his prejudice, and his\n ignorance.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Sozomen (l. i. c. 15) represents Alexander as\n indifferent, and even ignorant, in THE beginning of THE\n controversy; while Socrates (l. i. c. 5) ascribes THE origin of\n THE dispute to THE vain curiosity of his THEological\n speculations. Dr. Jortin (Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol.\n ii. p. 178) has censured, with his usual freedom, THE conduct of\n Alexander.]\n\n 46 (return) [ The flames of Arianism might burn for some time in\n secret; but THEre is reason to believe that THEy burst out with\n violence as early as THE year 319. Tillemont, MŽm. Eccles. tom.\n vi. p. 774-780.]\n\n When THE mysteries of THE Christian faith were dangerously\n exposed to public debate, it might be observed, that THE human\n understanding was capable of forming three district, though\n imperfect systems, concerning THE nature of THE Divine Trinity;\n and it was pronounced, that none of THEse systems, in a pure and\n absolute sense, were exempt from heresy and error. 47 I.\n According to THE first hypoTHEsis, which was maintained by Arius\n and his disciples, THE _Logos_ was a dependent and spontaneous\n production, created from nothing by THE will of THE faTHEr. The\n Son, by whom all things were made, 48 had been begotten before\n all worlds, and THE longest of THE astronomical periods could be\n compared only as a fleeting moment to THE extent of his duration;\n yet this duration was not infinite, 49 and THEre _had_ been a\n time which preceded THE ineffable generation of THE _Logos_. On\n this only-begotten Son, THE Almighty FaTHEr had transfused his\n ample spirit, and impressed THE effulgence of his glory. Visible\n image of invisible perfection, he saw, at an immeasurable\n distance beneath his feet, THE thrones of THE brightest\n archangels; yet he shone only with a reflected light, and, like\n THE sons of THE Romans emperors, who were invested with THE\n titles of C¾sar or Augustus, 50 he governed THE universe in\n obedience to THE will of his FaTHEr and Monarch. II. In THE\n second hypoTHEsis, THE _Logos_ possessed all THE inherent,\n incommunicable perfections, which religion and philosophy\n appropriate to THE Supreme God. Three distinct and infinite minds\n or substances, three co‘qual and co‘ternal beings, composed THE\n Divine Essence; 51 and it would have implied contradiction, that\n any of THEm should not have existed, or that THEy should ever\n cease to exist. 52 The advocates of a system which seemed to\n establish three independent Deities, attempted to preserve THE\n unity of THE First Cause, so conspicuous in THE design and order\n of THE world, by THE perpetual concord of THEir administration,\n and THE essential agreement of THEir will. A faint resemblance of\n this unity of action may be discovered in THE societies of men,\n and even of animals. The causes which disturb THEir harmony,\n proceed only from THE imperfection and inequality of THEir\n faculties; but THE omnipotence which is guided by infinite wisdom\n and goodness, cannot fail of choosing THE same means for THE\n accomplishment of THE same ends. III. Three beings, who, by THE\n self-derived necessity of THEir existence, possess all THE divine\n attributes in THE most perfect degree; who are eternal in\n duration, infinite in space, and intimately present to each\n oTHEr, and to THE whole universe; irresistibly force THEmselves\n on THE astonished mind, as one and THE same being, 53 who, in THE\n economy of grace, as well as in that of nature, may manifest\n himself under different forms, and be considered under different\n aspects. By this hypoTHEsis, a real substantial trinity is\n refined into a trinity of names, and abstract modifications, that\n subsist only in THE mind which conceives THEm. The _Logos_ is no\n longer a person, but an attribute; and it is only in a figurative\n sense that THE epiTHEt of Son can be applied to THE eternal\n reason, which was with God from THE beginning, and by _which_,\n not by _whom_, all things were made. The incarnation of THE\n _Logos_ is reduced to a mere inspiration of THE Divine Wisdom,\n which filled THE soul, and directed all THE actions, of THE man\n Jesus. Thus, after revolving around THE THEological circle, we\n are surprised to find that THE Sabellian ends where THE Ebionite\n had begun; and that THE incomprehensible mystery which excites\n our adoration, eludes our inquiry. 54\n\n 47 (return) [ Quid credidit? Certe, _aut_ tria nomina audiens\n tres Deos esse credidit, et idololatra effectus est; _aut_ in\n tribus vocabulis trinominem credens Deum, in Sabellii h¾resim\n incurrit; _aut_ edoctus ab Arianis unum esse verum Deum Patrem,\n filium et spiritum sanctum credidit creaturas. Aut extra h¾c quid\n credere potuerit nescio. Hieronym adv. Luciferianos. Jerom\n reserves for THE last THE orthodox system, which is more\n complicated and difficult.]\n\n 48 (return) [ As THE doctrine of absolute creation from nothing\n was gradually introduced among THE Christians, (Beausobre, tom.\n ii. p. 165- 215,) THE dignity of THE _workman_ very naturally\n rose with that of THE _work_.]\n\n 49 (return) [ The metaphysics of Dr. Clarke (Scripture Trinity,\n p. 276-280) could digest an eternal generation from an infinite\n cause.]\n\n 50 (return) [ This profane and absurd simile is employed by\n several of THE primitive faTHErs, particularly by ATHEnagoras, in\n his Apology to THE emperor Marcus and his son; and it is alleged,\n without censure, by Bull himself. See Defens. Fid. Nicen. sect.\n iii. c. 5, No. 4.]\n\n 51 (return) [ See CudworthÕs Intellectual System, p. 559, 579.\n This dangerous hypoTHEsis was countenanced by THE two Gregories,\n of Nyssa and Nazianzen, by Cyril of Alexandria, John of Damascus,\n &c. See Cudworth, p. 603. Le Clerc, Biblioth\x8fque Universelle, tom\n xviii. p. 97-105.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Augustin seems to envy THE freedom of THE\n Philosophers. Liberis verbis loquuntur philosophi.... Nos autem\n non dicimus duo vel tria principia, duos vel tres Deos. De\n Civitat. Dei, x. 23.]\n\n 53 (return) [ Boetius, who was deeply versed in THE philosophy of\n Plato and Aristotle, explains THE unity of THE Trinity by THE\n _indifference_ of THE three persons. See THE judicious remarks of\n Le Clerc, Biblioth\x8fque Choisie, tom. xvi. p. 225, &c.]\n\n 54 (return) [ If THE Sabellians were startled at this conclusion,\n THEy were driven anoTHEr precipice into THE confession, that THE\n FaTHEr was born of a virgin, that _he_ had suffered on THE cross;\n and thus deserved THE epiTHEt of _Patripassians_, with which THEy\n were branded by THEir adversaries. See THE invectives of\n Tertullian against Praxeas, and THE temperate reflections of\n Mosheim, (p. 423, 681;) and Beausobre, tom. i. l. iii. c. 6, p.\n 533.]\n\n If THE bishops of THE council of Nice 55 had been permitted to\n follow THE unbiased dictates of THEir conscience, Arius and his\n associates could scarcely have flattered THEmselves with THE\n hopes of obtaining a majority of votes, in favor of an hypoTHEsis\n so directly averse to THE two most popular opinions of THE\n Catholic world. The Arians soon perceived THE danger of THEir\n situation, and prudently assumed those modest virtues, which, in\n THE fury of civil and religious dissensions, are seldom\n practised, or even praised, except by THE weaker party. They\n recommended THE exercise of Christian charity and moderation;\n urged THE incomprehensible nature of THE controversy, disclaimed\n THE use of any terms or definitions which could not be found in\n THE Scriptures; and offered, by very liberal concessions, to\n satisfy THEir adversaries without renouncing THE integrity of\n THEir own principles. The victorious faction received all THEir\n proposals with haughty suspicion; and anxiously sought for some\n irreconcilable mark of distinction, THE rejection of which might\n involve THE Arians in THE guilt and consequences of heresy. A\n letter was publicly read, and ignominiously torn, in which THEir\n patron, Eusebius of Nicomedia, ingenuously confessed, that THE\n admission of THE Homoousion, or Consubstantial, a word already\n familiar to THE Platonists, was incompatible with THE principles\n of THEir THEological system. The fortunate opportunity was\n eagerly embraced by THE bishops, who governed THE resolutions of\n THE synod; and, according to THE lively expression of Ambrose, 56\n THEy used THE sword, which heresy itself had drawn from THE\n scabbard, to cut off THE head of THE hated monster. The\n consubstantiality of THE FaTHEr and THE Son was established by\n THE council of Nice, and has been unanimously received as a\n fundamental article of THE Christian faith, by THE consent of THE\n Greek, THE Latin, THE Oriental, and THE Protestant churches. But\n if THE same word had not served to stigmatize THE heretics, and\n to unite THE Catholics, it would have been inadequate to THE\n purpose of THE majority, by whom it was introduced into THE\n orthodox creed. This majority was divided into two parties,\n distinguished by a contrary tendency to THE sentiments of THE\n TriTHEists and of THE Sabellians. But as those opposite extremes\n seemed to overthrow THE foundations eiTHEr of natural or revealed\n religion, THEy mutually agreed to qualify THE rigor of THEir\n principles; and to disavow THE just, but invidious, consequences,\n which might be urged by THEir antagonists. The interest of THE\n common cause inclined THEm to join THEir numbers, and to conceal\n THEir differences; THEir animosity was softened by THE healing\n counsels of toleration, and THEir disputes were suspended by THE\n use of THE mysterious _Homoousion_, which eiTHEr party was free\n to interpret according to THEir peculiar tenets. The Sabellian\n sense, which, about fifty years before, had obliged THE council\n of Antioch 57 to prohibit this celebrated term, had endeared it\n to those THEologians who entertained a secret but partial\n affection for a nominal Trinity. But THE more fashionable saints\n of THE Arian times, THE intrepid Athanasius, THE learned Gregory\n Nazianzen, and THE oTHEr pillars of THE church, who supported\n with ability and success THE Nicene doctrine, appeared to\n consider THE expression of _substance_ as if it had been\n synonymous with that of _nature;_ and THEy ventured to illustrate\n THEir meaning, by affirming that three men, as THEy belong to THE\n same common species, are consubstantial, or homoousian to each\n oTHEr. 58 This pure and distinct equality was tempered, on THE\n one hand, by THE internal connection, and spiritual penetration\n which indissolubly unites THE divine persons; 59 and, on THE\n oTHEr, by THE pre‘minence of THE FaTHEr, which was acknowledged\n as far as it is compatible with THE independence of THE Son. 60\n Within THEse limits, THE almost invisible and tremulous ball of\n orthodoxy was allowed securely to vibrate. On eiTHEr side, beyond\n this consecrated ground, THE heretics and THE d¾mons lurked in\n ambush to surprise and devour THE unhappy wanderer. But as THE\n degrees of THEological hatred depend on THE spirit of THE war,\n raTHEr than on THE importance of THE controversy, THE heretics\n who degraded, were treated with more severity than those who\n annihilated, THE person of THE Son. The life of Athanasius was\n consumed in irreconcilable opposition to THE impious _madness_ of\n THE Arians; 61 but he defended above twenty years THE\n Sabellianism of Marcellus of Ancyra; and when at last he was\n compelled to withdraw himself from his communion, he continued to\n mention, with an ambiguous smile, THE venial errors of his\n respectable friend. 62\n\n 55 (return) [ The transactions of THE council of Nice are related\n by THE ancients, not only in a partial, but in a very imperfect\n manner. Such a picture as Fra Paolo would have drawn, can never\n be recovered; but such rude sketches as have been traced by THE\n pencil of bigotry, and that of reason, may be seen in Tillemont,\n (MŽm. Eccles. tom. v. p. 669-759,) and in Le Clerc, (Biblioth\x8fque\n Universelle, tom. x p. 435-454.)]\n\n 56 (return) [ We are indebted to Ambrose (De Fide, l. iii.)\n knowledge of this curious anecdote. Hoc verbum quod viderunt\n adversariis esse formidini; ut ipsis gladio, ipsum nefand¾ caput\n h¾reseos.]\n\n 57 (return) [ See Bull, Defens. Fid. Nicen. sect. ii. c. i. p.\n 25-36. He thinks it his duty to reconcile two orthodox synods.]\n\n 58 (return) [ According to Aristotle, THE stars were homoousian\n to each oTHEr. ÒThat _Homoousios_ means of one substance in\n _kind_, hath been shown by Petavius, Curcell¾us, Cudworth, Le\n Clerc, &c., and to prove it would be _actum agere_.Ó This is THE\n just remark of Dr. Jortin, (vol. ii p. 212,) who examines THE\n Arian controversy with learning, candor, and ingenuity.]\n\n 59 (return) [ See Petavius, (Dogm. Theolog. tom. ii. l. iv. c.\n 16, p. 453, &c.,) Cudworth, (p. 559,) Bull, (sect. iv. p.\n 285-290, edit. Grab.) The _circumincessio_, is perhaps THE\n deepest and darkest he whole THEological abyss.]\n\n 60 (return) [ The third section of BullÕs Defence of THE Nicene\n Faith, which some of his antagonists have called nonsense, and\n oTHErs heresy, is consecrated to THE supremacy of THE FaTHEr.]\n\n 61 (return) [ The ordinary appellation with which Athanasius and\n his followers chose to compliment THE Arians, was that of\n _Ariomanites_.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Epiphanius, tom i. H¾res. lxxii. 4, p. 837. See THE\n adventures of Marcellus, in Tillemont, (MŽm. Eccles. tom. v. i.\n p. 880- 899.) His work, in _one_ book, of THE unity of God, was\n answered in THE _three_ books, which are still extant, of\n Eusebius.ÑÑAfter a long and careful examination, Petavius (tom.\n ii. l. i. c. 14, p. 78) has reluctantly pronounced THE\n condemnation of Marcellus.]\n\n The authority of a general council, to which THE Arians\n THEmselves had been compelled to submit, inscribed on THE banners\n of THE orthodox party THE mysterious characters of THE word\n _Homoousion_, which essentially contributed, notwithstanding some\n obscure disputes, some nocturnal combats, to maintain and\n perpetuate THE uniformity of faith, or at least of language. The\n consubstantialists, who by THEir success have deserved and\n obtained THE title of Catholics, gloried in THE simplicity and\n steadiness of THEir own creed, and insulted THE repeated\n variations of THEir adversaries, who were destitute of any\n certain rule of faith. The sincerity or THE cunning of THE Arian\n chiefs, THE fear of THE laws or of THE people, THEir reverence\n for Christ, THEir hatred of Athanasius, all THE causes, human and\n divine, that influence and disturb THE counsels of a THEological\n faction, introduced among THE sectaries a spirit of discord and\n inconstancy, which, in THE course of a few years, erected\n eighteen different models of religion, 63 and avenged THE\n violated dignity of THE church. The zealous Hilary, 64 who, from\n THE peculiar hardships of his situation, was inclined to\n extenuate raTHEr than to aggravate THE errors of THE Oriental\n clergy, declares, that in THE wide extent of THE ten provinces of\n Asia, to which he had been banished, THEre could be found very\n few prelates who had preserved THE knowledge of THE true God. 65\n The oppression which he had felt, THE disorders of which he was\n THE spectator and THE victim, appeased, during a short interval,\n THE angry passions of his soul; and in THE following passage, of\n which I shall transcribe a few lines, THE bishop of Poitiers\n unwarily deviates into THE style of a Christian philosopher. ÒIt\n is a thing,Ó says Hilary, Òequally deplorable and dangerous, that\n THEre are as many creeds as opinions among men, as many doctrines\n as inclinations, and as many sources of blasphemy as THEre are\n faults among us; because we make creeds arbitrarily, and explain\n THEm as arbitrarily. The Homoousion is rejected, and received,\n and explained away by successive synods. The partial or total\n resemblance of THE FaTHEr and of THE Son is a subject of dispute\n for THEse unhappy times. Every year, nay, every moon, we make new\n creeds to describe invisible mysteries. We repent of what we have\n done, we defend those who repent, we anaTHEmatize those whom we\n defended. We condemn eiTHEr THE doctrine of oTHErs in ourselves,\n or our own in that of oTHErs; and reciprocally tearing one\n anoTHEr to pieces, we have been THE cause of each oTHErÕs ruin.Ó\n 66\n\n 63 (return) [ Athanasius, in his epistle concerning THE Synods of\n Seleucia and Rimini, (tom. i. p. 886-905,) has given an ample\n list of Arian creeds, which has been enlarged and improved by THE\n labors of THE indefatigable Tillemont, (MŽm. Eccles. tom. vi. p.\n 477.)]\n\n 64 (return) [ Erasmus, with admirable sense and freedom, has\n delineated THE just character of Hilary. To revise his text, to\n compose THE annals of his life, and to justify his sentiments and\n conduct, is THE province of THE Benedictine editors.]\n\n 65 (return) [ Absque episcopo Eleusio et paucis cum eo, ex majore\n parte Asian¾ decem provinci¾, inter quas consisto, vere Deum\n nesciunt. Atque utinam penitus nescirent! cum procliviore enim\n venia ignorarent quam obtrectarent. Hilar. de Synodis, sive de\n Fide Orientalium, c. 63, p. 1186, edit. Benedict. In THE\n celebrated parallel between aTHEism and superstition, THE bishop\n of Poitiers would have been surprised in THE philosophic society\n of Bayle and Plutarch.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Hilarius ad Constantium, l. i. c. 4, 5, p. 1227,\n 1228. This remarkable passage deserved THE attention of Mr.\n Locke, who has transcribed it (vol. iii. p. 470) into THE model\n of his new common-place book.]\n\n It will not be expected, it would not perhaps be endured, that I\n should swell this THEological digression, by a minute examination\n of THE eighteen creeds, THE authors of which, for THE most part,\n disclaimed THE odious name of THEir parent Arius. It is amusing\n enough to delineate THE form, and to trace THE vegetation, of a\n singular plant; but THE tedious detail of leaves without flowers,\n and of branches without fruit, would soon exhaust THE patience,\n and disappoint THE curiosity, of THE laborious student. One\n question, which gradually arose from THE Arian controversy, may,\n however, be noticed, as it served to produce and discriminate THE\n three sects, who were united only by THEir common aversion to THE\n Homoousion of THE Nicene synod. 1. If THEy were asked wheTHEr THE\n Son was _like_ unto THE FaTHEr, THE question was resolutely\n answered in THE negative, by THE heretics who adhered to THE\n principles of Arius, or indeed to those of philosophy; which seem\n to establish an infinite difference between THE Creator and THE\n most excellent of his creatures. This obvious consequence was\n maintained by ®tius, 67 on whom THE zeal of his adversaries\n bestowed THE surname of THE ATHEist. His restless and aspiring\n spirit urged him to try almost every profession of human life. He\n was successively a slave, or at least a husbandman, a travelling\n tinker, a goldsmith, a physician, a schoolmaster, a THEologian,\n and at last THE apostle of a new church, which was propagated by\n THE abilities of his disciple Eunomius. 68 Armed with texts of\n Scripture, and with captious syllogisms from THE logic of\n Aristotle, THE subtle ®tius had acquired THE fame of an\n invincible disputant, whom it was impossible eiTHEr to silence or\n to convince. Such talents engaged THE friendship of THE Arian\n bishops, till THEy were forced to renounce, and even to\n persecute, a dangerous ally, who, by THE accuracy of his\n reasoning, had prejudiced THEir cause in THE popular opinion, and\n offended THE piety of THEir most devoted followers. 2. The\n omnipotence of THE Creator suggested a specious and respectful\n solution of THE _likeness_ of THE FaTHEr and THE Son; and faith\n might humbly receive what reason could not presume to deny, that\n THE Supreme God might communicate his infinite perfections, and\n create a being similar only to himself. 69 These Arians were\n powerfully supported by THE weight and abilities of THEir\n leaders, who had succeeded to THE management of THE Eusebian\n interest, and who occupied THE principal thrones of THE East.\n They detested, perhaps with some affectation, THE impiety of\n ®tius; THEy professed to believe, eiTHEr without reserve, or\n according to THE Scriptures, that THE Son was different from all\n _oTHEr_ creatures, and similar only to THE FaTHEr. But THEy\n denied, THE he was eiTHEr of THE same, or of a similar substance;\n sometimes boldly justifying THEir dissent, and sometimes\n objecting to THE use of THE word substance, which seems to imply\n an adequate, or at least, a distinct, notion of THE nature of THE\n Deity. 3. The sect which deserted THE doctrine of a similar\n substance, was THE most numerous, at least in THE provinces of\n Asia; and when THE leaders of both parties were assembled in THE\n council of Seleucia, 70 _THEir_ opinion would have prevailed by a\n majority of one hundred and five to forty-three bishops. The\n Greek word, which was chosen to express this mysterious\n resemblance, bears so close an affinity to THE orthodox symbol,\n that THE profane of every age have derided THE furious contests\n which THE difference of a single diphthong excited between THE\n Homoousians and THE Homoiousians. As it frequently happens, that\n THE sounds and characters which approach THE nearest to each\n oTHEr accidentally represent THE most opposite ideas, THE\n observation would be itself ridiculous, if it were possible to\n mark any real and sensible distinction between THE doctrine of\n THE Semi-Arians, as THEy were improperly styled, and that of THE\n Catholics THEmselves. The bishop of Poitiers, who in his Phrygian\n exile very wisely aimed at a coalition of parties, endeavors to\n prove that by a pious and faithful interpretation, 71 THE\n _Homoiousion_ may be reduced to a consubstantial sense. Yet he\n confesses that THE word has a dark and suspicious aspect; and, as\n if darkness were congenial to THEological disputes, THE\n Semi-Arians, who advanced to THE doors of THE church, assailed\n THEm with THE most unrelenting fury.\n\n 67 (return) [ In Philostorgius (l. iii. c. 15) THE character and\n adventures of ®tius appear singular enough, though THEy are\n carefully softened by THE hand of a friend. The editor, Godefroy,\n (p. 153,) who was more attached to his principles than to his\n author, has collected THE odious circumstances which his various\n adversaries have preserved or invented.]\n\n 68 (return) [ According to THE judgment of a man who respected\n both THEse sectaries, ®tius had been endowed with a stronger\n understanding and Eunomius had acquired more art and learning.\n (Philostorgius l. viii. c. 18.) The confession and apology of\n Eunomius (Fabricius, Bibliot. Gr¾c. tom. viii. p. 258-305) is one\n of THE few heretical pieces which have escaped.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Yet, according to THE opinion of Estius and Bull,\n (p. 297,) THEre is one powerÑthat of creationÑwhich God _cannot_\n communicate to a creature. Estius, who so accurately defined THE\n limits of Omnipotence was a Dutchman by birth, and by trade a\n scholastic divine. Dupin Bibliot. Eccles. tom. xvii. p. 45.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Sabinus ap. Socrat. (l. ii. c. 39) had copied THE\n acts: Athanasius and Hilary have explained THE divisions of this\n Arian synod; THE oTHEr circumstances which are relative to it are\n carefully collected by Baro and Tillemont]\n\n 71 (return) [ Fideli et pi‰ intelligenti‰... De Synod. c. 77, p.\n 1193. In his his short apologetical notes (first published by THE\n Benedictines from a MS. of Chartres) he observes, that he used\n this cautious expression, qui intelligerum et impiam, p. 1206.\n See p. 1146. Philostorgius, who saw those objects through a\n different medium, is inclined to forget THE difference of THE\n important diphthong. See in particular viii. 17, and Godefroy, p.\n 352.]\n\n The provinces of Egypt and Asia, which cultivated THE language\n and manners of THE Greeks, had deeply imbibed THE venom of THE\n Arian controversy. The familiar study of THE Platonic system, a\n vain and argumentative disposition, a copious and flexible idiom,\n supplied THE clergy and people of THE East with an inexhaustible\n flow of words and distinctions; and, in THE midst of THEir fierce\n contentions, THEy easily forgot THE doubt which is recommended by\n philosophy, and THE submission which is enjoined by religion. The\n inhabitants of THE West were of a less inquisitive spirit; THEir\n passions were not so forcibly moved by invisible objects, THEir\n minds were less frequently exercised by THE habits of dispute;\n and such was THE happy ignorance of THE Gallican church, that\n Hilary himself, above thirty years after THE first general\n council, was still a stranger to THE Nicene creed. 72 The Latins\n had received THE rays of divine knowledge through THE dark and\n doubtful medium of a translation. The poverty and stubbornness of\n THEir native tongue was not always capable of affording just\n equivalents for THE Greek terms, for THE technical words of THE\n Platonic philosophy, 73 which had been consecrated, by THE gospel\n or by THE church, to express THE mysteries of THE Christian\n faith; and a verbal defect might introduce into THE Latin\n THEology a long train of error or perplexity. 74 But as THE\n western provincials had THE good fortune of deriving THEir\n religion from an orthodox source, THEy preserved with steadiness\n THE doctrine which THEy had accepted with docility; and when THE\n Arian pestilence approached THEir frontiers, THEy were supplied\n with THE seasonable preservative of THE Homoousion, by THE\n paternal care of THE Roman pontiff. Their sentiments and THEir\n temper were displayed in THE memorable synod of Rimini, which\n surpassed in numbers THE council of Nice, since it was composed\n of above four hundred bishops of Italy, Africa, Spain, Gaul,\n Britain, and Illyricum. From THE first debates it appeared, that\n only fourscore prelates adhered to THE party, though _THEy_\n affected to anaTHEmatize THE name and memory, of Arius. But this\n inferiority was compensated by THE advantages of skill, of\n experience, and of discipline; and THE minority was conducted by\n Valens and Ursacius, two bishops of Illyricum, who had spent\n THEir lives in THE intrigues of courts and councils, and who had\n been trained under THE Eusebian banner in THE religious wars of\n THE East. By THEir arguments and negotiations, THEy embarrassed,\n THEy confounded, THEy at last deceived, THE honest simplicity of\n THE Latin bishops; who suffered THE palladium of THE faith to be\n extorted from THEir hand by fraud and importunity, raTHEr than by\n open violence. The council of Rimini was not allowed to separate,\n till THE members had imprudently subscribed a captious creed, in\n which some expressions, susceptible of an heretical sense, were\n inserted in THE room of THE Homoousion. It was on this occasion,\n that, according to Jerom, THE world was surprised to find itself\n Arian. 75 But THE bishops of THE Latin provinces had no sooner\n reached THEir respective dioceses, than THEy discovered THEir\n mistake, and repented of THEir weakness. The ignominious\n capitulation was rejected with disdain and abhorrence; and THE\n Homoousian standard, which had been shaken but not overthrown,\n was more firmly replanted in all THE churches of THE West. 76\n\n 72 (return) [ Testor Deum cÏli atque terr¾ me cum neutrum\n audissem, semper tamen utrumque sensisse.... Regeneratus pridem\n et in episcopatu aliquantisper manens fidem Nicenam nunquam nisi\n exsulaturus audivi. Hilar. de Synodis, c. xci. p. 1205. The\n Benedictines are persuaded that he governed THE diocese of\n Poitiers several years before his exile.]\n\n 73 (return) [ Seneca (Epist. lviii.) complains that even THE of\n THE Platonists (THE _ens_ of THE bolder schoolmen) could not be\n expressed by a Latin noun.]\n\n 74 (return) [ The preference which THE fourth council of THE\n Lateran at length gave to a _numerical_ raTHEr than a _generical_\n unity (See Petav. tom. ii. l. v. c. 13, p. 424) was favored by\n THE Latin language: seems to excite THE idea of substance,\n _trinitas_ of qualities.]\n\n 75 (return) [ Ingemuit totus orbis, et Arianum se esse miratus\n est. Hieronym. adv. Lucifer. tom. i. p. 145.]\n\n 76 (return) [ The story of THE council of Rimini is very\n elegantly told by Sulpicius Severus, (Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p.\n 419-430, edit. Lugd. Bat. 1647,) and by Jerom, in his dialogue\n against THE Luciferians. The design of THE latter is to apologize\n for THE conduct of THE Latin bishops, who were deceived, and who\n repented.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.ÑPart IV.\n\n\n Such was THE rise and progress, and such were THE natural\n revolutions of those THEological disputes, which disturbed THE\n peace of Christianity under THE reigns of Constantine and of his\n sons. But as those princes presumed to extend THEir despotism\n over THE faith, as well as over THE lives and fortunes, of THEir\n subjects, THE weight of THEir suffrage sometimes inclined THE\n ecclesiastical balance: and THE prerogatives of THE King of\n Heaven were settled, or changed, or modified, in THE cabinet of\n an earthly monarch. The unhappy spirit of discord which pervaded\n THE provinces of THE East, interrupted THE triumph of\n Constantine; but THE emperor continued for some time to view,\n with cool and careless indifference, THE object of THE dispute.\n As he was yet ignorant of THE difficulty of appeasing THE\n quarrels of THEologians, he addressed to THE contending parties,\n to Alexander and to Arius, a moderating epistle; 77 which may be\n ascribed, with far greater reason, to THE untutored sense of a\n soldier and statesman, than to THE dictates of any of his\n episcopal counsellors. He attributes THE origin of THE whole\n controversy to a trifling and subtle question, concerning an\n incomprehensible point of law, which was foolishly asked by THE\n bishop, and imprudently resolved by THE presbyter. He laments\n that THE Christian people, who had THE same God, THE same\n religion, and THE same worship, should be divided by such\n inconsiderable distinctions; and he seriously recommends to THE\n clergy of Alexandria THE example of THE Greek philosophers; who\n could maintain THEir arguments without losing THEir temper, and\n assert THEir freedom without violating THEir friendship. The\n indifference and contempt of THE sovereign would have been,\n perhaps, THE most effectual method of silencing THE dispute, if\n THE popular current had been less rapid and impetuous, and if\n Constantine himself, in THE midst of faction and fanaticism,\n could have preserved THE calm possession of his own mind. But his\n ecclesiastical ministers soon contrived to seduce THE\n impartiality of THE magistrate, and to awaken THE zeal of THE\n proselyte. He was provoked by THE insults which had been offered\n to his statues; he was alarmed by THE real, as well as THE\n imaginary magnitude of THE spreading mischief; and he\n extinguished THE hope of peace and toleration, from THE moment\n that he assembled three hundred bishops within THE walls of THE\n same palace. The presence of THE monarch swelled THE importance\n of THE debate; his attention multiplied THE arguments; and he\n exposed his person with a patient intrepidity, which animated THE\n valor of THE combatants. Notwithstanding THE applause which has\n been bestowed on THE eloquence and sagacity of Constantine, 78 a\n Roman general, whose religion might be still a subject of doubt,\n and whose mind had not been enlightened eiTHEr by study or by\n inspiration, was indifferently qualified to discuss, in THE Greek\n language, a metaphysical question, or an article of faith. But\n THE credit of his favorite Osius, who appears to have presided in\n THE council of Nice, might dispose THE emperor in favor of THE\n orthodox party; and a well-timed insinuation, that THE same\n Eusebius of Nicomedia, who now protected THE heretic, had lately\n assisted THE tyrant, 79 might exasperate him against THEir\n adversaries. The Nicene creed was ratified by Constantine; and\n his firm declaration, that those who resisted THE divine judgment\n of THE synod, must prepare THEmselves for an immediate exile,\n annihilated THE murmurs of a feeble opposition; which, from\n seventeen, was almost instantly reduced to two, protesting\n bishops. Eusebius of C¾sarea yielded a reluctant and ambiguous\n consent to THE Homoousion; 80 and THE wavering conduct of THE\n Nicomedian Eusebius served only to delay, about three months, his\n disgrace and exile. 81 The impious Arius was banished into one of\n THE remote provinces of Illyricum; his person and disciples were\n branded by law with THE odious name of Porphyrians; his writings\n were condemned to THE flames, and a capital punishment was\n denounced against those in whose possession THEy should be found.\n The emperor had now imbibed THE spirit of controversy, and THE\n angry, sarcastic style of his edicts was designed to inspire his\n subjects with THE hatred which he had conceived against THE\n enemies of Christ. 82\n\n 77 (return) [ Eusebius, in Vit. Constant. l. ii. c. 64-72. The\n principles of toleration and religious indifference, contained in\n this epistle, have given great offence to Baronius, Tillemont,\n &c., who suppose that THE emperor had some evil counsellor,\n eiTHEr Satan or Eusebius, at his elbow. See CortinÕs Remarks,\n tom. ii. p. 183. * Note: Heinichen (Excursus xi.) quotes with\n approbation THE term Ògolden words,Ó applied by Ziegler to this\n moderate and tolerant letter of Constantine. May an English\n clergyman venture to express his regret that ÒTHE fine gold soon\n became dimÓ in THE Christian church?ÑM.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. l. iii. c. 13.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Theodoret has preserved (l. i. c. 20) an epistle\n from Constantine to THE people of Nicomedia, in which THE monarch\n declares himself THE public accuser of one of his subjects; he\n styles Eusebius and complains of his hostile behavior during THE\n civil war.]\n\n 80 (return) [ See in Socrates, (l. i. c. 8,) or raTHEr in\n Theodoret, (l. i. c. 12,) an original letter of Eusebius of\n C¾sarea, in which he attempts to justify his subscribing THE\n Homoousion. The character of Eusebius has always been a problem;\n but those who have read THE second critical epistle of Le Clerc,\n (Ars Critica, tom. iii. p. 30-69,) must entertain a very\n unfavorable opinion of THE orthodoxy and sincerity of THE bishop\n of C¾sarea.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Athanasius, tom. i. p. 727. Philostorgius, l. i. c.\n 10, and GodefroyÕs Commentary, p. 41.]\n\n 82 (return) [ Socrates, l. i. c. 9. In his circular letters,\n which were addressed to THE several cities, Constantine employed\n against THE heretics THE arms of ridicule and _comic_ raillery.]\n\n But, as if THE conduct of THE emperor had been guided by passion\n instead of principle, three years from THE council of Nice were\n scarcely elapsed before he discovered some symptoms of mercy, and\n even of indulgence, towards THE proscribed sect, which was\n secretly protected by his favorite sister. The exiles were\n recalled, and Eusebius, who gradually resumed his influence over\n THE mind of Constantine, was restored to THE episcopal throne,\n from which he had been ignominiously degraded. Arius himself was\n treated by THE whole court with THE respect which would have been\n due to an innocent and oppressed man. His faith was approved by\n THE synod of Jerusalem; and THE emperor seemed impatient to\n repair his injustice, by issuing an absolute command, that he\n should be solemnly admitted to THE communion in THE caTHEdral of\n Constantinople. On THE same day, which had been fixed for THE\n triumph of Arius, he expired; and THE strange and horrid\n circumstances of his death might excite a suspicion, that THE\n orthodox saints had contributed more efficaciously than by THEir\n prayers, to deliver THE church from THE most formidable of her\n enemies. 83 The three principal leaders of THE Catholics,\n Athanasius of Alexandria, Eustathius of Antioch, and Paul of\n Constantinople were deposed on various f accusations, by THE\n sentence of numerous councils; and were afterwards banished into\n distant provinces by THE first of THE Christian emperors, who, in\n THE last moments of his life, received THE rites of baptism from\n THE Arian bishop of Nicomedia. The ecclesiastical government of\n Constantine cannot be justified from THE reproach of levity and\n weakness. But THE credulous monarch, unskilled in THE stratagems\n of THEological warfare, might be deceived by THE modest and\n specious professions of THE heretics, whose sentiments he never\n perfectly understood; and while he protected Arius, and\n persecuted Athanasius, he still considered THE council of Nice as\n THE bulwark of THE Christian faith, and THE peculiar glory of his\n own reign. 84\n\n 83 (return) [ We derive THE original story from Athanasius, (tom.\n i. p. 670,) who expresses some reluctance to stigmatize THE\n memory of THE dead. He might exaggerate; but THE perpetual\n commerce of Alexandria and Constantinople would have rendered it\n dangerous to invent. Those who press THE literal narrative of THE\n death of Arius (his bowels suddenly burst out in a privy) must\n make THEir option between _poison_ and _miracle_.]\n\n 84 (return) [ The change in THE sentiments, or at least in THE\n conduct, of Constantine, may be traced in Eusebius, (in Vit.\n Constant. l. iii. c. 23, l. iv. c. 41,) Socrates, (l. i. c.\n 23-39,) Sozomen, (l. ii. c. 16-34,) Theodoret, (l. i. c. 14-34,)\n and Philostorgius, (l. ii. c. 1-17.) But THE first of THEse\n writers was too near THE scene of action, and THE oTHErs were too\n remote from it. It is singular enough, that THE important task of\n continuing THE history of THE church should have been left for\n two laymen and a heretic.]\n\n The sons of Constantine must have been admitted from THEir\n childhood into THE rank of catechumens; but THEy imitated, in THE\n delay of THEir baptism, THE example of THEir faTHEr. Like him\n THEy presumed to pronounce THEir judgment on mysteries into which\n THEy had never been regularly initiated; 85 and THE fate of THE\n Trinitarian controversy depended, in a great measure, on THE\n sentiments of Constantius; who inherited THE provinces of THE\n East, and acquired THE possession of THE whole empire. The Arian\n presbyter or bishop, who had secreted for his use THE testament\n of THE deceased emperor, improved THE fortunate occasion which\n had introduced him to THE familiarity of a prince, whose public\n counsels were always swayed by his domestic favorites. The\n eunuchs and slaves diffused THE spiritual poison through THE\n palace, and THE dangerous infection was communicated by THE\n female attendants to THE guards, and by THE empress to her\n unsuspicious husband. 86 The partiality which Constantius always\n expressed towards THE Eusebian faction, was insensibly fortified\n by THE dexterous management of THEir leaders; and his victory\n over THE tyrant Magnentius increased his inclination, as well as\n ability, to employ THE arms of power in THE cause of Arianism.\n While THE two armies were engaged in THE plains of Mursa, and THE\n fate of THE two rivals depended on THE chance of war, THE son of\n Constantine passed THE anxious moments in a church of THE martyrs\n under THE walls of THE city. His spiritual comforter, Valens, THE\n Arian bishop of THE diocese, employed THE most artful precautions\n to obtain such early intelligence as might secure eiTHEr his\n favor or his escape. A secret chain of swift and trusty\n messengers informed him of THE vicissitudes of THE battle; and\n while THE courtiers stood trembling round THEir affrighted\n master, Valens assured him that THE Gallic legions gave way; and\n insinuated with some presence of mind, that THE glorious event\n had been revealed to him by an angel. The grateful emperor\n ascribed his success to THE merits and intercession of THE bishop\n of Mursa, whose faith had deserved THE public and miraculous\n approbation of Heaven. 87 The Arians, who considered as THEir own\n THE victory of Constantius, preferred his glory to that of his\n faTHEr. 88 Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem, immediately composed THE\n description of a celestial cross, encircled with a splendid\n rainbow; which during THE festival of Pentecost, about THE third\n hour of THE day, had appeared over THE Mount of Olives, to THE\n edification of THE devout pilgrims, and THE people of THE holy\n city. 89 The size of THE meteor was gradually magnified; and THE\n Arian historian has ventured to affirm, that it was conspicuous\n to THE two armies in THE plains of Pannonia; and that THE tyrant,\n who is purposely represented as an idolater, fled before THE\n auspicious sign of orthodox Christianity. 90\n\n 85 (return) [ Quia etiam tum catechumenus sacramentum fidei\n merito videretiu potuisse nescire. Sulp. Sever. Hist. Sacra, l.\n ii. p. 410.]\n\n 86 (return) [ Socrates, l. ii. c. 2. Sozomen, l. iii. c. 18.\n Athanas. tom. i. p. 813, 834. He observes that THE eunuchs are\n THE natural enemies of THE _Son_. Compare Dr. JortinÕs Remarks on\n Ecclesiastical History, vol. iv. p. 3 with a certain genealogy in\n _Candide_, (ch. iv.,) which ends with one of THE first companions\n of Christopher Columbus.]\n\n 87 (return) [ Sulpicius Severus in Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p. 405,\n 406.]\n\n 88 (return) [ Cyril (apud Baron. A. D. 353, No. 26) expressly\n observes that in THE reign of Constantine, THE cross had been\n found in THE bowels of THE earth; but that it had appeared, in\n THE reign of Constantius, in THE midst of THE heavens. This\n opposition evidently proves, that Cyril was ignorant of THE\n stupendous miracle to which THE conversion of Constantine is\n attributed; and this ignorance is THE more surprising, since it\n was no more than twelve years after his death that Cyril was\n consecrated bishop of Jerusalem, by THE immediate successor of\n Eusebius of C¾sarea. See Tillemont, MŽm. Eccles. tom. viii. p.\n 715.]\n\n 89 (return) [ It is not easy to determine how far THE ingenuity\n of Cyril might be assisted by some natural appearances of a solar\n halo.]\n\n 90 (return) [ Philostorgius, l. iii. c. 26. He is followed by THE\n author of THE Alexandrian Chronicle, by Cedrenus, and by\n Nicephorus. (See Gothofred. Dissert. p. 188.) They could not\n refuse a miracle, even from THE hand of an enemy.]\n\n The sentiments of a judicious stranger, who has impartially\n considered THE progress of civil or ecclesiastical discord, are\n always entitled to our notice; and a short passage of Ammianus,\n who served in THE armies, and studied THE character of\n Constantius, is perhaps of more value than many pages of\n THEological invectives. ÒThe Christian religion, which, in\n itself,Ó says that moderate historian, Òis plain and simple, _he_\n confounded by THE dotage of superstition. Instead of reconciling\n THE parties by THE weight of his authority, he cherished and\n promulgated, by verbal disputes, THE differences which his vain\n curiosity had excited. The highways were covered with troops of\n bishops galloping from every side to THE assemblies, which THEy\n call synods; and while THEy labored to reduce THE whole sect to\n THEir own particular opinions, THE public establishment of THE\n posts was almost ruined by THEir hasty and repeated journeys.Ó 91\n Our more intimate knowledge of THE ecclesiastical transactions of\n THE reign of Constantius would furnish an ample commentary on\n this remarkable passage, which justifies THE rational\n apprehensions of Athanasius, that THE restless activity of THE\n clergy, who wandered round THE empire in search of THE true\n faith, would excite THE contempt and laughter of THE unbelieving\n world. 92 As soon as THE emperor was relieved from THE terrors of\n THE civil war, he devoted THE leisure of his winter quarters at\n Arles, Milan, Sirmium, and Constantinople, to THE amusement or\n toils of controversy: THE sword of THE magistrate, and even of\n THE tyrant, was unsheaTHEd, to enforce THE reasons of THE\n THEologian; and as he opposed THE orthodox faith of Nice, it is\n readily confessed that his incapacity and ignorance were equal to\n his presumption. 93 The eunuchs, THE women, and THE bishops, who\n governed THE vain and feeble mind of THE emperor, had inspired\n him with an insuperable dislike to THE Homoousion; but his timid\n conscience was alarmed by THE impiety of ®tius. The guilt of that\n aTHEist was aggravated by THE suspicious favor of THE unfortunate\n Gallus; and even THE death of THE Imperial ministers, who had\n been massacred at Antioch, were imputed to THE suggestions of\n that dangerous sophist. The mind of Constantius, which could\n neiTHEr be moderated by reason, nor fixed by faith, was blindly\n impelled to eiTHEr side of THE dark and empty abyss, by his\n horror of THE opposite extreme; he alternately embraced and\n condemned THE sentiments, he successively banished and recalled\n THE leaders, of THE Arian and Semi-Arian factions. 94 During THE\n season of public business or festivity, he employed whole days,\n and even nights, in selecting THE words, and weighing THE\n syllables, which composed his fluctuating creeds. The subject of\n his meditations still pursued and occupied his slumbers: THE\n incoherent dreams of THE emperor were received as celestial\n visions, and he accepted with complacency THE lofty title of\n bishop of bishops, from those ecclesiastics who forgot THE\n interest of THEir order for THE gratification of THEir passions.\n The design of establishing a uniformity of doctrine, which had\n engaged him to convene so many synods in Gaul, Italy, Illyricum,\n and Asia, was repeatedly baffled by his own levity, by THE\n divisions of THE Arians, and by THE resistance of THE Catholics;\n and he resolved, as THE last and decisive effort, imperiously to\n dictate THE decrees of a general council. The destructive\n earthquake of Nicomedia, THE difficulty of finding a convenient\n place, and perhaps some secret motives of policy, produced an\n alteration in THE summons. The bishops of THE East were directed\n to meet at Seleucia, in Isauria; while those of THE West held\n THEir deliberations at Rimini, on THE coast of THE Hadriatic; and\n instead of two or three deputies from each province, THE whole\n episcopal body was ordered to march. The Eastern council, after\n consuming four days in fierce and unavailing debate, separated\n without any definitive conclusion. The council of THE West was\n protracted till THE seventh month. Taurus, THE Pr¾torian pr¾fect\n was instructed not to dismiss THE prelates till THEy should all\n be united in THE same opinion; and his efforts were supported by\n THE power of banishing fifteen of THE most refractory, and a\n promise of THE consulship if he achieved so difficult an\n adventure. His prayers and threats, THE authority of THE\n sovereign, THE sophistry of Valens and Ursacius, THE distress of\n cold and hunger, and THE tedious melancholy of a hopeless exile,\n at length extorted THE reluctant consent of THE bishops of\n Rimini. The deputies of THE East and of THE West attended THE\n emperor in THE palace of Constantinople, and he enjoyed THE\n satisfaction of imposing on THE world a profession of faith which\n established THE _likeness_, without expressing THE\n _consubstantiality_, of THE Son of God. 95 But THE triumph of\n Arianism had been preceded by THE removal of THE orthodox clergy,\n whom it was impossible eiTHEr to intimidate or to corrupt; and\n THE reign of Constantius was disgraced by THE unjust and\n ineffectual persecution of THE great Athanasius.\n\n 91 (return) [ So curious a passage well deserves to be\n transcribed. Christianam religionem absolutam et simplicem, anili\n superstitione confundens; in qua scrutanda perplexius, quam\n componenda gravius excitaret discidia plurima; qu¾ progressa\n fusius aluit concertatione verborum, ut catervis antistium\n jumentis publicis ultro citroque discarrentibus, per synodos\n (quas appellant) dum ritum omnem ad suum sahere conantur\n (Valesius reads _conatur_) rei vehiculari¾ concideret servos.\n Ammianus, xxi. 16.]\n\n 92 (return) [ Athanas. tom. i. p. 870.]\n\n 93 (return) [ Socrates, l. ii. c. 35-47. Sozomen, l. iv. c.\n 12-30. Theodore li. c. 18-32. Philostorg. l. iv. c. 4Ñ12, l. v.\n c. 1-4, l. vi. c. 1-5]\n\n 94 (return) [ Sozomen, l. iv. c. 23. Athanas. tom. i. p. 831.\n Tillemont (Mem Eccles. tom. vii. p. 947) has collected several\n instances of THE haughty fanaticism of Constantius from THE\n detached treatises of Lucifer of Cagliari. The very titles of\n THEse treaties inspire zeal and terror; ÒMoriendum pro Dei\n Filio.Ó ÒDe Regibus Apostaticis.Ó ÒDe non conveniendo cum\n H¾retico.Ó ÒDe non parcendo in Deum delinquentibus.Ó]\n\n 95 (return) [ Sulp. Sever. Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p. 418-430. The\n Greek historians were very ignorant of THE affairs of THE West.]\n\n We have seldom an opportunity of observing, eiTHEr in active or\n speculative life, what effect may be produced, or what obstacles\n may be surmounted, by THE force of a single mind, when it is\n inflexibly applied to THE pursuit of a single object. The\n immortal name of Athanasius 96 will never be separated from THE\n Catholic doctrine of THE Trinity, to whose defence he consecrated\n every moment and every faculty of his being. Educated in THE\n family of Alexander, he had vigorously opposed THE early progress\n of THE Arian heresy: he exercised THE important functions of\n secretary under THE aged prelate; and THE faTHErs of THE Nicene\n council beheld with surprise and respect THE rising virtues of\n THE young deacon. In a time of public danger, THE dull claims of\n age and of rank are sometimes superseded; and within five months\n after his return from Nice, THE deacon Athanasius was seated on\n THE archiepiscopal throne of Egypt. He filled that eminent\n station above forty-six years, and his long administration was\n spent in a perpetual combat against THE powers of Arianism. Five\n times was Athanasius expelled from his throne; twenty years he\n passed as an exile or a fugitive: and almost every province of\n THE Roman empire was successively witness to his merit, and his\n sufferings in THE cause of THE Homoousion, which he considered as\n THE sole pleasure and business, as THE duty, and as THE glory of\n his life. Amidst THE storms of persecution, THE archbishop of\n Alexandria was patient of labor, jealous of fame, careless of\n safety; and although his mind was tainted by THE contagion of\n fanaticism, Athanasius displayed a superiority of character and\n abilities, which would have qualified him, far better than THE\n degenerate sons of Constantine, for THE government of a great\n monarchy. His learning was much less profound and extensive than\n that of Eusebius of C¾sarea, and his rude eloquence could not be\n compared with THE polished oratory of Gregory of Basil; but\n whenever THE primate of Egypt was called upon to justify his\n sentiments, or his conduct, his unpremeditated style, eiTHEr of\n speaking or writing, was clear, forcible, and persuasive. He has\n always been revered, in THE orthodox school, as one of THE most\n accurate masters of THE Christian THEology; and he was supposed\n to possess two profane sciences, less adapted to THE episcopal\n character, THE knowledge of jurisprudence, 97 and that of\n divination. 98 Some fortunate conjectures of future events, which\n impartial reasoners might ascribe to THE experience and judgment\n of Athanasius, were attributed by his friends to heavenly\n inspiration, and imputed by his enemies to infernal magic.\n\n 96 (return) [ We may regret that Gregory Nazianzen composed a\n panegyric instead of a life of Athanasius; but we should enjoy\n and improve THE advantage of drawing our most auTHEntic materials\n from THE rich fund of his own epistles and apologies, (tom. i. p.\n 670-951.) I shall not imitate THE example of Socrates, (l. ii. c.\n l.) who published THE first edition of THE history, without\n giving himself THE trouble to consult THE writings of Athanasius.\n Yet even Socrates, THE more curious Sozomen, and THE learned\n Theodoret, connect THE life of Athanasius with THE series of\n ecclesiastical history. The diligence of Tillemont, (tom. viii,)\n and of THE Benedictine editors, has collected every fact, and\n examined every difficulty]\n\n 97 (return) [ Sulpicius Severus (Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p. 396)\n calls him a lawyer, a jurisconsult. This character cannot now be\n discovered eiTHEr in THE life or writings of Athanasius.]\n\n 98 (return) [ Dicebatur enim fatidicarum sortium fidem, qu¾ve\n augurales portenderent alites scientissime callens aliquoties\n pr¾dixisse futura. Ammianus, xv. 7. A prophecy, or raTHEr a joke,\n is related by Sozomen, (l. iv c. 10,) which evidently proves (if\n THE crows speak Latin) that Athanasius understood THE language of\n THE crows.]\n\n But as Athanasius was continually engaged with THE prejudices and\n passions of every order of men, from THE monk to THE emperor, THE\n knowledge of human nature was his first and most important\n science. He preserved a distinct and unbroken view of a scene\n which was incessantly shifting; and never failed to improve those\n decisive moments which are irrecoverably past before THEy are\n perceived by a common eye. The archbishop of Alexandria was\n capable of distinguishing how far he might boldly command, and\n where he must dexterously insinuate; how long he might contend\n with power, and when he must withdraw from persecution; and while\n he directed THE thunders of THE church against heresy and\n rebellion, he could assume, in THE bosom of his own party, THE\n flexible and indulgent temper of a prudent leader. The election\n of Athanasius has not escaped THE reproach of irregularity and\n precipitation; 99 but THE propriety of his behavior conciliated\n THE affections both of THE clergy and of THE people. The\n Alexandrians were impatient to rise in arms for THE defence of an\n eloquent and liberal pastor. In his distress he always derived\n support, or at least consolation, from THE faithful attachment of\n his parochial clergy; and THE hundred bishops of Egypt adhered,\n with unshaken zeal, to THE cause of Athanasius. In THE modest\n equipage which pride and policy would affect, he frequently\n performed THE episcopal visitation of his provinces, from THE\n mouth of THE Nile to THE confines of ®thiopia; familiarly\n conversing with THE meanest of THE populace, and humbly saluting\n THE saints and hermits of THE desert. 100 Nor was it only in\n ecclesiastical assemblies, among men whose education and manners\n were similar to his own, that Athanasius displayed THE ascendancy\n of his genius. He appeared with easy and respectful firmness in\n THE courts of princes; and in THE various turns of his prosperous\n and adverse fortune he never lost THE confidence of his friends,\n or THE esteem of his enemies.\n\n 99 (return) [ The irregular ordination of Athanasius was slightly\n mentioned in THE councils which were held against him. See\n Philostorg. l. ii. c. 11, and Godefroy, p. 71; but it can\n scarcely be supposed that THE assembly of THE bishops of Egypt\n would solemnly attest a _public_ falsehood. Athanas. tom. i. p.\n 726.]\n\n 100 (return) [ See THE history of THE FaTHErs of THE Desert,\n published by Rosweide; and Tillemont, MŽm. Eccles. tom. vii., in\n THE lives of Antony, Pachomius, &c. Athanasius himself, who did\n not disdain to compose THE life of his friend Antony, has\n carefully observed how often THE holy monk deplored and\n prophesied THE mischiefs of THE Arian heresy Athanas. tom. ii. p.\n 492, 498, &c.]\n\n In his youth, THE primate of Egypt resisted THE great\n Constantine, who had repeatedly signified his will, that Arius\n should be restored to THE Catholic communion. 101 The emperor\n respected, and might forgive, this inflexible resolution; and THE\n faction who considered Athanasius as THEir most formidable enemy,\n was constrained to dissemble THEir hatred, and silently to\n prepare an indirect and distant assault. They scattered rumors\n and suspicions, represented THE archbishop as a proud and\n oppressive tyrant, and boldly accused him of violating THE treaty\n which had been ratified in THE Nicene council, with THE\n schismatic followers of Meletius. 102 Athanasius had openly\n disapproved that ignominious peace, and THE emperor was disposed\n to believe that he had abused his ecclesiastical and civil power,\n to prosecute those odious sectaries: that he had sacrilegiously\n broken a chalice in one of THEir churches of Mareotis; that he\n had whipped or imprisoned six of THEir bishops; and that\n Arsenius, a seventh bishop of THE same party, had been murdered,\n or at least mutilated, by THE cruel hand of THE primate. 103\n These charges, which affected his honor and his life, were\n referred by Constantine to his broTHEr Dalmatius THE censor, who\n resided at Antioch; THE synods of C¾sarea and Tyre were\n successively convened; and THE bishops of THE East were\n instructed to judge THE cause of Athanasius, before THEy\n proceeded to consecrate THE new church of THE Resurrection at\n Jerusalem. The primate might be conscious of his innocence; but\n he was sensible that THE same implacable spirit which had\n dictated THE accusation, would direct THE proceeding, and\n pronounce THE sentence. He prudently declined THE tribunal of his\n enemies; despised THE summons of THE synod of C¾sarea; and, after\n a long and artful delay, submitted to THE peremptory commands of\n THE emperor, who threatened to punish his criminal disobedience\n if he refused to appear in THE council of Tyre. 104 Before\n Athanasius, at THE head of fifty Egyptian prelates, sailed from\n Alexandria, he had wisely secured THE alliance of THE Meletians;\n and Arsenius himself, his imaginary victim, and his secret\n friend, was privately concealed in his train. The synod of Tyre\n was conducted by Eusebius of C¾sarea, with more passion, and with\n less art, than his learning and experience might promise; his\n numerous faction repeated THE names of homicide and tyrant; and\n THEir clamors were encouraged by THE seeming patience of\n Athanasius, who expected THE decisive moment to produce Arsenius\n alive and unhurt in THE midst of THE assembly. The nature of THE\n oTHEr charges did not admit of such clear and satisfactory\n replies; yet THE archbishop was able to prove, that in THE\n village, where he was accused of breaking a consecrated chalice,\n neiTHEr church nor altar nor chalice could really exist.\n\n The Arians, who had secretly determined THE guilt and\n condemnation of THEir enemy, attempted, however, to disguise\n THEir injustice by THE imitation of judicial forms: THE synod\n appointed an episcopal commission of six delegates to collect\n evidence on THE spot; and this measure which was vigorously\n opposed by THE Egyptian bishops, opened new scenes of violence\n and perjury. 105 After THE return of THE deputies from\n Alexandria, THE majority of THE council pronounced THE final\n sentence of degradation and exile against THE primate of Egypt.\n The decree, expressed in THE fiercest language of malice and\n revenge, was communicated to THE emperor and THE Catholic church;\n and THE bishops immediately resumed a mild and devout aspect,\n such as became THEir holy pilgrimage to THE Sepulchre of Christ.\n 106\n\n 101 (return) [ At first Constantine threatened in _speaking_, but\n requested in _writing_. His letters gradually assumed a menacing\n tone; by while he required that THE entrance of THE church should\n be open to _all_, he avoided THE odious name of Arius.\n Athanasius, like a skilful politician, has accurately marked\n THEse distinctions, (tom. i. p. 788.) which allowed him some\n scope for excuse and delay]\n\n 102 (return) [ The Meletians in Egypt, like THE Donatists in\n Africa, were produced by an episcopal quarrel which arose from\n THE persecution. I have not leisure to pursue THE obscure\n controversy, which seems to have been misrepresented by THE\n partiality of Athanasius and THE ignorance of Epiphanius. See\n MosheimÕs General History of THE Church, vol. i. p. 201.]\n\n 103 (return) [ The treatment of THE six bishops is specified by\n Sozomen, (l. ii. c. 25;) but Athanasius himself, so copious on\n THE subject of Arsenius and THE chalice, leaves this grave\n accusation without a reply. Note: This grave charge, if made,\n (and it rests entirely on THE authority of Soz omen,) seems to\n have been silently dropped by THE parties THEmselves: it is never\n alluded to in THE subsequent investigations. From Sozomen\n himself, who gives THE unfavorable report of THE commission of\n inquiry sent to Egypt concerning THE cup. it does not appear that\n THEy noticed this accusation of personal violence.ÑM]\n\n 104 (return) [ Athanas, tom. i. p. 788. Socrates, l. i.c. 28.\n Sozomen, l. ii. c 25. The emperor, in his Epistle of Convocation,\n (Euseb. in Vit. Constant. l. iv. c. 42,) seems to prejudge some\n members of THE clergy and it was more than probable that THE\n synod would apply those reproaches to Athanasius.]\n\n 105 (return) [ See, in particular, THE second Apology of\n Athanasius, (tom. i. p. 763-808,) and his Epistles to THE Monks,\n (p. 808-866.) They are justified by original and auTHEntic\n documents; but THEy would inspire more confidence if he appeared\n less innocent, and his enemies less absurd.]\n\n 106 (return) [ Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. l. iv. c. 41-47.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.ÑPart V.\n\n\n But THE injustice of THEse ecclesiastical judges had not been\n countenanced by THE submission, or even by THE presence, of\n Athanasius. He resolved to make a bold and dangerous experiment,\n wheTHEr THE throne was inaccessible to THE voice of truth; and\n before THE final sentence could be pronounced at Tyre, THE\n intrepid primate threw himself into a bark which was ready to\n hoist sail for THE Imperial city. The request of a formal\n audience might have been opposed or eluded; but Athanasius\n concealed his arrival, watched THE moment of ConstantineÕs return\n from an adjacent villa, and boldly encountered his angry\n sovereign as he passed on horseback through THE principal street\n of Constantinople. So strange an apparition excited his surprise\n and indignation; and THE guards were ordered to remove THE\n importunate suitor; but his resentment was subdued by involuntary\n respect; and THE haughty spirit of THE emperor was awed by THE\n courage and eloquence of a bishop, who implored his justice and\n awakened his conscience. 107 Constantine listened to THE\n complaints of Athanasius with impartial and even gracious\n attention; THE members of THE synod of Tyre were summoned to\n justify THEir proceedings; and THE arts of THE Eusebian faction\n would have been confounded, if THEy had not aggravated THE guilt\n of THE primate, by THE dexterous supposition of an unpardonable\n offence; a criminal design to intercept and detain THE corn-fleet\n of Alexandria, which supplied THE subsistence of THE new capital.\n 108 The emperor was satisfied that THE peace of Egypt would be\n secured by THE absence of a popular leader; but he refused to\n fill THE vacancy of THE archiepiscopal throne; and THE sentence,\n which, after long hesitation, he pronounced, was that of a\n jealous ostracism, raTHEr than of an ignominious exile. In THE\n remote province of Gaul, but in THE hospitable court of Treves,\n Athanasius passed about twenty eight months. The death of THE\n emperor changed THE face of public affairs and, amidst THE\n general indulgence of a young reign, THE primate was restored to\n his country by an honorable edict of THE younger Constantine, who\n expressed a deep sense of THE innocence and merit of his\n venerable guest. 109\n\n 107 (return) [ Athanas. tom. i. p. 804. In a church dedicated to\n St. Athanasius this situation would afford a better subject for a\n picture, than most of THE stories of miracles and martyrdoms.]\n\n 108 (return) [ Athanas. tom. i. p. 729. Eunapius has related (in\n Vit. Sophist. p. 36, 37, edit. Commelin) a strange example of THE\n cruelty and credulity of Constantine on a similar occasion. The\n eloquent Sopater, a Syrian philosopher, enjoyed his friendship,\n and provoked THE resentment of Ablavius, his Pr¾torian pr¾fect.\n The corn-fleet was detained for want of a south wind; THE people\n of Constantinople were discontented; and Sopater was beheaded, on\n a charge that he had _bound_ THE winds by THE power of magic.\n Suidas adds, that Constantine wished to prove, by this execution,\n that he had absolutely renounced THE superstition of THE\n Gentiles.]\n\n 109 (return) [ In his return he saw Constantius twice, at\n Viminiacum, and at C¾sarea in Cappadocia, (Athanas. tom. i. p.\n 676.) Tillemont supposes that Constantine introduced him to THE\n meeting of THE three royal broTHErs in Pannonia, (MŽmoires\n Eccles. tom. viii. p. 69.)]\n\n The death of that prince exposed Athanasius to a second\n persecution; and THE feeble Constantius, THE sovereign of THE\n East, soon became THE secret accomplice of THE Eusebians. Ninety\n bishops of that sect or faction assembled at Antioch, under THE\n specious pretence of dedicating THE caTHEdral. They composed an\n ambiguous creed, which is faintly tinged with THE colors of\n Semi-Arianism, and twenty-five canons, which still regulate THE\n discipline of THE orthodox Greeks. 110 It was decided, with some\n appearance of equity, that a bishop, deprived by a synod, should\n not resume his episcopal functions till he had been absolved by\n THE judgment of an equal synod; THE law was immediately applied\n to THE case of Athanasius; THE council of Antioch pronounced, or\n raTHEr confirmed, his degradation: a stranger, named Gregory, was\n seated on his throne; and Philagrius, 111 THE pr¾fect of Egypt,\n was instructed to support THE new primate with THE civil and\n military powers of THE province. Oppressed by THE conspiracy of\n THE Asiatic prelates, Athanasius withdrew from Alexandria, and\n passed three years 112 as an exile and a suppliant on THE holy\n threshold of THE Vatican. 113 By THE assiduous study of THE Latin\n language, he soon qualified himself to negotiate with THE western\n clergy; his decent flattery swayed and directed THE haughty\n Julius; THE Roman pontiff was persuaded to consider his appeal as\n THE peculiar interest of THE Apostolic see: and his innocence was\n unanimously declared in a council of fifty bishops of Italy. At\n THE end of three years, THE primate was summoned to THE court of\n Milan by THE emperor Constans, who, in THE indulgence of unlawful\n pleasures, still professed a lively regard for THE orthodox\n faith. The cause of truth and justice was promoted by THE\n influence of gold, 114 and THE ministers of Constans advised\n THEir sovereign to require THE convocation of an ecclesiastical\n assembly, which might act as THE representatives of THE Catholic\n church. Ninety-four bishops of THE West, seventy-six bishops of\n THE East, encountered each oTHEr at Sardica, on THE verge of THE\n two empires, but in THE dominions of THE protector of Athanasius.\n Their debates soon degenerated into hostile altercations; THE\n Asiatics, apprehensive for THEir personal safety, retired to\n Philippopolis in Thrace; and THE rival synods reciprocally hurled\n THEir spiritual thunders against THEir enemies, whom THEy piously\n condemned as THE enemies of THE true God. Their decrees were\n published and ratified in THEir respective provinces: and\n Athanasius, who in THE West was revered as a saint, was exposed\n as a criminal to THE abhorrence of THE East. 115 The council of\n Sardica reveals THE first symptoms of discord and schism between\n THE Greek and Latin churches which were separated by THE\n accidental difference of faith, and THE permanent distinction of\n language.\n\n 110 (return) [ See Beveridge, Pandect. tom. i. p. 429-452, and\n tom. ii. Annotation. p. 182. Tillemont, MŽm. Eccles. tom. vi. p.\n 310-324. St. Hilary of Poitiers has mentioned this synod of\n Antioch with too much favor and respect. He reckons ninety-seven\n bishops.]\n\n 111 (return) [ This magistrate, so odious to Athanasius, is\n praised by Gregory Nazianzen, tom. i. Orat. xxi. p. 390, 391.\n\n S¾pe premente Deo fert Deus alter opem.\n\n For THE credit of human nature, I am always pleased to discover\n some good qualities in those men whom party has represented as\n tyrants and monsters.]\n\n 112 (return) [ The chronological difficulties which perplex THE\n residence of Athanasius at Rome, are strenuously agitated by\n Valesius (Observat ad Calcem, tom. ii. Hist. Eccles. l. i. c.\n 1-5) and Tillemont, (Men: Eccles. tom. viii. p. 674, &c.) I have\n followed THE simple hypoTHEsis of Valesius, who allows only one\n journey, after THE intrusion Gregory.]\n\n 113 (return) [ I cannot forbear transcribing a judicious\n observation of Wetstein, (Prolegomen. N.S. p. 19: ) Si tamen\n Historiam Ecclesiasticam velimus consulere, patebit jam inde a\n seculo quarto, cum, ortis controversiis, ecclesi¾ Gr¾ci¾ doctores\n in duas partes scinderentur, ingenio, eloquentia, numero, tantum\n non ¾quales, eam partem qu¾ vincere cupiebat Romam confugisse,\n majestatemque pontificis comiter coluisse, eoque pacto oppressis\n per pontificem et episcopos Latinos adversariis pr¾valuisse,\n atque orthodoxiam in conciliis stabilivisse. Eam ob causam\n Athanasius, non sine comitatu, Roman petiit, pluresque annos ibi\n h¾sit.]\n\n 114 (return) [ Philostorgius, l. iii. c. 12. If any corruption\n was used to promote THE interest of religion, an advocate of\n Athanasius might justify or excuse this questionable conduct, by\n THE example of Cato and Sidney; THE former of whom is _said_ to\n have given, and THE latter to have received, a bribe in THE cause\n of liberty.]\n\n 115 (return) [ The canon which allows appeals to THE Roman\n pontiffs, has almost raised THE council of Sardica to THE dignity\n of a general council; and its acts have been ignorantly or\n artfully confounded with those of THE Nicene synod. See\n Tillemont, tom. vii. p. 689, and GeddosÕs Tracts, vol. ii. p.\n 419-460.]\n\n During his second exile in THE West, Athanasius was frequently\n admitted to THE Imperial presence; at Capua, Lodi, Milan, Verona,\n Padua, Aquileia, and Treves. The bishop of THE diocese usually\n assisted at THEse interviews; THE master of THE offices stood\n before THE veil or curtain of THE sacred apartment; and THE\n uniform moderation of THE primate might be attested by THEse\n respectable witnesses, to whose evidence he solemnly appeals. 116\n Prudence would undoubtedly suggest THE mild and respectful tone\n that became a subject and a bishop. In THEse familiar conferences\n with THE sovereign of THE West, Athanasius might lament THE error\n of Constantius, but he boldly arraigned THE guilt of his eunuchs\n and his Arian prelates; deplored THE distress and danger of THE\n Catholic church; and excited Constans to emulate THE zeal and\n glory of his faTHEr. The emperor declared his resolution of\n employing THE troops and treasures of Europe in THE orthodox\n cause; and signified, by a concise and peremptory epistle to his\n broTHEr Constantius, that unless he consented to THE immediate\n restoration of Athanasius, he himself, with a fleet and army,\n would seat THE archbishop on THE throne of Alexandria. 117 But\n this religious war, so horrible to nature, was prevented by THE\n timely compliance of Constantius; and THE emperor of THE East\n condescended to solicit a reconciliation with a subject whom he\n had injured. Athanasius waited with decent pride, till he had\n received three successive epistles full of THE strongest\n assurances of THE protection, THE favor, and THE esteem of his\n sovereign; who invited him to resume his episcopal seat, and who\n added THE humiliating precaution of engaging his principal\n ministers to attest THE sincerity of his intentions. They were\n manifested in a still more public manner, by THE strict orders\n which were despatched into Egypt to recall THE adherents of\n Athanasius, to restore THEir privileges, to proclaim THEir\n innocence, and to erase from THE public registers THE illegal\n proceedings which had been obtained during THE prevalence of THE\n Eusebian faction. After every satisfaction and security had been\n given, which justice or even delicacy could require, THE primate\n proceeded, by slow journeys, through THE provinces of Thrace,\n Asia, and Syria; and his progress was marked by THE abject homage\n of THE Oriental bishops, who excited his contempt without\n deceiving his penetration. 118 At Antioch he saw THE emperor\n Constantius; sustained, with modest firmness, THE embraces and\n protestations of his master, and eluded THE proposal of allowing\n THE Arians a single church at Alexandria, by claiming, in THE\n oTHEr cities of THE empire, a similar toleration for his own\n party; a reply which might have appeared just and moderate in THE\n mouth of an independent prince. The entrance of THE archbishop\n into his capital was a triumphal procession; absence and\n persecution had endeared him to THE Alexandrians; his authority,\n which he exercised with rigor, was more firmly established; and\n his fame was diffused from ®thiopia to Britain, over THE whole\n extent of THE Christian world. 119\n\n 116 (return) [ As Athanasius dispersed secret invectives against\n Constantius, (see THE Epistle to THE Monks,) at THE same time\n that he assured him of his profound respect, we might distrust\n THE professions of THE archbishop. Tom. i. p. 677.]\n\n 117 (return) [ Notwithstanding THE discreet silence of\n Athanasius, and THE manifest forgery of a letter inserted by\n Socrates, THEse menaces are proved by THE unquestionable evidence\n of Lucifer of Cagliari, and even of Constantius himself. See\n Tillemont, tom. viii. p. 693]\n\n 118 (return) [ I have always entertained some doubts concerning\n THE retraction of Ursacius and Valens, (Athanas. tom. i. p. 776.)\n Their epistles to Julius, bishop of Rome, and to Athanasius\n himself, are of so different a cast from each oTHEr, that THEy\n cannot both be genuine. The one speaks THE language of criminals\n who confess THEir guilt and infamy; THE oTHEr of enemies, who\n solicit on equal terms an honorable reconciliation. * Note: I\n cannot quite comprehend THE ground of GibbonÕs doubts. Athanasius\n distinctly asserts THE fact of THEir retractation. (Athan. Op. i.\n p. 124, edit. Benedict.) The epistles are apparently translations\n from THE Latin, if, in fact, more than THE substance of THE\n epistles. That to Athanasius is brief, almost abrupt. Their\n retractation is likewise mentioned in THE address of THE orthodox\n bishops of Rimini to Constantius. Athan. de Synodis, Op t. i. p\n 723-M.]\n\n 119 (return) [ The circumstances of his second return may be\n collected from Athanasius himself, tom. i. p. 769, and 822, 843.\n Socrates, l. ii. c. 18, Sozomen, l. iii. c. 19. Theodoret, l. ii.\n c. 11, 12. Philostorgius, l. iii. c. 12.]\n\n But THE subject who has reduced his prince to THE necessity of\n dissembling, can never expect a sincere and lasting forgiveness;\n and THE tragic fate of Constans soon deprived Athanasius of a\n powerful and generous protector. The civil war between THE\n assassin and THE only surviving broTHEr of Constans, which\n afflicted THE empire above three years, secured an interval of\n repose to THE Catholic church; and THE two contending parties\n were desirous to conciliate THE friendship of a bishop, who, by\n THE weight of his personal authority, might determine THE\n fluctuating resolutions of an important province. He gave\n audience to THE ambassadors of THE tyrant, with whom he was\n afterwards accused of holding a secret correspondence; 120 and\n THE emperor Constantius repeatedly assured his dearest faTHEr,\n THE most reverend Athanasius, that, notwithstanding THE malicious\n rumors which were circulated by THEir common enemies, he had\n inherited THE sentiments, as well as THE throne, of his deceased\n broTHEr. 121 Gratitude and humanity would have disposed THE\n primate of Egypt to deplore THE untimely fate of Constans, and to\n abhor THE guilt of Magnentius; but as he clearly understood that\n THE apprehensions of Constantius were his only safeguard, THE\n fervor of his prayers for THE success of THE righteous cause\n might perhaps be somewhat abated. The ruin of Athanasius was no\n longer contrived by THE obscure malice of a few bigoted or angry\n bishops, who abused THE authority of a credulous monarch. The\n monarch himself avowed THE resolution, which he had so long\n suppressed, of avenging his private injuries; 122 and THE first\n winter after his victory, which he passed at Arles, was employed\n against an enemy more odious to him than THE vanquished tyrant of\n Gaul.\n\n 120 (return) [ Athanasius (tom. i. p. 677, 678) defends his\n innocence by paTHEtic complaints, solemn assertions, and specious\n arguments. He admits that letters had been forged in his name,\n but he requests that his own secretaries and those of THE tyrant\n might be examined, wheTHEr those letters had been written by THE\n former, or received by THE latter.]\n\n 121 (return) [ Athanas. tom. i. p. 825-844.]\n\n 122 (return) [ Athanas. tom. i. p. 861. Theodoret, l. ii. c. 16.\n The emperor declared that he was more desirous to subdue\n Athanasius, than he had been to vanquish Magnentius or Sylvanus.]\n\n If THE emperor had capriciously decreed THE death of THE most\n eminent and virtuous citizen of THE republic, THE cruel order\n would have been executed without hesitation, by THE ministers of\n open violence or of specious injustice. The caution, THE delay,\n THE difficulty with which he proceeded in THE condemnation and\n punishment of a popular bishop, discovered to THE world that THE\n privileges of THE church had already revived a sense of order and\n freedom in THE Roman government. The sentence which was\n pronounced in THE synod of Tyre, and subscribed by a large\n majority of THE Eastern bishops, had never been expressly\n repealed; and as Athanasius had been once degraded from his\n episcopal dignity by THE judgment of his brethren, every\n subsequent act might be considered as irregular, and even\n criminal. But THE memory of THE firm and effectual support which\n THE primate of Egypt had derived from THE attachment of THE\n Western church, engaged Constantius to suspend THE execution of\n THE sentence till he had obtained THE concurrence of THE Latin\n bishops. Two years were consumed in ecclesiastical negotiations;\n and THE important cause between THE emperor and one of his\n subjects was solemnly debated, first in THE synod of Arles, and\n afterwards in THE great council of Milan, 123 which consisted of\n above three hundred bishops. Their integrity was gradually\n undermined by THE arguments of THE Arians, THE dexterity of THE\n eunuchs, and THE pressing solicitations of a prince who gratified\n his revenge at THE expense of his dignity, and exposed his own\n passions, whilst he influenced those of THE clergy. Corruption,\n THE most infallible symptom of constitutional liberty, was\n successfully practised; honors, gifts, and immunities were\n offered and accepted as THE price of an episcopal vote; 124 and\n THE condemnation of THE Alexandrian primate was artfully\n represented as THE only measure which could restore THE peace and\n union of THE Catholic church. The friends of Athanasius were not,\n however, wanting to THEir leader, or to THEir cause. With a manly\n spirit, which THE sanctity of THEir character rendered less\n dangerous, THEy maintained, in public debate, and in private\n conference with THE emperor, THE eternal obligation of religion\n and justice. They declared, that neiTHEr THE hope of his favor,\n nor THE fear of his displeasure, should prevail on THEm to join\n in THE condemnation of an absent, an innocent, a respectable\n broTHEr. 125 They affirmed, with apparent reason, that THE\n illegal and obsolete decrees of THE council of Tyre had long\n since been tacitly abolished by THE Imperial edicts, THE\n honorable reestablishment of THE archbishop of Alexandria, and\n THE silence or recantation of his most clamorous adversaries.\n They alleged, that his innocence had been attested by THE\n unanimous bishops of Egypt, and had been acknowledged in THE\n councils of Rome and Sardica, 126 by THE impartial judgment of\n THE Latin church. They deplored THE hard condition of Athanasius,\n who, after enjoying so many years his seat, his reputation, and\n THE seeming confidence of his sovereign, was again called upon to\n confute THE most groundless and extravagant accusations. Their\n language was specious; THEir conduct was honorable: but in this\n long and obstinate contest, which fixed THE eyes of THE whole\n empire on a single bishop, THE ecclesiastical factions were\n prepared to sacrifice truth and justice to THE more interesting\n object of defending or removing THE intrepid champion of THE\n Nicene faith. The Arians still thought it prudent to disguise, in\n ambiguous language, THEir real sentiments and designs; but THE\n orthodox bishops, armed with THE favor of THE people, and THE\n decrees of a general council, insisted on every occasion, and\n particularly at Milan, that THEir adversaries should purge\n THEmselves from THE suspicion of heresy, before THEy presumed to\n arraign THE conduct of THE great Athanasius. 127\n\n 123 (return) [ The affairs of THE council of Milan are so\n imperfectly and erroneously related by THE Greek writers, that we\n must rejoice in THE supply of some letters of Eusebius, extracted\n by Baronius from THE archives of THE church of Vercell¾, and of\n an old life of Dionysius of Milan, published by Bollandus. See\n Baronius, A.D. 355, and Tillemont, tom. vii. p. 1415.]\n\n 124 (return) [ The honors, presents, feasts, which seduced so\n many bishops, are mentioned with indignation by those who were\n too pure or too proud to accept THEm. ÒWe combat (says Hilary of\n Poitiers) against Constantius THE Antichrist; who strokes THE\n belly instead of scourging THE back;Ó qui non dorsa c¾dit; sed\n ventrem palpat. Hilarius contra Constant c. 5, p. 1240.]\n\n 125 (return) [ Something of this opposition is mentioned by\n Ammianus (x. 7,) who had a very dark and superficial knowledge of\n ecclesiastical history. Liberius... perseveranter renitebatur,\n nec visum hominem, nec auditum damnare, nefas ultimum s¾pe\n exclamans; aperte scilicet recalcitrans Imperatoris arbitrio. Id\n enim ille Athanasio semper infestus, &c.]\n\n 126 (return) [ More properly by THE orthodox part of THE council\n of Sardica. If THE bishops of both parties had fairly voted, THE\n division would have been 94 to 76. M. de Tillemont (see tom.\n viii. p. 1147-1158) is justly surprised that so small a majority\n should have proceeded as vigorously against THEir adversaries,\n THE principal of whom THEy immediately deposed.]\n\n 127 (return) [ Sulp. Severus in Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p. 412.]\n\n But THE voice of reason (if reason was indeed on THE side of\n Athanasius) was silenced by THE clamors of a factious or venal\n majority; and THE councils of Arles and Milan were not dissolved,\n till THE archbishop of Alexandria had been solemnly condemned and\n deposed by THE judgment of THE Western, as well as of THE\n Eastern, church. The bishops who had opposed, were required to\n subscribe, THE sentence, and to unite in religious communion with\n THE suspected leaders of THE adverse party. A formulary of\n consent was transmitted by THE messengers of state to THE absent\n bishops: and all those who refused to submit THEir private\n opinion to THE public and inspired wisdom of THE councils of\n Arles and Milan, were immediately banished by THE emperor, who\n affected to execute THE decrees of THE Catholic church. Among\n those prelates who led THE honorable band of confessors and\n exiles, Liberius of Rome, Osius of Cordova, Paulinus of Treves,\n Dionysius of Milan, Eusebius of Vercell¾, Lucifer of Cagliari and\n Hilary of Poitiers, may deserve to be particularly distinguished.\n The eminent station of Liberius, who governed THE capital of THE\n empire; THE personal merit and long experience of THE venerable\n Osius, who was revered as THE favorite of THE great Constantine,\n and THE faTHEr of THE Nicene faith, placed those prelates at THE\n head of THE Latin church: and THEir example, eiTHEr of submission\n or resistance, would probable be imitated by THE episcopal crowd.\n But THE repeated attempts of THE emperor to seduce or to\n intimidate THE bishops of Rome and Cordova, were for some time\n ineffectual. The Spaniard declared himself ready to suffer under\n Constantius, as he had suffered threescore years before under his\n grandfaTHEr Maximian. The Roman, in THE presence of his\n sovereign, asserted THE innocence of Athanasius and his own\n freedom. When he was banished to Ber¾a in Thrace, he sent back a\n large sum which had been offered for THE accommodation of his\n journey; and insulted THE court of Milan by THE haughty remark,\n that THE emperor and his eunuchs might want that gold to pay\n THEir soldiers and THEir bishops. 128 The resolution of Liberius\n and Osius was at length subdued by THE hardships of exile and\n confinement. The Roman pontiff purchased his return by some\n criminal compliances; and afterwards expiated his guilt by a\n seasonable repentance. Persuasion and violence were employed to\n extort THE reluctant signature of THE decrepit bishop of Cordova,\n whose strength was broken, and whose faculties were perhaps\n impaired by THE weight of a hundred years; and THE insolent\n triumph of THE Arians provoked some of THE orthodox party to\n treat with inhuman severity THE character, or raTHEr THE memory,\n of an unfortunate old man, to whose former services Christianity\n itself was so deeply indebted. 129\n\n 128 (return) [ The exile of Liberius is mentioned by Ammianus,\n xv. 7. See Theodoret, l. ii. c. 16. Athanas. tom. i. p. 834-837.\n Hilar. Fragment l.]\n\n 129 (return) [ The life of Osius is collected by Tillemont, (tom.\n vii. p. 524-561,) who in THE most extravagant terms first\n admires, and THEn reprobates, THE bishop of Cordova. In THE midst\n of THEir lamentations on his fall, THE prudence of Athanasius may\n be distinguished from THE blind and intemperate zeal of Hilary.]\n\n The fall of Liberius and Osius reflected a brighter lustre on THE\n firmness of those bishops who still adhered, with unshaken\n fidelity, to THE cause of Athanasius and religious truth. The\n ingenious malice of THEir enemies had deprived THEm of THE\n benefit of mutual comfort and advice, separated those illustrious\n exiles into distant provinces, and carefully selected THE most\n inhospitable spots of a great empire. 130 Yet THEy soon\n experienced that THE deserts of Libya, and THE most barbarous\n tracts of Cappadocia, were less inhospitable than THE residence\n of those cities in which an Arian bishop could satiate, without\n restraint, THE exquisite rancor of THEological hatred. 131 Their\n consolation was derived from THE consciousness of rectitude and\n independence, from THE applause, THE visits, THE letters, and THE\n liberal alms of THEir adherents, 132 and from THE satisfaction\n which THEy soon enjoyed of observing THE intestine divisions of\n THE adversaries of THE Nicene faith. Such was THE nice and\n capricious taste of THE emperor Constantius; and so easily was he\n offended by THE slightest deviation from his imaginary standard\n of Christian truth, that he persecuted, with equal zeal, those\n who defended THE _consubstantiality_, those who asserted THE\n _similar substance_, and those who denied THE _likeness_ of THE\n Son of God. Three bishops, degraded and banished for those\n adverse opinions, might possibly meet in THE same place of exile;\n and, according to THE difference of THEir temper, might eiTHEr\n pity or insult THE blind enthusiasm of THEir antagonists, whose\n present sufferings would never be compensated by future\n happiness.\n\n 130 (return) [ The confessors of THE West were successively\n banished to THE deserts of Arabia or Thebais, THE lonely places\n of Mount Taurus, THE wildest parts of Phrygia, which were in THE\n possession of THE impious Montanists, &c. When THE heretic ®tius\n was too favorably entertained at Mopsuestia in Cilicia, THE place\n of his exile was changed, by THE advice of Acacius, to Amblada, a\n district inhabited by savages and infested by war and pestilence.\n Philostorg. l. v. c. 2.]\n\n 131 (return) [ See THE cruel treatment and strange obstinacy of\n Eusebius, in his own letters, published by Baronius, A.D. 356,\n No. 92-102.]\n\n 132 (return) [ C¾terum exules satis constat, totius orbis studiis\n celebratos pecuniasque eis in sumptum affatim congestas,\n legationibus quoque plebis Catholic¾ ex omnibus fere provinciis\n frequentatos. Sulp. Sever Hist. Sacra, p. 414. Athanas. tom. i.\n p. 836, 840.]\n\n The disgrace and exile of THE orthodox bishops of THE West were\n designed as so many preparatory steps to THE ruin of Athanasius\n himself. 133 Six-and-twenty months had elapsed, during which THE\n Imperial court secretly labored, by THE most insidious arts, to\n remove him from Alexandria, and to withdraw THE allowance which\n supplied his popular liberality. But when THE primate of Egypt,\n deserted and proscribed by THE Latin church, was left destitute\n of any foreign support, Constantius despatched two of his\n secretaries with a verbal commission to announce and execute THE\n order of his banishment. As THE justice of THE sentence was\n publicly avowed by THE whole party, THE only motive which could\n restrain Constantius from giving his messengers THE sanction of a\n written mandate, must be imputed to his doubt of THE event; and\n to a sense of THE danger to which he might expose THE second\n city, and THE most fertile province, of THE empire, if THE people\n should persist in THE resolution of defending, by force of arms,\n THE innocence of THEir spiritual faTHEr. Such extreme caution\n afforded Athanasius a specious pretence respectfully to dispute\n THE truth of an order, which he could not reconcile, eiTHEr with\n THE equity, or with THE former declarations, of his gracious\n master. The civil powers of Egypt found THEmselves inadequate to\n THE task of persuading or compelling THE primate to abdicate his\n episcopal throne; and THEy were obliged to conclude a treaty with\n THE popular leaders of Alexandria, by which it was stipulated,\n that all proceedings and all hostilities should be suspended till\n THE emperorÕs pleasure had been more distinctly ascertained. By\n this seeming moderation, THE Catholics were deceived into a false\n and fatal security; while THE legions of THE Upper Egypt, and of\n Libya, advanced, by secret orders and hasty marches, to besiege,\n or raTHEr to surprise, a capital habituated to sedition, and\n inflamed by religious zeal. 134 The position of Alexandria,\n between THE sea and THE Lake Mareotis, facilitated THE approach\n and landing of THE troops; who were introduced into THE heart of\n THE city, before any effectual measures could be taken eiTHEr to\n shut THE gates or to occupy THE important posts of defence. At\n THE hour of midnight, twenty-three days after THE signature of\n THE treaty, Syrianus, duke of Egypt, at THE head of five thousand\n soldiers, armed and prepared for an assault, unexpectedly\n invested THE church of St. Theonas, where THE archbishop, with a\n part of his clergy and people, performed THEir nocturnal\n devotions. The doors of THE sacred edifice yielded to THE\n impetuosity of THE attack, which was accompanied with every\n horrid circumstance of tumult and bloodshed; but, as THE bodies\n of THE slain, and THE fragments of military weapons, remained THE\n next day an unexceptionable evidence in THE possession of THE\n Catholics, THE enterprise of Syrianus may be considered as a\n successful irruption raTHEr than as an absolute conquest. The\n oTHEr churches of THE city were profaned by similar outrages;\n and, during at least four months, Alexandria was exposed to THE\n insults of a licentious army, stimulated by THE ecclesiastics of\n a hostile faction. Many of THE faithful were killed; who may\n deserve THE name of martyrs, if THEir deaths were neiTHEr\n provoked nor revenged; bishops and presbyters were treated with\n cruel ignominy; consecrated virgins were stripped naked, scourged\n and violated; THE houses of wealthy citizens were plundered; and,\n under THE mask of religious zeal, lust, avarice, and private\n resentment were gratified with impunity, and even with applause.\n The Pagans of Alexandria, who still formed a numerous and\n discontented party, were easily persuaded to desert a bishop whom\n THEy feared and esteemed. The hopes of some peculiar favors, and\n THE apprehension of being involved in THE general penalties of\n rebellion, engaged THEm to promise THEir support to THE destined\n successor of Athanasius, THE famous George of Cappadocia. The\n usurper, after receiving THE consecration of an Arian synod, was\n placed on THE episcopal throne by THE arms of Sebastian, who had\n been appointed Count of Egypt for THE execution of that important\n design. In THE use, as well as in THE acquisition, of power, THE\n tyrant, George disregarded THE laws of religion, of justice, and\n of humanity; and THE same scenes of violence and scandal which\n had been exhibited in THE capital, were repeated in more than\n ninety episcopal cities of Egypt. Encouraged by success,\n Constantius ventured to approve THE conduct of his minister. By a\n public and passionate epistle, THE emperor congratulates THE\n deliverance of Alexandria from a popular tyrant, who deluded his\n blind votaries by THE magic of his eloquence; expatiates on THE\n virtues and piety of THE most reverend George, THE elected\n bishop; and aspires, as THE patron and benefactor of THE city to\n surpass THE fame of Alexander himself. But he solemnly declares\n his unalterable resolution to pursue with fire and sword THE\n seditious adherents of THE wicked Athanasius, who, by flying from\n justice, has confessed his guilt, and escaped THE ignominious\n death which he had so often deserved. 135\n\n 133 (return) [ Ample materials for THE history of this third\n persecution of Athanasius may be found in his own works. See\n particularly his very able Apology to Constantius, (tom. i. p.\n 673,) his first Apology for his flight (p. 701,) his prolix\n Epistle to THE Solitaries, (p. 808,) and THE original protest of\n THE people of Alexandria against THE violences committed by\n Syrianus, (p. 866.) Sozomen (l. iv. c. 9) has thrown into THE\n narrative two or three luminous and important circumstances.]\n\n 134 (return) [ Athanasius had lately sent for Antony, and some of\n his chosen monks. They descended from THEir mountains, announced\n to THE Alexandrians THE sanctity of Athanasius, and were\n honorably conducted by THE archbishop as far as THE gates of THE\n city. Athanas tom. ii. p. 491, 492. See likewise Rufinus, iii.\n 164, in Vit. Patr. p. 524.]\n\n 135 (return) [ Athanas. tom. i. p. 694. The emperor, or his Arian\n secretaries while THEy express THEir resentment, betray THEir\n fears and esteem of Athanasius.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.ÑPart VI.\n\n\n Athanasius had indeed escaped from THE most imminent dangers; and\n THE adventures of that extraordinary man deserve and fix our\n attention. On THE memorable night when THE church of St. Theonas\n was invested by THE troops of Syrianus, THE archbishop, seated on\n his throne, expected, with calm and intrepid dignity, THE\n approach of death. While THE public devotion was interrupted by\n shouts of rage and cries of terror, he animated his trembling\n congregation to express THEir religious confidence, by chanting\n one of THE psalms of David which celebrates THE triumph of THE\n God of Israel over THE haughty and impious tyrant of Egypt. The\n doors were at length burst open: a cloud of arrows was discharged\n among THE people; THE soldiers, with drawn swords, rushed\n forwards into THE sanctuary; and THE dreadful gleam of THEir arms\n was reflected by THE holy luminaries which burnt round THE altar.\n 136 Athanasius still rejected THE pious importunity of THE monks\n and presbyters, who were attached to his person; and nobly\n refused to desert his episcopal station, till he had dismissed in\n safety THE last of THE congregation. The darkness and tumult of\n THE night favored THE retreat of THE archbishop; and though he\n was oppressed by THE waves of an agitated multitude, though he\n was thrown to THE ground, and left without sense or motion, he\n still recovered his undaunted courage, and eluded THE eager\n search of THE soldiers, who were instructed by THEir Arian\n guides, that THE head of Athanasius would be THE most acceptable\n present to THE emperor. From that moment THE primate of Egypt\n disappeared from THE eyes of his enemies, and remained above six\n years concealed in impenetrable obscurity. 137\n\n 136 (return) [ These minute circumstances are curious, as THEy\n are literally transcribed from THE protest, which was publicly\n presented three days afterwards by THE Catholics of Alexandria.\n See Athanas. tom. l. n. 867]\n\n 137 (return) [ The Jansenists have often compared Athanasius and\n Arnauld, and have expatiated with pleasure on THE faith and zeal,\n THE merit and exile, of those celebrated doctors. This concealed\n parallel is very dexterously managed by THE AbbŽ de la Bleterie,\n Vie de Jovien, tom. i. p. 130.]\n\n The despotic power of his implacable enemy filled THE whole\n extent of THE Roman world; and THE exasperated monarch had\n endeavored, by a very pressing epistle to THE Christian princes\n of Ethiopia, 13711 to exclude Athanasius from THE most remote and\n sequestered regions of THE earth. Counts, pr¾fects, tribunes,\n whole armies, were successively employed to pursue a bishop and a\n fugitive; THE vigilance of THE civil and military powers was\n excited by THE Imperial edicts; liberal rewards were promised to\n THE man who should produce Athanasius, eiTHEr alive or dead; and\n THE most severe penalties were denounced against those who should\n dare to protect THE public enemy. 138 But THE deserts of Thebais\n were now peopled by a race of wild, yet submissive fanatics, who\n preferred THE commands of THEir abbot to THE laws of THEir\n sovereign. The numerous disciples of Antony and Pachonnus\n received THE fugitive primate as THEir faTHEr, admired THE\n patience and humility with which he conformed to THEir strictest\n institutions, collected every word which dropped from his lips as\n THE genuine effusions of inspired wisdom; and persuaded\n THEmselves that THEir prayers, THEir fasts, and THEir vigils,\n were less meritorious than THE zeal which THEy expressed, and THE\n dangers which THEy braved, in THE defence of truth and innocence.\n 139 The monasteries of Egypt were seated in lonely and desolate\n places, on THE summit of mountains, or in THE islands of THE\n Nile; and THE sacred horn or trumpet of Tabenne was THE\n well-known signal which assembled several thousand robust and\n determined monks, who, for THE most part, had been THE peasants\n of THE adjacent country. When THEir dark retreats were invaded by\n a military force, which it was impossible to resist, THEy\n silently stretched out THEir necks to THE executioner; and\n supported THEir national character, that tortures could never\n wrest from an Egyptian THE confession of a secret which he was\n resolved not to disclose. 140 The archbishop of Alexandria, for\n whose safety THEy eagerly devoted THEir lives, was lost among a\n uniform and well-disciplined multitude; and on THE nearer\n approach of danger, he was swiftly removed, by THEir officious\n hands, from one place of concealment to anoTHEr, till he reached\n THE formidable deserts, which THE gloomy and credulous temper of\n superstition had peopled with d¾mons and savage monsters. The\n retirement of Athanasius, which ended only with THE life of\n Constantius, was spent, for THE most part, in THE society of THE\n monks, who faithfully served him as guards, as secretaries, and\n as messengers; but THE importance of maintaining a more intimate\n connection with THE Catholic party tempted him, whenever THE\n diligence of THE pursuit was abated, to emerge from THE desert,\n to introduce himself into Alexandria, and to trust his person to\n THE discretion of his friends and adherents. His various\n adventures might have furnished THE subject of a very\n entertaining romance. He was once secreted in a dry cistern,\n which he had scarcely left before he was betrayed by THE\n treachery of a female slave; 141 and he was once concealed in a\n still more extraordinary asylum, THE house of a virgin, only\n twenty years of age, and who was celebrated in THE whole city for\n her exquisite beauty. At THE hour of midnight, as she related THE\n story many years afterwards, she was surprised by THE appearance\n of THE archbishop in a loose undress, who, advancing with hasty\n steps, conjured her to afford him THE protection which he had\n been directed by a celestial vision to seek under her hospitable\n roof. The pious maid accepted and preserved THE sacred pledge\n which was intrusted to her prudence and courage. Without\n imparting THE secret to any one, she instantly conducted\n Athanasius into her most secret chamber, and watched over his\n safety with THE tenderness of a friend and THE assiduity of a\n servant. As long as THE danger continued, she regularly supplied\n him with books and provisions, washed his feet, managed his\n correspondence, and dexterously concealed from THE eye of\n suspicion this familiar and solitary intercourse between a saint\n whose character required THE most unblemished chastity, and a\n female whose charms might excite THE most dangerous emotions. 142\n During THE six years of persecution and exile, Athanasius\n repeated his visits to his fair and faithful companion; and THE\n formal declaration, that he _saw_ THE councils of Rimini and\n Seleucia, 143 forces us to believe that he was secretly present\n at THE time and place of THEir convocation. The advantage of\n personally negotiating with his friends, and of observing and\n improving THE divisions of his enemies, might justify, in a\n prudent statesman, so bold and dangerous an enterprise: and\n Alexandria was connected by trade and navigation with every\n seaport of THE Mediterranean. From THE depth of his inaccessible\n retreat THE intrepid primate waged an incessant and offensive war\n against THE protector of THE Arians; and his seasonable writings,\n which were diligently circulated and eagerly perused, contributed\n to unite and animate THE orthodox party. In his public apologies,\n which he addressed to THE emperor himself, he sometimes affected\n THE praise of moderation; whilst at THE same time, in secret and\n vehement invectives, he exposed Constantius as a weak and wicked\n prince, THE executioner of his family, THE tyrant of THE\n republic, and THE Antichrist of THE church. In THE height of his\n prosperity, THE victorious monarch, who had chastised THE\n rashness of Gallus, and suppressed THE revolt of Sylvanus, who\n had taken THE diadem from THE head of Vetranio, and vanquished in\n THE field THE legions of Magnentius, received from an invisible\n hand a wound, which he could neiTHEr heal nor revenge; and THE\n son of Constantine was THE first of THE Christian princes who\n experienced THE strength of those principles, which, in THE cause\n of religion, could resist THE most violent exertions 144 of THE\n civil power.\n\n 13711 (return) [ These princes were called Aeizanas and\n Saiazanas. Athanasius calls THEm THE kings of Axum. In THE\n superscription of his letter, Constantius gives THEm no title.\n Mr. Salt, during his first journey in Ethiopia, (in 1806,)\n discovered, in THE ruins of Axum, a long and very interesting\n inscription relating to THEse princes. It was erected to\n commemorate THE victory of Aeizanas over THE Bougait¾, (St.\n Martin considers THEm THE Blemmyes, whose true name is Bedjah or\n Bodjah.) Aeizanas is styled king of THE Axumites, THE Homerites,\n of Raeidan, of THE Ethiopians, of THE Sabsuites, of Silea, of\n Tiamo, of THE Bougaites, and of Kaei. It appears that at this\n time THE king of THE Ethiopians ruled over THE Homerites, THE\n inhabitants of Yemen. He was not yet a Christian, as he calls\n himself son of THE invincible Mars. AnoTHEr broTHEr besides\n Saiazanas, named Adephas, is mentioned, though Aeizanas seems to\n have been sole king. See St. Martin, note on Le Beau, ii. 151.\n SaltÕs Travels. De Sacy, note in Annales des Voyages, xii. p.\n 53.ÑM.]\n\n 138 (return) [ Hinc jam toto orbe profugus Athanasius, nec ullus\n ci tutus ad latendum supererat locus. Tribuni, Pr¾fecti, Comites,\n exercitus quoque ad pervestigandum cum moventur edictis\n Imperialibus; pr¾mia dela toribus proponuntur, si quis eum vivum,\n si id minus, caput certe Atha casii detulisset. Rufin. l. i. c.\n 16.]\n\n 139 (return) [ Gregor. Nazianzen. tom. i. Orat. xxi. p. 384, 385.\n See Tillemont MŽm. Eccles. tom. vii. p. 176-410, 820-830.]\n\n 140 (return) [ Et nulla tormentorum vis inveneri, adhuc potuit,\n qu¾ obdurato illius tractus latroni invito elicere potuit, ut\n nomen proprium dicat Ammian. xxii. 16, and Valesius ad locum.]\n\n 141 (return) [ Rufin. l. i. c. 18. Sozomen, l. iv. c. 10. This\n and THE following story will be rendered impossible, if we\n suppose that Athanasius always inhabited THE asylum which he\n accidentally or occasionally had used.]\n\n 142 (return) [ Paladius, (Hist. Lausiac. c. 136, in Vit. Patrum,\n p. 776,) THE original author of this anecdote, had conversed with\n THE damsel, who in her old age still remembered with pleasure so\n pious and honorable a connection. I cannot indulge THE delicacy\n of Baronius, Valesius, Tillemont, &c., who almost reject a story\n so unworthy, as THEy deem it, of THE gravity of ecclesiastical\n history.]\n\n 143 (return) [ Athanas. tom. i. p. 869. I agree with Tillemont,\n (tom. iii. p. 1197,) that his expressions imply a personal,\n though perhaps secret visit to THE synods.]\n\n 144 (return) [ The epistle of Athanasius to THE monks is filled\n with reproaches, which THE public must feel to be true, (vol. i.\n p. 834, 856;) and, in compliment to his readers, he has\n introduced THE comparisons of Pharaoh, Ahab, Belshazzar, &c. The\n boldness of Hilary was attended with less danger, if he published\n his invective in Gaul after THE revolt of Julian; but Lucifer\n sent his libels to Constantius, and almost challenged THE reward\n of martyrdom. See Tillemont, tom. vii. p. 905.]\n\n The persecution of Athanasius, and of so many respectable\n bishops, who suffered for THE truth of THEir opinions, or at\n least for THE integrity of THEir conscience, was a just subject\n of indignation and discontent to all Christians, except those who\n were blindly devoted to THE Arian faction. The people regretted\n THE loss of THEir faithful pastors, whose banishment was usually\n followed by THE intrusion of a stranger 145 into THE episcopal\n chair; and loudly complained, that THE right of election was\n violated, and that THEy were condemned to obey a mercenary\n usurper, whose person was unknown, and whose principles were\n suspected. The Catholics might prove to THE world, that THEy were\n not involved in THE guilt and heresy of THEir ecclesiastical\n governor, by publicly testifying THEir dissent, or by totally\n separating THEmselves from his communion. The first of THEse\n methods was invented at Antioch, and practised with such success,\n that it was soon diffused over THE Christian world. The doxology\n or sacred hymn, which celebrates THE _glory_ of THE Trinity, is\n susceptible of very nice, but material, inflections; and THE\n substance of an orthodox, or an heretical, creed, may be\n expressed by THE difference of a disjunctive, or a copulative,\n particle. Alternate responses, and a more regular psalmody, 146\n were introduced into THE public service by Flavianus and\n Diodorus, two devout and active laymen, who were attached to THE\n Nicene faith. Under THEir conduct a swarm of monks issued from\n THE adjacent desert, bands of well-disciplined singers were\n stationed in THE caTHEdral of Antioch, THE Glory to THE FaTHEr,\n And THE Son, And THE Holy Ghost, 147 was triumphantly chanted by\n a full chorus of voices; and THE Catholics insulted, by THE\n purity of THEir doctrine, THE Arian prelate, who had usurped THE\n throne of THE venerable Eustathius. The same zeal which inspired\n THEir songs prompted THE more scrupulous members of THE orthodox\n party to form separate assemblies, which were governed by THE\n presbyters, till THE death of THEir exiled bishop allowed THE\n election and consecration of a new episcopal pastor. 148 The\n revolutions of THE court multiplied THE number of pretenders; and\n THE same city was often disputed, under THE reign of Constantius,\n by two, or three, or even four, bishops, who exercised THEir\n spiritual jurisdiction over THEir respective followers, and\n alternately lost and regained THE temporal possessions of THE\n church. The abuse of Christianity introduced into THE Roman\n government new causes of tyranny and sedition; THE bands of civil\n society were torn asunder by THE fury of religious factions; and\n THE obscure citizen, who might calmly have surveyed THE elevation\n and fall of successive emperors, imagined and experienced, that\n his own life and fortune were connected with THE interests of a\n popular ecclesiastic. The example of THE two capitals, Rome and\n Constantinople, may serve to represent THE state of THE empire,\n and THE temper of mankind, under THE reign of THE sons of\n Constantine.\n\n 145 (return) [ Athanasius (tom. i. p. 811) complains in general\n of this practice, which he afterwards exemplifies (p. 861) in THE\n pretended election of F¾lix. Three eunuchs represented THE Roman\n people, and three prelates, who followed THE court, assumed THE\n functions of THE bishops of THE Suburbicarian provinces.]\n\n 146 (return) [ Thomassin (Discipline de lÕEglise, tom. i. l. ii.\n c. 72, 73, p. 966-984) has collected many curious facts\n concerning THE origin and progress of church singing, both in THE\n East and West. * Note: Arius appears to have been THE first who\n availed himself of this means of impressing his doctrines on THE\n popular ear: he composed songs for sailors, millers, and\n travellers, and set THEm to common airs; Òbeguiling THE ignorant,\n by THE sweetness of his music, into THE impiety of his\n doctrines.Ó Philostorgius, ii. 2. Arian singers used to parade\n THE streets of Constantinople by night, till Chrysostom arrayed\n against THEm a band of orthodox choristers. Sozomen, viii. 8.ÑM.]\n\n 147 (return) [ Philostorgius, l. iii. c. 13. Godefroy has\n examined this subject with singular accuracy, (p. 147, &c.) There\n were three heterodox forms: ÒTo THE FaTHEr _by_ THE Son, _and_ in\n THE Holy Ghost.Ó ÒTo THE FaTHEr, _and_ THE Son _in_ THE Holy\n Ghost;Ó and ÒTo THE FaTHEr _in_ THE Son _and_ THE Holy Ghost.Ó]\n\n 148 (return) [ After THE exile of Eustathius, under THE reign of\n Constantine, THE rigid party of THE orthodox formed a separation\n which afterwards degenerated into a schism, and lasted about\n fourscore years. See Tillemont, MŽm. Eccles. tom. vii. p. 35-54,\n 1137-1158, tom. viii. p. 537-632, 1314-1332. In many churches,\n THE Arians and Homoousians, who had renounced each oTHErÕs\n _communion_, continued for some time to join in prayer.\n Philostorgius, l. iii. c. 14.]\n\n I. The Roman pontiff, as long as he maintained his station and\n his principles, was guarded by THE warm attachment of a great\n people; and could reject with scorn THE prayers, THE menaces, and\n THE oblations of an heretical prince. When THE eunuchs had\n secretly pronounced THE exile of Liberius, THE well-grounded\n apprehension of a tumult engaged THEm to use THE utmost\n precautions in THE execution of THE sentence. The capital was\n invested on every side, and THE pr¾fect was commanded to seize\n THE person of THE bishop, eiTHEr by stratagem or by open force.\n The order was obeyed, and Liberius, with THE greatest difficulty,\n at THE hour of midnight, was swiftly conveyed beyond THE reach of\n THE Roman people, before THEir consternation was turned into\n rage. As soon as THEy were informed of his banishment into\n Thrace, a general assembly was convened, and THE clergy of Rome\n bound THEmselves, by a public and solemn oath, never to desert\n THEir bishop, never to acknowledge THE usurper F¾lix; who, by THE\n influence of THE eunuchs, had been irregularly chosen and\n consecrated within THE walls of a profane palace. At THE end of\n two years, THEir pious obstinacy subsisted entire and unshaken;\n and when Constantius visited Rome, he was assailed by THE\n importunate solicitations of a people, who had preserved, as THE\n last remnant of THEir ancient freedom, THE right of treating\n THEir sovereign with familiar insolence. The wives of many of THE\n senators and most honorable citizens, after pressing THEir\n husbands to intercede in favor of Liberius, were advised to\n undertake a commission, which in THEir hands would be less\n dangerous, and might prove more successful. The emperor received\n with politeness THEse female deputies, whose wealth and dignity\n were displayed in THE magnificence of THEir dress and ornaments:\n he admired THEir inflexible resolution of following THEir beloved\n pastor to THE most distant regions of THE earth; and consented\n that THE two bishops, Liberius and F¾lix, should govern in peace\n THEir respective congregations. But THE ideas of toleration were\n so repugnant to THE practice, and even to THE sentiments, of\n those times, that when THE answer of Constantius was publicly\n read in THE Circus of Rome, so reasonable a project of\n accommodation was rejected with contempt and ridicule. The eager\n vehemence which animated THE spectators in THE decisive moment of\n a horse-race, was now directed towards a different object; and\n THE Circus resounded with THE shout of thousands, who repeatedly\n exclaimed, ÒOne God, One Christ, One Bishop!Ó The zeal of THE\n Roman people in THE cause of Liberius was not confined to words\n alone; and THE dangerous and bloody sedition which THEy excited\n soon after THE departure of Constantius determined that prince to\n accept THE submission of THE exiled prelate, and to restore him\n to THE undivided dominion of THE capital. After some ineffectual\n resistance, his rival was expelled from THE city by THE\n permission of THE emperor and THE power of THE opposite faction;\n THE adherents of F¾lix were inhumanly murdered in THE streets, in\n THE public places, in THE baths, and even in THE churches; and\n THE face of Rome, upon THE return of a Christian bishop, renewed\n THE horrid image of THE massacres of Marius, and THE\n proscriptions of Sylla. 149\n\n 149 (return) [ See, on this ecclesiastical revolution of Rome,\n Ammianus, xv. 7 Athanas. tom. i. p. 834, 861. Sozomen, l. iv. c.\n 15. Theodoret, l. ii c. 17. Sulp. Sever. Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p.\n 413. Hieronym. Chron. Marcellin. et Faustin. Libell. p. 3, 4.\n Tillemont, MŽm. Eccles. tom. vi. p.]\n\n II. Notwithstanding THE rapid increase of Christians under THE\n reign of THE Flavian family, Rome, Alexandria, and THE oTHEr\n great cities of THE empire, still contained a strong and powerful\n faction of Infidels, who envied THE prosperity, and who\n ridiculed, even in THEir THEatres, THE THEological disputes of\n THE church. Constantinople alone enjoyed THE advantage of being\n born and educated in THE bosom of THE faith. The capital of THE\n East had never been polluted by THE worship of idols; and THE\n whole body of THE people had deeply imbibed THE opinions, THE\n virtues, and THE passions, which distinguished THE Christians of\n that age from THE rest of mankind. After THE death of Alexander,\n THE episcopal throne was disputed by Paul and Macedonius. By\n THEir zeal and abilities THEy both deserved THE eminent station\n to which THEy aspired; and if THE moral character of Macedonius\n was less exceptionable, his competitor had THE advantage of a\n prior election and a more orthodox doctrine. His firm attachment\n to THE Nicene creed, which has given Paul a place in THE calendar\n among saints and martyrs, exposed him to THE resentment of THE\n Arians. In THE space of fourteen years he was five times driven\n from his throne; to which he was more frequently restored by THE\n violence of THE people, than by THE permission of THE prince; and\n THE power of Macedonius could be secured only by THE death of his\n rival. The unfortunate Paul was dragged in chains from THE sandy\n deserts of Mesopotamia to THE most desolate places of Mount\n Taurus, 150 confined in a dark and narrow dungeon, left six days\n without food, and at length strangled, by THE order of Philip,\n one of THE principal ministers of THE emperor Constantius. 151\n The first blood which stained THE new capital was spilt in this\n ecclesiastical contest; and many persons were slain on both\n sides, in THE furious and obstinate seditions of THE people. The\n commission of enforcing a sentence of banishment against Paul had\n been intrusted to Hermogenes, THE master-general of THE cavalry;\n but THE execution of it was fatal to himself. The Catholics rose\n in THE defence of THEir bishop; THE palace of Hermogenes was\n consumed; THE first military officer of THE empire was dragged by\n THE heels through THE streets of Constantinople, and, after he\n expired, his lifeless corpse was exposed to THEir wanton insults.\n 152 The fate of Hermogenes instructed Philip, THE Pr¾torian\n pr¾fect, to act with more precaution on a similar occasion. In\n THE most gentle and honorable terms, he required THE attendance\n of Paul in THE baths of Xeuxippus, which had a private\n communication with THE palace and THE sea. A vessel, which lay\n ready at THE garden stairs, immediately hoisted sail; and, while\n THE people were still ignorant of THE meditated sacrilege, THEir\n bishop was already embarked on his voyage to Thessalonica. They\n soon beheld, with surprise and indignation, THE gates of THE\n palace thrown open, and THE usurper Macedonius seated by THE side\n of THE pr¾fect on a lofty chariot, which was surrounded by troops\n of guards with drawn swords. The military procession advanced\n towards THE caTHEdral; THE Arians and THE Catholics eagerly\n rushed to occupy that important post; and three thousand one\n hundred and fifty persons lost THEir lives in THE confusion of\n THE tumult. Macedonius, who was supported by a regular force,\n obtained a decisive victory; but his reign was disturbed by\n clamor and sedition; and THE causes which appeared THE least\n connected with THE subject of dispute, were sufficient to nourish\n and to kindle THE flame of civil discord. As THE chapel in which\n THE body of THE great Constantine had been deposited was in a\n ruinous condition, THE bishop transported those venerable remains\n into THE church of St. Acacius. This prudent and even pious\n measure was represented as a wicked profanation by THE whole\n party which adhered to THE Homoousian doctrine. The factions\n immediately flew to arms, THE consecrated ground was used as\n THEir field of battle; and one of THE ecclesiastical historians\n has observed, as a real fact, not as a figure of rhetoric, that\n THE well before THE church overflowed with a stream of blood,\n which filled THE porticos and THE adjacent courts. The writer who\n should impute THEse tumults solely to a religious principle,\n would betray a very imperfect knowledge of human nature; yet it\n must be confessed that THE motive which misled THE sincerity of\n zeal, and THE pretence which disguised THE licentiousness of\n passion, suppressed THE remorse which, in anoTHEr cause, would\n have succeeded to THE rage of THE Christians at Constantinople.\n 153\n\n 150 (return) [ Cucusus was THE last stage of his life and\n sufferings. The situation of that lonely town, on THE confines of\n Cappadocia, Cilicia, and THE Lesser Armenia, has occasioned some\n geographical perplexity; but we are directed to THE true spot by\n THE course of THE Roman road from C¾sarea to Anazarbus. See\n Cellarii Geograph. tom. ii. p. 213. Wesseling ad Itinerar. p.\n 179, 703.]\n\n 151 (return) [ Athanasius (tom. i. p. 703, 813, 814) affirms, in\n THE most positive terms, that Paul was murdered; and appeals, not\n only to common fame, but even to THE unsuspicious testimony of\n Philagrius, one of THE Arian persecutors. Yet he acknowledges\n that THE heretics attributed to disease THE death of THE bishop\n of Constantinople. Athanasius is servilely copied by Socrates,\n (l. ii. c. 26;) but Sozomen, who discovers a more liberal temper.\n presumes (l. iv. c. 2) to insinuate a prudent doubt.]\n\n 152 (return) [ Ammianus (xiv. 10) refers to his own account of\n this tragic event. But we no longer possess that part of his\n history. Note: The murder of Hermogenes took place at THE first\n expulsion of Paul from THE see of Constantinople.ÑM.]\n\n 153 (return) [ See Socrates, l. ii. c. 6, 7, 12, 13, 15, 16, 26,\n 27, 38, and Sozomen, l. iii. 3, 4, 7, 9, l. iv. c. ii. 21. The\n acts of St. Paul of Constantinople, of which Photius has made an\n abstract, (Phot. Bibliot. p. 1419-1430,) are an indifferent copy\n of THEse historians; but a modern Greek, who could write THE life\n of a saint without adding fables and miracles, is entitled to\n some commendation.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.ÑPart\n VII.\n\n\n The cruel and arbitrary disposition of Constantius, which did not\n always require THE provocations of guilt and resistance, was\n justly exasperated by THE tumults of his capital, and THE\n criminal behavior of a faction, which opposed THE authority and\n religion of THEir sovereign. The ordinary punishments of death,\n exile, and confiscation, were inflicted with partial vigor; and\n THE Greeks still revere THE holy memory of two clerks, a reader,\n and a sub-deacon, who were accused of THE murder of Hermogenes,\n and beheaded at THE gates of Constantinople. By an edict of\n Constantius against THE Catholics which has not been judged\n worthy of a place in THE Theodosian code, those who refused to\n communicate with THE Arian bishops, and particularly with\n Macedonius, were deprived of THE immunities of ecclesiastics, and\n of THE rights of Christians; THEy were compelled to relinquish\n THE possession of THE churches; and were strictly prohibited from\n holding THEir assemblies within THE walls of THE city. The\n execution of this unjust law, in THE provinces of Thrace and Asia\n Minor, was committed to THE zeal of Macedonius; THE civil and\n military powers were directed to obey his commands; and THE\n cruelties exercised by this Semi- Arian tyrant in THE support of\n THE _Homoiousion_, exceeded THE commission, and disgraced THE\n reign, of Constantius. The sacraments of THE church were\n administered to THE reluctant victims, who denied THE vocation,\n and abhorred THE principles, of Macedonius. The rites of baptism\n were conferred on women and children, who, for that purpose, had\n been torn from THE arms of THEir friends and parents; THE mouths\n of THE communicants were held open by a wooden engine, while THE\n consecrated bread was forced down THEir throat; THE breasts of\n tender virgins were eiTHEr burnt with red-hot egg-shells, or\n inhumanly compressed betweens harp and heavy boards. 154 The\n Novatians of Constantinople and THE adjacent country, by THEir\n firm attachment to THE Homoousian standard, deserved to be\n confounded with THE Catholics THEmselves. Macedonius was\n informed, that a large district of Paphlagonia 155 was almost\n entirely inhabited by those sectaries. He resolved eiTHEr to\n convert or to extirpate THEm; and as he distrusted, on this\n occasion, THE efficacy of an ecclesiastical mission, he commanded\n a body of four thousand legionaries to march against THE rebels,\n and to reduce THE territory of Mantinium under his spiritual\n dominion. The Novatian peasants, animated by despair and\n religious fury, boldly encountered THE invaders of THEir country;\n and though many of THE Paphlagonians were slain, THE Roman\n legions were vanquished by an irregular multitude, armed only\n with scyTHEs and axes; and, except a few who escaped by an\n ignominious flight, four thousand soldiers were left dead on THE\n field of battle. The successor of Constantius has expressed, in a\n concise but lively manner, some of THE THEological calamities\n which afflicted THE empire, and more especially THE East, in THE\n reign of a prince who was THE slave of his own passions, and of\n those of his eunuchs: ÒMany were imprisoned, and persecuted, and\n driven into exile. Whole troops of those who are styled heretics,\n were massacred, particularly at Cyzicus, and at Samosata. In\n Paphlagonia, Bithynia, Galatia, and in many oTHEr provinces,\n towns and villages were laid waste, and utterly destroyed.Ó 156\n\n 154 (return) [ Socrates, l. ii. c. 27, 38. Sozomen, l. iv. c. 21.\n The principal assistants of Macedonius, in THE work of\n persecution, were THE two bishops of Nicomedia and Cyzicus, who\n were esteemed for THEir virtues, and especially for THEir\n charity. I cannot forbear reminding THE reader, that THE\n difference between THE _Homoousion_ and _Homoiousion_, is almost\n invisible to THE nicest THEological eye.]\n\n 155 (return) [ We are ignorant of THE precise situation of\n Mantinium. In speaking of THEse four bands of legionaries,\n Socrates, Sozomen, and THE author of THE acts of St. Paul, use\n THE indefinite terms of, which Nicephorus very properly\n translates thousands. Vales. ad Socrat. l. ii. c. 38.]\n\n 156 (return) [ Julian. Epist. lii. p. 436, edit. Spanheim.]\n\n While THE flames of THE Arian controversy consumed THE vitals of\n THE empire, THE African provinces were infested by THEir peculiar\n enemies, THE savage fanatics, who, under THE name of\n _Circumcellions_, formed THE strength and scandal of THE Donatist\n party. 157 The severe execution of THE laws of Constantine had\n excited a spirit of discontent and resistance, THE strenuous\n efforts of his son Constans, to restore THE unity of THE church,\n exasperated THE sentiments of mutual hatred, which had first\n occasioned THE separation; and THE methods of force and\n corruption employed by THE two Imperial commissioners, Paul and\n Macarius, furnished THE schismatics with a specious contrast\n between THE maxims of THE apostles and THE conduct of THEir\n pretended successors. 158 The peasants who inhabited THE villages\n of Numidia and Mauritania, were a ferocious race, who had been\n imperfectly reduced under THE authority of THE Roman laws; who\n were imperfectly converted to THE Christian faith; but who were\n actuated by a blind and furious enthusiasm in THE cause of THEir\n Donatist teachers. They indignantly supported THE exile of THEir\n bishops, THE demolition of THEir churches, and THE interruption\n of THEir secret assemblies. The violence of THE officers of\n justice, who were usually sustained by a military guard, was\n sometimes repelled with equal violence; and THE blood of some\n popular ecclesiastics, which had been shed in THE quarrel,\n inflamed THEir rude followers with an eager desire of revenging\n THE death of THEse holy martyrs. By THEir own cruelty and\n rashness, THE ministers of persecution sometimes provoked THEir\n fate; and THE guilt of an accidental tumult precipitated THE\n criminals into despair and rebellion. Driven from THEir native\n villages, THE Donatist peasants assembled in formidable gangs on\n THE edge of THE Getulian desert; and readily exchanged THE habits\n of labor for a life of idleness and rapine, which was consecrated\n by THE name of religion, and faintly condemned by THE doctors of\n THE sect. The leaders of THE Circumcellions assumed THE title of\n captains of THE saints; THEir principal weapon, as THEy were\n indifferently provided with swords and spears, was a huge and\n weighty club, which THEy termed an _Israelite;_ and THE\n well-known sound of ÒPraise be to God,Ó which THEy used as THEir\n cry of war, diffused consternation over THE unarmed provinces of\n Africa. At first THEir depredations were colored by THE plea of\n necessity; but THEy soon exceeded THE measure of subsistence,\n indulged without control THEir intemperance and avarice, burnt\n THE villages which THEy had pillaged, and reigned THE licentious\n tyrants of THE open country. The occupations of husbandry, and\n THE administration of justice, were interrupted; and as THE\n Circumcellions pretended to restore THE primitive equality of\n mankind, and to reform THE abuses of civil society, THEy opened a\n secure asylum for THE slaves and debtors, who flocked in crowds\n to THEir holy standard. When THEy were not resisted, THEy usually\n contented THEmselves with plunder, but THE slightest opposition\n provoked THEm to acts of violence and murder; and some Catholic\n priests, who had imprudently signalized THEir zeal, were tortured\n by THE fanatics with THE most refined and wanton barbarity. The\n spirit of THE Circumcellions was not always exerted against THEir\n defenceless enemies; THEy engaged, and sometimes defeated, THE\n troops of THE province; and in THE bloody action of Bagai, THEy\n attacked in THE open field, but with unsuccessful valor, an\n advanced guard of THE Imperial cavalry. The Donatists who were\n taken in arms, received, and THEy soon deserved, THE same\n treatment which might have been shown to THE wild beasts of THE\n desert. The captives died, without a murmur, eiTHEr by THE sword,\n THE axe, or THE fire; and THE measures of retaliation were\n multiplied in a rapid proportion, which aggravated THE horrors of\n rebellion, and excluded THE hope of mutual forgiveness. In THE\n beginning of THE present century, THE example of THE\n Circumcellions has been renewed in THE persecution, THE boldness,\n THE crimes, and THE enthusiasm of THE Camisards; and if THE\n fanatics of Languedoc surpassed those of Numidia, by THEir\n military achievements, THE Africans maintained THEir fierce\n independence with more resolution and perseverance. 159\n\n 157 (return) [ See Optatus Milevitanus, (particularly iii. 4,)\n with THE Donatis history, by M. Dupin, and THE original pieces at\n THE end of his edition. The numerous circumstances which Augustin\n has mentioned, of THE fury of THE Circumcellions against oTHErs,\n and against THEmselves, have been laboriously collected by\n Tillemont, MŽm. Eccles. tom. vi. p. 147-165; and he has often,\n though without design, exposed injuries which had provoked those\n fanatics.]\n\n 158 (return) [ It is amusing enough to observe THE language of\n opposite parties, when THEy speak of THE same men and things.\n Gratus, bishop of Carthage, begins THE acclamations of an\n orthodox synod, ÒGratias Deo omnipotenti et Christu Jesu... qui\n imperavit religiosissimo Constanti Imperatori, ut votum gereret\n unitatis, et mitteret ministros sancti operis _famulos Dei_\n Paulum et Macarium.Ó Monument. Vet. ad Calcem Optati, p. 313.\n ÒEcce subito,Ó (says THE Donatist author of THE Passion of\n Marculus), Òde Constantis regif tyrannica domo.. pollutum\n Macarian¾ persecutionis murmur increpuit, et _duabus bestiis_ ad\n Africam missis, eodem scilicet Macario et Paulo, execrandum\n prorsus ac dirum ecclesi¾ certamen indictum est; ut populus\n Christianus ad unionem cum traditoribus faciendam, nudatis\n militum gladiis et draconum pr¾sentibus signis, et tubarum\n vocibus cogeretur.Ó Monument. p. 304.]\n\n 159 (return) [ The Histoire des Camisards, in 3 vols. 12mo.\n Villefranche, 1760 may be recommended as accurate and impartial.\n It requires some attention to discover THE religion of THE\n author.]\n\n Such disorders are THE natural effects of religious tyranny, but\n THE rage of THE Donatists was inflamed by a frenzy of a very\n extraordinary kind; and which, if it really prevailed among THEm\n in so extravagant a degree, cannot surely be paralleled in any\n country or in any age. Many of THEse fanatics were possessed with\n THE horror of life, and THE desire of martyrdom; and THEy deemed\n it of little moment by what means, or by what hands, THEy\n perished, if THEir conduct was sanctified by THE intention of\n devoting THEmselves to THE glory of THE true faith, and THE hope\n of eternal happiness. 160 Sometimes THEy rudely disturbed THE\n festivals, and profaned THE temples of Paganism, with THE design\n of exciting THE most zealous of THE idolaters to revenge THE\n insulted honor of THEir gods. They sometimes forced THEir way\n into THE courts of justice, and compelled THE affrighted judge to\n give orders for THEir immediate execution. They frequently\n stopped travellers on THE public highways, and obliged THEm to\n inflict THE stroke of martyrdom, by THE promise of a reward, if\n THEy consented, and by THE threat of instant death, if THEy\n refused to grant so very singular a favor. When THEy were\n disappointed of every oTHEr resource, THEy announced THE day on\n which, in THE presence of THEir friends and brethren, THEy should\n cast THEmselves headlong from some lofty rock; and many\n precipices were shown, which had acquired fame by THE number of\n religious suicides. In THE actions of THEse desperate\n enthusiasts, who were admired by one party as THE martyrs of God,\n and abhorred by THE oTHEr as THE victims of Satan, an impartial\n philosopher may discover THE influence and THE last abuse of that\n inflexible spirit which was originally derived from THE character\n and principles of THE Jewish nation.\n\n 160 (return) [ The Donatist suicides alleged in THEir\n justification THE example of Razias, which is related in THE 14th\n chapter of THE second book of THE Maccabees.]\n\n The simple narrative of THE intestine divisions, which distracted\n THE peace, and dishonored THE triumph, of THE church, will\n confirm THE remark of a Pagan historian, and justify THE\n complaint of a venerable bishop. The experience of Ammianus had\n convinced him, that THE enmity of THE Christians towards each\n oTHEr, surpassed THE fury of savage beasts against man; 161 and\n Gregory Nazianzen most paTHEtically laments, that THE kingdom of\n heaven was converted, by discord, into THE image of chaos, of a\n nocturnal tempest, and of hell itself. 162 The fierce and partial\n writers of THE times, ascribing _all_ virtue to THEmselves, and\n imputing _all_ guilt to THEir adversaries, have painted THE\n battle of THE angels and d¾mons. Our calmer reason will reject\n such pure and perfect monsters of vice or sanctity, and will\n impute an equal, or at least an indiscriminate, measure of good\n and evil to THE hostile sectaries, who assumed and bestowed THE\n appellations of orthodox and heretics. They had been educated in\n THE same religion and THE same civil society. Their hopes and\n fears in THE present, or in a future life, were balanced in THE\n same proportion. On eiTHEr side, THE error might be innocent, THE\n faith sincere, THE practice meritorious or corrupt. Their\n passions were excited by similar objects; and THEy might\n alternately abuse THE favor of THE court, or of THE people. The\n metaphysical opinions of THE Athanasians and THE Arians could not\n influence THEir moral character; and THEy were alike actuated by\n THE intolerant spirit which has been extracted from THE pure and\n simple maxims of THE gospel.\n\n 161 (return) [ Nullus infestas hominibus bestias, ut sunt sibi\n ferales plerique Christianorum, expertus. Ammian. xxii. 5.]\n\n 162 (return) [ Gregor, Nazianzen, Orav. i. p. 33. See Tillemont,\n tom vi. p. 501, qua to edit.]\n\n A modern writer, who, with a just confidence, has prefixed to his\n own history THE honorable epiTHEts of political and\n philosophical, 163 accuses THE timid prudence of Montesquieu, for\n neglecting to enumerate, among THE causes of THE decline of THE\n empire, a law of Constantine, by which THE exercise of THE Pagan\n worship was absolutely suppressed, and a considerable part of his\n subjects was left destitute of priests, of temples, and of any\n public religion. The zeal of THE philosophic historian for THE\n rights of mankind, has induced him to acquiesce in THE ambiguous\n testimony of those ecclesiastics, who have too lightly ascribed\n to THEir favorite hero THE _merit_ of a general persecution. 164\n Instead of alleging this imaginary law, which would have blazed\n in THE front of THE Imperial codes, we may safely appeal to THE\n original epistle, which Constantine addressed to THE followers of\n THE ancient religion; at a time when he no longer disguised his\n conversion, nor dreaded THE rivals of his throne. He invites and\n exhorts, in THE most pressing terms, THE subjects of THE Roman\n empire to imitate THE example of THEir master; but he declares,\n that those who still refuse to open THEir eyes to THE celestial\n light, may freely enjoy THEir temples and THEir fancied gods. A\n report, that THE ceremonies of paganism were suppressed, is\n formally contradicted by THE emperor himself, who wisely assigns,\n as THE principle of his moderation, THE invincible force of\n habit, of prejudice, and of superstition. 165 Without violating\n THE sanctity of his promise, without alarming THE fears of THE\n Pagans, THE artful monarch advanced, by slow and cautious steps,\n to undermine THE irregular and decayed fabric of polyTHEism. The\n partial acts of severity which he occasionally exercised, though\n THEy were secretly promoted by a Christian zeal, were colored by\n THE fairest pretences of justice and THE public good; and while\n Constantine designed to ruin THE foundations, he seemed to reform\n THE abuses, of THE ancient religion. After THE example of THE\n wisest of his predecessors, he condemned, under THE most rigorous\n penalties, THE occult and impious arts of divination; which\n excited THE vain hopes, and sometimes THE criminal attempts, of\n those who were discontented with THEir present condition. An\n ignominious silence was imposed on THE oracles, which had been\n publicly convicted of fraud and falsehood; THE effeminate priests\n of THE Nile were abolished; and Constantine discharged THE duties\n of a Roman censor, when he gave orders for THE demolition of\n several temples of PhÏnicia; in which every mode of prostitution\n was devoutly practised in THE face of day, and to THE honor of\n Venus. 166 The Imperial city of Constantinople was, in some\n measure, raised at THE expense, and was adorned with THE spoils,\n of THE opulent temples of Greece and Asia; THE sacred property\n was confiscated; THE statues of gods and heroes were transported,\n with rude familiarity, among a people who considered THEm as\n objects, not of adoration, but of curiosity; THE gold and silver\n were restored to circulation; and THE magistrates, THE bishops,\n and THE eunuchs, improved THE fortunate occasion of gratifying,\n at once, THEir zeal, THEir avarice, and THEir resentment. But\n THEse depredations were confined to a small part of THE Roman\n world; and THE provinces had been long since accustomed to endure\n THE same sacrilegious rapine, from THE tyranny of princes and\n proconsuls, who could not be suspected of any design to subvert\n THE established religion. 167\n\n 163 (return) [ Histoire Politique et Philosophique des\n Etablissemens des Europeens dans les deux Indes, tom. i. p. 9.]\n\n 164 (return) [ According to Eusebius, (in Vit. Constantin. l. ii.\n c. 45,) THE emperor prohibited, both in cities and in THE\n country, THE abominable acts or parts of idolatry. l Socrates (l.\n i. c. 17) and Sozomen (l. ii. c. 4, 5) have represented THE\n conduct of Constantine with a just regard to truth and history;\n which has been neglected by Theodoret (l. v. c. 21) and Orosius,\n (vii. 28.) Tum deinde (says THE latter) primus Constantinus\n _justo_ ordine et _pio_ vicem vertit edicto; siquidem statuit\n citra ullam hominum c¾dem, paganorum templa claudi.]\n\n 165 (return) [ See Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. l. ii. c. 56, 60.\n In THE sermon to THE assembly of saints, which THE emperor\n pronounced when he was mature in years and piety, he declares to\n THE idolaters (c. xii.) that THEy are permitted to offer\n sacrifices, and to exercise every part of THEir religious\n worship.]\n\n 166 (return) [ See Eusebius, in Vit. Constantin. l. iii. c.\n 54-58, and l. iv. c. 23, 25. These acts of authority may be\n compared with THE suppression of THE Bacchanals, and THE\n demolition of THE temple of Isis, by THE magistrates of Pagan\n Rome.]\n\n 167 (return) [ Eusebius (in Vit. Constan. l. iii. c. 54-58) and\n Libanius (Orat. pro Templis, p. 9, 10, edit. Gothofred) both\n mention THE pious sacrilege of Constantine, which THEy viewed in\n very different lights. The latter expressly declares, that Òhe\n made use of THE sacred money, but made no alteration in THE legal\n worship; THE temples indeed were impoverished, but THE sacred\n rites were performed THEre.Ó LardnerÕs Jewish and HeaTHEn\n Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 140.]\n\n The sons of Constantine trod in THE footsteps of THEir faTHEr,\n with more zeal, and with less discretion. The pretences of rapine\n and oppression were insensibly multiplied; 168 every indulgence\n was shown to THE illegal behavior of THE Christians; every doubt\n was explained to THE disadvantage of Paganism; and THE demolition\n of THE temples was celebrated as one of THE auspicious events of\n THE reign of Constans and Constantius. 169 The name of\n Constantius is prefixed to a concise law, which might have\n superseded THE necessity of any future prohibitions. ÒIt is our\n pleasure, that in all places, and in all cities, THE temples be\n immediately shut, and carefully guarded, that none may have THE\n power of offending. It is likewise our pleasure, that all our\n subjects should abstain from sacrifices. If any one should be\n guilty of such an act, let him feel THE sword of vengeance, and\n after his execution, let his property be confiscated to THE\n public use. We denounce THE same penalties against THE governors\n of THE provinces, if THEy neglect to punish THE criminals.Ó 170\n But THEre is THE strongest reason to believe, that this\n formidable edict was eiTHEr composed without being published, or\n was published without being executed. The evidence of facts, and\n THE monuments which are still extant of brass and marble,\n continue to prove THE public exercise of THE Pagan worship during\n THE whole reign of THE sons of Constantine. In THE East, as well\n as in THE West, in cities, as well as in THE country, a great\n number of temples were respected, or at least were spared; and\n THE devout multitude still enjoyed THE luxury of sacrifices, of\n festivals, and of processions, by THE permission, or by THE\n connivance, of THE civil government. About four years after THE\n supposed date of this bloody edict, Constantius visited THE\n temples of Rome; and THE decency of his behavior is recommended\n by a pagan orator as an example worthy of THE imitation of\n succeeding princes. ÒThat emperor,Ó says Symmachus, Òsuffered THE\n privileges of THE vestal virgins to remain inviolate; he bestowed\n THE sacerdotal dignities on THE nobles of Rome, granted THE\n customary allowance to defray THE expenses of THE public rites\n and sacrifices; and, though he had embraced a different religion,\n he never attempted to deprive THE empire of THE sacred worship of\n antiquity.Ó 171 The senate still presumed to consecrate, by\n solemn decrees, THE _divine_ memory of THEir sovereigns; and\n Constantine himself was associated, after his death, to those\n gods whom he had renounced and insulted during his life. The\n title, THE ensigns, THE prerogatives, of sovereign pontiff, which\n had been instituted by Numa, and assumed by Augustus, were\n accepted, without hesitation, by seven Christian emperors; who\n were invested with a more absolute authority over THE religion\n which THEy had deserted, than over that which THEy professed. 172\n\n 168 (return) [ Ammianus (xxii. 4) speaks of some court eunuchs\n who were spoliis templorum pasti. Libanius says (Orat. pro Templ.\n p. 23) that THE emperor often gave away a temple, like a dog, or\n a horse, or a slave, or a gold cup; but THE devout philosopher\n takes care to observe that THEse sacrilegious favorites very\n seldom prospered.]\n\n 169 (return) [ See Gothofred. Cod. Theodos. tom. vi. p. 262.\n Liban. Orat. Parental c. x. in Fabric. Bibl. Gr¾c. tom. vii. p.\n 235.]\n\n 170 (return) [ Placuit omnibus locis atque urbibus universis\n claudi protinus empla, et accessu vetitis omnibus licentiam\n delinquendi perditis abnegari. Volumus etiam cunctos a\n sacrificiis abstinere. Quod siquis aliquid forte hujusmodi\n perpetraverit, gladio sternatur: facultates etiam perempti fisco\n decernimus vindicari: et similiter adfligi rectores provinciarum\n si facinora vindicare neglexerint. Cod. Theodos. l. xvi. tit. x.\n leg. 4. Chronology has discovered some contradiction in THE date\n of this extravagant law; THE only one, perhaps, by which THE\n negligence of magistrates is punished by death and confiscation.\n M. de la Bastie (MŽm. de lÕAcadŽmie, tom. xv. p. 98) conjectures,\n with a show of reason, that this was no more than THE minutes of\n a law, THE heads of an intended bill, which were found in\n Scriniis Memori¾ among THE papers of Constantius, and afterwards\n inserted, as a worthy model, in THE Theodosian Code.]\n\n 171 (return) [ Symmach. Epistol. x. 54.]\n\n 172 (return) [ The fourth Dissertation of M. de la Bastie, sur le\n Souverain Pontificat des Empereurs Romains, (in THE MŽm. de\n lÕAcad. tom. xv. p. 75- 144,) is a very learned and judicious\n performance, which explains THE state, and prove THE toleration,\n of Paganism from Constantino to Gratian. The assertion of\n Zosimus, that Gratian was THE first who refused THE pontifical\n robe, is confirmed beyond a doubt; and THE murmurs of bigotry on\n that subject are almost silenced.]\n\n The divisions of Christianity suspended THE ruin of _Paganism;_\n 173 and THE holy war against THE infidels was less vigorously\n prosecuted by princes and bishops, who were more immediately\n alarmed by THE guilt and danger of domestic rebellion. The\n extirpation of _idolatry_ 174 might have been justified by THE\n established principles of intolerance: but THE hostile sects,\n which alternately reigned in THE Imperial court were mutually\n apprehensive of alienating, and perhaps exasperating, THE minds\n of a powerful, though declining faction. Every motive of\n authority and fashion, of interest and reason, now militated on\n THE side of Christianity; but two or three generations elapsed,\n before THEir victorious influence was universally felt. The\n religion which had so long and so lately been established in THE\n Roman empire was still revered by a numerous people, less\n attached indeed to speculative opinion, than to ancient custom.\n The honors of THE state and army were indifferently bestowed on\n all THE subjects of Constantine and Constantius; and a\n considerable portion of knowledge and wealth and valor was still\n engaged in THE service of polyTHEism. The superstition of THE\n senator and of THE peasant, of THE poet and THE philosopher, was\n derived from very different causes, but THEy met with equal\n devotion in THE temples of THE gods. Their zeal was insensibly\n provoked by THE insulting triumph of a proscribed sect; and THEir\n hopes were revived by THE well-grounded confidence, that THE\n presumptive heir of THE empire, a young and valiant hero, who had\n delivered Gaul from THE arms of THE Barbarians, had secretly\n embraced THE religion of his ancestors.\n\n 173 (return) [ As I have freely anticipated THE use of _pagans_\n and _paganism_, I shall now trace THE singular revolutions of\n those celebrated words. 1. in THE Doric dialect, so familiar to\n THE Italians, signifies a fountain; and THE rural neighborhood,\n which frequented THE same fountain, derived THE common\n appellation of _pagus_ and _pagans_. (Festus sub voce, and\n Servius ad Virgil. Georgic. ii. 382.) 2. By an easy extension of\n THE word, pagan and rural became almost synonymous, (Plin. Hist.\n Natur. xxviii. 5;) and THE meaner rustics acquired that name,\n which has been corrupted into _peasants_ in THE modern languages\n of Europe. 3. The amazing increase of THE military order\n introduced THE necessity of a correlative term, (HumeÕs Essays,\n vol. i. p. 555;) and all THE _people_ who were not enlisted in\n THE service of THE prince were branded with THE contemptuous\n epiTHEts of pagans. (Tacit. Hist. iii. 24, 43, 77. Juvenal.\n Satir. 16. Tertullian de Pallio, c. 4.) 4. The Christians were\n THE soldiers of Christ; THEir adversaries, who refused his\n _sacrament_, or military oath of baptism might deserve THE\n metaphorical name of pagans; and this popular reproach was\n introduced as early as THE reign of Valentinian (A. D. 365) into\n Imperial laws (Cod. Theodos. l. xvi. tit. ii. leg. 18) and\n THEological writings. 5. Christianity gradually filled THE cities\n of THE empire: THE old religion, in THE time of Prudentius\n (advers. Symmachum, l. i. ad fin.) and Orosius, (in Pr¾fat.\n Hist.,) retired and languished in obscure villages; and THE word\n _pagans_, with its new signification, reverted to its primitive\n origin. 6. Since THE worship of Jupiter and his family has\n expired, THE vacant title of pagans has been successively applied\n to all THE idolaters and polyTHEists of THE old and new world. 7.\n The Latin Christians bestowed it, without scruple, on THEir\n mortal enemies, THE Mahometans; and THE purest _Unitarians_ were\n branded with THE unjust reproach of idolatry and paganism. See\n Gerard Vossius, Etymologicon Lingu¾ Latin¾, in his works, tom. i.\n p. 420; GodefroyÕs Commentary on THE Theodosian Code, tom. vi. p.\n 250; and Ducange, Medi¾ et Infim¾ Latinitat. Glossar.]\n\n 174 (return) [ In THE pure language of Ionia and ATHEns were\n ancient and familiar words. The former expressed a likeness, an\n apparition (Homer. Odys. xi. 601,) a representation, an _image_,\n created eiTHEr by fancy or art. The latter denoted any sort of\n _service_ or slavery. The Jews of Egypt, who translated THE\n Hebrew Scriptures, restrained THE use of THEse words (Exod. xx.\n 4, 5) to THE religious worship of an image. The peculiar idiom of\n THE Hellenists, or Grecian Jews, has been adopted by THE sacred\n and ecclesiastical writers and THE reproach of _idolatry_ has\n stigmatized that visible and abject mode of superstition, which\n some sects of Christianity should not hastily impute to THE\n polyTHEists of Greece and Rome.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor.ÑPart I.\n\n Julian Is Declared Emperor By The Legions Of Gaul.ÑHis March And\n Success.ÑThe Death Of Constantius.ÑCivil Administration Of Julian.\n\n\n While THE Romans languished under THE ignominious tyranny of\n eunuchs and bishops, THE praises of Julian were repeated with\n transport in every part of THE empire, except in THE palace of\n Constantius. The barbarians of Germany had felt, and still\n dreaded, THE arms of THE young C¾sar; his soldiers were THE\n companions of his victory; THE grateful provincials enjoyed THE\n blessings of his reign; but THE favorites, who had opposed his\n elevation, were offended by his virtues; and THEy justly\n considered THE friend of THE people as THE enemy of THE court. As\n long as THE fame of Julian was doubtful, THE buffoons of THE\n palace, who were skilled in THE language of satire, tried THE\n efficacy of those arts which THEy had so often practised with\n success. They easily discovered, that his simplicity was not\n exempt from affectation: THE ridiculous epiTHEts of a hairy\n savage, of an ape invested with THE purple, were applied to THE\n dress and person of THE philosophic warrior; and his modest\n despatches were stigmatized as THE vain and elaborate fictions of\n a loquacious Greek, a speculative soldier, who had studied THE\n art of war amidst THE groves of THE academy. 1 The voice of\n malicious folly was at length silenced by THE shouts of victory;\n THE conqueror of THE Franks and Alemanni could no longer be\n painted as an object of contempt; and THE monarch himself was\n meanly ambitious of stealing from his lieutenant THE honorable\n reward of his labors. In THE letters crowned with laurel, which,\n according to ancient custom, were addressed to THE provinces, THE\n name of Julian was omitted. ÒConstantius had made his\n dispositions in person; _he_ had signalized his valor in THE\n foremost ranks; _his_ military conduct had secured THE victory;\n and THE captive king of THE barbarians was presented to _him_ on\n THE field of battle,Ó from which he was at that time distant\n about forty daysÕ journey. 2 So extravagant a fable was\n incapable, however, of deceiving THE public credulity, or even of\n satisfying THE pride of THE emperor himself. Secretly conscious\n that THE applause and favor of THE Romans accompanied THE rising\n fortunes of Julian, his discontented mind was prepared to receive\n THE subtle poison of those artful sycophants, who colored THEir\n mischievous designs with THE fairest appearances of truth and\n candor. 3 Instead of depreciating THE merits of Julian, THEy\n acknowledged, and even exaggerated, his popular fame, superior\n talents, and important services. But THEy darkly insinuated, that\n THE virtues of THE C¾sar might instantly be converted into THE\n most dangerous crimes, if THE inconstant multitude should prefer\n THEir inclinations to THEir duty; or if THE general of a\n victorious army should be tempted from his allegiance by THE\n hopes of revenge and independent greatness. The personal fears of\n Constantius were interpreted by his council as a laudable anxiety\n for THE public safety; whilst in private, and perhaps in his own\n breast, he disguised, under THE less odious appellation of fear,\n THE sentiments of hatred and envy, which he had secretly\n conceived for THE inimitable virtues of Julian.\n\n 1 (return) [ Omnes qui plus poterant in palatio, adulandi\n professores jam docti, recte consulta, prospereque completa\n vertebant in deridiculum: talia sine modo strepentes insulse; in\n odium venit cum victoriis suis; capella, non homo; ut hirsutum\n Julianum carpentes, appellantesque loquacem talpam, et purpuratam\n simiam, et litterionem Gr¾cum: et his congruentia plurima atque\n vernacula principi resonantes, audire h¾c taliaque gestienti,\n virtutes ejus obruere verbis impudentibus conabantur, et segnem\n incessentes et timidum et umbratilem, gestaque secus verbis\n comptioribus exornantem. Ammianus, s. xvii. 11. * Note: The\n philosophers retaliated on THE courtiers. Marius (says Eunapius\n in a newly-discovered fragment) was wont to call his antagonist\n Sylla a beast half lion and half fox. Constantius had nothing of\n THE lion, but was surrounded by a whole litter of foxes. Mai.\n Script. Byz. Nov. Col. ii. 238. Niebuhr. Byzant. Hist. 66.ÑM.]\n\n 2 (return) [ Ammian. xvi. 12. The orator Themistius (iv. p. 56,\n 57) believed whatever was contained in THE Imperial letters,\n which were addressed to THE senate of Constantinople Aurelius\n Victor, who published his Abridgment in THE last year of\n Constantius, ascribes THE German victories to THE _wisdom_ of THE\n emperor, and THE _fortune_ of THE C¾sar. Yet THE historian, soon\n afterwards, was indebted to THE favor or esteem of Julian for THE\n honor of a brass statue, and THE important offices of consular of\n THE second Pannonia, and pr¾fect of THE city, Ammian. xxi. 10.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Callido nocendi artificio, accusatoriam diritatem\n laudum titulis peragebant. .. H¾ voces fuerunt ad inflammanda\n odia probria omnibus potentiores. See Mamertin, in Actione\n Gratiarum in Vet Panegyr. xi. 5, 6.]\n\n The apparent tranquillity of Gaul, and THE imminent danger of THE\n eastern provinces, offered a specious pretence for THE design\n which was artfully concerted by THE Imperial ministers. They\n resolved to disarm THE C¾sar; to recall those faithful troops who\n guarded his person and dignity; and to employ, in a distant war\n against THE Persian monarch, THE hardy veterans who had\n vanquished, on THE banks of THE Rhine, THE fiercest nations of\n Germany. While Julian used THE laborious hours of his winter\n quarters at Paris in THE administration of power, which, in his\n hands, was THE exercise of virtue, he was surprised by THE hasty\n arrival of a tribune and a notary, with positive orders, from THE\n emperor, which _THEy_ were directed to execute, and _he_ was\n commanded not to oppose. Constantius signified his pleasure, that\n four entire legions, THE Celt¾, and Petulants, THE Heruli, and\n THE Batavians, should be separated from THE standard of Julian,\n under which THEy had acquired THEir fame and discipline; that in\n each of THE remaining bands three hundred of THE bravest youths\n should be selected; and that this numerous detachment, THE\n strength of THE Gallic army, should instantly begin THEir march,\n and exert THEir utmost diligence to arrive, before THE opening of\n THE campaign, on THE frontiers of Persia. 4 The C¾sar foresaw and\n lamented THE consequences of this fatal mandate. Most of THE\n auxiliaries, who engaged THEir voluntary service, had stipulated,\n that THEy should never be obliged to pass THE Alps. The public\n faith of Rome, and THE personal honor of Julian, had been pledged\n for THE observance of this condition. Such an act of treachery\n and oppression would destroy THE confidence, and excite THE\n resentment, of THE independent warriors of Germany, who\n considered truth as THE noblest of THEir virtues, and freedom as\n THE most valuable of THEir possessions. The legionaries, who\n enjoyed THE title and privileges of Romans, were enlisted for THE\n general defence of THE republic; but those mercenary troops heard\n with cold indifference THE antiquated names of THE republic and\n of Rome. Attached, eiTHEr from birth or long habit, to THE\n climate and manners of Gaul, THEy loved and admired Julian; THEy\n despised, and perhaps hated, THE emperor; THEy dreaded THE\n laborious march, THE Persian arrows, and THE burning deserts of\n Asia. They claimed as THEir own THE country which THEy had saved;\n and excused THEir want of spirit, by pleading THE sacred and more\n immediate duty of protecting THEir families and friends.\n\n The apprehensions of THE Gauls were derived from THE knowledge of\n THE impending and inevitable danger. As soon as THE provinces\n were exhausted of THEir military strength, THE Germans would\n violate a treaty which had been imposed on THEir fears; and\n notwithstanding THE abilities and valor of Julian, THE general of\n a nominal army, to whom THE public calamities would be imputed,\n must find himself, after a vain resistance, eiTHEr a prisoner in\n THE camp of THE barbarians, or a criminal in THE palace of\n Constantius. If Julian complied with THE orders which he had\n received, he subscribed his own destruction, and that of a people\n who deserved his affection. But a positive refusal was an act of\n rebellion, and a declaration of war. The inexorable jealousy of\n THE emperor, THE peremptory, and perhaps insidious, nature of his\n commands, left not any room for a fair apology, or candid\n interpretation; and THE dependent station of THE C¾sar scarcely\n allowed him to pause or to deliberate. Solitude increased THE\n perplexity of Julian; he could no longer apply to THE faithful\n counsels of Sallust, who had been removed from his office by THE\n judicious malice of THE eunuchs: he could not even enforce his\n representations by THE concurrence of THE ministers, who would\n have been afraid or ashamed to approve THE ruin of Gaul. The\n moment had been chosen, when Lupicinus, 5 THE general of THE\n cavalry, was despatched into Britain, to repulse THE inroads of\n THE Scots and Picts; and Florentius was occupied at Vienna by THE\n assessment of THE tribute. The latter, a crafty and corrupt\n statesman, declining to assume a responsible part on this\n dangerous occasion, eluded THE pressing and repeated invitations\n of Julian, who represented to him, that in every important\n measure, THE presence of THE pr¾fect was indispensable in THE\n council of THE prince. In THE mean while THE C¾sar was oppressed\n by THE rude and importunate solicitations of THE Imperial\n messengers, who presumed to suggest, that if he expected THE\n return of his ministers, he would charge himself with THE guilt\n of THE delay, and reserve for THEm THE merit of THE execution.\n Unable to resist, unwilling to comply, Julian expressed, in THE\n most serious terms, his wish, and even his intention, of\n resigning THE purple, which he could not preserve with honor, but\n which he could not abdicate with safety.\n\n 4 (return) [ The minute interval, which may be interposed,\n between THE _hyeme adult‰_ and THE _primo vere_ of Ammianus, (xx.\n l. 4,) instead of allowing a sufficient space for a march of\n three thousand miles, would render THE orders of Constantius as\n extravagant as THEy were unjust. The troops of Gaul could not\n have reached Syria till THE end of autumn. The memory of Ammianus\n must have been inaccurate, and his language incorrect. * Note:\n The late editor of Ammianus attempts to vindicate his author from\n THE charge of inaccuracy. ÒIt is clear, from THE whole course of\n THE narrative, that Constantius entertained this design of\n demanding his troops from Julian, immediately after THE taking of\n Amida, in THE autumn of THE preceding year, and had transmitted\n his orders into Gaul, before it was known that Lupicinus had gone\n into Britain with THE Herulians and Batavians.Ó Wagner, note to\n Amm. xx. 4. But it seems also clear that THE troops were in\n winter quarters (hiemabant) when THE orders arrived. Ammianus can\n scarcely be acquitted of incorrectness in his language at\n least.ÑM]\n\n 5 (return) [ Ammianus, xx. l. The valor of Lupicinus, and his\n military skill, are acknowledged by THE historian, who, in his\n affected language, accuses THE general of exalting THE horns of\n his pride, bellowing in a tragic tone, and exciting a doubt\n wheTHEr he was more cruel or avaricious. The danger from THE\n Scots and Picts was so serious that Julian himself had some\n thoughts of passing over into THE island.]\n\n After a painful conflict, Julian was compelled to acknowledge,\n that obedience was THE virtue of THE most eminent subject, and\n that THE sovereign alone was entitled to judge of THE public\n welfare. He issued THE necessary orders for carrying into\n execution THE commands of Constantius; a part of THE troops began\n THEir march for THE Alps; and THE detachments from THE several\n garrisons moved towards THEir respective places of assembly. They\n advanced with difficulty through THE trembling and affrighted\n crowds of provincials, who attempted to excite THEir pity by\n silent despair, or loud lamentations, while THE wives of THE\n soldiers, holding THEir infants in THEir arms, accused THE\n desertion of THEir husbands, in THE mixed language of grief, of\n tenderness, and of indignation. This scene of general distress\n afflicted THE humanity of THE C¾sar; he granted a sufficient\n number of post-wagons to transport THE wives and families of THE\n soldiers, 6 endeavored to alleviate THE hardships which he was\n constrained to inflict, and increased, by THE most laudable arts,\n his own popularity, and THE discontent of THE exiled troops. The\n grief of an armed multitude is soon converted into rage; THEir\n licentious murmurs, which every hour were communicated from tent\n to tent with more boldness and effect, prepared THEir minds for\n THE most daring acts of sedition; and by THE connivance of THEir\n tribunes, a seasonable libel was secretly dispersed, which\n painted in lively colors THE disgrace of THE C¾sar, THE\n oppression of THE Gallic army, and THE feeble vices of THE tyrant\n of Asia. The servants of Constantius were astonished and alarmed\n by THE progress of this dangerous spirit. They pressed THE C¾sar\n to hasten THE departure of THE troops; but THEy imprudently\n rejected THE honest and judicious advice of Julian; who proposed\n that THEy should not march through Paris, and suggested THE\n danger and temptation of a last interview.\n\n 6 (return) [ He granted THEm THE permission of THE _cursus\n clavularis_, or _clabularis_. These post-wagons are often\n mentioned in THE Code, and were supposed to carry fifteen hundred\n pounds weight. See Vales. ad Ammian. xx. 4.]\n\n As soon as THE approach of THE troops was announced, THE C¾sar\n went out to meet THEm, and ascended his tribunal, which had been\n erected in a plain before THE gates of THE city. After\n distinguishing THE officers and soldiers, who by THEir rank or\n merit deserved a peculiar attention, Julian addressed himself in\n a studied oration to THE surrounding multitude: he celebrated\n THEir exploits with grateful applause; encouraged THEm to accept,\n with alacrity, THE honor of serving under THE eye of a powerful\n and liberal monarch; and admonished THEm, that THE commands of\n Augustus required an instant and cheerful obedience. The\n soldiers, who were apprehensive of offending THEir general by an\n indecent clamor, or of belying THEir sentiments by false and\n venal acclamations, maintained an obstinate silence; and after a\n short pause, were dismissed to THEir quarters. The principal\n officers were entertained by THE C¾sar, who professed, in THE\n warmest language of friendship, his desire and his inability to\n reward, according to THEir deserts, THE brave companions of his\n victories. They retired from THE feast, full of grief and\n perplexity; and lamented THE hardship of THEir fate, which tore\n THEm from THEir beloved general and THEir native country. The\n only expedient which could prevent THEir separation was boldly\n agitated and approved; THE popular resentment was insensibly\n moulded into a regular conspiracy; THEir just reasons of\n complaint were heightened by passion, and THEir passions were\n inflamed by wine; as, on THE eve of THEir departure, THE troops\n were indulged in licentious festivity. At THE hour of midnight,\n THE impetuous multitude, with swords, and bows, and torches in\n THEir hands, rushed into THE suburbs; encompassed THE palace; 7\n and, careless of future dangers, pronounced THE fatal and\n irrevocable words, Julian Augustus! The prince, whose anxious\n suspense was interrupted by THEir disorderly acclamations,\n secured THE doors against THEir intrusion; and as long as it was\n in his power, secluded his person and dignity from THE accidents\n of a nocturnal tumult. At THE dawn of day, THE soldiers, whose\n zeal was irritated by opposition, forcibly entered THE palace,\n seized, with respectful violence, THE object of THEir choice,\n guarded Julian with drawn swords through THE streets of Paris,\n placed him on THE tribunal, and with repeated shouts saluted him\n as THEir emperor. Prudence, as well as loyalty, inculcated THE\n propriety of resisting THEir treasonable designs; and of\n preparing, for his oppressed virtue, THE excuse of violence.\n Addressing himself by turns to THE multitude and to individuals,\n he sometimes implored THEir mercy, and sometimes expressed his\n indignation; conjured THEm not to sully THE fame of THEir\n immortal victories; and ventured to promise, that if THEy would\n immediately return to THEir allegiance, he would undertake to\n obtain from THE emperor not only a free and gracious pardon, but\n even THE revocation of THE orders which had excited THEir\n resentment. But THE soldiers, who were conscious of THEir guilt,\n chose raTHEr to depend on THE gratitude of Julian, than on THE\n clemency of THE emperor. Their zeal was insensibly turned into\n impatience, and THEir impatience into rage. The inflexible C¾sar\n sustained, till THE third hour of THE day, THEir prayers, THEir\n reproaches, and THEir menaces; nor did he yield, till he had been\n repeatedly assured, that if he wished to live, he must consent to\n reign. He was exalted on a shield in THE presence, and amidst THE\n unanimous acclamations, of THE troops; a rich military collar,\n which was offered by chance, supplied THE want of a diadem; 8 THE\n ceremony was concluded by THE promise of a moderate donative; and\n THE new emperor, overwhelmed with real or affected grief retired\n into THE most secret recesses of his apartment. 10\n\n 7 (return) [ Most probably THE palace of THE baths,\n (_Thermarum_,) of which a solid and lofty hall still subsists in\n THE _Rue de la Harpe_. The buildings covered a considerable space\n of THE modern quarter of THE university; and THE gardens, under\n THE Merovingian kings, communicated with THE abbey of St. Germain\n des Prez. By THE injuries of time and THE Normans, this ancient\n palace was reduced, in THE twelfth century, to a maze of ruins,\n whose dark recesses were THE scene of licentious love.\n\n Explicat aula sinus montemque amplectitur alis; Multiplici latebra\n scelerum tersura ruborem. .... pereuntis s¾pe pudoris Celatura\n nefas, Venerisque accommoda furtis.\n\n (These lines are quoted from THE Architrenius, l. iv. c. 8, a\n poetical work of John de Hauteville, or Hanville, a monk of St.\n AlbanÕs, about THE year 1190. See WartonÕs History of English\n Poetry, vol. i. dissert. ii.) Yet such _THEfts_ might be less\n pernicious to mankind than THE THEological disputes of THE\n Sorbonne, which have been since agitated on THE same ground.\n Bonamy, MŽm. de lÕAcadŽmie, tom. xv. p. 678-632]\n\n 8 (return) [ Even in this tumultuous moment, Julian attended to\n THE forms of superstitious ceremony, and obstinately refused THE\n inauspicious use of a female necklace, or a horse collar, which\n THE impatient soldiers would have employed in THE room of a\n diadem. ----An equal proportion of gold and silver, five pieces\n of THE former one pound of THE latter; THE whole amounting to\n about five pounds ten shillings of our money.]\n\n 10 (return) [ For THE whole narrative of this revolt, we may\n appeal to auTHEntic and original materials; Julian himself, (ad\n S. P. Q. ATHEniensem, p. 282, 283, 284,) Libanius, (Orat.\n Parental. c. 44-48, in Fabricius, Bibliot. Gr¾c. tom. vii. p.\n 269-273,) Ammianus, (xx. 4,) and Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 151, 152,\n 153.) who, in THE reign of Julian, appears to follow THE more\n respectable authority of Eunapius. With such guides we _might_\n neglect THE abbreviators and ecclesiastical historians.]\n\n The grief of Julian could proceed only from his innocence; out\n his innocence must appear extremely doubtful 11 in THE eyes of\n those who have learned to suspect THE motives and THE professions\n of princes. His lively and active mind was susceptible of THE\n various impressions of hope and fear, of gratitude and revenge,\n of duty and of ambition, of THE love of fame, and of THE fear of\n reproach. But it is impossible for us to calculate THE respective\n weight and operation of THEse sentiments; or to ascertain THE\n principles of action which might escape THE observation, while\n THEy guided, or raTHEr impelled, THE steps of Julian himself. The\n discontent of THE troops was produced by THE malice of his\n enemies; THEir tumult was THE natural effect of interest and of\n passion; and if Julian had tried to conceal a deep design under\n THE appearances of chance, he must have employed THE most\n consummate artifice without necessity, and probably without\n success. He solemnly declares, in THE presence of Jupiter, of THE\n Sun, of Mars, of Minerva, and of all THE oTHEr deities, that till\n THE close of THE evening which preceded his elevation, he was\n utterly ignorant of THE designs of THE soldiers; 12 and it may\n seem ungenerous to distrust THE honor of a hero and THE truth of\n a philosopher. Yet THE superstitious confidence that Constantius\n was THE enemy, and that he himself was THE favorite, of THE gods,\n might prompt him to desire, to solicit, and even to hasten THE\n auspicious moment of his reign, which was predestined to restore\n THE ancient religion of mankind. When Julian had received THE\n intelligence of THE conspiracy, he resigned himself to a short\n slumber; and afterwards related to his friends that he had seen\n THE genius of THE empire waiting with some impatience at his\n door, pressing for admittance, and reproaching his want of spirit\n and ambition. 13 Astonished and perplexed, he addressed his\n prayers to THE great Jupiter, who immediately signified, by a\n clear and manifest omen, that he should submit to THE will of\n heaven and of THE army. The conduct which disclaims THE ordinary\n maxims of reason, excites our suspicion and eludes our inquiry.\n Whenever THE spirit of fanaticism, at once so credulous and so\n crafty, has insinuated itself into a noble mind, it insensibly\n corrodes THE vital principles of virtue and veracity.\n\n 11 (return) [ Eutropius, a respectable witness, uses a doubtful\n expression, Òconsensu militum.Ó (x. 15.) Gregory Nazianzen, whose\n ignorance night excuse his fanaticism, directly charges THE\n apostate with presumption, madness, and impious rebellion, Orat.\n iii. p. 67.]\n\n 12 (return) [ Julian. ad S. P. Q. ATHEn. p. 284. The _devout_\n AbbŽ de la Bleterie (Vie de Julien, p. 159) is almost inclined to\n respect THE _devout_ protestations of a Pagan.]\n\n 13 (return) [ Ammian. xx. 5, with THE note of Lindenbrogius on\n THE Genius of THE empire. Julian himself, in a confidential\n letter to his friend and physician, Oribasius, (Epist. xvii. p.\n 384,) mentions anoTHEr dream, to which, before THE event, he gave\n credit; of a stately tree thrown to THE ground, of a small plant\n striking a deep root into THE earth. Even in his sleep, THE mind\n of THE C¾sar must have been agitated by THE hopes and fears of\n his fortune. Zosimus (l. iii. p. 155) relates a subsequent\n dream.]\n\n To moderate THE zeal of his party, to protect THE persons of his\n enemies, 14 to defeat and to despise THE secret enterprises which\n were formed against his life and dignity, were THE cares which\n employed THE first days of THE reign of THE new emperor. Although\n he was firmly resolved to maintain THE station which he had\n assumed, he was still desirous of saving his country from THE\n calamities of civil war, of declining a contest with THE superior\n forces of Constantius, and of preserving his own character from\n THE reproach of perfidy and ingratitude. Adorned with THE ensigns\n of military and imperial pomp, Julian showed himself in THE field\n of Mars to THE soldiers, who glowed with ardent enthusiasm in THE\n cause of THEir pupil, THEir leader, and THEir friend. He\n recapitulated THEir victories, lamented THEir sufferings,\n applauded THEir resolution, animated THEir hopes, and checked\n THEir impetuosity; nor did he dismiss THE assembly, till he had\n obtained a solemn promise from THE troops, that if THE emperor of\n THE East would subscribe an equitable treaty, THEy would renounce\n any views of conquest, and satisfy THEmselves with THE tranquil\n possession of THE Gallic provinces. On this foundation he\n composed, in his own name, and in that of THE army, a specious\n and moderate epistle, 15 which was delivered to Pentadius, his\n master of THE offices, and to his chamberlain EuTHErius; two\n ambassadors whom he appointed to receive THE answer, and observe\n THE dispositions of Constantius. This epistle is inscribed with\n THE modest appellation of C¾sar; but Julian solicits in a\n peremptory, though respectful, manner, THE confirmation of THE\n title of Augustus. He acknowledges THE irregularity of his own\n election, while he justifies, in some measure, THE resentment and\n violence of THE troops which had extorted his reluctant consent.\n He allows THE supremacy of his broTHEr Constantius; and engages\n to send him an annual present of Spanish horses, to recruit his\n army with a select number of barbarian youths, and to accept from\n his choice a Pr¾torian pr¾fect of approved discretion and\n fidelity. But he reserves for himself THE nomination of his oTHEr\n civil and military officers, with THE troops, THE revenue, and\n THE sovereignty of THE provinces beyond THE Alps. He admonishes\n THE emperor to consult THE dictates of justice; to distrust THE\n arts of those venal flatterers, who subsist only by THE discord\n of princes; and to embrace THE offer of a fair and honorable\n treaty, equally advantageous to THE republic and to THE house of\n Constantine. In this negotiation Julian claimed no more than he\n already possessed. The delegated authority which he had long\n exercised over THE provinces of Gaul, Spain, and Britain, was\n still obeyed under a name more independent and august. The\n soldiers and THE people rejoiced in a revolution which was not\n stained even with THE blood of THE guilty. Florentius was a\n fugitive; Lupicinus a prisoner. The persons who were disaffected\n to THE new government were disarmed and secured; and THE vacant\n offices were distributed, according to THE recommendation of\n merit, by a prince who despised THE intrigues of THE palace, and\n THE clamors of THE soldiers. 16\n\n 14 (return) [ The difficult situation of THE prince of a\n rebellious army is finely described by Tacitus, (Hist. 1, 80-85.)\n But Otho had much more guilt, and much less abilities, than\n Julian.]\n\n 15 (return) [ To this ostensible epistle he added, says Ammianus,\n private letters, objurgatorias et mordaces, which THE historian\n had not seen, and would not have published. Perhaps THEy never\n existed.]\n\n 16 (return) [ See THE first transactions of his reign, in Julian.\n ad S. P. Q. ATHEn. p. 285, 286. Ammianus, xx. 5, 8. Liban. Orat.\n Parent. c. 49, 50, p. 273-275.]\n\n The negotiations of peace were accompanied and supported by THE\n most vigorous preparations for war. The army, which Julian held\n in readiness for immediate action, was recruited and augmented by\n THE disorders of THE times. The cruel persecutions of THE faction\n of Magnentius had filled Gaul with numerous bands of outlaws and\n robbers. They cheerfully accepted THE offer of a general pardon\n from a prince whom THEy could trust, submitted to THE restraints\n of military discipline, and retained only THEir implacable hatred\n to THE person and government of Constantius. 17 As soon as THE\n season of THE year permitted Julian to take THE field, he\n appeared at THE head of his legions; threw a bridge over THE\n Rhine in THE neighborhood of Cleves; and prepared to chastise THE\n perfidy of THE Attuarii, a tribe of Franks, who presumed that\n THEy might ravage, with impunity, THE frontiers of a divided\n empire. The difficulty, as well as glory, of this enterprise,\n consisted in a laborious march; and Julian had conquered, as soon\n as he could penetrate into a country, which former princes had\n considered as inaccessible. After he had given peace to THE\n Barbarians, THE emperor carefully visited THE fortifications\n along THE Qhine from Cleves to Basil; surveyed, with peculiar\n attention, THE territories which he had recovered from THE hands\n of THE Alemanni, passed through Besan\x8don, 18 which had severely\n suffered from THEir fury, and fixed his headquarters at Vienna\n for THE ensuing winter. The barrier of Gaul was improved and\n strengTHEned with additional fortifications; and Julian\n entertained some hopes that THE Germans, whom he had so often\n vanquished, might, in his absence, be restrained by THE terror of\n his name. Vadomair 19 was THE only prince of THE Alemanni whom he\n esteemed or feared and while THE subtle Barbarian affected to\n observe THE faith of treaties, THE progress of his arms\n threatened THE state with an unseasonable and dangerous war. The\n policy of Julian condescended to surprise THE prince of THE\n Alemanni by his own arts: and Vadomair, who, in THE character of\n a friend, had incautiously accepted an invitation from THE Roman\n governors, was seized in THE midst of THE entertainment, and sent\n away prisoner into THE heart of Spain. Before THE Barbarians were\n recovered from THEir amazement, THE emperor appeared in arms on\n THE banks of THE Rhine, and, once more crossing THE river,\n renewed THE deep impressions of terror and respect which had been\n already made by four preceding expeditions. 20\n\n 17 (return) [ Liban. Orat. Parent. c. 50, p. 275, 276. A strange\n disorder, since it continued above seven years. In THE factions\n of THE Greek republics, THE exiles amounted to 20,000 persons;\n and Isocrates assures Philip, that it would be easier to raise an\n army from THE vagabonds than from THE cities. See HumeÕs Essays,\n tom. i. p. 426, 427.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Julian (Epist. xxxviii. p. 414) gives a short\n description of Vesontio, or Besan\x8don; a rocky peninsula almost\n encircled by THE River Doux; once a magnificent city, filled with\n temples, &c., now reduced to a small town, emerging, however,\n from its ruins.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Vadomair entered into THE Roman service, and was\n promoted from a barbarian kingdom to THE military rank of duke of\n PhÏnicia. He still retained THE same artful character, (Ammian.\n xxi. 4;) but under THE reign of Valens, he signalized his valor\n in THE Armenian war, (xxix. 1.)]\n\n 20 (return) [ Ammian. xx. 10, xxi. 3, 4. Zosimus, l. iii. p.\n 155.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor.ÑPart II.\n\n\n The ambassadors of Julian had been instructed to execute, with\n THE utmost diligence, THEir important commission. But, in THEir\n passage through Italy and Illyricum, THEy were detained by THE\n tedious and affected delays of THE provincial governors; THEy\n were conducted by slow journeys from Constantinople to C¾sarea in\n Cappadocia; and when at length THEy were admitted to THE presence\n of Constantius, THEy found that he had already conceived, from\n THE despatches of his own officers, THE most unfavorable opinion\n of THE conduct of Julian, and of THE Gallic army. The letters\n were heard with impatience; THE trembling messengers were\n dismissed with indignation and contempt; and THE looks, gestures,\n THE furious language of THE monarch, expressed THE disorder of\n his soul. The domestic connection, which might have reconciled\n THE broTHEr and THE husband of Helena, was recently dissolved by\n THE death of that princess, whose pregnancy had been several\n times fruitless, and was at last fatal to herself. 21 The empress\n Eusebia had preserved, to THE last moment of her life, THE warm,\n and even jealous, affection which she had conceived for Julian;\n and her mild influence might have moderated THE resentment of a\n prince, who, since her death, was abandoned to his own passions,\n and to THE arts of his eunuchs. But THE terror of a foreign\n invasion obliged him to suspend THE punishment of a private\n enemy: he continued his march towards THE confines of Persia, and\n thought it sufficient to signify THE conditions which might\n entitle Julian and his guilty followers to THE clemency of THEir\n offended sovereign. He required, that THE presumptuous C¾sar\n should expressly renounce THE appellation and rank of Augustus,\n which he had accepted from THE rebels; that he should descend to\n his former station of a limited and dependent minister; that he\n should vest THE powers of THE state and army in THE hands of\n those officers who were appointed by THE Imperial court; and that\n he should trust his safety to THE assurances of pardon, which\n were announced by Epictetus, a Gallic bishop, and one of THE\n Arian favorites of Constantius. Several months were ineffectually\n consumed in a treaty which was negotiated at THE distance of\n three thousand miles between Paris and Antioch; and, as soon as\n Julian perceived that his modest and respectful behavior served\n only to irritate THE pride of an implacable adversary, he boldly\n resolved to commit his life and fortune to THE chance of a civil\n war. He gave a public and military audience to THE qu¾stor\n Leonas: THE haughty epistle of Constantius was read to THE\n attentive multitude; and Julian protested, with THE most\n flattering deference, that he was ready to resign THE title of\n Augustus, if he could obtain THE consent of those whom he\n acknowledged as THE authors of his elevation. The faint proposal\n was impetuously silenced; and THE acclamations of ÒJulian\n Augustus, continue to reign, by THE authority of THE army, of THE\n people, of THE republic which you have saved,Ó thundered at once\n from every part of THE field, and terrified THE pale ambassador\n of Constantius. A part of THE letter was afterwards read, in\n which THE emperor arraigned THE ingratitude of Julian, whom he\n had invested with THE honors of THE purple; whom he had educated\n with so much care and tenderness; whom he had preserved in his\n infancy, when he was left a helpless orphan.\n\n ÒAn orphan!Ó interrupted Julian, who justified his cause by\n indulging his passions: Òdoes THE assassin of my family reproach\n me that I was left an orphan? He urges me to revenge those\n injuries which I have long studied to forget.Ó The assembly was\n dismissed; and Leonas, who, with some difficulty, had been\n protected from THE popular fury, was sent back to his master with\n an epistle, in which Julian expressed, in a strain of THE most\n vehement eloquence, THE sentiments of contempt, of hatred, and of\n resentment, which had been suppressed and imbittered by THE\n dissimulation of twenty years. After this message, which might be\n considered as a signal of irreconcilable war, Julian, who, some\n weeks before, had celebrated THE Christian festival of THE\n Epiphany, 22 made a public declaration that he committed THE care\n of his safety to THE Immortal Gods; and thus publicly renounced\n THE religion as well as THE friendship of Constantius. 23\n\n 21 (return) [ Her remains were sent to Rome, and interred near\n those of her sister Constantina, in THE suburb of THE _Via\n Nomentana_. Ammian. xxi. 1. Libanius has composed a very weak\n apology, to justify his hero from a very absurd charge of\n poisoning his wife, and rewarding her physician with his moTHErÕs\n jewels. (See THE seventh of seventeen new orations, published at\n Venice, 1754, from a MS. in St. MarkÕs Library, p. 117-127.)\n Elpidius, THE Pr¾torian pr¾fect of THE East, to whose evidence\n THE accuser of Julian appeals, is arraigned by Libanius, as\n _effeminate_ and ungrateful; yet THE religion of Elpidius is\n praised by Jerom, (tom. i. p. 243,) and his Ammianus (xxi. 6.)]\n\n 22 (return) [ Feriarum die quem celebrantes mense Januario,\n Christiani _Epiphania_ dictitant, progressus in eorum ecclesiam,\n solemniter numine orato discessit. Ammian. xxi. 2. Zonaras\n observes, that it was on Christmas day, and his assertion is not\n inconsistent; since THE churches of Egypt, Asia, and perhaps\n Gaul, celebrated on THE same day (THE sixth of January) THE\n nativity and THE baptism of THEir Savior. The Romans, as ignorant\n as THEir brethren of THE real date of his birth, fixed THE solemn\n festival to THE 25th of December, THE _Brumalia_, or winter\n solstice, when THE Pagans annually celebrated THE birth of THE\n sun. See BinghamÕs Antiquities of THE Christian Church, l. xx. c.\n 4, and Beausobre, Hist. Critique du Manicheismo tom. ii. p.\n 690-700.]\n\n 23 (return) [ The public and secret negotiations between\n Constantius and Julian must be extracted, with some caution, from\n Julian himself. (Orat. ad S. P. Q. ATHEn. p. 286.) Libanius,\n (Orat. Parent. c. 51, p. 276,) Ammianus, (xx. 9,) Zosimus, (l.\n iii. p. 154,) and even Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 20, 21,\n 22,) who, on this occasion, appears to have possessed and used\n some valuable materials.]\n\n The situation of Julian required a vigorous and immediate\n resolution. He had discovered, from intercepted letters, that his\n adversary, sacrificing THE interest of THE state to that of THE\n monarch, had again excited THE Barbarians to invade THE provinces\n of THE West. The position of two magazines, one of THEm collected\n on THE banks of THE Lake of Constance, THE oTHEr formed at THE\n foot of THE Cottian Alps, seemed to indicate THE march of two\n armies; and THE size of those magazines, each of which consisted\n of six hundred thousand quarters of wheat, or raTHEr flour, 24\n was a threatening evidence of THE strength and numbers of THE\n enemy who prepared to surround him. But THE Imperial legions were\n still in THEir distant quarters of Asia; THE Danube was feebly\n guarded; and if Julian could occupy, by a sudden incursion, THE\n important provinces of Illyricum, he might expect that a people\n of soldiers would resort to his standard, and that THE rich mines\n of gold and silver would contribute to THE expenses of THE civil\n war. He proposed this bold enterprise to THE assembly of THE\n soldiers; inspired THEm with a just confidence in THEir general,\n and in THEmselves; and exhorted THEm to maintain THEir reputation\n of being terrible to THE enemy, moderate to THEir\n fellow-citizens, and obedient to THEir officers. His spirited\n discourse was received with THE loudest acclamations, and THE\n same troops which had taken up arms against Constantius, when he\n summoned THEm to leave Gaul, now declared with alacrity, that\n THEy would follow Julian to THE farTHEst extremities of Europe or\n Asia. The oath of fidelity was administered; and THE soldiers,\n clashing THEir shields, and pointing THEir drawn swords to THEir\n throats, devoted THEmselves, with horrid imprecations, to THE\n service of a leader whom THEy celebrated as THE deliverer of Gaul\n and THE conqueror of THE Germans. 25 This solemn engagement,\n which seemed to be dictated by affection raTHEr than by duty, was\n singly opposed by Nebridius, who had been admitted to THE office\n of Pr¾torian pr¾fect. That faithful minister, alone and\n unassisted, asserted THE rights of Constantius, in THE midst of\n an armed and angry multitude, to whose fury he had almost fallen\n an honorable, but useless sacrifice. After losing one of his\n hands by THE stroke of a sword, he embraced THE knees of THE\n prince whom he had offended. Julian covered THE pr¾fect with his\n Imperial mantle, and, protecting him from THE zeal of his\n followers, dismissed him to his own house, with less respect than\n was perhaps due to THE virtue of an enemy. 26 The high office of\n Nebridius was bestowed on Sallust; and THE provinces of Gaul,\n which were now delivered from THE intolerable oppression of\n taxes, enjoyed THE mild and equitable administration of THE\n friend of Julian, who was permitted to practise those virtues\n which he had instilled into THE mind of his pupil. 27\n\n 24 (return) [ Three hundred myriads, or three millions of\n _medimni_, a corn measure familiar to THE ATHEnians, and which\n contained six Roman _modii_. Julian explains, like a soldier and\n a statesman, THE danger of his situation, and THE necessity and\n advantages of an offensive war, (ad S. P. Q. ATHEn. p. 286,\n 287.)]\n\n 25 (return) [ See his oration, and THE behavior of THE troops, in\n Ammian. xxi. 5.]\n\n 26 (return) [ He sternly refused his hand to THE suppliant\n pr¾fect, whom he sent into Tuscany. (Ammian. xxi. 5.) Libanius,\n with savage fury, insults Nebridius, applauds THE soldiers, and\n almost censures THE humanity of Julian. (Orat. Parent. c. 53, p.\n 278.)]\n\n 27 (return) [ Ammian. xxi. 8. In this promotion, Julian obeyed\n THE law which he publicly imposed on himself. Neque civilis\n quisquam judex nec militaris rector, alio quodam pr¾ter merita\n suffragante, ad potiorem veniat gradum. (Ammian. xx. 5.) Absence\n did not weaken his regard for Sallust, with whose name (A. D.\n 363) he honored THE consulship.]\n\n The hopes of Julian depended much less on THE number of his\n troops, than on THE celerity of his motions. In THE execution of\n a daring enterprise, he availed himself of every precaution, as\n far as prudence could suggest; and where prudence could no longer\n accompany his steps, he trusted THE event to valor and to\n fortune. In THE neighborhood of Basil he assembled and divided\n his army. 28 One body, which consisted of ten thousand men, was\n directed under THE command of Nevitta, general of THE cavalry, to\n advance through THE midland parts of Rh¾tia and Noricum. A\n similar division of troops, under THE orders of Jovius and\n Jovinus, prepared to follow THE oblique course of THE highways,\n through THE Alps, and THE norTHErn confines of Italy. The\n instructions to THE generals were conceived with energy and\n precision: to hasten THEir march in close and compact columns,\n which, according to THE disposition of THE ground, might readily\n be changed into any order of battle; to secure THEmselves against\n THE surprises of THE night by strong posts and vigilant guards;\n to prevent resistance by THEir unexpected arrival; to elude\n examination by THEir sudden departure; to spread THE opinion of\n THEir strength, and THE terror of his name; and to join THEir\n sovereign under THE walls of Sirmium. For himself Julian had\n reserved a more difficult and extraordinary part. He selected\n three thousand brave and active volunteers, resolved, like THEir\n leader, to cast behind THEm every hope of a retreat; at THE head\n of this faithful band, he fearlessly plunged into THE recesses of\n THE Marcian, or Black Forest, which conceals THE sources of THE\n Danube; 29 and, for many days, THE fate of Julian was unknown to\n THE world. The secrecy of his march, his diligence, and vigor,\n surmounted every obstacle; he forced his way over mountains and\n morasses, occupied THE bridges or swam THE rivers, pursued his\n direct course, 30 without reflecting wheTHEr he traversed THE\n territory of THE Romans or of THE Barbarians, and at length\n emerged, between Ratisbon and Vienna, at THE place where he\n designed to embark his troops on THE Danube. By a well-concerted\n stratagem, he seized a fleet of light brigantines, 31 as it lay\n at anchor; secured a apply of coarse provisions sufficient to\n satisfy THE indelicate, and voracious, appetite of a Gallic army;\n and boldly committed himself to THE stream of THE Danube. The\n labors of THE mariners, who plied THEir oars with incessant\n diligence, and THE steady continuance of a favorable wind,\n carried his fleet above seven hundred miles in eleven days; 32\n and he had already disembarked his troops at Bononia, 3211 only\n nineteen miles from Sirmium, before his enemies could receive any\n certain intelligence that he had left THE banks of THE Rhine. In\n THE course of this long and rapid navigation, THE mind of Julian\n was fixed on THE object of his enterprise; and though he accepted\n THE deputations of some cities, which hastened to claim THE merit\n of an early submission, he passed before THE hostile stations,\n which were placed along THE river, without indulging THE\n temptation of signalizing a useless and ill-timed valor. The\n banks of THE Danube were crowded on eiTHEr side with spectators,\n who gazed on THE military pomp, anticipated THE importance of THE\n event, and diffused through THE adjacent country THE fame of a\n young hero, who advanced with more than mortal speed at THE head\n of THE innumerable forces of THE West. Lucilian, who, with THE\n rank of general of THE cavalry, commanded THE military powers of\n Illyricum, was alarmed and perplexed by THE doubtful reports,\n which he could neiTHEr reject nor believe. He had taken some slow\n and irresolute measures for THE purpose of collecting his troops,\n when he was surprised by Dagalaiphus, an active officer, whom\n Julian, as soon as he landed at Bononia, had pushed forwards with\n some light infantry. The captive general, uncertain of his life\n or death, was hastily thrown upon a horse, and conducted to THE\n presence of Julian; who kindly raised him from THE ground, and\n dispelled THE terror and amazement which seemed to stupefy his\n faculties. But Lucilian had no sooner recovered his spirits, than\n he betrayed his want of discretion, by presuming to admonish his\n conqueror that he had rashly ventured, with a handful of men, to\n expose his person in THE midst of his enemies. ÒReserve for your\n master Constantius THEse timid remonstrances,Ó replied Julian,\n with a smile of contempt: Òwhen I gave you my purple to kiss, I\n received you not as a counsellor, but as a suppliant.Ó Conscious\n that success alone could justify his attempt, and that boldness\n only could command success, he instantly advanced, at THE head of\n three thousand soldiers, to attack THE strongest and most\n populous city of THE Illyrian provinces. As he entered THE long\n suburb of Sirmium, he was received by THE joyful acclamations of\n THE army and people; who, crowned with flowers, and holding\n lighted tapers in THEir hands, conducted THEir acknowledged\n sovereign to his Imperial residence. Two days were devoted to THE\n public joy, which was celebrated by THE games of THE circus; but,\n early on THE morning of THE third day, Julian marched to occupy\n THE narrow pass of Succi, in THE defiles of Mount H¾mus; which,\n almost in THE midway between Sirmium and Constantinople,\n separates THE provinces of Thrace and Dacia, by an abrupt descent\n towards THE former, and a gentle declivity on THE side of THE\n latter. 33 The defence of this important post was intrusted to\n THE brave Nevitta; who, as well as THE generals of THE Italian\n division, successfully executed THE plan of THE march and\n junction which THEir master had so ably conceived. 34\n\n 28 (return) [ Ammianus (xxi. 8) ascribes THE same practice, and\n THE same motive, to Alexander THE Great and oTHEr skilful\n generals.]\n\n 29 (return) [ This wood was a part of THE great Hercynian forest,\n which, is THE time of C¾sar, stretched away from THE country of\n THE Rauraci (Basil) into THE boundless regions of THE north. See\n Cluver, Germania Antiqua. l. iii. c. 47.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Compare Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. 53, p. 278, 279,\n with Gregory Nazianzen, Orat. iii. p. 68. Even THE saint admires\n THE speed and secrecy of this march. A modern divine might apply\n to THE progress of Julian THE lines which were originally\n designed for anoTHEr apostate:Ñ\n\n ÑSo eagerly THE fiend, OÕer bog, or steep, through strait, rough,\n dense, or rare, With head, hands, wings, or feet, pursues his way,\n And swims, or sinks, or wades, or creeps, or flies.]\n\n 31 (return) [ In that interval THE _Notitia_ places two or three\n fleets, THE Lauriacensis, (at Lauriacum, or Lorch,) THE\n Arlapensis, THE Maginensis; and mentions five legions, or\n cohorts, of Libernarii, who should be a sort of marines. Sect.\n lviii. edit. Labb.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Zosimus alone (l. iii. p. 156) has specified this\n interesting circumstance. Mamertinus, (in Panegyr. Vet. xi. 6, 7,\n 8,) who accompanied Julian, as count of THE sacred largesses,\n describes this voyage in a florid and picturesque manner,\n challenges Triptolemus and THE Argonauts of Greece, &c.]\n\n 3211 (return) [ Banostar. _Mannert_.ÑM.]\n\n 33 (return) [ The description of Ammianus, which might be\n supported by collateral evidence, ascertains THE precise\n situation of THE _Angusti¾ Succorum_, or passes of _Succi_. M.\n dÕAnville, from THE trifling resemblance of names, has placed\n THEm between Sardica and Naissus. For my own justification I am\n obliged to mention THE _only_ error which I have discovered in\n THE maps or writings of that admirable geographer.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Whatever circumstances we may borrow elsewhere,\n Ammianus (xx. 8, 9, 10) still supplies THE series of THE\n narrative.]\n\n The homage which Julian obtained, from THE fears or THE\n inclination of THE people, extended far beyond THE immediate\n effect of his arms. 35 The pr¾fectures of Italy and Illyricum\n were administered by Taurus and Florentius, who united that\n important office with THE vain honors of THE consulship; and as\n those magistrates had retired with precipitation to THE court of\n Asia, Julian, who could not always restrain THE levity of his\n temper, stigmatized THEir flight by adding, in all THE Acts of\n THE Year, THE epiTHEt of _fugitive_ to THE names of THE two\n consuls. The provinces which had been deserted by THEir first\n magistrates acknowledged THE authority of an emperor, who,\n conciliating THE qualities of a soldier with those of a\n philosopher, was equally admired in THE camps of THE Danube and\n in THE cities of Greece. From his palace, or, more properly, from\n his head-quarters of Sirmium and Naissus, he distributed to THE\n principal cities of THE empire, a labored apology for his own\n conduct; published THE secret despatches of Constantius; and\n solicited THE judgment of mankind between two competitors, THE\n one of whom had expelled, and THE oTHEr had invited, THE\n Barbarians. 36 Julian, whose mind was deeply wounded by THE\n reproach of ingratitude, aspired to maintain, by argument as well\n as by arms, THE superior merits of his cause; and to excel, not\n only in THE arts of war, but in those of composition. His epistle\n to THE senate and people of ATHEns 37 seems to have been dictated\n by an elegant enthusiasm; which prompted him to submit his\n actions and his motives to THE degenerate ATHEnians of his own\n times, with THE same humble deference as if he had been pleading,\n in THE days of Aristides, before THE tribunal of THE Areopagus.\n His application to THE senate of Rome, which was still permitted\n to bestow THE titles of Imperial power, was agreeable to THE\n forms of THE expiring republic. An assembly was summoned by\n Tertullus, pr¾fect of THE city; THE epistle of Julian was read;\n and, as he appeared to be master of Italy his claims were\n admitted without a dissenting voice. His oblique censure of THE\n innovations of Constantine, and his passionate invective against\n THE vices of Constantius, were heard with less satisfaction; and\n THE senate, as if Julian had been present, unanimously exclaimed,\n ÒRespect, we beseech you, THE author of your own fortune.Ó 38 An\n artful expression, which, according to THE chance of war, might\n be differently explained; as a manly reproof of THE ingratitude\n of THE usurper, or as a flattering confession, that a single act\n of such benefit to THE state ought to atone for all THE failings\n of Constantius.\n\n 35 (return) [ Ammian. xxi. 9, 10. Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. 54,\n p. 279, 280. Zosimus, l. iii. p. 156, 157.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Julian (ad S. P. Q. ATHEn. p. 286) positively\n asserts, that he intercepted THE letters of Constantius to THE\n Barbarians; and Libanius as positively affirms, that he read THEm\n on his march to THE troops and THE cities. Yet Ammianus (xxi. 4)\n expresses himself with cool and candid hesitation, si _fam¾\n solius_ admittenda est fides. He specifies, however, an\n intercepted letter from Vadomair to Constantius, which supposes\n an intimate correspondence between THEm. Òdisciplinam non\n habet.Ó]\n\n 37 (return) [ Zosimus mentions his epistles to THE ATHEnians, THE\n Corinthians, and THE Laced¾monians. The substance was probably\n THE same, though THE address was properly varied. The epistle to\n THE ATHEnians is still extant, (p. 268-287,) and has afforded\n much valuable information. It deserves THE praises of THE AbbŽ de\n la Bleterie, (Pref. a lÕHistoire de Jovien, p. 24, 25,) and is\n one of THE best manifestoes to be found in any language.]\n\n 38 (return) [ _Auctori tuo reverentiam rogamus_. Ammian. xxi. 10.\n It is amusing enough to observe THE secret conflicts of THE\n senate between flattery and fear. See Tacit. Hist. i. 85.]\n\n The intelligence of THE march and rapid progress of Julian was\n speedily transmitted to his rival, who, by THE retreat of Sapor,\n had obtained some respite from THE Persian war. Disguising THE\n anguish of his soul under THE semblance of contempt, Constantius\n professed his intention of returning into Europe, and of giving\n chase to Julian; for he never spoke of his military expedition in\n any oTHEr light than that of a hunting party. 39 In THE camp of\n Hierapolis, in Syria, he communicated this design to his army;\n slightly mentioned THE guilt and rashness of THE C¾sar; and\n ventured to assure THEm, that if THE mutineers of Gaul presumed\n to meet THEm in THE field, THEy would be unable to sustain THE\n fire of THEir eyes, and THE irresistible weight of THEir shout of\n onset. The speech of THE emperor was received with military\n applause, and Theodotus, THE president of THE council of\n Hierapolis, requested, with tears of adulation, that _his_ city\n might be adorned with THE head of THE vanquished rebel. 40 A\n chosen detachment was despatched away in post-wagons, to secure,\n if it were yet possible, THE pass of Succi; THE recruits, THE\n horses, THE arms, and THE magazines, which had been prepared\n against Sapor, were appropriated to THE service of THE civil war;\n and THE domestic victories of Constantius inspired his partisans\n with THE most sanguine assurances of success. The notary\n Gaudentius had occupied in his name THE provinces of Africa; THE\n subsistence of Rome was intercepted; and THE distress of Julian\n was increased by an unexpected event, which might have been\n productive of fatal consequences. Julian had received THE\n submission of two legions and a cohort of archers, who were\n stationed at Sirmium; but he suspected, with reason, THE fidelity\n of those troops which had been distinguished by THE emperor; and\n it was thought expedient, under THE pretence of THE exposed state\n of THE Gallic frontier, to dismiss THEm from THE most important\n scene of action. They advanced, with reluctance, as far as THE\n confines of Italy; but as THEy dreaded THE length of THE way, and\n THE savage fierceness of THE Germans, THEy resolved, by THE\n instigation of one of THEir tribunes, to halt at Aquileia, and to\n erect THE banners of Constantius on THE walls of that impregnable\n city. The vigilance of Julian perceived at once THE extent of THE\n mischief, and THE necessity of applying an immediate remedy. By\n his order, Jovinus led back a part of THE army into Italy; and\n THE siege of Aquileia was formed with diligence, and prosecuted\n with vigor. But THE legionaries, who seemed to have rejected THE\n yoke of discipline, conducted THE defence of THE place with skill\n and perseverance; vited THE rest of Italy to imitate THE example\n of THEir courage and loyalty; and threatened THE retreat of\n Julian, if he should be forced to yield to THE superior numbers\n of THE armies of THE East. 41\n\n 39 (return) [ Tanquam venaticiam pr¾dam caperet: hoc enim ad\n Jeniendum suorum metum subinde pr¾dicabat. Ammian. xxii. 7.]\n\n 40 (return) [ See THE speech and preparations in Ammianus, xxi.\n 13. The vile Theodotus afterwards implored and obtained his\n pardon from THE merciful conqueror, who signified his wish of\n diminishing his enemies and increasing THE numbers of his\n friends, (xxii. 14.)]\n\n 41 (return) [ Ammian. xxi. 7, 11, 12. He seems to describe, with\n superfluous labor, THE operations of THE siege of Aquileia,\n which, on this occasion, maintained its impregnable fame. Gregory\n Nazianzen (Orat. iii. p. 68) ascribes this accidental revolt to\n THE wisdom of Constantius, whose assured victory he announces\n with some appearance of truth. Constantio quem credebat procul\n dubio fore victorem; nemo enim omnium tunc ab hac constanti\n sententia discrepebat. Ammian. xxi. 7.]\n\n But THE humanity of Julian was preserved from THE cruel\n alternative which he paTHEtically laments, of destroying or of\n being himself destroyed: and THE seasonable death of Constantius\n delivered THE Roman empire from THE calamities of civil war. The\n approach of winter could not detain THE monarch at Antioch; and\n his favorites durst not oppose his impatient desire of revenge. A\n slight fever, which was perhaps occasioned by THE agitation of\n his spirits, was increased by THE fatigues of THE journey; and\n Constantius was obliged to halt at THE little town of Mopsucrene,\n twelve miles beyond Tarsus, where he expired, after a short\n illness, in THE forty-fifth year of his age, and THE\n twenty-fourth of his reign. 42 His genuine character, which was\n composed of pride and weakness, of superstition and cruelty, has\n been fully displayed in THE preceding narrative of civil and\n ecclesiastical events. The long abuse of power rendered him a\n considerable object in THE eyes of his contemporaries; but as\n personal merit can alone deserve THE notice of posterity, THE\n last of THE sons of Constantine may be dismissed from THE world,\n with THE remark, that he inherited THE defects, without THE\n abilities, of his faTHEr. Before Constantius expired, he is said\n to have named Julian for his successor; nor does it seem\n improbable, that his anxious concern for THE fate of a young and\n tender wife, whom he left with child, may have prevailed, in his\n last moments, over THE harsher passions of hatred and revenge.\n Eusebius, and his guilty associates, made a faint attempt to\n prolong THE reign of THE eunuchs, by THE election of anoTHEr\n emperor; but THEir intrigues were rejected with disdain, by an\n army which now abhorred THE thought of civil discord; and two\n officers of rank were instantly despatched, to assure Julian,\n that every sword in THE empire would be drawn for his service.\n The military designs of that prince, who had formed three\n different attacks against Thrace, were prevented by this\n fortunate event. Without shedding THE blood of his\n fellow-citizens, he escaped THE dangers of a doubtful conflict,\n and acquired THE advantages of a complete victory. Impatient to\n visit THE place of his birth, and THE new capital of THE empire,\n he advanced from Naissus through THE mountains of H¾mus, and THE\n cities of Thrace. When he reached Heraclea, at THE distance of\n sixty miles, all Constantinople was poured forth to receive him;\n and he made his triumphal entry amidst THE dutiful acclamations\n of THE soldiers, THE people, and THE senate. An innumerable\n multitude pressed around him with eager respect and were perhaps\n disappointed when THEy beheld THE small stature and simple garb\n of a hero, whose unexperienced youth had vanquished THE\n Barbarians of Germany, and who had now traversed, in a successful\n career, THE whole continent of Europe, from THE shores of THE\n Atlantic to those of THE Bosphorus. 43 A few days afterwards,\n when THE remains of THE deceased emperor were landed in THE\n harbor, THE subjects of Julian applauded THE real or affected\n humanity of THEir sovereign. On foot, without his diadem, and\n cloTHEd in a mourning habit, he accompanied THE funeral as far as\n THE church of THE Holy Apostles, where THE body was deposited:\n and if THEse marks of respect may be interpreted as a selfish\n tribute to THE birth and dignity of his Imperial kinsman, THE\n tears of Julian professed to THE world that he had forgot THE\n injuries, and remembered only THE obligations, which he had\n received from Constantius. 44 As soon as THE legions of Aquileia\n were assured of THE death of THE emperor, THEy opened THE gates\n of THE city, and, by THE sacrifice of THEir guilty leaders,\n obtained an easy pardon from THE prudence or lenity of Julian;\n who, in THE thirty-second year of his age, acquired THE\n undisputed possession of THE Roman empire. 45\n\n 42 (return) [ His death and character are faithfully delineated\n by Ammianus, (xxi. 14, 15, 16;) and we are authorized to despise\n and detest THE foolish calumny of Gregory, (Orat. iii. p. 68,)\n who accuses Julian of contriving THE death of his benefactor. The\n private repentance of THE emperor, that he had spared and\n promoted Julian, (p. 69, and Orat. xxi. p. 389,) is not\n improbable in itself, nor incompatible with THE public verbal\n testament which prudential considerations might dictate in THE\n last moments of his life. Note: Wagner thinks this sudden change\n of sentiment altogeTHEr a fiction of THE attendant courtiers and\n chiefs of THE army. who up to this time had been hostile to\n Julian. Note in loco Ammian.ÑM.]\n\n 43 (return) [ In describing THE triumph of Julian, Ammianus\n (xxii. l, 2) assumes THE lofty tone of an orator or poet; while\n Libanius (Orat. Parent, c. 56, p. 281) sinks to THE grave\n simplicity of an historian.]\n\n 44 (return) [ The funeral of Constantius is described by\n Ammianus, (xxi. 16.) Gregory Nazianzen, (Orat. iv. p. 119,)\n Mamertinus, in (Panegyr. Vet. xi. 27,) Libanius, (Orat. Parent.\n c. lvi. p. 283,) and Philostorgius, (l. vi. c. 6, with GodefroyÕs\n Dissertations, p. 265.) These writers, and THEir followers,\n Pagans, Catholics, Arians, beheld with very different eyes both\n THE dead and THE living emperor.]\n\n 45 (return) [ The day and year of THE birth of Julian are not\n perfectly ascertained. The day is probably THE sixth of November,\n and THE year must be eiTHEr 331 or 332. Tillemont, Hist. des\n Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 693. Ducange, Fam. Byzantin. p. 50. I have\n preferred THE earlier date.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor.ÑPart III.\n\n\n Philosophy had instructed Julian to compare THE advantages of\n action and retirement; but THE elevation of his birth, and THE\n accidents of his life, never allowed him THE freedom of choice.\n He might perhaps sincerely have preferred THE groves of THE\n academy, and THE society of ATHEns; but he was constrained, at\n first by THE will, and afterwards by THE injustice, of\n Constantius, to expose his person and fame to THE dangers of\n Imperial greatness; and to make himself accountable to THE world,\n and to posterity, for THE happiness of millions. 46 Julian\n recollected with terror THE observation of his master Plato, 47\n that THE government of our flocks and herds is always committed\n to beings of a superior species; and that THE conduct of nations\n requires and deserves THE celestial powers of THE gods or of THE\n genii. From this principle he justly concluded, that THE man who\n presumes to reign, should aspire to THE perfection of THE divine\n nature; that he should purify his soul from her mortal and\n terrestrial part; that he should extinguish his appetites,\n enlighten his understanding, regulate his passions, and subdue\n THE wild beast, which, according to THE lively metaphor of\n Aristotle, 48 seldom fails to ascend THE throne of a despot. The\n throne of Julian, which THE death of Constantius fixed on an\n independent basis, was THE seat of reason, of virtue, and perhaps\n of vanity. He despised THE honors, renounced THE pleasures, and\n discharged with incessant diligence THE duties, of his exalted\n station; and THEre were few among his subjects who would have\n consented to relieve him from THE weight of THE diadem, had THEy\n been obliged to submit THEir time and THEir actions to THE\n rigorous laws which that philosophic emperor imposed on himself.\n One of his most intimate friends, 49 who had often shared THE\n frugal simplicity of his table, has remarked, that his light and\n sparing diet (which was usually of THE vegetable kind) left his\n mind and body always free and active, for THE various and\n important business of an author, a pontiff, a magistrate, a\n general, and a prince. In one and THE same day, he gave audience\n to several ambassadors, and wrote, or dictated, a great number of\n letters to his generals, his civil magistrates, his private\n friends, and THE different cities of his dominions. He listened\n to THE memorials which had been received, considered THE subject\n of THE petitions, and signified his intentions more rapidly than\n THEy could be taken in short-hand by THE diligence of his\n secretaries. He possessed such flexibility of thought, and such\n firmness of attention, that he could employ his hand to write,\n his ear to listen, and his voice to dictate; and pursue at once\n three several trains of ideas without hesitation, and without\n error. While his ministers reposed, THE prince flew with agility\n from one labor to anoTHEr, and, after a hasty dinner, retired\n into his library, till THE public business, which he had\n appointed for THE evening, summoned him to interrupt THE\n prosecution of his studies. The supper of THE emperor was still\n less substantial than THE former meal; his sleep was never\n clouded by THE fumes of indigestion; and except in THE short\n interval of a marriage, which was THE effect of policy raTHEr\n than love, THE chaste Julian never shared his bed with a female\n companion. 50 He was soon awakened by THE entrance of fresh\n secretaries, who had slept THE preceding day; and his servants\n were obliged to wait alternately while THEir indefatigable master\n allowed himself scarcely any oTHEr refreshment than THE change of\n occupation. The predecessors of Julian, his uncle, his broTHEr,\n and his cousin, indulged THEir puerile taste for THE games of THE\n Circus, under THE specious pretence of complying with THE\n inclinations of THE people; and THEy frequently remained THE\n greatest part of THE day as idle spectators, and as a part of THE\n splendid spectacle, till THE ordinary round of twenty-four races\n 51 was completely finished. On solemn festivals, Julian, who felt\n and professed an unfashionable dislike to THEse frivolous\n amusements, condescended to appear in THE Circus; and after\n bestowing a careless glance at five or six of THE races, he\n hastily withdrew with THE impatience of a philosopher, who\n considered every moment as lost that was not devoted to THE\n advantage of THE public or THE improvement of his own mind. 52 By\n this avarice of time, he seemed to protract THE short duration of\n his reign; and if THE dates were less securely ascertained, we\n should refuse to believe, that only sixteen months elapsed\n between THE death of Constantius and THE departure of his\n successor for THE Persian war. The actions of Julian can only be\n preserved by THE care of THE historian; but THE portion of his\n voluminous writings, which is still extant, remains as a monument\n of THE application, as well as of THE genius, of THE emperor. The\n Misopogon, THE C¾sars, several of his orations, and his elaborate\n work against THE Christian religion, were composed in THE long\n nights of THE two winters, THE former of which he passed at\n Constantinople, and THE latter at Antioch.\n\n 46 (return) [ Julian himself (p. 253-267) has expressed THEse\n philosophical ideas with much eloquence and some affectation, in\n a very elaborate epistle to Themistius. The AbbŽ de la Bleterie,\n (tom. ii. p. 146-193,) who has given an elegant translation, is\n inclined to believe that it was THE celebrated Themistius, whose\n orations are still extant.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Julian. ad Themist. p. 258. Petavius (not. p. 95)\n observes that this passage is taken from THE fourth book De\n Legibus; but eiTHEr Julian quoted from memory, or his MSS. were\n different from ours Xenophon opens THE Cyrop¾dia with a similar\n reflection.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Aristot. ap. Julian. p. 261. The MS. of Vossius,\n unsatisfied with THE single beast, affords THE stronger reading\n of which THE experience of despotism may warrant.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Libanius (Orat. Parentalis, c. lxxxiv. lxxxv. p.\n 310, 311, 312) has given this interesting detail of THE private\n life of Julian. He himself (in Misopogon, p. 350) mentions his\n vegetable diet, and upbraids THE gross and sensual appetite of\n THE people of Antioch.]\n\n 50 (return) [ Lectulus... Vestalium toris purior, is THE praise\n which Mamertinus (Panegyr. Vet. xi. 13) addresses to Julian\n himself. Libanius affirms, in sober peremptory language, that\n Julian never knew a woman before his marriage, or after THE death\n of his wife, (Orat. Parent. c. lxxxviii. p. 313.) The chastity of\n Julian is confirmed by THE impartial testimony of Ammianus, (xxv.\n 4,) and THE partial silence of THE Christians. Yet Julian\n ironically urges THE reproach of THE people of Antioch, that he\n _almost always_ (in Misopogon, p. 345) lay alone. This suspicious\n expression is explained by THE AbbŽ de la Bleterie (Hist. de\n Jovien, tom. ii. p. 103-109) with candor and ingenuity.]\n\n 51 (return) [ See Salmasius ad Sueton in Claud. c. xxi. A\n twenty-fifth race, or _missus_, was added, to complete THE number\n of one hundred chariots, four of which, THE four colors, started\n each heat.\n\n Centum quadrijugos agitabo ad flumina currus.\n\n It appears, that THEy ran five or seven times round THE _Meta_\n (Sueton. in Domitian. c. 4;) and (from THE measure of THE Circus\n Maximus at Rome, THE Hippodrome at Constantinople, &c.) it might\n be about a four mile course.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Julian. in Misopogon, p. 340. Julius C¾sar had\n offended THE Roman people by reading his despatches during THE\n actual race. Augustus indulged THEir taste, or his own, by his\n constant attention to THE important business of THE Circus, for\n which he professed THE warmest inclination. Sueton. in August. c.\n xlv.]\n\n The reformation of THE Imperial court was one of THE first and\n most necessary acts of THE government of Julian. 53 Soon after\n his entrance into THE palace of Constantinople, he had occasion\n for THE service of a barber. An officer, magnificently dressed,\n immediately presented himself. ÒIt is a barber,Ó exclaimed THE\n prince, with affected surprise, Òthat I want, and not a\n receiver-general of THE finances.Ó 54 He questioned THE man\n concerning THE profits of his employment and was informed, that\n besides a large salary, and some valuable perquisites, he enjoyed\n a daily allowance for twenty servants, and as many horses. A\n thousand barbers, a thousand cup-bearers, a thousand cooks, were\n distributed in THE several offices of luxury; and THE number of\n eunuchs could be compared only with THE insects of a summerÕs\n day. The monarch who resigned to his subjects THE superiority of\n merit and virtue, was distinguished by THE oppressive\n magnificence of his dress, his table, his buildings, and his\n train. The stately palaces erected by Constantine and his sons,\n were decorated with many colored marbles, and ornaments of massy\n gold. The most exquisite dainties were procured, to gratify THEir\n pride, raTHEr than THEir taste; birds of THE most distant\n climates, fish from THE most remote seas, fruits out of THEir\n natural season, winter roses, and summer snows. 56 The domestic\n crowd of THE palace surpassed THE expense of THE legions; yet THE\n smallest part of this costly multitude was subservient to THE\n use, or even to THE splendor, of THE throne. The monarch was\n disgraced, and THE people was injured, by THE creation and sale\n of an infinite number of obscure, and even titular employments;\n and THE most worthless of mankind might purchase THE privilege of\n being maintained, without THE necessity of labor, from THE public\n revenue. The waste of an enormous household, THE increase of fees\n and perquisites, which were soon claimed as a lawful debt, and\n THE bribes which THEy extorted from those who feared THEir\n enmity, or solicited THEir favor, suddenly enriched THEse haughty\n menials. They abused THEir fortune, without considering THEir\n past, or THEir future, condition; and THEir rapine and venality\n could be equalled only by THE extravagance of THEir dissipations.\n Their silken robes were embroidered with gold, THEir tables were\n served with delicacy and profusion; THE houses which THEy built\n for THEir own use, would have covered THE farm of an ancient\n consul; and THE most honorable citizens were obliged to dismount\n from THEir horses, and respectfully to salute a eunuch whom THEy\n met on THE public highway. The luxury of THE palace excited THE\n contempt and indignation of Julian, who usually slept on THE\n ground, who yielded with reluctance to THE indispensable calls of\n nature; and who placed his vanity, not in emulating, but in\n despising, THE pomp of royalty.\n\n 53 (return) [ The reformation of THE palace is described by\n Ammianus, (xxii. 4,) Libanius, Orat. (Parent. c. lxii. p. 288,\n &c.,) Mamertinus, in Panegyr. (Vet. xi. 11,) Socrates, (l. iii.\n c. l.,) and Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 24.)]\n\n 54 (return) [ Ego non _rationalem_ jussi sed tonsorem acciri.\n Zonaras uses THE less natural image of a senator. Yet an officer\n of THE finances, who was satisfied with wealth, might desire and\n obtain THE honors of THE senate.]\n\n 56 (return) [ The expressions of Mamertinus are lively and\n forcible. Quis etiam prandiorum et c¾narum laboratas magnitudines\n Romanus populus sensit; cum qu¾sitissim¾ dapes non gustu sed\n difficultatibus ¾stimarentur; miracula avium, longinqui maris\n pisces, aheni temporis poma, ¾stiv¾ nives, hybern¾ ros¾]\n\n By THE total extirpation of a mischief which was magnified even\n beyond its real extent, he was impatient to relieve THE distress,\n and to appease THE murmurs of THE people; who support with less\n uneasiness THE weight of taxes, if THEy are convinced that THE\n fruits of THEir industry are appropriated to THE service of THE\n state. But in THE execution of this salutary work, Julian is\n accused of proceeding with too much haste and inconsiderate\n severity. By a single edict, he reduced THE palace of\n Constantinople to an immense desert, and dismissed with ignominy\n THE whole train of slaves and dependants, 57 without providing\n any just, or at least benevolent, exceptions, for THE age, THE\n services, or THE poverty, of THE faithful domestics of THE\n Imperial family. Such indeed was THE temper of Julian, who seldom\n recollected THE fundamental maxim of Aristotle, that true virtue\n is placed at an equal distance between THE opposite vices.\n\n The splendid and effeminate dress of THE Asiatics, THE curls and\n paint, THE collars and bracelets, which had appeared so\n ridiculous in THE person of Constantine, were consistently\n rejected by his philosophic successor. But with THE fopperies,\n Julian affected to renounce THE decencies of dress; and seemed to\n value himself for his neglect of THE laws of cleanliness. In a\n satirical performance, which was designed for THE public eye, THE\n emperor descants with pleasure, and even with pride, on THE\n length of his nails, and THE inky blackness of his hands;\n protests, that although THE greatest part of his body was covered\n with hair, THE use of THE razor was confined to his head alone;\n and celebrates, with visible complacency, THE shaggy and\n _populous_ 58 beard, which he fondly cherished, after THE example\n of THE philosophers of Greece. Had Julian consulted THE simple\n dictates of reason, THE first magistrate of THE Romans would have\n scorned THE affectation of Diogenes, as well as that of Darius.\n\n 57 (return) [ Yet Julian himself was accused of bestowing whole\n towns on THE eunuchs, (Orat. vii. against Polyclet. p. 117-127.)\n Libanius contents himself with a cold but positive denial of THE\n fact, which seems indeed to belong more properly to Constantius.\n This charge, however, may allude to some unknown circumstance.]\n\n 58 (return) [ In THE Misopogon (p. 338, 339) he draws a very\n singular picture of himself, and THE following words are\n strangely characteristic. The friends of THE AbbŽ de la Bleterie\n adjured him, in THE name of THE French nation, not to translate\n this passage, so offensive to THEir delicacy, (Hist. de Jovien,\n tom. ii. p. 94.) Like him, I have contented myself with a\n transient allusion; but THE little animal which Julian _names_,\n is a beast familiar to man, and signifies love.]\n\n But THE work of public reformation would have remained imperfect,\n if Julian had only corrected THE abuses, without punishing THE\n crimes, of his predecessorÕs reign. ÒWe are now delivered,Ó says\n he, in a familiar letter to one of his intimate friends, Òwe are\n now surprisingly delivered from THE voracious jaws of THE Hydra.\n 59 I do not mean to apply THE epiTHEt to my broTHEr Constantius.\n He is no more; may THE earth lie light on his head! But his\n artful and cruel favorites studied to deceive and exasperate a\n prince, whose natural mildness cannot be praised without some\n efforts of adulation. It is not, however, my intention, that even\n those men should be oppressed: THEy are accused, and THEy shall\n enjoy THE benefit of a fair and impartial trial.Ó To conduct this\n inquiry, Julian named six judges of THE highest rank in THE state\n and army; and as he wished to escape THE reproach of condemning\n his personal enemies, he fixed this extraordinary tribunal at\n Chalcedon, on THE Asiatic side of THE Bosphorus; and transferred\n to THE commissioners an absolute power to pronounce and execute\n THEir final sentence, without delay, and without appeal. The\n office of president was exercised by THE venerable pr¾fect of THE\n East, a _second_ Sallust, 60 whose virtues conciliated THE esteem\n of Greek sophists, and of Christian bishops. He was assisted by\n THE eloquent Mamertinus, 61 one of THE consuls elect, whose merit\n is loudly celebrated by THE doubtful evidence of his own\n applause. But THE civil wisdom of two magistrates was\n overbalanced by THE ferocious violence of four generals, Nevitta,\n Agilo, Jovinus, and Arbetio. Arbetio, whom THE public would have\n seen with less surprise at THE bar than on THE bench, was\n supposed to possess THE secret of THE commission; THE armed and\n angry leaders of THE Jovian and Herculian bands encompassed THE\n tribunal; and THE judges were alternately swayed by THE laws of\n justice, and by THE clamors of faction. 62\n\n 59 (return) [ Julian, epist. xxiii. p. 389. He uses THE words in\n writing to his friend Hermogenes, who, like himself, was\n conversant with THE Greek poets.]\n\n 60 (return) [ The two Sallusts, THE pr¾fect of Gaul, and THE\n pr¾fect of THE East, must be carefully distinguished, (Hist. des\n Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 696.) I have used THE surname of\n _Secundus_, as a convenient epiTHEt. The second Sallust extorted\n THE esteem of THE Christians THEmselves; and Gregory Nazianzen,\n who condemned his religion, has celebrated his virtues, (Orat.\n iii. p. 90.) See a curious note of THE AbbŽ de la Bleterie, Vie\n de Julien, p. 363. Note: Gibbonus secundum habet pro numero, quod\n tamen est viri agnomen Wagner, nota in loc. Amm. It is not a\n mistake; it is raTHEr an error in taste. Wagner inclines to\n transfer THE chief guilt to Arbetio.ÑM.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Mamertinus praises THE emperor (xi. l.) for\n bestowing THE offices of Treasurer and Pr¾fect on a man of\n wisdom, firmness, integrity, &c., like himself. Yet Ammianus\n ranks him (xxi. l.) among THE ministers of Julian, quorum merita\n norat et fidem.]\n\n 62 (return) [ The proceedings of this chamber of justice are\n related by Ammianus, (xxii. 3,) and praised by Libanius, (Orat.\n Parent. c. 74, p. 299, 300.)]\n\n The chamberlain Eusebius, who had so long abused THE favor of\n Constantius, expiated, by an ignominious death, THE insolence,\n THE corruption, and cruelty of his servile reign. The executions\n of Paul and Apodemius (THE former of whom was burnt alive) were\n accepted as an inadequate atonement by THE widows and orphans of\n so many hundred Romans, whom those legal tyrants had betrayed and\n murdered. But justice herself (if we may use THE paTHEtic\n expression of Ammianus) 63 appeared to weep over THE fate of\n Ursulus, THE treasurer of THE empire; and his blood accused THE\n ingratitude of Julian, whose distress had been seasonably\n relieved by THE intrepid liberality of that honest minister. The\n rage of THE soldiers, whom he had provoked by his indiscretion,\n was THE cause and THE excuse of his death; and THE emperor,\n deeply wounded by his own reproaches and those of THE public,\n offered some consolation to THE family of Ursulus, by THE\n restitution of his confiscated fortunes. Before THE end of THE\n year in which THEy had been adorned with THE ensigns of THE\n prefecture and consulship, 64 Taurus and Florentius were reduced\n to implore THE clemency of THE inexorable tribunal of Chalcedon.\n The former was banished to Vercell¾ in Italy, and a sentence of\n death was pronounced against THE latter. A wise prince should\n have rewarded THE crime of Taurus: THE faithful minister, when he\n was no longer able to oppose THE progress of a rebel, had taken\n refuge in THE court of his benefactor and his lawful sovereign.\n But THE guilt of Florentius justified THE severity of THE judges;\n and his escape served to display THE magnanimity of Julian, who\n nobly checked THE interested diligence of an informer, and\n refused to learn what place concealed THE wretched fugitive from\n his just resentment. 65 Some months after THE tribunal of\n Chalcedon had been dissolved, THE pr¾torian vicegerent of Africa,\n THE notary Gaudentius, and Artemius 66 duke of Egypt, were\n executed at Antioch. Artemius had reigned THE cruel and corrupt\n tyrant of a great province; Gaudentius had long practised THE\n arts of calumny against THE innocent, THE virtuous, and even THE\n person of Julian himself. Yet THE circumstances of THEir trial\n and condemnation were so unskillfully managed, that THEse wicked\n men obtained, in THE public opinion, THE glory of suffering for\n THE obstinate loyalty with which THEy had supported THE cause of\n Constantius. The rest of his servants were protected by a general\n act of oblivion; and THEy were left to enjoy with impunity THE\n bribes which THEy had accepted, eiTHEr to defend THE oppressed,\n or to oppress THE friendless. This measure, which, on THE\n soundest principles of policy, may deserve our approbation, was\n executed in a manner which seemed to degrade THE majesty of THE\n throne. Julian was tormented by THE importunities of a multitude,\n particularly of Egyptians, who loudly redemanded THE gifts which\n THEy had imprudently or illegally bestowed; he foresaw THE\n endless prosecution of vexatious suits; and he engaged a promise,\n which ought always to have been sacred, that if THEy would repair\n to Chalcedon, he would meet THEm in person, to hear and determine\n THEir complaints. But as soon as THEy were landed, he issued an\n absolute order, which prohibited THE watermen from transporting\n any Egyptian to Constantinople; and thus detained his\n disappointed clients on THE Asiatic shore till, THEir patience\n and money being utterly exhausted, THEy were obliged to return\n with indignant murmurs to THEir native country. 67\n\n 63 (return) [ Ursuli vero necem ipsa mihi videtur flesse\n justitia. Libanius, who imputes his death to THE soldiers,\n attempts to criminate THE court of THE largesses.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Such respect was still entertained for THE\n venerable names of THE commonwealth, that THE public was\n surprised and scandalized to hear Taurus summoned as a criminal\n under THE consulship of Taurus. The summons of his colleague\n Florentius was probably delayed till THE commencement of THE\n ensuing year.]\n\n 65 (return) [ Ammian. xx. 7.]\n\n 66 (return) [ For THE guilt and punishment of Artemius, see\n Julian (Epist. x. p. 379) and Ammianus, (xxii. 6, and Vales, ad\n hoc.) The merit of Artemius, who demolished temples, and was put\n to death by an apostate, has tempted THE Greek and Latin churches\n to honor him as a martyr. But as ecclesiastical history attests\n that he was not only a tyrant, but an Arian, it is not altogeTHEr\n easy to justify this indiscreet promotion. Tillemont, MŽm.\n Eccles. tom. vii. p. 1319.]\n\n 67 (return) [ See Ammian. xxii. 6, and Vales, ad locum; and THE\n Codex Theodosianus, l. ii. tit. xxxix. leg. i.; and GodefroyÕs\n Commentary, tom. i. p. 218, ad locum.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor.ÑPart IV.\n\n\n The numerous army of spies, of agents, and informers enlisted by\n Constantius to secure THE repose of one man, and to interrupt\n that of millions, was immediately disbanded by his generous\n successor. Julian was slow in his suspicions, and gentle in his\n punishments; and his contempt of treason was THE result of\n judgment, of vanity, and of courage. Conscious of superior merit,\n he was persuaded that few among his subjects would dare to meet\n him in THE field, to attempt his life, or even to seat THEmselves\n on his vacant throne. The philosopher could excuse THE hasty\n sallies of discontent; and THE hero could despise THE ambitious\n projects which surpassed THE fortune or THE abilities of THE rash\n conspirators. A citizen of Ancyra had prepared for his own use a\n purple garment; and this indiscreet action, which, under THE\n reign of Constantius, would have been considered as a capital\n offence, 68 was reported to Julian by THE officious importunity\n of a private enemy. The monarch, after making some inquiry into\n THE rank and character of his rival, despatched THE informer with\n a present of a pair of purple slippers, to complete THE\n magnificence of his Imperial habit. A more dangerous conspiracy\n was formed by ten of THE domestic guards, who had resolved to\n assassinate Julian in THE field of exercise near Antioch. Their\n intemperance revealed THEir guilt; and THEy were conducted in\n chains to THE presence of THEir injured sovereign, who, after a\n lively representation of THE wickedness and folly of THEir\n enterprise, instead of a death of torture, which THEy deserved\n and expected, pronounced a sentence of exile against THE two\n principal offenders. The only instance in which Julian seemed to\n depart from his accustomed clemency, was THE execution of a rash\n youth, who, with a feeble hand, had aspired to seize THE reins of\n empire. But that youth was THE son of Marcellus, THE general of\n cavalry, who, in THE first campaign of THE Gallic war, had\n deserted THE standard of THE C¾sar and THE republic. Without\n appearing to indulge his personal resentment, Julian might easily\n confound THE crime of THE son and of THE faTHEr; but he was\n reconciled by THE distress of Marcellus, and THE liberality of\n THE emperor endeavored to heal THE wound which had been inflicted\n by THE hand of justice. 69\n\n 68 (return) [ The president Montesquieu (Considerations sur la\n Grandeur, &c., des Romains, c. xiv. in his works, tom. iii. p.\n 448, 449,) excuses this minute and absurd tyranny, by supposing\n that actions THE most indifferent in our eyes might excite, in a\n Roman mind, THE idea of guilt and danger. This strange apology is\n supported by a strange misapprehension of THE English laws, Òchez\n une nation.... o\x9d il est dŽfendu de boire ˆ la santŽ dÕune\n certaine personne.Ó]\n\n 69 (return) [ The clemency of Julian, and THE conspiracy which\n was formed against his life at Antioch, are described by Ammianus\n (xxii. 9, 10, and Vales, ad loc.) and Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c.\n 99, p. 323.)]\n\n Julian was not insensible of THE advantages of freedom. 70 From\n his studies he had imbibed THE spirit of ancient sages and\n heroes; his life and fortunes had depended on THE caprice of a\n tyrant; and when he ascended THE throne, his pride was sometimes\n mortified by THE reflection, that THE slaves who would not dare\n to censure his defects were not worthy to applaud his virtues. 71\n He sincerely abhorred THE system of Oriental despotism, which\n Diocletian, Constantine, and THE patient habits of fourscore\n years, had established in THE empire. A motive of superstition\n prevented THE execution of THE design, which Julian had\n frequently meditated, of relieving his head from THE weight of a\n costly diadem; 72 but he absolutely refused THE title of\n _Dominus_, or _Lord_, 73 a word which was grown so familiar to\n THE ears of THE Romans, that THEy no longer remembered its\n servile and humiliating origin. The office, or raTHEr THE name,\n of consul, was cherished by a prince who contemplated with\n reverence THE ruins of THE republic; and THE same behavior which\n had been assumed by THE prudence of Augustus was adopted by\n Julian from choice and inclination. On THE calends of January, at\n break of day, THE new consuls, Mamertinus and Nevitta, hastened\n to THE palace to salute THE emperor. As soon as he was informed\n of THEir approach, he leaped from his throne, eagerly advanced to\n meet THEm, and compelled THE blushing magistrates to receive THE\n demonstrations of his affected humility. From THE palace THEy\n proceeded to THE senate. The emperor, on foot, marched before\n THEir litters; and THE gazing multitude admired THE image of\n ancient times, or secretly blamed a conduct, which, in THEir\n eyes, degraded THE majesty of THE purple. 74 But THE behavior of\n Julian was uniformly supported. During THE games of THE Circus,\n he had, imprudently or designedly, performed THE manumission of a\n slave in THE presence of THE consul. The moment he was reminded\n that he had trespassed on THE jurisdiction of _anoTHEr_\n magistrate, he condemned himself to pay a fine of ten pounds of\n gold; and embraced this public occasion of declaring to THE\n world, that he was subject, like THE rest of his fellow-citizens,\n to THE laws, 75 and even to THE forms, of THE republic. The\n spirit of his administration, and his regard for THE place of his\n nativity, induced Julian to confer on THE senate of\n Constantinople THE same honors, privileges, and authority, which\n were still enjoyed by THE senate of ancient Rome. 76 A legal\n fiction was introduced, and gradually established, that one half\n of THE national council had migrated into THE East; and THE\n despotic successors of Julian, accepting THE title of Senators,\n acknowledged THEmselves THE members of a respectable body, which\n was permitted to represent THE majesty of THE Roman name. From\n Constantinople, THE attention of THE monarch was extended to THE\n municipal senates of THE provinces. He abolished, by repeated\n edicts, THE unjust and pernicious exemptions which had withdrawn\n so many idle citizens from THE services of THEir country; and by\n imposing an equal distribution of public duties, he restored THE\n strength, THE splendor, or, according to THE glowing expression\n of Libanius, 77 THE soul of THE expiring cities of his empire.\n The venerable age of Greece excited THE most tender compassion in\n THE mind of Julian, which kindled into rapture when he\n recollected THE gods, THE heroes, and THE men superior to heroes\n and to gods, who have bequeaTHEd to THE latest posterity THE\n monuments of THEir genius, or THE example of THEir virtues. He\n relieved THE distress, and restored THE beauty, of THE cities of\n Epirus and Peloponnesus. 78 ATHEns acknowledged him for her\n benefactor; Argos, for her deliverer. The pride of Corinth, again\n rising from her ruins with THE honors of a Roman colony, exacted\n a tribute from THE adjacent republics, for THE purpose of\n defraying THE games of THE Isthmus, which were celebrated in THE\n amphiTHEatre with THE hunting of bears and panTHErs. From this\n tribute THE cities of Elis, of Delphi, and of Argos, which had\n inherited from THEir remote ancestors THE sacred office of\n perpetuating THE Olympic, THE Pythian, and THE Nemean games,\n claimed a just exemption. The immunity of Elis and Delphi was\n respected by THE Corinthians; but THE poverty of Argos tempted\n THE insolence of oppression; and THE feeble complaints of its\n deputies were silenced by THE decree of a provincial magistrate,\n who seems to have consulted only THE interest of THE capital in\n which he resided. Seven years after this sentence, Julian 79\n allowed THE cause to be referred to a superior tribunal; and his\n eloquence was interposed, most probably with success, in THE\n defence of a city, which had been THE royal seat of Agamemnon, 80\n and had given to Macedonia a race of kings and conquerors. 81\n\n 70 (return) [ According to some, says Aristotle, (as he is quoted\n by Julian ad Themist. p. 261,) THE form of absolute government is\n contrary to nature. Both THE prince and THE philosopher choose,\n how ever to involve this eternal truth in artful and labored\n obscurity.]\n\n 71 (return) [ That sentiment is expressed almost in THE words of\n Julian himself. Ammian. xxii. 10.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 95, p. 320,) who\n mentions THE wish and design of Julian, insinuates, in mysterious\n language that THE emperor was restrained by some particular\n revelation.]\n\n 73 (return) [ Julian in Misopogon, p. 343. As he never abolished,\n by any public law, THE proud appellations of _Despot_, or\n _Dominus_, THEy are still extant on his medals, (Ducange, Fam.\n Byzantin. p. 38, 39;) and THE private displeasure which he\n affected to express, only gave a different tone to THE servility\n of THE court. The AbbŽ de la Bleterie (Hist. de Jovien, tom. ii.\n p. 99-102) has curiously traced THE origin and progress of THE\n word _Dominus_ under THE Imperial government.]\n\n 74 (return) [ Ammian. xxii. 7. The consul Mamertinus (in Panegyr.\n Vet. xi. 28, 29, 30) celebrates THE auspicious day, like an\n elegant slave, astonished and intoxicated by THE condescension of\n his master.]\n\n 75 (return) [ Personal satire was condemned by THE laws of THE\n twelve tables: Si male condiderit in quem quis carmina, jus est\n JudiciumqueÑHorat. Sat. ii. 1. 82. ÑÑJulian (in Misopogon, p.\n 337) owns himself subject to THE law; and THE AbbŽ de la Bleterie\n (Hist. de Jovien, tom. ii. p. 92) has eagerly embraced a\n declaration so agreeable to his own system, and, indeed, to THE\n true spirit of THE Imperial constitution.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iii. p. 158.]\n\n 77 (return) [ See Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 71, p. 296,)\n Ammianus, (xxii. 9,) and THE Theodosian Code (l. xii. tit. i.\n leg. 50-55.) with GodefroyÕs Commentary, (tom. iv. p. 390-402.)\n Yet THE whole subject of THE _Curia_, notwithstanding very ample\n materials, still remains THE most obscure in THE legal history of\n THE empire.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Qu¾ paulo ante arida et siti anhelantia visebantur,\n ea nunc perlui, mundari, madere; Fora, Deambulacra, Gymnasia,\n l¾tis et gaudentibus populis frequentari; dies festos, et\n celebrari veteres, et novos in honorem principis consecrari,\n (Mamertin. xi. 9.) He particularly restored THE city of Nicopolis\n and THE Actiac games, which had been instituted by Augustus.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Julian. Epist. xxxv. p. 407-411. This epistle,\n which illustrates THE declining age of Greece, is omitted by THE\n AbbŽ de la Bleterie, and strangely disfigured by THE Latin\n translator, who, by rendering _tributum_, and _populus_, directly\n contradicts THE sense of THE original.]\n\n 80 (return) [ He reigned in Mycen¾ at THE distance of fifty\n stadia, or six miles from Argos: but THEse cities, which\n alternately flourished, are confounded by THE Greek poets.\n Strabo, l. viii. p. 579, edit. Amstel. 1707.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Marsham, Canon. Chron. p. 421. This pedigree from\n Temenus and Hercules may be suspicious; yet it was allowed, after\n a strict inquiry, by THE judges of THE Olympic games, (Herodot.\n l. v. c. 22,) at a time when THE Macedonian kings were obscure\n and unpopular in Greece. When THE Ach¾an league declared against\n Philip, it was thought decent that THE deputies of Argos should\n retire, (T. Liv. xxxii. 22.)]\n\n The laborious administration of military and civil affairs, which\n were multiplied in proportion to THE extent of THE empire,\n exercised THE abilities of Julian; but he frequently assumed THE\n two characters of Orator 82 and of Judge, 83 which are almost\n unknown to THE modern sovereigns of Europe. The arts of\n persuasion, so diligently cultivated by THE first C¾sars, were\n neglected by THE military ignorance and Asiatic pride of THEir\n successors; and if THEy condescended to harangue THE soldiers,\n whom THEy feared, THEy treated with silent disdain THE senators,\n whom THEy despised. The assemblies of THE senate, which\n Constantius had avoided, were considered by Julian as THE place\n where he could exhibit, with THE most propriety, THE maxims of a\n republican, and THE talents of a rhetorician. He alternately\n practised, as in a school of declamation, THE several modes of\n praise, of censure, of exhortation; and his friend Libanius has\n remarked, that THE study of Homer taught him to imitate THE\n simple, concise style of Menelaus, THE copiousness of Nestor,\n whose words descended like THE flakes of a winterÕs snow, or THE\n paTHEtic and forcible eloquence of Ulysses. The functions of a\n judge, which are sometimes incompatible with those of a prince,\n were exercised by Julian, not only as a duty, but as an\n amusement; and although he might have trusted THE integrity and\n discernment of his Pr¾torian pr¾fects, he often placed himself by\n THEir side on THE seat of judgment. The acute penetration of his\n mind was agreeably occupied in detecting and defeating THE\n chicanery of THE advocates, who labored to disguise THE truths of\n facts, and to pervert THE sense of THE laws. He sometimes forgot\n THE gravity of his station, asked indiscreet or unseasonable\n questions, and betrayed, by THE loudness of his voice, and THE\n agitation of his body, THE earnest vehemence with which he\n maintained his opinion against THE judges, THE advocates, and\n THEir clients. But his knowledge of his own temper prompted him\n to encourage, and even to solicit, THE reproof of his friends and\n ministers; and whenever THEy ventured to oppose THE irregular\n sallies of his passions, THE spectators could observe THE shame,\n as well as THE gratitude, of THEir monarch. The decrees of Julian\n were almost always founded on THE principles of justice; and he\n had THE firmness to resist THE two most dangerous temptations,\n which assault THE tribunal of a sovereign, under THE specious\n forms of compassion and equity. He decided THE merits of THE\n cause without weighing THE circumstances of THE parties; and THE\n poor, whom he wished to relieve, were condemned to satisfy THE\n just demands of a wealthy and noble adversary. He carefully\n distinguished THE judge from THE legislator; 84 and though he\n meditated a necessary reformation of THE Roman jurisprudence, he\n pronounced sentence according to THE strict and literal\n interpretation of those laws, which THE magistrates were bound to\n execute, and THE subjects to obey.\n\n 82 (return) [ His eloquence is celebrated by Libanius, (Orat.\n Parent. c. 75, 76, p. 300, 301,) who distinctly mentions THE\n orators of Homer. Socrates (l. iii. c. 1) has rashly asserted\n that Julian was THE only prince, since Julius C¾sar, who\n harangued THE senate. All THE predecessors of Nero, (Tacit.\n Annal. xiii. 3,) and many of his successors, possessed THE\n faculty of speaking in public; and it might be proved by various\n examples, that THEy frequently exercised it in THE senate.]\n\n 83 (return) [ Ammianus (xxi. 10) has impartially stated THE\n merits and defects of his judicial proceedings. Libanius (Orat.\n Parent. c. 90, 91, p. 315, &c.) has seen only THE fair side, and\n his picture, if it flatters THE person, expresses at least THE\n duties, of THE judge. Gregory Nazianzen, (Orat. iv. p. 120,) who\n suppresses THE virtues, and exaggerates even THE venial faults of\n THE Apostate, triumphantly asks, wheTHEr such a judge was fit to\n be seated between Minos and Rhadamanthus, in THE Elysian Fields.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Of THE laws which Julian enacted in a reign of\n sixteen months, fifty-four have been admitted into THE codes of\n Theodosius and Justinian. (Gothofred. Chron. Legum, p. 64-67.)\n The AbbŽ de la Bleterie (tom. ii. p. 329-336) has chosen one of\n THEse laws to give an idea of JulianÕs Latin style, which is\n forcible and elaborate, but less pure than his Greek.]\n\n The generality of princes, if THEy were stripped of THEir purple,\n and cast naked into THE world, would immediately sink to THE\n lowest rank of society, without a hope of emerging from THEir\n obscurity. But THE personal merit of Julian was, in some measure,\n independent of his fortune. Whatever had been his choice of life,\n by THE force of intrepid courage, lively wit, and intense\n application, he would have obtained, or at least he would have\n deserved, THE highest honors of his profession; and Julian might\n have raised himself to THE rank of minister, or general, of THE\n state in which he was born a private citizen. If THE jealous\n caprice of power had disappointed his expectations, if he had\n prudently declined THE paths of greatness, THE employment of THE\n same talents in studious solitude would have placed beyond THE\n reach of kings his present happiness and his immortal fame. When\n we inspect, with minute, or perhaps malevolent attention, THE\n portrait of Julian, something seems wanting to THE grace and\n perfection of THE whole figure. His genius was less powerful and\n sublime than that of C¾sar; nor did he possess THE consummate\n prudence of Augustus. The virtues of Trajan appear more steady\n and natural, and THE philosophy of Marcus is more simple and\n consistent. Yet Julian sustained adversity with firmness, and\n prosperity with moderation. After an interval of one hundred and\n twenty years from THE death of Alexander Severus, THE Romans\n beheld an emperor who made no distinction between his duties and\n his pleasures; who labored to relieve THE distress, and to revive\n THE spirit, of his subjects; and who endeavored always to connect\n authority with merit, and happiness with virtue. Even faction,\n and religious faction, was constrained to acknowledge THE\n superiority of his genius, in peace as well as in war, and to\n confess, with a sigh, that THE apostate Julian was a lover of his\n country, and that he deserved THE empire of THE world. 85\n\n 85 (return) [\n\n ... Ductor fortissimus armis; Conditor et legum celeberrimus; ore\n manžque Consultor patri¾; sed non consultor habend¾ Religionis;\n amans tercentum millia Divžm. Pertidus ille Deo, sed non et\n perfidus orbi. Prudent. ApoTHEosis, 450, &c.\n\n The consciousness of a generous sentiment seems to have raised\n THE Christian post above his usual mediocrity.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.ÑPart I.\n\n The Religion Of Julian.ÑUniversal Toleration.ÑHe Attempts To\n Restore And Reform The Pagan WorshipÑTo Rebuild The Temple Of\n JerusalemÑHis Artful Persecution Of The Christians.ÑMutual Zeal\n And Injustice.\n\n\n The character of Apostate has injured THE reputation of Julian;\n and THE enthusiasm which clouded his virtues has exaggerated THE\n real and apparent magnitude of his faults. Our partial ignorance\n may represent him as a philosophic monarch, who studied to\n protect, with an equal hand, THE religious factions of THE\n empire; and to allay THE THEological fever which had inflamed THE\n minds of THE people, from THE edicts of Diocletian to THE exile\n of Athanasius. A more accurate view of THE character and conduct\n of Julian will remove this favorable prepossession for a prince\n who did not escape THE general contagion of THE times. We enjoy\n THE singular advantage of comparing THE pictures which have been\n delineated by his fondest admirers and his implacable enemies.\n The actions of Julian are faithfully related by a judicious and\n candid historian, THE impartial spectator of his life and death.\n The unanimous evidence of his contemporaries is confirmed by THE\n public and private declarations of THE emperor himself; and his\n various writings express THE uniform tenor of his religious\n sentiments, which policy would have prompted him to dissemble\n raTHEr than to affect. A devout and sincere attachment for THE\n gods of ATHEns and Rome constituted THE ruling passion of Julian;\n 1 THE powers of an enlightened understanding were betrayed and\n corrupted by THE influence of superstitious prejudice; and THE\n phantoms which existed only in THE mind of THE emperor had a real\n and pernicious effect on THE government of THE empire. The\n vehement zeal of THE Christians, who despised THE worship, and\n overturned THE altars of those fabulous deities, engaged THEir\n votary in a state of irreconcilable hostility with a very\n numerous party of his subjects; and he was sometimes tempted by\n THE desire of victory, or THE shame of a repulse, to violate THE\n laws of prudence, and even of justice. The triumph of THE party,\n which he deserted and opposed, has fixed a stain of infamy on THE\n name of Julian; and THE unsuccessful apostate has been\n overwhelmed with a torrent of pious invectives, of which THE\n signal was given by THE sonorous trumpet 2 of Gregory Nazianzen.\n 3 The interesting nature of THE events which were crowded into\n THE short reign of this active emperor, deserve a just and\n circumstantial narrative. His motives, his counsels, and his\n actions, as far as THEy are connected with THE history of\n religion, will be THE subject of THE present chapter.\n\n 1 (return) [ I shall transcribe some of his own expressions from\n a short religious discourse which THE Imperial pontiff composed\n to censure THE bold impiety of a Cynic. Orat. vii. p. 212. The\n variety and copiousness of THE Greek tongue seem inadequate to\n THE fervor of his devotion.]\n\n 2 (return) [ The orator, with some eloquence, much enthusiasm,\n and more vanity, addresses his discourse to heaven and earth, to\n men and angels, to THE living and THE dead; and above all, to THE\n great Constantius, an odd Pagan expression. He concludes with a\n bold assurance, that he has erected a monument not less durable,\n and much more portable, than THE columns of Hercules. See Greg.\n Nazianzen, Orat. iii. p. 50, iv. p. 134.]\n\n 3 (return) [ See this long invective, which has been\n injudiciously divided into two orations in GregoryÕs works, tom.\n i. p. 49-134, Paris, 1630. It was published by Gregory and his\n friend Basil, (iv. p. 133,) about six months after THE death of\n Julian, when his remains had been carried to Tarsus, (iv. p.\n 120;) but while Jovian was still on THE throne, (iii. p. 54, iv.\n p. 117) I have derived much assistance from a French version and\n remarks, printed at Lyons, 1735.]\n\n The cause of his strange and fatal apostasy may be derived from\n THE early period of his life, when he was left an orphan in THE\n hands of THE murderers of his family. The names of Christ and of\n Constantius, THE ideas of slavery and of religion, were soon\n associated in a youthful imagination, which was susceptible of\n THE most lively impressions. The care of his infancy was\n intrusted to Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, 4 who was related to\n him on THE side of his moTHEr; and till Julian reached THE\n twentieth year of his age, he received from his Christian\n preceptors THE education, not of a hero, but of a saint. The\n emperor, less jealous of a heavenly than of an earthly crown,\n contented himself with THE imperfect character of a catechumen,\n while he bestowed THE advantages of baptism 5 on THE nephews of\n Constantine. 6 They were even admitted to THE inferior offices of\n THE ecclesiastical order; and Julian publicly read THE Holy\n Scriptures in THE church of Nicomedia. The study of religion,\n which THEy assiduously cultivated, appeared to produce THE\n fairest fruits of faith and devotion. 7 They prayed, THEy fasted,\n THEy distributed alms to THE poor, gifts to THE clergy, and\n oblations to THE tombs of THE martyrs; and THE splendid monument\n of St. Mamas, at C¾sarea, was erected, or at least was\n undertaken, by THE joint labor of Gallus and Julian. 8 They\n respectfully conversed with THE bishops, who were eminent for\n superior sanctity, and solicited THE benediction of THE monks and\n hermits, who had introduced into Cappadocia THE voluntary\n hardships of THE ascetic life. 9 As THE two princes advanced\n towards THE years of manhood, THEy discovered, in THEir religious\n sentiments, THE difference of THEir characters. The dull and\n obstinate understanding of Gallus embraced, with implicit zeal,\n THE doctrines of Christianity; which never influenced his\n conduct, or moderated his passions. The mild disposition of THE\n younger broTHEr was less repugnant to THE precepts of THE gospel;\n and his active curiosity might have been gratified by a\n THEological system, which explains THE mysterious essence of THE\n Deity, and opens THE boundless prospect of invisible and future\n worlds. But THE independent spirit of Julian refused to yield THE\n passive and unresisting obedience which was required, in THE name\n of religion, by THE haughty ministers of THE church. Their\n speculative opinions were imposed as positive laws, and guarded\n by THE terrors of eternal punishments; but while THEy prescribed\n THE rigid formulary of THE thoughts, THE words, and THE actions\n of THE young prince; whilst THEy silenced his objections, and\n severely checked THE freedom of his inquiries, THEy secretly\n provoked his impatient genius to disclaim THE authority of his\n ecclesiastical guides. He was educated in THE Lesser Asia, amidst\n THE scandals of THE Arian controversy. 10 The fierce contests of\n THE Eastern bishops, THE incessant alterations of THEir creeds,\n and THE profane motives which appeared to actuate THEir conduct,\n insensibly strengTHEned THE prejudice of Julian, that THEy\n neiTHEr understood nor believed THE religion for which THEy so\n fiercely contended. Instead of listening to THE proofs of\n Christianity with that favorable attention which adds weight to\n THE most respectable evidence, he heard with suspicion, and\n disputed with obstinacy and acuteness, THE doctrines for which he\n already entertained an invincible aversion. Whenever THE young\n princes were directed to compose declamations on THE subject of\n THE prevailing controversies, Julian always declared himself THE\n advocate of Paganism; under THE specious excuse that, in THE\n defence of THE weaker cause, his learning and ingenuity might be\n more advantageously exercised and displayed.\n\n 4 (return) [ Nicomedi¾ ab Eusebio educatus Episcopo, quem genere\n longius contingebat, (Ammian. xxii. 9.) Julian never expresses\n any gratitude towards that Arian prelate; but he celebrates his\n preceptor, THE eunuch Mardonius, and describes his mode of\n education, which inspired his pupil with a passionate admiration\n for THE genius, and perhaps THE religion of Homer. Misopogon, p.\n 351, 352.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Greg. Naz. iii. p. 70. He labored to effect that\n holy mark in THE blood, perhaps of a Taurobolium. Baron. Annal.\n Eccles. A. D. 361, No. 3, 4.]\n\n 6 (return) [ Julian himself (Epist. li. p. 454) assures THE\n Alexandrians that he had been a Christian (he must mean a sincere\n one) till THE twentieth year of his age.]\n\n 7 (return) [ See his Christian, and even ecclesiastical\n education, in Gregory, (iii. p. 58,) Socrates, (l. iii. c. 1,)\n and Sozomen, (l. v. c. 2.) He escaped very narrowly from being a\n bishop, and perhaps a saint.]\n\n 8 (return) [ The share of THE work which had been allotted to\n Gallus, was prosecuted with vigor and success; but THE earth\n obstinately rejected and subverted THE structures which were\n imposed by THE sacrilegious hand of Julian. Greg. iii. p. 59, 60,\n 61. Such a partial earthquake, attested by many living\n spectators, would form one of THE clearest miracles in\n ecclesiastical story.]\n\n 9 (return) [ The _philosopher_ (Fragment, p. 288,) ridicules THE\n iron chains, &c, of THEse solitary fanatics, (see Tillemont, MŽm.\n Eccles. tom. ix. p. 661, 632,) who had forgot that man is by\n nature a gentle and social animal. The _Pagan_ supposes, that\n because THEy had renounced THE gods, THEy were possessed and\n tormented by evil d¾mons.]\n\n 10 (return) [ See Julian apud Cyril, l. vi. p. 206, l. viii. p.\n 253, 262. ÒYou persecute,Ó says he, Òthose heretics who do not\n mourn THE dead man precisely in THE way which you approve.Ó He\n shows himself a tolerable THEologian; but he maintains that THE\n Christian Trinity is not derived from THE doctrine of Paul, of\n Jesus, or of Moses.]\n\n As soon as Gallus was invested with THE honors of THE purple,\n Julian was permitted to breaTHE THE air of freedom, of\n literature, and of Paganism. 11 The crowd of sophists, who were\n attracted by THE taste and liberality of THEir royal pupil, had\n formed a strict alliance between THE learning and THE religion of\n Greece; and THE poems of Homer, instead of being admired as THE\n original productions of human genius, were seriously ascribed to\n THE heavenly inspiration of Apollo and THE muses. The deities of\n Olympus, as THEy are painted by THE immortal bard, imprint\n THEmselves on THE minds which are THE least addicted to\n superstitious credulity. Our familiar knowledge of THEir names\n and characters, THEir forms and attributes, _seems_ to bestow on\n those airy beings a real and substantial existence; and THE\n pleasing enchantment produces an imperfect and momentary assent\n of THE imagination to those fables, which are THE most repugnant\n to our reason and experience. In THE age of Julian, every\n circumstance contributed to prolong and fortify THE illusion; THE\n magnificent temples of Greece and Asia; THE works of those\n artists who had expressed, in painting or in sculpture, THE\n divine conceptions of THE poet; THE pomp of festivals and\n sacrifices; THE successful arts of divination; THE popular\n traditions of oracles and prodigies; and THE ancient practice of\n two thousand years. The weakness of polyTHEism was, in some\n measure, excused by THE moderation of its claims; and THE\n devotion of THE Pagans was not incompatible with THE most\n licentious scepticism. 12 Instead of an indivisible and regular\n system, which occupies THE whole extent of THE believing mind,\n THE mythology of THE Greeks was composed of a thousand loose and\n flexible parts, and THE servant of THE gods was at liberty to\n define THE degree and measure of his religious faith. The creed\n which Julian adopted for his own use was of THE largest\n dimensions; and, by strange contradiction, he disdained THE\n salutary yoke of THE gospel, whilst he made a voluntary offering\n of his reason on THE altars of Jupiter and Apollo. One of THE\n orations of Julian is consecrated to THE honor of Cybele, THE\n moTHEr of THE gods, who required from her effeminate priests THE\n bloody sacrifice, so rashly performed by THE madness of THE\n Phrygian boy. The pious emperor condescends to relate, without a\n blush, and without a smile, THE voyage of THE goddess from THE\n shores of Pergamus to THE mouth of THE Tyber, and THE stupendous\n miracle, which convinced THE senate and people of Rome that THE\n lump of clay, which THEir ambassadors had transported over THE\n seas, was endowed with life, and sentiment, and divine power. 13\n For THE truth of this prodigy he appeals to THE public monuments\n of THE city; and censures, with some acrimony, THE sickly and\n affected taste of those men, who impertinently derided THE sacred\n traditions of THEir ancestors. 14\n\n 11 (return) [ Libanius, Orat. Parentalis, c. 9, 10, p. 232, &c.\n Greg. Nazianzen. Orat. iii. p 61. Eunap. Vit. Sophist. in Maximo,\n p. 68, 69, 70, edit Commelin.]\n\n 12 (return) [ A modern philosopher has ingeniously compared THE\n different operation of THEism and polyTHEism, with regard to THE\n doubt or conviction which THEy produce in THE human mind. See\n HumeÕs Essays vol. ii. p. 444- 457, in 8vo. edit. 1777.]\n\n 13 (return) [ The Id¾an moTHEr landed in Italy about THE end of\n THE second Punic war. The miracle of Claudia, eiTHEr virgin or\n matron, who cleared her fame by disgracing THE graver modesty of\n THE Roman Indies, is attested by a cloud of witnesses. Their\n evidence is collected by Drakenborch, (ad Silium Italicum, xvii.\n 33;) but we may observe that Livy (xxix. 14) slides over THE\n transaction with discreet ambiguity.]\n\n 14 (return) [ I cannot refrain from transcribing THE emphatical\n words of Julian: Orat. v. p. 161. Julian likewise declares his\n firm belief in THE ancilia, THE holy shields, which dropped from\n heaven on THE Quirinal hill; and pities THE strange blindness of\n THE Christians, who preferred THE cross to THEse celestial\n trophies. Apud Cyril. l. vi. p. 194.]\n\n But THE devout philosopher, who sincerely embraced, and warmly\n encouraged, THE superstition of THE people, reserved for himself\n THE privilege of a liberal interpretation; and silently withdrew\n from THE foot of THE altars into THE sanctuary of THE temple. The\n extravagance of THE Grecian mythology proclaimed, with a clear\n and audible voice, that THE pious inquirer, instead of being\n scandalized or satisfied with THE literal sense, should\n diligently explore THE occult wisdom, which had been disguised,\n by THE prudence of antiquity, under THE mask of folly and of\n fable. 15 The philosophers of THE Platonic school, 16 Plotinus,\n Porphyry, and THE divine Iamblichus, were admired as THE most\n skilful masters of this allegorical science, which labored to\n soften and harmonize THE deformed features of Paganism. Julian\n himself, who was directed in THE mysterious pursuit by ®desius,\n THE venerable successor of Iamblichus, aspired to THE possession\n of a treasure, which he esteemed, if we may credit his solemn\n asseverations, far above THE empire of THE world. 17 It was\n indeed a treasure, which derived its value only from opinion; and\n every artist who flattered himself that he had extracted THE\n precious ore from THE surrounding dross, claimed an equal right\n of stamping THE name and figure THE most agreeable to his\n peculiar fancy. The fable of Atys and Cybele had been already\n explained by Porphyry; but his labors served only to animate THE\n pious industry of Julian, who invented and published his own\n allegory of that ancient and mystic tale. This freedom of\n interpretation, which might gratify THE pride of THE Platonists,\n exposed THE vanity of THEir art. Without a tedious detail, THE\n modern reader could not form a just idea of THE strange\n allusions, THE forced etymologies, THE solemn trifling, and THE\n impenetrable obscurity of THEse sages, who professed to reveal\n THE system of THE universe. As THE traditions of Pagan mythology\n were variously related, THE sacred interpreters were at liberty\n to select THE most convenient circumstances; and as THEy\n translated an arbitrary cipher, THEy could extract from _any_\n fable _any_ sense which was adapted to THEir favorite system of\n religion and philosophy. The lascivious form of a naked Venus was\n tortured into THE discovery of some moral precept, or some\n physical truth; and THE castration of Atys explained THE\n revolution of THE sun between THE tropics, or THE separation of\n THE human soul from vice and error. 18\n\n 15 (return) [ See THE principles of allegory, in Julian, (Orat.\n vii. p. 216, 222.) His reasoning is less absurd than that of some\n modern THEologians, who assert that an extravagant or\n contradictory doctrine must be divine; since no man alive could\n have thought of inventing it.]\n\n 16 (return) [ Eunapius has made THEse sophists THE subject of a\n partial and fanatical history; and THE learned Brucker (Hist.\n Philosoph. tom. ii. p. 217-303) has employed much labor to\n illustrate THEir obscure lives and incomprehensible doctrines.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Julian, Orat. vii p 222. He swears with THE most\n fervent and enthusiastic devotion; and trembles, lest he should\n betray too much of THEse holy mysteries, which THE profane might\n deride with an impious Sardonic laugh.]\n\n 18 (return) [ See THE fifth oration of Julian. But all THE\n allegories which ever issued from THE Platonic school are not\n worth THE short poem of Catullus on THE same extraordinary\n subject. The transition of Atys, from THE wildest enthusiasm to\n sober, paTHEtic complaint, for his irretrievable loss, must\n inspire a man with pity, a eunuch with despair.]\n\n The THEological system of Julian appears to have contained THE\n sublime and important principles of natural religion. But as THE\n faith, which is not founded on revelation, must remain destitute\n of any firm assurance, THE disciple of Plato imprudently relapsed\n into THE habits of vulgar superstition; and THE popular and\n philosophic notion of THE Deity seems to have been confounded in\n THE practice, THE writings, and even in THE mind of Julian. 19\n The pious emperor acknowledged and adored THE Eternal Cause of\n THE universe, to whom he ascribed all THE perfections of an\n infinite nature, invisible to THE eyes and inaccessible to THE\n understanding, of feeble mortals. The Supreme God had created, or\n raTHEr, in THE Platonic language, had generated, THE gradual\n succession of dependent spirits, of gods, of d¾mons, of heroes,\n and of men; and every being which derived its existence\n immediately from THE First Cause, received THE inherent gift of\n immortality. That so precious an advantage might not be lavished\n upon unworthy objects, THE Creator had intrusted to THE skill and\n power of THE inferior gods THE office of forming THE human body,\n and of arranging THE beautiful harmony of THE animal, THE\n vegetable, and THE mineral kingdoms. To THE conduct of THEse\n divine ministers he delegated THE temporal government of this\n lower world; but THEir imperfect administration is not exempt\n from discord or error. The earth and its inhabitants are divided\n among THEm, and THE characters of Mars or Minerva, of Mercury or\n Venus, may be distinctly traced in THE laws and manners of THEir\n peculiar votaries. As long as our immortal souls are confined in\n a mortal prison, it is our interest, as well as our duty, to\n solicit THE favor, and to deprecate THE wrath, of THE powers of\n heaven; whose pride is gratified by THE devotion of mankind; and\n whose grosser parts may be supposed to derive some nourishment\n from THE fumes of sacrifice. 20 The inferior gods might sometimes\n condescend to animate THE statues, and to inhabit THE temples,\n which were dedicated to THEir honor. They might occasionally\n visit THE earth, but THE heavens were THE proper throne and\n symbol of THEir glory. The invariable order of THE sun, moon, and\n stars, was hastily admitted by Julian, as a proof of THEir\n _eternal_ duration; and THEir eternity was a sufficient evidence\n that THEy were THE workmanship, not of an inferior deity, but of\n THE Omnipotent King. In THE system of Platonists, THE visible was\n a type of THE invisible world. The celestial bodies, as THEy were\n informed by a divine spirit, might be considered as THE objects\n THE most worthy of religious worship. The Sun, whose genial\n influence pervades and sustains THE universe, justly claimed THE\n adoration of mankind, as THE bright representative of THE Logos,\n THE lively, THE rational, THE beneficent image of THE\n intellectual FaTHEr. 21\n\n 19 (return) [ The true religion of Julian may be deduced from THE\n C¾sars, p. 308, with SpanheimÕs notes and illustrations, from THE\n fragments in Cyril, l. ii. p. 57, 58, and especially from THE\n THEological oration in Solem Regem, p. 130-158, addressed in THE\n confidence of friendship, to THE pr¾fect Sallust.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Julian adopts this gross conception by ascribing to\n his favorite Marcus Antoninus, (C¾sares, p. 333.) The Stoics and\n Platonists hesitated between THE analogy of bodies and THE purity\n of spirits; yet THE gravest philosophers inclined to THE\n whimsical fancy of Aristophanes and Lucian, that an unbelieving\n age might starve THE immortal gods. See Observations de Spanheim,\n p. 284, 444, &c.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Julian. Epist. li. In anoTHEr place, (apud Cyril.\n l. ii. p. 69,) he calls THE Sun God, and THE throne of God.\n Julian believed THE Platonician Trinity; and only blames THE\n Christians for preferring a mortal to an immortal _Logos_.]\n\n In every age, THE absence of genuine inspiration is supplied by\n THE strong illusions of enthusiasm, and THE mimic arts of\n imposture. If, in THE time of Julian, THEse arts had been\n practised only by THE pagan priests, for THE support of an\n expiring cause, some indulgence might perhaps be allowed to THE\n interest and habits of THE sacerdotal character. But it may\n appear a subject of surprise and scandal, that THE philosophers\n THEmselves should have contributed to abuse THE superstitious\n credulity of mankind, 22 and that THE Grecian mysteries should\n have been supported by THE magic or THEurgy of THE modern\n Platonists. They arrogantly pretended to control THE order of\n nature, to explore THE secrets of futurity, to command THE\n service of THE inferior d¾mons, to enjoy THE view and\n conversation of THE superior gods, and by disengaging THE soul\n from her material bands, to reunite that immortal particle with\n THE Infinite and Divine Spirit.\n\n 22 (return) [ The sophists of Eunapias perform as many miracles\n as THE saints of THE desert; and THE only circumstance in THEir\n favor is, that THEy are of a less gloomy complexion. Instead of\n devils with horns and tails, Iamblichus evoked THE genii of love,\n Eros and Anteros, from two adjacent fountains. Two beautiful boys\n issued from THE water, fondly embraced him as THEir faTHEr, and\n retired at his command, p. 26, 27.]\n\n The devout and fearless curiosity of Julian tempted THE\n philosophers with THE hopes of an easy conquest; which, from THE\n situation of THEir young proselyte, might be productive of THE\n most important consequences. 23 Julian imbibed THE first\n rudiments of THE Platonic doctrines from THE mouth of ®desius,\n who had fixed at Pergamus his wandering and persecuted school.\n But as THE declining strength of that venerable sage was unequal\n to THE ardor, THE diligence, THE rapid conception of his pupil,\n two of his most learned disciples, ChrysanTHEs and Eusebius,\n supplied, at his own desire, THE place of THEir aged master.\n These philosophers seem to have prepared and distributed THEir\n respective parts; and THEy artfully contrived, by dark hints and\n affected disputes, to excite THE impatient hopes of THE\n _aspirant_, till THEy delivered him into THE hands of THEir\n associate, Maximus, THE boldest and most skilful master of THE\n Theurgic science. By his hands, Julian was secretly initiated at\n Ephesus, in THE twentieth year of his age. His residence at\n ATHEns confirmed this unnatural alliance of philosophy and\n superstition.\n\n He obtained THE privilege of a solemn initiation into THE\n mysteries of Eleusis, which, amidst THE general decay of THE\n Grecian worship, still retained some vestiges of THEir prim¾val\n sanctity; and such was THE zeal of Julian, that he afterwards\n invited THE Eleusinian pontiff to THE court of Gaul, for THE sole\n purpose of consummating, by mystic rites and sacrifices, THE\n great work of his sanctification. As THEse ceremonies were\n performed in THE depth of caverns, and in THE silence of THE\n night, and as THE inviolable secret of THE mysteries was\n preserved by THE discretion of THE initiated, I shall not presume\n to describe THE horrid sounds, and fiery apparitions, which were\n presented to THE senses, or THE imagination, of THE credulous\n aspirant, 24 till THE visions of comfort and knowledge broke upon\n him in a blaze of celestial light. 25 In THE caverns of Ephesus\n and Eleusis, THE mind of Julian was penetrated with sincere,\n deep, and unalterable enthusiasm; though he might sometimes\n exhibit THE vicissitudes of pious fraud and hypocrisy, which may\n be observed, or at least suspected, in THE characters of THE most\n conscientious fanatics. From that moment he consecrated his life\n to THE service of THE gods; and while THE occupations of war, of\n government, and of study, seemed to claim THE whole measure of\n his time, a stated portion of THE hours of THE night was\n invariably reserved for THE exercise of private devotion. The\n temperance which adorned THE severe manners of THE soldier and\n THE philosopher was connected with some strict and frivolous\n rules of religious abstinence; and it was in honor of Pan or\n Mercury, of Hecate or Isis, that Julian, on particular days,\n denied himself THE use of some particular food, which might have\n been offensive to his tutelar deities. By THEse voluntary fasts,\n he prepared his senses and his understanding for THE frequent and\n familiar visits with which he was honored by THE celestial\n powers. Notwithstanding THE modest silence of Julian himself, we\n may learn from his faithful friend, THE orator Libanius, that he\n lived in a perpetual intercourse with THE gods and goddesses;\n that THEy descended upon earth to enjoy THE conversation of THEir\n favorite hero; that THEy gently interrupted his slumbers by\n touching his hand or his hair; that THEy warned him of every\n impending danger, and conducted him, by THEir infallible wisdom,\n in every action of his life; and that he had acquired such an\n intimate knowledge of his heavenly guests, as readily to\n distinguish THE voice of Jupiter from that of Minerva, and THE\n form of Apollo from THE figure of Hercules. 26 These sleeping or\n waking visions, THE ordinary effects of abstinence and\n fanaticism, would almost degrade THE emperor to THE level of an\n Egyptian monk. But THE useless lives of Antony or Pachomius were\n consumed in THEse vain occupations. Julian could break from THE\n dream of superstition to arm himself for battle; and after\n vanquishing in THE field THE enemies of Rome, he calmly retired\n into his tent, to dictate THE wise and salutary laws of an\n empire, or to indulge his genius in THE elegant pursuits of\n literature and philosophy.\n\n 23 (return) [ The dexterous management of THEse sophists, who\n played THEir credulous pupil into each oTHErÕs hands, is fairly\n told by Eunapius (p. 69- 79) with unsuspecting simplicity. The\n AbbŽ de la Bleterie understands, and neatly describes, THE whole\n comedy, (Vie de Julian, p. 61-67.)]\n\n 24 (return) [ When Julian, in a momentary panic, made THE sign of\n THE cross THE d¾mons instantly disappeared, (Greg. Naz. Orat.\n iii. p. 71.) Gregory supposes that THEy were frightened, but THE\n priests declared that THEy were indignant. The reader, according\n to THE measure of his faith, will determine this profound\n question.]\n\n 25 (return) [ A dark and distant view of THE terrors and joys of\n initiation is shown by Dion Chrysostom, Themistius, Proclus, and\n Stob¾us. The learned author of THE Divine Legation has exhibited\n THEir words, (vol. i. p. 239, 247, 248, 280, edit. 1765,) which\n he dexterously or forcibly applies to his own hypoTHEsis.]\n\n 26 (return) [ JulianÕs modesty confined him to obscure and\n occasional hints: but Libanius expiates with pleasure on THE\n facts and visions of THE religious hero. (Legat. ad Julian. p.\n 157, and Orat. Parental. c. lxxxiii. p. 309, 310.)]\n\n The important secret of THE apostasy of Julian was intrusted to\n THE fidelity of THE _initiated_, with whom he was united by THE\n sacred ties of friendship and religion. 27 The pleasing rumor was\n cautiously circulated among THE adherents of THE ancient worship;\n and his future greatness became THE object of THE hopes, THE\n prayers, and THE predictions of THE Pagans, in every province of\n THE empire. From THE zeal and virtues of THEir royal proselyte,\n THEy fondly expected THE cure of every evil, and THE restoration\n of every blessing; and instead of disapproving of THE ardor of\n THEir pious wishes, Julian ingenuously confessed, that he was\n ambitious to attain a situation in which he might be useful to\n his country and to his religion. But this religion was viewed\n with a hostile eye by THE successor of Constantine, whose\n capricious passions altercately saved and threatened THE life of\n Julian. The arts of magic and divination were strictly prohibited\n under a despotic government, which condescended to fear THEm; and\n if THE Pagans were reluctantly indulged in THE exercise of THEir\n superstition, THE rank of Julian would have excepted him from THE\n general toleration. The apostate soon became THE presumptive heir\n of THE monarchy, and his death could alone have appeased THE just\n apprehensions of THE Christians. 28 But THE young prince, who\n aspired to THE glory of a hero raTHEr than of a martyr, consulted\n his safety by dissembling his religion; and THE easy temper of\n polyTHEism permitted him to join in THE public worship of a sect\n which he inwardly despised. Libanius has considered THE hypocrisy\n of his friend as a subject, not of censure, but of praise. ÒAs\n THE statues of THE gods,Ó says that orator, Òwhich have been\n defiled with filth, are again placed in a magnificent temple, so\n THE beauty of truth was seated in THE mind of Julian, after it\n had been purified from THE errors and follies of his education.\n His sentiments were changed; but as it would have been dangerous\n to have avowed his sentiments, his conduct still continued THE\n same. Very different from THE ass in ®sop, who disguised himself\n with a lionÕs hide, our lion was obliged to conceal himself under\n THE skin of an ass; and, while he embraced THE dictates of\n reason, to obey THE laws of prudence and necessity.Ó 29 The\n dissimulation of Julian lasted about ten years, from his secret\n initiation at Ephesus to THE beginning of THE civil war; when he\n declared himself at once THE implacable enemy of Christ and of\n Constantius. This state of constraint might contribute to\n strengTHEn his devotion; and as soon as he had satisfied THE\n obligation of assisting, on solemn festivals, at THE assemblies\n of THE Christians, Julian returned, with THE impatience of a\n lover, to burn his free and voluntary incense on THE domestic\n chapels of Jupiter and Mercury. But as every act of dissimulation\n must be painful to an ingenuous spirit, THE profession of\n Christianity increased THE aversion of Julian for a religion\n which oppressed THE freedom of his mind, and compelled him to\n hold a conduct repugnant to THE noblest attributes of human\n nature, sincerity and courage.\n\n 27 (return) [ Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. x. p. 233, 234. Gallus\n had some reason to suspect THE secret apostasy of his broTHEr;\n and in a letter, which may be received as genuine, he exhorts\n Julian to adhere to THE religion of THEir _ancestors;_ an\n argument which, as it should seem, was not yet perfectly ripe.\n See Julian, Op. p. 454, and Hist. de Jovien tom ii. p. 141.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Gregory, (iii. p. 50,) with inhuman zeal, censures\n Constantius for paring THE infant apostate. His French translator\n (p. 265) cautiously observes, that such expressions must not be\n prises ˆ la lettre.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Libanius, Orat. Parental. c ix. p. 233.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.ÑPart II.\n\n\n The inclination of Julian might prefer THE gods of Homer, and of\n THE Scipios, to THE new faith, which his uncle had established in\n THE Roman empire; and in which he himself had been sanctified by\n THE sacrament of baptism. But, as a philosopher, it was incumbent\n on him to justify his dissent from Christianity, which was\n supported by THE number of its converts, by THE chain of\n prophecy, THE splendor of miracles, and THE weight of evidence.\n The elaborate work, 30 which he composed amidst THE preparations\n of THE Persian war, contained THE substance of those arguments\n which he had long revolved in his mind. Some fragments have been\n transcribed and preserved, by his adversary, THE vehement Cyril\n of Alexandria; 31 and THEy exhibit a very singular mixture of wit\n and learning, of sophistry and fanaticism. The elegance of THE\n style and THE rank of THE author, recommended his writings to THE\n public attention; 32 and in THE impious list of THE enemies of\n Christianity, THE celebrated name of Porphyry was effaced by THE\n superior merit or reputation of Julian. The minds of THE faithful\n were eiTHEr seduced, or scandalized, or alarmed; and THE pagans,\n who sometimes presumed to engage in THE unequal dispute, derived,\n from THE popular work of THEir Imperial missionary, an\n inexhaustible supply of fallacious objections. But in THE\n assiduous prosecution of THEse THEological studies, THE emperor\n of THE Romans imbibed THE illiberal prejudices and passions of a\n polemic divine. He contracted an irrevocable obligation to\n maintain and propagate his religious opinions; and whilst he\n secretly applauded THE strength and dexterity with which he\n wielded THE weapons of controversy, he was tempted to distrust\n THE sincerity, or to despise THE understandings, of his\n antagonists, who could obstinately resist THE force of reason and\n eloquence.\n\n 30 (return) [ Fabricius (Biblioth. Gr¾c. l. v. c. viii, p. 88-90)\n and Lardner (HeaTHEn Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 44-47) have\n accurately compiled all that can now be discovered of JulianÕs\n work against THE Christians.]\n\n 31 (return) [ About seventy years after THE death of Julian, he\n executed a task which had been feebly attempted by Philip of\n Side, a prolix and contemptible writer. Even THE work of Cyril\n has not entirely satisfied THE most favorable judges; and THE\n AbbŽ de la Bleterie (Preface a lÕHist. de Jovien, p. 30, 32)\n wishes that some _THEologien philosophe_ (a strange centaur)\n would undertake THE refutation of Julian.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Libanius, (Orat. Parental. c. lxxxvii. p. 313,) who\n has been suspected of assisting his friend, prefers this divine\n vindication (Orat. ix in necem Julian. p. 255, edit. Morel.) to\n THE writings of Porphyry. His judgment may be arraigned,\n (Socrates, l. iii. c. 23,) but Libanius cannot be accused of\n flattery to a dead prince.]\n\n The Christians, who beheld with horror and indignation THE\n apostasy of Julian, had much more to fear from his power than\n from his arguments. The pagans, who were conscious of his fervent\n zeal, expected, perhaps with impatience, that THE flames of\n persecution should be immediately kindled against THE enemies of\n THE gods; and that THE ingenious malice of Julian would invent\n some cruel refinements of death and torture which had been\n unknown to THE rude and inexperienced fury of his predecessors.\n But THE hopes, as well as THE fears, of THE religious factions\n were apparently disappointed, by THE prudent humanity of a\n prince, 33 who was careful of his own fame, of THE public peace,\n and of THE rights of mankind. Instructed by history and\n reflection, Julian was persuaded, that if THE diseases of THE\n body may sometimes be cured by salutary violence, neiTHEr steel\n nor fire can eradicate THE erroneous opinions of THE mind. The\n reluctant victim may be dragged to THE foot of THE altar; but THE\n heart still abhors and disclaims THE sacrilegious act of THE\n hand. Religious obstinacy is hardened and exasperated by\n oppression; and, as soon as THE persecution subsides, those who\n have yielded are restored as penitents, and those who have\n resisted are honored as saints and martyrs. If Julian adopted THE\n unsuccessful cruelty of Diocletian and his colleagues, he was\n sensible that he should stain his memory with THE name of a\n tyrant, and add new glories to THE Catholic church, which had\n derived strength and increase from THE severity of THE pagan\n magistrates. Actuated by THEse motives, and apprehensive of\n disturbing THE repose of an unsettled reign, Julian surprised THE\n world by an edict, which was not unworthy of a statesman, or a\n philosopher. He extended to all THE inhabitants of THE Roman\n world THE benefits of a free and equal toleration; and THE only\n hardship which he inflicted on THE Christians, was to deprive\n THEm of THE power of tormenting THEir fellow-subjects, whom THEy\n stigmatized with THE odious titles of idolaters and heretics. The\n pagans received a gracious permission, or raTHEr an express\n order, to open All THEir temples; 34 and THEy were at once\n delivered from THE oppressive laws, and arbitrary vexations,\n which THEy had sustained under THE reign of Constantine, and of\n his sons. At THE same time THE bishops and clergy, who had been\n banished by THE Arian monarch, were recalled from exile, and\n restored to THEir respective churches; THE Donatists, THE\n Novatians, THE Macedonians, THE Eunomians, and those who, with a\n more prosperous fortune, adhered to THE doctrine of THE Council\n of Nice. Julian, who understood and derided THEir THEological\n disputes, invited to THE palace THE leaders of THE hostile sects,\n that he might enjoy THE agreeable spectacle of THEir furious\n encounters. The clamor of controversy sometimes provoked THE\n emperor to exclaim, ÒHear me! THE Franks have heard me, and THE\n Alemanni;Ó but he soon discovered that he was now engaged with\n more obstinate and implacable enemies; and though he exerted THE\n powers of oratory to persuade THEm to live in concord, or at\n least in peace, he was perfectly satisfied, before he dismissed\n THEm from his presence, that he had nothing to dread from THE\n union of THE Christians. The impartial Ammianus has ascribed this\n affected clemency to THE desire of fomenting THE intestine\n divisions of THE church, and THE insidious design of undermining\n THE foundations of Christianity, was inseparably connected with\n THE zeal which Julian professed, to restore THE ancient religion\n of THE empire. 35\n\n 33 (return) [ Libanius (Orat. Parent. c. lviii. p. 283, 284) has\n eloquently explained THE tolerating principles and conduct of his\n Imperial friend. In a very remarkable epistle to THE people of\n Bostra, Julian himself (Epist. lii.) professes his moderation,\n and betrays his zeal, which is acknowledged by Ammianus, and\n exposed by Gregory (Orat. iii. p.72)]\n\n 34 (return) [ In Greece THE temples of Minerva were opened by his\n express command, before THE death of Constantius, (Liban. Orat.\n Parent. c. 55, p. 280;) and Julian declares himself a Pagan in\n his public manifesto to THE ATHEnians. This unquestionable\n evidence may correct THE hasty assertion of Ammianus, who seems\n to suppose Constantinople to be THE place where he discovered his\n attachment to THE gods]\n\n 35 (return) [ Ammianus, xxii. 5. Sozomen, l. v. c. 5. Bestia\n moritur, tranquillitas redit.... omnes episcopi qui de propriis\n sedibus fuerant exterminati per indulgentiam novi principis ad\n acclesias redeunt. Jerom. adversus Luciferianos, tom. ii. p. 143.\n Optatus accuses THE Donatists for owing THEir safety to an\n apostate, (l. ii. c. 16, p. 36, 37, edit. Dupin.)]\n\n As soon as he ascended THE throne, he assumed, according to THE\n custom of his predecessors, THE character of supreme pontiff; not\n only as THE most honorable title of Imperial greatness, but as a\n sacred and important office; THE duties of which he was resolved\n to execute with pious diligence. As THE business of THE state\n prevented THE emperor from joining every day in THE public\n devotion of his subjects, he dedicated a domestic chapel to his\n tutelar deity THE Sun; his gardens were filled with statues and\n altars of THE gods; and each apartment of THE palace displaced\n THE appearance of a magnificent temple. Every morning he saluted\n THE parent of light with a sacrifice; THE blood of anoTHEr victim\n was shed at THE moment when THE Sun sunk below THE horizon; and\n THE Moon, THE Stars, and THE Genii of THE night received THEir\n respective and seasonable honors from THE indefatigable devotion\n of Julian. On solemn festivals, he regularly visited THE temple\n of THE god or goddess to whom THE day was peculiarly consecrated,\n and endeavored to excite THE religion of THE magistrates and\n people by THE example of his own zeal. Instead of maintaining THE\n lofty state of a monarch, distinguished by THE splendor of his\n purple, and encompassed by THE golden shields of his guards,\n Julian solicited, with respectful eagerness, THE meanest offices\n which contributed to THE worship of THE gods. Amidst THE sacred\n but licentious crowd of priests, of inferior ministers, and of\n female dancers, who were dedicated to THE service of THE temple,\n it was THE business of THE emperor to bring THE wood, to blow THE\n fire, to handle THE knife, to slaughter THE victim, and,\n thrusting his bloody hands into THE bowels of THE expiring\n animal, to draw forth THE heart or liver, and to read, with THE\n consummate skill of an haruspex, imaginary signs of future\n events. The wisest of THE Pagans censured this extravagant\n superstition, which affected to despise THE restraints of\n prudence and decency. Under THE reign of a prince, who practised\n THE rigid maxims of economy, THE expense of religious worship\n consumed a very large portion of THE revenue; a constant supply\n of THE scarcest and most beautiful birds was transported from\n distant climates, to bleed on THE altars of THE gods; a hundred\n oxen were frequently sacrificed by Julian on one and THE same\n day; and it soon became a popular jest, that if he should return\n with conquest from THE Persian war, THE breed of horned cattle\n must infallibly be extinguished. Yet this expense may appear\n inconsiderable, when it is compared with THE splendid presents\n which were offered eiTHEr by THE hand, or by order, of THE\n emperor, to all THE celebrated places of devotion in THE Roman\n world; and with THE sums allotted to repair and decorate THE\n ancient temples, which had suffered THE silent decay of time, or\n THE recent injuries of Christian rapine. Encouraged by THE\n example, THE exhortations, THE liberality, of THEir pious\n sovereign, THE cities and families resumed THE practice of THEir\n neglected ceremonies. ÒEvery part of THE world,Ó exclaims\n Libanius, with devout transport, Òdisplayed THE triumph of\n religion; and THE grateful prospect of flaming altars, bleeding\n victims, THE smoke of incense, and a solemn train of priests and\n prophets, without fear and without danger. The sound of prayer\n and of music was heard on THE tops of THE highest mountains; and\n THE same ox afforded a sacrifice for THE gods, and a supper for\n THEir joyous votaries.Ó 36\n\n 36 (return) [ The restoration of THE Pagan worship is described\n by Julian, (Misopogon, p. 346,) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 60,\n p. 286, 287, and Orat. Consular. ad Julian. p. 245, 246, edit.\n Morel.,) Ammianus, (xxii. 12,) and Gregory Nazianzen, (Orat. iv.\n p. 121.) These writers agree in THE essential, and even minute,\n facts; but THE different lights in which THEy view THE extreme\n devotion of Julian, are expressive of THE gradations of\n self-applause, passionate admiration, mild reproof, and partial\n invective.]\n\n But THE genius and power of Julian were unequal to THE enterprise\n of restoring a religion which was destitute of THEological\n principles, of moral precepts, and of ecclesiastical discipline;\n which rapidly hastened to decay and dissolution, and was not\n susceptible of any solid or consistent reformation. The\n jurisdiction of THE supreme pontiff, more especially after that\n office had been united with THE Imperial dignity, comprehended\n THE whole extent of THE Roman empire. Julian named for his\n vicars, in THE several provinces, THE priests and philosophers\n whom he esteemed THE best qualified to cooperate in THE execution\n of his great design; and his pastoral letters, 37 if we may use\n that name, still represent a very curious sketch of his wishes\n and intentions. He directs, that in every city THE sacerdotal\n order should be composed, without any distinction of birth and\n fortune, of those persons who were THE most conspicuous for THE\n love of THE gods, and of men. ÒIf THEy are guilty,Ó continues he,\n Òof any scandalous offence, THEy should be censured or degraded\n by THE superior pontiff; but as long as THEy retain THEir rank,\n THEy are entitled to THE respect of THE magistrates and people.\n Their humility may be shown in THE plainness of THEir domestic\n garb; THEir dignity, in THE pomp of holy vestments. When THEy are\n summoned in THEir turn to officiate before THE altar, THEy ought\n not, during THE appointed number of days, to depart from THE\n precincts of THE temple; nor should a single day be suffered to\n elapse, without THE prayers and THE sacrifice, which THEy are\n obliged to offer for THE prosperity of THE state, and of\n individuals. The exercise of THEir sacred functions requires an\n immaculate purity, both of mind and body; and even when THEy are\n dismissed from THE temple to THE occupations of common life, it\n is incumbent on THEm to excel in decency and virtue THE rest of\n THEir fellow-citizens. The priest of THE gods should never be\n seen in THEatres or taverns. His conversation should be chaste,\n his diet temperate, his friends of honorable reputation; and if\n he sometimes visits THE Forum or THE Palace, he should appear\n only as THE advocate of those who have vainly solicited eiTHEr\n justice or mercy. His studies should be suited to THE sanctity of\n his profession. Licentious tales, or comedies, or satires, must\n be banished from his library, which ought solely to consist of\n historical or philosophical writings; of history, which is\n founded in truth, and of philosophy, which is connected with\n religion. The impious opinions of THE Epicureans and sceptics\n deserve his abhorrence and contempt; 38 but he should diligently\n study THE systems of Pythagoras, of Plato, and of THE Stoics,\n which unanimously teach that THEre _are_ gods; that THE world is\n governed by THEir providence; that THEir goodness is THE source\n of every temporal blessing; and that THEy have prepared for THE\n human soul a future state of reward or punishment.Ó The Imperial\n pontiff inculcates, in THE most persuasive language, THE duties\n of benevolence and hospitality; exhorts his inferior clergy to\n recommend THE universal practice of those virtues; promises to\n assist THEir indigence from THE public treasury; and declares his\n resolution of establishing hospitals in every city, where THE\n poor should be received without any invidious distinction of\n country or of religion. Julian beheld with envy THE wise and\n humane regulations of THE church; and he very frankly confesses\n his intention to deprive THE Christians of THE applause, as well\n as advantage, which THEy had acquired by THE exclusive practice\n of charity and beneficence. 39 The same spirit of imitation might\n dispose THE emperor to adopt several ecclesiastical institutions,\n THE use and importance of which were approved by THE success of\n his enemies. But if THEse imaginary plans of reformation had been\n realized, THE forced and imperfect copy would have been less\n beneficial to Paganism, than honorable to Christianity. 40 The\n Gentiles, who peaceably followed THE customs of THEir ancestors,\n were raTHEr surprised than pleased with THE introduction of\n foreign manners; and in THE short period of his reign, Julian had\n frequent occasions to complain of THE want of fervor of his own\n party. 41\n\n 37 (return) [ See Julian. Epistol. xlix. lxii. lxiii., and a long\n and curious fragment, without beginning or end, (p. 288-305.) The\n supreme pontiff derides THE Mosaic history and THE Christian\n discipline, prefers THE Greek poets to THE Hebrew prophets, and\n palliates, with THE skill of a Jesuit THE _relative_ worship of\n images.]\n\n 38 (return) [ The exultation of Julian (p. 301) that THEse\n impious sects and even THEir writings, are extinguished, may be\n consistent enough with THE sacerdotal character; but it is\n unworthy of a philosopher to wish that any opinions and arguments\n THE most repugnant to his own should be concealed from THE\n knowledge of mankind.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Yet he insinuates, that THE Christians, under THE\n pretence of charity, inveigled children from THEir religion and\n parents, conveyed THEm on shipboard, and devoted those victims to\n a life of poverty or pervitude in a remote country, (p. 305.) Had\n THE charge been proved it was his duty, not to complain, but to\n punish.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Gregory Nazianzen is facetious, ingenious, and\n argumentative, (Orat. iii. p. 101, 102, &c.) He ridicules THE\n folly of such vain imitation; and amuses himself with inquiring,\n what lessons, moral or THEological, could be extracted from THE\n Grecian fables.]\n\n 41 (return) [ He accuses one of his pontiffs of a secret\n confederacy with THE Christian bishops and presbyters, (Epist.\n lxii.) &c. Epist. lxiii.]\n\n The enthusiasm of Julian prompted him to embrace THE friends of\n Jupiter as his personal friends and brethren; and though he\n partially overlooked THE merit of Christian constancy, he admired\n and rewarded THE noble perseverance of those Gentiles who had\n preferred THE favor of THE gods to that of THE emperor. 42 If\n THEy cultivated THE literature, as well as THE religion, of THE\n Greeks, THEy acquired an additional claim to THE friendship of\n Julian, who ranked THE Muses in THE number of his tutelar\n deities. In THE religion which he had adopted, piety and learning\n were almost synonymous; 43 and a crowd of poets, of rhetoricians,\n and of philosophers, hastened to THE Imperial court, to occupy\n THE vacant places of THE bishops, who had seduced THE credulity\n of Constantius. His successor esteemed THE ties of common\n initiation as far more sacred than those of consanguinity; he\n chose his favorites among THE sages, who were deeply skilled in\n THE occult sciences of magic and divination; and every impostor,\n who pretended to reveal THE secrets of futurity, was assured of\n enjoying THE present hour in honor and affluence. 44 Among THE\n philosophers, Maximus obtained THE most eminent rank in THE\n friendship of his royal disciple, who communicated, with\n unreserved confidence, his actions, his sentiments, and his\n religious designs, during THE anxious suspense of THE civil war.\n 45 As soon as Julian had taken possession of THE palace of\n Constantinople, he despatched an honorable and pressing\n invitation to Maximus, who THEn resided at Sardes in Lydia, with\n Chrysanthius, THE associate of his art and studies. The prudent\n and superstitious Chrysanthius refused to undertake a journey\n which showed itself, according to THE rules of divination, with\n THE most threatening and malignant aspect: but his companion,\n whose fanaticism was of a bolder cast, persisted in his\n interrogations, till he had extorted from THE gods a seeming\n consent to his own wishes, and those of THE emperor. The journey\n of Maximus through THE cities of Asia displayed THE triumph of\n philosophic vanity; and THE magistrates vied with each oTHEr in\n THE honorable reception which THEy prepared for THE friend of\n THEir sovereign. Julian was pronouncing an oration before THE\n senate, when he was informed of THE arrival of Maximus. The\n emperor immediately interrupted his discourse, advanced to meet\n him, and after a tender embrace, conducted him by THE hand into\n THE midst of THE assembly; where he publicly acknowledged THE\n benefits which he had derived from THE instructions of THE\n philosopher. Maximus, 46 who soon acquired THE confidence, and\n influenced THE councils of Julian, was insensibly corrupted by\n THE temptations of a court. His dress became more splendid, his\n demeanor more lofty, and he was exposed, under a succeeding\n reign, to a disgraceful inquiry into THE means by which THE\n disciple of Plato had accumulated, in THE short duration of his\n favor, a very scandalous proportion of wealth. Of THE oTHEr\n philosophers and sophists, who were invited to THE Imperial\n residence by THE choice of Julian, or by THE success of Maximus,\n few were able to preserve THEir innocence or THEir reputation.\n The liberal gifts of money, lands, and houses, were insufficient\n to satiate THEir rapacious avarice; and THE indignation of THE\n people was justly excited by THE remembrance of THEir abject\n poverty and disinterested professions. The penetration of Julian\n could not always be deceived: but he was unwilling to despise THE\n characters of those men whose talents deserved his esteem: he\n desired to escape THE double reproach of imprudence and\n inconstancy; and he was apprehensive of degrading, in THE eyes of\n THE profane, THE honor of letters and of religion. 47 48\n\n 42 (return) [ He praises THE fidelity of Callixene, priestess of\n Ceres, who had been twice as constant as Penelope, and rewards\n her with THE priesthood of THE Phrygian goddess at Pessinus,\n (Julian. Epist. xxi.) He applauds THE firmness of Sopater of\n Hierapolis, who had been repeatedly pressed by Constantius and\n Gallus to _apostatize_, (Epist. xxvii p. 401.)]\n\n 43 (return) [ Orat. Parent. c. 77, p. 202. The same sentiment is\n frequently inculcated by Julian, Libanius, and THE rest of THEir\n party.]\n\n 44 (return) [ The curiosity and credulity of THE emperor, who\n tried every mode of divination, are fairly exposed by Ammianus,\n xxii. 12.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Julian. Epist. xxxviii. Three oTHEr epistles, (xv.\n xvi. xxxix.,) in THE same style of friendship and confidence, are\n addressed to THE philosopher Maximus.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Eunapius (in Maximo, p. 77, 78, 79, and in\n Chrysanthio, p. 147, 148) has minutely related THEse anecdotes,\n which he conceives to be THE most important events of THE age.\n Yet he fairly confesses THE frailty of Maximus. His reception at\n Constantinople is described by Libanius (Orat. Parent. c. 86, p.\n 301) and Ammianus, (xxii. 7.) * Note: Eunapius wrote a\n continuation of THE History of Dexippus. Some valuable fragments\n of this work have been recovered by M. Mai, and reprinted in\n NiebuhrÕs edition of THE Byzantine Historians.ÑM.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Chrysanthius, who had refused to quit Lydia, was\n created high priest of THE province. His cautious and temperate\n use of power secured him after THE revolution; and he lived in\n peace, while Maximus, Priscus, &c., were persecuted by THE\n Christian ministers. See THE adventures of those fanatic\n sophists, collected by Brucker, tom ii. p. 281-293.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Sec Libanius (Orat. Parent. c. 101, 102, p. 324,\n 325, 326) and Eunapius, (Vit. Sophist. in Pro¾resio, p. 126.)\n Some students, whose expectations perhaps were groundless, or\n extravagant, retired in disgust, (Greg. Naz. Orat. iv. p. 120.)\n It is strange that we should not be able to contradict THE title\n of one of TillemontÕs chapters, (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p.\n 960,) ÒLa Cour de Julien est pleine de philosphes et de gens\n perdus.Ó]\n\n The favor of Julian was almost equally divided between THE\n Pagans, who had firmly adhered to THE worship of THEir ancestors,\n and THE Christians, who prudently embraced THE religion of THEir\n sovereign. The acquisition of new proselytes 49 gratified THE\n ruling passions of his soul, superstition and vanity; and he was\n heard to declare, with THE enthusiasm of a missionary, that if he\n could render each individual richer than Midas, and every city\n greater than Babylon, he should not esteem himself THE benefactor\n of mankind, unless, at THE same time, he could reclaim his\n subjects from THEir impious revolt against THE immortal gods. 50\n A prince who had studied human nature, and who possessed THE\n treasures of THE Roman empire, could adapt his arguments, his\n promises, and his rewards, to every order of Christians; 51 and\n THE merit of a seasonable conversion was allowed to supply THE\n defects of a candidate, or even to expiate THE guilt of a\n criminal. As THE army is THE most forcible engine of absolute\n power, Julian applied himself, with peculiar diligence, to\n corrupt THE religion of his troops, without whose hearty\n concurrence every measure must be dangerous and unsuccessful; and\n THE natural temper of soldiers made this conquest as easy as it\n was important. The legions of Gaul devoted THEmselves to THE\n faith, as well as to THE fortunes, of THEir victorious leader;\n and even before THE death of Constantius, he had THE satisfaction\n of announcing to his friends, that THEy assisted with fervent\n devotion, and voracious appetite, at THE sacrifices, which were\n repeatedly offered in his camp, of whole hecatombs of fat oxen.\n 52 The armies of THE East, which had been trained under THE\n standard of THE cross, and of Constantius, required a more artful\n and expensive mode of persuasion. On THE days of solemn and\n public festivals, THE emperor received THE homage, and rewarded\n THE merit, of THE troops. His throne of state was encircled with\n THE military ensigns of Rome and THE republic; THE holy name of\n Christ was erased from THE _Labarum;_ and THE symbols of war, of\n majesty, and of pagan superstition, were so dexterously blended,\n that THE faithful subject incurred THE guilt of idolatry, when he\n respectfully saluted THE person or image of his sovereign. The\n soldiers passed successively in review; and each of THEm, before\n he received from THE hand of Julian a liberal donative,\n proportioned to his rank and services, was required to cast a few\n grains of incense into THE flame which burnt upon THE altar. Some\n Christian confessors might resist, and oTHErs might repent; but\n THE far greater number, allured by THE prospect of gold, and awed\n by THE presence of THE emperor, contracted THE criminal\n engagement; and THEir future perseverance in THE worship of THE\n gods was enforced by every consideration of duty and of interest.\n\n By THE frequent repetition of THEse arts, and at THE expense of\n sums which would have purchased THE service of half THE nations\n of Scythia, Julian gradually acquired for his troops THE\n imaginary protection of THE gods, and for himself THE firm and\n effectual support of THE Roman legions. 53 It is indeed more than\n probable, that THE restoration and encouragement of Paganism\n revealed a multitude of pretended Christians, who, from motives\n of temporal advantage, had acquiesced in THE religion of THE\n former reign; and who afterwards returned, with THE same\n flexibility of conscience, to THE faith which was professed by\n THE successors of Julian.\n\n 49 (return) [ Under THE reign of Lewis XIV. his subjects of every\n rank aspired to THE glorious title of _Convertisseur_, expressive\n of THEir zea and success in making proselytes. The word and THE\n idea are growing obsolete in France may THEy never be introduced\n into England.]\n\n 50 (return) [ See THE strong expressions of Libanius, which were\n probably those of Julian himself, (Orat. Parent. c. 59, p. 285.)]\n\n 51 (return) [ When Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. x. p. 167) is\n desirous to magnify THE Christian firmness of his broTHEr\n C¾sarius, physician to THE Imperial court, he owns that C¾sarius\n disputed with a formidable adversary. In his invectives he\n scarcely allows any share of wit or courage to THE apostate.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Julian, Epist. xxxviii. Ammianus, xxii. 12. Adeo ut\n in dies p¾ne singulos milites carnis distentiore sagina\n victitantes incultius, potusque aviditate correpti, humeris\n impositi transeuntium per plateas, ex publicis ¾dibus..... ad sua\n diversoria portarentur. The devout prince and THE indignant\n historian describe THE same scene; and in Illyricum or Antioch,\n similar causes must have produced similar effects.]\n\n 53 (return) [ Gregory (Orat. iii. p. 74, 75, 83-86) and Libanius,\n (Orat. Parent. c. lxxxi. lxxxii. p. 307, 308,). The sophist owns\n and justifies THE expense of THEse military conversions.]\n\n While THE devout monarch incessantly labored to restore and\n propagate THE religion of his ancestors, he embraced THE\n extraordinary design of rebuilding THE temple of Jerusalem. In a\n public epistle 54 to THE nation or community of THE Jews,\n dispersed through THE provinces, he pities THEir misfortunes,\n condemns THEir oppressors, praises THEir constancy, declares\n himself THEir gracious protector, and expresses a pious hope,\n that after his return from THE Persian war, he may be permitted\n to pay his grateful vows to THE Almighty in his holy city of\n Jerusalem. The blind superstition, and abject slavery, of those\n unfortunate exiles, must excite THE contempt of a philosophic\n emperor; but THEy deserved THE friendship of Julian, by THEir\n implacable hatred of THE Christian name. The barren synagogue\n abhorred and envied THE fecundity of THE rebellious church; THE\n power of THE Jews was not equal to THEir malice; but THEir\n gravest rabbis approved THE private murder of an apostate; 55 and\n THEir seditious clamors had often awakened THE indolence of THE\n Pagan magistrates. Under THE reign of Constantine, THE Jews\n became THE subjects of THEir revolted children nor was it long\n before THEy experienced THE bitterness of domestic tyranny. The\n civil immunities which had been granted, or confirmed, by\n Severus, were gradually repealed by THE Christian princes; and a\n rash tumult, excited by THE Jews of Palestine, 56 seemed to\n justify THE lucrative modes of oppression which were invented by\n THE bishops and eunuchs of THE court of Constantius. The Jewish\n patriarch, who was still permitted to exercise a precarious\n jurisdiction, held his residence at Tiberias; 57 and THE\n neighboring cities of Palestine were filled with THE remains of a\n people who fondly adhered to THE promised land. But THE edict of\n Hadrian was renewed and enforced; and THEy viewed from afar THE\n walls of THE holy city, which were profaned in THEir eyes by THE\n triumph of THE cross and THE devotion of THE Christians. 58\n\n 54 (return) [ JulianÕs epistle (xxv.) is addressed to THE\n community of THE Jews. Aldus (Venet. 1499) has branded it with\n an; but this stigma is justly removed by THE subsequent editors,\n Petavius and Spanheim. This epistle is mentioned by Sozomen, (l.\n v. c. 22,) and THE purport of it is confirmed by Gregory, (Orat.\n iv. p. 111.) and by Julian himself (Fragment. p. 295.)]\n\n 55 (return) [ The Misnah denounced death against those who\n abandoned THE foundation. The judgment of zeal is explained by\n Marsham (Canon. Chron. p. 161, 162, edit. fol. London, 1672) and\n Basnage, (Hist. des Juifs, tom. viii. p. 120.) Constantine made a\n law to protect Christian converts from Judaism. Cod. Theod. l.\n xvi. tit. viii. leg. 1. Godefroy, tom. vi. p. 215.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Et interea (during THE civil war of Magnentius)\n Jud¾orum seditio, qui Patricium, nefarie in regni speciem\n sustulerunt, oppressa. Aurelius Victor, in Constantio, c. xlii.\n See Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 379, in 4to.]\n\n 57 (return) [ The city and synagogue of Tiberias are curiously\n described by Reland. Palestin. tom. ii. p. 1036-1042.]\n\n 58 (return) [ Basnage has fully illustrated THE state of THE Jews\n under Constantine and his successors, (tom. viii. c. iv. p.\n 111-153.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.ÑPart III.\n\n\n In THE midst of a rocky and barren country, THE walls of\n Jerusalem 59 enclosed THE two mountains of Sion and Acra, within\n an oval figure of about three English miles. 60 Towards THE\n south, THE upper town, and THE fortress of David, were erected on\n THE lofty ascent of Mount Sion: on THE north side, THE buildings\n of THE lower town covered THE spacious summit of Mount Acra; and\n a part of THE hill, distinguished by THE name of Moriah, and\n levelled by human industry, was crowned with THE stately temple\n of THE Jewish nation. After THE final destruction of THE temple\n by THE arms of Titus and Hadrian, a ploughshare was drawn over\n THE consecrated ground, as a sign of perpetual interdiction. Sion\n was deserted; and THE vacant space of THE lower city was filled\n with THE public and private edifices of THE ®lian colony, which\n spread THEmselves over THE adjacent hill of Calvary. The holy\n places were polluted with mountains of idolatry; and, eiTHEr from\n design or accident, a chapel was dedicated to Venus, on THE spot\n which had been sanctified by THE death and resurrection of\n Christ. 61 6111 Almost three hundred years after those stupendous\n events, THE profane chapel of Venus was demolished by THE order\n of Constantine; and THE removal of THE earth and stones revealed\n THE holy sepulchre to THE eyes of mankind. A magnificent church\n was erected on that mystic ground, by THE first Christian\n emperor; and THE effects of his pious munificence were extended\n to every spot which had been consecrated by THE footstep of\n patriarchs, of prophets, and of THE Son of God. 62\n\n 59 (return) [ Reland (Palestin. l. i. p. 309, 390, l. iii. p.\n 838) describes, with learning and perspicuity, Jerusalem, and THE\n face of THE adjacent country.]\n\n 60 (return) [ I have consulted a rare and curious treatise of M.\n DÕAnville, (sur lÕAncienne Jerusalem, Paris, 1747, p. 75.) The\n circumference of THE ancient city (Euseb. Preparat. Evangel. l.\n ix. c. 36) was 27 stadia, or 2550 _toises_. A plan, taken on THE\n spot, assigns no more than 1980 for THE modern town. The circuit\n is defined by natural landmarks, which cannot be mistaken or\n removed.]\n\n 61 (return) [ See two curious passages in Jerom, (tom. i. p. 102,\n tom. vi. p. 315,) and THE ample details of Tillemont, (Hist, des\n Empereurs, tom. i. p. 569. tom. ii. p. 289, 294, 4to edition.)]\n\n 6111 (return) [ On THE site of THE Holy Sepulchre, compare THE\n chapter in Professor RobinsonÕs Travels in Palestine, which has\n renewed THE old controversy with great vigor. To me, this temple\n of Venus, said to have been erected by Hadrian to insult THE\n Christians, is not THE least suspicious part of THE whole\n legend.-M. 1845.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. l. iii. c. 25-47,\n 51-53. The emperor likewise built churches at Bethlem, THE Mount\n of Olives, and THE oa of Mambre. The holy sepulchre is described\n by Sandys, (Travels, p. 125-133,) and curiously delineated by Le\n Bruyn, (Voyage au Levant, p. 28-296.)]\n\n The passionate desire of contemplating THE original monuments of\n THEir redemption attracted to Jerusalem a successive crowd of\n pilgrims, from THE shores of THE Atlantic Ocean, and THE most\n distant countries of THE East; 63 and THEir piety was authorized\n by THE example of THE empress Helena, who appears to have united\n THE credulity of age with THE warm feelings of a recent\n conversion. Sages and heroes, who have visited THE memorable\n scenes of ancient wisdom or glory, have confessed THE inspiration\n of THE genius of THE place; 64 and THE Christian who knelt before\n THE holy sepulchre, ascribed his lively faith, and his fervent\n devotion, to THE more immediate influence of THE Divine Spirit.\n The zeal, perhaps THE avarice, of THE clergy of Jerusalem,\n cherished and multiplied THEse beneficial visits. They fixed, by\n unquestionable tradition, THE scene of each memorable event. They\n exhibited THE instruments which had been used in THE passion of\n Christ; THE nails and THE lance that had pierced his hands, his\n feet, and his side; THE crown of thorns that was planted on his\n head; THE pillar at which he was scourged; and, above all, THEy\n showed THE cross on which he suffered, and which was dug out of\n THE earth in THE reign of those princes, who inserted THE symbol\n of Christianity in THE banners of THE Roman legions. 65 Such\n miracles as seemed necessary to account for its extraordinary\n preservation, and seasonable discovery, were gradually propagated\n without opposition. The custody of THE _true cross_, which on\n Easter Sunday was solemnly exposed to THE people, was intrusted\n to THE bishop of Jerusalem; and he alone might gratify THE\n curious devotion of THE pilgrims, by THE gift of small pieces,\n which THEy encased in gold or gems, and carried away in triumph\n to THEir respective countries. But as this gainful branch of\n commerce must soon have been annihilated, it was found convenient\n to suppose, that THE marvelous wood possessed a secret power of\n vegetation; and that its substance, though continually\n diminished, still remained entire and unimpaired. 66 It might\n perhaps have been expected, that THE influence of THE place and\n THE belief of a perpetual miracle, should have produced some\n salutary effects on THE morals, as well as on THE faith, of THE\n people. Yet THE most respectable of THE ecclesiastical writers\n have been obliged to confess, not only that THE streets of\n Jerusalem were filled with THE incessant tumult of business and\n pleasure, 67 but that every species of viceÑadultery, THEft,\n idolatry, poisoning, murderÑwas familiar to THE inhabitants of\n THE holy city. 68 The wealth and pre‘minence of THE church of\n Jerusalem excited THE ambition of Arian, as well as orthodox,\n candidates; and THE virtues of Cyril, who, since his death, has\n been honored with THE title of Saint, were displayed in THE\n exercise, raTHEr than in THE acquisition, of his episcopal\n dignity. 69\n\n 63 (return) [ The Itinerary from Bourdeaux to Jerusalem was\n composed in THE year 333, for THE use of pilgrims; among whom\n Jerom (tom. i. p. 126) mentions THE Britons and THE Indians. The\n causes of this superstitious fashion are discussed in THE learned\n and judicious preface of Wesseling. (Itinarar. p. 537-545.)\n ÑÑMuch curious information on this subject is collected in THE\n first chapter of Wilken, Geschichte der KreuzzŸge.ÑM.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Cicero (de Finibus, v. 1) has beautifully expressed\n THE common sense of mankind.]\n\n 65 (return) [ Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A. D. 326, No. 42-50) and\n Tillemont (MŽm. Eccles. tom. xii. p. 8-16) are THE historians and\n champions of THE miraculous _invention_ of THE cross, under THE\n reign of Constantine. Their oldest witnesses are Paulinus,\n Sulpicius Severus, Rufinus, Ambrose, and perhaps Cyril of\n Jerusalem. The silence of Eusebius, and THE Bourdeaux pilgrim,\n which satisfies those who think perplexes those who believe. See\n JortinÕs sensible remarks, vol. ii. p 238-248.]\n\n 66 (return) [ This multiplication is asserted by Paulinus,\n (Epist. xxxvi. See Dupin. Bibliot. Eccles. tom. iii. p. 149,) who\n seems to have improved a rhetorical flourish of Cyril into a real\n fact. The same supernatural privilege must have been communicated\n to THE VirginÕs milk, (Erasmi Opera, tom. i. p. 778, Lugd. Batav.\n 1703, in Colloq. de Peregrinat. Religionis ergo,) saintsÕ heads,\n &c. and oTHEr relics, which are repeated in so many different\n churches. * Note: Lord Mahon, in a memoir read before THE Society\n of Antiquaries, (Feb. 1831,) has traced in a brief but\n interesting manner, THE singular adventures of THE ÒtrueÓ cross.\n It is curious to inquire, what authority we have, except of\n _late_ tradition, for THE _Hill_ of Calvary. There is none in THE\n sacred writings; THE uniform use of THE common word, instead of\n any word expressing assent or acclivity, is against THE\n notion.ÑM.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Jerom, (tom. i. p. 103,) who resided in THE\n neighboring village of Bethlem, describes THE vices of Jerusalem\n from his personal experience.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Gregor. Nyssen, apud Wesseling, p. 539. The whole\n epistle, which condemns eiTHEr THE use or THE abuse of religious\n pilgrimage, is painful to THE Catholic divines, while it is dear\n and familiar to our Protestant polemics.]\n\n 69 (return) [ He renounced his orthodox ordination, officiated as\n a deacon, and was re-ordained by THE hands of THE Arians. But\n Cyril afterwards changed with THE times, and prudently conformed\n to THE Nicene faith. Tillemont, (MŽm. Eccles. tom. viii.,) who\n treats his memory with tenderness and respect, has thrown his\n virtues into THE text, and his faults into THE notes, in decent\n obscurity, at THE end of THE volume.]\n\n The vain and ambitious mind of Julian might aspire to restore THE\n ancient glory of THE temple of Jerusalem. 70 As THE Christians\n were firmly persuaded that a sentence of everlasting destruction\n had been pronounced against THE whole fabric of THE Mosaic law,\n THE Imperial sophist would have converted THE success of his\n undertaking into a specious argument against THE faith of\n prophecy, and THE truth of revelation. 71 He was displeased with\n THE spiritual worship of THE synagogue; but he approved THE\n institutions of Moses, who had not disdained to adopt many of THE\n rites and ceremonies of Egypt. 72 The local and national deity of\n THE Jews was sincerely adored by a polyTHEist, who desired only\n to multiply THE number of THE gods; 73 and such was THE appetite\n of Julian for bloody sacrifice, that his emulation might be\n excited by THE piety of Solomon, who had offered, at THE feast of\n THE dedication, twenty-two thousand oxen, and one hundred and\n twenty thousand sheep. 74 These considerations might influence\n his designs; but THE prospect of an immediate and important\n advantage would not suffer THE impatient monarch to expect THE\n remote and uncertain event of THE Persian war. He resolved to\n erect, without delay, on THE commanding eminence of Moriah, a\n stately temple, which might eclipse THE splendor of THE church of\n THE resurrection on THE adjacent hill of Calvary; to establish an\n order of priests, whose interested zeal would detect THE arts,\n and resist THE ambition, of THEir Christian rivals; and to invite\n a numerous colony of Jews, whose stern fanaticism would be always\n prepared to second, and even to anticipate, THE hostile measures\n of THE Pagan government. Among THE friends of THE emperor (if THE\n names of emperor, and of friend, are not incompatible) THE first\n place was assigned, by Julian himself, to THE virtuous and\n learned Alypius. 75 The humanity of Alypius was tempered by\n severe justice and manly fortitude; and while he exercised his\n abilities in THE civil administration of Britain, he imitated, in\n his poetical compositions, THE harmony and softness of THE odes\n of Sappho. This minister, to whom Julian communicated, without\n reserve, his most careless levities, and his most serious\n counsels, received an extraordinary commission to restore, in its\n pristine beauty, THE temple of Jerusalem; and THE diligence of\n Alypius required and obtained THE strenuous support of THE\n governor of Palestine. At THE call of THEir great deliverer, THE\n Jews, from all THE provinces of THE empire, assembled on THE holy\n mountain of THEir faTHErs; and THEir insolent triumph alarmed and\n exasperated THE Christian inhabitants of Jerusalem. The desire of\n rebuilding THE temple has in every age been THE ruling passion of\n THE children of Israel. In this propitious moment THE men forgot\n THEir avarice, and THE women THEir delicacy; spades and pickaxes\n of silver were provided by THE vanity of THE rich, and THE\n rubbish was transported in mantles of silk and purple. Every\n purse was opened in liberal contributions, every hand claimed a\n share in THE pious labor, and THE commands of a great monarch\n were executed by THE enthusiasm of a whole people. 76\n\n 70 (return) [ Imperii sui memoriam magnitudine operum gestiens\n propagare Ammian. xxiii. 1. The temple of Jerusalem had been\n famous even among THE Gentiles. _They_ had many temples in each\n city, (at Sichem five, at Gaza eight, at Rome four hundred and\n twenty-four;) but THE wealth and religion of THE Jewish nation\n was centred in one spot.]\n\n 71 (return) [ The secret intentions of Julian are revealed by THE\n late bishop of Gloucester, THE learned and dogmatic Warburton;\n who, with THE authority of a THEologian, prescribes THE motives\n and conduct of THE Supreme Being. The discourse entitled _Julian_\n (2d edition, London, 1751) is strongly marked with all THE\n peculiarities which are imputed to THE Warburtonian school.]\n\n 72 (return) [ I shelter myself behind Maimonides, Marsham,\n Spencer, Le Clerc, Warburton, &c., who have fairly derided THE\n fears, THE folly, and THE falsehood of some superstitious\n divines. See Divine Legation, vol. iv. p. 25, &c.]\n\n 73 (return) [ Julian (Fragment. p. 295) respectfully styles him,\n and mentions him elsewhere (Epist. lxiii.) with still higher\n reverence. He doubly condemns THE Christians for believing, and\n for renouncing, THE religion of THE Jews. Their Deity was a\n _true_, but not THE _only_, God Apul Cyril. l. ix. p. 305, 306.]\n\n 74 (return) [ 1 Kings, viii. 63. 2 Chronicles, vii. 5. Joseph.\n Antiquitat. Judaic. l. viii. c. 4, p. 431, edit. Havercamp. As\n THE blood and smoke of so many hecatombs might be inconvenient,\n Lightfoot, THE Christian Rabbi, removes THEm by a miracle. Le\n Clerc (ad loca) is bold enough to suspect to fidelity of THE\n numbers. * Note: According to THE historian Kotobeddym, quoted by\n Burckhardt, (Travels in Arabia, p. 276,) THE Khalif Mokteder\n sacrificed, during his pilgrimage to Mecca, in THE year of THE\n Hejira 350, forty thousand camels and cows, and fifty thousand\n sheep. BarTHEma describes thirty thousand oxen slain, and THEir\n carcasses given to THE poor. Quarterly Review, xiii.p.39ÑM.]\n\n 75 (return) [ Julian, epist. xxix. xxx. La Bleterie has neglected\n to translate THE second of THEse epistles.]\n\n 76 (return) [ See THE zeal and impatience of THE Jews in Gregory\n Nazianzen (Orat. iv. p. 111) and Theodoret. (l. iii. c. 20.)]\n\n Yet, on this occasion, THE joint efforts of power and enthusiasm\n were unsuccessful; and THE ground of THE Jewish temple, which is\n now covered by a Mahometan mosque, 77 still continued to exhibit\n THE same edifying spectacle of ruin and desolation. Perhaps THE\n absence and death of THE emperor, and THE new maxims of a\n Christian reign, might explain THE interruption of an arduous\n work, which was attempted only in THE last six months of THE life\n of Julian. 78 But THE Christians entertained a natural and pious\n expectation, that, in this memorable contest, THE honor of\n religion would be vindicated by some signal miracle. An\n earthquake, a whirlwind, and a fiery eruption, which overturned\n and scattered THE new foundations of THE temple, are attested,\n with some variations, by contemporary and respectable evidence.\n 79 This public event is described by Ambrose, 80 bishop of Milan,\n in an epistle to THE emperor Theodosius, which must provoke THE\n severe animadversion of THE Jews; by THE eloquent Chrysostom, 81\n who might appeal to THE memory of THE elder part of his\n congregation at Antioch; and by Gregory Nazianzen, 82 who\n published his account of THE miracle before THE expiration of THE\n same year. The last of THEse writers has boldly declared, that\n this preternatural event was not disputed by THE infidels; and\n his assertion, strange as it may seem is confirmed by THE\n unexceptionable testimony of Ammianus Marcellinus. 83 The\n philosophic soldier, who loved THE virtues, without adopting THE\n prejudices, of his master, has recorded, in his judicious and\n candid history of his own times, THE extraordinary obstacles\n which interrupted THE restoration of THE temple of Jerusalem.\n ÒWhilst Alypius, assisted by THE governor of THE province, urged,\n with vigor and diligence, THE execution of THE work, horrible\n balls of fire breaking out near THE foundations, with frequent\n and reiterated attacks, rendered THE place, from time to time,\n inaccessible to THE scorched and blasted workmen; and THE\n victorious element continuing in this manner obstinately and\n resolutely bent, as it were, to drive THEm to a distance, THE\n undertaking was abandoned.Ó 8311 Such authority should satisfy a\n believing, and must astonish an incredulous, mind. Yet a\n philosopher may still require THE original evidence of impartial\n and intelligent spectators. At this important crisis, any\n singular accident of nature would assume THE appearance, and\n produce THE effects of a real prodigy. This glorious deliverance\n would be speedily improved and magnified by THE pious art of THE\n clergy of Jerusalem, and THE active credulity of THE Christian\n world and, at THE distance of twenty years, a Roman historian,\n careless of THEological disputes, might adorn his work with THE\n specious and splendid miracle. 84\n\n 77 (return) [ Built by Omar, THE second Khalif, who died A. D.\n 644. This great mosque covers THE whole consecrated ground of THE\n Jewish temple, and constitutes almost a square of 760 _toises_,\n or one Roman mile in circumference. See DÕAnville, Jerusalem, p.\n 45.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Ammianus records THE consults of THE year 363,\n before he proceeds to mention THE _thoughts_ of Julian. Templum.\n ... instaurare sumptibus _cogitabat_ immodicis. Warburton has a\n secret wish to anticipate THE design; but he must have\n understood, from former examples, that THE execution of such a\n work would have demanded many years.]\n\n 79 (return) [ The subsequent witnesses, Socrates, Sozomen,\n Theodoret, Philostorgius, &c., add contradictions raTHEr than\n authority. Compare THE objections of Basnage (Hist. des Juifs,\n tom. viii. p. 156-168) with WarburtonÕs answers, (Julian, p.\n 174-258.) The bishop has ingeniously explained THE miraculous\n crosses which appeared on THE garments of THE spectators by a\n similar instance, and THE natural effects of lightning.]\n\n 80 (return) [ Ambros. tom. ii. epist. xl. p. 946, edit.\n Benedictin. He composed this fanatic epistle (A. D. 388) to\n justify a bishop who had been condemned by THE civil magistrate\n for burning a synagogue.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Chrysostom, tom. i. p. 580, advers. Jud¾os et\n Gentes, tom. ii. p. 574, de Sto Babyla, edit. Montfaucon. I have\n followed THE common and natural supposition; but THE learned\n Benedictine, who dates THE composition of THEse sermons in THE\n year 383, is confident THEy were never pronounced from THE\n pulpit.]\n\n 82 (return) [ Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. iv. p. 110-113.]\n\n 83 (return) [ Ammian. xxiii. 1. Cum itaque rei fortiter instaret\n Alypius, juvaretque provinci¾ rector, metuendi globi flammarum\n prope fundamenta crebris assultibus erumpentes fecere locum\n exustis aliquoties operantibus inaccessum; hocque modo elemento\n destinatius repellente, cessavit inceptum. Warburton labors (p.\n 60-90) to extort a confession of THE miracle from THE mouths of\n Julian and Libanius, and to employ THE evidence of a rabbi who\n lived in THE fifteenth century. Such witnesses can only be\n received by a very favorable judge.]\n\n 8311 (return) [ Michaelis has given an ingenious and sufficiently\n probable explanation of this remarkable incident, which THE\n positive testimony of Ammianus, a contemporary and a pagan, will\n not permit us to call in question. It was suggested by a passage\n in Tacitus. That historian, speaking of Jerusalem, says, [I omit\n THE first part of THE quotation adduced by M. Guizot, which only\n by a most extraordinary mistranslation of muri introrsus sinuati\n by Ò_enfoncemens_Ó could be made to bear on THE question.ÑM.]\n ÒThe Temple itself was a kind of citadel, which had its own\n walls, superior in THEir workmanship and construction to those of\n THE city. The porticos THEmselves, which surrounded THE temple,\n were an excellent fortification. There was a fountain of\n constantly running water; _subterranean excavations under THE\n mountain; reservoirs and cisterns to collect THE rain-water_.Ó\n Tac. Hist. v. ii. 12. These excavations and reservoirs must have\n been very considerable. The latter furnished water during THE\n whole siege of Jerusalem to 1,100,000 inhabitants, for whom THE\n fountain of Siloe could not have sufficed, and who had no fresh\n rain-water, THE siege having taken place from THE month of April\n to THE month of August, a period of THE year during which it\n rarely rains in Jerusalem. As to THE excavations, THEy served\n after, and even before, THE return of THE Jews from Babylon, to\n contain not only magazines of oil, wine, and corn, but also THE\n treasures which were laid up in THE Temple. Josephus has related\n several incidents which show THEir extent. When Jerusalem was on\n THE point of being taken by Titus, THE rebel chiefs, placing\n THEir last hopes in THEse vast subterranean cavities, formed a\n design of concealing THEmselves THEre, and remaining during THE\n conflagration of THE city, and until THE Romans had retired to a\n distance. The greater part had not time to execute THEir design;\n but one of THEm, Simon, THE Son of Gioras, having provided\n himself with food, and tools to excavate THE earth descended into\n this retreat with some companions: he remained THEre till Titus\n had set out for Rome: under THE pressure of famine he issued\n forth on a sudden in THE very place where THE Temple had stood,\n and appeared in THE midst of THE Roman guard. He was seized and\n carried to Rome for THE triumph. His appearance made it be\n suspected that oTHEr Jews might have chosen THE same asylum;\n search was made, and a great number discovered. Joseph. de Bell.\n Jud. l. vii. c. 2. It is probable that THE greater part of THEse\n excavations were THE remains of THE time of Solomon, when it was\n THE custom to work to a great extent under ground: no oTHEr date\n can be assigned to THEm. The Jews, on THEir return from THE\n captivity, were too poor to undertake such works; and, although\n Herod, on rebuilding THE Temple, made some excavations, (Joseph.\n Ant. Jud. xv. 11, vii.,) THE haste with which that building was\n completed will not allow us to suppose that THEy belonged to that\n period. Some were used for sewers and drains, oTHErs served to\n conceal THE immense treasures of which Crassus, a hundred and\n twenty years before, plundered THE Jews, and which doubtless had\n been since replaced. The Temple was destroyed A. C. 70; THE\n attempt of Julian to rebuild it, and THE fact related by\n Ammianus, coincide with THE year 363. There had THEn elapsed\n between THEse two epochs an interval of near 300 years, during\n which THE excavations, choked up with ruins, must have become\n full of inflammable air. The workmen employed by Julian as THEy\n were digging, arrived at THE excavations of THE Temple; THEy\n would take torches to explore THEm; sudden flames repelled those\n who approached; explosions were heard, and THEse phenomena were\n renewed every time that THEy penetrated into new subterranean\n passages. This explanation is confirmed by THE relation of an\n event nearly similar, by Josephus. King Herod having heard that\n immense treasures had been concealed in THE sepulchre of David,\n he descended into it with a few confidential persons; he found in\n THE first subterranean chamber only jewels and precious stuffs:\n but having wished to penetrate into a second chamber, which had\n been long closed, he was repelled, when he opened it, by flames\n which killed those who accompanied him. (Ant. Jud. xvi. 7, i.) As\n here THEre is no room for miracle, this fact may be considered as\n a new proof of THE veracity of that related by Ammianus and THE\n contemporary writers.ÑG. ÑÑTo THE illustrations of THE extent of\n THE subterranean chambers adduced by Michaelis, may be added,\n that when John of Gischala, during THE siege, surprised THE\n Temple, THE party of Eleazar took refuge within THEm. Bell. Jud.\n vi. 3, i. The sudden sinking of THE hill of Sion when Jerusalem\n was occupied by Barchocab, may have been connected with similar\n excavations. Hist. of Jews, vol. iii. 122 and 186.ÑM. ÑÑIt is a\n fact now popularly known, that when mines which have been long\n closed are opened, one of two things takes place; eiTHEr THE\n torches are extinguished and THE men fall first into a swoor and\n soon die; or, if THE air is inflammable, a little flame is seen\n to flicker round THE lamp, which spreads and multiplies till THE\n conflagration becomes general, is followed by an explosion, and\n kill all who are in THE way.ÑG.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Dr. Lardner, perhaps alone of THE Christian\n critics, presumes to doubt THE truth of this famous miracle.\n (Jewish and HeaTHEn Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 47-71.)]\n\n The silence of Jerom would lead to a suspicion that THE same\n story which was celebrated at a distance, might be despised on\n THE spot. * Note: Gibbon has forgotten Basnage, to whom Warburton\n replied.ÑM.\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.ÑPart IV.\n\n\n The restoration of THE Jewish temple was secretly connected with\n THE ruin of THE Christian church. Julian still continued to\n maintain THE freedom of religious worship, without distinguishing\n wheTHEr this universal toleration proceeded from his justice or\n his clemency. He affected to pity THE unhappy Christians, who\n were mistaken in THE most important object of THEir lives; but\n his pity was degraded by contempt, his contempt was embittered by\n hatred; and THE sentiments of Julian were expressed in a style of\n sarcastic wit, which inflicts a deep and deadly wound, whenever\n it issues from THE mouth of a sovereign. As he was sensible that\n THE Christians gloried in THE name of THEir Redeemer, he\n countenanced, and perhaps enjoined, THE use of THE less honorable\n appellation of Galil¾ans. 85 He declared, that by THE folly of\n THE Galil¾ans, whom he describes as a sect of fanatics,\n contemptible to men, and odious to THE gods, THE empire had been\n reduced to THE brink of destruction; and he insinuates in a\n public edict, that a frantic patient might sometimes be cured by\n salutary violence. 86 An ungenerous distinction was admitted into\n THE mind and counsels of Julian, that, according to THE\n difference of THEir religious sentiments, one part of his\n subjects deserved his favor and friendship, while THE oTHEr was\n entitled only to THE common benefits that his justice could not\n refuse to an obedient people. According to a principle, pregnant\n with mischief and oppression, THE emperor transferred to THE\n pontiffs of his own religion THE management of THE liberal\n allowances from THE public revenue, which had been granted to THE\n church by THE piety of Constantine and his sons. The proud system\n of clerical honors and immunities, which had been constructed\n with so much art and labor, was levelled to THE ground; THE hopes\n of testamentary donations were intercepted by THE rigor of THE\n laws; and THE priests of THE Christian sect were confounded with\n THE last and most ignominious class of THE people. Such of THEse\n regulations as appeared necessary to check THE ambition and\n avarice of THE ecclesiastics, were soon afterwards imitated by\n THE wisdom of an orthodox prince. The peculiar distinctions which\n policy has bestowed, or superstition has lavished, on THE\n sacerdotal order, _must_ be confined to those priests who profess\n THE religion of THE state. But THE will of THE legislator was not\n exempt from prejudice and passion; and it was THE object of THE\n insidious policy of Julian, to deprive THE Christians of all THE\n temporal honors and advantages which rendered THEm respectable in\n THE eyes of THE world. 88\n\n 85 (return) [ Greg. Naz. Orat. iii. p. 81. And this law was\n confirmed by THE invariable practice of Julian himself. Warburton\n has justly observed (p. 35,) that THE Platonists believed in THE\n mysterious virtue of words and JulianÕs dislike for THE name of\n Christ might proceed from superstition, as well as from\n contempt.]\n\n 86 (return) [ Fragment. Julian. p. 288. He derides THE (Epist.\n vii.,) and so far loses sight of THE principles of toleration, as\n to wish (Epist. xlii.).]\n\n 88 (return) [ These laws, which affected THE clergy, may be found\n in THE slight hints of Julian himself, (Epist. lii.) in THE vague\n declamations of Gregory, (Orat. iii. p. 86, 87,) and in THE\n positive assertions of Sozomen, (l. v. c. 5.)]\n\n A just and severe censure has been inflicted on THE law which\n prohibited THE Christians from teaching THE arts of grammar and\n rhetoric. 89 The motives alleged by THE emperor to justify this\n partial and oppressive measure, might command, during his\n lifetime, THE silence of slaves and THE applause of Gatterers.\n Julian abuses THE ambiguous meaning of a word which might be\n indifferently applied to THE language and THE religion of THE\n Greeks: he contemptuously observes, that THE men who exalt THE\n merit of implicit faith are unfit to claim or to enjoy THE\n advantages of science; and he vainly contends, that if THEy\n refuse to adore THE gods of Homer and DemosTHEnes, THEy ought to\n content THEmselves with expounding Luke and MatTHEw in THE church\n of THE Galil¾ans. 90 In all THE cities of THE Roman world, THE\n education of THE youth was intrusted to masters of grammar and\n rhetoric; who were elected by THE magistrates, maintained at THE\n public expense, and distinguished by many lucrative and honorable\n privileges. The edict of Julian appears to have included THE\n physicians, and professors of all THE liberal arts; and THE\n emperor, who reserved to himself THE approbation of THE\n candidates, was authorized by THE laws to corrupt, or to punish,\n THE religious constancy of THE most learned of THE Christians. 91\n As soon as THE resignation of THE more obstinate 92 teachers had\n established THE unrivalled dominion of THE Pagan sophists, Julian\n invited THE rising generation to resort with freedom to THE\n public schools, in a just confidence, that THEir tender minds\n would receive THE impressions of literature and idolatry. If THE\n greatest part of THE Christian youth should be deterred by THEir\n own scruples, or by those of THEir parents, from accepting this\n dangerous mode of instruction, THEy must, at THE same time,\n relinquish THE benefits of a liberal education. Julian had reason\n to expect that, in THE space of a few years, THE church would\n relapse into its prim¾val simplicity, and that THE THEologians,\n who possessed an adequate share of THE learning and eloquence of\n THE age, would be succeeded by a generation of blind and ignorant\n fanatics, incapable of defending THE truth of THEir own\n principles, or of exposing THE various follies of PolyTHEism. 93\n\n 89 (return) [ Inclemens.... perenni obruendum silentio. Ammian.\n xxii. 10, ixv. 5.]\n\n 90 (return) [ The edict itself, which is still extant among THE\n epistles of Julian, (xlii.,) may be compared with THE loose\n invectives of Gregory (Orat. iii. p. 96.) Tillemont (MŽm. Eccles.\n tom. vii. p. 1291-1294) has collected THE seeming differences of\n ancients and moderns. They may be easily reconciled. The\n Christians were _directly_ forbid to teach, THEy were\n _indirectly_ forbid to learn; since THEy would not frequent THE\n schools of THE Pagans.]\n\n 91 (return) [ Codex Theodos. l. xiii. tit. iii. de medicis et\n professoribus, leg. 5, (published THE 17th of June, received, at\n Spoleto in Italy, THE 29th of July, A. D. 363,) with GodefroyÕs\n Illustrations, tom. v. p. 31.]\n\n 92 (return) [ Orosius celebrates THEir disinterested resolution,\n Sicut a majori bus nostris compertum habemus, omnes ubique\n propemodum... officium quam fidem deserere maluerunt, vii. 30.\n Pro¾resius, a Christian sophist, refused to accept THE partial\n favor of THE emperor Hieronym. in Chron. p. 185, edit. Scaliger.\n Eunapius in Pro¾resio p. 126.]\n\n 93 (return) [ They had recourse to THE expedient of composing\n books for THEir own schools. Within a few months Apollinaris\n produced his Christian imitations of Homer, (a sacred history in\n twenty-four books,) Pindar, Euripides, and Menander; and Sozomen\n is satisfied, that THEy equalled, or excelled, THE originals. *\n Note: Socrates, however, implies that, on THE death of Julian,\n THEy were contemptuously thrown aside by THE Christians. Socr.\n Hist. iii.16.ÑM.]\n\n It was undoubtedly THE wish and design of Julian to deprive THE\n Christians of THE advantages of wealth, of knowledge, and of\n power; but THE injustice of excluding THEm from all offices of\n trust and profit seems to have been THE result of his general\n policy, raTHEr than THE immediate consequence of any positive\n law. 94 Superior merit might deserve and obtain, some\n extraordinary exceptions; but THE greater part of THE Christian\n officers were gradually removed from THEir employments in THE\n state, THE army, and THE provinces. The hopes of future\n candidates were extinguished by THE declared partiality of a\n prince, who maliciously reminded THEm, that it was unlawful for a\n Christian to use THE sword, eiTHEr of justice, or of war; and who\n studiously guarded THE camp and THE tribunals with THE ensigns of\n idolatry. The powers of government were intrusted to THE pagans,\n who professed an ardent zeal for THE religion of THEir ancestors;\n and as THE choice of THE emperor was often directed by THE rules\n of divination, THE favorites whom he preferred as THE most\n agreeable to THE gods, did not always obtain THE approbation of\n mankind. 95 Under THE administration of THEir enemies, THE\n Christians had much to suffer, and more to apprehend. The temper\n of Julian was averse to cruelty; and THE care of his reputation,\n which was exposed to THE eyes of THE universe, restrained THE\n philosophic monarch from violating THE laws of justice and\n toleration, which he himself had so recently established. But THE\n provincial ministers of his authority were placed in a less\n conspicuous station. In THE exercise of arbitrary power, THEy\n consulted THE wishes, raTHEr than THE commands, of THEir\n sovereign; and ventured to exercise a secret and vexatious\n tyranny against THE sectaries, on whom THEy were not permitted to\n confer THE honors of martyrdom. The emperor, who dissembled as\n long as possible his knowledge of THE injustice that was\n exercised in his name, expressed his real sense of THE conduct of\n his officers, by gentle reproofs and substantial rewards. 96\n\n 94 (return) [ It was THE instruction of Julian to his\n magistrates, (Epist. vii.,). Sozomen (l. v. c. 18) and Socrates\n (l. iii. c. 13) must be reduced to THE standard of Gregory,\n (Orat. iii. p. 95,) not less prone to exaggeration, but more\n restrained by THE actual knowledge of his contemporary readers.]\n\n 95 (return) [ Libanius, Orat. Parent. 88, p. 814.]\n\n 96 (return) [ Greg. Naz. Orat. iii. p. 74, 91, 92. Socrates, l.\n iii. c. 14. The doret, l. iii. c. 6. Some drawback may, however,\n be allowed for THE violence of _THEir_ zeal, not less partial\n than THE zeal of Julian]\n\n The most effectual instrument of oppression, with which THEy were\n armed, was THE law that obliged THE Christians to make full and\n ample satisfaction for THE temples which THEy had destroyed under\n THE preceding reign. The zeal of THE triumphant church had not\n always expected THE sanction of THE public authority; and THE\n bishops, who were secure of impunity, had often marched at THE\n head of THEir congregation, to attack and demolish THE fortresses\n of THE prince of darkness. The consecrated lands, which had\n increased THE patrimony of THE sovereign or of THE clergy, were\n clearly defined, and easily restored. But on THEse lands, and on\n THE ruins of Pagan superstition, THE Christians had frequently\n erected THEir own religious edifices: and as it was necessary to\n remove THE church before THE temple could be rebuilt, THE justice\n and piety of THE emperor were applauded by one party, while THE\n oTHEr deplored and execrated his sacrilegious violence. 97 After\n THE ground was cleared, THE restitution of those stately\n structures which had been levelled with THE dust, and of THE\n precious ornaments which had been converted to Christian uses,\n swelled into a very large account of damages and debt. The\n authors of THE injury had neiTHEr THE ability nor THE inclination\n to discharge this accumulated demand: and THE impartial wisdom of\n a legislator would have been displayed in balancing THE adverse\n claims and complaints, by an equitable and temperate arbitration.\n\n But THE whole empire, and particularly THE East, was thrown into\n confusion by THE rash edicts of Julian; and THE Pagan\n magistrates, inflamed by zeal and revenge, abused THE rigorous\n privilege of THE Roman law, which substitutes, in THE place of\n his inadequate property, THE person of THE insolvent debtor.\n Under THE preceding reign, Mark, bishop of Arethusa, 98 had\n labored in THE conversion of his people with arms more effectual\n than those of persuasion. 99 The magistrates required THE full\n value of a temple which had been destroyed by his intolerant\n zeal: but as THEy were satisfied of his poverty, THEy desired\n only to bend his inflexible spirit to THE promise of THE\n slightest compensation. They apprehended THE aged prelate, THEy\n inhumanly scourged him, THEy tore his beard; and his naked body,\n annointed with honey, was suspended, in a net, between heaven and\n earth, and exposed to THE stings of insects and THE rays of a\n Syrian sun. 100 From this lofty station, Mark still persisted to\n glory in his crime, and to insult THE impotent rage of his\n persecutors. He was at length rescued from THEir hands, and\n dismissed to enjoy THE honor of his divine triumph. The Arians\n celebrated THE virtue of THEir pious confessor; THE Catholics\n ambitiously claimed his alliance; 101 and THE Pagans, who might\n be susceptible of shame or remorse, were deterred from THE\n repetition of such unavailing cruelty. 102 Julian spared his\n life: but if THE bishop of Arethusa had saved THE infancy of\n Julian, 103 posterity will condemn THE ingratitude, instead of\n praising THE clemency, of THE emperor.\n\n 97 (return) [ If we compare THE gentle language of Libanius\n (Orat. Parent c. 60. p. 286) with THE passionate exclamations of\n Gregory, (Orat. iii. p. 86, 87,) we may find it difficult to\n persuade ourselves that THE two orators are really describing THE\n same events.]\n\n 98 (return) [ Restan, or Arethusa, at THE equal distance of\n sixteen miles between Emesa (_Hems_) and Epiphania, (_Hamath_,)\n was founded, or at least named, by Seleucus Nicator. Its peculiar\n ¾ra dates from THE year of Rome 685, according to THE medals of\n THE city. In THE decline of THE Seleucides, Emesa and Arethusa\n were usurped by THE Arab Sampsiceramus, whose posterity, THE\n vassals of Rome, were not extinguished in THE reign of\n Vespasian.ÑÑSee DÕAnvilleÕs Maps and Geographie Ancienne, tom.\n ii. p. 134. Wesseling, Itineraria, p. 188, and Noris. Epoch\n Syro-Macedon, p. 80, 481, 482.]\n\n 99 (return) [ Sozomen, l. v. c. 10. It is surprising, that\n Gregory and Theodoret should suppress a circumstance, which, in\n THEir eyes, must have enhanced THE religious merit of THE\n confessor.]\n\n 100 (return) [ The sufferings and constancy of Mark, which\n Gregory has so tragically painted, (Orat. iii. p. 88-91,) are\n confirmed by THE unexceptionable and reluctant evidence of\n Libanius. Epist. 730, p. 350, 351. Edit. Wolf. Amstel. 1738.]\n\n 101 (return) [ Certatim eum sibi (Christiani) vindicant. It is\n thus that La Croze and Wolfius (ad loc.) have explained a Greek\n word, whose true signification had been mistaken by former\n interpreters, and even by Le Clerc, (Biblioth\x8fque Ancienne et\n Moderne, tom. iii. p. 371.) Yet Tillemont is strangely puzzled to\n understand (MŽm. Eccles. tom. vii. p. 1309) _how_ Gregory and\n Theodoret could mistake a Semi-Arian bishop for a saint.]\n\n 102 (return) [ See THE probable advice of Sallust, (Greg.\n Nazianzen, Orat. iii. p. 90, 91.) Libanius intercedes for a\n similar offender, lest THEy should find many _Marks;_ yet he\n allows, that if Orion had secreted THE consecrated wealth, he\n deserved to suffer THE punishment of Marsyas; to be flayed alive,\n (Epist. 730, p. 349-351.)]\n\n 103 (return) [ Gregory (Orat. iii. p. 90) is satisfied that, by\n saving THE apostate, Mark had deserved still more than he had\n suffered.]\n\n At THE distance of five miles from Antioch, THE Macedonian kings\n of Syria had consecrated to Apollo one of THE most elegant places\n of devotion in THE Pagan world. 104 A magnificent temple rose in\n honor of THE god of light; and his colossal figure 105 almost\n filled THE capacious sanctuary, which was enriched with gold and\n gems, and adorned by THE skill of THE Grecian artists. The deity\n was represented in a bending attitude, with a golden cup in his\n hand, pouring out a libation on THE earth; as if he supplicated\n THE venerable moTHEr to give to his arms THE cold and beauteous\n Daphne: for THE spot was ennobled by fiction; and THE fancy of\n THE Syrian poets had transported THE amorous tale from THE banks\n of THE Peneus to those of THE Orontes. The ancient rites of\n Greece were imitated by THE royal colony of Antioch. A stream of\n prophecy, which rivalled THE truth and reputation of THE Delphic\n oracle, flowed from THE _Castalian_ fountain of Daphne. 106 In\n THE adjacent fields a stadium was built by a special privilege,\n 107 which had been purchased from Elis; THE Olympic games were\n celebrated at THE expense of THE city; and a revenue of thirty\n thousand pounds sterling was annually applied to THE public\n pleasures. 108 The perpetual resort of pilgrims and spectators\n insensibly formed, in THE neighborhood of THE temple, THE stately\n and populous village of Daphne, which emulated THE splendor,\n without acquiring THE title, of a provincial city. The temple and\n THE village were deeply bosomed in a thick grove of laurels and\n cypresses, which reached as far as a circumference of ten miles,\n and formed in THE most sultry summers a cool and impenetrable\n shade. A thousand streams of THE purest water, issuing from every\n hill, preserved THE verdure of THE earth, and THE temperature of\n THE air; THE senses were gratified with harmonious sounds and\n aromatic odors; and THE peaceful grove was consecrated to health\n and joy, to luxury and love. The vigorous youth pursued, like\n Apollo, THE object of his desires; and THE blushing maid was\n warned, by THE fate of Daphne, to shun THE folly of unseasonable\n coyness. The soldier and THE philosopher wisely avoided THE\n temptation of this sensual paradise: 109 where pleasure, assuming\n THE character of religion, imperceptibly dissolved THE firmness\n of manly virtue. But THE groves of Daphne continued for many ages\n to enjoy THE veneration of natives and strangers; THE privileges\n of THE holy ground were enlarged by THE munificence of succeeding\n emperors; and every generation added new ornaments to THE\n splendor of THE temple. 110\n\n 104 (return) [ The grove and temple of Daphne are described by\n Strabo, (l. xvi. p. 1089, 1090, edit. Amstel. 1707,) Libanius,\n (N¾nia, p. 185-188. Antiochic. Orat. xi. p. 380, 381,) and\n Sozomen, (l. v. c. 19.) Wesseling (Itinerar. p. 581) and Casaubon\n (ad Hist. August. p. 64) illustrate this curious subject.]\n\n 105 (return) [ Simulacrum in eo Olympiaci Jovis imitamenti\n ¾quiparans magnitudinem. Ammian. xxii. 13. The Olympic Jupiter\n was sixty feet high, and his bulk was consequently equal to that\n of a thousand men. See a curious _MŽmoire_ of THE AbbŽ Gedoyn,\n (AcadŽmie des Inscriptions, tom. ix. p. 198.)]\n\n 106 (return) [ Hadrian read THE history of his future fortunes on\n a leaf dipped in THE Castalian stream; a trick which, according\n to THE physician Vandale, (de Oraculis, p. 281, 282,) might be\n easily performed by chemical preparations. The emperor stopped\n THE source of such dangerous knowledge; which was again opened by\n THE devout curiosity of Julian.]\n\n 107 (return) [ It was purchased, A. D. 44, in THE year 92 of THE\n ¾ra of Antioch, (Noris. Epoch. Syro-Maced. p. 139-174,) for THE\n term of ninety Olympiads. But THE Olympic games of Antioch were\n not regularly celebrated till THE reign of Commodus. See THE\n curious details in THE Chronicle of John Malala, (tom. i. p. 290,\n 320, 372-381,) a writer whose merit and authority are confined\n within THE limits of his native city.]\n\n 108 (return) [ Fifteen talents of gold, bequeaTHEd by Sosibius,\n who died in THE reign of Augustus. The THEatrical merits of THE\n Syrian cities in THE reign of Constantine, are computed in THE\n Expositio totius Murd, p. 8, (Hudson, Geograph. Minor tom. iii.)]\n\n 109 (return) [ Avidio Cassio Syriacas legiones dedi luxuria\n diffluentes et _Daphnicis_ moribus. These are THE words of THE\n emperor Marcus Antoninus in an original letter preserved by his\n biographer in Hist. August. p. 41. Cassius dismissed or punished\n every soldier who was seen at Daphne.]\n\n 110 (return) [ Aliquantum agrorum Daphnensibus dedit, (_Pompey_,)\n quo lucus ibi spatiosior fieret; delectatus amÏnitate loci et\n aquarum abundantiz, Eutropius, vi. 14. Sextus Rufus, de\n Provinciis, c. 16.]\n\n When Julian, on THE day of THE annual festival, hastened to adore\n THE Apollo of Daphne, his devotion was raised to THE highest\n pitch of eagerness and impatience. His lively imagination\n anticipated THE grateful pomp of victims, of libations and of\n incense; a long procession of youths and virgins, cloTHEd in\n white robes, THE symbol of THEir innocence; and THE tumultuous\n concourse of an innumerable people. But THE zeal of Antioch was\n diverted, since THE reign of Christianity, into a different\n channel. Instead of hecatombs of fat oxen sacrificed by THE\n tribes of a wealthy city to THEir tutelar deity THE emperor\n complains that he found only a single goose, provided at THE\n expense of a priest, THE pale and solitary inhabitant of this\n decayed temple. 111 The altar was deserted, THE oracle had been\n reduced to silence, and THE holy ground was profaned by THE\n introduction of Christian and funereal rites. After Babylas 112\n (a bishop of Antioch, who died in prison in THE persecution of\n Decius) had rested near a century in his grave, his body, by THE\n order of C¾sar Gallus, was transported into THE midst of THE\n grove of Daphne. A magnificent church was erected over his\n remains; a portion of THE sacred lands was usurped for THE\n maintenance of THE clergy, and for THE burial of THE Christians\n at Antioch, who were ambitious of lying at THE feet of THEir\n bishop; and THE priests of Apollo retired, with THEir affrighted\n and indignant votaries. As soon as anoTHEr revolution seemed to\n restore THE fortune of Paganism, THE church of St. Babylas was\n demolished, and new buildings were added to THE mouldering\n edifice which had been raised by THE piety of Syrian kings. But\n THE first and most serious care of Julian was to deliver his\n oppressed deity from THE odious presence of THE dead and living\n Christians, who had so effectually suppressed THE voice of fraud\n or enthusiasm. 113 The scene of infection was purified, according\n to THE forms of ancient rituals; THE bodies were decently\n removed; and THE ministers of THE church were permitted to convey\n THE remains of St. Babylas to THEir former habitation within THE\n walls of Antioch. The modest behavior which might have assuaged\n THE jealousy of a hostile government was neglected, on this\n occasion, by THE zeal of THE Christians. The lofty car, that\n transported THE relics of Babylas, was followed, and accompanied,\n and received, by an innumerable multitude; who chanted, with\n thundering acclamations, THE Psalms of David THE most expressive\n of THEir contempt for idols and idolaters. The return of THE\n saint was a triumph; and THE triumph was an insult on THE\n religion of THE emperor, who exerted his pride to dissemble his\n resentment. During THE night which terminated this indiscreet\n procession, THE temple of Daphne was in flames; THE statue of\n Apollo was consumed; and THE walls of THE edifice were left a\n naked and awful monument of ruin. The Christians of Antioch\n asserted, with religious confidence, that THE powerful\n intercession of St. Babylas had pointed THE lightnings of heaven\n against THE devoted roof: but as Julian was reduced to THE\n alternative of believing eiTHEr a crime or a miracle, he chose,\n without hesitation, without evidence, but with some color of\n probability, to impute THE fire of Daphne to THE revenge of THE\n Galil¾ans. 114 Their offence, had it been sufficiently proved,\n might have justified THE retaliation, which was immediately\n executed by THE order of Julian, of shutting THE doors, and\n confiscating THE wealth, of THE caTHEdral of Antioch. To discover\n THE criminals who were guilty of THE tumult, of THE fire, or of\n secreting THE riches of THE church, several of THE ecclesiastics\n were tortured; 115 and a Presbyter, of THE name of Theodoret, was\n beheaded by THE sentence of THE Count of THE East. But this hasty\n act was blamed by THE emperor; who lamented, with real or\n affected concern, that THE imprudent zeal of his ministers would\n tarnish his reign with THE disgrace of persecution. 116\n\n 111 (return) [ Julian (Misopogon, p. 367, 362) discovers his own\n character with _na•vetŽ_, that unconscious simplicity which\n always constitutes genuine humor.]\n\n 112 (return) [ Babylas is named by Eusebius in THE succession of\n THE bishops of Antioch, (Hist. Eccles. l. vi. c. 29, 39.) His\n triumph over two emperors (THE first fabulous, THE second\n historical) is diffusely celebrated by Chrysostom, (tom. ii. p.\n 536-579, edit. Montfaucon.) Tillemont (MŽm. Eccles. tom. iii.\n part ii. p. 287-302, 459-465) becomes almost a sceptic.]\n\n 113 (return) [ Ecclesiastical critics, particularly those who\n love relics, exult in THE confession of Julian (Misopogon, p.\n 361) and Libanius, (L¾nia, p. 185,) that Apollo was disturbed by\n THE vicinity of _one_ dead man. Yet Ammianus (xxii. 12) clears\n and purifies THE whole ground, according to THE rites which THE\n ATHEnians formerly practised in THE Isle of Delos.]\n\n 114 (return) [ Julian (in Misopogon, p. 361) raTHEr insinuates,\n than affirms, THEir guilt. Ammianus (xxii. 13) treats THE\n imputation as _levissimus rumor_, and relates THE story with\n extraordinary candor.]\n\n 115 (return) [ Quo tam atroci casu repente consumpto, ad id usque\n e imperatoris ira provexit, ut qu¾stiones agitare juberet solito\n acriores, (yet Julian blames THE lenity of THE magistrates of\n Antioch,) et majorem ecclesiam Antiochi¾ claudi. This\n interdiction was performed with some circumstances of indignity\n and profanation; and THE seasonable death of THE principal actor,\n JulianÕs uncle, is related with much superstitious complacency by\n THE AbbŽ de la Bleterie. Vie de Julien, p. 362-369.]\n\n 116 (return) [ Besides THE ecclesiastical historians, who are\n more or less to be suspected, we may allege THE passion of St.\n Theodore, in THE Acta Sincera of Ruinart, p. 591. The complaint\n of Julian gives it an original and auTHEntic air.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.ÑPart V.\n\n\n The zeal of THE ministers of Julian was instantly checked by THE\n frown of THEir sovereign; but when THE faTHEr of his country\n declares himself THE leader of a faction, THE license of popular\n fury cannot easily be restrained, nor consistently punished.\n Julian, in a public composition, applauds THE devotion and\n loyalty of THE holy cities of Syria, whose pious inhabitants had\n destroyed, at THE first signal, THE sepulchres of THE Galil¾ans;\n and faintly complains, that THEy had revenged THE injuries of THE\n gods with less moderation than he should have recommended. 117\n This imperfect and reluctant confession may appear to confirm THE\n ecclesiastical narratives; that in THE cities of Gaza, Ascalon,\n C¾sarea, Heliopolis, &c., THE Pagans abused, without prudence or\n remorse, THE moment of THEir prosperity. That THE unhappy objects\n of THEir cruelty were released from torture only by death; and as\n THEir mangled bodies were dragged through THE streets, THEy were\n pierced (such was THE universal rage) by THE spits of cooks, and\n THE distaffs of enraged women; and that THE entrails of Christian\n priests and virgins, after THEy had been tasted by those bloody\n fanatics, were mixed with barley, and contemptuously thrown to\n THE unclean animals of THE city. 118 Such scenes of religious\n madness exhibit THE most contemptible and odious picture of human\n nature; but THE massacre of Alexandria attracts still more\n attention, from THE certainty of THE fact, THE rank of THE\n victims, and THE splendor of THE capital of Egypt.\n\n 117 (return) [ Julian. Misopogon, p. 361.]\n\n 118 (return) [ See Gregory Nazianzen, (Orat. iii. p. 87.) Sozomen\n (l. v. c. 9) may be considered as an original, though not\n impartial, witness. He was a native of Gaza, and had conversed\n with THE confessor Zeno, who, as bishop of Maiuma, lived to THE\n age of a hundred, (l. vii. c. 28.) Philostorgius (l. vii. c. 4,\n with GodefroyÕs Dissertations, p. 284) adds some tragic\n circumstances, of Christians who were _literally_ sacrificed at\n THE altars of THE gods, &c.]\n\n George, 119 from his parents or his education, surnamed THE\n Cappadocian, was born at Epiphania in Cilicia, in a fullerÕs\n shop. From this obscure and servile origin he raised himself by\n THE talents of a parasite; and THE patrons, whom he assiduously\n flattered, procured for THEir worthless dependent a lucrative\n commission, or contract, to supply THE army with bacon. His\n employment was mean; he rendered it infamous. He accumulated\n wealth by THE basest arts of fraud and corruption; but his\n malversations were so notorious, that George was compelled to\n escape from THE pursuits of justice. After this disgrace, in\n which he appears to have saved his fortune at THE expense of his\n honor, he embraced, with real or affected zeal, THE profession of\n Arianism. From THE love, or THE ostentation, of learning, he\n collected a valuable library of history rhetoric, philosophy, and\n THEology, 120 and THE choice of THE prevailing faction promoted\n George of Cappadocia to THE throne of Athanasius. The entrance of\n THE new archbishop was that of a Barbarian conqueror; and each\n moment of his reign was polluted by cruelty and avarice. The\n Catholics of Alexandria and Egypt were abandoned to a tyrant,\n qualified, by nature and education, to exercise THE office of\n persecution; but he oppressed with an impartial hand THE various\n inhabitants of his extensive diocese. The primate of Egypt\n assumed THE pomp and insolence of his lofty station; but he still\n betrayed THE vices of his base and servile extraction. The\n merchants of Alexandria were impoverished by THE unjust, and\n almost universal, monopoly, which he acquired, of nitre, salt,\n paper, funerals, &c.: and THE spiritual faTHEr of a great people\n condescended to practise THE vile and pernicious arts of an\n informer. The Alexandrians could never forget, nor forgive, THE\n tax, which he suggested, on all THE houses of THE city; under an\n obsolete claim, that THE royal founder had conveyed to his\n successors, THE Ptolemies and THE C¾sars, THE perpetual property\n of THE soil. The Pagans, who had been flattered with THE hopes of\n freedom and toleration, excited his devout avarice; and THE rich\n temples of Alexandria were eiTHEr pillaged or insulted by THE\n haughty prince, who exclaimed, in a loud and threatening tone,\n ÒHow long will THEse sepulchres be permitted to stand?Ó Under THE\n reign of Constantius, he was expelled by THE fury, or raTHEr by\n THE justice, of THE people; and it was not without a violent\n struggle, that THE civil and military powers of THE state could\n restore his authority, and gratify his revenge. The messenger who\n proclaimed at Alexandria THE accession of Julian, announced THE\n downfall of THE archbishop. George, with two of his obsequious\n ministers, Count Diodorus, and Dracontius, master of THE mint\n were ignominiously dragged in chains to THE public prison. At THE\n end of twenty-four days, THE prison was forced open by THE rage\n of a superstitious multitude, impatient of THE tedious forms of\n judicial proceedings. The enemies of gods and men expired under\n THEir cruel insults; THE lifeless bodies of THE archbishop and\n his associates were carried in triumph through THE streets on THE\n back of a camel; 12011 and THE inactivity of THE Athanasian party\n 121 was esteemed a shining example of evangelical patience. The\n remains of THEse guilty wretches were thrown into THE sea; and\n THE popular leaders of THE tumult declared THEir resolution to\n disappoint THE devotion of THE Christians, and to intercept THE\n future honors of THEse _martyrs_, who had been punished, like\n THEir predecessors, by THE enemies of THEir religion. 122 The\n fears of THE Pagans were just, and THEir precautions ineffectual.\n The meritorious death of THE archbishop obliterated THE memory of\n his life. The rival of Athanasius was dear and sacred to THE\n Arians, and THE seeming conversion of those sectaries introduced\n his worship into THE bosom of THE Catholic church. 123 The odious\n stranger, disguising every circumstance of time and place,\n assumed THE mask of a martyr, a saint, and a Christian hero; 124\n and THE infamous George of Cappadocia has been transformed 125\n into THE renowned St. George of England, THE patron of arms, of\n chivalry, and of THE garter. 126\n\n 119 (return) [ The life and death of George of Cappadocia are\n described by Ammianus, (xxii. 11,) Gregory of Nazianzen, (Orat.\n xxi. p. 382, 385, 389, 390,) and Epiphanius, (H¾res. lxxvi.) The\n invectives of THE two saints might not deserve much credit,\n unless THEy were confirmed by THE testimony of THE cool and\n impartial infidel.]\n\n 120 (return) [ After THE massacre of George, THE emperor Julian\n repeatedly sent orders to preserve THE library for his own use,\n and to torture THE slaves who might be suspected of secreting any\n books. He praises THE merit of THE collection, from whence he had\n borrowed and transcribed several manuscripts while he pursued his\n studies in Cappadocia. He could wish, indeed, that THE works of\n THE Gali¾ans might perish but he requires an exact account even\n of those THEological volumes lest oTHEr treatises more valuable\n should be confounded in THEir less Julian. Epist. ix. xxxvi.]\n\n 12011 (return) [ Julian himself says, that THEy tore him to\n pieces like dogs, Epist. x.ÑM.]\n\n 121 (return) [ Philostorgius, with cautious malice, insinuates\n THEir guilt, l. vii. c. ii. Godefroy p. 267.]\n\n 122 (return) [ Cineres projecit in mare, id metuens ut clamabat,\n ne, collectis supremis, ¾des illis exstruerentur ut reliquis, qui\n deviare a religione compulsi, pertulere, cruciabiles pÏnas,\n adusque gloriosam mortem intemerat‰ fide progressi, et nunc\n Martyres appellantur. Ammian. xxii. 11. Epiphanius proves to THE\n Arians, that George was not a martyr.]\n\n 123 (return) [ Some Donatists (Optatus Milev. p. 60, 303, edit.\n Dupin; and Tillemont, MŽm. Eccles. tom. vi. p. 713, in 4to.) and\n Priscillianists (Tillemont, MŽm. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 517, in\n 4to.) have in like manner usurped THE honors of THE Catholic\n saints and martyrs.]\n\n 124 (return) [ The saints of Cappadocia, Basil, and THE\n Gregories, were ignorant of THEir holy companion. Pope Gelasius,\n (A. D. 494,) THE first Catholic who acknowledges St. George,\n places him among THE martyrs Òqui Deo magis quam hominibus noti\n sunt.Ó He rejects his Acts as THE composition of heretics. Some,\n perhaps, not THE oldest, of THE spurious Acts, are still extant;\n and, through a cloud of fiction, we may yet distinguish THE\n combat which St. George of Cappadocia sustained, in THE presence\n of Queen _Alexandria_, against THE _magician Athanasius_.]\n\n 125 (return) [ This transformation is not given as absolutely\n certain, but as _extremely_ probable. See THE Longueruana, tom.\n i. p. 194. ÑÑNote: The late Dr. Milner (THE Roman Catholic\n bishop) wrote a tract to vindicate THE existence and THE\n orthodoxy of THE tutelar saint of England. He succeeds, I think,\n in tracing THE worship of St. George up to a period which makes\n it improbable that so notorious an Arian could be palmed upon THE\n Catholic church as a saint and a martyr. The Acts rejected by\n Gelasius may have been of Arian origin, and designed to ingraft\n THE story of THEir hero on THE obscure adventures of some earlier\n saint. See an Historical and Critical Inquiry into THE Existence\n and Character of Saint George, in a letter to THE Earl of\n Leicester, by THE Rev. J. Milner. F. S. A. London 1792.ÑM.]\n\n 126 (return) [ A curious history of THE worship of St. George,\n from THE sixth century, (when he was already revered in\n Palestine, in Armenia at Rome, and at Treves in Gaul,) might be\n extracted from Dr. Heylin (History of St. George, 2d edition,\n London, 1633, in 4to. p. 429) and THE Bollandists, (Act. Ss.\n Mens. April. tom. iii. p. 100-163.) His fame and popularity in\n Europe, and especially in England, proceeded from THE Crusades.]\n\n About THE same time that Julian was informed of THE tumult of\n Alexandria, he received intelligence from Edessa, that THE proud\n and wealthy faction of THE Arians had insulted THE weakness of\n THE Valentinians, and committed such disorders as ought not to be\n suffered with impunity in a well-regulated state. Without\n expecting THE slow forms of justice, THE exasperated prince\n directed his mandate to THE magistrates of Edessa, 127 by which\n he confiscated THE whole property of THE church: THE money was\n distributed among THE soldiers; THE lands were added to THE\n domain; and this act of oppression was aggravated by THE most\n ungenerous irony. ÒI show myself,Ó says Julian, ÒTHE true friend\n of THE Galil¾ans. Their _admirable_ law has promised THE kingdom\n of heaven to THE poor; and THEy will advance with more diligence\n in THE paths of virtue and salvation, when THEy are relieved by\n my assistance from THE load of temporal possessions. Take care,Ó\n pursued THE monarch, in a more serious tone, Òtake care how you\n provoke my patience and humanity. If THEse disorders continue, I\n will revenge on THE magistrates THE crimes of THE people; and you\n will have reason to dread, not only confiscation and exile, but\n fire and THE sword.Ó The tumults of Alexandria were doubtless of\n a more bloody and dangerous nature: but a Christian bishop had\n fallen by THE hands of THE Pagans; and THE public epistle of\n Julian affords a very lively proof of THE partial spirit of his\n administration. His reproaches to THE citizens of Alexandria are\n mingled with expressions of esteem and tenderness; and he\n laments, that, on this occasion, THEy should have departed from\n THE gentle and generous manners which attested THEir Grecian\n extraction. He gravely censures THE offence which THEy had\n committed against THE laws of justice and humanity; but he\n recapitulates, with visible complacency, THE intolerable\n provocations which THEy had so long endured from THE impious\n tyranny of George of Cappadocia. Julian admits THE principle,\n that a wise and vigorous government should chastise THE insolence\n of THE people; yet, in consideration of THEir founder Alexander,\n and of Serapis THEir tutelar deity, he grants a free and gracious\n pardon to THE guilty city, for which he again feels THE affection\n of a broTHEr. 128\n\n 127 (return) [ Julian. Epist. xliii.]\n\n 128 (return) [ Julian. Epist. x. He allowed his friends to\n assuage his anger Ammian. xxii. 11.]\n\n After THE tumult of Alexandria had subsided, Athanasius, amidst\n THE public acclamations, seated himself on THE throne from whence\n his unworthy competitor had been precipitated: and as THE zeal of\n THE archbishop was tempered with discretion, THE exercise of his\n authority tended not to inflame, but to reconcile, THE minds of\n THE people. His pastoral labors were not confined to THE narrow\n limits of Egypt. The state of THE Christian world was present to\n his active and capacious mind; and THE age, THE merit, THE\n reputation of Athanasius, enabled him to assume, in a moment of\n danger, THE office of Ecclesiastical Dictator. 129 Three years\n were not yet elapsed since THE majority of THE bishops of THE\n West had ignorantly, or reluctantly, subscribed THE Confession of\n Rimini. They repented, THEy believed, but THEy dreaded THE\n unseasonable rigor of THEir orthodox brethren; and if THEir pride\n was stronger than THEir faith, THEy might throw THEmselves into\n THE arms of THE Arians, to escape THE indignity of a public\n penance, which must degrade THEm to THE condition of obscure\n laymen. At THE same time THE domestic differences concerning THE\n union and distinction of THE divine persons, were agitated with\n some heat among THE Catholic doctors; and THE progress of this\n metaphysical controversy seemed to threaten a public and lasting\n division of THE Greek and Latin churches. By THE wisdom of a\n select synod, to which THE name and presence of Athanasius gave\n THE authority of a general council, THE bishops, who had unwarily\n deviated into error, were admitted to THE communion of THE\n church, on THE easy condition of subscribing THE Nicene Creed;\n without any formal acknowledgment of THEir past fault, or any\n minute definition of THEir scholastic opinions. The advice of THE\n primate of Egypt had already prepared THE clergy of Gaul and\n Spain, of Italy and Greece, for THE reception of this salutary\n measure; and, notwithstanding THE opposition of some ardent\n spirits, 130 THE fear of THE common enemy promoted THE peace and\n harmony of THE Christians. 131\n\n 129 (return) [ See Athanas. ad Rufin. tom. ii. p. 40, 41, and\n Greg. Nazianzen Orat. iii. p. 395, 396; who justly states THE\n temperate zeal of THE primate, as much more meritorious than his\n prayers, his fasts, his persecutions, &c.]\n\n 130 (return) [ I have not leisure to follow THE blind obstinacy\n of Lucifer of Cagliari. See his adventures in Tillemont, (MŽm.\n Eccles. tom. vii. p. 900-926;) and observe how THE color of THE\n narrative insensibly changes, as THE confessor becomes a\n schismatic.]\n\n 131 (return) [ Assensus est huic sententi¾ Occidens, et, per tam\n necessarium conilium, Satan¾ faucibus mundus ereptus. The lively\n and artful dialogue of Jerom against THE Luciferians (tom. ii. p.\n 135-155) exhibits an original picture of THE ecclesiastical\n policy of THE times.]\n\n The skill and diligence of THE primate of Egypt had improved THE\n season of tranquillity, before it was interrupted by THE hostile\n edicts of THE emperor. 132 Julian, who despised THE Christians,\n honored Athanasius with his sincere and peculiar hatred. For his\n sake alone, he introduced an arbitrary distinction, repugnant at\n least to THE spirit of his former declarations. He maintained,\n that THE Galil¾ans, whom he had recalled from exile, were not\n restored, by that general indulgence, to THE possession of THEir\n respective churches; and he expressed his astonishment, that a\n criminal, who had been repeatedly condemned by THE judgment of\n THE emperors, should dare to insult THE majesty of THE laws, and\n insolently usurp THE archiepiscopal throne of Alexandria, without\n expecting THE orders of his sovereign. As a punishment for THE\n imaginary offence, he again banished Athanasius from THE city;\n and he was pleased to suppose, that this act of justice would be\n highly agreeable to his pious subjects. The pressing\n solicitations of THE people soon convinced him, that THE majority\n of THE Alexandrians were Christians; and that THE greatest part\n of THE Christians were firmly attached to THE cause of THEir\n oppressed primate. But THE knowledge of THEir sentiments, instead\n of persuading him to recall his decree, provoked him to extend to\n all Egypt THE term of THE exile of Athanasius. The zeal of THE\n multitude rendered Julian still more inexorable: he was alarmed\n by THE danger of leaving at THE head of a tumultuous city, a\n daring and popular leader; and THE language of his resentment\n discovers THE opinion which he entertained of THE courage and\n abilities of Athanasius. The execution of THE sentence was still\n delayed, by THE caution or negligence of Ecdicius, pr¾fect of\n Egypt, who was at length awakened from his lethargy by a severe\n reprimand. ÒThough you neglect,Ó says Julian, Òto write to me on\n any oTHEr subject, at least it is your duty to inform me of your\n conduct towards Athanasius, THE enemy of THE gods. My intentions\n have been long since communicated to you. I swear by THE great\n Serapis, that unless, on THE calends of December, Athanasius has\n departed from Alexandria, nay, from Egypt, THE officers of your\n government shall pay a fine of one hundred pounds of gold. You\n know my temper: I am slow to condemn, but I am still slower to\n forgive.Ó This epistle was enforced by a short postscript,\n written with THE emperorÕs own hand. ÒThe contempt that is shown\n for all THE gods fills me with grief and indignation. There is\n nothing that I should see, nothing that I should hear, with more\n pleasure, than THE expulsion of Athanasius from all Egypt. The\n abominable wretch! Under my reign, THE baptism of several Grecian\n ladies of THE highest rank has been THE effect of his\n persecutions.Ó 133 The death of Athanasius was not _expressly_\n commanded; but THE pr¾fect of Egypt understood that it was safer\n for him to exceed, than to neglect, THE orders of an irritated\n master. The archbishop prudently retired to THE monasteries of\n THE Desert; eluded, with his usual dexterity, THE snares of THE\n enemy; and lived to triumph over THE ashes of a prince, who, in\n words of formidable import, had declared his wish that THE whole\n venom of THE Galil¾an school were contained in THE single person\n of Athanasius. 134 13411\n\n 132 (return) [ Tillemont, who supposes that George was massacred\n in August crowds THE actions of Athanasius into a narrow space,\n (MŽm. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 360.) An original fragment, published\n by THE Marquis Maffei, from THE old Chapter library of Verona,\n (Osservazioni Letterarie, tom. iii. p. 60-92,) affords many\n important dates, which are auTHEnticated by THE computation of\n Egyptian months.]\n\n 133 (return) [ I have preserved THE ambiguous sense of THE last\n word, THE ambiguity of a tyrant who wished to find, or to create,\n guilt.]\n\n 134 (return) [ The three epistles of Julian, which explain his\n intentions and conduct with regard to Athanasius, should be\n disposed in THE following chronological order, xxvi. x. vi. * See\n likewise, Greg. Nazianzen xxi. p. 393. Sozomen, l. v. c. 15.\n Socrates, l. iii. c. 14. Theodoret, l iii. c. 9, and Tillemont,\n MŽm. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 361-368, who has used some materials\n prepared by THE Bollandists.]\n\n 13411 (return) [ The sentence in THE text is from Epist. li.\n addressed to THE people of Alexandria.ÑM.]\n\n I have endeavored faithfully to represent THE artful system by\n which Julian proposed to obtain THE effects, without incurring\n THE guilt, or reproach, of persecution. But if THE deadly spirit\n of fanaticism perverted THE heart and understanding of a virtuous\n prince, it must, at THE same time, be confessed that THE _real_\n sufferings of THE Christians were inflamed and magnified by human\n passions and religious enthusiasm. The meekness and resignation\n which had distinguished THE primitive disciples of THE gospel,\n was THE object of THE applause, raTHEr than of THE imitation of\n THEir successors. The Christians, who had now possessed above\n forty years THE civil and ecclesiastical government of THE\n empire, had contracted THE insolent vices of prosperity, 135 and\n THE habit of believing that THE saints alone were entitled to\n reign over THE earth. As soon as THE enmity of Julian deprived\n THE clergy of THE privileges which had been conferred by THE\n favor of Constantine, THEy complained of THE most cruel\n oppression; and THE free toleration of idolaters and heretics was\n a subject of grief and scandal to THE orthodox party. 136 The\n acts of violence, which were no longer countenanced by THE\n magistrates, were still committed by THE zeal of THE people. At\n Pessinus, THE altar of Cybele was overturned almost in THE\n presence of THE emperor; and in THE city of C¾sarea in\n Cappadocia, THE temple of Fortune, THE sole place of worship\n which had been left to THE Pagans, was destroyed by THE rage of a\n popular tumult. On THEse occasions, a prince, who felt for THE\n honor of THE gods, was not disposed to interrupt THE course of\n justice; and his mind was still more deeply exasperated, when he\n found that THE fanatics, who had deserved and suffered THE\n punishment of incendiaries, were rewarded with THE honors of\n martyrdom. 137 The Christian subjects of Julian were assured of\n THE hostile designs of THEir sovereign; and, to THEir jealous\n apprehension, every circumstance of his government might afford\n some grounds of discontent and suspicion. In THE ordinary\n administration of THE laws, THE Christians, who formed so large a\n part of THE people, must frequently be condemned: but THEir\n indulgent brethren, without examining THE merits of THE cause,\n presumed THEir innocence, allowed THEir claims, and imputed THE\n severity of THEir judge to THE partial malice of religious\n persecution. 138 These present hardships, intolerable as THEy\n might appear, were represented as a slight prelude of THE\n impending calamities. The Christians considered Julian as a cruel\n and crafty tyrant; who suspended THE execution of his revenge\n till he should return victorious from THE Persian war. They\n expected, that as soon as he had triumphed over THE foreign\n enemies of Rome, he would lay aside THE irksome mask of\n dissimulation; that THE amphiTHEatre would stream with THE blood\n of hermits and bishops; and that THE Christians who still\n persevered in THE profession of THE faith, would be deprived of\n THE common benefits of nature and society. 139 Every calumny 140\n that could wound THE reputation of THE Apostate, was credulously\n embraced by THE fears and hatred of his adversaries; and THEir\n indiscreet clamors provoked THE temper of a sovereign, whom it\n was THEir duty to respect, and THEir interest to flatter.\n\n They still protested, that prayers and tears were THEir only\n weapons against THE impious tyrant, whose head THEy devoted to\n THE justice of offended Heaven. But THEy insinuated, with sullen\n resolution, that THEir submission was no longer THE effect of\n weakness; and that, in THE imperfect state of human virtue, THE\n patience, which is founded on principle, may be exhausted by\n persecution. It is impossible to determine how far THE zeal of\n Julian would have prevailed over his good sense and humanity; but\n if we seriously reflect on THE strength and spirit of THE church,\n we shall be convinced, that before THE emperor could have\n extinguished THE religion of Christ, he must have involved his\n country in THE horrors of a civil war. 141\n\n 135 (return) [ See THE fair confession of Gregory, (Orat. iii. p.\n 61, 62.)]\n\n 136 (return) [ Hear THE furious and absurd complaint of Optatus,\n (de Schismat Denatist. l. ii. c. 16, 17.)]\n\n 137 (return) [ Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. iii. p. 91, iv. p. 133. He\n praises THE rioters of C¾sarea. See Sozomen, l. v. 4, 11.\n Tillemont (MŽm. Eccles. tom. vii. p. 649, 650) owns, that THEir\n behavior was not dans lÕordre commun: but he is perfectly\n satisfied, as THE great St. Basil always celebrated THE festival\n of THEse blessed martyrs.]\n\n 138 (return) [ Julian determined a lawsuit against THE new\n Christian city at Maiuma, THE port of Gaza; and his sentence,\n though it might be imputed to bigotry, was never reversed by his\n successors. Sozomen, l. v. c. 3. Reland, Palestin. tom. ii. p.\n 791.]\n\n 139 (return) [ Gregory (Orat. iii. p. 93, 94, 95. Orat. iv. p.\n 114) pretends to speak from THE information of JulianÕs\n confidants, whom Orosius (vii. 30) could not have seen.]\n\n 140 (return) [ Gregory (Orat. iii. p. 91) charges THE Apostate\n with secret sacrifices of boys and girls; and positively affirms,\n that THE dead bodies were thrown into THE Orontes. See Theodoret,\n l. iii. c. 26, 27; and THE equivocal candor of THE AbbŽ de la\n Bleterie, Vie de Julien, p. 351, 352. Yet _contemporary_ malice\n could not impute to Julian THE troops of martyrs, more especially\n in THE West, which Baronius so greedily swallows, and Tillemont\n so faintly rejects, (MŽm. Eccles. tom. vii. p. 1295-1315.)]\n\n 141 (return) [ The resignation of Gregory is truly edifying,\n (Orat. iv. p. 123, 124.) Yet, when an officer of Julian attempted\n to seize THE church of Nazianzus, he would have lost his life, if\n he had not yielded to THE zeal of THE bishop and people, (Orat.\n xix. p. 308.) See THE reflections of Chrysostom, as THEy are\n alleged by Tillemont, (MŽm. Eccles. tom. vii. p. 575.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.ÑPart I.\n\n Residence Of Julian At Antioch.ÑHis Successful Expedition Against\n The Persians.ÑPassage Of The TigrisÑThe Retreat And Death Of\n Julian.ÑElection Of Jovian.ÑHe Saves The Roman Army By A\n Disgraceful Treaty.\n\n\n The philosophical fable which Julian composed under THE name of\n THE C¾sars, 1 is one of THE most agreeable and instructive\n productions of ancient wit. 2 During THE freedom and equality of\n THE days of THE Saturnalia, Romulus prepared a feast for THE\n deities of Olympus, who had adopted him as a worthy associate,\n and for THE Roman princes, who had reigned over his martial\n people, and THE vanquished nations of THE earth. The immortals\n were placed in just order on THEir thrones of state, and THE\n table of THE C¾sars was spread below THE Moon in THE upper region\n of THE air. The tyrants, who would have disgraced THE society of\n gods and men, were thrown headlong, by THE inexorable Nemesis,\n into THE Tartarean abyss. The rest of THE C¾sars successively\n advanced to THEir seats; and as THEy passed, THE vices, THE\n defects, THE blemishes of THEir respective characters, were\n maliciously noticed by old Silenus, a laughing moralist, who\n disguised THE wisdom of a philosopher under THE mask of a\n Bacchanal. 3 As soon as THE feast was ended, THE voice of Mercury\n proclaimed THE will of Jupiter, that a celestial crown should be\n THE reward of superior merit. Julius C¾sar, Augustus, Trajan, and\n Marcus Antoninus, were selected as THE most illustrious\n candidates; THE effeminate Constantine 4 was not excluded from\n this honorable competition, and THE great Alexander was invited\n to dispute THE prize of glory with THE Roman heroes. Each of THE\n candidates was allowed to display THE merit of his own exploits;\n but, in THE judgment of THE gods, THE modest silence of Marcus\n pleaded more powerfully than THE elaborate orations of his\n haughty rivals. When THE judges of this awful contest proceeded\n to examine THE heart, and to scrutinize THE springs of action,\n THE superiority of THE Imperial Stoic appeared still more\n decisive and conspicuous. 5 Alexander and C¾sar, Augustus,\n Trajan, and Constantine, acknowledged, with a blush, that fame,\n or power, or pleasure had been THE important object of _THEir_\n labors: but THE gods THEmselves beheld, with reverence and love,\n a virtuous mortal, who had practised on THE throne THE lessons of\n philosophy; and who, in a state of human imperfection, had\n aspired to imitate THE moral attributes of THE Deity. The value\n of this agreeable composition (THE C¾sars of Julian) is enhanced\n by THE rank of THE author. A prince, who delineates, with\n freedom, THE vices and virtues of his predecessors, subscribes,\n in every line, THE censure or approbation of his own conduct.\n\n 1 (return) [ See this fable or satire, p. 306-336 of THE Leipsig\n edition of JulianÕs works. The French version of THE learned\n Ezekiel Spanheim (Paris, 1683) is coarse, languid, and correct;\n and his notes, proofs, illustrations, &c., are piled on each\n oTHEr till THEy form a mass of 557 close-printed quarto pages.\n The AbbŽÕ de la Bleterie (Vie de Jovien, tom. i. p. 241-393) has\n more happily expressed THE spirit, as well as THE sense, of THE\n original, which he illustrates with some concise and curious\n notes.]\n\n 2 (return) [ Spanheim (in his preface) has most learnedly\n discussed THE etymology, origin, resemblance, and disagreement of\n THE Greek _satyrs_, a dramatic piece, which was acted after THE\n tragedy; and THE Latin _satires_, (from _Satura_,) a\n _miscellaneous_ composition, eiTHEr in prose or verse. But THE\n C¾sars of Julian are of such an original cast, that THE critic is\n perplexed to which class he should ascribe THEm. * Note: See also\n Casaubon de Satira, with RambachÕs observations.ÑM.]\n\n 3 (return) [ This mixed character of Silenus is finely painted in\n THE sixth eclogue of Virgil.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Every impartial reader must perceive and condemn THE\n partiality of Julian against his uncle Constantine, and THE\n Christian religion. On this occasion, THE interpreters are\n compelled, by a most sacred interest, to renounce THEir\n allegiance, and to desert THE cause of THEir author.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Julian was secretly inclined to prefer a Greek to a\n Roman. But when he seriously compared a hero with a philosopher,\n he was sensible that mankind had much greater obligations to\n Socrates than to Alexander, (Orat. ad Themistium, p. 264.)]\n\n In THE cool moments of reflection, Julian preferred THE useful\n and benevolent virtues of Antoninus; but his ambitious spirit was\n inflamed by THE glory of Alexander; and he solicited, with equal\n ardor, THE esteem of THE wise, and THE applause of THE multitude.\n In THE season of life when THE powers of THE mind and body enjoy\n THE most active vigor, THE emperor who was instructed by THE\n experience, and animated by THE success, of THE German war,\n resolved to signalize his reign by some more splendid and\n memorable achievement. The ambassadors of THE East, from THE\n continent of India, and THE Isle of Ceylon, 6 had respectfully\n saluted THE Roman purple. 7 The nations of THE West esteemed and\n dreaded THE personal virtues of Julian, both in peace and war. He\n despised THE trophies of a Gothic victory, and was satisfied that\n THE rapacious Barbarians of THE Danube would be restrained from\n any future violation of THE faith of treaties by THE terror of\n his name, and THE additional fortifications with which he\n strengTHEned THE Thracian and Illyrian frontiers. The successor\n of Cyrus and Artaxerxes was THE only rival whom he deemed worthy\n of his arms; and he resolved, by THE final conquest of Persia, to\n chastise THE naughty nation which had so long resisted and\n insulted THE majesty of Rome. 9 As soon as THE Persian monarch\n was informed that THE throne of Constantius was filled by a\n prince of a very different character, he condescended to make\n some artful, or perhaps sincere, overtures towards a negotiation\n of peace. But THE pride of Sapor was astonished by THE firmness\n of Julian; who sternly declared, that he would never consent to\n hold a peaceful conference among THE flames and ruins of THE\n cities of Mesopotamia; and who added, with a smile of contempt,\n that it was needless to treat by ambassadors, as he himself had\n determined to visit speedily THE court of Persia. The impatience\n of THE emperor urged THE diligence of THE military preparations.\n The generals were named; and Julian, marching from Constantinople\n through THE provinces of Asia Minor, arrived at Antioch about\n eight months after THE death of his predecessor. His ardent\n desire to march into THE heart of Persia, was checked by THE\n indispensable duty of regulating THE state of THE empire; by his\n zeal to revive THE worship of THE gods; and by THE advice of his\n wisest friends; who represented THE necessity of allowing THE\n salutary interval of winter quarters, to restore THE exhausted\n strength of THE legions of Gaul, and THE discipline and spirit of\n THE Eastern troops. Julian was persuaded to fix, till THE ensuing\n spring, his residence at Antioch, among a people maliciously\n disposed to deride THE haste, and to censure THE delays, of THEir\n sovereign. 10\n\n 6 (return) [ Inde nationibus Indicis certatim cum aonis optimates\n mittentibus.... ab usque Divis et _Serendivis_. Ammian. xx. 7.\n This island, to which THE names of Taprobana, Serendib, and\n Ceylon, have been successively applied, manifests how imperfectly\n THE seas and lands to THE east of Cape Comorin were known to THE\n Romans. 1. Under THE reign of Claudius, a freedman, who farmed\n THE customs of THE Red Sea, was accidentally driven by THE winds\n upon this strange and undiscovered coast: he conversed six months\n with THE natives; and THE king of Ceylon, who heard, for THE\n first time, of THE power and justice of Rome, was persuaded to\n send an embassy to THE emperor. (Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 24.) 2. The\n geographers (and even Ptolemy) have magnified, above fifteen\n times, THE real size of this new world, which THEy extended as\n far as THE equator, and THE neighborhood of China. * Note: The\n name of Diva gens or Divorum regio, according to THE probable\n conjecture of M. Letronne, (Trois MŽm. Acad. p. 127,) was applied\n by THE ancients to THE whole eastern coast of THE Indian\n Peninsula, from Ceylon to THE Canges. The name may be traced in\n Devipatnam, Devidan, Devicotta, Divinelly, THE point of Divy.ÑÑM.\n Letronne, p.121, considers THE freedman with his embassy from\n Ceylon to have been an impostor.ÑM.]\n\n 7 (return) [ These embassies had been sent to Constantius.\n Ammianus, who unwarily deviates into gross flattery, must have\n forgotten THE length of THE way, and THE short duration of THE\n reign of Julian. ÑÑGothos s¾pe fallaces et perfidos; hostes\n qu¾rere se meliores aiebat: illis enim sufficere mercators\n Galatas per quos ubique sine conditionis discrimine venumdantur.\n (Ammian. xxii. 7.) Within less than fifteen years, THEse Gothic\n slaves threatened and subdued THEir masters.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Alexander reminds his rival C¾sar, who depreciated\n THE fame and merit of an Asiatic victory, that Crassus and Antony\n had felt THE Persian arrows; and that THE Romans, in a war of\n three hundred years, had not yet subdued THE single province of\n Mesopotamia or Assyria, (C¾sares, p. 324.)]\n\n 10 (return) [ The design of THE Persian war is declared by\n Ammianus, (xxii. 7, 12,) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 79, 80, p.\n 305, 306,) Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 158,) and Socrates, (l. iii. c.\n 19.)]\n\n If Julian had flattered himself, that his personal connection\n with THE capital of THE East would be productive of mutual\n satisfaction to THE prince and people, he made a very false\n estimate of his own character, and of THE manners of Antioch. 11\n The warmth of THE climate disposed THE natives to THE most\n intemperate enjoyment of tranquillity and opulence; and THE\n lively licentiousness of THE Greeks was blended with THE\n hereditary softness of THE Syrians. Fashion was THE only law,\n pleasure THE only pursuit, and THE splendor of dress and\n furniture was THE only distinction of THE citizens of Antioch.\n The arts of luxury were honored; THE serious and manly virtues\n were THE subject of ridicule; and THE contempt for female modesty\n and reverent age announced THE universal corruption of THE\n capital of THE East. The love of spectacles was THE taste, or\n raTHEr passion, of THE Syrians; THE most skilful artists were\n procured from THE adjacent cities; 12 a considerable share of THE\n revenue was devoted to THE public amusements; and THE\n magnificence of THE games of THE THEatre and circus was\n considered as THE happiness and as THE glory of Antioch. The\n rustic manners of a prince who disdained such glory, and was\n insensible of such happiness, soon disgusted THE delicacy of his\n subjects; and THE effeminate Orientals could neiTHEr imitate, nor\n admire, THE severe simplicity which Julian always maintained, and\n sometimes affected. The days of festivity, consecrated, by\n ancient custom, to THE honor of THE gods, were THE only occasions\n in which Julian relaxed his philosophic severity; and those\n festivals were THE only days in which THE Syrians of Antioch\n could reject THE allurements of pleasure. The majority of THE\n people supported THE glory of THE Christian name, which had been\n first invented by THEir ancestors: 13 THEy contended THEmselves\n with disobeying THE moral precepts, but THEy were scrupulously\n attached to THE speculative doctrines of THEir religion. The\n church of Antioch was distracted by heresy and schism; but THE\n Arians and THE Athanasians, THE followers of Meletius and those\n of Paulinus, 14 were actuated by THE same pious hatred of THEir\n common adversary.\n\n 11 (return) [ The Satire of Julian, and THE Homilies of St.\n Chrysostom, exhibit THE same picture of Antioch. The miniature\n which THE AbbŽ de la Bleterie has copied from THEnce, (Vie de\n Julian, p. 332,) is elegant and correct.]\n\n 12 (return) [ Laodicea furnished charioteers; Tyre and Berytus,\n comedians; C¾sarea, pantomimes; Heliopolis, singers; Gaza,\n gladiators, Ascalon, wrestlers; and Castabala, rope-dancers. See\n THE Expositio totius Mundi, p. 6, in THE third tome of HudsonÕs\n Minor Geographers.]\n\n 13 (return) [ The people of Antioch ingenuously professed THEir\n attachment to THE _Chi_, (Christ,) and THE _Kappa_,\n (Constantius.) Julian in Misopogon, p. 357.]\n\n 14 (return) [ The schism of Antioch, which lasted eighty-five\n years, (A. D. 330-415,) was inflamed, while Julian resided in\n that city, by THE indiscreet ordination of Paulinus. See\n Tillemont, MŽm. Eccles. tom. iii. p. 803 of THE quarto edition,\n (Paris, 1701, &c,) which henceforward I shall quote.]\n\n The strongest prejudice was entertained against THE character of\n an apostate, THE enemy and successor of a prince who had engaged\n THE affections of a very numerous sect; and THE removal of St.\n Babylas excited an implacable opposition to THE person of Julian.\n His subjects complained, with superstitious indignation, that\n famine had pursued THE emperorÕs steps from Constantinople to\n Antioch; and THE discontent of a hungry people was exasperated by\n THE injudicious attempt to relieve THEir distress. The inclemency\n of THE season had affected THE harvests of Syria; and THE price\n of bread, 15 in THE markets of Antioch, had naturally risen in\n proportion to THE scarcity of corn. But THE fair and reasonable\n proportion was soon violated by THE rapacious arts of monopoly.\n In this unequal contest, in which THE produce of THE land is\n claimed by one party as his exclusive property, is used by\n anoTHEr as a lucrative object of trade, and is required by a\n third for THE daily and necessary support of life, all THE\n profits of THE intermediate agents are accumulated on THE head of\n THE defenceless customers. The hardships of THEir situation were\n exaggerated and increased by THEir own impatience and anxiety;\n and THE apprehension of a scarcity gradually produced THE\n appearances of a famine. When THE luxurious citizens of Antioch\n complained of THE high price of poultry and fish, Julian publicly\n declared, that a frugal city ought to be satisfied with a regular\n supply of wine, oil, and bread; but he acknowledged, that it was\n THE duty of a sovereign to provide for THE subsistence of his\n people. With this salutary view, THE emperor ventured on a very\n dangerous and doubtful step, of fixing, by legal authority, THE\n value of corn. He enacted, that, in a time of scarcity, it should\n be sold at a price which had seldom been known in THE most\n plentiful years; and that his own example might strengTHEn his\n laws, he sent into THE market four hundred and twenty-two\n thousand _modii_, or measures, which were drawn by his order from\n THE granaries of Hierapolis, of Chalcis, and even of Egypt. The\n consequences might have been foreseen, and were soon felt. The\n Imperial wheat was purchased by THE rich merchants; THE\n proprietors of land, or of corn, withheld from THE city THE\n accustomed supply; and THE small quantities that appeared in THE\n market were secretly sold at an advanced and illegal price.\n Julian still continued to applaud his own policy, treated THE\n complaints of THE people as a vain and ungrateful murmur, and\n convinced Antioch that he had inherited THE obstinacy, though not\n THE cruelty, of his broTHEr Gallus. 16 The remonstrances of THE\n municipal senate served only to exasperate his inflexible mind.\n He was persuaded, perhaps with truth, that THE senators of\n Antioch who possessed lands, or were concerned in trade, had\n THEmselves contributed to THE calamities of THEir country; and he\n imputed THE disrespectful boldness which THEy assumed, to THE\n sense, not of public duty, but of private interest. The whole\n body, consisting of two hundred of THE most noble and wealthy\n citizens, were sent, under a guard, from THE palace to THE\n prison; and though THEy were permitted, before THE close of\n evening, to return to THEir respective houses, 17 THE emperor\n himself could not obtain THE forgiveness which he had so easily\n granted. The same grievances were still THE subject of THE same\n complaints, which were industriously circulated by THE wit and\n levity of THE Syrian Greeks. During THE licentious days of THE\n Saturnalia, THE streets of THE city resounded with insolent\n songs, which derided THE laws, THE religion, THE personal\n conduct, and even THE _beard_, of THE emperor; THE spirit of\n Antioch was manifested by THE connivance of THE magistrates, and\n THE applause of THE multitude. 18 The disciple of Socrates was\n too deeply affected by THEse popular insults; but THE monarch,\n endowed with a quick sensibility, and possessed of absolute\n power, refused his passions THE gratification of revenge. A\n tyrant might have proscribed, without distinction, THE lives and\n fortunes of THE citizens of Antioch; and THE unwarlike Syrians\n must have patiently submitted to THE lust, THE rapaciousness and\n THE cruelty, of THE faithful legions of Gaul. A milder sentence\n might have deprived THE capital of THE East of its honors and\n privileges; and THE courtiers, perhaps THE subjects, of Julian,\n would have applauded an act of justice, which asserted THE\n dignity of THE supreme magistrate of THE republic. 19 But instead\n of abusing, or exerting, THE authority of THE state, to revenge\n his personal injuries, Julian contented himself with an\n inoffensive mode of retaliation, which it would be in THE power\n of few princes to employ. He had been insulted by satires and\n libels; in his turn, he composed, under THE title of THE _Enemy\n of THE Beard_, an ironical confession of his own faults, and a\n severe satire on THE licentious and effeminate manners of\n Antioch. This Imperial reply was publicly exposed before THE\n gates of THE palace; and THE Misopogon 20 still remains a\n singular monument of THE resentment, THE wit, THE humanity, and\n THE indiscretion of Julian. Though he affected to laugh, he could\n not forgive. 21 His contempt was expressed, and his revenge might\n be gratified, by THE nomination of a governor 22 worthy only of\n such subjects; and THE emperor, forever renouncing THE ungrateful\n city, proclaimed his resolution to pass THE ensuing winter at\n Tarsus in Cilicia. 23\n\n 15 (return) [ Julian states three different proportions, of five,\n ten, or fifteen _modii_ of wheat for one piece of gold, according\n to THE degrees of plenty and scarcity, (in Misopogon, p. 369.)\n From this fact, and from some collateral examples, I conclude,\n that under THE successors of Constantine, THE moderate price of\n wheat was about thirty-two shillings THE English quarter, which\n is equal to THE average price of THE sixty-four first years of\n THE present century. See ArbuthnotÕs Tables of Coins, Weights,\n and Measures, p. 88, 89. Plin. Hist. Natur. xviii. 12. MŽm. de\n lÕAcadŽmie des Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p. 718-721. SmithÕs\n Inquiry into THE Nature and Causes of THE Wealth of Nations, vol.\n i. p 246. This last I am proud to quote as THE work of a sage and\n a friend.]\n\n 16 (return) [ Nunquam a proposito declinabat, Galli similis\n fratris, licet incruentus. Ammian. xxii. 14. The ignorance of THE\n most enlightened princes may claim some excuse; but we cannot be\n satisfied with JulianÕs own defence, (in Misopogon, p. 363, 369,)\n or THE elaborate apology of Libanius, (Orat. Parental c. xcvii.\n p. 321.)]\n\n 17 (return) [ Their short and easy confinement is gently touched\n by Libanius, (Orat. Parental. c. xcviii. p. 322, 323.)]\n\n 18 (return) [ Libanius, (ad Antiochenos de Imperatoris ira, c.\n 17, 18, 19, in Fabricius, Bibliot. Gr¾c. tom. vii. p. 221-223,)\n like a skilful advocate, severely censures THE folly of THE\n people, who suffered for THE crime of a few obscure and drunken\n wretches.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Libanius (ad Antiochen. c. vii. p. 213) reminds\n Antioch of THE recent chastisement of C¾sarea; and even Julian\n (in Misopogon, p. 355) insinuates how severely Tarentum had\n expiated THE insult to THE Roman ambassadors.]\n\n 20 (return) [ On THE subject of THE Misopogon, see Ammianus,\n (xxii. 14,) Libanius, (Orat. Parentalis, c. xcix. p. 323,)\n Gregory Nazianzen, (Orat. iv. p. 133) and THE Chronicle of\n Antioch, by John Malala, (tom. ii. p. 15, 16.) I have essential\n obligations to THE translation and notes of THE AbbŽ de la\n Bleterie, (Vie de Jovien, tom. ii. p. 1-138.)]\n\n 21 (return) [ Ammianus very justly remarks, Coactus dissimulare\n pro tempore ira sufflabatur interna. The elaborate irony of\n Julian at length bursts forth into serious and direct invective.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Ipse autem Antiochiam egressurus, Heliopoliten\n quendam Alexandrum Syriac¾ jurisdictioni pr¾fecit, turbulentum et\n s¾vum; dicebatque non illum meruisse, sed Antiochensibus avaris\n et contumeliosis hujusmodi judicem convenire. Ammian. xxiii. 2.\n Libanius, (Epist. 722, p. 346, 347,) who confesses to Julian\n himself, that he had shared THE general discontent, pretends that\n Alexander was a useful, though harsh, reformer of THE manners and\n religion of Antioch.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Julian, in Misopogon, p. 364. Ammian. xxiii. 2, and\n Valesius, ad loc. Libanius, in a professed oration, invites him\n to return to his loyal and penitent city of Antioch.]\n\n Yet Antioch possessed one citizen, whose genius and virtues might\n atone, in THE opinion of Julian, for THE vice and folly of his\n country. The sophist Libanius was born in THE capital of THE\n East; he publicly professed THE arts of rhetoric and declamation\n at Nice, Nicomedia, Constantinople, ATHEns, and, during THE\n remainder of his life, at Antioch. His school was assiduously\n frequented by THE Grecian youth; his disciples, who sometimes\n exceeded THE number of eighty, celebrated THEir incomparable\n master; and THE jealousy of his rivals, who persecuted him from\n one city to anoTHEr, confirmed THE favorable opinion which\n Libanius ostentatiously displayed of his superior merit. The\n preceptors of Julian had extorted a rash but solemn assurance,\n that he would never attend THE lectures of THEir adversary: THE\n curiosity of THE royal youth was checked and inflamed: he\n secretly procured THE writings of this dangerous sophist, and\n gradually surpassed, in THE perfect imitation of his style, THE\n most laborious of his domestic pupils. 24 When Julian ascended\n THE throne, he declared his impatience to embrace and reward THE\n Syrian sophist, who had preserved, in a degenerate age, THE\n Grecian purity of taste, of manners, and of religion. The\n emperorÕs prepossession was increased and justified by THE\n discreet pride of his favorite. Instead of pressing, with THE\n foremost of THE crowd, into THE palace of Constantinople,\n Libanius calmly expected his arrival at Antioch; withdrew from\n court on THE first symptoms of coldness and indifference;\n required a formal invitation for each visit; and taught his\n sovereign an important lesson, that he might command THE\n obedience of a subject, but that he must deserve THE attachment\n of a friend. The sophists of every age, despising, or affecting\n to despise, THE accidental distinctions of birth and fortune, 25\n reserve THEir esteem for THE superior qualities of THE mind, with\n which THEy THEmselves are so plentifully endowed. Julian might\n disdain THE acclamations of a venal court, who adored THE\n Imperial purple; but he was deeply flattered by THE praise, THE\n admonition, THE freedom, and THE envy of an independent\n philosopher, who refused his favors, loved his person, celebrated\n his fame, and protected his memory. The voluminous writings of\n Libanius still exist; for THE most part, THEy are THE vain and\n idle compositions of an orator, who cultivated THE science of\n words; THE productions of a recluse student, whose mind,\n regardless of his contemporaries, was incessantly fixed on THE\n Trojan war and THE ATHEnian commonwealth. Yet THE sophist of\n Antioch sometimes descended from this imaginary elevation; he\n entertained a various and elaborate correspondence; 26 he praised\n THE virtues of his own times; he boldly arraigned THE abuse of\n public and private life; and he eloquently pleaded THE cause of\n Antioch against THE just resentment of Julian and Theodosius. It\n is THE common calamity of old age, 27 to lose whatever might have\n rendered it desirable; but Libanius experienced THE peculiar\n misfortune of surviving THE religion and THE sciences, to which\n he had consecrated his genius. The friend of Julian was an\n indignant spectator of THE triumph of Christianity; and his\n bigotry, which darkened THE prospect of THE visible world, did\n not inspire Libanius with any lively hopes of celestial glory and\n happiness. 28\n\n 24 (return) [ Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. vii. p. 230, 231.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Eunapius reports, that Libanius refused THE\n honorary rank of Pr¾torian pr¾fect, as less illustrious than THE\n title of Sophist, (in Vit. Sophist. p. 135.) The critics have\n observed a similar sentiment in one of THE epistles (xviii. edit.\n Wolf) of Libanius himself.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Near two thousand of his lettersÑa mode of\n composition in which Libanius was thought to excelÑare still\n extant, and already published. The critics may praise THEir\n subtle and elegant brevity; yet Dr. Bentley (Dissertation upon\n Phalaris, p. 48) might justly, though quaintly observe, that Òyou\n feel, by THE emptiness and deadness of THEm, that you converse\n with some dreaming pedant, with his elbow on his desk.Ó]\n\n 27 (return) [ His birth is assigned to THE year 314. He mentions\n THE seventy-sixth year of his age, (A. D. 390,) and seems to\n allude to some events of a still later date.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Libanius has composed THE vain, prolix, but curious\n narrative of his own life, (tom. ii. p. 1-84, edit. Morell,) of\n which Eunapius (p. 130-135) has left a concise and unfavorable\n account. Among THE moderns, Tillemont, (Hist. des Empereurs, tom.\n iv. p. 571-576,) Fabricius, (Bibliot. Gr¾c. tom. vii. p.\n 376-414,) and Lardner, (HeaTHEn Testimonies, tom. iv. p.\n 127-163,) have illustrated THE character and writings of this\n famous sophist.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.ÑPart II.\n\n\n The martial impatience of Julian urged him to take THE field in\n THE beginning of THE spring; and he dismissed, with contempt and\n reproach, THE senate of Antioch, who accompanied THE emperor\n beyond THE limits of THEir own territory, to which he was\n resolved never to return. After a laborious march of two days, 29\n he halted on THE third at Ber¾a, or Aleppo, where he had THE\n mortification of finding a senate almost entirely Christian; who\n received with cold and formal demonstrations of respect THE\n eloquent sermon of THE apostle of paganism. The son of one of THE\n most illustrious citizens of Ber¾a, who had embraced, eiTHEr from\n interest or conscience, THE religion of THE emperor, was\n disinherited by his angry parent. The faTHEr and THE son were\n invited to THE Imperial table. Julian, placing himself between\n THEm, attempted, without success, to inculcate THE lesson and\n example of toleration; supported, with affected calmness, THE\n indiscreet zeal of THE aged Christian, who seemed to forget THE\n sentiments of nature, and THE duty of a subject; and at length,\n turning towards THE afflicted youth, ÒSince you have lost a\n faTHEr,Ó said he, Òfor my sake, it is incumbent on me to supply\n his place.Ó 30 The emperor was received in a manner much more\n agreeable to his wishes at Batn¾, 3011 a small town pleasantly\n seated in a grove of cypresses, about twenty miles from THE city\n of Hierapolis. The solemn rites of sacrifice were decently\n prepared by THE inhabitants of Batn¾, who seemed attached to THE\n worship of THEir tutelar deities, Apollo and Jupiter; but THE\n serious piety of Julian was offended by THE tumult of THEir\n applause; and he too clearly discerned, that THE smoke which\n arose from THEir altars was THE incense of flattery, raTHEr than\n of devotion. The ancient and magnificent temple which had\n sanctified, for so many ages, THE city of Hierapolis, 31 no\n longer subsisted; and THE consecrated wealth, which afforded a\n liberal maintenance to more than three hundred priests, might\n hasten its downfall. Yet Julian enjoyed THE satisfaction of\n embracing a philosopher and a friend, whose religious firmness\n had withstood THE pressing and repeated solicitations of\n Constantius and Gallus, as often as those princes lodged at his\n house, in THEir passage through Hierapolis. In THE hurry of\n military preparation, and THE careless confidence of a familiar\n correspondence, THE zeal of Julian appears to have been lively\n and uniform. He had now undertaken an important and difficult\n war; and THE anxiety of THE event rendered him still more\n attentive to observe and register THE most trifling presages,\n from which, according to THE rules of divination, any knowledge\n of futurity could be derived. 32 He informed Libanius of his\n progress as far as Hierapolis, by an elegant epistle, 33 which\n displays THE facility of his genius, and his tender friendship\n for THE sophist of Antioch.\n\n 29 (return) [ From Antioch to Litarbe, on THE territory of\n Chalcis, THE road, over hills and through morasses, was extremely\n bad; and THE loose stones were cemented only with sand, (Julian.\n epist. xxvii.) It is singular enough that THE Romans should have\n neglected THE great communication between Antioch and THE\n Euphrates. See Wesseling Itinerar. p. 190 Bergier, Hist des\n Grands Chemins, tom. ii. p. 100]\n\n 30 (return) [ Julian alludes to this incident, (epist. xxvii.,)\n which is more distinctly related by Theodoret, (l. iii. c. 22.)\n The intolerant spirit of THE faTHEr is applauded by Tillemont,\n (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 534.) and even by La Bleterie,\n (Vie de Julien, p. 413.)]\n\n 3011 (return) [ This name, of Syriac origin, is found in THE\n Arabic, and means a place in a valley where waters meet. Julian\n says, THE name of THE city is Barbaric, THE situation Greek. The\n geographer Abulfeda (tab. Syriac. p. 129, edit. Koehler) speaks\n of it in a manner to justify THE praises of Julian.ÑSt. Martin.\n Notes to Le Beau, iii. 56.ÑM.]\n\n 31 (return) [ See THE curious treatise de De‰ Syri‰, inserted\n among THE works of Lucian, (tom. iii. p. 451-490, edit. Reitz.)\n The singular appellation of _Ninus vetus_ (Ammian. xiv. 8) might\n induce a suspicion, that Heirapolis had been THE royal seat of\n THE Assyrians.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Julian (epist. xxviii.) kept a regular account of\n all THE fortunate omens; but he suppresses THE inauspicious\n signs, which Ammianus (xxiii. 2) has carefully recorded.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Julian. epist. xxvii. p. 399-402.]\n\n Hierapolis, 3311 situate almost on THE banks of THE Euphrates, 34\n had been appointed for THE general rendezvous of THE Roman\n troops, who immediately passed THE great river on a bridge of\n boats, which was previously constructed. 35 If THE inclinations\n of Julian had been similar to those of his predecessor, he might\n have wasted THE active and important season of THE year in THE\n circus of Samosata or in THE churches of Edessa. But as THE\n warlike emperor, instead of Constantius, had chosen Alexander for\n his model, he advanced without delay to Carrh¾, 36 a very ancient\n city of Mesopotamia, at THE distance of fourscore miles from\n Hierapolis. The temple of THE Moon attracted THE devotion of\n Julian; but THE halt of a few days was principally employed in\n completing THE immense preparations of THE Persian war. The\n secret of THE expedition had hiTHErto remained in his own breast;\n but as Carrh¾ is THE point of separation of THE two great roads,\n he could no longer conceal wheTHEr it was his design to attack\n THE dominions of Sapor on THE side of THE Tigris, or on that of\n THE Euphrates. The emperor detached an army of thirty thousand\n men, under THE command of his kinsman Procopius, and of\n Sebastian, who had been duke of Egypt. They were ordered to\n direct THEir march towards Nisibis, and to secure THE frontier\n from THE desultory incursions of THE enemy, before THEy attempted\n THE passage of THE Tigris. Their subsequent operations were left\n to THE discretion of THE generals; but Julian expected, that\n after wasting with fire and sword THE fertile districts of Media\n and Adiabene, THEy might arrive under THE walls of Ctesiphon at\n THE same time that he himself, advancing with equal steps along\n THE banks of THE Euphrates, should besiege THE capital of THE\n Persian monarchy. The success of this well-concerted plan\n depended, in a great measure, on THE powerful and ready\n assistance of THE king of Armenia, who, without exposing THE\n safety of his own dominions, might detach an army of four\n thousand horse, and twenty thousand foot, to THE assistance of\n THE Romans. 37 But THE feeble Arsaces Tiranus, 38 king of\n Armenia, had degenerated still more shamefully than his faTHEr\n Chosroes, from THE manly virtues of THE great Tiridates; and as\n THE pusillanimous monarch was averse to any enterprise of danger\n and glory, he could disguise his timid indolence by THE more\n decent excuses of religion and gratitude. He expressed a pious\n attachment to THE memory of Constantius, from whose hands he had\n received in marriage Olympias, THE daughter of THE pr¾fect\n Ablavius; and THE alliance of a female, who had been educated as\n THE destined wife of THE emperor Constans, exalted THE dignity of\n a Barbarian king. 39 Tiranus professed THE Christian religion; he\n reigned over a nation of Christians; and he was restrained, by\n every principle of conscience and interest, from contributing to\n THE victory, which would consummate THE ruin of THE church. The\n alienated mind of Tiranus was exasperated by THE indiscretion of\n Julian, who treated THE king of Armenia as _his_ slave, and as\n THE enemy of THE gods. The haughty and threatening style of THE\n Imperial mandates 40 awakened THE secret indignation of a prince,\n who, in THE humiliating state of dependence, was still conscious\n of his royal descent from THE Arsacides, THE lords of THE East,\n and THE rivals of THE Roman power. 4011\n\n 3311 (return) [ Or Bambyce, now Bambouch; Manbedj Arab., or\n Maboug, Syr. It was twenty-four Roman miles from THE\n Euphrates.ÑM.]\n\n 34 (return) [ I take THE earliest opportunity of acknowledging my\n obligations to M. dÕAnville, for his recent geography of THE\n Euphrates and Tigris, (Paris, 1780, in 4to.,) which particularly\n illustrates THE expedition of Julian.]\n\n 35 (return) [ There are three passages within a few miles of each\n oTHEr; 1. Zeugma, celebrated by THE ancients; 2. Bir, frequented\n by THE moderns; and, 3. The bridge of Menbigz, or Hierapolis, at\n THE distance of four parasangs from THE city. ÑÑ Djisr Manbedj is\n THE same with THE ancient Zeugma. St. Martin, iii. 58ÑM.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Haran, or Carrh¾, was THE ancient residence of THE\n Sab¾ans, and of Abraham. See THE Index Geographicus of Schultens,\n (ad calcem Vit. Saladin.,) a work from which I have obtained much\n _Oriental_ knowledge concerning THE ancient and modern geography\n of Syria and THE adjacent countries. ÑÑOn an inedited medal in\n THE collection of THE late M. Tochon. of THE Academy of\n Inscriptions, it is read Xappan. St. Martin. iii 60ÑM.]\n\n 37 (return) [ See Xenophon. Cyrop¾d. l. iii. p. 189, edit.\n Hutchinson. Artavasdes might have supplied Marc Antony with\n 16,000 horse, armed and disciplined after THE Parthian manner,\n (Plutarch, in M. Antonio. tom. v. p. 117.)]\n\n 38 (return) [ Moses of Chorene (Hist. Armeniac. l. iii. c. 11, p.\n 242) fixes his accession (A. D. 354) to THE 17th year of\n Constantius. ÑÑArsaces Tiranus, or Diran, had ceased to reign\n twenty-five years before, in 337. The intermediate changes in\n Armenia, and THE character of this Arsaces, THE son of Diran, are\n traced by M. St. Martin, at considerable length, in his\n supplement to Le Beau, ii. 208-242. As long as his Grecian queen\n Olympias maintained her influence, Arsaces was faithful to THE\n Roman and _Christian_ alliance. On THE accession of Julian, THE\n same influence made his fidelity to waver; but Olympias having\n been poisoned in THE sacramental bread by THE agency of\n Pharandcem, THE former wife of Arsaces, anoTHEr change took place\n in Armenian politics unfavorable to THE Christian interest. The\n patriarch Narses retired from THE impious court to a safe\n seclusion. Yet Pharandsem was equally hostile to THE Persian\n influence, and Arsaces began to support with vigor THE cause of\n Julian. He made an inroad into THE Persian dominions with a body\n of Rans and Alans as auxiliaries; wasted Aderbidgan and Sapor,\n who had been defeated near Tauriz, was engaged in making head\n against his troops in Persarmenia, at THE time of THE death of\n Julian. Such is M. St. MartinÕs view, (ii. 276, et sqq.,) which\n rests on THE Armenian historians, Faustos of Byzantium, and\n Mezrob THE biographer of THE Partriarch Narses. In THE history of\n Armenia by FaTHEr Chamitch, and translated by Avdall, Tiran is\n still king of Armenia, at THE time of JulianÕs death. F. Chamitch\n follows Moses of Chorene, The authority of Gibbon.ÑM.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Ammian. xx. 11. Athanasius (tom. i. p. 856) says,\n in general terms, that Constantius gave to his broTHErÕs widow,\n an expression more suitable to a Roman than a Christian.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Ammianus (xxiii. 2) uses a word much too soft for\n THE occasion, _monuerat_. Muratori (Fabricius, BiblioTHEc. Gr¾c.\n tom. vii. p. 86) has published an epistle from Julian to THE\n satrap Arsaces; fierce, vulgar, and (though it might deceive\n Sozomen, l. vi. c. 5) most probably spurious. La Bleterie (Hist.\n de Jovien, tom. ii. p. 339) translates and rejects it. Note: St.\n Martin considers it genuine: THE Armenian writers mention such a\n letter, iii. 37.ÑM.]\n\n 4011 (return) [ Arsaces did not abandon THE Roman alliance, but\n gave it only feeble support. St. Martin, iii. 41ÑM.]\n\n The military dispositions of Julian were skilfully contrived to\n deceive THE spies and to divert THE attention of Sapor. The\n legions appeared to direct THEir march towards Nisibis and THE\n Tigris. On a sudden THEy wheeled to THE right; traversed THE\n level and naked plain of Carrh¾; and reached, on THE third day,\n THE banks of THE Euphrates, where THE strong town of Nicephorium,\n or Callinicum, had been founded by THE Macedonian kings. From\n THEnce THE emperor pursued his march, above ninety miles, along\n THE winding stream of THE Euphrates, till, at length, about one\n month after his departure from Antioch, he discovered THE towers\n of Circesium, 4012 THE extreme limit of THE Roman dominions. The\n army of Julian, THE most numerous that any of THE C¾sars had ever\n led against Persia, consisted of sixty-five thousand effective\n and well-disciplined soldiers. The veteran bands of cavalry and\n infantry, of Romans and Barbarians, had been selected from THE\n different provinces; and a just pre‘minence of loyalty and valor\n was claimed by THE hardy Gauls, who guarded THE throne and person\n of THEir beloved prince. A formidable body of Scythian\n auxiliaries had been transported from anoTHEr climate, and almost\n from anoTHEr world, to invade a distant country, of whose name\n and situation THEy were ignorant. The love of rapine and war\n allured to THE Imperial standard several tribes of Saracens, or\n roving Arabs, whose service Julian had commanded, while he\n sternly refused THE payment of THE accustomed subsidies. The\n broad channel of THE Euphrates 41 was crowded by a fleet of\n eleven hundred ships, destined to attend THE motions, and to\n satisfy THE wants, of THE Roman army. The military strength of\n THE fleet was composed of fifty armed galleys; and THEse were\n accompanied by an equal number of flat-bottomed boats, which\n might occasionally be connected into THE form of temporary\n bridges. The rest of THE ships, partly constructed of timber, and\n partly covered with raw hides, were laden with an almost\n inexhaustible supply of arms and engines, of utensils and\n provisions. The vigilant humanity of Julian had embarked a very\n large magazine of vinegar and biscuit for THE use of THE\n soldiers, but he prohibited THE indulgence of wine; and\n rigorously stopped a long string of superfluous camels that\n attempted to follow THE rear of THE army. The River Chaboras\n falls into THE Euphrates at Circesium; 42 and as soon as THE\n trumpet gave THE signal of march, THE Romans passed THE little\n stream which separated two mighty and hostile empires. The custom\n of ancient discipline required a military oration; and Julian\n embraced every opportunity of displaying his eloquence. He\n animated THE impatient and attentive legions by THE example of\n THE inflexible courage and glorious triumphs of THEir ancestors.\n He excited THEir resentment by a lively picture of THE insolence\n of THE Persians; and he exhorted THEm to imitate his firm\n resolution, eiTHEr to extirpate that perfidious nation, or to\n devote his life in THE cause of THE republic. The eloquence of\n Julian was enforced by a donative of one hundred and thirty\n pieces of silver to every soldier; and THE bridge of THE Chaboras\n was instantly cut away, to convince THE troops that THEy must\n place THEir hopes of safety in THE success of THEir arms. Yet THE\n prudence of THE emperor induced him to secure a remote frontier,\n perpetually exposed to THE inroads of THE hostile Arabs. A\n detachment of four thousand men was left at Circesium, which\n completed, to THE number of ten thousand, THE regular garrison of\n that important fortress. 43\n\n 4012 (return) [ Kirkesia THE Carchemish of THE Scriptures.ÑM.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Latissimum flumen Euphraten artabat. Ammian. xxiii.\n 3 Somewhat higher, at THE fords of Thapsacus, THE river is four\n stadia or 800 yards, almost half an English mile, broad.\n (Xenophon, Anabasis, l. i. p. 41, edit. Hutchinson, with FosterÕs\n Observations, p. 29, &c., in THE 2d volume of SpelmanÕs\n translation.) If THE breadth of THE Euphrates at Bir and Zeugma\n is no more than 130 yards, (Voyages de Niebuhr, tom. ii. p. 335,)\n THE enormous difference must chiefly arise from THE depth of THE\n channel.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Munimentum tutissimum et fabre politum, Abora (THE\n Orientals aspirate Chaboras or Chabour) et Euphrates ambiunt\n flumina, velut spatium insulare fingentes. Ammian. xxiii. 5.]\n\n 43 (return) [ The enterprise and armament of Julian are described\n by himself, (Epist. xxvii.,) Ammianus Marcellinus, (xxiii. 3, 4,\n 5,) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 108, 109, p. 332, 333,) Zosimus,\n (l. iii. p. 160, 161, 162) Sozomen, (l. vi. c. l,) and John\n Malala, (tom. ii. p. 17.)]\n\n From THE moment that THE Romans entered THE enemyÕs country, 44\n THE country of an active and artful enemy, THE order of march was\n disposed in three columns. 45 The strength of THE infantry, and\n consequently of THE whole army was placed in THE centre, under\n THE peculiar command of THEir master-general Victor. On THE\n right, THE brave Nevitta led a column of several legions along\n THE banks of THE Euphrates, and almost always in sight of THE\n fleet. The left flank of THE army was protected by THE column of\n cavalry. Hormisdas and Arinth¾us were appointed generals of THE\n horse; and THE singular adventures of Hormisdas 46 are not\n undeserving of our notice. He was a Persian prince, of THE royal\n race of THE Sassanides, who, in THE troubles of THE minority of\n Sapor, had escaped from prison to THE hospitable court of THE\n great Constantine. Hormisdas at first excited THE compassion, and\n at length acquired THE esteem, of his new masters; his valor and\n fidelity raised him to THE military honors of THE Roman service;\n and though a Christian, he might indulge THE secret satisfaction\n of convincing his ungrateful country, that an oppressed subject\n may prove THE most dangerous enemy. Such was THE disposition of\n THE three principal columns. The front and flanks of THE army\n were covered by Lucilianus with a flying detachment of fifteen\n hundred light-armed soldiers, whose active vigilance observed THE\n most distant signs, and conveyed THE earliest notice, of any\n hostile approach. Dagalaiphus, and Secundinus duke of Osrhoene,\n conducted THE troops of THE rear-guard; THE baggage securely\n proceeded in THE intervals of THE columns; and THE ranks, from a\n motive eiTHEr of use or ostentation, were formed in such open\n order, that THE whole line of march extended almost ten miles.\n The ordinary post of Julian was at THE head of THE centre column;\n but as he preferred THE duties of a general to THE state of a\n monarch, he rapidly moved, with a small escort of light cavalry,\n to THE front, THE rear, THE flanks, wherever his presence could\n animate or protect THE march of THE Roman army. The country which\n THEy traversed from THE Chaboras, to THE cultivated lands of\n Assyria, may be considered as a part of THE desert of Arabia, a\n dry and barren waste, which could never be improved by THE most\n powerful arts of human industry. Julian marched over THE same\n ground which had been trod above seven hundred years before by\n THE footsteps of THE younger Cyrus, and which is described by one\n of THE companions of his expedition, THE sage and heroic\n Xenophon. 47 ÒThe country was a plain throughout, as even as THE\n sea, and full of wormwood; and if any oTHEr kind of shrubs or\n reeds grew THEre, THEy had all an aromatic smell, but no trees\n could be seen. Bustards and ostriches, antelopes and wild asses,\n 48 appeared to be THE only inhabitants of THE desert; and THE\n fatigues of THE march were alleviated by THE amusements of THE\n chase.Ó The loose sand of THE desert was frequently raised by THE\n wind into clouds of dust; and a great number of THE soldiers of\n Julian, with THEir tents, were suddenly thrown to THE ground by\n THE violence of an unexpected hurricane.\n\n 44 (return) [ Before he enters Persia, Ammianus copiously\n describes (xxiii. p. 396-419, edit. Gronov. in 4to.) THE eighteen\n great provinces, (as far as THE Seric, or Chinese frontiers,)\n which were subject to THE Sassanides.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Ammianus (xxiv. 1) and Zosimus (l. iii. p. 162,\n 163) rately expressed THE order of march.]\n\n 46 (return) [ The adventures of Hormisdas are related with some\n mixture of fable, (Zosimus, l. ii. p. 100-102; Tillemont, Hist.\n des Empereurs tom. iv. p. 198.) It is almost impossible that he\n should be THE broTHEr (frater germanus) of an _eldest_ and\n _posthumous_ child: nor do I recollect that Ammianus ever gives\n him that title. * Note: St. Martin conceives that he was an elder\n broTHEr by anoTHEr moTHEr who had several children, ii. 24ÑM.]\n\n 47 (return) [ See THE first book of THE Anabasis, p. 45, 46. This\n pleasing work is original and auTHEntic. Yet XenophonÕs memory,\n perhaps many years after THE expedition, has sometimes betrayed\n him; and THE distances which he marks are often larger than\n eiTHEr a soldier or a geographer will allow.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Mr. Spelman, THE English translator of THE\n Anabasis, (vol. i. p. 51,) confounds THE antelope with THE\n roebuck, and THE wild ass with THE zebra.]\n\n The sandy plains of Mesopotamia were abandoned to THE antelopes\n and wild asses of THE desert; but a variety of populous towns and\n villages were pleasantly situated on THE banks of THE Euphrates,\n and in THE islands which are occasionally formed by that river.\n The city of Annah, or Anatho, 49 THE actual residence of an\n Arabian emir, is composed of two long streets, which enclose,\n within a natural fortification, a small island in THE midst, and\n two fruitful spots on eiTHEr side, of THE Euphrates. The warlike\n inhabitants of Anatho showed a disposition to stop THE march of a\n Roman emperor; till THEy were diverted from such fatal\n presumption by THE mild exhortations of Prince Hormisdas, and THE\n approaching terrors of THE fleet and army. They implored, and\n experienced, THE clemency of Julian, who transplanted THE people\n to an advantageous settlement, near Chalcis in Syria, and\n admitted Pus¾us, THE governor, to an honorable rank in his\n service and friendship. But THE impregnable fortress of Thilutha\n could scorn THE menace of a siege; and THE emperor was obliged to\n content himself with an insulting promise, that, when he had\n subdued THE interior provinces of Persia, Thilutha would no\n longer refuse to grace THE triumph of THE emperor. The\n inhabitants of THE open towns, unable to resist, and unwilling to\n yield, fled with precipitation; and THEir houses, filled with\n spoil and provisions, were occupied by THE soldiers of Julian,\n who massacred, without remorse and without punishment, some\n defenceless women. During THE march, THE Surenas, 4911 or Persian\n general, and Malek Rodosaces, THE renowned emir of THE tribe of\n Gassan, 50 incessantly hovered round THE army; every straggler\n was intercepted; every detachment was attacked; and THE valiant\n Hormisdas escaped with some difficulty from THEir hands. But THE\n Barbarians were finally repulsed; THE country became every day\n less favorable to THE operations of cavalry; and when THE Romans\n arrived at Macepracta, THEy perceived THE ruins of THE wall,\n which had been constructed by THE ancient kings of Assyria, to\n secure THEir dominions from THE incursions of THE Medes. These\n preliminaries of THE expedition of Julian appear to have employed\n about fifteen days; and we may compute near three hundred miles\n from THE fortress of Circesium to THE wall of Macepracta. 51\n\n 49 (return) [ See Voyages de Tavernier, part i. l. iii. p. 316,\n and more especially Viaggi di Pietro della Valle, tom. i. lett.\n xvii. p. 671, &c. He was ignorant of THE old name and condition\n of Annah. Our blind travellers _seldom_ possess any previous\n knowledge of THE countries which THEy visit. Shaw and Tournefort\n deserve an honorable exception.]\n\n 4911 (return) [ This is not a title, but THE name of a great\n Persian family. St. Martin, iii. 79.ÑM.]\n\n 50 (return) [ Famosi nominis latro, says Ammianus; a high\n encomium for an Arab. The tribe of Gassan had settled on THE edge\n of Syria, and reigned some time in Damascus, under a dynasty of\n thirty-one kings, or emirs, from THE time of Pompey to that of\n THE Khalif Omar. DÕHerbelot, Biblioth\x8fque Orientale, p. 360.\n Pococke, Specimen Hist. Arabic¾, p. 75-78. The name of Rodosaces\n does not appear in THE list. * Note: Rodosaces-malek is king. St.\n Martin considers that Gibbon has fallen into an error in bringing\n THE tribe of Gassan to THE Euphrates. In Ammianus it is Assan. M.\n St. Martin would read Massanitarum, THE same with THE Mauzanit¾\n of Malala.ÑM.]\n\n 51 (return) [ See Ammianus, (xxiv. 1, 2,) Libanius, (Orat.\n Parental. c. 110, 111, p. 334,) Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 164-168.) *\n Note: This Syriac or Chaldaic has relation to its position; it\n easily bears THE signification of THE division of THE waters. M.\n St. M. considers it THE Missice of Pliny, v. 26. St. Martin, iii.\n 83.ÑM.]\n\n The fertile province of Assyria, 52 which stretched beyond THE\n Tigris, as far as THE mountains of Media, 53 extended about four\n hundred miles from THE ancient wall of Macepracta, to THE\n territory of Basra, where THE united streams of THE Euphrates and\n Tigris discharge THEmselves into THE Persian Gulf. 54 The whole\n country might have claimed THE peculiar name of Mesopotamia; as\n THE two rivers, which are never more distant than fifty,\n approach, between Bagdad and Babylon, within twenty-five miles,\n of each oTHEr. A multitude of artificial canals, dug without much\n labor in a soft and yielding soil connected THE rivers, and\n intersected THE plain of Assyria. The uses of THEse artificial\n canals were various and important. They served to discharge THE\n superfluous waters from one river into THE oTHEr, at THE season\n of THEir respective inundations. Subdividing THEmselves into\n smaller and smaller branches, THEy refreshed THE dry lands, and\n supplied THE deficiency of rain. They facilitated THE intercourse\n of peace and commerce; and, as THE dams could be speedily broke\n down, THEy armed THE despair of THE Assyrians with THE means of\n opposing a sudden deluge to THE progress of an invading army. To\n THE soil and climate of Assyria, nature had denied some of her\n choicest gifts, THE vine, THE olive, and THE fig-tree; 5411 but\n THE food which supports THE life of man, and particularly wheat\n and barley, were produced with inexhaustible fertility; and THE\n husbandman, who committed his seed to THE earth, was frequently\n rewarded with an increase of two, or even of three, hundred. The\n face of THE country was interspersed with groves of innumerable\n palm-trees; 55 and THE diligent natives celebrated, eiTHEr in\n verse or prose, THE three hundred and sixty uses to which THE\n trunk, THE branches, THE leaves, THE juice, and THE fruit, were\n skilfully applied. Several manufactures, especially those of\n leaTHEr and linen, employed THE industry of a numerous people,\n and afforded valuable materials for foreign trade; which appears,\n however, to have been conducted by THE hands of strangers.\n Babylon had been converted into a royal park; but near THE ruins\n of THE ancient capital, new cities had successively arisen, and\n THE populousness of THE country was displayed in THE multitude of\n towns and villages, which were built of bricks dried in THE sun,\n and strongly cemented with bitumen; THE natural and peculiar\n production of THE Babylonian soil. While THE successors of Cyrus\n reigned over Asia, THE province of Syria alone maintained, during\n a third part of THE year, THE luxurious plenty of THE table and\n household of THE Great King. Four considerable villages were\n assigned for THE subsistence of his Indian dogs; eight hundred\n stallions, and sixteen thousand mares, were constantly kept, at\n THE expense of THE country, for THE royal stables; and as THE\n daily tribute, which was paid to THE satrap, amounted to one\n English bushe of silver, we may compute THE annual revenue of\n Assyria at more than twelve hundred thousand pounds sterling. 56\n\n 52 (return) [ The description of Assyria, is furnished by\n Herodotus, (l. i. c. 192, &c.,) who sometimes writes for\n children, and sometimes for philosophers; by Strabo, (l. xvi. p.\n 1070-1082,) and by Ammianus, (l.xxiii. c. 6.) The most useful of\n THE modern travellers are Tavernier, (part i. l. ii. p. 226-258,)\n Otter, (tom. ii. p. 35-69, and 189-224,) and Niebuhr, (tom. ii.\n p. 172-288.) Yet I much regret that THE _Irak Arabi_ of Abulfeda\n has not been translated.]\n\n 53 (return) [ Ammianus remarks, that THE primitive Assyria, which\n comprehended Ninus, (Nineveh,) and Arbela, had assumed THE more\n recent and peculiar appellation of Adiabene; and he seems to fix\n Teredon, Vologesia, and Apollonia, as THE _extreme_ cities of THE\n actual province of Assyria.]\n\n 54 (return) [ The two rivers unite at Apamea, or Corna, (one\n hundred miles from THE Persian Gulf,) into THE broad stream of\n THE Pasitigris, or Shutul-Arab. The Euphrates formerly reached\n THE sea by a separate channel, which was obstructed and diverted\n by THE citizens of Orchoe, about twenty miles to THE south-east\n of modern Basra. (DÕAnville, in THE MŽmoires de lÕAcad. des\n Inscriptions, tom.xxx. p. 171-191.)]\n\n 5411 (return) [ We are informed by Mr. Gibbon, that nature has\n denied to THE soil an climate of Assyria some of her choicest\n gifts, THE vine, THE olive, and THE fig-tree. This might have\n been THE case ir THE age of Ammianus Marcellinus, but it is not\n so at THE present day; and it is a curious fact that THE grape,\n THE olive, and THE fig, are THE most common fruits in THE\n province, and may be seen in every garden. Macdonald Kinneir,\n Geogr. Mem. on Persia 239ÑM.]\n\n 55 (return) [ The learned K¾mpfer, as a botanist, an antiquary,\n and a traveller, has exhausted (AmÏnitat. Exotic¾, Fasicul. iv.\n p. 660-764) THE whole subject of palm-trees.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Assyria yielded to THE Persian satrap an _Artaba_\n of silver each day. The well-known proportion of weights and\n measures (see Bishop HooperÕs elaborate Inquiry,) THE specific\n gravity of water and silver, and THE value of that metal, will\n afford, after a short process, THE annual revenue which I have\n stated. Yet THE Great King received no more than 1000 Euboic, or\n Tyrian, talents (252,000l.) from Assyria. The comparison of two\n passages in Herodotus, (l. i. c. 192, l. iii. c. 89-96) reveals\n an important difference between THE _gross_, and THE _net_,\n revenue of Persia; THE sums paid by THE province, and THE gold or\n silver deposited in THE royal treasure. The monarch might\n annually save three millions six hundred thousand pounds, of THE\n seventeen or eighteen millions raised upon THE people.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.ÑPart III.\n\n\n The fields of Assyria were devoted by Julian to THE calamities of\n war; and THE philosopher retaliated on a guiltless people THE\n acts of rapine and cruelty which had been committed by THEir\n haughty master in THE Roman provinces. The trembling Assyrians\n summoned THE rivers to THEir assistance; and completed, with\n THEir own hands, THE ruin of THEir country. The roads were\n rendered impracticable; a flood of waters was poured into THE\n camp; and, during several days, THE troops of Julian were obliged\n to contend with THE most discouraging hardships. But every\n obstacle was surmounted by THE perseverance of THE legionaries,\n who were inured to toil as well as to danger, and who felt\n THEmselves animated by THE spirit of THEir leader. The damage was\n gradually repaired; THE waters were restored to THEir proper\n channels; whole groves of palm-trees were cut down, and placed\n along THE broken parts of THE road; and THE army passed over THE\n broad and deeper canals, on bridges of floating rafts, which were\n supported by THE help of bladders. Two cities of Assyria presumed\n to resist THE arms of a Roman emperor: and THEy both paid THE\n severe penalty of THEir rashness. At THE distance of fifty miles\n from THE royal residence of Ctesiphon, Perisabor, 5711 or Anbar,\n held THE second rank in THE province; a city, large, populous,\n and well fortified, surrounded with a double wall, almost\n encompassed by a branch of THE Euphrates, and defended by THE\n valor of a numerous garrison. The exhortations of Hormisdas were\n repulsed with contempt; and THE ears of THE Persian prince were\n wounded by a just reproach, that, unmindful of his royal birth,\n he conducted an army of strangers against his king and country.\n The Assyrians maintained THEir loyalty by a skilful, as well as\n vigorous, defence; till THE lucky stroke of a battering-ram,\n having opened a large breach, by shattering one of THE angles of\n THE wall, THEy hastily retired into THE fortifications of THE\n interior citadel. The soldiers of Julian rushed impetuously into\n THE town, and after THE full gratification of every military\n appetite, Perisabor was reduced to ashes; and THE engines which\n assaulted THE citadel were planted on THE ruins of THE smoking\n houses. The contest was continued by an incessant and mutual\n discharge of missile weapons; and THE superiority which THE\n Romans might derive from THE mechanical powers of THEir balist¾\n and catapult¾ was counterbalanced by THE advantage of THE ground\n on THE side of THE besieged. But as soon as an _Helepolis_ had\n been constructed, which could engage on equal terms with THE\n loftiest ramparts, THE tremendous aspect of a moving turret, that\n would leave no hope of resistance or mercy, terrified THE\n defenders of THE citadel into an humble submission; and THE place\n was surrendered only two days after Julian first appeared under\n THE walls of Perisabor. Two thousand five hundred persons, of\n both sexes, THE feeble remnant of a flourishing people, were\n permitted to retire; THE plentiful magazines of corn, of arms,\n and of splendid furniture, were partly distributed among THE\n troops, and partly reserved for THE public service; THE useless\n stores were destroyed by fire or thrown into THE stream of THE\n Euphrates; and THE fate of Amida was revenged by THE total ruin\n of Perisabor.\n\n 5711 (return) [ Libanius says that it was a great city of\n Assyria, called after THE name of THE reigning king. The orator\n of Antioch is not mistaken. The Persians and Syrians called it\n Fyrouz Schapour or Fyrouz Schahbour; in Persian, THE victory of\n Schahpour. It owed that name to Sapor THE First. It was before\n called Anbar St. Martin, iii. 85.ÑM.]\n\n The city or raTHEr fortress, of Maogamalcha, which was defended\n by sixteen large towers, a deep ditch, and two strong and solid\n walls of brick and bitumen, appears to have been constructed at\n THE distance of eleven miles, as THE safeguard of THE capital of\n Persia. The emperor, apprehensive of leaving such an important\n fortress in his rear, immediately formed THE siege of\n Maogamalcha; and THE Roman army was distributed, for that\n purpose, into three divisions. Victor, at THE head of THE\n cavalry, and of a detachment of heavy-armed foot, was ordered to\n clear THE country, as far as THE banks of THE Tigris, and THE\n suburbs of Ctesiphon. The conduct of THE attack was assumed by\n Julian himself, who seemed to place his whole dependence in THE\n military engines which he erected against THE walls; while he\n secretly contrived a more efficacious method of introducing his\n troops into THE heart of THE city. Under THE direction of Nevitta\n and Dagalaiphus, THE trenches were opened at a considerable\n distance, and gradually prolonged as far as THE edge of THE\n ditch. The ditch was speedily filled with earth; and, by THE\n incessant labor of THE troops, a mine was carried under THE\n foundations of THE walls, and sustained, at sufficient intervals,\n by props of timber. Three chosen cohorts, advancing in a single\n file, silently explored THE dark and dangerous passage; till\n THEir intrepid leader whispered back THE intelligence, that he\n was ready to issue from his confinement into THE streets of THE\n hostile city. Julian checked THEir ardor, that he might insure\n THEir success; and immediately diverted THE attention of THE\n garrison, by THE tumult and clamor of a general assault. The\n Persians, who, from THEir walls, contemptuously beheld THE\n progress of an impotent attack, celebrated with songs of triumph\n THE glory of Sapor; and ventured to assure THE emperor, that he\n might ascend THE starry mansion of Ormusd, before he could hope\n to take THE impregnable city of Maogamalcha. The city was already\n taken. History has recorded THE name of a private soldier THE\n first who ascended from THE mine into a deserted tower. The\n passage was widened by his companions, who pressed forwards with\n impatient valor. Fifteen hundred enemies were already in THE\n midst of THE city. The astonished garrison abandoned THE walls,\n and THEir only hope of safety; THE gates were instantly burst\n open; and THE revenge of THE soldier, unless it were suspended by\n lust or avarice, was satiated by an undistinguishing massacre.\n The governor, who had yielded on a promise of mercy, was burnt\n alive, a few days afterwards, on a charge of having uttered some\n disrespectful words against THE honor of Prince Hormisdas. The\n fortifications were razed to THE ground; and not a vestige was\n left, that THE city of Maogamalcha had ever existed. The\n neighborhood of THE capital of Persia was adorned with three\n stately palaces, laboriously enriched with every production that\n could gratify THE luxury and pride of an Eastern monarch. The\n pleasant situation of THE gardens along THE banks of THE Tigris,\n was improved, according to THE Persian taste, by THE symmetry of\n flowers, fountains, and shady walks: and spacious parks were\n enclosed for THE reception of THE bears, lions, and wild boars,\n which were maintained at a considerable expense for THE pleasure\n of THE royal chase. The park walls were broken down, THE savage\n game was abandoned to THE darts of THE soldiers, and THE palaces\n of Sapor were reduced to ashes, by THE command of THE Roman\n emperor. Julian, on this occasion, showed himself ignorant, or\n careless, of THE laws of civility, which THE prudence and\n refinement of polished ages have established between hostile\n princes. Yet THEse wanton ravages need not excite in our breasts\n any vehement emotions of pity or resentment. A simple, naked\n statue, finished by THE hand of a Grecian artist, is of more\n genuine value than all THEse rude and costly monuments of\n Barbaric labor; and, if we are more deeply affected by THE ruin\n of a palace than by THE conflagration of a cottage, our humanity\n must have formed a very erroneous estimate of THE miseries of\n human life. 57\n\n 57 (return) [ The operations of THE Assyrian war are\n circumstantially related by Ammianus, (xxiv. 2, 3, 4, 5,)\n Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 112-123, p. 335-347,) Zosimus, (l.\n iii. p. 168-180,) and Gregory Nazianzen, (Orat iv. p. 113, 144.)\n The _military_ criticisms of THE saint are devoutly copied by\n Tillemont, his faithful slave.]\n\n Julian was an object of hatred and terror to THE Persian and THE\n painters of that nation represented THE invader of THEir country\n under THE emblem of a furious lion, who vomited from his mouth a\n consuming fire. 58 To his friends and soldiers THE philosophic\n hero appeared in a more amiable light; and his virtues were never\n more conspicuously displayed, than in THE last and most active\n period of his life. He practised, without effort, and almost\n without merit, THE habitual qualities of temperance and sobriety.\n According to THE dictates of that artificial wisdom, which\n assumes an absolute dominion over THE mind and body, he sternly\n refused himself THE indulgence of THE most natural appetites. 59\n In THE warm climate of Assyria, which solicited a luxurious\n people to THE gratification of every sensual desire, 60 a\n youthful conqueror preserved his chastity pure and inviolate; nor\n was Julian ever tempted, even by a motive of curiosity, to visit\n his female captives of exquisite beauty, 61 who, instead of\n resisting his power, would have disputed with each oTHEr THE\n honor of his embraces. With THE same firmness that he resisted\n THE allurements of love, he sustained THE hardships of war. When\n THE Romans marched through THE flat and flooded country, THEir\n sovereign, on foot, at THE head of his legions, shared THEir\n fatigues and animated THEir diligence. In every useful labor, THE\n hand of Julian was prompt and strenuous; and THE Imperial purple\n was wet and dirty as THE coarse garment of THE meanest soldier.\n The two sieges allowed him some remarkable opportunities of\n signalizing his personal valor, which, in THE improved state of\n THE military art, can seldom be exerted by a prudent general. The\n emperor stood before THE citadel of Perisabor, insensible of his\n extreme danger, and encouraged his troops to burst open THE gates\n of iron, till he was almost overwhelmed under a cloud of missile\n weapons and huge stones, that were directed against his person.\n As he examined THE exterior fortifications of Maogamalcha, two\n Persians, devoting THEmselves for THEir country, suddenly rushed\n upon him with drawn cimeters: THE emperor dexterously received\n THEir blows on his uplifted shield; and, with a steady and\n well-aimed thrust, laid one of his adversaries dead at his feet.\n The esteem of a prince who possesses THE virtues which he\n approves, is THE noblest recompense of a deserving subject; and\n THE authority which Julian derived from his personal merit,\n enabled him to revive and enforce THE rigor of ancient\n discipline. He punished with death or ignominy THE misbehavior of\n three troops of horse, who, in a skirmish with THE Surenas, had\n lost THEir honor and one of THEir standards: and he distinguished\n with _obsidional_ 62 crowns THE valor of THE foremost soldiers,\n who had ascended into THE city of Maogamalcha.\n\n After THE siege of Perisabor, THE firmness of THE emperor was\n exercised by THE insolent avarice of THE army, who loudly\n complained, that THEir services were rewarded by a trifling\n donative of one hundred pieces of silver. His just indignation\n was expressed in THE grave and manly language of a Roman. ÒRiches\n are THE object of your desires; those riches are in THE hands of\n THE Persians; and THE spoils of this fruitful country are\n proposed as THE prize of your valor and discipline. Believe me,Ó\n added Julian, ÒTHE Roman republic, which formerly possessed such\n immense treasures, is now reduced to want and wretchedness once\n our princes have been persuaded, by weak and interested\n ministers, to purchase with gold THE tranquillity of THE\n Barbarians. The revenue is exhausted; THE cities are ruined; THE\n provinces are dispeopled. For myself, THE only inheritance that I\n have received from my royal ancestors is a soul incapable of\n fear; and as long as I am convinced that every real advantage is\n seated in THE mind, I shall not blush to acknowledge an honorable\n poverty, which, in THE days of ancient virtue, was considered as\n THE glory of Fabricius. That glory, and that virtue, may be your\n own, if you will listen to THE voice of Heaven and of your\n leader. But if you will rashly persist, if you are determined to\n renew THE shameful and mischievous examples of old seditions,\n proceed. As it becomes an emperor who has filled THE first rank\n among men, I am prepared to die, standing; and to despise a\n precarious life, which, every hour, may depend on an accidental\n fever. If I have been found unworthy of THE command, THEre are\n now among you, (I speak it with pride and pleasure,) THEre are\n many chiefs whose merit and experience are equal to THE conduct\n of THE most important war. Such has been THE temper of my reign,\n that I can retire, without regret, and without apprehension, to\n THE obscurity of a private stationÓ 63 The modest resolution of\n Julian was answered by THE unanimous applause and cheerful\n obedience of THE Romans, who declared THEir confidence of\n victory, while THEy fought under THE banners of THEir heroic\n prince. Their courage was kindled by his frequent and familiar\n asseverations, (for such wishes were THE oaths of Julian,) ÒSo\n may I reduce THE Persians under THE yoke!Ó ÒThus may I restore\n THE strength and splendor of THE republic!Ó The love of fame was\n THE ardent passion of his soul: but it was not before he trampled\n on THE ruins of Maogamalcha, that he allowed himself to say, ÒWe\n have now provided some materials for THE sophist of Antioch.Ó 64\n\n 58 (return) [ Libanius de ulciscenda Juliani nece, c. 13, p.\n 162.]\n\n 59 (return) [ The famous examples of Cyrus, Alexander, and\n Scipio, were acts of justice. JulianÕs chastity was voluntary,\n and, in his opinion, meritorious.]\n\n 60 (return) [ Sallust (ap. Vet. Scholiast. Juvenal. Satir. i.\n 104) observes, that nihil corruptius moribus. The matrons and\n virgins of Babylon freely mingled with THE men in licentious\n banquets; and as THEy felt THE intoxication of wine and love,\n THEy gradually, and almost completely, threw aside THE\n encumbrance of dress; ad ultimum ima corporum velamenta\n projiciunt. Q. Curtius, v. 1.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Ex virginibus autem qu¾ specios¾ sunt capt¾, et in\n Perside, ubi f¾minarum pulchritudo excellit, nec contrectare\n aliquam votuit nec videre. Ammian. xxiv. 4. The native race of\n Persians is small and ugly; but it has been improved by THE\n perpetual mixture of Circassian blood, (Herodot. l. iii. c. 97.\n Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, tom. iii. p. 420.)]\n\n 62 (return) [ Obsidionalibus coronis donati. Ammian. xxiv. 4.\n EiTHEr Julian or his historian were unskillful antiquaries. He\n should have given mural crowns. The _obsidional_ were THE reward\n of a general who had delivered a besieged city, (Aulus Gellius,\n Noct. Attic. v. 6.)]\n\n 63 (return) [ I give this speech as original and genuine.\n Ammianus might hear, could transcribe, and was incapable of\n inventing, it. I have used some slight freedoms, and conclude\n with THE most forcibic sentence.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Ammian. xxiv. 3. Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. 122, p.\n 346.]\n\n The successful valor of Julian had triumphed over all THE\n obstacles that opposed his march to THE gates of Ctesiphon. But\n THE reduction, or even THE siege, of THE capital of Persia, was\n still at a distance: nor can THE military conduct of THE emperor\n be clearly apprehended, without a knowledge of THE country which\n was THE THEatre of his bold and skilful operations. 65 Twenty\n miles to THE south of Bagdad, and on THE eastern bank of THE\n Tigris, THE curiosity of travellers has observed some ruins of\n THE palaces of Ctesiphon, which, in THE time of Julian, was a\n great and populous city. The name and glory of THE adjacent\n Seleucia were forever extinguished; and THE only remaining\n quarter of that Greek colony had resumed, with THE Assyrian\n language and manners, THE primitive appellation of Coche. Coche\n was situate on THE western side of THE Tigris; but it was\n naturally considered as a suburb of Ctesiphon, with which we may\n suppose it to have been connected by a permanent bridge of boats.\n\n The united parts contribute to form THE common epiTHEt of Al\n Modain, THE cities, which THE Orientals have bestowed on THE\n winter residence of THE Sassinadees; and THE whole circumference\n of THE Persian capital was strongly fortified by THE waters of\n THE river, by lofty walls, and by impracticable morasses. Near\n THE ruins of Seleucia, THE camp of Julian was fixed, and secured,\n by a ditch and rampart, against THE sallies of THE numerous and\n enterprising garrison of Coche. In this fruitful and pleasant\n country, THE Romans were plentifully supplied with water and\n forage: and several forts, which might have embarrassed THE\n motions of THE army, submitted, after some resistance, to THE\n efforts of THEir valor. The fleet passed from THE Euphrates into\n an artificial derivation of that river, which pours a copious and\n navigable stream into THE Tigris, at a small distance _below_ THE\n great city. If THEy had followed this royal canal, which bore THE\n name of Nahar-Malcha, 66 THE intermediate situation of Coche\n would have separated THE fleet and army of Julian; and THE rash\n attempt of steering against THE current of THE Tigris, and\n forcing THEir way through THE midst of a hostile capital, must\n have been attended with THE total destruction of THE Roman navy.\n The prudence of THE emperor foresaw THE danger, and provided THE\n remedy. As he had minutely studied THE operations of Trajan in\n THE same country, he soon recollected that his warlike\n predecessor had dug a new and navigable canal, which, leaving\n Coche on THE right hand, conveyed THE waters of THE Nahar-Malcha\n into THE river Tigris, at some distance _above_ THE cities. From\n THE information of THE peasants, Julian ascertained THE vestiges\n of this ancient work, which were almost obliterated by design or\n accident. By THE indefatigable labor of THE soldiers, a broad and\n deep channel was speedily prepared for THE reception of THE\n Euphrates. A strong dike was constructed to interrupt THE\n ordinary current of THE Nahar-Malcha: a flood of waters rushed\n impetuously into THEir new bed; and THE Roman fleet, steering\n THEir triumphant course into THE Tigris, derided THE vain and\n ineffectual barriers which THE Persians of Ctesiphon had erected\n to oppose THEir passage.\n\n 65 (return) [ M. dÕAnville, (MŽm. de lÕAcadŽmie des Inscriptions,\n tom. xxxviii p. 246-259) has ascertained THE true position and\n distance of Babylon, Seleucia, Ctesiphon, Bagdad, &c. The Roman\n traveller, Pietro della Valle, (tom. i. lett. xvii. p. 650-780,)\n seems to be THE most intelligent spectator of that famous\n province. He is a gentleman and a scholar, but intolerably vain\n and prolix.]\n\n 66 (return) [ The Royal Canal (_Nahar-Malcha_) might be\n successively restored, altered, divided, &c., (Cellarius,\n Geograph. Antiq. tom. ii. p. 453;) and THEse changes may serve to\n explain THE seeming contradictions of antiquity. In THE time of\n Julian, it must have fallen into THE Euphrates _below_\n Ctesiphon.]\n\n As it became necessary to transport THE Roman army over THE\n Tigris, anoTHEr labor presented itself, of less toil, but of more\n danger, than THE preceding expedition. The stream was broad and\n rapid; THE ascent steep and difficult; and THE intrenchments\n which had been formed on THE ridge of THE opposite bank, were\n lined with a numerous army of heavy cuirrasiers, dexterous\n archers, and huge elephants; who (according to THE extravagant\n hyperbole of Libanius) could trample with THE same ease a field\n of corn, or a legion of Romans. 67 In THE presence of such an\n enemy, THE construction of a bridge was impracticable; and THE\n intrepid prince, who instantly seized THE only possible\n expedient, concealed his design, till THE moment of execution,\n from THE knowledge of THE Barbarians, of his own troops, and even\n of his generals THEmselves. Under THE specious pretence of\n examining THE state of THE magazines, fourscore vessels 6711 were\n gradually unladen; and a select detachment, apparently destined\n for some secret expedition, was ordered to stand to THEir arms on\n THE first signal. Julian disguised THE silent anxiety of his own\n mind with smiles of confidence and joy; and amused THE hostile\n nations with THE spectacle of military games, which he\n insultingly celebrated under THE walls of Coche. The day was\n consecrated to pleasure; but, as soon as THE hour of supper was\n passed, THE emperor summoned THE generals to his tent, and\n acquainted THEm that he had fixed that night for THE passage of\n THE Tigris. They stood in silent and respectful astonishment;\n but, when THE venerable Sallust assumed THE privilege of his age\n and experience, THE rest of THE chiefs supported with freedom THE\n weight of his prudent remonstrances. 68 Julian contented himself\n with observing, that conquest and safety depended on THE attempt;\n that instead of diminishing, THE number of THEir enemies would be\n increased, by successive reenforcements; and that a longer delay\n would neiTHEr contract THE breadth of THE stream, nor level THE\n height of THE bank. The signal was instantly given, and obeyed;\n THE most impatient of THE legionaries leaped into five vessels\n that lay nearest to THE bank; and as THEy plied THEir oars with\n intrepid diligence, THEy were lost, after a few moments, in THE\n darkness of THE night. A flame arose on THE opposite side; and\n Julian, who too clearly understood that his foremost vessels, in\n attempting to land, had been fired by THE enemy, dexterously\n converted THEir extreme danger into a presage of victory. ÒOur\n fellow-soldiers,Ó he eagerly exclaimed, Òare already masters of\n THE bank; seeÑTHEy make THE appointed signal; let us hasten to\n emulate and assist THEir courage.Ó The united and rapid motion of\n a great fleet broke THE violence of THE current, and THEy reached\n THE eastern shore of THE Tigris with sufficient speed to\n extinguish THE flames, and rescue THEir adventurous companions.\n The difficulties of a steep and lofty ascent were increased by\n THE weight of armor, and THE darkness of THE night. A shower of\n stones, darts, and fire, was incessantly discharged on THE heads\n of THE assailants; who, after an arduous struggle, climbed THE\n bank and stood victorious upon THE rampart. As soon as THEy\n possessed a more equal field, Julian, who, with his light\n infantry, had led THE attack, 69 darted through THE ranks a\n skilful and experienced eye: his bravest soldiers, according to\n THE precepts of Homer, 70 were distributed in THE front and rear:\n and all THE trumpets of THE Imperial army sounded to battle. The\n Romans, after sending up a military shout, advanced in measured\n steps to THE animating notes of martial music; launched THEir\n formidable javelins; and rushed forwards with drawn swords, to\n deprive THE Barbarians, by a closer onset, of THE advantage of\n THEir missile weapons. The whole engagement lasted above twelve\n hours; till THE gradual retreat of THE Persians was changed into\n a disorderly flight, of which THE shameful example was given by\n THE principal leader, and THE Surenas himself. They were pursued\n to THE gates of Ctesiphon; and THE conquerors might have entered\n THE dismayed city, 71 if THEir general, Victor, who was\n dangerously wounded with an arrow, had not conjured THEm to\n desist from a rash attempt, which must be fatal, if it were not\n successful. On _THEir_ side, THE Romans acknowledged THE loss of\n only seventy-five men; while THEy affirmed, that THE Barbarians\n had left on THE field of battle two thousand five hundred, or\n even six thousand, of THEir bravest soldiers. The spoil was such\n as might be expected from THE riches and luxury of an Oriental\n camp; large quantities of silver and gold, splendid arms and\n trappings, and beds and tables of massy silver. 7111 The\n victorious emperor distributed, as THE rewards of valor, some\n honorable gifts, civic, and mural, and naval crowns; which he,\n and perhaps he alone, esteemed more precious than THE wealth of\n Asia. A solemn sacrifice was offered to THE god of war, but THE\n appearances of THE victims threatened THE most inauspicious\n events; and Julian soon discovered, by less ambiguous signs, that\n he had now reached THE term of his prosperity. 72\n\n 67 (return) [ Rien nÕest beau que le vrai; a maxim which should\n be inscribed on THE desk of every rhetorician.]\n\n 6711 (return) [ This is a mistake; each vessel (according to\n Zosimus two, according to Ammianus five) had eighty men. Amm.\n xxiv. 6, with WagnerÕs note. Gibbon must have read _octogenas_\n for _octogenis_. The five vessels selected for this service were\n remarkably large and strong provision transports. The strength of\n THE fleet remained with Julian to carry over THE armyÑM.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Libanius alludes to THE most powerful of THE\n generals. I have ventured to name _Sallust_. Ammianus says, of\n all THE leaders, quod acri metž territ acrimetu territi duces\n concordi precatž precaut fieri prohibere tentarent. * Note: It is\n evident that Gibbon has mistaken THE sense of Libanius; his words\n can only apply to a commander of a detachment, not to so eminent\n a person as THE Pr¾fect of THE East. St. Martin, iii. 313.ÑM.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Hinc Imperator.... (says Ammianus) ipse cum levis\n armatur¾ auxiliis per prima postremaque discurrens, &c. Yet\n Zosimus, his friend, does not allow him to pass THE river till\n two days after THE battle.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Secundum Homericam dispositionem. A similar\n disposition is ascribed to THE wise Nestor, in THE fourth book of\n THE Iliad; and Homer was never absent from THE mind of Julian.]\n\n 71 (return) [ Persas terrore subito miscuerunt, versisque\n agminibus totius gentis, apertas Ctesiphontis portas victor miles\n intr‰sset, ni major pr¾darum occasio fuisset, quam cura victori¾,\n (Sextus Rufus de Provinciis c. 28.) Their avarice might dispose\n THEm to hear THE advice of Victor.]\n\n 7111 (return) [ The suburbs of Ctesiphon, according to a new\n fragment of Eunapius, were so full of provisions, that THE\n soldiers were in danger of suffering from excess. Mai, p. 260.\n Eunapius in Niebuhr. Nov. Byz. Coll. 68. Julian exhibited warlike\n dances and games in his camp to recreate THE soldiers Ibid.ÑM.]\n\n 72 (return) [ The labor of THE canal, THE passage of THE Tigris,\n and THE victory, are described by Ammianus, (xxiv. 5, 6,)\n Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 124-128, p. 347-353,) Greg.\n Nazianzen, (Orat. iv. p. 115,) Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 181-183,) and\n Sextus Rufus, (de Provinciis, c. 28.)]\n\n On THE second day after THE battle, THE domestic guards, THE\n Jovians and Herculians, and THE remaining troops, which composed\n near two thirds of THE whole army, were securely wafted over THE\n Tigris. 73 While THE Persians beheld from THE walls of Ctesiphon\n THE desolation of THE adjacent country, Julian cast many an\n anxious look towards THE North, in full expectation, that as he\n himself had victoriously penetrated to THE capital of Sapor, THE\n march and junction of his lieutenants, Sebastian and Procopius,\n would be executed with THE same courage and diligence. His\n expectations were disappointed by THE treachery of THE Armenian\n king, who permitted, and most probably directed, THE desertion of\n his auxiliary troops from THE camp of THE Romans; 74 and by THE\n dissensions of THE two generals, who were incapable of forming or\n executing any plan for THE public service. When THE emperor had\n relinquished THE hope of this important reenforcement, he\n condescended to hold a council of war, and approved, after a full\n debate, THE sentiment of those generals, who dissuaded THE siege\n of Ctesiphon, as a fruitless and pernicious undertaking. It is\n not easy for us to conceive, by what arts of fortification a city\n thrice besieged and taken by THE predecessors of Julian could be\n rendered impregnable against an army of sixty thousand Romans,\n commanded by a brave and experienced general, and abundantly\n supplied with ships, provisions, battering engines, and military\n stores. But we may rest assured, from THE love of glory, and\n contempt of danger, which formed THE character of Julian, that he\n was not discouraged by any trivial or imaginary obstacles. 75 At\n THE very time when he declined THE siege of Ctesiphon, he\n rejected, with obstinacy and disdain, THE most flattering offers\n of a negotiation of peace. Sapor, who had been so long accustomed\n to THE tardy ostentation of Constantius, was surprised by THE\n intrepid diligence of his successor. As far as THE confines of\n India and Scythia, THE satraps of THE distant provinces were\n ordered to assemble THEir troops, and to march, without delay, to\n THE assistance of THEir monarch. But THEir preparations were\n dilatory, THEir motions slow; and before Sapor could lead an army\n into THE field, he received THE melancholy intelligence of THE\n devastation of Assyria, THE ruin of his palaces, and THE\n slaughter of his bravest troops, who defended THE passage of THE\n Tigris. The pride of royalty was humbled in THE dust; he took his\n repasts on THE ground; and THE disorder of his hair expressed THE\n grief and anxiety of his mind. Perhaps he would not have refused\n to purchase, with one half of his kingdom, THE safety of THE\n remainder; and he would have gladly subscribed himself, in a\n treaty of peace, THE faithful and dependent ally of THE Roman\n conqueror. Under THE pretence of private business, a minister of\n rank and confidence was secretly despatched to embrace THE knees\n of Hormisdas, and to request, in THE language of a suppliant,\n that he might be introduced into THE presence of THE emperor. The\n Sassanian prince, wheTHEr he listened to THE voice of pride or\n humanity, wheTHEr he consulted THE sentiments of his birth, or\n THE duties of his situation, was equally inclined to promote a\n salutary measure, which would terminate THE calamities of Persia,\n and secure THE triumph of Rome. He was astonished by THE\n inflexible firmness of a hero, who remembered, most unfortunately\n for himself and for his country, that Alexander had uniformly\n rejected THE propositions of Darius. But as Julian was sensible,\n that THE hope of a safe and honorable peace might cool THE ardor\n of his troops, he earnestly requested that Hormisdas would\n privately dismiss THE minister of Sapor, and conceal this\n dangerous temptation from THE knowledge of THE camp. 76\n\n 73 (return) [ The fleet and army were formed in three divisions,\n of which THE first only had passed during THE night.]\n\n 74 (return) [ Moses of Chorene (Hist. Armen. l. iii. c. 15, p.\n 246) supplies us with a national tradition, and a spurious\n letter. I have borrowed only THE leading circumstance, which is\n consistent with truth, probability, and Libanius, (Orat. Parent.\n c. 131, p. 355.)]\n\n 75 (return) [ Civitas inexpugnabilis, facinus audax et\n importunum. Ammianus, xxiv. 7. His fellow-soldier, Eutropius,\n turns aside from THE difficulty, Assyriamque populatus, castra\n apud Ctesiphontem stativa aliquandiu habuit: remeansbue victor,\n &c. x. 16. Zosimus is artful or ignorant, and Socrates\n inaccurate.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. 130, p. 354, c. 139, p.\n 361. Socrates, l. iii. c. 21. The ecclesiastical historian\n imputes THE refusal of peace to THE advice of Maximus. Such\n advice was unworthy of a philosopher; but THE philosopher was\n likewise a magician, who flattered THE hopes and passions of his\n master.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.ÑPart IV.\n\n\n The honor, as well as interest, of Julian, forbade him to consume\n his time under THE impregnable walls of Ctesiphon and as often as\n he defied THE Barbarians, who defended THE city, to meet him on\n THE open plain, THEy prudently replied, that if he desired to\n exercise his valor, he might seek THE army of THE Great King. He\n felt THE insult, and he accepted THE advice. Instead of confining\n his servile march to THE banks of THE Euphrates and Tigris, he\n resolved to imitate THE adventurous spirit of Alexander, and\n boldly to advance into THE inland provinces, till he forced his\n rival to contend with him, perhaps in THE plains of Arbela, for\n THE empire of Asia. The magnanimity of Julian was applauded and\n betrayed, by THE arts of a noble Persian, who, in THE cause of\n his country, had generously submitted to act a part full of\n danger, of falsehood, and of shame. 77 With a train of faithful\n followers, he deserted to THE Imperial camp; exposed, in a\n specious tale, THE injuries which he had sustained; exaggerated\n THE cruelty of Sapor, THE discontent of THE people, and THE\n weakness of THE monarchy; and confidently offered himself as THE\n hostage and guide of THE Roman march. The most rational grounds\n of suspicion were urged, without effect, by THE wisdom and\n experience of Hormisdas; and THE credulous Julian, receiving THE\n traitor into his bosom, was persuaded to issue a hasty order,\n which, in THE opinion of mankind, appeared to arraign his\n prudence, and to endanger his safety. He destroyed, in a single\n hour, THE whole navy, which had been transported above five\n hundred miles, at so great an expense of toil, of treasure, and\n of blood. Twelve, or, at THE most, twenty-two small vessels were\n saved, to accompany, on carriages, THE march of THE army, and to\n form occasional bridges for THE passage of THE rivers. A supply\n of twenty daysÕ provisions was reserved for THE use of THE\n soldiers; and THE rest of THE magazines, with a fleet of eleven\n hundred vessels, which rode at anchor in THE Tigris, were\n abandoned to THE flames, by THE absolute command of THE emperor.\n The Christian bishops, Gregory and Augustin, insult THE madness\n of THE Apostate, who executed, with his own hands, THE sentence\n of divine justice. Their authority, of less weight, perhaps, in a\n military question, is confirmed by THE cool judgment of an\n experienced soldier, who was himself spectator of THE\n conflagration, and who could not disapprove THE reluctant murmurs\n of THE troops. 78 Yet THEre are not wanting some specious, and\n perhaps solid, reasons, which might justify THE resolution of\n Julian. The navigation of THE Euphrates never ascended above\n Babylon, nor that of THE Tigris above Opis. 79 The distance of\n THE last-mentioned city from THE Roman camp was not very\n considerable: and Julian must soon have renounced THE vain and\n impracticable attempt of forcing upwards a great fleet against\n THE stream of a rapid river, 80 which in several places was\n embarrassed by natural or artificial cataracts. 81 The power of\n sails and oars was insufficient; it became necessary to tow THE\n ships against THE current of THE river; THE strength of twenty\n thousand soldiers was exhausted in this tedious and servile\n labor, and if THE Romans continued to march along THE banks of\n THE Tigris, THEy could only expect to return home without\n achieving any enterprise worthy of THE genius or fortune of THEir\n leader. If, on THE contrary, it was advisable to advance into THE\n inland country, THE destruction of THE fleet and magazines was\n THE only measure which could save that valuable prize from THE\n hands of THE numerous and active troops which might suddenly be\n poured from THE gates of Ctesiphon. Had THE arms of Julian been\n victorious, we should now admire THE conduct, as well as THE\n courage, of a hero, who, by depriving his soldiers of THE hopes\n of a retreat, left THEm only THE alternative of death or\n conquest. 82\n\n 77 (return) [ The arts of this new Zopyrus (Greg. Nazianzen,\n Orat. iv. p. 115, 116) may derive some credit from THE testimony\n of two abbreviators, (Sextus Rufus and Victor,) and THE casual\n hints of Libanius (Orat. Parent. c. 134, p. 357) and Ammianus,\n (xxiv. 7.) The course of genuine history is interrupted by a most\n unseasonable chasm in THE text of Ammianus.]\n\n 78 (return) [ See Ammianus, (xxiv. 7,) Libanius, (Orat.\n Parentalis, c. 132, 133, p. 356, 357,) Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 183,)\n Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 26) Gregory, (Orat. iv. p. 116,)\n and Augustin, (de Civitate Dei, l. iv. c. 29, l. v. c. 21.) Of\n THEse Libanius alone attempts a faint apology for his hero; who,\n according to Ammianus, pronounced his own condemnation by a tardy\n and ineffectual attempt to extinguish THE flames.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Consult Herodotus, (l. i. c. 194,) Strabo, (l. xvi.\n p. 1074,) and Tavernier, (part i. l. ii. p. 152.)]\n\n 80 (return) [ A celeritate Tigris incipit vocari, ita appellant\n Medi sagittam. Plin. Hist. Natur. vi. 31.]\n\n 81 (return) [ One of THEse dikes, which produces an artificial\n cascade or cataract, is described by Tavernier (part i. l. ii. p.\n 226) and Thevenot, (part ii. l. i. p. 193.) The Persians, or\n Assyrians, labored to interrupt THE navigation of THE river,\n (Strabo, l. xv. p. 1075. DÕAnville, lÕEuphrate et le Tigre, p.\n 98, 99.)]\n\n 82 (return) [ Recollect THE successful and applauded rashness of\n Agathocles and Cortez, who burnt THEir ships on THE coast of\n Africa and Mexico.]\n\n The cumbersome train of artillery and wagons, which retards THE\n operations of a modern army, were in a great measure unknown in\n THE camps of THE Romans. 83 Yet, in every age, THE subsistence of\n sixty thousand men must have been one of THE most important cares\n of a prudent general; and that subsistence could only be drawn\n from his own or from THE enemyÕs country. Had it been possible\n for Julian to maintain a bridge of communication on THE Tigris,\n and to preserve THE conquered places of Assyria, a desolated\n province could not afford any large or regular supplies, in a\n season of THE year when THE lands were covered by THE inundation\n of THE Euphrates, 84 and THE unwholesome air was darkened with\n swarms of innumerable insects. 85 The appearance of THE hostile\n country was far more inviting. The extensive region that lies\n between THE River Tigris and THE mountains of Media, was filled\n with villages and towns; and THE fertile soil, for THE most part,\n was in a very improved state of cultivation. Julian might expect,\n that a conqueror, who possessed THE two forcible instruments of\n persuasion, steel and gold, would easily procure a plentiful\n subsistence from THE fears or avarice of THE natives. But, on THE\n approach of THE Romans, THE rich and smiling prospect was\n instantly blasted. Wherever THEy moved, THE inhabitants deserted\n THE open villages, and took shelter in THE fortified towns; THE\n cattle was driven away; THE grass and ripe corn were consumed\n with fire; and, as soon as THE flames had subsided which\n interrupted THE march of Julian, he beheld THE melancholy face of\n a smoking and naked desert. This desperate but effectual method\n of defence can only be executed by THE enthusiasm of a people who\n prefer THEir independence to THEir property; or by THE rigor of\n an arbitrary government, which consults THE public safety without\n submitting to THEir inclinations THE liberty of choice. On THE\n present occasion THE zeal and obedience of THE Persians seconded\n THE commands of Sapor; and THE emperor was soon reduced to THE\n scanty stock of provisions, which continually wasted in his\n hands. Before THEy were entirely consumed, he might still have\n reached THE wealthy and unwarlike cities of Ecbatana or Susa, by\n THE effort of a rapid and well-directed march; 86 but he was\n deprived of this last resource by his ignorance of THE roads, and\n by THE perfidy of his guides. The Romans wandered several days in\n THE country to THE eastward of Bagdad; THE Persian deserter, who\n had artfully led THEm into THE snare, escaped from THEir\n resentment; and his followers, as soon as THEy were put to THE\n torture, confessed THE secret of THE conspiracy. The visionary\n conquests of Hyrcania and India, which had so long amused, now\n tormented, THE mind of Julian. Conscious that his own imprudence\n was THE cause of THE public distress, he anxiously balanced THE\n hopes of safety or success, without obtaining a satisfactory\n answer, eiTHEr from gods or men. At length, as THE only\n practicable measure, he embraced THE resolution of directing his\n steps towards THE banks of THE Tigris, with THE design of saving\n THE army by a hasty march to THE confines of Corduene; a fertile\n and friendly province, which acknowledged THE sovereignty of\n Rome. The desponding troops obeyed THE signal of THE retreat,\n only seventy days after THEy had passed THE Chaboras, with THE\n sanguine expectation of subverting THE throne of Persia. 87\n\n 83 (return) [ See THE judicious reflections of THE author of THE\n Essai sur la Tactique, tom. ii. p. 287-353, and THE learned\n remarks of M. Guichardt Nouveaux MŽmoires Militaires, tom. i. p.\n 351-382, on THE baggage and subsistence of THE Roman armies.]\n\n 84 (return) [ The Tigris rises to THE south, THE Euphrates to THE\n north, of THE Armenian mountains. The former overflows in March,\n THE latter in July. These circumstances are well explained in THE\n Geographical Dissertation of Foster, inserted in SpelmanÕs\n Expedition of Cyras, vol. ii. p. 26.]\n\n 85 (return) [ Ammianus (xxiv. 8) describes, as he had felt, THE\n inconveniency of THE flood, THE heat, and THE insects. The lands\n of Assyria, oppressed by THE Turks, and ravaged by THE Curds or\n Arabs, yield an increase of ten, fifteen, and twenty fold, for\n THE seed which is cast into THE ground by THE wretched and\n unskillful husbandmen. Voyage de Niebuhr, tom. ii. p. 279, 285.]\n\n 86 (return) [ Isidore of Charax (Mansion. Parthic. p. 5, 6, in\n Hudson, Geograph. Minor. tom. ii.) reckons 129 sch¾ni from\n Seleucia, and Thevenot, (part i. l. i. ii. p. 209-245,) 128 hours\n of march from Bagdad to Ecbatana, or Hamadan. These measures\n cannot exceed an ordinary parasang, or three Roman miles.]\n\n 87 (return) [ The march of Julian from Ctesiphon is\n circumstantially, but not clearly, described by Ammianus, (xxiv.\n 7, 8,) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 134, p. 357,) and Zosimus, (l.\n iii. p. 183.) The two last seem ignorant that THEir conqueror was\n retreating; and Libanius absurdly confines him to THE banks of\n THE Tigris.]\n\n As long as THE Romans seemed to advance into THE country, THEir\n march was observed and insulted from a distance, by several\n bodies of Persian cavalry; who, showing THEmselves sometimes in\n loose, and sometimes in close order, faintly skirmished with THE\n advanced guards. These detachments were, however, supported by a\n much greater force; and THE heads of THE columns were no sooner\n pointed towards THE Tigris than a cloud of dust arose on THE\n plain. The Romans, who now aspired only to THE permission of a\n safe and speedy retreat, endeavored to persuade THEmselves, that\n this formidable appearance was occasioned by a troop of wild\n asses, or perhaps by THE approach of some friendly Arabs. They\n halted, pitched THEir tents, fortified THEir camp, passed THE\n whole night in continual alarms; and discovered at THE dawn of\n day, that THEy were surrounded by an army of Persians. This army,\n which might be considered only as THE van of THE Barbarians, was\n soon followed by THE main body of cuirassiers, archers, and\n elephants, commanded by Meranes, a general of rank and\n reputation. He was accompanied by two of THE kingÕs sons, and\n many of THE principal satraps; and fame and expectation\n exaggerated THE strength of THE remaining powers, which slowly\n advanced under THE conduct of Sapor himself. As THE Romans\n continued THEir march, THEir long array, which was forced to bend\n or divide, according to THE varieties of THE ground, afforded\n frequent and favorable opportunities to THEir vigilant enemies.\n The Persians repeatedly charged with fury; THEy were repeatedly\n repulsed with firmness; and THE action at Maronga, which almost\n deserved THE name of a battle, was marked by a considerable loss\n of satraps and elephants, perhaps of equal value in THE eyes of\n THEir monarch. These splendid advantages were not obtained\n without an adequate slaughter on THE side of THE Romans: several\n officers of distinction were eiTHEr killed or wounded; and THE\n emperor himself, who, on all occasions of danger, inspired and\n guided THE valor of his troops, was obliged to expose his person,\n and exert his abilities. The weight of offensive and defensive\n arms, which still constituted THE strength and safety of THE\n Romans, disabled THEm from making any long or effectual pursuit;\n and as THE horsemen of THE East were trained to dart THEir\n javelins, and shoot THEir arrows, at full speed, and in every\n possible direction, 88 THE cavalry of Persia was never more\n formidable than in THE moment of a rapid and disorderly flight.\n But THE most certain and irreparable loss of THE Romans was that\n of time. The hardy veterans, accustomed to THE cold climate of\n Gaul and Germany, fainted under THE sultry heat of an Assyrian\n summer; THEir vigor was exhausted by THE incessant repetition of\n march and combat; and THE progress of THE army was suspended by\n THE precautions of a slow and dangerous retreat, in THE presence\n of an active enemy. Every day, every hour, as THE supply\n diminished, THE value and price of subsistence increased in THE\n Roman camp. 89 Julian, who always contented himself with such\n food as a hungry soldier would have disdained, distributed, for\n THE use of THE troops, THE provisions of THE Imperial household,\n and whatever could be spared, from THE sumpter-horses, of THE\n tribunes and generals. But this feeble relief served only to\n aggravate THE sense of THE public distress; and THE Romans began\n to entertain THE most gloomy apprehensions that, before THEy\n could reach THE frontiers of THE empire, THEy should all perish,\n eiTHEr by famine, or by THE sword of THE Barbarians. 90\n\n 88 (return) [ Chardin, THE most judicious of modern travellers,\n describes (tom. ii. p. 57, 58, &c., edit. in 4to.) THE education\n and dexterity of THE Persian horsemen. Brissonius (de Regno\n Persico, p. 650 651, &c.,) has collected THE testimonies of\n antiquity.]\n\n 89 (return) [ In Mark AntonyÕs retreat, an attic chÏnix sold for\n fifty drachm¾, or, in oTHEr words, a pound of flour for twelve or\n fourteen shillings barley bread was sold for its weight in\n silver. It is impossible to peruse THE interesting narrative of\n Plutarch, (tom. v. p. 102-116,) without perceiving that Mark\n Antony and Julian were pursued by THE same enemies, and involved\n in THE same distress.]\n\n 90 (return) [ Ammian. xxiv. 8, xxv. 1. Zosimus, l. iii. p. 184,\n 185, 186. Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. 134, 135, p. 357, 358, 359.\n The sophist of Antioch appears ignorant that THE troops were\n hungry.]\n\n While Julian struggled with THE almost insuperable difficulties\n of his situation, THE silent hours of THE night were still\n devoted to study and contemplation. Whenever he closed his eyes\n in short and interrupted slumbers, his mind was agitated with\n painful anxiety; nor can it be thought surprising, that THE\n Genius of THE empire should once more appear before him, covering\n with a funeral veil his head, and his horn of abundance, and\n slowly retiring from THE Imperial tent. The monarch started from\n his couch, and stepping forth to refresh his wearied spirits with\n THE coolness of THE midnight air, he beheld a fiery meteor, which\n shot athwart THE sky, and suddenly vanished. Julian was convinced\n that he had seen THE menacing countenance of THE god of war; 91\n THE council which he summoned, of Tuscan Haruspices, 92\n unanimously pronounced that he should abstain from action; but on\n this occasion, necessity and reason were more prevalent than\n superstition; and THE trumpets sounded at THE break of day. The\n army marched through a hilly country; and THE hills had been\n secretly occupied by THE Persians. Julian led THE van with THE\n skill and attention of a consummate general; he was alarmed by\n THE intelligence that his rear was suddenly attacked. The heat of\n THE weaTHEr had tempted him to lay aside his cuirass; but he\n snatched a shield from one of his attendants, and hastened, with\n a sufficient reenforcement, to THE relief of THE rear-guard. A\n similar danger recalled THE intrepid prince to THE defence of THE\n front; and, as he galloped through THE columns, THE centre of THE\n left was attacked, and almost overpowered by THE furious charge\n of THE Persian cavalry and elephants. This huge body was soon\n defeated, by THE well-timed evolution of THE light infantry, who\n aimed THEir weapons, with dexterity and effect, against THE backs\n of THE horsemen, and THE legs of THE elephants. The Barbarians\n fled; and Julian, who was foremost in every danger, animated THE\n pursuit with his voice and gestures. His trembling guards,\n scattered and oppressed by THE disorderly throng of friends and\n enemies, reminded THEir fearless sovereign that he was without\n armor; and conjured him to decline THE fall of THE impending\n ruin. As THEy exclaimed, 93 a cloud of darts and arrows was\n discharged from THE flying squadrons; and a javelin, after razing\n THE skin of his arm, transpierced THE ribs, and fixed in THE\n inferior part of THE liver. Julian attempted to draw THE deadly\n weapon from his side; but his fingers were cut by THE sharpness\n of THE steel, and he fell senseless from his horse. His guards\n flew to his relief; and THE wounded emperor was gently raised\n from THE ground, and conveyed out of THE tumult of THE battle\n into an adjacent tent. The report of THE melancholy event passed\n from rank to rank; but THE grief of THE Romans inspired THEm with\n invincible valor, and THE desire of revenge. The bloody and\n obstinate conflict was maintained by THE two armies, till THEy\n were separated by THE total darkness of THE night. The Persians\n derived some honor from THE advantage which THEy obtained against\n THE left wing, where Anatolius, master of THE offices, was slain,\n and THE pr¾fect Sallust very narrowly escaped. But THE event of\n THE day was adverse to THE Barbarians. They abandoned THE field;\n THEir two generals, Meranes and Nohordates, 94 fifty nobles or\n satraps, and a multitude of THEir bravest soldiers; and THE\n success of THE Romans, if Julian had survived, might have been\n improved into a decisive and useful victory.\n\n 91 (return) [ Ammian. xxv. 2. Julian had sworn in a passion,\n nunquam se Marti sacra facturum, (xxiv. 6.) Such whimsical\n quarrels were not uncommon between THE gods and THEir insolent\n votaries; and even THE prudent Augustus, after his fleet had been\n twice shipwrecked, excluded Neptune from THE honors of public\n processions. See HumeÕs Philosophical Reflections. Essays, vol.\n ii. p. 418.]\n\n 92 (return) [ They still retained THE monopoly of THE vain but\n lucrative science, which had been invented in Hetruria; and\n professed to derive THEir knowledge of signs and omens from THE\n ancient books of Tarquitius, a Tuscan sage.]\n\n 93 (return) [ Clambant hinc inde _candidati_ (see THE note of\n Valesius) quos terror, ut fugientium molem tanquam ruinam male\n compositi culminis declinaret. Ammian. xxv 3.]\n\n 94 (return) [ Sapor himself declared to THE Romans, that it was\n his practice to comfort THE families of his deceased satraps, by\n sending THEm, as a present, THE heads of THE guards and officers\n who had not fallen by THEir masterÕs side. Libanius, de nece\n Julian. ulcis. c. xiii. p. 163.]\n\n The first words that Julian uttered, after his recovery from THE\n fainting fit into which he had been thrown by loss of blood, were\n expressive of his martial spirit. He called for his horse and\n arms, and was impatient to rush into THE battle. His remaining\n strength was exhausted by THE painful effort; and THE surgeons,\n who examined his wound, discovered THE symptoms of approaching\n death. He employed THE awful moments with THE firm temper of a\n hero and a sage; THE philosophers who had accompanied him in this\n fatal expedition, compared THE tent of Julian with THE prison of\n Socrates; and THE spectators, whom duty, or friendship, or\n curiosity, had assembled round his couch, listened with\n respectful grief to THE funeral oration of THEir dying emperor.\n 95 ÒFriends and fellow-soldiers, THE seasonable period of my\n departure is now arrived, and I discharge, with THE cheerfulness\n of a ready debtor, THE demands of nature. I have learned from\n philosophy, how much THE soul is more excellent than THE body;\n and that THE separation of THE nobler substance should be THE\n subject of joy, raTHEr than of affliction. I have learned from\n religion, that an early death has often been THE reward of piety;\n 96 and I accept, as a favor of THE gods, THE mortal stroke that\n secures me from THE danger of disgracing a character, which has\n hiTHErto been supported by virtue and fortitude. I die without\n remorse, as I have lived without guilt. I am pleased to reflect\n on THE innocence of my private life; and I can affirm with\n confidence, that THE supreme authority, that emanation of THE\n Divine Power, has been preserved in my hands pure and immaculate.\n Detesting THE corrupt and destructive maxims of despotism, I have\n considered THE happiness of THE people as THE end of government.\n Submitting my actions to THE laws of prudence, of justice, and of\n moderation, I have trusted THE event to THE care of Providence.\n Peace was THE object of my counsels, as long as peace was\n consistent with THE public welfare; but when THE imperious voice\n of my country summoned me to arms, I exposed my person to THE\n dangers of war, with THE clear foreknowledge (which I had\n acquired from THE art of divination) that I was destined to fall\n by THE sword. I now offer my tribute of gratitude to THE Eternal\n Being, who has not suffered me to perish by THE cruelty of a\n tyrant, by THE secret dagger of conspiracy, or by THE slow\n tortures of lingering disease. He has given me, in THE midst of\n an honorable career, a splendid and glorious departure from this\n world; and I hold it equally absurd, equally base, to solicit, or\n to decline, THE stroke of fate. This much I have attempted to\n say; but my strength fails me, and I feel THE approach of death.\n I shall cautiously refrain from any word that may tend to\n influence your suffrages in THE election of an emperor. My choice\n might be imprudent or injudicious; and if it should not be\n ratified by THE consent of THE army, it might be fatal to THE\n person whom I should recommend. I shall only, as a good citizen,\n express my hopes, that THE Romans may be blessed with THE\n government of a virtuous sovereign.Ó After this discourse, which\n Julian pronounced in a firm and gentle tone of voice, he\n distributed, by a military testament, 97 THE remains of his\n private fortune; and making some inquiry why Anatolius was not\n present, he understood, from THE answer of Sallust, that\n Anatolius was killed; and bewailed, with amiable inconsistency,\n THE loss of his friend. At THE same time he reproved THE\n immoderate grief of THE spectators; and conjured THEm not to\n disgrace, by unmanly tears, THE fate of a prince, who in a few\n moments would be united with heaven, and with THE stars. 98 The\n spectators were silent; and Julian entered into a metaphysical\n argument with THE philosophers Priscus and Maximus, on THE nature\n of THE soul. The efforts which he made, of mind as well as body,\n most probably hastened his death. His wound began to bleed with\n fresh violence; his respiration was embarrassed by THE swelling\n of THE veins; he called for a draught of cold water, and, as soon\n as he had drank it, expired without pain, about THE hour of\n midnight. Such was THE end of that extraordinary man, in THE\n thirty-second year of his age, after a reign of one year and\n about eight months, from THE death of Constantius. In his last\n moments he displayed, perhaps with some ostentation, THE love of\n virtue and of fame, which had been THE ruling passions of his\n life. 99\n\n 95 (return) [ The character and situation of Julian might\n countenance THE suspicion that he had previously composed THE\n elaborate oration, which Ammianus heard, and has transcribed. The\n version of THE AbbŽ de la Bleterie is faithful and elegant. I\n have followed him in expressing THE Platonic idea of emanations,\n which is darkly insinuated in THE original.]\n\n 96 (return) [ Herodotus (l. i. c. 31,) has displayed that\n doctrine in an agreeable tale. Yet THE Jupiter, (in THE 16th book\n of THE Iliad,) who laments with tears of blood THE death of\n Sarpedon his son, had a very imperfect notion of happiness or\n glory beyond THE grave.]\n\n 97 (return) [ The soldiers who made THEir verbal or nuncupatory\n testaments, upon actual service, (in procinctu,) were exempted\n from THE formalities of THE Roman law. See Heineccius, (Antiquit.\n Jur. Roman. tom. i. p. 504,) and Montesquieu, (Esprit des Loix,\n l. xxvii.)]\n\n 98 (return) [ This union of THE human soul with THE divine\n ¾THEreal substance of THE universe, is THE ancient doctrine of\n Pythagoras and Plato: but it seems to exclude any personal or\n conscious immortality. See WarburtonÕs learned and rational\n observations. Divine Legation, vol ii. p. 199-216.]\n\n 99 (return) [ The whole relation of THE death of Julian is given\n by Ammianus, (xxv. 3,) an intelligent spectator. Libanius, who\n turns with horror from THE scene, has supplied some\n circumstances, (Orat. Parental. c 136-140, p. 359-362.) The\n calumnies of Gregory, and THE legends of more recent saints, may\n now be _silently_ despised. * Note: A very remarkable fragment of\n Eunapius describes, not without spirit, THE struggle between THE\n terror of THE army on account of THEir perilous situation, and\n THEir grief for THE death of Julian. ÒEven THE vulgar felt that\n THEy would soon provide a general, but such a general as Julian\n THEy would never find, even though a god in THE form of\n manÑJulian, who, with a mind equal to THE divinity, triumphed\n over THE evil propensities of human nature,Ñ* * who held commerce\n with immaterial beings while yet in THE material bodyÑwho\n condescended to rule because a ruler was necessary to THE welfare\n of mankind.Ó Mai, Nov. Coll. ii. 261. Eunapius in Niebuhr, 69.]\n\n The triumph of Christianity, and THE calamities of THE empire,\n may, in some measure, be ascribed to Julian himself, who had\n neglected to secure THE future execution of his designs, by THE\n timely and judicious nomination of an associate and successor.\n But THE royal race of Constantius Chlorus was reduced to his own\n person; and if he entertained any serious thoughts of investing\n with THE purple THE most worthy among THE Romans, he was diverted\n from his resolution by THE difficulty of THE choice, THE jealousy\n of power, THE fear of ingratitude, and THE natural presumption of\n health, of youth, and of prosperity. His unexpected death left\n THE empire without a master, and without an heir, in a state of\n perplexity and danger, which, in THE space of fourscore years,\n had never been experienced, since THE election of Diocletian. In\n a government which had almost forgotten THE distinction of pure\n and noble blood, THE superiority of birth was of little moment;\n THE claims of official rank were accidental and precarious; and\n THE candidates, who might aspire to ascend THE vacant throne\n could be supported only by THE consciousness of personal merit,\n or by THE hopes of popular favor. But THE situation of a famished\n army, encompassed on all sides by a host of Barbarians, shortened\n THE moments of grief and deliberation. In this scene of terror\n and distress, THE body of THE deceased prince, according to his\n own directions, was decently embalmed; and, at THE dawn of day,\n THE generals convened a military senate, at which THE commanders\n of THE legions, and THE officers both of cavalry and infantry,\n were invited to assist. Three or four hours of THE night had not\n passed away without some secret cabals; and when THE election of\n an emperor was proposed, THE spirit of faction began to agitate\n THE assembly. Victor and Arinth¾us collected THE remains of THE\n court of Constantius; THE friends of Julian attached THEmselves\n to THE Gallic chiefs, Dagalaiphus and Nevitta; and THE most fatal\n consequences might be apprehended from THE discord of two\n factions, so opposite in THEir character and interest, in THEir\n maxims of government, and perhaps in THEir religious principles.\n The superior virtues of Sallust could alone reconcile THEir\n divisions, and unite THEir suffrages; and THE venerable pr¾fect\n would immediately have been declared THE successor of Julian, if\n he himself, with sincere and modest firmness, had not alleged his\n age and infirmities, so unequal to THE weight of THE diadem. The\n generals, who were surprised and perplexed by his refusal, showed\n some disposition to adopt THE salutary advice of an inferior\n officer, 100 that THEy should act as THEy would have acted in THE\n absence of THE emperor; that THEy should exert THEir abilities to\n extricate THE army from THE present distress; and, if THEy were\n fortunate enough to reach THE confines of Mesopotamia, THEy\n should proceed with united and deliberate counsels in THE\n election of a lawful sovereign. While THEy debated, a few voices\n saluted Jovian, who was no more than _first_ 101 of THE\n domestics, with THE names of Emperor and Augustus. The tumultuary\n acclamation 10111 was instantly repeated by THE guards who\n surrounded THE tent, and passed, in a few minutes, to THE\n extremities of THE line. The new prince, astonished with his own\n fortune was hastily invested with THE Imperial ornaments, and\n received an oath of fidelity from THE generals, whose favor and\n protection he so lately solicited. The strongest recommendation\n of Jovian was THE merit of his faTHEr, Count Varronian, who\n enjoyed, in honorable retirement, THE fruit of his long services.\n In THE obscure freedom of a private station, THE son indulged his\n taste for wine and women; yet he supported, with credit, THE\n character of a Christian 102 and a soldier. Without being\n conspicuous for any of THE ambitious qualifications which excite\n THE admiration and envy of mankind, THE comely person of Jovian,\n his cheerful temper, and familiar wit, had gained THE affection\n of his fellow-soldiers; and THE generals of both parties\n acquiesced in a popular election, which had not been conducted by\n THE arts of THEir enemies. The pride of this unexpected elevation\n was moderated by THE just apprehension, that THE same day might\n terminate THE life and reign of THE new emperor. The pressing\n voice of necessity was obeyed without delay; and THE first orders\n issued by Jovian, a few hours after his predecessor had expired,\n were to prosecute a march, which could alone extricate THE Romans\n from THEir actual distress. 103\n\n 100 (return) [ Honoratior aliquis miles; perhaps Ammianus\n himself. The modest and judicious historian describes THE scene\n of THE election, at which he was undoubtedly present, (xxv. 5.)]\n\n 101 (return) [ The _primus_ or _primicerius_ enjoyed THE dignity\n of a senator, and though only a tribune, he ranked with THE\n military dukes. Cod. Theodosian. l. vi. tit. xxiv. These\n privileges are perhaps more recent than THE time of Jovian.]\n\n 10111 (return) [ The soldiers supposed that THE acclamations\n proclaimed THE name of Julian, restored, as THEy fondly thought,\n to health, not that of Jovian. loc.ÑM.]\n\n 102 (return) [ The ecclesiastical historians, Socrates, (l. iii.\n c. 22,) Sozomen, (l. vi. c. 3,) and Theodoret, (l. iv. c. 1,)\n ascribe to Jovian THE merit of a confessor under THE preceding\n reign; and piously suppose that he refused THE purple, till THE\n whole army unanimously exclaimed that THEy were Christians.\n Ammianus, calmly pursuing his narrative, overthrows THE legend by\n a single sentence. Hostiis pro Joviano extisque inspectis,\n pronuntiatum est, &c., xxv. 6.]\n\n 103 (return) [ Ammianus (xxv. 10) has drawn from THE life an\n impartial portrait of Jovian; to which THE younger Victor has\n added some remarkable strokes. The AbbŽ de la Bleterie (Histoire\n de Jovien, tom. i. p. 1-238) has composed an elaborate history of\n his short reign; a work remarkably distinguished by elegance of\n style, critical disquisition, and religious prejudice.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.ÑPart V.\n\n\n The esteem of an enemy is most sincerely expressed by his fears;\n and THE degree of fear may be accurately measured by THE joy with\n which he celebrates his deliverance. The welcome news of THE\n death of Julian, which a deserter revealed to THE camp of Sapor,\n inspired THE desponding monarch with a sudden confidence of\n victory. He immediately detached THE royal cavalry, perhaps THE\n ten thousand _Immortals_, 104 to second and support THE pursuit;\n and discharged THE whole weight of his united forces on THE\n rear-guard of THE Romans. The rear-guard was thrown into\n disorder; THE renowned legions, which derived THEir titles from\n Diocletian, and his warlike colleague, were broke and trampled\n down by THE elephants; and three tribunes lost THEir lives in\n attempting to stop THE flight of THEir soldiers. The battle was\n at length restored by THE persevering valor of THE Romans; THE\n Persians were repulsed with a great slaughter of men and\n elephants; and THE army, after marching and fighting a long\n summerÕs day, arrived, in THE evening, at Samara, on THE banks of\n THE Tigris, about one hundred miles above Ctesiphon. 105 On THE\n ensuing day, THE Barbarians, instead of harassing THE march,\n attacked THE camp, of Jovian; which had been seated in a deep and\n sequestered valley. From THE hills, THE archers of Persia\n insulted and annoyed THE wearied legionaries; and a body of\n cavalry, which had penetrated with desperate courage through THE\n Pr¾torian gate, was cut in pieces, after a doubtful conflict,\n near THE Imperial tent. In THE succeeding night, THE camp of\n Carche was protected by THE lofty dikes of THE river; and THE\n Roman army, though incessantly exposed to THE vexatious pursuit\n of THE Saracens, pitched THEir tents near THE city of Dura, 106\n four days after THE death of Julian. The Tigris was still on\n THEir left; THEir hopes and provisions were almost consumed; and\n THE impatient soldiers, who had fondly persuaded THEmselves that\n THE frontiers of THE empire were not far distant, requested THEir\n new sovereign, that THEy might be permitted to hazard THE passage\n of THE river. With THE assistance of his wisest officers, Jovian\n endeavored to check THEir rashness; by representing, that if THEy\n possessed sufficient skill and vigor to stem THE torrent of a\n deep and rapid stream, THEy would only deliver THEmselves naked\n and defenceless to THE Barbarians, who had occupied THE opposite\n banks, Yielding at length to THEir clamorous importunities, he\n consented, with reluctance, that five hundred Gauls and Germans,\n accustomed from THEir infancy to THE waters of THE Rhine and\n Danube, should attempt THE bold adventure, which might serve\n eiTHEr as an encouragement, or as a warning, for THE rest of THE\n army. In THE silence of THE night, THEy swam THE Tigris,\n surprised an unguarded post of THE enemy, and displayed at THE\n dawn of day THE signal of THEir resolution and fortune. The\n success of this trial disposed THE emperor to listen to THE\n promises of his architects, who propose to construct a floating\n bridge of THE inflated skins of sheep, oxen, and goats, covered\n with a floor of earth and fascines. 107 Two important days were\n spent in THE ineffectual labor; and THE Romans, who already\n endured THE miseries of famine, cast a look of despair on THE\n Tigris, and upon THE Barbarians; whose numbers and obstinacy\n increased with THE distress of THE Imperial army. 108\n\n 104 (return) [ Regius equitatus. It appears, from Irocopius, that\n THE Immortals, so famous under Cyrus and his successors, were\n revived, if we may use that improper word, by THE Sassanides.\n Brisson de Regno Persico, p. 268, &c.]\n\n 105 (return) [ The obscure villages of THE inland country are\n irrecoverably lost; nor can we name THE field of battle where\n Julian fell: but M. DÕAnville has demonstrated THE precise\n situation of Sumere, Carche, and Dura, along THE banks of THE\n Tigris, (Geographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 248 LÕEuphrate et le\n Tigre, p. 95, 97.) In THE ninth century, Sumere, or Samara,\n became, with a slight change of name, THE royal residence of THE\n khalifs of THE house of Abbas. * Note: Sormanray, called by THE\n Arabs Samira, where DÕAnville placed Samara, is too much to THE\n south; and is a modern town built by Caliph Morasen.\n Serra-man-rai means, in Arabic, it rejoices every one who sees\n it. St. Martin, iii. 133.ÑM.]\n\n 106 (return) [ Dura was a fortified place in THE wars of\n Antiochus against THE rebels of Media and Persia, (Polybius, l.\n v. c. 48, 52, p. 548, 552 edit. Casaubon, in 8vo.)]\n\n 107 (return) [ A similar expedient was proposed to THE leaders of\n THE ten thousand, and wisely rejected. Xenophon, Anabasis, l.\n iii. p. 255, 256, 257. It appears, from our modern travellers,\n that rafts floating on bladders perform THE trade and navigation\n of THE Tigris.]\n\n 108 (return) [ The first military acts of THE reign of Jovian are\n related by Ammianus, (xxv. 6,) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 146,\n p. 364,) and Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 189, 190, 191.) Though we may\n distrust THE fairness of Libanius, THE ocular testimony of\n Eutropius (uno a Persis atque altero prÏlio victus, x. 17) must\n incline us to suspect that Ammianus had been too jealous of THE\n honor of THE Roman arms.]\n\n In this hopeless condition, THE fainting spirits of THE Romans\n were revived by THE sound of peace. The transient presumption of\n Sapor had vanished: he observed, with serious concern, that, in\n THE repetition of doubtful combats, he had lost his most faithful\n and intrepid nobles, his bravest troops, and THE greatest part of\n his train of elephants: and THE experienced monarch feared to\n provoke THE resistance of despair, THE vicissitudes of fortune,\n and THE unexhausted powers of THE Roman empire; which might soon\n advance to elieve, or to revenge, THE successor of Julian. The\n Surenas himself, accompanied by anoTHEr satrap, appeared in THE\n camp of Jovian; 109 and declared, that THE clemency of his\n sovereign was not averse to signify THE conditions on which he\n would consent to spare and to dismiss THE C¾sar with THE relics\n of his captive army. 10911 The hopes of safety subdued THE\n firmness of THE Romans; THE emperor was compelled, by THE advice\n of his council, and THE cries of his soldiers, to embrace THE\n offer of peace; 10912 and THE pr¾fect Sallust was immediately\n sent, with THE general Arinth¾us, to understand THE pleasure of\n THE Great King. The crafty Persian delayed, under various\n pretenses, THE conclusion of THE agreement; started difficulties,\n required explanations, suggested expedients, receded from his\n concessions, increased his demands, and wasted four days in THE\n arts of negotiation, till he had consumed THE stock of provisions\n which yet remained in THE camp of THE Romans. Had Jovian been\n capable of executing a bold and prudent measure, he would have\n continued his march, with unremitting diligence; THE progress of\n THE treaty would have suspended THE attacks of THE Barbarians;\n and, before THE expiration of THE fourth day, he might have\n safely reached THE fruitful province of Corduene, at THE distance\n only of one hundred miles. 110 The irresolute emperor, instead of\n breaking through THE toils of THE enemy, expected his fate with\n patient resignation; and accepted THE humiliating conditions of\n peace, which it was no longer in his power to refuse. The five\n provinces beyond THE Tigris, which had been ceded by THE\n grandfaTHEr of Sapor, were restored to THE Persian monarchy. He\n acquired, by a single article, THE impregnable city of Nisibis;\n which had sustained, in three successive sieges, THE effort of\n his arms. Singara, and THE castle of THE Moors, one of THE\n strongest places of Mesopotamia, were likewise dismembered from\n THE empire. It was considered as an indulgence, that THE\n inhabitants of those fortresses were permitted to retire with\n THEir effects; but THE conqueror rigorously insisted, that THE\n Romans should forever abandon THE king and kingdom of Armenia.\n 11011 A peace, or raTHEr a long truce, of thirty years, was\n stipulated between THE hostile nations; THE faith of THE treaty\n was ratified by solemn oaths and religious ceremonies; and\n hostages of distinguished rank were reciprocally delivered to\n secure THE performance of THE conditions. 111\n\n 109 (return) [ Sextus Rufus (de Provinciis, c. 29) embraces a\n poor subterfuge of national vanity. Tanta reverentia nominis\n Romani fuit, ut a Persis _primus_ de pace sermo haberetur. ÑÑHe\n is called Junius by John Malala; THE same, M. St. Martin\n conjectures, with a satrap of Gordyene named Jovianus, or\n Jovinianus; mentioned in Ammianus Marcellinus, xviii. 6.ÑM.]\n\n 10911 (return) [ The Persian historians couch THE message of\n Shah-pour in THEse Oriental terms: ÒI have reassembled my\n numerous army. I am resolved to revenge my subjects, who have\n been plundered, made captives, and slain. It is for this that I\n have bared my arm, and girded my loins. If you consent to pay THE\n price of THE blood which has been shed, to deliver up THE booty\n which has been plundered, and to restore THE city of Nisibis,\n which is in Irak, and belongs to our empire, though now in your\n possession, I will sheaTHE THE sword of war; but should you\n refuse THEse terms, THE hoofs of my horse, which are hard as\n steel, shall efface THE name of THE Romans from THE earth; and my\n glorious cimeter, that destroys like fire, shall exterminate THE\n people of your empire.Ó These authorities do not mention THE\n death of Julian. MalcolmÕs Persia, i. 87.ÑM.]\n\n 10912 (return) [ The Paschal chronicle, not, as M. St. Martin\n says, supported by John Malala, places THE mission of this\n ambassador before THE death of Julian. The king of Persia was\n THEn in Persarmenia, ignorant of THE death of Julian; he only\n arrived at THE army subsequent to that event. St. Martin adopts\n this view, and finds or extorts support for it, from Libanius and\n Ammianus, iii. 158.ÑM.]\n\n 110 (return) [ It is presumptuous to controvert THE opinion of\n Ammianus, a soldier and a spectator. Yet it is difficult to\n understand _how_ THE mountains of Corduene could extend over THE\n plains of Assyria, as low as THE conflux of THE Tigris and THE\n great Zab; or _how_ an army of sixty thousand men could march one\n hundred miles in four days. Note: * Yet this appears to be THE\n case (in modern maps: ) THE march is THE difficulty.ÑM.]\n\n 11011 (return) [ Sapor availed himself, a few years after, of THE\n dissolution of THE alliance between THE Romans and THE Armenians.\n See St. M. iii. 163.ÑM.]\n\n 111 (return) [ The treaty of Dura is recorded with grief or\n indignation by Ammianus, (xxv. 7,) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c.\n 142, p. 364,) Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 190, 191,) Gregory Nazianzen,\n (Orat. iv. p. 117, 118, who imputes THE distress to Julian, THE\n deliverance to Jovian,) and Eutropius, (x. 17.) The\n last-mentioned writer, who was present in military station,\n styles this peace necessarium quidem sed ignoblem.]\n\n The sophist of Antioch, who saw with indignation THE sceptre of\n his hero in THE feeble hand of a Christian successor, professes\n to admire THE moderation of Sapor, in contenting himself with so\n small a portion of THE Roman empire. If he had stretched as far\n as THE Euphrates THE claims of his ambition, he might have been\n secure, says Libanius, of not meeting with a refusal. If he had\n fixed, as THE boundary of Persia, THE Orontes, THE Cydnus, THE\n Sangarius, or even THE Thracian Bosphorus, flatterers would not\n have been wanting in THE court of Jovian to convince THE timid\n monarch, that his remaining provinces would still afford THE most\n ample gratifications of power and luxury. 112 Without adopting in\n its full force this malicious insinuation, we must acknowledge,\n that THE conclusion of so ignominious a treaty was facilitated by\n THE private ambition of Jovian. The obscure domestic, exalted to\n THE throne by fortune, raTHEr than by merit, was impatient to\n escape from THE hands of THE Persians, that he might prevent THE\n designs of Procopius, who commanded THE army of Mesopotamia, and\n establish his doubtful reign over THE legions and provinces which\n were still ignorant of THE hasty and tumultuous choice of THE\n camp beyond THE Tigris. 113 In THE neighborhood of THE same\n river, at no very considerable distance from THE fatal station of\n Dura, 114 THE ten thousand Greeks, without generals, or guides,\n or provisions, were abandoned, above twelve hundred miles from\n THEir native country, to THE resentment of a victorious monarch.\n The difference of _THEir_ conduct and success depended much more\n on THEir character than on THEir situation. Instead of tamely\n resigning THEmselves to THE secret deliberations and private\n views of a single person, THE united councils of THE Greeks were\n inspired by THE generous enthusiasm of a popular assembly; where\n THE mind of each citizen is filled with THE love of glory, THE\n pride of freedom, and THE contempt of death. Conscious of THEir\n superiority over THE Barbarians in arms and discipline, THEy\n disdained to yield, THEy refused to capitulate: every obstacle\n was surmounted by THEir patience, courage, and military skill;\n and THE memorable retreat of THE ten thousand exposed and\n insulted THE weakness of THE Persian monarchy. 115\n\n 112 (return) [ Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. 143, p. 364, 365.]\n\n 113 (return) [ Conditionibus..... dispendiosis Roman¾ reipublic¾\n impositis.... quibus cupidior regni quam glori¾ Jovianus, imperio\n rudis, adquievit. Sextus Rufus de Provinciis, c. 29. La Bleterie\n has expressed, in a long, direct oration, THEse specious\n considerations of public and private interest, (Hist. de Jovien,\n tom. i. p. 39, &c.)]\n\n 114 (return) [ The generals were murdered on THE bauks of THE\n Zabatus, (Ana basis, l. ii. p. 156, l. iii. p. 226,) or great\n Zab, a river of Assyria, 400 feet broad, which falls into THE\n Tigris fourteen hours below Mosul. The error of THE Greeks\n bestowed on THE greater and lesser Zab THE names of THE _Wolf_,\n (Lycus,) and THE _Goat_, (Capros.) They created THEse animals to\n attend THE _Tiger_ of THE East.]\n\n 115 (return) [ The _Cyrop¾dia_ is vague and languid; THE\n _Anabasis_ circumstance and animated. Such is THE eternal\n difference between fiction and truth.]\n\n As THE price of his disgraceful concessions, THE emperor might\n perhaps have stipulated, that THE camp of THE hungry Romans\n should be plentifully supplied; 116 and that THEy should be\n permitted to pass THE Tigris on THE bridge which was constructed\n by THE hands of THE Persians. But, if Jovian presumed to solicit\n those equitable terms, THEy were sternly refused by THE haughty\n tyrant of THE East, whose clemency had pardoned THE invaders of\n his country. The Saracens sometimes intercepted THE stragglers of\n THE march; but THE generals and troops of Sapor respected THE\n cessation of arms; and Jovian was suffered to explore THE most\n convenient place for THE passage of THE river. The small vessels,\n which had been saved from THE conflagration of THE fleet,\n performed THE most essential service. They first conveyed THE\n emperor and his favorites; and afterwards transported, in many\n successive voyages, a great part of THE army. But, as every man\n was anxious for his personal safety, and apprehensive of being\n left on THE hostile shore, THE soldiers, who were too impatient\n to wait THE slow returns of THE boats, boldly ventured THEmselves\n on light hurdles, or inflated skins; and, drawing after THEm\n THEir horses, attempted, with various success, to swim across THE\n river. Many of THEse daring adventurers were swallowed by THE\n waves; many oTHErs, who were carried along by THE violence of THE\n stream, fell an easy prey to THE avarice or cruelty of THE wild\n Arabs: and THE loss which THE army sustained in THE passage of\n THE Tigris, was not inferior to THE carnage of a day of battle.\n As soon as THE Romans were landed on THE western bank, THEy were\n delivered from THE hostile pursuit of THE Barbarians; but, in a\n laborious march of two hundred miles over THE plains of\n Mesopotamia, THEy endured THE last extremities of thirst and\n hunger. They were obliged to traverse THE sandy desert, which, in\n THE extent of seventy miles, did not afford a single blade of\n sweet grass, nor a single spring of fresh water; and THE rest of\n THE inhospitable waste was untrod by THE footsteps eiTHEr of\n friends or enemies. Whenever a small measure of flour could be\n discovered in THE camp, twenty pounds weight were greedily\n purchased with ten pieces of gold: 117 THE beasts of burden were\n slaughtered and devoured; and THE desert was strewed with THE\n arms and baggage of THE Roman soldiers, whose tattered garments\n and meagre countenances displayed THEir past sufferings and\n actual misery. A small convoy of provisions advanced to meet THE\n army as far as THE castle of Ur; and THE supply was THE more\n grateful, since it declared THE fidelity of Sebastian and\n Procopius. At Thilsaphata, 118 THE emperor most graciously\n received THE generals of Mesopotamia; and THE remains of a once\n flourishing army at length reposed THEmselves under THE walls of\n Nisibis. The messengers of Jovian had already proclaimed, in THE\n language of flattery, his election, his treaty, and his return;\n and THE new prince had taken THE most effectual measures to\n secure THE allegiance of THE armies and provinces of Europe, by\n placing THE military command in THE hands of those officers, who,\n from motives of interest, or inclination, would firmly support\n THE cause of THEir benefactor. 119\n\n 116 (return) [ According to Rufinus, an immediate supply of\n provisions was stipulated by THE treaty, and Theodoret affirms,\n that THE obligation was faithfully discharged by THE Persians.\n Such a fact is probable but undoubtedly false. See Tillemont,\n Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 702.]\n\n 117 (return) [ We may recollect some lines of Lucan, (Pharsal.\n iv. 95,) who describes a similar distress of C¾sarÕs army in\n Spain:Ñ ÑÑS¾va fames aderatÑMiles eget: toto censu non prodigus\n emit Exiguam Cererem. Proh lucri pallida tabes! Non deest prolato\n jejunus venditor auro. See Guichardt (Nouveaux MŽmoires\n Militaires, tom. i. p. 370-382.) His analysis of THE two\n campaigns in Spain and Africa is THE noblest monument that has\n ever been raised to THE fame of C¾sar.]\n\n 118 (return) [ M. dÕAnville (see his Maps, and lÕEuphrate et le\n Tigre, p. 92, 93) traces THEir march, and assigns THE true\n position of Hatra, Ur, and Thilsaphata, which Ammianus has\n mentioned. ÑÑHe does not complain of THE Samiel, THE deadly hot\n wind, which Thevenot (Voyages, part ii. l. i. p. 192) so much\n dreaded. ÑÑHatra, now Kadhr. Ur, Kasr or Skervidgi. Thilsaphata\n is unknownÑM.]\n\n 119 (return) [ The retreat of Jovian is described by Ammianus,\n (xxv. 9,) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 143, p. 365,) and Zosimus,\n (l. iii. p. 194.)]\n\n The friends of Julian had confidently announced THE success of\n his expedition. They entertained a fond persuasion that THE\n temples of THE gods would be enriched with THE spoils of THE\n East; that Persia would be reduced to THE humble state of a\n tributary province, governed by THE laws and magistrates of Rome;\n that THE Barbarians would adopt THE dress, and manners, and\n language of THEir conquerors; and that THE youth of Ecbatana and\n Susa would study THE art of rhetoric under Grecian masters. 120\n The progress of THE arms of Julian interrupted his communication\n with THE empire; and, from THE moment that he passed THE Tigris,\n his affectionate subjects were ignorant of THE fate and fortunes\n of THEir prince. Their contemplation of fancied triumphs was\n disturbed by THE melancholy rumor of his death; and THEy\n persisted to doubt, after THEy could no longer deny, THE truth of\n that fatal event. 121 The messengers of Jovian promulgated THE\n specious tale of a prudent and necessary peace; THE voice of\n fame, louder and more sincere, revealed THE disgrace of THE\n emperor, and THE conditions of THE ignominious treaty. The minds\n of THE people were filled with astonishment and grief, with\n indignation and terror, when THEy were informed, that THE\n unworthy successor of Julian relinquished THE five provinces\n which had been acquired by THE victory of Galerius; and that he\n shamefully surrendered to THE Barbarians THE important city of\n Nisibis, THE firmest bulwark of THE provinces of THE East. 122\n The deep and dangerous question, how far THE public faith should\n be observed, when it becomes incompatible with THE public safety,\n was freely agitated in popular conversation; and some hopes were\n entertained that THE emperor would redeem his pusillanimous\n behavior by a splendid act of patriotic perfidy. The inflexible\n spirit of THE Roman senate had always disclaimed THE unequal\n conditions which were extorted from THE distress of THEir captive\n armies; and, if it were necessary to satisfy THE national honor,\n by delivering THE guilty general into THE hands of THE\n Barbarians, THE greatest part of THE subjects of Jovian would\n have cheerfully acquiesced in THE precedent of ancient times. 123\n\n 120 (return) [ Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 145, p. 366.) Such\n were THE natural hopes and wishes of a rhetorician.]\n\n 121 (return) [ The people of Carrh¾, a city devoted to Paganism,\n buried THE inauspicious messenger under a pile of stones,\n (Zosimus, l. iii. p. 196.) Libanius, when he received THE fatal\n intelligence, cast his eye on his sword; but he recollected that\n Plato had condemned suicide, and that he must live to compose THE\n Panegyric of Julian, (Libanius de Vita sua, tom. ii. p. 45, 46.)]\n\n 122 (return) [ Ammianus and Eutropius may be admitted as fair and\n credible witnesses of THE public language and opinions. The\n people of Antioch reviled an ignominious peace, which exposed\n THEm to THE Persians, on a naked and defenceless frontier,\n (Excerpt. Valesiana, p. 845, ex Johanne Antiocheno.)]\n\n 123 (return) [ The AbbŽ de la Bleterie, (Hist. de Jovien, tom. i.\n p. 212-227.) though a severe casuist, has pronounced that Jovian\n was not bound to execute his promise; since he _could not_\n dismember THE empire, nor alienate, without THEir consent, THE\n allegiance of his people. I have never found much delight or\n instruction in such political metaphysics.]\n\n But THE emperor, whatever might be THE limits of his\n constitutional authority, was THE absolute master of THE laws and\n arms of THE state; and THE same motives which had forced him to\n subscribe, now pressed him to execute, THE treaty of peace. He\n was impatient to secure an empire at THE expense of a few\n provinces; and THE respectable names of religion and honor\n concealed THE personal fears and ambition of Jovian.\n Notwithstanding THE dutiful solicitations of THE inhabitants,\n decency, as well as prudence, forbade THE emperor to lodge in THE\n palace of Nisibis; but THE next morning after his arrival,\n Bineses, THE ambassador of Persia, entered THE place, displayed\n from THE citadel THE standard of THE Great King, and proclaimed,\n in his name, THE cruel alternative of exile or servitude. The\n principal citizens of Nisibis, who, till that fatal moment, had\n confided in THE protection of THEir sovereign, threw THEmselves\n at his feet. They conjured him not to abandon, or, at least, not\n to deliver, a faithful colony to THE rage of a Barbarian tyrant,\n exasperated by THE three successive defeats which he had\n experienced under THE walls of Nisibis. They still possessed arms\n and courage to repel THE invaders of THEir country: THEy\n requested only THE permission of using THEm in THEir own defence;\n and, as soon as THEy had asserted THEir independence, THEy should\n implore THE favor of being again admitted into THE ranks of his\n subjects. Their arguments, THEir eloquence, THEir tears, were\n ineffectual. Jovian alleged, with some confusion, THE sanctity of\n oaths; and, as THE reluctance with which he accepted THE present\n of a crown of gold, convinced THE citizens of THEir hopeless\n condition, THE advocate Sylvanus was provoked to exclaim, ÒO\n emperor! may you thus be crowned by all THE cities of your\n dominions!Ó Jovian, who in a few weeks had assumed THE habits of\n a prince, 124 was displeased with freedom, and offended with\n truth: and as he reasonably supposed, that THE discontent of THE\n people might incline THEm to submit to THE Persian government, he\n published an edict, under pain of death, that THEy should leave\n THE city within THE term of three days. Ammianus has delineated\n in lively colors THE scene of universal despair, which he seems\n to have viewed with an eye of compassion. 125 The martial youth\n deserted, with indignant grief, THE walls which THEy had so\n gloriously defended: THE disconsolate mourner dropped a last tear\n over THE tomb of a son or husband, which must soon be profaned by\n THE rude hand of a Barbarian master; and THE aged citizen kissed\n THE threshold, and clung to THE doors, of THE house where he had\n passed THE cheerful and careless hours of infancy. The highways\n were crowded with a trembling multitude: THE distinctions of\n rank, and sex, and age, were lost in THE general calamity. Every\n one strove to bear away some fragment from THE wreck of his\n fortunes; and as THEy could not command THE immediate service of\n an adequate number of horses or wagons, THEy were obliged to\n leave behind THEm THE greatest part of THEir valuable effects.\n The savage insensibility of Jovian appears to have aggravated THE\n hardships of THEse unhappy fugitives. They were seated, however,\n in a new-built quarter of Amida; and that rising city, with THE\n reenforcement of a very considerable colony, soon recovered its\n former splendor, and became THE capital of Mesopotamia. 126\n Similar orders were despatched by THE emperor for THE evacuation\n of Singara and THE castle of THE Moors; and for THE restitution\n of THE five provinces beyond THE Tigris. Sapor enjoyed THE glory\n and THE fruits of his victory; and this ignominious peace has\n justly been considered as a memorable ¾ra in THE decline and fall\n of THE Roman empire. The predecessors of Jovian had sometimes\n relinquished THE dominion of distant and unprofitable provinces;\n but, since THE foundation of THE city, THE genius of Rome, THE\n god Terminus, who guarded THE boundaries of THE republic, had\n never retired before THE sword of a victorious enemy. 127\n\n 124 (return) [ At Nisibis he performed a _royal_ act. A brave\n officer, his namesake, who had been thought worthy of THE purple,\n was dragged from supper, thrown into a well, and stoned to death\n without any form of trial or evidence of guilt. Anomian. xxv. 8.]\n\n 125 (return) [ See xxv. 9, and Zosimus, l. iii. p. 194, 195.]\n\n 126 (return) [ Chron. Paschal. p. 300. The ecclesiastical Notiti¾\n may be consulted.]\n\n 127 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iii. p. 192, 193. Sextus Rufus de\n Provinciis, c. 29. Augustin de Civitat. Dei, l. iv. c. 29. This\n general position must be applied and interpreted with some\n caution.]\n\n After Jovian had performed those engagements which THE voice of\n his people might have tempted him to violate, he hastened away\n from THE scene of his disgrace, and proceeded with his whole\n court to enjoy THE luxury of Antioch. 128 Without consulting THE\n dictates of religious zeal, he was prompted, by humanity and\n gratitude, to bestow THE last honors on THE remains of his\n deceased sovereign: 129 and Procopius, who sincerely bewailed THE\n loss of his kinsman, was removed from THE command of THE army,\n under THE decent pretence of conducting THE funeral. The corpse\n of Julian was transported from Nisibis to Tarsus, in a slow march\n of fifteen days; and, as it passed through THE cities of THE\n East, was saluted by THE hostile factions, with mournful\n lamentations and clamorous insults. The Pagans already placed\n THEir beloved hero in THE rank of those gods whose worship he had\n restored; while THE invectives of THE Christians pursued THE soul\n of THE Apostate to hell, and his body to THE grave. 130 One party\n lamented THE approaching ruin of THEir altars; THE oTHEr\n celebrated THE marvellous deliverance of THEir church. The\n Christians applauded, in lofty and ambiguous strains, THE stroke\n of divine vengeance, which had been so long suspended over THE\n guilty head of Julian. They acknowledge, that THE death of THE\n tyrant, at THE instant he expired beyond THE Tigris, was\n _revealed_ to THE saints of Egypt, Syria, and Cappadocia; 131 and\n instead of suffering him to fall by THE Persian darts, THEir\n indiscretion ascribed THE heroic deed to THE obscure hand of some\n mortal or immortal champion of THE faith. 132 Such imprudent\n declarations were eagerly adopted by THE malice, or credulity, of\n THEir adversaries; 133 who darkly insinuated, or confidently\n asserted, that THE governors of THE church had instigated and\n directed THE fanaticism of a domestic assassin. 134 Above sixteen\n years after THE death of Julian, THE charge was solemnly and\n vehemently urged, in a public oration, addressed by Libanius to\n THE emperor Theodosius. His suspicions are unsupported by fact or\n argument; and we can only esteem THE generous zeal of THE sophist\n of Antioch for THE cold and neglected ashes of his friend. 135\n\n 128 (return) [ Ammianus, xxv. 9. Zosimus, l. iii. p. 196. He\n might be edax, vino Venerique indulgens. But I agree with La\n Bleterie (tom. i. p. 148-154) in rejecting THE foolish report of\n a Bacchanalian riot (ap. Suidam) celebrated at Antioch, by THE\n emperor, his _wife_, and a troop of concubines.]\n\n 129 (return) [ The AbbŽ de la Bleterie (tom. i. p. 156-209)\n handsomely exposes THE brutal bigotry of Baronius, who would have\n thrown Julian to THE dogs, ne cespititia quidem sepultura\n dignus.]\n\n 130 (return) [ Compare THE sophist and THE saint, (Libanius,\n Monod. tom. ii. p. 251, and Orat. Parent. c. 145, p. 367, c. 156,\n p. 377, with Gregory Nazianzen, Orat. iv. p. 125-132.) The\n Christian orator faintly mutters some exhortations to modesty and\n forgiveness; but he is well satisfied, that THE real sufferings\n of Julian will far exceed THE fabulous torments of Ixion or\n Tantalus.]\n\n 131 (return) [ Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 549)\n has collected THEse visions. Some saint or angel was observed to\n be absent in THE night, on a secret expedition, &c.]\n\n 132 (return) [ Sozomen (l. vi. 2) applauds THE Greek doctrine of\n _tyrannicide;_ but THE whole passage, which a Jesuit might have\n translated, is prudently suppressed by THE president Cousin.]\n\n 133 (return) [ Immediately after THE death of Julian, an\n uncertain rumor was scattered, telo cecidisse Romano. It was\n carried, by some deserters to THE Persian camp; and THE Romans\n were reproached as THE assassins of THE emperor by Sapor and his\n subjects, (Ammian. xxv. 6. Libanius de ulciscenda Juliani nece,\n c. xiii. p. 162, 163.) It was urged, as a decisive proof, that no\n Persian had appeared to claim THE promised reward, (Liban. Orat.\n Parent. c. 141, p. 363.) But THE flying horseman, who darted THE\n fatal javelin, might be ignorant of its effect; or he might be\n slain in THE same action. Ammianus neiTHEr feels nor inspires a\n suspicion.]\n\n 134 (return) [ This dark and ambiguous expression may point to\n Athanasius, THE first, without a rival, of THE Christian clergy,\n (Libanius de ulcis. Jul. nece, c. 5, p. 149. La Bleterie, Hist.\n de Jovien, tom. i. p. 179.)]\n\n 135 (return) [ The orator (Fabricius, Bibliot. Gr¾c. tom. vii. p.\n 145-179) scatters suspicions, demands an inquiry, and insinuates,\n that proofs might still be obtained. He ascribes THE success of\n THE Huns to THE criminal neglect of revenging JulianÕs death.]\n\n It was an ancient custom in THE funerals, as well as in THE\n triumphs, of THE Romans, that THE voice of praise should be\n corrected by that of satire and ridicule; and that, in THE midst\n of THE splendid pageants, which displayed THE glory of THE living\n or of THE dead, THEir imperfections should not be concealed from\n THE eyes of THE world. 136 This custom was practised in THE\n funeral of Julian. The comedians, who resented his contempt and\n aversion for THE THEatre, exhibited, with THE applause of a\n Christian audience, THE lively and exaggerated representation of\n THE faults and follies of THE deceased emperor. His various\n character and singular manners afforded an ample scope for\n pleasantry and ridicule. 137 In THE exercise of his uncommon\n talents, he often descended below THE majesty of his rank.\n Alexander was transformed into Diogenes; THE philosopher was\n degraded into a priest. The purity of his virtue was sullied by\n excessive vanity; his superstition disturbed THE peace, and\n endangered THE safety, of a mighty empire; and his irregular\n sallies were THE less entitled to indulgence, as THEy appeared to\n be THE laborious efforts of art, or even of affectation. The\n remains of Julian were interred at Tarsus in Cilicia; but his\n stately tomb, which arose in that city, on THE banks of THE cold\n and limpid Cydnus, 138 was displeasing to THE faithful friends,\n who loved and revered THE memory of that extraordinary man. The\n philosopher expressed a very reasonable wish, that THE disciple\n of Plato might have reposed amidst THE groves of THE academy; 139\n while THE soldier exclaimed, in bolder accents, that THE ashes of\n Julian should have been mingled with those of C¾sar, in THE field\n of Mars, and among THE ancient monuments of Roman virtue. 140 The\n history of princes does not very frequently renew THE examples of\n a similar competition.\n\n 136 (return) [ At THE funeral of Vespasian, THE comedian who\n personated that frugal emperor, anxiously inquired how much it\n cost. Fourscore thousand pounds, (centies.) Give me THE tenth\n part of THE sum, and throw my body into THE Tiber. Sueton, in\n Vespasian, c. 19, with THE notes of Casaubon and Gronovius.]\n\n 137 (return) [ Gregory (Orat. iv. p. 119, 120) compares this\n supposed ignominy and ridicule to THE funeral honors of\n Constantius, whose body was chanted over Mount Taurus by a choir\n of angels.]\n\n 138 (return) [ Quintus Curtius, l. iii. c. 4. The luxuriancy of\n his descriptions has been often censured. Yet it was almost THE\n duty of THE historian to describe a river, whose waters had\n nearly proved fatal to Alexander.]\n\n 139 (return) [ Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. 156, p. 377. Yet he\n acknowledges with gratitude THE liberality of THE two royal\n broTHErs in decorating THE tomb of Julian, (de ulcis. Jul. nece,\n c. 7, p. 152.)]\n\n 140 (return) [ Cujus suprema et cineres, si qui tunc juste\n consuleret, non Cydnus videre deberet, quamvis gratissimus amnis\n et liquidus: sed ad perpetuandam gloriam recte factorum\n pr¾terlambere Tiberis, intersecans urbem ¾ternam, divorumque\n veterum monumenta pr¾stringens Ammian. xxv. 10.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The\n Empire.ÑPart I.\n\n The Government And Death Of Jovian.ÑElection Of Valentinian, Who\n Associates His BroTHEr Valens, And Makes The Final Division Of The\n Eastern And Western Empires.Ñ Revolt Of Procopius.ÑCivil And\n Ecclesiastical Administration.ÑGermany. ÑBritain.ÑAfrica.ÑThe\n East.Ñ The Danube.ÑDeath Of Valentinian.ÑHis Two Sons, Gratian And\n Valentinian II., Succeed To The Western Empire.\n\n\n The death of Julian had left THE public affairs of THE empire in\n a very doubtful and dangerous situation. The Roman army was saved\n by an inglorious, perhaps a necessary treaty; 1 and THE first\n moments of peace were consecrated by THE pious Jovian to restore\n THE domestic tranquility of THE church and state. The\n indiscretion of his predecessor, instead of reconciling, had\n artfully fomented THE religious war: and THE balance which he\n affected to preserve between THE hostile factions, served only to\n perpetuate THE contest, by THE vicissitudes of hope and fear, by\n THE rival claims of ancient possession and actual favor. The\n Christians had forgotten THE spirit of THE gospel; and THE Pagans\n had imbibed THE spirit of THE church. In private families, THE\n sentiments of nature were extinguished by THE blind fury of zeal\n and revenge: THE majesty of THE laws was violated or abused; THE\n cities of THE East were stained with blood; and THE most\n implacable enemies of THE Romans were in THE bosom of THEir\n country. Jovian was educated in THE profession of Christianity;\n and as he marched from Nisibis to Antioch, THE banner of THE\n Cross, THE Labarum of Constantine, which was again displayed at\n THE head of THE legions, announced to THE people THE faith of\n THEir new emperor. As soon as he ascended THE throne, he\n transmitted a circular epistle to all THE governors of provinces;\n in which he confessed THE divine truth, and secured THE legal\n establishment, of THE Christian religion. The insidious edicts of\n Julian were abolished; THE ecclesiastical immunities were\n restored and enlarged; and Jovian condescended to lament, that\n THE distress of THE times obliged him to diminish THE measure of\n charitable distributions. 2 The Christians were unanimous in THE\n loud and sincere applause which THEy bestowed on THE pious\n successor of Julian. But THEy were still ignorant what creed, or\n what synod, he would choose for THE standard of orthodoxy; and\n THE peace of THE church immediately revived those eager disputes\n which had been suspended during THE season of persecution. The\n episcopal leaders of THE contending sects, convinced, from\n experience, how much THEir fate would depend on THE earliest\n impressions that were made on THE mind of an untutored soldier,\n hastened to THE court of Edessa, or Antioch. The highways of THE\n East were crowded with Homoousian, and Arian, and Semi-Arian, and\n Eunomian bishops, who struggled to outstrip each oTHEr in THE\n holy race: THE apartments of THE palace resounded with THEir\n clamors; and THE ears of THE prince were assaulted, and perhaps\n astonished, by THE singular mixture of metaphysical argument and\n passionate invective. 3 The moderation of Jovian, who recommended\n concord and charity, and referred THE disputants to THE sentence\n of a future council, was interpreted as a symptom of\n indifference: but his attachment to THE Nicene creed was at\n length discovered and declared, by THE reverence which he\n expressed for THE _celestial_ 4 virtues of THE great Athanasius.\n The intrepid veteran of THE faith, at THE age of seventy, had\n issued from his retreat on THE first intelligence of THE tyrantÕs\n death. The acclamations of THE people seated him once more on THE\n archiepiscopal throne; and he wisely accepted, or anticipated,\n THE invitation of Jovian. The venerable figure of Athanasius, his\n calm courage, and insinuating eloquence, sustained THE reputation\n which he had already acquired in THE courts of four successive\n princes. 5 As soon as he had gained THE confidence, and secured\n THE faith, of THE Christian emperor, he returned in triumph to\n his diocese, and continued, with mature counsels and undiminished\n vigor, to direct, ten years longer, 6 THE ecclesiastical\n government of Alexandria, Egypt, and THE Catholic church. Before\n his departure from Antioch, he assured Jovian that his orthodox\n devotion would be rewarded with a long and peaceful reign.\n Athanasius, had reason to hope, that he should be allowed eiTHEr\n THE merit of a successful prediction, or THE excuse of a grateful\n though ineffectual prayer. 7\n\n 1 (return) [ The medals of Jovian adorn him with victories,\n laurel crowns, and prostrate captives. Ducange, Famil. Byzantin.\n p. 52. Flattery is a foolish suicide; she destroys herself with\n her own hands.]\n\n 2 (return) [ Jovian restored to THE church a forcible and\n comprehensive expression, (Philostorgius, l. viii. c. 5, with\n GodefroyÕs Dissertations, p. 329. Sozomen, l. vi. c. 3.) The new\n law which condemned THE rape or marriage of nuns (Cod. Theod. l.\n ix. tit. xxv. leg. 2) is exaggerated by Sozomen; who supposes,\n that an amorous glance, THE adultery of THE heart, was punished\n with death by THE evangelic legislator.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Compare Socrates, l. iii. c. 25, and Philostorgius,\n l. viii. c. 6, with GodefroyÕs Dissertations, p. 330.]\n\n 4 (return) [ The word _celestial_ faintly expresses THE impious\n and extravagant flattery of THE emperor to THE archbishop. (See\n THE original epistle in Athanasius, tom. ii. p. 33.) Gregory\n Nazianzen (Orat. xxi. p. 392) celebrates THE friendship of Jovian\n and Athanasius. The primateÕs journey was advised by THE Egyptian\n monks, (Tillemont, MŽm. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 221.)]\n\n 5 (return) [ Athanasius, at THE court of Antioch, is agreeably\n represented by La Bleterie, (Hist. de Jovien, tom. i. p.\n 121-148;) he translates THE singular and original conferences of\n THE emperor, THE primate of Egypt, and THE Arian deputies. The\n AbbŽ is not satisfied with THE coarse pleasantry of Jovian; but\n his partiality for Athanasius assumes, in _his_ eyes, THE\n character of justice.]\n\n 6 (return) [ The true area of his death is perplexed with some\n difficulties, (Tillemont, MŽm. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 719-723.)\n But THE date (A. D. 373, May 2) which seems THE most consistent\n with history and reason, is ratified by his auTHEntic life,\n (Maffei Osservazioni Letterarie, tom. iii. p. 81.)]\n\n 7 (return) [ See THE observations of Valesius and Jortin (Remarks\n on Ecclesiastical History, vol. iv. p. 38) on THE original letter\n of Athanasius; which is preserved by Theodoret, (l. iv. c. 3.) In\n some Mss. this indiscreet promise is omitted; perhaps by THE\n Catholics, jealous of THE prophetic fame of THEir leader.]\n\n The slightest force, when it is applied to assist and guide THE\n natural descent of its object, operates with irresistible weight;\n and Jovian had THE good fortune to embrace THE religious opinions\n which were supported by THE spirit of THE times, and THE zeal and\n numbers of THE most powerful sect. 8 Under his reign,\n Christianity obtained an easy and lasting victory; and as soon as\n THE smile of royal patronage was withdrawn, THE genius of\n Paganism, which had been fondly raised and cherished by THE arts\n of Julian, sunk irrecoverably in THE. In many cities, THE temples\n were shut or deserted: THE philosophers who had abused THEir\n transient favor, thought it prudent to shave THEir beards, and\n disguise THEir profession; and THE Christians rejoiced, that THEy\n were now in a condition to forgive, or to revenge, THE injuries\n which THEy had suffered under THE preceding reign. 9 The\n consternation of THE Pagan world was dispelled by a wise and\n gracious edict of toleration; in which Jovian explicitly\n declared, that although he should severely punish THE\n sacrilegious rites of magic, his subjects might exercise, with\n freedom and safety, THE ceremonies of THE ancient worship. The\n memory of this law has been preserved by THE orator Themistius,\n who was deputed by THE senate of Constantinople to express THEir\n royal devotion for THE new emperor. Themistius expatiates on THE\n clemency of THE Divine Nature, THE facility of human error, THE\n rights of conscience, and THE independence of THE mind; and, with\n some eloquence, inculcates THE principles of philosophical\n toleration; whose aid Superstition herself, in THE hour of her\n distress, is not ashamed to implore. He justly observes, that in\n THE recent changes, both religions had been alternately disgraced\n by THE seeming acquisition of worthless proselytes, of those\n votaries of THE reigning purple, who could pass, without a\n reason, and without a blush, from THE church to THE temple, and\n from THE altars of Jupiter to THE sacred table of THE Christians.\n 10\n\n 8 (return) [ Athanasius (apud Theodoret, l. iv. c. 3) magnifies\n THE number of THE orthodox, who composed THE whole world. This\n assertion was verified in THE space of thirty and forty years.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Socrates, l. iii. c. 24. Gregory Nazianzen (Orat.\n iv. p. 131) and Libanius (Orat. Parentalis, c. 148, p. 369)\n expresses THE _living_ sentiments of THEir respective factions.]\n\n 10 (return) [ Themistius, Orat. v. p. 63-71, edit. Harduin,\n Paris, 1684. The AbbŽ de la Bleterie judiciously remarks, (Hist.\n de Jovien, tom. i. p. 199,) that Sozomen has forgot THE general\n toleration; and Themistius THE establishment of THE Catholic\n religion. Each of THEm turned away from THE object which he\n disliked, and wished to suppress THE part of THE edict THE least\n honorable, in his opinion, to THE emperor.]\n\n In THE space of seven months, THE Roman troops, who were now\n returned to Antioch, had performed a march of fifteen hundred\n miles; in which THEy had endured all THE hardships of war, of\n famine, and of climate. Notwithstanding THEir services, THEir\n fatigues, and THE approach of winter, THE timid and impatient\n Jovian allowed only, to THE men and horses, a respite of six\n weeks. The emperor could not sustain THE indiscreet and malicious\n raillery of THE people of Antioch. 11 He was impatient to possess\n THE palace of Constantinople; and to prevent THE ambition of some\n competitor, who might occupy THE vacant allegiance of Europe. But\n he soon received THE grateful intelligence, that his authority\n was acknowledged from THE Thracian Bosphorus to THE Atlantic\n Ocean. By THE first letters which he despatched from THE camp of\n Mesopotamia, he had delegated THE military command of Gaul and\n Illyricum to Malarich, a brave and faithful officer of THE nation\n of THE Franks; and to his faTHEr-in-law, Count Lucillian, who had\n formerly distinguished his courage and conduct in THE defence of\n Nisibis. Malarich had declined an office to which he thought\n himself unequal; and Lucillian was massacred at Rheims, in an\n accidental mutiny of THE Batavian cohorts. 12 But THE moderation\n of Jovinus, master-general of THE cavalry, who forgave THE\n intention of his disgrace, soon appeased THE tumult, and\n confirmed THE uncertain minds of THE soldiers. The oath of\n fidelity was administered and taken, with loyal acclamations; and\n THE deputies of THE Western armies 13 saluted THEir new sovereign\n as he descended from Mount Taurus to THE city of Tyana in\n Cappadocia. From Tyana he continued his hasty march to Ancyra,\n capital of THE province of Galatia; where Jovian assumed, with\n his infant son, THE name and ensigns of THE consulship. 14\n Dadastana, 15 an obscure town, almost at an equal distance\n between Ancyra and Nice, was marked for THE fatal term of his\n journey and life. After indulging himself with a plentiful,\n perhaps an intemperate, supper, he retired to rest; and THE next\n morning THE emperor Jovian was found dead in his bed. The cause\n of this sudden death was variously understood. By some it was\n ascribed to THE consequences of an indigestion, occasioned eiTHEr\n by THE quantity of THE wine, or THE quality of THE mushrooms,\n which he had swallowed in THE evening. According to oTHErs, he\n was suffocated in his sleep by THE vapor of charcoal, which\n extracted from THE walls of THE apartment THE unwholesome\n moisture of THE fresh plaster. 16 But THE want of a regular\n inquiry into THE death of a prince, whose reign and person were\n soon forgotten, appears to have been THE only circumstance which\n countenanced THE malicious whispers of poison and domestic guilt.\n 17 The body of Jovian was sent to Constantinople, to be interred\n with his predecessors, and THE sad procession was met on THE road\n by his wife Charito, THE daughter of Count Lucillian; who still\n wept THE recent death of her faTHEr, and was hastening to dry her\n tears in THE embraces of an Imperial husband. Her disappointment\n and grief were imbittered by THE anxiety of maternal tenderness.\n Six weeks before THE death of Jovian, his infant son had been\n placed in THE curule chair, adorned with THE title of\n _Nobilissimus_, and THE vain ensigns of THE consulship.\n Unconscious of his fortune, THE royal youth, who, from his\n grandfaTHEr, assumed THE name of Varronian, was reminded only by\n THE jealousy of THE government, that he was THE son of an\n emperor. Sixteen years afterwards he was still alive, but he had\n already been deprived of an eye; and his afflicted moTHEr\n expected every hour, that THE innocent victim would be torn from\n her arms, to appease, with his blood, THE suspicions of THE\n reigning prince. 18\n\n 11 (return) [ Johan. Antiochen. in Excerpt. Valesian. p. 845. The\n libels of Antioch may be admitted on very slight evidence.]\n\n 12 (return) [ Compare Ammianus, (xxv. 10,) who omits THE name of\n THE Batarians, with Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 197,) who removes THE\n scene of action from Rheims to Sirmium.]\n\n 13 (return) [ Quos capita scholarum ordo castrensis appellat.\n Ammian. xxv. 10, and Vales. ad locum.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Cugus vagitus, pertinaciter reluctantis, ne in\n curuli sella veheretur ex more, id quod mox accidit protendebat.\n Augustus and his successors respectfully solicited a dispensation\n of age for THE sons or nephews whom THEy raised to THE\n consulship. But THE curule chair of THE first Brutus had never\n been dishonored by an infant.]\n\n 15 (return) [ The Itinerary of Antoninus fixes Dadastana 125\n Roman miles from Nice; 117 from Ancyra, (Wesseling, Itinerar. p.\n 142.) The pilgrim of Bourdeaux, by omitting some stages, reduces\n THE whole space from 242 to 181 miles. Wesseling, p. 574. * Note:\n Dadastana is supposed to be Castabat.ÑM.]\n\n 16 (return) [ See Ammianus, (xxv. 10,) Eutropius, (x. 18.) who\n might likewise be present, Jerom, (tom. i. p. 26, ad Heliodorum.)\n Orosius, (vii. 31,) Sozomen, (l. vi. c. 6,) Zosimus, (l. iii. p.\n 197, 198,) and Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 28, 29.) We cannot\n expect a perfect agreement, and we shall not discuss minute\n differences.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Ammianus, unmindful of his usual candor and good\n sense, compares THE death of THE harmless Jovian to that of THE\n second Africanus, who had excited THE fears and resentment of THE\n popular faction.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Chrysostom, tom. i. p. 336, 344, edit. Montfaucon.\n The Christian orator attempts to comfort a widow by THE examples\n of illustrious misfortunes; and observes, that of nine emperors\n (including THE C¾sar Gallus) who had reigned in his time, only\n two (Constantine and Constantius) died a natural death. Such\n vague consolations have never wiped away a single tear.]\n\n After THE death of Jovian, THE throne of THE Roman world remained\n ten days, 19 without a master. The ministers and generals still\n continued to meet in council; to exercise THEir respective\n functions; to maintain THE public order; and peaceably to conduct\n THE army to THE city of Nice in Bithynia, which was chosen for\n THE place of THE election. 20 In a solemn assembly of THE civil\n and military powers of THE empire, THE diadem was again\n unanimously offered to THE pr¾fect Sallust. He enjoyed THE glory\n of a second refusal: and when THE virtues of THE faTHEr were\n alleged in favor of his son, THE pr¾fect, with THE firmness of a\n disinterested patriot, declared to THE electors, that THE feeble\n age of THE one, and THE unexperienced youth of THE oTHEr, were\n equally incapable of THE laborious duties of government. Several\n candidates were proposed; and, after weighing THE objections of\n character or situation, THEy were successively rejected; but, as\n soon as THE name of Valentinian was pronounced, THE merit of that\n officer united THE suffrages of THE whole assembly, and obtained\n THE sincere approbation of Sallust himself. Valentinian 21 was\n THE son of Count Gratian, a native of Cibalis, in Pannonia, who\n from an obscure condition had raised himself, by matchless\n strength and dexterity, to THE military commands of Africa and\n Britain; from which he retired with an ample fortune and\n suspicious integrity. The rank and services of Gratian\n contributed, however, to smooth THE first steps of THE promotion\n of his son; and afforded him an early opportunity of displaying\n those solid and useful qualifications, which raised his character\n above THE ordinary level of his fellow-soldiers. The person of\n Valentinian was tall, graceful, and majestic. His manly\n countenance, deeply marked with THE impression of sense and\n spirit, inspired his friends with awe, and his enemies with fear;\n and to second THE efforts of his undaunted courage, THE son of\n Gratian had inherited THE advantages of a strong and healthy\n constitution. By THE habits of chastity and temperance, which\n restrain THE appetites and invigorate THE faculties, Valentinian\n preserved his own and THE public esteem. The avocations of a\n military life had diverted his youth from THE elegant pursuits of\n literature; 2111 he was ignorant of THE Greek language, and THE\n arts of rhetoric; but as THE mind of THE orator was never\n disconcerted by timid perplexity, he was able, as often as THE\n occasion prompted him, to deliver his decided sentiments with\n bold and ready elocution. The laws of martial discipline were THE\n only laws that he had studied; and he was soon distinguished by\n THE laborious diligence, and inflexible severity, with which he\n discharged and enforced THE duties of THE camp. In THE time of\n Julian he provoked THE danger of disgrace, by THE contempt which\n he publicly expressed for THE reigning religion; 22 and it should\n seem, from his subsequent conduct, that THE indiscreet and\n unseasonable freedom of Valentinian was THE effect of military\n spirit, raTHEr than of Christian zeal. He was pardoned, however,\n and still employed by a prince who esteemed his merit; 23 and in\n THE various events of THE Persian war, he improved THE reputation\n which he had already acquired on THE banks of THE Rhine. The\n celerity and success with which he executed an important\n commission, recommended him to THE favor of Jovian; and to THE\n honorable command of THE second _school_, or company, of\n Targetiers, of THE domestic guards. In THE march from Antioch, he\n had reached his quarters at Ancyra, when he was unexpectedly\n summoned, without guilt and without intrigue, to assume, in THE\n forty-third year of his age, THE absolute government of THE Roman\n empire.\n\n 19 (return) [ Ten days appear scarcely sufficient for THE march\n and election. But it may be observed, 1. That THE generals might\n command THE expeditious use of THE public posts for THEmselves,\n THEir attendants, and messengers. 2. That THE troops, for THE\n ease of THE cities, marched in many divisions; and that THE head\n of THE column might arrive at Nice, when THE rear halted at\n Ancyra.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Ammianus, xxvi. 1. Zosimus, l. iii. p. 198.\n Philostorgius, l. viii. c. 8, and Godefroy, Dissertat. p. 334.\n Philostorgius, who appears to have obtained some curious and\n auTHEntic intelligence, ascribes THE choice of Valentinian to THE\n pr¾fect Sallust, THE master-general ArinTHEus, Dagalaiphus count\n of THE domestics, and THE patrician Datianus, whose pressing\n recommendations from Ancyra had a weighty influence in THE\n election.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Ammianus (xxx. 7, 9) and THE younger Victor have\n furnished THE portrait of Valentinian, which naturally precedes\n and illustrates THE history of his reign. * Note: Symmachus, in a\n fragment of an oration published by M. Mai, describes Valentinian\n as born among THE snows of Illyria, and habituated to military\n labor amid THE heat and dust of Libya: genitus in frigoribus,\n educatus is solibus Sym. Orat. Frag. edit. Niebuhr, p. 5.ÑM.]\n\n 2111 (return) [ According to Ammianus, he wrote elegantly, and\n was skilled in painting and modelling. Scribens decore,\n venusteque pingens et fingens. xxx. 7.ÑM.]\n\n 22 (return) [ At Antioch, where he was obliged to attend THE\n emperor to THE table, he struck a priest, who had presumed to\n purify him with lustral water, (Sozomen, l. vi. c. 6. Theodoret,\n l. iii. c. 15.) Such public defiance might become Valentinian;\n but it could leave no room for THE unworthy delation of THE\n philosopher Maximus, which supposes some more private offence,\n (Zosimus, l. iv. p. 200, 201.)]\n\n 23 (return) [ Socrates, l. iv. A previous exile to Melitene, or\n Thebais (THE first might be possible,) is interposed by Sozomen\n (l. vi. c. 6) and Philostorgius, (l. vii. c. 7, with GodefroyÕs\n Dissertations, p. 293.)]\n\n The invitation of THE ministers and generals at Nice was of\n little moment, unless it were confirmed by THE voice of THE army.\n\n The aged Sallust, who had long observed THE irregular\n fluctuations of popular assemblies, proposed, under pain of\n death, that none of those persons, whose rank in THE service\n might excite a party in THEir favor, should appear in public on\n THE day of THE inauguration. Yet such was THE prevalence of\n ancient superstition, that a whole day was voluntarily added to\n this dangerous interval, because it happened to be THE\n intercalation of THE Bissextile. 24 At length, when THE hour was\n supposed to be propitious, Valentinian showed himself from a\n lofty tribunal; THE judicious choice was applauded; and THE new\n prince was solemnly invested with THE diadem and THE purple,\n amidst THE acclamation of THE troops, who were disposed in\n martial order round THE tribunal. But when he stretched forth his\n hand to address THE armed multitude, a busy whisper was\n accidentally started in THE ranks, and insensibly swelled into a\n loud and imperious clamor, that he should name, without delay, a\n colleague in THE empire. The intrepid calmness of Valentinian\n obtained silence, and commanded respect; and he thus addressed\n THE assembly: ÒA few minutes since it was in _your_ power,\n fellow-soldiers, to have left me in THE obscurity of a private\n station. Judging, from THE testimony of my past life, that I\n deserved to reign, you have placed me on THE throne. It is now\n _my_ duty to consult THE safety and interest of THE republic. The\n weight of THE universe is undoubtedly too great for THE hands of\n a feeble mortal. I am conscious of THE limits of my abilities,\n and THE uncertainty of my life; and far from declining, I am\n anxious to solicit, THE assistance of a worthy colleague. But,\n where discord may be fatal, THE choice of a faithful friend\n requires mature and serious deliberation. That deliberation shall\n be _my_ care. Let _your_ conduct be dutiful and consistent.\n Retire to your quarters; refresh your minds and bodies; and\n expect THE accustomed donative on THE accession of a new\n emperor.Ó 25 The astonished troops, with a mixture of pride, of\n satisfaction, and of terror, confessed THE voice of THEir master.\n\n Their angry clamors subsided into silent reverence; and\n Valentinian, encompassed with THE eagles of THE legions, and THE\n various banners of THE cavalry and infantry, was conducted, in\n warlike pomp, to THE palace of Nice. As he was sensible, however,\n of THE importance of preventing some rash declaration of THE\n soldiers, he consulted THE assembly of THE chiefs; and THEir real\n sentiments were concisely expressed by THE generous freedom of\n Dagalaiphus. ÒMost excellent prince,Ó said that officer, Òif you\n consider only your family, you have a broTHEr; if you love THE\n republic, look round for THE most deserving of THE Romans.Ó 26\n The emperor, who suppressed his displeasure, without altering his\n intention, slowly proceeded from Nice to Nicomedia and\n Constantinople. In one of THE suburbs of that capital, 27 thirty\n days after his own elevation, he bestowed THE title of Augustus\n on his broTHEr Valens; 2711 and as THE boldest patriots were\n convinced, that THEir opposition, without being serviceable to\n THEir country, would be fatal to THEmselves, THE declaration of\n his absolute will was received with silent submission. Valens was\n now in THE thirty-sixth year of his age; but his abilities had\n never been exercised in any employment, military or civil; and\n his character had not inspired THE world with any sanguine\n expectations. He possessed, however, one quality, which\n recommended him to Valentinian, and preserved THE domestic peace\n of THE empire; devout and grateful attachment to his benefactor,\n whose superiority of genius, as well as of authority, Valens\n humbly and cheerfully acknowledged in every action of his life.\n 28\n\n 24 (return) [ Ammianus, in a long, because unseasonable,\n digression, (xxvi. l, and Valesius, ad locum,) rashly supposes\n that he understands an astronomical question, of which his\n readers are ignorant. It is treated with more judgment and\n propriety by Censorinus (de Die Natali, c. 20) and Macrobius,\n (Saturnal. i. c. 12-16.) The appellation of _Bissextile_, which\n marks THE inauspicious year, (Augustin. ad Januarium, Epist.\n 119,) is derived from THE _repetition_ of THE _sixth_ day of THE\n calends of March.]\n\n 25 (return) [ ValentinianÕs first speech is in Ammianus, (xxvi.\n 2;) concise and sententious in Philostorgius, (l. viii. c. 8.)]\n\n 26 (return) [ Si tuos amas, Imperator optime, habes fratrem; si\n Rempublicam qu¾re quem vestias. Ammian. xxvi. 4. In THE division\n of THE empire, Valentinian retained that sincere counsellor for\n himself, (c.6.)]\n\n 27 (return) [ In suburbano, Ammian. xxvi. 4. The famous\n _Hebdomon_, or field of Mars, was distant from Constantinople\n eiTHEr seven stadia, or seven miles. See Valesius, and his\n broTHEr, ad loc., and Ducange, Const. l. ii. p. 140, 141, 172,\n 173.]\n\n 2711 (return) [ Symmachus praises THE liberality of Valentinian\n in raising his broTHEr at once to THE rank of Augustus, not\n training him through THE slow and probationary degree of C¾sar.\n Exigui animi vices munerum partiuntur, liberalitas desideriis\n nihil reliquit. Symm. Orat. p. 7. edit. Niebuhr, 1816, reprinted\n from Mai.ÑM.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Participem quidem legitimum potestatis; sed in\n modum apparitoris morigerum, ut progrediens aperiet textus.\n Ammian. xxvi. 4.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The\n Empire.ÑPart II.\n\n\n Before Valentinian divided THE provinces, he reformed THE\n administration of THE empire. All ranks of subjects, who had been\n injured or oppressed under THE reign of Julian, were invited to\n support THEir public accusations. The silence of mankind attested\n THE spotless integrity of THE pr¾fect Sallust; 29 and his own\n pressing solicitations, that he might be permitted to retire from\n THE business of THE state, were rejected by Valentinian with THE\n most honorable expressions of friendship and esteem. But among\n THE favorites of THE late emperor, THEre were many who had abused\n his credulity or superstition; and who could no longer hope to be\n protected eiTHEr by favor or justice. 30 The greater part of THE\n ministers of THE palace, and THE governors of THE provinces, were\n removed from THEir respective stations; yet THE eminent merit of\n some officers was distinguished from THE obnoxious crowd; and,\n notwithstanding THE opposite clamors of zeal and resentment, THE\n whole proceedings of this delicate inquiry appear to have been\n conducted with a reasonable share of wisdom and moderation. 31\n The festivity of a new reign received a short and suspicious\n interruption from THE sudden illness of THE two princes; but as\n soon as THEir health was restored, THEy left Constantinople in\n THE beginning of THE spring. In THE castle, or palace, of\n Mediana, only three miles from Naissus, THEy executed THE solemn\n and final division of THE Roman empire. 32 Valentinian bestowed\n on his broTHEr THE rich pr¾fecture of THE _East_, from THE Lower\n Danube to THE confines of Persia; whilst he reserved for his\n immediate government THE warlike 3211 pr¾fectures of _Illyricum,\n Italy_, and _Gaul_, from THE extremity of Greece to THE\n Caledonian rampart, and from THE rampart of Caledonia to THE foot\n of Mount Atlas. The provincial administration remained on its\n former basis; but a double supply of generals and magistrates was\n required for two councils, and two courts: THE division was made\n with a just regard to THEir peculiar merit and situation, and\n seven master-generals were soon created, eiTHEr of THE cavalry or\n infantry. When this important business had been amicably\n transacted, Valentinian and Valens embraced for THE last time.\n The emperor of THE West established his temporary residence at\n Milan; and THE emperor of THE East returned to Constantinople, to\n assume THE dominion of fifty provinces, of whose language he was\n totally ignorant. 33\n\n 29 (return) [ Notwithstanding THE evidence of Zonaras, Suidas,\n and THE Paschal Chronicle, M. de Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs,\n tom. v. p. 671) _wishes_ to disbelieve those stories, si\n avantageuses ˆ un payen.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Eunapius celebrates and exaggerates THE sufferings\n of Maximus. (p. 82, 83;) yet he allows that THE sophist or\n magician, THE guilty favorite of Julian, and THE personal enemy\n of Valentinian, was dismissed on THE payment of a small fine.]\n\n 31 (return) [ The loose assertions of a general disgrace\n (Zosimus, l. iv. p. 201), are detected and refuted by Tillemont,\n (tom. v. p. 21.)]\n\n 32 (return) [ Ammianus, xxvi. 5.]\n\n 3211 (return) [ Ipse supra impacati Rhen semibarbaras ripas\n raptim vexilla constituens * * Princeps creatus ad difficilem\n militiam revertisti. Symm. Orat. 81.ÑM.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Ammianus says, in general terms, subagrestis\n ingenii, nec bellicis nec liberalibus studiis eruditus. Ammian.\n xxxi. 14. The orator Themistius, with THE genuine impertinence of\n a Greek, wishes for THE first time to speak THE Latin language,\n THE dialect of his sovereign. Orat. vi. p. 71.]\n\n The tranquility of THE East was soon disturbed by rebellion; and\n THE throne of Valens was threatened by THE daring attempts of a\n rival whose affinity to THE emperor Julian 34 was his sole merit,\n and had been his only crime. Procopius had been hastily promoted\n from THE obscure station of a tribune, and a notary, to THE joint\n command of THE army of Mesopotamia; THE public opinion already\n named him as THE successor of a prince who was destitute of\n natural heirs; and a vain rumor was propagated by his friends, or\n his enemies, that Julian, before THE altar of THE Moon at Carrh¾,\n had privately invested Procopius with THE Imperial purple. 35 He\n endeavored, by his dutiful and submissive behavior, to disarm THE\n jealousy of Jovian; resigned, without a contest, his military\n command; and retired, with his wife and family, to cultivate THE\n ample patrimony which he possessed in THE province of Cappadocia.\n These useful and innocent occupations were interrupted by THE\n appearance of an officer with a band of soldiers, who, in THE\n name of his new sovereigns, Valentinian and Valens, was\n despatched to conduct THE unfortunate Procopius eiTHEr to a\n perpetual prison or an ignominious death. His presence of mind\n procured him a longer respite, and a more splendid fate. Without\n presuming to dispute THE royal mandate, he requested THE\n indulgence of a few moments to embrace his weeping family; and\n while THE vigilance of his guards was relaxed by a plentiful\n entertainment, he dexterously escaped to THE sea-coast of THE\n Euxine, from whence he passed over to THE country of Bosphorus.\n In that sequestered region he remained many months, exposed to\n THE hardships of exile, of solitude, and of want; his melancholy\n temper brooding over his misfortunes, and his mind agitated by\n THE just apprehension, that, if any accident should discover his\n name, THE faithless Barbarians would violate, without much\n scruple, THE laws of hospitality. In a moment of impatience and\n despair, Procopius embarked in a merchant vessel, which made sail\n for Constantinople; and boldly aspired to THE rank of a\n sovereign, because he was not allowed to enjoy THE security of a\n subject. At first he lurked in THE villages of Bithynia,\n continually changing his habitation and his disguise. 36 By\n degrees he ventured into THE capital, trusted his life and\n fortune to THE fidelity of two friends, a senator and a eunuch,\n and conceived some hopes of success, from THE intelligence which\n he obtained of THE actual state of public affairs. The body of\n THE people was infected with a spirit of discontent: THEy\n regretted THE justice and THE abilities of Sallust, who had been\n imprudently dismissed from THE pr¾fecture of THE East. They\n despised THE character of Valens, which was rude without vigor,\n and feeble without mildness. They dreaded THE influence of his\n faTHEr-in-law, THE patrician Petronius, a cruel and rapacious\n minister, who rigorously exacted all THE arrears of tribute that\n might remain unpaid since THE reign of THE emperor Aurelian. The\n circumstances were propitious to THE designs of a usurper. The\n hostile measures of THE Persians required THE presence of Valens\n in Syria: from THE Danube to THE Euphrates THE troops were in\n motion; and THE capital was occasionally filled with THE soldiers\n who passed or repassed THE Thracian Bosphorus. Two cohorts of\n Gaul were persuaded to listen to THE secret proposals of THE\n conspirators; which were recommended by THE promise of a liberal\n donative; and, as THEy still revered THE memory of Julian, THEy\n easily consented to support THE hereditary claim of his\n proscribed kinsman. At THE dawn of day THEy were drawn up near\n THE baths of Anastasia; and Procopius, cloTHEd in a purple\n garment, more suitable to a player than to a monarch, appeared,\n as if he rose from THE dead, in THE midst of Constantinople. The\n soldiers, who were prepared for his reception, saluted THEir\n trembling prince with shouts of joy and vows of fidelity. Their\n numbers were soon increased by a band of sturdy peasants,\n collected from THE adjacent country; and Procopius, shielded by\n THE arms of his adherents, was successively conducted to THE\n tribunal, THE senate, and THE palace. During THE first moments of\n his tumultuous reign, he was astonished and terrified by THE\n gloomy silence of THE people; who were eiTHEr ignorant of THE\n cause, or apprehensive of THE event. But his military strength\n was superior to any actual resistance: THE malcontents flocked to\n THE standard of rebellion; THE poor were excited by THE hopes,\n and THE rich were intimidated by THE fear, of a general pillage;\n and THE obstinate credulity of THE multitude was once more\n deceived by THE promised advantages of a revolution. The\n magistrates were seized; THE prisons and arsenals broke open; THE\n gates, and THE entrance of THE harbor, were diligently occupied;\n and, in a few hours, Procopius became THE absolute, though\n precarious, master of THE Imperial city. 3611 The usurper\n improved this unexpected success with some degree of courage and\n dexterity. He artfully propagated THE rumors and opinions THE\n most favorable to his interest; while he deluded THE populace by\n giving audience to THE frequent, but imaginary, ambassadors of\n distant nations. The large bodies of troops stationed in THE\n cities of Thrace and THE fortresses of THE Lower Danube, were\n gradually involved in THE guilt of rebellion: and THE Gothic\n princes consented to supply THE sovereign of Constantinople with\n THE formidable strength of several thousand auxiliaries. His\n generals passed THE Bosphorus, and subdued, without an effort,\n THE unarmed, but wealthy provinces of Bithynia and Asia. After an\n honorable defence, THE city and island of Cyzicus yielded to his\n power; THE renowned legions of THE Jovians and Herculeans\n embraced THE cause of THE usurper, whom THEy were ordered to\n crush; and, as THE veterans were continually augmented with new\n levies, he soon appeared at THE head of an army, whose valor, as\n well as numbers, were not unequal to THE greatness of THE\n contest. The son of Hormisdas, 37 a youth of spirit and ability,\n condescended to draw his sword against THE lawful emperor of THE\n East; and THE Persian prince was immediately invested with THE\n ancient and extraordinary powers of a Roman Proconsul. The\n alliance of Faustina, THE widow of THE emperor Constantius, who\n intrusted herself and her daughter to THE hands of THE usurper,\n added dignity and reputation to his cause. The princess\n Constantia, who was THEn about five years of age, accompanied, in\n a litter, THE march of THE army. She was shown to THE multitude\n in THE arms of her adopted faTHEr; and, as often as she passed\n through THE ranks, THE tenderness of THE soldiers was inflamed\n into martial fury: 38 THEy recollected THE glories of THE house\n of Constantine, and THEy declared, with loyal acclamation, that\n THEy would shed THE last drop of THEir blood in THE defence of\n THE royal infant. 39\n\n 34 (return) [ The uncertain degree of alliance, or consanguinity,\n is expressed by THE words, cognatus, consobrinus, (see Valesius\n ad Ammian. xxiii. 3.) The moTHEr of Procopius might be a sister\n of Basilina and Count Julian, THE moTHEr and uncle of THE\n Apostate. Ducange, Fam. Byzantin. p. 49.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Ammian. xxiii. 3, xxvi. 6. He mentions THE report\n with much hesitation: susurravit obscurior fama; nemo enim dicti\n auctor exstitit verus. It serves, however, to remark, that\n Procopius was a Pagan. Yet his religion does not appear to have\n promoted, or obstructed, his pretensions.]\n\n 36 (return) [ One of his retreats was a country-house of\n Eunomius, THE heretic. The master was absent, innocent, ignorant;\n yet he narrowly escaped a sentence of death, and was banished\n into THE remote parts of Mauritania, (Philostorg. l. ix. c. 5, 8,\n and GodefroyÕs Dissert. p. 369-378.)]\n\n 3611 (return) [ It may be suspected, from a fragment of Eunapius,\n that THE heaTHEn and philosophic party espoused THE cause of\n Procopius. Heraclius, THE Cynic, a man who had been honored by a\n philosophic controversy with Julian, striking THE ground with his\n staff, incited him to courage with THE line of Homer Eunapius.\n Mai, p. 207 or in NiebuhrÕs edition, p. 73.ÑM.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Hormisd¾ maturo juveni Hormisd¾ regalis illius\n filio, potestatem Proconsulis detulit; et civilia, more veterum,\n et bella, recturo. Ammian. xxvi. 8. The Persian prince escaped\n with honor and safety, and was afterwards (A. D. 380) restored to\n THE same extraordinary office of proconsul of Bithynia,\n (Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 204) I am ignorant\n wheTHEr THE race of Sassan was propagated. I find (A. D. 514) a\n pope Hormisdas; but he was a native of Frusino, in Italy, (Pagi\n Brev. Pontific. tom. i. p. 247)]\n\n 38 (return) [ The infant rebel was afterwards THE wife of THE\n emperor Gratian but she died young, and childless. See Ducange,\n Fam. Byzantin. p. 48, 59.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Sequimini culminis summi prosapiam, was THE\n language of Procopius, who affected to despise THE obscure birth,\n and fortuitous election of THE upstart Pannonian. Ammian. xxvi.\n 7.]\n\n In THE mean while Valentinian was alarmed and perplexed by THE\n doubtful intelligence of THE revolt of THE East. 3911 The\n difficulties of a German war forced him to confine his immediate\n care to THE safety of his own dominions; and, as every channel of\n communication was stopped or corrupted, he listened, with\n doubtful anxiety, to THE rumors which were industriously spread,\n that THE defeat and death of Valens had left Procopius sole\n master of THE Eastern provinces. Valens was not dead: but on THE\n news of THE rebellion, which he received at C¾sarea, he basely\n despaired of his life and fortune; proposed to negotiate with THE\n usurper, and discovered his secret inclination to abdicate THE\n Imperial purple. The timid monarch was saved from disgrace and\n ruin by THE firmness of his ministers, and THEir abilities soon\n decided in his favor THE event of THE civil war. In a season of\n tranquillity, Sallust had resigned without a murmur; but as soon\n as THE public safety was attacked, he ambitiously solicited THE\n pre‘minence of toil and danger; and THE restoration of that\n virtuous minister to THE pr¾fecture of THE East, was THE first\n step which indicated THE repentance of Valens, and satisfied THE\n minds of THE people. The reign of Procopius was apparently\n supported by powerful armies and obedient provinces. But many of\n THE principal officers, military as well as civil, had been\n urged, eiTHEr by motives of duty or interest, to withdraw\n THEmselves from THE guilty scene; or to watch THE moment of\n betraying, and deserting, THE cause of THE usurper. Lupicinus\n advanced by hasty marches, to bring THE legions of Syria to THE\n aid of Valens. ArinTHEus, who, in strength, beauty, and valor,\n excelled all THE heroes of THE age, attacked with a small troop a\n superior body of THE rebels. When he beheld THE faces of THE\n soldiers who had served under his banner, he commanded THEm, with\n a loud voice, to seize and deliver up THEir pretended leader; and\n such was THE ascendant of his genius, that this extraordinary\n order was instantly obeyed. 40 Arbetio, a respectable veteran of\n THE great Constantine, who had been distinguished by THE honors\n of THE consulship, was persuaded to leave his retirement, and\n once more to conduct an army into THE field. In THE heat of\n action, calmly taking off his helmet, he showed his gray hairs\n and venerable countenance: saluted THE soldiers of Procopius by\n THE endearing names of children and companions, and exhorted THEm\n no longer to support THE desperate cause of a contemptible\n tyrant; but to follow THEir old commander, who had so often led\n THEm to honor and victory. In THE two engagements of Thyatira 41\n and Nacolia, THE unfortunate Procopius was deserted by his\n troops, who were seduced by THE instructions and example of THEir\n perfidious officers. After wandering some time among THE woods\n and mountains of Phyrgia, he was betrayed by his desponding\n followers, conducted to THE Imperial camp, and immediately\n beheaded. He suffered THE ordinary fate of an unsuccessful\n usurper; but THE acts of cruelty which were exercised by THE\n conqueror, under THE forms of legal justice, excited THE pity and\n indignation of mankind. 42\n\n 3911 (return) [ Symmachus describes his embarrassment. ÒThe\n Germans are THE common enemies of THE state, Procopius THE\n private foe of THE Emperor; his first care must be victory, his\n second revenge.Ó Symm. Orat. p. 11.ÑM.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Et dedignatus hominem superare certamine\n despicabilem, auctoritatis et celsi fiducia corporis ipsis\n hostibus jussit, suum vincire rectorem: atque ita turmarum,\n antesignanus umbratilis comprensus suorum manibus. The strength\n and beauty of ArinTHEus, THE new Hercules, are celebrated by St.\n Basil, who supposed that God had created him as an inimitable\n model of THE human species. The painters and sculptors could not\n express his figure: THE historians appeared fabulous when THEy\n related his exploits, (Ammian. xxvi. and Vales. ad loc.)]\n\n 41 (return) [ The same field of battle is placed by Ammianus in\n Lycia, and by Zosimus at Thyatira, which are at THE distance of\n 150 miles from each oTHEr. But Thyatira alluitur _Lyco_, (Plin.\n Hist. Natur. v. 31, Cellarius, Geograph. Antiq. tom. ii. p. 79;)\n and THE transcribers might easily convert an obscure river into a\n well-known province. * Note: Ammianus and Zosimus place THE last\n battle at Nacolia in _Phrygia;_ Ammianus altogeTHEr omits THE\n former battle near Thyatira. Procopius was on his march (iter\n tendebat) towards Lycia. See WagnerÕs note, in c.ÑM.]\n\n 42 (return) [ The adventures, usurpation, and fall of Procopius,\n are related, in a regular series, by Ammianus, (xxvi. 6, 7, 8, 9,\n 10,) and Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 203-210.) They often illustrate, and\n seldom contradict, each oTHEr. Themistius (Orat. vii. p. 91, 92)\n adds some base panegyric; and Euna pius (p. 83, 84) some\n malicious satire. ÑÑSymmachus joins with Themistius in praising\n THE clemency of Valens dic victori¾ moderatus est, quasi contra\n se nemo pugnavit. Symm. Orat. p. 12.ÑM.]\n\n Such indeed are THE common and natural fruits of despotism and\n rebellion. But THE inquisition into THE crime of magic, 4211\n which, under THE reign of THE two broTHErs, was so rigorously\n prosecuted both at Rome and Antioch, was interpreted as THE fatal\n symptom, eiTHEr of THE displeasure of Heaven, or of THE depravity\n of mankind. 43 Let us not hesitate to indulge a liberal pride,\n that, in THE present age, THE enlightened part of Europe has\n abolished 44 a cruel and odious prejudice, which reigned in every\n climate of THE globe, and adhered to every system of religious\n opinions. 45 The nations, and THE sects, of THE Roman world,\n admitted with equal credulity, and similar abhorrence, THE\n reality of that infernal art, 46 which was able to control THE\n eternal order of THE planets, and THE voluntary operations of THE\n human mind. They dreaded THE mysterious power of spells and\n incantations, of potent herbs, and execrable rites; which could\n extinguish or recall life, inflame THE passions of THE soul,\n blast THE works of creation, and extort from THE reluctant d¾mons\n THE secrets of futurity. They believed, with THE wildest\n inconsistency, that this preternatural dominion of THE air, of\n earth, and of hell, was exercised, from THE vilest motives of\n malice or gain, by some wrinkled hags and itinerant sorcerers,\n who passed THEir obscure lives in penury and contempt. 47 The\n arts of magic were equally condemned by THE public opinion, and\n by THE laws of Rome; but as THEy tended to gratify THE most\n imperious passions of THE heart of man, THEy were continually\n proscribed, and continually practised. 48 An imaginary cause was\n capable of producing THE most serious and mischievous effects.\n The dark predictions of THE death of an emperor, or THE success\n of a conspiracy, were calculated only to stimulate THE hopes of\n ambition, and to dissolve THE ties of fidelity; and THE\n intentional guilt of magic was aggravated by THE actual crimes of\n treason and sacrilege. 49 Such vain terrors disturbed THE peace\n of society, and THE happiness of individuals; and THE harmless\n flame which insensibly melted a waxen image, might derive a\n powerful and pernicious energy from THE affrighted fancy of THE\n person whom it was maliciously designed to represent. 50 From THE\n infusion of those herbs, which were supposed to possess a\n supernatural influence, it was an easy step to THE use of more\n substantial poison; and THE folly of mankind sometimes became THE\n instrument, and THE mask, of THE most atrocious crimes. As soon\n as THE zeal of informers was encouraged by THE ministers of\n Valens and Valentinian, THEy could not refuse to listen to\n anoTHEr charge, too frequently mingled in THE scenes of domestic\n guilt; a charge of a softer and less malignant nature, for which\n THE pious, though excessive, rigor of Constantine had recently\n decreed THE punishment of death. 51 This deadly and incoherent\n mixture of treason and magic, of poison and adultery, afforded\n infinite gradations of guilt and innocence, of excuse and\n aggravation, which in THEse proceedings appear to have been\n confounded by THE angry or corrupt passions of THE judges. They\n easily discovered that THE degree of THEir industry and\n discernment was estimated, by THE Imperial court, according to\n THE number of executions that were furnished from THE respective\n tribunals. It was not without extreme reluctance that THEy\n pronounced a sentence of acquittal; but THEy eagerly admitted\n such evidence as was stained with perjury, or procured by\n torture, to prove THE most improbable charges against THE most\n respectable characters. The progress of THE inquiry continually\n opened new subjects of criminal prosecution; THE audacious\n informer, whose falsehood was detected, retired with impunity;\n but THE wretched victim, who discovered his real or pretended\n accomplices, were seldom permitted to receive THE price of his\n infamy. From THE extremity of Italy and Asia, THE young, and THE\n aged, were dragged in chains to THE tribunals of Rome and\n Antioch. Senators, matrons, and philosophers, expired in\n ignominious and cruel tortures. The soldiers, who were appointed\n to guard THE prisons, declared, with a murmur of pity and\n indignation, that THEir numbers were insufficient to oppose THE\n flight, or resistance, of THE multitude of captives. The\n wealthiest families were ruined by fines and confiscations; THE\n most innocent citizens trembled for THEir safety; and we may form\n some notion of THE magnitude of THE evil, from THE extravagant\n assertion of an ancient writer, that, in THE obnoxious provinces,\n THE prisoners, THE exiles, and THE fugitives, formed THE greatest\n part of THE inhabitants. 52\n\n 4211 (return) [ This infamous inquisition into sorcery and\n witchcraft has been of greater influence on human affairs than is\n commonly supposed. The persecutions against philosophers and\n THEir libraries was carried on with so much fury, that from this\n time (A. D. 374) THE names of THE Gentile philosophers became\n almost extinct; and THE Christian philosophy and religion,\n particularly in THE East, established THEir ascendency. I am\n surprised that Gibbon has not made this observation. Heyne, Note\n on Zosimus, l. iv. 14, p. 637. Besides vast heaps of manuscripts\n publicly destroyed throughout THE East, men of letters burned\n THEir whole libraries, lest some fatal volume should expose THEm\n to THE malice of THE informers and THE extreme penalty of THE\n law. Amm. Marc. xxix. 11.ÑM.]\n\n 43 (return) [ Libanius de ulciscend. Julian. nece, c. ix. p. 158,\n 159. The sophist deplores THE public frenzy, but he does not\n (after THEir deaths) impeach THE justice of THE emperors.]\n\n 44 (return) [ The French and English lawyers, of THE present age,\n allow THE _THEory_, and deny THE _practice_, of witchcraft,\n (Denisart, Recueil de Decisions de Jurisprudence, au mot\n _Sorciers_, tom. iv. p. 553. BlackstoneÕs Commentaries, vol. iv.\n p. 60.) As private reason always prevents, or outstrips, public\n wisdom, THE president Montesquieu (Esprit des Loix, l. xii. c. 5,\n 6) rejects THE _existence_ of magic.]\n\n 45 (return) [ See Îuvres de Bayle, tom. iii. p. 567-589. The\n sceptic of Rotterdam exhibits, according to his custom, a strange\n medley of loose knowledge and lively wit.]\n\n 46 (return) [ The Pagans distinguished between good and bad\n magic, THE Theurgic and THE Goetic, (Hist. de lÕAcadŽmie, &c.,\n tom. vii. p. 25.) But THEy could not have defended this obscure\n distinction against THE acute logic of Bayle. In THE Jewish and\n Christian system, _all_ d¾mons are infernal spirits; and _all_\n commerce with THEm is idolatry, apostasy &c., which deserves\n death and damnation.]\n\n 47 (return) [ The Canidia of Horace (Carm. l. v. Od. 5, with\n DacierÕs and SanadonÕs illustrations) is a vulgar witch. The\n Erictho of Lucan (Pharsal. vi. 430-830) is tedious, disgusting,\n but sometimes sublime. She chides THE delay of THE Furies, and\n threatens, with tremendous obscurity, to pronounce THEir real\n names; to reveal THE true infernal countenance of Hecate; to\n invoke THE secret powers that lie below hell, &c.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Genus hominum potentibus infidum, sperantibus\n fallax, quod in civitate nostr‰ et vetabitur semper et\n retinebitur. Tacit. Hist. i. 22. See Augustin. de Civitate Dei,\n l. viii. c. 19, and THE Theodosian Code l. ix. tit. xvi., with\n GodefroyÕs Commentary.]\n\n 49 (return) [ The persecution of Antioch was occasioned by a\n criminal consultation. The twenty-four letters of THE alphabet\n were arranged round a magic tripod: and a dancing ring, which had\n been placed in THE centre, pointed to THE four first letters in\n THE name of THE future emperor, O. E. O Triangle. Theodorus\n (perhaps with many oTHErs, who owned THE fatal syllables) was\n executed. Theodosius succeeded. Lardner (HeaTHEn Testimonies,\n vol. iv. p. 353-372) has copiously and fairly examined this dark\n transaction of THE reign of Valens.]\n\n 50 (return) [\n\n Limus ut hic durescit, et h¾c ut cera liquescit Uno eodemque\n igniÑVirgil. Bucolic. viii. 80.\n Devovet absentes, simulacraque cerea figit. ÑOvid. in Epist. Hypsil.\n ad Jason 91.\n\n Such vain incantations could affect THE mind, and increase THE\n disease of Germanicus. Tacit. Annal. ii. 69.]\n\n 51 (return) [ See Heineccius, Antiquitat. Juris Roman. tom. ii.\n p. 353, &c. Cod. Theodosian. l. ix. tit. 7, with GodefroyÕs\n Commentary.]\n\n 52 (return) [ The cruel persecution of Rome and Antioch is\n described, and most probably exaggerated, by Ammianus (xxvii. 1.\n xxix. 1, 2) and Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 216-218.) The philosopher\n Maximus, with some justice, was involved in THE charge of magic,\n (Eunapius in Vit. Sophist. p. 88, 89;) and young Chrysostom, who\n had accidentally found one of THE proscribed books, gave himself\n up for lost, (Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 340.)]\n\n When Tacitus describes THE deaths of THE innocent and illustrious\n Romans, who were sacrificed to THE cruelty of THE first C¾sars,\n THE art of THE historian, or THE merit of THE sufferers, excites\n in our breast THE most lively sensations of terror, of\n admiration, and of pity. The coarse and undistinguishing pencil\n of Ammianus has delineated his bloody figures with tedious and\n disgusting accuracy. But as our attention is no longer engaged by\n THE contrast of freedom and servitude, of recent greatness and of\n actual misery, we should turn with horror from THE frequent\n executions, which disgraced, both at Rome and Antioch, THE reign\n of THE two broTHErs. 53 Valens was of a timid, 54 and Valentinian\n of a choleric, disposition. 55 An anxious regard to his personal\n safety was THE ruling principle of THE administration of Valens.\n In THE condition of a subject, he had kissed, with trembling awe,\n THE hand of THE oppressor; and when he ascended THE throne, he\n reasonably expected, that THE same fears, which had subdued his\n own mind, would secure THE patient submission of his people. The\n favorites of Valens obtained, by THE privilege of rapine and\n confiscation, THE wealth which his economy would have refused. 56\n They urged, with persuasive eloquence, _that_, in all cases of\n treason, suspicion is equivalent to proof; _that_ THE power\n supposes THE intention, of mischief; _that_ THE intention is not\n less criminal than THE act; and _that_ a subject no longer\n deserves to live, if his life may threaten THE safety, or disturb\n THE repose, of his sovereign. The judgment of Valentinian was\n sometimes deceived, and his confidence abused; but he would have\n silenced THE informers with a contemptuous smile, had THEy\n presumed to alarm his fortitude by THE sound of danger. They\n praised his inflexible love of justice; and, in THE pursuit of\n justice, THE emperor was easily tempted to consider clemency as a\n weakness, and passion as a virtue. As long as he wrestled with\n his equals, in THE bold competition of an active and ambitious\n life, Valentinian was seldom injured, and never insulted, with\n impunity: if his prudence was arraigned, his spirit was\n applauded; and THE proudest and most powerful generals were\n apprehensive of provoking THE resentment of a fearless soldier.\n After he became master of THE world, he unfortunately forgot,\n that where no resistance can be made, no courage can be exerted;\n and instead of consulting THE dictates of reason and magnanimity,\n he indulged THE furious emotions of his temper, at a time when\n THEy were disgraceful to himself, and fatal to THE defenceless\n objects of his displeasure. In THE government of his household,\n or of his empire, slight, or even imaginary, offencesÑa hasty\n word, a casual omission, an involuntary delayÑwere chastised by a\n sentence of immediate death. The expressions which issued THE\n most readily from THE mouth of THE emperor of THE West were,\n ÒStrike off his head;Ó ÒBurn him alive;Ó ÒLet him be beaten with\n clubs till he expires;Ó 57 and his most favored ministers soon\n understood, that, by a rash attempt to dispute, or suspend, THE\n execution of his sanguinary commands, THEy might involve\n THEmselves in THE guilt and punishment of disobedience. The\n repeated gratification of this savage justice hardened THE mind\n of Valentinian against pity and remorse; and THE sallies of\n passion were confirmed by THE habits of cruelty. 58 He could\n behold with calm satisfaction THE convulsive agonies of torture\n and death; he reserved his friendship for those faithful servants\n whose temper was THE most congenial to his own. The merit of\n Maximin, who had slaughtered THE noblest families of Rome, was\n rewarded with THE royal approbation, and THE pr¾fecture of Gaul.\n\n Two fierce and enormous bears, distinguished by THE appellations\n of _Innocence_, and _Mica Aurea_, could alone deserve to share\n THE favor of Maximin. The cages of those trusty guards were\n always placed near THE bed-chamber of Valentinian, who frequently\n amused his eyes with THE grateful spectacle of seeing THEm tear\n and devour THE bleeding limbs of THE malefactors who were\n abandoned to THEir rage. Their diet and exercises were carefully\n inspected by THE Roman emperor; and when _Innocence_ had earned\n her discharge, by a long course of meritorious service, THE\n faithful animal was again restored to THE freedom of her native\n woods. 59\n\n 53 (return) [ Consult THE six last books of Ammianus, and more\n particularly THE portraits of THE two royal broTHErs, (xxx. 8, 9,\n xxxi. 14.) Tillemont has collected (tom. v. p. 12-18, p. 127-133)\n from all antiquity THEir virtues and vices.]\n\n 54 (return) [ The younger Victor asserts, that he was valde\n timidus: yet he behaved, as almost every man would do, with\n decent resolution at THE _head_ of an army. The same historian\n attempts to prove that his anger was harmless. Ammianus observes,\n with more candor and judgment, incidentia crimina ad contemptam\n vel l¾sam principis amplitudinem trahens, in sanguinem s¾viebat.]\n\n 55 (return) [ Cum esset ad acerbitatem natur¾ calore propensior.\n .. pÏnas perignes augebat et gladios. Ammian. xxx. 8. See xxvii.\n 7]\n\n 56 (return) [ I have transferred THE reproach of avarice from\n Valens to his servant. Avarice more properly belongs to ministers\n than to kings; in whom that passion is commonly extinguished by\n absolute possession.]\n\n 57 (return) [ He sometimes expressed a sentence of death with a\n tone of pleasantry: ÒAbi, Comes, et muta ei caput, qui sibi\n mutari provinciam cupit.Ó A boy, who had slipped too hastily a\n Spartan bound; an armorer, who had made a polished cuirass that\n wanted some grains of THE legitimate weight, &c., were THE\n victims of his fury.]\n\n 58 (return) [ The innocents of Milan were an agent and three\n apparitors, whom Valentinian condemned for signifying a legal\n summons. Ammianus (xxvii. 7) strangely supposes, that all who had\n been unjustly executed were worshipped as martyrs by THE\n Christians. His impartial silence does not allow us to believe,\n that THE great chamberlain Rhodanus was burnt alive for an act of\n oppression, (Chron. Paschal. p. 392.) * Note: Ammianus does not\n say that THEy were worshipped as _martyrs_. Quorum memoriam apud\n Mediolanum colentes nunc usque Christiani loculos ubi sepulti\n sunt, _ad innocentes_ appellant. WagnerÕs note in loco. Yet if\n THE next paragraph refers to that transaction, which is not quite\n clear. Gibbon is right.ÑM.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Ut bene meritam in sylvas jussit abire _Innoxiam_.\n Ammian. xxix. and Valesius ad locum.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The\n Empire.ÑPart III.\n\n\n But in THE calmer moments of reflection, when THE mind of Valens\n was not agitated by fear, or that of Valentinian by rage, THE\n tyrant resumed THE sentiments, or at least THE conduct, of THE\n faTHEr of his country. The dispassionate judgment of THE Western\n emperor could clearly perceive, and accurately pursue, his own\n and THE public interest; and THE sovereign of THE East, who\n imitated with equal docility THE various examples which he\n received from his elder broTHEr, was sometimes guided by THE\n wisdom and virtue of THE pr¾fect Sallust. Both princes invariably\n retained, in THE purple, THE chaste and temperate simplicity\n which had adorned THEir private life; and, under THEir reign, THE\n pleasures of THE court never cost THE people a blush or a sigh.\n They gradually reformed many of THE abuses of THE times of\n Constantius; judiciously adopted and improved THE designs of\n Julian and his successor; and displayed a style and spirit of\n legislation which might inspire posterity with THE most favorable\n opinion of THEir character and government. It is not from THE\n master of _Innocence_, that we should expect THE tender regard\n for THE welfare of his subjects, which prompted Valentinian to\n condemn THE exposition of new-born infants; 60 and to establish\n fourteen skilful physicians, with stipends and privileges, in THE\n fourteen quarters of Rome. The good sense of an illiterate\n soldier founded a useful and liberal institution for THE\n education of youth, and THE support of declining science. 61 It\n was his intention, that THE arts of rhetoric and grammar should\n be taught in THE Greek and Latin languages, in THE metropolis of\n every province; and as THE size and dignity of THE school was\n usually proportioned to THE importance of THE city, THE academies\n of Rome and Constantinople claimed a just and singular\n pre‘minence. The fragments of THE literary edicts of Valentinian\n imperfectly represent THE school of Constantinople, which was\n gradually improved by subsequent regulations. That school\n consisted of thirty-one professors in different branches of\n learning. One philosopher, and two lawyers; five sophists, and\n ten grammarians for THE Greek, and three orators, and ten\n grammarians for THE Latin tongue; besides seven scribes, or, as\n THEy were THEn styled, antiquarians, whose laborious pens\n supplied THE public library with fair and correct copies of THE\n classic writers. The rule of conduct, which was prescribed to THE\n students, is THE more curious, as it affords THE first outlines\n of THE form and discipline of a modern university. It was\n required, that THEy should bring proper certificates from THE\n magistrates of THEir native province. Their names, professions,\n and places of abode, were regularly entered in a public register.\n\n 60 (return) [ See THE Code of Justinian, l. viii. tit. lii. leg.\n 2. Unusquisque sabolem suam nutriat. Quod si exponendam putaverit\n animadversioni qu¾ constituta est subjacebit. For THE present I\n shall not interfere in THE dispute between Noodt and Binkershoek;\n how far, or how long this unnatural practice had been condemned\n or abolished by law philosophy, and THE more civilized state of\n society.]\n\n 61 (return) [ These salutary institutions are explained in THE\n Theodosian Code, l. xiii. tit. iii. _De Professoribus et\n Medicis_, and l. xiv. tit. ix. _De Studiis liberalibus Urbis\n Rom¾_. Besides our usual guide, (Godefroy,) we may consult\n Giannone, (Istoria di Napoli, tom. i. p. 105-111,) who has\n treated THE interesting subject with THE zeal and curiosity of a\n man of latters who studies his domestic history.]\n\n The studious youth were severely prohibited from wasting THEir\n time in feasts, or in THE THEatre; and THE term of THEir\n education was limited to THE age of twenty. The pr¾fect of THE\n city was empowered to chastise THE idle and refractory by stripes\n or expulsion; and he was directed to make an annual report to THE\n master of THE offices, that THE knowledge and abilities of THE\n scholars might be usefully applied to THE public service. The\n institutions of Valentinian contributed to secure THE benefits of\n peace and plenty; and THE cities were guarded by THE\n establishment of THE _Defensors;_ 62 freely elected as THE\n tribunes and advocates of THE people, to support THEir rights,\n and to expose THEir grievances, before THE tribunals of THE civil\n magistrates, or even at THE foot of THE Imperial throne. The\n finances were diligently administered by two princes, who had\n been so long accustomed to THE rigid economy of a private\n fortune; but in THE receipt and application of THE revenue, a\n discerning eye might observe some difference between THE\n government of THE East and of THE West. Valens was persuaded,\n that royal liberality can be supplied only by public oppression,\n and his ambition never aspired to secure, by THEir actual\n distress, THE future strength and prosperity of his people.\n Instead of increasing THE weight of taxes, which, in THE space of\n forty years, had been gradually doubled, he reduced, in THE first\n years of his reign, one fourth of THE tribute of THE East. 63\n Valentinian appears to have been less attentive and less anxious\n to relieve THE burdens of his people. He might reform THE abuses\n of THE fiscal administration; but he exacted, without scruple, a\n very large share of THE private property; as he was convinced,\n that THE revenues, which supported THE luxury of individuals,\n would be much more advantageously employed for THE defence and\n improvement of THE state. The subjects of THE East, who enjoyed\n THE present benefit, applauded THE indulgence of THEir prince.\n The solid but less splendid, merit of Valentinian was felt and\n acknowledged by THE subsequent generation. 64\n\n 62 (return) [ Cod. Theodos. l. i. tit. xi. with GodefroyÕs\n _Paratitlon_, which diligently gleans from THE rest of THE code.]\n\n 63 (return) [ Three lines of Ammianus (xxxi. 14) countenance a\n whole oration of Themistius, (viii. p. 101-120,) full of\n adulation, pedantry, and common-place morality. The eloquent M.\n Thomas (tom. i. p. 366-396) has amused himself with celebrating\n THE virtues and genius of Themistius, who was not unworthy of THE\n age in which he lived.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iv. p. 202. Ammian. xxx. 9. His\n reformation of costly abuses might entitle him to THE praise of,\n in provinciales admodum parcus, tributorum ubique molliens\n sarcinas. By some his frugality was styled avarice, (Jerom.\n Chron. p. 186)]\n\n But THE most honorable circumstance of THE character of\n Valentinian, is THE firm and temperate impartiality which he\n uniformly preserved in an age of religious contention. His strong\n sense, unenlightened, but uncorrupted, by study, declined, with\n respectful indifference, THE subtle questions of THEological\n debate. The government of THE _Earth_ claimed his vigilance, and\n satisfied his ambition; and while he remembered that he was THE\n disciple of THE church, he never forgot that he was THE sovereign\n of THE clergy. Under THE reign of an apostate, he had signalized\n his zeal for THE honor of Christianity: he allowed to his\n subjects THE privilege which he had assumed for himself; and THEy\n might accept, with gratitude and confidence, THE general\n toleration which was granted by a prince addicted to passion, but\n incapable of fear or of disguise. 65 The Pagans, THE Jews, and\n all THE various sects which acknowledged THE divine authority of\n Christ, were protected by THE laws from arbitrary power or\n popular insult; nor was any mode of worship prohibited by\n Valentinian, except those secret and criminal practices, which\n abused THE name of religion for THE dark purposes of vice and\n disorder. The art of magic, as it was more cruelly punished, was\n more strictly proscribed: but THE emperor admitted a formal\n distinction to protect THE ancient methods of divination, which\n were approved by THE senate, and exercised by THE Tuscan\n haruspices. He had condemned, with THE consent of THE most\n rational Pagans, THE license of nocturnal sacrifices; but he\n immediately admitted THE petition of Pr¾textatus, proconsul of\n Achaia, who represented, that THE life of THE Greeks would become\n dreary and comfortless, if THEy were deprived of THE invaluable\n blessing of THE Eleusinian mysteries. Philosophy alone can boast,\n (and perhaps it is no more than THE boast of philosophy,) that\n her gentle hand is able to eradicate from THE human mind THE\n latent and deadly principle of fanaticism. But this truce of\n twelve years, which was enforced by THE wise and vigorous\n government of Valentinian, by suspending THE repetition of mutual\n injuries, contributed to soften THE manners, and abate THE\n prejudices, of THE religious factions.\n\n 65 (return) [ Testes sunt leges a me in exordio Imperii mei dat¾;\n quibus unicuique quod animo imbibisset colendi libera facultas\n tributa est. Cod. Theodos. l. ix. tit. xvi. leg. 9. To this\n declaration of Valentinian, we may add THE various testimonies of\n Ammianus, (xxx. 9,) Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 204,) and Sozomen, (l.\n vi. c. 7, 21.) Baronius would naturally blame such rational\n toleration, (Annal. Eccles A. D. 370, No. 129-132, A. D. 376, No.\n 3, 4.) ÑÑComme il sÕŽtait prescrit pour r\x8fgle de ne point se\n m\x90ler de disputes de religion, son histoire est presque\n enti\x8frement dŽgagŽe des affaires ecclŽsiastiques. Le Beau. iii.\n 214.ÑM.]\n\n The friend of toleration was unfortunately placed at a distance\n from THE scene of THE fiercest controversies. As soon as THE\n Christians of THE West had extricated THEmselves from THE snares\n of THE creed of Rimini, THEy happily relapsed into THE slumber of\n orthodoxy; and THE small remains of THE Arian party, that still\n subsisted at Sirmium or Milan, might be considered raTHEr as\n objects of contempt than of resentment. But in THE provinces of\n THE East, from THE Euxine to THE extremity of Thebais, THE\n strength and numbers of THE hostile factions were more equally\n balanced; and this equality, instead of recommending THE counsels\n of peace, served only to perpetuate THE horrors of religious war.\n The monks and bishops supported THEir arguments by invectives;\n and THEir invectives were sometimes followed by blows. Athanasius\n still reigned at Alexandria; THE thrones of Constantinople and\n Antioch were occupied by Arian prelates, and every episcopal\n vacancy was THE occasion of a popular tumult. The Homoousians\n were fortified by THE reconciliation of fifty-nine Macelonian, or\n Semi-Arian, bishops; but THEir secret reluctance to embrace THE\n divinity of THE Holy Ghost, clouded THE splendor of THE triumph;\n and THE declaration of Valens, who, in THE first years of his\n reign, had imitated THE impartial conduct of his broTHEr, was an\n important victory on THE side of Arianism. The two broTHErs had\n passed THEir private life in THE condition of catechumens; but\n THE piety of Valens prompted him to solicit THE sacrament of\n baptism, before he exposed his person to THE dangers of a Gothic\n war. He naturally addressed himself to Eudoxus, 66 6611 bishop of\n THE Imperial city; and if THE ignorant monarch was instructed by\n that Arian pastor in THE principles of heterodox THEology, his\n misfortune, raTHEr than his guilt, was THE inevitable consequence\n of his erroneous choice. Whatever had been THE determination of\n THE emperor, he must have offended a numerous party of his\n Christian subjects; as THE leaders both of THE Homoousians and of\n THE Arians believed, that, if THEy were not suffered to reign,\n THEy were most cruelly injured and oppressed. After he had taken\n this decisive step, it was extremely difficult for him to\n preserve eiTHEr THE virtue, or THE reputation of impartiality. He\n never aspired, like Constantius, to THE fame of a profound\n THEologian; but as he had received with simplicity and respect\n THE tenets of Euxodus, Valens resigned his conscience to THE\n direction of his ecclesiastical guides, and promoted, by THE\n influence of his authority, THE reunion of THE _Athanasian\n heretics_ to THE body of THE Catholic church. At first, he pitied\n THEir blindness; by degrees he was provoked at THEir obstinacy;\n and he insensibly hated those sectaries to whom he was an object\n of hatred. 67 The feeble mind of Valens was always swayed by THE\n persons with whom he familiarly conversed; and THE exile or\n imprisonment of a private citizen are THE favors THE most readily\n granted in a despotic court. Such punishments were frequently\n inflicted on THE leaders of THE Homoousian party; and THE\n misfortune of fourscore ecclesiastics of Constantinople, who,\n perhaps accidentally, were burned on shipboard, was imputed to\n THE cruel and premeditated malice of THE emperor, and his Arian\n ministers. In every contest, THE Catholics (if we may anticipate\n that name) were obliged to pay THE penalty of THEir own faults,\n and of those of THEir adversaries. In every election, THE claims\n of THE Arian candidate obtained THE preference; and if THEy were\n opposed by THE majority of THE people, he was usually supported\n by THE authority of THE civil magistrate, or even by THE terrors\n of a military force. The enemies of Athanasius attempted to\n disturb THE last years of his venerable age; and his temporary\n retreat to his faTHErÕs sepulchre has been celebrated as a fifth\n exile. But THE zeal of a great people, who instantly flew to\n arms, intimidated THE pr¾fect: and THE archbishop was permitted\n to end his life in peace and in glory, after a reign of\n forty-seven years. The death of Athanasius was THE signal of THE\n persecution of Egypt; and THE Pagan minister of Valens, who\n forcibly seated THE worthless Lucius on THE archiepiscopal\n throne, purchased THE favor of THE reigning party, by THE blood\n and sufferings of THEir Christian brethren. The free toleration\n of THE heaTHEn and Jewish worship was bitterly lamented, as a\n circumstance which aggravated THE misery of THE Catholics, and\n THE guilt of THE impious tyrant of THE East. 68\n\n 66 (return) [ Eudoxus was of a mild and timid disposition. When\n he baptized Valens, (A. D. 367,) he must have been extremely old;\n since he had studied THEology fifty-five years before, under\n Lucian, a learned and pious martyr. Philostorg. l. ii. c. 14-16,\n l. iv. c. 4, with Godefroy, p 82, 206, and Tillemont, MŽm.\n Eccles. tom. v. p. 471-480, &c.]\n\n 6611 (return) [ Through THE influence of his wife say THE\n ecclesiastical writers.ÑM.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. xxv. p. 432) insults THE\n persecuting spirit of THE Arians, as an infallible symptom of\n error and heresy.]\n\n 68 (return) [ This sketch of THE ecclesiastical government of\n Valens is drawn from Socrates, (l. iv.,) Sozomen, (l. vi.,)\n Theodoret, (l. iv.,) and THE immense compilations of Tillemont,\n (particularly tom. vi. viii. and ix.)]\n\n The triumph of THE orthodox party has left a deep stain of\n persecution on THE memory of Valens; and THE character of a\n prince who derived his virtues, as well as his vices, from a\n feeble understanding and a pusillanimous temper, scarcely\n deserves THE labor of an apology. Yet candor may discover some\n reasons to suspect that THE ecclesiastical ministers of Valens\n often exceeded THE orders, or even THE intentions, of THEir\n master; and that THE real measure of facts has been very\n liberally magnified by THE vehement declamation and easy\n credulity of his antagonists. 69 1. The silence of Valentinian\n may suggest a probable argument that THE partial severities,\n which were exercised in THE name and provinces of his colleague,\n amounted only to some obscure and inconsiderable deviations from\n THE established system of religious toleration: and THE judicious\n historian, who has praised THE equal temper of THE elder broTHEr,\n has not thought himself obliged to contrast THE tranquillity of\n THE West with THE cruel persecution of THE East. 70 2. Whatever\n credit may be allowed to vague and distant reports, THE\n character, or at least THE behavior, of Valens, may be most\n distinctly seen in his personal transactions with THE eloquent\n Basil, archbishop of C¾sarea, who had succeeded Athanasius in THE\n management of THE Trinitarian cause. 71 The circumstantial\n narrative has been composed by THE friends and admirers of Basil;\n and as soon as we have stripped away a thick coat of rhetoric and\n miracle, we shall be astonished by THE unexpected mildness of THE\n Arian tyrant, who admired THE firmness of his character, or was\n apprehensive, if he employed violence, of a general revolt in THE\n province of Cappadocia. The archbishop, who asserted, with\n inflexible pride, 72 THE truth of his opinions, and THE dignity\n of his rank, was left in THE free possession of his conscience\n and his throne. The emperor devoutly assisted at THE solemn\n service of THE caTHEdral; and, instead of a sentence of\n banishment, subscribed THE donation of a valuable estate for THE\n use of a hospital, which Basil had lately founded in THE\n neighborhood of C¾sarea. 73 3. I am not able to discover, that\n any law (such as Theodosius afterwards enacted against THE\n Arians) was published by Valens against THE Athanasian sectaries;\n and THE edict which excited THE most violent clamors, may not\n appear so extremely reprehensible. The emperor had observed, that\n several of his subjects, gratifying THEir lazy disposition under\n THE pretence of religion, had associated THEmselves with THE\n monks of Egypt; and he directed THE count of THE East to drag\n THEm from THEir solitude; and to compel THEse deserters of\n society to accept THE fair alternative of renouncing THEir\n temporal possessions, or of discharging THE public duties of men\n and citizens. 74 The ministers of Valens seem to have extended\n THE sense of this penal statute, since THEy claimed a right of\n enlisting THE young and ablebodied monks in THE Imperial armies.\n A detachment of cavalry and infantry, consisting of three\n thousand men, marched from Alexandria into THE adjacent desert of\n Nitria, 75 which was peopled by five thousand monks. The soldiers\n were conducted by Arian priests; and it is reported, that a\n considerable slaughter was made in THE monasteries which\n disobeyed THE commands of THEir sovereign. 76\n\n 69 (return) [ Dr. Jortin (Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol.\n iv. p. 78) has already conceived and intimated THE same\n suspicion.]\n\n 70 (return) [ This reflection is so obvious and forcible, that\n Orosius (l. vii. c. 32, 33,) delays THE persecution till after\n THE death of Valentinian. Socrates, on THE oTHEr hand, supposes,\n (l. iii. c. 32,) that it was appeased by a philosophical oration,\n which Themistius pronounced in THE year 374, (Orat. xii. p. 154,\n in Latin only.) Such contradictions diminish THE evidence, and\n reduce THE term, of THE persecution of Valens.]\n\n 71 (return) [ Tillemont, whom I follow and abridge, has extracted\n (MŽm. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 153-167) THE most auTHEntic\n circumstances from THE Panegyrics of THE two Gregories; THE\n broTHEr, and THE friend, of Basil. The letters of Basil himself\n (Dupin, Biblioth\x8fque, Ecclesiastique, tom. ii. p. 155-180) do not\n present THE image of a very lively persecution.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Basilius C¾sariensis episcopus Cappadoci¾ clarus\n habetur... qui multa continenti¾ et ingenii bona uno superbi¾\n malo perdidit. This irreverent passage is perfectly in THE style\n and character of St. Jerom. It does not appear in ScaligerÕs\n edition of his Chronicle; but Isaac Vossius found it in some old\n Mss. which had not been reformed by THE monks.]\n\n 73 (return) [ This noble and charitable foundation (almost a new\n city) surpassed in merit, if not in greatness, THE pyramids, or\n THE walls of Babylon. It was principally intended for THE\n reception of lepers, (Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. xx. p. 439.)]\n\n 74 (return) [ Cod. Theodos. l. xii. tit. i. leg. 63. Godefroy\n (tom. iv. p. 409-413) performs THE duty of a commentator and\n advocate. Tillemont (MŽm. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 808) _supposes_ a\n second law to excuse his orthodox friends, who had misrepresented\n THE edict of Valens, and suppressed THE liberty of choice.]\n\n 75 (return) [ See DÕAnville, Description de lÕEgypte, p. 74.\n Hereafter I shall consider THE monastic institutions.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Socrates, l. iv. c. 24, 25. Orosius, l. vii. c. 33.\n Jerom. in Chron. p. 189, and tom. ii. p. 212. The monks of Egypt\n performed many miracles, which prove THE truth of THEir faith.\n Right, says Jortin, (Remarks, vol iv. p. 79,) but what proves THE\n truth of those miracles.]\n\n The strict regulations which have been framed by THE wisdom of\n modern legislators to restrain THE wealth and avarice of THE\n clergy, may be originally deduced from THE example of THE emperor\n Valentinian. His edict, 77 addressed to Damasus, bishop of Rome,\n was publicly read in THE churches of THE city. He admonished THE\n ecclesiastics and monks not to frequent THE houses of widows and\n virgins; and menaced THEir disobedience with THE animadversion of\n THE civil judge. The director was no longer permitted to receive\n any gift, or legacy, or inheritance, from THE liberality of his\n spiritual-daughter: every testament contrary to this edict was\n declared null and void; and THE illegal donation was confiscated\n for THE use of THE treasury. By a subsequent regulation, it\n should seem, that THE same provisions were extended to nuns and\n bishops; and that all persons of THE ecclesiastical order were\n rendered incapable of receiving any testamentary gifts, and\n strictly confined to THE natural and legal rights of inheritance.\n As THE guardian of domestic happiness and virtue, Valentinian\n applied this severe remedy to THE growing evil. In THE capital of\n THE empire, THE females of noble and opulent houses possessed a\n very ample share of independent property: and many of those\n devout females had embraced THE doctrines of Christianity, not\n only with THE cold assent of THE understanding, but with THE\n warmth of affection, and perhaps with THE eagerness of fashion.\n They sacrificed THE pleasures of dress and luxury; and renounced,\n for THE praise of chastity, THE soft endearments of conjugal\n society. Some ecclesiastic, of real or apparent sanctity, was\n chosen to direct THEir timorous conscience, and to amuse THE\n vacant tenderness of THEir heart: and THE unbounded confidence,\n which THEy hastily bestowed, was often abused by knaves and\n enthusiasts; who hastened from THE extremities of THE East, to\n enjoy, on a splendid THEatre, THE privileges of THE monastic\n profession. By THEir contempt of THE world, THEy insensibly\n acquired its most desirable advantages; THE lively attachment,\n perhaps of a young and beautiful woman, THE delicate plenty of an\n opulent household, and THE respectful homage of THE slaves, THE\n freedmen, and THE clients of a senatorial family. The immense\n fortunes of THE Roman ladies were gradually consumed in lavish\n alms and expensive pilgrimages; and THE artful monk, who had\n assigned himself THE first, or possibly THE sole place, in THE\n testament of his spiritual daughter, still presumed to declare,\n with THE smooth face of hypocrisy, that _he_ was only THE\n instrument of charity, and THE steward of THE poor. The\n lucrative, but disgraceful, trade, 78 which was exercised by THE\n clergy to defraud THE expectations of THE natural heirs, had\n provoked THE indignation of a superstitious age: and two of THE\n most respectable of THE Latin faTHErs very honestly confess, that\n THE ignominious edict of Valentinian was just and necessary; and\n that THE Christian priests had deserved to lose a privilege,\n which was still enjoyed by comedians, charioteers, and THE\n ministers of idols. But THE wisdom and authority of THE\n legislator are seldom victorious in a contest with THE vigilant\n dexterity of private interest; and Jerom, or Ambrose, might\n patiently acquiesce in THE justice of an ineffectual or salutary\n law. If THE ecclesiastics were checked in THE pursuit of personal\n emolument, THEy would exert a more laudable industry to increase\n THE wealth of THE church; and dignify THEir covetousness with THE\n specious names of piety and patriotism. 79\n\n 77 (return) [ Cod. Theodos. l. xvi. tit. ii. leg. 20. Godefroy,\n (tom. vi. p. 49,) after THE example of Baronius, impartially\n collects all that THE faTHErs have said on THE subject of this\n important law; whose spirit was long afterwards revived by THE\n emperor Frederic II., Edward I. of England, and oTHEr Christian\n princes who reigned after THE twelfth century.]\n\n 78 (return) [ The expressions which I have used are temperate and\n feeble, if compared with THE vehement invectives of Jerom, (tom.\n i. p. 13, 45, 144, &c.) In _his_ turn he was reproached with THE\n guilt which he imputed to his broTHEr monks; and THE\n _Sceleratus_, THE _Versipellis_, was publicly accused as THE\n lover of THE widow Paula, (tom. ii. p. 363.) He undoubtedly\n possessed THE affection, both of THE moTHEr and THE daughter; but\n he declares that he never abused his influence to any selfish or\n sensual purpose.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Pudet dicere, sacerdotes idolorum, mimi et aurig¾,\n et scorta, h¾reditates capiunt: solis _clericis_ ac _monachis_\n hac lege prohibetur. Et non prohibetur a persecutoribus, sed a\n principibus Christianis. Nec de lege queror; sed doleo cur\n _meruerimus_ hanc legem. Jerom (tom. i. p. 13) discreetly\n insinuates THE secret policy of his patron Damasus.]\n\n Damasus, bishop of Rome, who was constrained to stigmatize THE\n avarice of his clergy by THE publication of THE law of\n Valentinian, had THE good sense, or THE good fortune, to engage\n in his service THE zeal and abilities of THE learned Jerom; and\n THE grateful saint has celebrated THE merit and purity of a very\n ambiguous character. 80 But THE splendid vices of THE church of\n Rome, under THE reign of Valentinian and Damasus, have been\n curiously observed by THE historian Ammianus, who delivers his\n impartial sense in THEse expressive words: ÒThe pr¾fecture of\n Juventius was accompanied with peace and plenty, but THE\n tranquillity of his government was soon disturbed by a bloody\n sedition of THE distracted people. The ardor of Damasus and\n Ursinus, to seize THE episcopal seat, surpassed THE ordinary\n measure of human ambition. They contended with THE rage of party;\n THE quarrel was maintained by THE wounds and death of THEir\n followers; and THE pr¾fect, unable to resist or appease THE\n tumult, was constrained, by superior violence, to retire into THE\n suburbs. Damasus prevailed: THE well-disputed victory remained on\n THE side of his faction; one hundred and thirty-seven dead bodies\n 81 were found in THE _Basilica_ of Sicininus, 82 where THE\n Christians hold THEir religious assemblies; and it was long\n before THE angry minds of THE people resumed THEir accustomed\n tranquillity. When I consider THE splendor of THE capital, I am\n not astonished that so valuable a prize should inflame THE\n desires of ambitious men, and produce THE fiercest and most\n obstinate contests. The successful candidate is secure, that he\n will be enriched by THE offerings of matrons; 83 that, as soon as\n his dress is composed with becoming care and elegance, he may\n proceed, in his chariot, through THE streets of Rome; 84 and that\n THE sumptuousness of THE Imperial table will not equal THE\n profuse and delicate entertainments provided by THE taste, and at\n THE expense, of THE Roman pontiffs. How much more rationally\n (continues THE honest Pagan) would those pontiffs consult THEir\n true happiness, if, instead of alleging THE greatness of THE city\n as an excuse for THEir manners, THEy would imitate THE exemplary\n life of some provincial bishops, whose temperance and sobriety,\n whose mean apparel and downcast looks, recommend THEir pure and\n modest virtue to THE Deity and his true worshippers!Ó 85 The\n schism of Damasus and Ursinus was extinguished by THE exile of\n THE latter; and THE wisdom of THE pr¾fect Pr¾textatus 86 restored\n THE tranquillity of THE city. Pr¾textatus was a philosophic\n Pagan, a man of learning, of taste, and politeness; who disguised\n a reproach in THE form of a jest, when he assured Damasus, that\n if he could obtain THE bishopric of Rome, he himself would\n immediately embrace THE Christian religion. 87 This lively\n picture of THE wealth and luxury of THE popes in THE fourth\n century becomes THE more curious, as it represents THE\n intermediate degree between THE humble poverty of THE apostolic\n fishermen, and THE royal state of a temporal prince, whose\n dominions extend from THE confines of Naples to THE banks of THE\n Po.\n\n 80 (return) [ Three words of Jerom, _sanct¾ memori¾ Damasus_\n (tom. ii. p. 109,) wash away all his stains, and blind THE devout\n eyes of Tillemont. (Mem Eccles. tom. viii. p. 386-424.)]\n\n 81 (return) [ Jerom himself is forced to allow, crudelissim¾\n interfectiones diversi sexžs perpetrat¾, (in Chron. p. 186.) But\n an original _libel_, or petition of two presbyters of THE adverse\n party, has unaccountably escaped. They affirm that THE doors of\n THE Basilica were burnt, and that THE roof was untiled; that\n Damasus marched at THE head of his own clergy, grave-diggers,\n charioteers, and hired gladiators; that none of _his_ party were\n killed, but that one hundred and sixty dead bodies were found.\n This petition is published by THE P. Sirmond, in THE first volume\n of his work.]\n\n 82 (return) [ The _Basilica_ of Sicininus, or Liberius, is\n probably THE church of Sancta Maria Maggiore, on THE Esquiline\n hill. Baronius, A. D. 367 No. 3; and Donatus, Roma Antiqua et\n Nova, l. iv. c. 3, p. 462.]\n\n 83 (return) [ The enemies of Damasus styled him _Auriscalpius\n Matronarum_ THE ladiesÕ ear-scratcher.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. xxxii. p. 526) describes\n THE pride and luxury of THE prelates who reigned in THE Imperial\n cities; THEir gilt car, fiery steeds, numerous train, &c. The\n crowd gave way as to a wild beast.]\n\n 85 (return) [ Ammian. xxvii. 3. Perpetuo Numini, _verisque_ ejus\n cultoribus. The incomparable pliancy of a polyTHEist!]\n\n 86 (return) [ Ammianus, who makes a fair report of his pr¾fecture\n (xxvii. 9) styles him pr¾clar¾ indolis, gravitatisque senator,\n (xxii. 7, and Vales. ad loc.) A curious inscription (Grutor MCII.\n No. 2) records, in two columns, his religious and civil honors.\n In one line he was Pontiff of THE Sun, and of Vesta, Augur,\n Quindecemvir, Hierophant, &c., &c. In THE oTHEr, 1. Qu¾stor\n candidatus, more probably titular. 2. Pr¾tor. 3. Corrector of\n Tuscany and Umbria. 4. Consular of Lusitania. 5. Proconsul of\n Achaia. 6. Pr¾fect of Rome. 7. Pr¾torian pr¾fect of Italy. 8. Of\n Illyricum. 9. Consul elect; but he died before THE beginning of\n THE year 385. See Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom v. p. 241,\n 736.]\n\n 87 (return) [ Facite me Roman¾ urbis episcopum; et ero protinus\n Christianus (Jerom, tom. ii. p. 165.) It is more than probable\n that Damasus would not have purchased his conversion at such a\n price.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The\n Empire.ÑPart IV.\n\n\n When THE suffrage of THE generals and of THE army committed THE\n sceptre of THE Roman empire to THE hands of Valentinian, his\n reputation in arms, his military skill and experience, and his\n rigid attachment to THE forms, as well as spirit, of ancient\n discipline, were THE principal motives of THEir judicious choice.\n\n The eagerness of THE troops, who pressed him to nominate his\n colleague, was justified by THE dangerous situation of public\n affairs; and Valentinian himself was conscious, that THE\n abilities of THE most active mind were unequal to THE defence of\n THE distant frontiers of an invaded monarchy. As soon as THE\n death of Julian had relieved THE Barbarians from THE terror of\n his name, THE most sanguine hopes of rapine and conquest excited\n THE nations of THE East, of THE North, and of THE South. Their\n inroads were often vexatious, and sometimes formidable; but,\n during THE twelve years of THE reign of Valentinian, his firmness\n and vigilance protected his own dominions; and his powerful\n genius seemed to inspire and direct THE feeble counsels of his\n broTHEr. Perhaps THE method of annals would more forcibly express\n THE urgent and divided cares of THE two emperors; but THE\n attention of THE reader, likewise, would be distracted by a\n tedious and desultory narrative. A separate view of THE five\n great THEatres of war; I. Germany; II. Britain; III. Africa; IV.\n The East; and, V. The Danube; will impress a more distinct image\n of THE military state of THE empire under THE reigns of\n Valentinian and Valens.\n\n I. The ambassadors of THE Alemanni had been offended by THE harsh\n and haughty behavior of Ursacius, master of THE offices; 88 who\n by an act of unseasonable parsimony, had diminished THE value, as\n well as THE quantity, of THE presents to which THEy were\n entitled, eiTHEr from custom or treaty, on THE accession of a new\n emperor. They expressed, and THEy communicated to THEir\n countrymen, THEir strong sense of THE national affront. The\n irascible minds of THE chiefs were exasperated by THE suspicion\n of contempt; and THE martial youth crowded to THEir standard.\n Before Valentinian could pass THE Alps, THE villages of Gaul were\n in flames; before his general Degalaiphus could encounter THE\n Alemanni, THEy had secured THE captives and THE spoil in THE\n forests of Germany. In THE beginning of THE ensuing year, THE\n military force of THE whole nation, in deep and solid columns,\n broke through THE barrier of THE Rhine, during THE severity of a\n norTHErn winter. Two Roman counts were defeated and mortally\n wounded; and THE standard of THE Heruli and Batavians fell into\n THE hands of THE conquerors, who displayed, with insulting shouts\n and menaces, THE trophy of THEir victory. The standard was\n recovered; but THE Batavians had not redeemed THE shame of THEir\n disgrace and flight in THE eyes of THEir severe judge. It was THE\n opinion of Valentinian, that his soldiers must learn to fear\n THEir commander, before THEy could cease to fear THE enemy. The\n troops were solemnly assembled; and THE trembling Batavians were\n enclosed within THE circle of THE Imperial army. Valentinian THEn\n ascended his tribunal; and, as if he disdained to punish\n cowardice with death, he inflicted a stain of indelible ignominy\n on THE officers, whose misconduct and pusillanimity were found to\n be THE first occasion of THE defeat. The Batavians were degraded\n from THEir rank, stripped of THEir arms, and condemned to be sold\n for slaves to THE highest bidder. At this tremendous sentence,\n THE troops fell prostrate on THE ground, deprecated THE\n indignation of THEir sovereign, and protested, that, if he would\n indulge THEm in anoTHEr trial, THEy would approve THEmselves not\n unworthy of THE name of Romans, and of his soldiers. Valentinian,\n with affected reluctance, yielded to THEir entreaties; THE\n Batavians resumed THEir arms, and with THEir arms, THE invincible\n resolution of wiping away THEir disgrace in THE blood of THE\n Alemanni. 89 The principal command was declined by Dagalaiphus;\n and that experienced general, who had represented, perhaps with\n too much prudence, THE extreme difficulties of THE undertaking,\n had THE mortification, before THE end of THE campaign, of seeing\n his rival Jovinus convert those difficulties into a decisive\n advantage over THE scattered forces of THE Barbarians. At THE\n head of a well-disciplined army of cavalry, infantry, and light\n troops, Jovinus advanced, with cautious and rapid steps, to\n Scarponna, 90 9011 in THE territory of Metz, where he surprised a\n large division of THE Alemanni, before THEy had time to run to\n THEir arms; and flushed his soldiers with THE confidence of an\n easy and bloodless victory. AnoTHEr division, or raTHEr army, of\n THE enemy, after THE cruel and wanton devastation of THE adjacent\n country, reposed THEmselves on THE shady banks of THE Moselle.\n Jovinus, who had viewed THE ground with THE eye of a general,\n made a silent approach through a deep and woody vale, till he\n could distinctly perceive THE indolent security of THE Germans.\n Some were bathing THEir huge limbs in THE river; oTHErs were\n combing THEir long and flaxen hair; oTHErs again were swallowing\n large draughts of rich and delicious wine. On a sudden THEy heard\n THE sound of THE Roman trumpet; THEy saw THE enemy in THEir camp.\n Astonishment produced disorder; disorder was followed by flight\n and dismay; and THE confused multitude of THE bravest warriors\n was pierced by THE swords and javelins of THE legionaries and\n auxiliaries. The fugitives escaped to THE third, and most\n considerable, camp, in THE Catalonian plains, near Ch‰lons in\n Champagne: THE straggling detachments were hastily recalled to\n THEir standard; and THE Barbarian chiefs, alarmed and admonished\n by THE fate of THEir companions, prepared to encounter, in a\n decisive battle, THE victorious forces of THE lieutenant of\n Valentinian. The bloody and obstinate conflict lasted a whole\n summerÕs day, with equal valor, and with alternate success. The\n Romans at length prevailed, with THE loss of about twelve hundred\n men. Six thousand of THE Alemanni were slain, four thousand were\n wounded; and THE brave Jovinus, after chasing THE flying remnant\n of THEir host as far as THE banks of THE Rhine, returned to\n Paris, to receive THE applause of his sovereign, and THE ensigns\n of THE consulship for THE ensuing year. 91 The triumph of THE\n Romans was indeed sullied by THEir treatment of THE captive king,\n whom THEy hung on a gibbet, without THE knowledge of THEir\n indignant general. This disgraceful act of cruelty, which might\n be imputed to THE fury of THE troops, was followed by THE\n deliberate murder of Withicab, THE son of Vadomair; a German\n prince, of a weak and sickly constitution, but of a daring and\n formidable spirit. The domestic assassin was instigated and\n protected by THE Romans; 92 and THE violation of THE laws of\n humanity and justice betrayed THEir secret apprehension of THE\n weakness of THE declining empire. The use of THE dagger is seldom\n adopted in public councils, as long as THEy retain any confidence\n in THE power of THE sword.\n\n 88 (return) [ Ammian, xxvi. 5. Valesius adds a long and good note\n on THE master of THE offices.]\n\n 89 (return) [ Ammian. xxvii. 1. Zosimus, l. iv. p. 208. The\n disgrace of THE Batavians is suppressed by THE contemporary\n soldier, from a regard for military honor, which could not affect\n a Greek rhetorician of THE succeeding age.]\n\n 90 (return) [ See DÕAnville, Notice de lÕAncienne Gaule, p. 587.\n The name of THE Moselle, which is not specified by Ammianus, is\n clearly understood by Mascou, (Hist. of THE Ancient Germans, vii.\n 2)]\n\n 9011 (return) [ Charpeigne on THE Moselle. MannertÑM.]\n\n 91 (return) [ The battles are described by Ammianus, (xxvii. 2,)\n and by Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 209,) who supposes Valentinian to have\n been present.]\n\n 92 (return) [ Studio solicitante nostrorum, occubuit. Ammian\n xxvii. 10.]\n\n While THE Alemanni appeared to be humbled by THEir recent\n calamities, THE pride of Valentinian was mortified by THE\n unexpected surprisal of Moguntiacum, or Mentz, THE principal city\n of THE Upper Germany. In THE unsuspicious moment of a Christian\n festival, 9211 Rando, a bold and artful chieftain, who had long\n meditated his attempt, suddenly passed THE Rhine; entered THE\n defenceless town, and retired with a multitude of captives of\n eiTHEr sex. Valentinian resolved to execute severe vengeance on\n THE whole body of THE nation. Count Sebastian, with THE bands of\n Italy and Illyricum, was ordered to invade THEir country, most\n probably on THE side of Rh¾tia. The emperor in person,\n accompanied by his son Gratian, passed THE Rhine at THE head of a\n formidable army, which was supported on both flanks by Jovinus\n and Severus, THE two masters-general of THE cavalry and infantry\n of THE West. The Alemanni, unable to prevent THE devastation of\n THEir villages, fixed THEir camp on a lofty, and almost\n inaccessible, mountain, in THE modern duchy of Wirtemberg, and\n resolutely expected THE approach of THE Romans. The life of\n Valentinian was exposed to imminent danger by THE intrepid\n curiosity with which he persisted to explore some secret and\n unguarded path. A troop of Barbarians suddenly rose from THEir\n ambuscade: and THE emperor, who vigorously spurred his horse down\n a steep and slippery descent, was obliged to leave behind him his\n armor-bearer, and his helmet, magnificently enriched with gold\n and precious stones. At THE signal of THE general assault, THE\n Roman troops encompassed and ascended THE mountain of Solicinium\n on three different sides. 9212 Every step which THEy gained,\n increased THEir ardor, and abated THE resistance of THE enemy:\n and after THEir united forces had occupied THE summit of THE\n hill, THEy impetuously urged THE Barbarians down THE norTHErn\n descent, where Count Sebastian was posted to intercept THEir\n retreat. After this signal victory, Valentinian returned to his\n winter quarters at Treves; where he indulged THE public joy by\n THE exhibition of splendid and triumphal games. 93 But THE wise\n monarch, instead of aspiring to THE conquest of Germany, confined\n his attention to THE important and laborious defence of THE\n Gallic frontier, against an enemy whose strength was renewed by a\n stream of daring volunteers, which incessantly flowed from THE\n most distant tribes of THE North. 94 The banks of THE Rhine 9411\n from its source to THE straits of THE ocean, were closely planted\n with strong castles and convenient towers; new works, and new\n arms, were invented by THE ingenuity of a prince who was skilled\n in THE mechanical arts; and his numerous levies of Roman and\n Barbarian youth were severely trained in all THE exercises of\n war. The progress of THE work, which was sometimes opposed by\n modest representations, and sometimes by hostile attempts,\n secured THE tranquillity of Gaul during THE nine subsequent years\n of THE administration of Valentinian. 95\n\n 9211 (return) [ Probably Easter. Wagner.ÑM.]\n\n 9212 (return) [ Mannert is unable to fix THE position of\n Solicinium. Haefelin (in Comm Acad Elect. Palat. v. 14)\n conjectures Schwetzingen, near Heidelberg. See WagnerÕs note. St.\n Martin, Sultz in Wirtemberg, near THE sources of THE Neckar St.\n Martin, iii. 339.ÑM.]\n\n 93 (return) [ The expedition of Valentinian is related by\n Ammianus, (xxvii. 10;) and celebrated by Ausonius, (Mosell. 421,\n &c.,) who foolishly supposes, that THE Romans were ignorant of\n THE sources of THE Danube.]\n\n 94 (return) [ Immanis enim natio, jam inde ab incunabulis primis\n varietate casuum imminuta; ita s¾pius adolescit, ut fuisse longis\n s¾culis ¾stimetur intacta. Ammianus, xxviii. 5. The Count de Buat\n (Hist. des Peuples de lÕEurope, tom. vi. p. 370) ascribes THE\n fecundity of THE Alemanni to THEir easy adoption of strangers.\n ÑÑNote: ÒThis explanation,Ó says Mr. Malthus, Òonly removes THE\n difficulty a little farTHEr off. It makes THE earth rest upon THE\n tortoise, but does not tell us on what THE tortoise rests. We may\n still ask what norTHErn reservoir supplied this incessant stream\n of daring adventurers. MontesquieuÕs solution of THE problem\n will, I think, hardly be admitted, (Grandeur et DŽcadence des\n Romains, c. 16, p. 187.) * * * The whole difficulty, however, is\n at once removed, if we apply to THE German nations, at that time,\n a fact which is so generally known to have occurred in America,\n and suppose that, when not checked by wars and famine, THEy\n increased at a rate that would double THEir numbers in\n twenty-five or thirty years. The propriety, and even THE\n necessity, of applying this rate of increase to THE inhabitants\n of ancient Germany, will strikingly appear from that most\n valuable picture of THEir manners which has been left us by\n Tacitus, (Tac. de Mor. Germ. 16 to 20.) * * * With THEse manners,\n and a habit of enterprise and emigration, which would naturally\n remove all fears about providing for a family, it is difficult to\n conceive a society with a stronger principle of increase in it,\n and we see at once that prolific source of armies and colonies\n against which THE force of THE Roman empire so long struggled\n with difficulty, and under which it ultimately sunk. It is not\n probable that, for two periods togeTHEr, or even for one, THE\n population within THE confines of Germany ever doubled itself in\n twenty-five years. Their perpetual wars, THE rude state of\n agriculture, and particularly THE very strange custom adopted by\n most of THE tribes of marking THEir barriers by extensive\n deserts, would prevent any very great actual increase of numbers.\n At no one period could THE country be called well peopled, though\n it was often redundant in population. * * * Instead of clearing\n THEir forests, draining THEir swamps, and rendering THEir soil\n fit to support an extended population, THEy found it more\n congenial to THEir martial habits and impatient dispositions to\n go in quest of food, of plunder, or of glory, into oTHEr\n countries.Ó Malthus on Population, i. p. 128.ÑG.]\n\n 9411 (return) [ The course of THE Neckar was likewise strongly\n guarded. The hyperbolical eulogy of Symmachus asserts that THE\n Neckar first became known to THE Romans by THE conquests and\n fortifications of Valentinian. Nunc primum victoriis tuis\n externus fluvius publicatur. Gaudeat servitute, captivus\n innotuit. Symm. Orat. p. 22.ÑM.]\n\n 95 (return) [ Ammian. xxviii. 2. Zosimus, l. iv. p. 214. The\n younger Victor mentions THE mechanical genius of Valentinian,\n nova arma meditari fingere terra seu limo simulacra.]\n\n That prudent emperor, who diligently practised THE wise maxims of\n Diocletian, was studious to foment and excite THE intestine\n divisions of THE tribes of Germany. About THE middle of THE\n fourth century, THE countries, perhaps of Lusace and Thuringia,\n on eiTHEr side of THE Elbe, were occupied by THE vague dominion\n of THE Burgundians; a warlike and numerous people, 9511 of THE\n Vandal race, 96 whose obscure name insensibly swelled into a\n powerful kingdom, and has finally settled on a flourishing\n province. The most remarkable circumstance in THE ancient manners\n of THE Burgundians appears to have been THE difference of THEir\n civil and ecclesiastical constitution. The appellation of\n _Hendinos_ was given to THE king or general, and THE title of\n _Sinistus_ to THE high priest, of THE nation. The person of THE\n priest was sacred, and his dignity perpetual; but THE temporal\n government was held by a very precarious tenure. If THE events of\n war accuses THE courage or conduct of THE king, he was\n immediately deposed; and THE injustice of his subjects made him\n responsible for THE fertility of THE earth, and THE regularity of\n THE seasons, which seemed to fall more properly within THE\n sacerdotal department. 97 The disputed possession of some\n salt-pits 98 engaged THE Alemanni and THE Burgundians in frequent\n contests: THE latter were easily tempted, by THE secret\n solicitations and liberal offers of THE emperor; and THEir\n fabulous descent from THE Roman soldiers, who had formerly been\n left to garrison THE fortresses of Drusus, was admitted with\n mutual credulity, as it was conducive to mutual interest. 99 An\n army of fourscore thousand Burgundians soon appeared on THE banks\n of THE Rhine; and impatiently required THE support and subsidies\n which Valentinian had promised: but THEy were amused with excuses\n and delays, till at length, after a fruitless expectation, THEy\n were compelled to retire. The arms and fortifications of THE\n Gallic frontier checked THE fury of THEir just resentment; and\n THEir massacre of THE captives served to imbitter THE hereditary\n feud of THE Burgundians and THE Alemanni. The inconstancy of a\n wise prince may, perhaps, be explained by some alteration of\n circumstances; and perhaps it was THE original design of\n Valentinian to intimidate, raTHEr than to destroy; as THE balance\n of power would have been equally overturned by THE extirpation of\n eiTHEr of THE German nations. Among THE princes of THE Alemanni,\n Macrianus, who, with a Roman name, had assumed THE arts of a\n soldier and a statesman, deserved his hatred and esteem. The\n emperor himself, with a light and unencumbered band, condescended\n to pass THE Rhine, marched fifty miles into THE country, and\n would infallibly have seized THE object of his pursuit, if his\n judicious measures had not been defeated by THE impatience of THE\n troops. Macrianus was afterwards admitted to THE honor of a\n personal conference with THE emperor; and THE favors which he\n received, fixed him, till THE hour of his death, a steady and\n sincere friend of THE republic. 100\n\n 9511 (return) [ According to THE general opinion, THE Burgundians\n formed a Gothic o Vandalic tribe, who, from THE banks of THE\n Lower Vistula, made incursions, on one side towards Transylvania,\n on THE oTHEr towards THE centre of Germany. All that remains of\n THE Burgundian language is Gothic. * * * Nothing in THEir customs\n indicates a different origin. Malte Brun, Geog. tom. i. p. 396.\n (edit. 1831.)ÑM.]\n\n 96 (return) [ Bellicosos et pubis immens¾ viribus affluentes; et\n ideo metuendos finitimis universis. Ammian. xxviii. 5.]\n\n 97 (return) [ I am always apt to suspect historians and\n travellers of improving extraordinary facts into general laws.\n Ammianus ascribes a similar custom to Egypt; and THE Chinese have\n imputed it to THE Ta-tsin, or Roman empire, (De Guignes, Hist.\n des Huns, tom. ii. part. 79.)]\n\n 98 (return) [ Salinarum finiumque causa Alemannis s¾pe jurgabant.\n Ammian xxviii. 5. Possibly THEy disputed THE possession of THE\n _Sala_, a river which produced salt, and which had been THE\n object of ancient contention. Tacit. Annal. xiii. 57, and Lipsius\n ad loc.]\n\n 99 (return) [ Jam inde temporibus priscis sobolem se esse Romanam\n Burgundii sciunt: and THE vague tradition gradually assumed a\n more regular form, (Oros. l. vii. c. 32.) It is annihilated by\n THE decisive authority of Pliny, who composed THE History of\n Drusus, and served in Germany, (Plin. Secund. Epist. iii. 5,)\n within sixty years after THE death of that hero. _Germanorum\n genera_ quinque; Vindili, quorum pars _Burgundiones_, &c., (Hist.\n Natur. iv. 28.)]\n\n 100 (return) [ The wars and negotiations relative to THE\n Burgundians and Alemanni, are distinctly related by Ammianus\n Marcellinus, (xxviii. 5, xxix 4, xxx. 3.) Orosius, (l. vii. c.\n 32,) and THE Chronicles of Jerom and Cassiodorus, fix some dates,\n and add some circumstances.]\n\n The land was covered by THE fortifications of Valentinian; but\n THE sea-coast of Gaul and Britain was exposed to THE depredations\n of THE Saxons. That celebrated name, in which we have a dear and\n domestic interest, escaped THE notice of Tacitus; and in THE maps\n of Ptolemy, it faintly marks THE narrow neck of THE Cimbric\n peninsula, and three small islands towards THE mouth of THE Elbe.\n 101 This contracted territory, THE present duchy of Sleswig, or\n perhaps of Holstein, was incapable of pouring forth THE\n inexhaustible swarms of Saxons who reigned over THE ocean, who\n filled THE British island with THEir language, THEir laws, and\n THEir colonies; and who so long defended THE liberty of THE North\n against THE arms of Charlemagne. 102 The solution of this\n difficulty is easily derived from THE similar manners, and loose\n constitution, of THE tribes of Germany; which were blended with\n each oTHEr by THE slightest accidents of war or friendship. The\n situation of THE native Saxons disposed THEm to embrace THE\n hazardous professions of fishermen and pirates; and THE success\n of THEir first adventures would naturally excite THE emulation of\n THEir bravest countrymen, who were impatient of THE gloomy\n solitude of THEir woods and mountains. Every tide might float\n down THE Elbe whole fleets of canoes, filled with hardy and\n intrepid associates, who aspired to behold THE unbounded prospect\n of THE ocean, and to taste THE wealth and luxury of unknown\n worlds. It should seem probable, however, that THE most numerous\n auxiliaries of THE Saxons were furnished by THE nations who dwelt\n along THE shores of THE Baltic. They possessed arms and ships,\n THE art of navigation, and THE habits of naval war; but THE\n difficulty of issuing through THE norTHErn columns of Hercules\n 103 (which, during several months of THE year, are obstructed\n with ice) confined THEir skill and courage within THE limits of a\n spacious lake. The rumor of THE successful armaments which sailed\n from THE mouth of THE Elbe, would soon provoke THEm to cross THE\n narrow isthmus of Sleswig, and to launch THEir vessels on THE\n great sea. The various troops of pirates and adventurers, who\n fought under THE same standard, were insensibly united in a\n permanent society, at first of rapine, and afterwards of\n government. A military confederation was gradually moulded into a\n national body, by THE gentle operation of marriage and\n consanguinity; and THE adjacent tribes, who solicited THE\n alliance, accepted THE name and laws, of THE Saxons. If THE fact\n were not established by THE most unquestionable evidence, we\n should appear to abuse THE credulity of our readers, by THE\n description of THE vessels in which THE Saxon pirates ventured to\n sport in THE waves of THE German Ocean, THE British Channel, and\n THE Bay of Biscay. The keel of THEir large flat-bottomed boats\n were framed of light timber, but THE sides and upper works\n consisted only of wicker, with a covering of strong hides. 104 In\n THE course of THEir slow and distant navigations, THEy must\n always have been exposed to THE danger, and very frequently to\n THE misfortune, of shipwreck; and THE naval annals of THE Saxons\n were undoubtedly filled with THE accounts of THE losses which\n THEy sustained on THE coasts of Britain and Gaul. But THE daring\n spirit of THE pirates braved THE perils both of THE sea and of\n THE shore: THEir skill was confirmed by THE habits of enterprise;\n THE meanest of THEir mariners was alike capable of handling an\n oar, of rearing a sail, or of conducting a vessel, and THE Saxons\n rejoiced in THE appearance of a tempest, which concealed THEir\n design, and dispersed THE fleets of THE enemy. 105 After THEy had\n acquired an accurate knowledge of THE maritime provinces of THE\n West, THEy extended THE scene of THEir depredations, and THE most\n sequestered places had no reason to presume on THEir security.\n The Saxon boats drew so little water that THEy could easily\n proceed fourscore or a hundred miles up THE great rivers; THEir\n weight was so inconsiderable, that THEy were transported on\n wagons from one river to anoTHEr; and THE pirates who had entered\n THE mouth of THE Seine, or of THE Rhine, might descend, with THE\n rapid stream of THE Rhone, into THE Mediterranean. Under THE\n reign of Valentinian, THE maritime provinces of Gaul were\n afflicted by THE Saxons: a military count was stationed for THE\n defence of THE sea-coast, or Armorican limit; and that officer,\n who found his strength, or his abilities, unequal to THE task,\n implored THE assistance of Severus, master-general of THE\n infantry. The Saxons, surrounded and outnumbered, were forced to\n relinquish THEir spoil, and to yield a select band of THEir tall\n and robust youth to serve in THE Imperial armies. They stipulated\n only a safe and honorable retreat; and THE condition was readily\n granted by THE Roman general, who meditated an act of perfidy,\n 106 imprudent as it was inhuman, while a Saxon remained alive,\n and in arms, to revenge THE fate of THEir countrymen. The\n premature eagerness of THE infantry, who were secretly posted in\n a deep valley, betrayed THE ambuscade; and THEy would perhaps\n have fallen THE victims of THEir own treachery, if a large body\n of cuirassiers, alarmed by THE noise of THE combat, had not\n hastily advanced to extricate THEir companions, and to overwhelm\n THE undaunted valor of THE Saxons. Some of THE prisoners were\n saved from THE edge of THE sword, to shed THEir blood in THE\n amphiTHEatre; and THE orator Symmachus complains, that\n twenty-nine of those desperate savages, by strangling THEmselves\n with THEir own hands, had disappointed THE amusement of THE\n public. Yet THE polite and philosophic citizens of Rome were\n impressed with THE deepest horror, when THEy were informed, that\n THE Saxons consecrated to THE gods THE tiTHE of THEir _human_\n spoil; and that THEy ascertained by lot THE objects of THE\n barbarous sacrifice. 107\n\n 101 (return) [ At THE norTHErn extremity of THE peninsula, (THE\n Cimbric promontory of Pliny, iv. 27,) Ptolemy fixes THE remnant\n of THE _Cimbri_. He fills THE interval between THE _Saxons_ and\n THE Cimbri with six obscure tribes, who were united, as early as\n THE sixth century, under THE national appellation of _Danes_. See\n Cluver. German. Antiq. l. iii. c. 21, 22, 23.]\n\n 102 (return) [ M. DÕAnville (Establissement des Etats de\n lÕEurope, &c., p. 19-26) has marked THE extensive limits of THE\n Saxony of Charlemagne.]\n\n 103 (return) [ The fleet of Drusus had failed in THEir attempt to\n pass, or even to approach, THE _Sound_, (styled, from an obvious\n resemblance, THE columns of Hercules,) and THE naval enterprise\n was never resumed, (Tacit. de Moribus German. c. 34.) The\n knowledge which THE Romans acquired of THE naval powers of THE\n Baltic, (c. 44, 45) was obtained by THEir land journeys in search\n of amber.]\n\n 104 (return) [ Quin et Aremoricus piratam _Saxona_ tractus\n Sperabat; cui pelle salum sulcare Britannum\n Ludus; et assuto glaucum mare findere lembo.\n Sidon. in Panegyr. Avit. 369.\n\n The genius of C¾sar imitated, for a particular service, THEse\n rude, but light vessels, which were likewise used by THE natives\n of Britain. (Comment. de Bell. Civil. i. 51, and Guichardt,\n Nouveaux MŽmoires Militaires, tom. ii. p. 41, 42.) The British\n vessels would now astonish THE genius of C¾sar.]\n\n 105 (return) [ The best original account of THE Saxon pirates may\n be found in Sidonius Apollinaris, (l. viii. epist. 6, p. 223,\n edit. Sirmond,) and THE best commentary in THE AbbŽ du Bos,\n (Hist. Critique de la Monarchie Fran\x8doise, &c. tom. i. l. i. c.\n 16, p. 148-155. See likewise p. 77, 78.)]\n\n 106 (return) [ Ammian. (xxviii. 5) justifies this breach of faith\n to pirates and robbers; and Orosius (l. vii. c. 32) more clearly\n expresses THEir real guilt; virtute atque agilitate terribeles.]\n\n 107 (return) [ Symmachus (l. ii. epist. 46) still presumes to\n mention THE sacred name of Socrates and philosophy. Sidonius,\n bishop of Clermont, might condemn, (l. viii. epist. 6,) with\n _less_ inconsistency, THE human sacrifices of THE Saxons.]\n\n II. The fabulous colonies of Egyptians and Trojans, of\n Scandinavians and Spaniards, which flattered THE pride, and\n amused THE credulity, of our rude ancestors, have insensibly\n vanished in THE light of science and philosophy. 108 The present\n age is satisfied with THE simple and rational opinion, that THE\n islands of Great Britain and Ireland were gradually peopled from\n THE adjacent continent of Gaul. From THE coast of Kent, to THE\n extremity of Caithness and Ulster, THE memory of a Celtic origin\n was distinctly preserved, in THE perpetual resemblance of\n language, of religion, and of manners; and THE peculiar\n characters of THE British tribes might be naturally ascribed to\n THE influence of accidental and local circumstances. 109 The\n Roman Province was reduced to THE state of civilized and peaceful\n servitude; THE rights of savage freedom were contracted to THE\n narrow limits of Caledonia. The inhabitants of that norTHErn\n region were divided, as early as THE reign of Constantine,\n between THE two great tribes of THE Scots and of THE Picts, 110\n who have since experienced a very different fortune. The power,\n and almost THE memory, of THE Picts have been extinguished by\n THEir successful rivals; and THE Scots, after maintaining for\n ages THE dignity of an independent kingdom, have multiplied, by\n an equal and voluntary union, THE honors of THE English name. The\n hand of nature had contributed to mark THE ancient distinctions\n of THE Scots and Picts. The former were THE men of THE hills, and\n THE latter those of THE plain. The eastern coast of Caledonia may\n be considered as a level and fertile country, which, even in a\n rude state of tillage, was capable of producing a considerable\n quantity of corn; and THE epiTHEt of _cruitnich_, or\n wheat-eaters, expressed THE contempt or envy of THE carnivorous\n highlander. The cultivation of THE earth might introduce a more\n accurate separation of property, and THE habits of a sedentary\n life; but THE love of arms and rapine was still THE ruling\n passion of THE Picts; and THEir warriors, who stripped THEmselves\n for a day of battle, were distinguished, in THE eyes of THE\n Romans, by THE strange fashion of painting THEir naked bodies\n with gaudy colors and fantastic figures. The western part of\n Caledonia irregularly rises into wild and barren hills, which\n scarcely repay THE toil of THE husbandman, and are most\n profitably used for THE pasture of cattle. The highlanders were\n condemned to THE occupations of shepherds and hunters; and, as\n THEy seldom were fixed to any permanent habitation, THEy acquired\n THE expressive name of Scots, which, in THE Celtic tongue, is\n said to be equivalent to that of _wanderers_, or _vagrants_. The\n inhabitants of a barren land were urged to seek a fresh supply of\n food in THE waters. The deep lakes and bays which intersect THEir\n country, are plentifully supplied with fish; and THEy gradually\n ventured to cast THEir nets in THE waves of THE ocean. The\n vicinity of THE Hebrides, so profusely scattered along THE\n western coast of Scotland, tempted THEir curiosity, and improved\n THEir skill; and THEy acquired, by slow degrees, THE art, or\n raTHEr THE habit, of managing THEir boats in a tempestuous sea,\n and of steering THEir nocturnal course by THE light of THE\n well-known stars. The two bold headlands of Caledonia almost\n touch THE shores of a spacious island, which obtained, from its\n luxuriant vegetation, THE epiTHEt of _Green;_ and has preserved,\n with a slight alteration, THE name of Erin, or Ierne, or Ireland.\n It is _probable_, that in some remote period of antiquity, THE\n fertile plains of Ulster received a colony of hungry Scots; and\n that THE strangers of THE North, who had dared to encounter THE\n arms of THE legions, spread THEir conquests over THE savage and\n unwarlike natives of a solitary island. It is _certain_, that, in\n THE declining age of THE Roman empire, Caledonia, Ireland, and\n THE Isle of Man, were inhabited by THE Scots, and that THE\n kindred tribes, who were often associated in military enterprise,\n were deeply affected by THE various accidents of THEir mutual\n fortunes. They long cherished THE lively tradition of THEir\n common name and origin; and THE missionaries of THE Isle of\n Saints, who diffused THE light of Christianity over North\n Britain, established THE vain opinion, that THEir Irish\n countrymen were THE natural, as well as spiritual, faTHErs of THE\n Scottish race. The loose and obscure tradition has been preserved\n by THE venerable Bede, who scattered some rays of light over THE\n darkness of THE eighth century. On this slight foundation, a huge\n superstructure of fable was gradually reared, by THE bards and\n THE monks; two orders of men, who equally abused THE privilege of\n fiction. The Scottish nation, with mistaken pride, adopted THEir\n Irish genealogy; and THE annals of a long line of imaginary kings\n have been adorned by THE fancy of Boethius, and THE classic\n elegance of Buchanan. 111\n\n 108 (return) [ In THE beginning of THE last century, THE learned\n Camden was obliged to undermine, with respectful scepticism, THE\n romance of _Brutus_, THE Trojan; who is now buried in silent\n oblivion with _Scota_, THE daughter of Pharaoh, and her numerous\n progeny. Yet I am informed, that some champions of THE _Milesian\n colony_ may still be found among THE original natives of Ireland.\n A people dissatisfied with THEir present condition, grasp at any\n visions of THEir past or future glory.]\n\n 109 (return) [ Tacitus, or raTHEr his faTHEr-in-law, Agricola,\n might remark THE German or Spanish complexion of some British\n tribes. But it was THEir sober, deliberate opinion: ÒIn universum\n tamen ¾stimanti Gallos cicinum solum occup‰sse credibile est.\n Eorum sacra deprehendas.... ermo haud multum diversus,Ó (in Vit.\n Agricol. c. xi.) C¾sar had observed THEir common religion,\n (Comment. de Bello Gallico, vi. 13;) and in his time THE\n emigration from THE Belgic Gaul was a recent, or at least an\n historical event, (v. 10.) Camden, THE British Strabo, has\n modestly ascertained our genuine antiquities, (Britannia, vol. i.\n Introduction, p. ii.Ñxxxi.)]\n\n 110 (return) [ In THE dark and doubtful paths of Caledonian\n antiquity, I have chosen for my guides two learned and ingenious\n Highlanders, whom THEir birth and education had peculiarly\n qualified for that office. See Critical Dissertations on THE\n Origin and Antiquities, &c., of THE Caledonians, by Dr. John\n Macpherson, London 1768, in 4to.; and Introduction to THE History\n of Great Britain and Ireland, by James Macpherson, Esq., London\n 1773, in 4to., third edit. Dr. Macpherson was a minister in THE\n Isle of Sky: and it is a circumstance honorable for THE present\n age, that a work, replete with erudition and criticism, should\n have been composed in THE most remote of THE Hebrides.]\n\n 111 (return) [ The Irish descent of THE Scots has been revived in\n THE last moments of its decay, and strenuously supported, by THE\n Rev. Mr. Whitaker, (Hist. of Manchester, vol. i. p. 430, 431; and\n Genuine History of THE Britons asserted, &c., p. 154-293) Yet he\n acknowledges, 1. _That_ THE Scots of Ammianus Marcellinus (A.D.\n 340) were already settled in Caledonia; and that THE Roman\n authors do not afford any hints of THEir emigration from anoTHEr\n country. 2. _That_ all THE accounts of such emigrations, which\n have been asserted or received, by Irish bards, Scotch\n historians, or English antiquaries, (Buchanan, Camden, Usher,\n Stillingfleet, &c.,) are totally fabulous. 3. _That_ three of THE\n Irish tribes, which are mentioned by Ptolemy, (A.D. 150,) were of\n Caledonian extraction. 4. _That_ a younger branch of Caledonian\n princes, of THE house of Fingal, acquired and possessed THE\n monarchy of Ireland. After THEse concessions, THE remaining\n difference between Mr. Whitaker and his adversaries is minute and\n obscure. The _genuine history_, which he produces, of a Fergus,\n THE cousin of Ossian, who was transplanted (A.D. 320) from\n Ireland to Caledonia, is built on a conjectural supplement to THE\n Erse poetry, and THE feeble evidence of Richard of Cirencester, a\n monk of THE fourteenth century. The lively spirit of THE learned\n and ingenious antiquarian has tempted him to forget THE nature of\n a question, which he so _vehemently_ debates, and so _absolutely_\n decides. * Note: This controversy has not slumbered since THE\n days of Gibbon. We have strenuous advocates of THE PhÏnician\n origin of THE Irish, and each of THE old THEories, with several\n new ones, maintains its partisans. It would require several pages\n fairly to bring down THE dispute to our own days, and perhaps we\n should be no nearer to any satisfactory THEory than Gibbon\n was.ÑM.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The\n Empire.ÑPart V.\n\n\n Six years after THE death of Constantine, THE destructive inroads\n of THE Scots and Picts required THE presence of his youngest son,\n who reigned in THE Western empire. Constans visited his British\n dominions: but we may form some estimate of THE importance of his\n achievements, by THE language of panegyric, which celebrates only\n his triumph over THE elements or, in oTHEr words, THE good\n fortune of a safe and easy passage from THE port of Boulogne to\n THE harbor of Sandwich. 112 The calamities which THE afflicted\n provincials continued to experience, from foreign war and\n domestic tyranny, were aggravated by THE feeble and corrupt\n administration of THE eunuchs of Constantius; and THE transient\n relief which THEy might obtain from THE virtues of Julian, was\n soon lost by THE absence and death of THEir benefactor. The sums\n of gold and silver, which had been painfully collected, or\n liberally transmitted, for THE payment of THE troops, were\n intercepted by THE avarice of THE commanders; discharges, or, at\n least, exemptions, from THE military service, were publicly sold;\n THE distress of THE soldiers, who were injuriously deprived of\n THEir legal and scanty subsistence, provoked THEm to frequent\n desertion; THE nerves of discipline were relaxed, and THE\n highways were infested with robbers. 113 The oppression of THE\n good, and THE impunity of THE wicked, equally contributed to\n diffuse through THE island a spirit of discontent and revolt; and\n every ambitious subject, every desperate exile, might entertain a\n reasonable hope of subverting THE weak and distracted government\n of Britain. The hostile tribes of THE North, who detested THE\n pride and power of THE King of THE World, suspended THEir\n domestic feuds; and THE Barbarians of THE land and sea, THE\n Scots, THE Picts, and THE Saxons, spread THEmselves with rapid\n and irresistible fury, from THE wall of Antoninus to THE shores\n of Kent. Every production of art and nature, every object of\n convenience and luxury, which THEy were incapable of creating by\n labor or procuring by trade, was accumulated in THE rich and\n fruitful province of Britain. 114 A philosopher may deplore THE\n eternal discords of THE human race, but he will confess, that THE\n desire of spoil is a more rational provocation than THE vanity of\n conquest. From THE age of Constantine to THE Plantagenets, this\n rapacious spirit continued to instigate THE poor and hardy\n Caledonians; but THE same people, whose generous humanity seems\n to inspire THE songs of Ossian, was disgraced by a savage\n ignorance of THE virtues of peace, and of THE laws of war. Their\n souTHErn neighbors have felt, and perhaps exaggerated, THE cruel\n depredations of THE Scots and Picts; 115 and a valiant tribe of\n Caledonia, THE Attacotti, 116 THE enemies, and afterwards THE\n soldiers, of Valentinian, are accused, by an eye-witness, of\n delighting in THE taste of human flesh. When THEy hunted THE\n woods for prey, it is said, that THEy attacked THE shepherd\n raTHEr than his flock; and that THEy curiously selected THE most\n delicate and brawny parts, both of males and females, which THEy\n prepared for THEir horrid repasts. 117 If, in THE neighborhood of\n THE commercial and literary town of Glasgow, a race of cannibals\n has really existed, we may contemplate, in THE period of THE\n Scottish history, THE opposite extremes of savage and civilized\n life. Such reflections tend to enlarge THE circle of our ideas;\n and to encourage THE pleasing hope, that New Zealand may produce,\n in some future age, THE Hume of THE SouTHErn Hemisphere.\n\n 112 (return) [ Hyeme tumentes ac s¾vientes undas calc‰stis Oceani\n sub remis vestris;... insperatam imperatoris faciem Britannus\n expavit. Julius Fermicus Maternus de Errore Profan. Relig. p.\n 464. edit. Gronov. ad calcem Minuc. F¾l. See Tillemont, (Hist.\n des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 336.)]\n\n 113 (return) [ Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. xxxix. p. 264. This\n curious passage has escaped THE diligence of our British\n antiquaries.]\n\n 114 (return) [ The Caledonians praised and coveted THE gold, THE\n steeds, THE lights, &c., of THE _stranger_. See Dr. BlairÕs\n Dissertation on Ossian, vol ii. p. 343; and Mr. MacphersonÕs\n Introduction, p. 242-286.]\n\n 115 (return) [ Lord Lyttelton has circumstantially related,\n (History of Henry II. vol. i. p. 182,) and Sir David Dalrymple\n has slightly mentioned, (Annals of Scotland, vol. i. p. 69,) a\n barbarous inroad of THE Scots, at a time (A.D. 1137) when law,\n religion, and society must have softened THEir primitive\n manners.]\n\n 116 (return) [ Attacotti bellicosa hominum natio. Ammian. xxvii.\n 8. Camden (Introduct. p. clii.) has restored THEir true name in\n THE text of Jerom. The bands of Attacotti, which Jerom had seen\n in Gaul, were afterwards stationed in Italy and Illyricum,\n (Notitia, S. viii. xxxix. xl.)]\n\n 117 (return) [ Cum ipse adolescentulus in Gallia viderim\n Attacottos (or Scotos) gentem Britannicam humanis vesci carnibus;\n et cum per silvas porcorum greges, et armentorum percudumque\n reperiant, pastorum _nates_ et feminarum _papillas_ solere\n abscindere; et has solas ciborum delicias arbitrari. Such is THE\n evidence of Jerom, (tom. ii. p. 75,) whose veracity I find no\n reason to question. * Note: See Dr. ParrÕs works, iii. 93, where\n he questions THE propriety of GibbonÕs translation of this\n passage. The learned doctor approves of THE version proposed by a\n Mr. Gaches, who would make out that it was THE delicate parts of\n THE swine and THE cattle, which were eaten by THEse ancestors of\n THE Scotch nation. I confess that even to acquit THEm of this\n charge. I cannot agree to THE new version, which, in my opinion,\n is directly contrary both to THE meaning of THE words, and THE\n general sense of THE passage. But I would suggest, did Jerom, as\n a boy, accompany THEse savages in any of THEir hunting\n expeditions? If he did not, how could he be an eye-witness of\n this practice? The Attacotti in Gaul must have been in THE\n service of Rome. Were THEy permitted to indulge THEse cannibal\n propensities at THE expense, not of THE flocks, but of THE\n shepherds of THE provinces? These sanguinary trophies of plunder\n would scarceÕy have been publicly exhibited in a Roman city or a\n Roman camp. I must leave THE hereditary pride of our norTHErn\n neighbors at issue with THE veracity of St. Jerom.ÑM.]\n\n Every messenger who escaped across THE British Channel, conveyed\n THE most melancholy and alarming tidings to THE ears of\n Valentinian; and THE emperor was soon informed that THE two\n military commanders of THE province had been surprised and cut\n off by THE Barbarians. Severus, count of THE domestics, was\n hastily despatched, and as suddenly recalled, by THE court of\n Treves. The representations of Jovinus served only to indicate\n THE greatness of THE evil; and, after a long and serious\n consultation, THE defence, or raTHEr THE recovery, of Britain was\n intrusted to THE abilities of THE brave Theodosius. The exploits\n of that general, THE faTHEr of a line of emperors, have been\n celebrated, with peculiar complacency, by THE writers of THE age:\n but his real merit deserved THEir applause; and his nomination\n was received, by THE army and province, as a sure presage of\n approaching victory. He seized THE favorable moment of\n navigation, and securely landed THE numerous and veteran bands of\n THE Heruli and Batavians, THE Jovians and THE Victors. In his\n march from Sandwich to London, Theodosius defeated several\n parties of THE Barbarians, released a multitude of captives, and,\n after distributing to his soldiers a small portion of THE spoil,\n established THE fame of disinterested justice, by THE restitution\n of THE remainder to THE rightful proprietors. The citizens of\n London, who had almost despaired of THEir safety, threw open\n THEir gates; and as soon as Theodosius had obtained from THE\n court of Treves THE important aid of a military lieutenant, and a\n civil governor, he executed, with wisdom and vigor, THE laborious\n task of THE deliverance of Britain. The vagrant soldiers were\n recalled to THEir standard; an edict of amnesty dispelled THE\n public apprehensions; and his cheerful example alleviated THE\n rigor of martial discipline. The scattered and desultory warfare\n of THE Barbarians, who infested THE land and sea, deprived him of\n THE glory of a signal victory; but THE prudent spirit, and\n consummate art, of THE Roman general, were displayed in THE\n operations of two campaigns, which successively rescued every\n part of THE province from THE hands of a cruel and rapacious\n enemy. The splendor of THE cities, and THE security of THE\n fortifications, were diligently restored, by THE paternal care of\n Theodosius; who with a strong hand confined THE trembling\n Caledonians to THE norTHErn angle of THE island; and perpetuated,\n by THE name and settlement of THE new province of _Valentia_, THE\n glories of THE reign of Valentinian. 118 The voice of poetry and\n panegyric may add, perhaps with some degree of truth, that THE\n unknown regions of Thule were stained with THE blood of THE\n Picts; that THE oars of Theodosius dashed THE waves of THE\n Hyperborean ocean; and that THE distant Orkneys were THE scene of\n his naval victory over THE Saxon pirates. 119 He left THE\n province with a fair, as well as splendid, reputation; and was\n immediately promoted to THE rank of master-general of THE\n cavalry, by a prince who could applaud, without envy, THE merit\n of his servants. In THE important station of THE Upper Danube,\n THE conqueror of Britain checked and defeated THE armies of THE\n Alemanni, before he was chosen to suppress THE revolt of Africa.\n\n 118 (return) [ Ammianus has concisely represented (xx. l. xxvi.\n 4, xxvii. 8 xxviii. 3) THE whole series of THE British war.]\n\n 119 (return) [ Horrescit.... ratibus.... impervia Thule. Ille....\n nec falso nomine Pictos Edomuit. Scotumque vago mucrone secutus,\n Fregit Hyperboreas remis audacibus undas. Claudian, in iii. Cons.\n Honorii, ver. 53, &cÑMadurunt Saxone fuso Orcades: incaluit\n Pictorum sanguine Thule, Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Ierne.\n In iv. Cons. Hon. ver. 31, &c. ÑÑSee likewise Pacatus, (in\n Panegyr. Vet. xii. 5.) But it is not easy to appreciate THE\n intrinsic value of flattery and metaphor. Compare THE _British_\n victories of Bolanus (Statius, Silv. v. 2) with his real\n character, (Tacit. in Vit. Agricol. c. 16.)]\n\n III. The prince who refuses to be THE judge, instructs THE people\n to consider him as THE accomplice, of his ministers. The military\n command of Africa had been long exercised by Count Romanus, and\n his abilities were not inadequate to his station; but, as sordid\n interest was THE sole motive of his conduct, he acted, on most\n occasions, as if he had been THE enemy of THE province, and THE\n friend of THE Barbarians of THE desert. The three flourishing\n cities of Oea, Leptis, and Sobrata, which, under THE name of\n Tripoli, had long constituted a federal union, 120 were obliged,\n for THE first time, to shut THEir gates against a hostile\n invasion; several of THEir most honorable citizens were surprised\n and massacred; THE villages, and even THE suburbs, were pillaged;\n and THE vines and fruit trees of that rich territory were\n extirpated by THE malicious savages of Getulia. The unhappy\n provincials implored THE protection of Romanus; but THEy soon\n found that THEir military governor was not less cruel and\n rapacious than THE Barbarians. As THEy were incapable of\n furnishing THE four thousand camels, and THE exorbitant present,\n which he required, before he would march to THE assistance of\n Tripoli; his demand was equivalent to a refusal, and he might\n justly be accused as THE author of THE public calamity. In THE\n annual assembly of THE three cities, THEy nominated two deputies,\n to lay at THE feet of Valentinian THE customary offering of a\n gold victory; and to accompany this tribute of duty, raTHEr than\n of gratitude, with THEir humble complaint, that THEy were ruined\n by THE enemy, and betrayed by THEir governor. If THE severity of\n Valentinian had been rightly directed, it would have fallen on\n THE guilty head of Romanus. But THE count, long exercised in THE\n arts of corruption, had despatched a swift and trusty messenger\n to secure THE venal friendship of Remigius, master of THE\n offices. The wisdom of THE Imperial council was deceived by\n artifice; and THEir honest indignation was cooled by delay. At\n length, when THE repetition of complaint had been justified by\n THE repetition of public misfortunes, THE notary Palladius was\n sent from THE court of Treves, to examine THE state of Africa,\n and THE conduct of Romanus. The rigid impartiality of Palladius\n was easily disarmed: he was tempted to reserve for himself a part\n of THE public treasure, which he brought with him for THE payment\n of THE troops; and from THE moment that he was conscious of his\n own guilt, he could no longer refuse to attest THE innocence and\n merit of THE count. The charge of THE Tripolitans was declared to\n be false and frivolous; and Palladius himself was sent back from\n Treves to Africa, with a special commission to discover and\n prosecute THE authors of this impious conspiracy against THE\n representatives of THE sovereign. His inquiries were managed with\n so much dexterity and success, that he compelled THE citizens of\n Leptis, who had sustained a recent siege of eight days, to\n contradict THE truth of THEir own decrees, and to censure THE\n behavior of THEir own deputies. A bloody sentence was pronounced,\n without hesitation, by THE rash and headstrong cruelty of\n Valentinian. The president of Tripoli, who had presumed to pity\n THE distress of THE province, was publicly executed at Utica;\n four distinguished citizens were put to death, as THE accomplices\n of THE imaginary fraud; and THE tongues of two oTHErs were cut\n out, by THE express order of THE emperor. Romanus, elated by\n impunity, and irritated by resistance, was still continued in THE\n military command; till THE Africans were provoked, by his\n avarice, to join THE rebellious standard of Firmus, THE Moor. 121\n\n 120 (return) [ Ammianus frequently mentions THEir concilium\n annuum, legitimum, &c. Leptis and Sabrata are long since ruined;\n but THE city of Oea, THE native country of Apuleius, still\n flourishes under THE provincial denomination of _Tripoli_. See\n Cellarius (Geograph. Antiqua, tom. ii. part ii. p. 81,)\n DÕAnville, (Geographie Ancienne, tom. iii. p. 71, 72,) and\n Marmol, (Arrique, tom. ii. p. 562.)]\n\n 121 (return) [ Ammian. xviii. 6. Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs,\n tom. v. p 25, 676) has discussed THE chronological difficulties\n of THE history of Count Romanus.]\n\n His faTHEr Nabal was one of THE richest and most powerful of THE\n Moorish princes, who acknowledged THE supremacy of Rome. But as\n he left, eiTHEr by his wives or concubines, a very numerous\n posterity, THE wealthy inheritance was eagerly disputed; and\n Zamma, one of his sons, was slain in a domestic quarrel by his\n broTHEr Firmus. The implacable zeal, with which Romanus\n prosecuted THE legal revenge of this murder, could be ascribed\n only to a motive of avarice, or personal hatred; but, on this\n occasion, his claims were just; his influence was weighty; and\n Firmus clearly understood, that he must eiTHEr present his neck\n to THE executioner, or appeal from THE sentence of THE Imperial\n consistory, to his sword, and to THE people. 122 He was received\n as THE deliverer of his country; and, as soon as it appeared that\n Romanus was formidable only to a submissive province, THE tyrant\n of Africa became THE object of universal contempt. The ruin of\n C¾sarea, which was plundered and burnt by THE licentious\n Barbarians, convinced THE refractory cities of THE danger of\n resistance; THE power of Firmus was established, at least in THE\n provinces of Mauritania and Numidia; and it seemed to be his only\n doubt wheTHEr he should assume THE diadem of a Moorish king, or\n THE purple of a Roman emperor. But THE imprudent and unhappy\n Africans soon discovered, that, in this rash insurrection, THEy\n had not sufficiently consulted THEir own strength, or THE\n abilities of THEir leader. Before he could procure any certain\n intelligence, that THE emperor of THE West had fixed THE choice\n of a general, or that a fleet of transports was collected at THE\n mouth of THE Rhone, he was suddenly informed that THE great\n Theodosius, with a small band of veterans, had landed near\n Igilgilis, or Gigeri, on THE African coast; and THE timid usurper\n sunk under THE ascendant of virtue and military genius. Though\n Firmus possessed arms and treasures, his despair of victory\n immediately reduced him to THE use of those arts, which, in THE\n same country, and in a similar situation, had formerly been\n practised by THE crafty Jugurtha. He attempted to deceive, by an\n apparent submission, THE vigilance of THE Roman general; to\n seduce THE fidelity of his troops; and to protract THE duration\n of THE war, by successively engaging THE independent tribes of\n Africa to espouse his quarrel, or to protect his flight.\n Theodosius imitated THE example, and obtained THE success, of his\n predecessor Metellus. When Firmus, in THE character of a\n suppliant, accused his own rashness, and humbly solicited THE\n clemency of THE emperor, THE lieutenant of Valentinian received\n and dismissed him with a friendly embrace: but he diligently\n required THE useful and substantial pledges of a sincere\n repentance; nor could he be persuaded, by THE assurances of\n peace, to suspend, for an instant, THE operations of an active\n war. A dark conspiracy was detected by THE penetration of\n Theodosius; and he satisfied, without much reluctance, THE public\n indignation, which he had secretly excited. Several of THE guilty\n accomplices of Firmus were abandoned, according to ancient\n custom, to THE tumult of a military execution; many more, by THE\n amputation of both THEir hands, continued to exhibit an\n instructive spectacle of horror; THE hatred of THE rebels was\n accompanied with fear; and THE fear of THE Roman soldiers was\n mingled with respectful admiration. Amidst THE boundless plains\n of Getulia, and THE innumerable valleys of Mount Atlas, it was\n impossible to prevent THE escape of Firmus; and if THE usurper\n could have tired THE patience of his antagonist, he would have\n secured his person in THE depth of some remote solitude, and\n expected THE hopes of a future revolution. He was subdued by THE\n perseverance of Theodosius; who had formed an inflexible\n determination, that THE war should end only by THE death of THE\n tyrant; and that every nation of Africa, which presumed to\n support his cause, should be involved in his ruin. At THE head of\n a small body of troops, which seldom exceeded three thousand five\n hundred men, THE Roman general advanced, with a steady prudence,\n devoid of rashness or of fear, into THE heart of a country, where\n he was sometimes attacked by armies of twenty thousand Moors. The\n boldness of his charge dismayed THE irregular Barbarians; THEy\n were disconcerted by his seasonable and orderly retreats; THEy\n were continually baffled by THE unknown resources of THE military\n art; and THEy felt and confessed THE just superiority which was\n assumed by THE leader of a civilized nation. When Theodosius\n entered THE extensive dominions of Igmazen, king of THE\n Isaflenses, THE haughty savage required, in words of defiance,\n his name, and THE object of his expedition. ÒI am,Ó replied THE\n stern and disdainful count, ÒI am THE general of Valentinian, THE\n lord of THE world; who has sent me hiTHEr to pursue and punish a\n desperate robber. Deliver him instantly into my hands; and be\n assured, that if thou dost not obey THE commands of my invincible\n sovereign, thou, and THE people over whom thou reignest, shall be\n utterly extirpated.Ó 12211 As soon as Igmazen was satisfied, that\n his enemy had strength and resolution to execute THE fatal\n menace, he consented to purchase a necessary peace by THE\n sacrifice of a guilty fugitive. The guards that were placed to\n secure THE person of Firmus deprived him of THE hopes of escape;\n and THE Moorish tyrant, after wine had extinguished THE sense of\n danger, disappointed THE insulting triumph of THE Romans, by\n strangling himself in THE night. His dead body, THE only present\n which Igmazen could offer to THE conqueror, was carelessly thrown\n upon a camel; and Theodosius, leading back his victorious troops\n to Sitifi, was saluted by THE warmest acclamations of joy and\n loyalty. 123\n\n 122 (return) [ The Chronology of Ammianus is loose and obscure;\n and Orosius (i. vii. c. 33, p. 551, edit. Havercamp) seems to\n place THE revolt of Firmus after THE deaths of Valentinian and\n Valens. Tillemont (Hist. des. Emp. tom. v. p. 691) endeavors to\n pick his way. The patient and sure-foot mule of THE Alps may be\n trusted in THE most slippery paths.]\n\n 12211 (return) [ The war was longer protracted than this sentence\n would lead us to suppose: it was not till defeated more than once\n that Igmazen yielded Amm. xxix. 5.ÑM]\n\n 123 (return) [ Ammian xxix. 5. The text of this long chapter\n (fifteen quarto pages) is broken and corrupted; and THE narrative\n is perplexed by THE want of chronological and geographical\n landmarks.]\n\n Africa had been lost by THE vices of Romanus; it was restored by\n THE virtues of Theodosius; and our curiosity may be usefully\n directed to THE inquiry of THE respective treatment which THE two\n generals received from THE Imperial court. The authority of Count\n Romanus had been suspended by THE master-general of THE cavalry;\n and he was committed to safe and honorable custody till THE end\n of THE war. His crimes were proved by THE most auTHEntic\n evidence; and THE public expected, with some impatience, THE\n decree of severe justice. But THE partial and powerful favor of\n Mellobaudes encouraged him to challenge his legal judges, to\n obtain repeated delays for THE purpose of procuring a crowd of\n friendly witnesses, and, finally, to cover his guilty conduct, by\n THE additional guilt of fraud and forgery. About THE same time,\n THE restorer of Britain and Africa, on a vague suspicion that his\n name and services were superior to THE rank of a subject, was\n ignominiously beheaded at Carthage. Valentinian no longer\n reigned; and THE death of Theodosius, as well as THE impunity of\n Romanus, may justly be imputed to THE arts of THE ministers, who\n abused THE confidence, and deceived THE inexperienced youth, of\n his sons. 124\n\n 124 (return) [ Ammian xxviii. 4. Orosius, l. vii. c. 33, p. 551,\n 552. Jerom. in Chron. p. 187.]\n\n If THE geographical accuracy of Ammianus had been fortunately\n bestowed on THE British exploits of Theodosius, we should have\n traced, with eager curiosity, THE distinct and domestic footsteps\n of his march. But THE tedious enumeration of THE unknown and\n uninteresting tribes of Africa may be reduced to THE general\n remark, that THEy were all of THE swarthy race of THE Moors; that\n THEy inhabited THE back settlements of THE Mauritanian and\n Numidian province, THE country, as THEy have since been termed by\n THE Arabs, of dates and of locusts; 125 and that, as THE Roman\n power declined in Africa, THE boundary of civilized manners and\n cultivated land was insensibly contracted. Beyond THE utmost\n limits of THE Moors, THE vast and inhospitable desert of THE\n South extends above a thousand miles to THE banks of THE Niger.\n The ancients, who had a very faint and imperfect knowledge of THE\n great peninsula of Africa, were sometimes tempted to believe,\n that THE torrid zone must ever remain destitute of inhabitants;\n 126 and THEy sometimes amused THEir fancy by filling THE vacant\n space with headless men, or raTHEr monsters; 127 with horned and\n cloven-footed satyrs; 128 with fabulous centaurs; 129 and with\n human pygmies, who waged a bold and doubtful warfare against THE\n cranes. 130 Carthage would have trembled at THE strange\n intelligence that THE countries on eiTHEr side of THE equator\n were filled with innumerable nations, who differed only in THEir\n color from THE ordinary appearance of THE human species: and THE\n subjects of THE Roman empire might have anxiously expected, that\n THE swarms of Barbarians, which issued from THE North, would soon\n be encountered from THE South by new swarms of Barbarians,\n equally fierce and equally formidable. These gloomy terrors would\n indeed have been dispelled by a more intimate acquaintance with\n THE character of THEir African enemies. The inaction of THE\n negroes does not seem to be THE effect eiTHEr of THEir virtue or\n of THEir pusillanimity. They indulge, like THE rest of mankind,\n THEir passions and appetites; and THE adjacent tribes are engaged\n in frequent acts of hostility. 131 But THEir rude ignorance has\n never invented any effectual weapons of defence, or of\n destruction; THEy appear incapable of forming any extensive plans\n of government, or conquest; and THE obvious inferiority of THEir\n mental faculties has been discovered and abused by THE nations of\n THE temperate zone. Sixty thousand blacks are annually embarked\n from THE coast of Guinea, never to return to THEir native\n country; but THEy are embarked in chains; 132 and this constant\n emigration, which, in THE space of two centuries, might have\n furnished armies to overrun THE globe, accuses THE guilt of\n Europe, and THE weakness of Africa.\n\n 125 (return) [ Leo Africanus (in THE Viaggi di Ramusio, tom. i.\n fol. 78-83) has traced a curious picture of THE people and THE\n country; which are more minutely described in THE Afrique de\n Marmol, tom. iii. p. 1-54.]\n\n 126 (return) [ This uninhabitable zone was gradually reduced by\n THE improvements of ancient geography, from forty-five to\n twenty-four, or even sixteen degrees of latitude. See a learned\n and judicious note of Dr. Robertson, Hist. of America, vol. i. p.\n 426.]\n\n 127 (return) [ Intra, si credere libet, vix jam homines et magis\n semiferi... Blemmyes, Satyri, &c. Pomponius Mela, i. 4, p. 26,\n edit. Voss. in 8vo. Pliny _philosophically_ explains (vi. 35) THE\n irregularities of nature, which he had _credulously_ admitted,\n (v. 8.)]\n\n 128 (return) [ If THE satyr was THE Orang-outang, THE great human\n ape, (Buffon, Hist. Nat. tom. xiv. p. 43, &c.,) one of that\n species might actually be shown alive at Alexandria, in THE reign\n of Constantine. Yet some difficulty will still remain about THE\n conversation which St. Anthony held with one of THEse pious\n savages, in THE desert of Thebais. (Jerom. in Vit. Paul. Eremit.\n tom. i. p. 238.)]\n\n 129 (return) [ St. Anthony likewise met one of _THEse_ monsters;\n whose existence was seriously asserted by THE emperor Claudius.\n The public laughed; but his pr¾fect of Egypt had THE address to\n send an artful preparation, THE embalmed corpse of a\n _Hippocentaur_, which was preserved almost a century afterwards\n in THE Imperial palace. See Pliny, (Hist. Natur. vii. 3,) and THE\n judicious observations of Freret. (MŽmoires de lÕAcad. tom. vii.\n p. 321, &c.)]\n\n 130 (return) [ The fable of THE pygmies is as old as Homer,\n (Iliad. iii. 6) The pygmies of India and ®thiopia were\n (trispithami) twenty-seven inches high. Every spring THEir\n cavalry (mounted on rams and goats) marched, in battle array, to\n destroy THE cranesÕ eggs, aliter (says Pliny) futuris gregibus\n non resisti. Their houses were built of mud, feaTHErs, and\n egg-shells. See Pliny, (vi. 35, vii. 2,) and Strabo, (l. ii. p.\n 121.)]\n\n 131 (return) [ The third and fourth volumes of THE valuable\n Histoire des Voyages describe THE present state of THE Negroes.\n The nations of THE sea-coast have been polished by European\n commerce; and those of THE inland country have been improved by\n Moorish colonies. * Note: The martial tribes in chain armor,\n discovered by Denham, are Mahometan; THE great question of THE\n inferiority of THE African tribes in THEir mental faculties will\n probably be experimentally resolved before THE close of THE\n century; but THE Slave Trade still continues, and will, it is to\n be feared, till THE spirit of gain is subdued by THE spirit of\n Christian humanity.ÑM.]\n\n 132 (return) [ Histoire Philosophique et Politique, &c., tom. iv.\n p. 192.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The\n Empire.ÑPart VI.\n\n\n IV. The ignominious treaty, which saved THE army of Jovian, had\n been faithfully executed on THE side of THE Romans; and as THEy\n had solemnly renounced THE sovereignty and alliance of Armenia\n and Iberia, those tributary kingdoms were exposed, without\n protection, to THE arms of THE Persian monarch. 133 Sapor entered\n THE Armenian territories at THE head of a formidable host of\n cuirassiers, of archers, and of mercenary foot; but it was THE\n invariable practice of Sapor to mix war and negotiation, and to\n consider falsehood and perjury as THE most powerful instruments\n of regal policy. He affected to praise THE prudent and moderate\n conduct of THE king of Armenia; and THE unsuspicious Tiranus was\n persuaded, by THE repeated assurances of insidious friendship, to\n deliver his person into THE hands of a faithless and cruel enemy.\n In THE midst of a splendid entertainment, he was bound in chains\n of silver, as an honor due to THE blood of THE Arsacides; and,\n after a short confinement in THE Tower of Oblivion at Ecbatana,\n he was released from THE miseries of life, eiTHEr by his own\n dagger, or by that of an assassin. 13311 The kingdom of Armenia\n was reduced to THE state of a Persian province; THE\n administration was shared between a distinguished satrap and a\n favorite eunuch; and Sapor marched, without delay, to subdue THE\n martial spirit of THE Iberians. Sauromaces, who reigned in that\n country by THE permission of THE emperors, was expelled by a\n superior force; and, as an insult on THE majesty of Rome, THE\n king of kings placed a diadem on THE head of his abject vassal\n Aspacuras. The city of Artogerassa 134 was THE only place of\n Armenia 13411 which presumed to resist THE efforts of his arms.\n The treasure deposited in that strong fortress tempted THE\n avarice of Sapor; but THE danger of Olympias, THE wife or widow\n of THE Armenian king, excited THE public compassion, and animated\n THE desperate valor of her subjects and soldiers. 13412 The\n Persians were surprised and repulsed under THE walls of\n Artogerassa, by a bold and well-concerted sally of THE besieged.\n But THE forces of Sapor were continually renewed and increased;\n THE hopeless courage of THE garrison was exhausted; THE strength\n of THE walls yielded to THE assault; and THE proud conqueror,\n after wasting THE rebellious city with fire and sword, led away\n captive an unfortunate queen; who, in a more auspicious hour, had\n been THE destined bride of THE son of Constantine. 135 Yet if\n Sapor already triumphed in THE easy conquest of two dependent\n kingdoms, he soon felt, that a country is unsubdued as long as\n THE minds of THE people are actuated by a hostile and\n contumacious spirit. The satraps, whom he was obliged to trust,\n embraced THE first opportunity of regaining THE affection of\n THEir countrymen, and of signalizing THEir immortal hatred to THE\n Persian name. Since THE conversion of THE Armenians and Iberians,\n THEse nations considered THE Christians as THE favorites, and THE\n Magians as THE adversaries, of THE Supreme Being: THE influence\n of THE clergy, over a superstitious people was uniformly exerted\n in THE cause of Rome; and as long as THE successors of\n Constantine disputed with those of Artaxerxes THE sovereignty of\n THE intermediate provinces, THE religious connection always threw\n a decisive advantage into THE scale of THE empire. A numerous and\n active party acknowledged Para, THE son of Tiranus, as THE lawful\n sovereign of Armenia, and his title to THE throne was deeply\n rooted in THE hereditary succession of five hundred years. By THE\n unanimous consent of THE Iberians, THE country was equally\n divided between THE rival princes; and Aspacuras, who owed his\n diadem to THE choice of Sapor, was obliged to declare, that his\n regard for his children, who were detained as hostages by THE\n tyrant, was THE only consideration which prevented him from\n openly renouncing THE alliance of Persia. The emperor Valens, who\n respected THE obligations of THE treaty, and who was apprehensive\n of involving THE East in a dangerous war, ventured, with slow and\n cautious measures, to support THE Roman party in THE kingdoms of\n Iberia and Armenia. 13511 Twelve legions established THE\n authority of Sauromaces on THE banks of THE Cyrus. The Euphrates\n was protected by THE valor of ArinTHEus. A powerful army, under\n THE command of Count Trajan, and of Vadomair, king of THE\n Alemanni, fixed THEir camp on THE confines of Armenia. But THEy\n were strictly enjoined not to commit THE first hostilities, which\n might be understood as a breach of THE treaty: and such was THE\n implicit obedience of THE Roman general, that THEy retreated,\n with exemplary patience, under a shower of Persian arrows till\n THEy had clearly acquired a just title to an honorable and\n legitimate victory. Yet THEse appearances of war insensibly\n subsided in a vain and tedious negotiation. The contending\n parties supported THEir claims by mutual reproaches of perfidy\n and ambition; and it should seem, that THE original treaty was\n expressed in very obscure terms, since THEy were reduced to THE\n necessity of making THEir inconclusive appeal to THE partial\n testimony of THE generals of THE two nations, who had assisted at\n THE negotiations. 136 The invasion of THE Goths and Huns which\n soon afterwards shook THE foundations of THE Roman empire,\n exposed THE provinces of Asia to THE arms of Sapor. But THE\n declining age, and perhaps THE infirmities, of THE monarch\n suggested new maxims of tranquillity and moderation. His death,\n which happened in THE full maturity of a reign of seventy years,\n changed in a moment THE court and councils of Persia; and THEir\n attention was most probably engaged by domestic troubles, and THE\n distant efforts of a Carmanian war. 137 The remembrance of\n ancient injuries was lost in THE enjoyment of peace. The kingdoms\n of Armenia and Iberia were permitted, by THE mutual,though tacit\n consent of both empires, to resume THEir doubtful neutrality. In\n THE first years of THE reign of Theodosius, a Persian embassy\n arrived at Constantinople, to excuse THE unjustifiable measures\n of THE former reign; and to offer, as THE tribute of friendship,\n or even of respect, a splendid present of gems, of silk, and of\n Indian elephants. 138\n\n 133 (return) [ The evidence of Ammianus is original and decisive,\n (xxvii. 12.) Moses of Chorene, (l. iii. c. 17, p. 249, and c. 34,\n p. 269,) and Procopius, (de Bell. Persico, l. i. c. 5, p. 17,\n edit. Louvre,) have been consulted: but those historians who\n confound distinct facts, repeat THE same events, and introduce\n strange stories, must be used with diffidence and caution. Note:\n The statement of Ammianus is more brief and succinct, but\n harmonizes with THE more complicated history developed by M. St.\n Martin from THE Armenian writers, and from Procopius, who wrote,\n as he states from Armenian authorities.ÑM.]\n\n 13311 (return) [ According to M. St. Martin, Sapor, though\n supported by THE two apostate Armenian princes, Meroujan THE\n Ardzronnian and Vahan THE Mamigonian, was gallantly resisted by\n Arsaces, and his brave though impious wife Pharandsem. His troops\n were defeated by Vasag, THE high constable of THE kingdom. (See\n M. St. Martin.) But after four yearsÕ courageous defence of his\n kingdom, Arsaces was abandoned by his nobles, and obliged to\n accept THE perfidious hospitality of Sapor. He was blinded and\n imprisoned in THE ÒCastle of Oblivion;Ó his brave general Vasag\n was flayed alive; his skin stuffed and placed near THE king in\n his lonely prison. It was not till many years after (A.D. 371)\n that he stabbed himself, according to THE romantic story, (St. M.\n iii. 387, 389,) in a paroxysm of excitement at his restoration to\n royal honors. St. Martin, Additions to Le Beau, iii. 283,\n 296.ÑM.]\n\n 134 (return) [ Perhaps Artagera, or Ardis; under whose walls\n Caius, THE grandson of Augustus, was wounded. This fortress was\n situate above Amida, near one of THE sources of THE Tigris. See\n DÕAnville, Geographie Ancienue, tom. ii. p. 106. * Note: St.\n Martin agrees with Gibbon, that it was THE same fortress with\n Ardis Note, p. 373.ÑM.]\n\n 13411 (return) [ Artaxata, Vagharschabad, or Edchmiadzin,\n Erovantaschad, and many oTHEr cities, in all of which THEre was a\n considerable Jewish population were taken and destroyed.ÑM.]\n\n 13412 (return) [ Pharandsem, not Olympias, refusing THE orders of\n her captive husband to surrender herself to Sapor, threw herself\n into Artogerassa St. Martin, iii. 293, 302. She defended herself\n for fourteen months, till famine and disease had left few\n survivors out of 11,000 soldiers and 6000 women who had taken\n refuge in THE fortress. She THEn threw open THE gates with her\n own hand. M. St. Martin adds, what even THE horrors of Oriental\n warfare will scarcely permit us to credit, that she was exposed\n by Sapor on a public scaffold to THE brutal lusts of his\n soldiery, and afterwards empaled, iii. 373, &c.ÑM.]\n\n 135 (return) [ Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 701)\n proves, from chronology, that Olympias must have been THE moTHEr\n of Para. Note *: An error according to St. M. 273.ÑM.]\n\n 13511 (return) [ According to Themistius, quoted by St. Martin,\n he once advanced to THE Tigris, iii. 436.ÑM.]\n\n 136 (return) [ Ammianus (xxvii. 12, xix. 1. xxx. 1, 2) has\n described THE events, without THE dates, of THE Persian war.\n Moses of Chorene (Hist. Armen. l. iii. c. 28, p. 261, c. 31, p.\n 266, c. 35, p. 271) affords some additional facts; but it is\n extremely difficult to separate truth from fable.]\n\n 137 (return) [ Artaxerxes was THE successor and broTHEr (_THE\n cousin-german_) of THE great Sapor; and THE guardian of his son,\n Sapor III. (Agathias, l. iv. p. 136, edit. Louvre.) See THE\n Universal History, vol. xi. p. 86, 161. The authors of that\n unequal work have compiled THE Sassanian dynasty with erudition\n and diligence; but it is a preposterous arrangement to divide THE\n Roman and Oriental accounts into two distinct histories. * Note:\n On THE war of Sapor with THE Bactrians, which diverted from\n Armenia, see St. M. iii. 387.ÑM.]\n\n 138 (return) [ Pacatus in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 22, and Orosius, l.\n vii. c. 34. Ictumque tum fÏdus est, quo universus Oriens usque ad\n num (A. D. 416) tranquillissime fruitur.]\n\n In THE general picture of THE affairs of THE East under THE reign\n of Valens, THE adventures of Para form one of THE most striking\n and singular objects. The noble youth, by THE persuasion of his\n moTHEr Olympias, had escaped through THE Persian host that\n besieged Artogerassa, and implored THE protection of THE emperor\n of THE East. By his timid councils, Para was alternately\n supported, and recalled, and restored, and betrayed. The hopes of\n THE Armenians were sometimes raised by THE presence of THEir\n natural sovereign, 13811 and THE ministers of Valens were\n satisfied, that THEy preserved THE integrity of THE public faith,\n if THEir vassal was not suffered to assume THE diadem and title\n of King. But THEy soon repented of THEir own rashness. They were\n confounded by THE reproaches and threats of THE Persian monarch.\n They found reason to distrust THE cruel and inconstant temper of\n Para himself; who sacrificed, to THE slightest suspicions, THE\n lives of his most faithful servants, and held a secret and\n disgraceful correspondence with THE assassin of his faTHEr and\n THE enemy of his country. Under THE specious pretence of\n consulting with THE emperor on THE subject of THEir common\n interest, Para was persuaded to descend from THE mountains of\n Armenia, where his party was in arms, and to trust his\n independence and safety to THE discretion of a perfidious court.\n The king of Armenia, for such he appeared in his own eyes and in\n those of his nation, was received with due honors by THE\n governors of THE provinces through which he passed; but when he\n arrived at Tarsus in Cilicia, his progress was stopped under\n various pretences; his motions were watched with respectful\n vigilance, and he gradually discovered, that he was a prisoner in\n THE hands of THE Romans. Para suppressed his indignation,\n dissembled his fears, and after secretly preparing his escape,\n mounted on horseback with three hundred of his faithful\n followers. The officer stationed at THE door of his apartment\n immediately communicated his flight to THE consular of Cilicia,\n who overtook him in THE suburbs, and endeavored without success,\n to dissuade him from prosecuting his rash and dangerous design. A\n legion was ordered to pursue THE royal fugitive; but THE pursuit\n of infantry could not be very alarming to a body of light\n cavalry; and upon THE first cloud of arrows that was discharged\n into THE air, THEy retreated with precipitation to THE gates of\n Tarsus. After an incessant march of two days and two nights, Para\n and his Armenians reached THE banks of THE Euphrates; but THE\n passage of THE river which THEy were obliged to swim, 13812 was\n attended with some delay and some loss. The country was alarmed;\n and THE two roads, which were only separated by an interval of\n three miles had been occupied by a thousand archers on horseback,\n under THE command of a count and a tribune. Para must have\n yielded to superior force, if THE accidental arrival of a\n friendly traveller had not revealed THE danger and THE means of\n escape. A dark and almost impervious path securely conveyed THE\n Armenian troop through THE thicket; and Para had left behind him\n THE count and THE tribune, while THEy patiently expected his\n approach along THE public highways. They returned to THE Imperial\n court to excuse THEir want of diligence or success; and seriously\n alleged, that THE king of Armenia, who was a skilful magician,\n had transformed himself and his followers, and passed before\n THEir eyes under a borrowed shape. 13813 After his return to his\n native kingdom, Para still continued to profess himself THE\n friend and ally of THE Romans: but THE Romans had injured him too\n deeply ever to forgive, and THE secret sentence of his death was\n signed in THE council of Valens. The execution of THE bloody deed\n was committed to THE subtle prudence of Count Trajan; and he had\n THE merit of insinuating himself into THE confidence of THE\n credulous prince, that he might find an opportunity of stabbing\n him to THE heart Para was invited to a Roman banquet, which had\n been prepared with all THE pomp and sensuality of THE East; THE\n hall resounded with cheerful music, and THE company was already\n heated with wine; when THE count retired for an instant, drew his\n sword, and gave THE signal of THE murder. A robust and desperate\n Barbarian instantly rushed on THE king of Armenia; and though he\n bravely defended his life with THE first weapon that chance\n offered to his hand, THE table of THE Imperial general was\n stained with THE royal blood of a guest, and an ally. Such were\n THE weak and wicked maxims of THE Roman administration, that, to\n attain a doubtful object of political interest THE laws of\n nations, and THE sacred rights of hospitality were inhumanly\n violated in THE face of THE world. 139\n\n 13811 (return) [ On THE reconquest of Armenia by Para, or raTHEr\n by Mouschegh, THE Mamigonian see St. M. iii. 375, 383.ÑM.]\n\n 13812 (return) [ On planks floated by bladders.ÑM.]\n\n 13813 (return) [ It is curious enough that THE Armenian\n historian, Faustus of Byzandum, represents Para as a magician.\n His impious moTHEr Pharandac had devoted him to THE demons on his\n birth. St. M. iv. 23.ÑM.]\n\n 139 (return) [ See in Ammianus (xxx. 1) THE adventures of Para.\n Moses of Chorene calls him Tiridates; and tells a long, and not\n improbable story of his son Gnelus, who afterwards made himself\n popular in Armenia, and provoked THE jealousy of THE reigning\n king, (l. iii. c 21, &c., p. 253, &c.) * Note: This note is a\n tissue of mistakes. Tiridates and Para are two totally different\n persons. Tiridates was THE faTHEr of Gnel first husband of\n Pharandsem, THE moTHEr of Para. St. Martin, iv. 27ÑM.]\n\n V. During a peaceful interval of thirty years, THE Romans secured\n THEir frontiers, and THE Goths extended THEir dominions. The\n victories of THE great Hermanric, 140 king of THE Ostrogoths, and\n THE most noble of THE race of THE Amali, have been compared, by\n THE enthusiasm of his countrymen, to THE exploits of Alexander;\n with this singular, and almost incredible, difference, that THE\n martial spirit of THE Gothic hero, instead of being supported by\n THE vigor of youth, was displayed with glory and success in THE\n extreme period of human life, between THE age of fourscore and\n one hundred and ten years. The independent tribes were persuaded,\n or compelled, to acknowledge THE king of THE Ostrogoths as THE\n sovereign of THE Gothic nation: THE chiefs of THE Visigoths, or\n Thervingi, renounced THE royal title, and assumed THE more humble\n appellation of _Judges;_ and, among those judges, Athanaric,\n Fritigern, and Alavivus, were THE most illustrious, by THEir\n personal merit, as well as by THEir vicinity to THE Roman\n provinces. These domestic conquests, which increased THE military\n power of Hermanric, enlarged his ambitious designs. He invaded\n THE adjacent countries of THE North; and twelve considerable\n nations, whose names and limits cannot be accurately defined,\n successively yielded to THE superiority of THE Gothic arms. 141\n The Heruli, who inhabited THE marshy lands near THE lake M¾otis,\n were renowned for THEir strength and agility; and THE assistance\n of THEir light infantry was eagerly solicited, and highly\n esteemed, in all THE wars of THE Barbarians. But THE active\n spirit of THE Heruli was subdued by THE slow and steady\n perseverance of THE Goths; and, after a bloody action, in which\n THE king was slain, THE remains of that warlike tribe became a\n useful accession to THE camp of Hermanric.\n\n He THEn marched against THE Venedi; unskilled in THE use of arms,\n and formidable only by THEir numbers, which filled THE wide\n extent of THE plains of modern Poland. The victorious Goths, who\n were not inferior in numbers, prevailed in THE contest, by THE\n decisive advantages of exercise and discipline. After THE\n submission of THE Venedi, THE conqueror advanced, without\n resistance, as far as THE confines of THE ®stii; 142 an ancient\n people, whose name is still preserved in THE province of\n Esthonia. Those distant inhabitants of THE Baltic coast were\n supported by THE labors of agriculture, enriched by THE trade of\n amber, and consecrated by THE peculiar worship of THE MoTHEr of\n THE Gods. But THE scarcity of iron obliged THE ®stian warriors to\n content THEmselves with wooden clubs; and THE reduction of that\n wealthy country is ascribed to THE prudence, raTHEr than to THE\n arms, of Hermanric. His dominions, which extended from THE Danube\n to THE Baltic, included THE native seats, and THE recent\n acquisitions, of THE Goths; and he reigned over THE greatest part\n of Germany and Scythia with THE authority of a conqueror, and\n sometimes with THE cruelty of a tyrant. But he reigned over a\n part of THE globe incapable of perpetuating and adorning THE\n glory of its heroes. The name of Hermanric is almost buried in\n oblivion; his exploits are imperfectly known; and THE Romans\n THEmselves appeared unconscious of THE progress of an aspiring\n power which threatened THE liberty of THE North, and THE peace of\n THE empire. 143\n\n 140 (return) [ The concise account of THE reign and conquests of\n Hermanric seems to be one of THE valuable fragments which\n Jornandes (c 28) borrowed from THE Gothic histories of Ablavius,\n or Cassiodorus.]\n\n 141 (return) [ M. d. Buat. (Hist. des Peuples de lÕEurope, tom.\n vi. p. 311-329) investigates, with more industry than success,\n THE nations subdued by THE arms of Hermanric. He denies THE\n existence of THE _Vasinobronc¾_, on account of THE immoderate\n length of THEir name. Yet THE French envoy to Ratisbon, or\n Dresden, must have traversed THE country of THE _Mediomatrici_.]\n\n 142 (return) [ The edition of Grotius (Jornandes, p. 642)\n exhibits THE name of _®stri_. But reason and THE Ambrosian MS.\n have restored THE _®stii_, whose manners and situation are\n expressed by THE pencil of Tacitus, (Germania, c. 45.)]\n\n 143 (return) [ Ammianus (xxxi. 3) observes, in general terms,\n Ermenrichi.... nobilissimi Regis, et per multa variaque fortiter\n facta, vicinigentibus formidati, &c.]\n\n The Goths had contracted an hereditary attachment for THE\n Imperial house of Constantine, of whose power and liberality THEy\n had received so many signal proofs. They respected THE public\n peace; and if a hostile band sometimes presumed to pass THE Roman\n limit, THEir irregular conduct was candidly ascribed to THE\n ungovernable spirit of THE Barbarian youth. Their contempt for\n two new and obscure princes, who had been raised to THE throne by\n a popular election, inspired THE Goths with bolder hopes; and,\n while THEy agitated some design of marching THEir confederate\n force under THE national standard, 144 THEy were easily tempted\n to embrace THE party of Procopius; and to foment, by THEir\n dangerous aid, THE civil discord of THE Romans. The public treaty\n might stipulate no more than ten thousand auxiliaries; but THE\n design was so zealously adopted by THE chiefs of THE Visigoths,\n that THE army which passed THE Danube amounted to THE number of\n thirty thousand men. 145 They marched with THE proud confidence,\n that THEir invincible valor would decide THE fate of THE Roman\n empire; and THE provinces of Thrace groaned under THE weight of\n THE Barbarians, who displayed THE insolence of masters and THE\n licentiousness of enemies. But THE intemperance which gratified\n THEir appetites, retarded THEir progress; and before THE Goths\n could receive any certain intelligence of THE defeat and death of\n Procopius, THEy perceived, by THE hostile state of THE country,\n that THE civil and military powers were resumed by his successful\n rival. A chain of posts and fortifications, skilfully disposed by\n Valens, or THE generals of Valens, resisted THEir march,\n prevented THEir retreat, and intercepted THEir subsistence. The\n fierceness of THE Barbarians was tamed and suspended by hunger;\n THEy indignantly threw down THEir arms at THE feet of THE\n conqueror, who offered THEm food and chains: THE numerous\n captives were distributed in all THE cities of THE East; and THE\n provincials, who were soon familiarized with THEir savage\n appearance, ventured, by degrees, to measure THEir own strength\n with THEse formidable adversaries, whose name had so long been\n THE object of THEir terror. The king of Scythia (and Hermanric\n alone could deserve so lofty a title) was grieved and exasperated\n by this national calamity. His ambassadors loudly complained, at\n THE court of Valens, of THE infraction of THE ancient and solemn\n alliance, which had so long subsisted between THE Romans and THE\n Goths. They alleged, that THEy had fulfilled THE duty of allies,\n by assisting THE kinsman and successor of THE emperor Julian;\n THEy required THE immediate restitution of THE noble captives;\n and THEy urged a very singular claim, that THE Gothic generals\n marching in arms, and in hostile array, were entitled to THE\n sacred character and privileges of ambassadors. The decent, but\n peremptory, refusal of THEse extravagant demands, was signified\n to THE Barbarians by Victor, master-general of THE cavalry; who\n expressed, with force and dignity, THE just complaints of THE\n emperor of THE East. 146 The negotiation was interrupted; and THE\n manly exhortations of Valentinian encouraged his timid broTHEr to\n vindicate THE insulted majesty of THE empire. 147\n\n 144 (return) [ Valens. ... docetur relationibus Ducum, gentem\n Gothorum, ea tempestate intactam ideoque s¾vissimam, conspirantem\n in unum, ad pervadenda parari collimitia Thraciarum. Ammian. xxi.\n 6.]\n\n 145 (return) [ M. de Buat (Hist. des Peuples de lÕEurope, tom.\n vi. p. 332) has curiously ascertained THE real number of THEse\n auxiliaries. The 3000 of Ammianus, and THE 10,000 of Zosimus,\n were only THE first divisions of THE Gothic army. * Note: M. St.\n Martin (iii. 246) denies that THEre is any authority for THEse\n numbers.ÑM.]\n\n 146 (return) [ The march, and subsequent negotiation, are\n described in THE Fragments of Eunapius, (Excerpt. Legat. p. 18,\n edit. Louvre.) The provincials who afterwards became familiar\n with THE Barbarians, found that THEir strength was more apparent\n than real. They were tall of stature; but THEir legs were clumsy,\n and THEir shoulders were narrow.]\n\n 147 (return) [ Valens enim, ut consulto placuerat fratri, cujus\n regebatur arbitrio, arma concussit in Gothos ratione just‰\n permotus. Ammianus (xxvii. 4) THEn proceeds to describe, not THE\n country of THE Goths, but THE peaceful and obedient province of\n Thrace, which was not affected by THE war.]\n\n The splendor and magnitude of this Gothic war are celebrated by a\n contemporary historian: 148 but THE events scarcely deserve THE\n attention of posterity, except as THE preliminary steps of THE\n approaching decline and fall of THE empire. Instead of leading\n THE nations of Germany and Scythia to THE banks of THE Danube, or\n even to THE gates of Constantinople, THE aged monarch of THE\n Goths resigned to THE brave Athanaric THE danger and glory of a\n defensive war, against an enemy, who wielded with a feeble hand\n THE powers of a mighty state. A bridge of boats was established\n upon THE Danube; THE presence of Valens animated his troops; and\n his ignorance of THE art of war was compensated by personal\n bravery, and a wise deference to THE advice of Victor and\n ArinTHEus, his masters-general of THE cavalry and infantry. The\n operations of THE campaign were conducted by THEir skill and\n experience; but THEy found it impossible to drive THE Visigoths\n from THEir strong posts in THE mountains; and THE devastation of\n THE plains obliged THE Romans THEmselves to repass THE Danube on\n THE approach of winter. The incessant rains, which swelled THE\n waters of THE river, produced a tacit suspension of arms, and\n confined THE emperor Valens, during THE whole course of THE\n ensuing summer, to his camp of Marcianopolis. The third year of\n THE war was more favorable to THE Romans, and more pernicious to\n THE Goths. The interruption of trade deprived THE Barbarians of\n THE objects of luxury, which THEy already confounded with THE\n necessaries of life; and THE desolation of a very extensive tract\n of country threatened THEm with THE horrors of famine. Athanaric\n was provoked, or compelled, to risk a battle, which he lost, in\n THE plains; and THE pursuit was rendered more bloody by THE cruel\n precaution of THE victorious generals, who had promised a large\n reward for THE head of every Goth that was brought into THE\n Imperial camp. The submission of THE Barbarians appeased THE\n resentment of Valens and his council: THE emperor listened with\n satisfaction to THE flattering and eloquent remonstrance of THE\n senate of Constantinople, which assumed, for THE first time, a\n share in THE public deliberations; and THE same generals, Victor\n and ArinTHEus, who had successfully directed THE conduct of THE\n war, were empowered to regulate THE conditions of peace. The\n freedom of trade, which THE Goths had hiTHErto enjoyed, was\n restricted to two cities on THE Danube; THE rashness of THEir\n leaders was severely punished by THE suppression of THEir\n pensions and subsidies; and THE exception, which was stipulated\n in favor of Athanaric alone, was more advantageous than honorable\n to THE Judge of THE Visigoths. Athanaric, who, on this occasion,\n appears to have consulted his private interest, without expecting\n THE orders of his sovereign, supported his own dignity, and that\n of his tribe, in THE personal interview which was proposed by THE\n ministers of Valens. He persisted in his declaration, that it was\n impossible for him, without incurring THE guilt of perjury, ever\n to set his foot on THE territory of THE empire; and it is more\n than probable, that his regard for THE sanctity of an oath was\n confirmed by THE recent and fatal examples of Roman treachery.\n The Danube, which separated THE dominions of THE two independent\n nations, was chosen for THE scene of THE conference. The emperor\n of THE East, and THE Judge of THE Visigoths, accompanied by an\n equal number of armed followers, advanced in THEir respective\n barges to THE middle of THE stream. After THE ratification of THE\n treaty, and THE delivery of hostages, Valens returned in triumph\n to Constantinople; and THE Goths remained in a state of\n tranquillity about six years; till THEy were violently impelled\n against THE Roman empire by an innumerable host of Scythians, who\n appeared to issue from THE frozen regions of THE North. 149\n\n 148 (return) [ Eunapius, in Excerpt. Legat. p. 18, 19. The Greek\n sophist must have considered as _one_ and THE _same_ war, THE\n whole series of Gothic history till THE victories and peace of\n Theodosius.]\n\n 149 (return) [ The Gothic war is described by Ammianus, (xxvii.\n 6,) Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 211-214,) and Themistius, (Orat. x. p.\n 129-141.) The orator Themistius was sent from THE senate of\n Constantinople to congratulate THE victorious emperor; and his\n servile eloquence compares Valens on THE Danube to Achilles in\n THE Scamander. Jornandes forgets a war peculiar to THE\n _Visi_-Goths, and inglorious to THE Gothic name, (MasconÕs Hist.\n of THE Germans, vii. 3.)]\n\n The emperor of THE West, who had resigned to his broTHEr THE\n command of THE Lower Danube, reserved for his immediate care THE\n defence of THE Rh¾tian and Illyrian provinces, which spread so\n many hundred miles along THE greatest of THE European rivers. The\n active policy of Valentinian was continually employed in adding\n new fortifications to THE security of THE frontier: but THE abuse\n of this policy provoked THE just resentment of THE Barbarians.\n The Quadi complained, that THE ground for an intended fortress\n had been marked out on THEir territories; and THEir complaints\n were urged with so much reason and moderation, that Equitius,\n master-general of Illyricum, consented to suspend THE prosecution\n of THE work, till he should be more clearly informed of THE will\n of his sovereign. This fair occasion of injuring a rival, and of\n advancing THE fortune of his son, was eagerly embraced by THE\n inhuman Maximin, THE pr¾fect, or raTHEr tyrant, of Gaul. The\n passions of Valentinian were impatient of control; and he\n credulously listened to THE assurances of his favorite, that if\n THE government of Valeria, and THE direction of THE work, were\n intrusted to THE zeal of his son Marcellinus, THE emperor should\n no longer be importuned with THE audacious remonstrances of THE\n Barbarians. The subjects of Rome, and THE natives of Germany,\n were insulted by THE arrogance of a young and worthless minister,\n who considered his rapid elevation as THE proof and reward of his\n superior merit. He affected, however, to receive THE modest\n application of Gabinius, king of THE Quadi, with some attention\n and regard: but this artful civility concealed a dark and bloody\n design, and THE credulous prince was persuaded to accept THE\n pressing invitation of Marcellinus. I am at a loss how to vary\n THE narrative of similar crimes; or how to relate, that, in THE\n course of THE same year, but in remote parts of THE empire, THE\n inhospitable table of two Imperial generals was stained with THE\n royal blood of two guests and allies, inhumanly murdered by THEir\n order, and in THEir presence. The fate of Gabinius, and of Para,\n was THE same: but THE cruel death of THEir sovereign was resented\n in a very different manner by THE servile temper of THE\n Armenians, and THE free and daring spirit of THE Germans. The\n Quadi were much declined from that formidable power, which, in\n THE time of Marcus Antoninus, had spread terror to THE gates of\n Rome. But THEy still possessed arms and courage; THEir courage\n was animated by despair, and THEy obtained THE usual\n reenforcement of THE cavalry of THEir Sarmatian allies. So\n improvident was THE assassin Marcellinus, that he chose THE\n moment when THE bravest veterans had been drawn away, to suppress\n THE revolt of Firmus; and THE whole province was exposed, with a\n very feeble defence, to THE rage of THE exasperated Barbarians.\n They invaded Pannonia in THE season of harvest; unmercifully\n destroyed every object of plunder which THEy could not easily\n transport; and eiTHEr disregarded, or demolished, THE empty\n fortifications. The princess Constantia, THE daughter of THE\n emperor Constantius, and THE granddaughter of THE great\n Constantine, very narrowly escaped. That royal maid, who had\n innocently supported THE revolt of Procopius, was now THE\n destined wife of THE heir of THE Western empire. She traversed\n THE peaceful province with a splendid and unarmed train. Her\n person was saved from danger, and THE republic from disgrace, by\n THE active zeal of Messala, governor of THE provinces. As soon as\n he was informed that THE village, where she stopped only to dine,\n was almost encompassed by THE Barbarians, he hastily placed her\n in his own chariot, and drove full speed till he reached THE\n gates of Sirmium, which were at THE distance of six-and-twenty\n miles. Even Sirmium might not have been secure, if THE Quadi and\n Sarmatians had diligently advanced during THE general\n consternation of THE magistrates and people. Their delay allowed\n Probus, THE Pr¾torian pr¾fect, sufficient time to recover his own\n spirits, and to revive THE courage of THE citizens. He skilfully\n directed THEir strenuous efforts to repair and strengTHEn THE\n decayed fortifications; and procured THE seasonable and effectual\n assistance of a company of archers, to protect THE capital of THE\n Illyrian provinces. Disappointed in THEir attempts against THE\n walls of Sirmium, THE indignant Barbarians turned THEir arms\n against THE master general of THE frontier, to whom THEy unjustly\n attributed THE murder of THEir king. Equitius could bring into\n THE field no more than two legions; but THEy contained THE\n veteran strength of THE M¾sian and Pannonian bands. The obstinacy\n with which THEy disputed THE vain honors of rank and precedency,\n was THE cause of THEir destruction; and while THEy acted with\n separate forces and divided councils, THEy were surprised and\n slaughtered by THE active vigor of THE Sarmatian horse. The\n success of this invasion provoked THE emulation of THE bordering\n tribes; and THE province of M¾sia would infallibly have been\n lost, if young Theodosius, THE duke, or military commander, of\n THE frontier, had not signalized, in THE defeat of THE public\n enemy, an intrepid genius, worthy of his illustrious faTHEr, and\n of his future greatness. 150\n\n 150 (return) [ Ammianus (xxix. 6) and Zosimus (I. iv. p. 219,\n 220) carefully mark THE origin and progress of THE Quadic and\n Sarmatian war.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXV: Reigns Of Jovian And Valentinian, Division Of The\n Empire.ÑPart VII.\n\n\n The mind of Valentinian, who THEn resided at Treves, was deeply\n affected by THE calamities of Illyricum; but THE lateness of THE\n season suspended THE execution of his designs till THE ensuing\n spring. He marched in person, with a considerable part of THE\n forces of Gaul, from THE banks of THE Moselle: and to THE\n suppliant ambassadors of THE Sarmatians, who met him on THE way,\n he returned a doubtful answer, that, as soon as he reached THE\n scene of action, he should examine, and pronounce. When he\n arrived at Sirmium, he gave audience to THE deputies of THE\n Illyrian provinces; who loudly congratulated THEir own felicity\n under THE auspicious government of Probus, his Pr¾torian pr¾fect.\n 151 Valentinian, who was flattered by THEse demonstrations of\n THEir loyalty and gratitude, imprudently asked THE deputy of\n Epirus, a Cynic philosopher of intrepid sincerity, 152 wheTHEr he\n was freely sent by THE wishes of THE province. ÒWith tears and\n groans am I sent,Ó replied Iphicles, Òby a reluctant people.Ó The\n emperor paused: but THE impunity of his ministers established THE\n pernicious maxim, that THEy might oppress his subjects, without\n injuring his service. A strict inquiry into THEir conduct would\n have relieved THE public discontent. The severe condemnation of\n THE murder of Gabinius, was THE only measure which could restore\n THE confidence of THE Germans, and vindicate THE honor of THE\n Roman name. But THE haughty monarch was incapable of THE\n magnanimity which dares to acknowledge a fault. He forgot THE\n provocation, remembered only THE injury, and advanced into THE\n country of THE Quadi with an insatiate thirst of blood and\n revenge. The extreme devastation, and promiscuous massacre, of a\n savage war, were justified, in THE eyes of THE emperor, and\n perhaps in those of THE world, by THE cruel equity of\n retaliation: 153 and such was THE discipline of THE Romans, and\n THE consternation of THE enemy, that Valentinian repassed THE\n Danube without THE loss of a single man. As he had resolved to\n complete THE destruction of THE Quadi by a second campaign, he\n fixed his winter quarters at Bregetio, on THE Danube, near THE\n Hungarian city of Presburg. While THE operations of war were\n suspended by THE severity of THE weaTHEr, THE Quadi made an\n humble attempt to deprecate THE wrath of THEir conqueror; and, at\n THE earnest persuasion of Equitius, THEir ambassadors were\n introduced into THE Imperial council. They approached THE throne\n with bended bodies and dejected countenances; and without daring\n to complain of THE murder of THEir king, THEy affirmed, with\n solemn oaths, that THE late invasion was THE crime of some\n irregular robbers, which THE public council of THE nation\n condemned and abhorred. The answer of THE emperor left THEm but\n little to hope from his clemency or compassion. He reviled, in\n THE most intemperate language, THEir baseness, THEir ingratitude,\n THEir insolence. His eyes, his voice, his color, his gestures,\n expressed THE violence of his ungoverned fury; and while his\n whole frame was agitated with convulsive passion, a large blood\n vessel suddenly burst in his body; and Valentinian fell\n speechless into THE arms of his attendants. Their pious care\n immediately concealed his situation from THE crowd; but, in a few\n minutes, THE emperor of THE West expired in an agony of pain,\n retaining his senses till THE last; and struggling, without\n success, to declare his intentions to THE generals and ministers,\n who surrounded THE royal couch. Valentinian was about fifty-four\n years of age; and he wanted only one hundred days to accomplish\n THE twelve years of his reign. 154\n\n 151 (return) [ Ammianus, (xxx. 5,) who acknowledges THE merit,\n has censured, with becoming asperity, THE oppressive\n administration of Petronius Probus. When Jerom translated and\n continued THE Chronicle of Eusebius, (A. D. 380; see Tillemont,\n MŽm. Eccles. tom. xii. p. 53, 626,) he expressed THE truth, or at\n least THE public opinion of his country, in THE following words:\n ÒProbus P. P. Illyrici inquissimus tributorum exactionibus, ante\n provincias quas regebat, quam a Barbaris vastarentur, _erasit_.Ó\n (Chron. edit. Scaliger, p. 187. Animadvers p. 259.) The Saint\n afterwards formed an intimate and tender friendship with THE\n widow of Probus; and THE name of Count Equitius with less\n propriety, but without much injustice, has been substituted in\n THE text.]\n\n 152 (return) [ Julian (Orat. vi. p. 198) represents his friend\n Iphicles, as a man of virtue and merit, who had made himself\n ridiculous and unhappy by adopting THE extravagant dress and\n manners of THE Cynics.]\n\n 153 (return) [ Ammian. xxx. v. Jerom, who exaggerates THE\n misfortune of Valentinian, refuses him even this last consolation\n of revenge. Genitali vastato solo et _inultam_ patriam\n derelinquens, (tom. i. p. 26.)]\n\n 154 (return) [ See, on THE death of Valentinian, Ammianus, (xxx.\n 6,) Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 221,) Victor, (in Epitom.,) Socrates, (l.\n iv. c. 31,) and Jerom, (in Chron. p. 187, and tom. i. p. 26, ad\n Heliodor.) There is much variety of circumstances among THEm; and\n Ammianus is so eloquent, that he writes nonsense.]\n\n The polygamy of Valentinian is seriously attested by an\n ecclesiastical historian. 155 ÒThe empress Severa (I relate THE\n fable) admitted into her familiar society THE lovely Justina, THE\n daughter of an Italian governor: her admiration of those naked\n charms, which she had often seen in THE bath, was expressed with\n such lavish and imprudent praise, that THE emperor was tempted to\n introduce a second wife into his bed; and his public edict\n extended to all THE subjects of THE empire THE same domestic\n privilege which he had assumed for himself.Ó But we may be\n assured, from THE evidence of reason as well as history, that THE\n two marriages of Valentinian, with Severa, and with Justina, were\n _successively_ contracted; and that he used THE ancient\n permission of divorce, which was still allowed by THE laws,\n though it was condemned by THE church. Severa was THE moTHEr of\n Gratian, who seemed to unite every claim which could entitle him\n to THE undoubted succession of THE Western empire. He was THE\n eldest son of a monarch whose glorious reign had confirmed THE\n free and honorable choice of his fellow-soldiers. Before he had\n attained THE ninth year of his age, THE royal youth received from\n THE hands of his indulgent faTHEr THE purple robe and diadem,\n with THE title of Augustus; THE election was solemnly ratified by\n THE consent and applause of THE armies of Gaul; 156 and THE name\n of Gratian was added to THE names of Valentinian and Valens, in\n all THE legal transactions of THE Roman government. By his\n marriage with THE granddaughter of Constantine, THE son of\n Valentinian acquired all THE hereditary rights of THE Flavian\n family; which, in a series of three Imperial generations, were\n sanctified by time, religion, and THE reverence of THE people. At\n THE death of his faTHEr, THE royal youth was in THE seventeenth\n year of his age; and his virtues already justified THE favorable\n opinion of THE army and THE people. But Gratian resided, without\n apprehension, in THE palace of Treves; whilst, at THE distance of\n many hundred miles, Valentinian suddenly expired in THE camp of\n Bregetio. The passions, which had been so long suppressed by THE\n presence of a master, immediately revived in THE Imperial\n council; and THE ambitious design of reigning in THE name of an\n infant, was artfully executed by Mellobaudes and Equitius, who\n commanded THE attachment of THE Illyrian and Italian bands. They\n contrived THE most honorable pretences to remove THE popular\n leaders, and THE troops of Gaul, who might have asserted THE\n claims of THE lawful successor; THEy suggested THE necessity of\n extinguishing THE hopes of foreign and domestic enemies, by a\n bold and decisive measure. The empress Justina, who had been left\n in a palace about one hundred miles from Bregetio, was\n respectively invited to appear in THE camp, with THE son of THE\n deceased emperor. On THE sixth day after THE death of\n Valentinian, THE infant prince of THE same name, who was only\n four years old, was shown, in THE arms of his moTHEr, to THE\n legions; and solemnly invested, by military acclamation, with THE\n titles and ensigns of supreme power. The impending dangers of a\n civil war were seasonably prevented by THE wise and moderate\n conduct of THE emperor Gratian. He cheerfully accepted THE choice\n of THE army; declared that he should always consider THE son of\n Justina as a broTHEr, not as a rival; and advised THE empress,\n with her son Valentinian to fix THEir residence at Milan, in THE\n fair and peaceful province of Italy; while he assumed THE more\n arduous command of THE countries beyond THE Alps. Gratian\n dissembled his resentment till he could safely punish, or\n disgrace, THE authors of THE conspiracy; and though he uniformly\n behaved with tenderness and regard to his infant colleague, he\n gradually confounded, in THE administration of THE Western\n empire, THE office of a guardian with THE authority of a\n sovereign. The government of THE Roman world was exercised in THE\n united names of Valens and his two nephews; but THE feeble\n emperor of THE East, who succeeded to THE rank of his elder\n broTHEr, never obtained any weight or influence in THE councils\n of THE West. 157\n\n 155 (return) [ Socrates (l. iv. c. 31) is THE only original\n witness of this foolish story, so repugnant to THE laws and\n manners of THE Romans, that it scarcely deserved THE formal and\n elaborate dissertation of M. Bonamy, (MŽm. de lÕAcadŽmie, tom.\n xxx. p. 394-405.) Yet I would preserve THE natural circumstance\n of THE bath; instead of following Zosimus who represents Justina\n as an old woman, THE widow of Magnentius.]\n\n 156 (return) [ Ammianus (xxvii. 6) describes THE form of this\n military election, and _august_ investiture. Valentinian does not\n appear to have consulted, or even informed, THE senate of Rome.]\n\n 157 (return) [ Ammianus, xxx. 10. Zosimus, l. iv. p. 222, 223.\n Tillemont has proved (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 707-709)\n that Gratian _reigned_ in Italy, Africa, and Illyricum. I have\n endeavored to express his authority over his broTHErÕs dominions,\n as he used it, in an ambiguous style.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.ÑPart I.\n\n Manners Of The Pastoral Nations.ÑProgress Of The Huns, From China\n To Europe.ÑFlight Of The Goths.ÑThey Pass The Danube.ÑGothic\n War.ÑDefeat And Death Of Valens.ÑGratian Invests Theodosius With\n The Eastern Empire.ÑHis Character And Success.ÑPeace And\n Settlement Of The Goths.\n\n\n In THE second year of THE reign of Valentinian and Valens, on THE\n morning of THE twenty-first day of July, THE greatest part of THE\n Roman world was shaken by a violent and destructive earthquake.\n The impression was communicated to THE waters; THE shores of THE\n Mediterranean were left dry, by THE sudden retreat of THE sea;\n great quantities of fish were caught with THE hand; large vessels\n were stranded on THE mud; and a curious spectator 1 amused his\n eye, or raTHEr his fancy, by contemplating THE various appearance\n of valleys and mountains, which had never, since THE formation of\n THE globe, been exposed to THE sun. But THE tide soon returned,\n with THE weight of an immense and irresistible deluge, which was\n severely felt on THE coasts of Sicily, of Dalmatia, of Greece,\n and of Egypt: large boats were transported, and lodged on THE\n roofs of houses, or at THE distance of two miles from THE shore;\n THE people, with THEir habitations, were swept away by THE\n waters; and THE city of Alexandria annually commemorated THE\n fatal day, on which fifty thousand persons had lost THEir lives\n in THE inundation. This calamity, THE report of which was\n magnified from one province to anoTHEr, astonished and terrified\n THE subjects of Rome; and THEir affrighted imagination enlarged\n THE real extent of a momentary evil. They recollected THE\n preceding earthquakes, which had subverted THE cities of\n Palestine and Bithynia: THEy considered THEse alarming strokes as\n THE prelude only of still more dreadful calamities, and THEir\n fearful vanity was disposed to confound THE symptoms of a\n declining empire and a sinking world. 2 It was THE fashion of THE\n times to attribute every remarkable event to THE particular will\n of THE Deity; THE alterations of nature were connected, by an\n invisible chain, with THE moral and metaphysical opinions of THE\n human mind; and THE most sagacious divines could distinguish,\n according to THE color of THEir respective prejudices, that THE\n establishment of heresy tended to produce an earthquake; or that\n a deluge was THE inevitable consequence of THE progress of sin\n and error. Without presuming to discuss THE truth or propriety of\n THEse lofty speculations, THE historian may content himself with\n an observation, which seems to be justified by experience, that\n man has much more to fear from THE passions of his\n fellow-creatures, than from THE convulsions of THE elements. 3\n The mischievous effects of an earthquake, or deluge, a hurricane,\n or THE eruption of a volcano, bear a very inconsiderable portion\n to THE ordinary calamities of war, as THEy are now moderated by\n THE prudence or humanity of THE princes of Europe, who amuse\n THEir own leisure, and exercise THE courage of THEir subjects, in\n THE practice of THE military art. But THE laws and manners of\n modern nations protect THE safety and freedom of THE vanquished\n soldier; and THE peaceful citizen has seldom reason to complain,\n that his life, or even his fortune, is exposed to THE rage of\n war. In THE disastrous period of THE fall of THE Roman empire,\n which may justly be dated from THE reign of Valens, THE happiness\n and security of each individual were personally attacked; and THE\n arts and labors of ages were rudely defaced by THE Barbarians of\n Scythia and Germany. The invasion of THE Huns precipitated on THE\n provinces of THE West THE Gothic nation, which advanced, in less\n than forty years, from THE Danube to THE Atlantic, and opened a\n way, by THE success of THEir arms, to THE inroads of so many\n hostile tribes, more savage than THEmselves. The original\n principle of motion was concealed in THE remote countries of THE\n North; and THE curious observation of THE pastoral life of THE\n Scythians, 4 or Tartars, 5 will illustrate THE latent cause of\n THEse destructive emigrations.\n\n 1 (return) [ Such is THE bad taste of Ammianus, (xxvi. 10,) that\n it is not easy to distinguish his facts from his metaphors. Yet\n he positively affirms, that he saw THE rotten carcass of a ship,\n _ad decundum lapidem_, at Mothone, or Modon, in Peloponnesus.]\n\n 2 (return) [ The earthquakes and inundations are variously\n described by Libanius, (Orat. de ulciscenda Juliani nece, c. x.,\n in Fabricius, Bibl. Gr¾c. tom. vii. p. 158, with a learned note\n of Olearius,) Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 221,) Sozomen, (l. vi. c. 2,)\n Cedrenus, (p. 310, 314,) and Jerom, (in Chron. p. 186, and tom.\n i. p. 250, in Vit. Hilarion.) Epidaurus must have been\n overwhelmed, had not THE prudent citizens placed St. Hilarion, an\n Egyptian monk, on THE beach. He made THE sign of THE Cross; THE\n mountain-wave stopped, bowed, and returned.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Dic¾archus, THE Peripatetic, composed a formal\n treatise, to prove this obvious truth; which is not THE most\n honorable to THE human species. (Cicero, de Officiis, ii. 5.)]\n\n 4 (return) [ The original Scythians of Herodotus (l. iv. c.\n 47Ñ57, 99Ñ101) were confined, by THE Danube and THE Palus M¾otis,\n within a square of 4000 stadia, (400 Roman miles.) See DÕAnville\n (MŽm. de lÕAcadŽmie, tom. xxxv. p. 573Ñ591.) Diodorus Siculus\n (tom. i. l. ii. p. 155, edit. Wesseling) has marked THE gradual\n progress of THE _name_ and nation.]\n\n 5 (return) [ The _Tatars_, or Tartars, were a primitive tribe,\n THE rivals, and at length THE subjects, of THE Moguls. In THE\n victorious armies of Zingis Khan, and his successors, THE Tartars\n formed THE vanguard; and THE name, which first reached THE ears\n of foreigners, was applied to THE whole nation, (Freret, in THE\n Hist. de lÕAcadŽmie, tom. xviii. p. 60.) In speaking of all, or\n any of THE norTHErn shepherds of Europe, or Asia, I indifferently\n use THE appellations of _Scythians_ or _Tartars_. * Note: The\n Moguls, (Mongols,) according to M. Klaproth, are a tribe of THE\n Tartar nation. Tableaux Hist. de lÕAsie, p. 154.ÑM.]\n\n The different characters that mark THE civilized nations of THE\n globe, may be ascribed to THE use, and THE abuse, of reason;\n which so variously shapes, and so artificially composes, THE\n manners and opinions of a European, or a Chinese. But THE\n operation of instinct is more sure and simple than that of\n reason: it is much easier to ascertain THE appetites of a\n quadruped than THE speculations of a philosopher; and THE savage\n tribes of mankind, as THEy approach nearer to THE condition of\n animals, preserve a stronger resemblance to THEmselves and to\n each oTHEr. The uniform stability of THEir manners is THE natural\n consequence of THE imperfection of THEir faculties. Reduced to a\n similar situation, THEir wants, THEir desires, THEir enjoyments,\n still continue THE same: and THE influence of food or climate,\n which, in a more improved state of society, is suspended, or\n subdued, by so many moral causes, most powerfully contributes to\n form, and to maintain, THE national character of Barbarians. In\n every age, THE immense plains of Scythia, or Tartary, have been\n inhabited by vagrant tribes of hunters and shepherds, whose\n indolence refuses to cultivate THE earth, and whose restless\n spirit disdains THE confinement of a sedentary life. In every\n age, THE Scythians, and Tartars, have been renowned for THEir\n invincible courage and rapid conquests. The thrones of Asia have\n been repeatedly overturned by THE shepherds of THE North; and\n THEir arms have spread terror and devastation over THE most\n fertile and warlike countries of Europe. 6 On this occasion, as\n well as on many oTHErs, THE sober historian is forcibly awakened\n from a pleasing vision; and is compelled, with some reluctance,\n to confess, that THE pastoral manners, which have been adorned\n with THE fairest attributes of peace and innocence, are much\n better adapted to THE fierce and cruel habits of a military life.\n To illustrate this observation, I shall now proceed to consider a\n nation of shepherds and of warriors, in THE three important\n articles of, I. Their diet; II. Their habitations; and, III.\n Their exercises. The narratives of antiquity are justified by THE\n experience of modern times; 7 and THE banks of THE BorysTHEnes,\n of THE Volga, or of THE Selinga, will indifferently present THE\n same uniform spectacle of similar and native manners. 8\n\n 6 (return) [ Imperium Asi¾ _ter_ qu¾sivere: ipsi perpetuo ab\n alieno imperio, aut intacti aut invicti, mansere. Since THE time\n of Justin, (ii. 2,) THEy have multiplied this account. Voltaire,\n in a few words, (tom. x. p. 64, Hist. Generale, c. 156,) has\n abridged THE Tartar conquests.\n\n Oft oÕer THE trembling nations from afar,\n Has Scythia breaTHEd THE living cloud of war.\n Note *: Gray.ÑM.]\n\n 7 (return) [ The fourth book of Herodotus affords a curious\n though imperfect, portrait of THE Scythians. Among THE moderns,\n who describe THE uniform scene, THE Khan of Khowaresm, Abulghazi\n Bahadur, expresses his native feelings; and his genealogical\n history of THE Tartars has been copiously illustrated by THE\n French and English editors. Carpin, Ascelin, and Rubruquis (in\n THE Hist. des Voyages, tom. vii.) represent THE Moguls of THE\n fourteenth century. To THEse guides I have added Gerbillon, and\n THE oTHEr Jesuits, (Description de la China par du Halde, tom.\n iv.,) who accurately surveyed THE Chinese Tartary; and that\n honest and intelligent traveller, Bell, of Antermony, (two\n volumes in 4to. Glasgow, 1763.) * Note: Of THE various works\n published since THE time of Gibbon, which throw fight on THE\n nomadic population of Central Asia, may be particularly remarked\n THE Travels and Dissertations of Pallas; and above all, THE very\n curious work of Bergman, Nomadische Streifereyen. Riga, 1805.ÑM.]\n\n 8 (return) [ The Uzbecks are THE most altered from THEir\n primitive manners; 1. By THE profession of THE Mahometan\n religion; and 2. By THE possession of THE cities and harvests of\n THE great Bucharia.]\n\n I. The corn, or even THE rice, which constitutes THE ordinary and\n wholesome food of a civilized people, can be obtained only by THE\n patient toil of THE husbandman. Some of THE happy savages, who\n dwell between THE tropics, are plentifully nourished by THE\n liberality of nature; but in THE climates of THE North, a nation\n of shepherds is reduced to THEir flocks and herds. The skilful\n practitioners of THE medical art will determine (if THEy are able\n to determine) how far THE temper of THE human mind may be\n affected by THE use of animal, or of vegetable, food; and wheTHEr\n THE common association of carniverous and cruel deserves to be\n considered in any oTHEr light than that of an innocent, perhaps a\n salutary, prejudice of humanity. 9 Yet, if it be true, that THE\n sentiment of compassion is imperceptibly weakened by THE sight\n and practice of domestic cruelty, we may observe, that THE horrid\n objects which are disguised by THE arts of European refinement,\n are exhibited in THEir naked and most disgusting simplicity in\n THE tent of a Tartarian shepherd. The ox, or THE sheep, are\n slaughtered by THE same hand from which THEy were accustomed to\n receive THEir daily food; and THE bleeding limbs are served, with\n very little preparation, on THE table of THEir unfeeling\n murderer. In THE military profession, and especially in THE\n conduct of a numerous army, THE exclusive use of animal food\n appears to be productive of THE most solid advantages. Corn is a\n bulky and perishable commodity; and THE large magazines, which\n are indispensably necessary for THE subsistence of our troops,\n must be slowly transported by THE labor of men or horses. But THE\n flocks and herds, which accompany THE march of THE Tartars,\n afford a sure and increasing supply of flesh and milk: in THE far\n greater part of THE uncultivated waste, THE vegetation of THE\n grass is quick and luxuriant; and THEre are few places so\n extremely barren, that THE hardy cattle of THE North cannot find\n some tolerable pasture.\n\n The supply is multiplied and prolonged by THE undistinguishing\n appetite, and patient abstinence, of THE Tartars. They\n indifferently feed on THE flesh of those animals that have been\n killed for THE table, or have died of disease. Horseflesh, which\n in every age and country has been proscribed by THE civilized\n nations of Europe and Asia, THEy devour with peculiar greediness;\n and this singular taste facilitates THE success of THEir military\n operations. The active cavalry of Scythia is always followed, in\n THEir most distant and rapid incursions, by an adequate number of\n spare horses, who may be occasionally used, eiTHEr to redouble\n THE speed, or to satisfy THE hunger, of THE Barbarians. Many are\n THE resources of courage and poverty. When THE forage round a\n camp of Tartars is almost consumed, THEy slaughter THE greatest\n part of THEir cattle, and preserve THE flesh, eiTHEr smoked, or\n dried in THE sun. On THE sudden emergency of a hasty march, THEy\n provide THEmselves with a sufficient quantity of little balls of\n cheese, or raTHEr of hard curd, which THEy occasionally dissolve\n in water; and this unsubstantial diet will support, for many\n days, THE life, and even THE spirits, of THE patient warrior. But\n this extraordinary abstinence, which THE Stoic would approve, and\n THE hermit might envy, is commonly succeeded by THE most\n voracious indulgence of appetite. The wines of a happier climate\n are THE most grateful present, or THE most valuable commodity,\n that can be offered to THE Tartars; and THE only example of THEir\n industry seems to consist in THE art of extracting from mareÕs\n milk a fermented liquor, which possesses a very strong power of\n intoxication. Like THE animals of prey, THE savages, both of THE\n old and new world, experience THE alternate vicissitudes of\n famine and plenty; and THEir stomach is inured to sustain,\n without much inconvenience, THE opposite extremes of hunger and\n of intemperance.\n\n 9 (return) [ Il est certain que les grands mangeurs de viande\n sont en gŽnŽral cruels et fŽroces plus que les autres hommes.\n Cette observation est de tous les lieux, et de tous les temps: la\n barbarie Angloise est connue, &c. Emile de Rousseau, tom. i. p.\n 274. Whatever we may think of THE general observation, _we_ shall\n not easily allow THE truth of his example. The good-natured\n complaints of Plutarch, and THE paTHEtic lamentations of Ovid,\n seduce our reason, by exciting our sensibility.]\n\n II. In THE ages of rustic and martial simplicity, a people of\n soldiers and husbandmen are dispersed over THE face of an\n extensive and cultivated country; and some time must elapse\n before THE warlike youth of Greece or Italy could be assembled\n under THE same standard, eiTHEr to defend THEir own confines, or\n to invade THE territories of THE adjacent tribes. The progress of\n manufactures and commerce insensibly collects a large multitude\n within THE walls of a city: but THEse citizens are no longer\n soldiers; and THE arts which adorn and improve THE state of civil\n society, corrupt THE habits of THE military life. The pastoral\n manners of THE Scythians seem to unite THE different advantages\n of simplicity and refinement. The individuals of THE same tribe\n are constantly assembled, but THEy are assembled in a camp; and\n THE native spirit of THEse dauntless shepherds is animated by\n mutual support and emulation. The houses of THE Tartars are no\n more than small tents, of an oval form, which afford a cold and\n dirty habitation, for THE promiscuous youth of both sexes. The\n palaces of THE rich consist of wooden huts, of such a size that\n THEy may be conveniently fixed on large wagons, and drawn by a\n team perhaps of twenty or thirty oxen. The flocks and herds,\n after grazing all day in THE adjacent pastures, retire, on THE\n approach of night, within THE protection of THE camp. The\n necessity of preventing THE most mischievous confusion, in such a\n perpetual concourse of men and animals, must gradually introduce,\n in THE distribution, THE order, and THE guard, of THE encampment,\n THE rudiments of THE military art. As soon as THE forage of a\n certain district is consumed, THE tribe, or raTHEr army, of\n shepherds, makes a regular march to some fresh pastures; and thus\n acquires, in THE ordinary occupations of THE pastoral life, THE\n practical knowledge of one of THE most important and difficult\n operations of war. The choice of stations is regulated by THE\n difference of THE seasons: in THE summer, THE Tartars advance\n towards THE North, and pitch THEir tents on THE banks of a river,\n or, at least, in THE neighborhood of a running stream. But in THE\n winter, THEy return to THE South, and shelter THEir camp, behind\n some convenient eminence, against THE winds, which are chilled in\n THEir passage over THE bleak and icy regions of Siberia. These\n manners are admirably adapted to diffuse, among THE wandering\n tribes, THE spirit of emigration and conquest. The connection\n between THE people and THEir territory is of so frail a texture,\n that it may be broken by THE slightest accident. The camp, and\n not THE soil, is THE native country of THE genuine Tartar. Within\n THE precincts of that camp, his family, his companions, his\n property, are always included; and, in THE most distant marches,\n he is still surrounded by THE objects which are dear, or\n valuable, or familiar in his eyes. The thirst of rapine, THE\n fear, or THE resentment of injury, THE impatience of servitude,\n have, in every age, been sufficient causes to urge THE tribes of\n Scythia boldly to advance into some unknown countries, where THEy\n might hope to find a more plentiful subsistence or a less\n formidable enemy. The revolutions of THE North have frequently\n determined THE fate of THE South; and in THE conflict of hostile\n nations, THE victor and THE vanquished have alternately drove,\n and been driven, from THE confines of China to those of Germany.\n 10 These great emigrations, which have been sometimes executed\n with almost incredible diligence, were rendered more easy by THE\n peculiar nature of THE climate. It is well known that THE cold of\n Tartary is much more severe than in THE midst of THE temperate\n zone might reasonably be expected; this uncommon rigor is\n attributed to THE height of THE plains, which rise, especially\n towards THE East, more than half a mile above THE level of THE\n sea; and to THE quantity of saltpetre with which THE soil is\n deeply impregnated. 11 In THE winter season, THE broad and rapid\n rivers, that discharge THEir waters into THE Euxine, THE Caspian,\n or THE Icy Sea, are strongly frozen; THE fields are covered with\n a bed of snow; and THE fugitive, or victorious, tribes may\n securely traverse, with THEir families, THEir wagons, and THEir\n cattle, THE smooth and hard surface of an immense plain.\n\n 10 (return) [ These Tartar emigrations have been discovered by M.\n de Guignes (Histoire des Huns, tom. i. ii.) a skilful and\n laborious interpreter of THE Chinese language; who has thus laid\n open new and important scenes in THE history of mankind.]\n\n 11 (return) [ A plain in THE Chinese Tartary, only eighty leagues\n from THE great wall, was found by THE missionaries to be three\n thousand geometrical paces above THE level of THE sea.\n Montesquieu, who has used, and abused, THE relations of\n travellers, deduces THE revolutions of Asia from this important\n circumstance, that heat and cold, weakness and strength, touch\n each oTHEr without any temperate zone, (Esprit des Loix, l. xvii.\n c. 3.)]\n\n III. The pastoral life, compared with THE labors of agriculture\n and manufactures, is undoubtedly a life of idleness; and as THE\n most honorable shepherds of THE Tartar race devolve on THEir\n captives THE domestic management of THE cattle, THEir own leisure\n is seldom disturbed by any servile and assiduous cares. But this\n leisure, instead of being devoted to THE soft enjoyments of love\n and harmony, is usefully spent in THE violent and sanguinary\n exercise of THE chase. The plains of Tartary are filled with a\n strong and serviceable breed of horses, which are easily trained\n for THE purposes of war and hunting. The Scythians of every age\n have been celebrated as bold and skilful riders; and constant\n practice had seated THEm so firmly on horseback, that THEy were\n supposed by strangers to perform THE ordinary duties of civil\n life, to eat, to drink, and even to sleep, without dismounting\n from THEir steeds. They excel in THE dexterous management of THE\n lance; THE long Tartar bow is drawn with a nervous arm; and THE\n weighty arrow is directed to its object with unerring aim and\n irresistible force. These arrows are often pointed against THE\n harmless animals of THE desert, which increase and multiply in\n THE absence of THEir most formidable enemy; THE hare, THE goat,\n THE roebuck, THE fallow-deer, THE stag, THE elk, and THE\n antelope. The vigor and patience, both of THE men and horses, are\n continually exercised by THE fatigues of THE chase; and THE\n plentiful supply of game contributes to THE subsistence, and even\n luxury, of a Tartar camp. But THE exploits of THE hunters of\n Scythia are not confined to THE destruction of timid or innoxious\n beasts; THEy boldly encounter THE angry wild boar, when he turns\n against his pursuers, excite THE sluggish courage of THE bear,\n and provoke THE fury of THE tiger, as he slumbers in THE thicket.\n Where THEre is danger, THEre may be glory; and THE mode of\n hunting, which opens THE fairest field to THE exertions of valor,\n may justly be considered as THE image, and as THE school, of war.\n The general hunting matches, THE pride and delight of THE Tartar\n princes, compose an instructive exercise for THEir numerous\n cavalry. A circle is drawn, of many miles in circumference, to\n encompass THE game of an extensive district; and THE troops that\n form THE circle regularly advance towards a common centre; where\n THE captive animals, surrounded on every side, are abandoned to\n THE darts of THE hunters. In this march, which frequently\n continues many days, THE cavalry are obliged to climb THE hills,\n to swim THE rivers, and to wind through THE valleys, without\n interrupting THE prescribed order of THEir gradual progress. They\n acquire THE habit of directing THEir eye, and THEir steps, to a\n remote object; of preserving THEir intervals of suspending or\n accelerating THEir pace, according to THE motions of THE troops\n on THEir right and left; and of watching and repeating THE\n signals of THEir leaders. Their leaders study, in this practical\n school, THE most important lesson of THE military art; THE prompt\n and accurate judgment of ground, of distance, and of time. To\n employ against a human enemy THE same patience and valor, THE\n same skill and discipline, is THE only alteration which is\n required in real war; and THE amusements of THE chase serve as a\n prelude to THE conquest of an empire. 12\n\n 12 (return) [ Petit de la Croix (Vie de Gengiscan, l. iii. c. 6)\n represents THE full glory and extent of THE Mogul chase. The\n Jesuits Gerbillon and Verbiest followed THE emperor Khamhi when\n he hunted in Tartary, (Duhalde, DŽscription de la Chine, tom. iv.\n p. 81, 290, &c., folio edit.) His grandson, Kienlong, who unites\n THE Tartar discipline with THE laws and learning of China,\n describes (Eloge de Moukden, p. 273Ñ285) as a poet THE pleasures\n which he had often enjoyed as a sportsman.]\n\n The political society of THE ancient Germans has THE appearance\n of a voluntary alliance of independent warriors. The tribes of\n Scythia, distinguished by THE modern appellation of _Hords_,\n assume THE form of a numerous and increasing family; which, in\n THE course of successive generations, has been propagated from\n THE same original stock. The meanest, and most ignorant, of THE\n Tartars, preserve, with conscious pride, THE inestimable treasure\n of THEir genealogy; and whatever distinctions of rank may have\n been introduced, by THE unequal distribution of pastoral wealth,\n THEy mutually respect THEmselves, and each oTHEr, as THE\n descendants of THE first founder of THE tribe. The custom, which\n still prevails, of adopting THE bravest and most faithful of THE\n captives, may countenance THE very probable suspicion, that this\n extensive consanguinity is, in a great measure, legal and\n fictitious. But THE useful prejudice, which has obtained THE\n sanction of time and opinion, produces THE effects of truth; THE\n haughty Barbarians yield a cheerful and voluntary obedience to\n THE head of THEir blood; and THEir chief, or _mursa_, as THE\n representative of THEir great faTHEr, exercises THE authority of\n a judge in peace, and of a leader in war. In THE original state\n of THE pastoral world, each of THE _mursas_ (if we may continue\n to use a modern appellation) acted as THE independent chief of a\n large and separate family; and THE limits of THEir peculiar\n territories were gradually fixed by superior force, or mutual\n consent. But THE constant operation of various and permanent\n causes contributed to unite THE vagrant Hords into national\n communities, under THE command of a supreme head. The weak were\n desirous of support, and THE strong were ambitious of dominion;\n THE power, which is THE result of union, oppressed and collected\n THE divided force of THE adjacent tribes; and, as THE vanquished\n were freely admitted to share THE advantages of victory, THE most\n valiant chiefs hastened to range THEmselves and THEir followers\n under THE formidable standard of a confederate nation. The most\n successful of THE Tartar princes assumed THE military command, to\n which he was entitled by THE superiority, eiTHEr of merit or of\n power. He was raised to THE throne by THE acclamations of his\n equals; and THE title of _Khan_ expresses, in THE language of THE\n North of Asia, THE full extent of THE regal dignity. The right of\n hereditary succession was long confined to THE blood of THE\n founder of THE monarchy; and at this moment all THE Khans, who\n reign from Crimea to THE wall of China, are THE lineal\n descendants of THE renowned Zingis. 13 But, as it is THE\n indispensable duty of a Tartar sovereign to lead his warlike\n subjects into THE field, THE claims of an infant are often\n disregarded; and some royal kinsman, distinguished by his age and\n valor, is intrusted with THE sword and sceptre of his\n predecessor. Two distinct and regular taxes are levied on THE\n tribes, to support THE dignity of THE national monarch, and of\n THEir peculiar chief; and each of those contributions amounts to\n THE tiTHE, both of THEir property, and of THEir spoil. A Tartar\n sovereign enjoys THE tenth part of THE wealth of his people; and\n as his own domestic riches of flocks and herds increase in a much\n larger proportion, he is able plentifully to maintain THE rustic\n splendor of his court, to reward THE most deserving, or THE most\n favored of his followers, and to obtain, from THE gentle\n influence of corruption, THE obedience which might be sometimes\n refused to THE stern mandates of authority. The manners of his\n subjects, accustomed, like himself, to blood and rapine, might\n excuse, in THEir eyes, such partial acts of tyranny, as would\n excite THE horror of a civilized people; but THE power of a\n despot has never been acknowledged in THE deserts of Scythia. The\n immediate jurisdiction of THE khan is confined within THE limits\n of his own tribe; and THE exercise of his royal prerogative has\n been moderated by THE ancient institution of a national council.\n The Coroulai, 14 or Diet, of THE Tartars, was regularly held in\n THE spring and autumn, in THE midst of a plain; where THE princes\n of THE reigning family, and THE mursas of THE respective tribes,\n may conveniently assemble on horseback, with THEir martial and\n numerous trains; and THE ambitious monarch, who reviewed THE\n strength, must consult THE inclination of an armed people. The\n rudiments of a feudal government may be discovered in THE\n constitution of THE Scythian or Tartar nations; but THE perpetual\n conflict of those hostile nations has sometimes terminated in THE\n establishment of a powerful and despotic empire. The victor,\n enriched by THE tribute, and fortified by THE arms of dependent\n kings, has spread his conquests over Europe or Asia: THE\n successful shepherds of THE North have submitted to THE\n confinement of arts, of laws, and of cities; and THE introduction\n of luxury, after destroying THE freedom of THE people, has\n undermined THE foundations of THE throne. 15\n\n 13 (return) [ See THE second volume of THE Genealogical History\n of THE Tartars; and THE list of THE Khans, at THE end of THE life\n of GengÕs, or Zingis. Under THE reign of Timur, or Tamerlane, one\n of his subjects, a descendant of Zingis, still bore THE regal\n appellation of Khan and THE conqueror of Asia contented himself\n with THE title of Emir or Sultan. Abulghazi, part v. c. 4.\n DÕHerbelot, Biblioth\x8fque Orien tale, p. 878.]\n\n 14 (return) [ See THE Diets of THE ancient Huns, (De Guignes,\n tom. ii. p. 26,) and a curious description of those of Zingis,\n (Vie de Gengiscan, l. i. c. 6, l. iv. c. 11.) Such assemblies are\n frequently mentioned in THE Persian history of Timur; though THEy\n served only to countenance THE resolutions of THEir master.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Montesquieu labors to explain a difference, which\n has not existed, between THE liberty of THE Arabs, and THE\n _perpetual_ slavery of THE Tartars. (Esprit des Loix, l. xvii. c.\n 5, l. xviii. c. 19, &c.)]\n\n The memory of past events cannot long be preserved in THE\n frequent and remote emigrations of illiterate Barbarians. The\n modern Tartars are ignorant of THE conquests of THEir ancestors;\n 16 and our knowledge of THE history of THE Scythians is derived\n from THEir intercourse with THE learned and civilized nations of\n THE South, THE Greeks, THE Persians, and THE Chinese. The Greeks,\n who navigated THE Euxine, and planted THEir colonies along THE\n sea-coast, made THE gradual and imperfect discovery of Scythia;\n from THE Danube, and THE confines of Thrace, as far as THE frozen\n M¾otis, THE seat of eternal winter, and Mount Caucasus, which, in\n THE language of poetry, was described as THE utmost boundary of\n THE earth. They celebrated, with simple credulity, THE virtues of\n THE pastoral life: 17 THEy entertained a more rational\n apprehension of THE strength and numbers of THE warlike\n Barbarians, 18 who contemptuously baffled THE immense armament of\n Darius, THE son of Hystaspes. 19 The Persian monarchs had\n extended THEir western conquests to THE banks of THE Danube, and\n THE limits of European Scythia. The eastern provinces of THEir\n empire were exposed to THE Scythians of Asia; THE wild\n inhabitants of THE plains beyond THE Oxus and THE Jaxartes, two\n mighty rivers, which direct THEir course towards THE Caspian Sea.\n The long and memorable quarrel of Iran and Touran is still THE\n THEme of history or romance: THE famous, perhaps THE fabulous,\n valor of THE Persian heroes, Rustan and Asfendiar, was\n signalized, in THE defence of THEir country, against THE\n Afrasiabs of THE North; 20 and THE invincible spirit of THE same\n Barbarians resisted, on THE same ground, THE victorious arms of\n Cyrus and Alexander. 21 In THE eyes of THE Greeks and Persians,\n THE real geography of Scythia was bounded, on THE East, by THE\n mountains of Imaus, or Caf; and THEir distant prospect of THE\n extreme and inaccessible parts of Asia was clouded by ignorance,\n or perplexed by fiction. But those inaccessible regions are THE\n ancient residence of a powerful and civilized nation, 22 which\n ascends, by a probable tradition, above forty centuries; 23 and\n which is able to verify a series of near two thousand years, by\n THE perpetual testimony of accurate and contemporary historians.\n 24 The annals of China 25 illustrate THE state and revolutions of\n THE pastoral tribes, which may still be distinguished by THE\n vague appellation of Scythians, or Tartars; THE vassals, THE\n enemies, and sometimes THE conquerors, of a great empire; whose\n policy has uniformly opposed THE blind and impetuous valor of THE\n Barbarians of THE North. From THE mouth of THE Danube to THE Sea\n of Japan, THE whole longitude of Scythia is about one hundred and\n ten degrees, which, in that parallel, are equal to more than five\n thousand miles. The latitude of THEse extensive deserts cannot be\n so easily, or so accurately, measured; but, from THE fortieth\n degree, which touches THE wall of China, we may securely advance\n above a thousand miles to THE northward, till our progress is\n stopped by THE excessive cold of Siberia. In that dreary climate,\n instead of THE animated picture of a Tartar camp, THE smoke that\n issues from THE earth, or raTHEr from THE snow, betrays THE\n subterraneous dwellings of THE Tongouses, and THE Samoides: THE\n want of horses and oxen is imperfectly supplied by THE use of\n reindeer, and of large dogs; and THE conquerors of THE earth\n insensibly degenerate into a race of deformed and diminutive\n savages, who tremble at THE sound of arms. 26\n\n 16 (return) [ Abulghasi Khan, in THE two first parts of his\n Genealogical History, relates THE miserable tales and traditions\n of THE Uzbek Tartars concerning THE times which preceded THE\n reign of Zingis. * Note: The differences between THE various\n pastoral tribes and nations comprehended by THE ancients under\n THE vague name of Scythians, and by Gibbon under inst of Tartars,\n have received some, and still, perhaps, may receive more, light\n from THE comparisons of THEir dialects and languages by modern\n scholars.ÑM]\n\n 17 (return) [ In THE thirteenth book of THE Iliad, Jupiter turns\n away his eyes from THE bloody fields of Troy, to THE plains of\n Thrace and Scythia. He would not, by changing THE prospect,\n behold a more peaceful or innocent scene.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Thucydides, l. ii. c. 97.]\n\n 19 (return) [ See THE fourth book of Herodotus. When Darius\n advanced into THE Moldavian desert, between THE Danube and THE\n Niester, THE king of THE Scythians sent him a mouse, a frog, a\n bird, and five arrows; a tremendous allegory!]\n\n 20 (return) [ These wars and heroes may be found under THEir\n respective _titles_, in THE Biblioth\x8fque Orientale of DÕHerbelot.\n They have been celebrated in an epic poem of sixty thousand\n rhymed couplets, by Ferdusi, THE Homer of Persia. See THE history\n of Nadir Shah, p. 145, 165. The public must lament that Mr. Jones\n has suspended THE pursuit of Oriental learning. Note: Ferdusi is\n yet imperfectly known to European readers. An abstract of THE\n whole poem has been published by Goerres in German, under THE\n title Òdas Heldenbuch des Iran.Ó In English, an abstract with\n poetical translations, by Mr. Atkinson, has appeared, under THE\n auspices of THE Oriental Fund. But to translate a poet a man must\n be a poet. The best account of THE poem is in an article by Von\n Hammer in THE Vienna Jahrbucher, 1820: or perhaps in a masterly\n article in CochraneÕs Foreign Quarterly Review, No. 1, 1835. A\n splendid and critical edition of THE whole work has been\n published by a very learned English Orientalist, Captain Macan,\n at THE expense of THE king of Oude. As to THE number of 60,000\n couplets, Captain Macan (Preface, p. 39) states that he never saw\n a MS. containing more than 56,685, including doubtful and\n spurious passages and episodes.ÑM. * Note: The later studies of\n Sir W. Jones were more in unison with THE wishes of THE public,\n thus expressed by Gibbon.ÑM.]\n\n 21 (return) [ The Caspian Sea, with its rivers and adjacent\n tribes, are laboriously illustrated in THE Examen Critique des\n Historiens dÕAlexandre, which compares THE true geography, and\n THE errors produced by THE vanity or ignorance of THE Greeks.]\n\n 22 (return) [ The original seat of THE nation appears to have\n been in THE Northwest of China, in THE provinces of Chensi and\n Chansi. Under THE two first dynasties, THE principal town was\n still a movable camp; THE villages were thinly scattered; more\n land was employed in pasture than in tillage; THE exercise of\n hunting was ordained to clear THE country from wild beasts;\n Petcheli (where Pekin stands) was a desert, and THE SouTHErn\n provinces were peopled with Indian savages. The dynasty of THE\n _Han_ (before Christ 206) gave THE empire its actual form and\n extent.]\n\n 23 (return) [ The ¾ra of THE Chinese monarchy has been variously\n fixed from 2952 to 2132 years before Christ; and THE year 2637\n has been chosen for THE lawful epoch, by THE authority of THE\n present emperor. The difference arises from THE uncertain\n duration of THE two first dynasties; and THE vacant space that\n lies beyond THEm, as far as THE real, or fabulous, times of Fohi,\n or Hoangti. Sematsien dates his auTHEntic chronology from THE\n year 841; THE thirty-six eclipses of Confucius (thirty-one of\n which have been verified) were observed between THE years 722 and\n 480 before Christ. The _historical_ period of China does not\n ascend above THE Greek Olympiads.]\n\n 24 (return) [ After several ages of anarchy and despotism, THE\n dynasty of THE Han (before Christ 206) was THE ¾ra of THE revival\n of learning. The fragments of ancient literature were restored;\n THE characters were improved and fixed; and THE future\n preservation of books was secured by THE useful inventions of\n ink, paper, and THE art of printing. Ninety-seven years before\n Christ, Sematsien published THE first history of China. His\n labors were illustrated, and continued, by a series of one\n hundred and eighty historians. The substance of THEir works is\n still extant; and THE most considerable of THEm are now deposited\n in THE king of FranceÕs library.]\n\n 25 (return) [ China has been illustrated by THE labors of THE\n French; of THE missionaries at Pekin, and Messrs. Freret and De\n Guignes at Paris. The substance of THE three preceding notes is\n extracted from THE Chou-king, with THE preface and notes of M. de\n Guignes, Paris, 1770. The _Tong-Kien-Kang-Mou_, translated by P.\n de Mailla, under THE name of Hist. GŽnerale de la Chine, tom. i.\n p. xlix.Ñcc.; THE MŽmoires sur la Chine, Paris, 1776, &c., tom.\n i. p. 1Ñ323; tom. ii. p. 5Ñ364; THE Histoire des Huns, tom. i. p.\n 4Ñ131, tom. v. p. 345Ñ362; and THE MŽmoires de lÕAcadŽmie des\n Inscriptions, tom. x. p. 377Ñ402; tom. xv. p. 495Ñ564; tom.\n xviii. p. 178Ñ295; xxxvi. p. 164Ñ238.]\n\n 26 (return) [ See THE Histoire Generale des Voyages, tom. xviii.,\n and THE Genealogical History, vol. ii. p. 620Ñ664.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.ÑPart II.\n\n\n The Huns, who under THE reign of Valens threatened THE empire of\n Rome, had been formidable, in a much earlier period, to THE\n empire of China. 27 Their ancient, perhaps THEir original, seat\n was an extensive, though dry and barren, tract of country,\n immediately on THE north side of THE great wall. Their place is\n at present occupied by THE forty-nine Hords or Banners of THE\n Mongous, a pastoral nation, which consists of about two hundred\n thousand families. 28 But THE valor of THE Huns had extended THE\n narrow limits of THEir dominions; and THEir rustic chiefs, who\n assumed THE appellation of _Tanjou_, gradually became THE\n conquerors, and THE sovereigns of a formidable empire. Towards\n THE East, THEir victorious arms were stopped only by THE ocean;\n and THE tribes, which are thinly scattered between THE Amoor and\n THE extreme peninsula of Corea, adhered, with reluctance, to THE\n standard of THE Huns. On THE West, near THE head of THE Irtish,\n in THE valleys of Imaus, THEy found a more ample space, and more\n numerous enemies. One of THE lieutenants of THE Tanjou subdued,\n in a single expedition, twenty-six nations; THE Igours, 29\n distinguished above THE Tartar race by THE use of letters, were\n in THE number of his vassals; and, by THE strange connection of\n human events, THE flight of one of those vagrant tribes recalled\n THE victorious Parthians from THE invasion of Syria. 30 On THE\n side of THE North, THE ocean was assigned as THE limit of THE\n power of THE Huns. Without enemies to resist THEir progress, or\n witnesses to contradict THEir vanity, THEy might securely achieve\n a real, or imaginary, conquest of THE frozen regions of Siberia.\n The _NorTHErn Sea_ was fixed as THE remote boundary of THEir\n empire. But THE name of that sea, on whose shores THE patriot\n Sovou embraced THE life of a shepherd and an exile, 31 may be\n transferred, with much more probability, to THE Baikal, a\n capacious basin, above three hundred miles in length, which\n disdains THE modest appellation of a lake 32 and which actually\n communicates with THE seas of THE North, by THE long course of\n THE Angara, THE Tongusha, and THE Jenissea. The submission of so\n many distant nations might flatter THE pride of THE Tanjou; but\n THE valor of THE Huns could be rewarded only by THE enjoyment of\n THE wealth and luxury of THE empire of THE South. In THE third\n century 3211 before THE Christian ¾ra, a wall of fifteen hundred\n miles in length was constructed, to defend THE frontiers of China\n against THE inroads of THE Huns; 33 but this stupendous work,\n which holds a conspicuous place in THE map of THE world, has\n never contributed to THE safety of an unwarlike people. The\n cavalry of THE Tanjou frequently consisted of two or three\n hundred thousand men, formidable by THE matchless dexterity with\n which THEy managed THEir bows and THEir horses: by THEir hardy\n patience in supporting THE inclemency of THE weaTHEr; and by THE\n incredible speed of THEir march, which was seldom checked by\n torrents, or precipices, by THE deepest rivers, or by THE most\n lofty mountains. They spread THEmselves at once over THE face of\n THE country; and THEir rapid impetuosity surprised, astonished,\n and disconcerted THE grave and elaborate tactics of a Chinese\n army. The emperor Kaoti, 34 a soldier of fortune, whose personal\n merit had raised him to THE throne, marched against THE Huns with\n those veteran troops which had been trained in THE civil wars of\n China. But he was soon surrounded by THE Barbarians; and, after a\n siege of seven days, THE monarch, hopeless of relief, was reduced\n to purchase his deliverance by an ignominious capitulation. The\n successors of Kaoti, whose lives were dedicated to THE arts of\n peace, or THE luxury of THE palace, submitted to a more permanent\n disgrace. They too hastily confessed THE insufficiency of arms\n and fortifications. They were too easily convinced, that while\n THE blazing signals announced on every side THE approach of THE\n Huns, THE Chinese troops, who slept with THE helmet on THEir\n head, and THE cuirass on THEir back, were destroyed by THE\n incessant labor of ineffectual marches. 35 A regular payment of\n money, and silk, was stipulated as THE condition of a temporary\n and precarious peace; and THE wretched expedient of disguising a\n real tribute, under THE names of a gift or subsidy, was practised\n by THE emperors of China as well as by those of Rome. But THEre\n still remained a more disgraceful article of tribute, which\n violated THE sacred feelings of humanity and nature. The\n hardships of THE savage life, which destroy in THEir infancy THE\n children who are born with a less healthy and robust\n constitution, introduced a remarkable disproportion between THE\n numbers of THE two sexes. The Tartars are an ugly and even\n deformed race; and while THEy consider THEir own women as THE\n instruments of domestic labor, THEir desires, or raTHEr THEir\n appetites, are directed to THE enjoyment of more elegant beauty.\n A select band of THE fairest maidens of China was annually\n devoted to THE rude embraces of THE Huns; 36 and THE alliance of\n THE haughty Tanjous was secured by THEir marriage with THE\n genuine, or adopted, daughters of THE Imperial family, which\n vainly attempted to escape THE sacrilegious pollution. The\n situation of THEse unhappy victims is described in THE verses of\n a Chinese princess, who laments that she had been condemned by\n her parents to a distant exile, under a Barbarian husband; who\n complains that sour milk was her only drink, raw flesh her only\n food, a tent her only palace; and who expresses, in a strain of\n paTHEtic simplicity, THE natural wish, that she were transformed\n into a bird, to fly back to her dear country; THE object of her\n tender and perpetual regret. 37\n\n 27 (return) [ M. de Guignes (tom. ii. p. 1Ñ124) has given THE\n original history of THE ancient Hiong-nou, or Huns. The Chinese\n geography of THEir country (tom. i. part. p. lv.Ñlxiii.) seems to\n comprise a part of THEir conquests. * Note: The THEory of De\n Guignes on THE early history of THE Huns is, in general, rejected\n by modern writers. De Guignes advanced no valid proof of THE\n identity of THE Hioung-nou of THE Chinese writers with THE Huns,\n except THE similarity of name. Schlozer, (Allgemeine Nordische\n Geschichte, p. 252,) Klaproth, (Tableaux Historiques de lÕAsie,\n p. 246,) St. Martin, iv. 61, and A. Remusat, (Recherches sur les\n Langues Tartares, D. P. xlvi, and p. 328; though in THE latter\n passage he considers THE THEory of De Guignes not absolutely\n disproved,) concur in considering THE Huns as belonging to THE\n Finnish stock, distinct from THE Moguls THE Mandscheus, and THE\n Turks. The Hiong-nou, according to Klaproth, were Turks. The\n names of THE Hunnish chiefs could not be pronounced by a Turk;\n and, according to THE same author, THE Hioung-nou, which is\n explained in Chinese as _detestable slaves_, as early as THE year\n 91 J. C., were dispersed by THE Chinese, and assumed THE name of\n Yue-po or Yue-pan. M. St. Martin does not consider it impossible\n that THE appellation of Hioung-nou may have belonged to THE Huns.\n But all agree in considering THE Madjar or Magyar of modern\n Hungary THE descendants of THE Huns. Their language (compare\n Gibbon, c. lv. n. 22) is nearly related to THE Lapponian and\n Vogoul. The noble forms of THE modern Hungarians, so strongly\n contrasted with THE hideous pictures which THE fears and THE\n hatred of THE Romans give of THE Huns, M. Klaproth accounts for\n by THE intermingling with oTHEr races, Turkish and Slavonian. The\n present state of THE question is thus stated in THE last edition\n of Malte Brun, and a new and ingenious hypoTHEsis suggested to\n resolve all THE difficulties of THE question.\n Were THE Huns Finns? This obscure question has not been\n debated till very recently, and is yet very far from being\n decided. We are of opinion that it will be so hereafter in\n THE same manner as that with regard to THE Scythians. We\n shall trace in THE portrait of Attila a dominant tribe or\n Mongols, or Kalmucks, with all THE hereditary ugliness of\n that race; but in THE mass of THE Hunnish army and nation\n will be recognized THE Chuni and THE Ounni of THE Greek\n Geography. THE Kuns of THE Hungarians, THE European Huns, and\n a race in close relationship with THE Flemish stock. Malte\n Brun, vi. p. 94. This THEory is more fully and ably\n developed, p. 743. Whoever has seen THE emperor of AustriaÕs\n Hungarian guard, will not readily admit THEir descent from\n THE Huns described by Sidonius Appolinaris.ÑM]\n\n 28 (return) [ See in Duhalde (tom. iv. p. 18Ñ65) a circumstantial\n description, with a correct map, of THE country of THE Mongous.]\n\n 29 (return) [ The Igours, or Vigours, were divided into three\n branches; hunters, shepherds, and husbandmen; and THE last class\n was despised by THE two former. See Abulghazi, part ii. c. 7. *\n Note: On THE Ouigour or Igour characters, see THE work of M. A.\n Remusat, Sur les Langues Tartares. He conceives THE Ouigour\n alphabet of sixteen letters to have been formed from THE Syriac,\n and introduced by THE Nestorian Christians.ÑCh. ii. M.]\n\n 30 (return) [ MŽmoires de lÕAcadŽmie des Inscriptions, tom. xxv.\n p. 17Ñ33. The comprehensive view of M. de Guignes has compared\n THEse distant events.]\n\n 31 (return) [ The fame of Sovou, or So-ou, his merit, and his\n singular adventurers, are still celebrated in China. See THE\n Eloge de Moukden, p. 20, and notes, p. 241Ñ247; and MŽmoires sur\n la Chine, tom. iii. p. 317Ñ360.]\n\n 32 (return) [ See Isbrand Ives in HarrisÕs Collection, vol. ii.\n p. 931; BellÕs Travels, vol. i. p. 247Ñ254; and Gmelin, in THE\n Hist. Generale des Voyages, tom. xviii. 283Ñ329. They all remark\n THE vulgar opinion that THE _holy sea_ grows angry and\n tempestuous if any one presumes to call it a _lake_. This\n grammatical nicety often excites a dispute between THE absurd\n superstition of THE mariners and THE absurd obstinacy of\n travellers.]\n\n 3211 (return) [ 224 years before Christ. It was built by\n Chi-hoang-ti of THE Dynasty Thsin. It is from twenty to\n twenty-five feet high. Ce monument, aussi gigantesque\n quÕimpuissant, arreterait bien les incursions de quelques\n Nomades; mais il nÕa jamais empŽchŽ les invasions des Turcs, des\n Mongols, et des Mandchous. Abe Remusat Rech. Asiat. 2d ser. vol.\n i. p. 58ÑM.]\n\n 33 (return) [ The construction of THE wall of China is mentioned\n by Duhalde (tom. ii. p. 45) and De Guignes, (tom. ii. p. 59.)]\n\n 34 (return) [ See THE life of Lieoupang, or Kaoti, in THE Hist,\n de la Chine, published at Paris, 1777, &c., tom. i. p. 442Ñ522.\n This voluminous work is THE translation (by THE P. de Mailla) of\n THE _Tong- Kien-Kang-Mou_, THE celebrated abridgment of THE great\n History of Semakouang (A.D. 1084) and his continuators.]\n\n 35 (return) [ See a free and ample memorial, presented by a\n Mandarin to THE emperor Venti, (before Christ 180Ñ157,) in\n Duhalde, (tom. ii. p. 412Ñ426,) from a collection of State papers\n marked with THE red pencil by Kamhi himself, (p. 354Ñ612.)\n AnoTHEr memorial from THE minister of war (Kang-Mou, tom. ii. p\n 555) supplies some curious circumstances of THE manners of THE\n Huns.]\n\n 36 (return) [ A supply of women is mentioned as a customary\n article of treaty and tribute, (Hist. de la Conquete de la Chine,\n par les Tartares Mantcheoux, tom. i. p. 186, 187, with THE note\n of THE editor.)]\n\n 37 (return) [ De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. p. 62.]\n\n The conquest of China has been twice achieved by THE pastoral\n tribes of THE North: THE forces of THE Huns were not inferior to\n those of THE Moguls, or of THE Mantcheoux; and THEir ambition\n might entertain THE most sanguine hopes of success. But THEir\n pride was humbled, and THEir progress was checked, by THE arms\n and policy of Vouti, 38 THE fifth emperor of THE powerful dynasty\n of THE Han. In his long reign of fifty- four years, THE\n Barbarians of THE souTHErn provinces submitted to THE laws and\n manners of China; and THE ancient limits of THE monarchy were\n enlarged, from THE great river of Kiang, to THE port of Canton.\n Instead of confining himself to THE timid operations of a\n defensive war, his lieutenants penetrated many hundred miles into\n THE country of THE Huns. In those boundless deserts, where it is\n impossible to form magazines, and difficult to transport a\n sufficient supply of provisions, THE armies of Vouti were\n repeatedly exposed to intolerable hardships: and, of one hundred\n and forty thousand soldiers, who marched against THE Barbarians,\n thirty thousand only returned in safety to THE feet of THEir\n master. These losses, however, were compensated by splendid and\n decisive success. The Chinese generals improved THE superiority\n which THEy derived from THE temper of THEir arms, THEir chariots\n of war, and THE service of THEir Tartar auxiliaries. The camp of\n THE Tanjou was surprised in THE midst of sleep and intemperance;\n and, though THE monarch of THE Huns bravely cut his way through\n THE ranks of THE enemy, he left above fifteen thousand of his\n subjects on THE field of battle. Yet this signal victory, which\n was preceded and followed by many bloody engagements, contributed\n much less to THE destruction of THE power of THE Huns than THE\n effectual policy which was employed to detach THE tributary\n nations from THEir obedience. Intimidated by THE arms, or allured\n by THE promises, of Vouti and his successors, THE most\n considerable tribes, both of THE East and of THE West, disclaimed\n THE authority of THE Tanjou. While some acknowledged THEmselves\n THE allies or vassals of THE empire, THEy all became THE\n implacable enemies of THE Huns; and THE numbers of that haughty\n people, as soon as THEy were reduced to THEir native strength,\n might, perhaps, have been contained within THE walls of one of\n THE great and populous cities of China. 39 The desertion of his\n subjects, and THE perplexity of a civil war, at length compelled\n THE Tanjou himself to renounce THE dignity of an independent\n sovereign, and THE freedom of a warlike and high-spirited nation.\n He was received at Sigan, THE capital of THE monarchy, by THE\n troops, THE mandarins, and THE emperor himself, with all THE\n honors that could adorn and disguise THE triumph of Chinese\n vanity. 40 A magnificent palace was prepared for his reception;\n his place was assigned above all THE princes of THE royal family;\n and THE patience of THE Barbarian king was exhausted by THE\n ceremonies of a banquet, which consisted of eight courses of\n meat, and of nine solemn pieces of music. But he performed, on\n his knees, THE duty of a respectful homage to THE emperor of\n China; pronounced, in his own name, and in THE name of his\n successors, a perpetual oath of fidelity; and gratefully accepted\n a seal, which was bestowed as THE emblem of his regal dependence.\n After this humiliating submission, THE Tanjous sometimes departed\n from THEir allegiance and seized THE favorable moments of war and\n rapine; but THE monarchy of THE Huns gradually declined, till it\n was broken, by civil dissension, into two hostile and separate\n kingdoms. One of THE princes of THE nation was urged, by fear and\n ambition, to retire towards THE South with eight hords, which\n composed between forty and fifty thousand families. He obtained,\n with THE title of Tanjou, a convenient territory on THE verge of\n THE Chinese provinces; and his constant attachment to THE service\n of THE empire was secured by weakness, and THE desire of revenge.\n From THE time of this fatal schism, THE Huns of THE North\n continued to languish about fifty years; till THEy were oppressed\n on every side by THEir foreign and domestic enemies. The proud\n inscription 41 of a column, erected on a lofty mountain,\n announced to posterity, that a Chinese army had marched seven\n hundred miles into THE heart of THEir country. The Sienpi, 42 a\n tribe of Oriental Tartars, retaliated THE injuries which THEy had\n formerly sustained; and THE power of THE Tanjous, after a reign\n of thirteen hundred years, was utterly destroyed before THE end\n of THE first century of THE Christian ¾ra. 43\n\n 38 (return) [ See THE reign of THE emperor Vouti, in THE\n Kang-Mou, tom. iii. p. 1Ñ98. His various and inconsistent\n character seems to be impartially drawn.]\n\n 39 (return) [ This expression is used in THE memorial to THE\n emperor Venti, (Duhalde, tom. ii. p. 411.) Without adopting THE\n exaggerations of Marco Polo and Isaac Vossius, we may rationally\n allow for Pekin two millions of inhabitants. The cities of THE\n South, which contain THE manufactures of China, are still more\n populous.]\n\n 40 (return) [ See THE Kang-Mou, tom. iii. p. 150, and THE\n subsequent events under THE proper years. This memorable festival\n is celebrated in THE Eloge de Moukden, and explained in a note by\n THE P. Gaubil, p. 89, 90.]\n\n 41 (return) [ This inscription was composed on THE spot by\n Parkou, President of THE Tribunal of History (Kang-Mou, tom. iii.\n p. 392.) Similar monuments have been discovered in many parts of\n Tartary, (Histoire des Huns, tom. ii. p. 122.)]\n\n 42 (return) [ M. de Guignes (tom. i. p. 189) has inserted a short\n account of THE Sienpi.]\n\n 43 (return) [ The ¾ra of THE Huns is placed, by THE Chinese, 1210\n years before Christ. But THE series of THEir kings does not\n commence till THE year 230, (Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. p. 21,\n 123.)]\n\n The fate of THE vanquished Huns was diversified by THE various\n influence of character and situation. 44 Above one hundred\n thousand persons, THE poorest, indeed, and THE most pusillanimous\n of THE people, were contented to remain in THEir native country,\n to renounce THEir peculiar name and origin, and to mingle with\n THE victorious nation of THE Sienpi. Fifty-eight hords, about two\n hundred thousand men, ambitious of a more honorable servitude,\n retired towards THE South; implored THE protection of THE\n emperors of China; and were permitted to inhabit, and to guard,\n THE extreme frontiers of THE province of Chansi and THE territory\n of Ortous. But THE most warlike and powerful tribes of THE Huns\n maintained, in THEir adverse fortune, THE undaunted spirit of\n THEir ancestors. The Western world was open to THEir valor; and\n THEy resolved, under THE conduct of THEir hereditary chieftains,\n to conquer and subdue some remote country, which was still\n inaccessible to THE arms of THE Sienpi, and to THE laws of China.\n 45 The course of THEir emigration soon carried THEm beyond THE\n mountains of Imaus, and THE limits of THE Chinese geography; but\n _we_ are able to distinguish THE two great divisions of THEse\n formidable exiles, which directed THEir march towards THE Oxus,\n and towards THE Volga. The first of THEse colonies established\n THEir dominion in THE fruitful and extensive plains of Sogdiana,\n on THE eastern side of THE Caspian; where THEy preserved THE name\n of Huns, with THE epiTHEt of Euthalites, or Nepthalites. 4511\n Their manners were softened, and even THEir features were\n insensibly improved, by THE mildness of THE climate, and THEir\n long residence in a flourishing province, 46 which might still\n retain a faint impression of THE arts of Greece. 47 The _white_\n Huns, a name which THEy derived from THE change of THEir\n complexions, soon abandoned THE pastoral life of Scythia. Gorgo,\n which, under THE appellation of Carizme, has since enjoyed a\n temporary splendor, was THE residence of THE king, who exercised\n a legal authority over an obedient people. Their luxury was\n maintained by THE labor of THE Sogdians; and THE only vestige of\n THEir ancient barbarism, was THE custom which obliged all THE\n companions, perhaps to THE number of twenty, who had shared THE\n liberality of a wealthy lord, to be buried alive in THE same\n grave. 48 The vicinity of THE Huns to THE provinces of Persia,\n involved THEm in frequent and bloody contests with THE power of\n that monarchy. But THEy respected, in peace, THE faith of\n treaties; in war, THE dictates of humanity; and THEir memorable\n victory over Peroses, or Firuz, displayed THE moderation, as well\n as THE valor, of THE Barbarians. The _second_ division of THEir\n countrymen, THE Huns, who gradually advanced towards THE\n North-west, were exercised by THE hardships of a colder climate,\n and a more laborious march. Necessity compelled THEm to exchange\n THE silks of China for THE furs of Siberia; THE imperfect\n rudiments of civilized life were obliterated; and THE native\n fierceness of THE Huns was exasperated by THEir intercourse with\n THE savage tribes, who were compared, with some propriety, to THE\n wild beasts of THE desert. Their independent spirit soon rejected\n THE hereditary succession of THE Tanjous; and while each horde\n was governed by its peculiar mursa, THEir tumultuary council\n directed THE public measures of THE whole nation. As late as THE\n thirteenth century, THEir transient residence on THE eastern\n banks of THE Volga was attested by THE name of Great Hungary. 49\n In THE winter, THEy descended with THEir flocks and herds towards\n THE mouth of that mighty river; and THEir summer excursions\n reached as high as THE latitude of Saratoff, or perhaps THE\n conflux of THE Kama. Such at least were THE recent limits of THE\n black Calmucks, 50 who remained about a century under THE\n protection of Russia; and who have since returned to THEir native\n seats on THE frontiers of THE Chinese empire. The march, and THE\n return, of those wandering Tartars, whose united camp consists of\n fifty thousand tents or families, illustrate THE distant\n emigrations of THE ancient Huns. 51\n\n 44 (return) [ The various accidents, THE downfall, and THE flight\n of THE Huns, are related in THE Kang-Mou, tom. iii. p. 88, 91,\n 95, 139, &c. The small numbers of each horde may be due to THEir\n losses and divisions.]\n\n 45 (return) [ M. de Guignes has skilfully traced THE footsteps of\n THE Huns through THE vast deserts of Tartary, (tom. ii. p. 123,\n 277, &c., 325, &c.)]\n\n 4511 (return) [ The Armenian authors often mention this people\n under THE name of Hepthal. St. Martin considers that THE name of\n Nepthalites is an error of a copyist. St. Martin, iv. 254.ÑM.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Mohammed, sultan of Carizme, reigned in Sogdiana\n when it was invaded (A.D. 1218) by Zingis and his moguls. The\n Oriental historians (see DÕHerbelot, Petit de la Croix, &c.,)\n celebrate THE populous cities which he ruined, and THE fruitful\n country which he desolated. In THE next century, THE same\n provinces of Chorasmia and Nawaralnahr were described by\n Abulfeda, (Hudson, Geograph. Minor. tom. iii.) Their actual\n misery may be seen in THE Genealogical History of THE Tartars, p.\n 423Ñ469.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Justin (xli. 6) has left a short abridgment of THE\n Greek kings of Bactriana. To THEir industry I should ascribe THE\n new and extraordinary trade, which transported THE merchandises\n of India into Europe, by THE Oxus, THE Caspian, THE Cyrus, THE\n Phasis, and THE Euxine. The oTHEr ways, both of THE land and sea,\n were possessed by THE Seleucides and THE Ptolemies. (See lÕEsprit\n des Loix, l. xxi.)]\n\n 48 (return) [ Procopius de Bell. Persico, l. i. c. 3, p. 9.]\n\n 49 (return) [ In THE thirteenth century, THE monk Rubruquis (who\n traversed THE immense plain of Kipzak, in his journey to THE\n court of THE Great Khan) observed THE remarkable name of\n _Hungary_, with THE traces of a common language and origin,\n (Hist. des Voyages, tom. vii. p. 269.)]\n\n 50 (return) [ Bell, (vol. i. p. 29Ñ34,) and THE editors of THE\n Genealogical History, (p. 539,) have described THE Calmucks of\n THE Volga in THE beginning of THE present century.]\n\n 51 (return) [ This great transmigration of 300,000 Calmucks, or\n Torgouts, happened in THE year 1771. The original narrative of\n Kien-long, THE reigning emperor of China, which was intended for\n THE inscription of a column, has been translated by THE\n missionaries of Pekin, (MŽmoires sur la Chine, tom. i. p.\n 401Ñ418.) The emperor affects THE smooth and specious language of\n THE Son of Heaven, and THE FaTHEr of his People.]\n\n It is impossible to fill THE dark interval of time, which\n elapsed, after THE Huns of THE Volga were lost in THE eyes of THE\n Chinese, and before THEy showed THEmselves to those of THE\n Romans. There is some reason, however, to apprehend, that THE\n same force which had driven THEm from THEir native seats, still\n continued to impel THEir march towards THE frontiers of Europe.\n The power of THE Sienpi, THEir implacable enemies, which extended\n above three thousand miles from East to West, 52 must have\n gradually oppressed THEm by THE weight and terror of a formidable\n neighborhood; and THE flight of THE tribes of Scythia would\n inevitably tend to increase THE strength or to contract THE\n territories, of THE Huns. The harsh and obscure appellations of\n those tribes would offend THE ear, without informing THE\n understanding, of THE reader; but I cannot suppress THE very\n natural suspicion, _that_ THE Huns of THE North derived a\n considerable reenforcement from THE ruin of THE dynasty of THE\n South, which, in THE course of THE third century, submitted to\n THE dominion of China; _that_ THE bravest warriors marched away\n in search of THEir free and adventurous countrymen; _and_ that,\n as THEy had been divided by prosperity, THEy were easily reunited\n by THE common hardships of THEir adverse fortune. 53 The Huns,\n with THEir flocks and herds, THEir wives and children, THEir\n dependents and allies, were transported to THE west of THE Volga,\n and THEy boldly advanced to invade THE country of THE Alani, a\n pastoral people, who occupied, or wasted, an extensive tract of\n THE deserts of Scythia. The plains between THE Volga and THE\n Tanais were covered with THE tents of THE Alani, but THEir name\n and manners were diffused over THE wide extent of THEir\n conquests; and THE painted tribes of THE Agathyrsi and Geloni\n were confounded among THEir vassals. Towards THE North, THEy\n penetrated into THE frozen regions of Siberia, among THE savages\n who were accustomed, in THEir rage or hunger, to THE taste of\n human flesh; and THEir SouTHErn inroads were pushed as far as THE\n confines of Persia and India. The mixture of Samartic and German\n blood had contributed to improve THE features of THE Alani, 5311\n to whiten THEir swarthy complexions, and to tinge THEir hair with\n a yellowish cast, which is seldom found in THE Tartar race. They\n were less deformed in THEir persons, less brutish in THEir\n manners, than THE Huns; but THEy did not yield to those\n formidable Barbarians in THEir martial and independent spirit; in\n THE love of freedom, which rejected even THE use of domestic\n slaves; and in THE love of arms, which considered war and rapine\n as THE pleasure and THE glory of mankind. A naked cimeter, fixed\n in THE ground, was THE only object of THEir religious worship;\n THE scalps of THEir enemies formed THE costly trappings of THEir\n horses; and THEy viewed, with pity and contempt, THE\n pusillanimous warriors, who patiently expected THE infirmities of\n age, and THE tortures of lingering disease. 54 On THE banks of\n THE Tanais, THE military power of THE Huns and THE Alani\n encountered each oTHEr with equal valor, but with unequal\n success. The Huns prevailed in THE bloody contest; THE king of\n THE Alani was slain; and THE remains of THE vanquished nation\n were dispersed by THE ordinary alternative of flight or\n submission. 55 A colony of exiles found a secure refuge in THE\n mountains of Caucasus, between THE Euxine and THE Caspian, where\n THEy still preserve THEir name and THEir independence. AnoTHEr\n colony advanced, with more intrepid courage, towards THE shores\n of THE Baltic; associated THEmselves with THE NorTHErn tribes of\n Germany; and shared THE spoil of THE Roman provinces of Gaul and\n Spain. But THE greatest part of THE nation of THE Alani embraced\n THE offers of an honorable and advantageous union; and THE Huns,\n who esteemed THE valor of THEir less fortunate enemies,\n proceeded, with an increase of numbers and confidence, to invade\n THE limits of THE Gothic empire.\n\n 52 (return) [ The Khan-Mou (tom. iii. p. 447) ascribes to THEir\n conquests a space of 14,000 _lis_. According to THE present\n standard, 200 _lis_ (or more accurately 193) are equal to one\n degree of latitude; and one English mile consequently exceeds\n three miles of China. But THEre are strong reasons to believe\n that THE ancient _li_ scarcely equalled one half of THE modern.\n See THE elaborate researches of M. DÕAnville, a geographer who is\n not a stranger in any age or climate of THE globe. (MŽmoires de\n lÕAcad. tom. ii. p. 125-502. Itineraires, p. 154-167.)]\n\n 53 (return) [ See Histoire des Huns, tom. ii. p. 125Ñ144. The\n subsequent history (p. 145Ñ277) of three or four Hunnic dynasties\n evidently proves that THEir martial spirit was not impaired by a\n long residence in China.]\n\n 5311 (return) [ Compare M. KlaprothÕs curious speculations on THE\n Alani. He supposes THEm to have been THE people, known by THE\n Chinese, at THE time of THEir first expeditions to THE West,\n under THE name of Yath-sai or A-lanna, THE Alan‰n of Persian\n tradition, as preserved in Ferdusi; THE same, according to\n Ammianus, with THE Massaget¾, and with THE Albani. The remains of\n THE nation still exist in THE Osset¾ of Mount Caucasus. Klaproth,\n Tableaux Historiques de lÕAsie, p. 174.ÑM. Compare Shafarik\n Slawische alterthŸmer, i. p. 350.ÑM. 1845.]\n\n 54 (return) [ Utque hominibus quietis et placidis otium est\n voluptabile, ita illos pericula juvent et bella. Judicatur ibi\n beatus qui in prÏlio profuderit animam: senescentes etiam et\n fortuitis mortibus mundo digressos, ut degeneres et ignavos,\n conviciis atrocibus insectantur. [Ammian. xxxi. 11.] We must\n think highly of THE conquerors of _such_ men.]\n\n 55 (return) [ On THE subject of THE Alani, see Ammianus, (xxxi.\n 2,) Jornandes, (de Rebus Geticis, c. 24,) M. de Guignes, (Hist.\n des Huns, tom. ii. p. 279,) and THE Genealogical History of THE\n Tartars, (tom. ii. p. 617.)]\n\n The great Hermanric, whose dominions extended from THE Baltic to\n THE Euxine, enjoyed, in THE full maturity of age and reputation,\n THE fruit of his victories, when he was alarmed by THE formidable\n approach of a host of unknown enemies, 56 on whom his barbarous\n subjects might, without injustice, bestow THE epiTHEt of\n Barbarians. The numbers, THE strength, THE rapid motions, and THE\n implacable cruelty of THE Huns, were felt, and dreaded, and\n magnified, by THE astonished Goths; who beheld THEir fields and\n villages consumed with flames, and deluged with indiscriminate\n slaughter. To THEse real terrors THEy added THE surprise and\n abhorrence which were excited by THE shrill voice, THE uncouth\n gestures, and THE strange deformity of THE Huns. 5611 These\n savages of Scythia were compared (and THE picture had some\n resemblance) to THE animals who walk very awkwardly on two legs\n and to THE misshapen figures, THE _Termini_, which were often\n placed on THE bridges of antiquity. They were distinguished from\n THE rest of THE human species by THEir broad shoulders, flat\n noses, and small black eyes, deeply buried in THE head; and as\n THEy were almost destitute of beards, THEy never enjoyed eiTHEr\n THE manly grace of youth, or THE venerable aspect of age. 57 A\n fabulous origin was assigned, worthy of THEir form and manners;\n that THE witches of Scythia, who, for THEir foul and deadly\n practices, had been driven from society, had copulated in THE\n desert with infernal spirits; and that THE Huns were THE\n offspring of this execrable conjunction. 58 The tale, so full of\n horror and absurdity, was greedily embraced by THE credulous\n hatred of THE Goths; but, while it gratified THEir hatred, it\n increased THEir fear, since THE posterity of d¾mons and witches\n might be supposed to inherit some share of THE pr¾ternatural\n powers, as well as of THE malignant temper, of THEir parents.\n Against THEse enemies, Hermanric prepared to exert THE united\n forces of THE Gothic state; but he soon discovered that his\n vassal tribes, provoked by oppression, were much more inclined to\n second, than to repel, THE invasion of THE Huns. One of THE\n chiefs of THE Roxolani 59 had formerly deserted THE standard of\n Hermanric, and THE cruel tyrant had condemned THE innocent wife\n of THE traitor to be torn asunder by wild horses. The broTHErs of\n that unfortunate woman seized THE favorable moment of revenge.\n\n The aged king of THE Goths languished some time after THE\n dangerous wound which he received from THEir daggers; but THE\n conduct of THE war was retarded by his infirmities; and THE\n public councils of THE nation were distracted by a spirit of\n jealousy and discord. His death, which has been imputed to his\n own despair, left THE reins of government in THE hands of\n Withimer, who, with THE doubtful aid of some Scythian\n mercenaries, maintained THE unequal contest against THE arms of\n THE Huns and THE Alani, till he was defeated and slain in a\n decisive battle. The Ostrogoths submitted to THEir fate; and THE\n royal race of THE Amali will hereafter be found among THE\n subjects of THE haughty Attila. But THE person of WiTHEric, THE\n infant king, was saved by THE diligence of AlaTHEus and Saphrax;\n two warriors of approved valor and fiedlity, who, by cautious\n marches, conducted THE independent remains of THE nation of THE\n Ostrogoths towards THE Danastus, or Niester; a considerable\n river, which now separates THE Turkish dominions from THE empire\n of Russia. On THE banks of THE Niester, THE prudent Athanaric,\n more attentive to his own than to THE general safety, had fixed\n THE camp of THE Visigoths; with THE firm resolution of opposing\n THE victorious Barbarians, whom he thought it less advisable to\n provoke. The ordinary speed of THE Huns was checked by THE weight\n of baggage, and THE encumbrance of captives; but THEir military\n skill deceived, and almost destroyed, THE army of Athanaric.\n While THE Judge of THE Visigoths defended THE banks of THE\n Niester, he was encompassed and attacked by a numerous detachment\n of cavalry, who, by THE light of THE moon, had passed THE river\n in a fordable place; and it was not without THE utmost efforts of\n courage and conduct, that he was able to effect his retreat\n towards THE hilly country. The undaunted general had already\n formed a new and judicious plan of defensive war; and THE strong\n lines, which he was preparing to construct between THE mountains,\n THE Pruth, and THE Danube, would have secured THE extensive and\n fertile territory that bears THE modern name of Walachia, from\n THE destructive inroads of THE Huns. 60 But THE hopes and\n measures of THE Judge of THE Visigoths was soon disappointed, by\n THE trembling impatience of his dismayed countrymen; who were\n persuaded by THEir fears, that THE interposition of THE Danube\n was THE only barrier that could save THEm from THE rapid pursuit,\n and invincible valor, of THE Barbarians of Scythia. Under THE\n command of Fritigern and Alavivus, 61 THE body of THE nation\n hastily advanced to THE banks of THE great river, and implored\n THE protection of THE Roman emperor of THE East. Athanaric\n himself, still anxious to avoid THE guilt of perjury, retired,\n with a band of faithful followers, into THE mountainous country\n of Caucaland; which appears to have been guarded, and almost\n concealed, by THE impenetrable forests of Transylvania. 62 6211\n\n 56 (return) [ As we are possessed of THE auTHEntic history of THE\n Huns, it would be impertinent to repeat, or to refute, THE fables\n which misrepresent THEir origin and progress, THEir passage of\n THE mud or water of THE M¾otis, in pursuit of an ox or stag, les\n Indes quÕils avoient dŽcouvertes, &c., (Zosimus, l. iv. p. 224.\n Sozomen, l. vi. c. 37. Procopius, Hist. Miscell. c. 5. Jornandes,\n c. 24. Grandeur et DŽcadence, &c., des Romains, c. 17.)]\n\n 5611 (return) [ Art added to THEir native ugliness; in fact, it\n is difficult to ascribe THE proper share in THE features of this\n hideous picture to nature, to THE barbarous skill with which THEy\n were self-disfigured, or to THE terror and hatred of THE Romans.\n Their noses were flattened by THEir nurses, THEir cheeks were\n gashed by an iron instrument, that THE scars might look more\n fearful, and prevent THE growth of THE beard. Jornandes and\n Sidonius Apollinaris:Ñ\n\n Obtundit teneras circumdata fascia nares, Ut galeis cedant.\n\n Yet he adds that THEir forms were robust and manly, THEir height\n of a middle size, but, from THE habit of riding, disproportioned.\n\n Stant pectora vasta, Insignes humer, succincta sub ilibus alvus.\n Forma quidem pediti media est, procera sed extat Si cernas\n equites, sic longi s¾pe putantur Si sedeant.]\n\n 57 (return) [ Prodigios¾ form¾, et pandi; ut bipedes existimes\n bestias; vel quales in commarginandis pontibus, effigiati\n stipites dolantur incompte. Ammian. xxxi. i. Jornandes (c. 24)\n draws a strong caricature of a Calmuck face. Species pavenda\n nigredine... qu¾dam deformis offa, non fecies; habensque magis\n puncta quam lumina. See Buffon. Hist. Naturelle, tom. iii. 380.]\n\n 58 (return) [ This execrable origin, which Jornandes (c. 24)\n describes with THE rancor of a Goth, might be originally derived\n from a more pleasing fable of THE Greeks. (Herodot. l. iv. c. 9,\n &c.)]\n\n 59 (return) [ The Roxolani may be THE faTHErs of THE THE\n _Russians_, (DÕAnville, Empire de Russie, p. 1Ñ10,) whose\n residence (A.D. 862) about Novogrod Veliki cannot be very remote\n from that which THE Geographer of Ravenna (i. 12, iv. 4, 46, v.\n 28, 30) assigns to THE Roxolani, (A.D. 886.) * Note: See, on THE\n origin of THE Russ, Schlozer, Nordische Geschichte, p. 78ÑM.]\n\n 60 (return) [ The text of Ammianus seems to be imperfect or\n corrupt; but THE nature of THE ground explains, and almost\n defines, THE Gothic rampart. MŽmoires de lÕAcadŽmie, &c., tom.\n xxviii. p. 444Ñ462.]\n\n 61 (return) [ M. de Buat (Hist. des Peuples de lÕEurope, tom. vi.\n p. 407) has conceived a strange idea, that Alavivus was THE same\n person as Ulphilas, THE Gothic bishop; and that Ulphilas, THE\n grandson of a Cappadocian captive, became a temporal prince of\n THE Goths.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Ammianus (xxxi. 3) and Jornandes (de Rebus Geticis,\n c. 24) describe THE subversion of THE Gothic empire by THE Huns.]\n\n 6211 (return) [ The most probable opinion as to THE position of\n this land is that of M. Malte-Brun. He thinks that Caucaland is\n THE territory of THE Cacoenses, placed by Ptolemy (l. iii. c. 8)\n towards THE Carpathian Mountains, on THE side of THE present\n Transylvania, and THErefore THE canton of Cacava, to THE south of\n Hermanstadt, THE capital of THE principality. Caucaland it is\n evident, is THE Gothic form of THEse different names. St. Martin,\n iv 103.ÑM.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.ÑPart III.\n\n\n After Valens had terminated THE Gothic war with some appearance\n of glory and success, he made a progress through his dominions of\n Asia, and at length fixed his residence in THE capital of Syria.\n The five years 63 which he spent at Antioch was employed to\n watch, from a secure distance, THE hostile designs of THE Persian\n monarch; to check THE depredations of THE Saracens and Isaurians;\n 64 to enforce, by arguments more prevalent than those of reason\n and eloquence, THE belief of THE Arian THEology; and to satisfy\n his anxious suspicions by THE promiscuous execution of THE\n innocent and THE guilty. But THE attention of THE emperor was\n most seriously engaged, by THE important intelligence which he\n received from THE civil and military officers who were intrusted\n with THE defence of THE Danube. He was informed, that THE North\n was agitated by a furious tempest; that THE irruption of THE\n Huns, an unknown and monstrous race of savages, had subverted THE\n power of THE Goths; and that THE suppliant multitudes of that\n warlike nation, whose pride was now humbled in THE dust, covered\n a space of many miles along THE banks of THE river. With\n outstretched arms, and paTHEtic lamentations, THEy loudly\n deplored THEir past misfortunes and THEir present danger;\n acknowledged that THEir only hope of safety was in THE clemency\n of THE Roman government; and most solemnly protested, that if THE\n gracious liberality of THE emperor would permit THEm to cultivate\n THE waste lands of Thrace, THEy should ever hold THEmselves\n bound, by THE strongest obligations of duty and gratitude, to\n obey THE laws, and to guard THE limits, of THE republic. These\n assurances were confirmed by THE ambassadors of THE Goths, 6411\n who impatiently expected from THE mouth of Valens an answer that\n must finally determine THE fate of THEir unhappy countrymen. The\n emperor of THE East was no longer guided by THE wisdom and\n authority of his elder broTHEr, whose death happened towards THE\n end of THE preceding year; and as THE distressful situation of\n THE Goths required an instant and peremptory decision, he was\n deprived of THE favorite resources of feeble and timid minds, who\n consider THE use of dilatory and ambiguous measures as THE most\n admirable efforts of consummate prudence. As long as THE same\n passions and interests subsist among mankind, THE questions of\n war and peace, of justice and policy, which were debated in THE\n councils of antiquity, will frequently present THEmselves as THE\n subject of modern deliberation. But THE most experienced\n statesman of Europe has never been summoned to consider THE\n propriety, or THE danger, of admitting, or rejecting, an\n innumerable multitude of Barbarians, who are driven by despair\n and hunger to solicit a settlement on THE territories of a\n civilized nation. When that important proposition, so essentially\n connected with THE public safety, was referred to THE ministers\n of Valens, THEy were perplexed and divided; but THEy soon\n acquiesced in THE flattering sentiment which seemed THE most\n favorable to THE pride, THE indolence, and THE avarice of THEir\n sovereign. The slaves, who were decorated with THE titles of\n pr¾fects and generals, dissembled or disregarded THE terrors of\n this national emigration; so extremely different from THE partial\n and accidental colonies, which had been received on THE extreme\n limits of THE empire. But THEy applauded THE liberality of\n fortune, which had conducted, from THE most distant countries of\n THE globe, a numerous and invincible army of strangers, to defend\n THE throne of Valens; who might now add to THE royal treasures\n THE immense sums of gold supplied by THE provincials to\n compensate THEir annual proportion of recruits. The prayers of\n THE Goths were granted, and THEir service was accepted by THE\n Imperial court: and orders were immediately despatched to THE\n civil and military governors of THE Thracian diocese, to make THE\n necessary preparations for THE passage and subsistence of a great\n people, till a proper and sufficient territory could be allotted\n for THEir future residence. The liberality of THE emperor was\n accompanied, however, with two harsh and rigorous conditions,\n which prudence might justify on THE side of THE Romans; but which\n distress alone could extort from THE indignant Goths. Before THEy\n passed THE Danube, THEy were required to deliver THEir arms: and\n it was insisted, that THEir children should be taken from THEm,\n and dispersed through THE provinces of Asia; where THEy might be\n civilized by THE arts of education, and serve as hostages to\n secure THE fidelity of THEir parents.\n\n 63 (return) [ The Chronology of Ammianus is obscure and\n imperfect. Tillemont has labored to clear and settle THE annals\n of Valens.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iv. p. 223. Sozomen, l. vi. c. 38. The\n Isaurians, each winter, infested THE roads of Asia Minor, as far\n as THE neighborhood of Constantinople. Basil, Epist. cel. apud\n Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 106.]\n\n 6411 (return) [ Sozomen and Philostorgius say that THE bishop\n Ulphilas was one of THEse ambassadors.ÑM.]\n\n During THE suspense of a doubtful and distant negotiation, THE\n impatient Goths made some rash attempts to pass THE Danube,\n without THE permission of THE government, whose protection THEy\n had implored. Their motions were strictly observed by THE\n vigilance of THE troops which were stationed along THE river and\n THEir foremost detachments were defeated with considerable\n slaughter; yet such were THE timid councils of THE reign of\n Valens, that THE brave officers who had served THEir country in\n THE execution of THEir duty, were punished by THE loss of THEir\n employments, and narrowly escaped THE loss of THEir heads. The\n Imperial mandate was at length received for transporting over THE\n Danube THE whole body of THE Gothic nation; 65 but THE execution\n of this order was a task of labor and difficulty. The stream of\n THE Danube, which in those parts is above a mile broad, 66 had\n been swelled by incessant rains; and in this tumultuous passage,\n many were swept away, and drowned, by THE rapid violence of THE\n current. A large fleet of vessels, of boats, and of canoes, was\n provided; many days and nights THEy passed and repassed with\n indefatigable toil; and THE most strenuous diligence was exerted\n by THE officers of Valens, that not a single Barbarian, of those\n who were reserved to subvert THE foundations of Rome, should be\n left on THE opposite shore. It was thought expedient that an\n accurate account should be taken of THEir numbers; but THE\n persons who were employed soon desisted, with amazement and\n dismay, from THE prosecution of THE endless and impracticable\n task: 67 and THE principal historian of THE age most seriously\n affirms, that THE prodigious armies of Darius and Xerxes, which\n had so long been considered as THE fables of vain and credulous\n antiquity, were now justified, in THE eyes of mankind, by THE\n evidence of fact and experience. A probable testimony has fixed\n THE number of THE Gothic warriors at two hundred thousand men:\n and if we can venture to add THE just proportion of women, of\n children, and of slaves, THE whole mass of people which composed\n this formidable emigration, must have amounted to near a million\n of persons, of both sexes, and of all ages. The children of THE\n Goths, those at least of a distinguished rank, were separated\n from THE multitude. They were conducted, without delay, to THE\n distant seats assigned for THEir residence and education; and as\n THE numerous train of hostages or captives passed through THE\n cities, THEir gay and splendid apparel, THEir robust and martial\n figure, excited THE surprise and envy of THE Provincials. 6711\n But THE stipulation, THE most offensive to THE Goths, and THE\n most important to THE Romans, was shamefully eluded. The\n Barbarians, who considered THEir arms as THE ensigns of honor and\n THE pledges of safety, were disposed to offer a price, which THE\n lust or avarice of THE Imperial officers was easily tempted to\n accept. To preserve THEir arms, THE haughty warriors consented,\n with some reluctance, to prostitute THEir wives or THEir\n daughters; THE charms of a beauteous maid, or a comely boy,\n secured THE connivance of THE inspectors; who sometimes cast an\n eye of covetousness on THE fringed carpets and linen garments of\n THEir new allies, 68 or who sacrificed THEir duty to THE mean\n consideration of filling THEir farms with cattle, and THEir\n houses with slaves. The Goths, with arms in THEir hands, were\n permitted to enter THE boats; and when THEir strength was\n collected on THE oTHEr side of THE river, THE immense camp which\n was spread over THE plains and THE hills of THE Lower M¾sia,\n assumed a threatening and even hostile aspect. The leaders of THE\n Ostrogoths, AlaTHEus and Saphrax, THE guardians of THEir infant\n king, appeared soon afterwards on THE NorTHErn banks of THE\n Danube; and immediately despatched THEir ambassadors to THE court\n of Antioch, to solicit, with THE same professions of allegiance\n and gratitude, THE same favor which had been granted to THE\n suppliant Visigoths. The absolute refusal of Valens suspended\n THEir progress, and discovered THE repentance, THE suspicions,\n and THE fears, of THE Imperial council.\n\n 65 (return) [ The passage of THE Danube is exposed by Ammianus,\n (xxxi. 3, 4,) Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 223, 224,) Eunapius in Excerpt.\n Legat. (p. 19, 20,) and Jornandes, (c. 25, 26.) Ammianus declares\n (c. 5) that he means only, ispas rerum digerere _summitates_. But\n he often takes a false measure of THEir importance; and his\n superfluous prolixity is disagreeably balanced by his\n unseasonable brevity.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Chishull, a curious traveller, has remarked THE\n breadth of THE Danube, which he passed to THE south of Bucharest\n near THE conflux of THE Argish, (p. 77.) He admires THE beauty\n and spontaneous plenty of M¾sia, or Bulgaria.]\n\n 67 (return) [\n\n Quem sci scire velit, Libyci velit ¾quoris idem Discere quam mult¾\n Zephyro turbentur haren¾.\n\n Ammianus has inserted, in his prose, THEse lines of Virgil,\n (Georgia l. ii. 105,) originally designed by THE poet to express\n THE impossibility of numbering THE different sorts of vines. See\n Plin. Hist. Natur l. xiv.]\n\n 6711 (return) [ A very curious, but obscure, passage of Eunapius,\n appears to me to have been misunderstood by M. Mai, to whom we\n owe its discovery. The substance is as follows: ÒThe Goths\n transported over THE river THEir native deities, with THEir\n priests of both sexes; but concerning THEir rites THEy maintained\n a deep and Ô_adamantine_ silence.Õ To THE Romans THEy pretended\n to be generally Christians, and placed certain persons to\n represent bishops in a conspicuous manner on THEir wagons. There\n was even among THEm a sort of what are called monks, persons whom\n it was not difficult to mimic; it was enough to wear black\n raiment, to be wicked, and held in respect.Ó (Eunapius hated THE\n Òblack-robed monks,Ó as appears in anoTHEr passage, with THE\n cordial detestation of a heaTHEn philosopher.) ÒThus, while THEy\n faithfully but secretly adhered to THEir own religion, THE Romans\n were weak enough to suppose THEm perfect Christians.Ó Mai, 277.\n Eunapius in Niebuhr, 82.ÑM]\n\n 68 (return) [ Eunapius and Zosimus curiously specify THEse\n articles of Gothic wealth and luxury. Yet it must be presumed,\n that THEy were THE manufactures of THE provinces; which THE\n Barbarians had acquired as THE spoils of war; or as THE gifts, or\n merchandise, of peace.]\n\n An undisciplined and unsettled nation of Barbarians required THE\n firmest temper, and THE most dexterous management. The daily\n subsistence of near a million of extraordinary subjects could be\n supplied only by constant and skilful diligence, and might\n continually be interrupted by mistake or accident. The insolence,\n or THE indignation, of THE Goths, if THEy conceived THEmselves to\n be THE objects eiTHEr of fear or of contempt, might urge THEm to\n THE most desperate extremities; and THE fortune of THE state\n seemed to depend on THE prudence, as well as THE integrity, of\n THE generals of Valens. At this important crisis, THE military\n government of Thrace was exercised by Lupicinus and Maximus, in\n whose venal minds THE slightest hope of private emolument\n outweighed every consideration of public advantage; and whose\n guilt was only alleviated by THEir incapacity of discerning THE\n pernicious effects of THEir rash and criminal administration.\n\n Instead of obeying THE orders of THEir sovereign, and satisfying,\n with decent liberality, THE demands of THE Goths, THEy levied an\n ungenerous and oppressive tax on THE wants of THE hungry\n Barbarians. The vilest food was sold at an extravagant price;\n and, in THE room of wholesome and substantial provisions, THE\n markets were filled with THE flesh of dogs, and of unclean\n animals, who had died of disease. To obtain THE valuable\n acquisition of a pound of bread, THE Goths resigned THE\n possession of an expensive, though serviceable, slave; and a\n small quantity of meat was greedily purchased with ten pounds of\n a precious, but useless metal, 69 when THEir property was\n exhausted, THEy continued this necessary traffic by THE sale of\n THEir sons and daughters; and notwithstanding THE love of\n freedom, which animated every Gothic breast, THEy submitted to\n THE humiliating maxim, that it was better for THEir children to\n be maintained in a servile condition, than to perish in a state\n of wretched and helpless independence. The most lively resentment\n is excited by THE tyranny of pretended benefactors, who sternly\n exact THE debt of gratitude which THEy have cancelled by\n subsequent injuries: a spirit of discontent insensibly arose in\n THE camp of THE Barbarians, who pleaded, without success, THE\n merit of THEir patient and dutiful behavior; and loudly\n complained of THE inhospitable treatment which THEy had received\n from THEir new allies. They beheld around THEm THE wealth and\n plenty of a fertile province, in THE midst of which THEy suffered\n THE intolerable hardships of artificial famine. But THE means of\n relief, and even of revenge, were in THEir hands; since THE\n rapaciousness of THEir tyrants had left to an injured people THE\n possession and THE use of arms. The clamors of a multitude,\n untaught to disguise THEir sentiments, announced THE first\n symptoms of resistance, and alarmed THE timid and guilty minds of\n Lupicinus and Maximus. Those crafty ministers, who substituted\n THE cunning of temporary expedients to THE wise and salutary\n counsels of general policy, attempted to remove THE Goths from\n THEir dangerous station on THE frontiers of THE empire; and to\n disperse THEm, in separate quarters of cantonment, through THE\n interior provinces. As THEy were conscious how ill THEy had\n deserved THE respect, or confidence, of THE Barbarians, THEy\n diligently collected, from every side, a military force, that\n might urge THE tardy and reluctant march of a people, who had not\n yet renounced THE title, or THE duties, of Roman subjects. But\n THE generals of Valens, while THEir attention was solely directed\n to THE discontented Visigoths, imprudently disarmed THE ships and\n THE fortifications which constituted THE defence of THE Danube.\n The fatal oversight was observed, and improved, by AlaTHEus and\n Saphrax, who anxiously watched THE favorable moment of escaping\n from THE pursuit of THE Huns. By THE help of such rafts and\n vessels as could be hastily procured, THE leaders of THE\n Ostrogoths transported, without opposition, THEir king and THEir\n army; and boldly fixed a hostile and independent camp on THE\n territories of THE empire. 70\n\n 69 (return) [ _Decem libras;_ THE word _silver_ must be\n understood. Jornandes betrays THE passions and prejudices of a\n Goth. The servile Geeks, Eunapius and Zosimus, disguise THE Roman\n oppression, and execrate THE perfidy of THE Barbarians. Ammianus,\n a patriot historian, slightly, and reluctantly, touches on THE\n odious subject. Jerom, who wrote almost on THE spot, is fair,\n though concise. Per avaritaim aximi ducis, ad rebellionem fame\n _coacti_ sunt, (in Chron.) * Note: A new passage from THE history\n of Eunapius is nearer to THE truth. ÔIt appeared to our\n commanders a legitimate source of gain to be bribed by THE\n Barbarians: Edit. Niebuhr, p. 82.ÑM.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Ammianus, xxxi. 4, 5.]\n\n Under THE name of Judges, Alavivus and Fritigern were THE leaders\n of THE Visigoths in peace and war; and THE authority which THEy\n derived from THEir birth was ratified by THE free consent of THE\n nation. In a season of tranquility, THEir power might have been\n equal, as well as THEir rank; but, as soon as THEir countrymen\n were exasperated by hunger and oppression, THE superior abilities\n of Fritigern assumed THE military command, which he was qualified\n to exercise for THE public welfare. He restrained THE impatient\n spirit of THE Visigoths till THE injuries and THE insults of\n THEir tyrants should justify THEir resistance in THE opinion of\n mankind: but he was not disposed to sacrifice any solid\n advantages for THE empty praise of justice and moderation.\n Sensible of THE benefits which would result from THE union of THE\n Gothic powers under THE same standard, he secretly cultivated THE\n friendship of THE Ostrogoths; and while he professed an implicit\n obedience to THE orders of THE Roman generals, he proceeded by\n slow marches towards Marcianopolis, THE capital of THE Lower\n M¾sia, about seventy miles from THE banks of THE Danube. On that\n fatal spot, THE flames of discord and mutual hatred burst forth\n into a dreadful conflagration. Lupicinus had invited THE Gothic\n chiefs to a splendid entertainment; and THEir martial train\n remained under arms at THE entrance of THE palace. But THE gates\n of THE city were strictly guarded, and THE Barbarians were\n sternly excluded from THE use of a plentiful market, to which\n THEy asserted THEir equal claim of subjects and allies. Their\n humble prayers were rejected with insolence and derision; and as\n THEir patience was now exhausted, THE townsmen, THE soldiers, and\n THE Goths, were soon involved in a conflict of passionate\n altercation and angry reproaches. A blow was imprudently given; a\n sword was hastily drawn; and THE first blood that was spilt in\n this accidental quarrel, became THE signal of a long and\n destructive war. In THE midst of noise and brutal intemperance,\n Lupicinus was informed, by a secret messenger, that many of his\n soldiers were slain, and despoiled of THEir arms; and as he was\n already inflamed by wine, and oppressed by sleep he issued a rash\n command, that THEir death should be revenged by THE massacre of\n THE guards of Fritigern and Alavivus.\n\n The clamorous shouts and dying groans apprised Fritigern of his\n extreme danger; and, as he possessed THE calm and intrepid spirit\n of a hero, he saw that he was lost if he allowed a moment of\n deliberation to THE man who had so deeply injured him. ÒA\n trifling dispute,Ó said THE Gothic leader, with a firm but gentle\n tone of voice, Òappears to have arisen between THE two nations;\n but it may be productive of THE most dangerous consequences,\n unless THE tumult is immediately pacified by THE assurance of our\n safety, and THE authority of our presence.Ó At THEse words,\n Fritigern and his companions drew THEir swords, opened THEir\n passage through THE unresisting crowd, which filled THE palace,\n THE streets, and THE gates, of Marcianopolis, and, mounting THEir\n horses, hastily vanished from THE eyes of THE astonished Romans.\n The generals of THE Goths were saluted by THE fierce and joyful\n acclamations of THE camp; war was instantly resolved, and THE\n resolution was executed without delay: THE banners of THE nation\n were displayed according to THE custom of THEir ancestors; and\n THE air resounded with THE harsh and mournful music of THE\n Barbarian trumpet. 71 The weak and guilty Lupicinus, who had\n dared to provoke, who had neglected to destroy, and who still\n presumed to despise, his formidable enemy, marched against THE\n Goths, at THE head of such a military force as could be collected\n on this sudden emergency. The Barbarians expected his approach\n about nine miles from Marcianopolis; and on this occasion THE\n talents of THE general were found to be of more prevailing\n efficacy than THE weapons and discipline of THE troops. The valor\n of THE Goths was so ably directed by THE genius of Fritigern,\n that THEy broke, by a close and vigorous attack, THE ranks of THE\n Roman legions. Lupicinus left his arms and standards, his\n tribunes and his bravest soldiers, on THE field of battle; and\n THEir useless courage served only to protect THE ignominious\n flight of THEir leader. ÒThat successful day put an end to THE\n distress of THE Barbarians, and THE security of THE Romans: from\n that day, THE Goths, renouncing THE precarious condition of\n strangers and exiles, assumed THE character of citizens and\n masters, claimed an absolute dominion over THE possessors of\n land, and held, in THEir own right, THE norTHErn provinces of THE\n empire, which are bounded by THE Danube.Ó Such are THE words of\n THE Gothic historian, 72 who celebrates, with rude eloquence, THE\n glory of his countrymen. But THE dominion of THE Barbarians was\n exercised only for THE purposes of rapine and destruction. As\n THEy had been deprived, by THE ministers of THE emperor, of THE\n common benefits of nature, and THE fair intercourse of social\n life, THEy retaliated THE injustice on THE subjects of THE\n empire; and THE crimes of Lupicinus were expiated by THE ruin of\n THE peaceful husbandmen of Thrace, THE conflagration of THEir\n villages, and THE massacre, or captivity, of THEir innocent\n families. The report of THE Gothic victory was soon diffused over\n THE adjacent country; and while it filled THE minds of THE Romans\n with terror and dismay, THEir own hasty imprudence contributed to\n increase THE forces of Fritigern, and THE calamities of THE\n province. Some time before THE great emigration, a numerous body\n of Goths, under THE command of Suerid and Colias, had been\n received into THE protection and service of THE empire. 73 They\n were encamped under THE walls of Hadrianople; but THE ministers\n of Valens were anxious to remove THEm beyond THE Hellespont, at a\n distance from THE dangerous temptation which might so easily be\n communicated by THE neighborhood, and THE success, of THEir\n countrymen. The respectful submission with which THEy yielded to\n THE order of THEir march, might be considered as a proof of THEir\n fidelity; and THEir moderate request of a sufficient allowance of\n provisions, and of a delay of only two days was expressed in THE\n most dutiful terms. But THE first magistrate of Hadrianople,\n incensed by some disorders which had been committed at his\n country-house, refused this indulgence; and arming against THEm\n THE inhabitants and manufacturers of a populous city, he urged,\n with hostile threats, THEir instant departure. The Barbarians\n stood silent and amazed, till THEy were exasperated by THE\n insulting clamors, and missile weapons, of THE populace: but when\n patience or contempt was fatigued, THEy crushed THE undisciplined\n multitude, inflicted many a shameful wound on THE backs of THEir\n flying enemies, and despoiled THEm of THE splendid armor, 74\n which THEy were unworthy to bear. The resemblance of THEir\n sufferings and THEir actions soon united this victorious\n detachment to THE nation of THE Visigoths; THE troops of Colias\n and Suerid expected THE approach of THE great Fritigern, ranged\n THEmselves under his standard, and signalized THEir ardor in THE\n siege of Hadrianople. But THE resistance of THE garrison informed\n THE Barbarians, that in THE attack of regular fortifications, THE\n efforts of unskillful courage are seldom effectual. Their general\n acknowledged his error, raised THE siege, declared that Òhe was\n at peace with stone walls,Ó 75 and revenged his disappointment on\n THE adjacent country. He accepted, with pleasure, THE useful\n reenforcement of hardy workmen, who labored in THE gold mines of\n Thrace, 76 for THE emolument, and under THE lash, of an unfeeling\n master: 77 and THEse new associates conducted THE Barbarians,\n through THE secret paths, to THE most sequestered places, which\n had been chosen to secure THE inhabitants, THE cattle, and THE\n magazines of corn. With THE assistance of such guides, nothing\n could remain impervious or inaccessible; resistance was fatal;\n flight was impracticable; and THE patient submission of helpless\n innocence seldom found mercy from THE Barbarian conqueror. In THE\n course of THEse depredations, a great number of THE children of\n THE Goths, who had been sold into captivity, were restored to THE\n embraces of THEir afflicted parents; but THEse tender interviews,\n which might have revived and cherished in THEir minds some\n sentiments of humanity, tended only to stimulate THEir native\n fierceness by THE desire of revenge. They listened, with eager\n attention, to THE complaints of THEir captive children, who had\n suffered THE most cruel indignities from THE lustful or angry\n passions of THEir masters, and THE same cruelties, THE same\n indignities, were severely retaliated on THE sons and daughters\n of THE Romans. 78\n\n 71 (return) [ Vexillis de _more_ sublatis, auditisque _triste\n sonantibus classicis_. Ammian. xxxi. 5. These are THE _rauca\n cornua_ of Claudian, (in Rufin. ii. 57,) THE large horns of THE\n _Uri_, or wild bull; such as have been more recently used by THE\n Swiss Cantons of Uri and Underwald. (Simler de Republic‰ Helvet,\n l. ii. p. 201, edit. Fuselin. Tigur 1734.) Their military horn is\n finely, though perhaps casually, introduced in an original\n narrative of THE battle of Nancy, (A.D. 1477.) ÒAttendant le\n combat le dit cor fut cornŽ par trois fois, tant que le vent du\n souffler pouvoit durer: ce qui esbahit fort Monsieur de\n Bourgoigne; _car deja ˆ Morat lÕavoit ouy_.Ó (See THE Pi\x8fces\n Justificatives in THE 4to. edition of Philippe de Comines, tom.\n iii. p. 493.)]\n\n 72 (return) [ Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, c. 26, p. 648, edit.\n Grot. These _splendidi panni_ (THEy are comparatively such) are\n undoubtedly transcribed from THE larger histories of Priscus,\n Ablavius, or Cassiodorus.]\n\n 73 (return) [ Cum populis suis longe ante suscepti. We are\n ignorant of THE precise date and circumstances of THEir\n transmigration.]\n\n 74 (return) [ An Imperial manufacture of shields, &c., was\n established at Hadrianople; and THE populace were headed by THE\n Fabricenses, or workmen. (Vales. ad Ammian. xxxi. 6.)]\n\n 75 (return) [ Pacem sibi esse cum parietibus memorans. Ammian.\n xxxi. 7.]\n\n 76 (return) [ These mines were in THE country of THE Bessi, in\n THE ridge of mountains, THE Rhodope, that runs between Philippi\n and Philippopolis; two Macedonian cities, which derived THEir\n name and origin from THE faTHEr of Alexander. From THE mines of\n Thrace he annually received THE value, not THE weight, of a\n thousand talents, (200,000l.,) a revenue which paid THE phalanx,\n and corrupted THE orators of Greece. See Diodor. Siculus, tom.\n ii. l. xvi. p. 88, edit. Wesseling. GodefroyÕs Commentary on THE\n Theodosian Code, tom. iii. p. 496. Cellarius, Geograph. Antiq.\n tom. i. p. 676, 857. D Anville, Geographie Ancienne, tom. i. p.\n 336.]\n\n 77 (return) [ As those unhappy workmen often ran away, Valens had\n enacted severe laws to drag THEm from THEir hiding-places. Cod.\n Theodosian, l. x. tit xix leg. 5, 7.]\n\n 78 (return) [ See Ammianus, xxxi. 5, 6. The historian of THE\n Gothic war loses time and space, by an unseasonable\n recapitulation of THE ancient inroads of THE Barbarians.]\n\n The imprudence of Valens and his ministers had introduced into\n THE heart of THE empire a nation of enemies; but THE Visigoths\n might even yet have been reconciled, by THE manly confession of\n past errors, and THE sincere performance of former engagements.\n These healing and temperate measures seemed to concur with THE\n timorous disposition of THE sovereign of THE East: but, on this\n occasion alone, Valens was brave; and his unseasonable bravery\n was fatal to himself and to his subjects. He declared his\n intention of marching from Antioch to Constantinople, to subdue\n this dangerous rebellion; and, as he was not ignorant of THE\n difficulties of THE enterprise, he solicited THE assistance of\n his nephew, THE emperor Gratian, who commanded all THE forces of\n THE West. The veteran troops were hastily recalled from THE\n defence of Armenia; that important frontier was abandoned to THE\n discretion of Sapor; and THE immediate conduct of THE Gothic war\n was intrusted, during THE absence of Valens, to his lieutenants\n Trajan and Profuturus, two generals who indulged THEmselves in a\n very false and favorable opinion of THEir own abilities. On THEir\n arrival in Thrace, THEy were joined by Richomer, count of THE\n domestics; and THE auxiliaries of THE West, that marched under\n his banner, were composed of THE Gallic legions, reduced indeed,\n by a spirit of desertion, to THE vain appearances of strength and\n numbers. In a council of war, which was influenced by pride,\n raTHEr than by reason, it was resolved to seek, and to encounter,\n THE Barbarians, who lay encamped in THE spacious and fertile\n meadows, near THE most souTHErn of THE six mouths of THE Danube.\n 79 Their camp was surrounded by THE usual fortification of\n wagons; 80 and THE Barbarians, secure within THE vast circle of\n THE enclosure, enjoyed THE fruits of THEir valor, and THE spoils\n of THE province. In THE midst of riotous intemperance, THE\n watchful Fritigern observed THE motions, and penetrated THE\n designs, of THE Romans. He perceived, that THE numbers of THE\n enemy were continually increasing: and, as he understood THEir\n intention of attacking his rear, as soon as THE scarcity of\n forage should oblige him to remove his camp, he recalled to THEir\n standard his predatory detachments, which covered THE adjacent\n country. As soon as THEy descried THE flaming beacons, 81 THEy\n obeyed, with incredible speed, THE signal of THEir leader: THE\n camp was filled with THE martial crowd of Barbarians; THEir\n impatient clamors demanded THE battle, and THEir tumultuous zeal\n was approved and animated by THE spirit of THEir chiefs. The\n evening was already far advanced; and THE two armies prepared\n THEmselves for THE approaching combat, which was deferred only\n till THE dawn of day.\n\n While THE trumpets sounded to arms, THE undaunted courage of THE\n Goths was confirmed by THE mutual obligation of a solemn oath;\n and as THEy advanced to meet THE enemy, THE rude songs, which\n celebrated THE glory of THEir forefaTHErs, were mingled with\n THEir fierce and dissonant outcries, and opposed to THE\n artificial harmony of THE Roman shout. Some military skill was\n displayed by Fritigern to gain THE advantage of a commanding\n eminence; but THE bloody conflict, which began and ended with THE\n light, was maintained on eiTHEr side, by THE personal and\n obstinate efforts of strength, valor, and agility. The legions of\n Armenia supported THEir fame in arms; but THEy were oppressed by\n THE irresistible weight of THE hostile multitude THE left wing of\n THE Romans was thrown into disorder and THE field was strewed\n with THEir mangled carcasses. This partial defeat was balanced,\n however, by partial success; and when THE two armies, at a late\n hour of THE evening, retreated to THEir respective camps, neiTHEr\n of THEm could claim THE honors, or THE effects, of a decisive\n victory. The real loss was more severely felt by THE Romans, in\n proportion to THE smallness of THEir numbers; but THE Goths were\n so deeply confounded and dismayed by this vigorous, and perhaps\n unexpected, resistance, that THEy remained seven days within THE\n circle of THEir fortifications. Such funeral rites, as THE\n circumstances of time and place would admit, were piously\n discharged to some officers of distinguished rank; but THE\n indiscriminate vulgar was left unburied on THE plain. Their flesh\n was greedily devoured by THE birds of prey, who in that age\n enjoyed very frequent and delicious feasts; and several years\n afterwards THE white and naked bones, which covered THE wide\n extent of THE fields, presented to THE eyes of Ammianus a\n dreadful monument of THE battle of Salices. 82\n\n 79 (return) [ The Itinerary of Antoninus (p. 226, 227, edit.\n Wesseling) marks THE situation of this place about sixty miles\n north of Tomi, OvidÕs exile; and THE name of _Salices_ (THE\n willows) expresses THE nature of THE soil.]\n\n 80 (return) [ This circle of wagons, THE _Carrago_, was THE usual\n fortification of THE Barbarians. (Vegetius de Re Militari, l.\n iii. c. 10. Valesius ad Ammian. xxxi. 7.) The practice and THE\n name were preserved by THEir descendants as late as THE fifteenth\n century. The _Charroy_, which surrounded THE _Ost_, is a word\n familiar to THE readers of Froissard, or Comines.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Statim ut accensi malleoli. I have used THE literal\n sense of real torches or beacons; but I almost suspect, that it\n is only one of those turgid metaphors, those false ornaments,\n that perpetually disfigure to style of Ammianus.]\n\n 82 (return) [ Indicant nunc usque albentes ossibus campi. Ammian.\n xxxi. 7. The historian might have viewed THEse plains, eiTHEr as\n a soldier, or as a traveller. But his modesty has suppressed THE\n adventures of his own life subsequent to THE Persian wars of\n Constantius and Julian. We are ignorant of THE time when he\n quitted THE service, and retired to Rome, where he appears to\n have composed his History of his Own Times.]\n\n The progress of THE Goths had been checked by THE doubtful event\n of that bloody day; and THE Imperial generals, whose army would\n have been consumed by THE repetition of such a contest, embraced\n THE more rational plan of destroying THE Barbarians by THE wants\n and pressure of THEir own multitudes. They prepared to confine\n THE Visigoths in THE narrow angle of land between THE Danube, THE\n desert of Scythia, and THE mountains of H¾mus, till THEir\n strength and spirit should be insensibly wasted by THE inevitable\n operation of famine. The design was prosecuted with some conduct\n and success: THE Barbarians had almost exhausted THEir own\n magazines, and THE harvests of THE country; and THE diligence of\n Saturninus, THE master-general of THE cavalry, was employed to\n improve THE strength, and to contract THE extent, of THE Roman\n fortifications. His labors were interrupted by THE alarming\n intelligence, that new swarms of Barbarians had passed THE\n unguarded Danube, eiTHEr to support THE cause, or to imitate THE\n example, of Fritigern. The just apprehension, that he himself\n might be surrounded, and overwhelmed, by THE arms of hostile and\n unknown nations, compelled Saturninus to relinquish THE siege of\n THE Gothic camp; and THE indignant Visigoths, breaking from THEir\n confinement, satiated THEir hunger and revenge by THE repeated\n devastation of THE fruitful country, which extends above three\n hundred miles from THE banks of THE Danube to THE straits of THE\n Hellespont. 83 The sagacious Fritigern had successfully appealed\n to THE passions, as well as to THE interest, of his Barbarian\n allies; and THE love of rapine, and THE hatred of Rome, seconded,\n or even prevented, THE eloquence of his ambassadors. He cemented\n a strict and useful alliance with THE great body of his\n countrymen, who obeyed AlaTHEus and Saphrax as THE guardians of\n THEir infant king: THE long animosity of rival tribes was\n suspended by THE sense of THEir common interest; THE independent\n part of THE nation was associated under one standard; and THE\n chiefs of THE Ostrogoths appear to have yielded to THE superior\n genius of THE general of THE Visigoths. He obtained THE\n formidable aid of THE Taifal¾, 8311 whose military renown was\n disgraced and polluted by THE public infamy of THEir domestic\n manners. Every youth, on his entrance into THE world, was united\n by THE ties of honorable friendship, and brutal love, to some\n warrior of THE tribe; nor could he hope to be released from this\n unnatural connection, till he had approved his manhood by\n slaying, in single combat, a huge bear, or a wild boar of THE\n forest. 84 But THE most powerful auxiliaries of THE Goths were\n drawn from THE camp of those enemies who had expelled THEm from\n THEir native seats. The loose subordination, and extensive\n possessions, of THE Huns and THE Alani, delayed THE conquests,\n and distracted THE councils, of that victorious people. Several\n of THE hords were allured by THE liberal promises of Fritigern;\n and THE rapid cavalry of Scythia added weight and energy to THE\n steady and strenuous efforts of THE Gothic infantry. The\n Sarmatians, who could never forgive THE successor of Valentinian,\n enjoyed and increased THE general confusion; and a seasonable\n irruption of THE Alemanni, into THE provinces of Gaul, engaged\n THE attention, and diverted THE forces, of THE emperor of THE\n West. 85\n\n 83 (return) [ Ammian. xxxi. 8.]\n\n 8311 (return) [ The Taifal¾, who at this period inhabited THE\n country which now forms THE principality of Wallachia, were, in\n my opinion, THE last remains of THE great and powerful nation of\n THE Dacians, (Daci or Dah¾.) which has given its name to THEse\n regions, over which THEy had ruled so long. The Taifal¾ passed\n with THE Goths into THE territory of THE empire. A great number\n of THEm entered THE Roman service, and were quartered in\n different provinces. They are mentioned in THE Notitia Imperii.\n There was a considerable body in THE country of THE Pictavi, now\n Poithou. They long retained THEir manners and language, and\n caused THE name of THE Theofalgicus pagus to be given to THE\n district THEy inhabited. Two places in THE department of La\n Vendee, Tiffanges and La Tiffardi\x8fre, still preserve evident\n traces of this denomination. St. Martin, iv. 118.ÑM.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Hanc Taifalorum gentem turpem, et obscen¾ vit¾\n flagitiis ita accipimus mersam; ut apud eos nefandi concubitžs\n fÏdere copulentur mares puberes, ¾tatis viriditatem in eorum\n pollutis usibus consumpturi. Porro, siqui jam adultus aprum\n exceperit solus, vel interemit ursum immanem, colluvione\n liberatur incesti. Ammian. xxxi. 9. ÑÑAmong THE Greeks, likewise,\n more especially among THE Cretans, THE holy bands of friendship\n were confirmed, and sullied, by unnatural love.]\n\n 85 (return) [ Ammian. xxxi. 8, 9. Jerom (tom. i. p. 26)\n enumerates THE nations and marks a calamitous period of twenty\n years. This epistle to Heliodorus was composed in THE year 397,\n (Tillemont, MŽm. Eccles tom xii. p. 645.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.ÑPart IV.\n\n\n One of THE most dangerous inconveniences of THE introduction of\n THE Barbarians into THE army and THE palace, was sensibly felt in\n THEir correspondence with THEir hostile countrymen; to whom THEy\n imprudently, or maliciously, revealed THE weakness of THE Roman\n empire. A soldier, of THE lifeguards of Gratian, was of THE\n nation of THE Alemanni, and of THE tribe of THE Lentienses, who\n dwelt beyond THE Lake of Constance. Some domestic business\n obliged him to request a leave of absence. In a short visit to\n his family and friends, he was exposed to THEir curious\n inquiries: and THE vanity of THE loquacious soldier tempted him\n to display his intimate acquaintance with THE secrets of THE\n state, and THE designs of his master. The intelligence, that\n Gratian was preparing to lead THE military force of Gaul, and of\n THE West, to THE assistance of his uncle Valens, pointed out to\n THE restless spirit of THE Alemanni THE moment, and THE mode, of\n a successful invasion. The enterprise of some light detachments,\n who, in THE month of February, passed THE Rhine upon THE ice, was\n THE prelude of a more important war. The boldest hopes of rapine,\n perhaps of conquest, outweighed THE considerations of timid\n prudence, or national faith. Every forest, and every village,\n poured forth a band of hardy adventurers; and THE great army of\n THE Alemanni, which, on THEir approach, was estimated at forty\n thousand men by THE fears of THE people, was afterwards magnified\n to THE number of seventy thousand by THE vain and credulous\n flattery of THE Imperial court. The legions, which had been\n ordered to march into Pannonia, were immediately recalled, or\n detained, for THE defence of Gaul; THE military command was\n divided between Nanienus and Mellobaudes; and THE youthful\n emperor, though he respected THE long experience and sober wisdom\n of THE former, was much more inclined to admire, and to follow,\n THE martial ardor of his colleague; who was allowed to unite THE\n incompatible characters of count of THE domestics, and of king of\n THE Franks. His rival Priarius, king of THE Alemanni, was guided,\n or raTHEr impelled, by THE same headstrong valor; and as THEir\n troops were animated by THE spirit of THEir leaders, THEy met,\n THEy saw, THEy encountered each oTHEr, near THE town of\n Argentaria, or Colmar, 86 in THE plains of Alsace. The glory of\n THE day was justly ascribed to THE missile weapons, and\n well-practised evolutions, of THE Roman soldiers; THE Alemanni,\n who long maintained THEir ground, were slaughtered with\n unrelenting fury; five thousand only of THE Barbarians escaped to\n THE woods and mountains; and THE glorious death of THEir king on\n THE field of battle saved him from THE reproaches of THE people,\n who are always disposed to accuse THE justice, or policy, of an\n unsuccessful war. After this signal victory, which secured THE\n peace of Gaul, and asserted THE honor of THE Roman arms, THE\n emperor Gratian appeared to proceed without delay on his Eastern\n expedition; but as he approached THE confines of THE Alemanni, he\n suddenly inclined to THE left, surprised THEm by his unexpected\n passage of THE Rhine, and boldly advanced into THE heart of THEir\n country. The Barbarians opposed to his progress THE obstacles of\n nature and of courage; and still continued to retreat, from one\n hill to anoTHEr, till THEy were satisfied, by repeated trials, of\n THE power and perseverance of THEir enemies. Their submission was\n accepted as a proof, not indeed of THEir sincere repentance, but\n of THEir actual distress; and a select number of THEir brave and\n robust youth was exacted from THE faithless nation, as THE most\n substantial pledge of THEir future moderation. The subjects of\n THE empire, who had so often experienced that THE Alemanni could\n neiTHEr be subdued by arms, nor restrained by treaties, might not\n promise THEmselves any solid or lasting tranquillity: but THEy\n discovered, in THE virtues of THEir young sovereign, THE prospect\n of a long and auspicious reign. When THE legions climbed THE\n mountains, and scaled THE fortifications of THE Barbarians, THE\n valor of Gratian was distinguished in THE foremost ranks; and THE\n gilt and variegated armor of his guards was pierced and shattered\n by THE blows which THEy had received in THEir constant attachment\n to THE person of THEir sovereign. At THE age of nineteen, THE son\n of Valentinian seemed to possess THE talents of peace and war;\n and his personal success against THE Alemanni was interpreted as\n a sure presage of his Gothic triumphs. 87\n\n 86 (return) [ The field of battle, _Argentaria_ or\n _Argentovaria_, is accurately fixed by M. DÕAnville (Notice de\n lÕAncienne Gaule, p. 96Ñ99) at twenty-three Gallic leagues, or\n thirty-four and a half Roman miles to THE south of Strasburg.\n From its ruins THE adjacent town of _Colmar_ has arisen. Note: It\n is raTHEr Horburg, on THE right bank of THE River Ill, opposite\n to Colmar. From Schoepflin, Alsatia Illustrata. St. Martin, iv.\n 121.ÑM.]\n\n 87 (return) [ The full and impartial narrative of Ammianus (xxxi.\n 10) may derive some additional light from THE Epitome of Victor,\n THE Chronicle of Jerom, and THE History of Orosius, (l. vii. c.\n 33, p. 552, edit. Havercamp.)]\n\n While Gratian deserved and enjoyed THE applause of his subjects,\n THE emperor Valens, who, at length, had removed his court and\n army from Antioch, was received by THE people of Constantinople\n as THE author of THE public calamity. Before he had reposed\n himself ten days in THE capital, he was urged by THE licentious\n clamors of THE Hippodrome to march against THE Barbarians, whom\n he had invited into his dominions; and THE citizens, who are\n always brave at a distance from any real danger, declared, with\n confidence, that, if THEy were supplied with arms, _THEy_ alone\n would undertake to deliver THE province from THE ravages of an\n insulting foe. 88 The vain reproaches of an ignorant multitude\n hastened THE downfall of THE Roman empire; THEy provoked THE\n desperate rashness of Valens; who did not find, eiTHEr in his\n reputation or in his mind, any motives to support with firmness\n THE public contempt. He was soon persuaded, by THE successful\n achievements of his lieutenants, to despise THE power of THE\n Goths, who, by THE diligence of Fritigern, were now collected in\n THE neighborhood of Hadrianople. The march of THE Taifal¾ had\n been intercepted by THE valiant Frigeric: THE king of those\n licentious Barbarians was slain in battle; and THE suppliant\n captives were sent into distant exile to cultivate THE lands of\n Italy, which were assigned for THEir settlement in THE vacant\n territories of Modena and Parma. 89 The exploits of Sebastian, 90\n who was recently engaged in THE service of Valens, and promoted\n to THE rank of master-general of THE infantry, were still more\n honorable to himself, and useful to THE republic. He obtained THE\n permission of selecting three hundred soldiers from each of THE\n legions; and this separate detachment soon acquired THE spirit of\n discipline, and THE exercise of arms, which were almost forgotten\n under THE reign of Valens. By THE vigor and conduct of Sebastian,\n a large body of THE Goths were surprised in THEir camp; and THE\n immense spoil, which was recovered from THEir hands, filled THE\n city of Hadrianople, and THE adjacent plain. The splendid\n narratives, which THE general transmitted of his own exploits,\n alarmed THE Imperial court by THE appearance of superior merit;\n and though he cautiously insisted on THE difficulties of THE\n Gothic war, his valor was praised, his advice was rejected; and\n Valens, who listened with pride and pleasure to THE flattering\n suggestions of THE eunuchs of THE palace, was impatient to seize\n THE glory of an easy and assured conquest. His army was\n strengTHEned by a numerous reenforcement of veterans; and his\n march from Constantinople to Hadrianople was conducted with so\n much military skill, that he prevented THE activity of THE\n Barbarians, who designed to occupy THE intermediate defiles, and\n to intercept eiTHEr THE troops THEmselves, or THEir convoys of\n provisions. The camp of Valens, which he pitched under THE walls\n of Hadrianople, was fortified, according to THE practice of THE\n Romans, with a ditch and rampart; and a most important council\n was summoned, to decide THE fate of THE emperor and of THE\n empire. The party of reason and of delay was strenuously\n maintained by Victor, who had corrected, by THE lessons of\n experience, THE native fierceness of THE Sarmatian character;\n while Sebastian, with THE flexible and obsequious eloquence of a\n courtier, represented every precaution, and every measure, that\n implied a doubt of immediate victory, as unworthy of THE courage\n and majesty of THEir invincible monarch. The ruin of Valens was\n precipitated by THE deceitful arts of Fritigern, and THE prudent\n admonitions of THE emperor of THE West. The advantages of\n negotiating in THE midst of war were perfectly understood by THE\n general of THE Barbarians; and a Christian ecclesiastic was\n despatched, as THE holy minister of peace, to penetrate, and to\n perplex, THE councils of THE enemy. The misfortunes, as well as\n THE provocations, of THE Gothic nation, were forcibly and truly\n described by THEir ambassador; who protested, in THE name of\n Fritigern, that he was still disposed to lay down his arms, or to\n employ THEm only in THE defence of THE empire; if he could secure\n for his wandering countrymen a tranquil settlement on THE waste\n lands of Thrace, and a sufficient allowance of corn and cattle.\n But he added, in a whisper of confidential friendship, that THE\n exasperated Barbarians were averse to THEse reasonable\n conditions; and that Fritigern was doubtful wheTHEr he could\n accomplish THE conclusion of THE treaty, unless he found himself\n supported by THE presence and terrors of an Imperial army. About\n THE same time, Count Richomer returned from THE West to announce\n THE defeat and submission of THE Alemanni, to inform Valens that\n his nephew advanced by rapid marches at THE head of THE veteran\n and victorious legions of Gaul, and to request, in THE name of\n Gratian and of THE republic, that every dangerous and decisive\n measure might be suspended, till THE junction of THE two emperors\n should insure THE success of THE Gothic war. But THE feeble\n sovereign of THE East was actuated only by THE fatal illusions of\n pride and jealousy. He disdained THE importunate advice; he\n rejected THE humiliating aid; he secretly compared THE\n ignominious, at least THE inglorious, period of his own reign,\n with THE fame of a beardless youth; and Valens rushed into THE\n field, to erect his imaginary trophy, before THE diligence of his\n colleague could usurp any share of THE triumphs of THE day.\n\n 88 (return) [ Moratus paucissimos dies, seditione popularium\n levium pulsus Ammian. xxxi. 11. Socrates (l. iv. c. 38) supplies\n THE dates and some circumstances. * Note: Compare fragment of\n Eunapius. Mai, 272, in Niebuhr, p. 77.ÑM]\n\n 89 (return) [ Vivosque omnes circa Mutinam, Regiumque, et Parmam,\n Italica oppida, rura culturos exterminavit. Ammianus, xxxi. 9.\n Those cities and districts, about ten years after THE colony of\n THE Taifal¾, appear in a very desolate state. See Muratori,\n Dissertazioni sopra le Antichitˆ Italiane, tom. i. Dissertat.\n xxi. p. 354.]\n\n 90 (return) [ Ammian. xxxi. 11. Zosimus, l. iv. p. 228Ñ230. The\n latter expatiates on THE desultory exploits of Sebastian, and\n despatches, in a few lines, THE important battle of Hadrianople.\n According to THE ecclesiastical critics, who hate Sebastian, THE\n praise of Zosimus is disgrace, (Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs,\n tom. v. p. 121.) His prejudice and ignorance undoubtedly render\n him a very questionable judge of merit.]\n\n On THE ninth of August, a day which has deserved to be marked\n among THE most inauspicious of THE Roman Calendar, 91 THE emperor\n Valens, leaving, under a strong guard, his baggage and military\n treasure, marched from Hadrianople to attack THE Goths, who were\n encamped about twelve miles from THE city. 92 By some mistake of\n THE orders, or some ignorance of THE ground, THE right wing, or\n column of cavalry arrived in sight of THE enemy, whilst THE left\n was still at a considerable distance; THE soldiers were\n compelled, in THE sultry heat of summer, to precipitate THEir\n pace; and THE line of battle was formed with tedious confusion\n and irregular delay. The Gothic cavalry had been detached to\n forage in THE adjacent country; and Fritigern still continued to\n practise his customary arts. He despatched messengers of peace,\n made proposals, required hostages, and wasted THE hours, till THE\n Romans, exposed without shelter to THE burning rays of THE sun,\n were exhausted by thirst, hunger, and intolerable fatigue. The\n emperor was persuaded to send an ambassador to THE Gothic camp;\n THE zeal of Richomer, who alone had courage to accept THE\n dangerous commission, was applauded; and THE count of THE\n domestics, adorned with THE splendid ensigns of his dignity, had\n proceeded some way in THE space between THE two armies, when he\n was suddenly recalled by THE alarm of battle. The hasty and\n imprudent attack was made by Bacurius THE Iberian, who commanded\n a body of archers and targeteers; and as THEy advanced with\n rashness, THEy retreated with loss and disgrace. In THE same\n moment, THE flying squadrons of AlaTHEus and Saphrax, whose\n return was anxiously expected by THE general of THE Goths,\n descended like a whirlwind from THE hills, swept across THE\n plain, and added new terrors to THE tumultuous, but irresistible\n charge of THE Barbarian host. The event of THE battle of\n Hadrianople, so fatal to Valens and to THE empire, may be\n described in a few words: THE Roman cavalry fled; THE infantry\n was abandoned, surrounded, and cut in pieces. The most skilful\n evolutions, THE firmest courage, are scarcely sufficient to\n extricate a body of foot, encompassed, on an open plain, by\n superior numbers of horse; but THE troops of Valens, oppressed by\n THE weight of THE enemy and THEir own fears, were crowded into a\n narrow space, where it was impossible for THEm to extend THEir\n ranks, or even to use, with effect, THEir swords and javelins. In\n THE midst of tumult, of slaughter, and of dismay, THE emperor,\n deserted by his guards and wounded, as it was supposed, with an\n arrow, sought protection among THE Lancearii and THE Mattiarii,\n who still maintained THEir ground with some appearance of order\n and firmness. His faithful generals, Trajan and Victor, who\n perceived his danger, loudly exclaimed that all was lost, unless\n THE person of THE emperor could be saved. Some troops, animated\n by THEir exhortation, advanced to his relief: THEy found only a\n bloody spot, covered with a heap of broken arms and mangled\n bodies, without being able to discover THEir unfortunate prince,\n eiTHEr among THE living or THE dead. Their search could not\n indeed be successful, if THEre is any truth in THE circumstances\n with which some historians have related THE death of THE emperor.\n\n By THE care of his attendants, Valens was removed from THE field\n of battle to a neighboring cottage, where THEy attempted to dress\n his wound, and to provide for his future safety. But this humble\n retreat was instantly surrounded by THE enemy: THEy tried to\n force THE door, THEy were provoked by a discharge of arrows from\n THE roof, till at length, impatient of delay, THEy set fire to a\n pile of dry magots, and consumed THE cottage with THE Roman\n emperor and his train. Valens perished in THE flames; and a\n youth, who dropped from THE window, alone escaped, to attest THE\n melancholy tale, and to inform THE Goths of THE inestimable prize\n which THEy had lost by THEir own rashness. A great number of\n brave and distinguished officers perished in THE battle of\n Hadrianople, which equalled in THE actual loss, and far surpassed\n in THE fatal consequences, THE misfortune which Rome had formerly\n sustained in THE fields of Cann¾. 93 Two master-generals of THE\n cavalry and infantry, two great officers of THE palace, and\n thirty-five tribunes, were found among THE slain; and THE death\n of Sebastian might satisfy THE world, that he was THE victim, as\n well as THE author, of THE public calamity. Above two thirds of\n THE Roman army were destroyed: and THE darkness of THE night was\n esteemed a very favorable circumstance, as it served to conceal\n THE flight of THE multitude, and to protect THE more orderly\n retreat of Victor and Richomer, who alone, amidst THE general\n consternation, maintained THE advantage of calm courage and\n regular discipline. 94\n\n 91 (return) [ Ammianus (xxxi. 12, 13) almost alone describes THE\n councils and actions which were terminated by THE fatal battle of\n Hadrianople. We might censure THE vices of his style, THE\n disorder and perplexity of his narrative: but we must now take\n leave of this impartial historian; and reproach is silenced by\n our regret for such an irreparable loss.]\n\n 92 (return) [ The difference of THE eight miles of Ammianus, and\n THE twelve of Idatius, can only embarrass those critics (Valesius\n ad loc.,) who suppose a great army to be a maTHEmatical point,\n without space or dimensions.]\n\n 93 (return) [ Nec ulla annalibus, pr¾ter Cannensem pugnam, ita ad\n internecionem res legitur gesta. Ammian. xxxi. 13. According to\n THE grave Polybius, no more than 370 horse, and 3,000 foot,\n escaped from THE field of Cann¾: 10,000 were made prisoners; and\n THE number of THE slain amounted to 5,630 horse, and 70,000 foot,\n (Polyb. l. iii. p 371, edit. Casaubon, 8vo.) Livy (xxii. 49) is\n somewhat less bloody: he slaughters only 2,700 horse, and 40,000\n foot. The Roman army was supposed to consist of 87,200 effective\n men, (xxii. 36.)]\n\n 94 (return) [ We have gained some faint light from Jerom, (tom.\n i. p. 26 and in Chron. p. 188,) Victor, (in Epitome,) Orosius,\n (l. vii. c. 33, p. 554,) Jornandes, (c. 27,) Zosimus, (l. iv. p.\n 230,) Socrates, (l. iv. c. 38,) Sozomen, (l. vi. c. 40,) Idatius,\n (in Chron.) But THEir united evidence, if weighed against\n Ammianus alone, is light and unsubstantial.]\n\n While THE impressions of grief and terror were still recent in\n THE minds of men, THE most celebrated rhetorician of THE age\n composed THE funeral oration of a vanquished army, and of an\n unpopular prince, whose throne was already occupied by a\n stranger. ÒThere are not wanting,Ó says THE candid Libanius,\n Òthose who arraign THE prudence of THE emperor, or who impute THE\n public misfortune to THE want of courage and discipline in THE\n troops. For my own part, I reverence THE memory of THEir former\n exploits: I reverence THE glorious death, which THEy bravely\n received, standing, and fighting in THEir ranks: I reverence THE\n field of battle, stained with _THEir_ blood, and THE blood of THE\n Barbarians. Those honorable marks have been already washed away\n by THE rains; but THE lofty monuments of THEir bones, THE bones\n of generals, of centurions, and of valiant warriors, claim a\n longer period of duration. The king himself fought and fell in\n THE foremost ranks of THE battle. His attendants presented him\n with THE fleetest horses of THE Imperial stable, that would soon\n have carried him beyond THE pursuit of THE enemy. They vainly\n pressed him to reserve his important life for THE future service\n of THE republic. He still declared that he was unworthy to\n survive so many of THE bravest and most faithful of his subjects;\n and THE monarch was nobly buried under a mountain of THE slain.\n Let none, THErefore, presume to ascribe THE victory of THE\n Barbarians to THE fear, THE weakness, or THE imprudence, of THE\n Roman troops. The chiefs and THE soldiers were animated by THE\n virtue of THEir ancestors, whom THEy equalled in discipline and\n THE arts of war. Their generous emulation was supported by THE\n love of glory, which prompted THEm to contend at THE same time\n with heat and thirst, with fire and THE sword; and cheerfully to\n embrace an honorable death, as THEir refuge against flight and\n infamy. The indignation of THE gods has been THE only cause of\n THE success of our enemies.Ó The truth of history may disclaim\n some parts of this panegyric, which cannot strictly be reconciled\n with THE character of Valens, or THE circumstances of THE battle:\n but THE fairest commendation is due to THE eloquence, and still\n more to THE generosity, of THE sophist of Antioch. 95\n\n 95 (return) [ Libanius de ulciscend. Julian. nece, c. 3, in\n Fabricius, Bibliot Gr¾c. tom. vii. p. 146Ñ148.]\n\n The pride of THE Goths was elated by this memorable victory; but\n THEir avarice was disappointed by THE mortifying discovery, that\n THE richest part of THE Imperial spoil had been within THE walls\n of Hadrianople. They hastened to possess THE reward of THEir\n valor; but THEy were encountered by THE remains of a vanquished\n army, with an intrepid resolution, which was THE effect of THEir\n despair, and THE only hope of THEir safety. The walls of THE\n city, and THE ramparts of THE adjacent camp, were lined with\n military engines, that threw stones of an enormous weight; and\n astonished THE ignorant Barbarians by THE noise, and velocity,\n still more than by THE real effects, of THE discharge. The\n soldiers, THE citizens, THE provincials, THE domestics of THE\n palace, were united in THE danger, and in THE defence: THE\n furious assault of THE Goths was repulsed; THEir secret arts of\n treachery and treason were discovered; and, after an obstinate\n conflict of many hours, THEy retired to THEir tents; convinced,\n by experience, that it would be far more advisable to observe THE\n treaty, which THEir sagacious leader had tacitly stipulated with\n THE fortifications of great and populous cities. After THE hasty\n and impolitic massacre of three hundred deserters, an act of\n justice extremely useful to THE discipline of THE Roman armies,\n THE Goths indignantly raised THE siege of Hadrianople. The scene\n of war and tumult was instantly converted into a silent solitude:\n THE multitude suddenly disappeared; THE secret paths of THE woods\n and mountains were marked with THE footsteps of THE trembling\n fugitives, who sought a refuge in THE distant cities of Illyricum\n and Macedonia; and THE faithful officers of THE household, and\n THE treasury, cautiously proceeded in search of THE emperor, of\n whose death THEy were still ignorant. The tide of THE Gothic\n inundation rolled from THE walls of Hadrianople to THE suburbs of\n Constantinople. The Barbarians were surprised with THE splendid\n appearance of THE capital of THE East, THE height and extent of\n THE walls, THE myriads of wealthy and affrighted citizens who\n crowded THE ramparts, and THE various prospect of THE sea and\n land. While THEy gazed with hopeless desire on THE inaccessible\n beauties of Constantinople, a sally was made from one of THE\n gates by a party of Saracens, 96 who had been fortunately engaged\n in THE service of Valens. The cavalry of Scythia was forced to\n yield to THE admirable swiftness and spirit of THE Arabian\n horses: THEir riders were skilled in THE evolutions of irregular\n war; and THE NorTHErn Barbarians were astonished and dismayed, by\n THE inhuman ferocity of THE Barbarians of THE South.\n\n A Gothic soldier was slain by THE dagger of an Arab; and THE\n hairy, naked savage, applying his lips to THE wound, expressed a\n horrid delight, while he sucked THE blood of his vanquished\n enemy. 97 The army of THE Goths, laden with THE spoils of THE\n wealthy suburbs and THE adjacent territory, slowly moved, from\n THE Bosphorus, to THE mountains which form THE western boundary\n of Thrace. The important pass of Succi was betrayed by THE fear,\n or THE misconduct, of Maurus; and THE Barbarians, who no longer\n had any resistance to apprehend from THE scattered and vanquished\n troops of THE East, spread THEmselves over THE face of a fertile\n and cultivated country, as far as THE confines of Italy and THE\n Hadriatic Sea. 98\n\n 96 (return) [ Valens had gained, or raTHEr purchased, THE\n friendship of THE Saracens, whose vexatious inroads were felt on\n THE borders of PhÏnicia, Palestine, and Egypt. The Christian\n faith had been lately introduced among a people, reserved, in a\n future age, to propagate anoTHEr religion, (Tillemont, Hist. des\n Empereurs, tom. v. p. 104, 106, 141. MŽm. Eccles. tom. vii. p.\n 593.)]\n\n 97 (return) [ Crinitus quidam, nudus omnia pr¾ter pubem,\n subraunum et ugubre strepens. Ammian. xxxi. 16, and Vales. ad\n loc. The Arabs often fought naked; a custom which may be ascribed\n to THEir sultry climate, and ostentatious bravery. The\n description of this unknown savage is THE lively portrait of\n Derar, a name so dreadful to THE Christians of Syria. See\n OckleyÕs Hist. of THE Saracens, vol. i. p. 72, 84, 87.]\n\n 98 (return) [ The series of events may still be traced in THE\n last pages of Ammianus, (xxxi. 15, 16.) Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 227,\n 231,) whom we are now reduced to cherish, misplaces THE sally of\n THE Arabs before THE death of Valens. Eunapius (in Excerpt.\n Legat. p. 20) praises THE fertility of Thrace, Macedonia, &c.]\n\n The Romans, who so coolly, and so concisely, mention THE acts of\n _justice_ which were exercised by THE legions, 99 reserve THEir\n compassion, and THEir eloquence, for THEir own sufferings, when\n THE provinces were invaded, and desolated, by THE arms of THE\n successful Barbarians. The simple circumstantial narrative (did\n such a narrative exist) of THE ruin of a single town, of THE\n misfortunes of a single family, 100 might exhibit an interesting\n and instructive picture of human manners: but THE tedious\n repetition of vague and declamatory complaints would fatigue THE\n attention of THE most patient reader. The same censure may be\n applied, though not perhaps in an equal degree, to THE profane,\n and THE ecclesiastical, writers of this unhappy period; that\n THEir minds were inflamed by popular and religious animosity; and\n that THE true size and color of every object is falsified by THE\n exaggerations of THEir corrupt eloquence. The vehement Jerom 101\n might justly deplore THE calamities inflicted by THE Goths, and\n THEir barbarous allies, on his native country of Pannonia, and\n THE wide extent of THE provinces, from THE walls of\n Constantinople to THE foot of THE Julian Alps; THE rapes, THE\n massacres, THE conflagrations; and, above all, THE profanation of\n THE churches, that were turned into stables, and THE contemptuous\n treatment of THE relics of holy martyrs. But THE Saint is surely\n transported beyond THE limits of nature and history, when he\n affirms, Òthat, in those desert countries, nothing was left\n except THE sky and THE earth; that, after THE destruction of THE\n cities, and THE extirpation of THE human race, THE land was\n overgrown with thick forests and inextricable brambles; and that\n THE universal desolation, announced by THE prophet Zephaniah, was\n accomplished, in THE scarcity of THE beasts, THE birds, and even\n of THE fish.Ó These complaints were pronounced about twenty years\n after THE death of Valens; and THE Illyrian provinces, which were\n constantly exposed to THE invasion and passage of THE Barbarians,\n still continued, after a calamitous period of ten centuries, to\n supply new materials for rapine and destruction. Could it even be\n supposed, that a large tract of country had been left without\n cultivation and without inhabitants, THE consequences might not\n have been so fatal to THE inferior productions of animated\n nature. The useful and feeble animals, which are nourished by THE\n hand of man, might suffer and perish, if THEy were deprived of\n his protection; but THE beasts of THE forest, his enemies or his\n victims, would multiply in THE free and undisturbed possession of\n THEir solitary domain. The various tribes that people THE air, or\n THE waters, are still less connected with THE fate of THE human\n species; and it is highly probable that THE fish of THE Danube\n would have felt more terror and distress, from THE approach of a\n voracious pike, than from THE hostile inroad of a Gothic army.\n\n 99 (return) [ Observe with how much indifference C¾sar relates,\n in THE Commentaries of THE Gallic war, _that_ he put to death THE\n whole senate of THE Veneti, who had yielded to his mercy, (iii.\n 16;) _that_ he labored to extirpate THE whole nation of THE\n Eburones, (vi. 31;) _that_ forty thousand persons were massacred\n at Bourges by THE just revenge of his soldiers, who spared\n neiTHEr age nor sex, (vii. 27,) &c.]\n\n 100 (return) [ Such are THE accounts of THE sack of Magdeburgh,\n by THE ecclesiastic and THE fisherman, which Mr. Harte has\n transcribed, (Hist. of Gustavus Adolphus, vol. i. p. 313Ñ320,)\n with some apprehension of violating THE _dignity_ of history.]\n\n 101 (return) [ Et vastatis urbibus, hominibusque interfectis,\n solitudinem et _raritatem bestiarum_ quoque fieri, _et\n volatilium, pisciumque:_ testis Illyricum est, testis Thracia,\n testis in quo ortus sum solum, (Pannonia;) ubi pr¾ter cÏlum et\n terram, et crescentes vepres, et condensa sylvarum _cuncta\n perierunt_. Tom. vii. p. 250, l, Cap. Sophonias and tom. i. p.\n 26.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.ÑPart V.\n\n\n Whatever may have been THE just measure of THE calamities of\n Europe, THEre was reason to fear that THE same calamities would\n soon extend to THE peaceful countries of Asia. The sons of THE\n Goths had been judiciously distributed through THE cities of THE\n East; and THE arts of education were employed to polish, and\n subdue, THE native fierceness of THEir temper. In THE space of\n about twelve years, THEir numbers had continually increased; and\n THE children, who, in THE first emigration, were sent over THE\n Hellespont, had attained, with rapid growth, THE strength and\n spirit of perfect manhood. 102 It was impossible to conceal from\n THEir knowledge THE events of THE Gothic war; and, as those\n daring youths had not studied THE language of dissimulation, THEy\n betrayed THEir wish, THEir desire, perhaps THEir intention, to\n emulate THE glorious example of THEir faTHErs. The danger of THE\n times seemed to justify THE jealous suspicions of THE\n provincials; and THEse suspicions were admitted as unquestionable\n evidence, that THE Goths of Asia had formed a secret and\n dangerous conspiracy against THE public safety. The death of\n Valens had left THE East without a sovereign; and Julius, who\n filled THE important station of master-general of THE troops,\n with a high reputation of diligence and ability, thought it his\n duty to consult THE senate of Constantinople; which he\n considered, during THE vacancy of THE throne, as THE\n representative council of THE nation. As soon as he had obtained\n THE discretionary power of acting as he should judge most\n expedient for THE good of THE republic, he assembled THE\n principal officers, and privately concerted effectual measures\n for THE execution of his bloody design. An order was immediately\n promulgated, that, on a stated day, THE Gothic youth should\n assemble in THE capital cities of THEir respective provinces;\n and, as a report was industriously circulated, that THEy were\n summoned to receive a liberal gift of lands and money, THE\n pleasing hope allayed THE fury of THEir resentment, and, perhaps,\n suspended THE motions of THE conspiracy. On THE appointed day,\n THE unarmed crowd of THE Gothic youth was carefully collected in\n THE square or Forum; THE streets and avenues were occupied by THE\n Roman troops, and THE roofs of THE houses were covered with\n archers and slingers. At THE same hour, in all THE cities of THE\n East, THE signal was given of indiscriminate slaughter; and THE\n provinces of Asia were delivered by THE cruel prudence of Julius,\n from a domestic enemy, who, in a few months, might have carried\n fire and sword from THE Hellespont to THE Euphrates. 103 The\n urgent consideration of THE public safety may undoubtedly\n authorize THE violation of every positive law. How far that, or\n any oTHEr, consideration may operate to dissolve THE natural\n obligations of humanity and justice, is a doctrine of which I\n still desire to remain ignorant.\n\n 102 (return) [ Eunapius (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 20) foolishly\n supposes a pr¾ternatural growth of THE young Goths, that he may\n introduce CadmusÕs armed men, who sprang from THE dragonÕs teeth,\n &c. Such was THE Greek eloquence of THE times.]\n\n 103 (return) [ Ammianus evidently approves this execution,\n efficacia velox et salutaris, which concludes his work, (xxxi.\n 16.) Zosimus, who is curious and copious, (l. iv. p. 233Ñ236,)\n mistakes THE date, and labors to find THE reason, why Julius did\n not consult THE emperor Theodosius who had not yet ascended THE\n throne of THE East.]\n\n The emperor Gratian was far advanced on his march towards THE\n plains of Hadrianople, when he was informed, at first by THE\n confused voice of fame, and afterwards by THE more accurate\n reports of Victor and Richomer, that his impatient colleague had\n been slain in battle, and that two thirds of THE Roman army were\n exterminated by THE sword of THE victorious Goths. Whatever\n resentment THE rash and jealous vanity of his uncle might\n deserve, THE resentment of a generous mind is easily subdued by\n THE softer emotions of grief and compassion; and even THE sense\n of pity was soon lost in THE serious and alarming consideration\n of THE state of THE republic. Gratian was too late to assist, he\n was too weak to revenge, his unfortunate colleague; and THE\n valiant and modest youth felt himself unequal to THE support of a\n sinking world. A formidable tempest of THE Barbarians of Germany\n seemed ready to burst over THE provinces of Gaul; and THE mind of\n Gratian was oppressed and distracted by THE administration of THE\n Western empire. In this important crisis, THE government of THE\n East, and THE conduct of THE Gothic war, required THE undivided\n attention of a hero and a statesman. A subject invested with such\n ample command would not long have preserved his fidelity to a\n distant benefactor; and THE Imperial council embraced THE wise\n and manly resolution of conferring an obligation, raTHEr than of\n yielding to an insult. It was THE wish of Gratian to bestow THE\n purple as THE reward of virtue; but, at THE age of nineteen, it\n is not easy for a prince, educated in THE supreme rank, to\n understand THE true characters of his ministers and generals. He\n attempted to weigh, with an impartial hand, THEir various merits\n and defects; and, whilst he checked THE rash confidence of\n ambition, he distrusted THE cautious wisdom which despaired of\n THE republic. As each moment of delay diminished something of THE\n power and resources of THE future sovereign of THE East, THE\n situation of THE times would not allow a tedious debate. The\n choice of Gratian was soon declared in favor of an exile, whose\n faTHEr, only three years before, had suffered, under THE sanction\n of _his_ authority, an unjust and ignominious death. The great\n Theodosius, a name celebrated in history, and dear to THE\n Catholic church, 104 was summoned to THE Imperial court, which\n had gradually retreated from THE confines of Thrace to THE more\n secure station of Sirmium. Five months after THE death of Valens,\n THE emperor Gratian produced before THE assembled troops _his_\n colleague and _THEir_ master; who, after a modest, perhaps a\n sincere, resistance, was compelled to accept, amidst THE general\n acclamations, THE diadem, THE purple, and THE equal title of\n Augustus. 105 The provinces of Thrace, Asia, and Egypt, over\n which Valens had reigned, were resigned to THE administration of\n THE new emperor; but, as he was specially intrusted with THE\n conduct of THE Gothic war, THE Illyrian pr¾fecture was\n dismembered; and THE two great dioceses of Dacia and Macedonia\n were added to THE dominions of THE Eastern empire. 106\n\n 104 (return) [ A life of Theodosius THE Great was composed in THE\n last century, (Paris, 1679, in 4to-1680, 12mo.,) to inflame THE\n mind of THE young Dauphin with Catholic zeal. The author,\n Flechier, afterwards bishop of Nismes, was a celebrated preacher;\n and his history is adorned, or tainted, with pulpit eloquence;\n but he takes his learning from Baronius, and his principles from\n St. Ambrose and St Augustin.]\n\n 105 (return) [ The birth, character, and elevation of Theodosius\n are marked in Pacatus, (in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 10, 11, 12,)\n Themistius, (Orat. xiv. p. 182,) (Zosimus, l. iv. p. 231,)\n Augustin. (de Civitat. Dei. v. 25,) Orosius, (l. vii. c. 34,)\n Sozomen, (l. vii. c. 2,) Socrates, (l. v. c. 2,) Theodoret, (l.\n v. c. 5,) Philostorgius, (l. ix. c. 17, with Godefroy, p. 393,)\n THE Epitome of Victor, and THE Chronicles of Prosper, Idatius,\n and Marcellinus, in THE Thesaurus Temporum of Scaliger. * Note:\n Add a hostile fragment of Eunapius. Mai, p. 273, in Niebuhr, p\n 178ÑM.]\n\n 106 (return) [ Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 716,\n &c.]\n\n The same province, and perhaps THE same city, 107 which had given\n to THE throne THE virtues of Trajan, and THE talents of Hadrian,\n was THE orignal seat of anoTHEr family of Spaniards, who, in a\n less fortunate age, possessed, near fourscore years, THE\n declining empire of Rome. 108 They emerged from THE obscurity of\n municipal honors by THE active spirit of THE elder Theodosius, a\n general whose exploits in Britain and Africa have formed one of\n THE most splendid parts of THE annals of Valentinian. The son of\n that general, who likewise bore THE name of Theodosius, was\n educated, by skilful preceptors, in THE liberal studies of youth;\n but he was instructed in THE art of war by THE tender care and\n severe discipline of his faTHEr. 109 Under THE standard of such a\n leader, young Theodosius sought glory and knowledge, in THE most\n distant scenes of military action; inured his constitution to THE\n difference of seasons and climates; distinguished his valor by\n sea and land; and observed THE various warfare of THE Scots, THE\n Saxons, and THE Moors. His own merit, and THE recommendation of\n THE conqueror of Africa, soon raised him to a separate command;\n and, in THE station of Duke of M¾sia, he vanquished an army of\n Sarmatians; saved THE province; deserved THE love of THE\n soldiers; and provoked THE envy of THE court. 110 His rising\n fortunes were soon blasted by THE disgrace and execution of his\n illustrious faTHEr; and Theodosius obtained, as a favor, THE\n permission of retiring to a private life in his native province\n of Spain. He displayed a firm and temperate character in THE ease\n with which he adapted himself to this new situation. His time was\n almost equally divided between THE town and country; THE spirit,\n which had animated his public conduct, was shown in THE active\n and affectionate performance of every social duty; and THE\n diligence of THE soldier was profitably converted to THE\n improvement of his ample patrimony, 111 which lay between\n Valladolid and Segovia, in THE midst of a fruitful district,\n still famous for a most exquisite breed of sheep. 112 From THE\n innocent, but humble labors of his farm, Theodosius was\n transported, in less than four months, to THE throne of THE\n Eastern empire; and THE whole period of THE history of THE world\n will not perhaps afford a similar example, of an elevation at THE\n same time so pure and so honorable. The princes who peaceably\n inherit THE sceptre of THEir faTHErs, claim and enjoy a legal\n right, THE more secure as it is absolutely distinct from THE\n merits of THEir personal characters. The subjects, who, in a\n monarchy, or a popular state, acquire THE possession of supreme\n power, may have raised THEmselves, by THE superiority eiTHEr of\n genius or virtue, above THE heads of THEir equals; but THEir\n virtue is seldom exempt from ambition; and THE cause of THE\n successful candidate is frequently stained by THE guilt of\n conspiracy, or civil war. Even in those governments which allow\n THE reigning monarch to declare a colleague or a successor, his\n partial choice, which may be influenced by THE blindest passions,\n is often directed to an unworthy object But THE most suspicious\n malignity cannot ascribe to Theodosius, in his obscure solitude\n of Caucha, THE arts, THE desires, or even THE hopes, of an\n ambitious statesman; and THE name of THE Exile would long since\n have been forgotten, if his genuine and distinguished virtues had\n not left a deep impression in THE Imperial court. During THE\n season of prosperity, he had been neglected; but, in THE public\n distress, his superior merit was universally felt and\n acknowledged. What confidence must have been reposed in his\n integrity, since Gratian could trust, that a pious son would\n forgive, for THE sake of THE republic, THE murder of his faTHEr!\n What expectations must have been formed of his abilities to\n encourage THE hope, that a single man could save, and restore,\n THE empire of THE East! Theodosius was invested with THE purple\n in THE thirty-third year of his age. The vulgar gazed with\n admiration on THE manly beauty of his face, and THE graceful\n majesty of his person, which THEy were pleased to compare with\n THE pictures and medals of THE emperor Trajan; whilst intelligent\n observers discovered, in THE qualities of his heart and\n understanding, a more important resemblance to THE best and\n greatest of THE Roman princes.\n\n 107 (return) [ _Italica_, founded by Scipio Africanus for his\n wounded veterans of _Italy_. The ruins still appear, about a\n league above Seville, but on THE opposite bank of THE river. See\n THE Hispania Illustrata of Nonius, a short though valuable\n treatise, c. xvii. p. 64Ñ67.]\n\n 108 (return) [ I agree with Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom.\n v. p. 726) in suspecting THE royal pedigree, which remained a\n secret till THE promotion of Theodosius. Even after that event,\n THE silence of Pacatus outweighs THE venal evidence of\n Themistius, Victor, and Claudian, who connect THE family of\n Theodosius with THE blood of Trajan and Hadrian.]\n\n 109 (return) [ Pacatas compares, and consequently prefers, THE\n youth of Theodosius to THE military education of Alexander,\n Hannibal, and THE second Africanus; who, like him, had served\n under THEir faTHErs, (xii. 8.)]\n\n 110 (return) [ Ammianus (xxix. 6) mentions this victory of\n Theodosius Junior Dux M¾si¾, prima etiam tum lanugine juvenis,\n princeps postea perspectissimus. The same fact is attested by\n Themistius and Zosimus but Theodoret, (l. v. c. 5,) who adds some\n curious circumstances, strangely applies it to THE time of THE\n interregnum.]\n\n 111 (return) [ Pacatus (in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 9) prefers THE\n rustic life of Theodosius to that of Cincinnatus; THE one was THE\n effect of choice, THE oTHEr of poverty.]\n\n 112 (return) [ M. DÕAnville (Geographie Ancienne, tom. i. p. 25)\n has fixed THE situation of Caucha, or Coca, in THE old province\n of Gallicia, where Zosimus and Idatius have placed THE birth, or\n patrimony, of Theodosius.]\n\n It is not without THE most sincere regret, that I must now take\n leave of an accurate and faithful guide, who has composed THE\n history of his own times, without indulging THE prejudices and\n passions, which usually affect THE mind of a contemporary.\n Ammianus Marcellinus, who terminates his useful work with THE\n defeat and death of Valens, recommends THE more glorious subject\n of THE ensuing reign to THE youthful vigor and eloquence of THE\n rising generation. 113 The rising generation was not disposed to\n accept his advice or to imitate his example; 114 and, in THE\n study of THE reign of Theodosius, we are reduced to illustrate\n THE partial narrative of Zosimus, by THE obscure hints of\n fragments and chronicles, by THE figurative style of poetry or\n panegyric, and by THE precarious assistance of THE ecclesiastical\n writers, who, in THE heat of religious faction, are apt to\n despise THE profane virtues of sincerity and moderation.\n Conscious of THEse disadvantages, which will continue to involve\n a considerable portion of THE decline and fall of THE Roman\n empire, I shall proceed with doubtful and timorous steps. Yet I\n may boldly pronounce, that THE battle of Hadrianople was never\n revenged by any signal or decisive victory of Theodosius over THE\n Barbarians: and THE expressive silence of his venal orators may\n be confirmed by THE observation of THE condition and\n circumstances of THE times. The fabric of a mighty state, which\n has been reared by THE labors of successive ages, could not be\n overturned by THE misfortune of a single day, if THE fatal power\n of THE imagination did not exaggerate THE real measure of THE\n calamity. The loss of forty thousand Romans, who fell in THE\n plains of Hadrianople, might have been soon recruited in THE\n populous provinces of THE East, which contained so many millions\n of inhabitants. The courage of a soldier is found to be THE\n cheapest, and most common, quality of human nature; and\n sufficient skill to encounter an undisciplined foe might have\n been speedily taught by THE care of THE surviving centurions. If\n THE Barbarians were mounted on THE horses, and equipped with THE\n armor, of THEir vanquished enemies, THE numerous studs of\n Cappadocia and Spain would have supplied new squadrons of\n cavalry; THE thirty-four arsenals of THE empire were plentifully\n stored with magazines of offensive and defensive arms: and THE\n wealth of Asia might still have yielded an ample fund for THE\n expenses of THE war. But THE effects which were produced by THE\n battle of Hadrianople on THE minds of THE Barbarians and of THE\n Romans, extended THE victory of THE former, and THE defeat of THE\n latter, far beyond THE limits of a single day. A Gothic chief was\n heard to declare, with insolent moderation, that, for his own\n part, he was fatigued with slaughter: but that he was astonished\n how a people, who fled before him like a flock of sheep, could\n still presume to dispute THE possession of THEir treasures and\n provinces. 115 The same terrors which THE name of THE Huns had\n spread among THE Gothic tribes, were inspired, by THE formidable\n name of THE Goths, among THE subjects and soldiers of THE Roman\n empire. 116 If Theodosius, hastily collecting his scattered\n forces, had led THEm into THE field to encounter a victorious\n enemy, his army would have been vanquished by THEir own fears;\n and his rashness could not have been excused by THE chance of\n success. But THE _great_ Theodosius, an epiTHEt which he\n honorably deserved on this momentous occasion, conducted himself\n as THE firm and faithful guardian of THE republic. He fixed his\n head-quarters at Thessalonica, THE capital of THE Macedonian\n diocese; 117 from whence he could watch THE irregular motions of\n THE Barbarians, and direct THE operations of his lieutenants,\n from THE gates of Constantinople to THE shores of THE Hadriatic.\n The fortifications and garrisons of THE cities were strengTHEned;\n and THE troops, among whom a sense of order and discipline was\n revived, were insensibly emboldened by THE confidence of THEir\n own safety. From THEse secure stations, THEy were encouraged to\n make frequent sallies on THE Barbarians, who infested THE\n adjacent country; and, as THEy were seldom allowed to engage,\n without some decisive superiority, eiTHEr of ground or of\n numbers, THEir enterprises were, for THE most part, successful;\n and THEy were soon convinced, by THEir own experience, of THE\n possibility of vanquishing THEir _invincible_ enemies. The\n detachments of THEse separate garrisons were generally united\n into small armies; THE same cautious measures were pursued,\n according to an extensive and well-concerted plan of operations;\n THE events of each day added strength and spirit to THE Roman\n arms; and THE artful diligence of THE emperor, who circulated THE\n most favorable reports of THE success of THE war, contributed to\n subdue THE pride of THE Barbarians, and to animate THE hopes and\n courage of his subjects. If, instead of this faint and imperfect\n outline, we could accurately represent THE counsels and actions\n of Theodosius, in four successive campaigns, THEre is reason to\n believe, that his consummate skill would deserve THE applause of\n every military reader. The republic had formerly been saved by\n THE delays of Fabius; and, while THE splendid trophies of Scipio,\n in THE field of Zama, attract THE eyes of posterity, THE camps\n and marches of THE dictator among THE hills of THE Campania, may\n claim a juster proportion of THE solid and independent fame,\n which THE general is not compelled to share, eiTHEr with fortune\n or with his troops. Such was likewise THE merit of Theodosius;\n and THE infirmities of his body, which most unseasonably\n languished under a long and dangerous disease, could not oppress\n THE vigor of his mind, or divert his attention from THE public\n service. 118\n\n 113 (return) [ Let us hear Ammianus himself. H¾c, ut miles\n quondam et Gr¾cus, a principatu C¾saris Nerv¾ exorsus, adusque\n Valentis inter, pro virium explicavi mensur‰: opus veritatem\n professum nun quam, ut arbitror, sciens, silentio ausus\n corrumpere vel mendacio. Scribant reliqua potiores ¾tate,\n doctrinisque florentes. Quos id, si libuerit, aggressuros,\n procudere linguas ad majores moneo stilos. Ammian. xxxi. 16. The\n first thirteen books, a superficial epitome of two hundred and\n fifty-seven years, are now lost: THE last eighteen, which contain\n no more than twenty-five years, still preserve THE copious and\n auTHEntic history of his own times.]\n\n 114 (return) [ Ammianus was THE last subject of Rome who composed\n a profane history in THE Latin language. The East, in THE next\n century, produced some rhetorical historians, Zosimus,\n Olympiedorus, Malchus, Candidus &c. See Vossius de Historicis\n Gr¾cis, l. ii. c. 18, de Historicis Latinis l. ii. c. 10, &c.]\n\n 115 (return) [ Chrysostom, tom. i. p. 344, edit. Montfaucon. I\n have verified and examined this passage: but I should never,\n without THE aid of Tillemont, (Hist. des Emp. tom. v. p. 152,)\n have detected an historical anecdote, in a strange medley of\n moral and mystic exhortations, addressed, by THE preacher of\n Antioch, to a young widow.]\n\n 116 (return) [ Eunapius, in Excerpt. Legation. p. 21.]\n\n 117 (return) [ See GodefroyÕs Chronology of THE Laws. Codex\n Theodos tom. l. Prolegomen. p. xcix.Ñciv.]\n\n 118 (return) [ Most writers insist on THE illness, and long\n repose, of Theodosius, at Thessalonica: Zosimus, to diminish his\n glory; Jornandes, to favor THE Goths; and THE ecclesiastical\n writers, to introduce his baptism.]\n\n The deliverance and peace of THE Roman provinces 119 was THE work\n of prudence, raTHEr than of valor: THE prudence of Theodosius was\n seconded by fortune: and THE emperor never failed to seize, and\n to improve, every favorable circumstance. As long as THE superior\n genius of Fritigern preserved THE union, and directed THE motions\n of THE Barbarians, THEir power was not inadequate to THE conquest\n of a great empire. The death of that hero, THE predecessor and\n master of THE renowned Alaric, relieved an impatient multitude\n from THE intolerable yoke of discipline and discretion. The\n Barbarians, who had been restrained by his authority, abandoned\n THEmselves to THE dictates of THEir passions; and THEir passions\n were seldom uniform or consistent. An army of conquerors was\n broken into many disorderly bands of savage robbers; and THEir\n blind and irregular fury was not less pernicious to THEmselves,\n than to THEir enemies. Their mischievous disposition was shown in\n THE destruction of every object which THEy wanted strength to\n remove, or taste to enjoy; and THEy often consumed, with\n improvident rage, THE harvests, or THE granaries, which soon\n afterwards became necessary for THEir own subsistence. A spirit\n of discord arose among THE independent tribes and nations, which\n had been united only by THE bands of a loose and voluntary\n alliance. The troops of THE Huns and THE Alani would naturally\n upbraid THE flight of THE Goths; who were not disposed to use\n with moderation THE advantages of THEir fortune; THE ancient\n jealousy of THE Ostrogoths and THE Visigoths could not long be\n suspended; and THE haughty chiefs still remembered THE insults\n and injuries, which THEy had reciprocally offered, or sustained,\n while THE nation was seated in THE countries beyond THE Danube.\n The progress of domestic faction abated THE more diffusive\n sentiment of national animosity; and THE officers of Theodosius\n were instructed to purchase, with liberal gifts and promises, THE\n retreat or service of THE discontented party. The acquisition of\n Modar, a prince of THE royal blood of THE Amali, gave a bold and\n faithful champion to THE cause of Rome. The illustrious deserter\n soon obtained THE rank of master-general, with an important\n command; surprised an army of his countrymen, who were immersed\n in wine and sleep; and, after a cruel slaughter of THE astonished\n Goths, returned with an immense spoil, and four thousand wagons,\n to THE Imperial camp. 120 In THE hands of a skilful politician,\n THE most different means may be successfully applied to THE same\n ends; and THE peace of THE empire, which had been forwarded by\n THE divisions, was accomplished by THE reunion, of THE Gothic\n nation. Athanaric, who had been a patient spectator of THEse\n extraordinary events, was at length driven, by THE chance of\n arms, from THE dark recesses of THE woods of Caucaland. He no\n longer hesitated to pass THE Danube; and a very considerable part\n of THE subjects of Fritigern, who already felt THE inconveniences\n of anarchy, were easily persuaded to acknowledge for THEir king a\n Gothic Judge, whose birth THEy respected, and whose abilities\n THEy had frequently experienced. But age had chilled THE daring\n spirit of Athanaric; and, instead of leading his people to THE\n field of battle and victory, he wisely listened to THE fair\n proposal of an honorable and advantageous treaty. Theodosius, who\n was acquainted with THE merit and power of his new ally,\n condescended to meet him at THE distance of several miles from\n Constantinople; and entertained him in THE Imperial city, with\n THE confidence of a friend, and THE magnificence of a monarch.\n ÒThe Barbarian prince observed, with curious attention, THE\n variety of objects which attracted his notice, and at last broke\n out into a sincere and passionate exclamation of wonder. I now\n behold (said he) what I never could believe, THE glories of this\n stupendous capital! And as he cast his eyes around, he viewed,\n and he admired, THE commanding situation of THE city, THE\n strength and beauty of THE walls and public edifices, THE\n capacious harbor, crowded with innumerable vessels, THE perpetual\n concourse of distant nations, and THE arms and discipline of THE\n troops. Indeed, (continued Athanaric,) THE emperor of THE Romans\n is a god upon earth; and THE presumptuous man, who dares to lift\n his hand against him, is guilty of his own blood.Ó 121 The Gothic\n king did not long enjoy this splendid and honorable reception;\n and, as temperance was not THE virtue of his nation, it may\n justly be suspected, that his mortal disease was contracted\n amidst THE pleasures of THE Imperial banquets. But THE policy of\n Theodosius derived more solid benefit from THE death, than he\n could have expected from THE most faithful services, of his ally.\n The funeral of Athanaric was performed with solemn rites in THE\n capital of THE East; a stately monument was erected to his\n memory; and his whole army, won by THE liberal courtesy, and\n decent grief, of Theodosius, enlisted under THE standard of THE\n Roman empire. 122 The submission of so great a body of THE\n Visigoths was productive of THE most salutary consequences; and\n THE mixed influence of force, of reason, and of corruption,\n became every day more powerful, and more extensive. Each\n independent chieftain hastened to obtain a separate treaty, from\n THE apprehension that an obstinate delay might expose _him_,\n alone and unprotected, to THE revenge, or justice, of THE\n conqueror. The general, or raTHEr THE final, capitulation of THE\n Goths, may be dated four years, one month, and twenty-five days,\n after THE defeat and death of THE emperor Valens. 123\n\n 119 (return) [ Compare Themistius (Orat, xiv. p. 181) with\n Zosimus (l. iv. p. 232,) Jornandes, (c. xxvii. p. 649,) and THE\n prolix Commentary of M. de Buat, (Hist. de Peuples, &c., tom. vi.\n p. 477Ñ552.) The Chronicles of Idatius and Marcellinus allude, in\n general terms, to magna certamina, _magna multaque_ pr¾lia. The\n two epiTHEts are not easily reconciled.]\n\n 120 (return) [ Zosimus (l. iv. p. 232) styles him a Scythian, a\n name which THE more recent Greeks seem to have appropriated to\n THE Goths.]\n\n 121 (return) [ The reader will not be displeased to see THE\n original words of Jornandes, or THE author whom he transcribed.\n Regiam urbem ingressus est, miransque, En, inquit, cerno quod\n s¾pe incredulus audiebam, famam videlicet tant¾ urbis. Et huc\n illuc oculos volvens, nunc situm urbis, commeatumque navium, nunc\n mÏnia clara pro spectans, miratur; populosque diversarum gentium,\n quasi fonte in uno e diversis partibus scaturiente unda, sic\n quoque militem ordinatum aspiciens; Deus, inquit, sine dubio est\n terrenus Imperator, et quisquis adversus eum manum moverit, ipse\n sui sanguinis reus existit Jornandes (c. xxviii. p. 650) proceeds\n to mention his death and funeral.]\n\n 122 (return) [ Jornandes, c. xxviii. p. 650. Even Zosimus (l. v.\n p. 246) is compelled to approve THE generosity of Theodosius, so\n honorable to himself, and so beneficial to THE public.]\n\n 123 (return) [ The short, but auTHEntic, hints in THE _Fasti_ of\n Idatius (Chron. Scaliger. p. 52) are stained with contemporary\n passion. The fourteenth oration of Themistius is a compliment to\n Peace, and THE consul Saturninus, (A.D. 383.)]\n\n The provinces of THE Danube had been already relieved from THE\n oppressive weight of THE Gruthungi, or Ostrogoths, by THE\n voluntary retreat of AlaTHEus and Saphrax, whose restless spirit\n had prompted THEm to seek new scenes of rapine and glory. Their\n destructive course was pointed towards THE West; but we must be\n satisfied with a very obscure and imperfect knowledge of THEir\n various adventures. The Ostrogoths impelled several of THE German\n tribes on THE provinces of Gaul; concluded, and soon violated, a\n treaty with THE emperor Gratian; advanced into THE unknown\n countries of THE North; and, after an interval of more than four\n years, returned, with accumulated force, to THE banks of THE\n Lower Danube. Their troops were recruited with THE fiercest\n warriors of Germany and Scythia; and THE soldiers, or at least\n THE historians, of THE empire, no longer recognized THE name and\n countenances of THEir former enemies. 124 The general who\n commanded THE military and naval powers of THE Thracian frontier,\n soon perceived that his superiority would be disadvantageous to\n THE public service; and that THE Barbarians, awed by THE presence\n of his fleet and legions, would probably defer THE passage of THE\n river till THE approaching winter. The dexterity of THE spies,\n whom he sent into THE Gothic camp, allured THE Barbarians into a\n fatal snare. They were persuaded that, by a bold attempt, THEy\n might surprise, in THE silence and darkness of THE night, THE\n sleeping army of THE Romans; and THE whole multitude was hastily\n embarked in a fleet of three thousand canoes. 125 The bravest of\n THE Ostrogoths led THE van; THE main body consisted of THE\n remainder of THEir subjects and soldiers; and THE women and\n children securely followed in THE rear. One of THE nights without\n a moon had been selected for THE execution of THEir design; and\n THEy had almost reached THE souTHErn bank of THE Danube, in THE\n firm confidence that THEy should find an easy landing and an\n unguarded camp. But THE progress of THE Barbarians was suddenly\n stopped by an unexpected obstacle a triple line of vessels,\n strongly connected with each oTHEr, and which formed an\n impenetrable chain of two miles and a half along THE river. While\n THEy struggled to force THEir way in THE unequal conflict, THEir\n right flank was overwhelmed by THE irresistible attack of a fleet\n of galleys, which were urged down THE stream by THE united\n impulse of oars and of THE tide. The weight and velocity of those\n ships of war broke, and sunk, and dispersed, THE rude and feeble\n canoes of THE Barbarians; THEir valor was ineffectual; and\n AlaTHEus, THE king, or general, of THE Ostrogoths, perished with\n his bravest troops, eiTHEr by THE sword of THE Romans, or in THE\n waves of THE Danube. The last division of this unfortunate fleet\n might regain THE opposite shore; but THE distress and disorder of\n THE multitude rendered THEm alike incapable, eiTHEr of action or\n counsel; and THEy soon implored THE clemency of THE victorious\n enemy. On this occasion, as well as on many oTHErs, it is a\n difficult task to reconcile THE passions and prejudices of THE\n writers of THE age of Theodosius. The partial and malignant\n historian, who misrepresents every action of his reign, affirms,\n that THE emperor did not appear in THE field of battle till THE\n Barbarians had been vanquished by THE valor and conduct of his\n lieutenant Promotus. 126 The flattering poet, who celebrated, in\n THE court of Honorius, THE glory of THE faTHEr and of THE son,\n ascribes THE victory to THE personal prowess of Theodosius; and\n almost insinuates, that THE king of THE Ostrogoths was slain by\n THE hand of THE emperor. 127 The truth of history might perhaps\n be found in a just medium between THEse extreme and contradictory\n assertions.\n\n 124 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iv. p. 252.]\n\n 125 (return) [ I am justified, by reason and example, in applying\n this Indian name to THE THE Barbarians, THE single trees hollowed\n into THE shape of a boat. Zosimus, l. iv. p. 253. Ausi Danubium\n quondam tranare Gruthungi In lintres fregere nemus: ter mille\n ruebant Per fluvium plen¾ cuneis immanibus alni. Claudian, in iv.\n Cols. Hon. 623.]\n\n 126 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iv. p. 252Ñ255. He too frequently\n betrays his poverty of judgment by disgracing THE most serious\n narratives with trifling and incredible circumstances.]\n\n 127 (return) [ÑOdoth¾i Regis _opima_ RetulitÑVer. 632. The\n _opima_ were THE spoils which a Roman general could only win from\n THE king, or general, of THE enemy, whom he had slain with his\n own hands: and no more than three such examples are celebrated in\n THE victorious ages of Rome.]\n\n The original treaty which fixed THE settlement of THE Goths,\n ascertained THEir privileges, and stipulated THEir obligations,\n would illustrate THE history of Theodosius and his successors.\n The series of THEir history has imperfectly preserved THE spirit\n and substance of this single agreement. 128 The ravages of war\n and tyranny had provided many large tracts of fertile but\n uncultivated land for THE use of those Barbarians who might not\n disdain THE practice of agriculture. A numerous colony of THE\n Visigoths was seated in Thrace; THE remains of THE Ostrogoths\n were planted in Phrygia and Lydia; THEir immediate wants were\n supplied by a distribution of corn and cattle; and THEir future\n industry was encouraged by an exemption from tribute, during a\n certain term of years. The Barbarians would have deserved to feel\n THE cruel and perfidious policy of THE Imperial court, if THEy\n had suffered THEmselves to be dispersed through THE provinces.\n They required, and THEy obtained, THE sole possession of THE\n villages and districts assigned for THEir residence; THEy still\n cherished and propagated THEir native manners and language;\n asserted, in THE bosom of despotism, THE freedom of THEir\n domestic government; and acknowledged THE sovereignty of THE\n emperor, without submitting to THE inferior jurisdiction of THE\n laws and magistrates of Rome. The hereditary chiefs of THE tribes\n and families were still permitted to command THEir followers in\n peace and war; but THE royal dignity was abolished; and THE\n generals of THE Goths were appointed and removed at THE pleasure\n of THE emperor. An army of forty thousand Goths was maintained\n for THE perpetual service of THE empire of THE East; and those\n haughty troops, who assumed THE title of _F¾derati_, or allies,\n were distinguished by THEir gold collars, liberal pay, and\n licentious privileges. Their native courage was improved by THE\n use of arms and THE knowledge of discipline; and, while THE\n republic was guarded, or threatened, by THE doubtful sword of THE\n Barbarians, THE last sparks of THE military flame were finally\n extinguished in THE minds of THE Romans. 129 Theodosius had THE\n address to persuade his allies, that THE conditions of peace,\n which had been extorted from him by prudence and necessity, were\n THE voluntary expressions of his sincere friendship for THE\n Gothic nation. 130 A different mode of vindication or apology was\n opposed to THE complaints of THE people; who loudly censured\n THEse shameful and dangerous concessions. 131 The calamities of\n THE war were painted in THE most lively colors; and THE first\n symptoms of THE return of order, of plenty, and security, were\n diligently exaggerated. The advocates of Theodosius could affirm,\n with some appearance of truth and reason, that it was impossible\n to extirpate so many warlike tribes, who were rendered desperate\n by THE loss of THEir native country; and that THE exhausted\n provinces would be revived by a fresh supply of soldiers and\n husbandmen. The Barbarians still wore an angry and hostile\n aspect; but THE experience of past times might encourage THE\n hope, that THEy would acquire THE habits of industry and\n obedience; that THEir manners would be polished by time,\n education, and THE influence of Christianity; and that THEir\n posterity would insensibly blend with THE great body of THE Roman\n people. 132\n\n 128 (return) [ See Themistius, Orat. xvi. p. 211. Claudian (in\n Eutrop. l. ii. 112) mentions THE Phrygian colony:ÑÑOstrogothis\n colitur mistisque Gruthungis Phyrx agerÑÑand THEn proceeds to\n name THE rivers of Lydia, THE Pactolus, and Herreus.]\n\n 129 (return) [ Compare Jornandes, (c. xx. 27,) who marks THE\n condition and number of THE Gothic _F¾derati_, with Zosimus, (l.\n iv. p. 258,) who mentions THEir golden collars; and Pacatus, (in\n Panegyr. Vet. xii. 37,) who applauds, with false or foolish joy,\n THEir bravery and discipline.]\n\n 130 (return) [ Amator pacis generisque Gothorum, is THE praise\n bestowed by THE Gothic historian, (c. xxix.,) who represents his\n nation as innocent, peaceable men, slow to anger, and patient of\n injuries. According to Livy, THE Romans conquered THE world in\n THEir own defence.]\n\n 131 (return) [ Besides THE partial invectives of Zosimus, (always\n discontented with THE Christian reigns,) see THE grave\n representations which Synesius addresses to THE emperor Arcadius,\n (de Regno, p. 25, 26, edit. Petav.) The philosophic bishop of\n Cyrene was near enough to judge; and he was sufficiently removed\n from THE temptation of fear or flattery.]\n\n 132 (return) [ Themistius (Orat. xvi. p. 211, 212) composes an\n elaborate and rational apology, which is not, however, exempt\n from THE puerilities of Greek rhetoric. Orpheus could _only_\n charm THE wild beasts of Thrace; but Theodosius enchanted THE men\n and women, whose predecessors in THE same country had torn\n Orpheus in pieces, &c.]\n\n Notwithstanding THEse specious arguments, and THEse sanguine\n expectations, it was apparent to every discerning eye, that THE\n Goths would long remain THE enemies, and might soon become THE\n conquerors of THE Roman empire. Their rude and insolent behavior\n expressed THEir contempt of THE citizens and provincials, whom\n THEy insulted with impunity. 133 To THE zeal and valor of THE\n Barbarians Theodosius was indebted for THE success of his arms:\n but THEir assistance was precarious; and THEy were sometimes\n seduced, by a treacherous and inconstant disposition, to abandon\n his standard, at THE moment when THEir service was THE most\n essential. During THE civil war against Maximus, a great number\n of Gothic deserters retired into THE morasses of Macedonia,\n wasted THE adjacent provinces, and obliged THE intrepid monarch\n to expose his person, and exert his power, to suppress THE rising\n flame of rebellion. 134 The public apprehensions were fortified\n by THE strong suspicion, that THEse tumults were not THE effect\n of accidental passion, but THE result of deep and premeditated\n design. It was generally believed, that THE Goths had signed THE\n treaty of peace with a hostile and insidious spirit; and that\n THEir chiefs had previously bound THEmselves, by a solemn and\n secret oath, never to keep faith with THE Romans; to maintain THE\n fairest show of loyalty and friendship, and to watch THE\n favorable moment of rapine, of conquest, and of revenge. But as\n THE minds of THE Barbarians were not insensible to THE power of\n gratitude, several of THE Gothic leaders sincerely devoted\n THEmselves to THE service of THE empire, or, at least, of THE\n emperor; THE whole nation was insensibly divided into two\n opposite factions, and much sophistry was employed in\n conversation and dispute, to compare THE obligations of THEir\n first, and second, engagements. The Goths, who considered\n THEmselves as THE friends of peace, of justice, and of Rome, were\n directed by THE authority of Fravitta, a valiant and honorable\n youth, distinguished above THE rest of his countrymen by THE\n politeness of his manners, THE liberality of his sentiments, and\n THE mild virtues of social life. But THE more numerous faction\n adhered to THE fierce and faithless Priulf, 13411 who inflamed\n THE passions, and asserted THE independence, of his warlike\n followers. On one of THE solemn festivals, when THE chiefs of\n both parties were invited to THE Imperial table, THEy were\n insensibly heated by wine, till THEy forgot THE usual restraints\n of discretion and respect, and betrayed, in THE presence of\n Theodosius, THE fatal secret of THEir domestic disputes. The\n emperor, who had been THE reluctant witness of this extraordinary\n controversy, dissembled his fears and resentment, and soon\n dismissed THE tumultuous assembly. Fravitta, alarmed and\n exasperated by THE insolence of his rival, whose departure from\n THE palace might have been THE signal of a civil war, boldly\n followed him; and, drawing his sword, laid Priulf dead at his\n feet. Their companions flew to arms; and THE faithful champion of\n Rome would have been oppressed by superior numbers, if he had not\n been protected by THE seasonable interposition of THE Imperial\n guards. 135 Such were THE scenes of Barbaric rage, which\n disgraced THE palace and table of THE Roman emperor; and, as THE\n impatient Goths could only be restrained by THE firm and\n temperate character of Theodosius, THE public safety seemed to\n depend on THE life and abilities of a single man. 136\n\n 133 (return) [ Constantinople was deprived half a day of THE\n public allowance of bread, to expiate THE murder of a Gothic\n soldier: was THE guilt of THE people. Libanius, Orat. xii. p.\n 394, edit. Morel.]\n\n 134 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iv. p. 267-271. He tells a long and\n ridiculous story of THE adventurous prince, who roved THE country\n with only five horsemen, of a spy whom THEy detected, whipped,\n and killed in an old womanÕs cottage, &c.]\n\n 13411 (return) [ Eunapius.ÑM.]\n\n 135 (return) [ Compare Eunapius (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 21, 22)\n with Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 279.) The difference of circumstances\n and names must undoubtedly be applied to THE same story.\n Fravitta, or Travitta, was afterwards consul, (A.D. 401.) and\n still continued his faithful services to THE eldest son of\n Theodosius. (Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 467.)]\n\n 136 (return) [ Les Goths ravagerent tout depuis le Danube\n jusquÕau Bosphore; exterminerent Valens et son armŽe; et ne\n repasserent le Danube, que pour abandonner lÕaffreuse solitude\n quÕils avoient faite, (Îuvres de Montesquieu, tom. iii. p. 479.\n Considerations sur les _Causes_ de la Grandeur et de la DŽcadence\n des Romains, c. xvii.) The president Montesquieu seems ignorant\n that THE Goths, after THE defeat of Valens, _never_ abandoned THE\n Roman territory. It is now thirty years, says Claudian, (de Bello\n Getico, 166, &c., A.D. 404,) Ex quo jam patrios gens h¾c oblita\n Triones, Atque Istrum transvecta semel, vestigia fixit Threicio\n funesta soloÑTHE error is inexcusable; since it disguises THE\n principal and immediate cause of THE fall of THE Western empire\n of Rome.]\n\n\n\n\nVOLUME THREE\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXVII: Civil Wars, Reign Of Theodosius.—Part I.\n\n Death Of Gratian.—Ruin Of Arianism.—St. Ambrose.—First Civil War,\n Against Maximus.—Character, Administration, And Penance Of\n Theodosius.—Death Of Valentinian II.—Second Civil War, Against\n Eugenius.—Death Of Theodosius.\n\n The fame of Gratian, before he had accomplished THE twentieth\n year of his age, was equal to that of THE most celebrated\n princes. His gentle and amiable disposition endeared him to his\n private friends, THE graceful affability of his manners engaged\n THE affection of THE people: THE men of letters, who enjoyed THE\n liberality, acknowledged THE taste and eloquence, of THEir\n sovereign; his valor and dexterity in arms were equally applauded\n by THE soldiers; and THE clergy considered THE humble piety of\n Gratian as THE first and most useful of his virtues. The victory\n of Colmar had delivered THE West from a formidable invasion; and\n THE grateful provinces of THE East ascribed THE merits of\n Theodosius to THE author of his greatness, and of THE public\n safety. Gratian survived those memorable events only four or five\n years; but he survived his reputation; and, before he fell a\n victim to rebellion, he had lost, in a great measure, THE respect\n and confidence of THE Roman world.\n\n The remarkable alteration of his character or conduct may not be\n imputed to THE arts of flattery, which had besieged THE son of\n Valentinian from his infancy; nor to THE headstrong passions\n which THE that gentle youth appears to have escaped. A more\n attentive view of THE life of Gratian may perhaps suggest THE\n true cause of THE disappointment of THE public hopes. His\n apparent virtues, instead of being THE hardy productions of\n experience and adversity, were THE premature and artificial\n fruits of a royal education. The anxious tenderness of his faTHEr\n was continually employed to bestow on him those advantages, which\n he might perhaps esteem THE more highly, as he himself had been\n deprived of THEm; and THE most skilful masters of every science,\n and of every art, had labored to form THE mind and body of THE\n young prince. 1 The knowledge which THEy painfully communicated\n was displayed with ostentation, and celebrated with lavish\n praise. His soft and tractable disposition received THE fair\n impression of THEir judicious precepts, and THE absence of\n passion might easily be mistaken for THE strength of reason. His\n preceptors gradually rose to THE rank and consequence of\n ministers of state: 2 and, as THEy wisely dissembled THEir secret\n authority, he seemed to act with firmness, with propriety, and\n with judgment, on THE most important occasions of his life and\n reign. But THE influence of this elaborate instruction did not\n penetrate beyond THE surface; and THE skilful preceptors, who so\n accurately guided THE steps of THEir royal pupil, could not\n infuse into his feeble and indolent character THE vigorous and\n independent principle of action which renders THE laborious\n pursuit of glory essentially necessary to THE happiness, and\n almost to THE existence, of THE hero. As soon as time and\n accident had removed those faithful counsellors from THE throne,\n THE emperor of THE West insensibly descended to THE level of his\n natural genius; abandoned THE reins of government to THE\n ambitious hands which were stretched forwards to grasp THEm; and\n amused his leisure with THE most frivolous gratifications. A\n public sale of favor and injustice was instituted, both in THE\n court and in THE provinces, by THE worthless delegates of his\n power, whose merit it was made sacrilege to question. 3 The\n conscience of THE credulous prince was directed by saints and\n bishops; 4 who procured an Imperial edict to punish, as a capital\n offence, THE violation, THE neglect, or even THE ignorance, of\n THE divine law. 5 Among THE various arts which had exercised THE\n youth of Gratian, he had applied himself, with singular\n inclination and success, to manage THE horse, to draw THE bow,\n and to dart THE javelin; and THEse qualifications, which might be\n useful to a soldier, were prostituted to THE viler purposes of\n hunting. Large parks were enclosed for THE Imperial pleasures,\n and plentifully stocked with every species of wild beasts; and\n Gratian neglected THE duties, and even THE dignity, of his rank,\n to consume whole days in THE vain display of his dexterity and\n boldness in THE chase. The pride and wish of THE Roman emperor to\n excel in an art, in which he might be surpassed by THE meanest of\n his slaves, reminded THE numerous spectators of THE examples of\n Nero and Commodus, but THE chaste and temperate Gratian was a\n stranger to THEir monstrous vices; and his hands were stained\n only with THE blood of animals. 6 The behavior of Gratian, which\n degraded his character in THE eyes of mankind, could not have\n disturbed THE security of his reign, if THE army had not been\n provoked to resent THEir peculiar injuries. As long as THE young\n emperor was guided by THE instructions of his masters, he\n professed himself THE friend and pupil of THE soldiers; many of\n his hours were spent in THE familiar conversation of THE camp;\n and THE health, THE comforts, THE rewards, THE honors, of his\n faithful troops, appeared to be THE objects of his attentive\n concern. But, after Gratian more freely indulged his prevailing\n taste for hunting and shooting, he naturally connected himself\n with THE most dexterous ministers of his favorite amusement. A\n body of THE Alani was received into THE military and domestic\n service of THE palace; and THE admirable skill, which THEy were\n accustomed to display in THE unbounded plains of Scythia, was\n exercised, on a more narrow THEatre, in THE parks and enclosures\n of Gaul. Gratian admired THE talents and customs of THEse\n favorite guards, to whom alone he intrusted THE defence of his\n person; and, as if he meant to insult THE public opinion, he\n frequently showed himself to THE soldiers and people, with THE\n dress and arms, THE long bow, THE sounding quiver, and THE fur\n garments of a Scythian warrior. The unworthy spectacle of a Roman\n prince, who had renounced THE dress and manners of his country,\n filled THE minds of THE legions with grief and indignation. 7\n Even THE Germans, so strong and formidable in THE armies of THE\n empire, affected to disdain THE strange and horrid appearance of\n THE savages of THE North, who, in THE space of a few years, had\n wandered from THE banks of THE Volga to those of THE Seine. A\n loud and licentious murmur was echoed through THE camps and\n garrisons of THE West; and as THE mild indolence of Gratian\n neglected to extinguish THE first symptoms of discontent, THE\n want of love and respect was not supplied by THE influence of\n fear. But THE subversion of an established government is always a\n work of some real, and of much apparent, difficulty; and THE\n throne of Gratian was protected by THE sanctions of custom, law,\n religion, and THE nice balance of THE civil and military powers,\n which had been established by THE policy of Constantine. It is\n not very important to inquire from what cause THE revolt of\n Britain was produced. Accident is commonly THE parent of\n disorder; THE seeds of rebellion happened to fall on a soil which\n was supposed to be more fruitful than any oTHEr in tyrants and\n usurpers; 8 THE legions of that sequestered island had been long\n famous for a spirit of presumption and arrogance; 9 and THE name\n of Maximus was proclaimed, by THE tumultuary, but unanimous\n voice, both of THE soldiers and of THE provincials. The emperor,\n or THE rebel,—for this title was not yet ascertained by\n fortune,—was a native of Spain, THE countryman, THE\n fellow-soldier, and THE rival of Theodosius whose elevation he\n had not seen without some emotions of envy and resentment: THE\n events of his life had long since fixed him in Britain; and I\n should not be unwilling to find some evidence for THE marriage,\n which he is said to have contracted with THE daughter of a\n wealthy lord of Caernarvonshire. 10 But this provincial rank\n might justly be considered as a state of exile and obscurity; and\n if Maximus had obtained any civil or military office, he was not\n invested with THE authority eiTHEr of governor or general. 11 His\n abilities, and even his integrity, are acknowledged by THE\n partial writers of THE age; and THE merit must indeed have been\n conspicuous that could extort such a confession in favor of THE\n vanquished enemy of Theodosius. The discontent of Maximus might\n incline him to censure THE conduct of his sovereign, and to\n encourage, perhaps, without any views of ambition, THE murmurs of\n THE troops. But in THE midst of THE tumult, he artfully, or\n modestly, refused to ascend THE throne; and some credit appears\n to have been given to his own positive declaration, that he was\n compelled to accept THE dangerous present of THE Imperial purple.\n 12\n\n 1 (return) [ Valentinian was less attentive to THE religion of\n his son; since he intrusted THE education of Gratian to Ausonius,\n a professed Pagan. (Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xv.\n p. 125-138). The poetical fame of Ausonius condemns THE taste of\n his age.]\n\n 2 (return) [ Ausonius was successively promoted to THE Prætorian\n præfecture of Italy, (A.D. 377,) and of Gaul, (A.D. 378;) and\n was at length invested with THE consulship, (A.D. 379.) He\n expressed his gratitude in a servile and insipid piece of\n flattery, (Actio Gratiarum, p. 699-736,) which has survived more\n worthy productions.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Disputare de principali judicio non oportet.\n Sacrilegii enim instar est dubitare, an is dignus sit, quem\n elegerit imperator. Codex Justinian, l. ix. tit. xxix. leg. 3.\n This convenient law was revived and promulgated, after THE death\n of Gratian, by THE feeble court of Milan.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Ambrose composed, for his instruction, a THEological\n treatise on THE faith of THE Trinity: and Tillemont, (Hist. des\n Empereurs, tom. v. p. 158, 169,) ascribes to THE archbishop THE\n merit of Gratian’s intolerant laws.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Qui divinae legis sanctitatem nesciendo omittunt,\n aut negligende violant, et offendunt, sacrilegium committunt.\n Codex Justinian. l. ix. tit. xxix. leg. 1. Theodosius indeed may\n claim his share in THE merit of this comprehensive law.]\n\n 6 (return) [ Ammianus (xxxi. 10) and THE younger Victor\n acknowledge THE virtues of Gratian; and accuse, or raTHEr lament,\n his degenerate taste. The odious parallel of Commodus is saved by\n “licet incruentus;” and perhaps Philostorgius (l. x. c. 10, and\n Godefroy, p. 41) had guarded with some similar reserve, THE\n comparison of Nero.]\n\n 7 (return) [ Zosimus (l. iv. p. 247) and THE younger Victor\n ascribe THE revolution to THE favor of THE Alani, and THE\n discontent of THE Roman troops Dum exercitum negligeret, et\n paucos ex Alanis, quos ingenti auro ad sa transtulerat,\n anteferret veteri ac Romano militi.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Britannia fertilis provincia tyrannorum, is a\n memorable expression, used by Jerom in THE Pelagian controversy,\n and variously tortured in THE disputes of our national\n antiquaries. The revolutions of THE last age appeared to justify\n THE image of THE sublime Bossuet, “sette ile, plus orageuse que\n les mers qui l’environment.”]\n\n 9 (return) [ Zosimus says of THE British soldiers.]\n\n 10 (return) [ Helena, THE daughter of Eudda. Her chapel may still\n be seen at Caer-segont, now Caer-narvon. (Carte’s Hist. of\n England, vol. i. p. 168, from Rowland’s Mona Antiqua.) The\n prudent reader may not perhaps be satisfied with such Welsh\n evidence.]\n\n 11 (return) [ Camden (vol. i. introduct. p. ci.) appoints him\n governor at Britain; and THE faTHEr of our antiquities is\n followed, as usual, by his blind progeny. Pacatus and Zosimus had\n taken some pains to prevent this error, or fable; and I shall\n protect myself by THEir decisive testimonies. Regali habitu\n exulem suum, illi exules orbis induerunt, (in Panegyr. Vet. xii.\n 23,) and THE Greek historian still less equivocally, (Maximus)\n (l. iv. p. 248.)]\n\n 12 (return) [ Sulpicius Severus, Dialog. ii. 7. Orosius, l. vii.\n c. 34. p. 556. They both acknowledge (Sulpicius had been his\n subject) his innocence and merit. It is singular enough, that\n Maximus should be less favorably treated by Zosimus, THE partial\n adversary of his rival.]\n\n But THEre was danger likewise in refusing THE empire; and from\n THE moment that Maximus had violated his allegiance to his lawful\n sovereign, he could not hope to reign, or even to live, if he\n confined his moderate ambition within THE narrow limits of\n Britain. He boldly and wisely resolved to prevent THE designs of\n Gratian; THE youth of THE island crowded to his standard, and he\n invaded Gaul with a fleet and army, which were long afterwards\n remembered, as THE emigration of a considerable part of THE\n British nation. 13 The emperor, in his peaceful residence of\n Paris, was alarmed by THEir hostile approach; and THE darts which\n he idly wasted on lions and bears, might have been employed more\n honorably against THE rebels. But his feeble efforts announced\n his degenerate spirit and desperate situation; and deprived him\n of THE resources, which he still might have found, in THE support\n of his subjects and allies. The armies of Gaul, instead of\n opposing THE march of Maximus, received him with joyful and loyal\n acclamations; and THE shame of THE desertion was transferred from\n THE people to THE prince. The troops, whose station more\n immediately attached THEm to THE service of THE palace, abandoned\n THE standard of Gratian THE first time that it was displayed in\n THE neighborhood of Paris. The emperor of THE West fled towards\n Lyons, with a train of only three hundred horse; and, in THE\n cities along THE road, where he hoped to find refuge, or at least\n a passage, he was taught, by cruel experience, that every gate is\n shut against THE unfortunate. Yet he might still have reached, in\n safety, THE dominions of his broTHEr; and soon have returned with\n THE forces of Italy and THE East; if he had not suffered himself\n to be fatally deceived by THE perfidious governor of THE Lyonnese\n province. Gratian was amused by protestations of doubtful\n fidelity, and THE hopes of a support, which could not be\n effectual; till THE arrival of Andragathius, THE general of THE\n cavalry of Maximus, put an end to his suspense. That resolute\n officer executed, without remorse, THE orders or THE intention of\n THE usurper. Gratian, as he rose from supper, was delivered into\n THE hands of THE assassin: and his body was denied to THE pious\n and pressing entreaties of his broTHEr Valentinian. 14 The death\n of THE emperor was followed by that of his powerful general\n Mellobaudes, THE king of THE Franks; who maintained, to THE last\n moment of his life, THE ambiguous reputation, which is THE just\n recompense of obscure and subtle policy. 15 These executions\n might be necessary to THE public safety: but THE successful\n usurper, whose power was acknowledged by all THE provinces of THE\n West, had THE merit, and THE satisfaction, of boasting, that,\n except those who had perished by THE chance of war, his triumph\n was not stained by THE blood of THE Romans. 16\n\n 13 (return) [ Archbishop Usher (Antiquat. Britan. Eccles. p. 107,\n 108) has diligently collected THE legends of THE island, and THE\n continent. The whole emigration consisted of 30,000 soldiers, and\n 100,000 plebeians, who settled in Bretagne. Their destined\n brides, St. Ursula with 11,000 noble, and 60,000 plebeian,\n virgins, mistook THEir way; landed at Cologne, and were all most\n cruelly murdered by THE Huns. But THE plebeian sisters have been\n defrauded of THEir equal honors; and what is still harder, John\n TriTHEmius presumes to mention THE children of THEse British\n virgins.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Zosimus (l. iv. p. 248, 249) has transported THE\n death of Gratian from Lugdunum in Gaul (Lyons) to Singidunum in\n Moesia. Some hints may be extracted from THE Chronicles; some\n lies may be detected in Sozomen (l. vii. c. 13) and Socrates, (l.\n v. c. 11.) Ambrose is our most auTHEntic evidence, (tom. i.\n Enarrat. in Psalm lxi. p. 961, tom ii. epist. xxiv. p. 888 &c.,\n and de Obitu Valentinian Consolat. Ner. 28, p. 1182.)]\n\n 15 (return) [ Pacatus (xii. 28) celebrates his fidelity; while\n his treachery is marked in Prosper’s Chronicle, as THE cause of\n THE ruin of Gratian. Ambrose, who has occasion to exculpate\n himself, only condemns THE death of Vallio, a faithful servant of\n Gratian, (tom. ii. epist. xxiv. p. 891, edit. Benedict.) * Note:\n Le Beau contests THE reading in THE chronicle of Prosper upon\n which this charge rests. Le Beau, iv. 232.—M. * Note: According\n to Pacatus, THE Count Vallio, who commanded THE army, was carried\n to Chalons to be burnt alive; but Maximus, dreading THE\n imputation of cruelty, caused him to be secretly strangled by his\n Bretons. Macedonius also, master of THE offices, suffered THE\n death which he merited. Le Beau, iv. 244.—M.]\n\n 16 (return) [ He protested, nullum ex adversariis nisi in acissie\n occubu. Sulp. Jeverus in Vit. B. Martin, c. 23. The orator\n Theodosius bestows reluctant, and THErefore weighty, praise on\n his clemency. Si cui ille, pro ceteris sceleribus suis, minus\n crudelis fuisse videtur, (Panegyr. Vet. xii. 28.)]\n\n The events of this revolution had passed in such rapid\n succession, that it would have been impossible for Theodosius to\n march to THE relief of his benefactor, before he received THE\n intelligence of his defeat and death. During THE season of\n sincere grief, or ostentatious mourning, THE Eastern emperor was\n interrupted by THE arrival of THE principal chamberlain of\n Maximus; and THE choice of a venerable old man, for an office\n which was usually exercised by eunuchs, announced to THE court of\n Constantinople THE gravity and temperance of THE British usurper.\n\n The ambassador condescended to justify, or excuse, THE conduct of\n his master; and to protest, in specious language, that THE murder\n of Gratian had been perpetrated, without his knowledge or\n consent, by THE precipitate zeal of THE soldiers. But he\n proceeded, in a firm and equal tone, to offer Theodosius THE\n alternative of peace, or war. The speech of THE ambassador\n concluded with a spirited declaration, that although Maximus, as\n a Roman, and as THE faTHEr of his people, would choose raTHEr to\n employ his forces in THE common defence of THE republic, he was\n armed and prepared, if his friendship should be rejected, to\n dispute, in a field of battle, THE empire of THE world. An\n immediate and peremptory answer was required; but it was\n extremely difficult for Theodosius to satisfy, on this important\n occasion, eiTHEr THE feelings of his own mind, or THE\n expectations of THE public. The imperious voice of honor and\n gratitude called aloud for revenge. From THE liberality of\n Gratian, he had received THE Imperial diadem; his patience would\n encourage THE odious suspicion, that he was more deeply sensible\n of former injuries, than of recent obligations; and if he\n accepted THE friendship, he must seem to share THE guilt, of THE\n assassin. Even THE principles of justice, and THE interest of\n society, would receive a fatal blow from THE impunity of Maximus;\n and THE example of successful usurpation would tend to dissolve\n THE artificial fabric of government, and once more to replunge\n THE empire in THE crimes and calamities of THE preceding age.\n But, as THE sentiments of gratitude and honor should invariably\n regulate THE conduct of an individual, THEy may be overbalanced\n in THE mind of a sovereign, by THE sense of superior duties; and\n THE maxims both of justice and humanity must permit THE escape of\n an atrocious criminal, if an innocent people would be involved in\n THE consequences of his punishment. The assassin of Gratian had\n usurped, but he actually possessed, THE most warlike provinces of\n THE empire: THE East was exhausted by THE misfortunes, and even\n by THE success, of THE Gothic war; and it was seriously to be\n apprehended, that, after THE vital strength of THE republic had\n been wasted in a doubtful and destructive contest, THE feeble\n conqueror would remain an easy prey to THE Barbarians of THE\n North. These weighty considerations engaged Theodosius to\n dissemble his resentment, and to accept THE alliance of THE\n tyrant. But he stipulated, that Maximus should content himself\n with THE possession of THE countries beyond THE Alps. The broTHEr\n of Gratian was confirmed and secured in THE sovereignty of Italy,\n Africa, and THE Western Illyricum; and some honorable conditions\n were inserted in THE treaty, to protect THE memory, and THE laws,\n of THE deceased emperor. 17 According to THE custom of THE age,\n THE images of THE three Imperial colleagues were exhibited to THE\n veneration of THE people; nor should it be lightly supposed,\n that, in THE moment of a solemn reconciliation, Theodosius\n secretly cherished THE intention of perfidy and revenge. 18\n\n 17 (return) [ Ambrose mentions THE laws of Gratian, quas non\n abrogavit hostia (tom. ii epist. xvii. p. 827.)]\n\n 18 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iv. p. 251, 252. We may disclaim his\n odious suspicions; but we cannot reject THE treaty of peace which\n THE friends of Theodosius have absolutely forgotten, or slightly\n mentioned.]\n\n The contempt of Gratian for THE Roman soldiers had exposed him to\n THE fatal effects of THEir resentment. His profound veneration\n for THE Christian clergy was rewarded by THE applause and\n gratitude of a powerful order, which has claimed, in every age,\n THE privilege of dispensing honors, both on earth and in heaven.\n 19 The orthodox bishops bewailed his death, and THEir own\n irreparable loss; but THEy were soon comforted by THE discovery,\n that Gratian had committed THE sceptre of THE East to THE hands\n of a prince, whose humble faith and fervent zeal, were supported\n by THE spirit and abilities of a more vigorous character. Among\n THE benefactors of THE church, THE fame of Constantine has been\n rivalled by THE glory of Theodosius. If Constantine had THE\n advantage of erecting THE standard of THE cross, THE emulation of\n his successor assumed THE merit of subduing THE Arian heresy, and\n of abolishing THE worship of idols in THE Roman world. Theodosius\n was THE first of THE emperors baptized in THE true faith of THE\n Trinity. Although he was born of a Christian family, THE maxims,\n or at least THE practice, of THE age, encouraged him to delay THE\n ceremony of his initiation; till he was admonished of THE danger\n of delay, by THE serious illness which threatened his life,\n towards THE end of THE first year of his reign. Before he again\n took THE field against THE Goths, he received THE sacrament of\n baptism 20 from Acholius, THE orthodox bishop of Thessalonica: 21\n and, as THE emperor ascended from THE holy font, still glowing\n with THE warm feelings of regeneration, he dictated a solemn\n edict, which proclaimed his own faith, and prescribed THE\n religion of his subjects. “It is our pleasure (such is THE\n Imperial style) that all THE nations, which are governed by our\n clemency and moderation, should steadfastly adhere to THE\n religion which was taught by St. Peter to THE Romans; which\n faithful tradition has preserved; and which is now professed by\n THE pontiff Damasus, and by Peter, bishop of Alexandria, a man of\n apostolic holiness. According to THE discipline of THE apostles,\n and THE doctrine of THE gospel, let us believe THE sole deity of\n THE FaTHEr, THE Son, and THE Holy Ghost; under an equal majesty,\n and a pious Trinity. We authorize THE followers of this doctrine\n to assume THE title of Catholic Christians; and as we judge, that\n all oTHErs are extravagant madmen, we brand THEm with THE\n infamous name of Heretics; and declare that THEir conventicles\n shall no longer usurp THE respectable appellation of churches.\n Besides THE condemnation of divine justice, THEy must expect to\n suffer THE severe penalties, which our authority, guided by\n heavenly wisdom, shall think proper to inflict upon THEm.” 22 The\n faith of a soldier is commonly THE fruit of instruction, raTHEr\n than of inquiry; but as THE emperor always fixed his eyes on THE\n visible landmarks of orthodoxy, which he had so prudently\n constituted, his religious opinions were never affected by THE\n specious texts, THE subtle arguments, and THE ambiguous creeds of\n THE Arian doctors. Once indeed he expressed a faint inclination\n to converse with THE eloquent and learned Eunomius, who lived in\n retirement at a small distance from Constantinople. But THE\n dangerous interview was prevented by THE prayers of THE empress\n Flaccilla, who trembled for THE salvation of her husband; and THE\n mind of Theodosius was confirmed by a THEological argument,\n adapted to THE rudest capacity. He had lately bestowed on his\n eldest son, Arcadius, THE name and honors of Augustus, and THE\n two princes were seated on a stately throne to receive THE homage\n of THEir subjects. A bishop, Amphilochius of Iconium, approached\n THE throne, and after saluting, with due reverence, THE person of\n his sovereign, he accosted THE royal youth with THE same familiar\n tenderness which he might have used towards a plebeian child.\n Provoked by this insolent behavior, THE monarch gave orders, that\n THE rustic priest should be instantly driven from his presence.\n But while THE guards were forcing him to THE door, THE dexterous\n polemic had time to execute his design, by exclaiming, with a\n loud voice, “Such is THE treatment, O emperor! which THE King of\n heaven has prepared for those impious men, who affect to worship\n THE FaTHEr, but refuse to acknowledge THE equal majesty of his\n divine Son.” Theodosius immediately embraced THE bishop of\n Iconium, and never forgot THE important lesson, which he had\n received from this dramatic parable. 23\n\n 19 (return) [ Their oracle, THE archbishop of Milan, assigns to\n his pupil Gratian, a high and respectable place in heaven, (tom.\n ii. de Obit. Val. Consol p. 1193.)]\n\n 20 (return) [ For THE baptism of Theodosius, see Sozomen, (l.\n vii. c. 4,) Socrates, (l. v. c. 6,) and Tillemont, (Hist. des\n Empereurs, tom. v. p. 728.)]\n\n 21 (return) [ Ascolius, or Acholius, was honored by THE\n friendship, and THE praises, of Ambrose; who styles him murus\n fidei atque sanctitatis, (tom. ii. epist. xv. p. 820;) and\n afterwards celebrates his speed and diligence in running to\n Constantinople, Italy, &c., (epist. xvi. p. 822.) a virtue which\n does not appertain eiTHEr to a wall, or a bishop.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Codex Theodos. l. xvi. tit. i. leg. 2, with\n Godefroy’s Commentary, tom. vi. p. 5-9. Such an edict deserved\n THE warmest praises of Baronius, auream sanctionem, edictum pium\n et salutare.—Sic itua ad astra.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Sozomen, l. vii. c. 6. Theodoret, l. v. c. 16.\n Tillemont is displeased (Mem. Eccles. tom. vi. p. 627, 628) with\n THE terms of “rustic bishop,” “obscure city.” Yet I must take\n leave to think, that both Amphilochius and Iconium were objects\n of inconsiderable magnitude in THE Roman empire.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXVII: Civil Wars, Reign Of Theodosius.—Part II.\n\n Constantinople was THE principal seat and fortress of Arianism;\n and, in a long interval of forty years, 24 THE faith of THE\n princes and prelates, who reigned in THE capital of THE East, was\n rejected in THE purer schools of Rome and Alexandria. The\n archiepiscopal throne of Macedonius, which had been polluted with\n so much Christian blood, was successively filled by Eudoxus and\n Damophilus. Their diocese enjoyed a free importation of vice and\n error from every province of THE empire; THE eager pursuit of\n religious controversy afforded a new occupation to THE busy\n idleness of THE metropolis; and we may credit THE assertion of an\n intelligent observer, who describes, with some pleasantry, THE\n effects of THEir loquacious zeal. “This city,” says he, “is full\n of mechanics and slaves, who are all of THEm profound\n THEologians; and preach in THE shops, and in THE streets. If you\n desire a man to change a piece of silver, he informs you, wherein\n THE Son differs from THE FaTHEr; if you ask THE price of a loaf,\n you are told by way of reply, that THE Son is inferior to THE\n FaTHEr; and if you inquire, wheTHEr THE bath is ready, THE answer\n is, that THE Son was made out of nothing.” 25 The heretics, of\n various denominations, subsisted in peace under THE protection of\n THE Arians of Constantinople; who endeavored to secure THE\n attachment of those obscure sectaries, while THEy abused, with\n unrelenting severity, THE victory which THEy had obtained over\n THE followers of THE council of Nice. During THE partial reigns\n of Constantius and Valens, THE feeble remnant of THE Homoousians\n was deprived of THE public and private exercise of THEir\n religion; and it has been observed, in paTHEtic language, that\n THE scattered flock was left without a shepherd to wander on THE\n mountains, or to be devoured by rapacious wolves. 26 But, as\n THEir zeal, instead of being subdued, derived strength and vigor\n from oppression, THEy seized THE first moments of imperfect\n freedom, which THEy had acquired by THE death of Valens, to form\n THEmselves into a regular congregation, under THE conduct of an\n episcopal pastor. Two natives of Cappadocia, Basil, and Gregory\n Nazianzen, 27 were distinguished above all THEir contemporaries,\n 28 by THE rare union of profane eloquence and of orthodox piety.\n\n These orators, who might sometimes be compared, by THEmselves,\n and by THE public, to THE most celebrated of THE ancient Greeks,\n were united by THE ties of THE strictest friendship. They had\n cultivated, with equal ardor, THE same liberal studies in THE\n schools of ATHEns; THEy had retired, with equal devotion, to THE\n same solitude in THE deserts of Pontus; and every spark of\n emulation, or envy, appeared to be totally extinguished in THE\n holy and ingenuous breasts of Gregory and Basil. But THE\n exaltation of Basil, from a private life to THE archiepiscopal\n throne of Caesarea, discovered to THE world, and perhaps to\n himself, THE pride of his character; and THE first favor which he\n condescended to bestow on his friend, was received, and perhaps\n was intended, as a cruel insult. 29 Instead of employing THE\n superior talents of Gregory in some useful and conspicuous\n station, THE haughty prelate selected, among THE fifty bishoprics\n of his extensive province, THE wretched village of Sasima, 30\n without water, without verdure, without society, situate at THE\n junction of three highways, and frequented only by THE incessant\n passage of rude and clamorous wagoners. Gregory submitted with\n reluctance to this humiliating exile; he was ordained bishop of\n Sasima; but he solemnly protests, that he never consummated his\n spiritual marriage with this disgusting bride. He afterwards\n consented to undertake THE government of his native church of\n Nazianzus, 31 of which his faTHEr had been bishop above\n five-and-forty years. But as he was still conscious that he\n deserved anoTHEr audience, and anoTHEr THEatre, he accepted, with\n no unworthy ambition, THE honorable invitation, which was\n addressed to him from THE orthodox party of Constantinople. On\n his arrival in THE capital, Gregory was entertained in THE house\n of a pious and charitable kinsman; THE most spacious room was\n consecrated to THE uses of religious worship; and THE name of\n Anastasia was chosen to express THE resurrection of THE Nicene\n faith. This private conventicle was afterwards converted into a\n magnificent church; and THE credulity of THE succeeding age was\n prepared to believe THE miracles and visions, which attested THE\n presence, or at least THE protection, of THE MoTHEr of God. 32\n The pulpit of THE Anastasia was THE scene of THE labors and\n triumphs of Gregory Nazianzen; and, in THE space of two years, he\n experienced all THE spiritual adventures which constitute THE\n prosperous or adverse fortunes of a missionary. 33 The Arians,\n who were provoked by THE boldness of his enterprise, represented\n his doctrine, as if he had preached three distinct and equal\n Deities; and THE devout populace was excited to suppress, by\n violence and tumult, THE irregular assemblies of THE Athanasian\n heretics. From THE caTHEdral of St. Sophia THEre issued a motley\n crowd “of common beggars, who had forfeited THEir claim to pity;\n of monks, who had THE appearance of goats or satyrs; and of\n women, more terrible than so many Jezebels.” The doors of THE\n Anastasia were broke open; much mischief was perpetrated, or\n attempted, with sticks, stones, and firebrands; and as a man lost\n his life in THE affray, Gregory, who was summoned THE next\n morning before THE magistrate, had THE satisfaction of supposing,\n that he publicly confessed THE name of Christ. After he was\n delivered from THE fear and danger of a foreign enemy, his infant\n church was disgraced and distracted by intestine faction. A\n stranger who assumed THE name of Maximus, 34 and THE cloak of a\n Cynic philosopher, insinuated himself into THE confidence of\n Gregory; deceived and abused his favorable opinion; and forming a\n secret connection with some bishops of Egypt, attempted, by a\n clandestine ordination, to supplant his patron in THE episcopal\n seat of Constantinople. These mortifications might sometimes\n tempt THE Cappadocian missionary to regret his obscure solitude.\n But his fatigues were rewarded by THE daily increase of his fame\n and his congregation; and he enjoyed THE pleasure of observing,\n that THE greater part of his numerous audience retired from his\n sermons satisfied with THE eloquence of THE preacher, 35 or\n dissatisfied with THE manifold imperfections of THEir faith and\n practice. 36\n\n 24 (return) [ Sozomen, l. vii. c. v. Socrates, l. v. c. 7.\n Marcellin. in Chron. The account of forty years must be dated\n from THE election or intrusion of Eusebius, who wisely exchanged\n THE bishopric of Nicomedia for THE throne of Constantinople.]\n\n 25 (return) [ See Jortin’s Remarks on Ecclesiastical History,\n vol. iv. p. 71. The thirty-third Oration of Gregory Nazianzen\n affords indeed some similar ideas, even some still more\n ridiculous; but I have not yet found THE words of this remarkable\n passage, which I allege on THE faith of a correct and liberal\n scholar.]\n\n 26 (return) [ See THE thirty-second Oration of Gregory Nazianzen,\n and THE account of his own life, which he has composed in 1800\n iambics. Yet every physician is prone to exaggerate THE\n inveterate nature of THE disease which he has cured.]\n\n 27 (return) [ I confess myself deeply indebted to THE two lives\n of Gregory Nazianzen, composed, with very different views, by\n Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. tom. ix. p. 305-560, 692-731) and Le\n Clerc, (Bibliothèque Universelle, tom. xviii. p. 1-128.)]\n\n 28 (return) [ Unless Gregory Nazianzen mistook thirty years in\n his own age, he was born, as well as his friend Basil, about THE\n year 329. The preposterous chronology of Suidas has been\n graciously received, because it removes THE scandal of Gregory’s\n faTHEr, a saint likewise, begetting children after he became a\n bishop, (Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. ix. p. 693-697.)]\n\n 29 (return) [ Gregory’s Poem on his own Life contains some\n beautiful lines, (tom. ii. p. 8,) which burst from THE heart, and\n speak THE pangs of injured and lost friendship. ——In THE\n Midsummer Night’s Dream, Helena addresses THE same paTHEtic\n complaint to her friend Hermia:—Is all THE counsel that we two\n have shared. The sister’s vows, &c. Shakspeare had never read THE\n poems of Gregory Nazianzen; he was ignorant of THE Greek\n language; but his moTHEr tongue, THE language of Nature, is THE\n same in Cappadocia and in Britain.]\n\n 30 (return) [ This unfavorable portrait of Sasimae is drawn by\n Gregory Nazianzen, (tom. ii. de Vita sua, p. 7, 8.) Its precise\n situation, forty-nine miles from Archelais, and thirty-two from\n Tyana, is fixed in THE Itinerary of Antoninus, (p. 144, edit.\n Wesseling.)]\n\n 31 (return) [ The name of Nazianzus has been immortalized by\n Gregory; but his native town, under THE Greek or Roman title of\n Diocaesarea, (Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. ix. p. 692,) is\n mentioned by Pliny, (vi. 3,) Ptolemy, and Hierocles, (Itinerar.\n Wesseling, p. 709). It appears to have been situate on THE edge\n of Isauria.]\n\n 32 (return) [ See Ducange, Constant. Christiana, l. iv. p. 141,\n 142. The Sozomen (l. vii. c. 5) is interpreted to mean THE Virgin\n Mary.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. tom. ix. p. 432, &c.)\n diligently collects, enlarges, and explains, THE oratorical and\n poetical hints of Gregory himself.]\n\n 34 (return) [ He pronounced an oration (tom. i. Orat. xxiii. p.\n 409) in his praise; but after THEir quarrel, THE name of Maximus\n was changed into that of Heron, (see Jerom, tom. i. in Catalog.\n Script. Eccles. p. 301). I touch slightly on THEse obscure and\n personal squabbles.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Under THE modest emblem of a dream, Gregory (tom.\n ii. Carmen ix. p. 78) describes his own success with some human\n complacency. Yet it should seem, from his familiar conversation\n with his auditor St. Jerom, (tom. i. Epist. ad Nepotian. p. 14,)\n that THE preacher understood THE true value of popular applause.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Lachrymae auditorum laudes tuae sint, is THE lively\n and judicious advice of St. Jerom.]\n\n The Catholics of Constantinople were animated with joyful\n confidence by THE baptism and edict of Theodosius; and THEy\n impatiently waited THE effects of his gracious promise. Their\n hopes were speedily accomplished; and THE emperor, as soon as he\n had finished THE operations of THE campaign, made his public\n entry into THE capital at THE head of a victorious army. The next\n day after his arrival, he summoned Damophilus to his presence,\n and offered that Arian prelate THE hard alternative of\n subscribing THE Nicene creed, or of instantly resigning, to THE\n orthodox believers, THE use and possession of THE episcopal\n palace, THE caTHEdral of St. Sophia, and all THE churches of\n Constantinople. The zeal of Damophilus, which in a Catholic saint\n would have been justly applauded, embraced, without hesitation, a\n life of poverty and exile, 37 and his removal was immediately\n followed by THE purification of THE Imperial city. The Arians\n might complain, with some appearance of justice, that an\n inconsiderable congregation of sectaries should usurp THE hundred\n churches, which THEy were insufficient to fill; whilst THE far\n greater part of THE people was cruelly excluded from every place\n of religious worship. Theodosius was still inexorable; but as THE\n angels who protected THE Catholic cause were only visible to THE\n eyes of faith, he prudently reenforced those heavenly legions\n with THE more effectual aid of temporal and carnal weapons; and\n THE church of St. Sophia was occupied by a large body of THE\n Imperial guards. If THE mind of Gregory was susceptible of pride,\n he must have felt a very lively satisfaction, when THE emperor\n conducted him through THE streets in solemn triumph; and, with\n his own hand, respectfully placed him on THE archiepiscopal\n throne of Constantinople. But THE saint (who had not subdued THE\n imperfections of human virtue) was deeply affected by THE\n mortifying consideration, that his entrance into THE fold was\n that of a wolf, raTHEr than of a shepherd; that THE glittering\n arms which surrounded his person, were necessary for his safety;\n and that he alone was THE object of THE imprecations of a great\n party, whom, as men and citizens, it was impossible for him to\n despise. He beheld THE innumerable multitude of eiTHEr sex, and\n of every age, who crowded THE streets, THE windows, and THE roofs\n of THE houses; he heard THE tumultuous voice of rage, grief,\n astonishment, and despair; and Gregory fairly confesses, that on\n THE memorable day of his installation, THE capital of THE East\n wore THE appearance of a city taken by storm, and in THE hands of\n a Barbarian conqueror. 38 About six weeks afterwards, Theodosius\n declared his resolution of expelling from all THE churches of his\n dominions THE bishops and THEir clergy who should obstinately\n refuse to believe, or at least to profess, THE doctrine of THE\n council of Nice. His lieutenant, Sapor, was armed with THE ample\n powers of a general law, a special commission, and a military\n force; 39 and this ecclesiastical revolution was conducted with\n so much discretion and vigor, that THE religion of THE emperor\n was established, without tumult or bloodshed, in all THE\n provinces of THE East. The writings of THE Arians, if THEy had\n been permitted to exist, 40 would perhaps contain THE lamentable\n story of THE persecution, which afflicted THE church under THE\n reign of THE impious Theodosius; and THE sufferings of THEir holy\n confessors might claim THE pity of THE disinterested reader. Yet\n THEre is reason to imagine, that THE violence of zeal and revenge\n was, in some measure, eluded by THE want of resistance; and that,\n in THEir adversity, THE Arians displayed much less firmness than\n had been exerted by THE orthodox party under THE reigns of\n Constantius and Valens. The moral character and conduct of THE\n hostile sects appear to have been governed by THE same common\n principles of nature and religion: but a very material\n circumstance may be discovered, which tended to distinguish THE\n degrees of THEir THEological faith. Both parties, in THE schools,\n as well as in THE temples, acknowledged and worshipped THE divine\n majesty of Christ; and, as we are always prone to impute our own\n sentiments and passions to THE Deity, it would be deemed more\n prudent and respectful to exaggerate, than to circumscribe, THE\n adorable perfections of THE Son of God. The disciple of\n Athanasius exulted in THE proud confidence, that he had entitled\n himself to THE divine favor; while THE follower of Arius must\n have been tormented by THE secret apprehension, that he was\n guilty, perhaps, of an unpardonable offence, by THE scanty\n praise, and parsimonious honors, which he bestowed on THE Judge\n of THE World. The opinions of Arianism might satisfy a cold and\n speculative mind: but THE doctrine of THE Nicene creed, most\n powerfully recommended by THE merits of faith and devotion, was\n much better adapted to become popular and successful in a\n believing age.\n\n 37 (return) [ Socrates (l. v. c. 7) and Sozomen (l. vii. c. 5)\n relate THE evangelical words and actions of Damophilus without a\n word of approbation. He considered, says Socrates, that it is\n difficult to resist THE powerful, but it was easy, and would have\n been profitable, to submit.]\n\n 38 (return) [ See Gregory Nazianzen, tom. ii. de Vita sua, p. 21,\n 22. For THE sake of posterity, THE bishop of Constantinople\n records a stupendous prodigy. In THE month of November, it was a\n cloudy morning, but THE sun broke forth when THE procession\n entered THE church.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Of THE three ecclesiastical historians, Theodoret\n alone (l. v. c. 2) has mentioned this important commission of\n Sapor, which Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 728)\n judiciously removes from THE reign of Gratian to that of\n Theodosius.]\n\n 40 (return) [ I do not reckon Philostorgius, though he mentions\n (l. ix. c. 19) THE explosion of Damophilus. The Eunomian\n historian has been carefully strained through an orthodox sieve.]\n\n The hope, that truth and wisdom would be found in THE assemblies\n of THE orthodox clergy, induced THE emperor to convene, at\n Constantinople, a synod of one hundred and fifty bishops, who\n proceeded, without much difficulty or delay, to complete THE\n THEological system which had been established in THE council of\n Nice. The vehement disputes of THE fourth century had been\n chiefly employed on THE nature of THE Son of God; and THE various\n opinions which were embraced, concerning THE Second, were\n extended and transferred, by a natural analogy, to THE Third\n person of THE Trinity. 41 Yet it was found, or it was thought,\n necessary, by THE victorious adversaries of Arianism, to explain\n THE ambiguous language of some respectable doctors; to confirm\n THE faith of THE Catholics; and to condemn an unpopular and\n inconsistent sect of Macedonians; who freely admitted that THE\n Son was consubstantial to THE FaTHEr, while THEy were fearful of\n seeming to acknowledge THE existence of Three Gods. A final and\n unanimous sentence was pronounced to ratify THE equal Deity of\n THE Holy Ghost: THE mysterious doctrine has been received by all\n THE nations, and all THE churches of THE Christian world; and\n THEir grateful reverence has assigned to THE bishops of\n Theodosius THE second rank among THE general councils. 42 Their\n knowledge of religious truth may have been preserved by\n tradition, or it may have been communicated by inspiration; but\n THE sober evidence of history will not allow much weight to THE\n personal authority of THE FaTHErs of Constantinople. In an age\n when THE ecclesiastics had scandalously degenerated from THE\n model of apostolic purity, THE most worthless and corrupt were\n always THE most eager to frequent, and disturb, THE episcopal\n assemblies. The conflict and fermentation of so many opposite\n interests and tempers inflamed THE passions of THE bishops: and\n THEir ruling passions were, THE love of gold, and THE love of\n dispute. Many of THE same prelates who now applauded THE orthodox\n piety of Theodosius, had repeatedly changed, with prudent\n flexibility, THEir creeds and opinions; and in THE various\n revolutions of THE church and state, THE religion of THEir\n sovereign was THE rule of THEir obsequious faith. When THE\n emperor suspended his prevailing influence, THE turbulent synod\n was blindly impelled by THE absurd or selfish motives of pride,\n hatred, or resentment. The death of Meletius, which happened at\n THE council of Constantinople, presented THE most favorable\n opportunity of terminating THE schism of Antioch, by suffering\n his aged rival, Paulinus, peaceably to end his days in THE\n episcopal chair. The faith and virtues of Paulinus were\n unblemished. But his cause was supported by THE Western churches;\n and THE bishops of THE synod resolved to perpetuate THE mischiefs\n of discord, by THE hasty ordination of a perjured candidate, 43\n raTHEr than to betray THE imagined dignity of THE East, which had\n been illustrated by THE birth and death of THE Son of God. Such\n unjust and disorderly proceedings forced THE gravest members of\n THE assembly to dissent and to secede; and THE clamorous majority\n which remained masters of THE field of battle, could be compared\n only to wasps or magpies, to a flight of cranes, or to a flock of\n geese. 44\n\n 41 (return) [ Le Clerc has given a curious extract (Bibliothèque\n Universelle, tom. xviii. p. 91-105) of THE THEological sermons\n which Gregory Nazianzen pronounced at Constantinople against THE\n Arians, Eunomians, Macedonians, &c. He tells THE Macedonians, who\n deified THE FaTHEr and THE Son without THE Holy Ghost, that THEy\n might as well be styled TriTHEists as DiTHEists. Gregory himself\n was almost a TriTHEist; and his monarchy of heaven resembles a\n well-regulated aristocracy.]\n\n 42 (return) [ The first general council of Constantinople now\n triumphs in THE Vatican; but THE popes had long hesitated, and\n THEir hesitation perplexes, and almost staggers, THE humble\n Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles. tom. ix. p. 499, 500.)]\n\n 43 (return) [ Before THE death of Meletius, six or eight of his\n most popular ecclesiastics, among whom was Flavian, had abjured,\n for THE sake of peace, THE bishopric of Antioch, (Sozomen, l.\n vii. c. 3, 11. Socrates, l. v. c. v.) Tillemont thinks it his\n duty to disbelieve THE story; but he owns that THEre are many\n circumstances in THE life of Flavian which seem inconsistent with\n THE praises of Chrysostom, and THE character of a saint, (Mem.\n Eccles. tom. x. p. 541.)]\n\n 44 (return) [ Consult Gregory Nazianzen, de Vita sua, tom. ii. p.\n 25-28. His general and particular opinion of THE clergy and THEir\n assemblies may be seen in verse and prose, (tom. i. Orat. i. p.\n 33. Epist. lv. p. 814, tom. ii. Carmen x. p. 81.) Such passages\n are faintly marked by Tillemont, and fairly produced by Le\n Clerc.]\n\n A suspicion may possibly arise, that so unfavorable a picture of\n ecclesiastical synods has been drawn by THE partial hand of some\n obstinate heretic, or some malicious infidel. But THE name of THE\n sincere historian who has conveyed this instructive lesson to THE\n knowledge of posterity, must silence THE impotent murmurs of\n superstition and bigotry. He was one of THE most pious and\n eloquent bishops of THE age; a saint, and a doctor of THE church;\n THE scourge of Arianism, and THE pillar of THE orthodox faith; a\n distinguished member of THE council of Constantinople, in which,\n after THE death of Meletius, he exercised THE functions of\n president; in a word—Gregory Nazianzen himself. The harsh and\n ungenerous treatment which he experienced, 45 instead of\n derogating from THE truth of his evidence, affords an additional\n proof of THE spirit which actuated THE deliberations of THE\n synod. Their unanimous suffrage had confirmed THE pretensions\n which THE bishop of Constantinople derived from THE choice of THE\n people, and THE approbation of THE emperor. But Gregory soon\n became THE victim of malice and envy. The bishops of THE East,\n his strenuous adherents, provoked by his moderation in THE\n affairs of Antioch, abandoned him, without support, to THE\n adverse faction of THE Egyptians; who disputed THE validity of\n his election, and rigorously asserted THE obsolete canon, that\n prohibited THE licentious practice of episcopal translations. The\n pride, or THE humility, of Gregory prompted him to decline a\n contest which might have been imputed to ambition and avarice;\n and he publicly offered, not without some mixture of indignation,\n to renounce THE government of a church which had been restored,\n and almost created, by his labors. His resignation was accepted\n by THE synod, and by THE emperor, with more readiness than he\n seems to have expected. At THE time when he might have hoped to\n enjoy THE fruits of his victory, his episcopal throne was filled\n by THE senator Nectarius; and THE new archbishop, accidentally\n recommended by his easy temper and venerable aspect, was obliged\n to delay THE ceremony of his consecration, till he had previously\n despatched THE rites of his baptism. 46 After this remarkable\n experience of THE ingratitude of princes and prelates, Gregory\n retired once more to his obscure solitude of Cappadocia; where he\n employed THE remainder of his life, about eight years, in THE\n exercises of poetry and devotion. The title of Saint has been\n added to his name: but THE tenderness of his heart, 47 and THE\n elegance of his genius, reflect a more pleasing lustre on THE\n memory of Gregory Nazianzen.\n\n 45 (return) [ See Gregory, tom. ii. de Vita sua, p. 28-31. The\n fourteenth, twenty-seventh, and thirty-second Orations were\n pronounced in THE several stages of this business. The peroration\n of THE last, (tom. i. p. 528,) in which he takes a solemn leave\n of men and angels, THE city and THE emperor, THE East and THE\n West, &c., is paTHEtic, and almost sublime.]\n\n 46 (return) [ The whimsical ordination of Nectarius is attested\n by Sozomen, (l. vii. c. 8;) but Tillemont observes, (Mem. Eccles.\n tom. ix. p. 719,) Apres tout, ce narre de Sozomene est si\n honteux, pour tous ceux qu’il y mele, et surtout pour Theodose,\n qu’il vaut mieux travailler a le detruire, qu’a le soutenir; an\n admirable canon of criticism!]\n\n 47 (return) [ I can only be understood to mean, that such was his\n natural temper when it was not hardened, or inflamed, by\n religious zeal. From his retirement, he exhorts Nectarius to\n prosecute THE heretics of Constantinople.]\n\n It was not enough that Theodosius had suppressed THE insolent\n reign of Arianism, or that he had abundantly revenged THE\n injuries which THE Catholics sustained from THE zeal of\n Constantius and Valens. The orthodox emperor considered every\n heretic as a rebel against THE supreme powers of heaven and of\n earth; and each of those powers might exercise THEir peculiar\n jurisdiction over THE soul and body of THE guilty. The decrees of\n THE council of Constantinople had ascertained THE true standard\n of THE faith; and THE ecclesiastics, who governed THE conscience\n of Theodosius, suggested THE most effectual methods of\n persecution. In THE space of fifteen years, he promulgated at\n least fifteen severe edicts against THE heretics; 48 more\n especially against those who rejected THE doctrine of THE\n Trinity; and to deprive THEm of every hope of escape, he sternly\n enacted, that if any laws or rescripts should be alleged in THEir\n favor, THE judges should consider THEm as THE illegal productions\n eiTHEr of fraud or forgery. The penal statutes were directed\n against THE ministers, THE assemblies, and THE persons of THE\n heretics; and THE passions of THE legislator were expressed in\n THE language of declamation and invective. I. The heretical\n teachers, who usurped THE sacred titles of Bishops, or\n Presbyters, were not only excluded from THE privileges and\n emoluments so liberally granted to THE orthodox clergy, but THEy\n were exposed to THE heavy penalties of exile and confiscation, if\n THEy presumed to preach THE doctrine, or to practise THE rites,\n of THEir accursed sects. A fine of ten pounds of gold (above four\n hundred pounds sterling) was imposed on every person who should\n dare to confer, or receive, or promote, an heretical ordination:\n and it was reasonably expected, that if THE race of pastors could\n be extinguished, THEir helpless flocks would be compelled, by\n ignorance and hunger, to return within THE pale of THE Catholic\n church. II. The rigorous prohibition of conventicles was\n carefully extended to every possible circumstance, in which THE\n heretics could assemble with THE intention of worshipping God and\n Christ according to THE dictates of THEir conscience. Their\n religious meetings, wheTHEr public or secret, by day or by night,\n in cities or in THE country, were equally proscribed by THE\n edicts of Theodosius; and THE building, or ground, which had been\n used for that illegal purpose, was forfeited to THE Imperial\n domain. III. It was supposed, that THE error of THE heretics\n could proceed only from THE obstinate temper of THEir minds; and\n that such a temper was a fit object of censure and punishment.\n The anaTHEmas of THE church were fortified by a sort of civil\n excommunication; which separated THEm from THEir fellow-citizens,\n by a peculiar brand of infamy; and this declaration of THE\n supreme magistrate tended to justify, or at least to excuse, THE\n insults of a fanatic populace. The sectaries were gradually\n disqualified from THE possession of honorable or lucrative\n employments; and Theodosius was satisfied with his own justice,\n when he decreed, that, as THE Eunomians distinguished THE nature\n of THE Son from that of THE FaTHEr, THEy should be incapable of\n making THEir wills or of receiving any advantage from\n testamentary donations. The guilt of THE Manichaean heresy was\n esteemed of such magnitude, that it could be expiated only by THE\n death of THE offender; and THE same capital punishment was\n inflicted on THE Audians, or Quartodecimans, 49 who should dare\n to perpetrate THE atrocious crime of celebrating on an improper\n day THE festival of Easter. Every Roman might exercise THE right\n of public accusation; but THE office of Inquisitors of THE Faith,\n a name so deservedly abhorred, was first instituted under THE\n reign of Theodosius. Yet we are assured, that THE execution of\n his penal edicts was seldom enforced; and that THE pious emperor\n appeared less desirous to punish, than to reclaim, or terrify,\n his refractory subjects. 50\n\n 48 (return) [ See THE Theodosian Code, l. xvi. tit. v. leg. 6—23,\n with Godefroy’s commentary on each law, and his general summary,\n or Paratitlon, tom vi. p. 104-110.]\n\n 49 (return) [ They always kept THEir Easter, like THE Jewish\n Passover, on THE fourteenth day of THE first moon after THE\n vernal equinox; and thus pertinaciously opposed THE Roman Church\n and Nicene synod, which had fixed Easter to a Sunday. Bingham’s\n Antiquities, l. xx. c. 5, vol. ii. p. 309, fol. edit.]\n\n 50 (return) [ Sozomen, l. vii. c. 12.]\n\n The THEory of persecution was established by Theodosius, whose\n justice and piety have been applauded by THE saints: but THE\n practice of it, in THE fullest extent, was reserved for his rival\n and colleague, Maximus, THE first, among THE Christian princes,\n who shed THE blood of his Christian subjects on account of THEir\n religious opinions. The cause of THE Priscillianists, 51 a recent\n sect of heretics, who disturbed THE provinces of Spain, was\n transferred, by appeal, from THE synod of Bordeaux to THE\n Imperial consistory of Treves; and by THE sentence of THE\n Prætorian præfect, seven persons were tortured, condemned, and\n executed. The first of THEse was Priscillian 52 himself, bishop\n of Avila, in Spain; who adorned THE advantages of birth and\n fortune, by THE accomplishments of eloquence and learning. 53 Two\n presbyters, and two deacons, accompanied THEir beloved master in\n his death, which THEy esteemed as a glorious martyrdom; and THE\n number of religious victims was completed by THE execution of\n Latronian, a poet, who rivalled THE fame of THE ancients; and of\n Euchrocia, a noble matron of Bordeaux, THE widow of THE orator\n Delphidius. 54 Two bishops who had embraced THE sentiments of\n Priscillian, were condemned to a distant and dreary exile; 55 and\n some indulgence was shown to THE meaner criminals, who assumed\n THE merit of an early repentance. If any credit could be allowed\n to confessions extorted by fear or pain, and to vague reports,\n THE offspring of malice and credulity, THE heresy of THE\n Priscillianists would be found to include THE various\n abominations of magic, of impiety, and of lewdness. 56\n Priscillian, who wandered about THE world in THE company of his\n spiritual sisters, was accused of praying stark naked in THE\n midst of THE congregation; and it was confidently asserted, that\n THE effects of his criminal intercourse with THE daughter of\n Euchrocia had been suppressed, by means still more odious and\n criminal. But an accurate, or raTHEr a candid, inquiry will\n discover, that if THE Priscillianists violated THE laws of\n nature, it was not by THE licentiousness, but by THE austerity,\n of THEir lives. They absolutely condemned THE use of THE\n marriage-bed; and THE peace of families was often disturbed by\n indiscreet separations. They enjoyed, or recommended, a total\n abstinence from all animal food; and THEir continual prayers,\n fasts, and vigils, inculcated a rule of strict and perfect\n devotion. The speculative tenets of THE sect, concerning THE\n person of Christ, and THE nature of THE human soul, were derived\n from THE Gnostic and Manichaean system; and this vain philosophy,\n which had been transported from Egypt to Spain, was ill adapted\n to THE grosser spirits of THE West. The obscure disciples of\n Priscillian suffered languished, and gradually disappeared: his\n tenets were rejected by THE clergy and people, but his death was\n THE subject of a long and vehement controversy; while some\n arraigned, and oTHErs applauded, THE justice of his sentence. It\n is with pleasure that we can observe THE humane inconsistency of\n THE most illustrious saints and bishops, Ambrose of Milan, 57 and\n Martin of Tours, 58 who, on this occasion, asserted THE cause of\n toleration. They pitied THE unhappy men, who had been executed at\n Treves; THEy refused to hold communion with THEir episcopal\n murderers; and if Martin deviated from that generous resolution,\n his motives were laudable, and his repentance was exemplary. The\n bishops of Tours and Milan pronounced, without hesitation, THE\n eternal damnation of heretics; but THEy were surprised, and\n shocked, by THE bloody image of THEir temporal death, and THE\n honest feelings of nature resisted THE artificial prejudices of\n THEology. The humanity of Ambrose and Martin was confirmed by THE\n scandalous irregularity of THE proceedings against Priscillian\n and his adherents. The civil and ecclesiastical ministers had\n transgressed THE limits of THEir respective provinces. The\n secular judge had presumed to receive an appeal, and to pronounce\n a definitive sentence, in a matter of faith, and episcopal\n jurisdiction. The bishops had disgraced THEmselves, by exercising\n THE functions of accusers in a criminal prosecution. The cruelty\n of Ithacius, 59 who beheld THE tortures, and solicited THE death,\n of THE heretics, provoked THE just indignation of mankind; and\n THE vices of that profligate bishop were admitted as a proof,\n that his zeal was instigated by THE sordid motives of interest.\n Since THE death of Priscillian, THE rude attempts of persecution\n have been refined and methodized in THE holy office, which\n assigns THEir distinct parts to THE ecclesiastical and secular\n powers. The devoted victim is regularly delivered by THE priest\n to THE magistrate, and by THE magistrate to THE executioner; and\n THE inexorable sentence of THE church, which declares THE\n spiritual guilt of THE offender, is expressed in THE mild\n language of pity and intercession.\n\n 51 (return) [ See THE Sacred History of Sulpicius Severus, (l.\n ii. p. 437-452, edit. Ludg. Bat. 1647,) a correct and original\n writer. Dr. Lardner (Credibility, &c., part ii. vol. ix. p.\n 256-350) has labored this article with pure learning, good sense,\n and moderation. Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 491-527)\n has raked togeTHEr all THE dirt of THE faTHErs; a useful\n scavenger!]\n\n 52 (return) [ Severus Sulpicius mentions THE arch-heretic with\n esteem and pity Faelix profecto, si non pravo studio corrupisset\n optimum ingenium prorsus multa in eo animi et corporis bona\n cerneres. (Hist. Sacra, l ii. p. 439.) Even Jerom (tom. i. in\n Script. Eccles. p. 302) speaks with temper of Priscillian and\n Latronian.]\n\n 53 (return) [ The bishopric (in Old Castile) is now worth 20,000\n ducats a year, (Busching’s Geography, vol. ii. p. 308,) and is\n THErefore much less likely to produce THE author of a new\n heresy.]\n\n 54 (return) [ Exprobrabatur mulieri viduae nimia religio, et\n diligentius culta divinitas, (Pacat. in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 29.)\n Such was THE idea of a humane, though ignorant, polyTHEist.]\n\n 55 (return) [ One of THEm was sent in Sillinam insulam quae ultra\n Britannianest. What must have been THE ancient condition of THE\n rocks of Scilly? (Camden’s Britannia, vol. ii. p. 1519.)]\n\n 56 (return) [ The scandalous calumnies of Augustin, Pope Leo,\n &c., which Tillemont swallows like a child, and Lardner refutes\n like a man, may suggest some candid suspicions in favor of THE\n older Gnostics.]\n\n 57 (return) [ Ambros. tom. ii. Epist. xxiv. p. 891.]\n\n 58 (return) [ In THE Sacred History, and THE Life of St. Martin,\n Sulpicius Severus uses some caution; but he declares himself more\n freely in THE Dialogues, (iii. 15.) Martin was reproved, however,\n by his own conscience, and by an angel; nor could he afterwards\n perform miracles with so much ease.]\n\n 59 (return) [ The Catholic Presbyter (Sulp. Sever. l. ii. p. 448)\n and THE Pagan Orator (Pacat. in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 29) reprobate,\n with equal indignation, THE character and conduct of Ithacius.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXVII: Civil Wars, Reign Of Theodosius.—Part III.\n\n Among THE ecclesiastics, who illustrated THE reign of Theodosius,\n Gregory Nazianzen was distinguished by THE talents of an eloquent\n preacher; THE reputation of miraculous gifts added weight and\n dignity to THE monastic virtues of Martin of Tours; 60 but THE\n palm of episcopal vigor and ability was justly claimed by THE\n intrepid Ambrose. 61 He was descended from a noble family of\n Romans; his faTHEr had exercised THE important office of\n Prætorian præfect of Gaul; and THE son, after passing through\n THE studies of a liberal education, attained, in THE regular\n gradation of civil honors, THE station of consular of Liguria, a\n province which included THE Imperial residence of Milan. At THE\n age of thirty-four, and before he had received THE sacrament of\n baptism, Ambrose, to his own surprise, and to that of THE world,\n was suddenly transformed from a governor to an archbishop.\n Without THE least mixture, as it is said, of art or intrigue, THE\n whole body of THE people unanimously saluted him with THE\n episcopal title; THE concord and perseverance of THEir\n acclamations were ascribed to a praeternatural impulse; and THE\n reluctant magistrate was compelled to undertake a spiritual\n office, for which he was not prepared by THE habits and\n occupations of his former life. But THE active force of his\n genius soon qualified him to exercise, with zeal and prudence,\n THE duties of his ecclesiastical jurisdiction; and while he\n cheerfully renounced THE vain and splendid trappings of temporal\n greatness, he condescended, for THE good of THE church, to direct\n THE conscience of THE emperors, and to control THE administration\n of THE empire. Gratian loved and revered him as a faTHEr; and THE\n elaborate treatise on THE faith of THE Trinity was designed for\n THE instruction of THE young prince. After his tragic death, at a\n time when THE empress Justina trembled for her own safety, and\n for that of her son Valentinian, THE archbishop of Milan was\n despatched, on two different embassies, to THE court of Treves.\n He exercised, with equal firmness and dexterity, THE powers of\n his spiritual and political characters; and perhaps contributed,\n by his authority and eloquence, to check THE ambition of Maximus,\n and to protect THE peace of Italy. 62 Ambrose had devoted his\n life, and his abilities, to THE service of THE church. Wealth was\n THE object of his contempt; he had renounced his private\n patrimony; and he sold, without hesitation, THE consecrated\n plate, for THE redemption of captives. The clergy and people of\n Milan were attached to THEir archbishop; and he deserved THE\n esteem, without soliciting THE favor, or apprehending THE\n displeasure, of his feeble sovereigns.\n\n 60 (return) [ The Life of St. Martin, and THE Dialogues\n concerning his miracles contain facts adapted to THE grossest\n barbarism, in a style not unworthy of THE Augustan age. So\n natural is THE alliance between good taste and good sense, that I\n am always astonished by this contrast.]\n\n 61 (return) [ The short and superficial Life of St. Ambrose, by\n his deacon Paulinus, (Appendix ad edit. Benedict. p. i.—xv.,) has\n THE merit of original evidence. Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. tom. x.\n p. 78-306) and THE Benedictine editors (p. xxxi.—lxiii.) have\n labored with THEir usual diligence.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Ambrose himself (tom. ii. Epist. xxiv. p. 888—891)\n gives THE emperor a very spirited account of his own embassy.]\n\n The government of Italy, and of THE young emperor, naturally\n devolved to his moTHEr Justina, a woman of beauty and spirit, but\n who, in THE midst of an orthodox people, had THE misfortune of\n professing THE Arian heresy, which she endeavored to instil into\n THE mind of her son. Justina was persuaded, that a Roman emperor\n might claim, in his own dominions, THE public exercise of his\n religion; and she proposed to THE archbishop, as a moderate and\n reasonable concession, that he should resign THE use of a single\n church, eiTHEr in THE city or THE suburbs of Milan. But THE\n conduct of Ambrose was governed by very different principles. 63\n The palaces of THE earth might indeed belong to Caesar; but THE\n churches were THE houses of God; and, within THE limits of his\n diocese, he himself, as THE lawful successor of THE apostles, was\n THE only minister of God. The privileges of Christianity,\n temporal as well as spiritual, were confined to THE true\n believers; and THE mind of Ambrose was satisfied, that his own\n THEological opinions were THE standard of truth and orthodoxy.\n The archbishop, who refused to hold any conference, or\n negotiation, with THE instruments of Satan, declared, with modest\n firmness, his resolution to die a martyr, raTHEr than to yield to\n THE impious sacrilege; and Justina, who resented THE refusal as\n an act of insolence and rebellion, hastily determined to exert\n THE Imperial prerogative of her son. As she desired to perform\n her public devotions on THE approaching festival of Easter,\n Ambrose was ordered to appear before THE council. He obeyed THE\n summons with THE respect of a faithful subject, but he was\n followed, without his consent, by an innumerable people; THEy\n pressed, with impetuous zeal, against THE gates of THE palace;\n and THE affrighted ministers of Valentinian, instead of\n pronouncing a sentence of exile on THE archbishop of Milan,\n humbly requested that he would interpose his authority, to\n protect THE person of THE emperor, and to restore THE tranquility\n of THE capital. But THE promises which Ambrose received and\n communicated were soon violated by a perfidious court; and,\n during six of THE most solemn days, which Christian piety had set\n apart for THE exercise of religion, THE city was agitated by THE\n irregular convulsions of tumult and fanaticism. The officers of\n THE household were directed to prepare, first, THE Portian, and\n afterwards, THE new, Basilica, for THE immediate reception of THE\n emperor and his moTHEr. The splendid canopy and hangings of THE\n royal seat were arranged in THE customary manner; but it was\n found necessary to defend THEm. by a strong guard, from THE\n insults of THE populace. The Arian ecclesiastics, who ventured to\n show THEmselves in THE streets, were exposed to THE most imminent\n danger of THEir lives; and Ambrose enjoyed THE merit and\n reputation of rescuing his personal enemies from THE hands of THE\n enraged multitude.\n\n 63 (return) [ His own representation of his principles and\n conduct (tom. ii. Epist. xx xxi. xxii. p. 852-880) is one of THE\n curious monuments of ecclesiastical antiquity. It contains two\n letters to his sister Marcellina, with a petition to Valentinian\n and THE sermon de Basilicis non madendis.]\n\n But while he labored to restrain THE effects of THEir zeal, THE\n paTHEtic vehemence of his sermons continually inflamed THE angry\n and seditious temper of THE people of Milan. The characters of\n Eve, of THE wife of Job, of Jezebel, of Herodias, were indecently\n applied to THE moTHEr of THE emperor; and her desire to obtain a\n church for THE Arians was compared to THE most cruel persecutions\n which Christianity had endured under THE reign of Paganism. The\n measures of THE court served only to expose THE magnitude of THE\n evil. A fine of two hundred pounds of gold was imposed on THE\n corporate body of merchants and manufacturers: an order was\n signified, in THE name of THE emperor, to all THE officers, and\n inferior servants, of THE courts of justice, that, during THE\n continuance of THE public disorders, THEy should strictly confine\n THEmselves to THEir houses; and THE ministers of Valentinian\n imprudently confessed, that THE most respectable part of THE\n citizens of Milan was attached to THE cause of THEir archbishop.\n He was again solicited to restore peace to his country, by timely\n compliance with THE will of his sovereign. The reply of Ambrose\n was couched in THE most humble and respectful terms, which might,\n however, be interpreted as a serious declaration of civil war.\n “His life and fortune were in THE hands of THE emperor; but he\n would never betray THE church of Christ, or degrade THE dignity\n of THE episcopal character. In such a cause he was prepared to\n suffer whatever THE malice of THE daemon could inflict; and he\n only wished to die in THE presence of his faithful flock, and at\n THE foot of THE altar; he had not contributed to excite, but it\n was in THE power of God alone to appease, THE rage of THE people:\n he deprecated THE scenes of blood and confusion which were likely\n to ensue; and it was his fervent prayer, that he might not\n survive to behold THE ruin of a flourishing city, and perhaps THE\n desolation of all Italy.” 64 The obstinate bigotry of Justina\n would have endangered THE empire of her son, if, in this contest\n with THE church and people of Milan, she could have depended on\n THE active obedience of THE troops of THE palace. A large body of\n Goths had marched to occupy THE Basilica, which was THE object of\n THE dispute: and it might be expected from THE Arian principles,\n and barbarous manners, of THEse foreign mercenaries, that THEy\n would not entertain any scruples in THE execution of THE most\n sanguinary orders. They were encountered, on THE sacred\n threshold, by THE archbishop, who, thundering against THEm a\n sentence of excommunication, asked THEm, in THE tone of a faTHEr\n and a master, wheTHEr it was to invade THE house of God, that\n THEy had implored THE hospitable protection of THE republic. The\n suspense of THE Barbarians allowed some hours for a more\n effectual negotiation; and THE empress was persuaded, by THE\n advice of her wisest counsellors, to leave THE Catholics in\n possession of all THE churches of Milan; and to dissemble, till a\n more convenient season, her intentions of revenge. The moTHEr of\n Valentinian could never forgive THE triumph of Ambrose; and THE\n royal youth uttered a passionate exclamation, that his own\n servants were ready to betray him into THE hands of an insolent\n priest.\n\n 64 (return) [ Retz had a similar message from THE queen, to\n request that he would appease THE tumult of Paris. It was no\n longer in his power, &c. A quoi j’ajoutai tout ce que vous pouvez\n vous imaginer de respect de douleur, de regret, et de soumission,\n &c. (Mémoires, tom. i. p. 140.) Certainly I do not compare eiTHEr\n THE causes or THE men yet THE coadjutor himself had some idea (p.\n 84) of imitating St. Ambrose]\n\n The laws of THE empire, some of which were inscribed with THE\n name of Valentinian, still condemned THE Arian heresy, and seemed\n to excuse THE resistance of THE Catholics. By THE influence of\n Justina, an edict of toleration was promulgated in all THE\n provinces which were subject to THE court of Milan; THE free\n exercise of THEir religion was granted to those who professed THE\n faith of Rimini; and THE emperor declared, that all persons who\n should infringe this sacred and salutary constitution, should be\n capitally punished, as THE enemies of THE public peace. 65 The\n character and language of THE archbishop of Milan may justify THE\n suspicion, that his conduct soon afforded a reasonable ground, or\n at least a specious pretence, to THE Arian ministers; who watched\n THE opportunity of surprising him in some act of disobedience to\n a law which he strangely represents as a law of blood and\n tyranny. A sentence of easy and honorable banishment was\n pronounced, which enjoined Ambrose to depart from Milan without\n delay; whilst it permitted him to choose THE place of his exile,\n and THE number of his companions. But THE authority of THE\n saints, who have preached and practised THE maxims of passive\n loyalty, appeared to Ambrose of less moment than THE extreme and\n pressing danger of THE church. He boldly refused to obey; and his\n refusal was supported by THE unanimous consent of his faithful\n people. 66 They guarded by turns THE person of THEir archbishop;\n THE gates of THE caTHEdral and THE episcopal palace were strongly\n secured; and THE Imperial troops, who had formed THE blockade,\n were unwilling to risk THE attack, of that impregnable fortress.\n The numerous poor, who had been relieved by THE liberality of\n Ambrose, embraced THE fair occasion of signalizing THEir zeal and\n gratitude; and as THE patience of THE multitude might have been\n exhausted by THE length and uniformity of nocturnal vigils, he\n prudently introduced into THE church of Milan THE useful\n institution of a loud and regular psalmody. While he maintained\n this arduous contest, he was instructed, by a dream, to open THE\n earth in a place where THE remains of two martyrs, Gervasius and\n Protasius, 67 had been deposited above three hundred years.\n Immediately under THE pavement of THE church two perfect\n skeletons were found, 68 with THE heads separated from THEir\n bodies, and a plentiful effusion of blood. The holy relics were\n presented, in solemn pomp, to THE veneration of THE people; and\n every circumstance of this fortunate discovery was admirably\n adapted to promote THE designs of Ambrose. The bones of THE\n martyrs, THEir blood, THEir garments, were supposed to contain a\n healing power; and THE praeternatural influence was communicated\n to THE most distant objects, without losing any part of its\n original virtue. The extraordinary cure of a blind man, 69 and\n THE reluctant confessions of several daemoniacs, appeared to\n justify THE faith and sanctity of Ambrose; and THE truth of those\n miracles is attested by Ambrose himself, by his secretary\n Paulinus, and by his proselyte, THE celebrated Augustin, who, at\n that time, professed THE art of rhetoric in Milan. The reason of\n THE present age may possibly approve THE incredulity of Justina\n and her Arian court; who derided THE THEatrical representations\n which were exhibited by THE contrivance, and at THE expense, of\n THE archbishop. 70 Their effect, however, on THE minds of THE\n people, was rapid and irresistible; and THE feeble sovereign of\n Italy found himself unable to contend with THE favorite of\n Heaven. The powers likewise of THE earth interposed in THE\n defence of Ambrose: THE disinterested advice of Theodosius was\n THE genuine result of piety and friendship; and THE mask of\n religious zeal concealed THE hostile and ambitious designs of THE\n tyrant of Gaul. 71\n\n 65 (return) [ Sozomen alone (l. vii. c. 13) throws this luminous\n fact into a dark and perplexed narrative.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Excubabat pia plebs in ecclesia, mori parata cum\n episcopo suo.... Nos, adhuc frigidi, excitabamur tamen civitate\n attonita atque curbata. Augustin. Confession. l. ix. c. 7]\n\n 67 (return) [ Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. ii. p. 78, 498. Many\n churches in Italy, Gaul, &c., were dedicated to THEse unknown\n martyrs, of whom St. Gervaise seems to have been more fortunate\n than his companion.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Invenimus mirae magnitudinis viros duos, ut prisca\n aetas ferebat, tom. ii. Epist. xxii. p. 875. The size of THEse\n skeletons was fortunately, or skillfully, suited to THE popular\n prejudice of THE gradual decrease of THE human stature, which has\n prevailed in every age since THE time of Homer.—Grandiaque\n effossis mirabitur ossa sepulchris.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Ambros. tom. ii. Epist. xxii. p. 875. Augustin.\n Confes, l. ix. c. 7, de Civitat. Dei, l. xxii. c. 8. Paulin. in\n Vita St. Ambros. c. 14, in Append. Benedict. p. 4. The blind\n man’s name was Severus; he touched THE holy garment, recovered\n his sight, and devoted THE rest of his life (at least twenty-five\n years) to THE service of THE church. I should recommend this\n miracle to our divines, if it did not prove THE worship of\n relics, as well as THE Nicene creed.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Paulin, in Tit. St. Ambros. c. 5, in Append.\n Benedict. p. 5.]\n\n 71 (return) [ Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. x. p. 190, 750. He\n partially allow THE mediation of Theodosius, and capriciously\n rejects that of Maximus, though it is attested by Prosper,\n Sozomen, and Theodoret.]\n\n The reign of Maximus might have ended in peace and prosperity,\n could he have contented himself with THE possession of three\n ample countries, which now constitute THE three most flourishing\n kingdoms of modern Europe. But THE aspiring usurper, whose sordid\n ambition was not dignified by THE love of glory and of arms,\n considered his actual forces as THE instruments only of his\n future greatness, and his success was THE immediate cause of his\n destruction. The wealth which he extorted 72 from THE oppressed\n provinces of Gaul, Spain, and Britain, was employed in levying\n and maintaining a formidable army of Barbarians, collected, for\n THE most part, from THE fiercest nations of Germany. The conquest\n of Italy was THE object of his hopes and preparations: and he\n secretly meditated THE ruin of an innocent youth, whose\n government was abhorred and despised by his Catholic subjects.\n But as Maximus wished to occupy, without resistance, THE passes\n of THE Alps, he received, with perfidious smiles, Domninus of\n Syria, THE ambassador of Valentinian, and pressed him to accept\n THE aid of a considerable body of troops, for THE service of a\n Pannonian war. The penetration of Ambrose had discovered THE\n snares of an enemy under THE professions of friendship; 73 but\n THE Syrian Domninus was corrupted, or deceived, by THE liberal\n favor of THE court of Treves; and THE council of Milan\n obstinately rejected THE suspicion of danger, with a blind\n confidence, which was THE effect, not of courage, but of fear.\n The march of THE auxiliaries was guided by THE ambassador; and\n THEy were admitted, without distrust, into THE fortresses of THE\n Alps. But THE crafty tyrant followed, with hasty and silent\n footsteps, in THE rear; and, as he diligently intercepted all\n intelligence of his motions, THE gleam of armor, and THE dust\n excited by THE troops of cavalry, first announced THE hostile\n approach of a stranger to THE gates of Milan. In this extremity,\n Justina and her son might accuse THEir own imprudence, and THE\n perfidious arts of Maximus; but THEy wanted time, and force, and\n resolution, to stand against THE Gauls and Germans, eiTHEr in THE\n field, or within THE walls of a large and disaffected city.\n Flight was THEir only hope, Aquileia THEir only refuge; and as\n Maximus now displayed his genuine character, THE broTHEr of\n Gratian might expect THE same fate from THE hands of THE same\n assassin. Maximus entered Milan in triumph; and if THE wise\n archbishop refused a dangerous and criminal connection with THE\n usurper, he might indirectly contribute to THE success of his\n arms, by inculcating, from THE pulpit, THE duty of resignation,\n raTHEr than that of resistance. 74 The unfortunate Justina\n reached Aquileia in safety; but she distrusted THE strength of\n THE fortifications: she dreaded THE event of a siege; and she\n resolved to implore THE protection of THE great Theodosius, whose\n power and virtue were celebrated in all THE countries of THE\n West. A vessel was secretly provided to transport THE Imperial\n family; THEy embarked with precipitation in one of THE obscure\n harbors of Venetia, or Istria; traversed THE whole extent of THE\n Adriatic and Ionian Seas; turned THE extreme promontory of\n Peloponnesus; and, after a long, but successful navigation,\n reposed THEmselves in THE port of Thessalonica. All THE subjects\n of Valentinian deserted THE cause of a prince, who, by his\n abdication, had absolved THEm from THE duty of allegiance; and if\n THE little city of Aemona, on THE verge of Italy, had not\n presumed to stop THE career of his inglorious victory, Maximus\n would have obtained, without a struggle, THE sole possession of\n THE Western empire.\n\n 72 (return) [ The modest censure of Sulpicius (Dialog. iii. 15)\n inflicts a much deeper wound than THE declamation of Pacatus,\n (xii. 25, 26.)]\n\n 73 (return) [ Esto tutior adversus hominem, pacis involurco\n tegentem, was THE wise caution of Ambrose (tom. ii. p. 891) after\n his return from his second embassy.]\n\n 74 (return) [ Baronius (A.D. 387, No. 63) applies to this season\n of public distress some of THE penitential sermons of THE\n archbishop.]\n\n Instead of inviting his royal guests to take THE palace of\n Constantinople, Theodosius had some unknown reasons to fix THEir\n residence at Thessalonica; but THEse reasons did not proceed from\n contempt or indifference, as he speedily made a visit to that\n city, accompanied by THE greatest part of his court and senate.\n After THE first tender expressions of friendship and sympathy,\n THE pious emperor of THE East gently admonished Justina, that THE\n guilt of heresy was sometimes punished in this world, as well as\n in THE next; and that THE public profession of THE Nicene faith\n would be THE most efficacious step to promote THE restoration of\n her son, by THE satisfaction which it must occasion both on earth\n and in heaven. The momentous question of peace or war was\n referred, by Theodosius, to THE deliberation of his council; and\n THE arguments which might be alleged on THE side of honor and\n justice, had acquired, since THE death of Gratian, a considerable\n degree of additional weight. The persecution of THE Imperial\n family, to which Theodosius himself had been indebted for his\n fortune, was now aggravated by recent and repeated injuries.\n NeiTHEr oaths nor treaties could restrain THE boundless ambition\n of Maximus; and THE delay of vigorous and decisive measures,\n instead of prolonging THE blessings of peace, would expose THE\n Eastern empire to THE danger of a hostile invasion. The\n Barbarians, who had passed THE Danube, had lately assumed THE\n character of soldiers and subjects, but THEir native fierceness\n was yet untamed: and THE operations of a war, which would\n exercise THEir valor, and diminish THEir numbers, might tend to\n relieve THE provinces from an intolerable oppression.\n Notwithstanding THEse specious and solid reasons, which were\n approved by a majority of THE council, Theodosius still hesitated\n wheTHEr he should draw THE sword in a contest which could no\n longer admit any terms of reconciliation; and his magnanimous\n character was not disgraced by THE apprehensions which he felt\n for THE safety of his infant sons, and THE welfare of his\n exhausted people. In this moment of anxious doubt, while THE fate\n of THE Roman world depended on THE resolution of a single man,\n THE charms of THE princess Galla most powerfully pleaded THE\n cause of her broTHEr Valentinian. 75 The heart of Theodosius wa\n softened by THE tears of beauty; his affections were insensibly\n engaged by THE graces of youth and innocence: THE art of Justina\n managed and directed THE impulse of passion; and THE celebration\n of THE royal nuptials was THE assurance and signal of THE civil\n war. The unfeeling critics, who consider every amorous weakness\n as an indelible stain on THE memory of a great and orthodox\n emperor, are inclined, on this occasion, to dispute THE\n suspicious evidence of THE historian Zosimus. For my own part, I\n shall frankly confess, that I am willing to find, or even to\n seek, in THE revolutions of THE world, some traces of THE mild\n and tender sentiments of domestic life; and amidst THE crowd of\n fierce and ambitious conquerors, I can distinguish, with peculiar\n complacency, a gentle hero, who may be supposed to receive his\n armor from THE hands of love. The alliance of THE Persian king\n was secured by THE faith of treaties; THE martial Barbarians were\n persuaded to follow THE standard, or to respect THE frontiers, of\n an active and liberal monarch; and THE dominions of Theodosius,\n from THE Euphrates to THE Adriatic, resounded with THE\n preparations of war both by land and sea. The skilful disposition\n of THE forces of THE East seemed to multiply THEir numbers, and\n distracted THE attention of Maximus. He had reason to fear, that\n a chosen body of troops, under THE command of THE intrepid\n Arbogastes, would direct THEir march along THE banks of THE\n Danube, and boldly penetrate through THE Rhaetian provinces into\n THE centre of Gaul. A powerful fleet was equipped in THE harbors\n of Greece and Epirus, with an apparent design, that, as soon as\n THE passage had been opened by a naval victory, Valentinian and\n his moTHEr should land in Italy, proceed, without delay, to Rome,\n and occupy THE majestic seat of religion and empire. In THE mean\n while, Theodosius himself advanced at THE head of a brave and\n disciplined army, to encounter his unworthy rival, who, after THE\n siege of Aemona, 7511 had fixed his camp in THE neighborhood of\n Siscia, a city of Pannonia, strongly fortified by THE broad and\n rapid stream of THE Save.\n\n 75 (return) [ The flight of Valentinian, and THE love of\n Theodosius for his sister, are related by Zosimus, (l. iv. p.\n 263, 264.) Tillemont produces some weak and ambiguous evidence to\n antedate THE second marriage of Theodosius, (Hist. des Empereurs,\n to. v. p. 740,) and consequently to refute ces contes de Zosime,\n qui seroient trop contraires a la piete de Theodose.]\n\n 7511 (return) [ Aemonah, Laybach. Siscia Sciszek.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXVII: Civil Wars, Reign Of Theodosius.—Part IV.\n\n The veterans, who still remembered THE long resistance, and\n successive resources, of THE tyrant Magnentius, might prepare\n THEmselves for THE labors of three bloody campaigns. But THE\n contest with his successor, who, like him, had usurped THE throne\n of THE West, was easily decided in THE term of two months, 76 and\n within THE space of two hundred miles. The superior genius of THE\n emperor of THE East might prevail over THE feeble Maximus, who,\n in this important crisis, showed himself destitute of military\n skill, or personal courage; but THE abilities of Theodosius were\n seconded by THE advantage which he possessed of a numerous and\n active cavalry. The Huns, THE Alani, and, after THEir example,\n THE Goths THEmselves, were formed into squadrons of archers; who\n fought on horseback, and confounded THE steady valor of THE Gauls\n and Germans, by THE rapid motions of a Tartar war. After THE\n fatigue of a long march, in THE heat of summer, THEy spurred\n THEir foaming horses into THE waters of THE Save, swam THE river\n in THE presence of THE enemy, and instantly charged and routed\n THE troops who guarded THE high ground on THE opposite side.\n Marcellinus, THE tyrant’s broTHEr, advanced to support THEm with\n THE select cohorts, which were considered as THE hope and\n strength of THE army. The action, which had been interrupted by\n THE approach of night, was renewed in THE morning; and, after a\n sharp conflict, THE surviving remnant of THE bravest soldiers of\n Maximus threw down THEir arms at THE feet of THE conqueror.\n Without suspending his march, to receive THE loyal acclamations\n of THE citizens of Aemona, Theodosius pressed forwards to\n terminate THE war by THE death or captivity of his rival, who\n fled before him with THE diligence of fear. From THE summit of\n THE Julian Alps, he descended with such incredible speed into THE\n plain of Italy, that he reached Aquileia on THE evening of THE\n first day; and Maximus, who found himself encompassed on all\n sides, had scarcely time to shut THE gates of THE city. But THE\n gates could not long resist THE effort of a victorious enemy; and\n THE despair, THE disaffection, THE indifference of THE soldiers\n and people, hastened THE downfall of THE wretched Maximus. He was\n dragged from his throne, rudely stripped of THE Imperial\n ornaments, THE robe, THE diadem, and THE purple slippers; and\n conducted, like a malefactor, to THE camp and presence of\n Theodosius, at a place about three miles from Aquileia. The\n behavior of THE emperor was not intended to insult, and he showed\n disposition to pity and forgive, THE tyrant of THE West, who had\n never been his personal enemy, and was now become THE object of\n his contempt. Our sympathy is THE most forcibly excited by THE\n misfortunes to which we are exposed; and THE spectacle of a proud\n competitor, now prostrate at his feet, could not fail of\n producing very serious and solemn thoughts in THE mind of THE\n victorious emperor. But THE feeble emotion of involuntary pity\n was checked by his regard for public justice, and THE memory of\n Gratian; and he abandoned THE victim to THE pious zeal of THE\n soldiers, who drew him out of THE Imperial presence, and\n instantly separated his head from his body. The intelligence of\n his defeat and death was received with sincere or well-dissembled\n joy: his son Victor, on whom he had conferred THE title of\n Augustus, died by THE order, perhaps by THE hand, of THE bold\n Arbogastes; and all THE military plans of Theodosius were\n successfully executed. When he had thus terminated THE civil war,\n with less difficulty and bloodshed than he might naturally\n expect, he employed THE winter months of his residence at Milan,\n to restore THE state of THE afflicted provinces; and early in THE\n spring he made, after THE example of Constantine and Constantius,\n his triumphal entry into THE ancient capital of THE Roman empire.\n 77\n\n 76 (return) [ See Godefroy’s Chronology of THE Laws, Cod.\n Theodos, tom l. p. cxix.]\n\n 77 (return) [ Besides THE hints which may be gaTHEred from\n chronicles and ecclesiastical history, Zosimus (l. iv. p.\n 259—267,) Orosius, (l. vii. c. 35,) and Pacatus, (in Panegyr.\n Vet. xii. 30-47,) supply THE loose and scanty materials of this\n civil war. Ambrose (tom. ii. Epist. xl. p. 952, 953) darkly\n alludes to THE well-known events of a magazine surprised, an\n action at Petovio, a Sicilian, perhaps a naval, victory, &c.,\n Ausonius (p. 256, edit. Toll.) applauds THE peculiar merit and\n good fortune of Aquileia.]\n\n The orator, who may be silent without danger, may praise without\n difficulty, and without reluctance; 78 and posterity will\n confess, that THE character of Theodosius 79 might furnish THE\n subject of a sincere and ample panegyric. The wisdom of his laws,\n and THE success of his arms, rendered his administration\n respectable in THE eyes both of his subjects and of his enemies.\n He loved and practised THE virtues of domestic life, which seldom\n hold THEir residence in THE palaces of kings. Theodosius was\n chaste and temperate; he enjoyed, without excess, THE sensual and\n social pleasures of THE table; and THE warmth of his amorous\n passions was never diverted from THEir lawful objects. The proud\n titles of Imperial greatness were adorned by THE tender names of\n a faithful husband, an indulgent faTHEr; his uncle was raised, by\n his affectionate esteem, to THE rank of a second parent:\n Theodosius embraced, as his own, THE children of his broTHEr and\n sister; and THE expressions of his regard were extended to THE\n most distant and obscure branches of his numerous kindred. His\n familiar friends were judiciously selected from among those\n persons, who, in THE equal intercourse of private life, had\n appeared before his eyes without a mask; THE consciousness of\n personal and superior merit enabled him to despise THE accidental\n distinction of THE purple; and he proved by his conduct, that he\n had forgotten all THE injuries, while he most gratefully\n remembered all THE favors and services, which he had received\n before he ascended THE throne of THE Roman empire. The serious or\n lively tone of his conversation was adapted to THE age, THE rank,\n or THE character of his subjects, whom he admitted into his\n society; and THE affability of his manners displayed THE image of\n his mind. Theodosius respected THE simplicity of THE good and\n virtuous: every art, every talent, of a useful, or even of an\n innocent nature, was rewarded by his judicious liberality; and,\n except THE heretics, whom he persecuted with implacable hatred,\n THE diffusive circle of his benevolence was circumscribed only by\n THE limits of THE human race. The government of a mighty empire\n may assuredly suffice to occupy THE time, and THE abilities, of a\n mortal: yet THE diligent prince, without aspiring to THE\n unsuitable reputation of profound learning, always reserved some\n moments of his leisure for THE instructive amusement of reading.\n History, which enlarged his experience, was his favorite study.\n The annals of Rome, in THE long period of eleven hundred years,\n presented him with a various and splendid picture of human life:\n and it has been particularly observed, that whenever he perused\n THE cruel acts of Cinna, of Marius, or of Sylla, he warmly\n expressed his generous detestation of those enemies of humanity\n and freedom. His disinterested opinion of past events was\n usefully applied as THE rule of his own actions; and Theodosius\n has deserved THE singular commendation, that his virtues always\n seemed to expand with his fortune: THE season of his prosperity\n was that of his moderation; and his clemency appeared THE most\n conspicuous after THE danger and success of a civil war. The\n Moorish guards of THE tyrant had been massacred in THE first heat\n of THE victory, and a small number of THE most obnoxious\n criminals suffered THE punishment of THE law. But THE emperor\n showed himself much more attentive to relieve THE innocent than\n to chastise THE guilty. The oppressed subjects of THE West, who\n would have deemed THEmselves happy in THE restoration of THEir\n lands, were astonished to receive a sum of money equivalent to\n THEir losses; and THE liberality of THE conqueror supported THE\n aged moTHEr, and educated THE orphan daughters, of Maximus. 80 A\n character thus accomplished might almost excuse THE extravagant\n supposition of THE orator Pacatus; that, if THE elder Brutus\n could be permitted to revisit THE earth, THE stern republican\n would abjure, at THE feet of Theodosius, his hatred of kings; and\n ingenuously confess, that such a monarch was THE most faithful\n guardian of THE happiness and dignity of THE Roman people. 81\n\n 78 (return) [ Quam promptum laudare principem, tam tutum siluisse\n de principe, (Pacat. in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 2.) Latinus Pacatus\n Drepanius, a native of Gaul, pronounced this oration at Rome,\n (A.D. 388.) He was afterwards proconsul of Africa; and his friend\n Ausonius praises him as a poet second only to Virgil. See\n Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 303.]\n\n 79 (return) [ See THE fair portrait of Theodosius, by THE younger\n Victor; THE strokes are distinct, and THE colors are mixed. The\n praise of Pacatus is too vague; and Claudian always seems afraid\n of exalting THE faTHEr above THE son.]\n\n 80 (return) [ Ambros. tom. ii. Epist. xl. p. 55. Pacatus, from\n THE want of skill or of courage, omits this glorious\n circumstance.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Pacat. in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 20.]\n\n Yet THE piercing eye of THE founder of THE republic must have\n discerned two essential imperfections, which might, perhaps, have\n abated his recent love of despostism. The virtuous mind of\n Theodosius was often relaxed by indolence, 82 and it was\n sometimes inflamed by passion. 83 In THE pursuit of an important\n object, his active courage was capable of THE most vigorous\n exertions; but, as soon as THE design was accomplished, or THE\n danger was surmounted, THE hero sunk into inglorious repose; and,\n forgetful that THE time of a prince is THE property of his\n people, resigned himself to THE enjoyment of THE innocent, but\n trifling, pleasures of a luxurious court. The natural disposition\n of Theodosius was hasty and choleric; and, in a station where\n none could resist, and few would dissuade, THE fatal consequence\n of his resentment, THE humane monarch was justly alarmed by THE\n consciousness of his infirmity and of his power. It was THE\n constant study of his life to suppress, or regulate, THE\n intemperate sallies of passion and THE success of his efforts\n enhanced THE merit of his clemency. But THE painful virtue which\n claims THE merit of victory, is exposed to THE danger of defeat;\n and THE reign of a wise and merciful prince was polluted by an\n act of cruelty which would stain THE annals of Nero or Domitian.\n Within THE space of three years, THE inconsistent historian of\n Theodosius must relate THE generous pardon of THE citizens of\n Antioch, and THE inhuman massacre of THE people of Thessalonica.\n\n 82 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iv. p. 271, 272. His partial evidence\n is marked by an air of candor and truth. He observes THEse\n vicissitudes of sloth and activity, not as a vice, but as a\n singularity in THE character of Theodosius.]\n\n 83 (return) [ This choleric temper is acknowledged and excused by\n Victor Sed habes (says Ambrose, in decent and many language, to\n his sovereign) nature impetum, quem si quis lenire velit, cito\n vertes ad misericordiam: si quis stimulet, in magis exsuscitas,\n ut eum revocare vix possis, (tom. ii. Epist. li. p. 998.)\n Theodosius (Claud. in iv. Hon. 266, &c.) exhorts his son to\n moderate his anger.]\n\n The lively impatience of THE inhabitants of Antioch was never\n satisfied with THEir own situation, or with THE character and\n conduct of THEir successive sovereigns. The Arian subjects of\n Theodosius deplored THE loss of THEir churches; and as three\n rival bishops disputed THE throne of Antioch, THE sentence which\n decided THEir pretensions excited THE murmurs of THE two\n unsuccessful congregations. The exigencies of THE Gothic war, and\n THE inevitable expense that accompanied THE conclusion of THE\n peace, had constrained THE emperor to aggravate THE weight of THE\n public impositions; and THE provinces of Asia, as THEy had not\n been involved in THE distress were THE less inclined to\n contribute to THE relief, of Europe. The auspicious period now\n approached of THE tenth year of his reign; a festival more\n grateful to THE soldiers, who received a liberal donative, than\n to THE subjects, whose voluntary offerings had been long since\n converted into an extraordinary and oppressive burden. The edicts\n of taxation interrupted THE repose, and pleasures, of Antioch;\n and THE tribunal of THE magistrate was besieged by a suppliant\n crowd; who, in paTHEtic, but, at first, in respectful language,\n solicited THE redress of THEir grievances. They were gradually\n incensed by THE pride of THEir haughty rulers, who treated THEir\n complaints as a criminal resistance; THEir satirical wit\n degenerated into sharp and angry invectives; and, from THE\n subordinate powers of government, THE invectives of THE people\n insensibly rose to attack THE sacred character of THE emperor\n himself. Their fury, provoked by a feeble opposition, discharged\n itself on THE images of THE Imperial family, which were erected,\n as objects of public veneration, in THE most conspicuous places\n of THE city. The statues of Theodosius, of his faTHEr, of his\n wife Flaccilla, of his two sons, Arcadius and Honorius, were\n insolently thrown down from THEir pedestals, broken in pieces, or\n dragged with contempt through THE streets; and THE indignities\n which were offered to THE representations of Imperial majesty,\n sufficiently declared THE impious and treasonable wishes of THE\n populace. The tumult was almost immediately suppressed by THE\n arrival of a body of archers: and Antioch had leisure to reflect\n on THE nature and consequences of her crime. 84 According to THE\n duty of his office, THE governor of THE province despatched a\n faithful narrative of THE whole transaction: while THE trembling\n citizens intrusted THE confession of THEir crime, and THE\n assurances of THEir repentance, to THE zeal of Flavian, THEir\n bishop, and to THE eloquence of THE senator Hilarius, THE friend,\n and most probably THE disciple, of Libanius; whose genius, on\n this melancholy occasion, was not useless to his country. 85 But\n THE two capitals, Antioch and Constantinople, were separated by\n THE distance of eight hundred miles; and, notwithstanding THE\n diligence of THE Imperial posts, THE guilty city was severely\n punished by a long and dreadful interval of suspense. Every rumor\n agitated THE hopes and fears of THE Antiochians, and THEy heard\n with terror, that THEir sovereign, exasperated by THE insult\n which had been offered to his own statues, and more especially,\n to those of his beloved wife, had resolved to level with THE\n ground THE offending city; and to massacre, without distinction\n of age or sex, THE criminal inhabitants; 86 many of whom were\n actually driven, by THEir apprehensions, to seek a refuge in THE\n mountains of Syria, and THE adjacent desert. At length,\n twenty-four days after THE sedition, THE general Hellebicus and\n Caesarius, master of THE offices, declared THE will of THE\n emperor, and THE sentence of Antioch. That proud capital was\n degraded from THE rank of a city; and THE metropolis of THE East,\n stripped of its lands, its privileges, and its revenues, was\n subjected, under THE humiliating denomination of a village, to\n THE jurisdiction of Laodicea. 87 The baths, THE Circus, and THE\n THEatres were shut: and, that every source of plenty and pleasure\n might at THE same time be intercepted, THE distribution of corn\n was abolished, by THE severe instructions of Theodosius. His\n commissioners THEn proceeded to inquire into THE guilt of\n individuals; of those who had perpetrated, and of those who had\n not prevented, THE destruction of THE sacred statues. The\n tribunal of Hellebicus and Caesarius, encompassed with armed\n soldiers, was erected in THE midst of THE Forum. The noblest, and\n most wealthy, of THE citizens of Antioch appeared before THEm in\n chains; THE examination was assisted by THE use of torture, and\n THEir sentence was pronounced or suspended, according to THE\n judgment of THEse extraordinary magistrates. The houses of THE\n criminals were exposed to sale, THEir wives and children were\n suddenly reduced, from affluence and luxury, to THE most abject\n distress; and a bloody execution was expected to conclude THE\n horrors of THE day, 88 which THE preacher of Antioch, THE\n eloquent Chrysostom, has represented as a lively image of THE\n last and universal judgment of THE world. But THE ministers of\n Theodosius performed, with reluctance, THE cruel task which had\n been assigned THEm; THEy dropped a gentle tear over THE\n calamities of THE people; and THEy listened with reverence to THE\n pressing solicitations of THE monks and hermits, who descended in\n swarms from THE mountains. 89 Hellebicus and Caesarius were\n persuaded to suspend THE execution of THEir sentence; and it was\n agreed that THE former should remain at Antioch, while THE latter\n returned, with all possible speed, to Constantinople; and\n presumed once more to consult THE will of his sovereign. The\n resentment of Theodosius had already subsided; THE deputies of\n THE people, both THE bishop and THE orator, had obtained a\n favorable audience; and THE reproaches of THE emperor were THE\n complaints of injured friendship, raTHEr than THE stern menaces\n of pride and power. A free and general pardon was granted to THE\n city and citizens of Antioch; THE prison doors were thrown open;\n THE senators, who despaired of THEir lives, recovered THE\n possession of THEir houses and estates; and THE capital of THE\n East was restored to THE enjoyment of her ancient dignity and\n splendor. Theodosius condescended to praise THE senate of\n Constantinople, who had generously interceded for THEir\n distressed brethren: he rewarded THE eloquence of Hilarius with\n THE government of Palestine; and dismissed THE bishop of Antioch\n with THE warmest expressions of his respect and gratitude. A\n thousand new statues arose to THE clemency of Theodosius; THE\n applause of his subjects was ratified by THE approbation of his\n own heart; and THE emperor confessed, that, if THE exercise of\n justice is THE most important duty, THE indulgence of mercy is\n THE most exquisite pleasure, of a sovereign. 90\n\n 84 (return) [ The Christians and Pagans agreed in believing that\n THE sedition of Antioch was excited by THE daemons. A gigantic\n woman (says Sozomen, l. vii. c. 23) paraded THE streets with a\n scourge in her hand. An old man, says Libanius, (Orat. xii. p.\n 396,) transformed himself into a youth, THEn a boy, &c.]\n\n 85 (return) [ Zosimus, in his short and disingenuous account, (l.\n iv. p. 258, 259,) is certainly mistaken in sending Libanius\n himself to Constantinople. His own orations fix him at Antioch.]\n\n 86 (return) [ Libanius (Orat. i. p. 6, edit. Venet.) declares,\n that under such a reign THE fear of a massacre was groundless and\n absurd, especially in THE emperor’s absence, for his presence,\n according to THE eloquent slave, might have given a sanction to\n THE most bloody acts.]\n\n 87 (return) [ Laodicea, on THE sea-coast, sixty-five miles from\n Antioch, (see Noris Epoch. Syro-Maced. Dissert. iii. p. 230.) The\n Antiochians were offended, that THE dependent city of Seleucia\n should presume to intercede for THEm.]\n\n 88 (return) [ As THE days of THE tumult depend on THE movable\n festival of Easter, THEy can only be determined by THE previous\n determination of THE year. The year 387 has been preferred, after\n a laborious inquiry, by Tillemont (Hist. des. Emp. tom. v. p.\n 741-744) and Montfaucon, (Chrysostom, tom. xiii. p. 105-110.)]\n\n 89 (return) [ Chrysostom opposes THEir courage, which was not\n attended with much risk, to THE cowardly flight of THE Cynics.]\n\n 90 (return) [ The sedition of Antioch is represented in a lively,\n and almost dramatic, manner by two orators, who had THEir\n respective shares of interest and merit. See Libanius (Orat. xiv.\n xv. p. 389-420, edit. Morel. Orat. i. p. 1-14, Venet. 1754) and\n THE twenty orations of St. John Chrysostom, de Statuis, (tom. ii.\n p. 1-225, edit. Montfaucon.) I do not pretend to much personal\n acquaintance with Chrysostom but Tillemont (Hist. des. Empereurs,\n tom. v. p. 263-283) and Hermant (Vie de St. Chrysostome, tom. i.\n p. 137-224) had read him with pious curiosity and diligence.]\n\n The sedition of Thessalonica is ascribed to a more shameful\n cause, and was productive of much more dreadful consequences.\n That great city, THE metropolis of all THE Illyrian provinces,\n had been protected from THE dangers of THE Gothic war by strong\n fortifications and a numerous garrison. BoTHEric, THE general of\n those troops, and, as it should seem from his name, a Barbarian,\n had among his slaves a beautiful boy, who excited THE impure\n desires of one of THE charioteers of THE Circus. The insolent and\n brutal lover was thrown into prison by THE order of BoTHEric; and\n he sternly rejected THE importunate clamors of THE multitude,\n who, on THE day of THE public games, lamented THE absence of\n THEir favorite; and considered THE skill of a charioteer as an\n object of more importance than his virtue. The resentment of THE\n people was imbittered by some previous disputes; and, as THE\n strength of THE garrison had been drawn away for THE service of\n THE Italian war, THE feeble remnant, whose numbers were reduced\n by desertion, could not save THE unhappy general from THEir\n licentious fury. BoTHEric, and several of his principal officers,\n were inhumanly murdered; THEir mangled bodies were dragged about\n THE streets; and THE emperor, who THEn resided at Milan, was\n surprised by THE intelligence of THE audacious and wanton cruelty\n of THE people of Thessalonica. The sentence of a dispassionate\n judge would have inflicted a severe punishment on THE authors of\n THE crime; and THE merit of BoTHEric might contribute to\n exasperate THE grief and indignation of his master.\n\n The fiery and choleric temper of Theodosius was impatient of THE\n dilatory forms of a judicial inquiry; and he hastily resolved,\n that THE blood of his lieutenant should be expiated by THE blood\n of THE guilty people. Yet his mind still fluctuated between THE\n counsels of clemency and of revenge; THE zeal of THE bishops had\n almost extorted from THE reluctant emperor THE promise of a\n general pardon; his passion was again inflamed by THE flattering\n suggestions of his minister Rufinus; and, after Theodosius had\n despatched THE messengers of death, he attempted, when it was too\n late, to prevent THE execution of his orders. The punishment of a\n Roman city was blindly committed to THE undistinguishing sword of\n THE Barbarians; and THE hostile preparations were concerted with\n THE dark and perfidious artifice of an illegal conspiracy. The\n people of Thessalonica were treacherously invited, in THE name of\n THEir sovereign, to THE games of THE Circus; and such was THEir\n insatiate avidity for those amusements, that every consideration\n of fear, or suspicion, was disregarded by THE numerous\n spectators. As soon as THE assembly was complete, THE soldiers,\n who had secretly been posted round THE Circus, received THE\n signal, not of THE races, but of a general massacre. The\n promiscuous carnage continued three hours, without discrimination\n of strangers or natives, of age or sex, of innocence or guilt;\n THE most moderate accounts state THE number of THE slain at seven\n thousand; and it is affirmed by some writers that more than\n fifteen thousand victims were sacrificed to THE names of\n BoTHEric. A foreign merchant, who had probably no concern in his\n murder, offered his own life, and all his wealth, to supply THE\n place of one of his two sons; but, while THE faTHEr hesitated\n with equal tenderness, while he was doubtful to choose, and\n unwilling to condemn, THE soldiers determined his suspense, by\n plunging THEir daggers at THE same moment into THE breasts of THE\n defenceless youths. The apology of THE assassins, that THEy were\n obliged to produce THE prescribed number of heads, serves only to\n increase, by an appearance of order and design, THE horrors of\n THE massacre, which was executed by THE commands of Theodosius.\n The guilt of THE emperor is aggravated by his long and frequent\n residence at Thessalonica. The situation of THE unfortunate city,\n THE aspect of THE streets and buildings, THE dress and faces of\n THE inhabitants, were familiar, and even present, to his\n imagination; and Theodosius possessed a quick and lively sense of\n THE existence of THE people whom he destroyed. 91\n\n 91 (return) [ The original evidence of Ambrose, (tom. ii. Epist.\n li. p. 998.) Augustin, (de Civitat. Dei, v. 26,) and Paulinus,\n (in Vit. Ambros. c. 24,) is delivered in vague expressions of\n horror and pity. It is illustrated by THE subsequent and unequal\n testimonies of Sozomen, (l. vii. c. 25,) Theodoret, (l. v. c.\n 17,) Theophanes, (Chronograph. p. 62,) Cedrenus, (p. 317,) and\n Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 34.) Zosimus alone, THE partial\n enemy of Theodosius, most unaccountably passes over in silence\n THE worst of his actions.]\n\n The respectful attachment of THE emperor for THE orthodox clergy,\n had disposed him to love and admire THE character of Ambrose; who\n united all THE episcopal virtues in THE most eminent degree. The\n friends and ministers of Theodosius imitated THE example of THEir\n sovereign; and he observed, with more surprise than displeasure,\n that all his secret counsels were immediately communicated to THE\n archbishop; who acted from THE laudable persuasion, that every\n measure of civil government may have some connection with THE\n glory of God, and THE interest of THE true religion. The monks\n and populace of Callinicum, 9111 an obscure town on THE frontier\n of Persia, excited by THEir own fanaticism, and by that of THEir\n bishop, had tumultuously burnt a conventicle of THE Valentinians,\n and a synagogue of THE Jews. The seditious prelate was condemned,\n by THE magistrate of THE province, eiTHEr to rebuild THE\n synagogue, or to repay THE damage; and this moderate sentence was\n confirmed by THE emperor. But it was not confirmed by THE\n archbishop of Milan. 92 He dictated an epistle of censure and\n reproach, more suitable, perhaps, if THE emperor had received THE\n mark of circumcision, and renounced THE faith of his baptism.\n Ambrose considers THE toleration of THE Jewish, as THE\n persecution of THE Christian, religion; boldly declares that he\n himself, and every true believer, would eagerly dispute with THE\n bishop of Callinicum THE merit of THE deed, and THE crown of\n martyrdom; and laments, in THE most paTHEtic terms, that THE\n execution of THE sentence would be fatal to THE fame and\n salvation of Theodosius. As this private admonition did not\n produce an immediate effect, THE archbishop, from his pulpit, 93\n publicly addressed THE emperor on his throne; 94 nor would he\n consent to offer THE oblation of THE altar, till he had obtained\n from Theodosius a solemn and positive declaration, which secured\n THE impunity of THE bishop and monks of Callinicum. The\n recantation of Theodosius was sincere; 95 and, during THE term of\n his residence at Milan, his affection for Ambrose was continually\n increased by THE habits of pious and familiar conversation.\n\n 9111 (return) [ Raeca, on THE Euphrates—M.]\n\n 92 (return) [ See THE whole transaction in Ambrose, (tom. ii.\n Epist. xl. xli. p. 950-956,) and his biographer Paulinus, (c.\n 23.) Bayle and Barbeyrac (Morales des Peres, c. xvii. p. 325,\n &c.) have justly condemned THE archbishop.]\n\n 93 (return) [ His sermon is a strange allegory of Jeremiah’s rod,\n of an almond tree, of THE woman who washed and anointed THE feet\n of Christ. But THE peroration is direct and personal.]\n\n 94 (return) [ Hodie, Episcope, de me proposuisti. Ambrose\n modestly confessed it; but he sternly reprimanded Timasius,\n general of THE horse and foot, who had presumed to say that THE\n monks of Callinicum deserved punishment.]\n\n 95 (return) [ Yet, five years afterwards, when Theodosius was\n absent from his spiritual guide, he tolerated THE Jews, and\n condemned THE destruction of THEir synagogues. Cod. Theodos. l.\n xvi. tit. viii. leg. 9, with Godefroy’s Commentary, tom. vi. p.\n 225.]\n\n When Ambrose was informed of THE massacre of Thessalonica, his\n mind was filled with horror and anguish. He retired into THE\n country to indulge his grief, and to avoid THE presence of\n Theodosius. But as THE archbishop was satisfied that a timid\n silence would render him THE accomplice of his guilt, he\n represented, in a private letter, THE enormity of THE crime;\n which could only be effaced by THE tears of penitence. The\n episcopal vigor of Ambrose was tempered by prudence; and he\n contented himself with signifying 96 an indirect sort of\n excommunication, by THE assurance, that he had been warned in a\n vision not to offer THE oblation in THE name, or in THE presence,\n of Theodosius; and by THE advice, that he would confine himself\n to THE use of prayer, without presuming to approach THE altar of\n Christ, or to receive THE holy eucharist with those hands that\n were still polluted with THE blood of an innocent people. The\n emperor was deeply affected by his own reproaches, and by those\n of his spiritual faTHEr; and after he had bewailed THE\n mischievous and irreparable consequences of his rash fury, he\n proceeded, in THE accustomed manner, to perform his devotions in\n THE great church of Milan. He was stopped in THE porch by THE\n archbishop; who, in THE tone and language of an ambassador of\n Heaven, declared to his sovereign, that private contrition was\n not sufficient to atone for a public fault, or to appease THE\n justice of THE offended Deity. Theodosius humbly represented,\n that if he had contracted THE guilt of homicide, David, THE man\n after God’s own heart, had been guilty, not only of murder, but\n of adultery. “You have imitated David in his crime, imitate THEn\n his repentance,” was THE reply of THE undaunted Ambrose. The\n rigorous conditions of peace and pardon were accepted; and THE\n public penance of THE emperor Theodosius has been recorded as one\n of THE most honorable events in THE annals of THE church.\n According to THE mildest rules of ecclesiastical discipline,\n which were established in THE fourth century, THE crime of\n homicide was expiated by THE penitence of twenty years: 97 and as\n it was impossible, in THE period of human life, to purge THE\n accumulated guilt of THE massacre of Thessalonica, THE murderer\n should have been excluded from THE holy communion till THE hour\n of his death. But THE archbishop, consulting THE maxims of\n religious policy, granted some indulgence to THE rank of his\n illustrious penitent, who humbled in THE dust THE pride of THE\n diadem; and THE public edification might be admitted as a weighty\n reason to abridge THE duration of his punishment. It was\n sufficient, that THE emperor of THE Romans, stripped of THE\n ensigns of royalty, should appear in a mournful and suppliant\n posture; and that, in THE midst of THE church of Milan, he should\n humbly solicit, with sighs and tears, THE pardon of his sins. 98\n In this spiritual cure, Ambrose employed THE various methods of\n mildness and severity. After a delay of about eight months,\n Theodosius was restored to THE communion of THE faithful; and THE\n edict which interposes a salutary interval of thirty days between\n THE sentence and THE execution, may be accepted as THE worthy\n fruits of his repentance. 99 Posterity has applauded THE virtuous\n firmness of THE archbishop; and THE example of Theodosius may\n prove THE beneficial influence of those principles, which could\n force a monarch, exalted above THE apprehension of human\n punishment, to respect THE laws, and ministers, of an invisible\n Judge. “The prince,” says Montesquieu, “who is actuated by THE\n hopes and fears of religion, may be compared to a lion, docile\n only to THE voice, and tractable to THE hand, of his keeper.” 100\n The motions of THE royal animal will THErefore depend on THE\n inclination, and interest, of THE man who has acquired such\n dangerous authority over him; and THE priest, who holds in his\n hands THE conscience of a king, may inflame, or moderate, his\n sanguinary passions. The cause of humanity, and that of\n persecution, have been asserted, by THE same Ambrose, with equal\n energy, and with equal success.\n\n 96 (return) [ Ambros. tom. ii. Epist. li. p. 997-1001. His\n epistle is a miserable rhapsody on a noble subject. Ambrose could\n act better than he could write. His compositions are destitute of\n taste, or genius; without THE spirit of Tertullian, THE copious\n elegance of Lactantius THE lively wit of Jerom, or THE grave\n energy of Augustin.]\n\n 97 (return) [ According to THE discipline of St. Basil, (Canon\n lvi.,) THE voluntary homicide was four years a mourner; five a\n hearer; seven in a prostrate state; and four in a standing\n posture. I have THE original (Beveridge, Pandect. tom. ii. p.\n 47-151) and a translation (Chardon, Hist. des Sacremens, tom. iv.\n p. 219-277) of THE Canonical Epistles of St. Basil.]\n\n 98 (return) [ The penance of Theodosius is auTHEnticated by\n Ambrose, (tom. vi. de Obit. Theodos. c. 34, p. 1207,) Augustin,\n (de Civitat. Dei, v. 26,) and Paulinus, (in Vit. Ambros. c. 24.)\n Socrates is ignorant; Sozomen (l. vii. c. 25) concise; and THE\n copious narrative of Theodoret (l. v. c. 18) must be used with\n precaution.]\n\n 99 (return) [ Codex Theodos. l. ix. tit. xl. leg. 13. The date\n and circumstances of this law are perplexed with difficulties;\n but I feel myself inclined to favor THE honest efforts of\n Tillemont (Hist. des Emp. tom. v. p. 721) and Pagi, (Critica,\n tom. i. p. 578.)]\n\n 100 (return) [ Un prince qui aime la religion, et qui la craint,\n est un lion qui cede a la main qui le flatte, ou a la voix qui\n l’appaise. Esprit des Loix, l. xxiv. c. 2.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXVII: Civil Wars, Reign Of Theodosius.—Part V.\n\n After THE defeat and death of THE tyrant of Gaul, THE Roman world\n was in THE possession of Theodosius. He derived from THE choice\n of Gratian his honorable title to THE provinces of THE East: he\n had acquired THE West by THE right of conquest; and THE three\n years which he spent in Italy were usefully employed to restore\n THE authority of THE laws, and to correct THE abuses which had\n prevailed with impunity under THE usurpation of Maximus, and THE\n minority of Valentinian. The name of Valentinian was regularly\n inserted in THE public acts: but THE tender age, and doubtful\n faith, of THE son of Justina, appeared to require THE prudent\n care of an orthodox guardian; and his specious ambition might\n have excluded THE unfortunate youth, without a struggle, and\n almost without a murmur, from THE administration, and even from\n THE inheritance, of THE empire. If Theodosius had consulted THE\n rigid maxims of interest and policy, his conduct would have been\n justified by his friends; but THE generosity of his behavior on\n this memorable occasion has extorted THE applause of his most\n inveterate enemies. He seated Valentinian on THE throne of Milan;\n and, without stipulating any present or future advantages,\n restored him to THE absolute dominion of all THE provinces, from\n which he had been driven by THE arms of Maximus. To THE\n restitution of his ample patrimony, Theodosius added THE free and\n generous gift of THE countries beyond THE Alps, which his\n successful valor had recovered from THE assassin of Gratian. 101\n Satisfied with THE glory which he had acquired, by revenging THE\n death of his benefactor, and delivering THE West from THE yoke of\n tyranny, THE emperor returned from Milan to Constantinople; and,\n in THE peaceful possession of THE East, insensibly relapsed into\n his former habits of luxury and indolence. Theodosius discharged\n his obligation to THE broTHEr, he indulged his conjugal\n tenderness to THE sister, of Valentinian; and posterity, which\n admires THE pure and singular glory of his elevation, must\n applaud his unrivalled generosity in THE use of victory.\n\n 101 (return) [ It is THE niggard praise of Zosimus himself, (l.\n iv. p. 267.) Augustin says, with some happiness of expression,\n Valentinianum.... misericordissima veneratione restituit.]\n\n The empress Justina did not long survive her return to Italy;\n and, though she beheld THE triumph of Theodosius, she was not\n allowed to influence THE government of her son. 102 The\n pernicious attachment to THE Arian sect, which Valentinian had\n imbibed from her example and instructions, was soon erased by THE\n lessons of a more orthodox education. His growing zeal for THE\n faith of Nice, and his filial reverence for THE character and\n authority of Ambrose, disposed THE Catholics to entertain THE\n most favorable opinion of THE virtues of THE young emperor of THE\n West. 103 They applauded his chastity and temperance, his\n contempt of pleasure, his application to business, and his tender\n affection for his two sisters; which could not, however, seduce\n his impartial equity to pronounce an unjust sentence against THE\n meanest of his subjects. But this amiable youth, before he had\n accomplished THE twentieth year of his age, was oppressed by\n domestic treason; and THE empire was again involved in THE\n horrors of a civil war. Arbogastes, 104 a gallant soldier of THE\n nation of THE Franks, held THE second rank in THE service of\n Gratian. On THE death of his master he joined THE standard of\n Theodosius; contributed, by his valor and military conduct, to\n THE destruction of THE tyrant; and was appointed, after THE\n victory, master-general of THE armies of Gaul. His real merit,\n and apparent fidelity, had gained THE confidence both of THE\n prince and people; his boundless liberality corrupted THE\n allegiance of THE troops; and, whilst he was universally esteemed\n as THE pillar of THE state, THE bold and crafty Barbarian was\n secretly determined eiTHEr to rule, or to ruin, THE empire of THE\n West. The important commands of THE army were distributed among\n THE Franks; THE creatures of Arbogastes were promoted to all THE\n honors and offices of THE civil government; THE progress of THE\n conspiracy removed every faithful servant from THE presence of\n Valentinian; and THE emperor, without power and without\n intelligence, insensibly sunk into THE precarious and dependent\n condition of a captive. 105 The indignation which he expressed,\n though it might arise only from THE rash and impatient temper of\n youth, may be candidly ascribed to THE generous spirit of a\n prince, who felt that he was not unworthy to reign. He secretly\n invited THE archbishop of Milan to undertake THE office of a\n mediator; as THE pledge of his sincerity, and THE guardian of his\n safety. He contrived to apprise THE emperor of THE East of his\n helpless situation, and he declared, that, unless Theodosius\n could speedily march to his assistance, he must attempt to escape\n from THE palace, or raTHEr prison, of Vienna in Gaul, where he\n had imprudently fixed his residence in THE midst of THE hostile\n faction. But THE hopes of relief were distant, and doubtful: and,\n as every day furnished some new provocation, THE emperor, without\n strength or counsel, too hastily resolved to risk an immediate\n contest with his powerful general. He received Arbogastes on THE\n throne; and, as THE count approached with some appearance of\n respect, delivered to him a paper, which dismissed him from all\n his employments. “My authority,” replied Arbogastes, with\n insulting coolness, “does not depend on THE smile or THE frown of\n a monarch;” and he contemptuously threw THE paper on THE ground.\n The indignant monarch snatched at THE sword of one of THE guards,\n which he struggled to draw from its scabbard; and it was not\n without some degree of violence that he was prevented from using\n THE deadly weapon against his enemy, or against himself. A few\n days after this extraordinary quarrel, in which he had exposed\n his resentment and his weakness, THE unfortunate Valentinian was\n found strangled in his apartment; and some pains were employed to\n disguise THE manifest guilt of Arbogastes, and to persuade THE\n world, that THE death of THE young emperor had been THE voluntary\n effect of his own despair. 106 His body was conducted with decent\n pomp to THE sepulchre of Milan; and THE archbishop pronounced a\n funeral oration to commemorate his virtues and his misfortunes.\n 107 On this occasion THE humanity of Ambrose tempted him to make\n a singular breach in his THEological system; and to comfort THE\n weeping sisters of Valentinian, by THE firm assurance, that THEir\n pious broTHEr, though he had not received THE sacrament of\n baptism, was introduced, without difficulty, into THE mansions of\n eternal bliss. 108\n\n 102 (return) [ Sozomen, l. vii. c. 14. His chronology is very\n irregular.]\n\n 103 (return) [ See Ambrose, (tom. ii. de Obit. Valentinian. c.\n 15, &c. p. 1178. c. 36, &c. p. 1184.) When THE young emperor gave\n an entertainment, he fasted himself; he refused to see a handsome\n actress, &c. Since he ordered his wild beasts to to be killed, it\n is ungenerous in Philostor (l. xi. c. 1) to reproach him with THE\n love of that amusement.]\n\n 104 (return) [ Zosimus (l. iv. p. 275) praises THE enemy of\n Theodosius. But he is detested by Socrates (l. v. c. 25) and\n Orosius, (l. vii. c. 35.)]\n\n 105 (return) [ Gregory of Tours (l. ii. c. 9, p. 165, in THE\n second volume of THE Historians of France) has preserved a\n curious fragment of Sulpicius Alexander, an historian far more\n valuable than himself.]\n\n 106 (return) [ Godefroy (Dissertat. ad. Philostorg. p. 429-434)\n has diligently collected all THE circumstances of THE death of\n Valentinian II. The variations, and THE ignorance, of\n contemporary writers, prove that it was secret.]\n\n 107 (return) [ De Obitu Valentinian. tom. ii. p. 1173-1196. He is\n forced to speak a discreet and obscure language: yet he is much\n bolder than any layman, or perhaps any oTHEr ecclesiastic, would\n have dared to be.]\n\n 108 (return) [ See c. 51, p. 1188, c. 75, p. 1193. Dom Chardon,\n (Hist. des Sacramens, tom. i. p. 86,) who owns that St. Ambrose\n most strenuously maintains THE indispensable necessity of\n baptism, labors to reconcile THE contradiction.]\n\n The prudence of Arbogastes had prepared THE success of his\n ambitious designs: and THE provincials, in whose breast every\n sentiment of patriotism or loyalty was extinguished, expected,\n with tame resignation, THE unknown master, whom THE choice of a\n Frank might place on THE Imperial throne. But some remains of\n pride and prejudice still opposed THE elevation of Arbogastes\n himself; and THE judicious Barbarian thought it more advisable to\n reign under THE name of some dependent Roman. He bestowed THE\n purple on THE rhetorician Eugenius; 109 whom he had already\n raised from THE place of his domestic secretary to THE rank of\n master of THE offices. In THE course, both of his private and\n public service, THE count had always approved THE attachment and\n abilities of Eugenius; his learning and eloquence, supported by\n THE gravity of his manners, recommended him to THE esteem of THE\n people; and THE reluctance with which he seemed to ascend THE\n throne, may inspire a favorable prejudice of his virtue and\n moderation. The ambassadors of THE new emperor were immediately\n despatched to THE court of Theodosius, to communicate, with\n affected grief, THE unfortunate accident of THE death of\n Valentinian; and, without mentioning THE name of Arbogastes, to\n request, that THE monarch of THE East would embrace, as his\n lawful colleague, THE respectable citizen, who had obtained THE\n unanimous suffrage of THE armies and provinces of THE West. 110\n Theodosius was justly provoked, that THE perfidy of a Barbarian,\n should have destroyed, in a moment, THE labors, and THE fruit, of\n his former victory; and he was excited by THE tears of his\n beloved wife, 111 to revenge THE fate of her unhappy broTHEr, and\n once more to assert by arms THE violated majesty of THE throne.\n But as THE second conquest of THE West was a task of difficulty\n and danger, he dismissed, with splendid presents, and an\n ambiguous answer, THE ambassadors of Eugenius; and almost two\n years were consumed in THE preparations of THE civil war. Before\n he formed any decisive resolution, THE pious emperor was anxious\n to discover THE will of Heaven; and as THE progress of\n Christianity had silenced THE oracles of Delphi and Dodona, he\n consulted an Egyptian monk, who possessed, in THE opinion of THE\n age, THE gift of miracles, and THE knowledge of futurity.\n Eutropius, one of THE favorite eunuchs of THE palace of\n Constantinople, embarked for Alexandria, from whence he sailed up\n THE Nile, as far as THE city of Lycopolis, or of Wolves, in THE\n remote province of Thebais. 112 In THE neighborhood of that city,\n and on THE summit of a lofty mountain, THE holy John 113 had\n constructed, with his own hands, an humble cell, in which he had\n dwelt above fifty years, without opening his door, without seeing\n THE face of a woman, and without tasting any food that had been\n prepared by fire, or any human art. Five days of THE week he\n spent in prayer and meditation; but on Saturdays and Sundays he\n regularly opened a small window, and gave audience to THE crowd\n of suppliants who successively flowed from every part of THE\n Christian world. The eunuch of Theodosius approached THE window\n with respectful steps, proposed his questions concerning THE\n event of THE civil war, and soon returned with a favorable\n oracle, which animated THE courage of THE emperor by THE\n assurance of a bloody, but infallible victory. 114 The\n accomplishment of THE prediction was forwarded by all THE means\n that human prudence could supply. The industry of THE two\n master-generals, Stilicho and Timasius, was directed to recruit\n THE numbers, and to revive THE discipline of THE Roman legions.\n The formidable troops of Barbarians marched under THE ensigns of\n THEir national chieftains. The Iberian, THE Arab, and THE Goth,\n who gazed on each oTHEr with mutual astonishment, were enlisted\n in THE service of THE same prince; 1141 and THE renowned Alaric\n acquired, in THE school of Theodosius, THE knowledge of THE art\n of war, which he afterwards so fatally exerted for THE\n destruction of Rome. 115\n\n 109 (return) [ Quem sibi Germanus famulam delegerat exul, is THE\n contemptuous expression of Claudian, (iv. Cons. Hon. 74.)\n Eugenius professed Christianity; but his secret attachment to\n Paganism (Sozomen, l. vii. c. 22, Philostorg. l. xi. c. 2) is\n probable in a grammarian, and would secure THE friendship of\n Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 276, 277.)]\n\n 110 (return) [ Zosimus (l. iv. p. 278) mentions this embassy; but\n he is diverted by anoTHEr story from relating THE event.]\n\n 111 (return) [ Zosim. l. iv. p. 277. He afterwards says (p. 280)\n that Galla died in childbed; and intimates, that THE affliction\n of her husband was extreme but short.]\n\n 112 (return) [ Lycopolis is THE modern Siut, or Osiot, a town of\n Said, about THE size of St. Denys, which drives a profitable\n trade with THE kingdom of Senaar, and has a very convenient\n fountain, “cujus potu signa virgini tatis eripiuntur.” See\n D’Anville, Description de l’Egypte, p. 181 Abulfeda, Descript.\n Egypt. p. 14, and THE curious Annotations, p. 25, 92, of his\n editor Michaelis.]\n\n 113 (return) [ The Life of John of Lycopolis is described by his\n two friends, Rufinus (l. ii. c. i. p. 449) and Palladius, (Hist.\n Lausiac. c. 43, p. 738,) in Rosweyde’s great Collection of THE\n Vitae Patrum. Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. tom. x. p. 718, 720) has\n settled THE chronology.]\n\n 114 (return) [ Sozomen, l. vii. c. 22. Claudian (in Eutrop. l. i.\n 312) mentions THE eunuch’s journey; but he most contemptuously\n derides THE Egyptian dreams, and THE oracles of THE Nile.]\n\n 1141 (return) [ Gibbon has embodied THE picturesque verses of\n Claudian:—\n\n .... Nec tantis dissona linguis Turba, nec armorum cultu diversion\n unquam]\n\n 115 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iv. p. 280. Socrates, l. vii. 10.\n Alaric himself (de Bell. Getico, 524) dwells with more\n complacency on his early exploits against THE Romans.\n\n.... Tot Augustos Hebro qui teste fugavi.\n\n Yet his vanity could scarcely have proved this plurality of\n flying emperors.]\n\n The emperor of THE West, or, to speak more properly, his general\n Arbogastes, was instructed by THE misconduct and misfortune of\n Maximus, how dangerous it might prove to extend THE line of\n defence against a skilful antagonist, who was free to press, or\n to suspend, to contract, or to multiply, his various methods of\n attack. 116 Arbogastes fixed his station on THE confines of\n Italy; THE troops of Theodosius were permitted to occupy, without\n resistance, THE provinces of Pannonia, as far as THE foot of THE\n Julian Alps; and even THE passes of THE mountains were\n negligently, or perhaps artfully, abandoned to THE bold invader.\n He descended from THE hills, and beheld, with some astonishment,\n THE formidable camp of THE Gauls and Germans, that covered with\n arms and tents THE open country which extends to THE walls of\n Aquileia, and THE banks of THE Frigidus, 117 or Cold River. 118\n This narrow THEatre of THE war, circumscribed by THE Alps and THE\n Adriatic, did not allow much room for THE operations of military\n skill; THE spirit of Arbogastes would have disdained a pardon;\n his guilt extinguished THE hope of a negotiation; and Theodosius\n was impatient to satisfy his glory and revenge, by THE\n chastisement of THE assassins of Valentinian. Without weighing\n THE natural and artificial obstacles that opposed his efforts,\n THE emperor of THE East immediately attacked THE fortifications\n of his rivals, assigned THE post of honorable danger to THE\n Goths, and cherished a secret wish, that THE bloody conflict\n might diminish THE pride and numbers of THE conquerors. Ten\n thousand of those auxiliaries, and Bacurius, general of THE\n Iberians, died bravely on THE field of battle. But THE victory\n was not purchased by THEir blood; THE Gauls maintained THEir\n advantage; and THE approach of night protected THE disorderly\n flight, or retreat, of THE troops of Theodosius. The emperor\n retired to THE adjacent hills; where he passed a disconsolate\n night, without sleep, without provisions, and without hopes; 119\n except that strong assurance, which, under THE most desperate\n circumstances, THE independent mind may derive from THE contempt\n of fortune and of life. The triumph of Eugenius was celebrated by\n THE insolent and dissolute joy of his camp; whilst THE active and\n vigilant Arbogastes secretly detached a considerable body of\n troops to occupy THE passes of THE mountains, and to encompass\n THE rear of THE Eastern army. The dawn of day discovered to THE\n eyes of Theodosius THE extent and THE extremity of his danger;\n but his apprehensions were soon dispelled, by a friendly message\n from THE leaders of those troops who expressed THEir inclination\n to desert THE standard of THE tyrant. The honorable and lucrative\n rewards, which THEy stipulated as THE price of THEir perfidy,\n were granted without hesitation; and as ink and paper could not\n easily be procured, THE emperor subscribed, on his own tablets,\n THE ratification of THE treaty. The spirit of his soldiers was\n revived by this seasonable reenforcement; and THEy again marched,\n with confidence, to surprise THE camp of a tyrant, whose\n principal officers appeared to distrust, eiTHEr THE justice or\n THE success of his arms. In THE heat of THE battle, a violent\n tempest, 120 such as is often felt among THE Alps, suddenly arose\n from THE East. The army of Theodosius was sheltered by THEir\n position from THE impetuosity of THE wind, which blew a cloud of\n dust in THE faces of THE enemy, disordered THEir ranks, wrested\n THEir weapons from THEir hands, and diverted, or repelled, THEir\n ineffectual javelins. This accidental advantage was skilfully\n improved, THE violence of THE storm was magnified by THE\n superstitious terrors of THE Gauls; and THEy yielded without\n shame to THE invisible powers of heaven, who seemed to militate\n on THE side of THE pious emperor. His victory was decisive; and\n THE deaths of his two rivals were distinguished only by THE\n difference of THEir characters. The rhetorician Eugenius, who had\n almost acquired THE dominion of THE world, was reduced to implore\n THE mercy of THE conqueror; and THE unrelenting soldiers\n separated his head from his body as he lay prostrate at THE feet\n of Theodosius. Arbogastes, after THE loss of a battle, in which\n he had discharged THE duties of a soldier and a general, wandered\n several days among THE mountains. But when he was convinced that\n his cause was desperate, and his escape impracticable, THE\n intrepid Barbarian imitated THE example of THE ancient Romans,\n and turned his sword against his own breast. The fate of THE\n empire was determined in a narrow corner of Italy; and THE\n legitimate successor of THE house of Valentinian embraced THE\n archbishop of Milan, and graciously received THE submission of\n THE provinces of THE West. Those provinces were involved in THE\n guilt of rebellion; while THE inflexible courage of Ambrose alone\n had resisted THE claims of successful usurpation. With a manly\n freedom, which might have been fatal to any oTHEr subject, THE\n archbishop rejected THE gifts of Eugenius, 1201 declined his\n correspondence, and withdrew himself from Milan, to avoid THE\n odious presence of a tyrant, whose downfall he predicted in\n discreet and ambiguous language. The merit of Ambrose was\n applauded by THE conqueror, who secured THE attachment of THE\n people by his alliance with THE church; and THE clemency of\n Theodosius is ascribed to THE humane intercession of THE\n archbishop of Milan. 121\n\n 116 (return) [ Claudian (in iv. Cons. Honor. 77, &c.) contrasts\n THE military plans of THE two usurpers:—\n\n .... Novitas audere priorem Suadebat; cautumque dabant exempla\n sequentem. Hic nova moliri praeceps: hic quaerere tuta Providus. \n Hic fusis; colectis viribus ille. Hic vagus excurrens; hic\n claustra reductus Dissimiles, sed morte pares......]\n\n 117 (return) [ The Frigidus, a small, though memorable, stream in\n THE country of Goretz, now called THE Vipao, falls into THE\n Sontius, or Lisonzo, above Aquileia, some miles from THE\n Adriatic. See D’Anville’s ancient and modern maps, and THE Italia\n Antiqua of Cluverius, (tom. i. c. 188.)]\n\n 118 (return) [ Claudian’s wit is intolerable: THE snow was dyed\n red; THE cold ver smoked; and THE channel must have been choked\n with carcasses THE current had not been swelled with blood.\n Confluxit populus: totam pater undique secum Moverat Aurorem;\n mixtis hic Colchus Iberis, Hic mitra velatus Arabs, hic crine\n decoro Armenius, hic picta Saces, fucataque Medus, Hic gemmata\n tiger tentoria fixerat Indus.—De Laud. Stil. l. 145.—M.]\n\n 119 (return) [ Theodoret affirms, that St. John, and St. Philip,\n appeared to THE waking, or sleeping, emperor, on horseback, &c.\n This is THE first instance of apostolic chivalry, which\n afterwards became so popular in Spain, and in THE Crusades.]\n\n 120 (return) [ Te propter, gelidis Aquilo de monte procellis\n\n Obruit adversas acies; revolutaque tela Vertit in auctores, et\n turbine reppulit hastas\n O nimium dilecte Deo, cui fundit ab antris Aeolus armatas hyemes;\n cui militat AeTHEr, Et conjurati veniunt ad classica venti.\n\n These famous lines of Claudian (in iii. Cons. Honor. 93, &c. A.D.\n 396) are alleged by his contemporaries, Augustin and Orosius; who\n suppress THE Pagan deity of Aeolus, and add some circumstances\n from THE information of eye-witnesses. Within four months after\n THE victory, it was compared by Ambrose to THE miraculous\n victories of Moses and Joshua.]\n\n 1201 (return) [ Arbogastes and his emperor had openly espoused\n THE Pagan party, according to Ambrose and Augustin. See Le Beau,\n v. 40. Beugnot (Histoire de la Destruction du Paganisme) is more\n full, and perhaps somewhat fanciful, on this remarkable reaction\n in favor of Paganism, but compare p 116.—M.]\n\n 121 (return) [ The events of this civil war are gaTHEred from\n Ambrose, (tom. ii. Epist. lxii. p. 1022,) Paulinus, (in Vit.\n Ambros. c. 26-34,) Augustin, (de Civitat. Dei, v. 26,) Orosius,\n (l. vii. c. 35,) Sozomen, (l. vii. c. 24,) Theodoret, (l. v. c.\n 24,) Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 281, 282,) Claudian, (in iii. Cons. Hon.\n 63-105, in iv. Cons. Hon. 70-117,) and THE Chronicles published\n by Scaliger.]\n\n After THE defeat of Eugenius, THE merit, as well as THE\n authority, of Theodosius was cheerfully acknowledged by all THE\n inhabitants of THE Roman world. The experience of his past\n conduct encouraged THE most pleasing expectations of his future\n reign; and THE age of THE emperor, which did not exceed fifty\n years, seemed to extend THE prospect of THE public felicity. His\n death, only four months after his victory, was considered by THE\n people as an unforeseen and fatal event, which destroyed, in a\n moment, THE hopes of THE rising generation. But THE indulgence of\n ease and luxury had secretly nourished THE principles of disease.\n 122 The strength of Theodosius was unable to support THE sudden\n and violent transition from THE palace to THE camp; and THE\n increasing symptoms of a dropsy announced THE speedy dissolution\n of THE emperor. The opinion, and perhaps THE interest, of THE\n public had confirmed THE division of THE Eastern and Western\n empires; and THE two royal youths, Arcadius and Honorius, who had\n already obtained, from THE tenderness of THEir faTHEr, THE title\n of Augustus, were destined to fill THE thrones of Constantinople\n and of Rome. Those princes were not permitted to share THE danger\n and glory of THE civil war; 123 but as soon as Theodosius had\n triumphed over his unworthy rivals, he called his younger son,\n Honorius, to enjoy THE fruits of THE victory, and to receive THE\n sceptre of THE West from THE hands of his dying faTHEr. The\n arrival of Honorius at Milan was welcomed by a splendid\n exhibition of THE games of THE Circus; and THE emperor, though he\n was oppressed by THE weight of his disorder, contributed by his\n presence to THE public joy. But THE remains of his strength were\n exhausted by THE painful effort which he made to assist at THE\n spectacles of THE morning. Honorius supplied, during THE rest of\n THE day, THE place of his faTHEr; and THE great Theodosius\n expired in THE ensuing night. Notwithstanding THE recent\n animosities of a civil war, his death was universally lamented.\n The Barbarians, whom he had vanquished and THE churchmen, by whom\n he had been subdued, celebrated, with loud and sincere applause,\n THE qualities of THE deceased emperor, which appeared THE most\n valuable in THEir eyes. The Romans were terrified by THE\n impending dangers of a feeble and divided administration, and\n every disgraceful moment of THE unfortunate reigns of Arcadius\n and Honorius revived THE memory of THEir irreparable loss.\n\n 122 (return) [ This disease, ascribed by Socrates (l. v. c. 26)\n to THE fatigues of war, is represented by Philostorgius (l. xi.\n c. 2) as THE effect of sloth and intemperance; for which Photius\n calls him an impudent liar, (Godefroy, Dissert. p. 438.)]\n\n 123 (return) [ Zosimus supposes, that THE boy Honorius\n accompanied his faTHEr, (l. iv. p. 280.) Yet THE quanto\n flagrabrant pectora voto is all that flattery would allow to a\n contemporary poet; who clearly describes THE emperor’s refusal,\n and THE journey of Honorius, after THE victory (Claudian in iii.\n Cons. 78-125.)]\n\n In THE faithful picture of THE virtues of Theodosius, his\n imperfections have not been dissembled; THE act of cruelty, and\n THE habits of indolence, which tarnished THE glory of one of THE\n greatest of THE Roman princes. An historian, perpetually adverse\n to THE fame of Theodosius, has exaggerated his vices, and THEir\n pernicious effects; he boldly asserts, that every rank of\n subjects imitated THE effeminate manners of THEir sovereign; and\n that every species of corruption polluted THE course of public\n and private life; and that THE feeble restraints of order and\n decency were insufficient to resist THE progress of that\n degenerate spirit, which sacrifices, without a blush, THE\n consideration of duty and interest to THE base indulgence of\n sloth and appetite. 124 The complaints of contemporary writers,\n who deplore THE increase of luxury, and depravation of manners,\n are commonly expressive of THEir peculiar temper and situation.\n There are few observers, who possess a clear and comprehensive\n view of THE revolutions of society; and who are capable of\n discovering THE nice and secret springs of action, which impel,\n in THE same uniform direction, THE blind and capricious passions\n of a multitude of individuals. If it can be affirmed, with any\n degree of truth, that THE luxury of THE Romans was more shameless\n and dissolute in THE reign of Theodosius than in THE age of\n Constantine, perhaps, or of Augustus, THE alteration cannot be\n ascribed to any beneficial improvements, which had gradually\n increased THE stock of national riches. A long period of calamity\n or decay must have checked THE industry, and diminished THE\n wealth, of THE people; and THEir profuse luxury must have been\n THE result of that indolent despair, which enjoys THE present\n hour, and declines THE thoughts of futurity. The uncertain\n condition of THEir property discouraged THE subjects of\n Theodosius from engaging in those useful and laborious\n undertakings which require an immediate expense, and promise a\n slow and distant advantage. The frequent examples of ruin and\n desolation tempted THEm not to spare THE remains of a patrimony,\n which might, every hour, become THE prey of THE rapacious Goth.\n And THE mad prodigality which prevails in THE confusion of a\n shipwreck, or a siege, may serve to explain THE progress of\n luxury amidst THE misfortunes and terrors of a sinking nation.\n\n 124 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iv. p. 244.]\n\n The effeminate luxury, which infected THE manners of courts and\n cities, had instilled a secret and destructive poison into THE\n camps of THE legions; and THEir degeneracy has been marked by THE\n pen of a military writer, who had accurately studied THE genuine\n and ancient principles of Roman discipline. It is THE just and\n important observation of Vegetius, that THE infantry was\n invariably covered with defensive armor, from THE foundation of\n THE city, to THE reign of THE emperor Gratian. The relaxation of\n discipline, and THE disuse of exercise, rendered THE soldiers\n less able, and less willing, to support THE fatigues of THE\n service; THEy complained of THE weight of THE armor, which THEy\n seldom wore; and THEy successively obtained THE permission of\n laying aside both THEir cuirasses and THEir helmets. The heavy\n weapons of THEir ancestors, THE short sword, and THE formidable\n pilum, which had subdued THE world, insensibly dropped from THEir\n feeble hands. As THE use of THE shield is incompatible with that\n of THE bow, THEy reluctantly marched into THE field; condemned to\n suffer eiTHEr THE pain of wounds, or THE ignominy of flight, and\n always disposed to prefer THE more shameful alternative. The\n cavalry of THE Goths, THE Huns, and THE Alani, had felt THE\n benefits, and adopted THE use, of defensive armor; and, as THEy\n excelled in THE management of missile weapons, THEy easily\n overwhelmed THE naked and trembling legions, whose heads and\n breasts were exposed, without defence, to THE arrows of THE\n Barbarians. The loss of armies, THE destruction of cities, and\n THE dishonor of THE Roman name, ineffectually solicited THE\n successors of Gratian to restore THE helmets and THE cuirasses of\n THE infantry. The enervated soldiers abandoned THEir own and THE\n public defence; and THEir pusillanimous indolence may be\n considered as THE immediate cause of THE downfall of THE empire.\n 125\n\n 125 (return) [ Vegetius, de Re Militari, l. i. c. 10. The series\n of calamities which he marks, compel us to believe, that THE\n Hero, to whom he dedicates his book, is THE last and most\n inglorious of THE Valentinians.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXVIII: Destruction Of Paganism.—Part I.\n\n Final Destruction Of Paganism.—Introduction Of The Worship Of\n Saints, And Relics, Among The Christians.\n\n The ruin of Paganism, in THE age of Theodosius, is perhaps THE\n only example of THE total extirpation of any ancient and popular\n superstition; and may THErefore deserve to be considered as a\n singular event in THE history of THE human mind. The Christians,\n more especially THE clergy, had impatiently supported THE prudent\n delays of Constantine, and THE equal toleration of THE elder\n Valentinian; nor could THEy deem THEir conquest perfect or\n secure, as long as THEir adversaries were permitted to exist. The\n influence which Ambrose and his brethren had acquired over THE\n youth of Gratian, and THE piety of Theodosius, was employed to\n infuse THE maxims of persecution into THE breasts of THEir\n Imperial proselytes. Two specious principles of religious\n jurisprudence were established, from whence THEy deduced a direct\n and rigorous conclusion, against THE subjects of THE empire who\n still adhered to THE ceremonies of THEir ancestors: that THE\n magistrate is, in some measure, guilty of THE crimes which he\n neglects to prohibit, or to punish; and, that THE idolatrous\n worship of fabulous deities, and real daemons, is THE most\n abominable crime against THE supreme majesty of THE Creator. The\n laws of Moses, and THE examples of Jewish history, 1 were\n hastily, perhaps erroneously, applied, by THE clergy, to THE mild\n and universal reign of Christianity. 2 The zeal of THE emperors\n was excited to vindicate THEir own honor, and that of THE Deity:\n and THE temples of THE Roman world were subverted, about sixty\n years after THE conversion of Constantine.\n\n 1 (return) [ St. Ambrose (tom. ii. de Obit. Theodos. p. 1208)\n expressly praises and recommends THE zeal of Josiah in THE\n destruction of idolatry The language of Julius Firmicus Maternus\n on THE same subject (de Errore Profan. Relig. p. 467, edit.\n Gronov.) is piously inhuman. Nec filio jubet (THE Mosaic Law)\n parci, nec fratri, et per amatam conjugera gladium vindicem\n ducit, &c.]\n\n 2 (return) [ Bayle (tom. ii. p. 406, in his Commentaire\n Philosophique) justifies, and limits, THEse intolerant laws by\n THE temporal reign of Jehovah over THE Jews. The attempt is\n laudable.]\n\n From THE age of Numa to THE reign of Gratian, THE Romans\n preserved THE regular succession of THE several colleges of THE\n sacerdotal order. 3 Fifteen Pontiffs exercised THEir supreme\n jurisdiction over all things, and persons, that were consecrated\n to THE service of THE gods; and THE various questions which\n perpetually arose in a loose and traditionary system, were\n submitted to THE judgment of THEir holy tribunal. Fifteen grave\n and learned Augurs observed THE face of THE heavens, and\n prescribed THE actions of heroes, according to THE flight of\n birds. Fifteen keepers of THE Sibylline books (THEir name of\n Quindecemvirs was derived from THEir number) occasionally\n consulted THE history of future, and, as it should seem, of\n contingent, events. Six Vestals devoted THEir virginity to THE\n guard of THE sacred fire, and of THE unknown pledges of THE\n duration of Rome; which no mortal had been suffered to behold\n with impunity. 4 Seven Epulos prepared THE table of THE gods,\n conducted THE solemn procession, and regulated THE ceremonies of\n THE annual festival. The three Flamens of Jupiter, of Mars, and\n of Quirinus, were considered as THE peculiar ministers of THE\n three most powerful deities, who watched over THE fate of Rome\n and of THE universe. The King of THE Sacrifices represented THE\n person of Numa, and of his successors, in THE religious\n functions, which could be performed only by royal hands. The\n confraternities of THE Salians, THE Lupercals, &c., practised\n such rites as might extort a smile of contempt from every\n reasonable man, with a lively confidence of recommending\n THEmselves to THE favor of THE immortal gods. The authority,\n which THE Roman priests had formerly obtained in THE counsels of\n THE republic, was gradually abolished by THE establishment of\n monarchy, and THE removal of THE seat of empire. But THE dignity\n of THEir sacred character was still protected by THE laws, and\n manners of THEir country; and THEy still continued, more\n especially THE college of pontiffs, to exercise in THE capital,\n and sometimes in THE provinces, THE rights of THEir\n ecclesiastical and civil jurisdiction. Their robes of purple,\n chariotz of state, and sumptuous entertainments, attracted THE\n admiration of THE people; and THEy received, from THE consecrated\n lands, and THE public revenue, an ample stipend, which liberally\n supported THE splendor of THE priesthood, and all THE expenses of\n THE religious worship of THE state. As THE service of THE altar\n was not incompatible with THE command of armies, THE Romans,\n after THEir consulships and triumphs, aspired to THE place of\n pontiff, or of augur; THE seats of Cicero 5 and Pompey were\n filled, in THE fourth century, by THE most illustrious members of\n THE senate; and THE dignity of THEir birth reflected additional\n splendor on THEir sacerdotal character. The fifteen priests, who\n composed THE college of pontiffs, enjoyed a more distinguished\n rank as THE companions of THEir sovereign; and THE Christian\n emperors condescended to accept THE robe and ensigns, which were\n appropriated to THE office of supreme pontiff. But when Gratian\n ascended THE throne, more scrupulous or more enlightened, he\n sternly rejected those profane symbols; 6 applied to THE service\n of THE state, or of THE church, THE revenues of THE priests and\n vestals; abolished THEir honors and immunities; and dissolved THE\n ancient fabric of Roman superstition, which was supported by THE\n opinions and habits of eleven hundred years. Paganism was still\n THE constitutional religion of THE senate. The hall, or temple,\n in which THEy assembled, was adorned by THE statue and altar of\n Victory; 7 a majestic female standing on a globe, with flowing\n garments, expanded wings, and a crown of laurel in her\n outstretched hand. 8 The senators were sworn on THE altar of THE\n goddess to observe THE laws of THE emperor and of THE empire: and\n a solemn offering of wine and incense was THE ordinary prelude of\n THEir public deliberations. 9 The removal of this ancient\n monument was THE only injury which Constantius had offered to THE\n superstition of THE Romans. The altar of Victory was again\n restored by Julian, tolerated by Valentinian, and once more\n banished from THE senate by THE zeal of Gratian. 10 But THE\n emperor yet spared THE statues of THE gods which were exposed to\n THE public veneration: four hundred and twenty-four temples, or\n chapels, still remained to satisfy THE devotion of THE people;\n and in every quarter of Rome THE delicacy of THE Christians was\n offended by THE fumes of idolatrous sacrifice. 11\n\n 3 (return) [ See THE outlines of THE Roman hierarchy in Cicero,\n (de Legibus, ii. 7, 8,) Livy, (i. 20,) Dionysius\n Halicarnassensis, (l. ii. p. 119-129, edit. Hudson,) Beaufort,\n (Republique Romaine, tom. i. p. 1-90,) and Moyle, (vol. i. p.\n 10-55.) The last is THE work of an English whig, as well as of a\n Roman antiquary.]\n\n 4 (return) [ These mystic, and perhaps imaginary, symbols have\n given birth to various fables and conjectures. It seems probable,\n that THE Palladium was a small statue (three cubits and a half\n high) of Minerva, with a lance and distaff; that it was usually\n enclosed in a seria, or barrel; and that a similar barrel was\n placed by its side to disconcert curiosity, or sacrilege. See\n Mezeriac (Comment. sur les Epitres d’Ovide, tom i. p. 60—66) and\n Lipsius, (tom. iii. p. 610 de Vesta, &c. c 10.)]\n\n 5 (return) [ Cicero frankly (ad Atticum, l. ii. Epist. 5) or\n indirectly (ad Familiar. l. xv. Epist. 4) confesses that THE\n Augurate is THE supreme object of his wishes. Pliny is proud to\n tread in THE footsteps of Cicero, (l. iv. Epist. 8,) and THE\n chain of tradition might be continued from history and marbles.]\n\n 6 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iv. p. 249, 250. I have suppressed THE\n foolish pun about Pontifex and Maximus.]\n\n 7 (return) [ This statue was transported from Tarentum to Rome,\n placed in THE Curia Julia by Caesar, and decorated by Augustus\n with THE spoils of Egypt.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Prudentius (l. ii. in initio) has drawn a very\n awkward portrait of Victory; but THE curious reader will obtain\n more satisfaction from Montfaucon’s Antiquities, (tom. i. p.\n 341.)]\n\n 9 (return) [ See Suetonius (in August. c. 35) and THE Exordium of\n Pliny’s Panegyric.]\n\n 10 (return) [ These facts are mutually allowed by THE two\n advocates, Symmachus and Ambrose.]\n\n 11 (return) [ The Notitia Urbis, more recent than Constantine,\n does not find one Christian church worthy to be named among THE\n edifices of THE city. Ambrose (tom. ii. Epist. xvii. p. 825)\n deplores THE public scandals of Rome, which continually offended\n THE eyes, THE ears, and THE nostrils of THE faithful.]\n\n But THE Christians formed THE least numerous party in THE senate\n of Rome: 12 and it was only by THEir absence, that THEy could\n express THEir dissent from THE legal, though profane, acts of a\n Pagan majority. In that assembly, THE dying embers of freedom\n were, for a moment, revived and inflamed by THE breath of\n fanaticism. Four respectable deputations were successively voted\n to THE Imperial court, 13 to represent THE grievances of THE\n priesthood and THE senate, and to solicit THE restoration of THE\n altar of Victory. The conduct of this important business was\n intrusted to THE eloquent Symmachus, 14 a wealthy and noble\n senator, who united THE sacred characters of pontiff and augur\n with THE civil dignities of proconsul of Africa and præfect of\n THE city. The breast of Symmachus was animated by THE warmest\n zeal for THE cause of expiring Paganism; and his religious\n antagonists lamented THE abuse of his genius, and THE inefficacy\n of his moral virtues. 15 The orator, whose petition is extant to\n THE emperor Valentinian, was conscious of THE difficulty and\n danger of THE office which he had assumed. He cautiously avoids\n every topic which might appear to reflect on THE religion of his\n sovereign; humbly declares, that prayers and entreaties are his\n only arms; and artfully draws his arguments from THE schools of\n rhetoric, raTHEr than from those of philosophy. Symmachus\n endeavors to seduce THE imagination of a young prince, by\n displaying THE attributes of THE goddess of victory; he\n insinuates, that THE confiscation of THE revenues, which were\n consecrated to THE service of THE gods, was a measure unworthy of\n his liberal and disinterested character; and he maintains, that\n THE Roman sacrifices would be deprived of THEir force and energy,\n if THEy were no longer celebrated at THE expense, as well as in\n THE name, of THE republic. Even scepticism is made to supply an\n apology for superstition. The great and incomprehensible secret\n of THE universe eludes THE inquiry of man. Where reason cannot\n instruct, custom may be permitted to guide; and every nation\n seems to consult THE dictates of prudence, by a faithful\n attachment to those rites and opinions, which have received THE\n sanction of ages. If those ages have been crowned with glory and\n prosperity, if THE devout people have frequently obtained THE\n blessings which THEy have solicited at THE altars of THE gods, it\n must appear still more advisable to persist in THE same salutary\n practice; and not to risk THE unknown perils that may attend any\n rash innovations. The test of antiquity and success was applied\n with singular advantage to THE religion of Numa; and Rome\n herself, THE celestial genius that presided over THE fates of THE\n city, is introduced by THE orator to plead her own cause before\n THE tribunal of THE emperors. “Most excellent princes,” says THE\n venerable matron, “faTHErs of your country! pity and respect my\n age, which has hiTHErto flowed in an uninterrupted course of\n piety. Since I do not repent, permit me to continue in THE\n practice of my ancient rites. Since I am born free, allow me to\n enjoy my domestic institutions. This religion has reduced THE\n world under my laws. These rites have repelled Hannibal from THE\n city, and THE Gauls from THE Capitol. Were my gray hairs reserved\n for such intolerable disgrace? I am ignorant of THE new system\n that I am required to adopt; but I am well assured, that THE\n correction of old age is always an ungrateful and ignominious\n office.” 16 The fears of THE people supplied what THE discretion\n of THE orator had suppressed; and THE calamities, which\n afflicted, or threatened, THE declining empire, were unanimously\n imputed, by THE Pagans, to THE new religion of Christ and of\n Constantine.\n\n 12 (return) [ Ambrose repeatedly affirms, in contradiction to\n common sense (Moyle’s Works, vol. ii. p. 147,) that THE\n Christians had a majority in THE senate.]\n\n 13 (return) [ The first (A.D. 382) to Gratian, who refused THEm\n audience; THE second (A.D. 384) to Valentinian, when THE field\n was disputed by Symmachus and Ambrose; THE third (A.D. 388) to\n Theodosius; and THE fourth (A.D. 392) to Valentinian. Lardner\n (HeaTHEn Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 372-399) fairly represents THE\n whole transaction.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Symmachus, who was invested with all THE civil and\n sacerdotal honors, represented THE emperor under THE two\n characters of Pontifex Maximus, and Princeps Senatus. See THE\n proud inscription at THE head of his works. * Note: Mr. Beugnot\n has made it doubtful wheTHEr Symmachus was more than Pontifex\n Major. Destruction du Paganisme, vol. i. p. 459.—M.]\n\n 15 (return) [ As if any one, says Prudentius (in Symmach. i. 639)\n should dig in THE mud with an instrument of gold and ivory. Even\n saints, and polemic saints, treat this adversary with respect and\n civility.]\n\n 16 (return) [ See THE fifty-fourth Epistle of THE tenth book of\n Symmachus. In THE form and disposition of his ten books of\n Epistles, he imitated THE younger Pliny; whose rich and florid\n style he was supposed, by his friends, to equal or excel,\n (Macrob. Saturnal. l. v. c. i.) But THE luxcriancy of Symmachus\n consists of barren leaves, without fruits, and even without\n flowers. Few facts, and few sentiments, can be extracted from his\n verbose correspondence.]\n\n But THE hopes of Symmachus were repeatedly baffled by THE firm\n and dexterous opposition of THE archbishop of Milan, who\n fortified THE emperors against THE fallacious eloquence of THE\n advocate of Rome. In this controversy, Ambrose condescends to\n speak THE language of a philosopher, and to ask, with some\n contempt, why it should be thought necessary to introduce an\n imaginary and invisible power, as THE cause of those victories,\n which were sufficiently explained by THE valor and discipline of\n THE legions. He justly derides THE absurd reverence for\n antiquity, which could only tend to discourage THE improvements\n of art, and to replunge THE human race into THEir original\n barbarism. From THEnce, gradually rising to a more lofty and\n THEological tone, he pronounces, that Christianity alone is THE\n doctrine of truth and salvation; and that every mode of\n PolyTHEism conducts its deluded votaries, through THE paths of\n error, to THE abyss of eternal perdition. 17 Arguments like\n THEse, when THEy were suggested by a favorite bishop, had power\n to prevent THE restoration of THE altar of Victory; but THE same\n arguments fell, with much more energy and effect, from THE mouth\n of a conqueror; and THE gods of antiquity were dragged in triumph\n at THE chariot-wheels of Theodosius. 18 In a full meeting of THE\n senate, THE emperor proposed, according to THE forms of THE\n republic, THE important question, WheTHEr THE worship of Jupiter,\n or that of Christ, should be THE religion of THE Romans. 1811 The\n liberty of suffrages, which he affected to allow, was destroyed\n by THE hopes and fears that his presence inspired; and THE\n arbitrary exile of Symmachus was a recent admonition, that it\n might be dangerous to oppose THE wishes of THE monarch. On a\n regular division of THE senate, Jupiter was condemned and\n degraded by THE sense of a very large majority; and it is raTHEr\n surprising, that any members should be found bold enough to\n declare, by THEir speeches and votes, that THEy were still\n attached to THE interest of an abdicated deity. 19 The hasty\n conversion of THE senate must be attributed eiTHEr to\n supernatural or to sordid motives; and many of THEse reluctant\n proselytes betrayed, on every favorable occasion, THEir secret\n disposition to throw aside THE mask of odious dissimulation. But\n THEy were gradually fixed in THE new religion, as THE cause of\n THE ancient became more hopeless; THEy yielded to THE authority\n of THE emperor, to THE fashion of THE times, and to THE\n entreaties of THEir wives and children, 20 who were instigated\n and governed by THE clergy of Rome and THE monks of THE East. The\n edifying example of THE Anician family was soon imitated by THE\n rest of THE nobility: THE Bassi, THE Paullini, THE Gracchi,\n embraced THE Christian religion; and “THE luminaries of THE\n world, THE venerable assembly of Catos (such are THE high-flown\n expressions of Prudentius) were impatient to strip THEmselves of\n THEir pontifical garment; to cast THE skin of THE old serpent; to\n assume THE snowy robes of baptismal innocence, and to humble THE\n pride of THE consular fasces before tombs of THE martyrs.” 21 The\n citizens, who subsisted by THEir own industry, and THE populace,\n who were supported by THE public liberality, filled THE churches\n of THE Lateran, and Vatican, with an incessant throng of devout\n proselytes. The decrees of THE senate, which proscribed THE\n worship of idols, were ratified by THE general consent of THE\n Romans; 22 THE splendor of THE Capitol was defaced, and THE\n solitary temples were abandoned to ruin and contempt. 23 Rome\n submitted to THE yoke of THE Gospel; and THE vanquished provinces\n had not yet lost THEir reverence for THE name and authority of\n Rome. 2311\n\n 17 (return) [ See Ambrose, (tom. ii. Epist. xvii. xviii. p.\n 825-833.) The former of THEse epistles is a short caution; THE\n latter is a formal reply of THE petition or libel of Symmachus.\n The same ideas are more copiously expressed in THE poetry, if it\n may deserve that name, of Prudentius; who composed his two books\n against Symmachus (A.D. 404) while that senator was still alive.\n It is whimsical enough that Montesquieu (Considerations, &c. c.\n xix. tom. iii. p. 487) should overlook THE two professed\n antagonists of Symmachus, and amuse himself with descanting on\n THE more remote and indirect confutations of Orosius, St.\n Augustin, and Salvian.]\n\n 18 (return) [ See Prudentius (in Symmach. l. i. 545, &c.) The\n Christian agrees with THE Pagan Zosimus (l. iv. p. 283) in\n placing this visit of Theodosius after THE second civil war,\n gemini bis victor caede Tyranni, (l. i. 410.) But THE time and\n circumstances are better suited to his first triumph.]\n\n 1811 (return) [ M. Beugnot (in his Histoire de la Destruction du\n Paganisme en Occident, i. p. 483-488) questions, altogeTHEr, THE\n truth of this statement. It is very remarkable that Zosimus and\n Prudentius concur in asserting THE fact of THE question being\n solemnly deliberated by THE senate, though with directly opposite\n results. Zosimus declares that THE majority of THE assembly\n adhered to THE ancient religion of Rome; Gibbon has adopted THE\n authority of Prudentius, who, as a Latin writer, though a poet,\n deserves more credit than THE Greek historian. Both concur in\n placing this scene after THE second triumph of Theodosius; but it\n has been almost demonstrated (and Gibbon—see THE preceding\n note—seems to have acknowledged this) by Pagi and Tillemont, that\n Theodosius did not visit Rome after THE defeat of Eugenius. M.\n Beugnot urges, with much force, THE improbability that THE\n Christian emperor would submit such a question to THE senate,\n whose authority was nearly obsolete, except on one occasion,\n which was almost hailed as an epoch in THE restoration of her\n ancient privileges. The silence of Ambrose and of Jerom on an\n event so striking, and redounding so much to THE honor of\n Christianity, is of considerable weight. M. Beugnot would ascribe\n THE whole scene to THE poetic imagination of Prudentius; but I\n must observe, that, however Prudentius is sometimes elevated by\n THE grandeur of his subject to vivid and eloquent language, this\n flight of invention would be so much bolder and more vigorous\n than usual with this poet, that I cannot but suppose THEre must\n have been some foundation for THE story, though it may have been\n exaggerated by THE poet, or misrepresented by THE historian.—M]\n\n 19 (return) [ Prudentius, after proving that THE sense of THE\n senate is declared by a legal majority, proceeds to say, (609,\n &c.)—\n\n Adspice quam pleno subsellia nostra Senatu Decernant infame Jovis\n pulvinar, et omne Idolum longe purgata ex urbe fugandum, Qua vocat\n egregii sententia Principis, illuc Libera, cum pedibus, tum corde,\n frequentia transit.\n\n Zosimus ascribes to THE conscript faTHErs a heaTHEnish courage,\n which few of THEm are found to possess.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Jerom specifies THE pontiff Albinus, who was\n surrounded with such a believing family of children and\n grandchildren, as would have been sufficient to convert even\n Jupiter himself; an extraordinary proselyted (tom. i. ad Laetam,\n p. 54.)]\n\n 21 (return) [\n\n Exultare Patres videas, pulcherrima mundi Lumina; Conciliumque\n senum gestire Catonum Candidiore toga niveum pietatis amictum\n Sumere; et exuvias deponere pontificales.\n\n The fancy of Prudentius is warmed and elevated by victory]\n\n 22 (return) [ Prudentius, after he has described THE conversion\n of THE senate and people, asks, with some truth and confidence,\n\n Et dubitamus adhuc Romam, tibi, Christe, dicatam In leges transisse\n tuas?]\n\n 23 (return) [ Jerom exults in THE desolation of THE Capitol, and\n THE oTHEr temples of Rome, (tom. i. p. 54, tom. ii. p. 95.)]\n\n 2311 (return) [ M. Beugnot is more correct in his general\n estimate of THE measures enforced by Theodosius for THE abolition\n of Paganism. He seized (according to Zosimus) THE funds bestowed\n by THE public for THE expense of sacrifices. The public\n sacrifices ceased, not because THEy were positively prohibited,\n but because THE public treasury would no longer bear THE expense.\n The public and THE private sacrifices in THE provinces, which\n were not under THE same regulations with those of THE capital,\n continued to take place. In Rome itself, many pagan ceremonies,\n which were without sacrifice, remained in full force. The gods,\n THErefore, were invoked, THE temples were frequented, THE\n pontificates inscribed, according to ancient usage, among THE\n family titles of honor; and it cannot be asserted that idolatry\n was completely destroyed by Theodosius. See Beugnot, p. 491.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXVIII: Destruction Of Paganism.—Part II.\n\n The filial piety of THE emperors THEmselves engaged THEm to\n proceed, with some caution and tenderness, in THE reformation of\n THE eternal city. Those absolute monarchs acted with less regard\n to THE prejudices of THE provincials. The pious labor which had\n been suspended near twenty years since THE death of Constantius,\n 24 was vigorously resumed, and finally accomplished, by THE zeal\n of Theodosius. Whilst that warlike prince yet struggled with THE\n Goths, not for THE glory, but for THE safety, of THE republic, he\n ventured to offend a considerable party of his subjects, by some\n acts which might perhaps secure THE protection of Heaven, but\n which must seem rash and unseasonable in THE eye of human\n prudence. The success of his first experiments against THE Pagans\n encouraged THE pious emperor to reiterate and enforce his edicts\n of proscription: THE same laws which had been originally\n published in THE provinces of THE East, were applied, after THE\n defeat of Maximus, to THE whole extent of THE Western empire; and\n every victory of THE orthodox Theodosius contributed to THE\n triumph of THE Christian and Catholic faith. 25 He attacked\n superstition in her most vital part, by prohibiting THE use of\n sacrifices, which he declared to be criminal as well as infamous;\n and if THE terms of his edicts more strictly condemned THE\n impious curiosity which examined THE entrails of THE victim, 26\n every subsequent explanation tended to involve in THE same guilt\n THE general practice of immolation, which essentially constituted\n THE religion of THE Pagans. As THE temples had been erected for\n THE purpose of sacrifice, it was THE duty of a benevolent prince\n to remove from his subjects THE dangerous temptation of offending\n against THE laws which he had enacted. A special commission was\n granted to Cynegius, THE Prætorian præfect of THE East, and\n afterwards to THE counts Jovius and Gaudentius, two officers of\n distinguished rank in THE West; by which THEy were directed to\n shut THE temples, to seize or destroy THE instruments of\n idolatry, to abolish THE privileges of THE priests, and to\n confiscate THE consecrated property for THE benefit of THE\n emperor, of THE church, or of THE army. 27 Here THE desolation\n might have stopped: and THE naked edifices, which were no longer\n employed in THE service of idolatry, might have been protected\n from THE destructive rage of fanaticism. Many of those temples\n were THE most splendid and beautiful monuments of Grecian\n architecture; and THE emperor himself was interested not to\n deface THE splendor of his own cities, or to diminish THE value\n of his own possessions. Those stately edifices might be suffered\n to remain, as so many lasting trophies of THE victory of Christ.\n In THE decline of THE arts THEy might be usefully converted into\n magazines, manufactures, or places of public assembly: and\n perhaps, when THE walls of THE temple had been sufficiently\n purified by holy rites, THE worship of THE true Deity might be\n allowed to expiate THE ancient guilt of idolatry. But as long as\n THEy subsisted, THE Pagans fondly cherished THE secret hope, that\n an auspicious revolution, a second Julian, might again restore\n THE altars of THE gods: and THE earnestness with which THEy\n addressed THEir unavailing prayers to THE throne, 28 increased\n THE zeal of THE Christian reformers to extirpate, without mercy,\n THE root of superstition. The laws of THE emperors exhibit some\n symptoms of a milder disposition: 29 but THEir cold and languid\n efforts were insufficient to stem THE torrent of enthusiasm and\n rapine, which was conducted, or raTHEr impelled, by THE spiritual\n rulers of THE church. In Gaul, THE holy Martin, bishop of Tours,\n 30 marched at THE head of his faithful monks to destroy THE\n idols, THE temples, and THE consecrated trees of his extensive\n diocese; and, in THE execution of this arduous task, THE prudent\n reader will judge wheTHEr Martin was supported by THE aid of\n miraculous powers, or of carnal weapons. In Syria, THE divine and\n excellent Marcellus, 31 as he is styled by Theodoret, a bishop\n animated with apostolic fervor, resolved to level with THE ground\n THE stately temples within THE diocese of Apamea. His attack was\n resisted by THE skill and solidity with which THE temple of\n Jupiter had been constructed. The building was seated on an\n eminence: on each of THE four sides, THE lofty roof was supported\n by fifteen massy columns, sixteen feet in circumference; and THE\n large stone, of which THEy were composed, were firmly cemented\n with lead and iron. The force of THE strongest and sharpest tools\n had been tried without effect. It was found necessary to\n undermine THE foundations of THE columns, which fell down as soon\n as THE temporary wooden props had been consumed with fire; and\n THE difficulties of THE enterprise are described under THE\n allegory of a black daemon, who retarded, though he could not\n defeat, THE operations of THE Christian engineers. Elated with\n victory, Marcellus took THE field in person against THE powers of\n darkness; a numerous troop of soldiers and gladiators marched\n under THE episcopal banner, and he successively attacked THE\n villages and country temples of THE diocese of Apamea. Whenever\n any resistance or danger was apprehended, THE champion of THE\n faith, whose lameness would not allow him eiTHEr to fight or fly,\n placed himself at a convenient distance, beyond THE reach of\n darts. But this prudence was THE occasion of his death: he was\n surprised and slain by a body of exasperated rustics; and THE\n synod of THE province pronounced, without hesitation, that THE\n holy Marcellus had sacrificed his life in THE cause of God. In\n THE support of this cause, THE monks, who rushed with tumultuous\n fury from THE desert, distinguished THEmselves by THEir zeal and\n diligence. They deserved THE enmity of THE Pagans; and some of\n THEm might deserve THE reproaches of avarice and intemperance; of\n avarice, which THEy gratified with holy plunder, and of\n intemperance, which THEy indulged at THE expense of THE people,\n who foolishly admired THEir tattered garments, loud psalmody, and\n artificial paleness. 32 A small number of temples was protected\n by THE fears, THE venality, THE taste, or THE prudence, of THE\n civil and ecclesiastical governors. The temple of THE Celestial\n Venus at Carthage, whose sacred precincts formed a circumference\n of two miles, was judiciously converted into a Christian church;\n 33 and a similar consecration has preserved inviolate THE\n majestic dome of THE PanTHEon at Rome. 34 But in almost every\n province of THE Roman world, an army of fanatics, without\n authority, and without discipline, invaded THE peaceful\n inhabitants; and THE ruin of THE fairest structures of antiquity\n still displays THE ravages of those Barbarians, who alone had\n time and inclination to execute such laborious destruction.\n\n 24 (return) [ Libanius (Orat. pro Templis, p. 10, Genev. 1634,\n published by James Godefroy, and now extremely scarce) accuses\n Valentinian and Valens of prohibiting sacrifices. Some partial\n order may have been issued by THE Eastern emperor; but THE idea\n of any general law is contradicted by THE silence of THE Code,\n and THE evidence of ecclesiastical history. Note: See in Reiske’s\n edition of Libanius, tom. ii. p. 155. Sacrific was prohibited by\n Valens, but not THE offering of incense.—M.]\n\n 25 (return) [ See his laws in THE Theodosian Code, l. xvi. tit.\n x. leg. 7-11.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Homer’s sacrifices are not accompanied with any\n inquisition of entrails, (see Feithius, Antiquitat. Homer. l. i.\n c. 10, 16.) The Tuscans, who produced THE first Haruspices,\n subdued both THE Greeks and THE Romans, (Cicero de Divinatione,\n ii. 23.)]\n\n 27 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iv. p. 245, 249. Theodoret. l. v. c.\n 21. Idatius in Chron. Prosper. Aquitan. l. iii. c. 38, apud\n Baronium, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 389, No. 52. Libanius (pro Templis,\n p. 10) labors to prove that THE commands of Theodosius were not\n direct and positive. * Note: Libanius appears to be THE best\n authority for THE East, where, under Theodosius, THE work of\n devastation was carried on with very different degrees of\n violence, according to THE temper of THE local authorities and of\n THE clergy; and more especially THE neighborhood of THE more\n fanatican monks. Neander well observes, that THE prohibition of\n sacrifice would be easily misinterpreted into an authority for\n THE destruction of THE buildings in which sacrifices were\n performed. (Geschichte der Christlichen religion ii. p. 156.) An\n abuse of this kind led to this remarkable oration of Libanius.\n Neander, however, justly doubts wheTHEr this bold vindication or\n at least exculpation, of Paganism was ever delivered before, or\n even placed in THE hands of THE Christian emperor.—M.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Cod. Theodos, l. xvi. tit. x. leg. 8, 18. There is\n room to believe, that this temple of Edessa, which Theodosius\n wished to save for civil uses, was soon afterwards a heap of\n ruins, (Libanius pro Templis, p. 26, 27, and Godefroy’s notes, p.\n 59.)]\n\n 29 (return) [ See this curious oration of Libanius pro Templis,\n pronounced, or raTHEr composed, about THE year 390. I have\n consulted, with advantage, Dr. Lardner’s version and remarks,\n (HeaTHEn Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 135-163.)]\n\n 30 (return) [ See THE Life of Martin by Sulpicius Severus, c.\n 9-14. The saint once mistook (as Don Quixote might have done) a\n harmless funeral for an idolatrous procession, and imprudently\n committed a miracle.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Compare Sozomen, (l. vii. c. 15) with Theodoret,\n (l. v. c. 21.) Between THEm, THEy relate THE crusade and death of\n Marcellus.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Libanius, pro Templis, p. 10-13. He rails at THEse\n black-garbed men, THE Christian monks, who eat more than\n elephants. Poor elephants! THEy are temperate animals.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Prosper. Aquitan. l. iii. c. 38, apud Baronium;\n Annal. Eccles. A.D. 389, No. 58, &c. The temple had been shut\n some time, and THE access to it was overgrown with brambles.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Donatus, Roma Antiqua et Nova, l. iv. c. 4, p. 468.\n This consecration was performed by Pope Boniface IV. I am\n ignorant of THE favorable circumstances which had preserved THE\n PanTHEon above two hundred years after THE reign of Theodosius.]\n\n In this wide and various prospect of devastation, THE spectator\n may distinguish THE ruins of THE temple of Serapis, at\n Alexandria. 35 Serapis does not appear to have been one of THE\n native gods, or monsters, who sprung from THE fruitful soil of\n superstitious Egypt. 36 The first of THE Ptolemies had been\n commanded, by a dream, to import THE mysterious stranger from THE\n coast of Pontus, where he had been long adored by THE inhabitants\n of Sinope; but his attributes and his reign were so imperfectly\n understood, that it became a subject of dispute, wheTHEr he\n represented THE bright orb of day, or THE gloomy monarch of THE\n subterraneous regions. 37 The Egyptians, who were obstinately\n devoted to THE religion of THEir faTHErs, refused to admit this\n foreign deity within THE walls of THEir cities. 38 But THE\n obsequious priests, who were seduced by THE liberality of THE\n Ptolemies, submitted, without resistance, to THE power of THE god\n of Pontus: an honorable and domestic genealogy was provided; and\n this fortunate usurper was introduced into THE throne and bed of\n Osiris, 39 THE husband of Isis, and THE celestial monarch of\n Egypt. Alexandria, which claimed his peculiar protection, gloried\n in THE name of THE city of Serapis. His temple, 40 which rivalled\n THE pride and magnificence of THE Capitol, was erected on THE\n spacious summit of an artificial mount, raised one hundred steps\n above THE level of THE adjacent parts of THE city; and THE\n interior cavity was strongly supported by arches, and distributed\n into vaults and subterraneous apartments. The consecrated\n buildings were surrounded by a quadrangular portico; THE stately\n halls, and exquisite statues, displayed THE triumph of THE arts;\n and THE treasures of ancient learning were preserved in THE\n famous Alexandrian library, which had arisen with new splendor\n from its ashes. 41 After THE edicts of Theodosius had severely\n prohibited THE sacrifices of THE Pagans, THEy were still\n tolerated in THE city and temple of Serapis; and this singular\n indulgence was imprudently ascribed to THE superstitious terrors\n of THE Christians THEmselves; as if THEy had feared to abolish\n those ancient rites, which could alone secure THE inundations of\n THE Nile, THE harvests of Egypt, and THE subsistence of\n Constantinople. 42\n\n 35 (return) [ Sophronius composed a recent and separate history,\n (Jerom, in Script. Eccles. tom. i. p. 303,) which has furnished\n materials to Socrates, (l. v. c. 16.) Theodoret, (l. v. c. 22,)\n and Rufinus, (l. ii. c. 22.) Yet THE last, who had been at\n Alexandria before and after THE event, may deserve THE credit of\n an original witness.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Gerard Vossius (Opera, tom. v. p. 80, and de\n Idoloaltria, l. i. c. 29) strives to support THE strange notion\n of THE FaTHErs; that THE patriarch Joseph was adored in Egypt, as\n THE bull Apis, and THE god Serapis. * Note: Consult du Dieu\n Serapis et son Origine, par J D. Guigniaut, (THE translator of\n Creuzer’s Symbolique,) Paris, 1828; and in THE fifth volume of\n Bournouf’s translation of Tacitus.—M.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Origo dei nondum nostris celebrata. Aegyptiorum\n antistites sic memorant, &c., Tacit. Hist. iv. 83. The Greeks,\n who had travelled into Egypt, were alike ignorant of this new\n deity.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Macrobius, Saturnal, l. i. c. 7. Such a living fact\n decisively proves his foreign extraction.]\n\n 39 (return) [ At Rome, Isis and Serapis were united in THE same\n temple. The precedency which THE queen assumed, may seem to\n betray her unequal alliance with THE stranger of Pontus. But THE\n superiority of THE female sex was established in Egypt as a civil\n and religious institution, (Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. l. i. p. 31,\n edit. Wesseling,) and THE same order is observed in Plutarch’s\n Treatise of Isis and Osiris; whom he identifies with Serapis.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Ammianus, (xxii. 16.) The Expositio totius Mundi,\n (p. 8, in Hudson’s Geograph. Minor. tom. iii.,) and Rufinus, (l.\n ii. c. 22,) celebrate THE Serapeum, as one of THE wonders of THE\n world.]\n\n 41 (return) [ See Mémoires de l’Acad. des Inscriptions, tom. ix.\n p. 397-416. The old library of THE Ptolemies was totally consumed\n in Caesar’s Alexandrian war. Marc Antony gave THE whole\n collection of Pergamus (200,000 volumes) to Cleopatra, as THE\n foundation of THE new library of Alexandria.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Libanius (pro Templis, p. 21) indiscreetly provokes\n his Christian masters by this insulting remark.]\n\n At that time 43 THE archiepiscopal throne of Alexandria was\n filled by Theophilus, 44 THE perpetual enemy of peace and virtue;\n a bold, bad man, whose hands were alternately polluted with gold\n and with blood. His pious indignation was excited by THE honors\n of Serapis; and THE insults which he offered to an ancient temple\n of Bacchus, 4411 convinced THE Pagans that he meditated a more\n important and dangerous enterprise. In THE tumultuous capital of\n Egypt, THE slightest provocation was sufficient to inflame a\n civil war. The votaries of Serapis, whose strength and numbers\n were much inferior to those of THEir antagonists, rose in arms at\n THE instigation of THE philosopher Olympius, 45 who exhorted THEm\n to die in THE defence of THE altars of THE gods. These Pagan\n fanatics fortified THEmselves in THE temple, or raTHEr fortress,\n of Serapis; repelled THE besiegers by daring sallies, and a\n resolute defence; and, by THE inhuman cruelties which THEy\n exercised on THEir Christian prisoners, obtained THE last\n consolation of despair. The efforts of THE prudent magistrate\n were usefully exerted for THE establishment of a truce, till THE\n answer of Theodosius should determine THE fate of Serapis. The\n two parties assembled, without arms, in THE principal square; and\n THE Imperial rescript was publicly read. But when a sentence of\n destruction against THE idols of Alexandria was pronounced, THE\n Christians set up a shout of joy and exultation, whilst THE\n unfortunate Pagans, whose fury had given way to consternation,\n retired with hasty and silent steps, and eluded, by THEir flight\n or obscurity, THE resentment of THEir enemies. Theophilus\n proceeded to demolish THE temple of Serapis, without any oTHEr\n difficulties, than those which he found in THE weight and\n solidity of THE materials: but THEse obstacles proved so\n insuperable, that he was obliged to leave THE foundations; and to\n content himself with reducing THE edifice itself to a heap of\n rubbish, a part of which was soon afterwards cleared away, to\n make room for a church, erected in honor of THE Christian\n martyrs. The valuable library of Alexandria was pillaged or\n destroyed; and near twenty years afterwards, THE appearance of\n THE empty shelves excited THE regret and indignation of every\n spectator, whose mind was not totally darkened by religious\n prejudice. 46 The compositions of ancient genius, so many of\n which have irretrievably perished, might surely have been\n excepted from THE wreck of idolatry, for THE amusement and\n instruction of succeeding ages; and eiTHEr THE zeal or THE\n avarice of THE archbishop, 47 might have been satiated with THE\n rich spoils, which were THE reward of his victory. While THE\n images and vases of gold and silver were carefully melted, and\n those of a less valuable metal were contemptuously broken, and\n cast into THE streets, Theophilus labored to expose THE frauds\n and vices of THE ministers of THE idols; THEir dexterity in THE\n management of THE loadstone; THEir secret methods of introducing\n a human actor into a hollow statue; 4711 and THEir scandalous\n abuse of THE confidence of devout husbands and unsuspecting\n females. 48 Charges like THEse may seem to deserve some degree of\n credit, as THEy are not repugnant to THE crafty and interested\n spirit of superstition. But THE same spirit is equally prone to\n THE base practice of insulting and calumniating a fallen enemy;\n and our belief is naturally checked by THE reflection, that it is\n much less difficult to invent a fictitious story, than to support\n a practical fraud. The colossal statue of Serapis 49 was involved\n in THE ruin of his temple and religion. A great number of plates\n of different metals, artificially joined togeTHEr, composed THE\n majestic figure of THE deity, who touched on eiTHEr side THE\n walls of THE sanctuary. The aspect of Serapis, his sitting\n posture, and THE sceptre, which he bore in his left hand, were\n extremely similar to THE ordinary representations of Jupiter. He\n was distinguished from Jupiter by THE basket, or bushel, which\n was placed on his head; and by THE emblematic monster which he\n held in his right hand; THE head and body of a serpent branching\n into three tails, which were again terminated by THE triple heads\n of a dog, a lion, and a wolf. It was confidently affirmed, that\n if any impious hand should dare to violate THE majesty of THE\n god, THE heavens and THE earth would instantly return to THEir\n original chaos. An intrepid soldier, animated by zeal, and armed\n with a weighty battle-axe, ascended THE ladder; and even THE\n Christian multitude expected, with some anxiety, THE event of THE\n combat. 50 He aimed a vigorous stroke against THE cheek of\n Serapis; THE cheek fell to THE ground; THE thunder was still\n silent, and both THE heavens and THE earth continued to preserve\n THEir accustomed order and tranquillity. The victorious soldier\n repeated his blows: THE huge idol was overthrown, and broken in\n pieces; and THE limbs of Serapis were ignominiously dragged\n through THE streets of Alexandria. His mangled carcass was burnt\n in THE AmphiTHEatre, amidst THE shouts of THE populace; and many\n persons attributed THEir conversion to this discovery of THE\n impotence of THEir tutelar deity. The popular modes of religion,\n that propose any visible and material objects of worship, have\n THE advantage of adapting and familiarizing THEmselves to THE\n senses of mankind: but this advantage is counterbalanced by THE\n various and inevitable accidents to which THE faith of THE\n idolater is exposed. It is scarcely possible, that, in every\n disposition of mind, he should preserve his implicit reverence\n for THE idols, or THE relics, which THE naked eye, and THE\n profane hand, are unable to distinguish from THE most common\n productions of art or nature; and if, in THE hour of danger,\n THEir secret and miraculous virtue does not operate for THEir own\n preservation, he scorns THE vain apologies of his priests, and\n justly derides THE object, and THE folly, of his superstitious\n attachment. 51 After THE fall of Serapis, some hopes were still\n entertained by THE Pagans, that THE Nile would refuse his annual\n supply to THE impious masters of Egypt; and THE extraordinary\n delay of THE inundation seemed to announce THE displeasure of THE\n river-god. But this delay was soon compensated by THE rapid swell\n of THE waters. They suddenly rose to such an unusual height, as\n to comfort THE discontented party with THE pleasing expectation\n of a deluge; till THE peaceful river again subsided to THE\n well-known and fertilizing level of sixteen cubits, or about\n thirty English feet. 52\n\n 43 (return) [ We may choose between THE date of Marcellinus (A.D.\n 389) or that of Prosper, ( A.D. 391.) Tillemont (Hist. des Emp.\n tom. v. p. 310, 756) prefers THE former, and Pagi THE latter.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 441-500. The\n ambiguous situation of Theophilus—a saint, as THE friend of Jerom\n a devil, as THE enemy of Chrysostom—produces a sort of\n impartiality; yet, upon THE whole, THE balance is justly inclined\n against him.]\n\n 4411 (return) [ No doubt a temple of Osiris. St. Martin, iv\n 398-M.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Lardner (HeaTHEn Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 411) has\n alleged beautiful passage from Suidas, or raTHEr from Damascius,\n which show THE devout and virtuous Olympius, not in THE light of\n a warrior, but of a prophet.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Nos vidimus armaria librorum, quibus direptis,\n exinanita ea a nostris hominibus, nostris temporibus memorant.\n Orosius, l. vi. c. 15, p. 421, edit. Havercamp. Though a bigot,\n and a controversial writer. Orosius seems to blush.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Eunapius, in THE Lives of Antoninus and Aedesius,\n execrates THE sacrilegious rapine of Theophilus. Tillemont (Mem.\n Eccles. tom. xiii. p. 453) quotes an epistle of Isidore of\n Pelusium, which reproaches THE primate with THE idolatrous\n worship of gold, THE auri sacra fames.]\n\n 4711 (return) [ An English traveller, Mr. Wilkinson, has\n discovered THE secret of THE vocal Memnon. There was a cavity in\n which a person was concealed, and struck a stone, which gave a\n ringing sound like brass. The Arabs, who stood below when Mr.\n Wilkinson performed THE miracle, described sound just as THE\n author of THE epigram.—M.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Rufinus names THE priest of Saturn, who, in THE\n character of THE god, familiarly conversed with many pious ladies\n of quality, till he betrayed himself, in a moment of transport,\n when he could not disguise THE tone of his voice. The auTHEntic\n and impartial narrative of Aeschines, (see Bayle, Dictionnaire\n Critique, Scamandre,) and THE adventure of Mudus, (Joseph.\n Antiquitat. Judaic. l. xviii. c. 3, p. 877 edit. Havercamp,) may\n prove that such amorous frauds have been practised with success.]\n\n 49 (return) [ See THE images of Serapis, in Montfaucon, (tom. ii.\n p. 297:) but THE description of Macrobius (Saturnal. l. i. c. 20)\n is much more picturesque and satisfactory.]\n\n 50 (return) [\n\n Sed fortes tremuere manus, motique verenda Majestate loci, si\n robora sacra ferirent In sua credebant redituras membra secures.\n\n (Lucan. iii. 429.) “Is it true,” (said Augustus to a veteran of\n Italy, at whose house he supped) “that THE man who gave THE first\n blow to THE golden statue of Anaitis, was instantly deprived of\n his eyes, and of his life?”—“I was that man, (replied THE\n clear-sighted veteran,) and you now sup on one of THE legs of THE\n goddess.” (Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 24)]\n\n 51 (return) [ The history of THE reformation affords frequent\n examples of THE sudden change from superstition to contempt.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Sozomen, l. vii. c. 20. I have supplied THE\n measure. The same standard, of THE inundation, and consequently\n of THE cubit, has uniformly subsisted since THE time of\n Herodotus. See Freret, in THE Mem. de l’Academie des\n Inscriptions, tom. xvi. p. 344-353. Greaves’s Miscellaneous\n Works, vol. i. p. 233. The Egyptian cubit is about twenty-two\n inches of THE English measure. * Note: Compare Wilkinson’s Thebes\n and Egypt, p. 313.—M.]\n\n The temples of THE Roman empire were deserted, or destroyed; but\n THE ingenious superstition of THE Pagans still attempted to elude\n THE laws of Theodosius, by which all sacrifices had been severely\n prohibited. The inhabitants of THE country, whose conduct was\n less opposed to THE eye of malicious curiosity, disguised THEir\n religious, under THE appearance of convivial, meetings. On THE\n days of solemn festivals, THEy assembled in great numbers under\n THE spreading shade of some consecrated trees; sheep and oxen\n were slaughtered and roasted; and this rural entertainment was\n sanctified by THE use of incense, and by THE hymns which were\n sung in honor of THE gods. But it was alleged, that, as no part\n of THE animal was made a burnt-offering, as no altar was provided\n to receive THE blood, and as THE previous oblation of salt cakes,\n and THE concluding ceremony of libations, were carefully omitted,\n THEse festal meetings did not involve THE guests in THE guilt, or\n penalty, of an illegal sacrifice. 53 Whatever might be THE truth\n of THE facts, or THE merit of THE distinction, 54 THEse vain\n pretences were swept away by THE last edict of Theodosius, which\n inflicted a deadly wound on THE superstition of THE Pagans. 55\n 5511 This prohibitory law is expressed in THE most absolute and\n comprehensive terms. “It is our will and pleasure,” says THE\n emperor, “that none of our subjects, wheTHEr magistrates or\n private citizens, however exalted or however humble may be THEir\n rank and condition, shall presume, in any city or in any place,\n to worship an inanimate idol, by THE sacrifice of a guiltless\n victim.” The act of sacrificing, and THE practice of divination\n by THE entrails of THE victim, are declared (without any regard\n to THE object of THE inquiry) a crime of high treason against THE\n state, which can be expiated only by THE death of THE guilty. The\n rites of Pagan superstition, which might seem less bloody and\n atrocious, are abolished, as highly injurious to THE truth and\n honor of religion; luminaries, garlands, frankincense, and\n libations of wine, are specially enumerated and condemned; and\n THE harmless claims of THE domestic genius, of THE household\n gods, are included in this rigorous proscription. The use of any\n of THEse profane and illegal ceremonies, subjects THE offender to\n THE forfeiture of THE house or estate, where THEy have been\n performed; and if he has artfully chosen THE property of anoTHEr\n for THE scene of his impiety, he is compelled to discharge,\n without delay, a heavy fine of twenty-five pounds of gold, or\n more than one thousand pounds sterling. A fine, not less\n considerable, is imposed on THE connivance of THE secret enemies\n of religion, who shall neglect THE duty of THEir respective\n stations, eiTHEr to reveal, or to punish, THE guilt of idolatry.\n Such was THE persecuting spirit of THE laws of Theodosius, which\n were repeatedly enforced by his sons and grandsons, with THE loud\n and unanimous applause of THE Christian world. 56\n\n 53 (return) [ Libanius (pro Templis, p. 15, 16, 17) pleads THEir\n cause with gentle and insinuating rhetoric. From THE earliest\n age, such feasts had enlivened THE country: and those of Bacchus\n (Georgic. ii. 380) had produced THE THEatre of ATHEns. See\n Godefroy, ad loc. Liban. and Codex Theodos. tom. vi. p. 284.]\n\n 54 (return) [ Honorius tolerated THEse rustic festivals, (A.D.\n 399.) “Absque ullo sacrificio, atque ulla superstitione\n damnabili.” But nine years afterwards he found it necessary to\n reiterate and enforce THE same proviso, (Codex Theodos. l. xvi.\n tit. x. leg. 17, 19.)]\n\n 55 (return) [ Cod. Theodos. l. xvi. tit. x. leg. 12. Jortin\n (Remarks on Eccles. History, vol. iv. p. 134) censures, with\n becoming asperity, THE style and sentiments of this intolerant\n law.]\n\n 5511 (return) [ Paganism maintained its ground for a considerable\n time in THE rural districts. Endelechius, a poet who lived at THE\n beginning of THE fifth century, speaks of THE cross as Signum\n quod perhibent esse crucis Dei, Magnis qui colitur solus\n inurbibus. In THE middle of THE same century, Maximus, bishop of\n Turin, writes against THE heaTHEn deities as if THEir worship was\n still in full vigor in THE neighborhood of his city. Augustine\n complains of THE encouragement of THE Pagan rites by heaTHEn\n landowners; and Zeno of Verona, still later, reproves THE apathy\n of THE Christian proprietors in conniving at this abuse. (Compare\n Neander, ii. p. 169.) M. Beugnot shows that this was THE case\n throughout THE north and centre of Italy and in Sicily. But\n neiTHEr of THEse authors has adverted to one fact, which must\n have tended greatly to retard THE progress of Christianity in\n THEse quarters. It was still chiefly a slave population which\n cultivated THE soil; and however, in THE towns, THE better class\n of Christians might be eager to communicate “THE blessed liberty\n of THE gospel” to this class of mankind; however THEir condition\n could not but be silently ameliorated by THE humanizing influence\n of Christianity; yet, on THE whole, no doubt THE servile class\n would be THE least fitted to receive THE gospel; and its general\n propagation among THEm would be embarrassed by many peculiar\n difficulties. The rural population was probably not entirely\n converted before THE general establishment of THE monastic\n institutions. Compare Quarterly Review of Beugnot. vol lvii. p.\n 52—M.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Such a charge should not be lightly made; but it\n may surely be justified by THE authority of St. Augustin, who\n thus addresses THE Donatists: “Quis nostrum, quis vestrum non\n laudat leges ab Imperatoribus datas adversus sacrificia\n Paganorum? Et certe longe ibi poera severior constituta est;\n illius quippe impietatis capitale supplicium est.” Epist. xciii.\n No. 10, quoted by Le Clerc, (Bibliothèque Choisie, tom. viii. p.\n 277,) who adds some judicious reflections on THE intolerance of\n THE victorious Christians. * Note: Yet Augustine, with laudable\n inconsistency, disapproved of THE forcible demolition of THE\n temples. “Let us first extirpate THE idolatry of THE hearts of\n THE heaTHEn, and THEy will eiTHEr THEmselves invite us or\n anticipate us in THE execution of this good work,” tom. v. p. 62.\n Compare Neander, ii. 169, and, in p. 155, a beautiful passage\n from Chrysostom against all violent means of propagating\n Christianity.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXVIII: Destruction Of Paganism.—Part III.\n\n In THE cruel reigns of Decius and Diocletian, Christianity had\n been proscribed, as a revolt from THE ancient and hereditary\n religion of THE empire; and THE unjust suspicions which were\n entertained of a dark and dangerous faction, were, in some\n measure, countenanced by THE inseparable union and rapid\n conquests of THE Catholic church. But THE same excuses of fear\n and ignorance cannot be applied to THE Christian emperors who\n violated THE precepts of humanity and of THE Gospel. The\n experience of ages had betrayed THE weakness, as well as folly,\n of Paganism; THE light of reason and of faith had already\n exposed, to THE greatest part of mankind, THE vanity of idols;\n and THE declining sect, which still adhered to THEir worship,\n might have been permitted to enjoy, in peace and obscurity, THE\n religious costumes of THEir ancestors. Had THE Pagans been\n animated by THE undaunted zeal which possessed THE minds of THE\n primitive believers, THE triumph of THE Church must have been\n stained with blood; and THE martyrs of Jupiter and Apollo might\n have embraced THE glorious opportunity of devoting THEir lives\n and fortunes at THE foot of THEir altars. But such obstinate zeal\n was not congenial to THE loose and careless temper of PolyTHEism.\n The violent and repeated strokes of THE orthodox princes were\n broken by THE soft and yielding substance against which THEy were\n directed; and THE ready obedience of THE Pagans protected THEm\n from THE pains and penalties of THE Theodosian Code. 57 Instead\n of asserting, that THE authority of THE gods was superior to that\n of THE emperor, THEy desisted, with a plaintive murmur, from THE\n use of those sacred rites which THEir sovereign had condemned. If\n THEy were sometimes tempted by a sally of passion, or by THE\n hopes of concealment, to indulge THEir favorite superstition,\n THEir humble repentance disarmed THE severity of THE Christian\n magistrate, and THEy seldom refused to atone for THEir rashness,\n by submitting, with some secret reluctance, to THE yoke of THE\n Gospel. The churches were filled with THE increasing multitude of\n THEse unworthy proselytes, who had conformed, from temporal\n motives, to THE reigning religion; and whilst THEy devoutly\n imitated THE postures, and recited THE prayers, of THE faithful,\n THEy satisfied THEir conscience by THE silent and sincere\n invocation of THE gods of antiquity. 58 If THE Pagans wanted\n patience to suffer THEy wanted spirit to resist; and THE\n scattered myriads, who deplored THE ruin of THE temples, yielded,\n without a contest, to THE fortune of THEir adversaries. The\n disorderly opposition 59 of THE peasants of Syria, and THE\n populace of Alexandria, to THE rage of private fanaticism, was\n silenced by THE name and authority of THE emperor. The Pagans of\n THE West, without contributing to THE elevation of Eugenius,\n disgraced, by THEir partial attachment, THE cause and character\n of THE usurper. The clergy vehemently exclaimed, that he\n aggravated THE crime of rebellion by THE guilt of apostasy; that,\n by his permission, THE altar of victory was again restored; and\n that THE idolatrous symbols of Jupiter and Hercules were\n displayed in THE field, against THE invincible standard of THE\n cross. But THE vain hopes of THE Pagans were soon annihilated by\n THE defeat of Eugenius; and THEy were left exposed to THE\n resentment of THE conqueror, who labored to deserve THE favor of\n Heaven by THE extirpation of idolatry. 60\n\n 57 (return) [ Orosius, l. vii. c. 28, p. 537. Augustin (Enarrat.\n in Psalm cxl apud Lardner, HeaTHEn Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 458)\n insults THEir cowardice. “Quis eorum comprehensus est in\n sacrificio (cum his legibus sta prohiberentur) et non negavit?”]\n\n 58 (return) [ Libanius (pro Templis, p. 17, 18) mentions, without\n censure THE occasional conformity, and as it were THEatrical\n play, of THEse hypocrites.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Libanius concludes his apology (p. 32) by declaring\n to THE emperor, that unless he expressly warrants THE destruction\n of THE temples, THE proprietors will defend THEmselves and THE\n laws.]\n\n 60 (return) [ Paulinus, in Vit. Ambros. c. 26. Augustin de\n Civitat. Dei, l. v. c. 26. Theodoret, l. v. c. 24.]\n\n A nation of slaves is always prepared to applaud THE clemency of\n THEir master, who, in THE abuse of absolute power, does not\n proceed to THE last extremes of injustice and oppression.\n Theodosius might undoubtedly have proposed to his Pagan subjects\n THE alternative of baptism or of death; and THE eloquent Libanius\n has praised THE moderation of a prince, who never enacted, by any\n positive law, that all his subjects should immediately embrace\n and practise THE religion of THEir sovereign. 61 The profession\n of Christianity was not made an essential qualification for THE\n enjoyment of THE civil rights of society, nor were any peculiar\n hardships imposed on THE sectaries, who credulously received THE\n fables of Ovid, and obstinately rejected THE miracles of THE\n Gospel. The palace, THE schools, THE army, and THE senate, were\n filled with declared and devout Pagans; THEy obtained, without\n distinction, THE civil and military honors of THE empire. 6111\n Theodosius distinguished his liberal regard for virtue and genius\n by THE consular dignity, which he bestowed on Symmachus; 62 and\n by THE personal friendship which he expressed to Libanius; 63 and\n THE two eloquent apologists of Paganism were never required\n eiTHEr to change or to dissemble THEir religious opinions. The\n Pagans were indulged in THE most licentious freedom of speech and\n writing; THE historical and philosophic remains of Eunapius,\n Zosimus, 64 and THE fanatic teachers of THE school of Plato,\n betray THE most furious animosity, and contain THE sharpest\n invectives, against THE sentiments and conduct of THEir\n victorious adversaries. If THEse audacious libels were publicly\n known, we must applaud THE good sense of THE Christian princes,\n who viewed, with a smile of contempt, THE last struggles of\n superstition and despair. 65 But THE Imperial laws, which\n prohibited THE sacrifices and ceremonies of Paganism, were\n rigidly executed; and every hour contributed to destroy THE\n influence of a religion, which was supported by custom, raTHEr\n than by argument. The devotion or THE poet, or THE philosopher,\n may be secretly nourished by prayer, meditation, and study; but\n THE exercise of public worship appears to be THE only solid\n foundation of THE religious sentiments of THE people, which\n derive THEir force from imitation and habit. The interruption of\n that public exercise may consummate, in THE period of a few\n years, THE important work of a national revolution. The memory of\n THEological opinions cannot long be preserved, without THE\n artificial helps of priests, of temples, and of books. 66 The\n ignorant vulgar, whose minds are still agitated by THE blind\n hopes and terrors of superstition, will be soon persuaded by\n THEir superiors to direct THEir vows to THE reigning deities of\n THE age; and will insensibly imbibe an ardent zeal for THE\n support and propagation of THE new doctrine, which spiritual\n hunger at first compelled THEm to accept. The generation that\n arose in THE world after THE promulgation of THE Imperial laws,\n was attracted within THE pale of THE Catholic church: and so\n rapid, yet so gentle, was THE fall of Paganism, that only\n twenty-eight years after THE death of Theodosius, THE faint and\n minute vestiges were no longer visible to THE eye of THE\n legislator. 67\n\n 61 (return) [ Libanius suggests THE form of a persecuting edict,\n which Theodosius might enact, (pro Templis, p. 32;) a rash joke,\n and a dangerous experiment. Some princes would have taken his\n advice.]\n\n 6111 (return) [ The most remarkable instance of this, at a much\n later period, occurs in THE person of Merobaudes, a general and a\n poet, who flourished in THE first half of THE fifth century. A\n statue in honor of Merobaudes was placed in THE Forum of Trajan,\n of which THE inscription is still extant. Fragments of his poems\n have been recovered by THE industry and sagacity of Niebuhr. In\n one passage, Merobaudes, in THE genuine heaTHEn spirit,\n attributes THE ruin of THE empire to THE abolition of Paganism,\n and almost renews THE old accusation of ATHEism against\n Christianity. He impersonates some deity, probably Discord, who\n summons Bellona to take arms for THE destruction of Rome; and in\n a strain of fierce irony recommends to her oTHEr fatal measures,\n to extirpate THE gods of Rome:—\n\n Roma, ipsique tremant furialia murmura reges. Jam superos terris\n atque hospita numina pelle: Romanos populare Deos, et nullus in\n aris Vestoe exoratoe fotus strue palleat ignis. Ilis instructa\n dolis palatia celsa subibo; Majorum mores, et pectora prisca\n fugabo Funditus; atque simul, nullo discrimine rerum, Spernantur\n fortes, nec sic reverentia justis. Attica neglecto pereat facundia\n Phoebo: Indignis contingat honos, et pondera rerum; Non virtus sed\n casus agat; tristique cupido; Pectoribus saevi demens furor\n aestuet aevi; Omniaque hoec sine mente Jovis, sine numine sumimo.\n\n Merobaudes in Niebuhr’s edit. of THE Byzantines, p. 14.—M.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Denique pro meritis terrestribus aequa rependens\n\n Munera, sacricolis summos impertit honores.\n Dux bonus, et certare sinit cum laude suorum, Nec pago implicitos\n per debita culmina mundi Ire viros prohibet. Ipse magistratum tibi\n consulis, ipse tribunal\n Contulit. Prudent. in Symmach. i. 617, &c.\n\n Note: I have inserted some lines omitted by Gibbon.—M.]\n\n 63 (return) [ Libanius (pro Templis, p. 32) is proud that\n Theodosius should thus distinguish a man, who even in his\n presence would swear by Jupiter. Yet this presence seems to be no\n more than a figure of rhetoric.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Zosimus, who styles himself Count and Ex-advocate\n of THE Treasury, reviles, with partial and indecent bigotry, THE\n Christian princes, and even THE faTHEr of his sovereign. His work\n must have been privately circulated, since it escaped THE\n invectives of THE ecclesiastical historians prior to Evagrius,\n (l. iii. c. 40-42,) who lived towards THE end of THE sixth\n century. * Note: Heyne in his Disquisitio in Zosimum Ejusque\n Fidem. places Zosimum towards THE close of THE fifth century.\n Zosim. Heynii, p. xvii.—M.]\n\n 65 (return) [ Yet THE Pagans of Africa complained, that THE times\n would not allow THEm to answer with freedom THE City of God; nor\n does St. Augustin (v. 26) deny THE charge.]\n\n 66 (return) [ The Moors of Spain, who secretly preserved THE\n Mahometan religion above a century, under THE tyranny of THE\n Inquisition, possessed THE Koran, with THE peculiar use of THE\n Arabic tongue. See THE curious and honest story of THEir\n expulsion in Geddes, (Miscellanies, vol. i. p. 1-198.)]\n\n 67 (return) [ Paganos qui supersunt, quanquam jam nullos esse\n credamus, &c. Cod. Theodos. l. xvi. tit. x. leg. 22, A.D. 423.\n The younger Theodosius was afterwards satisfied, that his\n judgment had been somewhat premature. Note: The statement of\n Gibbon is much too strongly worded. M. Beugnot has traced THE\n vestiges of Paganism in THE West, after this period, in monuments\n and inscriptions with curious industry. Compare likewise note, p.\n 112, on THE more tardy progress of Christianity in THE rural\n districts.—M.]\n\n The ruin of THE Pagan religion is described by THE sophists as a\n dreadful and amazing prodigy, which covered THE earth with\n darkness, and restored THE ancient dominion of chaos and of\n night. They relate, in solemn and paTHEtic strains, that THE\n temples were converted into sepulchres, and that THE holy places,\n which had been adorned by THE statues of THE gods, were basely\n polluted by THE relics of Christian martyrs. “The monks” (a race\n of filthy animals, to whom Eunapius is tempted to refuse THE name\n of men) “are THE authors of THE new worship, which, in THE place\n of those deities who are conceived by THE understanding, has\n substituted THE meanest and most contemptible slaves. The heads,\n salted and pickled, of those infamous malefactors, who for THE\n multitude of THEir crimes have suffered a just and ignominious\n death; THEir bodies still marked by THE impression of THE lash,\n and THE scars of those tortures which were inflicted by THE\n sentence of THE magistrate; such” (continues Eunapius) “are THE\n gods which THE earth produces in our days; such are THE martyrs,\n THE supreme arbitrators of our prayers and petitions to THE\n Deity, whose tombs are now consecrated as THE objects of THE\n veneration of THE people.” 68 Without approving THE malice, it is\n natural enough to share THE surprise of THE sophist, THE\n spectator of a revolution, which raised those obscure victims of\n THE laws of Rome to THE rank of celestial and invisible\n protectors of THE Roman empire. The grateful respect of THE\n Christians for THE martyrs of THE faith, was exalted, by time and\n victory, into religious adoration; and THE most illustrious of\n THE saints and prophets were deservedly associated to THE honors\n of THE martyrs. One hundred and fifty years after THE glorious\n deaths of St. Peter and St. Paul, THE Vatican and THE Ostian road\n were distinguished by THE tombs, or raTHEr by THE trophies, of\n those spiritual heroes. 69 In THE age which followed THE\n conversion of Constantine, THE emperors, THE consuls, and THE\n generals of armies, devoutly visited THE sepulchres of a\n tentmaker and a fisherman; 70 and THEir venerable bones were\n deposited under THE altars of Christ, on which THE bishops of THE\n royal city continually offered THE unbloody sacrifice. 71 The new\n capital of THE Eastern world, unable to produce any ancient and\n domestic trophies, was enriched by THE spoils of dependent\n provinces. The bodies of St. Andrew, St. Luke, and St. Timothy,\n had reposed near three hundred years in THE obscure graves, from\n whence THEy were transported, in solemn pomp, to THE church of\n THE apostles, which THE magnificence of Constantine had founded\n on THE banks of THE Thracian Bosphorus. 72 About fifty years\n afterwards, THE same banks were honored by THE presence of\n Samuel, THE judge and prophet of THE people of Israel. His ashes,\n deposited in a golden vase, and covered with a silken veil, were\n delivered by THE bishops into each oTHEr’s hands. The relics of\n Samuel were received by THE people with THE same joy and\n reverence which THEy would have shown to THE living prophet; THE\n highways, from Palestine to THE gates of Constantinople, were\n filled with an uninterrupted procession; and THE emperor Arcadius\n himself, at THE head of THE most illustrious members of THE\n clergy and senate, advanced to meet his extraordinary guest, who\n had always deserved and claimed THE homage of kings. 73 The\n example of Rome and Constantinople confirmed THE faith and\n discipline of THE Catholic world. The honors of THE saints and\n martyrs, after a feeble and ineffectual murmur of profane reason,\n 74 were universally established; and in THE age of Ambrose and\n Jerom, something was still deemed wanting to THE sanctity of a\n Christian church, till it had been consecrated by some portion of\n holy relics, which fixed and inflamed THE devotion of THE\n faithful.\n\n 68 (return) [ See Eunapius, in THE Life of THE sophist Aedesius;\n in that of Eustathius he foretells THE ruin of Paganism.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Caius, (apud Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. ii. c. 25,) a\n Roman presbyter, who lived in THE time of Zephyrinus, (A.D.\n 202-219,) is an early witness of this superstitious practice.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Chrysostom. Quod Christus sit Deus. Tom. i. nov.\n edit. No. 9. I am indebted for this quotation to Benedict THE\n XIVth’s pastoral letter on THE Jubilee of THE year 1759. See THE\n curious and entertaining letters of M. Chais, tom. iii.]\n\n 71 (return) [ Male facit ergo Romanus episcopus? qui, super\n mortuorum hominum, Petri & Pauli, secundum nos, ossa veneranda\n ... offeri Domino sacrificia, et tumulos eorum, Christi\n arbitratur altaria. Jerom. tom. ii. advers. Vigilant. p. 183.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Jerom (tom. ii. p. 122) bears witness to THEse\n translations, which are neglected by THE ecclesiastical\n historians. The passion of St. Andrew at Patrae is described in\n an epistle from THE clergy of Achaia, which Baronius (Annal.\n Eccles. A.D. 60, No. 34) wishes to believe, and Tillemont is\n forced to reject. St. Andrew was adopted as THE spiritual founder\n of Constantinople, (Mem. Eccles. tom. i. p. 317-323, 588-594.)]\n\n 73 (return) [ Jerom (tom. ii. p. 122) pompously describes THE\n translation of Samuel, which is noticed in all THE chronicles of\n THE times.]\n\n 74 (return) [ The presbyter Vigilantius, THE Protestant of his\n age, firmly, though ineffectually, withstood THE superstition of\n monks, relics, saints, fasts, &c., for which Jerom compares him\n to THE Hydra, Cerberus, THE Centaurs, &c., and considers him only\n as THE organ of THE Daemon, (tom. ii. p. 120-126.) Whoever will\n peruse THE controversy of St. Jerom and Vigilantius, and St.\n Augustin’s account of THE miracles of St. Stephen, may speedily\n gain some idea of THE spirit of THE FaTHErs.]\n\n In THE long period of twelve hundred years, which elapsed between\n THE reign of Constantine and THE reformation of LuTHEr, THE\n worship of saints and relics corrupted THE pure and perfect\n simplicity of THE Christian model: and some symptoms of\n degeneracy may be observed even in THE first generations which\n adopted and cherished this pernicious innovation.\n\n I. The satisfactory experience, that THE relics of saints were\n more valuable than gold or precious stones, 75 stimulated THE\n clergy to multiply THE treasures of THE church. Without much\n regard for truth or probability, THEy invented names for\n skeletons, and actions for names. The fame of THE apostles, and\n of THE holy men who had imitated THEir virtues, was darkened by\n religious fiction. To THE invincible band of genuine and\n primitive martyrs, THEy added myriads of imaginary heroes, who\n had never existed, except in THE fancy of crafty or credulous\n legendaries; and THEre is reason to suspect, that Tours might not\n be THE only diocese in which THE bones of a malefactor were\n adored, instead of those of a saint. 76 A superstitious practice,\n which tended to increase THE temptations of fraud, and credulity,\n insensibly extinguished THE light of history, and of reason, in\n THE Christian world.\n\n 75 (return) [ M. de Beausobre (Hist. du Manicheisme, tom. ii. p.\n 648) has applied a worldly sense to THE pious observation of THE\n clergy of Smyrna, who carefully preserved THE relics of St.\n Polycarp THE martyr.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Martin of Tours (see his Life, c. 8, by Sulpicius\n Severus) extorted this confession from THE mouth of THE dead man.\n The error is allowed to be natural; THE discovery is supposed to\n be miraculous. Which of THE two was likely to happen most\n frequently?]\n\n II. But THE progress of superstition would have been much less\n rapid and victorious, if THE faith of THE people had not been\n assisted by THE seasonable aid of visions and miracles, to\n ascertain THE auTHEnticity and virtue of THE most suspicious\n relics. In THE reign of THE younger Theodosius, Lucian, 77 a\n presbyter of Jerusalem, and THE ecclesiastical minister of THE\n village of Caphargamala, about twenty miles from THE city,\n related a very singular dream, which, to remove his doubts, had\n been repeated on three successive Saturdays. A venerable figure\n stood before him, in THE silence of THE night, with a long beard,\n a white robe, and a gold rod; announced himself by THE name of\n Gamaliel, and revealed to THE astonished presbyter, that his own\n corpse, with THE bodies of his son Abibas, his friend Nicodemus,\n and THE illustrious Stephen, THE first martyr of THE Christian\n faith, were secretly buried in THE adjacent field. He added, with\n some impatience, that it was time to release himself and his\n companions from THEir obscure prison; that THEir appearance would\n be salutary to a distressed world; and that THEy had made choice\n of Lucian to inform THE bishop of Jerusalem of THEir situation\n and THEir wishes. The doubts and difficulties which still\n retarded this important discovery were successively removed by\n new visions; and THE ground was opened by THE bishop, in THE\n presence of an innumerable multitude. The coffins of Gamaliel, of\n his son, and of his friend, were found in regular order; but when\n THE fourth coffin, which contained THE remains of Stephen, was\n shown to THE light, THE earth trembled, and an odor, such as that\n of paradise, was smelt, which instantly cured THE various\n diseases of seventy-three of THE assistants. The companions of\n Stephen were left in THEir peaceful residence of Caphargamala:\n but THE relics of THE first martyr were transported, in solemn\n procession, to a church constructed in THEir honor on Mount Sion;\n and THE minute particles of those relics, a drop of blood, 78 or\n THE scrapings of a bone, were acknowledged, in almost every\n province of THE Roman world, to possess a divine and miraculous\n virtue. The grave and learned Augustin, 79 whose understanding\n scarcely admits THE excuse of credulity, has attested THE\n innumerable prodigies which were performed in Africa by THE\n relics of St. Stephen; and this marvellous narrative is inserted\n in THE elaborate work of THE City of God, which THE bishop of\n Hippo designed as a solid and immortal proof of THE truth of\n Christianity. Augustin solemnly declares, that he has selected\n those miracles only which were publicly certified by THE persons\n who were eiTHEr THE objects, or THE spectators, of THE power of\n THE martyr. Many prodigies were omitted, or forgotten; and Hippo\n had been less favorably treated than THE oTHEr cities of THE\n province. And yet THE bishop enumerates above seventy miracles,\n of which three were resurrections from THE dead, in THE space of\n two years, and within THE limits of his own diocese. 80 If we\n enlarge our view to all THE dioceses, and all THE saints, of THE\n Christian world, it will not be easy to calculate THE fables, and\n THE errors, which issued from this inexhaustible source. But we\n may surely be allowed to observe, that a miracle, in that age of\n superstition and credulity, lost its name and its merit, since it\n could scarcely be considered as a deviation from THE ordinary and\n established laws of nature.\n\n 77 (return) [ Lucian composed in Greek his original narrative,\n which has been translated by Avitus, and published by Baronius,\n (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 415, No. 7-16.) The Benedictine editors of\n St. Augustin have given (at THE end of THE work de Civitate Dei)\n two several copies, with many various readings. It is THE\n character of falsehood to be loose and inconsistent. The most\n incredible parts of THE legend are smooTHEd and softened by\n Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles. tom. ii. p. 9, &c.)]\n\n 78 (return) [ A phial of St. Stephen’s blood was annually\n liquefied at Naples, till he was superseded by St. Jamarius,\n (Ruinart. Hist. Persecut. Vandal p. 529.)]\n\n 79 (return) [ Augustin composed THE two-and-twenty books de\n Civitate Dei in THE space of thirteen years, A.D. 413-426.\n Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 608, &c.) His learning is\n too often borrowed, and his arguments are too often his own; but\n THE whole work claims THE merit of a magnificent design,\n vigorously, and not unskilfully, executed.]\n\n 80 (return) [ See Augustin de Civitat. Dei, l. xxii. c. 22, and\n THE Appendix, which contains two books of St. Stephen’s miracles,\n by Evodius, bishop of Uzalis. Freculphus (apud Basnage, Hist. des\n Juifs, tom. vii. p. 249) has preserved a Gallic or a Spanish\n proverb, “Whoever pretends to have read all THE miracles of St.\n Stephen, he lies.”]\n\n III. The innumerable miracles, of which THE tombs of THE martyrs\n were THE perpetual THEatre, revealed to THE pious believer THE\n actual state and constitution of THE invisible world; and his\n religious speculations appeared to be founded on THE firm basis\n of fact and experience. Whatever might be THE condition of vulgar\n souls, in THE long interval between THE dissolution and THE\n resurrection of THEir bodies, it was evident that THE superior\n spirits of THE saints and martyrs did not consume that portion of\n THEir existence in silent and inglorious sleep. 81 It was evident\n (without presuming to determine THE place of THEir habitation, or\n THE nature of THEir felicity) that THEy enjoyed THE lively and\n active consciousness of THEir happiness, THEir virtue, and THEir\n powers; and that THEy had already secured THE possession of THEir\n eternal reward. The enlargement of THEir intellectual faculties\n surpassed THE measure of THE human imagination; since it was\n proved by experience, that THEy were capable of hearing and\n understanding THE various petitions of THEir numerous votaries;\n who, in THE same moment of time, but in THE most distant parts of\n THE world, invoked THE name and assistance of Stephen or of\n Martin. 82 The confidence of THEir petitioners was founded on THE\n persuasion, that THE saints, who reigned with Christ, cast an eye\n of pity upon earth; that THEy were warmly interested in THE\n prosperity of THE Catholic Church; and that THE individuals, who\n imitated THE example of THEir faith and piety, were THE peculiar\n and favorite objects of THEir most tender regard. Sometimes,\n indeed, THEir friendship might be influenced by considerations of\n a less exalted kind: THEy viewed with partial affection THE\n places which had been consecrated by THEir birth, THEir\n residence, THEir death, THEir burial, or THE possession of THEir\n relics. The meaner passions of pride, avarice, and revenge, may\n be deemed unworthy of a celestial breast; yet THE saints\n THEmselves condescended to testify THEir grateful approbation of\n THE liberality of THEir votaries; and THE sharpest bolts of\n punishment were hurled against those impious wretches, who\n violated THEir magnificent shrines, or disbelieved THEir\n supernatural power. 83 Atrocious, indeed, must have been THE\n guilt, and strange would have been THE scepticism, of those men,\n if THEy had obstinately resisted THE proofs of a divine agency,\n which THE elements, THE whole range of THE animal creation, and\n even THE subtle and invisible operations of THE human mind, were\n compelled to obey. 84 The immediate, and almost instantaneous,\n effects that were supposed to follow THE prayer, or THE offence,\n satisfied THE Christians of THE ample measure of favor and\n authority which THE saints enjoyed in THE presence of THE Supreme\n God; and it seemed almost superfluous to inquire wheTHEr THEy\n were continually obliged to intercede before THE throne of grace;\n or wheTHEr THEy might not be permitted to exercise, according to\n THE dictates of THEir benevolence and justice, THE delegated\n powers of THEir subordinate ministry. The imagination, which had\n been raised by a painful effort to THE contemplation and worship\n of THE Universal Cause, eagerly embraced such inferior objects of\n adoration as were more proportioned to its gross conceptions and\n imperfect faculties. The sublime and simple THEology of THE\n primitive Christians was gradually corrupted; and THE Monarchy of\n heaven, already clouded by metaphysical subtleties, was degraded\n by THE introduction of a popular mythology, which tended to\n restore THE reign of polyTHEism. 85\n\n 81 (return) [ Burnet (de Statu Mortuorum, p. 56-84) collects THE\n opinions of THE FaTHErs, as far as THEy assert THE sleep, or\n repose, of human souls till THE day of judgment. He afterwards\n exposes (p. 91, &c.) THE inconveniences which must arise, if THEy\n possessed a more active and sensible existence.]\n\n 82 (return) [ Vigilantius placed THE souls of THE prophets and\n martyrs, eiTHEr in THE bosom of Abraham, (in loco refrigerii,) or\n else under THE altar of God. Nec posse suis tumulis et ubi\n voluerunt adesse praesentes. But Jerom (tom. ii. p. 122) sternly\n refutes this blasphemy. Tu Deo leges pones? Tu apostolis vincula\n injicies, ut usque ad diem judicii teneantur custodia, nec sint\n cum Domino suo; de quibus scriptum est, Sequuntur Agnum quocunque\n vadit. Si Agnus ubique, ergo, et hi, qui cum Agno sunt, ubique\n esse credendi sunt. Et cum diabolus et daemones tote vagentur in\n orbe, &c.]\n\n 83 (return) [ Fleury Discours sur l’Hist. Ecclesiastique, iii p.\n 80.]\n\n 84 (return) [ At Minorca, THE relics of St. Stephen converted, in\n eight days, 540 Jews; with THE help, indeed, of some wholesome\n severities, such as burning THE synagogue, driving THE obstinate\n infidels to starve among THE rocks, &c. See THE original letter\n of Severus, bishop of Minorca (ad calcem St. Augustin. de Civ.\n Dei,) and THE judicious remarks of Basnage, (tom. viii. p.\n 245-251.)]\n\n 85 (return) [ Mr. Hume (Essays, vol. ii. p. 434) observes, like a\n philosopher, THE natural flux and reflux of polyTHEism and\n THEism.]\n\n IV. As THE objects of religion were gradually reduced to THE\n standard of THE imagination, THE rites and ceremonies were\n introduced that seemed most powerfully to affect THE senses of\n THE vulgar. If, in THE beginning of THE fifth century, 86\n Tertullian, or Lactantius, 87 had been suddenly raised from THE\n dead, to assist at THE festival of some popular saint, or martyr,\n 88 THEy would have gazed with astonishment, and indignation, on\n THE profane spectacle, which had succeeded to THE pure and\n spiritual worship of a Christian congregation. As soon as THE\n doors of THE church were thrown open, THEy must have been\n offended by THE smoke of incense, THE perfume of flowers, and THE\n glare of lamps and tapers, which diffused, at noonday, a gaudy,\n superfluous, and, in THEir opinion, a sacrilegious light. If THEy\n approached THE balustrade of THE altar, THEy made THEir way\n through THE prostrate crowd, consisting, for THE most part, of\n strangers and pilgrims, who resorted to THE city on THE vigil of\n THE feast; and who already felt THE strong intoxication of\n fanaticism, and, perhaps, of wine. Their devout kisses were\n imprinted on THE walls and pavement of THE sacred edifice; and\n THEir fervent prayers were directed, whatever might be THE\n language of THEir church, to THE bones, THE blood, or THE ashes\n of THE saint, which were usually concealed, by a linen or silken\n veil, from THE eyes of THE vulgar. The Christians frequented THE\n tombs of THE martyrs, in THE hope of obtaining, from THEir\n powerful intercession, every sort of spiritual, but more\n especially of temporal, blessings. They implored THE preservation\n of THEir health, or THE cure of THEir infirmities; THE\n fruitfulness of THEir barren wives, or THE safety and happiness\n of THEir children. Whenever THEy undertook any distant or\n dangerous journey, THEy requested, that THE holy martyrs would be\n THEir guides and protectors on THE road; and if THEy returned\n without having experienced any misfortune, THEy again hastened to\n THE tombs of THE martyrs, to celebrate, with grateful\n thanksgivings, THEir obligations to THE memory and relics of\n those heavenly patrons. The walls were hung round with symbols of\n THE favors which THEy had received; eyes, and hands, and feet, of\n gold and silver: and edifying pictures, which could not long\n escape THE abuse of indiscreet or idolatrous devotion,\n represented THE image, THE attributes, and THE miracles of THE\n tutelar saint. The same uniform original spirit of superstition\n might suggest, in THE most distant ages and countries, THE same\n methods of deceiving THE credulity, and of affecting THE senses\n of mankind: 89 but it must ingenuously be confessed, that THE\n ministers of THE Catholic church imitated THE profane model,\n which THEy were impatient to destroy. The most respectable\n bishops had persuaded THEmselves that THE ignorant rustics would\n more cheerfully renounce THE superstitions of Paganism, if THEy\n found some resemblance, some compensation, in THE bosom of\n Christianity. The religion of Constantine achieved, in less than\n a century, THE final conquest of THE Roman empire: but THE\n victors THEmselves were insensibly subdued by THE arts of THEir\n vanquished rivals. 90 9011\n\n 86 (return) [ D’Aubigne (see his own Mémoires, p. 156-160)\n frankly offered, with THE consent of THE Huguenot ministers, to\n allow THE first 400 years as THE rule of faith. The Cardinal du\n Perron haggled for forty years more, which were indiscreetly\n given. Yet neiTHEr party would have found THEir account in this\n foolish bargain.]\n\n 87 (return) [ The worship practised and inculcated by Tertullian,\n Lactantius Arnobius, &c., is so extremely pure and spiritual,\n that THEir declamations against THE Pagan sometimes glance\n against THE Jewish, ceremonies.]\n\n 88 (return) [ Faustus THE Manichaean accuses THE Catholics of\n idolatry. Vertitis idola in martyres.... quos votis similibus\n colitis. M. de Beausobre, (Hist. Critique du Manicheisme, tom.\n ii. p. 629-700,) a Protestant, but a philosopher, has\n represented, with candor and learning, THE introduction of\n Christian idolatry in THE fourth and fifth centuries.]\n\n 89 (return) [ The resemblance of superstition, which could not be\n imitated, might be traced from Japan to Mexico. Warburton has\n seized this idea, which he distorts, by rendering it too general\n and absolute, (Divine Legation, vol. iv. p. 126, &c.)]\n\n 90 (return) [ The imitation of Paganism is THE subject of Dr.\n Middleton’s agreeable letter from Rome. Warburton’s\n animadversions obliged him to connect (vol. iii. p. 120-132,) THE\n history of THE two religions, and to prove THE antiquity of THE\n Christian copy.]\n\n 9011 (return) [ But THEre was always this important difference\n between Christian and heaTHEn PolyTHEism. In Paganism this was\n THE whole religion; in THE darkest ages of Christianity, some,\n however obscure and vague, Christian notions of future\n retribution, of THE life after death, lurked at THE bottom, and\n operated, to a certain extent, on THE thoughts and feelings,\n sometimes on THE actions.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXIX: Division Of Roman Empire Between Sons Of\n Theodosius.—Part I.\n\n Final Division Of The Roman Empire Between The Sons Of\n Theodosius.—Reign Of Arcadius And Honorius—Administration Of\n Rufinus And Stilicho.—Revolt And Defeat Of Gildo In Africa.\n\n The genius of Rome expired with Theodosius; THE last of THE\n successors of Augustus and Constantine, who appeared in THE field\n at THE head of THEir armies, and whose authority was universally\n acknowledged throughout THE whole extent of THE empire. The\n memory of his virtues still continued, however, to protect THE\n feeble and inexperienced youth of his two sons. After THE death\n of THEir faTHEr, Arcadius and Honorius were saluted, by THE\n unanimous consent of mankind, as THE lawful emperors of THE East,\n and of THE West; and THE oath of fidelity was eagerly taken by\n every order of THE state; THE senates of old and new Rome, THE\n clergy, THE magistrates, THE soldiers, and THE people. Arcadius,\n who was THEn about eighteen years of age, was born in Spain, in\n THE humble habitation of a private family. But he received a\n princely education in THE palace of Constantinople; and his\n inglorious life was spent in that peaceful and splendid seat of\n royalty, from whence he appeared to reign over THE provinces of\n Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt, from THE Lower Danube to\n THE confines of Persia and Æthiopia. His younger broTHEr\n Honorius, assumed, in THE eleventh year of his age, THE nominal\n government of Italy, Africa, Gaul, Spain, and Britain; and THE\n troops, which guarded THE frontiers of his kingdom, were opposed,\n on one side, to THE Caledonians, and on THE oTHEr, to THE Moors.\n The great and martial præfecture of Illyricum was divided\n between THE two princes: THE defence and possession of THE\n provinces of Noricum, Pannonia, and Dalmatia still belonged to\n THE Western empire; but THE two large dioceses of Dacia and\n Macedonia, which Gratian had intrusted to THE valor of\n Theodosius, were forever united to THE empire of THE East. The\n boundary in Europe was not very different from THE line which now\n separates THE Germans and THE Turks; and THE respective\n advantages of territory, riches, populousness, and military\n strength, were fairly balanced and compensated, in this final and\n permanent division of THE Roman empire. The hereditary sceptre of\n THE sons of Theodosius appeared to be THE gift of nature, and of\n THEir faTHEr; THE generals and ministers had been accustomed to\n adore THE majesty of THE royal infants; and THE army and people\n were not admonished of THEir rights, and of THEir power, by THE\n dangerous example of a recent election. The gradual discovery of\n THE weakness of Arcadius and Honorius, and THE repeated\n calamities of THEir reign, were not sufficient to obliterate THE\n deep and early impressions of loyalty. The subjects of Rome, who\n still reverenced THE persons, or raTHEr THE names, of THEir\n sovereigns, beheld, with equal abhorrence, THE rebels who\n opposed, and THE ministers who abused, THE authority of THE\n throne.\n\n Theodosius had tarnished THE glory of his reign by THE elevation\n of Rufinus; an odious favorite, who, in an age of civil and\n religious faction, has deserved, from every party, THE imputation\n of every crime. The strong impulse of ambition and avarice 1 had\n urged Rufinus to abandon his native country, an obscure corner of\n Gaul, 2 to advance his fortune in THE capital of THE East: THE\n talent of bold and ready elocution, 3 qualified him to succeed in\n THE lucrative profession of THE law; and his success in that\n profession was a regular step to THE most honorable and important\n employments of THE state. He was raised, by just degrees, to THE\n station of master of THE offices. In THE exercise of his various\n functions, so essentially connected with THE whole system of\n civil government, he acquired THE confidence of a monarch, who\n soon discovered his diligence and capacity in business, and who\n long remained ignorant of THE pride, THE malice, and THE\n covetousness of his disposition. These vices were concealed\n beneath THE mask of profound dissimulation; 4 his passions were\n subservient only to THE passions of his master; yet in THE horrid\n massacre of Thessalonica, THE cruel Rufinus inflamed THE fury,\n without imitating THE repentance, of Theodosius. The minister,\n who viewed with proud indifference THE rest of mankind, never\n forgave THE appearance of an injury; and his personal enemies had\n forfeited, in his opinion, THE merit of all public services.\n Promotus, THE master-general of THE infantry, had saved THE\n empire from THE invasion of THE Ostrogoths; but he indignantly\n supported THE preeminence of a rival, whose character and\n profession he despised; and in THE midst of a public council, THE\n impatient soldier was provoked to chastise with a blow THE\n indecent pride of THE favorite. This act of violence was\n represented to THE emperor as an insult, which it was incumbent\n on his dignity to resent. The disgrace and exile of Promotus were\n signified by a peremptory order, to repair, without delay, to a\n military station on THE banks of THE Danube; and THE death of\n that general (though he was slain in a skirmish with THE\n Barbarians) was imputed to THE perfidious arts of Rufinus. 5 The\n sacrifice of a hero gratified his revenge; THE honors of THE\n consulship elated his vanity; but his power was still imperfect\n and precarious, as long as THE important posts of præfect of THE\n East, and of præfect of Constantinople, were filled by Tatian, 6\n and his son Proculus; whose united authority balanced, for some\n time, THE ambition and favor of THE master of THE offices. The\n two præfects were accused of rapine and corruption in THE\n administration of THE laws and finances. For THE trial of THEse\n illustrious offenders, THE emperor constituted a special\n commission: several judges were named to share THE guilt and\n reproach of injustice; but THE right of pronouncing sentence was\n reserved to THE president alone, and that president was Rufinus\n himself. The faTHEr, stripped of THE præfecture of THE East, was\n thrown into a dungeon; but THE son, conscious that few ministers\n can be found innocent, where an enemy is THEir judge, had\n secretly escaped; and Rufinus must have been satisfied with THE\n least obnoxious victim, if despotism had not condescended to\n employ THE basest and most ungenerous artifice. The prosecution\n was conducted with an appearance of equity and moderation, which\n flattered Tatian with THE hope of a favorable event: his\n confidence was fortified by THE solemn assurances, and perfidious\n oaths, of THE president, who presumed to interpose THE sacred\n name of Theodosius himself; and THE unhappy faTHEr was at last\n persuaded to recall, by a private letter, THE fugitive Proculus.\n He was instantly seized, examined, condemned, and beheaded, in\n one of THE suburbs of Constantinople, with a precipitation which\n disappointed THE clemency of THE emperor. Without respecting THE\n misfortunes of a consular senator, THE cruel judges of Tatian\n compelled him to behold THE execution of his son: THE fatal cord\n was fastened round his own neck; but in THE moment when he\n expected. and perhaps desired, THE relief of a speedy death, he\n was permitted to consume THE miserable remnant of his old age in\n poverty and exile. 7 The punishment of THE two præfects might,\n perhaps, be excused by THE exceptionable parts of THEir own\n conduct; THE enmity of Rufinus might be palliated by THE jealous\n and unsociable nature of ambition. But he indulged a spirit of\n revenge equally repugnant to prudence and to justice, when he\n degraded THEir native country of Lycia from THE rank of Roman\n provinces; stigmatized a guiltless people with a mark of\n ignominy; and declared, that THE countrymen of Tatian and\n Proculus should forever remain incapable of holding any\n employment of honor or advantage under THE Imperial government. 8\n The new præfect of THE East (for Rufinus instantly succeeded to\n THE vacant honors of his adversary) was not diverted, however, by\n THE most criminal pursuits, from THE performance of THE religious\n duties, which in that age were considered as THE most essential\n to salvation. In THE suburb of Chalcedon, surnamed THE Oak, he\n had built a magnificent villa; to which he devoutly added a\n stately church, consecrated to THE apostles St. Peter and St.\n Paul, and continually sanctified by THE prayers and penance of a\n regular society of monks. A numerous, and almost general, synod\n of THE bishops of THE Eastern empire, was summoned to celebrate,\n at THE same time, THE dedication of THE church, and THE baptism\n of THE founder. This double ceremony was performed with\n extraordinary pomp; and when Rufinus was purified, in THE holy\n font, from all THE sins that he had hiTHErto committed, a\n venerable hermit of Egypt rashly proposed himself as THE sponsor\n of a proud and ambitious statesman. 9\n\n 1 (return) [ Alecto, envious of THE public felicity, convenes an\n infernal synod Megaera recommends her pupil Rufinus, and excites\n him to deeds of mischief, &c. But THEre is as much difference\n between Claudian’s fury and that of Virgil, as between THE\n characters of Turnus and Rufinus.]\n\n 2 (return) [ It is evident, (Tillemont, Hist. des Emp. tom. v. p.\n 770,) though De Marca is ashamed of his countryman, that Rufinus\n was born at Elusa, THE metropolis of Novempopulania, now a small\n village of Gassony, (D’Anville, Notice de l’Ancienne Gaule, p.\n 289.)]\n\n 3 (return) [ Philostorgius, l. xi c. 3, with Godefroy’s Dissert.\n p. 440.]\n\n 4 (return) [ A passage of Suidas is expressive of his profound\n dissimulation.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Zosimus, l. iv. p. 272, 273.]\n\n 6 (return) [ Zosimus, who describes THE fall of Tatian and his\n son, (l. iv. p. 273, 274,) asserts THEir innocence; and even his\n testimony may outweigh THE charges of THEir enemies, (Cod. Theod.\n tom. iv. p. 489,) who accuse THEm of oppressing THE Curiae. The\n connection of Tatian with THE Arians, while he was præfect of\n Egypt, (A.D. 373,) inclines Tillemont to believe that he was\n guilty of every crime, (Hist. des Emp. tom. v. p. 360. Mem.\n Eccles. tom vi. p. 589.)]\n\n 7 (return) [—Juvenum rorantia colla Ante patrum vultus stricta\n cecidere securi.\n\n Ibat grandaevus nato moriente superstes Post trabeas exsul. —-In\n Rufin. i. 248.\n\n The facts of Zosimus explain THE allusions of Claudian; but his\n classic interpreters were ignorant of THE fourth century. The\n fatal cord, I found, with THE help of Tillemont, in a sermon of\n St. Asterius of Amasea.]\n\n 8 (return) [ This odious law is recited and repealed by Arcadius,\n (A.D. 296,) on THE Theodosian Code, l. ix. tit. xxxviii. leg. 9.\n The sense as it is explained by Claudian, (in Rufin. i. 234,) and\n Godefroy, (tom. iii. p. 279,) is perfectly clear.\n\n —-Exscindere cives Funditus; et nomen gentis delere laborat.\n\n The scruples of Pagi and Tillemont can arise only from THEir zeal\n for THE glory of Theodosius.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Ammonius.... Rufinum propriis manibus suscepit sacro\n fonte mundatum. See Rosweyde’s Vitae Patrum, p. 947. Sozomen (l.\n viii. c. 17) mentions THE church and monastery; and Tillemont\n (Mem. Eccles. tom. ix. p. 593) records this synod, in which St.\n Gregory of Nyssa performed a conspicuous part.]\n\n The character of Theodosius imposed on his minister THE task of\n hypocrisy, which disguised, and sometimes restrained, THE abuse\n of power; and Rufinus was apprehensive of disturbing THE indolent\n slumber of a prince still capable of exerting THE abilities and\n THE virtue, which had raised him to THE throne. 10 But THE\n absence, and, soon afterwards, THE death, of THE emperor,\n confirmed THE absolute authority of Rufinus over THE person and\n dominions of Arcadius; a feeble youth, whom THE imperious\n præfect considered as his pupil, raTHEr than his sovereign.\n Regardless of THE public opinion, he indulged his passions\n without remorse, and without resistance; and his malignant and\n rapacious spirit rejected every passion that might have\n contributed to his own glory, or THE happiness of THE people. His\n avarice, 11 which seems to have prevailed, in his corrupt mind,\n over every oTHEr sentiment, attracted THE wealth of THE East, by\n THE various arts of partial and general extortion; oppressive\n taxes, scandalous bribery, immoderate fines, unjust\n confiscations, forced or fictitious testaments, by which THE\n tyrant despoiled of THEir lawful inheritance THE children of\n strangers, or enemies; and THE public sale of justice, as well as\n of favor, which he instituted in THE palace of Constantinople.\n The ambitious candidate eagerly solicited, at THE expense of THE\n fairest part of his patrimony, THE honors and emoluments of some\n provincial government; THE lives and fortunes of THE unhappy\n people were abandoned to THE most liberal purchaser; and THE\n public discontent was sometimes appeased by THE sacrifice of an\n unpopular criminal, whose punishment was profitable only to THE\n præfect of THE East, his accomplice and his judge. If avarice\n were not THE blindest of THE human passions, THE motives of\n Rufinus might excite our curiosity; and we might be tempted to\n inquire with what view he violated every principle of humanity\n and justice, to accumulate those immense treasures, which he\n could not spend without folly, nor possess without danger.\n Perhaps he vainly imagined, that he labored for THE interest of\n an only daughter, on whom he intended to bestow his royal pupil,\n and THE august rank of Empress of THE East. Perhaps he deceived\n himself by THE opinion, that his avarice was THE instrument of\n his ambition. He aspired to place his fortune on a secure and\n independent basis, which should no longer depend on THE caprice\n of THE young emperor; yet he neglected to conciliate THE hearts\n of THE soldiers and people, by THE liberal distribution of those\n riches, which he had acquired with so much toil, and with so much\n guilt. The extreme parsimony of Rufinus left him only THE\n reproach and envy of ill-gotten wealth; his dependants served him\n without attachment; THE universal hatred of mankind was repressed\n only by THE influence of servile fear. The fate of Lucian\n proclaimed to THE East, that THE præfect, whose industry was\n much abated in THE despatch of ordinary business, was active and\n indefatigable in THE pursuit of revenge. Lucian, THE son of THE\n præfect Florentius, THE oppressor of Gaul, and THE enemy of\n Julian, had employed a considerable part of his inheritance, THE\n fruit of rapine and corruption, to purchase THE friendship of\n Rufinus, and THE high office of Count of THE East. But THE new\n magistrate imprudently departed from THE maxims of THE court, and\n of THE times; disgraced his benefactor by THE contrast of a\n virtuous and temperate administration; and presumed to refuse an\n act of injustice, which might have tended to THE profit of THE\n emperor’s uncle. Arcadius was easily persuaded to resent THE\n supposed insult; and THE præfect of THE East resolved to execute\n in person THE cruel vengeance, which he meditated against this\n ungrateful delegate of his power. He performed with incessant\n speed THE journey of seven or eight hundred miles, from\n Constantinople to Antioch, entered THE capital of Syria at THE\n dead of night, and spread universal consternation among a people\n ignorant of his design, but not ignorant of his character. The\n Count of THE fifteen provinces of THE East was dragged, like THE\n vilest malefactor, before THE arbitrary tribunal of Rufinus.\n Notwithstanding THE clearest evidence of his integrity, which was\n not impeached even by THE voice of an accuser, Lucian was\n condemned, almost with out a trial, to suffer a cruel and\n ignominious punishment. The ministers of THE tyrant, by THE\n orders, and in THE presence, of THEir master, beat him on THE\n neck with leaTHEr thongs armed at THE extremities with lead; and\n when he fainted under THE violence of THE pain, he was removed in\n a close litter, to conceal his dying agonies from THE eyes of THE\n indignant city. No sooner had Rufinus perpetrated this inhuman\n act, THE sole object of his expedition, than he returned, amidst\n THE deep and silent curses of a trembling people, from Antioch to\n Constantinople; and his diligence was accelerated by THE hope of\n accomplishing, without delay, THE nuptials of his daughter with\n THE emperor of THE East. 12\n\n 10 (return) [ Montesquieu (Esprit des Loix, l. xii. c. 12)\n praises one of THE laws of Theodosius addressed to THE præfect\n Rufinus, (l. ix. tit. iv. leg. unic.,) to discourage THE\n prosecution of treasonable, or sacrilegious, words. A tyrannical\n statute always proves THE existence of tyranny; but a laudable\n edict may only contain THE specious professions, or ineffectual\n wishes, of THE prince, or his ministers. This, I am afraid, is a\n just, though mortifying, canon of criticism.]\n\n 11 (return) [\n\n —fluctibus auri Expleri sitis ista nequit— ***** Congestae\n cumulantur opes; orbisque ruinas Accipit una domus.\n\n This character (Claudian, in. Rufin. i. 184-220) is confirmed by\n Jerom, a disinterested witness, (dedecus insatiabilis avaritiae,\n tom. i. ad Heliodor. p. 26,) by Zosimus, (l. v. p. 286,) and by\n Suidas, who copied THE history of Eunapius.]\n\n 12 (return) [\n\n —Caetera segnis; Ad facinus velox; penitus regione remotas Impiger\n ire vias.\n\n This allusion of Claudian (in Rufin. i. 241) is again explained\n by THE circumstantial narrative of Zosimus, (l. v. p. 288, 289.)]\n\n But Rufinus soon experienced, that a prudent minister should\n constantly secure his royal captive by THE strong, though\n invisible chain of habit; and that THE merit, and much more\n easily THE favor, of THE absent, are obliterated in a short time\n from THE mind of a weak and capricious sovereign. While THE\n præfect satiated his revenge at Antioch, a secret conspiracy of\n THE favorite eunuchs, directed by THE great chamberlain\n Eutropius, undermined his power in THE palace of Constantinople.\n They discovered that Arcadius was not inclined to love THE\n daughter of Rufinus, who had been chosen, without his consent,\n for his bride; and THEy contrived to substitute in her place THE\n fair Eudoxia, THE daughter of Bauto, 13 a general of THE Franks\n in THE service of Rome; and who was educated, since THE death of\n her faTHEr, in THE family of THE sons of Promotus. The young\n emperor, whose chastity had been strictly guarded by THE pious\n care of his tutor Arsenius, 14 eagerly listened to THE artful and\n flattering descriptions of THE charms of Eudoxia: he gazed with\n impatient ardor on her picture, and he understood THE necessity\n of concealing his amorous designs from THE knowledge of a\n minister who was so deeply interested to oppose THE consummation\n of his happiness. Soon after THE return of Rufinus, THE\n approaching ceremony of THE royal nuptials was announced to THE\n people of Constantinople, who prepared to celebrate, with false\n and hollow acclamations, THE fortune of his daughter. A splendid\n train of eunuchs and officers issued, in hymeneal pomp, from THE\n gates of THE palace; bearing aloft THE diadem, THE robes, and THE\n inestimable ornaments, of THE future empress. The solemn\n procession passed through THE streets of THE city, which were\n adorned with garlands, and filled with spectators; but when it\n reached THE house of THE sons of Promotus, THE principal eunuch\n respectfully entered THE mansion, invested THE fair Eudoxia with\n THE Imperial robes, and conducted her in triumph to THE palace\n and bed of Arcadius. 15 The secrecy and success with which this\n conspiracy against Rufinus had been conducted, imprinted a mark\n of indelible ridicule on THE character of a minister, who had\n suffered himself to be deceived, in a post where THE arts of\n deceit and dissimulation constitute THE most distinguished merit.\n He considered, with a mixture of indignation and fear, THE\n victory of an aspiring eunuch, who had secretly captivated THE\n favor of his sovereign; and THE disgrace of his daughter, whose\n interest was inseparably connected with his own, wounded THE\n tenderness, or, at least, THE pride of Rufinus. At THE moment\n when he flattered himself that he should become THE faTHEr of a\n line of kings, a foreign maid, who had been educated in THE house\n of his implacable enemies, was introduced into THE Imperial bed;\n and Eudoxia soon displayed a superiority of sense and spirit, to\n improve THE ascendant which her beauty must acquire over THE mind\n of a fond and youthful husband. The emperor would soon be\n instructed to hate, to fear, and to destroy THE powerful subject,\n whom he had injured; and THE consciousness of guilt deprived\n Rufinus of every hope, eiTHEr of safety or comfort, in THE\n retirement of a private life. But he still possessed THE most\n effectual means of defending his dignity, and perhaps of\n oppressing his enemies. The præfect still exercised an\n uncontrolled authority over THE civil and military government of\n THE East; and his treasures, if he could resolve to use THEm,\n might be employed to procure proper instruments for THE execution\n of THE blackest designs, that pride, ambition, and revenge could\n suggest to a desperate statesman. The character of Rufinus seemed\n to justify THE accusations that he conspired against THE person\n of his sovereign, to seat himself on THE vacant throne; and that\n he had secretly invited THE Huns and THE Goths to invade THE\n provinces of THE empire, and to increase THE public confusion.\n The subtle præfect, whose life had been spent in THE intrigues\n of THE palace, opposed, with equal arms, THE artful measures of\n THE eunuch Eutropius; but THE timid soul of Rufinus was\n astonished by THE hostile approach of a more formidable rival, of\n THE great Stilicho, THE general, or raTHEr THE master, of THE\n empire of THE West. 16\n\n 13 (return) [ Zosimus (l. iv. p. 243) praises THE valor,\n prudence, and integrity of Bauto THE Frank. See Tillemont, Hist.\n des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 771.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Arsenius escaped from THE palace of Constantinople,\n and passed fifty-five years in rigid penance in THE monasteries\n of Egypt. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 676-702; and\n Fleury, Hist Eccles. tom. v. p. 1, &c.; but THE latter, for want\n of auTHEntic materials, has given too much credit to THE legend\n of Metaphrastes.]\n\n 15 (return) [ This story (Zosimus, l. v. p. 290) proves that THE\n hymeneal rites of antiquity were still practised, without\n idolatry, by THE Christians of THE East; and THE bride was\n forcibly conducted from THE house of her parents to that of her\n husband. Our form of marriage requires, with less delicacy, THE\n express and public consent of a virgin.]\n\n 16 (return) [ Zosimus, (l. v. p. 290,) Orosius, (l. vii. c. 37,)\n and THE Chronicle of Marcellinus. Claudian (in Rufin. ii. 7-100)\n paints, in lively colors, THE distress and guilt of THE\n præfect.]\n\n The celestial gift, which Achilles obtained, and Alexander\n envied, of a poet worthy to celebrate THE actions of heroes has\n been enjoyed by Stilicho, in a much higher degree than might have\n been expected from THE declining state of genius, and of art. The\n muse of Claudian, 17 devoted to his service, was always prepared\n to stigmatize his adversaries, Rufinus, or Eutropius, with\n eternal infamy; or to paint, in THE most splendid colors, THE\n victories and virtues of a powerful benefactor. In THE review of\n a period indifferently supplied with auTHEntic materials, we\n cannot refuse to illustrate THE annals of Honorius, from THE\n invectives, or THE panegyrics, of a contemporary writer; but as\n Claudian appears to have indulged THE most ample privilege of a\n poet and a courtier, some criticism will be requisite to\n translate THE language of fiction or exaggeration, into THE truth\n and simplicity of historic prose. His silence concerning THE\n family of Stilicho may be admitted as a proof, that his patron\n was neiTHEr able, nor desirous, to boast of a long series of\n illustrious progenitors; and THE slight mention of his faTHEr, an\n officer of Barbarian cavalry in THE service of Valens, seems to\n countenance THE assertion, that THE general, who so long\n commanded THE armies of Rome, was descended from THE savage and\n perfidious race of THE Vandals. 18 If Stilicho had not possessed\n THE external advantages of strength and stature, THE most\n flattering bard, in THE presence of so many thousand spectators,\n would have hesitated to affirm, that he surpassed THE measure of\n THE demi-gods of antiquity; and that whenever he moved, with\n lofty steps, through THE streets of THE capital, THE astonished\n crowd made room for THE stranger, who displayed, in a private\n condition, THE awful majesty of a hero. From his earliest youth\n he embraced THE profession of arms; his prudence and valor were\n soon distinguished in THE field; THE horsemen and archers of THE\n East admired his superior dexterity; and in each degree of his\n military promotions, THE public judgment always prevented and\n approved THE choice of THE sovereign. He was named, by\n Theodosius, to ratify a solemn treaty with THE monarch of Persia;\n he supported, during that important embassy, THE dignity of THE\n Roman name; and after he returned to Constantinople, his merit\n was rewarded by an intimate and honorable alliance with THE\n Imperial family. Theodosius had been prompted, by a pious motive\n of fraternal affection, to adopt, for his own, THE daughter of\n his broTHEr Honorius; THE beauty and accomplishments of Serena 19\n were universally admired by THE obsequious court; and Stilicho\n obtained THE preference over a crowd of rivals, who ambitiously\n disputed THE hand of THE princess, and THE favor of her adopted\n faTHEr. 20 The assurance that THE husband of Serena would be\n faithful to THE throne, which he was permitted to approach,\n engaged THE emperor to exalt THE fortunes, and to employ THE\n abilities, of THE sagacious and intrepid Stilicho. He rose,\n through THE successive steps of master of THE horse, and count of\n THE domestics, to THE supreme rank of master-general of all THE\n cavalry and infantry of THE Roman, or at least of THE Western,\n empire; 21 and his enemies confessed, that he invariably\n disdained to barter for gold THE rewards of merit, or to defraud\n THE soldiers of THE pay and gratifications which THEy deserved or\n claimed, from THE liberality of THE state. 22 The valor and\n conduct which he afterwards displayed, in THE defence of Italy,\n against THE arms of Alaric and Radagaisus, may justify THE fame\n of his early achievements and in an age less attentive to THE\n laws of honor, or of pride, THE Roman generals might yield THE\n preeminence of rank, to THE ascendant of superior genius. 23 He\n lamented, and revenged, THE murder of Promotus, his rival and his\n friend; and THE massacre of many thousands of THE flying\n Bastarnae is represented by THE poet as a bloody sacrifice, which\n THE Roman Achilles offered to THE manes of anoTHEr Patroclus. The\n virtues and victories of Stilicho deserved THE hatred of Rufinus:\n and THE arts of calumny might have been successful if THE tender\n and vigilant Serena had not protected her husband against his\n domestic foes, whilst he vanquished in THE field THE enemies of\n THE empire. 24 Theodosius continued to support an unworthy\n minister, to whose diligence he delegated THE government of THE\n palace, and of THE East; but when he marched against THE tyrant\n Eugenius, he associated his faithful general to THE labors and\n glories of THE civil war; and in THE last moments of his life,\n THE dying monarch recommended to Stilicho THE care of his sons,\n and of THE republic. 25 The ambition and THE abilities of\n Stilicho were not unequal to THE important trust; and he claimed\n THE guardianship of THE two empires, during THE minority of\n Arcadius and Honorius. 26 The first measure of his\n administration, or raTHEr of his reign, displayed to THE nations\n THE vigor and activity of a spirit worthy to command. He passed\n THE Alps in THE depth of winter; descended THE stream of THE\n Rhine, from THE fortress of Basil to THE marshes of Batavia;\n reviewed THE state of THE garrisons; repressed THE enterprises of\n THE Germans; and, after establishing along THE banks a firm and\n honorable peace, returned, with incredible speed, to THE palace\n of Milan. 27 The person and court of Honorius were subject to THE\n master-general of THE West; and THE armies and provinces of\n Europe obeyed, without hesitation, a regular authority, which was\n exercised in THE name of THEir young sovereign. Two rivals only\n remained to dispute THE claims, and to provoke THE vengeance, of\n Stilicho. Within THE limits of Africa, Gildo, THE Moor,\n maintained a proud and dangerous independence; and THE minister\n of Constantinople asserted his equal reign over THE emperor, and\n THE empire, of THE East.\n\n 17 (return) [ Stilicho, directly or indirectly, is THE perpetual\n THEme of Claudian. The youth and private life of THE hero are\n vaguely expressed in THE poem on his first consulship, 35-140.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Vandalorum, imbellis, avarae, perfidae, et dolosae,\n gentis, genere editus. Orosius, l. vii. c. 38. Jerom (tom. i. ad\n Gerontiam, p. 93) call him a Semi-Barbarian.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Claudian, in an imperfect poem, has drawn a fair,\n perhaps a flattering, portrait of Serena. That favorite niece of\n Theodosius was born, as well as here sister Thermantia, in Spain;\n from whence, in THEir earliest youth, THEy were honorably\n conducted to THE palace of Constantinople.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Some doubt may be entertained, wheTHEr this\n adoption was legal or only metaphorical, (see Ducange, Fam.\n Byzant. p. 75.) An old inscription gives Stilicho THE singular\n title of Pro-gener Divi Theodosius]\n\n 21 (return) [ Claudian (Laus Serenae, 190, 193) expresses, in\n poetic language “THE dilectus equorum,” and THE “gemino mox idem\n culmine duxit agmina.” The inscription adds, “count of THE\n domestics,” an important command, which Stilicho, in THE height\n of his grandeur, might prudently retain.]\n\n 22 (return) [ The beautiful lines of Claudian (in i. Cons.\n Stilich. ii. 113) displays his genius; but THE integrity of\n Stilicho (in THE military administration) is much more firmly\n established by THE unwilling evidence of Zosimus, (l. v. p.\n 345.)]\n\n 23 (return) [—Si bellica moles Ingrueret, quamvis annis et jure\n minori,\n\n Cedere grandaevos equitum peditumque magistros\n\n Adspiceres. Claudian, Laus Seren. p. 196, &c. A modern general\n would deem THEir submission eiTHEr heroic patriotism or abject\n servility.]\n\n 24 (return) [ Compare THE poem on THE first consulship (i.\n 95-115) with THE Laus Serenoe (227-237, where it unfortunately\n breaks off.) We may perceive THE deep, inveterate malice of\n Rufinus.]\n\n 25 (return) [—Quem fratribus ipse Discedens, clypeum\n defensoremque dedisti. Yet THE nomination (iv. Cons. Hon. 432)\n was private, (iii. Cons. Hon. 142,) cunctos discedere... jubet;\n and may THErefore be suspected. Zosimus and Suidas apply to\n Stilicho and Rufinus THE same equal title of guardians, or\n procurators.]\n\n 26 (return) [ The Roman law distinguishes two sorts of minority,\n which expired at THE age of fourteen, and of twenty-five. The one\n was subject to THE tutor, or guardian, of THE person; THE oTHEr,\n to THE curator, or trustee, of THE estate, (Heineccius,\n Antiquitat. Rom. ad Jurisprudent. pertinent. l. i. tit. xxii.\n xxiii. p. 218-232.) But THEse legal ideas were never accurately\n transferred into THE constitution of an elective monarchy.]\n\n 27 (return) [ See Claudian, (i. Cons. Stilich. i. 188-242;) but\n he must allow more than fifteen days for THE journey and return\n between Milan and Leyden.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXIX: Division Of Roman Empire Between Sons Of\n Theodosius.—Part II.\n\n The impartiality which Stilicho affected, as THE common guardian\n of THE royal broTHErs, engaged him to regulate THE equal division\n of THE arms, THE jewels, and THE magnificent wardrobe and\n furniture of THE deceased emperor. 28 But THE most important\n object of THE inheritance consisted of THE numerous legions,\n cohorts, and squadrons, of Romans, or Barbarians, whom THE event\n of THE civil war had united under THE standard of Theodosius. The\n various multitudes of Europe and Asia, exasperated by recent\n animosities, were overawed by THE authority of a single man; and\n THE rigid discipline of Stilicho protected THE lands of THE\n citizens from THE rapine of THE licentious soldier. 29 Anxious,\n however, and impatient, to relieve Italy from THE presence of\n this formidable host, which could be useful only on THE frontiers\n of THE empire, he listened to THE just requisition of THE\n minister of Arcadius, declared his intention of reconducting in\n person THE troops of THE East, and dexterously employed THE rumor\n of a Gothic tumult to conceal his private designs of ambition and\n revenge. 30 The guilty soul of Rufinus was alarmed by THE\n approach of a warrior and a rival, whose enmity he deserved; he\n computed, with increasing terror, THE narrow space of his life\n and greatness; and, as THE last hope of safety, he interposed THE\n authority of THE emperor Arcadius. Stilicho, who appears to have\n directed his march along THE sea-coast of THE Adriatic, was not\n far distant from THE city of Thessalonica, when he received a\n peremptory message, to recall THE troops of THE East, and to\n declare, that his nearer approach would be considered, by THE\n Byzantine court, as an act of hostility. The prompt and\n unexpected obedience of THE general of THE West, convinced THE\n vulgar of his loyalty and moderation; and, as he had already\n engaged THE affection of THE Eastern troops, he recommended to\n THEir zeal THE execution of his bloody design, which might be\n accomplished in his absence, with less danger, perhaps, and with\n less reproach. Stilicho left THE command of THE troops of THE\n East to Gainas, THE Goth, on whose fidelity he firmly relied,\n with an assurance, at least, that THE hardy Barbarians would\n never be diverted from his purpose by any consideration of fear\n or remorse. The soldiers were easily persuaded to punish THE\n enemy of Stilicho and of Rome; and such was THE general hatred\n which Rufinus had excited, that THE fatal secret, communicated to\n thousands, was faithfully preserved during THE long march from\n Thessalonica to THE gates of Constantinople. As soon as THEy had\n resolved his death, THEy condescended to flatter his pride; THE\n ambitious præfect was seduced to believe, that those powerful\n auxiliaries might be tempted to place THE diadem on his head; and\n THE treasures which he distributed, with a tardy and reluctant\n hand, were accepted by THE indignant multitude as an insult,\n raTHEr than as a gift. At THE distance of a mile from THE\n capital, in THE field of Mars, before THE palace of Hebdomon, THE\n troops halted: and THE emperor, as well as his minister,\n advanced, according to ancient custom, respectfully to salute THE\n power which supported THEir throne. As Rufinus passed along THE\n ranks, and disguised, with studied courtesy, his innate\n haughtiness, THE wings insensibly wheeled from THE right and\n left, and enclosed THE devoted victim within THE circle of THEir\n arms. Before he could reflect on THE danger of his situation,\n Gainas gave THE signal of death; a daring and forward soldier\n plunged his sword into THE breast of THE guilty præfect, and\n Rufinus fell, groaned, and expired, at THE feet of THE affrighted\n emperor. If THE agonies of a moment could expiate THE crimes of a\n whole life, or if THE outrages inflicted on a breathless corpse\n could be THE object of pity, our humanity might perhaps be\n affected by THE horrid circumstances which accompanied THE murder\n of Rufinus. His mangled body was abandoned to THE brutal fury of\n THE populace of eiTHEr sex, who hastened in crowds, from every\n quarter of THE city, to trample on THE remains of THE haughty\n minister, at whose frown THEy had so lately trembled. His right\n hand was cut off, and carried through THE streets of\n Constantinople, in cruel mockery, to extort contributions for THE\n avaricious tyrant, whose head was publicly exposed, borne aloft\n on THE point of a long lance. 31 According to THE savage maxims\n of THE Greek republics, his innocent family would have shared THE\n punishment of his crimes. The wife and daughter of Rufinus were\n indebted for THEir safety to THE influence of religion. Her\n sanctuary protected THEm from THE raging madness of THE people;\n and THEy were permitted to spend THE remainder of THEir lives in\n THE exercise of Christian devotions, in THE peaceful retirement\n of Jerusalem. 32\n\n 28 (return) [ I. Cons. Stilich. ii. 88-94. Not only THE robes and\n diadems of THE deceased emperor, but even THE helmets,\n sword-hilts, belts, rasses, &c., were enriched with pearls,\n emeralds, and diamonds.]\n\n 29 (return) [—Tantoque remoto Principe, mutatas orbis non sensit\n habenas. This high commendation (i. Cons. Stil. i. 149) may be\n justified by THE fears of THE dying emperor, (de Bell. Gildon.\n 292-301;) and THE peace and good order which were enjoyed after\n his death, (i. Cons. Stil i. 150-168.)]\n\n 30 (return) [ Stilicho’s march, and THE death of Rufinus, are\n described by Claudian, (in Rufin. l. ii. 101-453, Zosimus, l. v.\n p. 296, 297,) Sozomen (l. viii. c. 1,) Socrates, l. vi. c. 1,)\n Philostorgius, (l. xi c. 3, with Godefory, p. 441,) and THE\n Chronicle of Marcellinus.]\n\n 31 (return) [ The dissection of Rufinus, which Claudian performs\n with THE savage coolness of an anatomist, (in Rufin. ii.\n 405-415,) is likewise specified by Zosimus and Jerom, (tom. i. p.\n 26.)]\n\n 32 (return) [ The Pagan Zosimus mentions THEir sanctuary and\n pilgrimage. The sister of Rufinus, Sylvania, who passed her life\n at Jerusalem, is famous in monastic history. 1. The studious\n virgin had diligently, and even repeatedly, perused THE\n commentators on THE Bible, Origen, Gregory, Basil, &c., to THE\n amount of five millions of lines. 2. At THE age of threescore,\n she could boast, that she had never washed her hands, face, or\n any part of her whole body, except THE tips of her fingers to\n receive THE communion. See THE Vitae Patrum, p. 779, 977.]\n\n The servile poet of Stilicho applauds, with ferocious joy, this\n horrid deed, which, in THE execution, perhaps, of justice,\n violated every law of nature and society, profaned THE majesty of\n THE prince, and renewed THE dangerous examples of military\n license. The contemplation of THE universal order and harmony had\n satisfied Claudian of THE existence of THE Deity; but THE\n prosperous impunity of vice appeared to contradict his moral\n attributes; and THE fate of Rufinus was THE only event which\n could dispel THE religious doubts of THE poet. 33 Such an act\n might vindicate THE honor of Providence, but it did not much\n contribute to THE happiness of THE people. In less than three\n months THEy were informed of THE maxims of THE new\n administration, by a singular edict, which established THE\n exclusive right of THE treasury over THE spoils of Rufinus; and\n silenced, under heavy penalties, THE presumptuous claims of THE\n subjects of THE Eastern empire, who had been injured by his\n rapacious tyranny. 34 Even Stilicho did not derive from THE\n murder of his rival THE fruit which he had proposed; and though\n he gratified his revenge, his ambition was disappointed. Under\n THE name of a favorite, THE weakness of Arcadius required a\n master, but he naturally preferred THE obsequious arts of THE\n eunuch Eutropius, who had obtained his domestic confidence: and\n THE emperor contemplated, with terror and aversion, THE stern\n genius of a foreign warrior. Till THEy were divided by THE\n jealousy of power, THE sword of Gainas, and THE charms of\n Eudoxia, supported THE favor of THE great chamberlain of THE\n palace: THE perfidious Goth, who was appointed master-general of\n THE East, betrayed, without scruple, THE interest of his\n benefactor; and THE same troops, who had so lately massacred THE\n enemy of Stilicho, were engaged to support, against him, THE\n independence of THE throne of Constantinople. The favorites of\n Arcadius fomented a secret and irreconcilable war against a\n formidable hero, who aspired to govern, and to defend, THE two\n empires of Rome, and THE two sons of Theodosius. They incessantly\n labored, by dark and treacherous machinations, to deprive him of\n THE esteem of THE prince, THE respect of THE people, and THE\n friendship of THE Barbarians. The life of Stilicho was repeatedly\n attempted by THE dagger of hired assassins; and a decree was\n obtained from THE senate of Constantinople, to declare him an\n enemy of THE republic, and to confiscate his ample possessions in\n THE provinces of THE East. At a time when THE only hope of\n delaying THE ruin of THE Roman name depended on THE firm union,\n and reciprocal aid, of all THE nations to whom it had been\n gradually communicated, THE subjects of Arcadius and Honorius\n were instructed, by THEir respective masters, to view each oTHEr\n in a foreign, and even hostile, light; to rejoice in THEir mutual\n calamities, and to embrace, as THEir faithful allies, THE\n Barbarians, whom THEy excited to invade THE territories of THEir\n countrymen. 35 The natives of Italy affected to despise THE\n servile and effeminate Greeks of Byzantium, who presumed to\n imitate THE dress, and to usurp THE dignity, of Roman senators;\n 36 and THE Greeks had not yet forgot THE sentiments of hatred and\n contempt, which THEir polished ancestors had so long entertained\n for THE rude inhabitants of THE West. The distinction of two\n governments, which soon produced THE separation of two nations,\n will justify my design of suspending THE series of THE Byzantine\n history, to prosecute, without interruption, THE disgraceful, but\n memorable, reign of Honorius.\n\n 33 (return) [ See THE beautiful exordium of his invective against\n Rufinus, which is curiously discussed by THE sceptic Bayle,\n Dictionnaire Critique, Rufin. Not. E.]\n\n 34 (return) [ See THE Theodosian Code, l. ix. tit. xlii. leg. 14,\n 15. The new ministers attempted, with inconsistent avarice, to\n seize THE spoils of THEir predecessor, and to provide for THEir\n own future security.]\n\n 35 (return) [ See Claudian, (i. Cons. Stilich, l. i. 275, 292,\n 296, l. ii. 83,) and Zosimus, (l. v. p. 302.)]\n\n 36 (return) [ Claudian turns THE consulship of THE eunuch\n Eutropius into a national reflection, (l. ii. 134):—\n\n —-Plaudentem cerne senatum, Et Byzantinos proceres Graiosque\n Quirites: O patribus plebes, O digni consule patres.\n\n It is curious to observe THE first symptoms of jealousy and\n schism between old and new Rome, between THE Greeks and Latins.]\n\n The prudent Stilicho, instead of persisting to force THE\n inclinations of a prince, and people, who rejected his\n government, wisely abandoned Arcadius to his unworthy favorites;\n and his reluctance to involve THE two empires in a civil war\n displayed THE moderation of a minister, who had so often\n signalized his military spirit and abilities. But if Stilicho had\n any longer endured THE revolt of Africa, he would have betrayed\n THE security of THE capital, and THE majesty of THE Western\n emperor, to THE capricious insolence of a Moorish rebel. Gildo,\n 37 THE broTHEr of THE tyrant Firmus, had preserved and obtained,\n as THE reward of his apparent fidelity, THE immense patrimony\n which was forfeited by treason: long and meritorious service, in\n THE armies of Rome, raised him to THE dignity of a military\n count; THE narrow policy of THE court of Theodosius had adopted\n THE mischievous expedient of supporting a legal government by THE\n interest of a powerful family; and THE broTHEr of Firmus was\n invested with THE command of Africa. His ambition soon usurped\n THE administration of justice, and of THE finances, without\n account, and without control; and he maintained, during a reign\n of twelve years, THE possession of an office, from which it was\n impossible to remove him, without THE danger of a civil war.\n During those twelve years, THE provinces of Africa groaned under\n THE dominion of a tyrant, who seemed to unite THE unfeeling\n temper of a stranger with THE partial resentments of domestic\n faction. The forms of law were often superseded by THE use of\n poison; and if THE trembling guests, who were invited to THE\n table of Gildo, presumed to express fears, THE insolent suspicion\n served only to excite his fury, and he loudly summoned THE\n ministers of death. Gildo alternately indulged THE passions of\n avarice and lust; 38 and if his days were terrible to THE rich,\n his nights were not less dreadful to husbands and parents. The\n fairest of THEir wives and daughters were prostituted to THE\n embraces of THE tyrant; and afterwards abandoned to a ferocious\n troop of Barbarians and assassins, THE black, or swarthy, natives\n of THE desert; whom Gildo considered as THE only guardians of his\n throne. In THE civil war between Theodosius and Eugenius, THE\n count, or raTHEr THE sovereign, of Africa, maintained a haughty\n and suspicious neutrality; refused to assist eiTHEr of THE\n contending parties with troops or vessels, expected THE\n declaration of fortune, and reserved for THE conqueror THE vain\n professions of his allegiance. Such professions would not have\n satisfied THE master of THE Roman world; but THE death of\n Theodosius, and THE weakness and discord of his sons, confirmed\n THE power of THE Moor; who condescended, as a proof of his\n moderation, to abstain from THE use of THE diadem, and to supply\n Rome with THE customary tribute, or raTHEr subsidy, of corn. In\n every division of THE empire, THE five provinces of Africa were\n invariably assigned to THE West; and Gildo had to govern that\n extensive country in THE name of Honorius, but his knowledge of\n THE character and designs of Stilicho soon engaged him to address\n his homage to a more distant and feeble sovereign. The ministers\n of Arcadius embraced THE cause of a perfidious rebel; and THE\n delusive hope of adding THE numerous cities of Africa to THE\n empire of THE East, tempted THEm to assert a claim, which THEy\n were incapable of supporting, eiTHEr by reason or by arms. 39\n\n 37 (return) [ Claudian may have exaggerated THE vices of Gildo;\n but his Moorish extraction, his notorious actions, and THE\n complaints of St. Augustin, may justify THE poet’s invectives.\n Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 398, No. 35-56) has treated THE\n African rebellion with skill and learning.]\n\n 38 (return) [\n\n Instat terribilis vivis, morientibus haeres, Virginibus raptor,\n thalamis obscoenus adulter. Nulla quies: oritur praeda cessante\n libido, Divitibusque dies, et nox metuenda maritis. Mauris\n clarissima quaeque Fastidita datur. ——De Bello Gildonico, 165,\n 189.\n\n Baronius condemns, still more severely, THE licentiousness of\n Gildo; as his wife, his daughter, and his sister, were examples\n of perfect chastity. The adulteries of THE African soldiers are\n checked by one of THE Imperial laws.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Inque tuam sortem numerosas transtulit urbes.\n Claudian (de Bell. Gildonico, 230-324) has touched, with\n political delicacy, THE intrigues of THE Byzantine court, which\n are likewise mentioned by Zosimus, (l. v. p. 302.)]\n\n When Stilicho had given a firm and decisive answer to THE\n pretensions of THE Byzantine court, he solemnly accused THE\n tyrant of Africa before THE tribunal, which had formerly judged\n THE kings and nations of THE earth; and THE image of THE republic\n was revived, after a long interval, under THE reign of Honorius.\n The emperor transmitted an accurate and ample detail of THE\n complaints of THE provincials, and THE crimes of Gildo, to THE\n Roman senate; and THE members of that venerable assembly were\n required to pronounce THE condemnation of THE rebel. Their\n unanimous suffrage declared him THE enemy of THE republic; and\n THE decree of THE senate added a sacred and legitimate sanction\n to THE Roman arms. 40 A people, who still remembered that THEir\n ancestors had been THE masters of THE world, would have\n applauded, with conscious pride, THE representation of ancient\n freedom; if THEy had not since been accustomed to prefer THE\n solid assurance of bread to THE unsubstantial visions of liberty\n and greatness. The subsistence of Rome depended on THE harvests\n of Africa; and it was evident, that a declaration of war would be\n THE signal of famine. The præfect Symmachus, who presided in THE\n deliberations of THE senate, admonished THE minister of his just\n apprehension, that as soon as THE revengeful Moor should prohibit\n THE exportation of corn, tranquility and perhaps THE safety, of\n THE capital would be threatened by THE hungry rage of a turbulent\n multitude. 41 The prudence of Stilicho conceived and executed,\n without delay, THE most effectual measure for THE relief of THE\n Roman people. A large and seasonable supply of corn, collected in\n THE inland provinces of Gaul, was embarked on THE rapid stream of\n THE Rhone, and transported, by an easy navigation, from THE Rhone\n to THE Tyber. During THE whole term of THE African war, THE\n granaries of Rome were continually filled, her dignity was\n vindicated from THE humiliating dependence, and THE minds of an\n immense people were quieted by THE calm confidence of peace and\n plenty. 42\n\n 40 (return) [ Symmachus (l. iv. epist. 4) expresses THE judicial\n forms of THE senate; and Claudian (i. Cons. Stilich. l. i. 325,\n &c.) seems to feel THE spirit of a Roman.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Claudian finely displays THEse complaints of\n Symmachus, in a speech of THE goddess of Rome, before THE throne\n of Jupiter, (de Bell Gildon. 28-128.)]\n\n 42 (return) [ See Claudian (in Eutrop. l. i 401, &c. i. Cons.\n Stil. l. i. 306, &c. i. Cons. Stilich. 91, &c.)]\n\n The cause of Rome, and THE conduct of THE African war, were\n intrusted by Stilicho to a general, active and ardent to avenge\n his private injuries on THE head of THE tyrant. The spirit of\n discord which prevailed in THE house of Nabal, had excited a\n deadly quarrel between two of his sons, Gildo and Mascezel. 43\n The usurper pursued, with implacable rage, THE life of his\n younger broTHEr, whose courage and abilities he feared; and\n Mascezel, oppressed by superior power, took refuge in THE court\n of Milan, where he soon received THE cruel intelligence that his\n two innocent and helpless children had been murdered by THEir\n inhuman uncle. The affliction of THE faTHEr was suspended only by\n THE desire of revenge. The vigilant Stilicho already prepared to\n collect THE naval and military force of THE Western empire; and\n he had resolved, if THE tyrant should be able to wage an equal\n and doubtful war, to march against him in person. But as Italy\n required his presence, and as it might be dangerous to weaken THE\n defence of THE frontier, he judged it more advisable, that\n Mascezel should attempt this arduous adventure at THE head of a\n chosen body of Gallic veterans, who had lately served under THE\n standard of Eugenius. These troops, who were exhorted to convince\n THE world that THEy could subvert, as well as defend THE throne\n of a usurper, consisted of THE Jovian, THE Herculian, and THE\n Augustan legions; of THE Nervian auxiliaries; of THE soldiers who\n displayed in THEir banners THE symbol of a lion, and of THE\n troops which were distinguished by THE auspicious names of\n Fortunate, and Invincible. Yet such was THE smallness of THEir\n establishments, or THE difficulty of recruiting, that THEse seven\n bands, 44 of high dignity and reputation in THE service of Rome,\n amounted to no more than five thousand effective men. 45 The\n fleet of galleys and transports sailed in tempestuous weaTHEr\n from THE port of Pisa, in Tuscany, and steered THEir course to\n THE little island of Capraria; which had borrowed that name from\n THE wild goats, its original inhabitants, whose place was\n occupied by a new colony of a strange and savage appearance. “The\n whole island (says an ingenious traveller of those times) is\n filled, or raTHEr defiled, by men who fly from THE light. They\n call THEmselves Monks, or solitaries, because THEy choose to live\n alone, without any witnesses of THEir actions. They fear THE\n gifts of fortune, from THE apprehension of losing THEm; and, lest\n THEy should be miserable, THEy embrace a life of voluntary\n wretchedness. How absurd is THEir choice! how perverse THEir\n understanding! to dread THE evils, without being able to support\n THE blessings, of THE human condition. EiTHEr this melancholy\n madness is THE effect of disease, or exercise on THEir own bodies\n THE tortures which are inflicted on fugitive slaves by THE hand\n of justice.” 46 Such was THE contempt of a profane magistrate for\n THE monks as THE chosen servants of God. 47 Some of THEm were\n persuaded, by his entreaties, to embark on board THE fleet; and\n it is observed, to THE praise of THE Roman general, that his days\n and nights were employed in prayer, fasting, and THE occupation\n of singing psalms. The devout leader, who, with such a\n reenforcement, appeared confident of victory, avoided THE\n dangerous rocks of Corsica, coasted along THE eastern side of\n Sardinia, and secured his ships against THE violence of THE south\n wind, by casting anchor in THE and capacious harbor of Cagliari,\n at THE distance of one hundred and forty miles from THE African\n shores. 48\n\n 43 (return) [ He was of a mature age; since he had formerly (A.D.\n 373) served against his broTHEr Firmus (Ammian. xxix. 5.)\n Claudian, who understood THE court of Milan, dwells on THE\n injuries, raTHEr than THE merits, of Mascezel, (de Bell. Gild.\n 389-414.) The Moorish war was not worthy of Honorius, or\n Stilicho, &c.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Claudian, Bell. Gild. 415-423. The change of\n discipline allowed him to use indifferently THE names of Legio\n Cohors, Manipulus. See Notitia Imperii, S. 38, 40.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Orosius (l. vii. c. 36, p. 565) qualifies this\n account with an expression of doubt, (ut aiunt;) and it scarcely\n coincides with Zosimus, (l. v. p. 303.) Yet Claudian, after some\n declamation about Cadmus, soldiers, frankly owns that Stilicho\n sent a small army lest THE rebels should fly, ne timeare times,\n (i. Cons. Stilich. l. i. 314 &c.)]\n\n 46 (return) [ Claud. Rutil. Numatian. Itinerar. i. 439-448. He\n afterwards (515-526) mentions a religious madman on THE Isle of\n Gorgona. For such profane remarks, Rutilius and his accomplices\n are styled, by his commentator, Barthius, rabiosi canes diaboli.\n Tillemont (Mem. Eccles com. xii. p. 471) more calmly observes,\n that THE unbelieving poet praises where he means to censure.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Orosius, l. vii. c. 36, p. 564. Augustin commends\n two of THEse savage saints of THE Isle of Goats, (epist. lxxxi.\n apud Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xiii. p. 317, and Baronius,\n Annal Eccles. A.D. 398 No. 51.)]\n\n 48 (return) [ Here THE first book of THE Gildonic war is\n terminated. The rest of Claudian’s poem has been lost; and we are\n ignorant how or where THE army made good THEir landing in Afica.]\n\n Gildo was prepared to resist THE invasion with all THE forces of\n Africa. By THE liberality of his gifts and promises, he\n endeavored to secure THE doubtful allegiance of THE Roman\n soldiers, whilst he attracted to his standard THE distant tribes\n of Gaetulia and Æthiopia. He proudly reviewed an army of seventy\n thousand men, and boasted, with THE rash presumption which is THE\n forerunner of disgrace, that his numerous cavalry would trample\n under THEir horses’ feet THE troops of Mascezel, and involve, in\n a cloud of burning sand, THE natives of THE cold regions of Gaul\n and Germany. 49 But THE Moor, who commanded THE legions of\n Honorius, was too well acquainted with THE manners of his\n countrymen, to entertain any serious apprehension of a naked and\n disorderly host of Barbarians; whose left arm, instead of a\n shield, was protected only by mantle; who were totally disarmed\n as soon as THEy had darted THEir javelin from THEir right hand;\n and whose horses had never been in combat. He fixed his camp of\n five thousand veterans in THE face of a superior enemy, and,\n after THE delay of three days, gave THE signal of a general\n engagement. 50 As Mascezel advanced before THE front with fair\n offers of peace and pardon, he encountered one of THE foremost\n standard-bearers of THE Africans, and, on his refusal to yield,\n struck him on THE arm with his sword. The arm, and THE standard,\n sunk under THE weight of THE blow; and THE imaginary act of\n submission was hastily repeated by all THE standards of THE line.\n At this THE disaffected cohorts proclaimed THE name of THEir\n lawful sovereign; THE Barbarians, astonished by THE defection of\n THEir Roman allies, dispersed, according to THEir custom, in\n tumultuary flight; and Mascezel obtained honors THE of an easy,\n and almost bloodless, victory. 51 The tyrant escaped from THE\n field of battle to THE sea-shore; and threw himself into a small\n vessel, with THE hope of reaching in safety some friendly port of\n THE empire of THE East; but THE obstinacy of THE wind drove him\n back into THE harbor of Tabraca, 52 which had acknowledged, with\n THE rest of THE province, THE dominion of Honorius, and THE\n authority of his lieutenant. The inhabitants, as a proof of THEir\n repentance and loyalty, seized and confined THE person of Gildo\n in a dungeon; and his own despair saved him from THE intolerable\n torture of supporting THE presence of an injured and victorious\n broTHEr. 53 The captives and THE spoils of Africa were laid at\n THE feet of THE emperor; but Stilicho, whose moderation appeared\n more conspicuous and more sincere, in THE midst of prosperity,\n still affected to consult THE laws of THE republic; and referred\n to THE senate and people of Rome THE judgment of THE most\n illustrious criminals. 54 Their trial was public and solemn; but\n THE judges, in THE exercise of this obsolete and precarious\n jurisdiction, were impatient to punish THE African magistrates,\n who had intercepted THE subsistence of THE Roman people. The rich\n and guilty province was oppressed by THE Imperial ministers, who\n had a visible interest to multiply THE number of THE accomplices\n of Gildo; and if an edict of Honorius seems to check THE\n malicious industry of informers, a subsequent edict, at THE\n distance of ten years, continues and renews THE prosecution of\n THE offences which had been committed in THE time of THE general\n rebellion. 55 The adherents of THE tyrant who escaped THE first\n fury of THE soldiers, and THE judges, might derive some\n consolation from THE tragic fate of his broTHEr, who could never\n obtain his pardon for THE extraordinary services which he had\n performed. After he had finished an important war in THE space of\n a single winter, Mascezel was received at THE court of Milan with\n loud applause, affected gratitude, and secret jealousy; 56 and\n his death, which, perhaps, was THE effect of passage of a bridge,\n THE Moorish prince, who accompanied THE master-general of THE\n West, was suddenly thrown from his horse into THE river; THE\n officious haste of THE attendants was restrained by a cruel and\n perfidious smile which THEy observed on THE countenance of\n Stilicho; and while THEy delayed THE necessary assistance, THE\n unfortunate Mascezel was irrecoverably drowned. 57\n\n 49 (return) [ Orosius must be responsible for THE account. The\n presumption of Gildo and his various train of Barbarians is\n celebrated by Claudian, Cons. Stil. l. i. 345-355.]\n\n 50 (return) [ St. Ambrose, who had been dead about a year,\n revealed, in a vision, THE time and place of THE victory.\n Mascezel afterwards related his dream to Paulinus, THE original\n biographer of THE saint, from whom it might easily pass to\n Orosius.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Zosimus (l. v. p. 303) supposes an obstinate\n combat; but THE narrative of Orosius appears to conceal a real\n fact, under THE disguise of a miracle.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Tabraca lay between THE two Hippos, (Cellarius,\n tom. ii. p. 112; D’Anville, tom. iii. p. 84.) Orosius has\n distinctly named THE field of battle, but our ignorance cannot\n define THE precise situation.]\n\n 53 (return) [ The death of Gildo is expressed by Claudian (i.\n Cons. Stil. 357) and his best interpreters, Zosimus and Orosius.]\n\n 54 (return) [ Claudian (ii. Cons. Stilich. 99-119) describes\n THEir trial (tremuit quos Africa nuper, cernunt rostra reos,) and\n applauds THE restoration of THE ancient constitution. It is here\n that he introduces THE famous sentence, so familiar to THE\n friends of despotism:\n\n —-Nunquam libertas gratior exstat, Quam sub rege pio.\n\n But THE freedom which depends on royal piety, scarcely deserves\n appellation]\n\n 55 (return) [ See THE Theodosian Code, l. ix. tit. xxxix. leg. 3,\n tit. xl. leg. 19.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Stilicho, who claimed an equal share in all THE\n victories of Theodosius and his son, particularly asserts, that\n Africa was recovered by THE wisdom of his counsels, (see an\n inscription produced by Baronius.)]\n\n 57 (return) [ I have softened THE narrative of Zosimus, which, in\n its crude simplicity, is almost incredible, (l. v. p. 303.)\n Orosius damns THE victorious general (p. 538) for violating THE\n right of sanctuary.]\n\n The joy of THE African triumph was happily connected with THE\n nuptials of THE emperor Honorius, and of his cousin Maria, THE\n daughter of Stilicho: and this equal and honorable alliance\n seemed to invest THE powerful minister with THE authority of a\n parent over his submissive pupil. The muse of Claudian was not\n silent on this propitious day; 58 he sung, in various and lively\n strains, THE happiness of THE royal pair; and THE glory of THE\n hero, who confirmed THEir union, and supported THEir throne. The\n ancient fables of Greece, which had almost ceased to be THE\n object of religious faith, were saved from oblivion by THE genius\n of poetry. The picture of THE Cyprian grove, THE seat of harmony\n and love; THE triumphant progress of Venus over her native seas,\n and THE mild influence which her presence diffused in THE palace\n of Milan, express to every age THE natural sentiments of THE\n heart, in THE just and pleasing language of allegorical fiction.\n But THE amorous impatience which Claudian attributes to THE young\n prince, 59 must excite THE smiles of THE court; and his beauteous\n spouse (if she deserved THE praise of beauty) had not much to\n fear or to hope from THE passions of her lover. Honorius was only\n in THE fourteenth year of his age; Serena, THE moTHEr of his\n bride, deferred, by art of persuasion, THE consummation of THE\n royal nuptials; Maria died a virgin, after she had been ten years\n a wife; and THE chastity of THE emperor was secured by THE\n coldness, or perhaps, THE debility, of his constitution. 60 His\n subjects, who attentively studied THE character of THEir young\n sovereign, discovered that Honorius was without passions, and\n consequently without talents; and that his feeble and languid\n disposition was alike incapable of discharging THE duties of his\n rank, or of enjoying THE pleasures of his age. In his early youth\n he made some progress in THE exercises of riding and drawing THE\n bow: but he soon relinquished THEse fatiguing occupations, and\n THE amusement of feeding poultry became THE serious and daily\n care of THE monarch of THE West, 61 who resigned THE reins of\n empire to THE firm and skilful hand of his guardian Stilicho. The\n experience of history will countenance THE suspicion that a\n prince who was born in THE purple, received a worse education\n than THE meanest peasant of his dominions; and that THE ambitious\n minister suffered him to attain THE age of manhood, without\n attempting to excite his courage, or to enlighten his\n understanding. 62 The predecessors of Honorius were accustomed to\n animate by THEir example, or at least by THEir presence, THE\n valor of THE legions; and THE dates of THEir laws attest THE\n perpetual activity of THEir motions through THE provinces of THE\n Roman world. But THE son of Theodosius passed THE slumber of his\n life, a captive in his palace, a stranger in his country, and THE\n patient, almost THE indifferent, spectator of THE ruin of THE\n Western empire, which was repeatedly attacked, and finally\n subverted, by THE arms of THE Barbarians. In THE eventful history\n of a reign of twenty-eight years, it will seldom be necessary to\n mention THE name of THE emperor Honorius.\n\n 58 (return) [ Claudian,as THE poet laureate, composed a serious\n and elaborate epithalamium of 340 lines; besides some gay\n Fescennines, which were sung, in a more licentious tone, on THE\n wedding night.]\n\n 59 (return) [\n\n Calet obvius ire Jam princeps, tardumque cupit discedere solem.\n Nobilis haud aliter sonipes.\n\n (De Nuptiis Honor. et Mariae, and more freely in THE Fescennines\n 112-116)\n\n Dices, O quoties,hoc mihi dulcius Quam flavos decics vincere\n Sarmatas. .... Tum victor madido prosilias toro, Nocturni referens\n vulnera proelii.]\n\n 60 (return) [ See Zosimus, l. v. p. 333.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Procopius de Bell. Gothico, l. i. c. 2. I have\n borrowed THE general practice of Honorius, without adopting THE\n singular, and indeed improbable tale, which is related by THE\n Greek historian.]\n\n 62 (return) [ The lessons of Theodosius, or raTHEr Claudian, (iv.\n Cons. Honor 214-418,) might compose a fine institution for THE\n future prince of a great and free nation. It was far above\n Honorius, and his degenerate subjects.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXX: Revolt Of The Goths.—Part I.\n\n Revolt Of The Goths.—They Plunder Greece.—Two Great Invasions Of\n Italy By Alaric And Radagaisus.—They Are Repulsed By Stilicho.—The\n Germans Overrun Gaul.—Usurpation Of Constantine In The\n West.—Disgrace And Death Of Stilicho.\n\n If THE subjects of Rome could be ignorant of THEir obligations to\n THE great Theodosius, THEy were too soon convinced, how painfully\n THE spirit and abilities of THEir deceased emperor had supported\n THE frail and mouldering edifice of THE republic. He died in THE\n month of January; and before THE end of THE winter of THE same\n year, THE Gothic nation was in arms. 1 The Barbarian auxiliaries\n erected THEir independent standard; and boldly avowed THE hostile\n designs, which THEy had long cherished in THEir ferocious minds.\n Their countrymen, who had been condemned, by THE conditions of\n THE last treaty, to a life of tranquility and labor, deserted\n THEir farms at THE first sound of THE trumpet; and eagerly\n resumed THE weapons which THEy had reluctantly laid down. The\n barriers of THE Danube were thrown open; THE savage warriors of\n Scythia issued from THEir forests; and THE uncommon severity of\n THE winter allowed THE poet to remark, “that THEy rolled THEir\n ponderous wagons over THE broad and icy back of THE indignant\n river.” 2 The unhappy natives of THE provinces to THE south of\n THE Danube submitted to THE calamities, which, in THE course of\n twenty years, were almost grown familiar to THEir imagination;\n and THE various troops of Barbarians, who gloried in THE Gothic\n name, were irregularly spread from woody shores of Dalmatia, to\n THE walls of Constantinople. 3 The interruption, or at least THE\n diminution, of THE subsidy, which THE Goths had received from THE\n prudent liberality of Theodosius, was THE specious pretence of\n THEir revolt: THE affront was imbittered by THEir contempt for\n THE unwarlike sons of Theodosius; and THEir resentment was\n inflamed by THE weakness, or treachery, of THE minister of\n Arcadius. The frequent visits of Rufinus to THE camp of THE\n Barbarians whose arms and apparel he affected to imitate, were\n considered as a sufficient evidence of his guilty correspondence,\n and THE public enemy, from a motive eiTHEr of gratitude or of\n policy, was attentive, amidst THE general devastation, to spare\n THE private estates of THE unpopular præfect. The Goths, instead\n of being impelled by THE blind and headstrong passions of THEir\n chiefs, were now directed by THE bold and artful genius of\n Alaric. That renowned leader was descended from THE noble race of\n THE Balti; 4 which yielded only to THE royal dignity of THE\n Amali: he had solicited THE command of THE Roman armies; and THE\n Imperial court provoked him to demonstrate THE folly of THEir\n refusal, and THE importance of THEir loss. Whatever hopes might\n be entertained of THE conquest of Constantinople, THE judicious\n general soon abandoned an impracticable enterprise. In THE midst\n of a divided court and a discontented people, THE emperor\n Arcadius was terrified by THE aspect of THE Gothic arms; but THE\n want of wisdom and valor was supplied by THE strength of THE\n city; and THE fortifications, both of THE sea and land, might\n securely brave THE impotent and random darts of THE Barbarians.\n Alaric disdained to trample any longer on THE prostrate and\n ruined countries of Thrace and Dacia, and he resolved to seek a\n plentiful harvest of fame and riches in a province which had\n hiTHErto escaped THE ravages of war. 5\n\n 1 (return) [ The revolt of THE Goths, and THE blockade of\n Constantinople, are distinctly mentioned by Claudian, (in Rufin.\n l. ii. 7-100,) Zosimus, (l. v. 292,) and Jornandes, (de Rebus\n Geticis, c. 29.)]\n\n 2 (return) [—\n\n Alii per toga ferocis Danubii solidata ruunt; expertaque remis\n Frangunt stagna rotis.\n\n Claudian and Ovid often amuse THEir fancy by interchanging THE\n metaphors and properties of liquid water, and solid ice. Much\n false wit has been expended in this easy exercise.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Jerom, tom. i. p. 26. He endeavors to comfort his\n friend Heliodorus, bishop of Altinum, for THE loss of his nephew,\n Nepotian, by a curious recapitulation of all THE public and\n private misfortunes of THE times. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles.\n tom. xii. p. 200, &c.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Baltha or bold: origo mirifica, says Jornandes, (c.\n 29.) This illustrious race long continued to flourish in France,\n in THE Gothic province of Septimania, or Languedoc; under THE\n corrupted appellation of Boax; and a branch of that family\n afterwards settled in THE kingdom of Naples (Grotius in Prolegom.\n ad Hist. Gothic. p. 53.) The lords of Baux, near Arles, and of\n seventy-nine subordinate places, were independent of THE counts\n of Provence, (Longuerue, Description de la France, tom. i. p.\n 357).]\n\n 5 (return) [ Zosimus (l. v. p. 293-295) is our best guide for THE\n conquest of Greece: but THE hints and allusion of Claudian are so\n many rays of historic light.]\n\n The character of THE civil and military officers, on whom Rufinus\n had devolved THE government of Greece, confirmed THE public\n suspicion, that he had betrayed THE ancient seat of freedom and\n learning to THE Gothic invader. The proconsul Antiochus was THE\n unworthy son of a respectable faTHEr; and Gerontius, who\n commanded THE provincial troops, was much better qualified to\n execute THE oppressive orders of a tyrant, than to defend, with\n courage and ability, a country most remarkably fortified by THE\n hand of nature. Alaric had traversed, without resistance, THE\n plains of Macedonia and Thessaly, as far as THE foot of Mount\n Oeta, a steep and woody range of hills, almost impervious to his\n cavalry. They stretched from east to west, to THE edge of THE\n sea-shore; and left, between THE precipice and THE Malian Gulf,\n an interval of three hundred feet, which, in some places, was\n contracted to a road capable of admitting only a single carriage.\n 6 In this narrow pass of Thermopylae, where Leonidas and THE\n three hundred Spartans had gloriously devoted THEir lives, THE\n Goths might have been stopped, or destroyed, by a skilful\n general; and perhaps THE view of that sacred spot might have\n kindled some sparks of military ardor in THE breasts of THE\n degenerate Greeks. The troops which had been posted to defend THE\n Straits of Thermopylae, retired, as THEy were directed, without\n attempting to disturb THE secure and rapid passage of Alaric; 7\n and THE fertile fields of Phocis and Boeotia were instantly\n covered by a deluge of Barbarians who massacred THE males of an\n age to bear arms, and drove away THE beautiful females, with THE\n spoil and cattle of THE flaming villages. The travellers, who\n visited Greece several years afterwards, could easily discover\n THE deep and bloody traces of THE march of THE Goths; and Thebes\n was less indebted for her preservation to THE strength of her\n seven gates, than to THE eager haste of Alaric, who advanced to\n occupy THE city of ATHEns, and THE important harbor of THE\n Piraeus. The same impatience urged him to prevent THE delay and\n danger of a siege, by THE offer of a capitulation; and as soon as\n THE ATHEnians heard THE voice of THE Gothic herald, THEy were\n easily persuaded to deliver THE greatest part of THEir wealth, as\n THE ransom of THE city of Minerva and its inhabitants. The treaty\n was ratified by solemn oaths, and observed with mutual fidelity.\n The Gothic prince, with a small and select train, was admitted\n within THE walls; he indulged himself in THE refreshment of THE\n bath, accepted a splendid banquet, which was provided by THE\n magistrate, and affected to show that he was not ignorant of THE\n manners of civilized nations. 8 But THE whole territory of\n Attica, from THE promontory of Sunium to THE town of Megara, was\n blasted by his baleful presence; and, if we may use THE\n comparison of a contemporary philosopher, ATHEns itself resembled\n THE bleeding and empty skin of a slaughtered victim. The distance\n between Megara and Corinth could not much exceed thirty miles;\n but THE bad road, an expressive name, which it still bears among\n THE Greeks, was, or might easily have been made, impassable for\n THE march of an enemy. The thick and gloomy woods of Mount\n Cithaeron covered THE inland country; THE Scironian rocks\n approached THE water’s edge, and hung over THE narrow and winding\n path, which was confined above six miles along THE sea-shore. 9\n The passage of those rocks, so infamous in every age, was\n terminated by THE Isthmus of Corinth; and a small a body of firm\n and intrepid soldiers might have successfully defended a\n temporary intrenchment of five or six miles from THE Ionian to\n THE Aegean Sea. The confidence of THE cities of Peloponnesus in\n THEir natural rampart, had tempted THEm to neglect THE care of\n THEir antique walls; and THE avarice of THE Roman governors had\n exhausted and betrayed THE unhappy province. 10 Corinth, Argos,\n Sparta, yielded without resistance to THE arms of THE Goths; and\n THE most fortunate of THE inhabitants were saved, by death, from\n beholding THE slavery of THEir families and THE conflagration of\n THEir cities. 11 The vases and statues were distributed among THE\n Barbarians, with more regard to THE value of THE materials, than\n to THE elegance of THE workmanship; THE female captives submitted\n to THE laws of war; THE enjoyment of beauty was THE reward of\n valor; and THE Greeks could not reasonably complain of an abuse\n which was justified by THE example of THE heroic times. 12 The\n descendants of that extraordinary people, who had considered\n valor and discipline as THE walls of Sparta, no longer remembered\n THE generous reply of THEir ancestors to an invader more\n formidable than Alaric. “If thou art a god, thou wilt not hurt\n those who have never injured THEe; if thou art a man,\n advance:—and thou wilt find men equal to thyself.” 13 From\n Thermopylae to Sparta, THE leader of THE Goths pursued his\n victorious march without encountering any mortal antagonists: but\n one of THE advocates of expiring Paganism has confidently\n asserted, that THE walls of ATHEns were guarded by THE goddess\n Minerva, with her formidable Aegis, and by THE angry phantom of\n Achilles; 14 and that THE conqueror was dismayed by THE presence\n of THE hostile deities of Greece. In an age of miracles, it would\n perhaps be unjust to dispute THE claim of THE historian Zosimus\n to THE common benefit: yet it cannot be dissembled, that THE mind\n of Alaric was ill prepared to receive, eiTHEr in sleeping or\n waking visions, THE impressions of Greek superstition. The songs\n of Homer, and THE fame of Achilles, had probably never reached\n THE ear of THE illiterate Barbarian; and THE Christian faith,\n which he had devoutly embraced, taught him to despise THE\n imaginary deities of Rome and ATHEns. The invasion of THE Goths,\n instead of vindicating THE honor, contributed, at least\n accidentally, to extirpate THE last remains of Paganism: and THE\n mysteries of Ceres, which had subsisted eighteen hundred years,\n did not survive THE destruction of Eleusis, and THE calamities of\n Greece. 15\n\n 6 (return) [ Compare Herodotus (l. vii. c. 176) and Livy, (xxxvi.\n 15.) The narrow entrance of Greece was probably enlarged by each\n successive ravisher.]\n\n 7 (return) [ He passed, says Eunapius, (in Vit. Philosoph. p. 93,\n edit. Commelin, 1596,) through THE straits, of Thermopylae.]\n\n 8 (return) [ In obedience to Jerom and Claudian, (in Rufin. l.\n ii. 191,) I have mixed some darker colors in THE mild\n representation of Zosimus, who wished to soften THE calamities of\n ATHEns.\n\n Nec fera Cecropias traxissent vincula matres.\n\n Synesius (Epist. clvi. p. 272, edit. Petav.) observes, that\n ATHEns, whose sufferings he imputes to THE proconsul’s avarice,\n was at that time less famous for her schools of philosophy than\n for her trade of honey.]\n\n 9 (return) [—\n\n Vallata mari Scironia rupes, Et duo continuo connectens aequora\n muro Isthmos. —Claudian de Bel. Getico, 188.\n\n The Scironian rocks are described by Pausanias, (l. i. c. 44, p.\n 107, edit. Kuhn,) and our modern travellers, Wheeler (p. 436) and\n Chandler, (p. 298.) Hadrian made THE road passable for two\n carriages.]\n\n 10 (return) [ Claudian (in Rufin. l. ii. 186, and de Bello\n Getico, 611, &c.) vaguely, though forcibly, delineates THE scene\n of rapine and destruction.]\n\n 11 (return) [ These generous lines of Homer (Odyss. l. v. 306)\n were transcribed by one of THE captive youths of Corinth: and THE\n tears of Mummius may prove that THE rude conqueror, though he was\n ignorant of THE value of an original picture, possessed THE\n purest source of good taste, a benevolent heart, (Plutarch,\n Symposiac. l. ix. tom. ii. p. 737, edit. Wechel.)]\n\n 12 (return) [ Homer perpetually describes THE exemplary patience\n of those female captives, who gave THEir charms, and even THEir\n hearts, to THE murderers of THEir faTHErs, broTHErs, &c. Such a\n passion (of Eriphile for Achilles) is touched with admirable\n delicacy by Racine.]\n\n 13 (return) [ Plutarch (in Pyrrho, tom. ii. p. 474, edit. Brian)\n gives THE genuine answer in THE Laconic dialect. Pyrrhus attacked\n Sparta with 25,000 foot, 2000 horse, and 24 elephants, and THE\n defence of that open town is a fine comment on THE laws of\n Lycurgus, even in THE last stage of decay.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Such, perhaps, as Homer (Iliad, xx. 164) had so\n nobly painted him.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Eunapius (in Vit. Philosoph. p. 90-93) intimates\n that a troop of monks betrayed Greece, and followed THE Gothic\n camp. * Note: The expression is curious: Vit. Max. t. i. p. 53,\n edit. Boissonade.—M.]\n\n The last hope of a people who could no longer depend on THEir\n arms, THEir gods, or THEir sovereign, was placed in THE powerful\n assistance of THE general of THE West; and Stilicho, who had not\n been permitted to repulse, advanced to chastise, THE invaders of\n Greece. 16 A numerous fleet was equipped in THE ports of Italy;\n and THE troops, after a short and prosperous navigation over THE\n Ionian Sea, were safely disembarked on THE isthmus, near THE\n ruins of Corinth. The woody and mountainous country of Arcadia,\n THE fabulous residence of Pan and THE Dryads, became THE scene of\n a long and doubtful conflict between THE two generals not\n unworthy of each oTHEr. The skill and perseverance of THE Roman\n at length prevailed; and THE Goths, after sustaining a\n considerable loss from disease and desertion, gradually retreated\n to THE lofty mountain of Pholoe, near THE sources of THE Peneus,\n and on THE frontiers of Elis; a sacred country, which had\n formerly been exempted from THE calamities of war. 17 The camp of\n THE Barbarians was immediately besieged; THE waters of THE river\n 18 were diverted into anoTHEr channel; and while THEy labored\n under THE intolerable pressure of thirst and hunger, a strong\n line of circumvallation was formed to prevent THEir escape. After\n THEse precautions, Stilicho, too confident of victory, retired to\n enjoy his triumph, in THE THEatrical games, and lascivious\n dances, of THE Greeks; his soldiers, deserting THEir standards,\n spread THEmselves over THE country of THEir allies, which THEy\n stripped of all that had been saved from THE rapacious hands of\n THE enemy. Alaric appears to have seized THE favorable moment to\n execute one of those hardy enterprises, in which THE abilities of\n a general are displayed with more genuine lustre, than in THE\n tumult of a day of battle. To extricate himself from THE prison\n of Peloponnesus, it was necessary that he should pierce THE\n intrenchments which surrounded his camp; that he should perform a\n difficult and dangerous march of thirty miles, as far as THE Gulf\n of Corinth; and that he should transport his troops, his\n captives, and his spoil, over an arm of THE sea, which, in THE\n narrow interval between Rhium and THE opposite shore, is at least\n half a mile in breadth. 19 The operations of Alaric must have\n been secret, prudent, and rapid; since THE Roman general was\n confounded by THE intelligence, that THE Goths, who had eluded\n his efforts, were in full possession of THE important province of\n Epirus. This unfortunate delay allowed Alaric sufficient time to\n conclude THE treaty, which he secretly negotiated, with THE\n ministers of Constantinople. The apprehension of a civil war\n compelled Stilicho to retire, at THE haughty mandate of his\n rivals, from THE dominions of Arcadius; and he respected, in THE\n enemy of Rome, THE honorable character of THE ally and servant of\n THE emperor of THE East.\n\n 16 (return) [ For Stilicho’s Greek war, compare THE honest\n narrative of Zosimus (l. v. p. 295, 296) with THE curious\n circumstantial flattery of Claudian, (i. Cons. Stilich. l. i.\n 172-186, iv. Cons. Hon. 459-487.) As THE event was not glorious,\n it is artfully thrown into THE shade.]\n\n 17 (return) [ The troops who marched through Elis delivered up\n THEir arms. This security enriched THE Eleans, who were lovers of\n a rural life. Riches begat pride: THEy disdained THEir privilege,\n and THEy suffered. Polybius advises THEm to retire once more\n within THEir magic circle. See a learned and judicious discourse\n on THE Olympic games, which Mr. West has prefixed to his\n translation of Pindar.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Claudian (in iv. Cons. Hon. 480) alludes to THE\n fact without naming THE river; perhaps THE Alpheus, (i. Cons.\n Stil. l. i. 185.)\n\n —-Et Alpheus Geticis angustus acervis Tardior ad Siculos etiamnum\n pergit amores.\n\n Yet I should prefer THE Peneus, a shallow stream in a wide and\n deep bed, which runs through Elis, and falls into THE sea below\n Cyllene. It had been joined with THE Alpheus to cleanse THE\n Augean stable. (Cellarius, tom. i. p. 760. Chandler’s Travels, p.\n 286.)]\n\n 19 (return) [ Strabo, l. viii. p. 517. Plin. Hist. Natur. iv. 3.\n Wheeler, p. 308. Chandler, p. 275. They measured from different\n points THE distance between THE two lands.]\n\n A Grecian philosopher, 20 who visited Constantinople soon after\n THE death of Theodosius, published his liberal opinions\n concerning THE duties of kings, and THE state of THE Roman\n republic. Synesius observes, and deplores, THE fatal abuse, which\n THE imprudent bounty of THE late emperor had introduced into THE\n military service. The citizens and subjects had purchased an\n exemption from THE indispensable duty of defending THEir country;\n which was supported by THE arms of Barbarian mercenaries. The\n fugitives of Scythia were permitted to disgrace THE illustrious\n dignities of THE empire; THEir ferocious youth, who disdained THE\n salutary restraint of laws, were more anxious to acquire THE\n riches, than to imitate THE arts, of a people, THE object of\n THEir contempt and hatred; and THE power of THE Goths was THE\n stone of Tantalus, perpetually suspended over THE peace and\n safety of THE devoted state. The measures which Synesius\n recommends, are THE dictates of a bold and generous patriot. He\n exhorts THE emperor to revive THE courage of his subjects, by THE\n example of manly virtue; to banish luxury from THE court and from\n THE camp; to substitute, in THE place of THE Barbarian\n mercenaries, an army of men, interested in THE defence of THEir\n laws and of THEir property; to force, in such a moment of public\n danger, THE mechanic from his shop, and THE philosopher from his\n school; to rouse THE indolent citizen from his dream of pleasure,\n and to arm, for THE protection of agriculture, THE hands of THE\n laborious husbandman. At THE head of such troops, who might\n deserve THE name, and would display THE spirit, of Romans, he\n animates THE son of Theodosius to encounter a race of Barbarians,\n who were destitute of any real courage; and never to lay down his\n arms, till he had chased THEm far away into THE solitudes of\n Scythia; or had reduced THEm to THE state of ignominious\n servitude, which THE Lacedaemonians formerly imposed on THE\n captive Helots. 21 The court of Arcadius indulged THE zeal,\n applauded THE eloquence, and neglected THE advice, of Synesius.\n Perhaps THE philosopher who addresses THE emperor of THE East in\n THE language of reason and virtue, which he might have used to a\n Spartan king, had not condescended to form a practicable scheme,\n consistent with THE temper, and circumstances, of a degenerate\n age. Perhaps THE pride of THE ministers, whose business was\n seldom interrupted by reflection, might reject, as wild and\n visionary, every proposal, which exceeded THE measure of THEir\n capacity, and deviated from THE forms and precedents of office.\n While THE oration of Synesius, and THE downfall of THE\n Barbarians, were THE topics of popular conversation, an edict was\n published at Constantinople, which declared THE promotion of\n Alaric to THE rank of master-general of THE Eastern Illyricum.\n The Roman provincials, and THE allies, who had respected THE\n faith of treaties, were justly indignant, that THE ruin of Greece\n and Epirus should be so liberally rewarded. The Gothic conqueror\n was received as a lawful magistrate, in THE cities which he had\n so lately besieged. The faTHErs, whose sons he had massacred, THE\n husbands, whose wives he had violated, were subject to his\n authority; and THE success of his rebellion encouraged THE\n ambition of every leader of THE foreign mercenaries. The use to\n which Alaric applied his new command, distinguishes THE firm and\n judicious character of his policy. He issued his orders to THE\n four magazines and manufactures of offensive and defensive arms,\n Margus, Ratiaria, Naissus, and Thessalonica, to provide his\n troops with an extraordinary supply of shields, helmets, swords,\n and spears; THE unhappy provincials were compelled to forge THE\n instruments of THEir own destruction; and THE Barbarians removed\n THE only defect which had sometimes disappointed THE efforts of\n THEir courage. 22 The birth of Alaric, THE glory of his past\n exploits, and THE confidence in his future designs, insensibly\n united THE body of THE nation under his victorious standard; and,\n with THE unanimous consent of THE Barbarian chieftains, THE\n master-general of Illyricum was elevated, according to ancient\n custom, on a shield, and solemnly proclaimed king of THE\n Visigoths. 23 Armed with this double power, seated on THE verge\n of THE two empires, he alternately sold his deceitful promises to\n THE courts of Arcadius and Honorius; till he declared and\n executed his resolution of invading THE dominions of THE West.\n The provinces of Europe which belonged to THE Eastern emperor,\n were already exhausted; those of Asia were inaccessible; and THE\n strength of Constantinople had resisted his attack. But he was\n tempted by THE fame, THE beauty, THE wealth of Italy, which he\n had twice visited; and he secretly aspired to plant THE Gothic\n standard on THE walls of Rome, and to enrich his army with THE\n accumulated spoils of three hundred triumphs. 25\n\n 20 (return) [ Synesius passed three years (A.D. 397-400) at\n Constantinople, as deputy from Cyrene to THE emperor Arcadius. He\n presented him with a crown of gold, and pronounced before him THE\n instructive oration de Regno, (p. 1-32, edit. Petav. Paris,\n 1612.) The philosopher was made bishop of Ptolemais, A.D. 410,\n and died about 430. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xii. p. 490,\n 554, 683-685.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Synesius de Regno, p. 21-26.]\n\n 22 (return) [—qui foedera rumpit\n\n Ditatur: qui servat, eget: vastator Achivae Gentis, et Epirum\n nuper populatus inultam, Praesidet Illyrico: jam, quos obsedit,\n amicos Ingreditur muros; illis responsa daturus, Quorum\n conjugibus potitur, natosque peremit.\n\n Claudian in Eutrop. l. ii. 212. Alaric applauds his own policy\n (de Bell Getic. 533-543) in THE use which he had made of this\n Illyrian jurisdiction.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Jornandes, c. 29, p. 651. The Gothic historian\n adds, with unusual spirit, Cum suis deliberans suasit suo labore\n quaerere regna, quam alienis per otium subjacere.\n\n Discors odiisque anceps civilibus orbis, Non sua vis tutata diu,\n dum foedera fallax Ludit, et alternae perjuria venditat aulae.\n —-Claudian de Bell. Get. 565]\n\n 25 (return) [ Alpibus Italiae ruptis penetrabis ad Urbem. This\n auTHEntic prediction was announced by Alaric, or at least by\n Claudian, (de Bell. Getico, 547,) seven years before THE event.\n But as it was not accomplished within THE term which has been\n rashly fixed THE interpreters escaped through an ambiguous\n meaning.]\n\n The scarcity of facts, 26 and THE uncertainty of dates, 27 oppose\n our attempts to describe THE circumstances of THE first invasion\n of Italy by THE arms of Alaric. His march, perhaps from\n Thessalonica, through THE warlike and hostile country of\n Pannonia, as far as THE foot of THE Julian Alps; his passage of\n those mountains, which were strongly guarded by troops and\n intrenchments; THE siege of Aquileia, and THE conquest of THE\n provinces of Istria and Venetia, appear to have employed a\n considerable time. Unless his operations were extremely cautious\n and slow, THE length of THE interval would suggest a probable\n suspicion, that THE Gothic king retreated towards THE banks of\n THE Danube; and reenforced his army with fresh swarms of\n Barbarians, before he again attempted to penetrate into THE heart\n of Italy. Since THE public and important events escape THE\n diligence of THE historian, he may amuse himself with\n contemplating, for a moment, THE influence of THE arms of Alaric\n on THE fortunes of two obscure individuals, a presbyter of\n Aquileia and a husbandman of Verona. The learned Rufinus, who was\n summoned by his enemies to appear before a Roman synod, 28 wisely\n preferred THE dangers of a besieged city; and THE Barbarians, who\n furiously shook THE walls of Aquileia, might save him from THE\n cruel sentence of anoTHEr heretic, who, at THE request of THE\n same bishops, was severely whipped, and condemned to perpetual\n exile on a desert island. 29 The old man, 30 who had passed his\n simple and innocent life in THE neighborhood of Verona, was a\n stranger to THE quarrels both of kings and of bishops; his\n pleasures, his desires, his knowledge, were confined within THE\n little circle of his paternal farm; and a staff supported his\n aged steps, on THE same ground where he had sported in his\n infancy. Yet even this humble and rustic felicity (which Claudian\n describes with so much truth and feeling) was still exposed to\n THE undistinguishing rage of war. His trees, his old contemporary\n trees, 31 must blaze in THE conflagration of THE whole country; a\n detachment of Gothic cavalry might sweep away his cottage and his\n family; and THE power of Alaric could destroy this happiness,\n which he was not able eiTHEr to taste or to bestow. “Fame,” says\n THE poet, “encircling with terror her gloomy wings, proclaimed\n THE march of THE Barbarian army, and filled Italy with\n consternation:” THE apprehensions of each individual were\n increased in just proportion to THE measure of his fortune: and\n THE most timid, who had already embarked THEir valuable effects,\n meditated THEir escape to THE Island of Sicily, or THE African\n coast. The public distress was aggravated by THE fears and\n reproaches of superstition. 32 Every hour produced some horrid\n tale of strange and portentous accidents; THE Pagans deplored THE\n neglect of omens, and THE interruption of sacrifices; but THE\n Christians still derived some comfort from THE powerful\n intercession of THE saints and martyrs. 33\n\n 26 (return) [ Our best materials are 970 verses of Claudian in\n THE poem on THE Getic war, and THE beginning of that which\n celebrates THE sixth consulship of Honorius. Zosimus is totally\n silent; and we are reduced to such scraps, or raTHEr crumbs, as\n we can pick from Orosius and THE Chronicles.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Notwithstanding THE gross errors of Jornandes, who\n confounds THE Italian wars of Alaric, (c. 29,) his date of THE\n consulship of Stilicho and Aurelian (A.D. 400) is firm and\n respectable. It is certain from Claudian (Tillemont, Hist. des\n Emp. tom. v. p. 804) that THE battle of Polentia was fought A.D.\n 403; but we cannot easily fill THE interval.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Tantum Romanae urbis judicium fugis, ut magis\n obsidionem barbaricam, quam pacatoe urbis judicium velis\n sustinere. Jerom, tom. ii. p. 239. Rufinus understood his own\n danger; THE peaceful city was inflamed by THE beldam Marcella,\n and THE rest of Jerom’s faction.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Jovinian, THE enemy of fasts and of celibacy, who\n was persecuted and insulted by THE furious Jerom, (Jortin’s\n Remarks, vol. iv. p. 104, &c.) See THE original edict of\n banishment in THE Theodosian Code, xvi. tit. v. leg. 43.]\n\n 30 (return) [ This epigram (de Sene Veronensi qui suburbium\n nusquam egres sus est) is one of THE earliest and most pleasing\n compositions of Claudian. Cowley’s imitation (Hurd’s edition,\n vol. ii. p. 241) has some natural and happy strokes: but it is\n much inferior to THE original portrait, which is evidently drawn\n from THE life.]\n\n 31 (return) [\n\n Ingentem meminit parvo qui germine quercum Aequaevumque videt\n consenuisse nemus.\n A neighboring wood born with himself he sees, And loves his old\n contemporary trees.\n\n In this passage, Cowley is perhaps superior to his original; and\n THE English poet, who was a good botanist, has concealed THE oaks\n under a more general expression.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Claudian de Bell. Get. 199-266. He may seem prolix:\n but fear and superstition occupied as large a space in THE minds\n of THE Italians.]\n\n 33 (return) [ From THE passages of Paulinus, which Baronius has\n produced, (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 403, No. 51,) it is manifest that\n THE general alarm had pervaded all Italy, as far as Nola in\n Campania, where that famous penitent had fixed his abode.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXX: Revolt Of The Goths.—Part II.\n\n The emperor Honorius was distinguished, above his subjects, by\n THE preeminence of fear, as well as of rank. The pride and luxury\n in which he was educated, had not allowed him to suspect, that\n THEre existed on THE earth any power presumptuous enough to\n invade THE repose of THE successor of Augustus. The arts of\n flattery concealed THE impending danger, till Alaric approached\n THE palace of Milan. But when THE sound of war had awakened THE\n young emperor, instead of flying to arms with THE spirit, or even\n THE rashness, of his age, he eagerly listened to those timid\n counsellors, who proposed to convey his sacred person, and his\n faithful attendants, to some secure and distant station in THE\n provinces of Gaul. Stilicho alone 34 had courage and authority to\n resist his disgraceful measure, which would have abandoned Rome\n and Italy to THE Barbarians; but as THE troops of THE palace had\n been lately detached to THE Rhaetian frontier, and as THE\n resource of new levies was slow and precarious, THE general of\n THE West could only promise, that if THE court of Milan would\n maintain THEir ground during his absence, he would soon return\n with an army equal to THE encounter of THE Gothic king. Without\n losing a moment, (while each moment was so important to THE\n public safety,) Stilicho hastily embarked on THE Larian Lake,\n ascended THE mountains of ice and snow, amidst THE severity of an\n Alpine winter, and suddenly repressed, by his unexpected\n presence, THE enemy, who had disturbed THE tranquillity of\n Rhaetia. 35 The Barbarians, perhaps some tribes of THE Alemanni,\n respected THE firmness of a chief, who still assumed THE language\n of command; and THE choice which he condescended to make, of a\n select number of THEir bravest youth, was considered as a mark of\n his esteem and favor. The cohorts, who were delivered from THE\n neighboring foe, diligently repaired to THE Imperial standard;\n and Stilicho issued his orders to THE most remote troops of THE\n West, to advance, by rapid marches, to THE defence of Honorius\n and of Italy. The fortresses of THE Rhine were abandoned; and THE\n safety of Gaul was protected only by THE faith of THE Germans,\n and THE ancient terror of THE Roman name. Even THE legion, which\n had been stationed to guard THE wall of Britain against THE\n Caledonians of THE North, was hastily recalled; 36 and a numerous\n body of THE cavalry of THE Alani was persuaded to engage in THE\n service of THE emperor, who anxiously expected THE return of his\n general. The prudence and vigor of Stilicho were conspicuous on\n this occasion, which revealed, at THE same time, THE weakness of\n THE falling empire. The legions of Rome, which had long since\n languished in THE gradual decay of discipline and courage, were\n exterminated by THE Gothic and civil wars; and it was found\n impossible, without exhausting and exposing THE provinces, to\n assemble an army for THE defence of Italy.\n\n 34 (return) [ Solus erat Stilicho, &c., is THE exclusive\n commendation which Claudian bestows, (del Bell. Get. 267,)\n without condescending to except THE emperor. How insignificant\n must Honorius have appeared in his own court.]\n\n 35 (return) [ The face of THE country, and THE hardiness of\n Stilicho, are finely described, (de Bell. Get. 340-363.)]\n\n 36 (return) [\n\n Venit et extremis legio praetenta Britannis, Quae Scoto dat frena\n truci. —-De Bell. Get. 416.\n\n Yet THE most rapid march from Edinburgh, or Newcastle, to Milan,\n must have required a longer space of time than Claudian seems\n willing to allow for THE duration of THE Gothic war.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXX: Revolt Of The Goths.—Part III.\n\n When Stilicho seemed to abandon his sovereign in THE unguarded\n palace of Milan, he had probably calculated THE term of his\n absence, THE distance of THE enemy, and THE obstacles that might\n retard THEir march. He principally depended on THE rivers of\n Italy, THE Adige, THE Mincius, THE Oglio, and THE Addua, which,\n in THE winter or spring, by THE fall of rains, or by THE melting\n of THE snows, are commonly swelled into broad and impetuous\n torrents. 37 But THE season happened to be remarkably dry: and\n THE Goths could traverse, without impediment, THE wide and stony\n beds, whose centre was faintly marked by THE course of a shallow\n stream. The bridge and passage of THE Addua were secured by a\n strong detachment of THE Gothic army; and as Alaric approached\n THE walls, or raTHEr THE suburbs, of Milan, he enjoyed THE proud\n satisfaction of seeing THE emperor of THE Romans fly before him.\n Honorius, accompanied by a feeble train of statesmen and eunuchs,\n hastily retreated towards THE Alps, with a design of securing his\n person in THE city of Arles, which had often been THE royal\n residence of his predecessors. 3711 But Honorius 38 had scarcely\n passed THE Po, before he was overtaken by THE speed of THE Gothic\n cavalry; 39 since THE urgency of THE danger compelled him to seek\n a temporary shelter within THE fortifications of Asta, a town of\n Liguria or Piemont, situate on THE banks of THE Tanarus. 40 The\n siege of an obscure place, which contained so rich a prize, and\n seemed incapable of a long resistance, was instantly formed, and\n indefatigably pressed, by THE king of THE Goths; and THE bold\n declaration, which THE emperor might afterwards make, that his\n breast had never been susceptible of fear, did not probably\n obtain much credit, even in his own court. 41 In THE last, and\n almost hopeless extremity, after THE Barbarians had already\n proposed THE indignity of a capitulation, THE Imperial captive\n was suddenly relieved by THE fame, THE approach, and at length\n THE presence, of THE hero, whom he had so long expected. At THE\n head of a chosen and intrepid vanguard, Stilicho swam THE stream\n of THE Addua, to gain THE time which he must have lost in THE\n attack of THE bridge; THE passage of THE Po was an enterprise of\n much less hazard and difficulty; and THE successful action, in\n which he cut his way through THE Gothic camp under THE walls of\n Asta, revived THE hopes, and vindicated THE honor, of Rome.\n Instead of grasping THE fruit of his victory, THE Barbarian was\n gradually invested, on every side, by THE troops of THE West, who\n successively issued through all THE passes of THE Alps; his\n quarters were straitened; his convoys were intercepted; and THE\n vigilance of THE Romans prepared to form a chain of\n fortifications, and to besiege THE lines of THE besiegers. A\n military council was assembled of THE long-haired chiefs of THE\n Gothic nation; of aged warriors, whose bodies were wrapped in\n furs, and whose stern countenances were marked with honorable\n wounds. They weighed THE glory of persisting in THEir attempt\n against THE advantage of securing THEir plunder; and THEy\n recommended THE prudent measure of a seasonable retreat. In this\n important debate, Alaric displayed THE spirit of THE conqueror of\n Rome; and after he had reminded his countrymen of THEir\n achievements and of THEir designs, he concluded his animating\n speech by THE solemn and positive assurance that he was resolved\n to find in Italy eiTHEr a kingdom or a grave. 42\n\n 37 (return) [ Every traveller must recollect THE face of\n Lombardy, (see Fonvenelle, tom. v. p. 279,) which is often\n tormented by THE capricious and irregular abundance of waters.\n The Austrians, before Genoa, were encamped in THE dry bed of THE\n Polcevera. “Ne sarebbe” (says Muratori) “mai passato per mente a\n que’ buoni Alemanni, che quel picciolo torrente potesse, per cosi\n dire, in un instante cangiarsi in un terribil gigante.” (Annali\n d’Italia, tom. xvi. p. 443, Milan, 1752, 8vo edit.)]\n\n 3711 (return) [ According to Le Beau and his commentator M. St.\n Martin, Honorius did not attempt to fly. Settlements were offered\n to THE Goths in Lombardy, and THEy advanced from THE Po towards\n THE Alps to take possession of THEm. But it was a treacherous\n stratagem of Stilicho, who surprised THEm while THEy were\n reposing on THE faith of this treaty. Le Beau, v. x.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Claudian does not clearly answer our question,\n Where was Honorius himself? Yet THE flight is marked by THE\n pursuit; and my idea of THE Gothic was is justified by THE\n Italian critics, Sigonius (tom. P, ii. p. 369, de Imp. Occident.\n l. x.) and Muratori, (Annali d’Italia. tom. iv. p. 45.)]\n\n 39 (return) [ One of THE roads may be traced in THE Itineraries,\n (p. 98, 288, 294, with Wesseling’s Notes.) Asta lay some miles on\n THE right hand.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Asta, or Asti, a Roman colony, is now THE capital\n of a pleasant country, which, in THE sixteenth century, devolved\n to THE dukes of Savoy, (Leandro Alberti Descrizzione d’Italia, p.\n 382.)]\n\n 41 (return) [ Nec me timor impulit ullus. He might hold this\n proud language THE next year at Rome, five hundred miles from THE\n scene of danger (vi. Cons. Hon. 449.)]\n\n 42 (return) [ Hanc ego vel victor regno, vel morte tenebo Victus,\n humum.——The speeches (de Bell. Get. 479-549) of THE Gothic\n Nestor, and Achilles, are strong, characteristic, adapted to THE\n circumstances; and possibly not less genuine than those of Livy.]\n\n The loose discipline of THE Barbarians always exposed THEm to THE\n danger of a surprise; but, instead of choosing THE dissolute\n hours of riot and intemperance, Stilicho resolved to attack THE\n Christian Goths, whilst THEy were devoutly employed in\n celebrating THE festival of Easter. 43 The execution of THE\n stratagem, or, as it was termed by THE clergy of THE sacrilege,\n was intrusted to Saul, a Barbarian and a Pagan, who had served,\n however, with distinguished reputation among THE veteran generals\n of Theodosius. The camp of THE Goths, which Alaric had pitched in\n THE neighborhood of Pollentia, 44 was thrown into confusion by\n THE sudden and impetuous charge of THE Imperial cavalry; but, in\n a few moments, THE undaunted genius of THEir leader gave THEm an\n order, and a field of battle; and, as soon as THEy had recovered\n from THEir astonishment, THE pious confidence, that THE God of\n THE Christians would assert THEir cause, added new strength to\n THEir native valor. In this engagement, which was long maintained\n with equal courage and success, THE chief of THE Alani, whose\n diminutive and savage form concealed a magnanimous soul approved\n his suspected loyalty, by THE zeal with which he fought, and\n fell, in THE service of THE republic; and THE fame of this\n gallant Barbarian has been imperfectly preserved in THE verses of\n Claudian, since THE poet, who celebrates his virtue, has omitted\n THE mention of his name. His death was followed by THE flight and\n dismay of THE squadrons which he commanded; and THE defeat of THE\n wing of cavalry might have decided THE victory of Alaric, if\n Stilicho had not immediately led THE Roman and Barbarian infantry\n to THE attack. The skill of THE general, and THE bravery of THE\n soldiers, surmounted every obstacle. In THE evening of THE bloody\n day, THE Goths retreated from THE field of battle; THE\n intrenchments of THEir camp were forced, and THE scene of rapine\n and slaughter made some atonement for THE calamities which THEy\n had inflicted on THE subjects of THE empire. 45 The magnificent\n spoils of Corinth and Argos enriched THE veterans of THE West;\n THE captive wife of Alaric, who had impatiently claimed his\n promise of Roman jewels and Patrician handmaids, 46 was reduced\n to implore THE mercy of THE insulting foe; and many thousand\n prisoners, released from THE Gothic chains, dispersed through THE\n provinces of Italy THE praises of THEir heroic deliverer. The\n triumph of Stilicho 47 was compared by THE poet, and perhaps by\n THE public, to that of Marius; who, in THE same part of Italy,\n had encountered and destroyed anoTHEr army of NorTHErn\n Barbarians. The huge bones, and THE empty helmets, of THE Cimbri\n and of THE Goths, would easily be confounded by succeeding\n generations; and posterity might erect a common trophy to THE\n memory of THE two most illustrious generals, who had vanquished,\n on THE same memorable ground, THE two most formidable enemies of\n Rome. 48\n\n 43 (return) [ Orosius (l. vii. c. 37) is shocked at THE impiety\n of THE Romans, who attacked, on Easter Sunday, such pious\n Christians. Yet, at THE same time, public prayers were offered at\n THE shrine of St. Thomas of Edessa, for THE destruction of THE\n Arian robber. See Tillemont (Hist des Emp. tom. v. p. 529) who\n quotes a homily, which has been erroneously ascribed to St.\n Chrysostom.]\n\n 44 (return) [ The vestiges of Pollentia are twenty-five miles to\n THE south-east of Turin. Urbs, in THE same neighborhood, was a\n royal chase of THE kings of Lombardy, and a small river, which\n excused THE prediction, “penetrabis ad urbem,” (Cluver. Ital.\n Antiq tom. i. p. 83-85.)]\n\n 45 (return) [ Orosius wishes, in doubtful words, to insinuate THE\n defeat of THE Romans. “Pugnantes vicimus, victores victi sumus.”\n Prosper (in Chron.) makes it an equal and bloody battle, but THE\n Gothic writers Cassiodorus (in Chron.) and Jornandes (de Reb.\n Get. c. 29) claim a decisive victory.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Demens Ausonidum gemmata monilia matrum, Romanasque\n alta famulas cervice petebat. De Bell. Get. 627.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Claudian (de Bell. Get. 580-647) and Prudentius (in\n Symmach. n. 694-719) celebrate, without ambiguity, THE Roman\n victory of Pollentia. They are poetical and party writers; yet\n some credit is due to THE most suspicious witnesses, who are\n checked by THE recent notoriety of facts.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Claudian’s peroration is strong and elegant; but\n THE identity of THE Cimbric and Gothic fields must be understood\n (like Virgil’s Philippi, Georgic i. 490) according to THE loose\n geography of a poet. Verselle and Pollentia are sixty miles from\n each oTHEr; and THE latitude is still greater, if THE Cimbri were\n defeated in THE wide and barren plain of Verona, (Maffei, Verona\n Illustrata, P. i. p. 54-62.)]\n\n The eloquence of Claudian 49 has celebrated, with lavish\n applause, THE victory of Pollentia, one of THE most glorious days\n in THE life of his patron; but his reluctant and partial muse\n bestows more genuine praise on THE character of THE Gothic king.\n His name is, indeed, branded with THE reproachful epiTHEts of\n pirate and robber, to which THE conquerors of every age are so\n justly entitled; but THE poet of Stilicho is compelled to\n acknowledge that Alaric possessed THE invincible temper of mind,\n which rises superior to every misfortune, and derives new\n resources from adversity. After THE total defeat of his infantry,\n he escaped, or raTHEr withdrew, from THE field of battle, with\n THE greatest part of his cavalry entire and unbroken. Without\n wasting a moment to lament THE irreparable loss of so many brave\n companions, he left his victorious enemy to bind in chains THE\n captive images of a Gothic king; 50 and boldly resolved to break\n through THE unguarded passes of THE Apennine, to spread\n desolation over THE fruitful face of Tuscany, and to conquer or\n die before THE gates of Rome. The capital was saved by THE active\n and incessant diligence of Stilicho; but he respected THE despair\n of his enemy; and, instead of committing THE fate of THE republic\n to THE chance of anoTHEr battle, he proposed to purchase THE\n absence of THE Barbarians. The spirit of Alaric would have\n rejected such terms, THE permission of a retreat, and THE offer\n of a pension, with contempt and indignation; but he exercised a\n limited and precarious authority over THE independent chieftains\n who had raised him, for THEir service, above THE rank of his\n equals; THEy were still less disposed to follow an unsuccessful\n general, and many of THEm were tempted to consult THEir interest\n by a private negotiation with THE minister of Honorius. The king\n submitted to THE voice of his people, ratified THE treaty with\n THE empire of THE West, and repassed THE Po with THE remains of\n THE flourishing army which he had led into Italy. A considerable\n part of THE Roman forces still continued to attend his motions;\n and Stilicho, who maintained a secret correspondence with some of\n THE Barbarian chiefs, was punctually apprised of THE designs that\n were formed in THE camp and council of Alaric. The king of THE\n Goths, ambitious to signalize his retreat by some splendid\n achievement, had resolved to occupy THE important city of Verona,\n which commands THE principal passage of THE Rhaetian Alps; and,\n directing his march through THE territories of those German\n tribes, whose alliance would restore his exhausted strength, to\n invade, on THE side of THE Rhine, THE wealthy and unsuspecting\n provinces of Gaul. Ignorant of THE treason which had already\n betrayed his bold and judicious enterprise, he advanced towards\n THE passes of THE mountains, already possessed by THE Imperial\n troops; where he was exposed, almost at THE same instant, to a\n general attack in THE front, on his flanks, and in THE rear. In\n this bloody action, at a small distance from THE walls of Verona,\n THE loss of THE Goths was not less heavy than that which THEy had\n sustained in THE defeat of Pollentia; and THEir valiant king, who\n escaped by THE swiftness of his horse, must eiTHEr have been\n slain or made prisoner, if THE hasty rashness of THE Alani had\n not disappointed THE measures of THE Roman general. Alaric\n secured THE remains of his army on THE adjacent rocks; and\n prepared himself, with undaunted resolution, to maintain a siege\n against THE superior numbers of THE enemy, who invested him on\n all sides. But he could not oppose THE destructive progress of\n hunger and disease; nor was it possible for him to check THE\n continual desertion of his impatient and capricious Barbarians.\n In this extremity he still found resources in his own courage, or\n in THE moderation of his adversary; and THE retreat of THE Gothic\n king was considered as THE deliverance of Italy. 51 Yet THE\n people, and even THE clergy, incapable of forming any rational\n judgment of THE business of peace and war, presumed to arraign\n THE policy of Stilicho, who so often vanquished, so often\n surrounded, and so often dismissed THE implacable enemy of THE\n republic. The first momen of THE public safety is devoted to\n gratitude and joy; but THE second is diligently occupied by envy\n and calumny. 52\n\n 49 (return) [ Claudian and Prudentius must be strictly examined,\n to reduce THE figures, and extort THE historic sense, of those\n poets.]\n\n 50 (return) [\n\n Et gravant en airain ses freles avantages De mes etats conquis\n enchainer les images.\n\n The practice of exposing in triumph THE images of kings and\n provinces was familiar to THE Romans. The bust of Mithridates\n himself was twelve feet high, of massy gold, (Freinshem.\n Supplement. Livian. ciii. 47.)]\n\n 51 (return) [ The Getic war, and THE sixth consulship of\n Honorius, obscurely connect THE events of Alaric’s retreat and\n losses.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Taceo de Alarico... saepe visto, saepe concluso,\n semperque dimisso. Orosius, l. vii. c. 37, p. 567. Claudian (vi.\n Cons. Hon. 320) drops THE curtain with a fine image.]\n\n The citizens of Rome had been astonished by THE approach of\n Alaric; and THE diligence with which THEy labored to restore THE\n walls of THE capital, confessed THEir own fears, and THE decline\n of THE empire. After THE retreat of THE Barbarians, Honorius was\n directed to accept THE dutiful invitation of THE senate, and to\n celebrate, in THE Imperial city, THE auspicious era of THE\n Gothic victory, and of his sixth consulship. 53 The suburbs and\n THE streets, from THE Milvian bridge to THE Palatine mount, were\n filled by THE Roman people, who, in THE space of a hundred years,\n had only thrice been honored with THE presence of THEir\n sovereigns. While THEir eyes were fixed on THE chariot where\n Stilicho was deservedly seated by THE side of his royal pupil,\n THEy applauded THE pomp of a triumph, which was not stained, like\n that of Constantine, or of Theodosius, with civil blood. The\n procession passed under a lofty arch, which had been purposely\n erected: but in less than seven years, THE Gothic conquerors of\n Rome might read, if THEy were able to read, THE superb\n inscription of that monument, which attested THE total defeat and\n destruction of THEir nation. 54 The emperor resided several\n months in THE capital, and every part of his behavior was\n regulated with care to conciliate THE affection of THE clergy,\n THE senate, and THE people of Rome. The clergy was edified by his\n frequent visits and liberal gifts to THE shrines of THE apostles.\n The senate, who, in THE triumphal procession, had been excused\n from THE humiliating ceremony of preceding on foot THE Imperial\n chariot, was treated with THE decent reverence which Stilicho\n always affected for that assembly. The people was repeatedly\n gratified by THE attention and courtesy of Honorius in THE public\n games, which were celebrated on that occasion with a magnificence\n not unworthy of THE spectator. As soon as THE appointed number of\n chariot-races was concluded, THE decoration of THE Circus was\n suddenly changed; THE hunting of wild beasts afforded a various\n and splendid entertainment; and THE chase was succeeded by a\n military dance, which seems, in THE lively description of\n Claudian, to present THE image of a modern tournament.\n\n 53 (return) [ The remainder of Claudian’s poem on THE sixth\n consulship of Honorius, describes THE journey, THE triumph, and\n THE games, (330-660.)]\n\n 54 (return) [ See THE inscription in Mascou’s History of THE\n Ancient Germans, viii. 12. The words are positive and indiscreet:\n Getarum nationem in omne aevum domitam, &c.]\n\n In THEse games of Honorius, THE inhuman combats of gladiators 55\n polluted, for THE last time, THE amphiTHEater of Rome. The first\n Christian emperor may claim THE honor of THE first edict which\n condemned THE art and amusement of shedding human blood; 56 but\n this benevolent law expressed THE wishes of THE prince, without\n reforming an inveterate abuse, which degraded a civilized nation\n below THE condition of savage cannibals. Several hundred, perhaps\n several thousand, victims were annually slaughtered in THE great\n cities of THE empire; and THE month of December, more peculiarly\n devoted to THE combats of gladiators, still exhibited to THE eyes\n of THE Roman people a grateful spectacle of blood and cruelty.\n Amidst THE general joy of THE victory of Pollentia, a Christian\n poet exhorted THE emperor to extirpate, by his authority, THE\n horrid custom which had so long resisted THE voice of humanity\n and religion. 57 The paTHEtic representations of Prudentius were\n less effectual than THE generous boldness of Telemachus, an\n Asiatic monk, whose death was more useful to mankind than his\n life. 58 The Romans were provoked by THE interruption of THEir\n pleasures; and THE rash monk, who had descended into THE arena to\n separate THE gladiators, was overwhelmed under a shower of\n stones. But THE madness of THE people soon subsided; THEy\n respected THE memory of Telemachus, who had deserved THE honors\n of martyrdom; and THEy submitted, without a murmur, to THE laws\n of Honorius, which abolished forever THE human sacrifices of THE\n amphiTHEater. 5811 The citizens, who adhered to THE manners of\n THEir ancestors, might perhaps insinuate that THE last remains of\n a martial spirit were preserved in this school of fortitude,\n which accustomed THE Romans to THE sight of blood, and to THE\n contempt of death; a vain and cruel prejudice, so nobly confuted\n by THE valor of ancient Greece, and of modern Europe! 59\n\n 55 (return) [ On THE curious, though horrid, subject of THE\n gladiators, consult THE two books of THE Saturnalia of Lipsius,\n who, as an antiquarian, is inclined to excuse THE practice of\n antiquity, (tom. iii. p. 483-545.)]\n\n 56 (return) [ Cod. Theodos. l. xv. tit. xii. leg. i. The\n Commentary of Godefroy affords large materials (tom. v. p. 396)\n for THE history of gladiators.]\n\n 57 (return) [ See THE peroration of Prudentius (in Symmach. l.\n ii. 1121-1131) who had doubtless read THE eloquent invective of\n Lactantius, (Divin. Institut. l. vi. c. 20.) The Christian\n apologists have not spared THEse bloody games, which were\n introduced in THE religious festivals of Paganism.]\n\n 58 (return) [ Theodoret, l. v. c. 26. I wish to believe THE story\n of St. Telemachus. Yet no church has been dedicated, no altar has\n been erected, to THE only monk who died a martyr in THE cause of\n humanity.]\n\n 5811 (return) [ Muller, in his valuable Treatise, de Genio,\n moribus et luxu aevi Theodosiani, is disposed to question THE\n effect produced by THE heroic, or raTHEr saintly, death of\n Telemachus. No prohibitory law of Honorius is to be found in THE\n Theodosian Code, only THE old and imperfect edict of Constantine.\n But Muller has produced no evidence or allusion to gladiatorial\n shows after this period. The combats with wild beasts certainly\n lasted till THE fall of THE Western empire; but THE gladiatorial\n combats ceased eiTHEr by common consent, or by Imperial\n edict.—M.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Crudele gladiatorum spectaculum et inhumanum\n nonnullis videri solet, et haud scio an ita sit, ut nunc fit.\n Cicero Tusculan. ii. 17. He faintly censures THE abuse, and\n warmly defends THE use, of THEse sports; oculis nulla poterat\n esse fortior contra dolorem et mortem disciplina. Seneca (epist.\n vii.) shows THE feelings of a man.]\n\n The recent danger, to which THE person of THE emperor had been\n exposed in THE defenceless palace of Milan, urged him to seek a\n retreat in some inaccessible fortress of Italy, where he might\n securely remain, while THE open country was covered by a deluge\n of Barbarians. On THE coast of THE Adriatic, about ten or twelve\n miles from THE most souTHErn of THE seven mouths of THE Po, THE\n Thessalians had founded THE ancient colony of Ravenna, 60 which\n THEy afterwards resigned to THE natives of Umbria. Augustus, who\n had observed THE opportunity of THE place, prepared, at THE\n distance of three miles from THE old town, a capacious harbor,\n for THE reception of two hundred and fifty ships of war. This\n naval establishment, which included THE arsenals and magazines,\n THE barracks of THE troops, and THE houses of THE artificers,\n derived its origin and name from THE permanent station of THE\n Roman fleet; THE intermediate space was soon filled with\n buildings and inhabitants, and THE three extensive and populous\n quarters of Ravenna gradually contributed to form one of THE most\n important cities of Italy. The principal canal of Augustus poured\n a copious stream of THE waters of THE Po through THE midst of THE\n city, to THE entrance of THE harbor; THE same waters were\n introduced into THE profound ditches that encompassed THE walls;\n THEy were distributed by a thousand subordinate canals, into\n every part of THE city, which THEy divided into a variety of\n small islands; THE communication was maintained only by THE use\n of boats and bridges; and THE houses of Ravenna, whose appearance\n may be compared to that of Venice, were raised on THE foundation\n of wooden piles. The adjacent country, to THE distance of many\n miles, was a deep and impassable morass; and THE artificial\n causeway, which connected Ravenna with THE continent, might be\n easily guarded or destroyed, on THE approach of a hostile army\n These morasses were interspersed, however, with vineyards: and\n though THE soil was exhausted by four or five crops, THE town\n enjoyed a more plentiful supply of wine than of fresh water. 61\n The air, instead of receiving THE sickly, and almost\n pestilential, exhalations of low and marshy grounds, was\n distinguished, like THE neighborhood of Alexandria, as uncommonly\n pure and salubrious; and this singular advantage was ascribed to\n THE regular tides of THE Adriatic, which swept THE canals,\n interrupted THE unwholesome stagnation of THE waters, and\n floated, every day, THE vessels of THE adjacent country into THE\n heart of Ravenna. The gradual retreat of THE sea has left THE\n modern city at THE distance of four miles from THE Adriatic; and\n as early as THE fifth or sixth century of THE Christian era, THE\n port of Augustus was converted into pleasant orchards; and a\n lonely grove of pines covered THE ground where THE Roman fleet\n once rode at anchor. 62 Even this alteration contributed to\n increase THE natural strength of THE place, and THE shallowness\n of THE water was a sufficient barrier against THE large ships of\n THE enemy. This advantageous situation was fortified by art and\n labor; and in THE twentieth year of his age, THE emperor of THE\n West, anxious only for his personal safety, retired to THE\n perpetual confinement of THE walls and morasses of Ravenna. The\n example of Honorius was imitated by his feeble successors, THE\n Gothic kings, and afterwards THE Exarchs, who occupied THE throne\n and palace of THE emperors; and till THE middle of THE eight\n century, Ravenna was considered as THE seat of government, and\n THE capital of Italy. 63\n\n 60 (return) [ This account of Ravenna is drawn from Strabo, (l.\n v. p. 327,) Pliny, (iii. 20,) Stephen of Byzantium, (sub voce, p.\n 651, edit. Berkel,) Claudian, (in vi. Cons. Honor. 494, &c.,)\n Sidonius Apollinaris, (l. i. epist. 5, 8,) Jornandes, (de Reb.\n Get. c. 29,) Procopius (de Bell, (lothic, l. i. c. i. p. 309,\n edit. Louvre,) and Cluverius, (Ital. Antiq tom i. p. 301-307.)\n Yet I still want a local antiquarian and a good topographical\n map.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Martial (Epigram iii. 56, 57) plays on THE trick of\n THE knave, who had sold him wine instead of water; but he\n seriously declares that a cistern at Ravenna is more valuable\n than a vineyard. Sidonius complains that THE town is destitute of\n fountains and aqueducts; and ranks THE want of fresh water among\n THE local evils, such as THE croaking of frogs, THE stinging of\n gnats, &c.]\n\n 62 (return) [ The fable of Theodore and Honoria, which Dryden has\n so admirably transplanted from Boccaccio, (Giornata iii. novell.\n viii.,) was acted in THE wood of Chiassi, a corrupt word from\n Classis, THE naval station which, with THE intermediate road, or\n suburb THE Via Caesaris, constituted THE triple city of Ravenna.]\n\n 63 (return) [ From THE year 404, THE dates of THE Theodosian Code\n become sedentary at Constantinople and Ravenna. See Godefroy’s\n Chronology of THE Laws, tom. i. p. cxlviii., &c.]\n\n The fears of Honorius were not without foundation, nor were his\n precautions without effect. While Italy rejoiced in her\n deliverance from THE Goths, a furious tempest was excited among\n THE nations of Germany, who yielded to THE irresistible impulse\n that appears to have been gradually communicated from THE eastern\n extremity of THE continent of Asia. The Chinese annals, as THEy\n have been interpreted by THE learned industry of THE present age,\n may be usefully applied to reveal THE secret and remote causes of\n THE fall of THE Roman empire. The extensive territory to THE\n north of THE great wall was possessed, after THE flight of THE\n Huns, by THE victorious Sienpi, who were sometimes broken into\n independent tribes, and sometimes reunited under a supreme chief;\n till at length, styling THEmselves Topa, or masters of THE earth,\n THEy acquired a more solid consistence, and a more formidable\n power. The Topa soon compelled THE pastoral nations of THE\n eastern desert to acknowledge THE superiority of THEir arms; THEy\n invaded China in a period of weakness and intestine discord; and\n THEse fortunate Tartars, adopting THE laws and manners of THE\n vanquished people, founded an Imperial dynasty, which reigned\n near one hundred and sixty years over THE norTHErn provinces of\n THE monarchy. Some generations before THEy ascended THE throne of\n China, one of THE Topa princes had enlisted in his cavalry a\n slave of THE name of Moko, renowned for his valor, but who was\n tempted, by THE fear of punishment, to desert his standard, and\n to range THE desert at THE head of a hundred followers. This gang\n of robbers and outlaws swelled into a camp, a tribe, a numerous\n people, distinguished by THE appellation of Geougen; and THEir\n hereditary chieftains, THE posterity of Moko THE slave, assumed\n THEir rank among THE Scythian monarchs. The youth of Toulun, THE\n greatest of his descendants, was exercised by those misfortunes\n which are THE school of heroes. He bravely struggled with\n adversity, broke THE imperious yoke of THE Topa, and became THE\n legislator of his nation, and THE conqueror of Tartary. His\n troops were distributed into regular bands of a hundred and of a\n thousand men; cowards were stoned to death; THE most splendid\n honors were proposed as THE reward of valor; and Toulun, who had\n knowledge enough to despise THE learning of China, adopted only\n such arts and institutions as were favorable to THE military\n spirit of his government. His tents, which he removed in THE\n winter season to a more souTHErn latitude, were pitched, during\n THE summer, on THE fruitful banks of THE Selinga. His conquests\n stretched from Corea far beyond THE River Irtish. He vanquished,\n in THE country to THE north of THE Caspian Sea, THE nation of THE\n Huns; and THE new title of Khan, or Cagan, expressed THE fame and\n power which he derived from this memorable victory. 64\n\n 64 (return) [ See M. de Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p.\n 179-189, tom ii p. 295, 334-338.]\n\n The chain of events is interrupted, or raTHEr is concealed, as it\n passes from THE Volga to THE Vistula, through THE dark interval\n which separates THE extreme limits of THE Chinese, and of THE\n Roman, geography. Yet THE temper of THE Barbarians, and THE\n experience of successive emigrations, sufficiently declare, that\n THE Huns, who were oppressed by THE arms of THE Geougen, soon\n withdrew from THE presence of an insulting victor. The countries\n towards THE Euxine were already occupied by THEir kindred tribes;\n and THEir hasty flight, which THEy soon converted into a bold\n attack, would more naturally be directed towards THE rich and\n level plains, through which THE Vistula gently flows into THE\n Baltic Sea. The North must again have been alarmed, and agitated,\n by THE invasion of THE Huns; 6411 and THE nations who retreated\n before THEm must have pressed with incumbent weight on THE\n confines of Germany. 65 The inhabitants of those regions, which\n THE ancients have assigned to THE Suevi, THE Vandals, and THE\n Burgundians, might embrace THE resolution of abandoning to THE\n fugitives of Sarmatia THEir woods and morasses; or at least of\n discharging THEir superfluous numbers on THE provinces of THE\n Roman empire. 66 About four years after THE victorious Toulun had\n assumed THE title of Khan of THE Geougen, anoTHEr Barbarian, THE\n haughty Rhodogast, or Radagaisus, 67 marched from THE norTHErn\n extremities of Germany almost to THE gates of Rome, and left THE\n remains of his army to achieve THE destruction of THE West. The\n Vandals, THE Suevi, and THE Burgundians, formed THE strength of\n this mighty host; but THE Alani, who had found a hospitable\n reception in THEir new seats, added THEir active cavalry to THE\n heavy infantry of THE Germans; and THE Gothic adventurers crowded\n so eagerly to THE standard of Radagaisus, that by some\n historians, he has been styled THE King of THE Goths. Twelve\n thousand warriors, distinguished above THE vulgar by THEir noble\n birth, or THEir valiant deeds, glittered in THE van; 68 and THE\n whole multitude, which was not less than two hundred thousand\n fighting men, might be increased, by THE accession of women, of\n children, and of slaves, to THE amount of four hundred thousand\n persons. This formidable emigration issued from THE same coast of\n THE Baltic, which had poured forth THE myriads of THE Cimbri and\n Teutones, to assault Rome and Italy in THE vigor of THE republic.\n After THE departure of those Barbarians, THEir native country,\n which was marked by THE vestiges of THEir greatness, long\n ramparts, and gigantic moles, 69 remained, during some ages, a\n vast and dreary solitude; till THE human species was renewed by\n THE powers of generation, and THE vacancy was filled by THE\n influx of new inhabitants. The nations who now usurp an extent of\n land which THEy are unable to cultivate, would soon be assisted\n by THE industrious poverty of THEir neighbors, if THE government\n of Europe did not protect THE claims of dominion and property.\n\n 6411 (return) [ There is no authority which connects this inroad\n of THE Teutonic tribes with THE movements of THE Huns. The Huns\n can hardly have reached THE shores of THE Baltic, and probably\n THE greater part of THE forces of Radagaisus, particularly THE\n Vandals, had long occupied a more souTHErn position.—M.]\n\n 65 (return) [ Procopius (de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. iii. p. 182)\n has observed an emigration from THE Palus Maeotis to THE north of\n Germany, which he ascribes to famine. But his views of ancient\n history are strangely darkened by ignorance and error.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Zosimus (l. v. p. 331) uses THE general description\n of THE nations beyond THE Danube and THE Rhine. Their situation,\n and consequently THEir names, are manifestly shown, even in THE\n various epiTHEts which each ancient writer may have casually\n added.]\n\n 67 (return) [ The name of Rhadagast was that of a local deity of\n THE Obotrites, (in Mecklenburg.) A hero might naturally assume\n THE appellation of his tutelar god; but it is not probable that\n THE Barbarians should worship an unsuccessful hero. See Mascou,\n Hist. of THE Germans, viii. 14. * Note: The god of war and of\n hospitality with THE Vends and all THE Sclavonian races of\n Germany bore THE name of Radegast, apparently THE same with\n Rhadagaisus. His principal temple was at Rhetra in Mecklenburg.\n It was adorned with great magnificence. The statue of THE gold\n was of gold. St. Martin, v. 255. A statue of Radegast, of much\n coarser materials, and of THE rudest workmanship, was discovered\n between 1760 and 1770, with those of oTHEr Wendish deities, on\n THE supposed site of Rhetra. The names of THE gods were cut upon\n THEm in Runic characters. See THE very curious volume on THEse\n antiquities—Die Gottesdienstliche Alterthumer der Obotriter—Masch\n and Wogen. Berlin, 1771.—M.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Olympiodorus (apud Photium, p. 180), uses THE Greek\n word which does not convey any precise idea. I suspect that THEy\n were THE princes and nobles with THEir faithful companions; THE\n knights with THEir squires, as THEy would have been styled some\n centuries afterwards.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Tacit. de Moribus Germanorum, c. 37.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXX: Revolt Of The Goths.—Part IV.\n\n The correspondence of nations was, in that age, so imperfect and\n precarious, that THE revolutions of THE North might escape THE\n knowledge of THE court of Ravenna; till THE dark cloud, which was\n collected along THE coast of THE Baltic, burst in thunder upon\n THE banks of THE Upper Danube. The emperor of THE West, if his\n ministers disturbed his amusements by THE news of THE impending\n danger, was satisfied with being THE occasion, and THE spectator,\n of THE war. 70 The safety of Rome was intrusted to THE counsels,\n and THE sword, of Stilicho; but such was THE feeble and exhausted\n state of THE empire, that it was impossible to restore THE\n fortifications of THE Danube, or to prevent, by a vigorous\n effort, THE invasion of THE Germans. 71 The hopes of THE vigilant\n minister of Honorius were confined to THE defence of Italy. He\n once more abandoned THE provinces, recalled THE troops, pressed\n THE new levies, which were rigorously exacted, and\n pusillanimously eluded; employed THE most efficacious means to\n arrest, or allure, THE deserters; and offered THE gift of\n freedom, and of two pieces of gold, to all THE slaves who would\n enlist. 72 By THEse efforts he painfully collected, from THE\n subjects of a great empire, an army of thirty or forty thousand\n men, which, in THE days of Scipio or Camillus, would have been\n instantly furnished by THE free citizens of THE territory of\n Rome. 73 The thirty legions of Stilicho were reenforced by a\n large body of Barbarian auxiliaries; THE faithful Alani were\n personally attached to his service; and THE troops of Huns and of\n Goths, who marched under THE banners of THEir native princes,\n Huldin and Sarus, were animated by interest and resentment to\n oppose THE ambition of Radagaisus. The king of THE confederate\n Germans passed, without resistance, THE Alps, THE Po, and THE\n Apennine; leaving on one hand THE inaccessible palace of\n Honorius, securely buried among THE marshes of Ravenna; and, on\n THE oTHEr, THE camp of Stilicho, who had fixed his head-quarters\n at Ticinum, or Pavia, but who seems to have avoided a decisive\n battle, till he had assembled his distant forces. Many cities of\n Italy were pillaged, or destroyed; and THE siege of Florence, 74\n by Radagaisus, is one of THE earliest events in THE history of\n that celebrated republic; whose firmness checked and delayed THE\n unskillful fury of THE Barbarians. The senate and people trembled\n at THEir approach within a hundred and eighty miles of Rome; and\n anxiously compared THE danger which THEy had escaped, with THE\n new perils to which THEy were exposed. Alaric was a Christian and\n a soldier, THE leader of a disciplined army; who understood THE\n laws of war, who respected THE sanctity of treaties, and who had\n familiarly conversed with THE subjects of THE empire in THE same\n camps, and THE same churches. The savage Radagaisus was a\n stranger to THE manners, THE religion, and even THE language, of\n THE civilized nations of THE South. The fierceness of his temper\n was exasperated by cruel superstition; and it was universally\n believed, that he had bound himself, by a solemn vow, to reduce\n THE city into a heap of stones and ashes, and to sacrifice THE\n most illustrious of THE Roman senators on THE altars of those\n gods who were appeased by human blood. The public danger, which\n should have reconciled all domestic animosities, displayed THE\n incurable madness of religious faction. The oppressed votaries of\n Jupiter and Mercury respected, in THE implacable enemy of Rome,\n THE character of a devout Pagan; loudly declared, that THEy were\n more apprehensive of THE sacrifices, than of THE arms, of\n Radagaisus; and secretly rejoiced in THE calamities of THEir\n country, which condemned THE faith of THEir Christian\n adversaries. 75 7511\n\n 70 (return) [\n\n Cujus agendi Spectator vel causa fui, —-(Claudian, vi. Cons. Hon.\n 439,)\n\n is THE modest language of Honorius, in speaking of THE Gothic\n war, which he had seen somewhat nearer.]\n\n 71 (return) [ Zosimus (l. v. p. 331) transports THE war, and THE\n victory of Stilisho, beyond THE Danube. A strange error, which is\n awkwardly and imperfectly cured (Tillemont, Hist. des Emp. tom.\n v. p. 807.) In good policy, we must use THE service of Zosimus,\n without esteeming or trusting him.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Codex Theodos. l. vii. tit. xiii. leg. 16. The date\n of this law A.D. 406. May 18 satisfies me, as it had done\n Godefroy, (tom. ii. p. 387,) of THE true year of THE invasion of\n Radagaisus. Tillemont, Pagi, and Muratori, prefer THE preceding\n year; but THEy are bound, by certain obligations of civility and\n respect, to St. Paulinus of Nola.]\n\n 73 (return) [ Soon after Rome had been taken by THE Gauls, THE\n senate, on a sudden emergency, armed ten legions, 3000 horse, and\n 42,000 foot; a force which THE city could not have sent forth\n under Augustus, (Livy, xi. 25.) This declaration may puzzle an\n antiquary, but it is clearly explained by Montesquieu.]\n\n 74 (return) [ Machiavel has explained, at least as a philosopher,\n THE origin of Florence, which insensibly descended, for THE\n benefit of trade, from THE rock of Faesulae to THE banks of THE\n Arno, (Istoria Fiorentina, tom. i. p. 36. Londra, 1747.) The\n triumvirs sent a colony to Florence, which, under Tiberius,\n (Tacit. Annal. i. 79,) deserved THE reputation and name of a\n flourishing city. See Cluver. Ital. Antiq. tom. i. p. 507, &c.]\n\n 75 (return) [ Yet THE Jupiter of Radagaisus, who worshipped Thor\n and Woden, was very different from THE Olympic or Capitoline\n Jove. The accommodating temper of PolyTHEism might unite those\n various and remote deities; but THE genuine Romans ahhorred THE\n human sacrifices of Gaul and Germany.]\n\n 7511 (return) [ Gibbon has raTHEr softened THE language of\n Augustine as to this threatened insurrection of THE Pagans, in\n order to restore THE prohibited rites and ceremonies of Paganism;\n and THEir treasonable hopes that THE success of Radagaisus would\n be THE triumph of idolatry. Compare ii. 25—M.]\n\n Florence was reduced to THE last extremity; and THE fainting\n courage of THE citizens was supported only by THE authority of\n St. Ambrose; who had communicated, in a dream, THE promise of a\n speedy deliverance. 76 On a sudden, THEy beheld, from THEir\n walls, THE banners of Stilicho, who advanced, with his united\n force, to THE relief of THE faithful city; and who soon marked\n that fatal spot for THE grave of THE Barbarian host. The apparent\n contradictions of those writers who variously relate THE defeat\n of Radagaisus, may be reconciled without offering much violence\n to THEir respective testimonies. Orosius and Augustin, who were\n intimately connected by friendship and religion, ascribed this\n miraculous victory to THE providence of God, raTHEr than to THE\n valor of man. 77 They strictly exclude every idea of chance, or\n even of bloodshed; and positively affirm, that THE Romans, whose\n camp was THE scene of plenty and idleness, enjoyed THE distress\n of THE Barbarians, slowly expiring on THE sharp and barren ridge\n of THE hills of Faesulae, which rise above THE city of Florence.\n Their extravagant assertion that not a single soldier of THE\n Christian army was killed, or even wounded, may be dismissed with\n silent contempt; but THE rest of THE narrative of Augustin and\n Orosius is consistent with THE state of THE war, and THE\n character of Stilicho. Conscious that he commanded THE last army\n of THE republic, his prudence would not expose it, in THE open\n field, to THE headstrong fury of THE Germans. The method of\n surrounding THE enemy with strong lines of circumvallation, which\n he had twice employed against THE Gothic king, was repeated on a\n larger scale, and with more considerable effect. The examples of\n Caesar must have been familiar to THE most illiterate of THE\n Roman warriors; and THE fortifications of Dyrrachium, which\n connected twenty-four castles, by a perpetual ditch and rampart\n of fifteen miles, afforded THE model of an intrenchment which\n might confine, and starve, THE most numerous host of Barbarians.\n 78 The Roman troops had less degenerated from THE industry, than\n from THE valor, of THEir ancestors; and if THEir servile and\n laborious work offended THE pride of THE soldiers, Tuscany could\n supply many thousand peasants, who would labor, though, perhaps,\n THEy would not fight, for THE salvation of THEir native country.\n The imprisoned multitude of horses and men 79 was gradually\n destroyed, by famine raTHEr than by THE sword; but THE Romans\n were exposed, during THE progress of such an extensive work, to\n THE frequent attacks of an impatient enemy. The despair of THE\n hungry Barbarians would precipitate THEm against THE\n fortifications of Stilicho; THE general might sometimes indulge\n THE ardor of his brave auxiliaries, who eagerly pressed to\n assault THE camp of THE Germans; and THEse various incidents\n might produce THE sharp and bloody conflicts which dignify THE\n narrative of Zosimus, and THE Chronicles of Prosper and\n Marcellinus. 80 A seasonable supply of men and provisions had\n been introduced into THE walls of Florence, and THE famished host\n of Radagaisus was in its turn besieged. The proud monarch of so\n many warlike nations, after THE loss of his bravest warriors, was\n reduced to confide eiTHEr in THE faith of a capitulation, or in\n THE clemency of Stilicho. 81 But THE death of THE royal captive,\n who was ignominiously beheaded, disgraced THE triumph of Rome and\n of Christianity; and THE short delay of his execution was\n sufficient to brand THE conqueror with THE guilt of cool and\n deliberate cruelty. 82 The famished Germans, who escaped THE fury\n of THE auxiliaries, were sold as slaves, at THE contemptible\n price of as many single pieces of gold; but THE difference of\n food and climate swept away great numbers of those unhappy\n strangers; and it was observed, that THE inhuman purchasers,\n instead of reaping THE fruits of THEir labor were soon obliged to\n provide THE expense of THEir interment. Stilicho informed THE\n emperor and THE senate of his success; and deserved, a second\n time, THE glorious title of Deliverer of Italy. 83\n\n 76 (return) [ Paulinus (in Vit. Ambros c. 50) relates this story,\n which he received from THE mouth of Pansophia herself, a\n religious matron of Florence. Yet THE archbishop soon ceased to\n take an active part in THE business of THE world, and never\n became a popular saint.]\n\n 77 (return) [ Augustin de Civitat. Dei, v. 23. Orosius, l. vii.\n c. 37, p. 567-571. The two friends wrote in Africa, ten or twelve\n years after THE victory; and THEir authority is implicitly\n followed by Isidore of Seville, (in Chron. p. 713, edit. Grot.)\n How many interesting facts might Orosius have inserted in THE\n vacant space which is devoted to pious nonsense!]\n\n 78 (return) [\n\n Franguntur montes, planumque per ardua Caesar Ducit opus: pandit\n fossas, turritaque summis Disponit castella jugis, magnoque\n necessu Amplexus fines, saltus, memorosaque tesqua Et silvas,\n vastaque feras indagine claudit.!\n\n Yet THE simplicity of truth (Caesar, de Bell. Civ. iii. 44) is\n far greater than THE amplifications of Lucan, (Pharsal. l. vi.\n 29-63.)]\n\n 79 (return) [ The rhetorical expressions of Orosius, “in arido et\n aspero montis jugo;” “in unum ac parvum verticem,” are not very\n suitable to THE encampment of a great army. But Faesulae, only\n three miles from Florence, might afford space for THE\n head-quarters of Radagaisus, and would be comprehended within THE\n circuit of THE Roman lines.]\n\n 80 (return) [ See Zosimus, l. v. p. 331, and THE Chronicles of\n Prosper and Marcellinus.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Olympiodorus (apud Photium, p. 180) uses an\n expression which would denote a strict and friendly alliance, and\n render Stilicho still more criminal. The paulisper detentus,\n deinde interfectus, of Orosius, is sufficiently odious. * Note:\n Gibbon, by translating this passage of Olympiodorus, as if it had\n been good Greek, has probably fallen into an error. The natural\n order of THE words is as Gibbon translates it; but it is almost\n clear, refers to THE Gothic chiefs, “whom Stilicho, after he had\n defeated Radagaisus, attached to his army.” So in THE version\n corrected by Classen for Niebuhr’s edition of THE Byzantines, p.\n 450.—M.]\n\n 82 (return) [ Orosius, piously inhuman, sacrifices THE king and\n people, Agag and THE Amalekites, without a symptom of compassion.\n The bloody actor is less detestable than THE cool, unfeeling\n historian.——Note: Considering THE vow, which he was universally\n believed to have made, to destroy Rome, and to sacrifice THE\n senators on THE altars, and that he is said to have immolated his\n prisoners to his gods, THE execution of Radagaisus, if, as it\n appears, he was taken in arms, cannot deserve Gibbon’s severe\n condemnation. Mr. Herbert (notes to his poem of Attila, p. 317)\n justly observes, that “Stilicho had probably authority for\n hanging him on THE first tree.” Marcellinus, adds Mr. Herbert,\n attributes THE execution to THE Gothic chiefs Sarus.—M.]\n\n 83 (return) [ And Claudian’s muse, was she asleep? had she been\n ill paid! Methinks THE seventh consulship of Honorius (A.D. 407)\n would have furnished THE subject of a noble poem. Before it was\n discovered that THE state could no longer be saved, Stilicho\n (after Romulus, Camillus and Marius) might have been worthily\n surnamed THE fourth founder of Rome.]\n\n The fame of THE victory, and more especially of THE miracle, has\n encouraged a vain persuasion, that THE whole army, or raTHEr\n nation, of Germans, who migrated from THE shores of THE Baltic,\n miserably perished under THE walls of Florence. Such indeed was\n THE fate of Radagaisus himself, of his brave and faithful\n companions, and of more than one third of THE various multitude\n of Sueves and Vandals, of Alani and Burgundians, who adhered to\n THE standard of THEir general. 84 The union of such an army might\n excite our surprise, but THE causes of separation are obvious and\n forcible; THE pride of birth, THE insolence of valor, THE\n jealousy of command, THE impatience of subordination, and THE\n obstinate conflict of opinions, of interests, and of passions,\n among so many kings and warriors, who were untaught to yield, or\n to obey. After THE defeat of Radagaisus, two parts of THE German\n host, which must have exceeded THE number of one hundred thousand\n men, still remained in arms, between THE Apennine and THE Alps,\n or between THE Alps and THE Danube. It is uncertain wheTHEr THEy\n attempted to revenge THE death of THEir general; but THEir\n irregular fury was soon diverted by THE prudence and firmness of\n Stilicho, who opposed THEir march, and facilitated THEir retreat;\n who considered THE safety of Rome and Italy as THE great object\n of his care, and who sacrificed, with too much indifference, THE\n wealth and tranquillity of THE distant provinces. 85 The\n Barbarians acquired, from THE junction of some Pannonian\n deserters, THE knowledge of THE country, and of THE roads; and\n THE invasion of Gaul, which Alaric had designed, was executed by\n THE remains of THE great army of Radagaisus. 86\n\n 84 (return) [ A luminous passage of Prosper’s Chronicle, “In tres\n partes, pes diversos principes, diversus exercitus,” reduces THE\n miracle of Florence and connects THE history of Italy, Gaul, and\n Germany.]\n\n 85 (return) [ Orosius and Jerom positively charge him with\n instigating THE in vasion. “Excitatae a Stilichone gentes,” &c.\n They must mean a directly. He saved Italy at THE expense of Gaul]\n\n 86 (return) [ The Count de Buat is satisfied, that THE Germans\n who invaded Gaul were THE two thirds that yet remained of THE\n army of Radagaisus. See THE Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de\n l’Europe, (tom. vii. p. 87, 121. Paris, 1772;) an elaborate work,\n which I had not THE advantage of perusing till THE year 1777. As\n early as 1771, I find THE same idea expressed in a rough draught\n of THE present History. I have since observed a similar\n intimation in Mascou, (viii. 15.) Such agreement, without mutual\n communication, may add some weight to our common sentiment.]\n\n Yet if THEy expected to derive any assistance from THE tribes of\n Germany, who inhabited THE banks of THE Rhine, THEir hopes were\n disappointed. The Alemanni preserved a state of inactive\n neutrality; and THE Franks distinguished THEir zeal and courage\n in THE defence of THE of THE empire. In THE rapid progress down\n THE Rhine, which was THE first act of THE administration of\n Stilicho, he had applied himself, with peculiar attention, to\n secure THE alliance of THE warlike Franks, and to remove THE\n irreconcilable enemies of peace and of THE republic. Marcomir,\n one of THEir kings, was publicly convicted, before THE tribunal\n of THE Roman magistrate, of violating THE faith of treaties. He\n was sentenced to a mild, but distant exile, in THE province of\n Tuscany; and this degradation of THE regal dignity was so far\n from exciting THE resentment of his subjects, that THEy punished\n with death THE turbulent Sunno, who attempted to revenge his\n broTHEr; and maintained a dutiful allegiance to THE princes, who\n were established on THE throne by THE choice of Stilicho. 87 When\n THE limits of Gaul and Germany were shaken by THE norTHErn\n emigration, THE Franks bravely encountered THE single force of\n THE Vandals; who, regardless of THE lessons of adversity, had\n again separated THEir troops from THE standard of THEir Barbarian\n allies. They paid THE penalty of THEir rashness; and twenty\n thousand Vandals, with THEir king Godigisclus, were slain in THE\n field of battle. The whole people must have been extirpated, if\n THE squadrons of THE Alani, advancing to THEir relief, had not\n trampled down THE infantry of THE Franks; who, after an honorable\n resistance, were compelled to relinquish THE unequal contest. The\n victorious confederates pursued THEir march, and on THE last day\n of THE year, in a season when THE waters of THE Rhine were most\n probably frozen, THEy entered, without opposition, THE\n defenceless provinces of Gaul. This memorable passage of THE\n Suevi, THE Vandals, THE Alani, and THE Burgundians, who never\n afterwards retreated, may be considered as THE fall of THE Roman\n empire in THE countries beyond THE Alps; and THE barriers, which\n had so long separated THE savage and THE civilized nations of THE\n earth, were from that fatal moment levelled with THE ground. 88\n\n 87 (return) [\n\n Provincia missos Expellet citius fasces, quam Francia reges Quos\n dederis.\n\n Claudian (i. Cons. Stil. l. i. 235, &c.) is clear and\n satisfactory. These kings of France are unknown to Gregory of\n Tours; but THE author of THE Gesta Francorum mentions both Sunno\n and Marcomir, and names THE latter as THE faTHEr of Pharamond,\n (in tom. ii. p. 543.) He seems to write from good materials,\n which he did not understand.]\n\n 88 (return) [ See Zosimus, (l. vi. p. 373,) Orosius, (l. vii. c.\n 40, p. 576,) and THE Chronicles. Gregory of Tours (l. ii. c. 9,\n p. 165, in THE second volume of THE Historians of France) has\n preserved a valuable fragment of Renatus Profuturus Frigeridus,\n whose three names denote a Christian, a Roman subject, and a\n Semi-Barbarian.]\n\n While THE peace of Germany was secured by THE attachment of THE\n Franks, and THE neutrality of THE Alemanni, THE subjects of Rome,\n unconscious of THEir approaching calamities, enjoyed THE state of\n quiet and prosperity, which had seldom blessed THE frontiers of\n Gaul. Their flocks and herds were permitted to graze in THE\n pastures of THE Barbarians; THEir huntsmen penetrated, without\n fear or danger, into THE darkest recesses of THE Hercynian wood.\n 89 The banks of THE Rhine were crowned, like those of THE Tyber,\n with elegant houses, and well-cultivated farms; and if a poet\n descended THE river, he might express his doubt, on which side\n was situated THE territory of THE Romans. 90 This scene of peace\n and plenty was suddenly changed into a desert; and THE prospect\n of THE smoking ruins could alone distinguish THE solitude of\n nature from THE desolation of man. The flourishing city of Mentz\n was surprised and destroyed; and many thousand Christians were\n inhumanly massacred in THE church. Worms perished after a long\n and obstinate siege; Strasburgh, Spires, Rheims, Tournay, Arras,\n Amiens, experienced THE cruel oppression of THE German yoke; and\n THE consuming flames of war spread from THE banks of THE Rhine\n over THE greatest part of THE seventeen provinces of Gaul. That\n rich and extensive country, as far as THE ocean, THE Alps, and\n THE Pyrenees, was delivered to THE Barbarians, who drove before\n THEm, in a promiscuous crowd, THE bishop, THE senator, and THE\n virgin, laden with THE spoils of THEir houses and altars. 91 The\n ecclesiastics, to whom we are indebted for this vague description\n of THE public calamities, embraced THE opportunity of exhorting\n THE Christians to repent of THE sins which had provoked THE\n Divine Justice, and to renounce THE perishable goods of a\n wretched and deceitful world. But as THE Pelagian controversy, 92\n which attempts to sound THE abyss of grace and predestination,\n soon became THE serious employment of THE Latin clergy, THE\n Providence which had decreed, or foreseen, or permitted, such a\n train of moral and natural evils, was rashly weighed in THE\n imperfect and fallacious balance of reason. The crimes, and THE\n misfortunes, of THE suffering people, were presumptuously\n compared with those of THEir ancestors; and THEy arraigned THE\n Divine Justice, which did not exempt from THE common destruction\n THE feeble, THE guiltless, THE infant portion of THE human\n species. These idle disputants overlooked THE invariable laws of\n nature, which have connected peace with innocence, plenty with\n industry, and safety with valor. The timid and selfish policy of\n THE court of Ravenna might recall THE Palatine legions for THE\n protection of Italy; THE remains of THE stationary troops might\n be unequal to THE arduous task; and THE Barbarian auxiliaries\n might prefer THE unbounded license of spoil to THE benefits of a\n moderate and regular stipend. But THE provinces of Gaul were\n filled with a numerous race of hardy and robust youth, who, in\n THE defence of THEir houses, THEir families, and THEir altars, if\n THEy had dared to die, would have deserved to vanquish. The\n knowledge of THEir native country would have enabled THEm to\n oppose continual and insuperable obstacles to THE progress of an\n invader; and THE deficiency of THE Barbarians, in arms, as well\n as in discipline, removed THE only pretence which excuses THE\n submission of a populous country to THE inferior numbers of a\n veteran army. When France was invaded by Charles V., he inquired\n of a prisoner, how many days Paris might be distant from THE\n frontier; “Perhaps twelve, but THEy will be days of battle:” 93\n such was THE gallant answer which checked THE arrogance of that\n ambitious prince. The subjects of Honorius, and those of Francis\n I., were animated by a very different spirit; and in less than\n two years, THE divided troops of THE savages of THE Baltic, whose\n numbers, were THEy fairly stated, would appear contemptible,\n advanced, without a combat, to THE foot of THE Pyrenean\n Mountains.\n\n 89 (return) [ Claudian (i. Cons. Stil. l. i. 221, &c., l. ii.\n 186) describes THE peace and prosperity of THE Gallic frontier.\n The Abbe Dubos (Hist. Critique, &c., tom. i. p. 174) would read\n Alba (a nameless rivulet of THE Ardennes) instead of Albis; and\n expatiates on THE danger of THE Gallic cattle grazing beyond THE\n Elbe. Foolish enough! In poetical geography, THE Elbe, and THE\n Hercynian, signify any river, or any wood, in Germany. Claudian\n is not prepared for THE strict examination of our antiquaries.]\n\n 90 (return) [—Germinasque viator Cum videat ripas, quae sit\n Romana requirat.]\n\n 91 (return) [ Jerom, tom. i. p. 93. See in THE 1st vol. of THE\n Historians of France, p. 777, 782, THE proper extracts from THE\n Carmen de Providentil Divina, and Salvian. The anonymous poet was\n himself a captive, with his bishop and fellow-citizens.]\n\n 92 (return) [ The Pelagian doctrine, which was first agitated\n A.D. 405, was condemned, in THE space of ten years, at Rome and\n Carthage. St Augustin fought and conquered; but THE Greek church\n was favorable to his adversaries; and (what is singular enough)\n THE people did not take any part in a dispute which THEy could\n not understand.]\n\n 93 (return) [ See THE Mémoires de Guillaume du Bellay, l. vi. In\n French, THE original reproof is less obvious, and more pointed,\n from THE double sense of THE word journee, which alike signifies,\n a day’s travel, or a battle.]\n\n In THE early part of THE reign of Honorius, THE vigilance of\n Stilicho had successfully guarded THE remote island of Britain\n from her incessant enemies of THE ocean, THE mountains, and THE\n Irish coast. 94 But those restless Barbarians could not neglect\n THE fair opportunity of THE Gothic war, when THE walls and\n stations of THE province were stripped of THE Roman troops. If\n any of THE legionaries were permitted to return from THE Italian\n expedition, THEir faithful report of THE court and character of\n Honorius must have tended to dissolve THE bonds of allegiance,\n and to exasperate THE seditious temper of THE British army. The\n spirit of revolt, which had formerly disturbed THE age of\n Gallienus, was revived by THE capricious violence of THE\n soldiers; and THE unfortunate, perhaps THE ambitious, candidates,\n who were THE objects of THEir choice, were THE instruments, and\n at length THE victims, of THEir passion. 95 Marcus was THE first\n whom THEy placed on THE throne, as THE lawful emperor of Britain\n and of THE West. They violated, by THE hasty murder of Marcus,\n THE oath of fidelity which THEy had imposed on THEmselves; and\n THEir disapprobation of his manners may seem to inscribe an\n honorable epitaph on his tomb. Gratian was THE next whom THEy\n adorned with THE diadem and THE purple; and, at THE end of four\n months, Gratian experienced THE fate of his predecessor. The\n memory of THE great Constantine, whom THE British legions had\n given to THE church and to THE empire, suggested THE singular\n motive of THEir third choice. They discovered in THE ranks a\n private soldier of THE name of Constantine, and THEir impetuous\n levity had already seated him on THE throne, before THEy\n perceived his incapacity to sustain THE weight of that glorious\n appellation. 96 Yet THE authority of Constantine was less\n precarious, and his government was more successful, than THE\n transient reigns of Marcus and of Gratian. The danger of leaving\n his inactive troops in those camps, which had been twice polluted\n with blood and sedition, urged him to attempt THE reduction of\n THE Western provinces. He landed at Boulogne with an\n inconsiderable force; and after he had reposed himself some days,\n he summoned THE cities of Gaul, which had escaped THE yoke of THE\n Barbarians, to acknowledge THEir lawful sovereign. They obeyed\n THE summons without reluctance. The neglect of THE court of\n Ravenna had absolved a deserted people from THE duty of\n allegiance; THEir actual distress encouraged THEm to accept any\n circumstances of change, without apprehension, and, perhaps, with\n some degree of hope; and THEy might flatter THEmselves, that THE\n troops, THE authority, and even THE name of a Roman emperor, who\n fixed his residence in Gaul, would protect THE unhappy country\n from THE rage of THE Barbarians. The first successes of\n Constantine against THE detached parties of THE Germans, were\n magnified by THE voice of adulation into splendid and decisive\n victories; which THE reunion and insolence of THE enemy soon\n reduced to THEir just value. His negotiations procured a short\n and precarious truce; and if some tribes of THE Barbarians were\n engaged, by THE liberality of his gifts and promises, to\n undertake THE defence of THE Rhine, THEse expensive and uncertain\n treaties, instead of restoring THE pristine vigor of THE Gallic\n frontier, served only to disgrace THE majesty of THE prince, and\n to exhaust what yet remained of THE treasures of THE republic.\n Elated, however, with this imaginary triumph, THE vain deliverer\n of Gaul advanced into THE provinces of THE South, to encounter a\n more pressing and personal danger. Sarus THE Goth was ordered to\n lay THE head of THE rebel at THE feet of THE emperor Honorius;\n and THE forces of Britain and Italy were unworthily consumed in\n this domestic quarrel. After THE loss of his two bravest\n generals, Justinian and Nevigastes, THE former of whom was slain\n in THE field of battle, THE latter in a peaceful but treacherous\n interview, Constantine fortified himself within THE walls of\n Vienna. The place was ineffectually attacked seven days; and THE\n Imperial army supported, in a precipitate retreat, THE ignominy\n of purchasing a secure passage from THE freebooters and outlaws\n of THE Alps. 97 Those mountains now separated THE dominions of\n two rival monarchs; and THE fortifications of THE double frontier\n were guarded by THE troops of THE empire, whose arms would have\n been more usefully employed to maintain THE Roman limits against\n THE Barbarians of Germany and Scythia.\n\n 94 (return) [ Claudian, (i. Cons. Stil. l. ii. 250.) It is\n supposed that THE Scots of Ireland invaded, by sea, THE whole\n western coast of Britain: and some slight credit may be given\n even to Nennius and THE Irish traditions, (Carte’s Hist. of\n England, vol. i. p. 169.) Whitaker’s Genuine History of THE\n Britons, p. 199. The sixty-six lives of St. Patrick, which were\n extant in THE ninth century, must have contained as many thousand\n lies; yet we may believe, that, in one of THEse Irish inroads THE\n future apostle was led away captive, (Usher, Antiquit. Eccles\n Britann. p. 431, and Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xvi. p. 45 782,\n &c.)]\n\n 95 (return) [ The British usurpers are taken from Zosimus, (l.\n vi. p. 371-375,) Orosius, (l. vii. c. 40, p. 576, 577,)\n Olympiodorus, (apud Photium, p. 180, 181,) THE ecclesiastical\n historians, and THE Chronicles. The Latins are ignorant of\n Marcus.]\n\n 96 (return) [ Cum in Constantino inconstantiam... execrarentur,\n (Sidonius Apollinaris, l. v. epist. 9, p. 139, edit. secund.\n Sirmond.) Yet Sidonius might be tempted, by so fair a pun, to\n stigmatize a prince who had disgraced his grandfaTHEr.]\n\n 97 (return) [ Bagaudoe is THE name which Zosimus applies to THEm;\n perhaps THEy deserved a less odious character, (see Dubos, Hist.\n Critique, tom. i. p. 203, and this History, vol. i. p. 407.) We\n shall hear of THEm again.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXX: Revolt Of The Goths.—Part V.\n\n On THE side of THE Pyrenees, THE ambition of Constantine might be\n justified by THE proximity of danger; but his throne was soon\n established by THE conquest, or raTHEr submission, of Spain;\n which yielded to THE influence of regular and habitual\n subordination, and received THE laws and magistrates of THE\n Gallic præfecture. The only opposition which was made to THE\n authority of Constantine proceeded not so much from THE powers of\n government, or THE spirit of THE people, as from THE private zeal\n and interest of THE family of Theodosius. Four broTHErs 98 had\n obtained, by THE favor of THEir kinsman, THE deceased emperor, an\n honorable rank and ample possessions in THEir native country; and\n THE grateful youths resolved to risk those advantages in THE\n service of his son. After an unsuccessful effort to maintain\n THEir ground at THE head of THE stationary troops of Lusitania,\n THEy retired to THEir estates; where THEy armed and levied, at\n THEir own expense, a considerable body of slaves and dependants,\n and boldly marched to occupy THE strong posts of THE Pyrenean\n Mountains. This domestic insurrection alarmed and perplexed THE\n sovereign of Gaul and Britain; and he was compelled to negotiate\n with some troops of Barbarian auxiliaries, for THE service of THE\n Spanish war. They were distinguished by THE title of Honorians;\n 99 a name which might have reminded THEm of THEir fidelity to\n THEir lawful sovereign; and if it should candidly be allowed that\n THE Scots were influenced by any partial affection for a British\n prince, THE Moors and THE Marcomanni could be tempted only by THE\n profuse liberality of THE usurper, who distributed among THE\n Barbarians THE military, and even THE civil, honors of Spain. The\n nine bands of Honorians, which may be easily traced on THE\n establishment of THE Western empire, could not exceed THE number\n of five thousand men: yet this inconsiderable force was\n sufficient to terminate a war, which had threatened THE power and\n safety of Constantine. The rustic army of THE Theodosian family\n was surrounded and destroyed in THE Pyrenees: two of THE broTHErs\n had THE good fortune to escape by sea to Italy, or THE East; THE\n oTHEr two, after an interval of suspense, were executed at Arles;\n and if Honorius could remain insensible of THE public disgrace,\n he might perhaps be affected by THE personal misfortunes of his\n generous kinsmen. Such were THE feeble arms which decided THE\n possession of THE Western provinces of Europe, from THE wall of\n Antoninus to THE columns of Hercules. The events of peace and war\n have undoubtedly been diminished by THE narrow and imperfect view\n of THE historians of THE times, who were equally ignorant of THE\n causes, and of THE effects, of THE most important revolutions.\n But THE total decay of THE national strength had annihilated even\n THE last resource of a despotic government; and THE revenue of\n exhausted provinces could no longer purchase THE military service\n of a discontented and pusillanimous people.\n\n 98 (return) [ Verinianus, Didymus, Theodosius, and Lagodius, who\n in modern courts would be styled princes of THE blood, were not\n distinguished by any rank or privileges above THE rest of THEir\n fellow-subjects.]\n\n 99 (return) [ These Honoriani, or Honoriaci, consisted of two\n bands of Scots, or Attacotti, two of Moors, two of Marcomanni,\n THE Victores, THE Asca in, and THE Gallicani, (Notitia Imperii,\n sect. xxxiii. edit. Lab.) They were part of THE sixty-five\n Auxilia Palatina, and are properly styled by Zosimus, (l. vi.\n 374.)]\n\n The poet, whose flattery has ascribed to THE Roman eagle THE\n victories of Pollentia and Verona, pursues THE hasty retreat of\n Alaric, from THE confines of Italy, with a horrid train of\n imaginary spectres, such as might hover over an army of\n Barbarians, which was almost exterminated by war, famine, and\n disease. 100 In THE course of this unfortunate expedition, THE\n king of THE Goths must indeed have sustained a considerable loss;\n and his harassed forces required an interval of repose, to\n recruit THEir numbers and revive THEir confidence. Adversity had\n exercised and displayed THE genius of Alaric; and THE fame of his\n valor invited to THE Gothic standard THE bravest of THE Barbarian\n warriors; who, from THE Euxine to THE Rhine, were agitated by THE\n desire of rapine and conquest. He had deserved THE esteem, and he\n soon accepted THE friendship, of Stilicho himself. Renouncing THE\n service of THE emperor of THE East, Alaric concluded, with THE\n court of Ravenna, a treaty of peace and alliance, by which he was\n declared master-general of THE Roman armies throughout THE\n præfecture of Illyricum; as it was claimed, according to THE\n true and ancient limits, by THE minister of Honorius. 101 The\n execution of THE ambitious design, which was eiTHEr stipulated,\n or implied, in THE articles of THE treaty, appears to have been\n suspended by THE formidable irruption of Radagaisus; and THE\n neutrality of THE Gothic king may perhaps be compared to THE\n indifference of Caesar, who, in THE conspiracy of Catiline,\n refused eiTHEr to assist, or to oppose, THE enemy of THE\n republic. After THE defeat of THE Vandals, Stilicho resumed his\n pretensions to THE provinces of THE East; appointed civil\n magistrates for THE administration of justice, and of THE\n finances; and declared his impatience to lead to THE gates of\n Constantinople THE united armies of THE Romans and of THE Goths.\n The prudence, however, of Stilicho, his aversion to civil war,\n and his perfect knowledge of THE weakness of THE state, may\n countenance THE suspicion, that domestic peace, raTHEr than\n foreign conquest, was THE object of his policy; and that his\n principal care was to employ THE forces of Alaric at a distance\n from Italy. This design could not long escape THE penetration of\n THE Gothic king, who continued to hold a doubtful, and perhaps a\n treacherous, correspondence with THE rival courts; who\n protracted, like a dissatisfied mercenary, his languid operations\n in Thessaly and Epirus, and who soon returned to claim THE\n extravagant reward of his ineffectual services. From his camp\n near Aemona, 102 on THE confines of Italy, he transmitted to THE\n emperor of THE West a long account of promises, of expenses, and\n of demands; called for immediate satisfaction, and clearly\n intimated THE consequences of a refusal. Yet if his conduct was\n hostile, his language was decent and dutiful. He humbly professed\n himself THE friend of Stilicho, and THE soldier of Honorius;\n offered his person and his troops to march, without delay,\n against THE usurper of Gaul; and solicited, as a permanent\n retreat for THE Gothic nation, THE possession of some vacant\n province of THE Western empire.\n\n 100 (return) [\n\n Comitatur euntem Pallor, et atra fames; et saucia lividus ora\n Luctus; et inferno stridentes agmine morbi. —-Claudian in vi.\n Cons. Hon. 821, &c.]\n\n 101 (return) [ These dark transactions are investigated by THE\n Count de Bual (Hist. des Peuples de l’Europe, tom. vii. c.\n iii.—viii. p. 69-206,) whose laborious accuracy may sometimes\n fatigue a superficial reader.]\n\n 102 (return) [ See Zosimus, l. v. p. 334, 335. He interrupts his\n scanty narrative to relate THE fable of Aemona, and of THE ship\n Argo; which was drawn overland from that place to THE Adriatic.\n Sozomen (l. viii. c. 25, l. ix. c. 4) and Socrates (l. vii. c.\n 10) cast a pale and doubtful light; and Orosius (l. vii. c. 38,\n p. 571) is abominably partial.]\n\n The political and secret transactions of two statesmen, who\n labored to deceive each oTHEr and THE world, must forever have\n been concealed in THE impenetrable darkness of THE cabinet, if\n THE debates of a popular assembly had not thrown some rays of\n light on THE correspondence of Alaric and Stilicho. The necessity\n of finding some artificial support for a government, which, from\n a principle, not of moderation, but of weakness, was reduced to\n negotiate with its own subjects, had insensibly revived THE\n authority of THE Roman senate; and THE minister of Honorius\n respectfully consulted THE legislative council of THE republic.\n Stilicho assembled THE senate in THE palace of THE Caesars;\n represented, in a studied oration, THE actual state of affairs;\n proposed THE demands of THE Gothic king, and submitted to THEir\n consideration THE choice of peace or war. The senators, as if\n THEy had been suddenly awakened from a dream of four hundred\n years, appeared, on this important occasion, to be inspired by\n THE courage, raTHEr than by THE wisdom, of THEir predecessors.\n They loudly declared, in regular speeches, or in tumultuary\n acclamations, that it was unworthy of THE majesty of Rome to\n purchase a precarious and disgraceful truce from a Barbarian\n king; and that, in THE judgment of a magnanimous people, THE\n chance of ruin was always preferable to THE certainty of\n dishonor. The minister, whose pacific intentions were seconded\n only by THE voice of a few servile and venal followers, attempted\n to allay THE general ferment, by an apology for his own conduct,\n and even for THE demands of THE Gothic prince. “The payment of a\n subsidy, which had excited THE indignation of THE Romans, ought\n not (such was THE language of Stilicho) to be considered in THE\n odious light, eiTHEr of a tribute, or of a ransom, extorted by\n THE menaces of a Barbarian enemy. Alaric had faithfully asserted\n THE just pretensions of THE republic to THE provinces which were\n usurped by THE Greeks of Constantinople: he modestly required THE\n fair and stipulated recompense of his services; and if he had\n desisted from THE prosecution of his enterprise, he had obeyed,\n in his retreat, THE peremptory, though private, letters of THE\n emperor himself. These contradictory orders (he would not\n dissemble THE errors of his own family) had been procured by THE\n intercession of Serena. The tender piety of his wife had been too\n deeply affected by THE discord of THE royal broTHErs, THE sons of\n her adopted faTHEr; and THE sentiments of nature had too easily\n prevailed over THE stern dictates of THE public welfare.” These\n ostensible reasons, which faintly disguise THE obscure intrigues\n of THE palace of Ravenna, were supported by THE authority of\n Stilicho; and obtained, after a warm debate, THE reluctant\n approbation of THE senate. The tumult of virtue and freedom\n subsided; and THE sum of four thousand pounds of gold was\n granted, under THE name of a subsidy, to secure THE peace of\n Italy, and to conciliate THE friendship of THE king of THE Goths.\n Lampadius alone, one of THE most illustrious members of THE\n assembly, still persisted in his dissent; exclaimed, with a loud\n voice, “This is not a treaty of peace, but of servitude;” 103 and\n escaped THE danger of such bold opposition by immediately\n retiring to THE sanctuary of a Christian church. [See Palace Of\n The Caesars]\n\n 103 (return) [ Zosimus, l. v. p. 338, 339. He repeats THE words\n of Lampadius, as THEy were spoke in Latin, “Non est ista pax, sed\n pactio servi tutis,” and THEn translates THEm into Greek for THE\n benefit of his readers. * Note: From Cicero’s XIIth Philippic,\n 14.—M.]\n\n But THE reign of Stilicho drew towards its end; and THE proud\n minister might perceive THE symptoms of his approaching disgrace.\n The generous boldness of Lampadius had been applauded; and THE\n senate, so patiently resigned to a long servitude, rejected with\n disdain THE offer of invidious and imaginary freedom. The troops,\n who still assumed THE name and prerogatives of THE Roman legions,\n were exasperated by THE partial affection of Stilicho for THE\n Barbarians: and THE people imputed to THE mischievous policy of\n THE minister THE public misfortunes, which were THE natural\n consequence of THEir own degeneracy. Yet Stilicho might have\n continued to brave THE clamors of THE people, and even of THE\n soldiers, if he could have maintained his dominion over THE\n feeble mind of his pupil. But THE respectful attachment of\n Honorius was converted into fear, suspicion, and hatred. The\n crafty Olympius, 104 who concealed his vices under THE mask of\n Christian piety, had secretly undermined THE benefactor, by whose\n favor he was promoted to THE honorable offices of THE Imperial\n palace. Olympius revealed to THE unsuspecting emperor, who had\n attained THE twenty-fifth year of his age, that he was without\n weight, or authority, in his own government; and artfully alarmed\n his timid and indolent disposition by a lively picture of THE\n designs of Stilicho, who already meditated THE death of his\n sovereign, with THE ambitious hope of placing THE diadem on THE\n head of his son Eucherius. The emperor was instigated, by his new\n favorite, to assume THE tone of independent dignity; and THE\n minister was astonished to find, that secret resolutions were\n formed in THE court and council, which were repugnant to his\n interest, or to his intentions. Instead of residing in THE palace\n of Rome, Honorius declared that it was his pleasure to return to\n THE secure fortress of Ravenna. On THE first intelligence of THE\n death of his broTHEr Arcadius, he prepared to visit\n Constantinople, and to regulate, with THE authority of a\n guardian, THE provinces of THE infant Theodosius. 105 The\n representation of THE difficulty and expense of such a distant\n expedition, checked this strange and sudden sally of active\n diligence; but THE dangerous project of showing THE emperor to\n THE camp of Pavia, which was composed of THE Roman troops, THE\n enemies of Stilicho, and his Barbarian auxiliaries, remained\n fixed and unalterable. The minister was pressed, by THE advice of\n his confidant, Justinian, a Roman advocate, of a lively and\n penetrating genius, to oppose a journey so prejudicial to his\n reputation and safety. His strenuous but ineffectual efforts\n confirmed THE triumph of Olympius; and THE prudent lawyer\n withdrew himself from THE impending ruin of his patron.\n\n 104 (return) [ He came from THE coast of THE Euxine, and\n exercised a splendid office. His actions justify his character,\n which Zosimus (l. v. p. 340) exposes with visible satisfaction.\n Augustin revered THE piety of Olympius, whom he styles a true son\n of THE church, (Baronius, Annal. Eccles, Eccles. A.D. 408, No.\n 19, &c. Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xiii. p. 467, 468.) But\n THEse praises, which THE African saint so unworthily bestows,\n might proceed as well from ignorance as from adulation.]\n\n 105 (return) [ Zosimus, l. v. p. 338, 339. Sozomen, l. ix. c. 4.\n Stilicho offered to undertake THE journey to Constantinople, that\n he might divert Honorius from THE vain attempt. The Eastern\n empire would not have obeyed, and could not have been conquered.]\n\n In THE passage of THE emperor through Bologna, a mutiny of THE\n guards was excited and appeased by THE secret policy of Stilicho;\n who announced his instructions to decimate THE guilty, and\n ascribed to his own intercession THE merit of THEir pardon. After\n this tumult, Honorius embraced, for THE last time, THE minister\n whom he now considered as a tyrant, and proceeded on his way to\n THE camp of Pavia; where he was received by THE loyal\n acclamations of THE troops who were assembled for THE service of\n THE Gallic war. On THE morning of THE fourth day, he pronounced,\n as he had been taught, a military oration in THE presence of THE\n soldiers, whom THE charitable visits, and artful discourses, of\n Olympius had prepared to execute a dark and bloody conspiracy. At\n THE first signal, THEy massacred THE friends of Stilicho, THE\n most illustrious officers of THE empire; two Prætorian\n præfects, of Gaul and of Italy; two masters-general of THE\n cavalry and infantry; THE master of THE offices; THE quaestor,\n THE treasurer, and THE count of THE domestics. Many lives were\n lost; many houses were plundered; THE furious sedition continued\n to rage till THE close of THE evening; and THE trembling emperor,\n who was seen in THE streets of Pavia without his robes or diadem,\n yielded to THE persuasions of his favorite; condemned THE memory\n of THE slain; and solemnly approved THE innocence and fidelity of\n THEir assassins. The intelligence of THE massacre of Pavia filled\n THE mind of Stilicho with just and gloomy apprehensions; and he\n instantly summoned, in THE camp of Bologna, a council of THE\n confederate leaders, who were attached to his service, and would\n be involved in his ruin. The impetuous voice of THE assembly\n called aloud for arms, and for revenge; to march, without a\n moment’s delay, under THE banners of a hero, whom THEy had so\n often followed to victory; to surprise, to oppress, to extirpate\n THE guilty Olympius, and his degenerate Romans; and perhaps to\n fix THE diadem on THE head of THEir injured general. Instead of\n executing a resolution, which might have been justified by\n success, Stilicho hesitated till he was irrecoverably lost. He\n was still ignorant of THE fate of THE emperor; he distrusted THE\n fidelity of his own party; and he viewed with horror THE fatal\n consequences of arming a crowd of licentious Barbarians against\n THE soldiers and people of Italy. The confederates, impatient of\n his timorous and doubtful delay, hastily retired, with fear and\n indignation. At THE hour of midnight, Sarus, a Gothic warrior,\n renowned among THE Barbarians THEmselves for his strength and\n valor, suddenly invaded THE camp of his benefactor, plundered THE\n baggage, cut in pieces THE faithful Huns, who guarded his person,\n and penetrated to THE tent, where THE minister, pensive and\n sleepless, meditated on THE dangers of his situation. Stilicho\n escaped with difficulty from THE sword of THE Goths and, after\n issuing a last and generous admonition to THE cities of Italy, to\n shut THEir gates against THE Barbarians, his confidence, or his\n despair, urged him to throw himself into Ravenna, which was\n already in THE absolute possession of his enemies. Olympius, who\n had assumed THE dominion of Honorius, was speedily informed, that\n his rival had embraced, as a suppliant THE altar of THE Christian\n church. The base and cruel disposition of THE hypocrite was\n incapable of pity or remorse; but he piously affected to elude,\n raTHEr than to violate, THE privilege of THE sanctuary. Count\n Heraclian, with a troop of soldiers, appeared, at THE dawn of\n day, before THE gates of THE church of Ravenna. The bishop was\n satisfied by a solemn oath, that THE Imperial mandate only\n directed THEm to secure THE person of Stilicho: but as soon as\n THE unfortunate minister had been tempted beyond THE holy\n threshold, he produced THE warrant for his instant execution.\n Stilicho supported, with calm resignation, THE injurious names of\n traitor and parricide; repressed THE unseasonable zeal of his\n followers, who were ready to attempt an ineffectual rescue; and,\n with a firmness not unworthy of THE last of THE Roman generals,\n submitted his neck to THE sword of Heraclian. 106\n\n 106 (return) [ Zosimus (l. v. p. 336-345) has copiously, though\n not clearly, related THE disgrace and death of Stilicho.\n Olympiodorus, (apud Phot. p. 177.) Orosius, (l. vii. c. 38, p.\n 571, 572,) Sozomen, (l. ix. c. 4,) and Philostorgius, (l. xi. c.\n 3, l. xii. c. 2,) afford supplemental hints.]\n\n The servile crowd of THE palace, who had so long adored THE\n fortune of Stilicho, affected to insult his fall; and THE most\n distant connection with THE master-general of THE West, which had\n so lately been a title to wealth and honors, was studiously\n denied, and rigorously punished. His family, united by a triple\n alliance with THE family of Theodosius, might envy THE condition\n of THE meanest peasant. The flight of his son Eucherius was\n intercepted; and THE death of that innocent youth soon followed\n THE divorce of Thermantia, who filled THE place of her sister\n Maria; and who, like Maria, had remained a virgin in THE Imperial\n bed. 107 The friends of Stilicho, who had escaped THE massacre of\n Pavia, were persecuted by THE implacable revenge of Olympius; and\n THE most exquisite cruelty was employed to extort THE confession\n of a treasonable and sacrilegious conspiracy. They died in\n silence: THEir firmness justified THE choice, 108 and perhaps\n absolved THE innocence of THEir patron: and THE despotic power,\n which could take his life without a trial, and stigmatize his\n memory without a proof, has no jurisdiction over THE impartial\n suffrage of posterity. 109 The services of Stilicho are great and\n manifest; his crimes, as THEy are vaguely stated in THE language\n of flattery and hatred, are obscure at least, and improbable.\n About four months after his death, an edict was published, in THE\n name of Honorius, to restore THE free communication of THE two\n empires, which had been so long interrupted by THE public enemy.\n 110 The minister, whose fame and fortune depended on THE\n prosperity of THE state, was accused of betraying Italy to THE\n Barbarians; whom he repeatedly vanquished at Pollentia, at\n Verona, and before THE walls of Florence. His pretended design of\n placing THE diadem on THE head of his son Eucherius, could not\n have been conducted without preparations or accomplices; and THE\n ambitious faTHEr would not surely have left THE future emperor,\n till THE twentieth year of his age, in THE humble station of\n tribune of THE notaries. Even THE religion of Stilicho was\n arraigned by THE malice of his rival. The seasonable, and almost\n miraculous, deliverance was devoutly celebrated by THE applause\n of THE clergy; who asserted, that THE restoration of idols, and\n THE persecution of THE church, would have been THE first measure\n of THE reign of Eucherius. The son of Stilicho, however, was\n educated in THE bosom of Christianity, which his faTHEr had\n uniformly professed, and zealously supported. 111 1111 Serena had\n borrowed her magnificent necklace from THE statue of Vesta; 112\n and THE Pagans execrated THE memory of THE sacrilegious minister,\n by whose order THE Sibylline books, THE oracles of Rome, had been\n committed to THE flames. 113 The pride and power of Stilicho\n constituted his real guilt. An honorable reluctance to shed THE\n blood of his countrymen appears to have contributed to THE\n success of his unworthy rival; and it is THE last humiliation of\n THE character of Honorius, that posterity has not condescended to\n reproach him with his base ingratitude to THE guardian of his\n youth, and THE support of his empire.\n\n 107 (return) [ Zosimus, l. v. p. 333. The marriage of a Christian\n with two sisters, scandalizes Tillemont, (Hist. des Empereurs,\n tom. v. p. 557;) who expects, in vain, that Pope Innocent I.\n should have done something in THE way eiTHEr of censure or of\n dispensation.]\n\n 108 (return) [ Two of his friends are honorably mentioned,\n (Zosimus, l. v. p. 346:) Peter, chief of THE school of notaries,\n and THE great chamberlain Deuterius. Stilicho had secured THE\n bed-chamber; and it is surprising that, under a feeble prince,\n THE bed-chamber was not able to secure him.]\n\n 109 (return) [ Orosius (l. vii. c. 38, p. 571, 572) seems to copy\n THE false and furious manifestos, which were dispersed through\n THE provinces by THE new administration.]\n\n 110 (return) [ See THE Theodosian code, l. vii. tit. xvi. leg. 1,\n l. ix. tit. xlii. leg. 22. Stilicho is branded with THE name of\n proedo publicus, who employed his wealth, ad omnem ditandam,\n inquietandamque Barbariem.]\n\n 111 (return) [ Augustin himself is satisfied with THE effectual\n laws, which Stilicho had enacted against heretics and idolaters;\n and which are still extant in THE Code. He only applies to\n Olympius for THEir confirmation, (Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D.\n 408, No. 19.)]\n\n 112 (return) [ Zosimus, l. v. p. 351. We may observe THE bad\n taste of THE age, in dressing THEir statues with such awkward\n finery.]\n\n 113 (return) [ See Rutilius Numatianus, (Itinerar. l. ii. 41-60,)\n to whom religious enthusiasm has dictated some elegant and\n forcible lines. Stilicho likewise stripped THE gold plates from\n THE doors of THE Capitol, and read a prophetic sentence which was\n engraven under THEm, (Zosimus, l. v. p. 352.) These are foolish\n stories: yet THE charge of impiety adds weight and credit to THE\n praise which Zosimus reluctantly bestows on his virtues. Note:\n One particular in THE extorted praise of Zosimus, deserved THE\n notice of THE historian, as strongly opposed to THE former\n imputations of Zosimus himself, and indicative of he corrupt\n practices of a declining age. “He had never bartered promotion in\n THE army for bribes, nor peculated in THE supplies of provisions\n for THE army.” l. v. c. xxxiv.—M.]\n\n 1111 (return) [ Hence, perhaps, THE accusation of treachery is\n countenanced by Hatilius:—\n\n Quo magis est facinus diri Stilichonis iniquum Proditor arcani\n quod fuit imperii. Romano generi dum nititur esse superstes,\n Crudelis summis miscuit ima furor. Dumque timet, quicquid se\n fecerat ipso timeri, Immisit Latiae barbara tela neci. Rutil.\n Itin. II. 41.—M.] Among THE train of dependants whose wealth and\n dignity attracted THE notice of THEir own times, our curiosity is\n excited by THE celebrated name of THE poet Claudian, who enjoyed\n THE favor of Stilicho, and was overwhelmed in THE ruin of his\n patron.]\n\n Among THE train of dependants whose wealth and dignity attracted\n THE notice of THEir own times, _our_ curiosity is excited by THE\n celebrated name of THE poet Claudian, who enjoyed THE favor of\n Stilicho, and was overwhelmed in THE ruin of his patron. The\n titular offices of tribune and notary fixed his rank in THE\n Imperial court: he was indebted to THE powerful intercession of\n Serena for his marriage with a very rich heiress of THE province\n of Africa; 114 and THE statute of Claudian, erected in THE forum\n of Trajan, was a monument of THE taste and liberality of THE\n Roman senate. 115 After THE praises of Stilicho became offensive\n and criminal, Claudian was exposed to THE enmity of a powerful\n and unforgiving courtier, whom he had provoked by THE insolence\n of wit. He had compared, in a lively epigram, THE opposite\n characters of two Prætorian præfects of Italy; he contrasts THE\n innocent repose of a philosopher, who sometimes resigned THE\n hours of business to slumber, perhaps to study, with THE\n interesting diligence of a rapacious minister, indefatigable in\n THE pursuit of unjust or sacrilegious, gain. “How happy,”\n continues Claudian, “how happy might it be for THE people of\n Italy, if Mallius could be constantly awake, and if Hadrian would\n always sleep!” 116 The repose of Mallius was not disturbed by\n this friendly and gentle admonition; but THE cruel vigilance of\n Hadrian watched THE opportunity of revenge, and easily obtained,\n from THE enemies of Stilicho, THE trifling sacrifice of an\n obnoxious poet. The poet concealed himself, however, during THE\n tumult of THE revolution; and, consulting THE dictates of\n prudence raTHEr than of honor, he addressed, in THE form of an\n epistle, a suppliant and humble recantation to THE offended\n præfect. He deplores, in mournful strains, THE fatal\n indiscretion into which he had been hurried by passion and folly;\n submits to THE imitation of his adversary THE generous examples\n of THE clemency of gods, of heroes, and of lions; and expresses\n his hope that THE magnanimity of Hadrian will not trample on a\n defenceless and contemptible foe, already humbled by disgrace and\n poverty, and deeply wounded by THE exile, THE tortures, and THE\n death of his dearest friends. 117 Whatever might be THE success\n of his prayer, or THE accidents of his future life, THE period of\n a few years levelled in THE grave THE minister and THE poet: but\n THE name of Hadrian is almost sunk in oblivion, while Claudian is\n read with pleasure in every country which has retained, or\n acquired, THE knowledge of THE Latin language. If we fairly\n balance his merits and his defects, we shall acknowledge that\n Claudian does not eiTHEr satisfy, or silence, our reason. It\n would not be easy to produce a passage that deserves THE epiTHEt\n of sublime or paTHEtic; to select a verse that melts THE heart or\n enlarges THE imagination. We should vainly seek, in THE poems of\n Claudian, THE happy invention, and artificial conduct, of an\n interesting fable; or THE just and lively representation of THE\n characters and situations of real life. For THE service of his\n patron, he published occasional panegyrics and invectives: and\n THE design of THEse slavish compositions encouraged his\n propensity to exceed THE limits of truth and nature. These\n imperfections, however, are compensated in some degree by THE\n poetical virtues of Claudian. He was endowed with THE rare and\n precious talent of raising THE meanest, of adorning THE most\n barren, and of diversifying THE most similar, topics: his\n coloring, more especially in descriptive poetry, is soft and\n splendid; and he seldom fails to display, and even to abuse, THE\n advantages of a cultivated understanding, a copious fancy, an\n easy, and sometimes forcible, expression; and a perpetual flow of\n harmonious versification. To THEse commendations, independent of\n any accidents of time and place, we must add THE peculiar merit\n which Claudian derived from THE unfavorable circumstances of his\n birth. In THE decline of arts, and of empire, a native of Egypt,\n 118 who had received THE education of a Greek, assumed, in a\n mature age, THE familiar use, and absolute command, of THE Latin\n language; 119 soared above THE heads of his feeble\n contemporaries; and placed himself, after an interval of three\n hundred years, among THE poets of ancient Rome. 120\n\n 114 (return) [ At THE nuptials of Orpheus (a modest comparison!)\n all THE parts of animated nature contributed THEir various gifts;\n and THE gods THEmselves enriched THEir favorite. Claudian had\n neiTHEr flocks, nor herds, nor vines, nor olives. His wealthy\n bride was heiress to THEm all. But he carried to Africa a\n recommendatory letter from Serena, his Juno, and was made happy,\n (Epist. ii. ad Serenam.)]\n\n 115 (return) [ Claudian feels THE honor like a man who deserved\n it, (in praefat Bell. Get.) The original inscription, on marble,\n was found at Rome, in THE fifteenth century, in THE house of\n Pomponius Laetus. The statue of a poet, far superior to Claudian,\n should have been erected, during his lifetime, by THE men of\n letters, his countrymen and contemporaries. It was a noble\n design.]\n\n 116 (return) [ See Epigram xxx.\n\n Mallius indulget somno noctesque diesque: Insomnis Pharius sacra,\n profana, rapit. Omnibus, hoc, Italae gentes, exposcite votis;\n Mallius ut vigilet, dormiat ut Pharius.\n\n Hadrian was a Pharian, (of Alexandrian.) See his public life in\n Godefroy, Cod. Theodos. tom. vi. p. 364. Mallius did not always\n sleep. He composed some elegant dialogues on THE Greek systems of\n natural philosophy, (Claud, in Mall. Theodor. Cons. 61-112.)]\n\n 117 (return) [ See Claudian’s first Epistle. Yet, in some places,\n an air of irony and indignation betrays his secret reluctance. *\n Note: M. Beugnot has pointed out one remarkable characteristic of\n Claudian’s poetry, and of THE times—his extraordinary religious\n indifference. Here is a poet writing at THE actual crisis of THE\n complete triumph of THE new religion, THE visible extinction of\n THE old: if we may so speak, a strictly historical poet, whose\n works, excepting his Mythological poem on THE rape of Proserpine,\n are confined to temporary subjects, and to THE politics of his\n own eventful day; yet, excepting in one or two small and\n indifferent pieces, manifestly written by a Christian, and\n interpolated among his poems, THEre is no allusion whatever to\n THE great religious strife. No one would know THE existence of\n Christianity at that period of THE world, by reading THE works of\n Claudian. His panegyric and his satire preserve THE same\n religious impartiality; award THEir most lavish praise or THEir\n bitterest invective on Christian or Pagan; he insults THE fall of\n Eugenius, and glories in THE victories of Theodosius. Under THE\n child,—and Honorius never became more than a child,—Christianity\n continued to inflict wounds more and more deadly on expiring\n Paganism. Are THE gods of Olympus agitated with apprehension at\n THE birth of this new enemy? They are introduced as rejoicing at\n his appearance, and promising long years of glory. The whole\n prophetic choir of Paganism, all THE oracles throughout THE\n world, are summoned to predict THE felicity of his reign. His\n birth is compared to that of Apollo, but THE narrow limits of an\n island must not confine THE new deity—\n\n ... Non littora nostro Sufficerent angusta Deo.\n\n Augury and divination, THE shrines of Ammon, and of Delphi, THE\n Persian Magi, and THE Etruscan seers, THE Chaldean astrologers,\n THE Sibyl herself, are described as still discharging THEir\n prophetic functions, and celebrating THE natal day of this\n Christian prince. They are noble lines, as well as curious\n illustrations of THE times:\n\n ... Quae tunc documenta futuri? Quae voces avium? quanti per inane\n volatus? Quis vatum discursus erat? Tibi corniger Ammon, Et dudum\n taciti rupere silentia Delphi. Te Persae cecinere Magi, te sensit\n Etruscus Augur, et inspectis Babylonius horruit astris; Chaldaei\n stupuere senes, Cumanaque rursus Itonuit rupes, rabidae delubra\n Sibyllae. —Claud. iv. Cons. Hon. 141.\n\n From THE Quarterly Review of Beugnot. Hist. de la Paganisme en\n Occident, Q. R. v. lvii. p. 61.—M.]\n\n 118 (return) [ National vanity has made him a Florentine, or a\n Spaniard. But THE first Epistle of Claudian proves him a native\n of Alexandria, (Fabricius, Bibliot. Latin. tom. iii. p. 191-202,\n edit. Ernest.)]\n\n 119 (return) [ His first Latin verses were composed during THE\n consulship of Probinus, A.D. 395.\n\n Romanos bibimus primum, te consule, fontes, Et Latiae cessit\n Graia Thalia togae.\n\n Besides some Greek epigrams, which are still extant, THE Latin\n poet had composed, in Greek, THE Antiquities of Tarsus,\n Anazarbus, Berytus, Nice, &c. It is more easy to supply THE loss\n of good poetry, than of auTHEntic history.]\n\n 120 (return) [ Strada (Prolusion v. vi.) allows him to contend\n with THE five heroic poets, Lucretius, Virgil, Ovid, Lucan, and\n Statius. His patron is THE accomplished courtier Balthazar\n Castiglione. His admirers are numerous and passionate. Yet THE\n rigid critics reproach THE exotic weeds, or flowers, which spring\n too luxuriantly in his Latian soil]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By\n Barbarians.—Part I.\n\n Invasion Of Italy By Alaric.—Manners Of The Roman Senate And\n People.—Rome Is Thrice Besieged, And At Length Pillaged, By The\n Goths.—Death Of Alaric.—The Goths Evacuate Italy.—Fall Of\n Constantine.—Gaul And Spain Are Occupied By The Barbarians.\n —Independence Of Britain.\n\n The incapacity of a weak and distracted government may often\n assume THE appearance, and produce THE effects, of a treasonable\n correspondence with THE public enemy. If Alaric himself had been\n introduced into THE council of Ravenna, he would probably have\n advised THE same measures which were actually pursued by THE\n ministers of Honorius. 1 The king of THE Goths would have\n conspired, perhaps with some reluctance, to destroy THE\n formidable adversary, by whose arms, in Italy, as well as in\n Greece, he had been twice overthrown. Their active and interested\n hatred laboriously accomplished THE disgrace and ruin of THE\n great Stilicho. The valor of Sarus, his fame in arms, and his\n personal, or hereditary, influence over THE confederate\n Barbarians, could recommend him only to THE friends of THEir\n country, who despised, or detested, THE worthless characters of\n Turpilio, Varanes, and Vigilantius. By THE pressing instances of\n THE new favorites, THEse generals, unworthy as THEy had shown\n THEmselves of THE names of soldiers, 2 were promoted to THE\n command of THE cavalry, of THE infantry, and of THE domestic\n troops. The Gothic prince would have subscribed with pleasure THE\n edict which THE fanaticism of Olympius dictated to THE simple and\n devout emperor. Honorius excluded all persons, who were adverse\n to THE Catholic church, from holding any office in THE state;\n obstinately rejected THE service of all those who dissented from\n his religion; and rashly disqualified many of his bravest and\n most skilful officers, who adhered to THE Pagan worship, or who\n had imbibed THE opinions of Arianism. 3 These measures, so\n advantageous to an enemy, Alaric would have approved, and might\n perhaps have suggested; but it may seem doubtful, wheTHEr THE\n Barbarian would have promoted his interest at THE expense of THE\n inhuman and absurd cruelty which was perpetrated by THE\n direction, or at least with THE connivance of THE Imperial\n ministers. The foreign auxiliaries, who had been attached to THE\n person of Stilicho, lamented his death; but THE desire of revenge\n was checked by a natural apprehension for THE safety of THEir\n wives and children; who were detained as hostages in THE strong\n cities of Italy, where THEy had likewise deposited THEir most\n valuable effects. At THE same hour, and as if by a common signal,\n THE cities of Italy were polluted by THE same horrid scenes of\n universal massacre and pillage, which involved, in promiscuous\n destruction, THE families and fortunes of THE Barbarians.\n Exasperated by such an injury, which might have awakened THE\n tamest and most servile spirit, THEy cast a look of indignation\n and hope towards THE camp of Alaric, and unanimously swore to\n pursue, with just and implacable war, THE perfidious nation who\n had so basely violated THE laws of hospitality. By THE imprudent\n conduct of THE ministers of Honorius, THE republic lost THE\n assistance, and deserved THE enmity, of thirty thousand of her\n bravest soldiers; and THE weight of that formidable army, which\n alone might have determined THE event of THE war, was transferred\n from THE scale of THE Romans into that of THE Goths.\n\n 1 (return) [ The series of events, from THE death of Stilicho to\n THE arrival of Alaric before Rome, can only be found in Zosimus,\n l. v. p. 347-350.]\n\n 2 (return) [ The expression of Zosimus is strong and lively,\n sufficient to excite THE contempt of THE enemy.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Eos qui catholicae sectae sunt inimici, intra\n palatium militare pro hibemus. Nullus nobis sit aliqua ratione\n conjunctus, qui a nobis fidest religione discordat. Cod. Theodos.\n l. xvi. tit. v. leg. 42, and Godefroy’s Commentary, tom. vi. p.\n 164. This law was applied in THE utmost latitude, and rigorously\n executed. Zosimus, l. v. p. 364.]\n\n In THE arts of negotiation, as well as in those of war, THE\n Gothic king maintained his superior ascendant over an enemy,\n whose seeming changes proceeded from THE total want of counsel\n and design. From his camp, on THE confines of Italy, Alaric\n attentively observed THE revolutions of THE palace, watched THE\n progress of faction and discontent, disguised THE hostile aspect\n of a Barbarian invader, and assumed THE more popular appearance\n of THE friend and ally of THE great Stilicho: to whose virtues,\n when THEy were no longer formidable, he could pay a just tribute\n of sincere praise and regret. The pressing invitation of THE\n malecontents, who urged THE king of THE Goths to invade Italy,\n was enforced by a lively sense of his personal injuries; and he\n might especially complain, that THE Imperial ministers still\n delayed and eluded THE payment of THE four thousand pounds of\n gold which had been granted by THE Roman senate, eiTHEr to reward\n his services, or to appease his fury. His decent firmness was\n supported by an artful moderation, which contributed to THE\n success of his designs. He required a fair and reasonable\n satisfaction; but he gave THE strongest assurances, that, as soon\n as he had obtained it, he would immediately retire. He refused to\n trust THE faith of THE Romans, unless Ætius and Jason, THE sons\n of two great officers of state, were sent as hostages to his\n camp; but he offered to deliver, in exchange, several of THE\n noblest youths of THE Gothic nation. The modesty of Alaric was\n interpreted, by THE ministers of Ravenna, as a sure evidence of\n his weakness and fear. They disdained eiTHEr to negotiate a\n treaty, or to assemble an army; and with a rash confidence,\n derived only from THEir ignorance of THE extreme danger,\n irretrievably wasted THE decisive moments of peace and war. While\n THEy expected, in sullen silence, that THE Barbarians would\n evacuate THE confines of Italy, Alaric, with bold and rapid\n marches, passed THE Alps and THE Po; hastily pillaged THE cities\n of Aquileia, Altinum, Concordia, and Cremona, which yielded to\n his arms; increased his forces by THE accession of thirty\n thousand auxiliaries; and, without meeting a single enemy in THE\n field, advanced as far as THE edge of THE morass which protected\n THE impregnable residence of THE emperor of THE West. Instead of\n attempting THE hopeless siege of Ravenna, THE prudent leader of\n THE Goths proceeded to Rimini, stretched his ravages along THE\n sea-coast of THE Hadriatic, and meditated THE conquest of THE\n ancient mistress of THE world. An Italian hermit, whose zeal and\n sanctity were respected by THE Barbarians THEmselves, encountered\n THE victorious monarch, and boldly denounced THE indignation of\n Heaven against THE oppressors of THE earth; but THE saint himself\n was confounded by THE solemn asseveration of Alaric, that he felt\n a secret and praeternatural impulse, which directed, and even\n compelled, his march to THE gates of Rome. He felt, that his\n genius and his fortune were equal to THE most arduous\n enterprises; and THE enthusiasm which he communicated to THE\n Goths, insensibly removed THE popular, and almost superstitious,\n reverence of THE nations for THE majesty of THE Roman name. His\n troops, animated by THE hopes of spoil, followed THE course of\n THE Flaminian way, occupied THE unguarded passes of THE Apennine,\n 4 descended into THE rich plains of Umbria; and, as THEy lay\n encamped on THE banks of THE Clitumnus, might wantonly slaughter\n and devour THE milk-white oxen, which had been so long reserved\n for THE use of Roman triumphs. A lofty situation, and a\n seasonable tempest of thunder and lightning, preserved THE little\n city of Narni; but THE king of THE Goths, despising THE ignoble\n prey, still advanced with unabated vigor; and after he had passed\n through THE stately arches, adorned with THE spoils of Barbaric\n victories, he pitched his camp under THE walls of Rome. 6\n\n 4 (return) [ Addison (see his Works, vol. ii. p. 54, edit.\n Baskerville) has given a very picturesque description of THE road\n through THE Apennine. The Goths were not at leisure to observe\n THE beauties of THE prospect; but THEy were pleased to find that\n THE Saxa Intercisa, a narrow passage which Vespasian had cut\n through THE rock, (Cluver. Italia Antiq. tom. i. p. 168,) was\n totally neglected.\n\n Hine albi, Clitumne, greges, et maxima taurus Victima, saepe tuo\n perfusi flumine sacro, Romanos ad templa Deum duxere triumphos.\n —Georg. ii. 147.\n\n Besides Virgil, most of THE Latin poets, Propertius, Lucan,\n Silius Italicus, Claudian, &c., whose passages may be found in\n Cluverius and Addison, have celebrated THE triumphal victims of\n THE Clitumnus.]\n\n 6 (return) [ Some ideas of THE march of Alaric are borrowed from\n THE journey of Honorius over THE same ground. (See Claudian in\n vi. Cons. Hon. 494-522.) The measured distance between Ravenna\n and Rome was 254 Roman miles. Itinerar. Wesseling, p. 126.]\n\n During a period of six hundred and nineteen years, THE seat of\n empire had never been violated by THE presence of a foreign\n enemy. The unsuccessful expedition of Hannibal 7 served only to\n display THE character of THE senate and people; of a senate\n degraded, raTHEr than ennobled, by THE comparison of an assembly\n of kings; and of a people, to whom THE ambassador of Pyrrhus\n ascribed THE inexhaustible resources of THE Hydra. 8 Each of THE\n senators, in THE time of THE Punic war, had accomplished his term\n of THE military service, eiTHEr in a subordinate or a superior\n station; and THE decree, which invested with temporary command\n all those who had been consuls, or censors, or dictators, gave\n THE republic THE immediate assistance of many brave and\n experienced generals. In THE beginning of THE war, THE Roman\n people consisted of two hundred and fifty thousand citizens of an\n age to bear arms. 9 Fifty thousand had already died in THE\n defence of THEir country; and THE twenty-three legions which were\n employed in THE different camps of Italy, Greece, Sardinia,\n Sicily, and Spain, required about one hundred thousand men. But\n THEre still remained an equal number in Rome, and THE adjacent\n territory, who were animated by THE same intrepid courage; and\n every citizen was trained, from his earliest youth, in THE\n discipline and exercises of a soldier. Hannibal was astonished by\n THE constancy of THE senate, who, without raising THE siege of\n Capua, or recalling THEir scattered forces, expected his\n approach. He encamped on THE banks of THE Anio, at THE distance\n of three miles from THE city; and he was soon informed, that THE\n ground on which he had pitched his tent, was sold for an adequate\n price at a public auction; 911 and that a body of troops was\n dismissed by an opposite road, to reenforce THE legions of Spain.\n 10 He led his Africans to THE gates of Rome, where he found three\n armies in order of battle, prepared to receive him; but Hannibal\n dreaded THE event of a combat, from which he could not hope to\n escape, unless he destroyed THE last of his enemies; and his\n speedy retreat confessed THE invincible courage of THE Romans.\n\n 7 (return) [ The march and retreat of Hannibal are described by\n Livy, l. xxvi. c. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11; and THE reader is made a\n spectator of THE interesting scene.]\n\n 8 (return) [ These comparisons were used by Cyneas, THE\n counsellor of Pyrrhus, after his return from his embassy, in\n which he had diligently studied THE discipline and manners of\n Rome. See Plutarch in Pyrrho. tom. ii. p. 459.]\n\n 9 (return) [ In THE three census which were made of THE Roman\n people, about THE time of THE second Punic war, THE numbers stand\n as follows, (see Livy, Epitom. l. xx. Hist. l. xxvii. 36. xxix.\n 37:) 270,213, 137,108 214,000. The fall of THE second, and THE\n rise of THE third, appears so enormous, that several critics,\n notwithstanding THE unanimity of THE Mss., have suspected some\n corruption of THE text of Livy. (See Drakenborch ad xxvii. 36,\n and Beaufort, Republique Romaine, tom. i. p. 325.) They did not\n consider that THE second census was taken only at Rome, and that\n THE numbers were diminished, not only by THE death, but likewise\n by THE absence, of many soldiers. In THE third census, Livy\n expressly affirms, that THE legions were mustered by THE care of\n particular commissaries. From THE numbers on THE list we must\n always deduct one twelfth above threescore, and incapable of\n bearing arms. See Population de la France, p. 72.]\n\n 911 (return) [ Compare THE remarkable transaction in Jeremiah\n xxxii. 6, to 44, where THE prophet purchases his uncle’s estate\n at THE approach of THE Babylonian captivity, in his undoubting\n confidence in THE future restoration of THE people. In THE one\n case it is THE triumph of religious faith, in THE oTHEr of\n national pride.—M.]\n\n 10 (return) [ Livy considers THEse two incidents as THE effects\n only of chance and courage. I suspect that THEy were both managed\n by THE admirable policy of THE senate.]\n\n From THE time of THE Punic war, THE uninterrupted succession of\n senators had preserved THE name and image of THE republic; and\n THE degenerate subjects of Honorius ambitiously derived THEir\n descent from THE heroes who had repulsed THE arms of Hannibal,\n and subdued THE nations of THE earth. The temporal honors which\n THE devout Paula 11 inherited and despised, are carefully\n recapitulated by Jerom, THE guide of her conscience, and THE\n historian of her life. The genealogy of her faTHEr, Rogatus,\n which ascended as high as Agamemnon, might seem to betray a\n Grecian origin; but her moTHEr, Blaesilla, numbered THE Scipios,\n Aemilius Paulus, and THE Gracchi, in THE list of her ancestors;\n and Toxotius, THE husband of Paula, deduced his royal lineage\n from Aeneas, THE faTHEr of THE Julian line. The vanity of THE\n rich, who desired to be noble, was gratified by THEse lofty\n pretensions. Encouraged by THE applause of THEir parasites, THEy\n easily imposed on THE credulity of THE vulgar; and were\n countenanced, in some measure, by THE custom of adopting THE name\n of THEir patron, which had always prevailed among THE freedmen\n and clients of illustrious families. Most of those families,\n however, attacked by so many causes of external violence or\n internal decay, were gradually extirpated; and it would be more\n reasonable to seek for a lineal descent of twenty generations,\n among THE mountains of THE Alps, or in THE peaceful solitude of\n Apulia, than on THE THEatre of Rome, THE seat of fortune, of\n danger, and of perpetual revolutions. Under each successive\n reign, and from every province of THE empire, a crowd of hardy\n adventurers, rising to eminence by THEir talents or THEir vices,\n usurped THE wealth, THE honors, and THE palaces of Rome; and\n oppressed, or protected, THE poor and humble remains of consular\n families; who were ignorant, perhaps, of THE glory of THEir\n ancestors. 12\n\n 11 (return) [ See Jerom, tom. i. p. 169, 170, ad Eustochium; he\n bestows on Paula THE splendid titles of Gracchorum stirps,\n soboles Scipionum, Pauli haeres, cujus vocabulum trahit, Martiae\n Papyriae Matris Africani vera et germana propago. This particular\n description supposes a more solid title than THE surname of\n Julius, which Toxotius shared with a thousand families of THE\n western provinces. See THE Index of Tacitus, of Gruter’s\n Inscriptions, &c.]\n\n 12 (return) [ Tacitus (Annal. iii. 55) affirms, that between THE\n battle of Actium and THE reign of Vespasian, THE senate was\n gradually filled with new families from THE Municipia and\n colonies of Italy.]\n\n In THE time of Jerom and Claudian, THE senators unanimously\n yielded THE preeminence to THE Anician line; and a slight view of\n THEir history will serve to appreciate THE rank and antiquity of\n THE noble families, which contended only for THE second place. 13\n During THE five first ages of THE city, THE name of THE Anicians\n was unknown; THEy appear to have derived THEir origin from\n Praeneste; and THE ambition of those new citizens was long\n satisfied with THE Plebeian honors of tribunes of THE people. 14\n One hundred and sixty-eight years before THE Christian era, THE\n family was ennobled by THE Prætorship of Anicius, who gloriously\n terminated THE Illyrian war, by THE conquest of THE nation, and\n THE captivity of THEir king. 15 From THE triumph of that general,\n three consulships, in distant periods, mark THE succession of THE\n Anician name. 16 From THE reign of Diocletian to THE final\n extinction of THE Western empire, that name shone with a lustre\n which was not eclipsed, in THE public estimation, by THE majesty\n of THE Imperial purple. 17 The several branches, to whom it was\n communicated, united, by marriage or inheritance, THE wealth and\n titles of THE Annian, THE Petronian, and THE Olybrian houses; and\n in each generation THE number of consulships was multiplied by an\n hereditary claim. 18 The Anician family excelled in faith and in\n riches: THEy were THE first of THE Roman senate who embraced\n Christianity; and it is probable that Anicius Julian, who was\n afterwards consul and præfect of THE city, atoned for his\n attachment to THE party of Maxentius, by THE readiness with which\n he accepted THE religion of Constantine. 19 Their ample patrimony\n was increased by THE industry of Probus, THE chief of THE Anician\n family; who shared with Gratian THE honors of THE consulship, and\n exercised, four times, THE high office of Prætorian præfect. 20\n His immense estates were scattered over THE wide extent of THE\n Roman world; and though THE public might suspect or disapprove\n THE methods by which THEy had been acquired, THE generosity and\n magnificence of that fortunate statesman deserved THE gratitude\n of his clients, and THE admiration of strangers. 21 Such was THE\n respect entertained for his memory, that THE two sons of Probus,\n in THEir earliest youth, and at THE request of THE senate, were\n associated in THE consular dignity; a memorable distinction,\n without example, in THE annals of Rome. 22\n\n 13 (return) [\n\n Nec quisquam Procerum tentet (licet aere vetusto Floreat, et claro\n cingatur Roma senatu) Se jactare parem; sed prima sede relicta\n Aucheniis, de jure licet certare secundo. —-Claud. in Prob. et\n Olybrii Coss. 18.\n\n Such a compliment paid to THE obscure name of THE Auchenii has\n amazed THE critics; but THEy all agree, that whatever may be THE\n true reading, THE sense of Claudian can be applied only to THE\n Anician family.]\n\n 14 (return) [ The earliest date in THE annals of Pighius, is that\n of M. Anicius Gallus. Trib. Pl. A. U. C. 506. AnoTHEr tribune, Q.\n Anicius, A. U. C. 508, is distinguished by THE epiTHEt of\n Praenestinus. Livy (xlv. 43) places THE Anicii below THE great\n families of Rome.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Livy, xliv. 30, 31, xlv. 3, 26, 43. He fairly\n appreciates THE merit of Anicius, and justly observes, that his\n fame was clouded by THE superior lustre of THE Macedonian, which\n preceded THE Illyrian triumph.]\n\n 16 (return) [ The dates of THE three consulships are, A. U. C.\n 593, 818, 967 THE two last under THE reigns of Nero and\n Caracalla. The second of THEse consuls distinguished himself only\n by his infamous flattery, (Tacit. Annal. xv. 74;) but even THE\n evidence of crimes, if THEy bear THE stamp of greatness and\n antiquity, is admitted, without reluctance, to prove THE\n genealogy of a noble house.]\n\n 17 (return) [ In THE sixth century, THE nobility of THE Anician\n name is mentioned (Cassiodor. Variar. l. x. Ep. 10, 12) with\n singular respect by THE minister of a Gothic king of Italy.]\n\n 18 (return) [\n\n Fixus in omnes Cognatos procedit honos; quemcumque requiras Hac de\n stirpe virum, certum est de Consule nasci. Per fasces numerantur\n Avi, semperque renata Nobilitate virent, et prolem fata sequuntur.\n\n (Claudian in Prob. et Olyb. Consulat. 12, &c.) The Annii, whose\n name seems to have merged in THE Anician, mark THE Fasti with\n many consulships, from THE time of Vespasian to THE fourth\n century.]\n\n 19 (return) [ The title of first Christian senator may be\n justified by THE authority of Prudentius (in Symmach. i. 553) and\n THE dislike of THE Pagans to THE Anician family. See Tillemont,\n Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 183, v. p. 44. Baron. Annal.\n A.D. 312, No. 78, A.D. 322, No. 2.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Probus... claritudine generis et potentia et opum\n magnitudine, cognitus Orbi Romano, per quem universum poene\n patrimonia sparsa possedit, juste an secus non judicioli est\n nostri. Ammian Marcellin. xxvii. 11. His children and widow\n erected for him a magnificent tomb in THE Vatican, which was\n demolished in THE time of Pope Nicholas V. to make room for THE\n new church of St. Peter Baronius, who laments THE ruin of this\n Christian monument, has diligently preserved THE inscriptions and\n basso-relievos. See Annal. Eccles. A.D. 395, No. 5-17.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Two Persian satraps travelled to Milan and Rome, to\n hear St. Ambrose, and to see Probus, (Paulin. in Vit. Ambros.)\n Claudian (in Cons. Probin. et Olybr. 30-60) seems at a loss how\n to express THE glory of Probus.]\n\n 22 (return) [ See THE poem which Claudian addressed to THE two\n noble youths.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By\n Barbarians.—Part II.\n\n “The marbles of THE Anician palace,” were used as a proverbial\n expression of opulence and splendor; 23 but THE nobles and\n senators of Rome aspired, in due gradation, to imitate that\n illustrious family. The accurate description of THE city, which\n was composed in THE Theodosian age, enumerates one thousand seven\n hundred and eighty houses, THE residence of wealthy and honorable\n citizens. 24 Many of THEse stately mansions might almost excuse\n THE exaggeration of THE poet; that Rome contained a multitude of\n palaces, and that each palace was equal to a city: since it\n included within its own precincts every thing which could be\n subservient eiTHEr to use or luxury; markets, hippodromes,\n temples, fountains, baths, porticos, shady groves, and artificial\n aviaries. 25 The historian Olympiodorus, who represents THE state\n of Rome when it was besieged by THE Goths, 26 continues to\n observe, that several of THE richest senators received from THEir\n estates an annual income of four thousand pounds of gold, above\n one hundred and sixty thousand pounds sterling; without computing\n THE stated provision of corn and wine, which, had THEy been sold,\n might have equalled in value one third of THE money. Compared to\n this immoderate wealth, an ordinary revenue of a thousand or\n fifteen hundred pounds of gold might be considered as no more\n than adequate to THE dignity of THE senatorian rank, which\n required many expenses of a public and ostentatious kind. Several\n examples are recorded, in THE age of Honorius, of vain and\n popular nobles, who celebrated THE year of THEir praetorship by a\n festival, which lasted seven days, and cost above one hundred\n thousand pounds sterling. 27 The estates of THE Roman senators,\n which so far exceeded THE proportion of modern wealth, were not\n confined to THE limits of Italy. Their possessions extended far\n beyond THE Ionian and Aegean Seas, to THE most distant provinces:\n THE city of Nicopolis, which Augustus had founded as an eternal\n monument of THE Actian victory, was THE property of THE devout\n Paula; 28 and it is observed by Seneca, that THE rivers, which\n had divided hostile nations, now flowed through THE lands of\n private citizens. 29 According to THEir temper and circumstances,\n THE estates of THE Romans were eiTHEr cultivated by THE labor of\n THEir slaves, or granted, for a certain and stipulated rent, to\n THE industrious farmer. The economical writers of antiquity\n strenuously recommend THE former method, wherever it may be\n practicable; but if THE object should be removed, by its distance\n or magnitude, from THE immediate eye of THE master, THEy prefer\n THE active care of an old hereditary tenant, attached to THE\n soil, and interested in THE produce, to THE mercenary\n administration of a negligent, perhaps an unfaithful, steward. 30\n\n 23 (return) [ Secundinus, THE Manichaean, ap. Baron. Annal.\n Eccles. A.D. 390, No. 34.]\n\n 24 (return) [ See Nardini, Roma Antica, p. 89, 498, 500.]\n\n 25 (return) [\n\n Quid loquar inclusas inter laquearia sylvas; Vernula queis vario\n carmine ludit avis.\n\n Claud. Rutil. Numatian. Itinerar. ver. 111. The poet lived at THE\n time of THE Gothic invasion. A moderate palace would have covered\n Cincinnatus’s farm of four acres (Val. Max. iv. 4.) In laxitatem\n ruris excurrunt, says Seneca, Epist. 114. See a judicious note of\n Mr. Hume, Essays, vol. i. p. 562, last 8vo edition.]\n\n 26 (return) [ This curious account of Rome, in THE reign of\n Honorius, is found in a fragment of THE historian Olympiodorus,\n ap. Photium, p. 197.]\n\n 27 (return) [ The sons of Alypius, of Symmachus, and of Maximus,\n spent, during THEir respective praetorships, twelve, or twenty,\n or forty, centenaries, (or hundred weight of gold.) See\n Olympiodor. ap. Phot. p. 197. This popular estimation allows some\n latitude; but it is difficult to explain a law in THE Theodosian\n Code, (l. vi. leg. 5,) which fixes THE expense of THE first\n praetor at 25,000, of THE second at 20,000, and of THE third at\n 15,000 folles. The name of follis (see Mem. de l’Academie des\n Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p. 727) was equally applied to a purse\n of 125 pieces of silver, and to a small copper coin of THE value\n of 1/2625 part of that purse. In THE former sense, THE 25,000\n folles would be equal to 150,000 L.; in THE latter, to five or\n six ponuds sterling The one appears extravagant, THE oTHEr is\n ridiculous. There must have existed some third and middle value,\n which is here understood; but ambiguity is an excusable fault in\n THE language of laws.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Nicopolis...... in Actiaco littore sita\n possessioris vestra nunc pars vel maxima est. Jerom. in Praefat.\n Comment. ad Epistol. ad Titum, tom. ix. p. 243. M. D. Tillemont\n supposes, strangely enough, that it was part of Agamemnon’s\n inheritance. Mem. Eccles. tom. xii. p. 85.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Seneca, Epist. lxxxix. His language is of THE\n declamatory kind: but declamation could scarcely exaggerate THE\n avarice and luxury of THE Romans. The philosopher himself\n deserved some share of THE reproach, if it be true that his\n rigorous exaction of Quadringenties, above three hundred thousand\n pounds which he had lent at high interest, provoked a rebellion\n in Britain, (Dion Cassius, l. lxii. p. 1003.) According to THE\n conjecture of Gale (Antoninus’s Itinerary in Britain, p. 92,) THE\n same Faustinus possessed an estate near Bury, in Suffolk and\n anoTHEr in THE kingdom of Naples.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Volusius, a wealthy senator, (Tacit. Annal. iii.\n 30,) always preferred tenants born on THE estate. Columella, who\n received this maxim from him, argues very judiciously on THE\n subject. De Re Rustica, l. i. c. 7, p. 408, edit. Gesner.\n Leipsig, 1735.]\n\n The opulent nobles of an immense capital, who were never excited\n by THE pursuit of military glory, and seldom engaged in THE\n occupations of civil government, naturally resigned THEir leisure\n to THE business and amusements of private life. At Rome, commerce\n was always held in contempt: but THE senators, from THE first age\n of THE republic, increased THEir patrimony, and multiplied THEir\n clients, by THE lucrative practice of usury; and THE obselete\n laws were eluded, or violated, by THE mutual inclinations and\n interest of both parties. 31 A considerable mass of treasure must\n always have existed at Rome, eiTHEr in THE current coin of THE\n empire, or in THE form of gold and silver plate; and THEre were\n many sideboards in THE time of Pliny which contained more solid\n silver, than had been transported by Scipio from vanquished\n Carthage. 32 The greater part of THE nobles, who dissipated THEir\n fortunes in profuse luxury, found THEmselves poor in THE midst of\n wealth, and idle in a constant round of dissipation. Their\n desires were continually gratified by THE labor of a thousand\n hands; of THE numerous train of THEir domestic slaves, who were\n actuated by THE fear of punishment; and of THE various\n professions of artificers and merchants, who were more powerfully\n impelled by THE hopes of gain. The ancients were destitute of\n many of THE conveniences of life, which have been invented or\n improved by THE progress of industry; and THE plenty of glass and\n linen has diffused more real comforts among THE modern nations of\n Europe, than THE senators of Rome could derive from all THE\n refinements of pompous or sensual luxury. 33 Their luxury, and\n THEir manners, have been THE subject of minute and laborious\n disposition: but as such inquiries would divert me too long from\n THE design of THE present work, I shall produce an auTHEntic\n state of Rome and its inhabitants, which is more peculiarly\n applicable to THE period of THE Gothic invasion. Ammianus\n Marcellinus, who prudently chose THE capital of THE empire as THE\n residence THE best adapted to THE historian of his own times, has\n mixed with THE narrative of public events a lively representation\n of THE scenes with which he was familiarly conversant. The\n judicious reader will not always approve of THE asperity of\n censure, THE choice of circumstances, or THE style of expression;\n he will perhaps detect THE latent prejudices, and personal\n resentments, which soured THE temper of Ammianus himself; but he\n will surely observe, with philosophic curiosity, THE interesting\n and original picture of THE manners of Rome. 34\n\n 31 (return) [ Valesius (ad Ammian. xiv. 6) has proved, from\n Chrysostom and Augustin, that THE senators were not allowed to\n lend money at usury. Yet it appears from THE Theodosian Code,\n (see Godefroy ad l. ii. tit. xxxiii. tom. i. p. 230-289,) that\n THEy were permitted to take six percent., or one half of THE\n legal interest; and, what is more singular, this permission was\n granted to THE young senators.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 50. He states THE silver\n at only 4380 pounds, which is increased by Livy (xxx. 45) to\n 100,023: THE former seems too little for an opulent city, THE\n latter too much for any private sideboard.]\n\n 33 (return) [ The learned Arbuthnot (Tables of Ancient Coins, &c.\n p. 153) has observed with humor, and I believe with truth, that\n Augustus had neiTHEr glass to his windows, nor a shirt to his\n back. Under THE lower empire, THE use of linen and glass became\n somewhat more common. * Note: The discovery of glass in such\n common use at Pompeii, spoils THE argument of Arbuthnot. See Sir\n W. Gell. Pompeiana, 2d ser. p. 98.—M.]\n\n 34 (return) [ It is incumbent on me to explain THE liberties\n which I have taken with THE text of Ammianus. 1. I have melted\n down into one piece THE sixth chapter of THE fourteenth and THE\n fourth of THE twenty-eighth book. 2. I have given order and\n connection to THE confused mass of materials. 3. I have softened\n some extravagant hyperbeles, and pared away some superfluities of\n THE original. 4. I have developed some observations which were\n insinuated raTHEr than expressed. With THEse allowances, my\n version will be found, not literal indeed, but faithful and\n exact.]\n\n “The greatness of Rome”—such is THE language of THE\n historian—“was founded on THE rare, and almost incredible,\n alliance of virtue and of fortune. The long period of her infancy\n was employed in a laborious struggle against THE tribes of Italy,\n THE neighbors and enemies of THE rising city. In THE strength and\n ardor of youth, she sustained THE storms of war; carried her\n victorious arms beyond THE seas and THE mountains; and brought\n home triumphal laurels from every country of THE globe. At\n length, verging towards old age, and sometimes conquering by THE\n terror only of her name, she sought THE blessings of ease and\n tranquillity. The venerable city, which had trampled on THE necks\n of THE fiercest nations, and established a system of laws, THE\n perpetual guardians of justice and freedom, was content, like a\n wise and wealthy parent, to devolve on THE Caesars, her favorite\n sons, THE care of governing her ample patrimony. 35 A secure and\n profound peace, such as had been once enjoyed in THE reign of\n Numa, succeeded to THE tumults of a republic; while Rome was\n still adored as THE queen of THE earth; and THE subject nations\n still reverenced THE name of THE people, and THE majesty of THE\n senate. But this native splendor,” continues Ammianus, “is\n degraded, and sullied, by THE conduct of some nobles, who,\n unmindful of THEir own dignity, and of that of THEir country,\n assume an unbounded license of vice and folly. They contend with\n each oTHEr in THE empty vanity of titles and surnames; and\n curiously select, or invent, THE most lofty and sonorous\n appellations, Reburrus, or Fabunius, Pagonius, or Tarasius, 36\n which may impress THE ears of THE vulgar with astonishment and\n respect. From a vain ambition of perpetuating THEir memory, THEy\n affect to multiply THEir likeness, in statues of bronze and\n marble; nor are THEy satisfied, unless those statues are covered\n with plates of gold; an honorable distinction, first granted to\n Acilius THE consul, after he had subdued, by his arms and\n counsels, THE power of King Antiochus. The ostentation of\n displaying, of magnifying, perhaps, THE rent-roll of THE estates\n which THEy possess in all THE provinces, from THE rising to THE\n setting sun, provokes THE just resentment of every man, who\n recollects, that THEir poor and invincible ancestors were not\n distinguished from THE meanest of THE soldiers, by THE delicacy\n of THEir food, or THE splendor of THEir apparel. But THE modern\n nobles measure THEir rank and consequence according to THE\n loftiness of THEir chariots, 37 and THE weighty magnificence of\n THEir dress. Their long robes of silk and purple float in THE\n wind; and as THEy are agitated, by art or accident, THEy\n occasionally discover THE under garments, THE rich tunics,\n embroidered with THE figures of various animals. 38 Followed by a\n train of fifty servants, and tearing up THE pavement, THEy move\n along THE streets with THE same impetuous speed as if THEy\n travelled with post-horses; and THE example of THE senators is\n boldly imitated by THE matrons and ladies, whose covered\n carriages are continually driving round THE immense space of THE\n city and suburbs. Whenever THEse persons of high distinction\n condescend to visit THE public baths, THEy assume, on THEir\n entrance, a tone of loud and insolent command, and appropriate to\n THEir own use THE conveniences which were designed for THE Roman\n people. If, in THEse places of mixed and general resort, THEy\n meet any of THE infamous ministers of THEir pleasures, THEy\n express THEir affection by a tender embrace; while THEy proudly\n decline THE salutations of THEir fellow-citizens, who are not\n permitted to aspire above THE honor of kissing THEir hands, or\n THEir knees. As soon as THEy have indulged THEmselves in THE\n refreshment of THE bath, THEy resume THEir rings, and THE oTHEr\n ensigns of THEir dignity, select from THEir private wardrobe of\n THE finest linen, such as might suffice for a dozen persons, THE\n garments THE most agreeable to THEir fancy, and maintain till\n THEir departure THE same haughty demeanor; which perhaps might\n have been excused in THE great Marcellus, after THE conquest of\n Syracuse. Sometimes, indeed, THEse heroes undertake more arduous\n achievements; THEy visit THEir estates in Italy, and procure\n THEmselves, by THE toil of servile hands, THE amusements of THE\n chase. 39 If at any time, but more especially on a hot day, THEy\n have courage to sail, in THEir painted galleys, from THE Lucrine\n Lake 40 to THEir elegant villas on THE seacoast of Puteoli and\n Cayeta, 41 THEy compare THEir own expeditions to THE marches of\n Caesar and Alexander. Yet should a fly presume to settle on THE\n silken folds of THEir gilded umbrellas; should a sunbeam\n penetrate through some unguarded and imperceptible chink, THEy\n deplore THEir intolerable hardships, and lament, in affected\n language, that THEy were not born in THE land of THE Cimmerians,\n 42 THE regions of eternal darkness. In THEse journeys into THE\n country, 43 THE whole body of THE household marches with THEir\n master. In THE same manner as THE cavalry and infantry, THE heavy\n and THE light armed troops, THE advanced guard and THE rear, are\n marshalled by THE skill of THEir military leaders; so THE\n domestic officers, who bear a rod, as an ensign of authority,\n distribute and arrange THE numerous train of slaves and\n attendants. The baggage and wardrobe move in THE front; and are\n immediately followed by a multitude of cooks, and inferior\n ministers, employed in THE service of THE kitchens, and of THE\n table. The main body is composed of a promiscuous crowd of\n slaves, increased by THE accidental concourse of idle or\n dependent plebeians. The rear is closed by THE favorite band of\n eunuchs, distributed from age to youth, according to THE order of\n seniority. Their numbers and THEir deformity excite THE horror of\n THE indignant spectators, who are ready to execrate THE memory of\n Semiramis, for THE cruel art which she invented, of frustrating\n THE purposes of nature, and of blasting in THE bud THE hopes of\n future generations. In THE exercise of domestic jurisdiction, THE\n nobles of Rome express an exquisite sensibility for any personal\n injury, and a contemptuous indifference for THE rest of THE human\n species. When THEy have called for warm water, if a slave has\n been tardy in his obedience, he is instantly chastised with three\n hundred lashes: but should THE same slave commit a wilful murder,\n THE master will mildly observe, that he is a worthless fellow;\n but that, if he repeats THE offence, he shall not escape\n punishment. Hospitality was formerly THE virtue of THE Romans;\n and every stranger, who could plead eiTHEr merit or misfortune,\n was relieved, or rewarded by THEir generosity. At present, if a\n foreigner, perhaps of no contemptible rank, is introduced to one\n of THE proud and wealthy senators, he is welcomed indeed in THE\n first audience, with such warm professions, and such kind\n inquiries, that he retires, enchanted with THE affability of his\n illustrious friend, and full of regret that he had so long\n delayed his journey to Rome, THE active seat of manners, as well\n as of empire. Secure of a favorable reception, he repeats his\n visit THE ensuing day, and is mortified by THE discovery, that\n his person, his name, and his country, are already forgotten. If\n he still has resolution to persevere, he is gradually numbered in\n THE train of dependants, and obtains THE permission to pay his\n assiduous and unprofitable court to a haughty patron, incapable\n of gratitude or friendship; who scarcely deigns to remark his\n presence, his departure, or his return. Whenever THE rich prepare\n a solemn and popular entertainment; 44 whenever THEy celebrate,\n with profuse and pernicious luxury, THEir private banquets; THE\n choice of THE guests is THE subject of anxious deliberation. The\n modest, THE sober, and THE learned, are seldom preferred; and THE\n nomenclators, who are commonly swayed by interested motives, have\n THE address to insert, in THE list of invitations, THE obscure\n names of THE most worthless of mankind. But THE frequent and\n familiar companions of THE great, are those parasites, who\n practise THE most useful of all arts, THE art of flattery; who\n eagerly applaud each word, and every action, of THEir immortal\n patron; gaze with rapture on his marble columns and variegated\n pavements; and strenuously praise THE pomp and elegance which he\n is taught to consider as a part of his personal merit. At THE\n Roman tables, THE birds, THE squirrels, 45 or THE fish, which\n appear of an uncommon size, are contemplated with curious\n attention; a pair of scales is accurately applied, to ascertain\n THEir real weight; and, while THE more rational guests are\n disgusted by THE vain and tedious repetition, notaries are\n summoned to attest, by an auTHEntic record, THE truth of such a\n marvelous event. AnoTHEr method of introduction into THE houses\n and society of THE great, is derived from THE profession of\n gaming, or, as it is more politely styled, of play. The\n confederates are united by a strict and indissoluble bond of\n friendship, or raTHEr of conspiracy; a superior degree of skill\n in THE Tesserarian art (which may be interpreted THE game of dice\n and tables) 46 is a sure road to wealth and reputation. A master\n of that sublime science, who in a supper, or assembly, is placed\n below a magistrate, displays in his countenance THE surprise and\n indignation which Cato might be supposed to feel, when he was\n refused THE praetorship by THE votes of a capricious people. The\n acquisition of knowledge seldom engages THE curiosity of nobles,\n who abhor THE fatigue, and disdain THE advantages, of study; and\n THE only books which THEy peruse are THE Satires of Juvenal, and\n THE verbose and fabulous histories of Marius Maximus. 47 The\n libraries, which THEy have inherited from THEir faTHErs, are\n secluded, like dreary sepulchres, from THE light of day. 48 But\n THE costly instruments of THE THEatre, flutes, and enormous\n lyres, and hydraulic organs, are constructed for THEir use; and\n THE harmony of vocal and instrumental music is incessantly\n repeated in THE palaces of Rome. In those palaces, sound is\n preferred to sense, and THE care of THE body to that of THE\n mind.”\n\n It is allowed as a salutary maxim, that THE light and frivolous\n suspicion of a contagious malady, is of sufficient weight to\n excuse THE visits of THE most intimate friends; and even THE\n servants, who are despatched to make THE decent inquiries, are\n not suffered to return home, till THEy have undergone THE\n ceremony of a previous ablution. Yet this selfish and unmanly\n delicacy occasionally yields to THE more imperious passion of\n avarice. The prospect of gain will urge a rich and gouty senator\n as far as Spoleto; every sentiment of arrogance and dignity is\n subdued by THE hopes of an inheritance, or even of a legacy; and\n a wealthy childless citizen is THE most powerful of THE Romans.\n The art of obtaining THE signature of a favorable testament, and\n sometimes of hastening THE moment of its execution, is perfectly\n understood; and it has happened, that in THE same house, though\n in different apartments, a husband and a wife, with THE laudable\n design of overreaching each oTHEr, have summoned THEir respective\n lawyers, to declare, at THE same time, THEir mutual, but\n contradictory, intentions. The distress which follows and\n chastises extravagant luxury, often reduces THE great to THE use\n of THE most humiliating expedients. When THEy desire to borrow,\n THEy employ THE base and supplicating style of THE slave in THE\n comedy; but when THEy are called upon to pay, THEy assume THE\n royal and tragic declamation of THE grandsons of Hercules. If THE\n demand is repeated, THEy readily procure some trusty sycophant,\n instructed to maintain a charge of poison, or magic, against THE\n insolent creditor; who is seldom released from prison, till he\n has signed a discharge of THE whole debt. These vices, which\n degrade THE moral character of THE Romans, are mixed with a\n puerile superstition, that disgraces THEir understanding. They\n listen with confidence to THE predictions of haruspices, who\n pretend to read, in THE entrails of victims, THE signs of future\n greatness and prosperity; and THEre are many who do not presume\n eiTHEr to baTHE, or to dine, or to appear in public, till THEy\n have diligently consulted, according to THE rules of astrology,\n THE situation of Mercury, and THE aspect of THE moon. 49 It is\n singular enough, that this vain credulity may often be discovered\n among THE profane sceptics, who impiously doubt, or deny, THE\n existence of a celestial power.”\n\n 35 (return) [ Claudian, who seems to have read THE history of\n Ammianus, speaks of this great revolution in a much less courtly\n style:—\n\n Postquam jura ferox in se communia Caesar Transtulit; et lapsi\n mores; desuetaque priscis Artibus, in gremium pacis servile\n recessi. —De Be. Gildonico, p. 49.]\n\n 36 (return) [ The minute diligence of antiquarians has not been\n able to verify THEse extraordinary names. I am of opinion that\n THEy were invented by THE historian himself, who was afraid of\n any personal satire or application. It is certain, however, that\n THE simple denominations of THE Romans were gradually lengTHEned\n to THE number of four, five, or even seven, pompous surnames; as,\n for instance, Marcus Maecius Maemmius Furius Balburius\n Caecilianus Placidus. See Noris Cenotaph Piran Dissert. iv. p.\n 438.]\n\n 37 (return) [ The or coaches of THE romans, were often of solid\n silver, curiously carved and engraved; and THE trappings of THE\n mules, or horses, were embossed with gold. This magnificence\n continued from THE reign of Nero to that of Honorius; and THE\n Appian way was covered with THE splendid equipages of THE nobles,\n who came out to meet St. Melania, when she returned to Rome, six\n years before THE Gothic siege, (Seneca, epist. lxxxvii. Plin.\n Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 49. Paulin. Nolan. apud Baron. Annal.\n Eccles. A.D. 397, No. 5.) Yet pomp is well exchange for\n convenience; and a plain modern coach, that is hung upon springs,\n is much preferable to THE silver or gold carts of antiquity,\n which rolled on THE axle-tree, and were exposed, for THE most\n part, to THE inclemency of THE weaTHEr.]\n\n 38 (return) [ In a homily of Asterius, bishop of Amasia, M. de\n Valois has discovered (ad Ammian. xiv. 6) that this was a new\n fashion; that bears, wolves lions, and tigers, woods,\n hunting-matches, &c., were represented in embroidery: and that\n THE more pious coxcombs substituted THE figure or legend of some\n favorite saint.]\n\n 39 (return) [ See Pliny’s Epistles, i. 6. Three large wild boars\n were allured and taken in THE toils without interrupting THE\n studies of THE philosophic sportsman.]\n\n 40 (return) [ The change from THE inauspicious word Avernus,\n which stands in THE text, is immaterial. The two lakes, Avernus\n and Lucrinus, communicated with each oTHEr, and were fashioned by\n THE stupendous moles of Agrippa into THE Julian port, which\n opened, through a narrow entrance, into THE Gulf of Puteoli.\n Virgil, who resided on THE spot, has described (Georgic ii. 161)\n this work at THE moment of its execution: and his commentators,\n especially Catrou, have derived much light from Strabo,\n Suetonius, and Dion. Earthquakes and volcanoes have changed THE\n face of THE country, and turned THE Lucrine Lake, since THE year\n 1538, into THE Monte Nuovo. See Camillo Pellegrino Discorsi della\n Campania Felice, p. 239, 244, &c. Antonii Sanfelicii Campania, p.\n 13, 88—Note: Compare Lyell’s Geology, ii. 72.—M.]\n\n 41 (return) [ The regna Cumana et Puteolana; loca caetiroqui\n valde expe tenda, interpellantium autem multitudine paene\n fugienda. Cicero ad Attic. xvi. 17.]\n\n 42 (return) [ The proverbial expression of Cimmerian darkness was\n originally borrowed from THE description of Homer, (in THE\n eleventh book of THE Odyssey,) which he applies to a remote and\n fabulous country on THE shores of THE ocean. See Erasmi Adagia,\n in his works, tom. ii. p. 593, THE Leyden edition.]\n\n 43 (return) [ We may learn from Seneca (epist. cxxiii.) three\n curious circumstances relative to THE journeys of THE Romans. 1.\n They were preceded by a troop of Numidian light horse, who\n announced, by a cloud of dust, THE approach of a great man. 2.\n Their baggage mules transported not only THE precious vases, but\n even THE fragile vessels of crystal and murra, which last is\n almost proved, by THE learned French translator of Seneca, (tom.\n iii. p. 402-422,) to mean THE porcelain of China and Japan. 3.\n The beautiful faces of THE young slaves were covered with a\n medicated crust, or ointment, which secured THEm against THE\n effects of THE sun and frost.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Distributio solemnium sportularum. The sportuloe,\n or sportelloe, were small baskets, supposed to contain a quantity\n of hot provisions of THE value of 100 quadrantes, or twelvepence\n halfpenny, which were ranged in order in THE hall, and\n ostentatiously distributed to THE hungry or servile crowd who\n waited at THE door. This indelicate custom is very frequently\n mentioned in THE epigrams of Martial, and THE satires of Juvenal.\n See likewise Suetonius, in Claud. c. 21, in Neron. c. 16, in\n Domitian, c. 4, 7. These baskets of provisions were afterwards\n converted into large pieces of gold and silver coin, or plate,\n which were mutually given and accepted even by persons of THE\n highest rank, (see Symmach. epist. iv. 55, ix. 124, and Miscell.\n p. 256,) on solemn occasions, of consulships, marriages, &c.]\n\n 45 (return) [ The want of an English name obliges me to refer to\n THE common genus of squirrels, THE Latin glis, THE French loir; a\n little animal, who inhabits THE woods, and remains torpid in cold\n weaTHEr, (see Plin. Hist. Natur. viii. 82. Buffon, Hist.\n Naturelle, tom. viii. 153. Pennant’s Synopsis of Quadrupeds, p.\n 289.) The art of rearing and fattening great numbers of glires\n was practised in Roman villas as a profitable article of rural\n economy, (Varro, de Re Rustica, iii. 15.) The excessive demand of\n THEm for luxurious tables was increased by THE foolish\n prohibitions of THE censors; and it is reported that THEy are\n still esteemed in modern Rome, and are frequently sent as\n presents by THE Colonna princes, (see Brotier, THE last editor of\n Pliny tom. ii. p. 453. epud Barbou, 1779.)—Note: Is it not THE\n dormouse?—M.]\n\n 46 (return) [ This game, which might be translated by THE more\n familiar names of trictrac, or backgammon, was a favorite\n amusement of THE gravest Romans; and old Mucius Scaevola, THE\n lawyer, had THE reputation of a very skilful player. It was\n called ludus duodecim scriptorum, from THE twelve scripta, or\n lines, which equally divided THE alvevolus or table. On THEse,\n THE two armies, THE white and THE black, each consisting of\n fifteen men, or catculi, were regularly placed, and alternately\n moved according to THE laws of THE game, and THE chances of THE\n tesseroe, or dice. Dr. Hyde, who diligently traces THE history\n and varieties of THE nerdiludium (a name of Persic etymology)\n from Ireland to Japan, pours forth, on this trifling subject, a\n copious torrent of classic and Oriental learning. See Syntagma\n Dissertat. tom. ii. p. 217-405.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Marius Maximus, homo omnium verbosissimus, qui, et\n mythistoricis se voluminibus implicavit. Vopiscus in Hist.\n August. p. 242. He wrote THE lives of THE emperors, from Trajan\n to Alexander Severus. See Gerard Vossius de Historicis Latin. l.\n ii. c. 3, in his works, vol. iv. p. 47.]\n\n 48 (return) [ This satire is probably exaggerated. The Saturnalia\n of Macrobius, and THE epistles of Jerom, afford satisfactory\n proofs, that Christian THEology and classic literature were\n studiously cultivated by several Romans, of both sexes, and of\n THE highest rank.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Macrobius, THE friend of THEse Roman nobles,\n considered THE siara as THE cause, or at least THE signs, of\n future events, (de Somn. Scipion l. i. c 19. p. 68.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By\n Barbarians.—Part III.\n\n In populous cities, which are THE seat of commerce and\n manufactures, THE middle ranks of inhabitants, who derive THEir\n subsistence from THE dexterity or labor of THEir hands, are\n commonly THE most prolific, THE most useful, and, in that sense,\n THE most respectable part of THE community. But THE plebeians of\n Rome, who disdained such sedentary and servile arts, had been\n oppressed from THE earliest times by THE weight of debt and\n usury; and THE husbandman, during THE term of his military\n service, was obliged to abandon THE cultivation of his farm. 50\n The lands of Italy which had been originally divided among THE\n families of free and indigent proprietors, were insensibly\n purchased or usurped by THE avarice of THE nobles; and in THE age\n which preceded THE fall of THE republic, it was computed that\n only two thousand citizens were possessed of an independent\n substance. 51 Yet as long as THE people bestowed, by THEir\n suffrages, THE honors of THE state, THE command of THE legions,\n and THE administration of wealthy provinces, THEir conscious\n pride alleviated in some measure, THE hardships of poverty; and\n THEir wants were seasonably supplied by THE ambitious liberality\n of THE candidates, who aspired to secure a venal majority in THE\n thirty-five tribes, or THE hundred and ninety-three centuries, of\n Rome. But when THE prodigal commons had not only imprudently\n alienated THE use, but THE inheritance of power, THEy sunk, under\n THE reign of THE Caesars, into a vile and wretched populace,\n which must, in a few generations, have been totally extinguished,\n if it had not been continually recruited by THE manumission of\n slaves, and THE influx of strangers. As early as THE time of\n Hadrian, it was THE just complaint of THE ingenuous natives, that\n THE capital had attracted THE vices of THE universe, and THE\n manners of THE most opposite nations. The intemperance of THE\n Gauls, THE cunning and levity of THE Greeks, THE savage obstinacy\n of THE Egyptians and Jews, THE servile temper of THE Asiatics,\n and THE dissolute, effeminate prostitution of THE Syrians, were\n mingled in THE various multitude, which, under THE proud and\n false denomination of Romans, presumed to despise THEir\n fellow-subjects, and even THEir sovereigns, who dwelt beyond THE\n precincts of THE Eternal City. 52\n\n 50 (return) [ The histories of Livy (see particularly vi. 36) are\n full of THE extortions of THE rich, and THE sufferings of THE\n poor debtors. The melancholy story of a brave old soldier\n (Dionys. Hal. l. vi. c. 26, p. 347, edit. Hudson, and Livy, ii.\n 23) must have been frequently repeated in those primitive times,\n which have been so undeservedly praised.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Non esse in civitate duo millia hominum qui rem\n habereni. Cicero. Offic. ii. 21, and Comment. Paul. Manut. in\n edit. Graev. This vague computation was made A. U. C. 649, in a\n speech of THE tribune Philippus, and it was his object, as well\n as that of THE Gracchi, (see Plutarch,) to deplore, and perhaps\n to exaggerate, THE misery of THE common people.]\n\n 52 (return) [ See THE third Satire (60-125) of Juvenal, who\n indignantly complains,\n\n Quamvis quota portio faecis Achaei! Jampridem Syrus in Tiberem\n defluxit Orontes; Et linguam et mores, &c.\n\n Seneca, when he proposes to comfort his moTHEr (Consolat. ad\n Helv. c. 6) by THE reflection, that a great part of mankind were\n in a state of exile, reminds her how few of THE inhabitants of\n Rome were born in THE city.]\n\n Yet THE name of that city was still pronounced with respect: THE\n frequent and capricious tumults of its inhabitants were indulged\n with impunity; and THE successors of Constantine, instead of\n crushing THE last remains of THE democracy by THE strong arm of\n military power, embraced THE mild policy of Augustus, and studied\n to relieve THE poverty, and to amuse THE idleness, of an\n innumerable people. 53 I. For THE convenience of THE lazy\n plebeians, THE monthly distributions of corn were converted into\n a daily allowance of bread; a great number of ovens were\n constructed and maintained at THE public expense; and at THE\n appointed hour, each citizen, who was furnished with a ticket,\n ascended THE flight of steps, which had been assigned to his\n peculiar quarter or division, and received, eiTHEr as a gift, or\n at a very low price, a loaf of bread of THE weight of three\n pounds, for THE use of his family. II. The forest of Lucania,\n whose acorns fattened large droves of wild hogs, 54 afforded, as\n a species of tribute, a plentiful supply of cheap and wholesome\n meat. During five months of THE year, a regular allowance of\n bacon was distributed to THE poorer citizens; and THE annual\n consumption of THE capital, at a time when it was much declined\n from its former lustre, was ascertained, by an edict from\n Valentinian THE Third, at three millions six hundred and\n twenty-eight thousand pounds. 55 III. In THE manners of\n antiquity, THE use of oil was indispensable for THE lamp, as well\n as for THE bath; and THE annual tax, which was imposed on Africa\n for THE benefit of Rome, amounted to THE weight of three millions\n of pounds, to THE measure, perhaps, of three hundred thousand\n English gallons. IV. The anxiety of Augustus to provide THE\n metropolis with sufficient plenty of corn, was not extended\n beyond that necessary article of human subsistence; and when THE\n popular clamor accused THE dearness and scarcity of wine, a\n proclamation was issued, by THE grave reformer, to remind his\n subjects that no man could reasonably complain of thirst, since\n THE aqueducts of Agrippa had introduced into THE city so many\n copious streams of pure and salubrious water. 56 This rigid\n sobriety was insensibly relaxed; and, although THE generous\n design of Aurelian 57 does not appear to have been executed in\n its full extent, THE use of wine was allowed on very easy and\n liberal terms. The administration of THE public cellars was\n delegated to a magistrate of honorable rank; and a considerable\n part of THE vintage of Campania was reserved for THE fortunate\n inhabitants of Rome.\n\n 53 (return) [ Almost all that is said of THE bread, bacon, oil,\n wine, &c., may be found in THE fourteenth book of THE Theodosian\n Code; which expressly treats of THE police of THE great cities.\n See particularly THE titles iii. iv. xv. xvi. xvii. xxiv. The\n collateral testimonies are produced in Godefroy’s Commentary, and\n it is needless to transcribe THEm. According to a law of\n Theodosius, which appreciates in money THE military allowance, a\n piece of gold (eleven shillings) was equivalent to eighty pounds\n of bacon, or to eighty pounds of oil, or to twelve modii (or\n pecks) of salt, (Cod. Theod. l. viii. tit. iv. leg. 17.) This\n equation, compared with anoTHEr of seventy pounds of bacon for an\n amphora, (Cod. Theod. l. xiv. tit. iv. leg. 4,) fixes THE price\n of wine at about sixteenpence THE gallon.]\n\n 54 (return) [ The anonymous author of THE Description of THE\n World (p. 14. in tom. iii. Geograph. Minor. Hudson) observes of\n Lucania, in his barbarous Latin, Regio optima, et ipsa omnibus\n habundans, et lardum multum foras. Proptor quod est in montibus,\n cujus aescam animalium rariam, &c.]\n\n 55 (return) [ See Novell. ad calcem Cod. Theod. D. Valent. l. i.\n tit. xv. This law was published at Rome, June 29th, A.D. 452.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Sueton. in August. c. 42. The utmost debauch of THE\n emperor himself, in his favorite wine of Rhaetia, never exceeded\n a sextarius, (an English pint.) Id. c. 77. Torrentius ad loc. and\n Arbuthnot’s Tables, p. 86.]\n\n 57 (return) [ His design was to plant vineyards along THE\n sea-coast of Hetruria, (Vopiscus, in Hist. August. p. 225;) THE\n dreary, unwholesome, uncultivated Maremme of modern Tuscany]\n\n The stupendous aqueducts, so justly celebrated by THE praises of\n Augustus himself, replenished THE Thermoe, or baths, which had\n been constructed in every part of THE city, with Imperial\n magnificence. The baths of Antoninus Caracalla, which were open,\n at stated hours, for THE indiscriminate service of THE senators\n and THE people, contained above sixteen hundred seats of marble;\n and more than three thousand were reckoned in THE baths of\n Diocletian. 58 The walls of THE lofty apartments were covered\n with curious mosaics, that imitated THE art of THE pencil in THE\n elegance of design, and THE variety of colors. The Egyptian\n granite was beautifully encrusted with THE precious green marble\n of Numidia; THE perpetual stream of hot water was poured into THE\n capacious basins, through so many wide mouths of bright and massy\n silver; and THE meanest Roman could purchase, with a small copper\n coin, THE daily enjoyment of a scene of pomp and luxury, which\n might excite THE envy of THE kings of Asia. 59 From THEse stately\n palaces issued a swarm of dirty and ragged plebeians, without\n shoes and without a mantle; who loitered away whole days in THE\n street of Forum, to hear news and to hold disputes; who\n dissipated in extravagant gaming, THE miserable pittance of THEir\n wives and children; and spent THE hours of THE night in THE\n obscure taverns, and broTHEls, in THE indulgence of gross and\n vulgar sensuality. 60\n\n 58 (return) [ Olympiodor. apud Phot. p. 197.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Seneca (epistol. lxxxvi.) compares THE baths of\n Scipio Africanus, at his villa of Liternum, with THE magnificence\n (which was continually increasing) of THE public baths of Rome,\n long before THE stately Thermae of Antoninus and Diocletian were\n erected. The quadrans paid for admission was THE quarter of THE\n as, about one eighth of an English penny.]\n\n 60 (return) [ Ammianus, (l. xiv. c. 6, and l. xxviii. c. 4,)\n after describing THE luxury and pride of THE nobles of Rome,\n exposes, with equal indignation, THE vices and follies of THE\n common people.]\n\n But THE most lively and splendid amusement of THE idle multitude,\n depended on THE frequent exhibition of public games and\n spectacles. The piety of Christian princes had suppressed THE\n inhuman combats of gladiators; but THE Roman people still\n considered THE Circus as THEir home, THEir temple, and THE seat\n of THE republic. The impatient crowd rushed at THE dawn of day to\n secure THEir places, and THEre were many who passed a sleepless\n and anxious night in THE adjacent porticos. From THE morning to\n THE evening, careless of THE sun, or of THE rain, THE spectators,\n who sometimes amounted to THE number of four hundred thousand,\n remained in eager attention; THEir eyes fixed on THE horses and\n charioteers, THEir minds agitated with hope and fear, for THE\n success of THE colors which THEy espoused: and THE happiness of\n Rome appeared to hang on THE event of a race. 61 The same\n immoderate ardor inspired THEir clamors and THEir applause, as\n often as THEy were entertained with THE hunting of wild beasts,\n and THE various modes of THEatrical representation. These\n representations in modern capitals may deserve to be considered\n as a pure and elegant school of taste, and perhaps of virtue. But\n THE Tragic and Comic Muse of THE Romans, who seldom aspired\n beyond THE imitation of Attic genius, 62 had been almost totally\n silent since THE fall of THE republic; 63 and THEir place was\n unworthily occupied by licentious farce, effeminate music, and\n splendid pageantry. The pantomimes, 64 who maintained THEir\n reputation from THE age of Augustus to THE sixth century,\n expressed, without THE use of words, THE various fables of THE\n gods and heroes of antiquity; and THE perfection of THEir art,\n which sometimes disarmed THE gravity of THE philosopher, always\n excited THE applause and wonder of THE people. The vast and\n magnificent THEatres of Rome were filled by three thousand female\n dancers, and by three thousand singers, with THE masters of THE\n respective choruses. Such was THE popular favor which THEy\n enjoyed, that, in a time of scarcity, when all strangers were\n banished from THE city, THE merit of contributing to THE public\n pleasures exempted THEm from a law, which was strictly executed\n against THE professors of THE liberal arts. 65\n\n 61 (return) [ Juvenal. Satir. xi. 191, &c. The expressions of THE\n historian Ammianus are not less strong and animated than those of\n THE satirist and both THE one and THE oTHEr painted from THE\n life. The numbers which THE great Circus was capable of receiving\n are taken from THE original Notitioe of THE city. The differences\n between THEm prove that THEy did not transcribe each oTHEr; but\n THE same may appear incredible, though THE country on THEse\n occasions flocked to THE city.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Sometimes indeed THEy composed original pieces.\n\n Vestigia Graeca Ausi deserere et celeb rare domestica facta.\n\n Horat. Epistol. ad Pisones, 285, and THE learned, though\n perplexed note of Dacier, who might have allowed THE name of\n tragedies to THE Brutus and THE Decius of Pacuvius, or to THE\n Cato of Maternus. The Octavia, ascribed to one of THE Senecas,\n still remains a very unfavorable specimen of Roman tragedy.]\n\n 63 (return) [ In THE time of Quintilian and Pliny, a tragic poet\n was reduced to THE imperfect method of hiring a great room, and\n reading his play to THE company, whom he invited for that\n purpose. (See Dialog. de Oratoribus, c. 9, 11, and Plin. Epistol.\n vii. 17.)]\n\n 64 (return) [ See THE dialogue of Lucian, entitled THE\n Saltatione, tom. ii. p. 265-317, edit. Reitz. The pantomimes\n obtained THE honorable name; and it was required, that THEy\n should be conversant with almost every art and science. Burette\n (in THE Mémoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. i. p. 127,\n &c.) has given a short history of THE art of pantomimes.]\n\n 65 (return) [ Ammianus, l. xiv. c. 6. He complains, with decent\n indignation that THE streets of Rome were filled with crowds of\n females, who might have given children to THE state, but whose\n only occupation was to curl and dress THEir hair, and jactari\n volubilibus gyris, dum experimunt innumera simulacra, quae\n finxere fabulae THEatrales.]\n\n It is said, that THE foolish curiosity of Elagabalus attempted to\n discover, from THE quantity of spiders’ webs, THE number of THE\n inhabitants of Rome. A more rational method of inquiry might not\n have been undeserving of THE attention of THE wisest princes, who\n could easily have resolved a question so important for THE Roman\n government, and so interesting to succeeding ages. The births and\n deaths of THE citizens were duly registered; and if any writer of\n antiquity had condescended to mention THE annual amount, or THE\n common average, we might now produce some satisfactory\n calculation, which would destroy THE extravagant assertions of\n critics, and perhaps confirm THE modest and probable conjectures\n of philosophers. 66 The most diligent researches have collected\n only THE following circumstances; which, slight and imperfect as\n THEy are, may tend, in some degree, to illustrate THE question of\n THE populousness of ancient Rome. I. When THE capital of THE\n empire was besieged by THE Goths, THE circuit of THE walls was\n accurately measured, by Ammonius, THE maTHEmatician, who found it\n equal to twenty-one miles. 67 It should not be forgotten that THE\n form of THE city was almost that of a circle; THE geometrical\n figure which is known to contain THE largest space within any\n given circumference. II. The architect Vitruvius, who flourished\n in THE Augustan age, and whose evidence, on this occasion, has\n peculiar weight and authority, observes, that THE innumerable\n habitations of THE Roman people would have spread THEmselves far\n beyond THE narrow limits of THE city; and that THE want of\n ground, which was probably contracted on every side by gardens\n and villas, suggested THE common, though inconvenient, practice\n of raising THE houses to a considerable height in THE air. 68 But\n THE loftiness of THEse buildings, which often consisted of hasty\n work and insufficient materials, was THE cause of frequent and\n fatal accidents; and it was repeatedly enacted by Augustus, as\n well as by Nero, that THE height of private edifices within THE\n walls of Rome, should not exceed THE measure of seventy feet from\n THE ground. 69 III. Juvenal 70 laments, as it should seem from\n his own experience, THE hardships of THE poorer citizens, to whom\n he addresses THE salutary advice of emigrating, without delay,\n from THE smoke of Rome, since THEy might purchase, in THE little\n towns of Italy, a cheerful commodious dwelling, at THE same price\n which THEy annually paid for a dark and miserable lodging.\n House-rent was THErefore immoderately dear: THE rich acquired, at\n an enormous expense, THE ground, which THEy covered with palaces\n and gardens; but THE body of THE Roman people was crowded into a\n narrow space; and THE different floors, and apartments, of THE\n same house, were divided, as it is still THE custom of Paris, and\n oTHEr cities, among several families of plebeians. IV. The total\n number of houses in THE fourteen regions of THE city, is\n accurately stated in THE description of Rome, composed under THE\n reign of Theodosius, and THEy amount to forty-eight thousand\n three hundred and eighty-two. 71 The two classes of domus and of\n insulæ, into which THEy are divided, include all THE habitations\n of THE capital, of every rank and condition from THE marble\n palace of THE Anicii, with a numerous establishment of freedmen\n and slaves, to THE lofty and narrow lodging-house, where THE poet\n Codrus and his wife were permitted to hire a wretched garret\n immediately under THE tiles. If we adopt THE same average, which,\n under similar circumstances, has been found applicable to Paris,\n 72 and indifferently allow about twenty-five persons for each\n house, of every degree, we may fairly estimate THE inhabitants of\n Rome at twelve hundred thousand: a number which cannot be thought\n excessive for THE capital of a mighty empire, though it exceeds\n THE populousness of THE greatest cities of modern Europe. 73 7311\n\n 66 (return) [ Lipsius (tom. iii. p. 423, de Magnitud. Romana, l.\n iii. c. 3) and Isaac Vossius (Observant. Var. p. 26-34) have\n indulged strange dreams, of four, or eight, or fourteen, millions\n in Rome. Mr. Hume, (Essays, vol. i. p. 450-457,) with admirable\n good sense and scepticism betrays some secret disposition to\n extenuate THE populousness of ancient times.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Olympiodor. ap. Phot. p. 197. See Fabricius, Bibl.\n Graec. tom. ix. p. 400.]\n\n 68 (return) [ In ea autem majestate urbis, et civium infinita\n frequentia, innumerabiles habitationes opus fuit explicare. Ergo\n cum recipero non posset area plana tantam multitudinem in urbe,\n ad auxilium altitudinis aedificiorum res ipsa coegit devenire.\n Vitruv. ii. 8. This passage, which I owe to Vossius, is clear,\n strong, and comprehensive.]\n\n 69 (return) [ The successive testimonies of Pliny, Aristides,\n Claudian, Rutilius, &c., prove THE insufficiency of THEse\n restrictive edicts. See Lipsius, de Magnitud. Romana, l. iii. c.\n 4.\n\n Tabulata tibi jam tertia fumant; Tu nescis; nam si gradibus\n trepidatur ab imis Ultimus ardebit, quem tegula sola tuetur A\n pluvia. —-Juvenal. Satir. iii. 199]\n\n 70 (return) [ Read THE whole third satire, but particularly 166,\n 223, &c. The description of a crowded insula, or lodging-house,\n in Petronius, (c. 95, 97,) perfectly tallies with THE complaints\n of Juvenal; and we learn from legal authority, that, in THE time\n of Augustus, (Heineccius, Hist. Juris. Roman. c. iv. p. 181,) THE\n ordinary rent of THE several coenacula, or apartments of an\n insula, annually produced forty thousand sesterces, between three\n and four hundred pounds sterling, (Pandect. l. xix. tit. ii. No.\n 30,) a sum which proves at once THE large extent, and high value,\n of those common buildings.]\n\n 71 (return) [ This sum total is composed of 1780 domus, or great\n houses of 46,602 insulæ, or plebeian habitations, (see Nardini,\n Roma Antica, l. iii. p. 88;) and THEse numbers are ascertained by\n THE agreement of THE texts of THE different Notitioe. Nardini, l.\n viii. p. 498, 500.]\n\n 72 (return) [ See that accurate writer M. de Messance, Recherches\n sur la Population, p. 175-187. From probable, or certain grounds,\n he assigns to Paris 23,565 houses, 71,114 families, and 576,630\n inhabitants.]\n\n 73 (return) [ This computation is not very different from that\n which M. Brotier, THE last editor of Tacitus, (tom. ii. p. 380,)\n has assumed from similar principles; though he seems to aim at a\n degree of precision which it is neiTHEr possible nor important to\n obtain.]\n\n 7311 (return) [ M. Dureau de la Malle (Economic Politique des\n Romaines, t. i. p. 369) quotes a passage from THE xvth chapter of\n Gibbon, in which he estimates THE population of Rome at not less\n than a million, and adds (omitting any reference to this\n passage,) that he (Gibbon) could not have seriously studied THE\n question. M. Dureau de la Malle proceeds to argue that Rome, as\n contained within THE walls of Servius Tullius, occupying an area\n only one fifth of that of Paris, could not have contained 300,000\n inhabitants; within those of Aurelian not more than 560,000,\n inclusive of soldiers and strangers. The suburbs, he endeavors to\n show, both up to THE time of Aurelian, and after his reign, were\n neiTHEr so extensive, nor so populous, as generally supposed. M.\n Dureau de la Malle has but imperfectly quoted THE important\n passage of Dionysius, that which proves that when he wrote (in\n THE time of Augustus) THE walls of Servius no longer marked THE\n boundary of THE city. In many places THEy were so built upon,\n that it was impossible to trace THEm. There was no certain limit,\n where THE city ended and ceased to be THE city; it stretched out\n to so boundless an extent into THE country. Ant. Rom. iv. 13.\n None of M. de la Malle’s arguments appear to me to prove, against\n this statement, that THEse irregular suburbs did not extend so\n far in many parts, as to make it impossible to calculate\n accurately THE inhabited area of THE city. Though no doubt THE\n city, as reconstructed by Nero, was much less closely built and\n with many more open spaces for palaces, temples, and oTHEr public\n edifices, yet many passages seem to prove that THE laws\n respecting THE height of houses were not rigidly enforced. A\n great part of THE lower especially of THE slave population, were\n very densely crowded, and lived, even more than in our modern\n towns, in cellars and subterranean dwellings under THE public\n edifices. Nor do M. de la Malle’s arguments, by which he would\n explain THE insulae insulae (of which THE Notitiae Urbis give us\n THE number) as rows of shops, with a chamber or two within THE\n domus, or houses of THE wealthy, satisfy me as to THEir soundness\n of THEir scholarship. Some passages which he adduces directly\n contradict his THEory; none, as appears to me, distinctly prove\n it. I must adhere to THE old interpretation of THE word, as\n chiefly dwellings for THE middling or lower classes, or clusters\n of tenements, often perhaps, under THE same roof. On this point,\n Zumpt, in THE Dissertation before quoted, entirely disagrees with\n M. de la Malle. Zumpt has likewise detected THE mistake of M. de\n la Malle as to THE “canon” of corn, mentioned in THE life of\n Septimius Severus by Spartianus. On this canon THE French writer\n calculates THE inhabitants of Rome at that time. But THE “canon”\n was not THE whole supply of Rome, but that quantity which THE\n state required for THE public granaries to supply THE gratuitous\n distributions to THE people, and THE public officers and slaves;\n no doubt likewise to keep down THE general price. M. Zumpt\n reckons THE population of Rome at 2,000,000. After careful\n consideration, I should conceive THE number in THE text,\n 1,200,000, to be nearest THE truth—M. 1845.]\n\n Such was THE state of Rome under THE reign of Honorius; at THE\n time when THE Gothic army formed THE siege, or raTHEr THE\n blockade, of THE city. 74 By a skilful disposition of his\n numerous forces, who impatiently watched THE moment of an\n assault, Alaric encompassed THE walls, commanded THE twelve\n principal gates, intercepted all communication with THE adjacent\n country, and vigilantly guarded THE navigation of THE Tyber, from\n which THE Romans derived THE surest and most plentiful supply of\n provisions. The first emotions of THE nobles, and of THE people,\n were those of surprise and indignation, that a vile Barbarian\n should dare to insult THE capital of THE world: but THEir\n arrogance was soon humbled by misfortune; and THEir unmanly rage,\n instead of being directed against an enemy in arms, was meanly\n exercised on a defenceless and innocent victim. Perhaps in THE\n person of Serena, THE Romans might have respected THE niece of\n Theodosius, THE aunt, nay, even THE adoptive moTHEr, of THE\n reigning emperor: but THEy abhorred THE widow of Stilicho; and\n THEy listened with credulous passion to THE tale of calumny,\n which accused her of maintaining a secret and criminal\n correspondence with THE Gothic invader. Actuated, or overawed, by\n THE same popular frenzy, THE senate, without requiring any\n evidence of his guilt, pronounced THE sentence of her death.\n Serena was ignominiously strangled; and THE infatuated multitude\n were astonished to find, that this cruel act of injustice did not\n immediately produce THE retreat of THE Barbarians, and THE\n deliverance of THE city. That unfortunate city gradually\n experienced THE distress of scarcity, and at length THE horrid\n calamities of famine. The daily allowance of three pounds of\n bread was reduced to one half, to one third, to nothing; and THE\n price of corn still continued to rise in a rapid and extravagant\n proportion. The poorer citizens, who were unable to purchase THE\n necessaries of life, solicited THE precarious charity of THE\n rich; and for a while THE public misery was alleviated by THE\n humanity of Laeta, THE widow of THE emperor Gratian, who had\n fixed her residence at Rome, and consecrated to THE use of THE\n indigent THE princely revenue which she annually received from\n THE grateful successors of her husband. 75 But THEse private and\n temporary donatives were insufficient to appease THE hunger of a\n numerous people; and THE progress of famine invaded THE marble\n palaces of THE senators THEmselves. The persons of both sexes,\n who had been educated in THE enjoyment of ease and luxury,\n discovered how little is requisite to supply THE demands of\n nature; and lavished THEir unavailing treasures of gold and\n silver, to obtain THE coarse and scanty sustenance which THEy\n would formerly have rejected with disdain. The food THE most\n repugnant to sense or imagination, THE aliments THE most\n unwholesome and pernicious to THE constitution, were eagerly\n devoured, and fiercely disputed, by THE rage of hunger. A dark\n suspicion was entertained, that some desperate wretches fed on\n THE bodies of THEir fellow-creatures, whom THEy had secretly\n murdered; and even moTHErs, (such was THE horrid conflict of THE\n two most powerful instincts implanted by nature in THE human\n breast,) even moTHErs are said to have tasted THE flesh of THEir\n slaughtered infants! 76 Many thousands of THE inhabitants of Rome\n expired in THEir houses, or in THE streets, for want of\n sustenance; and as THE public sepulchres without THE walls were\n in THE power of THE enemy THE stench, which arose from so many\n putrid and unburied carcasses, infected THE air; and THE miseries\n of famine were succeeded and aggravated by THE contagion of a\n pestilential disease. The assurances of speedy and effectual\n relief, which were repeatedly transmitted from THE court of\n Ravenna, supported for some time, THE fainting resolution of THE\n Romans, till at length THE despair of any human aid tempted THEm\n to accept THE offers of a praeternatural deliverance. Pompeianus,\n præfect of THE city, had been persuaded, by THE art or\n fanaticism of some Tuscan diviners, that, by THE mysterious force\n of spells and sacrifices, THEy could extract THE lightning from\n THE clouds, and point those celestial fires against THE camp of\n THE Barbarians. 77 The important secret was communicated to\n Innocent, THE bishop of Rome; and THE successor of St. Peter is\n accused, perhaps without foundation, of preferring THE safety of\n THE republic to THE rigid severity of THE Christian worship. But\n when THE question was agitated in THE senate; when it was\n proposed, as an essential condition, that those sacrifices should\n be performed in THE Capitol, by THE authority, and in THE\n presence, of THE magistrates, THE majority of that respectable\n assembly, apprehensive eiTHEr of THE Divine or of THE Imperial\n displeasure, refused to join in an act, which appeared almost\n equivalent to THE public restoration of Paganism. 78\n\n 74 (return) [ For THE events of THE first siege of Rome, which\n are often confounded with those of THE second and third, see\n Zosimus, l. v. p. 350-354, Sozomen, l. ix. c. 6, Olympiodorus,\n ap. Phot. p. 180, Philostorgius, l. xii. c. 3, and Godefroy,\n Dissertat. p. 467-475.]\n\n 75 (return) [ The moTHEr of Laeta was named Pissumena. Her\n faTHEr, family, and country, are unknown. Ducange, Fam.\n Byzantium, p. 59.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Ad nefandos cibos erupit esurientium rabies, et sua\n invicem membra laniarunt, dum mater non parcit lactenti\n infantiae; et recipit utero, quem paullo ante effuderat. Jerom.\n ad Principiam, tom. i. p. 121. The same horrid circumstance is\n likewise told of THE sieges of Jerusalem and Paris. For THE\n latter, compare THE tenth book of THE Henriade, and THE Journal\n de Henri IV. tom. i. p. 47-83; and observe that a plain narrative\n of facts is much more paTHEtic, than THE most labored\n descriptions of epic poetry]\n\n 77 (return) [ Zosimus (l. v. p. 355, 356) speaks of THEse\n ceremonies like a Greek unacquainted with THE national\n superstition of Rome and Tuscany. I suspect, that THEy consisted\n of two parts, THE secret and THE public; THE former were probably\n an imitation of THE arts and spells, by which Numa had drawn down\n Jupiter and his thunder on Mount Aventine.\n\n Quid agant laqueis, quae carmine dicant, Quaque trahant superis\n sedibus arte Jovem, Scire nefas homini.\n\n The ancilia, or shields of Mars, THE pignora Imperii, which were\n carried in solemn procession on THE calends of March, derived\n THEir origin from this mysterious event, (Ovid. Fast. iii.\n 259-398.) It was probably designed to revive this ancient\n festival, which had been suppressed by Theodosius. In that case,\n we recover a chronological date (March THE 1st, A.D. 409) which\n has not hiTHErto been observed. * Note: On this curious question\n of THE knowledge of conducting lightning, processed by THE\n ancients, consult Eusebe Salverte, des Sciences Occultes, l.\n xxiv. Paris, 1829.—M.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Sozomen (l. ix. c. 6) insinuates that THE\n experiment was actually, though unsuccessfully, made; but he does\n not mention THE name of Innocent: and Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles.\n tom. x. p. 645) is determined not to believe, that a pope could\n be guilty of such impious condescension.]\n\n The last resource of THE Romans was in THE clemency, or at least\n in THE moderation, of THE king of THE Goths. The senate, who in\n this emergency assumed THE supreme powers of government,\n appointed two ambassadors to negotiate with THE enemy. This\n important trust was delegated to Basilius, a senator, of Spanish\n extraction, and already conspicuous in THE administration of\n provinces; and to John, THE first tribune of THE notaries, who\n was peculiarly qualified, by his dexterity in business, as well\n as by his former intimacy with THE Gothic prince. When THEy were\n introduced into his presence, THEy declared, perhaps in a more\n lofty style than became THEir abject condition, that THE Romans\n were resolved to maintain THEir dignity, eiTHEr in peace or war;\n and that, if Alaric refused THEm a fair and honorable\n capitulation, he might sound his trumpets, and prepare to give\n battle to an innumerable people, exercised in arms, and animated\n by despair. “The thicker THE hay, THE easier it is mowed,” was\n THE concise reply of THE Barbarian; and this rustic metaphor was\n accompanied by a loud and insulting laugh, expressive of his\n contempt for THE menaces of an unwarlike populace, enervated by\n luxury before THEy were emaciated by famine. He THEn condescended\n to fix THE ransom, which he would accept as THE price of his\n retreat from THE walls of Rome: all THE gold and silver in THE\n city, wheTHEr it were THE property of THE state, or of\n individuals; all THE rich and precious movables; and all THE\n slaves that could prove THEir title to THE name of Barbarians.\n The ministers of THE senate presumed to ask, in a modest and\n suppliant tone, “If such, O king, are your demands, what do you\n intend to leave us?” “Your Lives!” replied THE haughty conqueror:\n THEy trembled, and retired. Yet, before THEy retired, a short\n suspension of arms was granted, which allowed some time for a\n more temperate negotiation. The stern features of Alaric were\n insensibly relaxed; he abated much of THE rigor of his terms; and\n at length consented to raise THE siege, on THE immediate payment\n of five thousand pounds of gold, of thirty thousand pounds of\n silver, of four thousand robes of silk, of three thousand pieces\n of fine scarlet cloth, and of three thousand pounds weight of\n pepper. 79 But THE public treasury was exhausted; THE annual\n rents of THE great estates in Italy and THE provinces, had been\n exchanged, during THE famine, for THE vilest sustenance; THE\n hoards of secret wealth were still concealed by THE obstinacy of\n avarice; and some remains of consecrated spoils afforded THE only\n resource that could avert THE impending ruin of THE city. As soon\n as THE Romans had satisfied THE rapacious demands of Alaric, THEy\n were restored, in some measure, to THE enjoyment of peace and\n plenty. Several of THE gates were cautiously opened; THE\n importation of provisions from THE river and THE adjacent country\n was no longer obstructed by THE Goths; THE citizens resorted in\n crowds to THE free market, which was held during three days in\n THE suburbs; and while THE merchants who undertook this gainful\n trade made a considerable profit, THE future subsistence of THE\n city was secured by THE ample magazines which were deposited in\n THE public and private granaries. A more regular discipline than\n could have been expected, was maintained in THE camp of Alaric;\n and THE wise Barbarian justified his regard for THE faith of\n treaties, by THE just severity with which he chastised a party of\n licentious Goths, who had insulted some Roman citizens on THE\n road to Ostia. His army, enriched by THE contributions of THE\n capital, slowly advanced into THE fair and fruitful province of\n Tuscany, where he proposed to establish his winter quarters; and\n THE Gothic standard became THE refuge of forty thousand Barbarian\n slaves, who had broke THEir chains, and aspired, under THE\n command of THEir great deliverer, to revenge THE injuries and THE\n disgrace of THEir cruel servitude. About THE same time, he\n received a more honorable reenforcement of Goths and Huns, whom\n Adolphus, 80 THE broTHEr of his wife, had conducted, at his\n pressing invitation, from THE banks of THE Danube to those of THE\n Tyber, and who had cut THEir way, with some difficulty and loss,\n through THE superior number of THE Imperial troops. A victorious\n leader, who united THE daring spirit of a Barbarian with THE art\n and discipline of a Roman general, was at THE head of a hundred\n thousand fighting men; and Italy pronounced, with terror and\n respect, THE formidable name of Alaric. 81\n\n 79 (return) [ Pepper was a favorite ingredient of THE most\n expensive Roman cookery, and THE best sort commonly sold for\n fifteen denarii, or ten shillings, THE pound. See Pliny, Hist.\n Natur. xii. 14. It was brought from India; and THE same country,\n THE coast of Malabar, still affords THE greatest plenty: but THE\n improvement of trade and navigation has multiplied THE quantity\n and reduced THE price. See Histoire Politique et Philosophique,\n &c., tom. i. p. 457.]\n\n 80 (return) [ This Gothic chieftain is called by Jornandes and\n Isidore, Athaulphus; by Zosimus and Orosius, Ataulphus; and by\n Olympiodorus, Adaoulphus. I have used THE celebrated name of\n Adolphus, which seems to be authorized by THE practice of THE\n Swedes, THE sons or broTHErs of THE ancient Goths.]\n\n 81 (return) [ The treaty between Alaric and THE Romans, &c., is\n taken from Zosimus, l. v. p. 354, 355, 358, 359, 362, 363. The\n additional circumstances are too few and trifling to require any\n oTHEr quotation.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By\n Barbarians.—Part IV.\n\n At THE distance of fourteen centuries, we may be satisfied with\n relating THE military exploits of THE conquerors of Rome, without\n presuming to investigate THE motives of THEir political conduct.\n In THE midst of his apparent prosperity, Alaric was conscious,\n perhaps, of some secret weakness, some internal defect; or\n perhaps THE moderation which he displayed, was intended only to\n deceive and disarm THE easy credulity of THE ministers of\n Honorius. The king of THE Goths repeatedly declared, that it was\n his desire to be considered as THE friend of peace, and of THE\n Romans. Three senators, at his earnest request, were sent\n ambassadors to THE court of Ravenna, to solicit THE exchange of\n hostages, and THE conclusion of THE treaty; and THE proposals,\n which he more clearly expressed during THE course of THE\n negotiations, could only inspire a doubt of his sincerity, as\n THEy might seem inadequate to THE state of his fortune. The\n Barbarian still aspired to THE rank of master-general of THE\n armies of THE West; he stipulated an annual subsidy of corn and\n money; and he chose THE provinces of Dalmatia, Noricum, and\n Venetia, for THE seat of his new kingdom, which would have\n commanded THE important communication between Italy and THE\n Danube. If THEse modest terms should be rejected, Alaric showed a\n disposition to relinquish his pecuniary demands, and even to\n content himself with THE possession of Noricum; an exhausted and\n impoverished country, perpetually exposed to THE inroads of THE\n Barbarians of Germany. 82 But THE hopes of peace were\n disappointed by THE weak obstinacy, or interested views, of THE\n minister Olympius. Without listening to THE salutary\n remonstrances of THE senate, he dismissed THEir ambassadors under\n THE conduct of a military escort, too numerous for a retinue of\n honor, and too feeble for any army of defence. Six thousand\n Dalmatians, THE flower of THE Imperial legions, were ordered to\n march from Ravenna to Rome, through an open country which was\n occupied by THE formidable myriads of THE Barbarians. These brave\n legionaries, encompassed and betrayed, fell a sacrifice to\n ministerial folly; THEir general, Valens, with a hundred\n soldiers, escaped from THE field of battle; and one of THE\n ambassadors, who could no longer claim THE protection of THE law\n of nations, was obliged to purchase his freedom with a ransom of\n thirty thousand pieces of gold. Yet Alaric, instead of resenting\n this act of impotent hostility, immediately renewed his proposals\n of peace; and THE second embassy of THE Roman senate, which\n derived weight and dignity from THE presence of Innocent, bishop\n of THE city, was guarded from THE dangers of THE road by a\n detachment of Gothic soldiers. 83\n\n 82 (return) [ Zosimus, l. v. p. 367 368, 369.]\n\n 83 (return) [ Zosimus, l. v. p. 360, 361, 362. The bishop, by\n remaining at Ravenna, escaped THE impending calamities of THE\n city. Orosius, l. vii. c. 39, p. 573.]\n\n Olympius 84 might have continued to insult THE just resentment of\n a people who loudly accused him as THE author of THE public\n calamities; but his power was undermined by THE secret intrigues\n of THE palace. The favorite eunuchs transferred THE government of\n Honorius, and THE empire, to Jovius, THE Prætorian præfect; an\n unworthy servant, who did not atone, by THE merit of personal\n attachment, for THE errors and misfortunes of his administration.\n The exile, or escape, of THE guilty Olympius, reserved him for\n more vicissitudes of fortune: he experienced THE adventures of an\n obscure and wandering life; he again rose to power; he fell a\n second time into disgrace; his ears were cut off; he expired\n under THE lash; and his ignominious death afforded a grateful\n spectacle to THE friends of Stilicho. After THE removal of\n Olympius, whose character was deeply tainted with religious\n fanaticism, THE Pagans and heretics were delivered from THE\n impolitic proscription, which excluded THEm from THE dignities of\n THE state. The brave Gennerid, 85 a soldier of Barbarian origin,\n who still adhered to THE worship of his ancestors, had been\n obliged to lay aside THE military belt: and though he was\n repeatedly assured by THE emperor himself, that laws were not\n made for persons of his rank or merit, he refused to accept any\n partial dispensation, and persevered in honorable disgrace, till\n he had extorted a general act of justice from THE distress of THE\n Roman government. The conduct of Gennerid in THE important\n station to which he was promoted or restored, of master-general\n of Dalmatia, Pannonia, Noricum, and Rhaetia, seemed to revive THE\n discipline and spirit of THE republic. From a life of idleness\n and want, his troops were soon habituated to severe exercise and\n plentiful subsistence; and his private generosity often supplied\n THE rewards, which were denied by THE avarice, or poverty, of THE\n court of Ravenna. The valor of Gennerid, formidable to THE\n adjacent Barbarians, was THE firmest bulwark of THE Illyrian\n frontier; and his vigilant care assisted THE empire with a\n reenforcement of ten thousand Huns, who arrived on THE confines\n of Italy, attended by such a convoy of provisions, and such a\n numerous train of sheep and oxen, as might have been sufficient,\n not only for THE march of an army, but for THE settlement of a\n colony. But THE court and councils of Honorius still remained a\n scene of weakness and distraction, of corruption and anarchy.\n Instigated by THE præfect Jovius, THE guards rose in furious\n mutiny, and demanded THE heads of two generals, and of THE two\n principal eunuchs. The generals, under a perfidious promise of\n safety, were sent on shipboard, and privately executed; while THE\n favor of THE eunuchs procured THEm a mild and secure exile at\n Milan and Constantinople. Eusebius THE eunuch, and THE Barbarian\n Allobich, succeeded to THE command of THE bed-chamber and of THE\n guards; and THE mutual jealousy of THEse subordinate ministers\n was THE cause of THEir mutual destruction. By THE insolent order\n of THE count of THE domestics, THE great chamberlain was\n shamefully beaten to death with sticks, before THE eyes of THE\n astonished emperor; and THE subsequent assassination of Allobich,\n in THE midst of a public procession, is THE only circumstance of\n his life, in which Honorius discovered THE faintest symptom of\n courage or resentment. Yet before THEy fell, Eusebius and\n Allobich had contributed THEir part to THE ruin of THE empire, by\n opposing THE conclusion of a treaty which Jovius, from a selfish,\n and perhaps a criminal, motive, had negotiated with Alaric, in a\n personal interview under THE walls of Rimini. During THE absence\n of Jovius, THE emperor was persuaded to assume a lofty tone of\n inflexible dignity, such as neiTHEr his situation, nor his\n character, could enable him to support; and a letter, signed with\n THE name of Honorius, was immediately despatched to THE\n Prætorian præfect, granting him a free permission to dispose of\n THE public money, but sternly refusing to prostitute THE military\n honors of Rome to THE proud demands of a Barbarian. This letter\n was imprudently communicated to Alaric himself; and THE Goth, who\n in THE whole transaction had behaved with temper and decency,\n expressed, in THE most outrageous language, his lively sense of\n THE insult so wantonly offered to his person and to his nation.\n The conference of Rimini was hastily interrupted; and THE\n præfect Jovius, on his return to Ravenna, was compelled to\n adopt, and even to encourage, THE fashionable opinions of THE\n court. By his advice and example, THE principal officers of THE\n state and army were obliged to swear, that, without listening, in\n any circumstances, to any conditions of peace, THEy would still\n persevere in perpetual and implacable war against THE enemy of\n THE republic. This rash engagement opposed an insuperable bar to\n all future negotiation. The ministers of Honorius were heard to\n declare, that, if THEy had only invoked THE name of THE Deity,\n THEy would consult THE public safety, and trust THEir souls to\n THE mercy of Heaven: but THEy had sworn by THE sacred head of THE\n emperor himself; THEy had touched, in solemn ceremony, that\n august seat of majesty and wisdom; and THE violation of THEir\n oath would expose THEm to THE temporal penalties of sacrilege and\n rebellion. 86\n\n 84 (return) [ For THE adventures of Olympius, and his successors\n in THE ministry, see Zosimus, l. v. p. 363, 365, 366, and\n Olympiodor. ap. Phot. p. 180, 181. ]\n\n 85 (return) [ Zosimus (l. v. p. 364) relates this circumstance\n with visible complacency, and celebrates THE character of\n Gennerid as THE last glory of expiring Paganism. Very different\n were THE sentiments of THE council of Carthage, who deputed four\n bishops to THE court of Ravenna to complain of THE law, which had\n been just enacted, that all conversions to Christianity should be\n free and voluntary. See Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 409, No.\n 12, A.D. 410, No. 47, 48.]\n\n 86 (return) [ Zosimus, l. v. p. 367, 368, 369. This custom of\n swearing by THE head, or life, or safety, or genius, of THE\n sovereign, was of THE highest antiquity, both in Egypt (Genesis,\n xlii. 15) and Scythia. It was soon transferred, by flattery, to\n THE Caesars; and Tertullian complains, that it was THE only oath\n which THE Romans of his time affected to reverence. See an\n elegant Dissertation of THE Abbe Mossieu on THE Oaths of THE\n Ancients, in THE Mem de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. i. p.\n 208, 209.]\n\n While THE emperor and his court enjoyed, with sullen pride, THE\n security of THE marches and fortifications of Ravenna, THEy\n abandoned Rome, almost without defence, to THE resentment of\n Alaric. Yet such was THE moderation which he still preserved, or\n affected, that, as he moved with his army along THE Flaminian\n way, he successively despatched THE bishops of THE towns of Italy\n to reiterate his offers of peace, and to conjure THE\n emperor, that he would save THE city and its inhabitants from\n hostile fire, and THE sword of THE Barbarians. 87 These impending\n calamities were, however, averted, not indeed by THE wisdom of\n Honorius, but by THE prudence or humanity of THE Gothic king; who\n employed a milder, though not less effectual, method of conquest.\n Instead of assaulting THE capital, he successfully directed his\n efforts against THE Port of Ostia, one of THE boldest and most\n stupendous works of Roman magnificence. 88 The accidents to which\n THE precarious subsistence of THE city was continually exposed in\n a winter navigation, and an open road, had suggested to THE\n genius of THE first Caesar THE useful design, which was executed\n under THE reign of Claudius. The artificial moles, which formed\n THE narrow entrance, advanced far into THE sea, and firmly\n repelled THE fury of THE waves, while THE largest vessels\n securely rode at anchor within three deep and capacious basins,\n which received THE norTHErn branch of THE Tyber, about two miles\n from THE ancient colony of Ostia. 89 The Roman Port insensibly\n swelled to THE size of an episcopal city, 90 where THE corn of\n Africa was deposited in spacious granaries for THE use of THE\n capital. As soon as Alaric was in possession of that important\n place, he summoned THE city to surrender at discretion; and his\n demands were enforced by THE positive declaration, that a\n refusal, or even a delay, should be instantly followed by THE\n destruction of THE magazines, on which THE life of THE Roman\n people depended. The clamors of that people, and THE terror of\n famine, subdued THE pride of THE senate; THEy listened, without\n reluctance, to THE proposal of placing a new emperor on THE\n throne of THE unworthy Honorius; and THE suffrage of THE Gothic\n conqueror bestowed THE purple on Attalus, præfect of THE city.\n The grateful monarch immediately acknowledged his protector as\n master-general of THE armies of THE West; Adolphus, with THE rank\n of count of THE domestics, obtained THE custody of THE person of\n Attalus; and THE two hostile nations seemed to be united in THE\n closest bands of friendship and alliance. 91\n\n 87 (return) [ Zosimus, l. v. p. 368, 369. I have softened THE\n expressions of Alaric, who expatiates, in too florid a manner, on\n THE history of Rome]\n\n 88 (return) [ See Sueton. in Claud. c. 20. Dion Cassius, l. lx.\n p. 949, edit Reimar, and THE lively description of Juvenal,\n Satir. xii. 75, &c. In THE sixteenth century, when THE remains of\n this Augustan port were still visible, THE antiquarians sketched\n THE plan, (see D’Anville, Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions,\n tom. xxx. p. 198,) and declared, with enthusiasm, that all THE\n monarchs of Europe would be unable to execute so great a work,\n (Bergier, Hist. des grands Chemins des Romains, tom. ii. p.\n 356.)]\n\n 89 (return) [ The Ostia Tyberina, (see Cluver. Italia Antiq. l.\n iii. p. 870-879,) in THE plural number, THE two mouths of THE\n Tyber, were separated by THE Holy Island, an equilateral\n triangle, whose sides were each of THEm computed at about two\n miles. The colony of Ostia was founded immediately beyond THE\n left, or souTHErn, and THE Port immediately beyond THE right, or\n norTHErn, branch of hte river; and THE distance between THEir\n remains measures something more than two miles on Cingolani’s\n map. In THE time of Strabo, THE sand and mud deposited by THE\n Tyber had choked THE harbor of Ostia; THE progress of THE same\n cause has added much to THE size of THE Holy Islands, and\n gradually left both Ostia and THE Port at a considerable distance\n from THE shore. The dry channels (fiumi morti) and THE large\n estuaries (stagno di Ponente, di Levante) mark THE changes of THE\n river, and THE efforts of THE sea. Consult, for THE present state\n of this dreary and desolate tract, THE excellent map of THE\n ecclesiastical state by THE maTHEmaticians of Benedict XIV.; an\n actual survey of THE Agro Romano, in six sheets, by Cingolani,\n which contains 113,819 rubbia, (about 570,000 acres;) and THE\n large topographical map of Ameti, in eight sheets.]\n\n 90 (return) [ As early as THE third, (Lardner’s Credibility of\n THE Gospel, part ii. vol. iii. p. 89-92,) or at least THE fourth,\n century, (Carol. a Sancta Paulo, Notit. Eccles. p. 47,) THE Port\n of Rome was an episcopal city, which was demolished, as it should\n seem in THE ninth century, by Pope Gregory IV., during THE\n incursions of THE Arabs. It is now reduced to an inn, a church,\n and THE house, or palace, of THE bishop; who ranks as one of six\n cardinal-bishops of THE Roman church. See Eschinard, Deserizione\n di Roman et dell’ Agro Romano, p. 328. * Note: Compare Sir W.\n Gell. Rome and its Vicinity vol. ii p. 134.—M.]\n\n 91 (return) [ For THE elevation of Attalus, consult Zosimus, l.\n vi. p. 377-380, Sozomen, l. ix. c. 8, 9, Olympiodor. ap. Phot. p.\n 180, 181, Philostorg. l. xii. c. 3, and Godefroy’s Dissertat. p.\n 470.]\n\n The gates of THE city were thrown open, and THE new emperor of\n THE Romans, encompassed on every side by THE Gothic arms, was\n conducted, in tumultuous procession, to THE palace of Augustus\n and Trajan. After he had distributed THE civil and military\n dignities among his favorites and followers, Attalus convened an\n assembly of THE senate; before whom, in a formal and florid\n speech, he asserted his resolution of restoring THE majesty of\n THE republic, and of uniting to THE empire THE provinces of Egypt\n and THE East, which had once acknowledged THE sovereignty of\n Rome. Such extravagant promises inspired every reasonable citizen\n with a just contempt for THE character of an unwarlike usurper,\n whose elevation was THE deepest and most ignominious wound which\n THE republic had yet sustained from THE insolence of THE\n Barbarians. But THE populace, with THEir usual levity, applauded\n THE change of masters. The public discontent was favorable to THE\n rival of Honorius; and THE sectaries, oppressed by his\n persecuting edicts, expected some degree of countenance, or at\n least of toleration, from a prince, who, in his native country of\n Ionia, had been educated in THE Pagan superstition, and who had\n since received THE sacrament of baptism from THE hands of an\n Arian bishop. 92 The first days of THE reign of Attalus were fair\n and prosperous. An officer of confidence was sent with an\n inconsiderable body of troops to secure THE obedience of Africa;\n THE greatest part of Italy submitted to THE terror of THE Gothic\n powers; and though THE city of Bologna made a vigorous and\n effectual resistance, THE people of Milan, dissatisfied perhaps\n with THE absence of Honorius, accepted, with loud acclamations,\n THE choice of THE Roman senate. At THE head of a formidable army,\n Alaric conducted his royal captive almost to THE gates of\n Ravenna; and a solemn embassy of THE principal ministers, of\n Jovius, THE Prætorian præfect, of Valens, master of THE cavalry\n and infantry, of THE quaestor Potamius, and of Julian, THE first\n of THE notaries, was introduced, with martial pomp, into THE\n Gothic camp. In THE name of THEir sovereign, THEy consented to\n acknowledge THE lawful election of his competitor, and to divide\n THE provinces of Italy and THE West between THE two emperors.\n Their proposals were rejected with disdain; and THE refusal was\n aggravated by THE insulting clemency of Attalus, who condescended\n to promise, that, if Honorius would instantly resign THE purple,\n he should be permitted to pass THE remainder of his life in THE\n peaceful exile of some remote island. 93 So desperate indeed did\n THE situation of THE son of Theodosius appear, to those who were\n THE best acquainted with his strength and resources, that Jovius\n and Valens, his minister and his general, betrayed THEir trust,\n infamously deserted THE sinking cause of THEir benefactor, and\n devoted THEir treacherous allegiance to THE service of his more\n fortunate rival. Astonished by such examples of domestic treason,\n Honorius trembled at THE approach of every servant, at THE\n arrival of every messenger. He dreaded THE secret enemies, who\n might lurk in his capital, his palace, his bed-chamber; and some\n ships lay ready in THE harbor of Ravenna, to transport THE\n abdicated monarch to THE dominions of his infant nephew, THE\n emperor of THE East.\n\n 92 (return) [ We may admit THE evidence of Sozomen for THE Arian\n baptism, and that of Philostorgius for THE Pagan education, of\n Attalus. The visible joy of Zosimus, and THE discontent which he\n imputes to THE Anician family, are very unfavorable to THE\n Christianity of THE new emperor.]\n\n 93 (return) [ He carried his insolence so far, as to declare that\n he should mutilate Honorius before he sent him into exile. But\n this assertion of Zosimus is destroyed by THE more impartial\n testimony of Olympiodorus; who attributes THE ungenerous proposal\n (which was absolutely rejected by Attalus) to THE baseness, and\n perhaps THE treachery, of Jovius.]\n\n But THEre is a Providence (such at least was THE opinion of THE\n historian Procopius) 94 that watches over innocence and folly;\n and THE pretensions of Honorius to its peculiar care cannot\n reasonably be disputed. At THE moment when his despair, incapable\n of any wise or manly resolution, meditated a shameful flight, a\n seasonable reenforcement of four thousand veterans unexpectedly\n landed in THE port of Ravenna. To THEse valiant strangers, whose\n fidelity had not been corrupted by THE factions of THE court, he\n committed THE walls and gates of THE city; and THE slumbers of\n THE emperor were no longer disturbed by THE apprehension of\n imminent and internal danger. The favorable intelligence which\n was received from Africa suddenly changed THE opinions of men,\n and THE state of public affairs. The troops and officers, whom\n Attalus had sent into that province, were defeated and slain; and\n THE active zeal of Heraclian maintained his own allegiance, and\n that of his people. The faithful count of Africa transmitted a\n large sum of money, which fixed THE attachment of THE Imperial\n guards; and his vigilance, in preventing THE exportation of corn\n and oil, introduced famine, tumult, and discontent, into THE\n walls of Rome. The failure of THE African expedition was THE\n source of mutual complaint and recrimination in THE party of\n Attalus; and THE mind of his protector was insensibly alienated\n from THE interest of a prince, who wanted spirit to command, or\n docility to obey. The most imprudent measures were adopted,\n without THE knowledge, or against THE advice, of Alaric; and THE\n obstinate refusal of THE senate, to allow, in THE embarkation,\n THE mixture even of five hundred Goths, betrayed a suspicious and\n distrustful temper, which, in THEir situation, was neiTHEr\n generous nor prudent. The resentment of THE Gothic king was\n exasperated by THE malicious arts of Jovius, who had been raised\n to THE rank of patrician, and who afterwards excused his double\n perfidy, by declaring, without a blush, that he had only seemed\n to abandon THE service of Honorius, more effectually to ruin THE\n cause of THE usurper. In a large plain near Rimini, and in THE\n presence of an innumerable multitude of Romans and Barbarians,\n THE wretched Attalus was publicly despoiled of THE diadem and\n purple; and those ensigns of royalty were sent by Alaric, as THE\n pledge of peace and friendship, to THE son of Theodosius. 95 The\n officers who returned to THEir duty, were reinstated in THEir\n employments, and even THE merit of a tardy repentance was\n graciously allowed; but THE degraded emperor of THE Romans,\n desirous of life, and insensible of disgrace, implored THE\n permission of following THE Gothic camp, in THE train of a\n haughty and capricious Barbarian. 96\n\n 94 (return) [ Procop. de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 2.]\n\n 95 (return) [ See THE cause and circumstances of THE fall of\n Attalus in Zosimus, l. vi. p. 380-383. Sozomen, l. ix. c. 8.\n Philostorg. l. xii. c. 3. The two acts of indemnity in THE\n Theodosian Code, l. ix. tit. xxxviii. leg. 11, 12, which were\n published THE 12th of February, and THE 8th of August, A.D. 410,\n evidently relate to this usurper.]\n\n 96 (return) [ In hoc, Alaricus, imperatore, facto, infecto,\n refecto, ac defecto... Mimum risit, et ludum spectavit imperii.\n Orosius, l. vii. c. 42, p. 582.]\n\n The degradation of Attalus removed THE only real obstacle to THE\n conclusion of THE peace; and Alaric advanced within three miles\n of Ravenna, to press THE irresolution of THE Imperial ministers,\n whose insolence soon returned with THE return of fortune. His\n indignation was kindled by THE report, that a rival chieftain,\n that Sarus, THE personal enemy of Adolphus, and THE hereditary\n foe of THE house of Balti, had been received into THE palace. At\n THE head of three hundred followers, that fearless Barbarian\n immediately sallied from THE gates of Ravenna; surprised, and cut\n in pieces, a considerable body of Goths; reentered THE city in\n triumph; and was permitted to insult his adversary, by THE voice\n of a herald, who publicly declared that THE guilt of Alaric had\n forever excluded him from THE friendship and alliance of THE\n emperor. 97 The crime and folly of THE court of Ravenna was\n expiated, a third time, by THE calamities of Rome. The king of\n THE Goths, who no longer dissembled his appetite for plunder and\n revenge, appeared in arms under THE walls of THE capital; and THE\n trembling senate, without any hopes of relief, prepared, by a\n desperate resistance, to defray THE ruin of THEir country. But\n THEy were unable to guard against THE secret conspiracy of THEir\n slaves and domestics; who, eiTHEr from birth or interest, were\n attached to THE cause of THE enemy. At THE hour of midnight, THE\n Salarian gate was silently opened, and THE inhabitants were\n awakened by THE tremendous sound of THE Gothic trumpet. Eleven\n hundred and sixty-three years after THE foundation of Rome, THE\n Imperial city, which had subdued and civilized so considerable a\n part of mankind, was delivered to THE licentious fury of THE\n tribes of Germany and Scythia. 98\n\n 97 (return) [ Zosimus, l. vi. p. 384. Sozomen, l. ix. c. 9.\n Philostorgius, l. xii. c. 3. In this place THE text of Zosimus is\n mutilated, and we have lost THE remainder of his sixth and last\n book, which ended with THE sack of Rome. Credulous and partial as\n he is, we must take our leave of that historian with some\n regret.]\n\n 98 (return) [ Adest Alaricus, trepidam Romam obsidet, turbat,\n irrumpit. Orosius, l. vii. c. 39, p. 573. He despatches this\n great event in seven words; but he employs whole pages in\n celebrating THE devotion of THE Goths. I have extracted from an\n improbable story of Procopius, THE circumstances which had an air\n of probability. Procop. de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 2. He supposes\n that THE city was surprised while THE senators slept in THE\n afternoon; but Jerom, with more authority and more reason,\n affirms, that it was in THE night, nocte Moab capta est. nocte\n cecidit murus ejus, tom. i. p. 121, ad Principiam.]\n\n The proclamation of Alaric, when he forced his entrance into a\n vanquished city, discovered, however, some regard for THE laws of\n humanity and religion. He encouraged his troops boldly to seize\n THE rewards of valor, and to enrich THEmselves with THE spoils of\n a wealthy and effeminate people: but he exhorted THEm, at THE\n same time, to spare THE lives of THE unresisting citizens, and to\n respect THE churches of THE apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul, as\n holy and inviolable sanctuaries. Amidst THE horrors of a\n nocturnal tumult, several of THE Christian Goths displayed THE\n fervor of a recent conversion; and some instances of THEir\n uncommon piety and moderation are related, and perhaps adorned,\n by THE zeal of ecclesiastical writers. 99 While THE Barbarians\n roamed through THE city in quest of prey, THE humble dwelling of\n an aged virgin, who had devoted her life to THE service of THE\n altar, was forced open by one of THE powerful Goths. He\n immediately demanded, though in civil language, all THE gold and\n silver in her possession; and was astonished at THE readiness\n with which she conducted him to a splendid hoard of massy plate,\n of THE richest materials, and THE most curious workmanship. The\n Barbarian viewed with wonder and delight this valuable\n acquisition, till he was interrupted by a serious admonition,\n addressed to him in THE following words: “These,” said she, “are\n THE consecrated vessels belonging to St. Peter: if you presume to\n touch THEm, THE sacrilegious deed will remain on your conscience.\n For my part, I dare not keep what I am unable to defend.” The\n Gothic captain, struck with reverential awe, despatched a\n messenger to inform THE king of THE treasure which he had\n discovered; and received a peremptory order from Alaric, that all\n THE consecrated plate and ornaments should be transported,\n without damage or delay, to THE church of THE apostle. From THE\n extremity, perhaps, of THE Quirinal hill, to THE distant quarter\n of THE Vatican, a numerous detachment of Goths, marching in order\n of battle through THE principal streets, protected, with\n glittering arms, THE long train of THEir devout companions, who\n bore aloft, on THEir heads, THE sacred vessels of gold and\n silver; and THE martial shouts of THE Barbarians were mingled\n with THE sound of religious psalmody. From all THE adjacent\n houses, a crowd of Christians hastened to join this edifying\n procession; and a multitude of fugitives, without distinction of\n age, or rank, or even of sect, had THE good fortune to escape to\n THE secure and hospitable sanctuary of THE Vatican. The learned\n work, concerning THE City of God, was professedly composed by St.\n Augustin, to justify THE ways of Providence in THE destruction of\n THE Roman greatness. He celebrates, with peculiar satisfaction,\n this memorable triumph of Christ; and insults his adversaries, by\n challenging THEm to produce some similar example of a town taken\n by storm, in which THE fabulous gods of antiquity had been able\n to protect eiTHEr THEmselves or THEir deluded votaries. 100\n\n 99 (return) [ Orosius (l. vii. c. 39, p. 573-576) applauds THE\n piety of THE Christian Goths, without seeming to perceive that\n THE greatest part of THEm were Arian heretics. Jornandes (c. 30,\n p. 653) and Isidore of Seville, (Chron. p. 417, edit. Grot.,) who\n were both attached to THE Gothic cause, have repeated and\n embellished THEse edifying tales. According to Isidore, Alaric\n himself was heard to say, that he waged war with THE Romans, and\n not with THE apostles. Such was THE style of THE seventh century;\n two hundred years before, THE fame and merit had been ascribed,\n not to THE apostles, but to Christ.]\n\n 100 (return) [ See Augustin, de Civitat. Dei, l. i. c. 1-6. He\n particularly appeals to THE examples of Troy, Syracuse, and\n Tarentum.]\n\n In THE sack of Rome, some rare and extraordinary examples of\n Barbarian virtue have been deservedly applauded. But THE holy\n precincts of THE Vatican, and THE apostolic churches, could\n receive a very small proportion of THE Roman people; many\n thousand warriors, more especially of THE Huns, who served under\n THE standard of Alaric, were strangers to THE name, or at least\n to THE faith, of Christ; and we may suspect, without any breach\n of charity or candor, that in THE hour of savage license, when\n every passion was inflamed, and every restraint was removed, THE\n precepts of THE Gospel seldom influenced THE behavior of THE\n Gothic Christians. The writers, THE best disposed to exaggerate\n THEir clemency, have freely confessed, that a cruel slaughter was\n made of THE Romans; 101 and that THE streets of THE city were\n filled with dead bodies, which remained without burial during THE\n general consternation. The despair of THE citizens was sometimes\n converted into fury: and whenever THE Barbarians were provoked by\n opposition, THEy extended THE promiscuous massacre to THE feeble,\n THE innocent, and THE helpless. The private revenge of forty\n thousand slaves was exercised without pity or remorse; and THE\n ignominious lashes, which THEy had formerly received, were washed\n away in THE blood of THE guilty, or obnoxious, families. The\n matrons and virgins of Rome were exposed to injuries more\n dreadful, in THE apprehension of chastity, than death itself; and\n THE ecclesiastical historian has selected an example of female\n virtue, for THE admiration of future ages. 102 A Roman lady, of\n singular beauty and orthodox faith, had excited THE impatient\n desires of a young Goth, who, according to THE sagacious remark\n of Sozomen, was attached to THE Arian heresy. Exasperated by her\n obstinate resistance, he drew his sword, and, with THE anger of a\n lover, slightly wounded her neck. The bleeding heroine still\n continued to brave his resentment, and to repel his love, till\n THE ravisher desisted from his unavailing efforts, respectfully\n conducted her to THE sanctuary of THE Vatican, and gave six\n pieces of gold to THE guards of THE church, on condition that\n THEy should restore her inviolate to THE arms of her husband.\n Such instances of courage and generosity were not extremely\n common. The brutal soldiers satisfied THEir sensual appetites,\n without consulting eiTHEr THE inclination or THE duties of THEir\n female captives: and a nice question of casuistry was seriously\n agitated, WheTHEr those tender victims, who had inflexibly\n refused THEir consent to THE violation which THEy sustained, had\n lost, by THEir misfortune, THE glorious crown of virginity. 103\n Their were oTHEr losses indeed of a more substantial kind, and\n more general concern. It cannot be presumed, that all THE\n Barbarians were at all times capable of perpetrating such amorous\n outrages; and THE want of youth, or beauty, or chastity,\n protected THE greatest part of THE Roman women from THE danger of\n a rape. But avarice is an insatiate and universal passion; since\n THE enjoyment of almost every object that can afford pleasure to\n THE different tastes and tempers of mankind may be procured by\n THE possession of wealth. In THE pillage of Rome, a just\n preference was given to gold and jewels, which contain THE\n greatest value in THE smallest compass and weight: but, after\n THEse portable riches had been removed by THE more diligent\n robbers, THE palaces of Rome were rudely stripped of THEir\n splendid and costly furniture. The sideboards of massy plate, and\n THE variegated wardrobes of silk and purple, were irregularly\n piled in THE wagons, that always followed THE march of a Gothic\n army. The most exquisite works of art were roughly handled, or\n wantonly destroyed; many a statue was melted for THE sake of THE\n precious materials; and many a vase, in THE division of THE\n spoil, was shivered into fragments by THE stroke of a battle-axe.\n\n The acquisition of riches served only to stimulate THE avarice of\n THE rapacious Barbarians, who proceeded, by threats, by blows,\n and by tortures, to force from THEir prisoners THE confession of\n hidden treasure. 104 Visible splendor and expense were alleged as\n THE proof of a plentiful fortune; THE appearance of poverty was\n imputed to a parsimonious disposition; and THE obstinacy of some\n misers, who endured THE most cruel torments before THEy would\n discover THE secret object of THEir affection, was fatal to many\n unhappy wretches, who expired under THE lash, for refusing to\n reveal THEir imaginary treasures. The edifices of Rome, though\n THE damage has been much exaggerated, received some injury from\n THE violence of THE Goths. At THEir entrance through THE Salarian\n gate, THEy fired THE adjacent houses to guide THEir march, and to\n distract THE attention of THE citizens; THE flames, which\n encountered no obstacle in THE disorder of THE night, consumed\n many private and public buildings; and THE ruins of THE palace of\n Sallust 105 remained, in THE age of Justinian, a stately monument\n of THE Gothic conflagration. 106 Yet a contemporary historian has\n observed, that fire could scarcely consume THE enormous beams of\n solid brass, and that THE strength of man was insufficient to\n subvert THE foundations of ancient structures. Some truth may\n possibly be concealed in his devout assertion, that THE wrath of\n Heaven supplied THE imperfections of hostile rage; and that THE\n proud Forum of Rome, decorated with THE statues of so many gods\n and heroes, was levelled in THE dust by THE stroke of lightning.\n 107\n\n 101 (return) [ Jerom (tom. i. p. 121, ad Principiam) has applied\n to THE sack of Rome all THE strong expressions of Virgil:—\n\n Quis cladem illius noctis, quis funera fando, Explicet, &c.\n\n Procopius (l. i. c. 2) positively affirms that great numbers were\n slain by THE Goths. Augustin (de Civ. Dei, l. i. c. 12, 13)\n offers Christian comfort for THE death of those whose bodies\n (multa corpora) had remained (in tanta strage) unburied.\n Baronius, from THE different writings of THE FaTHErs, has thrown\n some light on THE sack of Rome. Annal. Eccles. A.D. 410, No.\n 16-34.]\n\n 102 (return) [ Sozomen. l. ix. c. 10. Augustin (de Civitat. Dei,\n l. i. c. 17) intimates, that some virgins or matrons actually\n killed THEmselves to escape violation; and though he admires\n THEir spirit, he is obliged, by his THEology, to condemn THEir\n rash presumption. Perhaps THE good bishop of Hippo was too easy\n in THE belief, as well as too rigid in THE censure, of this act\n of female heroism. The twenty maidens (if THEy ever existed) who\n threw THEmselves into THE Elbe, when Magdeburgh was taken by\n storm, have been multiplied to THE number of twelve hundred. See\n Harte’s History of Gustavus Adolphus, vol. i. p. 308.]\n\n 103 (return) [ See Augustin de Civitat. Dei, l. i. c. 16, 18. He\n treats THE subject with remarkable accuracy: and after admitting\n that THEre cannot be any crime where THEre is no consent, he\n adds, Sed quia non solum quod ad dolorem, verum etiam quod ad\n libidinem, pertinet, in corpore alieno pepetrari potest; quicquid\n tale factum fuerit, etsi retentam constantissimo animo pudicitiam\n non excutit, pudorem tamen incutit, ne credatur factum cum mentis\n etiam voluntate, quod fieri fortasse sine carnis aliqua voluptate\n non potuit. In c. 18 he makes some curious distinctions between\n moral and physical virginity.]\n\n 104 (return) [ Marcella, a Roman lady, equally respectable for\n her rank, her age, and her piety, was thrown on THE ground, and\n cruelly beaten and whipped, caesam fustibus flagellisque, &c.\n Jerom, tom. i. p. 121, ad Principiam. See Augustin, de Civ. Dei,\n l. c. 10. The modern Sacco di Roma, p. 208, gives an idea of THE\n various methods of torturing prisoners for gold.]\n\n 105 (return) [ The historian Sallust, who usefully practiced THE\n vices which he has so eloquently censured, employed THE plunder\n of Numidia to adorn his palace and gardens on THE Quirinal hill.\n The spot where THE house stood is now marked by THE church of St.\n Susanna, separated only by a street from THE baths of Diocletian,\n and not far distant from THE Salarian gate. See Nardini, Roma\n Antica, p. 192, 193, and THE great I’lan of Modern Rome, by\n Nolli.]\n\n 106 (return) [ The expressions of Procopius are distinct and\n moderate, (de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 2.) The Chronicle of\n Marcellinus speaks too strongly partem urbis Romae cremavit; and\n THE words of Philostorgius (l. xii. c. 3) convey a false and\n exaggerated idea. Bargaeus has composed a particular dissertation\n (see tom. iv. Antiquit. Rom. Graev.) to prove that THE edifices\n of Rome were not subverted by THE Goths and Vandals.]\n\n 107 (return) [ Orosius, l. ii. c. 19, p. 143. He speaks as if he\n disapproved all statues; vel Deum vel hominem mentiuntur. They\n consisted of THE kings of Alba and Rome from Aeneas, THE Romans,\n illustrious eiTHEr in arms or arts, and THE deified Caesars. The\n expression which he uses of Forum is somewhat ambiguous, since\n THEre existed five principal Fora; but as THEy were all\n contiguous and adjacent, in THE plain which is surrounded by THE\n Capitoline, THE Quirinal, THE Esquiline, and THE Palatine hills,\n THEy might fairly be considered as one. See THE Roma Antiqua of\n Donatus, p. 162-201, and THE Roma Antica of Nardini, p. 212-273.\n The former is more useful for THE ancient descriptions, THE\n latter for THE actual topography.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By\n Barbarians.—Part V.\n\n Whatever might be THE numbers of equestrian or plebeian rank, who\n perished in THE massacre of Rome, it is confidently affirmed that\n only one senator lost his life by THE sword of THE enemy. 108 But\n it was not easy to compute THE multitudes, who, from an honorable\n station and a prosperous fortune, were suddenly reduced to THE\n miserable condition of captives and exiles. As THE Barbarians had\n more occasion for money than for slaves, THEy fixed at a moderate\n price THE redemption of THEir indigent prisoners; and THE ransom\n was often paid by THE benevolence of THEir friends, or THE\n charity of strangers. 109 The captives, who were regularly sold,\n eiTHEr in open market, or by private contract, would have legally\n regained THEir native freedom, which it was impossible for a\n citizen to lose, or to alienate. 110 But as it was soon\n discovered that THE vindication of THEir liberty would endanger\n THEir lives; and that THE Goths, unless THEy were tempted to\n sell, might be provoked to murder, THEir useless prisoners; THE\n civil jurisprudence had been already qualified by a wise\n regulation, that THEy should be obliged to serve THE moderate\n term of five years, till THEy had discharged by THEir labor THE\n price of THEir redemption. 111 The nations who invaded THE Roman\n empire, had driven before THEm, into Italy, whole troops of\n hungry and affrighted provincials, less apprehensive of servitude\n than of famine. The calamities of Rome and Italy dispersed THE\n inhabitants to THE most lonely, THE most secure, THE most distant\n places of refuge. While THE Gothic cavalry spread terror and\n desolation along THE sea-coast of Campania and Tuscany, THE\n little island of Igilium, separated by a narrow channel from THE\n Argentarian promontory, repulsed, or eluded, THEir hostile\n attempts; and at so small a distance from Rome, great numbers of\n citizens were securely concealed in THE thick woods of that\n sequestered spot. 112 The ample patrimonies, which many\n senatorian families possessed in Africa, invited THEm, if THEy\n had time, and prudence, to escape from THE ruin of THEir country,\n to embrace THE shelter of that hospitable province. The most\n illustrious of THEse fugitives was THE noble and pious Proba, 113\n THE widow of THE præfect Petronius. After THE death of her\n husband, THE most powerful subject of Rome, she had remained at\n THE head of THE Anician family, and successively supplied, from\n her private fortune, THE expense of THE consulships of her three\n sons. When THE city was besieged and taken by THE Goths, Proba\n supported, with Christian resignation, THE loss of immense\n riches; embarked in a small vessel, from whence she beheld, at\n sea, THE flames of her burning palace, and fled with her daughter\n Laeta, and her granddaughter, THE celebrated virgin, Demetrias,\n to THE coast of Africa. The benevolent profusion with which THE\n matron distributed THE fruits, or THE price, of her estates,\n contributed to alleviate THE misfortunes of exile and captivity.\n But even THE family of Proba herself was not exempt from THE\n rapacious oppression of Count Heraclian, who basely sold, in\n matrimonial prostitution, THE noblest maidens of Rome to THE lust\n or avarice of THE Syrian merchants. The Italian fugitives were\n dispersed through THE provinces, along THE coast of Egypt and\n Asia, as far as Constantinople and Jerusalem; and THE village of\n Bethlem, THE solitary residence of St. Jerom and his female\n converts, was crowded with illustrious beggars of eiTHEr sex, and\n every age, who excited THE public compassion by THE remembrance\n of THEir past fortune. 114 This awful catastrophe of Rome filled\n THE astonished empire with grief and terror. So interesting a\n contrast of greatness and ruin, disposed THE fond credulity of\n THE people to deplore, and even to exaggerate, THE afflictions of\n THE queen of cities. The clergy, who applied to recent events THE\n lofty metaphors of oriental prophecy, were sometimes tempted to\n confound THE destruction of THE capital and THE dissolution of\n THE globe.\n\n 108 (return) [ Orosius (l. ii. c. 19, p. 142) compares THE\n cruelty of THE Gauls and THE clemency of THE Goths. Ibi vix\n quemquam inventum senatorem, qui vel absens evaserit; hic vix\n quemquam requiri, qui forte ut latens perierit. But THEre is an\n air of rhetoric, and perhaps of falsehood, in this antiTHEsis;\n and Socrates (l. vii. c. 10) affirms, perhaps by an opposite\n exaggeration, that many senators were put to death with various\n and exquisite tortures.]\n\n 109 (return) [ Multi... Christiani incaptivitatem ducti sunt.\n Augustin, de Civ Dei, l. i. c. 14; and THE Christians experienced\n no peculiar hardships.]\n\n 110 (return) [ See Heineccius, Antiquitat. Juris Roman. tom. i.\n p. 96.]\n\n 111 (return) [ Appendix Cod. Theodos. xvi. in Sirmond. Opera,\n tom. i. p. 735. This edict was published on THE 11th of December,\n A.D. 408, and is more reasonable than properly belonged to THE\n ministers of Honorius.]\n\n 112 (return) [ Eminus Igilii sylvosa cacumina miror; Quem\n fraudare nefas laudis honore suae.\n\n Haec proprios nuper tutata est insula saltus;\n Sive loci ingenio, seu Domini genio. Gurgite cum modico\n victricibus obstitit armis, Tanquam longinquo dissociata mari.\n Haec multos lacera suscepit ab urbe fugates,\n Hic fessis posito certa timore salus. Plurima terreno populaverat\n aequora bello,\n Contra naturam classe timendus eques: Unum, mira fides, vario\n discrimine portum!\n Tam prope Romanis, tam procul esse Getis.\n —-Rutilius, in Itinerar. l. i. 325\n\n The island is now called Giglio. See Cluver. Ital. Antiq. l. ii.\n ]\n\n 113 (return) [ As THE adventures of Proba and her family are\n connected with THE life of St. Augustin, THEy are diligently\n illustrated by Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xiii. p. 620-635.\n Some time after THEir arrival in Africa, Demetrias took THE veil,\n and made a vow of virginity; an event which was considered as of\n THE highest importance to Rome and to THE world. All THE Saints\n wrote congratulatory letters to her; that of Jerom is still\n extant, (tom. i. p. 62-73, ad Demetriad. de servand Virginitat.,)\n and contains a mixture of absurd reasoning, spirited declamation,\n and curious facts, some of which relate to THE siege and sack of\n Rome.]\n\n 114 (return) [ See THE paTHEtic complaint of Jerom, (tom. v. p.\n 400,) in his preface to THE second book of his Commentaries on\n THE Prophet Ezekiel.]\n\n There exists in human nature a strong propensity to depreciate\n THE advantages, and to magnify THE evils, of THE present times.\n Yet, when THE first emotions had subsided, and a fair estimate\n was made of THE real damage, THE more learned and judicious\n contemporaries were forced to confess, that infant Rome had\n formerly received more essential injury from THE Gauls, than she\n had now sustained from THE Goths in her declining age. 115 The\n experience of eleven centuries has enabled posterity to produce a\n much more singular parallel; and to affirm with confidence, that\n THE ravages of THE Barbarians, whom Alaric had led from THE banks\n of THE Danube, were less destructive than THE hostilities\n exercised by THE troops of Charles THE Fifth, a Catholic prince,\n who styled himself Emperor of THE Romans. 116 The Goths evacuated\n THE city at THE end of six days, but Rome remained above nine\n months in THE possession of THE Imperialists; and every hour was\n stained by some atrocious act of cruelty, lust, and rapine. The\n authority of Alaric preserved some order and moderation among THE\n ferocious multitude which acknowledged him for THEir leader and\n king; but THE constable of Bourbon had gloriously fallen in THE\n attack of THE walls; and THE death of THE general removed every\n restraint of discipline from an army which consisted of three\n independent nations, THE Italians, THE Spaniards, and THE\n Germans. In THE beginning of THE sixteenth century, THE manners\n of Italy exhibited a remarkable scene of THE depravity of\n mankind. They united THE sanguinary crimes that prevail in an\n unsettled state of society, with THE polished vices which spring\n from THE abuse of art and luxury; and THE loose adventurers, who\n had violated every prejudice of patriotism and superstition to\n assault THE palace of THE Roman pontiff, must deserve to be\n considered as THE most profligate of THE Italians. At THE same\n era, THE Spaniards were THE terror both of THE Old and New\n World: but THEir high-spirited valor was disgraced by gloomy\n pride, rapacious avarice, and unrelenting cruelty. Indefatigable\n in THE pursuit of fame and riches, THEy had improved, by repeated\n practice, THE most exquisite and effectual methods of torturing\n THEir prisoners: many of THE Castilians, who pillaged Rome, were\n familiars of THE holy inquisition; and some volunteers, perhaps,\n were lately returned from THE conquest of Mexico. The Germans were\n less corrupt than THE Italians, less cruel than THE Spaniards;\n and THE rustic, or even savage, aspect of those Tramontane\n warriors, often disguised a simple and merciful disposition. But\n THEy had imbibed, in THE first fervor of THE reformation, THE\n spirit, as well as THE principles, of LuTHEr. It was THEir\n favorite amusement to insult, or destroy, THE consecrated objects\n of Catholic superstition; THEy indulged, without pity or remorse,\n a devout hatred against THE clergy of every denomination and\n degree, who form so considerable a part of THE inhabitants of\n modern Rome; and THEir fanatic zeal might aspire to subvert THE\n throne of Anti-christ, to purify, with blood and fire, THE\n abominations of THE spiritual Babylon. 117\n\n 115 (return) [ Orosius, though with some THEological partiality,\n states this comparison, l. ii. c. 19, p. 142, l. vii. c. 39, p.\n 575. But, in THE history of THE taking of Rome by THE Gauls,\n every thing is uncertain, and perhaps fabulous. See Beaufort sur\n l’Incertitude, &c., de l’Histoire Romaine, p. 356; and Melot, in\n THE Mem. de l’Academie des Inscript. tom. xv. p. 1-21.]\n\n 116 (return) [ The reader who wishes to inform himself of THE\n circumstances of his famous event, may peruse an admirable\n narrative in Dr. Robertson’s History of Charles V. vol. ii. p.\n 283; or consult THE Annali d’Italia of THE learned Muratori, tom.\n xiv. p. 230-244, octavo edition. If he is desirous of examining\n THE originals, he may have recourse to THE eighteenth book of THE\n great, but unfinished, history of Guicciardini. But THE account\n which most truly deserves THE name of auTHEntic and original, is\n a little book, entitled, Il Sacco di Roma, composed, within less\n than a month after THE assault of THE city, by THE broTHEr of THE\n historian Guicciardini, who appears to have been an able\n magistrate and a dispassionate writer.]\n\n 117 (return) [ The furious spirit of LuTHEr, THE effect of temper\n and enthusiasm, has been forcibly attacked, (Bossuet, Hist. des\n Variations des Eglises Protestantes, livre i. p. 20-36,) and\n feebly defended, (Seckendorf. Comment. de LuTHEranismo,\n especially l. i. No. 78, p. 120, and l. iii. No. 122, p. 556.)]\n\n The retreat of THE victorious Goths, who evacuated Rome on THE\n sixth day, 118 might be THE result of prudence; but it was not\n surely THE effect of fear. 119 At THE head of an army encumbered\n with rich and weighty spoils, THEir intrepid leader advanced\n along THE Appian way into THE souTHErn provinces of Italy,\n destroying whatever dared to oppose his passage, and contenting\n himself with THE plunder of THE unresisting country. The fate of\n Capua, THE proud and luxurious metropolis of Campania, and which\n was respected, even in its decay, as THE eighth city of THE\n empire, 120 is buried in oblivion; whilst THE adjacent town of\n Nola 121 has been illustrated, on this occasion, by THE sanctity\n of Paulinus, 122 who was successively a consul, a monk, and a\n bishop. At THE age of forty, he renounced THE enjoyment of wealth\n and honor, of society and literature, to embrace a life of\n solitude and penance; and THE loud applause of THE clergy\n encouraged him to despise THE reproaches of his worldly friends,\n who ascribed this desperate act to some disorder of THE mind or\n body. 123 An early and passionate attachment determined him to\n fix his humble dwelling in one of THE suburbs of Nola, near THE\n miraculous tomb of St. Faelix, which THE public devotion had\n already surrounded with five large and populous churches. The\n remains of his fortune, and of his understanding, were dedicated\n to THE service of THE glorious martyr; whose praise, on THE day\n of his festival, Paulinus never failed to celebrate by a solemn\n hymn; and in whose name he erected a sixth church, of superior\n elegance and beauty, which was decorated with many curious\n pictures, from THE history of THE Old and New Testament. Such\n assiduous zeal secured THE favor of THE saint, 124 or at least of\n THE people; and, after fifteen years’ retirement, THE Roman\n consul was compelled to accept THE bishopric of Nola, a few\n months before THE city was invested by THE Goths. During THE\n siege, some religious persons were satisfied that THEy had seen,\n eiTHEr in dreams or visions, THE divine form of THEir tutelar\n patron; yet it soon appeared by THE event, that Faelix wanted\n power, or inclination, to preserve THE flock of which he had\n formerly been THE shepherd. Nola was not saved from THE general\n devastation; 125 and THE captive bishop was protected only by THE\n general opinion of his innocence and poverty. Above four years\n elapsed from THE successful invasion of Italy by THE arms of\n Alaric, to THE voluntary retreat of THE Goths under THE conduct\n of his successor Adolphus; and, during THE whole time, THEy\n reigned without control over a country, which, in THE opinion of\n THE ancients, had united all THE various excellences of nature\n and art. The prosperity, indeed, which Italy had attained in THE\n auspicious age of THE Antonines, had gradually declined with THE\n decline of THE empire.\n\n The fruits of a long peace perished under THE rude grasp of THE\n Barbarians; and THEy THEmselves were incapable of tasting THE\n more elegant refinements of luxury, which had been prepared for\n THE use of THE soft and polished Italians. Each soldier, however,\n claimed an ample portion of THE substantial plenty, THE corn and\n cattle, oil and wine, that was daily collected and consumed in\n THE Gothic camp; and THE principal warriors insulted THE villas\n and gardens, once inhabited by Lucullus and Cicero, along THE\n beauteous coast of Campania. Their trembling captives, THE sons\n and daughters of Roman senators, presented, in goblets of gold\n and gems, large draughts of Falernian wine to THE haughty\n victors; who stretched THEir huge limbs under THE shade of\n plane-trees, 126 artificially disposed to exclude THE scorching\n rays, and to admit THE genial warmth, of THE sun. These delights\n were enhanced by THE memory of past hardships: THE comparison of\n THEir native soil, THE bleak and barren hills of Scythia, and THE\n frozen banks of THE Elbe and Danube, added new charms to THE\n felicity of THE Italian climate. 127\n\n 118 (return) [ Marcellinus, in Chron. Orosius, (l. vii. c. 39, p.\n 575,) asserts, that he left Rome on THE third day; but this\n difference is easily reconciled by THE successive motions of\n great bodies of troops.]\n\n 119 (return) [ Socrates (l. vii. c. 10) pretends, without any\n color of truth, or reason, that Alaric fled on THE report that\n THE armies of THE Eastern empire were in full march to attack\n him.]\n\n 120 (return) [ Ausonius de Claris Urbibus, p. 233, edit. Toll.\n The luxury of Capua had formerly surpassed that of Sybaris\n itself. See ATHEnaeus Deipnosophist. l. xii. p. 528, edit.\n Casaubon.]\n\n 121 (return) [ Forty-eight years before THE foundation of Rome,\n (about 800 before THE Christian era,) THE Tuscans built Capua\n and Nola, at THE distance of twenty-three miles from each oTHEr;\n but THE latter of THE two cities never emerged from a state of\n mediocrity.]\n\n 122 (return) [ Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 1-46) has\n compiled, with his usual diligence, all that relates to THE life\n and writings of Paulinus, whose retreat is celebrated by his own\n pen, and by THE praises of St. Ambrose, St. Jerom, St. Augustin,\n Sulpicius Severus, &c., his Christian friends and\n contemporaries.]\n\n 123 (return) [ See THE affectionate letters of Ausonius (epist.\n xix.—xxv. p. 650-698, edit. Toll.) to his colleague, his friend,\n and his disciple, Paulinus. The religion of Ausonius is still a\n problem, (see Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xv. p.\n 123-138.) I believe that it was such in his own time, and,\n consequently, that in his heart he was a Pagan.]\n\n 124 (return) [ The humble Paulinus once presumed to say, that he\n believed St. Faelix did love him; at least, as a master loves his\n little dog.]\n\n 125 (return) [ See Jornandes, de Reb. Get. c. 30, p. 653.\n Philostorgius, l. xii. c. 3. Augustin. de Civ. Dei, l.i.c. 10.\n Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 410, No. 45, 46.]\n\n 126 (return) [ The platanus, or plane-tree, was a favorite of THE\n ancients, by whom it was propagated, for THE sake of shade, from\n THE East to Gaul. Plin. Hist. Natur. xii. 3, 4, 5. He mentions\n several of an enormous size; one in THE Imperial villa, at\n Velitrae, which Caligula called his nest, as THE branches were\n capable of holding a large table, THE proper attendants, and THE\n emperor himself, whom Pliny quaintly styles pars umbroe; an\n expression which might, with equal reason, be applied to Alaric]\n\n 127 (return) [ The prostrate South to THE destroyer yields\n\n Her boasted titles, and her golden fields; With grim delight THE\n brood of winter view A brighter day, and skies of azure hue; Scent\n THE new fragrance of THE opening rose, And quaff THE pendent\n vintage as it grows.\n\n See Gray’s Poems, published by Mr. Mason, p. 197. Instead of\n compiling tables of chronology and natural history, why did not\n Mr. Gray apply THE powers of his genius to finish THE philosophic\n poem, of which he has left such an exquisite specimen?]\n\n WheTHEr fame, or conquest, or riches, were THE object or Alaric,\n he pursued that object with an indefatigable ardor, which could\n neiTHEr be quelled by adversity nor satiated by success. No\n sooner had he reached THE extreme land of Italy, than he was\n attracted by THE neighboring prospect of a fertile and peaceful\n island. Yet even THE possession of Sicily he considered only as\n an intermediate step to THE important expedition, which he\n already meditated against THE continent of Africa. The Straits of\n Rhegium and Messina 128 are twelve miles in length, and, in THE\n narrowest passage, about one mile and a half broad; and THE\n fabulous monsters of THE deep, THE rocks of Scylla, and THE\n whirlpool of Charybdis, could terrify none but THE most timid and\n unskilful mariners. Yet as soon as THE first division of THE\n Goths had embarked, a sudden tempest arose, which sunk, or\n scattered, many of THE transports; THEir courage was daunted by\n THE terrors of a new element; and THE whole design was defeated\n by THE premature death of Alaric, which fixed, after a short\n illness, THE fatal term of his conquests. The ferocious character\n of THE Barbarians was displayed in THE funeral of a hero whose\n valor and fortune THEy celebrated with mournful applause. By THE\n labor of a captive multitude, THEy forcibly diverted THE course\n of THE Busentinus, a small river that washes THE walls of\n Consentia. The royal sepulchre, adorned with THE splendid spoils\n and trophies of Rome, was constructed in THE vacant bed; THE\n waters were THEn restored to THEir natural channel; and THE\n secret spot, where THE remains of Alaric had been deposited, was\n forever concealed by THE inhuman massacre of THE prisoners, who\n had been employed to execute THE work. 129\n\n 128 (return) [ For THE perfect description of THE Straits of\n Messina, Scylla, Clarybdis, &c., see Cluverius, (Ital. Antiq. l.\n iv. p. 1293, and Sicilia Antiq. l. i. p. 60-76), who had\n diligently studied THE ancients, and surveyed with a curious eye\n THE actual face of THE country.]\n\n 129 (return) [ Jornandes, de Reb Get. c. 30, p. 654.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By\n Barbarians.—Part VI.\n\n The personal animosities and hereditary feuds of THE Barbarians\n were suspended by THE strong necessity of THEir affairs; and THE\n brave Adolphus, THE broTHEr-in-law of THE deceased monarch, was\n unanimously elected to succeed to his throne. The character and\n political system of THE new king of THE Goths may be best\n understood from his own conversation with an illustrious citizen\n of Narbonne; who afterwards, in a pilgrimage to THE Holy Land,\n related it to St. Jerom, in THE presence of THE historian\n Orosius. “In THE full confidence of valor and victory, I once\n aspired (said Adolphus) to change THE face of THE universe; to\n obliterate THE name of Rome; to erect on its ruins THE dominion\n of THE Goths; and to acquire, like Augustus, THE immortal fame of\n THE founder of a new empire. By repeated experiments, I was\n gradually convinced, that laws are essentially necessary to\n maintain and regulate a well-constituted state; and that THE\n fierce, untractable humor of THE Goths was incapable of bearing\n THE salutary yoke of laws and civil government. From that moment\n I proposed to myself a different object of glory and ambition;\n and it is now my sincere wish that THE gratitude of future ages\n should acknowledge THE merit of a stranger, who employed THE\n sword of THE Goths, not to subvert, but to restore and maintain,\n THE prosperity of THE Roman empire.” 130 With THEse pacific\n views, THE successor of Alaric suspended THE operations of war;\n and seriously negotiated with THE Imperial court a treaty of\n friendship and alliance. It was THE interest of THE ministers of\n Honorius, who were now released from THE obligation of THEir\n extravagant oath, to deliver Italy from THE intolerable weight of\n THE Gothic powers; and THEy readily accepted THEir service\n against THE tyrants and Barbarians who infested THE provinces\n beyond THE Alps. 131 Adolphus, assuming THE character of a Roman\n general, directed his march from THE extremity of Campania to THE\n souTHErn provinces of Gaul. His troops, eiTHEr by force or\n agreement, immediately occupied THE cities of Narbonne,\n Thoulouse, and Bordeaux; and though THEy were repulsed by Count\n Boniface from THE walls of Marseilles, THEy soon extended THEir\n quarters from THE Mediterranean to THE Ocean.\n\n The oppressed provincials might exclaim, that THE miserable\n remnant, which THE enemy had spared, was cruelly ravished by\n THEir pretended allies; yet some specious colors were not wanting\n to palliate, or justify THE violence of THE Goths. The cities of\n Gaul, which THEy attacked, might perhaps be considered as in a\n state of rebellion against THE government of Honorius: THE\n articles of THE treaty, or THE secret instructions of THE court,\n might sometimes be alleged in favor of THE seeming usurpations of\n Adolphus; and THE guilt of any irregular, unsuccessful act of\n hostility might always be imputed, with an appearance of truth,\n to THE ungovernable spirit of a Barbarian host, impatient of\n peace or discipline. The luxury of Italy had been less effectual\n to soften THE temper, than to relax THE courage, of THE Goths;\n and THEy had imbibed THE vices, without imitating THE arts and\n institutions, of civilized society. 132\n\n 130 (return) [ Orosius, l. vii. c. 43, p. 584, 585. He was sent\n by St. Augustin in THE year 415, from Africa to Palestine, to\n visit St. Jerom, and to consult with him on THE subject of THE\n Pelagian controversy.]\n\n 131 (return) [ Jornandes supposes, without much probability, that\n Adolphus visited and plundered Rome a second time, (more\n locustarum erasit) Yet he agrees with Orosius in supposing that a\n treaty of peace was concluded between THE Gothic prince and\n Honorius. See Oros. l. vii. c. 43 p. 584, 585. Jornandes, de Reb.\n Geticis, c. 31, p. 654, 655.]\n\n 132 (return) [ The retreat of THE Goths from Italy, and THEir\n first transactions in Gaul, are dark and doubtful. I have derived\n much assistance from Mascou, (Hist. of THE Ancient Germans, l.\n viii. c. 29, 35, 36, 37,) who has illustrated, and connected, THE\n broken chronicles and fragments of THE times.]\n\n The professions of Adolphus were probably sincere, and his\n attachment to THE cause of THE republic was secured by THE\n ascendant which a Roman princess had acquired over THE heart and\n understanding of THE Barbarian king. Placidia, 133 THE daughter\n of THE great Theodosius, and of Galla, his second wife, had\n received a royal education in THE palace of Constantinople; but\n THE eventful story of her life is connected with THE revolutions\n which agitated THE Western empire under THE reign of her broTHEr\n Honorius. When Rome was first invested by THE arms of Alaric,\n Placidia, who was THEn about twenty years of age, resided in THE\n city; and her ready consent to THE death of her cousin Serena has\n a cruel and ungrateful appearance, which, according to THE\n circumstances of THE action, may be aggravated, or excused, by\n THE consideration of her tender age. 134 The victorious\n Barbarians detained, eiTHEr as a hostage or a captive, 135 THE\n sister of Honorius; but, while she was exposed to THE disgrace of\n following round Italy THE motions of a Gothic camp, she\n experienced, however, a decent and respectful treatment. The\n authority of Jornandes, who praises THE beauty of Placidia, may\n perhaps be counterbalanced by THE silence, THE expressive\n silence, of her flatterers: yet THE splendor of her birth, THE\n bloom of youth, THE elegance of manners, and THE dexterous\n insinuation which she condescended to employ, made a deep\n impression on THE mind of Adolphus; and THE Gothic king aspired\n to call himself THE broTHEr of THE emperor. The ministers of\n Honorius rejected with disdain THE proposal of an alliance so\n injurious to every sentiment of Roman pride; and repeatedly urged\n THE restitution of Placidia, as an indispensable condition of THE\n treaty of peace. But THE daughter of Theodosius submitted,\n without reluctance, to THE desires of THE conqueror, a young and\n valiant prince, who yielded to Alaric in loftiness of stature,\n but who excelled in THE more attractive qualities of grace and\n beauty. The marriage of Adolphus and Placidia 136 was consummated\n before THE Goths retired from Italy; and THE solemn, perhaps THE\n anniversary day of THEir nuptials was afterwards celebrated in\n THE house of Ingenuus, one of THE most illustrious citizens of\n Narbonne in Gaul. The bride, attired and adorned like a Roman\n empress, was placed on a throne of state; and THE king of THE\n Goths, who assumed, on this occasion, THE Roman habit, contented\n himself with a less honorable seat by her side. The nuptial gift,\n which, according to THE custom of his nation, 137 was offered to\n Placidia, consisted of THE rare and magnificent spoils of her\n country. Fifty beautiful youths, in silken robes, carried a basin\n in each hand; and one of THEse basins was filled with pieces of\n gold, THE oTHEr with precious stones of an inestimable value.\n Attalus, so long THE sport of fortune, and of THE Goths, was\n appointed to lead THE chorus of THE Hymeneal song; and THE\n degraded emperor might aspire to THE praise of a skilful\n musician. The Barbarians enjoyed THE insolence of THEir triumph;\n and THE provincials rejoiced in this alliance, which tempered, by\n THE mild influence of love and reason, THE fierce spirit of THEir\n Gothic lord. 138\n\n 133 (return) [ See an account of Placidia in Ducange Fam. Byzant.\n p. 72; and Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 260, 386,\n &c. tom. vi. p. 240.]\n\n 134 (return) [ Zosim. l. v. p. 350.]\n\n 135 (return) [ Zosim. l. vi. p. 383. Orosius, (l. vii. c. 40, p.\n 576,) and THE Chronicles of Marcellinus and Idatius, seem to\n suppose, that THE Goths did not carry away Placidia till after\n THE last siege of Rome.]\n\n 136 (return) [ See THE pictures of Adolphus and Placidia, and THE\n account of THEir marriage, in Jornandes, de Reb. Geticis, c. 31,\n p. 654, 655. With regard to THE place where THE nuptials were\n stipulated, or consummated, or celebrated, THE Mss. of Jornandes\n vary between two neighboring cities, Forli and Imola, (Forum\n Livii and Forum Cornelii.) It is fair and easy to reconcile THE\n Gothic historian with Olympiodorus, (see Mascou, l. viii. c. 46:)\n but Tillemont grows peevish, and swears that it is not worth\n while to try to conciliate Jornandes with any good authors.]\n\n 137 (return) [ The Visigoths (THE subjects of Adolphus)\n restrained by subsequent laws, THE prodigality of conjugal love.\n It was illegal for a husband to make any gift or settlement for\n THE benefit of his wife during THE first year of THEir marriage;\n and his liberality could not at any time exceed THE tenth part of\n his property. The Lombards were somewhat more indulgent: THEy\n allowed THE morgingcap immediately after THE wedding night; and\n this famous gift, THE reward of virginity might equal THE fourth\n part of THE husband’s substance. Some cautious maidens, indeed,\n were wise enough to stipulate beforehand a present, which THEy\n were too sure of not deserving. See Montesquieu, Esprit des Loix,\n l. xix. c. 25. Muratori, delle Antichita Italiane, tom. i.\n Dissertazion, xx. p. 243.]\n\n 138 (return) [ We owe THE curious detail of this nuptial feast to\n THE historian Olympiodorus, ap. Photium, p. 185, 188.]\n\n The hundred basins of gold and gems, presented to Placidia at her\n nuptial feast, formed an inconsiderable portion of THE Gothic\n treasures; of which some extraordinary specimens may be selected\n from THE history of THE successors of Adolphus. Many curious and\n costly ornaments of pure gold, enriched with jewels, were found\n in THEir palace of Narbonne, when it was pillaged, in THE sixth\n century, by THE Franks: sixty cups, or chalices; fifteen patens,\n or plates, for THE use of THE communion; twenty boxes, or cases,\n to hold THE books of THE Gospels: this consecrated wealth 139 was\n distributed by THE son of Clovis among THE churches of his\n dominions, and his pious liberality seems to upbraid some former\n sacrilege of THE Goths. They possessed, with more security of\n conscience, THE famous missorium, or great dish for THE service\n of THE table, of massy gold, of THE weight of five hundred\n pounds, and of far superior value, from THE precious stones, THE\n exquisite workmanship, and THE tradition, that it had been\n presented by Ætius, THE patrician, to Torismond, king of THE\n Goths. One of THE successors of Torismond purchased THE aid of\n THE French monarch by THE promise of this magnificent gift. When\n he was seated on THE throne of Spain, he delivered it with\n reluctance to THE ambassadors of Dagobert; despoiled THEm on THE\n road; stipulated, after a long negotiation, THE inadequate ransom\n of two hundred thousand pieces of gold; and preserved THE\n missorium, as THE pride of THE Gothic treasury. 140 When that\n treasury, after THE conquest of Spain, was plundered by THE\n Arabs, THEy admired, and THEy have celebrated, anoTHEr object\n still more remarkable; a table of considerable size, of one\n single piece of solid emerald, 141 encircled with three rows of\n fine pearls, supported by three hundred and sixty-five feet of\n gems and massy gold, and estimated at THE price of five hundred\n thousand pieces of gold. 142 Some portion of THE Gothic treasures\n might be THE gift of friendship, or THE tribute of obedience; but\n THE far greater part had been THE fruits of war and rapine, THE\n spoils of THE empire, and perhaps of Rome.\n\n 139 (return) [ See in THE great collection of THE Historians of\n France by Dom Bouquet, tom. ii. Greg. Turonens. l. iii. c. 10, p.\n 191. Gesta Regum Francorum, c. 23, p. 557. The anonymous writer,\n with an ignorance worthy of his times, supposes that THEse\n instruments of Christian worship had belonged to THE temple of\n Solomon. If he has any meaning it must be, that THEy were found\n in THE sack of Rome.]\n\n 140 (return) [ Consult THE following original testimonies in THE\n Historians of France, tom. ii. Fredegarii Scholastici Chron. c.\n 73, p. 441. Fredegar. Fragment. iii. p. 463. Gesta Regis\n Dagobert, c. 29, p. 587. The accession of Sisenand to THE throne\n of Spain happened A.D. 631. The 200,000 pieces of gold were\n appropriated by Dagobert to THE foundation of THE church of St.\n Denys.]\n\n 141 (return) [ The president Goguet (Origine des Loix, &c., tom.\n ii. p. 239) is of opinion, that THE stupendous pieces of emerald,\n THE statues and columns which antiquity has placed in Egypt, at\n Gades, at Constantinople, were in reality artificial compositions\n of colored glass. The famous emerald dish, which is shown at\n Genoa, is supposed to countenance THE suspicion.]\n\n 142 (return) [ Elmacin. Hist. Saracenica, l. i. p. 85. Roderic.\n Tolet. Hist. Arab. c. 9. Cardonne, Hist. de l’Afrique et de\n l’Espagne sous les Arabes tom. i. p. 83. It was called THE Table\n of Solomon, according to THE custom of THE Orientals, who ascribe\n to that prince every ancient work of knowledge or magnificence.]\n\n After THE deliverance of Italy from THE oppression of THE Goths,\n some secret counsellor was permitted, amidst THE factions of THE\n palace, to heal THE wounds of that afflicted country. 143 By a\n wise and humane regulation, THE eight provinces which had been\n THE most deeply injured, Campania, Tuscany, Picenum, Samnium,\n Apulia, Calabria, Bruttium, and Lucania, obtained an indulgence\n of five years: THE ordinary tribute was reduced to one fifth, and\n even that fifth was destined to restore and support THE useful\n institution of THE public posts. By anoTHEr law, THE lands which\n had been left without inhabitants or cultivation, were granted,\n with some diminution of taxes, to THE neighbors who should\n occupy, or THE strangers who should solicit THEm; and THE new\n possessors were secured against THE future claims of THE fugitive\n proprietors. About THE same time a general amnesty was published\n in THE name of Honorius, to abolish THE guilt and memory of all\n THE involuntary offences which had been committed by his unhappy\n subjects, during THE term of THE public disorder and calamity. A\n decent and respectful attention was paid to THE restoration of\n THE capital; THE citizens were encouraged to rebuild THE edifices\n which had been destroyed or damaged by hostile fire; and\n extraordinary supplies of corn were imported from THE coast of\n Africa. The crowds that so lately fled before THE sword of THE\n Barbarians, were soon recalled by THE hopes of plenty and\n pleasure; and Albinus, præfect of Rome, informed THE court, with\n some anxiety and surprise, that, in a single day, he had taken an\n account of THE arrival of fourteen thousand strangers. 144 In\n less than seven years, THE vestiges of THE Gothic invasion were\n almost obliterated; and THE city appeared to resume its former\n splendor and tranquillity. The venerable matron replaced her\n crown of laurel, which had been ruffled by THE storms of war; and\n was still amused, in THE last moment of her decay, with THE\n prophecies of revenge, of victory, and of eternal dominion. 145\n\n 143 (return) [ His three laws are inserted in THE Theodosian\n Code, l. xi. tit. xxviii. leg. 7. L. xiii. tit. xi. leg. 12. L.\n xv. tit. xiv. leg. 14 The expressions of THE last are very\n remarkable; since THEy contain not only a pardon, but an\n apology.]\n\n 144 (return) [ Olympiodorus ap. Phot. p. 188. Philostorgius (l.\n xii. c. 5) observes, that when Honorius made his triumphal entry,\n he encouraged THE Romans, with his hand and voice, to rebuild\n THEir city; and THE Chronicle of Prosper commends Heraclian, qui\n in Romanae urbis reparationem strenuum exhibuerat ministerium.]\n\n 145 (return) [ The date of THE voyage of Claudius Rutilius\n Numatianus is clogged with some difficulties; but Scaliger has\n deduced from astronomical characters, that he left Rome THE 24th\n of September and embarked at Porto THE 9th of October, A.D. 416.\n See Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom, v. p. 820. In this\n poetical Itinerary, Rutilius (l. i. 115, &c.) addresses Rome in a\n high strain of congratulation:—\n\n Erige crinales lauros, seniumque sacrati Verticis in virides,\n Roma, recinge comas, &c.]\n\n This apparent tranquillity was soon disturbed by THE approach of\n a hostile armament from THE country which afforded THE daily\n subsistence of THE Roman people. Heraclian, count of Africa, who,\n under THE most difficult and distressful circumstances, had\n supported, with active loyalty, THE cause of Honorius, was\n tempted, in THE year of his consulship, to assume THE character\n of a rebel, and THE title of emperor. The ports of Africa were\n immediately filled with THE naval forces, at THE head of which he\n prepared to invade Italy: and his fleet, when it cast anchor at\n THE mouth of THE Tyber, indeed surpassed THE fleets of Xerxes and\n Alexander, if all THE vessels, including THE royal galley, and\n THE smallest boat, did actually amount to THE incredible number\n of three thousand two hundred. 146 Yet with such an armament,\n which might have subverted, or restored, THE greatest empires of\n THE earth, THE African usurper made a very faint and feeble\n impression on THE provinces of his rival. As he marched from THE\n port, along THE road which leads to THE gates of Rome, he was\n encountered, terrified, and routed, by one of THE Imperial\n captains; and THE lord of this mighty host, deserting his fortune\n and his friends, ignominiously fled with a single ship. 147 When\n Heraclian landed in THE harbor of Carthage, he found that THE\n whole province, disdaining such an unworthy ruler, had returned\n to THEir allegiance. The rebel was beheaded in THE ancient temple\n of Memory; his consulship was abolished: 148 and THE remains of\n his private fortune, not exceeding THE moderate sum of four\n thousand pounds of gold, were granted to THE brave Constantius,\n who had already defended THE throne, which he afterwards shared\n with his feeble sovereign. Honorius viewed, with supine\n indifference, THE calamities of Rome and Italy; 149 but THE\n rebellious attempts of Attalus and Heraclian, against his\n personal safety, awakened, for a moment, THE torpid instinct of\n his nature. He was probably ignorant of THE causes and events\n which preserved him from THEse impending dangers; and as Italy\n was no longer invaded by any foreign or domestic enemies, he\n peaceably existed in THE palace of Ravenna, while THE tyrants\n beyond THE Alps were repeatedly vanquished in THE name, and by\n THE lieutenants, of THE son of Theodosius. 150 In THE course of a\n busy and interesting narrative I might possibly forget to mention\n THE death of such a prince: and I shall THErefore take THE\n precaution of observing, in this place, that he survived THE last\n siege of Rome about thirteen years.\n\n 146 (return) [ Orosius composed his history in Africa, only two\n years after THE event; yet his authority seems to be overbalanced\n by THE improbability of THE fact. The Chronicle of Marcellinus\n gives Heraclian 700 ships and 3000 men: THE latter of THEse\n numbers is ridiculously corrupt; but THE former would please me\n very much.]\n\n 147 (return) [ The Chronicle of Idatius affirms, without THE\n least appearance of truth, that he advanced as far as Otriculum,\n in Umbria, where he was overthrown in a great battle, with THE\n loss of 50,000 men.]\n\n 148 (return) [ See Cod. Theod. l. xv. tit. xiv. leg. 13. The\n legal acts performed in his name, even THE manumission of slaves,\n were declared invalid, till THEy had been formally repeated.]\n\n 149 (return) [ I have disdained to mention a very foolish, and\n probably a false, report, (Procop. de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 2,)\n that Honorius was alarmed by THE loss of Rome, till he understood\n that it was not a favorite chicken of that name, but only THE\n capital of THE world, which had been lost. Yet even this story is\n some evidence of THE public opinion.]\n\n 150 (return) [ The materials for THE lives of all THEse tyrants\n are taken from six contemporary historians, two Latins and four\n Greeks: Orosius, l. vii. c. 42, p. 581, 582, 583; Renatus\n Profuturus Frigeridus, apud Gregor Turon. l. ii. c. 9, in THE\n Historians of France, tom. ii. p. 165, 166; Zosimus, l. v. p.\n 370, 371; Olympiodorus, apud Phot. p. 180, 181, 184, 185;\n Sozomen, l. ix. c. 12, 13, 14, 15; and Philostorgius, l. xii. c.\n 5, 6, with Godefroy’s Dissertation, p. 477-481; besides THE four\n Chronicles of Prosper Tyro, Prosper of Aquitain, Idatius, and\n Marcellinus.]\n\n The usurpation of Constantine, who received THE purple from THE\n legions of Britain, had been successful, and seemed to be secure.\n His title was acknowledged, from THE wall of Antoninus to THE\n columns of Hercules; and, in THE midst of THE public disorder he\n shared THE dominion, and THE plunder, of Gaul and Spain, with THE\n tribes of Barbarians, whose destructive progress was no longer\n checked by THE Rhine or Pyrenees. Stained with THE blood of THE\n kinsmen of Honorius, he extorted, from THE court of Ravenna, with\n which he secretly corresponded, THE ratification of his\n rebellious claims. Constantine engaged himself, by a solemn\n promise, to deliver Italy from THE Goths; advanced as far as THE\n banks of THE Po; and after alarming, raTHEr than assisting, his\n pusillanimous ally, hastily returned to THE palace of Arles, to\n celebrate, with intemperate luxury, his vain and ostentatious\n triumph. But this transient prosperity was soon interrupted and\n destroyed by THE revolt of Count Gerontius, THE bravest of his\n generals; who, during THE absence of his son Constans, a prince\n already invested with THE Imperial purple, had been left to\n command in THE provinces of Spain. From some reason, of which we\n are ignorant, Gerontius, instead of assuming THE diadem, placed\n it on THE head of his friend Maximus, who fixed his residence at\n Tarragona, while THE active count pressed forwards, through THE\n Pyrenees, to surprise THE two emperors, Constantine and Constans,\n before THEy could prepare for THEir defence. The son was made\n prisoner at Vienna, and immediately put to death: and THE\n unfortunate youth had scarcely leisure to deplore THE elevation\n of his family; which had tempted, or compelled him,\n sacrilegiously to desert THE peaceful obscurity of THE monastic\n life. The faTHEr maintained a siege within THE walls of Arles;\n but those walls must have yielded to THE assailants, had not THE\n city been unexpectedly relieved by THE approach of an Italian\n army. The name of Honorius, THE proclamation of a lawful emperor,\n astonished THE contending parties of THE rebels. Gerontius,\n abandoned by his own troops, escaped to THE confines of Spain;\n and rescued his name from oblivion, by THE Roman courage which\n appeared to animate THE last moments of his life. In THE middle\n of THE night, a great body of his perfidious soldiers surrounded\n and attacked his house, which he had strongly barricaded. His\n wife, a valiant friend of THE nation of THE Alani, and some\n faithful slaves, were still attached to his person; and he used,\n with so much skill and resolution, a large magazine of darts and\n arrows, that above three hundred of THE assailants lost THEir\n lives in THE attempt. His slaves when all THE missile weapons\n were spent, fled at THE dawn of day; and Gerontius, if he had not\n been restrained by conjugal tenderness, might have imitated THEir\n example; till THE soldiers, provoked by such obstinate\n resistance, applied fire on all sides to THE house. In this fatal\n extremity, he complied with THE request of his Barbarian friend,\n and cut off his head. The wife of Gerontius, who conjured him not\n to abandon her to a life of misery and disgrace, eagerly\n presented her neck to his sword; and THE tragic scene was\n terminated by THE death of THE count himself, who, after three\n ineffectual strokes, drew a short dagger, and sheaTHEd it in his\n heart. 151 The unprotected Maximus, whom he had invested with THE\n purple, was indebted for his life to THE contempt that was\n entertained of his power and abilities. The caprice of THE\n Barbarians, who ravaged Spain, once more seated this Imperial\n phantom on THE throne: but THEy soon resigned him to THE justice\n of Honorius; and THE tyrant Maximus, after he had been shown to\n THE people of Ravenna and Rome, was publicly executed.\n\n 151 (return) [ The praises which Sozomen has bestowed on this act\n of despair, appear strange and scandalous in THE mouth of an\n ecclesiastical historian. He observes (p. 379) that THE wife of\n Gerontius was a Christian; and that her death was worthy of her\n religion, and of immortal fame.]\n\n The general, (Constantius was his name,) who raised by his\n approach THE siege of Arles, and dissipated THE troops of\n Gerontius, was born a Roman; and this remarkable distinction is\n strongly expressive of THE decay of military spirit among THE\n subjects of THE empire. The strength and majesty which were\n conspicuous in THE person of that general, 152 marked him, in THE\n popular opinion, as a candidate worthy of THE throne, which he\n afterwards ascended. In THE familiar intercourse of private life,\n his manners were cheerful and engaging; nor would he sometimes\n disdain, in THE license of convivial mirth, to vie with THE\n pantomimes THEmselves, in THE exercises of THEir ridiculous\n profession. But when THE trumpet summoned him to arms; when he\n mounted his horse, and, bending down (for such was his singular\n practice) almost upon THE neck, fiercely rolled his large\n animated eyes round THE field, Constantius THEn struck terror\n into his foes, and inspired his soldiers with THE assurance of\n victory. He had received from THE court of Ravenna THE important\n commission of extirpating rebellion in THE provinces of THE West;\n and THE pretended emperor Constantine, after enjoying a short and\n anxious respite, was again besieged in his capital by THE arms of\n a more formidable enemy. Yet this interval allowed time for a\n successful negotiation with THE Franks and Alemanni and his\n ambassador, Edobic, soon returned at THE head of an army, to\n disturb THE operations of THE siege of Arles. The Roman general,\n instead of expecting THE attack in his lines, boldly and perhaps\n wisely, resolved to pass THE Rhone, and to meet THE Barbarians.\n His measures were conducted with so much skill and secrecy, that,\n while THEy engaged THE infantry of Constantius in THE front, THEy\n were suddenly attacked, surrounded, and destroyed, by THE cavalry\n of his lieutenant Ulphilas, who had silently gained an\n advantageous post in THEir rear. The remains of THE army of\n Edobic were preserved by flight or submission, and THEir leader\n escaped from THE field of battle to THE house of a faithless\n friend; who too clearly understood, that THE head of his\n obnoxious guest would be an acceptable and lucrative present for\n THE Imperial general. On this occasion, Constantius behaved with\n THE magnanimity of a genuine Roman. Subduing, or suppressing,\n every sentiment of jealousy, he publicly acknowledged THE merit\n and services of Ulphilas; but he turned with horror from THE\n assassin of Edobic; and sternly intimated his commands, that THE\n camp should no longer be polluted by THE presence of an\n ungrateful wretch, who had violated THE laws of friendship and\n hospitality. The usurper, who beheld, from THE walls of Arles,\n THE ruin of his last hopes, was tempted to place some confidence\n in so generous a conqueror. He required a solemn promise for his\n security; and after receiving, by THE imposition of hands, THE\n sacred character of a Christian Presbyter, he ventured to open\n THE gates of THE city. But he soon experienced that THE\n principles of honor and integrity, which might regulate THE\n ordinary conduct of Constantius, were superseded by THE loose\n doctrines of political morality. The Roman general, indeed,\n refused to sully his laurels with THE blood of Constantine; but\n THE abdicated emperor, and his son Julian, were sent under a\n strong guard into Italy; and before THEy reached THE palace of\n Ravenna, THEy met THE ministers of death.\n\n 152 (return) [ It is THE expression of Olympiodorus, which he\n seems to have borrowed from Aeolus, a tragedy of Euripides, of\n which some fragments only are now extant, (Euripid. Barnes, tom.\n ii. p. 443, ver 38.) This allusion may prove, that THE ancient\n tragic poets were still familiar to THE Greeks of THE fifth\n century.]\n\n At a time when it was universally confessed, that almost every\n man in THE empire was superior in personal merit to THE princes\n whom THE accident of THEir birth had seated on THE throne, a\n rapid succession of usurpers, regardless of THE fate of THEir\n predecessors, still continued to arise. This mischief was\n peculiarly felt in THE provinces of Spain and Gaul, where THE\n principles of order and obedience had been extinguished by war\n and rebellion. Before Constantine resigned THE purple, and in THE\n fourth month of THE siege of Arles, intelligence was received in\n THE Imperial camp, that Jovinus has assumed THE diadem at Mentz,\n in THE Upper Germany, at THE instigation of Goar, king of THE\n Alani, and of Guntiarius, king of THE Burgundians; and that THE\n candidate, on whom THEy had bestowed THE empire, advanced with a\n formidable host of Barbarians, from THE banks of THE Rhine to\n those of THE Rhone. Every circumstance is dark and extraordinary\n in THE short history of THE reign of Jovinus. It was natural to\n expect, that a brave and skilful general, at THE head of a\n victorious army, would have asserted, in a field of battle, THE\n justice of THE cause of Honorius. The hasty retreat of\n Constantius might be justified by weighty reasons; but he\n resigned, without a struggle, THE possession of Gaul; and\n Dardanus, THE Prætorian præfect, is recorded as THE only\n magistrate who refused to yield obedience to THE usurper. 153\n When THE Goths, two years after THE siege of Rome, established\n THEir quarters in Gaul, it was natural to suppose that THEir\n inclinations could be divided only between THE emperor Honorius,\n with whom THEy had formed a recent alliance, and THE degraded\n Attalus, whom THEy reserved in THEir camp for THE occasional\n purpose of acting THE part of a musician or a monarch. Yet in a\n moment of disgust, (for which it is not easy to assign a cause,\n or a date,) Adolphus connected himself with THE usurper of Gaul;\n and imposed on Attalus THE ignominious task of negotiating THE\n treaty, which ratified his own disgrace. We are again surprised\n to read, that, instead of considering THE Gothic alliance as THE\n firmest support of his throne, Jovinus upbraided, in dark and\n ambiguous language, THE officious importunity of Attalus; that,\n scorning THE advice of his great ally, he invested with THE\n purple his broTHEr Sebastian; and that he most imprudently\n accepted THE service of Sarus, when that gallant chief, THE\n soldier of Honorius, was provoked to desert THE court of a\n prince, who knew not how to reward or punish. Adolphus, educated\n among a race of warriors, who esteemed THE duty of revenge as THE\n most precious and sacred portion of THEir inheritance, advanced\n with a body of ten thousand Goths to encounter THE hereditary\n enemy of THE house of Balti. He attacked Sarus at an unguarded\n moment, when he was accompanied only by eighteen or twenty of his\n valiant followers. United by friendship, animated by despair, but\n at length oppressed by multitudes, this band of heroes deserved\n THE esteem, without exciting THE compassion, of THEir enemies;\n and THE lion was no sooner taken in THE toils, 154 than he was\n instantly despatched. The death of Sarus dissolved THE loose\n alliance which Adolphus still maintained with THE usurpers of\n Gaul. He again listened to THE dictates of love and prudence; and\n soon satisfied THE broTHEr of Placidia, by THE assurance that he\n would immediately transmit to THE palace of Ravenna THE heads of\n THE two tyrants, Jovinus and Sebastian. The king of THE Goths\n executed his promise without difficulty or delay; THE helpless\n broTHErs, unsupported by any personal merit, were abandoned by\n THEir Barbarian auxiliaries; and THE short opposition of Valentia\n was expiated by THE ruin of one of THE noblest cities of Gaul.\n The emperor, chosen by THE Roman senate, who had been promoted,\n degraded, insulted, restored, again degraded, and again insulted,\n was finally abandoned to his fate; but when THE Gothic king\n withdrew his protection, he was restrained, by pity or contempt,\n from offering any violence to THE person of Attalus. The\n unfortunate Attalus, who was left without subjects or allies,\n embarked in one of THE ports of Spain, in search of some secure\n and solitary retreat: but he was intercepted at sea, conducted to\n THE presence of Honorius, led in triumph through THE streets of\n Rome or Ravenna, and publicly exposed to THE gazing multitude, on\n THE second step of THE throne of his invincible conqueror. The\n same measure of punishment, with which, in THE days of his\n prosperity, he was accused of menacing his rival, was inflicted\n on Attalus himself; he was condemned, after THE amputation of two\n fingers, to a perpetual exile in THE Isle of Lipari, where he was\n supplied with THE decent necessaries of life. The remainder of\n THE reign of Honorius was undisturbed by rebellion; and it may be\n observed, that, in THE space of five years, seven usurpers had\n yielded to THE fortune of a prince, who was himself incapable\n eiTHEr of counsel or of action.\n\n 153 (return) [ Sidonius Apollinaris, (l. v. epist. 9, p. 139, and\n Not. Sirmond. p. 58,) after stigmatizing THE inconstancy of\n Constantine, THE facility of Jovinus, THE perfidy of Gerontius,\n continues to observe, that all THE vices of THEse tyrants were\n united in THE person of Dardanus. Yet THE præfect supported a\n respectable character in THE world, and even in THE church; held\n a devout correspondence with St. Augustin and St. Jerom; and was\n complimented by THE latter (tom. iii. p. 66) with THE epiTHEts of\n Christianorum Nobilissime, and Nobilium Christianissime.]\n\n 154 (return) [ The expression may be understood almost literally:\n Olympiodorus says a sack, or a loose garment; and this method of\n entangling and catching an enemy, laciniis contortis, was much\n practised by THE Huns, (Ammian. xxxi. 2.) Il fut pris vif avec\n des filets, is THE translation of Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs,\n tom. v. p. 608. * Note: Bekker in his Photius reads something,\n but in THE new edition of THE Bysantines, he retains THE old\n version, which is translated Scutis, as if THEy protected him\n with THEir shields, in order to take him alive. Photius, Bekker,\n p. 58.—M]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By\n Barbarians.—Part VII.\n\n The situation of Spain, separated, on all sides, from THE enemies\n of Rome, by THE sea, by THE mountains, and by intermediate\n provinces, had secured THE long tranquillity of that remote and\n sequestered country; and we may observe, as a sure symptom of\n domestic happiness, that, in a period of four hundred years,\n Spain furnished very few materials to THE history of THE Roman\n empire. The footsteps of THE Barbarians, who, in THE reign of\n Gallienus, had penetrated beyond THE Pyrenees, were soon\n obliterated by THE return of peace; and in THE fourth century of\n THE Christian era, THE cities of Emerita, or Merida, of Corduba,\n Seville, Bracara, and Tarragona, were numbered with THE most\n illustrious of THE Roman world. The various plenty of THE animal,\n THE vegetable, and THE mineral kingdoms, was improved and\n manufactured by THE skill of an industrious people; and THE\n peculiar advantages of naval stores contributed to support an\n extensive and profitable trade. 155 The arts and sciences\n flourished under THE protection of THE emperors; and if THE\n character of THE Spaniards was enfeebled by peace and servitude,\n THE hostile approach of THE Germans, who had spread terror and\n desolation from THE Rhine to THE Pyrenees, seemed to rekindle\n some sparks of military ardor. As long as THE defence of THE\n mountains was intrusted to THE hardy and faithful militia of THE\n country, THEy successfully repelled THE frequent attempts of THE\n Barbarians. But no sooner had THE national troops been compelled\n to resign THEir post to THE Honorian bands, in THE service of\n Constantine, than THE gates of Spain were treacherously betrayed\n to THE public enemy, about ten months before THE sack of Rome by\n THE Goths. 156 The consciousness of guilt, and THE thirst of\n rapine, prompted THE mercenary guards of THE Pyrenees to desert\n THEir station; to invite THE arms of THE Suevi, THE Vandals, and\n THE Alani; and to swell THE torrent which was poured with\n irresistible violence from THE frontiers of Gaul to THE sea of\n Africa. The misfortunes of Spain may be described in THE language\n of its most eloquent historian, who has concisely expressed THE\n passionate, and perhaps exaggerated, declamations of contemporary\n writers. 157 “The irruption of THEse nations was followed by THE\n most dreadful calamities; as THE Barbarians exercised THEir\n indiscriminate cruelty on THE fortunes of THE Romans and THE\n Spaniards, and ravaged with equal fury THE cities and THE open\n country. The progress of famine reduced THE miserable inhabitants\n to feed on THE flesh of THEir fellow-creatures; and even THE wild\n beasts, who multiplied, without control, in THE desert, were\n exasperated, by THE taste of blood, and THE impatience of hunger,\n boldly to attack and devour THEir human prey. Pestilence soon\n appeared, THE inseparable companion of famine; a large proportion\n of THE people was swept away; and THE groans of THE dying excited\n only THE envy of THEir surviving friends. At length THE\n Barbarians, satiated with carnage and rapine, and afflicted by\n THE contagious evils which THEy THEmselves had introduced, fixed\n THEir permanent seats in THE depopulated country. The ancient\n Gallicia, whose limits included THE kingdom of Old Castille, was\n divided between THE Suevi and THE Vandals; THE Alani were\n scattered over THE provinces of Carthagena and Lusitania, from\n THE Mediterranean to THE Atlantic Ocean; and THE fruitful\n territory of Boetica was allotted to THE Silingi, anoTHEr branch\n of THE Vandalic nation. After regulating this partition, THE\n conquerors contracted with THEir new subjects some reciprocal\n engagements of protection and obedience: THE lands were again\n cultivated; and THE towns and villages were again occupied by a\n captive people. The greatest part of THE Spaniards was even\n disposed to prefer this new condition of poverty and barbarism,\n to THE severe oppressions of THE Roman government; yet THEre were\n many who still asserted THEir native freedom; and who refused,\n more especially in THE mountains of Gallicia, to submit to THE\n Barbarian yoke.” 158\n\n 155 (return) [ Without recurring to THE more ancient writers, I\n shall quote three respectable testimonies which belong to THE\n fourth and seventh centuries; THE Expositio totius Mundi, (p. 16,\n in THE third volume of Hudson’s Minor Geographers,) Ausonius, (de\n Claris Urbibus, p. 242, edit. Toll.,) and Isidore of Seville,\n (Praefat. ad. Chron. ap. Grotium, Hist. Goth. 707.) Many\n particulars relative to THE fertility and trade of Spain may be\n found in Nonnius, Hispania Illustrata; and in Huet, Hist. du\n Commerce des Anciens, c. 40. p. 228-234.]\n\n 156 (return) [ The date is accurately fixed in THE Fasti, and THE\n Chronicle of Idatius. Orosius (l. vii. c. 40, p. 578) imputes THE\n loss of Spain to THE treachery of THE Honorians; while Sozomen\n (l. ix. c. 12) accuses only THEir negligence.]\n\n 157 (return) [ Idatius wishes to apply THE prophecies of Daniel\n to THEse national calamities; and is THErefore obliged to\n accommodate THE circumstances of THE event to THE terms of THE\n prediction.]\n\n 158 (return) [ Mariana de Rebus Hispanicis, l. v. c. 1, tom. i.\n p. 148. Comit. 1733. He had read, in Orosius, (l. vii. c. 41, p.\n 579,) that THE Barbarians had turned THEir swords into\n ploughshares; and that many of THE Provincials had preferred\n inter Barbaros pauperem libertatem, quam inter Romanos\n tributariam solicitudinem, sustinere.]\n\n The important present of THE heads of Jovinus and Sebastian had\n approved THE friendship of Adolphus, and restored Gaul to THE\n obedience of his broTHEr Honorius. Peace was incompatible with\n THE situation and temper of THE king of THE Goths. He readily\n accepted THE proposal of turning his victorious arms against THE\n Barbarians of Spain; THE troops of Constantius intercepted his\n communication with THE seaports of Gaul, and gently pressed his\n march towards THE Pyrenees: 159 he passed THE mountains, and\n surprised, in THE name of THE emperor, THE city of Barcelona. The\n fondness of Adolphus for his Roman bride, was not abated by time\n or possession: and THE birth of a son, surnamed, from his\n illustrious grandsire, Theodosius, appeared to fix him forever in\n THE interest of THE republic. The loss of that infant, whose\n remains were deposited in a silver coffin in one of THE churches\n near Barcelona, afflicted his parents; but THE grief of THE\n Gothic king was suspended by THE labors of THE field; and THE\n course of his victories was soon interrupted by domestic treason.\n\n He had imprudently received into his service one of THE followers\n of Sarus; a Barbarian of a daring spirit, but of a diminutive\n stature; whose secret desire of revenging THE death of his\n beloved patron was continually irritated by THE sarcasms of his\n insolent master. Adolphus was assassinated in THE palace of\n Barcelona; THE laws of THE succession were violated by a\n tumultuous faction; 160 and a stranger to THE royal race,\n Singeric, THE broTHEr of Sarus himself, was seated on THE Gothic\n throne. The first act of his reign was THE inhuman murder of THE\n six children of Adolphus, THE issue of a former marriage, whom he\n tore, without pity, from THE feeble arms of a venerable bishop.\n 161 The unfortunate Placidia, instead of THE respectful\n compassion, which she might have excited in THE most savage\n breasts, was treated with cruel and wanton insult. The daughter\n of THE emperor Theodosius, confounded among a crowd of vulgar\n captives, was compelled to march on foot above twelve miles,\n before THE horse of a Barbarian, THE assassin of a husband whom\n Placidia loved and lamented. 162\n\n 159 (return) [ This mixture of force and persuasion may be fairly\n inferred from comparing Orosius and Jornandes, THE Roman and THE\n Gothic historian.]\n\n 160 (return) [ According to THE system of Jornandes, (c. 33, p.\n 659,) THE true hereditary right to THE Gothic sceptre was vested\n in THE Amali; but those princes, who were THE vassals of THE\n Huns, commanded THE tribes of THE Ostrogoths in some distant\n parts of Germany or Scythia.]\n\n 161 (return) [ The murder is related by Olympiodorus: but THE\n number of THE children is taken from an epitaph of suspected\n authority.]\n\n 162 (return) [ The death of Adolphus was celebrated at\n Constantinople with illuminations and Circensian games. (See\n Chron. Alexandrin.) It may seem doubtful wheTHEr THE Greeks were\n actuated, on this occasion, be THEir hatred of THE Barbarians, or\n of THE Latins.]\n\n But Placidia soon obtained THE pleasure of revenge, and THE view\n of her ignominious sufferings might rouse an indignant people\n against THE tyrant, who was assassinated on THE seventh day of\n his usurpation. After THE death of Singeric, THE free choice of\n THE nation bestowed THE Gothic sceptre on Wallia; whose warlike\n and ambitious temper appeared, in THE beginning of his reign,\n extremely hostile to THE republic. He marched in arms from\n Barcelona to THE shores of THE Atlantic Ocean, which THE ancients\n revered and dreaded as THE boundary of THE world. But when he\n reached THE souTHErn promontory of Spain, 163 and, from THE rock\n now covered by THE fortress of Gibraltar, contemplated THE\n neighboring and fertile coast of Africa, Wallia resumed THE\n designs of conquest, which had been interrupted by THE death of\n Alaric. The winds and waves again disappointed THE enterprise of\n THE Goths; and THE minds of a superstitious people were deeply\n affected by THE repeated disasters of storms and shipwrecks. In\n this disposition THE successor of Adolphus no longer refused to\n listen to a Roman ambassador, whose proposals were enforced by\n THE real, or supposed, approach of a numerous army, under THE\n conduct of THE brave Constantius. A solemn treaty was stipulated\n and observed; Placidia was honorably restored to her broTHEr; six\n hundred thousand measures of wheat were delivered to THE hungry\n Goths; 164 and Wallia engaged to draw his sword in THE service of\n THE empire. A bloody war was instantly excited among THE\n Barbarians of Spain; and THE contending princes are said to have\n addressed THEir letters, THEir ambassadors, and THEir hostages,\n to THE throne of THE Western emperor, exhorting him to remain a\n tranquil spectator of THEir contest; THE events of which must be\n favorable to THE Romans, by THE mutual slaughter of THEir common\n enemies. 165 The Spanish war was obstinately supported, during\n three campaigns, with desperate valor, and various success; and\n THE martial achievements of Wallia diffused through THE empire\n THE superior renown of THE Gothic hero. He exterminated THE\n Silingi, who had irretrievably ruined THE elegant plenty of THE\n province of Boetica. He slew, in battle, THE king of THE Alani;\n and THE remains of those Scythian wanderers, who escaped from THE\n field, instead of choosing a new leader, humbly sought a refuge\n under THE standard of THE Vandals, with whom THEy were ever\n afterwards confounded. The Vandals THEmselves, and THE Suevi,\n yielded to THE efforts of THE invincible Goths. The promiscuous\n multitude of Barbarians, whose retreat had been intercepted, were\n driven into THE mountains of Gallicia; where THEy still\n continued, in a narrow compass and on a barren soil, to exercise\n THEir domestic and implacable hostilities. In THE pride of\n victory, Wallia was faithful to his engagements: he restored his\n Spanish conquests to THE obedience of Honorius; and THE tyranny\n of THE Imperial officers soon reduced an oppressed people to\n regret THE time of THEir Barbarian servitude. While THE event of\n THE war was still doubtful, THE first advantages obtained by THE\n arms of Wallia had encouraged THE court of Ravenna to decree THE\n honors of a triumph to THEir feeble sovereign. He entered Rome\n like THE ancient conquerors of nations; and if THE monuments of\n servile corruption had not long since met with THE fate which\n THEy deserved, we should probably find that a crowd of poets and\n orators, of magistrates and bishops, applauded THE fortune, THE\n wisdom, and THE invincible courage, of THE emperor Honorius. 166\n\n 163 (return) [\n\n Quod Tartessiacis avus hujus Vallia terris Vandalicas turmas, et\n juncti Martis Alanos Stravit, et occiduam texere cadavera Calpen.\n\n Sidon. Apollinar. in Panegyr. AnTHEm. 363 p. 300, edit. Sirmond.]\n\n 164 (return) [ This supply was very acceptable: THE Goths were\n insulted by THE Vandals of Spain with THE epiTHEt of Truli,\n because in THEir extreme distress, THEy had given a piece of gold\n for a trula, or about half a pound of flour. Olympiod. apud Phot.\n p. 189.]\n\n 165 (return) [ Orosius inserts a copy of THEse pretended letters.\n Tu cum omnibus pacem habe, omniumque obsides accipe; nos nobis\n confligimus nobis perimus, tibi vincimus; immortalis vero\n quaestus erit Reipublicae tuae, si utrique pereamus. The idea is\n just; but I cannot persuade myself that it was entertained or\n expressed by THE Barbarians.]\n\n 166 (return) [ Roman triumphans ingreditur, is THE formal\n expression of Prosper’s Chronicle. The facts which relate to THE\n death of Adolphus, and THE exploits of Wallia, are related from\n Olympiodorus, (ap. Phot. p. 188,) Orosius, (l. vii. c. 43 p.\n 584-587,) Jornandes, (de Rebus p. 31, 32,) and THE chronicles of\n Idatius and Isidore.]\n\n Such a triumph might have been justly claimed by THE ally of\n Rome, if Wallia, before he repassed THE Pyrenees, had extirpated\n THE seeds of THE Spanish war. His victorious Goths, forty-three\n years after THEy had passed THE Danube, were established,\n according to THE faith of treaties, in THE possession of THE\n second Aquitain; a maritime province between THE Garonne and THE\n Loire, under THE civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction of\n Bourdeaux. That metropolis, advantageously situated for THE trade\n of THE ocean, was built in a regular and elegant form; and its\n numerous inhabitants were distinguished among THE Gauls by THEir\n wealth, THEir learning, and THE politeness of THEir manners. The\n adjacent province, which has been fondly compared to THE garden\n of Eden, is blessed with a fruitful soil, and a temperate\n climate; THE face of THE country displayed THE arts and THE\n rewards of industry; and THE Goths, after THEir martial toils,\n luxuriously exhausted THE rich vineyards of Aquitain. 167 The\n Gothic limits were enlarged by THE additional gift of some\n neighboring dioceses; and THE successors of Alaric fixed THEir\n royal residence at Thoulouse, which included five populous\n quarters, or cities, within THE spacious circuit of its walls.\n About THE same time, in THE last years of THE reign of Honorius,\n THE Goths, THE Burgundians, and THE Franks, obtained a permanent\n seat and dominion in THE provinces of Gaul. The liberal grant of\n THE usurper Jovinus to his Burgundian allies, was confirmed by\n THE lawful emperor; THE lands of THE First, or Upper, Germany,\n were ceded to those formidable Barbarians; and THEy gradually\n occupied, eiTHEr by conquest or treaty, THE two provinces which\n still retain, with THE titles of Duchy and County, THE national\n appellation of Burgundy. 168 The Franks, THE valiant and faithful\n allies of THE Roman republic, were soon tempted to imitate THE\n invaders, whom THEy had so bravely resisted. Treves, THE capital\n of Gaul, was pillaged by THEir lawless bands; and THE humble\n colony, which THEy so long maintained in THE district of\n Toxandia, in Brabant, insensibly multiplied along THE banks of\n THE Meuse and Scheld, till THEir independent power filled THE\n whole extent of THE Second, or Lower Germany. These facts may be\n sufficiently justified by historic evidence; but THE foundation\n of THE French monarchy by Pharamond, THE conquests, THE laws, and\n even THE existence, of that hero, have been justly arraigned by\n THE impartial severity of modern criticism. 169\n\n 167 (return) [ Ausonius (de Claris Urbibus, p. 257-262)\n celebrates Bourdeaux with THE partial affection of a native. See\n in Salvian (de Gubern. Dei, p. 228. Paris, 1608) a florid\n description of THE provinces of Aquitain and Novempopulania.]\n\n 168 (return) [ Orosius (l. vii. c. 32, p. 550) commends THE\n mildness and modesty of THEse Burgundians, who treated THEir\n subjects of Gaul as THEir Christian brethren. Mascou has\n illustrated THE origin of THEir kingdom in THE four first\n annotations at THE end of his laborious History of THE Ancient\n Germans, vol. ii. p. 555-572, of THE English translation.]\n\n 169 (return) [ See Mascou, l. viii. c. 43, 44, 45. Except in a\n short and suspicious line of THE Chronicle of Prosper, (in tom.\n i. p. 638,) THE name of Pharamond is never mentioned before THE\n seventh century. The author of THE Gesta Francorum (in tom. ii.\n p. 543) suggests, probably enough, that THE choice of Pharamond,\n or at least of a king, was recommended to THE Franks by his\n faTHEr Marcomir, who was an exile in Tuscany. Note: The first\n mention of Pharamond is in THE Gesta Francorum, assigned to about\n THE year 720. St. Martin, iv. 469. The modern French writers in\n general subscribe to THE opinion of Thierry: Faramond fils de\n Markomir, quo que son nom soit bien germanique, et son regne\n possible, ne figure pas dans les histoires les plus dignes de\n foi. A. Thierry, Lettres l’Histoire de France, p. 90.—M.]\n\n The ruin of THE opulent provinces of Gaul may be dated from THE\n establishment of THEse Barbarians, whose alliance was dangerous\n and oppressive, and who were capriciously impelled, by interest\n or passion, to violate THE public peace. A heavy and partial\n ransom was imposed on THE surviving provincials, who had escaped\n THE calamities of war; THE fairest and most fertile lands were\n assigned to THE rapacious strangers, for THE use of THEir\n families, THEir slaves, and THEir cattle; and THE trembling\n natives relinquished with a sigh THE inheritance of THEir\n faTHErs. Yet THEse domestic misfortunes, which are seldom THE lot\n of a vanquished people, had been felt and inflicted by THE Romans\n THEmselves, not only in THE insolence of foreign conquest, but in\n THE madness of civil discord. The Triumvirs proscribed eighteen\n of THE most flourishing colonies of Italy; and distributed THEir\n lands and houses to THE veterans who revenged THE death of\n Caesar, and oppressed THE liberty of THEir country. Two poets of\n unequal fame have deplored, in similar circumstances, THE loss of\n THEir patrimony; but THE legionaries of Augustus appear to have\n surpassed, in violence and injustice, THE Barbarians who invaded\n Gaul under THE reign of Honorius. It was not without THE utmost\n difficulty that Virgil escaped from THE sword of THE Centurion,\n who had usurped his farm in THE neighborhood of Mantua; 170 but\n Paulinus of Bourdeaux received a sum of money from his Gothic\n purchaser, which he accepted with pleasure and surprise; and\n though it was much inferior to THE real value of his estate, this\n act of rapine was disguised by some colors of moderation and\n equity. 171 The odious name of conquerors was softened into THE\n mild and friendly appellation of THE guests of THE Romans; and\n THE Barbarians of Gaul, more especially THE Goths, repeatedly\n declared, that THEy were bound to THE people by THE ties of\n hospitality, and to THE emperor by THE duty of allegiance and\n military service. The title of Honorius and his successors, THEir\n laws, and THEir civil magistrates, were still respected in THE\n provinces of Gaul, of which THEy had resigned THE possession to\n THE Barbarian allies; and THE kings, who exercised a supreme and\n independent authority over THEir native subjects, ambitiously\n solicited THE more honorable rank of master-generals of THE\n Imperial armies. 172 Such was THE involuntary reverence which THE\n Roman name still impressed on THE minds of those warriors, who\n had borne away in triumph THE spoils of THE Capitol.\n\n 170 (return) [ O Lycida, vivi pervenimus: advena nostri (Quod\n nunquam veriti sumus) ut possessor agelli Diseret: Haec mea sunt;\n veteres migrate coloni. Nunc victi tristes, &c.——See THE whole of\n THE ninth eclogue, with THE useful Commentary of Servius. Fifteen\n miles of THE Mantuan territory were assigned to THE veterans,\n with a reservation, in favor of THE inhabitants, of three miles\n round THE city. Even in this favor THEy were cheated by Alfenus\n Varus, a famous lawyer, and one of THE commissioners, who\n measured eight hundred paces of water and morass.]\n\n 171 (return) [ See THE remarkable passage of THE Eucharisticon of\n Paulinus, 575, apud Mascou, l. viii. c. 42.]\n\n 172 (return) [ This important truth is established by THE\n accuracy of Tillemont, (Hist. des Emp. tom. v. p. 641,) and by\n THE ingenuity of THE Abbe Dubos, (Hist. de l’Etablissement de la\n Monarchie Francoise dans les Gaules, tom. i. p. 259.)]\n\n Whilst Italy was ravaged by THE Goths, and a succession of feeble\n tyrants oppressed THE provinces beyond THE Alps, THE British\n island separated itself from THE body of THE Roman empire. The\n regular forces, which guarded that remote province, had been\n gradually withdrawn; and Britain was abandoned without defence to\n THE Saxon pirates, and THE savages of Ireland and Caledonia. The\n Britons, reduced to this extremity, no longer relied on THE tardy\n and doubtful aid of a declining monarchy. They assembled in arms,\n repelled THE invaders, and rejoiced in THE important discovery of\n THEir own strength. 173 Afflicted by similar calamities, and\n actuated by THE same spirit, THE Armorican provinces (a name\n which comprehended THE maritime countries of Gaul between THE\n Seine and THE Loire 174 resolved to imitate THE example of THE\n neighboring island. They expelled THE Roman magistrates, who\n acted under THE authority of THE usurper Constantine; and a free\n government was established among a people who had so long been\n subject to THE arbitrary will of a master. The independence of\n Britain and Armorica was soon confirmed by Honorius himself, THE\n lawful emperor of THE West; and THE letters, by which he\n committed to THE new states THE care of THEir own safety, might\n be interpreted as an absolute and perpetual abdication of THE\n exercise and rights of sovereignty. This interpretation was, in\n some measure, justified by THE event.\n\n After THE usurpers of Gaul had successively fallen, THE maritime\n provinces were restored to THE empire. Yet THEir obedience was\n imperfect and precarious: THE vain, inconstant, rebellious\n disposition of THE people, was incompatible eiTHEr with freedom\n or servitude; 175 and Armorica, though it could not long maintain\n THE form of a republic, 176 was agitated by frequent and\n destructive revolts. Britain was irrecoverably lost. 177 But as\n THE emperors wisely acquiesced in THE independence of a remote\n province, THE separation was not imbittered by THE reproach of\n tyranny or rebellion; and THE claims of allegiance and protection\n were succeeded by THE mutual and voluntary offices of national\n friendship. 178\n\n 173 (return) [ Zosimus (l. vi. 376, 383) relates in a few words\n THE revolt of Britain and Armorica. Our antiquarians, even THE\n great Cambder himself, have been betrayed into many gross errors,\n by THEir imperfect knowledge of THE history of THE continent.]\n\n 174 (return) [ The limits of Armorica are defined by two national\n geographers, Messieurs De Valois and D’Anville, in THEir Notitias\n of Ancient Gaul. The word had been used in a more extensive, and\n was afterwards contracted to a much narrower, signification.]\n\n 175 (return) [ Gens inter geminos notissima clauditur amnes,\n\n Armoricana prius veteri cognomine dicta. Torva, ferox, ventosa,\n procax, incauta, rebellis; Inconstans, disparque sibi novitatis\n amore; Prodiga verborum, sed non et prodiga facti.\n\n Erricus, Monach. in Vit. St. Germani. l. v. apud Vales. Notit.\n Galliarum, p. 43. Valesius alleges several testimonies to confirm\n this character; to which I shall add THE evidence of THE\n presbyter Constantine, (A.D. 488,) who, in THE life of St.\n Germain, calls THE Armorican rebels mobilem et indisciplinatum\n populum. See THE Historians of France, tom. i. p. 643.]\n\n 176 (return) [ I thought it necessary to enter my protest against\n this part of THE system of THE Abbe Dubos, which Montesquieu has\n so vigorously opposed. See Esprit des Loix, l. xxx. c. 24. Note:\n See Mémoires de Gallet sur l’Origine des Bretons, quoted by Daru\n Histoire de Bretagne, i. p. 57. According to THE opinion of THEse\n authors, THE government of Armorica was monarchical from THE\n period of its independence on THE Roman empire.—M.]\n\n 177 (return) [ The words of Procopius (de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c.\n 2, p. 181, Louvre edition) in a very important passage, which has\n been too much neglected Even Bede (Hist. Gent. Anglican. l. i. c.\n 12, p. 50, edit. Smith) acknowledges that THE Romans finally left\n Britain in THE reign of Honorius. Yet our modern historians and\n antiquaries extend THE term of THEir dominion; and THEre are some\n who allow only THE interval of a few months between THEir\n departure and THE arrival of THE Saxons.]\n\n 178 (return) [ Bede has not forgotten THE occasional aid of THE\n legions against THE Scots and Picts; and more auTHEntic proof\n will hereafter be produced, that THE independent Britons raised\n 12,000 men for THE service of THE emperor AnTHEmius, in Gaul.]\n\n This revolution dissolved THE artificial fabric of civil and\n military government; and THE independent country, during a period\n of forty years, till THE descent of THE Saxons, was ruled by THE\n authority of THE clergy, THE nobles, and THE municipal towns. 179\n I. Zosimus, who alone has preserved THE memory of this singular\n transaction, very accurately observes, that THE letters of\n Honorius were addressed to THE cities of Britain. 180 Under THE\n protection of THE Romans, ninety-two considerable towns had\n arisen in THE several parts of that great province; and, among\n THEse, thirty-three cities were distinguished above THE rest by\n THEir superior privileges and importance. 181 Each of THEse\n cities, as in all THE oTHEr provinces of THE empire, formed a\n legal corporation, for THE purpose of regulating THEir domestic\n policy; and THE powers of municipal government were distributed\n among annual magistrates, a select senate, and THE assembly of\n THE people, according to THE original model of THE Roman\n constitution. 182 The management of a common revenue, THE\n exercise of civil and criminal jurisdiction, and THE habits of\n public counsel and command, were inherent to THEse petty\n republics; and when THEy asserted THEir independence, THE youth\n of THE city, and of THE adjacent districts, would naturally range\n THEmselves under THE standard of THE magistrate. But THE desire\n of obtaining THE advantages, and of escaping THE burdens, of\n political society, is a perpetual and inexhaustible source of\n discord; nor can it reasonably be presumed, that THE restoration\n of British freedom was exempt from tumult and faction. The\n preeminence of birth and fortune must have been frequently\n violated by bold and popular citizens; and THE haughty nobles,\n who complained that THEy were become THE subjects of THEir own\n servants, 183 would sometimes regret THE reign of an arbitrary\n monarch.\n\n II. The jurisdiction of each city over THE adjacent country, was\n supported by THE patrimonial influence of THE principal senators;\n and THE smaller towns, THE villages, and THE proprietors of land,\n consulted THEir own safety by adhering to THE shelter of THEse\n rising republics. The sphere of THEir attraction was proportioned\n to THE respective degrees of THEir wealth and populousness; but\n THE hereditary lords of ample possessions, who were not oppressed\n by THE neighborhood of any powerful city, aspired to THE rank of\n independent princes, and boldly exercised THE rights of peace and\n war. The gardens and villas, which exhibited some faint imitation\n of Italian elegance, would soon be converted into strong castles,\n THE refuge, in time of danger, of THE adjacent country: 184 THE\n produce of THE land was applied to purchase arms and horses; to\n maintain a military force of slaves, of peasants, and of\n licentious followers; and THE chieftain might assume, within his\n own domain, THE powers of a civil magistrate. Several of THEse\n British chiefs might be THE genuine posterity of ancient kings;\n and many more would be tempted to adopt this honorable genealogy,\n and to vindicate THEir hereditary claims, which had been\n suspended by THE usurpation of THE Caesars. 185 Their situation\n and THEir hopes would dispose THEm to affect THE dress, THE\n language, and THE customs of THEir ancestors. If THE princes of\n Britain relapsed into barbarism, while THE cities studiously\n preserved THE laws and manners of Rome, THE whole island must\n have been gradually divided by THE distinction of two national\n parties; again broken into a thousand subdivisions of war and\n faction, by THE various provocations of interest and resentment.\n The public strength, instead of being united against a foreign\n enemy, was consumed in obscure and intestine quarrels; and THE\n personal merit which had placed a successful leader at THE head\n of his equals, might enable him to subdue THE freedom of some\n neighboring cities; and to claim a rank among THE tyrants, 186\n who infested Britain after THE dissolution of THE Roman\n government. III. The British church might be composed of thirty\n or forty bishops, 187 with an adequate proportion of THE inferior\n clergy; and THE want of riches (for THEy seem to have been poor\n 188) would compel THEm to deserve THE public esteem, by a decent\n and exemplary behavior.\n\n The interest, as well as THE temper of THE clergy, was favorable\n to THE peace and union of THEir distracted country: those\n salutary lessons might be frequently inculcated in THEir popular\n discourses; and THE episcopal synods were THE only councils that\n could pretend to THE weight and authority of a national assembly.\n\n In such councils, where THE princes and magistrates sat\n promiscuously with THE bishops, THE important affairs of THE\n state, as well as of THE church, might be freely debated;\n differences reconciled, alliances formed, contributions imposed,\n wise resolutions often concerted, and sometimes executed; and\n THEre is reason to believe, that, in moments of extreme danger, a\n Pendragon, or Dictator, was elected by THE general consent of THE\n Britons. These pastoral cares, so worthy of THE episcopal\n character, were interrupted, however, by zeal and superstition;\n and THE British clergy incessantly labored to eradicate THE\n Pelagian heresy, which THEy abhorred, as THE peculiar disgrace of\n THEir native country. 189\n\n 179 (return) [ I owe it to myself, and to historic truth, to\n declare, that some circumstances in this paragraph are founded\n only on conjecture and analogy. The stubbornness of our language\n has sometimes forced me to deviate from THE conditional into THE\n indicative mood.]\n\n 180 (return) [ Zosimus, l. vi. p. 383.]\n\n 181 (return) [ Two cities of Britain were municipia, nine\n colonies, ten Latii jure donatoe, twelve stipendiarioe of eminent\n note. This detail is taken from Richard of Cirencester, de Situ\n Britanniae, p. 36; and though it may not seem probable that he\n wrote from THE Mss. of a Roman general, he shows a genuine\n knowledge of antiquity, very extraordinary for a monk of THE\n fourteenth century.\n\n Note: The names may be found in Whitaker’s Hist. of Manchester\n vol. ii. 330, 379. Turner, Hist. Anglo-Saxons, i. 216.—M.]\n\n 182 (return) [ See Maffei Verona Illustrata, part i. l. v. p.\n 83-106.]\n\n 183 (return) [ Leges restituit, libertatemque reducit, Et servos\n famulis non sinit esse suis. Itinerar. Rutil. l. i. 215.]\n\n 184 (return) [ An inscription (apud Sirmond, Not. ad Sidon.\n Apollinar. p. 59) describes a castle, cum muris et portis,\n tutioni omnium, erected by Dardanus on his own estate, near\n Sisteron, in THE second Narbonnese, and named by him Theopolis.]\n\n 185 (return) [ The establishment of THEir power would have been\n easy indeed, if we could adopt THE impracticable scheme of a\n lively and learned antiquarian; who supposes that THE British\n monarchs of THE several tribes continued to reign, though with\n subordinate jurisdiction, from THE time of Claudius to that of\n Honorius. See Whitaker’s History of Manchester, vol. i. p.\n 247-257.]\n\n 186 (return) [ Procopius, de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 3, p. 181.\n Britannia fertilis provincia tyrannorum, was THE expression of\n Jerom, in THE year 415 (tom. ii. p. 255, ad Ctesiphont.) By THE\n pilgrims, who resorted every year to THE Holy Land, THE monk of\n Bethlem received THE earliest and most accurate intelligence.]\n\n 187 (return) [ See Bingham’s Eccles. Antiquities, vol. i. l. ix.\n c. 6, p. 394.]\n\n 188 (return) [ It is reported of three British bishops who\n assisted at THE council of Rimini, A.D. 359, tam pauperes fuisse\n ut nihil haberent. Sulpicius Severus, Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p. 420.\n Some of THEir brethren however, were in better circumstances.]\n\n 189 (return) [ Consult Usher, de Antiq. Eccles. Britannicar. c.\n 8-12.]\n\n It is somewhat remarkable, or raTHEr it is extremely natural,\n that THE revolt of Britain and Armorica should have introduced an\n appearance of liberty into THE obedient provinces of Gaul. In a\n solemn edict, 190 filled with THE strongest assurances of that\n paternal affection which princes so often express, and so seldom\n feel, THE emperor Honorius promulgated his intention of convening\n an annual assembly of THE seven provinces: a name peculiarly\n appropriated to Aquitain and THE ancient Narbonnese, which had\n long since exchanged THEir Celtic rudeness for THE useful and\n elegant arts of Italy. 191 Arles, THE seat of government and\n commerce, was appointed for THE place of THE assembly; which\n regularly continued twenty-eight days, from THE fifteenth of\n August to THE thirteenth of September, of every year. It\n consisted of THE Prætorian præfect of THE Gauls; of seven\n provincial governors, one consular, and six presidents; of THE\n magistrates, and perhaps THE bishops, of about sixty cities; and\n of a competent, though indefinite, number of THE most honorable\n and opulent possessors of land, who might justly be considered as\n THE representatives of THEir country. They were empowered to\n interpret and communicate THE laws of THEir sovereign; to expose\n THE grievances and wishes of THEir constituents; to moderate THE\n excessive or unequal weight of taxes; and to deliberate on every\n subject of local or national importance, that could tend to THE\n restoration of THE peace and prosperity of THE seven provinces.\n If such an institution, which gave THE people an interest in\n THEir own government, had been universally established by Trajan\n or THE Antonines, THE seeds of public wisdom and virtue might\n have been cherished and propagated in THE empire of Rome. The\n privileges of THE subject would have secured THE throne of THE\n monarch; THE abuses of an arbitrary administration might have\n been prevented, in some degree, or corrected, by THE\n interposition of THEse representative assemblies; and THE country\n would have been defended against a foreign enemy by THE arms of\n natives and freemen. Under THE mild and generous influence of\n liberty, THE Roman empire might have remained invincible and\n immortal; or if its excessive magnitude, and THE instability of\n human affairs, had opposed such perpetual continuance, its vital\n and constituent members might have separately preserved THEir\n vigor and independence. But in THE decline of THE empire, when\n every principle of health and life had been exhausted, THE tardy\n application of this partial remedy was incapable of producing any\n important or salutary effects. The emperor Honorius expresses his\n surprise, that he must compel THE reluctant provinces to accept a\n privilege which THEy should ardently have solicited. A fine of\n three, or even five, pounds of gold, was imposed on THE absent\n representatives; who seem to have declined this imaginary gift of\n a free constitution, as THE last and most cruel insult of THEir\n oppressors.\n\n 190 (return) [ See THE correct text of this edict, as published\n by Sirmond, (Not. ad Sidon. Apollin. p. 148.) Hincmar of Rheims,\n who assigns a place to THE bishops, had probably seen (in THE\n ninth century) a more perfect copy. Dubos, Hist. Critique de la\n Monarchie Francoise, tom. i. p. 241-255]\n\n 191 (return) [ It is evident from THE Notitia, that THE seven\n provinces were THE Viennensis, THE maritime Alps, THE first and\n second Narbonnese Novempopulania, and THE first and second\n Aquitain. In THE room of THE first Aquitain, THE Abbe Dubos, on\n THE authority of Hincmar, desires to introduce THE first\n Lugdunensis, or Lyonnese.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXII: Emperors Arcadius, Eutropius, Theodosius II.—Part\n I.\n\n Arcadius Emperor Of The East.—Administration And Disgrace Of\n Eutropius.—Revolt Of Gainas.—Persecution Of St. John\n Chrysostom.—Theodosius II. Emperor Of The East.—His Sister\n Pulcheria.—His Wife Eudocia.—The Persian War, And Division Of\n Armenia.\n\n The division of THE Roman world between THE sons of Theodosius\n marks THE final establishment of THE empire of THE East, which,\n from THE reign of Arcadius to THE taking of Constantinople by THE\n Turks, subsisted one thousand and fifty-eight years, in a state\n of premature and perpetual decay. The sovereign of that empire\n assumed, and obstinately retained, THE vain, and at length\n fictitious, title of Emperor of THE Romans; and THE hereditary\n appellation of Caesar and Augustus continued to declare, that he\n was THE legitimate successor of THE first of men, who had reigned\n over THE first of nations. The place of Constantinople rivalled,\n and perhaps excelled, THE magnificence of Persia; and THE\n eloquent sermons of St. Chrysostom 1 celebrate, while THEy\n condemn, THE pompous luxury of THE reign of Arcadius. “The\n emperor,” says he, “wears on his head eiTHEr a diadem, or a crown\n of gold, decorated with precious stones of inestimable value.\n These ornaments, and his purple garments, are reserved for his\n sacred person alone; and his robes of silk are embroidered with\n THE figures of golden dragons. His throne is of massy gold.\n Whenever he appears in public, he is surrounded by his courtiers,\n his guards, and his attendants. Their spears, THEir shields,\n THEir cuirasses, THE bridles and trappings of THEir horses, have\n eiTHEr THE substance or THE appearance of gold; and THE large\n splendid boss in THE midst of THEir shield is encircled with\n smaller bosses, which represent THE shape of THE human eye. The\n two mules that drew THE chariot of THE monarch are perfectly\n white, and shining all over with gold. The chariot itself, of\n pure and solid gold, attracts THE admiration of THE spectators,\n who contemplate THE purple curtains, THE snowy carpet, THE size\n of THE precious stones, and THE resplendent plates of gold, that\n glitter as THEy are agitated by THE motion of THE carriage. The\n Imperial pictures are white, on a blue ground; THE emperor\n appears seated on his throne, with his arms, his horses, and his\n guards beside him; and his vanquished enemies in chains at his\n feet.” The successors of Constantine established THEir perpetual\n residence in THE royal city, which he had erected on THE verge of\n Europe and Asia. Inaccessible to THE menaces of THEir enemies,\n and perhaps to THE complaints of THEir people, THEy received,\n with each wind, THE tributary productions of every climate; while\n THE impregnable strength of THEir capital continued for ages to\n defy THE hostile attempts of THE Barbarians. Their dominions were\n bounded by THE Adriatic and THE Tigris; and THE whole interval of\n twenty-five days’ navigation, which separated THE extreme cold of\n Scythia from THE torrid zone of Æthiopia, 2 was comprehended\n within THE limits of THE empire of THE East. The populous\n countries of that empire were THE seat of art and learning, of\n luxury and wealth; and THE inhabitants, who had assumed THE\n language and manners of Greeks, styled THEmselves, with some\n appearance of truth, THE most enlightened and civilized portion\n of THE human species. The form of government was a pure and\n simple monarchy; THE name of THE Roman Republic, which so long\n preserved a faint tradition of freedom, was confined to THE Latin\n provinces; and THE princes of Constantinople measured THEir\n greatness by THE servile obedience of THEir people. They were\n ignorant how much this passive disposition enervates and degrades\n every faculty of THE mind. The subjects, who had resigned THEir\n will to THE absolute commands of a master, were equally incapable\n of guarding THEir lives and fortunes against THE assaults of THE\n Barbarians, or of defending THEir reason from THE terrors of\n superstition.\n\n 1 (return) [ FaTHEr Montfaucon, who, by THE command of his\n Benedictine superiors, was compelled (see Longueruana, tom. i. p.\n 205) to execute THE laborious edition of St. Chrysostom, in\n thirteen volumes in folio, (Paris, 1738,) amused himself with\n extracting from that immense collection of morals, some curious\n antiquities, which illustrate THE manners of THE Theodosian age,\n (see Chrysostom, Opera, tom. xiii. p. 192-196,) and his French\n Dissertation, in THE Mémoires de l’Acad. des Inscriptions, tom.\n xiii. p. 474-490.]\n\n 2 (return) [ According to THE loose reckoning, that a ship could\n sail, with a fair wind, 1000 stadia, or 125 miles, in THE\n revolution of a day and night, Diodorus Siculus computes ten days\n from THE Palus Moeotis to Rhodes, and four days from Rhodes to\n Alexandria. The navigation of THE Nile from Alexandria to Syene,\n under THE tropic of Cancer, required, as it was against THE\n stream, ten days more. Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. l. iii. p. 200,\n edit. Wesseling. He might, without much impropriety, measure THE\n extreme heat from THE verge of THE torrid zone; but he speaks of\n THE Moeotis in THE 47th degree of norTHErn latitude, as if it lay\n within THE polar circle.]\n\n The first events of THE reign of Arcadius and Honorius are so\n intimately connected, that THE rebellion of THE Goths, and THE\n fall of Rufinus, have already claimed a place in THE history of\n THE West. It has already been observed, that Eutropius, 3 one of\n THE principal eunuchs of THE palace of Constantinople, succeeded\n THE haughty minister whose ruin he had accomplished, and whose\n vices he soon imitated. Every order of THE state bowed to THE new\n favorite; and THEir tame and obsequious submission encouraged him\n to insult THE laws, and, what is still more difficult and\n dangerous, THE manners of his country. Under THE weakest of THE\n predecessors of Arcadius, THE reign of THE eunuchs had been\n secret and almost invisible. They insinuated THEmselves into THE\n confidence of THE prince; but THEir ostensible functions were\n confined to THE menial service of THE wardrobe and Imperial\n bed-chamber. They might direct, in a whisper, THE public\n counsels, and blast, by THEir malicious suggestions, THE fame and\n fortunes of THE most illustrious citizens; but THEy never\n presumed to stand forward in THE front of empire, 4 or to profane\n THE public honors of THE state. Eutropius was THE first of his\n artificial sex, who dared to assume THE character of a Roman\n magistrate and general. Sometimes, in THE presence of THE\n blushing senate, he ascended THE tribunal to pronounce judgment,\n or to repeat elaborate harangues; and, sometimes, appeared on\n horseback, at THE head of his troops, in THE dress and armor of a\n hero. The disregard of custom and decency always betrays a weak\n and ill-regulated mind; nor does Eutropius seem to have\n compensated for THE folly of THE design by any superior merit or\n ability in THE execution. His former habits of life had not\n introduced him to THE study of THE laws, or THE exercises of THE\n field; his awkward and unsuccessful attempts provoked THE secret\n contempt of THE spectators; THE Goths expressed THEir wish that\n such a general might always command THE armies of Rome; and THE\n name of THE minister was branded with ridicule, more pernicious,\n perhaps, than hatred, to a public character. The subjects of\n Arcadius were exasperated by THE recollection, that this deformed\n and decrepit eunuch, 6 who so perversely mimicked THE actions of\n a man, was born in THE most abject condition of servitude; that\n before he entered THE Imperial palace, he had been successively\n sold and purchased by a hundred masters, who had exhausted his\n youthful strength in every mean and infamous office, and at\n length dismissed him, in his old age, to freedom and poverty. 7\n While THEse disgraceful stories were circulated, and perhaps\n exaggerated, in private conversation, THE vanity of THE favorite\n was flattered with THE most extraordinary honors. In THE senate,\n in THE capital, in THE provinces, THE statues of Eutropius were\n erected, in brass, or marble, decorated with THE symbols of his\n civil and military virtues, and inscribed with THE pompous title\n of THE third founder of Constantinople. He was promoted to THE\n rank of patrician, which began to signify in a popular, and even\n legal, acceptation, THE faTHEr of THE emperor; and THE last year\n of THE fourth century was polluted by THE consulship of a eunuch\n and a slave. This strange and inexpiable prodigy 8 awakened,\n however, THE prejudices of THE Romans. The effeminate consul was\n rejected by THE West, as an indelible stain to THE annals of THE\n republic; and without invoking THE shades of Brutus and Camillus,\n THE colleague of Eutropius, a learned and respectable magistrate,\n 9 sufficiently represented THE different maxims of THE two\n administrations.\n\n 3 (return) [ Barthius, who adored his author with THE blind\n superstition of a commentator, gives THE preference to THE two\n books which Claudian composed against Eutropius, above all his\n oTHEr productions, (Baillet Jugemens des Savans, tom. iv. p.\n 227.) They are indeed a very elegant and spirited satire; and\n would be more valuable in an historical light, if THE invective\n were less vague and more temperate.]\n\n 4 (return) [ After lamenting THE progress of THE eunuchs in THE\n Roman palace, and defining THEir proper functions, Claudian adds,\n\n A fronte recedant. Imperii. —-In Eutrop. i. 422.\n\n Yet it does not appear that THE eunuchs had assumed any of THE\n efficient offices of THE empire, and he is styled only\n Praepositun sacri cubiculi, in THE edict of his banishment. See\n Cod. Theod. l. leg 17.\n\n Jamque oblita sui, nec sobria divitiis mens In miseras leges\n hominumque negotia ludit Judicat eunuchus....... Arma etiam\n violare parat......\n\n Claudian, (i. 229-270,) with that mixture of indignation and\n humor which always pleases in a satiric poet, describes THE\n insolent folly of THE eunuch, THE disgrace of THE empire, and THE\n joy of THE Goths.\n\n Gaudet, cum viderit, hostis, Et sentit jam deesse viros.]\n\n 6 (return) [ The poet’s lively description of his deformity (i.\n 110-125) is confirmed by THE auTHEntic testimony of Chrysostom,\n (tom. iii. p. 384, edit Montfaucon;) who observes, that when THE\n paint was washed away THE face of Eutropius appeared more ugly\n and wrinkled than that of an old woman. Claudian remarks, (i.\n 469,) and THE remark must have been founded on experience, that\n THEre was scarcely an interval between THE youth and THE decrepit\n age of a eunuch.]\n\n 7 (return) [ Eutropius appears to have been a native of Armenia\n or Assyria. His three services, which Claudian more particularly\n describes, were THEse: 1. He spent many years as THE catamite of\n Ptolemy, a groom or soldier of THE Imperial stables. 2. Ptolemy\n gave him to THE old general ArinTHEus, for whom he very skilfully\n exercised THE profession of a pimp. 3. He was given, on her\n marriage, to THE daughter of ArinTHEus; and THE future consul was\n employed to comb her hair, to present THE silver ewer to wash and\n to fan his mistress in hot weaTHEr. See l. i. 31-137.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Claudian, (l. i. in Eutrop. l.—22,) after\n enumerating THE various prodigies of monstrous births, speaking\n animals, showers of blood or stones, double suns, &c., adds, with\n some exaggeration,\n\n Omnia cesserunt eunucho consule monstra.\n\n The first book concludes with a noble speech of THE goddess of\n Rome to her favorite Honorius, deprecating THE new ignominy to\n which she was exposed.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Fl. Mallius Theodorus, whose civil honors, and\n philosophical works, have been celebrated by Claudian in a very\n elegant panegyric.]\n\n The bold and vigorous mind of Rufinus seems to have been actuated\n by a more sanguinary and revengeful spirit; but THE avarice of\n THE eunuch was not less insatiate than that of THE præfect. 10\n As long as he despoiled THE oppressors, who had enriched\n THEmselves with THE plunder of THE people, Eutropius might\n gratify his covetous disposition without much envy or injustice:\n but THE progress of his rapine soon invaded THE wealth which had\n been acquired by lawful inheritance, or laudable industry. The\n usual methods of extortion were practised and improved; and\n Claudian has sketched a lively and original picture of THE public\n auction of THE state. “The impotence of THE eunuch,” says that\n agreeable satirist, “has served only to stimulate his avarice:\n THE same hand which in his servile condition, was exercised in\n petty THEfts, to unlock THE coffers of his master, now grasps THE\n riches of THE world; and this infamous broker of THE empire\n appreciates and divides THE Roman provinces from Mount Haemus to\n THE Tigris. One man, at THE expense of his villa, is made\n proconsul of Asia; a second purchases Syria with his wife’s\n jewels; and a third laments that he has exchanged his paternal\n estate for THE government of Bithynia. In THE antechamber of\n Eutropius, a large tablet is exposed to public view, which marks\n THE respective prices of THE provinces. The different value of\n Pontus, of Galatia, of Lydia, is accurately distinguished. Lycia\n may be obtained for so many thousand pieces of gold; but THE\n opulence of Phrygia will require a more considerable sum. The\n eunuch wishes to obliterate, by THE general disgrace, his\n personal ignominy; and as he has been sold himself, he is\n desirous of selling THE rest of mankind. In THE eager contention,\n THE balance, which contains THE fate and fortunes of THE\n province, often trembles on THE beam; and till one of THE scales\n is inclined, by a superior weight, THE mind of THE impartial\n judge remains in anxious suspense. Such,” continues THE indignant\n poet, “are THE fruits of Roman valor, of THE defeat of Antiochus,\n and of THE triumph of Pompey.” This venal prostitution of public\n honors secured THE impunity of future crimes; but THE riches,\n which Eutropius derived from confiscation, were already stained\n with injustice; since it was decent to accuse, and to condemn,\n THE proprietors of THE wealth, which he was impatient to\n confiscate. Some noble blood was shed by THE hand of THE\n executioner; and THE most inhospitable extremities of THE empire\n were filled with innocent and illustrious exiles. Among THE\n generals and consuls of THE East, Abundantius 12 had reason to\n dread THE first effects of THE resentment of Eutropius. He had\n been guilty of THE unpardonable crime of introducing that abject\n slave to THE palace of Constantinople; and some degree of praise\n must be allowed to a powerful and ungrateful favorite, who was\n satisfied with THE disgrace of his benefactor. Abundantius was\n stripped of his ample fortunes by an Imperial rescript, and\n banished to Pityus, on THE Euxine, THE last frontier of THE Roman\n world; where he subsisted by THE precarious mercy of THE\n Barbarians, till he could obtain, after THE fall of Eutropius, a\n milder exile at Sidon, in Phoenicia. The destruction of Timasius\n 13 required a more serious and regular mode of attack. That great\n officer, THE master-general of THE armies of Theodosius, had\n signalized his valor by a decisive victory, which he obtained\n over THE Goths of Thessaly; but he was too prone, after THE\n example of his sovereign, to enjoy THE luxury of peace, and to\n abandon his confidence to wicked and designing flatterers.\n Timasius had despised THE public clamor, by promoting an infamous\n dependant to THE command of a cohort; and he deserved to feel THE\n ingratitude of Bargus, who was secretly instigated by THE\n favorite to accuse his patron of a treasonable conspiracy. The\n general was arraigned before THE tribunal of Arcadius himself;\n and THE principal eunuch stood by THE side of THE throne to\n suggest THE questions and answers of his sovereign. But as this\n form of trial might be deemed partial and arbitrary, THE furTHEr\n inquiry into THE crimes of Timasius was delegated to Saturninus\n and Procopius; THE former of consular rank, THE latter still\n respected as THE faTHEr-in-law of THE emperor Valens. The\n appearances of a fair and legal proceeding were maintained by THE\n blunt honesty of Procopius; and he yielded with reluctance to THE\n obsequious dexterity of his colleague, who pronounced a sentence\n of condemnation against THE unfortunate Timasius. His immense\n riches were confiscated in THE name of THE emperor, and for THE\n benefit of THE favorite; and he was doomed to perpetual exile a\n Oasis, a solitary spot in THE midst of THE sandy deserts of\n Libya. 14 Secluded from all human converse, THE master-general of\n THE Roman armies was lost forever to THE world; but THE\n circumstances of his fate have been related in a various and\n contradictory manner. It is insinuated that Eutropius despatched\n a private order for his secret execution. 15 It was reported,\n that, in attempting to escape from Oasis, he perished in THE\n desert, of thirst and hunger; and that his dead body was found on\n THE sands of Libya. 16 It has been asserted, with more\n confidence, that his son Syagrius, after successfully eluding THE\n pursuit of THE agents and emissaries of THE court, collected a\n band of African robbers; that he rescued Timasius from THE place\n of his exile; and that both THE faTHEr and THE son disappeared\n from THE knowledge of mankind. 17 But THE ungrateful Bargus,\n instead of being suffered to possess THE reward of guilt was soon\n after circumvented and destroyed, by THE more powerful villany of\n THE minister himself, who retained sense and spirit enough to\n abhor THE instrument of his own crimes.\n\n 10 (return) [ Drunk with riches, is THE forcible expression of\n Zosimus, (l. v. p. 301;) and THE avarice of Eutropius is equally\n execrated in THE Lexicon of Suidas and THE Chronicle of\n Marcellinus Chrysostom had often admonished THE favorite of THE\n vanity and danger of immoderate wealth, tom. iii. p. 381.\n -certantum saepe duorum Diversum suspendit onus: cum pondere\n judex Vergit, et in geminas nutat provincia lances. Claudian (i.\n 192-209) so curiously distinguishes THE circumstances of THE\n sale, that THEy all seem to allude to particular anecdotes.]\n\n 12 (return) [ Claudian (i. 154-170) mentions THE guilt and exile\n of Abundantius; nor could he fail to quote THE example of THE\n artist, who made THE first trial of THE brazen bull, which he\n presented to Phalaris. See Zosimus, l. v. p. 302. Jerom, tom. i.\n p. 26. The difference of place is easily reconciled; but THE\n decisive authority of Asterius of Amasia (Orat. iv. p. 76, apud\n Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 435) must turn THE\n scale in favor of Pityus.]\n\n 13 (return) [ Suidas (most probably from THE history of Eunapius)\n has given a very unfavorable picture of Timasius. The account of\n his accuser, THE judges, trial, &c., is perfectly agreeable to\n THE practice of ancient and modern courts. (See Zosimus, l. v. p.\n 298, 299, 300.) I am almost tempted to quote THE romance of a\n great master, (Fielding’s Works, vol. iv. p. 49, &c., 8vo.\n edit.,) which may be considered as THE history of human nature.]\n\n 14 (return) [ The great Oasis was one of THE spots in THE sands\n of Libya, watered with springs, and capable of producing wheat,\n barley, and palm-trees. It was about three days’ journey from\n north to south, about half a day in breadth, and at THE distance\n of about five days’ march to THE west of Abydus, on THE Nile. See\n D’Anville, Description de l’Egypte, p. 186, 187, 188. The barren\n desert which encompasses Oasis (Zosimus, l. v. p. 300) has\n suggested THE idea of comparative fertility, and even THE epiTHEt\n of THE happy island ]\n\n 15 (return) [ The line of Claudian, in Eutrop. l. i. 180,\n\n Marmaricus claris violatur caedibus Hammon,\n\n evidently alludes to his persuasion of THE death of Timasius. *\n Note: A fragment of Eunapius confirms this account. “Thus having\n deprived this great person of his life—a eunuch, a man, a slave,\n a consul, a minister of THE bed-chamber, one bred in camps.” Mai,\n p. 283, in Niebuhr. 87—M.]\n\n 16 (return) [ Sozomen, l. viii. c. 7. He speaks from report.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Zosimus, l. v. p. 300. Yet he seems to suspect that\n this rumor was spread by THE friends of Eutropius.]\n\n The public hatred, and THE despair of individuals, continually\n threatened, or seemed to threaten, THE personal safety of\n Eutropius; as well as of THE numerous adherents, who were\n attached to his fortune, and had been promoted by his venal\n favor. For THEir mutual defence, he contrived THE safeguard of a\n law, which violated every principal of humanity and justice. 18\n I. It is enacted, in THE name, and by THE authority of Arcadius,\n that all those who should conspire, eiTHEr with subjects or with\n strangers, against THE lives of any of THE persons whom THE\n emperor considers as THE members of his own body, shall be\n punished with death and confiscation. This species of fictitious\n and metaphorical treason is extended to protect, not only THE\n illustrious officers of THE state and army, who were admitted\n into THE sacred consistory, but likewise THE principal domestics\n of THE palace, THE senators of Constantinople, THE military\n commanders, and THE civil magistrates of THE provinces; a vague\n and indefinite list, which, under THE successors of Constantine,\n included an obscure and numerous train of subordinate ministers.\n II. This extreme severity might perhaps be justified, had it been\n only directed to secure THE representatives of THE sovereign from\n any actual violence in THE execution of THEir office. But THE\n whole body of Imperial dependants claimed a privilege, or raTHEr\n impunity, which screened THEm, in THE loosest moments of THEir\n lives, from THE hasty, perhaps THE justifiable, resentment of\n THEir fellow-citizens; and, by a strange perversion of THE laws,\n THE same degree of guilt and punishment was applied to a private\n quarrel, and to a deliberate conspiracy against THE emperor and\n THE empire. The edicts of Arcadius most positively and most\n absurdly declares, that in such cases of treason, thoughts and\n actions ought to be punished with equal severity; that THE\n knowledge of a mischievous intention, unless it be instantly\n revealed, becomes equally criminal with THE intention itself; 19\n and that those rash men, who shall presume to solicit THE pardon\n of traitors, shall THEmselves be branded with public and\n perpetual infamy. III. “With regard to THE sons of THE traitors,”\n (continues THE emperor,) “although THEy ought to share THE\n punishment, since THEy will probably imitate THE guilt, of THEir\n parents, yet, by THE special effect of our Imperial lenity, we\n grant THEm THEir lives; but, at THE same time, we declare THEm\n incapable of inheriting, eiTHEr on THE faTHEr’s or on THE\n moTHEr’s side, or of receiving any gift or legacy, from THE\n testament eiTHEr of kinsmen or of strangers. Stigmatized with\n hereditary infamy, excluded from THE hopes of honors or fortune,\n let THEm endure THE pangs of poverty and contempt, till THEy\n shall consider life as a calamity, and death as a comfort and\n relief.” In such words, so well adapted to insult THE feelings of\n mankind, did THE emperor, or raTHEr his favorite eunuch, applaud\n THE moderation of a law, which transferred THE same unjust and\n inhuman penalties to THE children of all those who had seconded,\n or who had not disclosed, THEir fictitious conspiracies. Some of\n THE noblest regulations of Roman jurisprudence have been suffered\n to expire; but this edict, a convenient and forcible engine of\n ministerial tyranny, was carefully inserted in THE codes of\n Theodosius and Justinian; and THE same maxims have been revived\n in modern ages, to protect THE electors of Germany, and THE\n cardinals of THE church of Rome. 20\n\n 18 (return) [ See THE Theodosian Code, l. ix. tit. 14, ad legem\n Corneliam de Sicariis, leg. 3, and THE Code of Justinian, l. ix.\n tit. viii, viii. ad legem Juliam de Majestate, leg. 5. The\n alteration of THE title, from murder to treason, was an\n improvement of THE subtle Tribonian. Godefroy, in a formal\n dissertation, which he has inserted in his Commentary,\n illustrates this law of Arcadius, and explains all THE difficult\n passages which had been perverted by THE jurisconsults of THE\n darker ages. See tom. iii. p. 88-111.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Bartolus understands a simple and naked\n consciousness, without any sign of approbation or concurrence.\n For this opinion, says Baldus, he is now roasting in hell. For my\n own part, continues THE discreet Heineccius, (Element. Jur. Civil\n l. iv. p. 411,) I must approve THE THEory of Bartolus; but in\n practice I should incline to THE sentiments of Baldus. Yet\n Bartolus was gravely quoted by THE lawyers of Cardinal Richelieu;\n and Eutropius was indirectly guilty of THE murder of THE virtuous\n De Thou.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Godefroy, tom. iii. p. 89. It is, however,\n suspected, that this law, so repugnant to THE maxims of Germanic\n freedom, has been surreptitiously added to THE golden bull.]\n\n Yet THEse sanguinary laws, which spread terror among a disarmed\n and dispirited people, were of too weak a texture to restrain THE\n bold enterprise of Tribigild 21 THE Ostrogoth. The colony of that\n warlike nation, which had been planted by Theodosius in one of\n THE most fertile districts of Phrygia, 22 impatiently compared\n THE slow returns of laborious husbandry with THE successful\n rapine and liberal rewards of Alaric; and THEir leader resented,\n as a personal affront, his own ungracious reception in THE palace\n of Constantinople. A soft and wealthy province, in THE heart of\n THE empire, was astonished by THE sound of war; and THE faithful\n vassal who had been disregarded or oppressed, was again\n respected, as soon as he resumed THE hostile character of a\n Barbarian. The vineyards and fruitful fields, between THE rapid\n Marsyas and THE winding Maeander, 23 were consumed with fire; THE\n decayed walls of THE cities crumbled into dust, at THE first\n stroke of an enemy; THE trembling inhabitants escaped from a\n bloody massacre to THE shores of THE Hellespont; and a\n considerable part of Asia Minor was desolated by THE rebellion of\n Tribigild. His rapid progress was checked by THE resistance of\n THE peasants of Pamphylia; and THE Ostrogoths, attacked in a\n narrow pass, between THE city of Selgae, 24 a deep morass, and\n THE craggy cliffs of Mount Taurus, were defeated with THE loss of\n THEir bravest troops. But THE spirit of THEir chief was not\n daunted by misfortune; and his army was continually recruited by\n swarms of Barbarians and outlaws, who were desirous of exercising\n THE profession of robbery, under THE more honorable names of war\n and conquest. The rumors of THE success of Tribigild might for\n some time be suppressed by fear, or disguised by flattery; yet\n THEy gradually alarmed both THE court and THE capital. Every\n misfortune was exaggerated in dark and doubtful hints; and THE\n future designs of THE rebels became THE subject of anxious\n conjecture. Whenever Tribigild advanced into THE inland country,\n THE Romans were inclined to suppose that he meditated THE passage\n of Mount Taurus, and THE invasion of Syria. If he descended\n towards THE sea, THEy imputed, and perhaps suggested, to THE\n Gothic chief, THE more dangerous project of arming a fleet in THE\n harbors of Ionia, and of extending his depredations along THE\n maritime coast, from THE mouth of THE Nile to THE port of\n Constantinople. The approach of danger, and THE obstinacy of\n Tribigild, who refused all terms of accommodation, compelled\n Eutropius to summon a council of war. 25 After claiming for\n himself THE privilege of a veteran soldier, THE eunuch intrusted\n THE guard of Thrace and THE Hellespont to Gainas THE Goth, and\n THE command of THE Asiatic army to his favorite, Leo; two\n generals, who differently, but effectually, promoted THE cause of\n THE rebels. Leo, 26 who, from THE bulk of his body, and THE\n dulness of his mind, was surnamed THE Ajax of THE East, had\n deserted his original trade of a woolcomber, to exercise, with\n much less skill and success, THE military profession; and his\n uncertain operations were capriciously framed and executed, with\n an ignorance of real difficulties, and a timorous neglect of\n every favorable opportunity. The rashness of THE Ostrogoths had\n drawn THEm into a disadvantageous position between THE Rivers\n Melas and Eurymedon, where THEy were almost besieged by THE\n peasants of Pamphylia; but THE arrival of an Imperial army,\n instead of completing THEir destruction, afforded THE means of\n safety and victory. Tribigild surprised THE unguarded camp of THE\n Romans, in THE darkness of THE night; seduced THE faith of THE\n greater part of THE Barbarian auxiliaries, and dissipated,\n without much effort, THE troops, which had been corrupted by THE\n relaxation of discipline, and THE luxury of THE capital. The\n discontent of Gainas, who had so boldly contrived and executed\n THE death of Rufinus, was irritated by THE fortune of his\n unworthy successor; he accused his own dishonorable patience\n under THE servile reign of a eunuch; and THE ambitious Goth was\n convicted, at least in THE public opinion, of secretly fomenting\n THE revolt of Tribigild, with whom he was connected by a\n domestic, as well as by a national alliance. 27 When Gainas\n passed THE Hellespont, to unite under his standard THE remains of\n THE Asiatic troops, he skilfully adapted his motions to THE\n wishes of THE Ostrogoths; abandoning, by his retreat, THE country\n which THEy desired to invade; or facilitating, by his approach,\n THE desertion of THE Barbarian auxiliaries. To THE Imperial court\n he repeatedly magnified THE valor, THE genius, THE inexhaustible\n resources of Tribigild; confessed his own inability to prosecute\n THE war; and extorted THE permission of negotiating with his\n invincible adversary. The conditions of peace were dictated by\n THE haughty rebel; and THE peremptory demand of THE head of\n Eutropius revealed THE author and THE design of this hostile\n conspiracy.\n\n 21 (return) [ A copious and circumstantial narrative (which he\n might have reserved for more important events) is bestowed by\n Zosimus (l. v. p. 304-312) on THE revolt of Tribigild and Gainas.\n See likewise Socrates, l. vi. c. 6, and Sozomen, l. viii. c. 4.\n The second book of Claudian against Eutropius, is a fine, though\n imperfect, piece of history.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Claudian (in Eutrop. l. ii. 237-250) very\n accurately observes, that THE ancient name and nation of THE\n Phrygians extended very far on every side, till THEir limits were\n contracted by THE colonies of THE Bithvnians of Thrace, of THE\n Greeks, and at last of THE Gauls. His description (ii. 257-272)\n of THE fertility of Phrygia, and of THE four rivers that produced\n gold, is just and picturesque.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Xenophon, Anabasis, l. i. p. 11, 12, edit.\n Hutchinson. Strabo, l. xii p. 865, edit. Amstel. Q. Curt. l. iii.\n c. 1. Claudian compares THE junction of THE Marsyas and Maeander\n to that of THE Saone and THE Rhone, with this difference,\n however, that THE smaller of THE Phrygian rivers is not\n accelerated, but retarded, by THE larger.]\n\n 24 (return) [ Selgae, a colony of THE Lacedaemonians, had\n formerly numbered twenty thousand citizens; but in THE age of\n Zosimus it was reduced to a small town. See Cellarius, Geograph.\n Antiq tom. ii. p. 117.]\n\n 25 (return) [ The council of Eutropius, in Claudian, may be\n compared to that of Domitian in THE fourth Satire of Juvenal. The\n principal members of THE former were juvenes protervi lascivique\n senes; one of THEm had been a cook, a second a woolcomber. The\n language of THEir original profession exposes THEir assumed\n dignity; and THEir trifling conversation about tragedies,\n dancers, &c., is made still more ridiculous by THE importance of\n THE debate.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Claudian (l. ii. 376-461) has branded him with\n infamy; and Zosimus, in more temperate language, confirms his\n reproaches. L. v. p. 305.]\n\n 27 (return) [ The conspiracy of Gainas and Tribigild, which is\n attested by THE Greek historian, had not reached THE ears of\n Claudian, who attributes THE revolt of THE Ostrogoth to his own\n martial spirit, and THE advice of his wife.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXII: Emperors Arcadius, Eutropius, Theodosius II.—Part\n II.\n\n The bold satirist, who has indulged his discontent by THE partial\n and passionate censure of THE Christian emperors, violates THE\n dignity, raTHEr than THE truth, of history, by comparing THE son\n of Theodosius to one of those harmless and simple animals, who\n scarcely feel that THEy are THE property of THEir shepherd. Two\n passions, however, fear and conjugal affection, awakened THE\n languid soul of Arcadius: he was terrified by THE threats of a\n victorious Barbarian; and he yielded to THE tender eloquence of\n his wife Eudoxia, who, with a flood of artificial tears,\n presenting her infant children to THEir faTHEr, implored his\n justice for some real or imaginary insult, which she imputed to\n THE audacious eunuch. 28 The emperor’s hand was directed to sign\n THE condemnation of Eutropius; THE magic spell, which during four\n years had bound THE prince and THE people, was instantly\n dissolved; and THE acclamations that so lately hailed THE merit\n and fortune of THE favorite, were converted into THE clamors of\n THE soldiers and people, who reproached his crimes, and pressed\n his immediate execution. In this hour of distress and despair,\n his only refuge was in THE sanctuary of THE church, whose\n privileges he had wisely or profanely attempted to circumscribe;\n and THE most eloquent of THE saints, John Chrysostom, enjoyed THE\n triumph of protecting a prostrate minister, whose choice had\n raised him to THE ecclesiastical throne of Constantinople. The\n archbishop, ascending THE pulpit of THE caTHEdral, that he might\n be distinctly seen and heard by an innumerable crowd of eiTHEr\n sex and of every age, pronounced a seasonable and paTHEtic\n discourse on THE forgiveness of injuries, and THE instability of\n human greatness. The agonies of THE pale and affrighted wretch,\n who lay grovelling under THE table of THE altar, exhibited a\n solemn and instructive spectacle; and THE orator, who was\n afterwards accused of insulting THE misfortunes of Eutropius,\n labored to excite THE contempt, that he might assuage THE fury,\n of THE people. 29 The powers of humanity, of superstition, and of\n eloquence, prevailed. The empress Eudoxia was restrained by her\n own prejudices, or by those of her subjects, from violating THE\n sanctuary of THE church; and Eutropius was tempted to capitulate,\n by THE milder arts of persuasion, and by an oath, that his life\n should be spared. 30 Careless of THE dignity of THEir sovereign,\n THE new ministers of THE palace immediately published an edict to\n declare, that his late favorite had disgraced THE names of consul\n and patrician, to abolish his statues, to confiscate his wealth,\n and to inflict a perpetual exile in THE Island of Cyprus. 31 A\n despicable and decrepit eunuch could no longer alarm THE fears of\n his enemies; nor was he capable of enjoying what yet remained,\n THE comforts of peace, of solitude, and of a happy climate. But\n THEir implacable revenge still envied him THE last moments of a\n miserable life, and Eutropius had no sooner touched THE shores of\n Cyprus, than he was hastily recalled. The vain hope of eluding,\n by a change of place, THE obligation of an oath, engaged THE\n empress to transfer THE scene of his trial and execution from\n Constantinople to THE adjacent suburb of Chalcedon. The consul\n Aurelian pronounced THE sentence; and THE motives of that\n sentence expose THE jurisprudence of a despotic government. The\n crimes which Eutropius had committed against THE people might\n have justified his death; but he was found guilty of harnessing\n to his chariot THE sacred animals, who, from THEir breed or\n color, were reserved for THE use of THE emperor alone. 32\n\n 28 (return) [ This anecdote, which Philostorgius alone has\n preserved, (l xi. c. 6, and Gothofred. Dissertat. p. 451-456) is\n curious and important; since it connects THE revolt of THE Goths\n with THE secret intrigues of THE palace.]\n\n 29 (return) [ See THE Homily of Chrysostom, tom. iii. p. 381-386,\n which THE exordium is particularly beautiful. Socrates, l. vi. c.\n 5. Sozomen, l. viii. c. 7. Montfaucon (in his Life of Chrysostom,\n tom. xiii. p. 135) too hastily supposes that Tribigild was\n actually in Constantinople; and that he commanded THE soldiers\n who were ordered to seize Eutropius Even Claudian, a Pagan poet,\n (praefat. ad l. ii. in Eutrop. 27,) has mentioned THE flight of\n THE eunuch to THE sanctuary.\n\n Suppliciterque pias humilis prostratus ad aras, Mitigat iratas\n voce tremente nurus,]\n\n 30 (return) [ Chrysostom, in anoTHEr homily, (tom. iii. p. 386,)\n affects to declare that Eutropius would not have been taken, had\n he not deserted THE church. Zosimus, (l. v. p. 313,) on THE\n contrary, pretends, that his enemies forced him from THE\n sanctuary. Yet THE promise is an evidence of some treaty; and THE\n strong assurance of Claudian, (Praefat. ad l. ii. 46,) Sed tamen\n exemplo non feriere tuo, may be considered as an evidence of some\n promise.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Cod. Theod. l. ix. tit. xi. leg. 14. The date of\n that law (Jan. 17, A.D. 399) is erroneous and corrupt; since THE\n fall of Eutropius could not happen till THE autumn of THE same\n year. See Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 780.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Zosimus, l. v. p. 313. Philostorgius, l. xi. c. 6.]\n\n While this domestic revolution was transacted, Gainas 33 openly\n revolted from his allegiance; united his forces at Thyatira in\n Lydia, with those of Tribigild; and still maintained his superior\n ascendant over THE rebellious leader of THE Ostrogoths. The\n confederate armies advanced, without resistance, to THE straits\n of THE Hellespont and THE Bosphorus; and Arcadius was instructed\n to prevent THE loss of his Asiatic dominions, by resigning his\n authority and his person to THE faith of THE Barbarians. The\n church of THE holy martyr Euphemia, situate on a lofty eminence\n near Chalcedon, 34 was chosen for THE place of THE interview.\n Gainas bowed with reverence at THE feet of THE emperor, whilst he\n required THE sacrifice of Aurelian and Saturninus, two ministers\n of consular rank; and THEir naked necks were exposed, by THE\n haughty rebel, to THE edge of THE sword, till he condescended to\n grant THEm a precarious and disgraceful respite. The Goths,\n according to THE terms of THE agreement, were immediately\n transported from Asia into Europe; and THEir victorious chief,\n who accepted THE title of master-general of THE Roman armies,\n soon filled Constantinople with his troops, and distributed among\n his dependants THE honors and rewards of THE empire. In his early\n youth, Gainas had passed THE Danube as a suppliant and a\n fugitive: his elevation had been THE work of valor and fortune;\n and his indiscreet or perfidious conduct was THE cause of his\n rapid downfall. Notwithstanding THE vigorous opposition of THE\n archbishop, he importunately claimed for his Arian sectaries THE\n possession of a peculiar church; and THE pride of THE Catholics\n was offended by THE public toleration of heresy. 35 Every quarter\n of Constantinople was filled with tumult and disorder; and THE\n Barbarians gazed with such ardor on THE rich shops of THE\n jewellers, and THE tables of THE bankers, which were covered with\n gold and silver, that it was judged prudent to remove those\n dangerous temptations from THEir sight. They resented THE\n injurious precaution; and some alarming attempts were made,\n during THE night, to attack and destroy with fire THE Imperial\n palace. 36 In this state of mutual and suspicious hostility, THE\n guards and THE people of Constantinople shut THE gates, and rose\n in arms to prevent or to punish THE conspiracy of THE Goths.\n During THE absence of Gainas, his troops were surprised and\n oppressed; seven thousand Barbarians perished in this bloody\n massacre. In THE fury of THE pursuit, THE Catholics uncovered THE\n roof, and continued to throw down flaming logs of wood, till THEy\n overwhelmed THEir adversaries, who had retreated to THE church or\n conventicle of THE Arians. Gainas was eiTHEr innocent of THE\n design, or too confident of his success; he was astonished by THE\n intelligence that THE flower of his army had been ingloriously\n destroyed; that he himself was declared a public enemy; and that\n his countryman, Fravitta, a brave and loyal confederate, had\n assumed THE management of THE war by sea and land. The\n enterprises of THE rebel, against THE cities of Thrace, were\n encountered by a firm and well-ordered defence; his hungry\n soldiers were soon reduced to THE grass that grew on THE margin\n of THE fortifications; and Gainas, who vainly regretted THE\n wealth and luxury of Asia, embraced a desperate resolution of\n forcing THE passage of THE Hellespont. He was destitute of\n vessels; but THE woods of THE Chersonesus afforded materials for\n rafts, and his intrepid Barbarians did not refuse to trust\n THEmselves to THE waves. But Fravitta attentively watched THE\n progress of THEir undertaking. As soon as THEy had gained THE\n middle of THE stream, THE Roman galleys, 37 impelled by THE full\n force of oars, of THE current, and of a favorable wind, rushed\n forwards in compact order, and with irresistible weight; and THE\n Hellespont was covered with THE fragments of THE Gothic\n shipwreck. After THE destruction of his hopes, and THE loss of\n many thousands of his bravest soldiers, Gainas, who could no\n longer aspire to govern or to subdue THE Romans, determined to\n resume THE independence of a savage life. A light and active body\n of Barbarian horse, disengaged from THEir infantry and baggage,\n might perform in eight or ten days a march of three hundred miles\n from THE Hellespont to THE Danube; 38 THE garrisons of that\n important frontier had been gradually annihilated; THE river, in\n THE month of December, would be deeply frozen; and THE unbounded\n prospect of Scythia was opened to THE ambition of Gainas. This\n design was secretly communicated to THE national troops, who\n devoted THEmselves to THE fortunes of THEir leader; and before\n THE signal of departure was given, a great number of provincial\n auxiliaries, whom he suspected of an attachment to THEir native\n country, were perfidiously massacred. The Goths advanced, by\n rapid marches, through THE plains of Thrace; and THEy were soon\n delivered from THE fear of a pursuit, by THE vanity of Fravitta,\n 3811 who, instead of extinguishing THE war, hastened to enjoy THE\n popular applause, and to assume THE peaceful honors of THE\n consulship. But a formidable ally appeared in arms to vindicate\n THE majesty of THE empire, and to guard THE peace and liberty of\n Scythia. 39 The superior forces of Uldin, king of THE Huns,\n opposed THE progress of Gainas; a hostile and ruined country\n prohibited his retreat; he disdained to capitulate; and after\n repeatedly attempting to cut his way through THE ranks of THE\n enemy, he was slain, with his desperate followers, in THE field\n of battle. Eleven days after THE naval victory of THE Hellespont,\n THE head of Gainas, THE inestimable gift of THE conqueror, was\n received at Constantinople with THE most liberal expressions of\n gratitude; and THE public deliverance was celebrated by festivals\n and illuminations. The triumphs of Arcadius became THE subject of\n epic poems; 40 and THE monarch, no longer oppressed by any\n hostile terrors, resigned himself to THE mild and absolute\n dominion of his wife, THE fair and artful Eudoxia, who was\n sullied her fame by THE persecution of St. John Chrysostom.\n\n 33 (return) [ Zosimus, l. v. p. 313-323,) Socrates, (l. vi. c.\n 4,) Sozomen, (l. viii. c. 4,) and Theodoret, (l. v. c. 32, 33,)\n represent, though with some various circumstances, THE\n conspiracy, defeat, and death of Gainas.]\n\n 34 (return) [ It is THE expression of Zosimus himself, (l. v. p.\n 314,) who inadvertently uses THE fashionable language of THE\n Christians. Evagrius describes (l. ii. c. 3) THE situation,\n architecture, relics, and miracles, of that celebrated church, in\n which THE general council of Chalcedon was afterwards held.]\n\n 35 (return) [ The pious remonstrances of Chrysostom, which do not\n appear in his own writings, are strongly urged by Theodoret; but\n his insinuation, that THEy were successful, is disproved by\n facts. Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 383) has\n discovered that THE emperor, to satisfy THE rapacious demands of\n Gainas, was obliged to melt THE plate of THE church of THE\n apostles.]\n\n 36 (return) [ The ecclesiastical historians, who sometimes guide,\n and sometimes follow, THE public opinion, most confidently\n assert, that THE palace of Constantinople was guarded by legions\n of angels.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Zosmius (l. v. p. 319) mentions THEse galleys by\n THE name of Liburnians, and observes that THEy were as swift\n (without explaining THE difference between THEm) as THE vessels\n with fifty oars; but that THEy were far inferior in speed to THE\n triremes, which had been long disused. Yet he reasonably\n concludes, from THE testimony of Polybius, that galleys of a\n still larger size had been constructed in THE Punic wars. Since\n THE establishment of THE Roman empire over THE Mediterranean, THE\n useless art of building large ships of war had probably been\n neglected, and at length forgotten.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Chishull (Travels, p. 61-63, 72-76) proceeded from\n Gallipoli, through Hadrianople to THE Danube, in about fifteen\n days. He was in THE train of an English ambassador, whose baggage\n consisted of seventy-one wagons. That learned traveller has THE\n merit of tracing a curious and unfrequented route.]\n\n 3811 (return) [ Fravitta, according to Zosimus, though a Pagan,\n received THE honors of THE consulate. Zosim, v. c. 20. On\n Fravitta, see a very imperfect fragment of Eunapius. Mai. ii.\n 290, in Niebuhr. 92.—M.]\n\n 39 (return) [ The narrative of Zosimus, who actually leads Gainas\n beyond THE Danube, must be corrected by THE testimony of\n Socrates, aud Sozomen, that he was killed in Thrace; and by THE\n precise and auTHEntic dates of THE Alexandrian, or Paschal,\n Chronicle, p. 307. The naval victory of THE Hellespont is fixed\n to THE month Apellaeus, THE tenth of THE Calends of January,\n (December 23;) THE head of Gainas was brought to Constantinople\n THE third of THE nones of January, (January 3,) in THE month\n Audynaeus.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Eusebius Scholasticus acquired much fame by his\n poem on THE Gothic war, in which he had served. Near forty years\n afterwards Ammonius recited anoTHEr poem on THE same subject, in\n THE presence of THE emperor Theodosius. See Socrates, l. vi. c.\n 6.]\n\n After THE death of THE indolent Nectarius, THE successor of\n Gregory Nazianzen, THE church of Constantinople was distracted by\n THE ambition of rival candidates, who were not ashamed to\n solicit, with gold or flattery, THE suffrage of THE people, or of\n THE favorite. On this occasion Eutropius seems to have deviated\n from his ordinary maxims; and his uncorrupted judgment was\n determined only by THE superior merit of a stranger. In a late\n journey into THE East, he had admired THE sermons of John, a\n native and presbyter of Antioch, whose name has been\n distinguished by THE epiTHEt of Chrysostom, or THE Golden Mouth.\n 41 A private order was despatched to THE governor of Syria; and\n as THE people might be unwilling to resign THEir favorite\n preacher, he was transported, with speed and secrecy in a\n post-chariot, from Antioch to Constantinople. The unanimous and\n unsolicited consent of THE court, THE clergy, and THE people,\n ratified THE choice of THE minister; and, both as a saint and as\n an orator, THE new archbishop surpassed THE sanguine expectations\n of THE public. Born of a noble and opulent family, in THE capital\n of Syria, Chrysostom had been educated, by THE care of a tender\n moTHEr, under THE tuition of THE most skilful masters. He studied\n THE art of rhetoric in THE school of Libanius; and that\n celebrated sophist, who soon discovered THE talents of his\n disciple, ingenuously confessed that John would have deserved to\n succeed him, had he not been stolen away by THE Christians. His\n piety soon disposed him to receive THE sacrament of baptism; to\n renounce THE lucrative and honorable profession of THE law; and\n to bury himself in THE adjacent desert, where he subdued THE\n lusts of THE flesh by an austere penance of six years. His\n infirmities compelled him to return to THE society of mankind;\n and THE authority of Meletius devoted his talents to THE service\n of THE church: but in THE midst of his family, and afterwards on\n THE archiepiscopal throne, Chrysostom still persevered in THE\n practice of THE monastic virtues. The ample revenues, which his\n predecessors had consumed in pomp and luxury, he diligently\n applied to THE establishment of hospitals; and THE multitudes,\n who were supported by his charity, preferred THE eloquent and\n edifying discourses of THEir archbishop to THE amusements of THE\n THEatre or THE circus. The monuments of that eloquence, which was\n admired near twenty years at Antioch and Constantinople, have\n been carefully preserved; and THE possession of near one thousand\n sermons, or homilies has authorized THE critics 42 of succeeding\n times to appreciate THE genuine merit of Chrysostom. They\n unanimously attribute to THE Christian orator THE free command of\n an elegant and copious language; THE judgment to conceal THE\n advantages which he derived from THE knowledge of rhetoric and\n philosophy; an inexhaustible fund of metaphors and similitudes of\n ideas and images, to vary and illustrate THE most familiar\n topics; THE happy art of engaging THE passions in THE service of\n virtue; and of exposing THE folly, as well as THE turpitude, of\n vice, almost with THE truth and spirit of a dramatic\n representation.\n\n 41 (return) [ The sixth book of Socrates, THE eighth of Sozomen,\n and THE fifth of Theodoret, afford curious and auTHEntic\n materials for THE life of John Chrysostom. Besides those general\n historians, I have taken for my guides THE four principal\n biographers of THE saint. 1. The author of a partial and\n passionate Vindication of THE archbishop of Constantinople,\n composed in THE form of a dialogue, and under THE name of his\n zealous partisan, Palladius, bishop of Helenopolis, (Tillemont,\n Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 500-533.) It is inserted among THE works\n of Chrysostom. tom. xiii. p. 1-90, edit. Montfaucon. 2. The\n moderate Erasmus, (tom. iii. epist. Mcl. p. 1331-1347, edit.\n Lugd. Bat.) His vivacity and good sense were his own; his errors,\n in THE uncultivated state of ecclesiastical antiquity, were\n almost inevitable. 3. The learned Tillemont, (Mem.\n Ecclesiastiques, tom. xi. p. 1-405, 547-626, &c. &c.,) who\n compiles THE lives of THE saints with incredible patience and\n religious accuracy. He has minutely searched THE voluminous works\n of Chrysostom himself. 4. FaTHEr Montfaucon, who has perused\n those works with THE curious diligence of an editor, discovered\n several new homilies, and again reviewed and composed THE Life of\n Chrysostom, (Opera Chrysostom. tom. xiii. p. 91-177.)]\n\n 42 (return) [ As I am almost a stranger to THE voluminous sermons\n of Chrysostom, I have given my confidence to THE two most\n judicious and moderate of THE ecclesiastical critics, Erasmus\n (tom. iii. p. 1344) and Dupin, (Bibliothèque Ecclesiastique, tom.\n iii. p. 38:) yet THE good taste of THE former is sometimes\n vitiated by an excessive love of antiquity; and THE good sense of\n THE latter is always restrained by prudential considerations.]\n\n The pastoral labors of THE archbishop of Constantinople provoked,\n and gradually united against him, two sorts of enemies; THE\n aspiring clergy, who envied his success, and THE obstinate\n sinners, who were offended by his reproofs. When Chrysostom\n thundered, from THE pulpit of St. Sophia, against THE degeneracy\n of THE Christians, his shafts were spent among THE crowd, without\n wounding, or even marking, THE character of any individual. When\n he declaimed against THE peculiar vices of THE rich, poverty\n might obtain a transient consolation from his invectives; but THE\n guilty were still sheltered by THEir numbers; and THE reproach\n itself was dignified by some ideas of superiority and enjoyment.\n But as THE pyramid rose towards THE summit, it insensibly\n diminished to a point; and THE magistrates, THE ministers, THE\n favorite eunuchs, THE ladies of THE court, 43 THE empress Eudoxia\n herself, had a much larger share of guilt to divide among a\n smaller proportion of criminals. The personal applications of THE\n audience were anticipated, or confirmed, by THE testimony of\n THEir own conscience; and THE intrepid preacher assumed THE\n dangerous right of exposing both THE offence and THE offender to\n THE public abhorrence. The secret resentment of THE court\n encouraged THE discontent of THE clergy and monks of\n Constantinople, who were too hastily reformed by THE fervent zeal\n of THEir archbishop. He had condemned, from THE pulpit, THE\n domestic females of THE clergy of Constantinople, who, under THE\n name of servants, or sisters, afforded a perpetual occasion\n eiTHEr of sin or of scandal. The silent and solitary ascetics,\n who had secluded THEmselves from THE world, were entitled to THE\n warmest approbation of Chrysostom; but he despised and\n stigmatized, as THE disgrace of THEir holy profession, THE crowd\n of degenerate monks, who, from some unworthy motives of pleasure\n or profit, so frequently infested THE streets of THE capital. To\n THE voice of persuasion, THE archbishop was obliged to add THE\n terrors of authority; and his ardor, in THE exercise of\n ecclesiastical jurisdiction, was not always exempt from passion;\n nor was it always guided by prudence. Chrysostom was naturally of\n a choleric disposition. 44 Although he struggled, according to\n THE precepts of THE gospel, to love his private enemies, he\n indulged himself in THE privilege of hating THE enemies of God\n and of THE church; and his sentiments were sometimes delivered\n with too much energy of countenance and expression. He still\n maintained, from some considerations of health or abstinence, his\n former habits of taking his repasts alone; and this inhospitable\n custom, 45 which his enemies imputed to pride, contributed, at\n least, to nourish THE infirmity of a morose and unsocial humor.\n Separated from that familiar intercourse, which facilitates THE\n knowledge and THE despatch of business, he reposed an\n unsuspecting confidence in his deacon Serapion; and seldom\n applied his speculative knowledge of human nature to THE\n particular character, eiTHEr of his dependants, or of his equals.\n\n Conscious of THE purity of his intentions, and perhaps of THE\n superiority of his genius, THE archbishop of Constantinople\n extended THE jurisdiction of THE Imperial city, that he might\n enlarge THE sphere of his pastoral labors; and THE conduct which\n THE profane imputed to an ambitious motive, appeared to\n Chrysostom himself in THE light of a sacred and indispensable\n duty. In his visitation through THE Asiatic provinces, he deposed\n thirteen bishops of Lydia and Phrygia; and indiscreetly declared\n that a deep corruption of simony and licentiousness had infected\n THE whole episcopal order. 46 If those bishops were innocent,\n such a rash and unjust condemnation must excite a well-grounded\n discontent. If THEy were guilty, THE numerous associates of THEir\n guilt would soon discover that THEir own safety depended on THE\n ruin of THE archbishop; whom THEy studied to represent as THE\n tyrant of THE Eastern church.\n\n 43 (return) [ The females of Constantinople distinguished\n THEmselves by THEir enmity or THEir attachment to Chrysostom.\n Three noble and opulent widows, Marsa, Castricia, and Eugraphia,\n were THE leaders of THE persecution, (Pallad. Dialog. tom. xiii.\n p. 14.) It was impossible that THEy should forgive a preacher who\n reproached THEir affectation to conceal, by THE ornaments of\n dress, THEir age and ugliness, (Pallad p. 27.) Olympias, by equal\n zeal, displayed in a more pious cause, has obtained THE title of\n saint. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi p. 416-440.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Sozomen, and more especially Socrates, have defined\n THE real character of Chrysostom with a temperate and impartial\n freedom, very offensive to his blind admirers. Those historians\n lived in THE next generation, when party violence was abated, and\n had conversed with many persons intimately acquainted with THE\n virtues and imperfections of THE saint.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Palladius (tom. xiii. p. 40, &c.) very seriously\n defends THE archbishop 1. He never tasted wine. 2. The weakness\n of his stomach required a peculiar diet. 3. Business, or study,\n or devotion, often kept him fasting till sunset. 4. He detested\n THE noise and levity of great dinners. 5. He saved THE expense\n for THE use of THE poor. 6. He was apprehensive, in a capital\n like Constantinople, of THE envy and reproach of partial\n invitations.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Chrysostom declares his free opinion (tom. ix. hom.\n iii in Act. Apostol. p. 29) that THE number of bishops, who might\n be saved, bore a very small proportion to those who would be\n damned.]\n\n This ecclesiastical conspiracy was managed by Theophilus, 47\n archbishop of Alexandria, an active and ambitious prelate, who\n displayed THE fruits of rapine in monuments of ostentation. His\n national dislike to THE rising greatness of a city which degraded\n him from THE second to THE third rank in THE Christian world, was\n exasperated by some personal dispute with Chrysostom himself. 48\n By THE private invitation of THE empress, Theophilus landed at\n Constantinople with a stou body of Egyptian mariners, to\n encounter THE populace; and a train of dependent bishops, to\n secure, by THEir voices, THE majority of a synod. The synod 49\n was convened in THE suburb of Chalcedon, surnamed THE Oak, where\n Rufinus had erected a stately church and monastery; and THEir\n proceedings were continued during fourteen days, or sessions. A\n bishop and a deacon accused THE archbishop of Constantinople; but\n THE frivolous or improbable nature of THE forty-seven articles\n which THEy presented against him, may justly be considered as a\n fair and unexceptional panegyric. Four successive summons were\n signified to Chrysostom; but he still refused to trust eiTHEr his\n person or his reputation in THE hands of his implacable enemies,\n who, prudently declining THE examination of any particular\n charges, condemned his contumacious disobedience, and hastily\n pronounced a sentence of deposition. The synod of THE Oak\n immediately addressed THE emperor to ratify and execute THEir\n judgment, and charitably insinuated, that THE penalties of\n treason might be inflicted on THE audacious preacher, who had\n reviled, under THE name of Jezebel, THE empress Eudoxia herself.\n The archbishop was rudely arrested, and conducted through THE\n city, by one of THE Imperial messengers, who landed him, after a\n short navigation, near THE entrance of THE Euxine; from whence,\n before THE expiration of two days, he was gloriously recalled.\n\n 47 (return) [ See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 441-500.]\n\n 48 (return) [ I have purposely omitted THE controversy which\n arose among THE monks of Egypt, concerning Origenism and\n Anthropomorphism; THE dissimulation and violence of Theophilus;\n his artful management of THE simplicity of Epiphanius; THE\n persecution and flight of THE long, or tall, broTHErs; THE\n ambiguous support which THEy received at Constantinople from\n Chrysostom, &c. &c.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Photius (p. 53-60) has preserved THE original acts\n of THE synod of THE Oak; which destroys THE false assertion, that\n Chrysostom was condemned by no more than thirty-six bishops, of\n whom twenty-nine were Egyptians. Forty-five bishops subscribed\n his sentence. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 595. *\n Note: Tillemont argues strongly for THE number of thirty-six—M]\n\n The first astonishment of his faithful people had been mute and\n passive: THEy suddenly rose with unanimous and irresistible fury.\n Theophilus escaped, but THE promiscuous crowd of monks and\n Egyptian mariners was slaughtered without pity in THE streets of\n Constantinople. 50 A seasonable earthquake justified THE\n interposition of Heaven; THE torrent of sedition rolled forwards\n to THE gates of THE palace; and THE empress, agitated by fear or\n remorse, threw herself at THE feet of Arcadius, and confessed\n that THE public safety could be purchased only by THE restoration\n of Chrysostom. The Bosphorus was covered with innumerable\n vessels; THE shores of Europe and Asia were profusely\n illuminated; and THE acclamations of a victorious people\n accompanied, from THE port to THE caTHEdral, THE triumph of THE\n archbishop; who, too easily, consented to resume THE exercise of\n his functions, before his sentence had been legally reversed by\n THE authority of an ecclesiastical synod. Ignorant, or careless,\n of THE impending danger, Chrysostom indulged his zeal, or perhaps\n his resentment; declaimed with peculiar asperity against female\n vices; and condemned THE profane honors which were addressed,\n almost in THE precincts of St. Sophia, to THE statue of THE\n empress. His imprudence tempted his enemies to inflame THE\n haughty spirit of Eudoxia, by reporting, or perhaps inventing,\n THE famous exordium of a sermon, “Herodias is again furious;\n Herodias again dances; she once more requires THE head of John;”\n an insolent allusion, which, as a woman and a sovereign, it was\n impossible for her to forgive. 51 The short interval of a\n perfidious truce was employed to concert more effectual measures\n for THE disgrace and ruin of THE archbishop. A numerous council\n of THE Eastern prelates, who were guided from a distance by THE\n advice of Theophilus, confirmed THE validity, without examining\n THE justice, of THE former sentence; and a detachment of\n Barbarian troops was introduced into THE city, to suppress THE\n emotions of THE people. On THE vigil of Easter, THE solemn\n administration of baptism was rudely interrupted by THE soldiers,\n who alarmed THE modesty of THE naked catechumens, and violated,\n by THEir presence, THE awful mysteries of THE Christian worship.\n Arsacius occupied THE church of St. Sophia, and THE\n archiepiscopal throne. The Catholics retreated to THE baths of\n Constantine, and afterwards to THE fields; where THEy were still\n pursued and insulted by THE guards, THE bishops, and THE\n magistrates. The fatal day of THE second and final exile of\n Chrysostom was marked by THE conflagration of THE caTHEdral, of\n THE senate-house, and of THE adjacent buildings; and this\n calamity was imputed, without proof, but not without probability,\n to THE despair of a persecuted faction. 52\n\n 50 (return) [ Palladius owns (p. 30) that if THE people of\n Constantinople had found Theophilus, THEy would certainly have\n thrown him into THE sea. Socrates mentions (l. vi. c. 17) a\n battle between THE mob and THE sailors of Alexandria, in which\n many wounds were given, and some lives were lost. The massacre of\n THE monks is observed only by THE Pagan Zosimus, (l. v. p. 324,)\n who acknowledges that Chrysostom had a singular talent to lead\n THE illiterate multitude.]\n\n 51 (return) [ See Socrates, l. vi. c. 18. Sozomen, l. viii. c.\n 20. Zosimus (l. v. p 324, 327) mentions, in general terms, his\n invectives against Eudoxia. The homily, which begins with those\n famous words, is rejected as spurious. Montfaucon, tom. xiii. p.\n 151. Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom xi. p. 603.]\n\n 52 (return) [ We might naturally expect such a charge from\n Zosimus, (l. v. p. 327;) but it is remarkable enough, that it\n should be confirmed by Socrates, (l. vi. c. 18,) and THE Paschal\n Chronicle, (p. 307.)]\n\n Cicero might claim some merit, if his voluntary banishment\n preserved THE peace of THE republic; 53 but THE submission of\n Chrysostom was THE indispensable duty of a Christian and a\n subject. Instead of listening to his humble prayer, that he might\n be permitted to reside at Cyzicus, or Nicomedia, THE inflexible\n empress assigned for his exile THE remote and desolate town of\n Cucusus, among THE ridges of Mount Taurus, in THE Lesser Armenia.\n A secret hope was entertained, that THE archbishop might perish\n in a difficult and dangerous march of seventy days, in THE heat\n of summer, through THE provinces of Asia Minor, where he was\n continually threatened by THE hostile attacks of THE Isaurians,\n and THE more implacable fury of THE monks. Yet Chrysostom arrived\n in safety at THE place of his confinement; and THE three years\n which he spent at Cucusus, and THE neighboring town of Arabissus,\n were THE last and most glorious of his life. His character was\n consecrated by absence and persecution; THE faults of his\n administration were no longer remembered; but every tongue\n repeated THE praises of his genius and virtue: and THE respectful\n attention of THE Christian world was fixed on a desert spot among\n THE mountains of Taurus. From that solitude THE archbishop, whose\n active mind was invigorated by misfortunes, maintained a strict\n and frequent correspondence 54 with THE most distant provinces;\n exhorted THE separate congregation of his faithful adherents to\n persevere in THEir allegiance; urged THE destruction of THE\n temples of Phoenicia, and THE extirpation of heresy in THE Isle\n of Cyprus; extended his pastoral care to THE missions of Persia\n and Scythia; negotiated, by his ambassadors, with THE Roman\n pontiff and THE emperor Honorius; and boldly appealed, from a\n partial synod, to THE supreme tribunal of a free and general\n council. The mind of THE illustrious exile was still independent;\n but his captive body was exposed to THE revenge of THE\n oppressors, who continued to abuse THE name and authority of\n Arcadius. 55 An order was despatched for THE instant removal of\n Chrysostom to THE extreme desert of Pityus: and his guards so\n faithfully obeyed THEir cruel instructions, that, before he\n reached THE sea-coast of THE Euxine, he expired at Comana, in\n Pontus, in THE sixtieth year of his age. The succeeding\n generation acknowledged his innocence and merit. The archbishops\n of THE East, who might blush that THEir predecessors had been THE\n enemies of Chrysostom, were gradually disposed, by THE firmness\n of THE Roman pontiff, to restore THE honors of that venerable\n name. 56 At THE pious solicitation of THE clergy and people of\n Constantinople, his relics, thirty years after his death, were\n transported from THEir obscure sepulchre to THE royal city. 57\n The emperor Theodosius advanced to receive THEm as far as\n Chalcedon; and, falling prostrate on THE coffin, implored, in THE\n name of his guilty parents, Arcadius and Eudoxia, THE forgiveness\n of THE injured saint. 58\n\n 53 (return) [ He displays those specious motives (Post Reditum,\n c. 13, 14) in THE language of an orator and a politician.]\n\n 54 (return) [ Two hundred and forty-two of THE epistles of\n Chrysostom are still extant, (Opera, tom. iii. p. 528-736.) They\n are addressed to a great variety of persons, and show a firmness\n of mind much superior to that of Cicero in his exile. The\n fourteenth epistle contains a curious narrative of THE dangers of\n his journey.]\n\n 55 (return) [ After THE exile of Chrysostom, Theophilus published\n an enormous and horrible volume against him, in which he\n perpetually repeats THE polite expressions of hostem humanitatis,\n sacrilegorum principem, immundum daemonem; he affirms, that John\n Chrysostom had delivered his soul to be adulterated by THE devil;\n and wishes that some furTHEr punishment, adequate (if possible)\n to THE magnitude of his crimes, may be inflicted on him. St.\n Jerom, at THE request of his friend Theophilus, translated this\n edifying performance from Greek into Latin. See Facundus Hermian.\n Defens. pro iii. Capitul. l. vi. c. 5 published by Sirmond.\n Opera, tom. ii. p. 595, 596, 597.]\n\n 56 (return) [ His name was inserted by his successor Atticus in\n THE Dyptics of THE church of Constantinople, A.D. 418. Ten years\n afterwards he was revered as a saint. Cyril, who inherited THE\n place, and THE passions, of his uncle Theophilus, yielded with\n much reluctance. See Facund. Hermian. l. 4, c. 1. Tillemont, Mem.\n Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 277-283.]\n\n 57 (return) [ Socrates, l. vii. c. 45. Theodoret, l. v. c. 36.\n This event reconciled THE Joannites, who had hiTHErto refused to\n acknowledge his successors. During his lifetime, THE Joannites\n were respected, by THE Catholics, as THE true and orthodox\n communion of Constantinople. Their obstinacy gradually drove THEm\n to THE brink of schism.]\n\n 58 (return) [ According to some accounts, (Baronius, Annal.\n Eccles. A.D. 438 No. 9, 10,) THE emperor was forced to send a\n letter of invitation and excuses, before THE body of THE\n ceremonious saint could be moved from Comana.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXII: Emperors Arcadius, Eutropius, Theodosius II.—Part\n III.\n\n Yet a reasonable doubt may be entertained, wheTHEr any stain of\n hereditary guilt could be derived from Arcadius to his successor.\n Eudoxia was a young and beautiful woman, who indulged her\n passions, and despised her husband; Count John enjoyed, at least,\n THE familiar confidence of THE empress; and THE public named him\n as THE real faTHEr of Theodosius THE younger. 59 The birth of a\n son was accepted, however, by THE pious husband, as an event THE\n most fortunate and honorable to himself, to his family, and to\n THE Eastern world: and THE royal infant, by an unprecedented\n favor, was invested with THE titles of Caesar and Augustus. In\n less than four years afterwards, Eudoxia, in THE bloom of youth,\n was destroyed by THE consequences of a miscarriage; and this\n untimely death confounded THE prophecy of a holy bishop, 60 who,\n amidst THE universal joy, had ventured to foretell, that she\n should behold THE long and auspicious reign of her glorious son.\n The Catholics applauded THE justice of Heaven, which avenged THE\n persecution of St. Chrysostom; and perhaps THE emperor was THE\n only person who sincerely bewailed THE loss of THE haughty and\n rapacious Eudoxia. Such a domestic misfortune afflicted him more\n deeply than THE public calamities of THE East; 61 THE licentious\n excursions, from Pontus to Palestine, of THE Isaurian robbers,\n whose impunity accused THE weakness of THE government; and THE\n earthquakes, THE conflagrations, THE famine, and THE flights of\n locusts, 62 which THE popular discontent was equally disposed to\n attribute to THE incapacity of THE monarch. At length, in THE\n thirty-first year of his age, after a reign (if we may abuse that\n word) of thirteen years, three months, and fifteen days, Arcadius\n expired in THE palace of Constantinople. It is impossible to\n delineate his character; since, in a period very copiously\n furnished with historical materials, it has not been possible to\n remark one action that properly belongs to THE son of THE great\n Theodosius.\n\n 59 (return) [ Zosimus, l. v. p. 315. The chastity of an empress\n should not be impeached without producing a witness; but it is\n astonishing, that THE witness should write and live under a\n prince whose legitimacy he dared to attack. We must suppose that\n his history was a party libel, privately read and circulated by\n THE Pagans. Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 782) is\n not averse to brand THE reputation of Eudoxia.]\n\n 60 (return) [ Porphyry of Gaza. His zeal was transported by THE\n order which he had obtained for THE destruction of eight Pagan\n temples of that city. See THE curious details of his life,\n (Baronius, A.D. 401, No. 17-51,) originally written in Greek, or\n perhaps in Syriac, by a monk, one of his favorite deacons.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Philostorg. l. xi. c. 8, and Godefroy, Dissertat.\n p. 457.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Jerom (tom. vi. p. 73, 76) describes, in lively\n colors, THE regular and destructive march of THE locusts, which\n spread a dark cloud, between heaven and earth, over THE land of\n Palestine. Seasonable winds scattered THEm, partly into THE Dead\n Sea, and partly into THE Mediterranean.]\n\n The historian Procopius 63 has indeed illuminated THE mind of THE\n dying emperor with a ray of human prudence, or celestial wisdom.\n Arcadius considered, with anxious foresight, THE helpless\n condition of his son Theodosius, who was no more than seven years\n of age, THE dangerous factions of a minority, and THE aspiring\n spirit of Jezdegerd, THE Persian monarch. Instead of tempting THE\n allegiance of an ambitious subject, by THE participation of\n supreme power, he boldly appealed to THE magnanimity of a king;\n and placed, by a solemn testament, THE sceptre of THE East in THE\n hands of Jezdegerd himself. The royal guardian accepted and\n discharged this honorable trust with unexampled fidelity; and THE\n infancy of Theodosius was protected by THE arms and councils of\n Persia. Such is THE singular narrative of Procopius; and his\n veracity is not disputed by Agathias, 64 while he presumes to\n dissent from his judgment, and to arraign THE wisdom of a\n Christian emperor, who, so rashly, though so fortunately,\n committed his son and his dominions to THE unknown faith of a\n stranger, a rival, and a heaTHEn. At THE distance of one hundred\n and fifty years, this political question might be debated in THE\n court of Justinian; but a prudent historian will refuse to\n examine THE propriety, till he has ascertained THE truth, of THE\n testament of Arcadius. As it stands without a parallel in THE\n history of THE world, we may justly require, that it should be\n attested by THE positive and unanimous evidence of\n contemporaries. The strange novelty of THE event, which excites\n our distrust, must have attracted THEir notice; and THEir\n universal silence annihilates THE vain tradition of THE\n succeeding age.\n\n 63 (return) [ Procopius, de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 2, p. 8, edit.\n Louvre.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Agathias, l. iv. p. 136, 137. Although he confesses\n THE prevalence of THE tradition, he asserts, that Procopius was\n THE first who had committed it to writing. Tillemont (Hist. des\n Empereurs, tom. vi. p. 597) argues very sensibly on THE merits of\n this fable. His criticism was not warped by any ecclesiastical\n authority: both Procopius and Agathias are half Pagans. * Note:\n See St Martin’s article on Jezdegerd, in THE Biographie\n Universelle de Michand.—M.]\n\n The maxims of Roman jurisprudence, if THEy could fairly be\n transferred from private property to public dominion, would have\n adjudged to THE emperor Honorius THE guardianship of his nephew,\n till he had attained, at least, THE fourteenth year of his age.\n But THE weakness of Honorius, and THE calamities of his reign,\n disqualified him from prosecuting this natural claim; and such\n was THE absolute separation of THE two monarchies, both in\n interest and affection, that Constantinople would have obeyed,\n with less reluctance, THE orders of THE Persian, than those of\n THE Italian, court. Under a prince whose weakness is disguised by\n THE external signs of manhood and discretion, THE most worthless\n favorites may secretly dispute THE empire of THE palace; and\n dictate to submissive provinces THE commands of a master, whom\n THEy direct and despise. But THE ministers of a child, who is\n incapable of arming THEm with THE sanction of THE royal name,\n must acquire and exercise an independent authority. The great\n officers of THE state and army, who had been appointed before THE\n death of Arcadius, formed an aristocracy, which might have\n inspired THEm with THE idea of a free republic; and THE\n government of THE Eastern empire was fortunately assumed by THE\n præfect AnTHEmius, 65 who obtained, by his superior abilities, a\n lasting ascendant over THE minds of his equals. The safety of THE\n young emperor proved THE merit and integrity of AnTHEmius; and\n his prudent firmness sustained THE force and reputation of an\n infant reign. Uldin, with a formidable host of Barbarians, was\n encamped in THE heart of Thrace; he proudly rejected all terms of\n accommodation; and, pointing to THE rising sun, declared to THE\n Roman ambassadors, that THE course of that planet should alone\n terminate THE conquest of THE Huns. But THE desertion of his\n confederates, who were privately convinced of THE justice and\n liberality of THE Imperial ministers, obliged Uldin to repass THE\n Danube: THE tribe of THE Scyrri, which composed his rear-guard,\n was almost extirpated; and many thousand captives were dispersed\n to cultivate, with servile labor, THE fields of Asia. 66 In THE\n midst of THE public triumph, Constantinople was protected by a\n strong enclosure of new and more extensive walls; THE same\n vigilant care was applied to restore THE fortifications of THE\n Illyrian cities; and a plan was judiciously conceived, which, in\n THE space of seven years, would have secured THE command of THE\n Danube, by establishing on that river a perpetual fleet of two\n hundred and fifty armed vessels. 67\n\n 65 (return) [ Socrates, l. vii. c. l. AnTHEmius was THE grandson\n of Philip, one of THE ministers of Constantius, and THE\n grandfaTHEr of THE emperor AnTHEmius. After his return from THE\n Persian embassy, he was appointed consul and Prætorian præfect\n of THE East, in THE year 405 and held THE præfecture about ten\n years. See his honors and praises in Godefroy, Cod. Theod. tom.\n vi. p. 350. Tillemont, Hist. des Emptom. vi. p. 1. &c.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Sozomen, l. ix. c. 5. He saw some Scyrri at work\n near Mount Olympus, in Bithynia, and cherished THE vain hope that\n those captives were THE last of THE nation.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Cod. Theod. l. vii. tit. xvi. l. xv. tit. i. leg.\n 49.]\n\n But THE Romans had so long been accustomed to THE authority of a\n monarch, that THE first, even among THE females, of THE Imperial\n family, who displayed any courage or capacity, was permitted to\n ascend THE vacant throne of Theodosius. His sister Pulcheria, 68\n who was only two years older than himself, received, at THE age\n of sixteen, THE title of Augusta; and though her favor might be\n sometimes clouded by caprice or intrigue, she continued to govern\n THE Eastern empire near forty years; during THE long minority of\n her broTHEr, and after his death, in her own name, and in THE\n name of Marcian, her nominal husband. From a motive eiTHEr of\n prudence or religion, she embraced a life of celibacy; and\n notwithstanding some aspersions on THE chastity of Pulcheria, 69\n this resolution, which she communicated to her sisters Arcadia\n and Marina, was celebrated by THE Christian world, as THE sublime\n effort of heroic piety. In THE presence of THE clergy and people,\n THE three daughters of Arcadius 70 dedicated THEir virginity to\n God; and THE obligation of THEir solemn vow was inscribed on a\n tablet of gold and gems; which THEy publicly offered in THE great\n church of Constantinople. Their palace was converted into a\n monastery; and all males, except THE guides of THEir conscience,\n THE saints who had forgotten THE distinction of sexes, were\n scrupulously excluded from THE holy threshold. Pulcheria, her two\n sisters, and a chosen train of favorite damsels, formed a\n religious community: THEy denounced THE vanity of dress;\n interrupted, by frequent fasts, THEir simple and frugal diet;\n allotted a portion of THEir time to works of embroidery; and\n devoted several hours of THE day and night to THE exercises of\n prayer and psalmody. The piety of a Christian virgin was adorned\n by THE zeal and liberality of an empress. Ecclesiastical history\n describes THE splendid churches, which were built at THE expense\n of Pulcheria, in all THE provinces of THE East; her charitable\n foundations for THE benefit of strangers and THE poor; THE ample\n donations which she assigned for THE perpetual maintenance of\n monastic societies; and THE active severity with which she\n labored to suppress THE opposite heresies of Nestorius and\n Eutyches. Such virtues were supposed to deserve THE peculiar\n favor of THE Deity: and THE relics of martyrs, as well as THE\n knowledge of future events, were communicated in visions and\n revelations to THE Imperial saint. 71 Yet THE devotion of\n Pulcheria never diverted her indefatigable attention from\n temporal affairs; and she alone, among all THE descendants of THE\n great Theodosius, appears to have inherited any share of his\n manly spirit and abilities. The elegant and familiar use which\n she had acquired, both of THE Greek and Latin languages, was\n readily applied to THE various occasions of speaking or writing,\n on public business: her deliberations were maturely weighed; her\n actions were prompt and decisive; and, while she moved, without\n noise or ostentation, THE wheel of government, she discreetly\n attributed to THE genius of THE emperor THE long tranquillity of\n his reign. In THE last years of his peaceful life, Europe was\n indeed afflicted by THE arms of war; but THE more extensive\n provinces of Asia still continued to enjoy a profound and\n permanent repose. Theodosius THE younger was never reduced to THE\n disgraceful necessity of encountering and punishing a rebellious\n subject: and since we cannot applaud THE vigor, some praise may\n be due to THE mildness and prosperity, of THE administration of\n Pulcheria.\n\n 68 (return) [ Sozomen has filled three chapters with a\n magnificent panegyric of Pulcheria, (l. ix. c. 1, 2, 3;) and\n Tillemont (Mémoires Eccles. tom. xv. p. 171-184) has dedicated a\n separate article to THE honor of St. Pulcheria, virgin and\n empress. * Note: The heaTHEn Eunapius gives a frightful picture\n of THE venality and a justice of THE court of Pulcheria. Fragm.\n Eunap. in Mai, ii. 293, in p. 97.—M.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Suidas, (Excerpta, p. 68, in Script. Byzant.)\n pretends, on THE credit of THE Nestorians, that Pulcheria was\n exasperated against THEir founder, because he censured her\n connection with THE beautiful Paulinus, and her incest with her\n broTHEr Theodosius.]\n\n 70 (return) [ See Ducange, Famil. Byzantin. p. 70. Flaccilla, THE\n eldest daughter, eiTHEr died before Arcadius, or, if she lived\n till THE year 431, (Marcellin. Chron.,) some defect of mind or\n body must have excluded her from THE honors of her rank.]\n\n 71 (return) [ She was admonished, by repeated dreams, of THE\n place where THE relics of THE forty martyrs had been buried. The\n ground had successively belonged to THE house and garden of a\n woman of Constantinople, to a monastery of Macedonian monks, and\n to a church of St. Thyrsus, erected by Caesarius, who was consul\n A.D. 397; and THE memory of THE relics was almost obliterated.\n Notwithstanding THE charitable wishes of Dr. Jortin, (Remarks,\n tom. iv. p. 234,) it is not easy to acquit Pulcheria of some\n share in THE pious fraud; which must have been transacted when\n she was more than five-and-thirty years of age.]\n\n The Roman world was deeply interested in THE education of its\n master. A regular course of study and exercise was judiciously\n instituted; of THE military exercises of riding, and shooting\n with THE bow; of THE liberal studies of grammar, rhetoric, and\n philosophy: THE most skilful masters of THE East ambitiously\n solicited THE attention of THEir royal pupil; and several noble\n youths were introduced into THE palace, to animate his diligence\n by THE emulation of friendship. Pulcheria alone discharged THE\n important task of instructing her broTHEr in THE arts of\n government; but her precepts may countenance some suspicions of\n THE extent of her capacity, or of THE purity of her intentions.\n She taught him to maintain a grave and majestic deportment; to\n walk, to hold his robes, to seat himself on his throne, in a\n manner worthy of a great prince; to abstain from laughter; to\n listen with condescension; to return suitable answers; to assume,\n by turns, a serious or a placid countenance: in a word, to\n represent with grace and dignity THE external figure of a Roman\n emperor. But Theodosius 72 was never excited to support THE\n weight and glory of an illustrious name: and, instead of aspiring\n to support his ancestors, he degenerated (if we may presume to\n measure THE degrees of incapacity) below THE weakness of his\n faTHEr and his uncle. Arcadius and Honorius had been assisted by\n THE guardian care of a parent, whose lessons were enforced by his\n authority and example. But THE unfortunate prince, who is born in\n THE purple, must remain a stranger to THE voice of truth; and THE\n son of Arcadius was condemned to pass his perpetual infancy\n encompassed only by a servile train of women and eunuchs. The\n ample leisure which he acquired by neglecting THE essential\n duties of his high office, was filled by idle amusements and\n unprofitable studies. Hunting was THE only active pursuit that\n could tempt him beyond THE limits of THE palace; but he most\n assiduously labored, sometimes by THE light of a midnight lamp,\n in THE mechanic occupations of painting and carving; and THE\n elegance with which he transcribed religious books entitled THE\n Roman emperor to THE singular epiTHEt of Calligraphes, or a fair\n writer. Separated from THE world by an impenetrable veil,\n Theodosius trusted THE persons whom he loved; he loved those who\n were accustomed to amuse and flatter his indolence; and as he\n never perused THE papers that were presented for THE royal\n signature, THE acts of injustice THE most repugnant to his\n character were frequently perpetrated in his name. The emperor\n himself was chaste, temperate, liberal, and merciful; but THEse\n qualities, which can only deserve THE name of virtues when THEy\n are supported by courage and regulated by discretion, were seldom\n beneficial, and THEy sometimes proved mischievous, to mankind.\n His mind, enervated by a royal education, was oppressed and\n degraded by abject superstition: he fasted, he sung psalms, he\n blindly accepted THE miracles and doctrines with which his faith\n was continually nourished. Theodosius devoutly worshipped THE\n dead and living saints of THE Catholic church; and he once\n refused to eat, till an insolent monk, who had cast an\n excommunication on his sovereign, condescended to heal THE\n spiritual wound which he had inflicted. 73\n\n 72 (return) [ There is a remarkable difference between THE two\n ecclesiastical historians, who in general bear so close a\n resemblance. Sozomen (l. ix. c. 1) ascribes to Pulcheria THE\n government of THE empire, and THE education of her broTHEr, whom\n he scarcely condescends to praise. Socrates, though he affectedly\n disclaims all hopes of favor or fame, composes an elaborate\n panegyric on THE emperor, and cautiously suppresses THE merits of\n his sister, (l. vii. c. 22, 42.) Philostorgius (l. xii. c. 7)\n expresses THE influence of Pulcheria in gentle and courtly\n language. Suidas (Excerpt. p. 53) gives a true character of\n Theodosius; and I have followed THE example of Tillemont (tom.\n vi. p. 25) in borrowing some strokes from THE modern Greeks.]\n\n 73 (return) [ Theodoret, l. v. c. 37. The bishop of Cyrrhus, one\n of THE first men of his age for his learning and piety, applauds\n THE obedience of Theodosius to THE divine laws.]\n\n The story of a fair and virtuous maiden, exalted from a private\n condition to THE Imperial throne, might be deemed an incredible\n romance, if such a romance had not been verified in THE marriage\n of Theodosius. The celebrated ATHEnais 74 was educated by her\n faTHEr Leontius in THE religion and sciences of THE Greeks; and\n so advantageous was THE opinion which THE ATHEnian philosopher\n entertained of his contemporaries, that he divided his patrimony\n between his two sons, bequeathing to his daughter a small legacy\n of one hundred pieces of gold, in THE lively confidence that her\n beauty and merit would be a sufficient portion. The jealousy and\n avarice of her broTHErs soon compelled ATHEnais to seek a refuge\n at Constantinople; and, with some hopes, eiTHEr of justice or\n favor, to throw herself at THE feet of Pulcheria. That sagacious\n princess listened to her eloquent complaint; and secretly\n destined THE daughter of THE philosopher Leontius for THE future\n wife of THE emperor of THE East, who had now attained THE\n twentieth year of his age. She easily excited THE curiosity of\n her broTHEr, by an interesting picture of THE charms of ATHEnais;\n large eyes, a well-proportioned nose, a fair complexion, golden\n locks, a slender person, a graceful demeanor, an understanding\n improved by study, and a virtue tried by distress. Theodosius,\n concealed behind a curtain in THE apartment of his sister, was\n permitted to behold THE ATHEnian virgin: THE modest youth\n immediately declared his pure and honorable love; and THE royal\n nuptials were celebrated amidst THE acclamations of THE capital\n and THE provinces. ATHEnais, who was easily persuaded to renounce\n THE errors of Paganism, received at her baptism THE Christian\n name of Eudocia; but THE cautious Pulcheria withheld THE title of\n Augusta, till THE wife of Theodosius had approved her\n fruitfulness by THE birth of a daughter, who espoused, fifteen\n years afterwards, THE emperor of THE West. The broTHErs of\n Eudocia obeyed, with some anxiety, her Imperial summons; but as\n she could easily forgive THEir unfortunate unkindness, she\n indulged THE tenderness, or perhaps THE vanity, of a sister, by\n promoting THEm to THE rank of consuls and præfects. In THE\n luxury of THE palace, she still cultivated those ingenuous arts\n which had contributed to her greatness; and wisely dedicated her\n talents to THE honor of religion, and of her husband. Eudocia\n composed a poetical paraphrase of THE first eight books of THE\n Old Testament, and of THE prophecies of Daniel and Zechariah; a\n cento of THE verses of Homer, applied to THE life and miracles of\n Christ, THE legend of St. Cyprian, and a panegyric on THE Persian\n victories of Theodosius; and her writings, which were applauded\n by a servile and superstitious age, have not been disdained by\n THE candor of impartial criticism. 75 The fondness of THE emperor\n was not abated by time and possession; and Eudocia, after THE\n marriage of her daughter, was permitted to discharge her grateful\n vows by a solemn pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Her ostentatious\n progress through THE East may seem inconsistent with THE spirit\n of Christian humility; she pronounced, from a throne of gold and\n gems, an eloquent oration to THE senate of Antioch, declared her\n royal intention of enlarging THE walls of THE city, bestowed a\n donative of two hundred pounds of gold to restore THE public\n baths, and accepted THE statues, which were decreed by THE\n gratitude of Antioch. In THE Holy Land, her alms and pious\n foundations exceeded THE munificence of THE great Helena, and\n though THE public treasure might be impoverished by this\n excessive liberality, she enjoyed THE conscious satisfaction of\n returning to Constantinople with THE chains of St. Peter, THE\n right arm of St. Stephen, and an undoubted picture of THE Virgin,\n painted by St. Luke. 76 But this pilgrimage was THE fatal term of\n THE glories of Eudocia. Satiated with empty pomp, and unmindful,\n perhaps, of her obligations to Pulcheria, she ambitiously aspired\n to THE government of THE Eastern empire; THE palace was\n distracted by female discord; but THE victory was at last\n decided, by THE superior ascendant of THE sister of Theodosius.\n The execution of Paulinus, master of THE offices, and THE\n disgrace of Cyrus, Prætorian præfect of THE East, convinced THE\n public that THE favor of Eudocia was insufficient to protect her\n most faithful friends; and THE uncommon beauty of Paulinus\n encouraged THE secret rumor, that his guilt was that of a\n successful lover. 77 As soon as THE empress perceived that THE\n affection of Theodosius was irretrievably lost, she requested THE\n permission of retiring to THE distant solitude of Jerusalem. She\n obtained her request; but THE jealousy of Theodosius, or THE\n vindictive spirit of Pulcheria, pursued her in her last retreat;\n and Saturninus, count of THE domestics, was directed to punish\n with death two ecclesiastics, her most favored servants. Eudocia\n instantly revenged THEm by THE assassination of THE count; THE\n furious passions which she indulged on this suspicious occasion,\n seemed to justify THE severity of Theodosius; and THE empress,\n ignominiously stripped of THE honors of her rank, 78 was\n disgraced, perhaps unjustly, in THE eyes of THE world. The\n remainder of THE life of Eudocia, about sixteen years, was spent\n in exile and devotion; and THE approach of age, THE death of\n Theodosius, THE misfortunes of her only daughter, who was led a\n captive from Rome to Carthage, and THE society of THE Holy Monks\n of Palestine, insensibly confirmed THE religious temper of her\n mind. After a full experience of THE vicissitudes of human life,\n THE daughter of THE philosopher Leontius expired, at Jerusalem,\n in THE sixty-seventh year of her age; protesting, with her dying\n breath, that she had never transgressed THE bounds of innocence\n and friendship. 79\n\n 74 (return) [ Socrates (l. vii. c. 21) mentions her name,\n (ATHEnais, THE daughter of Leontius, an ATHEnian sophist,) her\n baptism, marriage, and poetical genius. The most ancient account\n of her history is in John Malala (part ii. p. 20, 21, edit.\n Venet. 1743) and in THE Paschal Chronicle, (p. 311, 312.) Those\n authors had probably seen original pictures of THE empress\n Eudocia. The modern Greeks, Zonaras, Cedrenus, &c., have\n displayed THE love, raTHEr than THE talent of fiction. From\n Nicephorus, indeed, I have ventured to assume her age. The writer\n of a romance would not have imagined, that ATHEnais was near\n twenty eight years old when she inflamed THE heart of a young\n emperor.]\n\n 75 (return) [ Socrates, l. vii. c. 21, Photius, p. 413-420. The\n Homeric cento is still extant, and has been repeatedly printed:\n but THE claim of Eudocia to that insipid performance is disputed\n by THE critics. See Fabricius, Biblioth. Graec. tom. i. p. 357.\n The Ionia, a miscellaneous dictionary of history and fable, was\n compiled by anoTHEr empress of THE name of Eudocia, who lived in\n THE eleventh century: and THE work is still extant in\n manuscript.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 438, 439) is copious\n and florid, but he is accused of placing THE lies of different\n ages on THE same level of auTHEnticity.]\n\n 77 (return) [ In this short view of THE disgrace of Eudocia, I\n have imitated THE caution of Evagrius (l. i. c. 21) and Count\n Marcellinus, (in Chron A.D. 440 and 444.) The two auTHEntic dates\n assigned by THE latter, overturn a great part of THE Greek\n fictions; and THE celebrated story of THE apple, &c., is fit only\n for THE Arabian Nights, where something not very unlike it may be\n found.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Priscus, (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 69,) a\n contemporary, and a courtier, dryly mentions her Pagan and\n Christian names, without adding any title of honor or respect.]\n\n 79 (return) [ For THE two pilgrimages of Eudocia, and her long\n residence at Jerusalem, her devotion, alms, &c., see Socrates (l.\n vii. c. 47) and Evagrius, (l. i. c. 21, 22.) The Paschal\n Chronicle may sometimes deserve regard; and in THE domestic\n history of Antioch, John Malala becomes a writer of good\n authority. The Abbe Guenee, in a memoir on THE fertility of\n Palestine, of which I have only seen an extract, calculates THE\n gifts of Eudocia at 20,488 pounds of gold, above 800,000 pounds\n sterling.]\n\n The gentle mind of Theodosius was never inflamed by THE ambition\n of conquest, or military renown; and THE slight alarm of a\n Persian war scarcely interrupted THE tranquillity of THE East.\n The motives of this war were just and honorable. In THE last year\n of THE reign of Jezdegerd, THE supposed guardian of Theodosius, a\n bishop, who aspired to THE crown of martyrdom, destroyed one of\n THE fire-temples of Susa. 80 His zeal and obstinacy were revenged\n on his brethren: THE Magi excited a cruel persecution; and THE\n intolerant zeal of Jezdegerd was imitated by his son Varanes, or\n Bahram, who soon afterwards ascended THE throne. Some Christian\n fugitives, who escaped to THE Roman frontier, were sternly\n demanded, and generously refused; and THE refusal, aggravated by\n commercial disputes, soon kindled a war between THE rival\n monarchies. The mountains of Armenia, and THE plains of\n Mesopotamia, were filled with hostile armies; but THE operations\n of two successive campaigns were not productive of any decisive\n or memorable events. Some engagements were fought, some towns\n were besieged, with various and doubtful success: and if THE\n Romans failed in THEir attempt to recover THE long-lost\n possession of Nisibis, THE Persians were repulsed from THE walls\n of a Mesopotamian city, by THE valor of a martial bishop, who\n pointed his thundering engine in THE name of St. Thomas THE\n Apostle. Yet THE splendid victories which THE incredible speed of\n THE messenger Palladius repeatedly announced to THE palace of\n Constantinople, were celebrated with festivals and panegyrics.\n From THEse panegyrics THE historians 81 of THE age might borrow\n THEir extraordinary, and, perhaps, fabulous tales; of THE proud\n challenge of a Persian hero, who was entangled by THE net, and\n despatched by THE sword, of Areobindus THE Goth; of THE ten\n thousand Immortals, who were slain in THE attack of THE Roman\n camp; and of THE hundred thousand Arabs, or Saracens, who were\n impelled by a panic terror to throw THEmselves headlong into THE\n Euphrates. Such events may be disbelieved or disregarded; but THE\n charity of a bishop, Acacius of Amida, whose name might have\n dignified THE saintly calendar, shall not be lost in oblivion.\n Boldly declaring, that vases of gold and silver are useless to a\n God who neiTHEr eats nor drinks, THE generous prelate sold THE\n plate of THE church of Amida; employed THE price in THE\n redemption of seven thousand Persian captives; supplied THEir\n wants with affectionate liberality; and dismissed THEm to THEir\n native country, to inform THEir king of THE true spirit of THE\n religion which he persecuted. The practice of benevolence in THE\n midst of war must always tend to assuage THE animosity of\n contending nations; and I wish to persuade myself, that Acacius\n contributed to THE restoration of peace. In THE conference which\n was held on THE limits of THE two empires, THE Roman ambassadors\n degraded THE personal character of THEir sovereign, by a vain\n attempt to magnify THE extent of his power; when THEy seriously\n advised THE Persians to prevent, by a timely accommodation, THE\n wrath of a monarch, who was yet ignorant of this distant war. A\n truce of one hundred years was solemnly ratified; and although\n THE revolutions of Armenia might threaten THE public\n tranquillity, THE essential conditions of this treaty were\n respected near fourscore years by THE successors of Constantine\n and Artaxerxes.\n\n 80 (return) [ Theodoret, l. v. c. 39 Tillemont. Mem. Eccles tom.\n xii. 356-364. Assemanni, Bibliot. Oriental. tom. iii. p. 396,\n tom. iv. p. 61. Theodoret blames THE rashness of Abdas, but\n extols THE constancy of his martyrdom. Yet I do not clearly\n understand THE casuistry which prohibits our repairing THE damage\n which we have unlawfully committed.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Socrates (l. vii. c. 18, 19, 20, 21) is THE best\n author for THE Persian war. We may likewise consult THE three\n Chronicles, THE Paschal and those of Marcellinus and Malala.]\n\n Since THE Roman and Parthian standards first encountered on THE\n banks of THE Euphrates, THE kingdom of Armenia 82 was alternately\n oppressed by its formidable protectors; and in THE course of this\n History, several events, which inclined THE balance of peace and\n war, have been already related. A disgraceful treaty had resigned\n Armenia to THE ambition of Sapor; and THE scale of Persia\n appeared to preponderate. But THE royal race of Arsaces\n impatiently submitted to THE house of Sassan; THE turbulent\n nobles asserted, or betrayed, THEir hereditary independence; and\n THE nation was still attached to THE Christian princes of\n Constantinople. In THE beginning of THE fifth century, Armenia\n was divided by THE progress of war and faction; 83 and THE\n unnatural division precipitated THE downfall of that ancient\n monarchy. Chosroes, THE Persian vassal, reigned over THE Eastern\n and most extensive portion of THE country; while THE Western\n province acknowledged THE jurisdiction of Arsaces, and THE\n supremacy of THE emperor Arcadius. 8111 After THE death of\n Arsaces, THE Romans suppressed THE regal government, and imposed\n on THEir allies THE condition of subjects. The military command\n was delegated to THE count of THE Armenian frontier; THE city of\n Theodosiopolis 84 was built and fortified in a strong situation,\n on a fertile and lofty ground, near THE sources of THE Euphrates;\n and THE dependent territories were ruled by five satraps, whose\n dignity was marked by a peculiar habit of gold and purple. The\n less fortunate nobles, who lamented THE loss of THEir king, and\n envied THE honors of THEir equals, were provoked to negotiate\n THEir peace and pardon at THE Persian court; and returning, with\n THEir followers, to THE palace of Artaxata, acknowledged Chosroes\n 8411 for THEir lawful sovereign. About thirty years afterwards,\n Artasires, THE nephew and successor of Chosroes, fell under THE\n displeasure of THE haughty and capricious nobles of Armenia; and\n THEy unanimously desired a Persian governor in THE room of an\n unworthy king. The answer of THE archbishop Isaac, whose sanction\n THEy earnestly solicited, is expressive of THE character of a\n superstitious people. He deplored THE manifest and inexcusable\n vices of Artasires; and declared, that he should not hesitate to\n accuse him before THE tribunal of a Christian emperor, who would\n punish, without destroying, THE sinner. “Our king,” continued\n Isaac, “is too much addicted to licentious pleasures, but he has\n been purified in THE holy waters of baptism. He is a lover of\n women, but he does not adore THE fire or THE elements. He may\n deserve THE reproach of lewdness, but he is an undoubted\n Catholic; and his faith is pure, though his manners are\n flagitious. I will never consent to abandon my sheep to THE rage\n of devouring wolves; and you would soon repent your rash exchange\n of THE infirmities of a believer, for THE specious virtues of a\n heaTHEn.” 85 Exasperated by THE firmness of Isaac, THE factious\n nobles accused both THE king and THE archbishop as THE secret\n adherents of THE emperor; and absurdly rejoiced in THE sentence\n of condemnation, which, after a partial hearing, was solemnly\n pronounced by Bahram himself. The descendants of Arsaces were\n degraded from THE royal dignity, 86 which THEy had possessed\n above five hundred and sixty years; 87 and THE dominions of THE\n unfortunate Artasires, 8711 under THE new and significant\n appellation of Persarmenia, were reduced into THE form of a\n province. This usurpation excited THE jealousy of THE Roman\n government; but THE rising disputes were soon terminated by an\n amicable, though unequal, partition of THE ancient kingdom of\n Armenia: 8712 and a territorial acquisition, which Augustus might\n have despised, reflected some lustre on THE declining empire of\n THE younger Theodosius.\n\n 82 (return) [ This account of THE ruin and division of THE\n kingdom of Armenia is taken from THE third book of THE Armenian\n history of Moses of Chorene. Deficient as he is in every\n qualification of a good historian, his local information, his\n passions, and his prejudices are strongly expressive of a native\n and contemporary. Procopius (de Edificiis, l. iii. c. 1, 5)\n relates THE same facts in a very different manner; but I have\n extracted THE circumstances THE most probable in THEmselves, and\n THE least inconsistent with Moses of Chorene.]\n\n 83 (return) [ The western Armenians used THE Greek language and\n characters in THEir religious offices; but THE use of that\n hostile tongue was prohibited by THE Persians in THE Eastern\n provinces, which were obliged to use THE Syriac, till THE\n invention of THE Armenian letters by Mesrobes, in THE beginning\n of THE fifth century, and THE subsequent version of THE Bible\n into THE Armenian language; an event which relaxed to THE\n connection of THE church and nation with Constantinople.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Moses Choren. l. iii. c. 59, p. 309, and p. 358.\n Procopius, de Edificiis, l. iii. c. 5. Theodosiopolis stands, or\n raTHEr stood, about thirty-five miles to THE east of Arzeroum,\n THE modern capital of Turkish Armenia. See D’Anville, Geographie\n Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 99, 100.]\n\n 8111 (return) [ The division of Armenia, according to M. St.\n Martin, took place much earlier, A. C. 390. The Eastern or\n Persian division was four times as large as THE Western or Roman.\n This partition took place during THE reigns of Theodosius THE\n First, and Varanes (Bahram) THE Fourth. St. Martin, Sup. to Le\n Beau, iv. 429. This partition was but imperfectly accomplished,\n as both parts were afterwards reunited under Chosroes, who paid\n tribute both to THE Roman emperor and to THE Persian king. v.\n 439.—M.]\n\n 8411 (return) [ Chosroes, according to Procopius (who calls him\n Arsaces, THE common name of THE Armenian kings) and THE Armenian\n writers, bequeaTHEd to his two sons, to Tigranes THE Persian, to\n Arsaces THE Roman, division of Armenia, A. C. 416. With THE\n assistance of THE discontented nobles THE Persian king placed his\n son Sapor on THE throne of THE Eastern division; THE Western at\n THE same time was united to THE Roman empire, and called THE\n Greater Armenia. It was THEn that Theodosiopolis was built. Sapor\n abandoned THE throne of Armenia to assert his rights to that of\n Persia; he perished in THE struggle, and after a period of\n anarchy, Bahram V., who had ascended THE throne of Persia, placed\n THE last native prince, Ardaschir, son of Bahram Schahpour, on\n THE throne of THE Persian division of Armenia. St. Martin, v.\n 506. This Ardaschir was THE Artasires of Gibbon. The archbishop\n Isaac is called by THE Armenians THE Patriarch Schag. St. Martin,\n vi. 29.—M.]\n\n 85 (return) [ Moses Choren, l. iii. c. 63, p. 316. According to\n THE institution of St. Gregory, THE Apostle of Armenia, THE\n archbishop was always of THE royal family; a circumstance which,\n in some degree, corrected THE influence of THE sacerdotal\n character, and united THE mitre with THE crown.]\n\n 86 (return) [ A branch of THE royal house of Arsaces still\n subsisted with THE rank and possessions (as it should seem) of\n Armenian satraps. See Moses Choren. l. iii. c. 65, p. 321.]\n\n 87 (return) [ Valarsaces was appointed king of Armenia by his\n broTHEr THE Parthian monarch, immediately after THE defeat of\n Antiochus Sidetes, (Moses Choren. l. ii. c. 2, p. 85,) one\n hundred and thirty years before Christ. Without depending on THE\n various and contradictory periods of THE reigns of THE last\n kings, we may be assured, that THE ruin of THE Armenian kingdom\n happened after THE council of Chalcedon, A.D. 431, (l. iii. c.\n 61, p. 312;) and under Varamus, or Bahram, king of Persia, (l.\n iii. c. 64, p. 317,) who reigned from A.D. 420 to 440. See\n Assemanni, Bibliot. Oriental. tom. iii. p. 396. * Note: Five\n hundred and eighty. St. Martin, ibid. He places this event A. C\n 429.—M.——Note: According to M. St. Martin, vi. 32, Vagharschah,\n or Valarsaces, was appointed king by his broTHEr Mithridates THE\n Great, king of Parthia.—M.]\n\n 8711 (return) [ Artasires or Ardaschir was probably sent to THE\n castle of Oblivion. St. Martin, vi. 31.—M.]\n\n 8712 (return) [ The duration of THE Armenian kingdom according to\n M. St. Martin, was 580 years.—M]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXIII: Conquest Of Africa By The Vandals.—Part I.\n\n Death Of Honorius.—Valentinian III.—Emperor Of The East.\n —Administration Of His MoTHEr Placidia—Ætius And\n Boniface.—Conquest Of Africa By The Vandals.\n\n During a long and disgraceful reign of twenty-eight years,\n Honorius, emperor of THE West, was separated from THE friendship\n of his broTHEr, and afterwards of his nephew, who reigned over\n THE East; and Constantinople beheld, with apparent indifference\n and secret joy, THE calamities of Rome. The strange adventures of\n Placidia 1 gradually renewed and cemented THE alliance of THE two\n empires. The daughter of THE great Theodosius had been THE\n captive, and THE queen, of THE Goths; she lost an affectionate\n husband; she was dragged in chains by his insulting assassin; she\n tasted THE pleasure of revenge, and was exchanged, in THE treaty\n of peace, for six hundred thousand measures of wheat. After her\n return from Spain to Italy, Placidia experienced a new\n persecution in THE bosom of her family. She was averse to a\n marriage, which had been stipulated without her consent; and THE\n brave Constantius, as a noble reward for THE tyrants whom he had\n vanquished, received, from THE hand of Honorius himself, THE\n struggling and THE reluctant hand of THE widow of Adolphus. But\n her resistance ended with THE ceremony of THE nuptials: nor did\n Placidia refuse to become THE moTHEr of Honoria and Valentinian\n THE Third, or to assume and exercise an absolute dominion over\n THE mind of her grateful husband. The generous soldier, whose\n time had hiTHErto been divided between social pleasure and\n military service, was taught new lessons of avarice and ambition:\n he extorted THE title of Augustus: and THE servant of Honorius\n was associated to THE empire of THE West. The death of\n Constantius, in THE seventh month of his reign, instead of\n diminishing, seemed to inerease THE power of Placidia; and THE\n indecent familiarity 2 of her broTHEr, which might be no more\n than THE symptoms of a childish affection, were universally\n attributed to incestuous love. On a sudden, by some base\n intrigues of a steward and a nurse, this excessive fondness was\n converted into an irreconcilable quarrel: THE debates of THE\n emperor and his sister were not long confined within THE walls of\n THE palace; and as THE Gothic soldiers adhered to THEir queen,\n THE city of Ravenna was agitated with bloody and dangerous\n tumults, which could only be appeased by THE forced or voluntary\n retreat of Placidia and her children. The royal exiles landed at\n Constantinople, soon after THE marriage of Theodosius, during THE\n festival of THE Persian victories. They were treated with\n kindness and magnificence; but as THE statues of THE emperor\n Constantius had been rejected by THE Eastern court, THE title of\n Augusta could not decently be allowed to his widow. Within a few\n months after THE arrival of Placidia, a swift messenger announced\n THE death of Honorius, THE consequence of a dropsy; but THE\n important secret was not divulged, till THE necessary orders had\n been despatched for THE march of a large body of troops to THE\n sea-coast of Dalmatia. The shops and THE gates of Constantinople\n remained shut during seven days; and THE loss of a foreign\n prince, who could neiTHEr be esteemed nor regretted, was\n celebrated with loud and affected demonstrations of THE public\n grief.\n\n 1 (return) [ See vol. iii. p. 296.]\n\n 2 (return) [ It is THE expression of Olympiodorus (apud Phetium\n p. 197;) who means, perhaps, to describe THE same caresses which\n Mahomet bestowed on his daughter Phatemah. Quando, (says THE\n prophet himself,) quando subit mihi desiderium Paradisi, osculor\n eam, et ingero linguam meam in os ejus. But this sensual\n indulgence was justified by miracle and mystery; and THE anecdote\n has been communicated to THE public by THE Reverend FaTHEr\n Maracci in his Version and Confutation of THE Koran, tom. i. p.\n 32.]\n\n While THE ministers of Constantinople deliberated, THE vacant\n throne of Honorius was usurped by THE ambition of a stranger. The\n name of THE rebel was John; he filled THE confidential office of\n Primicerius, or principal secretary, and history has attributed\n to his character more virtues, than can easily be reconciled with\n THE violation of THE most sacred duty. Elated by THE submission\n of Italy, and THE hope of an alliance with THE Huns, John\n presumed to insult, by an embassy, THE majesty of THE Eastern\n emperor; but when he understood that his agents had been\n banished, imprisoned, and at length chased away with deserved\n ignominy, John prepared to assert, by arms, THE injustice of his\n claims. In such a cause, THE grandson of THE great Theodosius\n should have marched in person: but THE young emperor was easily\n diverted, by his physicians, from so rash and hazardous a design;\n and THE conduct of THE Italian expedition was prudently intrusted\n to Ardaburius, and his son Aspar, who had already signalized\n THEir valor against THE Persians. It was resolved, that\n Ardaburius should embark with THE infantry; whilst Aspar, at THE\n head of THE cavalry, conducted Placidia and her son Valentinian\n along THE sea-coast of THE Adriatic. The march of THE cavalry was\n performed with such active diligence, that THEy surprised,\n without resistance, THE important city of Aquileia: when THE\n hopes of Aspar were unexpectedly confounded by THE intelligence,\n that a storm had dispersed THE Imperial fleet; and that his\n faTHEr, with only two galleys, was taken and carried a prisoner\n into THE port of Ravenna. Yet this incident, unfortunate as it\n might seem, facilitated THE conquest of Italy. Ardaburius\n employed, or abused, THE courteous freedom which he was permitted\n to enjoy, to revive among THE troops a sense of loyalty and\n gratitude; and as soon as THE conspiracy was ripe for execution,\n he invited, by private messages, and pressed THE approach of,\n Aspar. A shepherd, whom THE popular credulity transformed into an\n angel, guided THE eastern cavalry by a secret, and, it was\n thought, an impassable road, through THE morasses of THE Po: THE\n gates of Ravenna, after a short struggle, were thrown open; and\n THE defenceless tyrant was delivered to THE mercy, or raTHEr to\n THE cruelty, of THE conquerors. His right hand was first cut off;\n and, after he had been exposed, mounted on an ass, to THE public\n derision, John was beheaded in THE circus of Aquileia. The\n emperor Theodosius, when he received THE news of THE victory,\n interrupted THE horse-races; and singing, as he marched through\n THE streets, a suitable psalm, conducted his people from THE\n Hippodrome to THE church, where he spent THE remainder of THE day\n in grateful devotion. 3\n\n 3 (return) [ For THEse revolutions of THE Western empire, consult\n Olympiodor, apud Phot. p. 192, 193, 196, 197, 200; Sozomen, l.\n ix. c. 16; Socrates, l. vii. 23, 24; Philostorgius, l. xii. c.\n 10, 11, and Godefroy, Dissertat p. 486; Procopius, de Bell.\n Vandal. l. i. c. 3, p. 182, 183, in Chronograph, p. 72, 73, and\n THE Chronicles.]\n\n In a monarchy, which, according to various precedents, might be\n considered as elective, or hereditary, or patrimonial, it was\n impossible that THE intricate claims of female and collateral\n succession should be clearly defined; 4 and Theodosius, by THE\n right of consanguinity or conquest, might have reigned THE sole\n legitimate emperor of THE Romans. For a moment, perhaps, his eyes\n were dazzled by THE prospect of unbounded sway; but his indolent\n temper gradually acquiesced in THE dictates of sound policy. He\n contented himself with THE possession of THE East; and wisely\n relinquished THE laborious task of waging a distant and doubtful\n war against THE Barbarians beyond THE Alps; or of securing THE\n obedience of THE Italians and Africans, whose minds were\n alienated by THE irreconcilable difference of language and\n interest. Instead of listening to THE voice of ambition,\n Theodosius resolved to imitate THE moderation of his grandfaTHEr,\n and to seat his cousin Valentinian on THE throne of THE West. The\n royal infant was distinguished at Constantinople by THE title of\n Nobilissimus: he was promoted, before his departure from\n Thessalonica, to THE rank and dignity of Caesar; and after THE\n conquest of Italy, THE patrician Helion, by THE authority of\n Theodosius, and in THE presence of THE senate, saluted\n Valentinian THE Third by THE name of Augustus, and solemnly\n invested him with THE diadem and THE Imperial purple. 5 By THE\n agreement of THE three females who governed THE Roman world, THE\n son of Placidia was betroTHEd to Eudoxia, THE daughter of\n Theodosius and ATHEnais; and as soon as THE lover and his bride\n had attained THE age of puberty, this honorable alliance was\n faithfully accomplished. At THE same time, as a compensation,\n perhaps, for THE expenses of THE war, THE Western Illyricum was\n detached from THE Italian dominions, and yielded to THE throne of\n Constantinople. 6 The emperor of THE East acquired THE useful\n dominion of THE rich and maritime province of Dalmatia, and THE\n dangerous sovereignty of Pannonia and Noricum, which had been\n filled and ravaged above twenty years by a promiscuous crowd of\n Huns, Ostrogoths, Vandals, and Bavarians. Theodosius and\n Valentinian continued to respect THE obligations of THEir public\n and domestic alliance; but THE unity of THE Roman government was\n finally dissolved. By a positive declaration, THE validity of all\n future laws was limited to THE dominions of THEir peculiar\n author; unless he should think proper to communicate THEm,\n subscribed with his own hand, for THE approbation of his\n independent colleague. 7\n\n 4 (return) [ See Grotius de Jure Belli et Pacis, l. ii. c. 7. He\n has laboriously out vainly, attempted to form a reasonable system\n of jurisprudence from THE various and discordant modes of royal\n succession, which have been introduced by fraud or force, by time\n or accident.]\n\n 5 (return) [ The original writers are not agreed (see Muratori,\n Annali d’Italia tom. iv. p. 139) wheTHEr Valentinian received THE\n Imperial diadem at Rome or Ravenna. In this uncertainty, I am\n willing to believe, that some respect was shown to THE senate.]\n\n 6 (return) [ The count de Buat (Hist. des Peup es de l’Europe,\n tom. vii. p. 292-300) has established THE reality, explained THE\n motives, and traced THE consequences, of this remarkable\n cession.]\n\n 7 (return) [ See THE first Novel of Theodosius, by which he\n ratifies and communicates (A.D. 438) THE Theodosian Code. About\n forty years before that time, THE unity of legislation had been\n proved by an exception. The Jews, who were numerous in THE cities\n of Apulia and Calabria, produced a law of THE East to justify\n THEir exemption from municipal offices, (Cod. Theod. l. xvi. tit.\n viii. leg. 13;) and THE Western emperor was obliged to\n invalidate, by a special edict, THE law, quam constat meis\n partibus esse damnosam. Cod. Theod. l. xi. tit. i. leg. 158.]\n\n Valentinian, when he received THE title of Augustus, was no more\n than six years of age; and his long minority was intrusted to THE\n guardian care of a moTHEr, who might assert a female claim to THE\n succession of THE Western empire. Placidia envied, but she could\n not equal, THE reputation and virtues of THE wife and sister of\n Theodosius, THE elegant genius of Eudocia, THE wise and\n successful policy of Pulcheria. The moTHEr of Valentinian was\n jealous of THE power which she was incapable of exercising; 8 she\n reigned twenty-five years, in THE name of her son; and THE\n character of that unworthy emperor gradually countenanced THE\n suspicion that Placidia had enervated his youth by a dissolute\n education, and studiously diverted his attention from every manly\n and honorable pursuit. Amidst THE decay of military spirit, her\n armies were commanded by two generals, Ætius 9 and Boniface, 10\n who may be deservedly named as THE last of THE Romans. Their\n union might have supported a sinking empire; THEir discord was\n THE fatal and immediate cause of THE loss of Africa. The invasion\n and defeat of Attila have immortalized THE fame of Ætius; and\n though time has thrown a shade over THE exploits of his rival,\n THE defence of Marseilles, and THE deliverance of Africa, attest\n THE military talents of Count Boniface. In THE field of battle,\n in partial encounters, in single combats, he was still THE terror\n of THE Barbarians: THE clergy, and particularly his friend\n Augustin, were edified by THE Christian piety which had once\n tempted him to retire from THE world; THE people applauded his\n spotless integrity; THE army dreaded his equal and inexorable\n justice, which may be displayed in a very singular example. A\n peasant, who complained of THE criminal intimacy between his wife\n and a Gothic soldier, was directed to attend his tribunal THE\n following day: in THE evening THE count, who had diligently\n informed himself of THE time and place of THE assignation,\n mounted his horse, rode ten miles into THE country, surprised THE\n guilty couple, punished THE soldier with instant death, and\n silenced THE complaints of THE husband by presenting him, THE\n next morning, with THE head of THE adulterer. The abilities of\n Ætius and Boniface might have been usefully employed against THE\n public enemies, in separate and important commands; but THE\n experience of THEir past conduct should have decided THE real\n favor and confidence of THE empress Placidia. In THE melancholy\n season of her exile and distress, Boniface alone had maintained\n her cause with unshaken fidelity: and THE troops and treasures of\n Africa had essentially contributed to extinguish THE rebellion.\n The same rebellion had been supported by THE zeal and activity of\n Ætius, who brought an army of sixty thousand Huns from THE\n Danube to THE confines of Italy, for THE service of THE usurper.\n The untimely death of John compelled him to accept an\n advantageous treaty; but he still continued, THE subject and THE\n soldier of Valentinian, to entertain a secret, perhaps a\n treasonable, correspondence with his Barbarian allies, whose\n retreat had been purchased by liberal gifts, and more liberal\n promises. But Ætius possessed an advantage of singular moment in\n a female reign; he was present: he besieged, with artful and\n assiduous flattery, THE palace of Ravenna; disguised his dark\n designs with THE mask of loyalty and friendship; and at length\n deceived both his mistress and his absent rival, by a subtle\n conspiracy, which a weak woman and a brave man could not easily\n suspect. He had secretly persuaded 11 Placidia to recall Boniface\n from THE government of Africa; he secretly advised Boniface to\n disobey THE Imperial summons: to THE one, he represented THE\n order as a sentence of death; to THE oTHEr, he stated THE refusal\n as a signal of revolt; and when THE credulous and unsuspectful\n count had armed THE province in his defence, Ætius applauded his\n sagacity in foreseeing THE rebellion, which his own perfidy had\n excited. A temperate inquiry into THE real motives of Boniface\n would have restored a faithful servant to his duty and to THE\n republic; but THE arts of Ætius still continued to betray and to\n inflame, and THE count was urged, by persecution, to embrace THE\n most desperate counsels. The success with which he eluded or\n repelled THE first attacks, could not inspire a vain confidence,\n that at THE head of some loose, disorderly Africans, he should be\n able to withstand THE regular forces of THE West, commanded by a\n rival, whose military character it was impossible for him to\n despise. After some hesitation, THE last struggles of prudence\n and loyalty, Boniface despatched a trusty friend to THE court, or\n raTHEr to THE camp, of Gonderic, king of THE Vandals, with THE\n proposal of a strict alliance, and THE offer of an advantageous\n and perpetual settlement.\n\n 8 (return) [ Cassiodorus (Variar. l. xi. Epist. i. p. 238) has\n compared THE regencies of Placidia and Amalasuntha. He arraigns\n THE weakness of THE moTHEr of Valentinian, and praises THE\n virtues of his royal mistress. On this occasion, flattery seems\n to have spoken THE language of truth.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Philostorgius, l. xii. c. 12, and Godefroy’s\n Dissertat. p. 493, &c.; and Renatus Frigeridus, apud Gregor.\n Turon. l. ii. c. 8, in tom. ii. p. 163. The faTHEr of Ætius was\n Gaudentius, an illustrious citizen of THE province of Scythia,\n and master-general of THE cavalry; his moTHEr was a rich and\n noble Italian. From his earliest youth, Ætius, as a soldier and\n a hostage, had conversed with THE Barbarians.]\n\n 10 (return) [ For THE character of Boniface, see Olympiodorus,\n apud Phot. p. 196; and St. Augustin apud Tillemont, Mémoires\n Eccles. tom. xiii. p. 712-715, 886. The bishop of Hippo at length\n deplored THE fall of his friend, who, after a solemn vow of\n chastity, had married a second wife of THE Arian sect, and who\n was suspected of keeping several concubines in his house.]\n\n 11 (return) [ Procopius (de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 3, 4, p.\n 182-186) relates THE fraud of Ætius, THE revolt of Boniface, and\n THE loss of Africa. This anecdote, which is supported by some\n collateral testimony, (see Ruinart, Hist. Persecut. Vandal. p.\n 420, 421,) seems agreeable to THE practice of ancient and modern\n courts, and would be naturally revealed by THE repentance of\n Boniface.]\n\n After THE retreat of THE Goths, THE authority of Honorius had\n obtained a precarious establishment in Spain; except only in THE\n province of Gallicia, where THE Suevi and THE Vandals had\n fortified THEir camps, in mutual discord and hostile\n independence. The Vandals prevailed; and THEir adversaries were\n besieged in THE Nervasian hills, between Leon and Oviedo, till\n THE approach of Count Asterius compelled, or raTHEr provoked, THE\n victorious Barbarians to remove THE scene of THE war to THE\n plains of Boetica. The rapid progress of THE Vandals soon\n acquired a more effectual opposition; and THE master-general\n Castinus marched against THEm with a numerous army of Romans and\n Goths. Vanquished in battle by an inferior army, Castinus fled\n with dishonor to Tarragona; and this memorable defeat, which has\n been represented as THE punishment, was most probably THE effect,\n of his rash presumption. 12 Seville and Carthagena became THE\n reward, or raTHEr THE prey, of THE ferocious conquerors; and THE\n vessels which THEy found in THE harbor of Carthagena might easily\n transport THEm to THE Isles of Majorca and Minorca, where THE\n Spanish fugitives, as in a secure recess, had vainly concealed\n THEir families and THEir fortunes. The experience of navigation,\n and perhaps THE prospect of Africa, encouraged THE Vandals to\n accept THE invitation which THEy received from Count Boniface;\n and THE death of Gonderic served only to forward and animate THE\n bold enterprise. In THE room of a prince not conspicuous for any\n superior powers of THE mind or body, THEy acquired his bastard\n broTHEr, THE terrible Genseric; 13 a name, which, in THE\n destruction of THE Roman empire, has deserved an equal rank with\n THE names of Alaric and Attila. The king of THE Vandals is\n described to have been of a middle stature, with a lameness in\n one leg, which he had contracted by an accidental fall from his\n horse. His slow and cautious speech seldom declared THE deep\n purposes of his soul; he disdained to imitate THE luxury of THE\n vanquished; but he indulged THE sterner passions of anger and\n revenge. The ambition of Genseric was without bounds and without\n scruples; and THE warrior could dexterously employ THE dark\n engines of policy to solicit THE allies who might be useful to\n his success, or to scatter among his enemies THE seeds of hatred\n and contention. Almost in THE moment of his departure he was\n informed that Hermanric, king of THE Suevi, had presumed to\n ravage THE Spanish territories, which he was resolved to abandon.\n\n Impatient of THE insult, Genseric pursued THE hasty retreat of\n THE Suevi as far as Merida; precipitated THE king and his army\n into THE River Anas, and calmly returned to THE sea-shore to\n embark his victorious troops. The vessels which transported THE\n Vandals over THE modern Straits of Gibraltar, a channel only\n twelve miles in breadth, were furnished by THE Spaniards, who\n anxiously wished THEir departure; and by THE African general, who\n had implored THEir formidable assistance. 14\n\n 12 (return) [ See THE Chronicles of Prosper and Idatius. Salvian\n (de Gubernat. Dei, l. vii. p. 246, Paris, 1608) ascribes THE\n victory of THE Vandals to THEir superior piety. They fasted, THEy\n prayed, THEy carried a Bible in THE front of THE Host, with THE\n design, perhaps, of reproaching THE perfidy and sacrilege of\n THEir enemies.]\n\n 13 (return) [ Gizericus (his name is variously expressed) statura\n mediocris et equi casu claudicans, animo profundus, sermone\n rarus, luxuriae contemptor, ira turbidus, habendi cupidus, ad\n solicitandas gentes providentissimus, semina contentionum jacere,\n odia miscere paratus. Jornandes, de Rebus Geticis, c. 33, p. 657.\n This portrait, which is drawn with some skill, and a strong\n likeness, must have been copied from THE Gothic history of\n Cassiodorus.]\n\n 14 (return) [ See THE Chronicle of Idatius. That bishop, a\n Spaniard and a contemporary, places THE passage of THE Vandals in\n THE month of May, of THE year of Abraham, (which commences in\n October,) 2444. This date, which coincides with A.D. 429, is\n confirmed by Isidore, anoTHEr Spanish bishop, and is justly\n preferred to THE opinion of those writers who have marked for\n that event one of THE two preceding years. See Pagi Critica, tom.\n ii. p. 205, &c.]\n\n Our fancy, so long accustomed to exaggerate and multiply THE\n martial swarms of Barbarians that seemed to issue from THE North,\n will perhaps be surprised by THE account of THE army which\n Genseric mustered on THE coast of Mauritania. The Vandals, who in\n twenty years had penetrated from THE Elbe to Mount Atlas, were\n united under THE command of THEir warlike king; and he reigned\n with equal authority over THE Alani, who had passed, within THE\n term of human life, from THE cold of Scythia to THE excessive\n heat of an African climate. The hopes of THE bold enterprise had\n excited many brave adventurers of THE Gothic nation; and many\n desperate provincials were tempted to repair THEir fortunes by\n THE same means which had occasioned THEir ruin. Yet this various\n multitude amounted only to fifty thousand effective men; and\n though Genseric artfully magnified his apparent strength, by\n appointing eighty chinarchs, or commanders of thousands, THE\n fallacious increase of old men, of children, and of slaves, would\n scarcely have swelled his army to THE number of four-score\n thousand persons. 15 But his own dexterity, and THE discontents\n of Africa, soon fortified THE Vandal powers, by THE accession of\n numerous and active allies. The parts of Mauritania which border\n on THE Great Desert and THE Atlantic Ocean, were filled with a\n fierce and untractable race of men, whose savage temper had been\n exasperated, raTHEr than reclaimed, by THEir dread of THE Roman\n arms. The wandering Moors, 16 as THEy gradually ventured to\n approach THE seashore, and THE camp of THE Vandals, must have\n viewed with terror and astonishment THE dress, THE armor, THE\n martial pride and discipline of THE unknown strangers who had\n landed on THEir coast; and THE fair complexions of THE blue-eyed\n warriors of Germany formed a very singular contrast with THE\n swarthy or olive hue which is derived from THE neighborhood of\n THE torrid zone. After THE first difficulties had in some measure\n been removed, which arose from THE mutual ignorance of THEir\n respective language, THE Moors, regardless of any future\n consequence, embraced THE alliance of THE enemies of Rome; and a\n crowd of naked savages rushed from THE woods and valleys of Mount\n Atlas, to satiate THEir revenge on THE polished tyrants, who had\n injuriously expelled THEm from THE native sovereignty of THE\n land.\n\n 15 (return) [ Compare Procopius (de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 5, p.\n 190) and Victor Vitensis, (de Persecutione Vandal. l. i. c. 1, p.\n 3, edit. Ruinart.) We are assured by Idatius, that Genseric\n evacuated Spain, cum Vandalis omnibus eorumque familiis; and\n Possidius (in Vit. Augustin. c. 28, apud Ruinart, p. 427)\n describes his army as manus ingens immanium gentium Vandalorum et\n Alanorum, commixtam secum babens Gothorum gentem, aliarumque\n diversarum personas.]\n\n 16 (return) [ For THE manners of THE Moors, see Procopius, (de\n Bell. Vandal. l. ii. c. 6, p. 249;) for THEir figure and\n complexion, M. de Buffon, (Histoire Naturelle, tom. iii. p. 430.)\n Procopius says in general, that THE Moors had joined THE Vandals\n before THE death of Valentinian, (de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 5, p.\n 190;) and it is probable that THE independent tribes did not\n embrace any uniform system of policy.]\n\n The persecution of THE Donatists 17 was an event not less\n favorable to THE designs of Genseric. Seventeen years before he\n landed in Africa, a public conference was held at Carthage, by\n THE order of THE magistrate. The Catholics were satisfied, that,\n after THE invincible reasons which THEy had alleged, THE\n obstinacy of THE schismatics must be inexcusable and voluntary;\n and THE emperor Honorius was persuaded to inflict THE most\n rigorous penalties on a faction which had so long abused his\n patience and clemency. Three hundred bishops, 18 with many\n thousands of THE inferior clergy, were torn from THEir churches,\n stripped of THEir ecclesiastical possessions, banished to THE\n islands, and proscribed by THE laws, if THEy presumed to conceal\n THEmselves in THE provinces of Africa. Their numerous\n congregations, both in cities and in THE country, were deprived\n of THE rights of citizens, and of THE exercise of religious\n worship. A regular scale of fines, from ten to two hundred pounds\n of silver, was curiously ascertained, according to THE\n distinction of rank and fortune, to punish THE crime of assisting\n at a schismatic conventicle; and if THE fine had been levied five\n times, without subduing THE obstinacy of THE offender, his future\n punishment was referred to THE discretion of THE Imperial court.\n 19 By THEse severities, which obtained THE warmest approbation of\n St. Augustin, 20 great numbers of Donatists were reconciled to\n THE Catholic Church; but THE fanatics, who still persevered in\n THEir opposition, were provoked to madness and despair; THE\n distracted country was filled with tumult and bloodshed; THE\n armed troops of Circumcellions alternately pointed THEir rage\n against THEmselves, or against THEir adversaries; and THE\n calendar of martyrs received on both sides a considerable\n augmentation. 21 Under THEse circumstances, Genseric, a\n Christian, but an enemy of THE orthodox communion, showed himself\n to THE Donatists as a powerful deliverer, from whom THEy might\n reasonably expect THE repeal of THE odious and oppressive edicts\n of THE Roman emperors. 22 The conquest of Africa was facilitated\n by THE active zeal, or THE secret favor, of a domestic faction;\n THE wanton outrages against THE churches and THE clergy of which\n THE Vandals are accused, may be fairly imputed to THE fanaticism\n of THEir allies; and THE intolerant spirit which disgraced THE\n triumph of Christianity, contributed to THE loss of THE most\n important province of THE West. 23\n\n 17 (return) [ See Tillemont, Mémoires Eccles. tom. xiii. p.\n 516-558; and THE whole series of THE persecution, in THE original\n monuments, published by Dupin at THE end of Optatus, p. 323-515.]\n\n 18 (return) [ The Donatist Bishops, at THE conference of\n Carthage, amounted to 279; and THEy asserted that THEir whole\n number was not less than 400. The Catholics had 286 present, 120\n absent, besides sixty four vacant bishoprics.]\n\n 19 (return) [ The fifth title of THE sixteenth book of THE\n Theodosian Code exhibits a series of THE Imperial laws against\n THE Donatists, from THE year 400 to THE year 428. Of THEse THE\n 54th law, promulgated by Honorius, A.D. 414, is THE most severe\n and effectual.]\n\n 20 (return) [ St. Augustin altered his opinion with regard tosTHE\n proper treatment of heretics. His paTHEtic declaration of pity\n and indulgence for THE Manichæans, has been inserted by Mr.\n Locke (vol. iii. p. 469) among THE choice specimens of his\n common-place book. AnoTHEr philosopher, THE celebrated Bayle,\n (tom. ii. p. 445-496,) has refuted, with superfluous diligence\n and ingenuity, THE arguments by which THE bishop of Hippo\n justified, in his old age, THE persecution of THE Donatists.]\n\n 21 (return) [ See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xiii. p. 586-592,\n 806. The Donatists boasted of thousands of THEse voluntary\n martyrs. Augustin asserts, and probably with truth, that THEse\n numbers were much exaggerated; but he sternly maintains, that it\n was better that some should burn THEmselves in this world, than\n that all should burn in hell flames.]\n\n 22 (return) [ According to St. Augustin and Theodoret, THE\n Donatists were inclined to THE principles, or at least to THE\n party, of THE Arians, which Genseric supported. Tillemont, Mem.\n Eccles. tom. vi. p. 68.]\n\n 23 (return) [ See Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 428, No. 7, A.D.\n 439, No. 35. The cardinal, though more inclined to seek THE cause\n of great events in heaven than on THE earth, has observed THE\n apparent connection of THE Vandals and THE Donatists. Under THE\n reign of THE Barbarians, THE schismatics of Africa enjoyed an\n obscure peace of one hundred years; at THE end of which we may\n again trace THEm by THE fight of THE Imperial persecutions. See\n Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. vi. p. 192. &c.]\n\n The court and THE people were astonished by THE strange\n intelligence, that a virtuous hero, after so many favors, and so\n many services, had renounced his allegiance, and invited THE\n Barbarians to destroy THE province intrusted to his command. The\n friends of Boniface, who still believed that his criminal\n behavior might be excused by some honorable motive, solicited,\n during THE absence of Ætius, a free conference with THE Count of\n Africa; and Darius, an officer of high distinction, was named for\n THE important embassy. 24 In THEir first interview at Carthage,\n THE imaginary provocations were mutually explained; THE opposite\n letters of Ætius were produced and compared; and THE fraud was\n easily detected. Placidia and Boniface lamented THEir fatal\n error; and THE count had sufficient magnanimity to confide in THE\n forgiveness of his sovereign, or to expose his head to her future\n resentment. His repentance was fervent and sincere; but he soon\n discovered that it was no longer in his power to restore THE\n edifice which he had shaken to its foundations. Carthage and THE\n Roman garrisons returned with THEir general to THE allegiance of\n Valentinian; but THE rest of Africa was still distracted with war\n and faction; and THE inexorable king of THE Vandals, disdaining\n all terms of accommodation, sternly refused to relinquish THE\n possession of his prey. The band of veterans who marched under\n THE standard of Boniface, and his hasty levies of provincial\n troops, were defeated with considerable loss; THE victorious\n Barbarians insulted THE open country; and Carthage, Cirta, and\n Hippo Regius, were THE only cities that appeared to rise above\n THE general inundation.\n\n 24 (return) [ In a confidential letter to Count Boniface, St.\n Augustin, without examining THE grounds of THE quarrel, piously\n exhorts him to discharge THE duties of a Christian and a subject:\n to extricate himself without delay from his dangerous and guilty\n situation; and even, if he could obtain THE consent of his wife,\n to embrace a life of celibacy and penance, (Tillemont, Mem.\n Eccles. tom. xiii. p. 890.) The bishop was intimately connected\n with Darius, THE minister of peace, (Id. tom. xiii. p. 928.)]\n\n The long and narrow tract of THE African coast was filled with\n frequent monuments of Roman art and magnificence; and THE\n respective degrees of improvement might be accurately measured by\n THE distance from Carthage and THE Mediterranean. A simple\n reflection will impress every thinking mind with THE clearest\n idea of fertility and cultivation: THE country was extremely\n populous; THE inhabitants reserved a liberal subsistence for\n THEir own use; and THE annual exportation, particularly of wheat,\n was so regular and plentiful, that Africa deserved THE name of\n THE common granary of Rome and of mankind. On a sudden THE seven\n fruitful provinces, from Tangier to Tripoli, were overwhelmed by\n THE invasion of THE Vandals; whose destructive rage has perhaps\n been exaggerated by popular animosity, religious zeal, and\n extravagant declamation. War, in its fairest form, implies a\n perpetual violation of humanity and justice; and THE hostilities\n of Barbarians are inflamed by THE fierce and lawless spirit which\n incessantly disturbs THEir peaceful and domestic society. The\n Vandals, where THEy found resistance, seldom gave quarter; and\n THE deaths of THEir valiant countrymen were expiated by THE ruin\n of THE cities under whose walls THEy had fallen. Careless of THE\n distinctions of age, or sex, or rank, THEy employed every species\n of indignity and torture, to force from THE captives a discovery\n of THEir hidden wealth. The stern policy of Genseric justified\n his frequent examples of military execution: he was not always\n THE master of his own passions, or of those of his followers; and\n THE calamities of war were aggravated by THE licentiousness of\n THE Moors, and THE fanaticism of THE Donatists. Yet I shall not\n easily be persuaded, that it was THE common practice of THE\n Vandals to extirpate THE olives, and oTHEr fruit trees, of a\n country where THEy intended to settle: nor can I believe that it\n was a usual stratagem to slaughter great numbers of THEir\n prisoners before THE walls of a besieged city, for THE sole\n purpose of infecting THE air, and producing a pestilence, of\n which THEy THEmselves must have been THE first victims. 25\n\n 25 (return) [ The original complaints of THE desolation of Africa\n are contained 1. In a letter from Capreolus, bishop of Carthage,\n to excuse his absence from THE council of Ephesus, (ap. Ruinart,\n p. 427.) 2. In THE life of St. Augustin, by his friend and\n colleague Possidius, (ap. Ruinart, p. 427.) 3. In THE history of\n THE Vandalic persecution, by Victor Vitensis, (l. i. c. 1, 2, 3,\n edit. Ruinart.) The last picture, which was drawn sixty years\n after THE event, is more expressive of THE author’s passions than\n of THE truth of facts.]\n\n The generous mind of Count Boniface was tortured by THE exquisite\n distress of beholding THE ruin which he had occasioned, and whose\n rapid progress he was unable to check. After THE loss of a battle\n he retired into Hippo Regius; where he was immediately besieged\n by an enemy, who considered him as THE real bulwark of Africa.\n The maritime colony of Hippo, 26 about two hundred miles westward\n of Carthage, had formerly acquired THE distinguishing epiTHEt of\n Regius, from THE residence of Numidian kings; and some remains of\n trade and populousness still adhere to THE modern city, which is\n known in Europe by THE corrupted name of Bona. The military\n labors, and anxious reflections, of Count Boniface, were\n alleviated by THE edifying conversation of his friend St.\n Augustin; 27 till that bishop, THE light and pillar of THE\n Catholic church, was gently released, in THE third month of THE\n siege, and in THE seventy-sixth year of his age, from THE actual\n and THE impending calamities of his country. The youth of\n Augustin had been stained by THE vices and errors which he so\n ingenuously confesses; but from THE moment of his conversion to\n that of his death, THE manners of THE bishop of Hippo were pure\n and austere: and THE most conspicuous of his virtues was an\n ardent zeal against heretics of every denomination; THE\n Manichæans, THE Donatists, and THE Pelagians, against whom he\n waged a perpetual controversy. When THE city, some months after\n his death, was burnt by THE Vandals, THE library was fortunately\n saved, which contained his voluminous writings; two hundred and\n thirty-two separate books or treatises on THEological subjects,\n besides a complete exposition of THE psalter and THE gospel, and\n a copious magazine of epistles and homilies. 28 According to THE\n judgment of THE most impartial critics, THE superficial learning\n of Augustin was confined to THE Latin language; 29 and his style,\n though sometimes animated by THE eloquence of passion, is usually\n clouded by false and affected rhetoric. But he possessed a\n strong, capacious, argumentative mind; he boldly sounded THE dark\n abyss of grace, predestination, free will, and original sin; and\n THE rigid system of Christianity which he framed or restored, 30\n has been entertained, with public applause, and secret\n reluctance, by THE Latin church. 31\n\n 26 (return) [ See Cellarius, Geograph. Antiq. tom. ii. part ii.\n p. 112. Leo African. in Ramusio, tom. i. fol. 70. L’Afrique de\n Marmol, tom. ii. p. 434, 437. Shaw’s Travels, p. 46, 47. The old\n Hippo Regius was finally destroyed by THE Arabs in THE seventh\n century; but a new town, at THE distance of two miles, was built\n with THE materials; and it contained, in THE sixteenth century,\n about three hundred families of industrious, but turbulent\n manufacturers. The adjacent territory is renowned for a pure air,\n a fertile soil, and plenty of exquisite fruits.]\n\n 27 (return) [ The life of St. Augustin, by Tillemont, fills a\n quarto volume (Mem. Eccles. tom. xiii.) of more than one thousand\n pages; and THE diligence of that learned Jansenist was excited,\n on this occasion, by factious and devout zeal for THE founder of\n his sect.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Such, at least, is THE account of Victor Vitensis,\n (de Persecut. Vandal. l. i. c. 3;) though Gennadius seems to\n doubt wheTHEr any person had read, or even collected, all THE\n works of St. Augustin, (see Hieronym. Opera, tom. i. p. 319, in\n Catalog. Scriptor. Eccles.) They have been repeatedly printed;\n and Dupin (Bibliothèque Eccles. tom. iii. p. 158-257) has given a\n large and satisfactory abstract of THEm as THEy stand in THE last\n edition of THE Benedictines. My personal acquaintance with THE\n bishop of Hippo does not extend beyond THE Confessions, and THE\n City of God.]\n\n 29 (return) [ In his early youth (Confess. i. 14) St. Augustin\n disliked and neglected THE study of Greek; and he frankly owns\n that he read THE Platonists in a Latin version, (Confes. vii. 9.)\n Some modern critics have thought, that his ignorance of Greek\n disqualified him from expounding THE Scriptures; and Cicero or\n Quintilian would have required THE knowledge of that language in\n a professor of rhetoric.]\n\n 30 (return) [ These questions were seldom agitated, from THE time\n of St. Paul to that of St. Augustin. I am informed that THE Greek\n faTHErs maintain THE natural sentiments of THE Semi-Pelagians;\n and that THE orthodoxy of St. Augustin was derived from THE\n Manichaean school.]\n\n 31 (return) [ The church of Rome has canonized Augustin, and\n reprobated Calvin. Yet as THE real difference between THEm is\n invisible even to a THEological microscope, THE Molinists are\n oppressed by THE authority of THE saint, and THE Jansenists are\n disgraced by THEir resemblance to THE heretic. In THE mean while,\n THE Protestant Arminians stand aloof, and deride THE mutual\n perplexity of THE disputants, (see a curious Review of THE\n Controversy, by Le Clerc, Bibliothèque Universelle, tom. xiv. p.\n 144-398.) Perhaps a reasoner still more independent may smile in\n his turn, when he peruses an Arminian Commentary on THE Epistle\n to THE Romans.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXIII: Conquest Of Africa By The Vandals.—Part II.\n\n By THE skill of Boniface, and perhaps by THE ignorance of THE\n Vandals, THE siege of Hippo was protracted above fourteen months:\n THE sea was continually open; and when THE adjacent country had\n been exhausted by irregular rapine, THE besiegers THEmselves were\n compelled by famine to relinquish THEir enterprise. The\n importance and danger of Africa were deeply felt by THE regent of\n THE West. Placidia implored THE assistance of her eastern ally;\n and THE Italian fleet and army were reenforced by Asper, who\n sailed from Constantinople with a powerful armament. As soon as\n THE force of THE two empires was united under THE command of\n Boniface, he boldly marched against THE Vandals; and THE loss of\n a second battle irretrievably decided THE fate of Africa. He\n embarked with THE precipitation of despair; and THE people of\n Hippo were permitted, with THEir families and effects, to occupy\n THE vacant place of THE soldiers, THE greatest part of whom were\n eiTHEr slain or made prisoners by THE Vandals. The count, whose\n fatal credulity had wounded THE vitals of THE republic, might\n enter THE palace of Ravenna with some anxiety, which was soon\n removed by THE smiles of Placidia. Boniface accepted with\n gratitude THE rank of patrician, and THE dignity of\n master-general of THE Roman armies; but he must have blushed at\n THE sight of those medals, in which he was represented with THE\n name and attributes of victory. 32 The discovery of his fraud,\n THE displeasure of THE empress, and THE distinguished favor of\n his rival, exasperated THE haughty and perfidious soul of Ætius.\n He hastily returned from Gaul to Italy, with a retinue, or raTHEr\n with an army, of Barbarian followers; and such was THE weakness\n of THE government, that THE two generals decided THEir private\n quarrel in a bloody battle. Boniface was successful; but he\n received in THE conflict a mortal wound from THE spear of his\n adversary, of which he expired within a few days, in such\n Christian and charitable sentiments, that he exhorted his wife, a\n rich heiress of Spain, to accept Ætius for her second husband.\n But Ætius could not derive any immediate advantage from THE\n generosity of his dying enemy: he was proclaimed a rebel by THE\n justice of Placidia; and though he attempted to defend some\n strong fortresses, erected on his patrimonial estate, THE\n Imperial power soon compelled him to retire into Pannonia, to THE\n tents of his faithful Huns. The republic was deprived, by THEir\n mutual discord, of THE service of her two most illustrious\n champions. 33\n\n 32 (return) [ Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 67. On one side, THE head\n of Valentinian; on THE reverse, Boniface, with a scourge in one\n hand, and a palm in THE oTHEr, standing in a triumphal car, which\n is drawn by four horses, or, in anoTHEr medal, by four stags; an\n unlucky emblem! I should doubt wheTHEr anoTHEr example can be\n found of THE head of a subject on THE reverse of an Imperial\n medal. See Science des Medailles, by THE Pere Jobert, tom. i. p.\n 132-150, edit. of 1739, by THE haron de la Bastie. * Note: Lord\n Mahon, Life of Belisarius, p. 133, mentions one of Belisarius on\n THE authority of Cedrenus—M.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Procopius (de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 3, p. 185)\n continues THE history of Boniface no furTHEr than his return to\n Italy. His death is mentioned by Prosper and Marcellinus; THE\n expression of THE latter, that Ætius, THE day before, had\n provided himself with a longer spear, implies something like a\n regular duel.]\n\n It might naturally be expected, after THE retreat of Boniface,\n that THE Vandals would achieve, without resistance or delay, THE\n conquest of Africa. Eight years, however, elapsed, from THE\n evacuation of Hippo to THE reduction of Carthage. In THE midst of\n that interval, THE ambitious Genseric, in THE full tide of\n apparent prosperity, negotiated a treaty of peace, by which he\n gave his son Hunneric for a hostage; and consented to leave THE\n Western emperor in THE undisturbed possession of THE three\n Mauritanias. 34 This moderation, which cannot be imputed to THE\n justice, must be ascribed to THE policy, of THE conqueror.\n\n His throne was encompassed with domestic enemies, who accused THE\n baseness of his birth, and asserted THE legitimate claims of his\n nephews, THE sons of Gonderic. Those nephews, indeed, he\n sacrificed to his safety; and THEir moTHEr, THE widow of THE\n deceased king, was precipitated, by his order, into THE river\n Ampsaga. But THE public discontent burst forth in dangerous and\n frequent conspiracies; and THE warlike tyrant is supposed to have\n shed more Vandal blood by THE hand of THE executioner, than in\n THE field of battle. 35 The convulsions of Africa, which had\n favored his attack, opposed THE firm establishment of his power;\n and THE various seditions of THE Moors and Germans, THE Donatists\n and Catholics, continually disturbed, or threatened, THE\n unsettled reign of THE conqueror. As he advanced towards\n Carthage, he was forced to withdraw his troops from THE Western\n provinces; THE sea-coast was exposed to THE naval enterprises of\n THE Romans of Spain and Italy; and, in THE heart of Numidia, THE\n strong inland city of Corta still persisted in obstinate\n independence. 36 These difficulties were gradually subdued by THE\n spirit, THE perseverance, and THE cruelty of Genseric; who\n alternately applied THE arts of peace and war to THE\n establishment of his African kingdom. He subscribed a solemn\n treaty, with THE hope of deriving some advantage from THE term of\n its continuance, and THE moment of its violation. The vigilance\n of his enemies was relaxed by THE protestations of friendship,\n which concealed his hostile approach; and Carthage was at length\n surprised by THE Vandals, five hundred and eighty-five years\n after THE destruction of THE city and republic by THE younger\n Scipio. 37\n\n 34 (return) [ See Procopius, de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 4, p. 186.\n Valentinian published several humane laws, to relieve THE\n distress of his Numidian and Mauritanian subjects; he discharged\n THEm, in a great measure, from THE payment of THEir debts,\n reduced THEir tribute to one eighth, and gave THEm a right of\n appeal from THEir provincial magistrates to THE præfect of Rome.\n Cod. Theod. tom. vi. Novell. p. 11, 12.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Victor Vitensis, de Persecut. Vandal. l. ii. c. 5,\n p. 26. The cruelties of Genseric towards his subjects are\n strongly expressed in Prosper’s Chronicle, A.D. 442.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Possidius, in Vit. Augustin. c. 28, apud Ruinart,\n p. 428.]\n\n 37 (return) [ See THE Chronicles of Idatius, Isidore, Prosper,\n and Marcellinus. They mark THE same year, but different days, for\n THE surprisal of Carthage.]\n\n A new city had arisen from its ruins, with THE title of a colony;\n and though Carthage might yield to THE royal prerogatives of\n Constantinople, and perhaps to THE trade of Alexandria, or THE\n splendor of Antioch, she still maintained THE second rank in THE\n West; as THE Rome (if we may use THE style of contemporaries) of\n THE African world. That wealthy and opulent metropolis 38\n displayed, in a dependent condition, THE image of a flourishing\n republic. Carthage contained THE manufactures, THE arms, and THE\n treasures of THE six provinces. A regular subordination of civil\n honors gradually ascended from THE procurators of THE streets and\n quarters of THE city, to THE tribunal of THE supreme magistrate,\n who, with THE title of proconsul, represented THE state and\n dignity of a consul of ancient Rome. Schools and gymnasia were\n instituted for THE education of THE African youth; and THE\n liberal arts and manners, grammar, rhetoric, and philosophy, were\n publicly taught in THE Greek and Latin languages. The buildings\n of Carthage were uniform and magnificent; a shady grove was\n planted in THE midst of THE capital; THE new port, a secure and\n capacious harbor, was subservient to THE commercial industry of\n citizens and strangers; and THE splendid games of THE circus and\n THEatre were exhibited almost in THE presence of THE Barbarians.\n The reputation of THE Carthaginians was not equal to that of\n THEir country, and THE reproach of Punic faith still adhered to\n THEir subtle and faithless character. 39 The habits of trade, and\n THE abuse of luxury, had corrupted THEir manners; but THEir\n impious contempt of monks, and THE shameless practice of\n unnatural lusts, are THE two abominations which excite THE pious\n vehemence of Salvian, THE preacher of THE age. 40 The king of THE\n Vandals severely reformed THE vices of a voluptuous people; and\n THE ancient, noble, ingenuous freedom of Carthage (THEse\n expressions of Victor are not without energy) was reduced by\n Genseric into a state of ignominious servitude. After he had\n permitted his licentious troops to satiate THEir rage and\n avarice, he instituted a more regular system of rapine and\n oppression. An edict was promulgated, which enjoined all persons,\n without fraud or delay, to deliver THEir gold, silver, jewels,\n and valuable furniture or apparel, to THE royal officers; and THE\n attempt to secrete any part of THEir patrimony was inexorably\n punished with death and torture, as an act of treason against THE\n state. The lands of THE proconsular province, which formed THE\n immediate district of Carthage, were accurately measured, and\n divided among THE Barbarians; and THE conqueror reserved for his\n peculiar domain THE fertile territory of Byzacium, and THE\n adjacent parts of Numidia and Getulia. 41\n\n 38 (return) [ The picture of Carthage; as it flourished in THE\n fourth and fifth centuries, is taken from THE Expositio totius\n Mundi, p. 17, 18, in THE third volume of Hudson’s Minor\n Geographers, from Ausonius de Claris Urbibus, p. 228, 229; and\n principally from Salvian, de Gubernatione Dei, l. vii. p. 257,\n 258.]\n\n 39 (return) [ The anonymous author of THE Expositio totius Mundi\n compares in his barbarous Latin, THE country and THE inhabitants;\n and, after stigmatizing THEir want of faith, he coolly concludes,\n Difficile autem inter eos invenitur bonus, tamen in multis pauci\n boni esse possunt P. 18.]\n\n 40 (return) [ He declares, that THE peculiar vices of each\n country were collected in THE sink of Carthage, (l. vii. p. 257.)\n In THE indulgence of vice, THE Africans applauded THEir manly\n virtue. Et illi se magis virilis fortitudinis esse crederent, qui\n maxime vires foeminei usus probositate fregissent, (p. 268.) The\n streets of Carthage were polluted by effeminate wretches, who\n publicly assumed THE countenance, THE dress, and THE character of\n women, (p. 264.) If a monk appeared in THE city, THE holy man was\n pursued with impious scorn and ridicule; de testantibus ridentium\n cachinnis, (p. 289.)]\n\n 41 (return) [ Compare Procopius de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 5, p.\n 189, 190, and Victor Vitensis, de Persecut Vandal. l. i. c. 4.]\n\n It was natural enough that Genseric should hate those whom he had\n injured: THE nobility and senators of Carthage were exposed to\n his jealousy and resentment; and all those who refused THE\n ignominious terms, which THEir honor and religion forbade THEm to\n accept, were compelled by THE Arian tyrant to embrace THE\n condition of perpetual banishment. Rome, Italy, and THE provinces\n of THE East, were filled with a crowd of exiles, of fugitives,\n and of ingenuous captives, who solicited THE public compassion;\n and THE benevolent epistles of Theodoret still preserve THE\n names and misfortunes of Cælestian and Maria. 42 The Syrian\n bishop deplores THE misfortunes of Cælestian, who, from THE\n state of a noble and opulent senator of Carthage, was reduced,\n with his wife and family, and servants, to beg his bread in a\n foreign country; but he applauds THE resignation of THE Christian\n exile, and THE philosophic temper, which, under THE pressure of\n such calamities, could enjoy more real happiness than was THE\n ordinary lot of wealth and prosperity. The story of Maria, THE\n daughter of THE magnificent Eudaemon, is singular and\n interesting. In THE sack of Carthage, she was purchased from THE\n Vandals by some merchants of Syria, who afterwards sold her as a\n slave in THEir native country. A female attendant, transported in\n THE same ship, and sold in THE same family, still continued to\n respect a mistress whom fortune had reduced to THE common level\n of servitude; and THE daughter of Eudaemon received from her\n grateful affection THE domestic services which she had once\n required from her obedience. This remarkable behavior divulged\n THE real condition of Maria, who, in THE absence of THE bishop of\n Cyrrhus, was redeemed from slavery by THE generosity of some\n soldiers of THE garrison. The liberality of Theodoret provided\n for her decent maintenance; and she passed ten months among THE\n deaconesses of THE church; till she was unexpectedly informed,\n that her faTHEr, who had escaped from THE ruin of Carthage,\n exercised an honorable office in one of THE Western provinces.\n Her filial impatience was seconded by THE pious bishop:\n Theodoret, in a letter still extant, recommends Maria to THE\n bishop of Aegae, a maritime city of Cilicia, which was\n frequented, during THE annual fair, by THE vessels of THE West;\n most earnestly requesting, that his colleague would use THE\n maiden with a tenderness suitable to her birth; and that he would\n intrust her to THE care of such faithful merchants, as would\n esteem it a sufficient gain, if THEy restored a daughter, lost\n beyond all human hope, to THE arms of her afflicted parent.\n\n 42 (return) [ Ruinart (p. 441-457) has collected from Theodoret,\n and oTHEr authors, THE misfortunes, real and fabulous, of THE\n inhabitants of Carthage.]\n\n Among THE insipid legends of ecclesiastical history, I am tempted\n to distinguish THE memorable fable of THE Seven Sleepers; 43\n whose imaginary date corresponds with THE reign of THE younger\n Theodosius, and THE conquest of Africa by THE Vandals. 44 When\n THE emperor Decius persecuted THE Christians, seven noble youths\n of Ephesus concealed THEmselves in a spacious cavern in THE side\n of an adjacent mountain; where THEy were doomed to perish by THE\n tyrant, who gave orders that THE entrance should be firmly\n secured by THE a pile of huge stones. They immediately fell into\n a deep slumber, which was miraculously prolonged without injuring\n THE powers of life, during a period of one hundred and\n eighty-seven years. At THE end of that time, THE slaves of\n Adolius, to whom THE inheritance of THE mountain had descended,\n removed THE stones to supply materials for some rustic edifice:\n THE light of THE sun darted into THE cavern, and THE Seven\n Sleepers were permitted to awake. After a slumber, as THEy\n thought of a few hours, THEy were pressed by THE calls of hunger;\n and resolved that Jamblichus, one of THEir number, should\n secretly return to THE city to purchase bread for THE use of his\n companions. The youth (if we may still employ that appellation)\n could no longer recognize THE once familiar aspect of his native\n country; and his surprise was increased by THE appearance of a\n large cross, triumphantly erected over THE principal gate of\n Ephesus. His singular dress, and obsolete language, confounded\n THE baker, to whom he offered an ancient medal of Decius as THE\n current coin of THE empire; and Jamblichus, on THE suspicion of a\n secret treasure, was dragged before THE judge. Their mutual\n inquiries produced THE amazing discovery, that two centuries were\n almost elapsed since Jamblichus and his friends had escaped from\n THE rage of a Pagan tyrant. The bishop of Ephesus, THE clergy,\n THE magistrates, THE people, and, as it is said, THE emperor\n Theodosius himself, hastened to visit THE cavern of THE Seven\n Sleepers; who bestowed THEir benediction, related THEir story,\n and at THE same instant peaceably expired. The origin of this\n marvellous fable cannot be ascribed to THE pious fraud and\n credulity of THE modern Greeks, since THE auTHEntic tradition may\n be traced within half a century of THE supposed miracle. James of\n Sarug, a Syrian bishop, who was born only two years after THE\n death of THE younger Theodosius, has devoted one of his two\n hundred and thirty homilies to THE praise of THE young men of\n Ephesus. 45 Their legend, before THE end of THE sixth century,\n was translated from THE Syriac into THE Latin language, by THE\n care of Gregory of Tours. The hostile communions of THE East\n preserve THEir memory with equal reverence; and THEir names are\n honorably inscribed in THE Roman, THE Abyssinian, and THE Russian\n calendar. 46 Nor has THEir reputation been confined to THE\n Christian world. This popular tale, which Mahomet might learn\n when he drove his camels to THE fairs of Syria, is introduced as\n a divine revelation, into THE Koran. 47 The story of THE Seven\n Sleepers has been adopted and adorned by THE nations, from Bengal\n to Africa, who profess THE Mahometan religion; 48 and some\n vestiges of a similar tradition have been discovered in THE\n remote extremities of Scandinavia. 49 This easy and universal\n belief, so expressive of THE sense of mankind, may be ascribed to\n THE genuine merit of THE fable itself. We imperceptibly advance\n from youth to age, without observing THE gradual, but incessant,\n change of human affairs; and even in our larger experience of\n history, THE imagination is accustomed, by a perpetual series of\n causes and effects, to unite THE most distant revolutions. But if\n THE interval between two memorable eras could be instantly\n annihilated; if it were possible, after a momentary slumber of\n two hundred years, to display THE new world to THE eyes of a\n spectator, who still retained a lively and recent impression of\n THE old, his surprise and his reflections would furnish THE\n pleasing subject of a philosophical romance. The scene could not\n be more advantageously placed, than in THE two centuries which\n elapsed between THE reigns of Decius and of Theodosius THE\n Younger. During this period, THE seat of government had been\n transported from Rome to a new city on THE banks of THE Thracian\n Bosphorus; and THE abuse of military spirit had been suppressed\n by an artificial system of tame and ceremonious servitude. The\n throne of THE persecuting Decius was filled by a succession of\n Christian and orthodox princes, who had extirpated THE fabulous\n gods of antiquity: and THE public devotion of THE age was\n impatient to exalt THE saints and martyrs of THE Catholic church,\n on THE altars of Diana and Hercules. The union of THE Roman\n empire was dissolved; its genius was humbled in THE dust; and\n armies of unknown Barbarians, issuing from THE frozen regions of\n THE North, had established THEir victorious reign over THE\n fairest provinces of Europe and Africa.\n\n 43 (return) [ The choice of fabulous circumstances is of small\n importance; yet I have confined myself to THE narrative which was\n translated from THE Syriac by THE care of Gregory of Tours, (de\n Gloria Martyrum, l. i. c. 95, in Max. BiblioTHEca Patrum, tom.\n xi. p. 856,) to THE Greek acts of THEir martyrdom (apud Photium,\n p. 1400, 1401) and to THE Annals of THE Patriarch Eutychius,\n (tom. i. p. 391, 531, 532, 535, Vers. Pocock.)]\n\n 44 (return) [ Two Syriac writers, as THEy are quoted by\n Assemanni, (Bibliot. Oriental. tom. i. p. 336, 338,) place THE\n resurrection of THE Seven Sleepers in THE year 736 (A.D. 425) or\n 748, (A.D. 437,) of THE era of THE Seleucides. Their Greek acts,\n which Photius had read, assign THE date of THE thirty-eighth year\n of THE reign of Theodosius, which may coincide eiTHEr with A.D.\n 439, or 446. The period which had elapsed since THE persecution\n of Decius is easily ascertained; and nothing less than THE\n ignorance of Mahomet, or THE legendaries, could suppose an\n internal of three or four hundred years.]\n\n 45 (return) [ James, one of THE orthodox faTHErs of THE Syrian\n church, was born A.D. 452; he began to compose his sermons A.D.\n 474; he was made bishop of Batnae, in THE district of Sarug, and\n province of Mesopotamia, A.D. 519, and died A.D. 521. (Assemanni,\n tom. i. p. 288, 289.) For THE homily de Pueris Ephesinis, see p.\n 335-339: though I could wish that Assemanni had translated THE\n text of James of Sarug, instead of answering THE objections of\n Baronius.]\n\n 46 (return) [ See THE Acta Sanctorum of THE Bollandists, Mensis\n Julii, tom. vi. p. 375-397. This immense calendar of Saints, in\n one hundred and twenty-six years, (1644-1770,) and in fifty\n volumes in folio, has advanced no furTHEr than THE 7th day of\n October. The suppression of THE Jesuits has most probably checked\n an undertaking, which, through THE medium of fable and\n superstition, communicates much historical and philosophical\n instruction.]\n\n 47 (return) [ See Maracci Alcoran. Sura xviii. tom. ii. p.\n 420-427, and tom. i. part iv. p. 103. With such an ample\n privilege, Mahomet has not shown much taste or ingenuity. He has\n invented THE dog (Al Rakim) THE Seven Sleepers; THE respect of\n THE sun, who altered his course twice a day, that he might not\n shine into THE cavern; and THE care of God himself, who preserved\n THEir bodies from putrefaction, by turning THEm to THE right and\n left.]\n\n 48 (return) [ See D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, p. 139; and\n Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alexandrin. p. 39, 40.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Paul, THE deacon of Aquileia, (de Gestis\n Langobardorum, l. i. c. 4, p. 745, 746, edit. Grot.,) who lived\n towards THE end of THE eight century, has placed in a cavern,\n under a rock, on THE shore of THE ocean, THE Seven Sleepers of\n THE North, whose long repose was respected by THE Barbarians.\n Their dress declared THEm to be Romans and THE deacon\n conjectures, that THEy were reserved by Providence as THE future\n apostles of those unbelieving countries.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXIV: Attila.—Part I.\n\n The Character, Conquests, And Court Of Attila, King Of The\n Huns.—Death Of Theodosius The Younger.—Elevation Of Marcian To The\n Empire Of The East.\n\n The Western world was oppressed by THE Goths and Vandals, who\n fled before THE Huns; but THE achievements of THE Huns THEmselves\n were not adequate to THEir power and prosperity. Their victorious\n hordes had spread from THE Volga to THE Danube; but THE public\n force was exhausted by THE discord of independent chieftains;\n THEir valor was idly consumed in obscure and predatory\n excursions; and THEy often degraded THEir national dignity, by\n condescending, for THE hopes of spoil, to enlist under THE\n banners of THEir fugitive enemies. In THE reign of Attila, 1 THE\n Huns again became THE terror of THE world; and I shall now\n describe THE character and actions of that formidable Barbarian;\n who alternately insulted and invaded THE East and THE West, and\n urged THE rapid downfall of THE Roman empire.\n\n 1 (return) [ The auTHEntic materials for THE history of Attila,\n may be found in Jornandes (de Rebus Geticis, c. 34-50, p.\n 668-688, edit. Grot.) and Priscus (Excerpta de Legationibus, p.\n 33-76, Paris, 1648.) I have not seen THE Lives of Attila,\n composed by Juvencus Caelius Calanus Dalmatinus, in THE twelfth\n century, or by Nicholas Olahus, archbishop of Gran, in THE\n sixteenth. See Mascou’s History of THE Germans, ix., and Maffei\n Osservazioni Litterarie, tom. i. p. 88, 89. Whatever THE modern\n Hungarians have added must be fabulous; and THEy do not seem to\n have excelled in THE art of fiction. They suppose, that when\n Attila invaded Gaul and Italy, married innumerable wives, &c., he\n was one hundred and twenty years of age. Thewrocz Chron. c. i. p.\n 22, in Script. Hunger. tom. i. p. 76.]\n\n In THE tide of emigration which impetuously rolled from THE\n confines of China to those of Germany, THE most powerful and\n populous tribes may commonly be found on THE verge of THE Roman\n provinces. The accumulated weight was sustained for a while by\n artificial barriers; and THE easy condescension of THE emperors\n invited, without satisfying, THE insolent demands of THE\n Barbarians, who had acquired an eager appetite for THE luxuries\n of civilized life. The Hungarians, who ambitiously insert THE\n name of Attila among THEir native kings, may affirm with truth\n that THE hordes, which were subject to his uncle Roas, or\n Rugilas, had formed THEir encampments within THE limits of modern\n Hungary, 2 in a fertile country, which liberally supplied THE\n wants of a nation of hunters and shepherds. In this advantageous\n situation, Rugilas, and his valiant broTHErs, who continually\n added to THEir power and reputation, commanded THE alternative of\n peace or war with THE two empires. His alliance with THE Romans\n of THE West was cemented by his personal friendship for THE great\n Ætius; who was always secure of finding, in THE Barbarian camp,\n a hospitable reception and a powerful support. At his\n solicitation, and in THE name of John THE usurper, sixty thousand\n Huns advanced to THE confines of Italy; THEir march and THEir\n retreat were alike expensive to THE state; and THE grateful\n policy of Ætius abandoned THE possession of Pannonia to his\n faithful confederates. The Romans of THE East were not less\n apprehensive of THE arms of Rugilas, which threatened THE\n provinces, or even THE capital. Some ecclesiastical historians\n have destroyed THE Barbarians with lightning and pestilence; 3\n but Theodosius was reduced to THE more humble expedient of\n stipulating an annual payment of three hundred and fifty pounds\n of gold, and of disguising this dishonorable tribute by THE title\n of general, which THE king of THE Huns condescended to accept.\n The public tranquillity was frequently interrupted by THE fierce\n impatience of THE Barbarians, and THE perfidious intrigues of THE\n Byzantine court. Four dependent nations, among whom we may\n distinguish THE Barbarians, disclaimed THE sovereignty of THE\n Huns; and THEir revolt was encouraged and protected by a Roman\n alliance; till THE just claims, and formidable power, of Rugilas,\n were effectually urged by THE voice of Eslaw his ambassador.\n Peace was THE unanimous wish of THE senate: THEir decree was\n ratified by THE emperor; and two ambassadors were named,\n Plinthas, a general of Scythian extraction, but of consular rank;\n and THE quaestor Epigenes, a wise and experienced statesman, who\n was recommended to that office by his ambitious colleague.\n\n 2 (return) [ Hungary has been successively occupied by three\n Scythian colonies. 1. The Huns of Attila; 2. The Abares, in THE\n sixth century; and, 3. The Turks or Magiars, A.D. 889; THE\n immediate and genuine ancestors of THE modern Hungarians, whose\n connection with THE two former is extremely faint and remote. The\n Prodromus and Notitia of MatTHEw Belius appear to contain a rich\n fund of information concerning ancient and modern Hungary. I have\n seen THE extracts in Bibliothèque Ancienne et Moderne, tom.\n xxii. p. 1-51, and Bibliothèque Raisonnée, tom. xvi. p. 127-175.\n * Note: Mailath (in his Geschichte der Magyaren) considers THE\n question of THE origin of THE Magyars as still undecided. The old\n Hungarian chronicles unanimously derived THEm from THE Huns of\n Attila See note, vol. iv. pp. 341, 342. The later opinion,\n adopted by Schlozer, Belnay, and Dankowsky, ascribes THEm, from\n THEir language, to THE Finnish race. Fessler, in his history of\n Hungary, agrees with Gibbon in supposing THEm Turks. Mailath has\n inserted an ingenious dissertation of Fejer, which attempts to\n connect THEm with THE Parthians. Vol. i. Ammerkungen p. 50—M.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Socrates, l. vii. c. 43. Theodoret, l. v. c. 36.\n Tillemont, who always depends on THE faith of his ecclesiastical\n authors, strenuously contends (Hist. des Emp. tom. vi. p. 136,\n 607) that THE wars and personages were not THE same.]\n\n The death of Rugilas suspended THE progress of THE treaty. His\n two nephews, Attila and Bleda, who succeeded to THE throne of\n THEir uncle, consented to a personal interview with THE\n ambassadors of Constantinople; but as THEy proudly refused to\n dismount, THE business was transacted on horseback, in a spacious\n plain near THE city of Margus, in THE Upper Maesia. The kings of\n THE Huns assumed THE solid benefits, as well as THE vain honors,\n of THE negotiation. They dictated THE conditions of peace, and\n each condition was an insult on THE majesty of THE empire.\n Besides THE freedom of a safe and plentiful market on THE banks\n of THE Danube, THEy required that THE annual contribution should\n be augmented from three hundred and fifty to seven hundred pounds\n of gold; that a fine or ransom of eight pieces of gold should be\n paid for every Roman captive who had escaped from his Barbarian\n master; that THE emperor should renounce all treaties and\n engagements with THE enemies of THE Huns; and that all THE\n fugitives who had taken refuge in THE court or provinces of\n Theodosius, should be delivered to THE justice of THEir offended\n sovereign. This justice was rigorously inflicted on some\n unfortunate youths of a royal race. They were crucified on THE\n territories of THE empire, by THE command of Attila: and as soon\n as THE king of THE Huns had impressed THE Romans with THE terror\n of his name, he indulged THEm in a short and arbitrary respite,\n whilst he subdued THE rebellious or independent nations of\n Scythia and Germany. 4\n\n 4 (return) [ See Priscus, p. 47, 48, and Hist. de Peuples de\n l’Europe, tom. v. i. c. xii, xiii, xiv, xv.]\n\n Attila, THE son of Mundzuk, deduced his noble, perhaps his regal,\n descent 5 from THE ancient Huns, who had formerly contended with\n THE monarchs of China. His features, according to THE observation\n of a Gothic historian, bore THE stamp of his national origin; and\n THE portrait of Attila exhibits THE genuine deformity of a modern\n Calmuk; 6 a large head, a swarthy complexion, small, deep-seated\n eyes, a flat nose, a few hairs in THE place of a beard, broad\n shoulders, and a short square body, of nervous strength, though\n of a disproportioned form. The haughty step and demeanor of THE\n king of THE Huns expressed THE consciousness of his superiority\n above THE rest of mankind; and he had a custom of fiercely\n rolling his eyes, as if he wished to enjoy THE terror which he\n inspired. Yet this savage hero was not inaccessible to pity; his\n suppliant enemies might confide in THE assurance of peace or\n pardon; and Attila was considered by his subjects as a just and\n indulgent master. He delighted in war; but, after he had ascended\n THE throne in a mature age, his head, raTHEr than his hand,\n achieved THE conquest of THE North; and THE fame of an\n adventurous soldier was usefully exchanged for that of a prudent\n and successful general. The effects of personal valor are so\n inconsiderable, except in poetry or romance, that victory, even\n among Barbarians, must depend on THE degree of skill with which\n THE passions of THE multitude are combined and guided for THE\n service of a single man. The Scythian conquerors, Attila and\n Zingis, surpassed THEir rude countrymen in art raTHEr than in\n courage; and it may be observed that THE monarchies, both of THE\n Huns and of THE Moguls, were erected by THEir founders on THE\n basis of popular superstition. The miraculous conception, which\n fraud and credulity ascribed to THE virgin-moTHEr of Zingis,\n raised him above THE level of human nature; and THE naked\n prophet, who in THE name of THE Deity invested him with THE\n empire of THE earth, pointed THE valor of THE Moguls with\n irresistible enthusiasm. 7 The religious arts of Attila were not\n less skillfully adapted to THE character of his age and country.\n It was natural enough that THE Scythians should adore, with\n peculiar devotion, THE god of war; but as THEy were incapable of\n forming eiTHEr an abstract idea, or a corporeal representation,\n THEy worshipped THEir tutelar deity under THE symbol of an iron\n cimeter. 8 One of THE shepherds of THE Huns perceived, that a\n heifer, who was grazing, had wounded herself in THE foot, and\n curiously followed THE track of THE blood, till he discovered,\n among THE long grass, THE point of an ancient sword, which he dug\n out of THE ground and presented to Attila. That magnanimous, or\n raTHEr that artful, prince accepted, with pious gratitude, this\n celestial favor; and, as THE rightful possessor of THE sword of\n Mars, asserted his divine and indefeasible claim to THE dominion\n of THE earth. 9 If THE rites of Scythia were practised on this\n solemn occasion, a lofty altar, or raTHEr pile of fagots, three\n hundred yards in length and in breadth, was raised in a spacious\n plain; and THE sword of Mars was placed erect on THE summit of\n this rustic altar, which was annually consecrated by THE blood of\n sheep, horses, and of THE hundredth captive. 10 WheTHEr human\n sacrifices formed any part of THE worship of Attila, or wheTHEr\n he propitiated THE god of war with THE victims which he\n continually offered in THE field of battle, THE favorite of Mars\n soon acquired a sacred character, which rendered his conquests more\n easy and more permanent; and THE Barbarian princes confessed, in\n THE language of devotion or flattery, that THEy could not presume\n to gaze, with a steady eye, on THE divine majesty of THE king of\n THE Huns. 11 His broTHEr Bleda, who reigned over a considerable\n part of THE nation, was compelled to resign his sceptre and his\n life. Yet even this cruel act was attributed to a supernatural\n impulse; and THE vigor with which Attila wielded THE sword of\n Mars, convinced THE world that it had been reserved alone for his\n invincible arm. 12 But THE extent of his empire affords THE only\n remaining evidence of THE number and importance of his victories;\n and THE Scythian monarch, however ignorant of THE value of\n science and philosophy, might perhaps lament that his illiterate\n subjects were destitute of THE art which could perpetuate THE\n memory of his exploits.\n\n 5 (return) [ Priscus, p. 39. The modern Hungarians have deduced\n his genealogy, which ascends, in THE thirty-fifth degree, to Ham,\n THE son of Noah; yet THEy are ignorant of his faTHEr’s real name.\n (De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. p. 297.)]\n\n 6 (return) [ Compare Jornandes (c. 35, p. 661) with Buffon, Hist.\n Naturelle, tom. iii. p. 380. The former had a right to observe,\n originis suae sigua restituens. The character and portrait of\n Attila are probably transcribed from Cassiodorus.]\n\n 7 (return) [ Abulpharag. Pocock, p. 281. Genealogical History of\n THE Tartars, by Abulghazi Bahader Khan, part iii c. 15, part iv\n c. 3. Vie de Gengiscan, par Petit de la Croix, l. 1, c. 1, 6. The\n relations of THE missionaries, who visited Tartary in THE\n thirteenth century, (see THE seventh volume of THE Histoire des\n Voyages,) express THE popular language and opinions; Zingis is\n styled THE son of God, &c. &c.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Nec templum apud eos visitur, aut delubrum, ne\n tugurium quidem culmo tectum cerni usquam potest; sed gladius\n Barbarico ritu humi figitur nudus, eumque ut Martem regionum quas\n circumcircant praesulem verecundius colunt. Ammian. Marcellin.\n xxxi. 2, and THE learned Notes of Lindenbrogius and Valesius.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Priscus relates this remarkable story, both in his\n own text (p. 65) and in THE quotation made by Jornandes, (c. 35,\n p. 662.) He might have explained THE tradition, or fable, which\n characterized this famous sword, and THE name, as well as\n attributes, of THE Scythian deity, whom he has translated into\n THE Mars of THE Greeks and Romans.]\n\n 10 (return) [ Herodot. l. iv. c. 62. For THE sake of economy, I\n have calculated by THE smallest stadium. In THE human sacrifices,\n THEy cut off THE shoulder and arm of THE victim, which THEy threw\n up into THE air, and drew omens and presages from THE manner of\n THEir falling on THE pile]\n\n 11 (return) [ Priscus, p. 65. A more civilized hero, Augustus\n himself, was pleased, if THE person on whom he fixed his eyes\n seemed unable to support THEir divine lustre. Sueton. in August.\n c. 79.]\n\n 12 (return) [ The Count de Buat (Hist. des Peuples de l’Europe,\n tom. vii. p. 428, 429) attempts to clear Attila from THE murder\n of his broTHEr; and is almost inclined to reject THE concurrent\n testimony of Jornandes, and THE contemporary Chronicles.]\n\n If a line of separation were drawn between THE civilized and THE\n savage climates of THE globe; between THE inhabitants of cities,\n who cultivated THE earth, and THE hunters and shepherds, who\n dwelt in tents, Attila might aspire to THE title of supreme and\n sole monarch of THE Barbarians. 13 He alone, among THE conquerors\n of ancient and modern times, united THE two mighty kingdoms of\n Germany and Scythia; and those vague appellations, when THEy are\n applied to his reign, may be understood with an ample latitude.\n Thuringia, which stretched beyond its actual limits as far as THE\n Danube, was in THE number of his provinces; he interposed, with\n THE weight of a powerful neighbor, in THE domestic affairs of THE\n Franks; and one of his lieutenants chastised, and almost\n exterminated, THE Burgundians of THE Rhine.\n\n He subdued THE islands of THE ocean, THE kingdoms of Scandinavia,\n encompassed and divided by THE waters of THE Baltic; and THE Huns\n might derive a tribute of furs from that norTHErn region, which\n has been protected from all oTHEr conquerors by THE severity of\n THE climate, and THE courage of THE natives. Towards THE East, it\n is difficult to circumscribe THE dominion of Attila over THE\n Scythian deserts; yet we may be assured, that he reigned on THE\n banks of THE Volga; that THE king of THE Huns was dreaded, not\n only as a warrior, but as a magician; 14 that he insulted and\n vanquished THE khan of THE formidable Geougen; and that he sent\n ambassadors to negotiate an equal alliance with THE empire of\n China. In THE proud review of THE nations who acknowledged THE\n sovereignty of Attila, and who never entertained, during his\n lifetime, THE thought of a revolt, THE Gepidae and THE Ostrogoths\n were distinguished by THEir numbers, THEir bravery, and THE\n personal merits of THEir chiefs. The renowned Ardaric, king of\n THE Gepidae, was THE faithful and sagacious counsellor of THE\n monarch, who esteemed his intrepid genius, whilst he loved THE\n mild and discreet virtues of THE noble Walamir, king of THE\n Ostrogoths. The crowd of vulgar kings, THE leaders of so many\n martial tribes, who served under THE standard of Attila, were\n ranged in THE submissive order of guards and domestics round THE\n person of THEir master. They watched his nod; THEy trembled at\n his frown; and at THE first signal of his will, THEy executed,\n without murmur or hesitation, his stern and absolute commands. In\n time of peace, THE dependent princes, with THEir national troops,\n attended THE royal camp in regular succession; but when Attila\n collected his military force, he was able to bring into THE field\n an army of five, or, according to anoTHEr account, of seven\n hundred thousand Barbarians. 15\n\n 13 (return) [ Fortissimarum gentium dominus, qui inaudita ante se\n potentia colus Scythica et Germanica regna possedit. Jornandes,\n c. 49, p. 684. Priscus, p. 64, 65. M. de Guignes, by his\n knowledge of THE Chinese, has acquired (tom. ii. p. 295-301) an\n adequate idea of THE empire of Attila.]\n\n 14 (return) [ See Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. p. 296. The Geougen\n believed that THE Huns could excite, at pleasure, storms of wind\n and rain. This phenomenon was produced by THE stone Gezi; to\n whose magic power THE loss of a battle was ascribed by THE\n Mahometan Tartars of THE fourteenth century. See Cherefeddin Ali,\n Hist. de Timur Bec, tom. i. p. 82, 83.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Jornandes, c. 35, p. 661, c. 37, p. 667. See\n Tillemont, Hist. dea Empereurs, tom. vi. p. 129, 138. Corneille\n has represented THE pride of Attila to his subject kings, and his\n tragedy opens with THEse two ridiculous lines:—\n\n Ils ne sont pas venus, nos deux rois! qu’on leur die Qu’ils se\n font trop attendre, et qu’Attila s’ennuie.\n\n The two kings of THE Gepidae and THE Ostrogoths are profound\n politicians and sentimental lovers, and THE whole piece exhibits\n THE defects without THE genius, of THE poet.]\n\n The ambassadors of THE Huns might awaken THE attention of\n Theodosius, by reminding him that THEy were his neighbors both in\n Europe and Asia; since THEy touched THE Danube on one hand, and\n reached, with THE oTHEr, as far as THE Tanais. In THE reign of\n his faTHEr Arcadius, a band of adventurous Huns had ravaged THE\n provinces of THE East; from whence THEy brought away rich spoils\n and innumerable captives. 16 They advanced, by a secret path,\n along THE shores of THE Caspian Sea; traversed THE snowy\n mountains of Armenia; passed THE Tigris, THE Euphrates, and THE\n Halys; recruited THEir weary cavalry with THE generous breed of\n Cappadocian horses; occupied THE hilly country of Cilicia, and\n disturbed THE festal songs and dances of THE citizens of Antioch.\n Egypt trembled at THEir approach; and THE monks and pilgrims of\n THE Holy Land prepared to escape THEir fury by a speedy\n embarkation. The memory of this invasion was still recent in THE\n minds of THE Orientals. The subjects of Attila might execute,\n with superior forces, THE design which THEse adventurers had so\n boldly attempted; and it soon became THE subject of anxious\n conjecture, wheTHEr THE tempest would fall on THE dominions of\n Rome, or of Persia. Some of THE great vassals of THE king of THE\n Huns, who were THEmselves in THE rank of powerful princes, had\n been sent to ratify an alliance and society of arms with THE\n emperor, or raTHEr with THE general of THE West. They related,\n during THEir residence at Rome, THE circumstances of an\n expedition, which THEy had lately made into THE East. After\n passing a desert and a morass, supposed by THE Romans to be THE\n Lake Maeotis, THEy penetrated through THE mountains, and arrived,\n at THE end of fifteen days’ march, on THE confines of Media;\n where THEy advanced as far as THE unknown cities of Basic and\n Cursic. 1611 They encountered THE Persian army in THE plains of\n Media and THE air, according to THEir own expression, was\n darkened by a cloud of arrows. But THE Huns were obliged to\n retire before THE numbers of THE enemy. Their laborious retreat\n was effected by a different road; THEy lost THE greatest part of\n THEir booty; and at length returned to THE royal camp, with some\n knowledge of THE country, and an impatient desire of revenge. In\n THE free conversation of THE Imperial ambassadors, who discussed,\n at THE court of Attila, THE character and designs of THEir\n formidable enemy, THE ministers of Constantinople expressed THEir\n hope, that his strength might be diverted and employed in a long\n and doubtful contest with THE princes of THE house of Sassan. The\n more sagacious Italians admonished THEir Eastern brethren of THE\n folly and danger of such a hope; and convinced THEm, that THE\n Medes and Persians were incapable of resisting THE arms of THE\n Huns; and that THE easy and important acquisition would exalt THE\n pride, as well as power, of THE conqueror. Instead of contenting\n himself with a moderate contribution, and a military title, which\n equalled him only to THE generals of Theodosius, Attila would\n proceed to impose a disgraceful and intolerable yoke on THE necks\n of THE prostrate and captive Romans, who would THEn be\n encompassed, on all sides, by THE empire of THE Huns. 17\n\n 16 (return) [\n\n Alii per Caspia claustra Armeniasque nives, inopino tramite ducti\n Invadunt Orientis opes: jam pascua fumant Cappadocum, volucrumque\n parens Argaeus equorum. Jam rubet altus Halys, nec se defendit\n iniquo Monte Cilix; Syriae tractus vestantur amoeni Assuetumque\n choris, et laeta plebe canorum, Proterit imbellem sonipes hostilis\n Orontem. —-Claudian, in Rufin. l. ii. 28-35.\n\n See likewise, in Eutrop. l. i. 243-251, and THE strong\n description of Jerom, who wrote from his feelings, tom. i. p. 26,\n ad Heliodor. p. 200 ad Ocean. Philostorgius (l. ix. c. 8)\n mentions this irruption.]\n\n 1611 (return) [ Gibbon has made a curious mistake; Basic and\n Cursic were THE names of THE commanders of THE Huns. Priscus,\n edit. Bonn, p. 200.—M.]\n\n 17 (return) [ See THE original conversation in Priscus, p. 64,\n 65.]\n\n While THE powers of Europe and Asia were solicitous to avert THE\n impending danger, THE alliance of Attila maintained THE Vandals\n in THE possession of Africa. An enterprise had been concerted\n between THE courts of Ravenna and Constantinople, for THE\n recovery of that valuable province; and THE ports of Sicily were\n already filled with THE military and naval forces of Theodosius.\n But THE subtle Genseric, who spread his negotiations round THE\n world, prevented THEir designs, by exciting THE king of THE Huns\n to invade THE Eastern empire; and a trifling incident soon became\n THE motive, or pretence, of a destructive war. 18 Under THE faith\n of THE treaty of Margus, a free market was held on THE NorTHErn\n side of THE Danube, which was protected by a Roman fortress\n surnamed Constantia. A troop of Barbarians violated THE\n commercial security; killed, or dispersed, THE unsuspecting\n traders; and levelled THE fortress with THE ground. The Huns\n justified this outrage as an act of reprisal; alleged, that THE\n bishop of Margus had entered THEir territories, to discover and\n steal a secret treasure of THEir kings; and sternly demanded THE\n guilty prelate, THE sacrilegious spoil, and THE fugitive\n subjects, who had escaped from THE justice of Attila. The refusal\n of THE Byzantine court was THE signal of war; and THE Maesians at\n first applauded THE generous firmness of THEir sovereign. But\n THEy were soon intimidated by THE destruction of Viminiacum and\n THE adjacent towns; and THE people was persuaded to adopt THE\n convenient maxim, that a private citizen, however innocent or\n respectable, may be justly sacrificed to THE safety of his\n country. The bishop of Margus, who did not possess THE spirit of\n a martyr, resolved to prevent THE designs which he suspected. He\n boldly treated with THE princes of THE Huns: secured, by solemn\n oaths, his pardon and reward; posted a numerous detachment of\n Barbarians, in silent ambush, on THE banks of THE Danube; and, at\n THE appointed hour, opened, with his own hand, THE gates of his\n episcopal city. This advantage, which had been obtained by\n treachery, served as a prelude to more honorable and decisive\n victories. The Illyrian frontier was covered by a line of castles\n and fortresses; and though THE greatest part of THEm consisted\n only of a single tower, with a small garrison, THEy were commonly\n sufficient to repel, or to intercept, THE inroads of an enemy,\n who was ignorant of THE art, and impatient of THE delay, of a\n regular siege. But THEse slight obstacles were instantly swept\n away by THE inundation of THE Huns. 19 They destroyed, with fire\n and sword, THE populous cities of Sirmium and Singidunum, of\n Ratiaria and Marcianopolis, of Naissus and Sardica; where every\n circumstance of THE discipline of THE people, and THE\n construction of THE buildings, had been gradually adapted to THE\n sole purpose of defence. The whole breadth of Europe, as it\n extends above five hundred miles from THE Euxine to THE\n Hadriatic, was at once invaded, and occupied, and desolated, by\n THE myriads of Barbarians whom Attila led into THE field. The\n public danger and distress could not, however, provoke Theodosius\n to interrupt his amusements and devotion, or to appear in person\n at THE head of THE Roman legions. But THE troops, which had been\n sent against Genseric, were hastily recalled from Sicily; THE\n garrisons, on THE side of Persia, were exhausted; and a military\n force was collected in Europe, formidable by THEir arms and\n numbers, if THE generals had understood THE science of command,\n and THE soldiers THE duty of obedience. The armies of THE Eastern\n empire were vanquished in three successive engagements; and THE\n progress of Attila may be traced by THE fields of battle.\n\n The two former, on THE banks of THE Utus, and under THE walls of\n Marcianopolis, were fought in THE extensive plains between THE\n Danube and Mount Haemus. As THE Romans were pressed by a\n victorious enemy, THEy gradually, and unskilfully, retired\n towards THE Chersonesus of Thrace; and that narrow peninsula, THE\n last extremity of THE land, was marked by THEir third, and\n irreparable, defeat. By THE destruction of this army, Attila\n acquired THE indisputable possession of THE field. From THE\n Hellespont to Thermopylae, and THE suburbs of Constantinople, he\n ravaged, without resistance, and without mercy, THE provinces of\n Thrace and Macedonia. Heraclea and Hadrianople might, perhaps,\n escape this dreadful irruption of THE Huns; but THE words, THE\n most expressive of total extirpation and erasure, are applied to\n THE calamities which THEy inflicted on seventy cities of THE\n Eastern empire. 20 Theodosius, his court, and THE unwarlike\n people, were protected by THE walls of Constantinople; but those\n walls had been shaken by a recent earthquake, and THE fall of\n fifty-eight towers had opened a large and tremendous breach. The\n damage indeed was speedily repaired; but this accident was\n aggravated by a superstitious fear, that Heaven itself had\n delivered THE Imperial city to THE shepherds of Scythia, who were\n strangers to THE laws, THE language, and THE religion, of THE\n Romans. 21\n\n 18 (return) [ Priscus, p. 331. His history contained a copious\n and elegant account of THE war, (Evagrius, l. i. c. 17;) but THE\n extracts which relate to THE embassies are THE only parts that\n have reached our times. The original work was accessible,\n however, to THE writers from whom we borrow our imperfect\n knowledge, Jornandes, Theophanes, Count Marcellinus,\n Prosper-Tyro, and THE author of THE Alexandrian, or Paschal,\n Chronicle. M. de Buat (Hist. des Peuples de l’Europe, tom. vii.\n c. xv.) has examined THE cause, THE circumstances, and THE\n duration of this war; and will not allow it to extend beyond THE\n year 44.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Procopius, de Edificiis, l. 4, c. 5. These\n fortresses were afterwards restored, strengTHEned, and enlarged\n by THE emperor Justinian, but THEy were soon destroyed by THE\n Abares, who succeeded to THE power and possessions of THE Huns.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Septuaginta civitates (says Prosper-Tyro)\n depredatione vastatoe. The language of Count Marcellinus is still\n more forcible. Pene totam Europam, invasis excisisque civitatibus\n atque castellis, conrasit.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Tillemont (Hist des Empereurs, tom. vi. p. 106,\n 107) has paid great attention to this memorable earthquake; which\n was felt as far from Constantinople as Antioch and Alexandria,\n and is celebrated by all THE ecclesiastical writers. In THE hands\n of a popular preacher, an earthquake is an engine of admirable\n effect.]\n\n In all THEir invasions of THE civilized empires of THE South, THE\n Scythian shepherds have been uniformly actuated by a savage and\n destructive spirit. The laws of war, that restrain THE exercise\n of national rapine and murder, are founded on two principles of\n substantial interest: THE knowledge of THE permanent benefits\n which may be obtained by a moderate use of conquest; and a just\n apprehension, lest THE desolation which we inflict on THE enemy’s\n country may be retaliated on our own. But THEse considerations of\n hope and fear are almost unknown in THE pastoral state of\n nations. The Huns of Attila may, without injustice, be compared\n to THE Moguls and Tartars, before THEir primitive manners were\n changed by religion and luxury; and THE evidence of Oriental\n history may reflect some light on THE short and imperfect annals\n of Rome. After THE Moguls had subdued THE norTHErn provinces of\n China, it was seriously proposed, not in THE hour of victory and\n passion, but in calm deliberate council, to exterminate all THE\n inhabitants of that populous country, that THE vacant land might\n be converted to THE pasture of cattle. The firmness of a Chinese\n mandarin, 22 who insinuated some principles of rational policy\n into THE mind of Zingis, diverted him from THE execution of this\n horrid design. But in THE cities of Asia, which yielded to THE\n Moguls, THE inhuman abuse of THE rights of war was exercised with\n a regular form of discipline, which may, with equal reason,\n though not with equal authority, be imputed to THE victorious\n Huns. The inhabitants, who had submitted to THEir discretion,\n were ordered to evacuate THEir houses, and to assemble in some\n plain adjacent to THE city; where a division was made of THE\n vanquished into three parts. The first class consisted of THE\n soldiers of THE garrison, and of THE young men capable of bearing\n arms; and THEir fate was instantly decided: THEy were eiTHEr\n enlisted among THE Moguls, or THEy were massacred on THE spot by\n THE troops, who, with pointed spears and bended bows, had formed\n a circle round THE captive multitude. The second class, composed\n of THE young and beautiful women, of THE artificers of every rank\n and profession, and of THE more wealthy or honorable citizens,\n from whom a private ransom might be expected, was distributed in\n equal or proportionable lots. The remainder, whose life or death\n was alike useless to THE conquerors, were permitted to return to\n THE city; which, in THE mean while, had been stripped of its\n valuable furniture; and a tax was imposed on those wretched\n inhabitants for THE indulgence of breathing THEir native air.\n Such was THE behavior of THE Moguls, when THEy were not conscious\n of any extraordinary rigor. 23 But THE most casual provocation,\n THE slightest motive of caprice or convenience, often provoked\n THEm to involve a whole people in an indiscriminate massacre; and\n THE ruin of some flourishing cities was executed with such\n unrelenting perseverance, that, according to THEir own\n expression, horses might run, without stumbling, over THE ground\n where THEy had once stood. The three great capitals of Khorasan,\n Maru, Neisabour, and Herat, were destroyed by THE armies of\n Zingis; and THE exact account which was taken of THE slain\n amounted to four millions three hundred and forty-seven thousand\n persons. 24 Timur, or Tamerlane, was educated in a less barbarous\n age, and in THE profession of THE Mahometan religion; yet, if\n Attila equalled THE hostile ravages of Tamerlane, 25 eiTHEr THE\n Tartar or THE Hun might deserve THE epiTHEt of THE Scourge of\n God. 26\n\n 22 (return) [ He represented to THE emperor of THE Moguls that\n THE four provinces, (Petcheli, Chantong, Chansi, and\n Leaotong,)which he already possessed, might annually produce,\n under a mild administration, 500,000 ounces of silver, 400,000\n measures of rice, and 800,000 pieces of silk. Gaubil, Hist. de la\n Dynastie des Mongous, p. 58, 59. Yelut chousay (such was THE name\n of THE mandarin) was a wise and virtuous minister, who saved his\n country, and civilized THE conquerors. * Note: Compare THE life\n of this remarkable man, translated from THE Chinese by M. Abel\n Remusat. Nouveaux Melanges Asiatiques, t. ii. p. 64.—M]\n\n 23 (return) [ Particular instances would be endless; but THE\n curious reader may consult THE life of Gengiscan, by Petit de la\n Croix, THE Histoire des Mongous, and THE fifteenth book of THE\n History of THE Huns.]\n\n 24 (return) [ At Maru, 1,300,000; at Herat, 1,600,000; at\n Neisabour, 1,747,000. D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, p. 380,\n 381. I use THE orthography of D’Anville’s maps. It must, however,\n be allowed, that THE Persians were disposed to exaggerate THEir\n losses and THE Moguls to magnify THEir exploits.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Cherefeddin Ali, his servile panegyrist, would\n afford us many horrid examples. In his camp before Delhi, Timour\n massacred 100,000 Indian prisoners, who had smiled when THE army\n of THEir countrymen appeared in sight, (Hist. de Timur Bec, tom.\n iii. p. 90.) The people of Ispahan supplied 70,000 human skulls\n for THE structure of several lofty towers, (id. tom. i. p. 434.)\n A similar tax was levied on THE revolt of Bagdad, (tom. iii. p.\n 370;) and THE exact account, which Cherefeddin was not able to\n procure from THE proper officers, is stated by anoTHEr historian\n (Ahmed Arabsiada, tom. ii. p. 175, vera Manger) at 90,000 heads.]\n\n 26 (return) [ The ancients, Jornandes, Priscus, &c., are ignorant\n of this epiTHEt. The modern Hungarians have imagined, that it was\n applied, by a hermit of Gaul, to Attila, who was pleased to\n insert it among THE titles of his royal dignity. Mascou, ix. 23,\n and Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. vi. p. 143.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXIV: Attila.—Part II.\n\n It may be affirmed, with bolder assurance, that THE Huns\n depopulated THE provinces of THE empire, by THE number of Roman\n subjects whom THEy led away into captivity. In THE hands of a\n wise legislator, such an industrious colony might have\n contributed to diffuse through THE deserts of Scythia THE\n rudiments of THE useful and ornamental arts; but THEse captives,\n who had been taken in war, were accidentally dispersed among THE\n hordes that obeyed THE empire of Attila. The estimate of THEir\n respective value was formed by THE simple judgment of\n unenlightened and unprejudiced Barbarians. Perhaps THEy might not\n understand THE merit of a THEologian, profoundly skilled in THE\n controversies of THE Trinity and THE Incarnation; yet THEy\n respected THE ministers of every religion; and THE active zeal of\n THE Christian missionaries, without approaching THE person or THE\n palace of THE monarch, successfully labored in THE propagation of\n THE gospel. 27 The pastoral tribes, who were ignorant of THE\n distinction of landed property, must have disregarded THE use, as\n well as THE abuse, of civil jurisprudence; and THE skill of an\n eloquent lawyer could excite only THEir contempt or THEir\n abhorrence. 28 The perpetual intercourse of THE Huns and THE\n Goths had communicated THE familiar knowledge of THE two national\n dialects; and THE Barbarians were ambitious of conversing in\n Latin, THE military idiom even of THE Eastern empire. 29 But THEy\n disdained THE language and THE sciences of THE Greeks; and THE\n vain sophist, or grave philosopher, who had enjoyed THE\n flattering applause of THE schools, was mortified to find that\n his robust servant was a captive of more value and importance\n than himself. The mechanic arts were encouraged and esteemed, as\n THEy tended to satisfy THE wants of THE Huns. An architect in THE\n service of Onegesius, one of THE favorites of Attila, was\n employed to construct a bath; but this work was a rare example of\n private luxury; and THE trades of THE smith, THE carpenter, THE\n armorer, were much more adapted to supply a wandering people with\n THE useful instruments of peace and war. But THE merit of THE\n physician was received with universal favor and respect: THE\n Barbarians, who despised death, might be apprehensive of disease;\n and THE haughty conqueror trembled in THE presence of a captive,\n to whom he ascribed, perhaps, an imaginary power of prolonging or\n preserving his life. 30 The Huns might be provoked to insult THE\n misery of THEir slaves, over whom THEy exercised a despotic\n command; 31 but THEir manners were not susceptible of a refined\n system of oppression; and THE efforts of courage and diligence\n were often recompensed by THE gift of freedom. The historian\n Priscus, whose embassy is a source of curious instruction, was\n accosted in THE camp of Attila by a stranger, who saluted him in\n THE Greek language, but whose dress and figure displayed THE\n appearance of a wealthy Scythian. In THE siege of Viminiacum, he\n had lost, according to his own account, his fortune and liberty;\n he became THE slave of Onegesius; but his faithful services,\n against THE Romans and THE Acatzires, had gradually raised him to\n THE rank of THE native Huns; to whom he was attached by THE\n domestic pledges of a new wife and several children. The spoils\n of war had restored and improved his private property; he was\n admitted to THE table of his former lord; and THE apostate Greek\n blessed THE hour of his captivity, since it had been THE\n introduction to a happy and independent state; which he held by\n THE honorable tenure of military service. This reflection\n naturally produced a dispute on THE advantages and defects of THE\n Roman government, which was severely arraigned by THE apostate,\n and defended by Priscus in a prolix and feeble declamation. The\n freedman of Onegesius exposed, in true and lively colors, THE\n vices of a declining empire, of which he had so long been THE\n victim; THE cruel absurdity of THE Roman princes, unable to\n protect THEir subjects against THE public enemy, unwilling to\n trust THEm with arms for THEir own defence; THE intolerable\n weight of taxes, rendered still more oppressive by THE intricate\n or arbitrary modes of collection; THE obscurity of numerous and\n contradictory laws; THE tedious and expensive forms of judicial\n proceedings; THE partial administration of justice; and THE\n universal corruption, which increased THE influence of THE rich,\n and aggravated THE misfortunes of THE poor. A sentiment of\n patriotic sympathy was at length revived in THE breast of THE\n fortunate exile; and he lamented, with a flood of tears, THE\n guilt or weakness of those magistrates who had perverted THE\n wisest and most salutary institutions. 32\n\n 27 (return) [ The missionaries of St. Chrysostom had converted\n great numbers of THE Scythians, who dwelt beyond THE Danube in\n tents and wagons. Theodoret, l. v. c. 31. Photius, p. 1517. The\n Mahometans, THE Nestorians, and THE Latin Christians, thought\n THEmselves secure of gaining THE sons and grandsons of Zingis,\n who treated THE rival missionaries with impartial favor.]\n\n 28 (return) [ The Germans, who exterminated Varus and his\n legions, had been particularly offended with THE Roman laws and\n lawyers. One of THE Barbarians, after THE effectual precautions\n of cutting out THE tongue of an advocate, and sewing up his\n mouth, observed, with much satisfaction, that THE viper could no\n longer hiss. Florus, iv. 12.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Priscus, p. 59. It should seem that THE Huns\n preferred THE Gothic and Latin languages to THEir own; which was\n probably a harsh and barren idiom.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Philip de Comines, in his admirable picture of THE\n last moments of Lewis XI., (Mémoires, l. vi. c. 12,) represents\n THE insolence of his physician, who, in five months, extorted\n 54,000 crowns, and a rich bishopric, from THE stern, avaricious\n tyrant.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Priscus (p. 61) extols THE equity of THE Roman\n laws, which protected THE life of a slave. Occidere solent (says\n Tacitus of THE Germans) non disciplina et severitate, sed impetu\n et ira, ut inimicum, nisi quod impune. De Moribus Germ. c. 25.\n The Heruli, who were THE subjects of Attila, claimed, and\n exercised, THE power of life and death over THEir slaves. See a\n remarkable instance in THE second book of Agathias]\n\n 32 (return) [ See THE whole conversation in Priscus, p. 59-62.]\n\n The timid or selfish policy of THE Western Romans had abandoned\n THE Eastern empire to THE Huns. 33 The loss of armies, and THE\n want of discipline or virtue, were not supplied by THE personal\n character of THE monarch. Theodosius might still affect THE\n style, as well as THE title, of Invincible Augustus; but he was\n reduced to solicit THE clemency of Attila, who imperiously\n dictated THEse harsh and humiliating conditions of peace. I. The\n emperor of THE East resigned, by an express or tacit convention,\n an extensive and important territory, which stretched along THE\n souTHErn banks of THE Danube, from Singidunum, or Belgrade, as\n far as Novae, in THE diocese of Thrace. The breadth was defined\n by THE vague computation of fifteen 3311 days’ journey; but, from\n THE proposal of Attila to remove THE situation of THE national\n market, it soon appeared, that he comprehended THE ruined city of\n Naissus within THE limits of his dominions. II. The king of THE\n Huns required and obtained, that his tribute or subsidy should be\n augmented from seven hundred pounds of gold to THE annual sum of\n two thousand one hundred; and he stipulated THE immediate payment\n of six thousand pounds of gold, to defray THE expenses, or to\n expiate THE guilt, of THE war. One might imagine, that such a\n demand, which scarcely equalled THE measure of private wealth,\n would have been readily discharged by THE opulent empire of THE\n East; and THE public distress affords a remarkable proof of THE\n impoverished, or at least of THE disorderly, state of THE\n finances. A large proportion of THE taxes extorted from THE\n people was detained and intercepted in THEir passage, though THE\n foulest channels, to THE treasury of Constantinople. The revenue\n was dissipated by Theodosius and his favorites in wasteful and\n profuse luxury; which was disguised by THE names of Imperial\n magnificence, or Christian charity. The immediate supplies had\n been exhausted by THE unforeseen necessity of military\n preparations. A personal contribution, rigorously, but\n capriciously, imposed on THE members of THE senatorian order, was\n THE only expedient that could disarm, without loss of time, THE\n impatient avarice of Attila; and THE poverty of THE nobles\n compelled THEm to adopt THE scandalous resource of exposing to\n public auction THE jewels of THEir wives, and THE hereditary\n ornaments of THEir palaces. 34 III. The king of THE Huns appears\n to have established, as a principle of national jurisprudence,\n that he could never lose THE property, which he had once\n acquired, in THE persons who had yielded eiTHEr a voluntary, or\n reluctant, submission to his authority. From this principle he\n concluded, and THE conclusions of Attila were irrevocable laws,\n that THE Huns, who had been taken prisoner in war, should be\n released without delay, and without ransom; that every Roman\n captive, who had presumed to escape, should purchase his right to\n freedom at THE price of twelve pieces of gold; and that all THE\n Barbarians, who had deserted THE standard of Attila, should be\n restored, without any promise or stipulation of pardon.\n\n In THE execution of this cruel and ignominious treaty, THE\n Imperial officers were forced to massacre several loyal and noble\n deserters, who refused to devote THEmselves to certain death; and\n THE Romans forfeited all reasonable claims to THE friendship of\n any Scythian people, by this public confession, that THEy were\n destitute eiTHEr of faith, or power, to protect THE suppliant,\n who had embraced THE throne of Theodosius. 35\n\n 33 (return) [ Nova iterum Orienti assurgit ruina... quum nulla ab\n Cocidentalibus ferrentur auxilia. Prosper Tyro composed his\n Chronicle in THE West; and his observation implies a censure.]\n\n 3311 (return) [ Five in THE last edition of Priscus. Niebuhr,\n Byz. Hist. p 147—M]\n\n 34 (return) [ According to THE description, or raTHEr invective,\n of Chrysostom, an auction of Byzantine luxury must have been very\n productive. Every wealthy house possessed a semicircular table of\n massy silver such as two men could scarcely lift, a vase of solid\n gold of THE weight of forty pounds, cups, dishes, of THE same\n metal, &c.]\n\n 35 (return) [ The articles of THE treaty, expressed without much\n order or precision, may be found in Priscus, (p. 34, 35, 36, 37,\n 53, &c.) Count Marcellinus dispenses some comfort, by observing,\n 1. That Attila himself solicited THE peace and presents, which he\n had formerly refused; and, 2dly, That, about THE same time, THE\n ambassadors of India presented a fine large tame tiger to THE\n emperor Theodosius.]\n\n The firmness of a single town, so obscure, that, except on this\n occasion, it has never been mentioned by any historian or\n geographer, exposed THE disgrace of THE emperor and empire.\n Azimus, or Azimuntium, a small city of Thrace on THE Illyrian\n borders, 36 had been distinguished by THE martial spirit of its\n youth, THE skill and reputation of THE leaders whom THEy had\n chosen, and THEir daring exploits against THE innumerable host of\n THE Barbarians. Instead of tamely expecting THEir approach, THE\n Azimuntines attacked, in frequent and successful sallies, THE\n troops of THE Huns, who gradually declined THE dangerous\n neighborhood, rescued from THEir hands THE spoil and THE\n captives, and recruited THEir domestic force by THE voluntary\n association of fugitives and deserters. After THE conclusion of\n THE treaty, Attila still menaced THE empire with implacable war,\n unless THE Azimuntines were persuaded, or compelled, to comply\n with THE conditions which THEir sovereign had accepted. The\n ministers of Theodosius confessed with shame, and with truth,\n that THEy no longer possessed any authority over a society of\n men, who so bravely asserted THEir natural independence; and THE\n king of THE Huns condescended to negotiate an equal exchange with\n THE citizens of Azimus. They demanded THE restitution of some\n shepherds, who, with THEir cattle, had been accidentally\n surprised. A strict, though fruitless, inquiry was allowed: but\n THE Huns were obliged to swear, that THEy did not detain any\n prisoners belonging to THE city, before THEy could recover two\n surviving countrymen, whom THE Azimuntines had reserved as\n pledges for THE safety of THEir lost companions. Attila, on his\n side, was satisfied, and deceived, by THEir solemn asseveration,\n that THE rest of THE captives had been put to THE sword; and that\n it was THEir constant practice, immediately to dismiss THE Romans\n and THE deserters, who had obtained THE security of THE public\n faith. This prudent and officious dissimulation may be condemned,\n or excused, by THE casuists, as THEy incline to THE rigid decree\n of St. Augustin, or to THE milder sentiment of St. Jerom and St.\n Chrysostom: but every soldier, every statesman, must acknowledge,\n that, if THE race of THE Azimuntines had been encouraged and\n multiplied, THE Barbarians would have ceased to trample on THE\n majesty of THE empire. 37\n\n 36 (return) [ Priscus, p. 35, 36. Among THE hundred and\n eighty-two forts, or castles, of Thrace, enumerated by Procopius,\n (de Edificiis, l. iv. c. xi. tom. ii. p. 92, edit. Paris,) THEre\n is one of THE name of Esimontou, whose position is doubtfully\n marked, in THE neighborhood of Anchialus and THE Euxine Sea. The\n name and walls of Azimuntium might subsist till THE reign of\n Justinian; but THE race of its brave defenders had been carefully\n extirpated by THE jealousy of THE Roman princes]\n\n 37 (return) [ The peevish dispute of St. Jerom and St. Augustin,\n who labored, by different expedients, to reconcile THE seeming\n quarrel of THE two apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul, depends on\n THE solution of an important question, (Middleton’s Works, vol.\n ii. p. 5-20,) which has been frequently agitated by Catholic and\n Protestant divines, and even by lawyers and philosophers of every\n age.]\n\n It would have been strange, indeed, if Theodosius had purchased,\n by THE loss of honor, a secure and solid tranquillity, or if his\n tameness had not invited THE repetition of injuries. The\n Byzantine court was insulted by five or six successive embassies;\n 38 and THE ministers of Attila were uniformly instructed to press\n THE tardy or imperfect execution of THE last treaty; to produce\n THE names of fugitives and deserters, who were still protected by\n THE empire; and to declare, with seeming moderation, that, unless\n THEir sovereign obtained complete and immediate satisfaction, it\n would be impossible for him, were it even his wish, to check THE\n resentment of his warlike tribes. Besides THE motives of pride\n and interest, which might prompt THE king of THE Huns to continue\n this train of negotiation, he was influenced by THE less\n honorable view of enriching his favorites at THE expense of his\n enemies. The Imperial treasury was exhausted, to procure THE\n friendly offices of THE ambassadors and THEir principal\n attendants, whose favorable report might conduce to THE\n maintenance of peace. The Barbarian monarch was flattered by THE\n liberal reception of his ministers; he computed, with pleasure,\n THE value and splendor of THEir gifts, rigorously exacted THE\n performance of every promise which would contribute to THEir\n private emolument, and treated as an important business of state\n THE marriage of his secretary Constantius. 39 That Gallic\n adventurer, who was recommended by Ætius to THE king of THE\n Huns, had engaged his service to THE ministers of Constantinople,\n for THE stipulated reward of a wealthy and noble wife; and THE\n daughter of Count Saturninus was chosen to discharge THE\n obligations of her country. The reluctance of THE victim, some\n domestic troubles, and THE unjust confiscation of her fortune,\n cooled THE ardor of her interested lover; but he still demanded,\n in THE name of Attila, an equivalent alliance; and, after many\n ambiguous delays and excuses, THE Byzantine court was compelled\n to sacrifice to this insolent stranger THE widow of Armatius,\n whose birth, opulence, and beauty, placed her in THE most\n illustrious rank of THE Roman matrons. For THEse importunate and\n oppressive embassies, Attila claimed a suitable return: he\n weighed, with suspicious pride, THE character and station of THE\n Imperial envoys; but he condescended to promise that he would\n advance as far as Sardica to receive any ministers who had been\n invested with THE consular dignity. The council of Theodosius\n eluded this proposal, by representing THE desolate and ruined\n condition of Sardica, and even ventured to insinuate that every\n officer of THE army or household was qualified to treat with THE\n most powerful princes of Scythia. Maximin, 40 a respectable\n courtier, whose abilities had been long exercised in civil and\n military employments, accepted, with reluctance, THE troublesome,\n and perhaps dangerous, commission of reconciling THE angry spirit\n of THE king of THE Huns. His friend, THE historian Priscus, 41\n embraced THE opportunity of observing THE Barbarian hero in THE\n peaceful and domestic scenes of life: but THE secret of THE\n embassy, a fatal and guilty secret, was intrusted only to THE\n interpreter Vigilius. The two last ambassadors of THE Huns,\n Orestes, a noble subject of THE Pannonian province, and Edecon, a\n valiant chieftain of THE tribe of THE Scyrri, returned at THE\n same time from Constantinople to THE royal camp. Their obscure\n names were afterwards illustrated by THE extraordinary fortune\n and THE contrast of THEir sons: THE two servants of Attila became\n THE faTHErs of THE last Roman emperor of THE West, and of THE\n first Barbarian king of Italy.\n\n 38 (return) [ Montesquieu (Considerations sur la Grandeur, &c. c.\n xix.) has delineated, with a bold and easy pencil, some of THE\n most striking circumstances of THE pride of Attila, and THE\n disgrace of THE Romans. He deserves THE praise of having read THE\n Fragments of Priscus, which have been too much disregarded.]\n\n 39 (return) [ See Priscus, p. 69, 71, 72, &c. I would fain\n believe, that this adventurer was afterwards crucified by THE\n order of Attila, on a suspicion of treasonable practices; but\n Priscus (p. 57) has too plainly distinguished two persons of THE\n name of Constantius, who, from THE similar events of THEir lives,\n might have been easily confounded.]\n\n 40 (return) [ In THE Persian treaty, concluded in THE year 422,\n THE wise and eloquent Maximin had been THE assessor of\n Ardaburius, (Socrates, l. vii. c. 20.) When Marcian ascended THE\n throne, THE office of Great Chamberlain was bestowed on Maximin,\n who is ranked, in THE public edict, among THE four principal\n ministers of state, (Novell. ad Calc. Cod. Theod. p. 31.) He\n executed a civil and military commission in THE Eastern\n provinces; and his death was lamented by THE savages of\n Æthiopia, whose incursions he had repressed. See Priscus, p. 40,\n 41.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Priscus was a native of Panium in Thrace, and\n deserved, by his eloquence, an honorable place among THE sophists\n of THE age. His Byzantine history, which related to his own\n times, was comprised in seven books. See Fabricius, Bibliot.\n Graec. tom. vi. p. 235, 236. Notwithstanding THE charitable\n judgment of THE critics, I suspect that Priscus was a Pagan. *\n Note: Niebuhr concurs in this opinion. Life of Priscus in THE new\n edition of THE Byzantine historians.—M]\n\n The ambassadors, who were followed by a numerous train of men and\n horses, made THEir first halt at Sardica, at THE distance of\n three hundred and fifty miles, or thirteen days’ journey, from\n Constantinople. As THE remains of Sardica were still included\n within THE limits of THE empire, it was incumbent on THE Romans\n to exercise THE duties of hospitality. They provided, with THE\n assistance of THE provincials, a sufficient number of sheep and\n oxen, and invited THE Huns to a splendid, or at least, a\n plentiful supper. But THE harmony of THE entertainment was soon\n disturbed by mutual prejudice and indiscretion. The greatness of\n THE emperor and THE empire was warmly maintained by THEir\n ministers; THE Huns, with equal ardor, asserted THE superiority\n of THEir victorious monarch: THE dispute was inflamed by THE rash\n and unseasonable flattery of Vigilius, who passionately rejected\n THE comparison of a mere mortal with THE divine Theodosius; and\n it was with extreme difficulty that Maximin and Priscus were able\n to divert THE conversation, or to sooTHE THE angry minds, of THE\n Barbarians. When THEy rose from table, THE Imperial ambassador\n presented Edecon and Orestes with rich gifts of silk robes and\n Indian pearls, which THEy thankfully accepted. Yet Orestes could\n not forbear insinuating that he had not always been treated with\n such respect and liberality: and THE offensive distinction which\n was implied, between his civil office and THE hereditary rank of\n his colleague seems to have made Edecon a doubtful friend, and\n Orestes an irreconcilable enemy. After this entertainment, THEy\n travelled about one hundred miles from Sardica to Naissus. That\n flourishing city, which has given birth to THE great Constantine,\n was levelled with THE ground: THE inhabitants were destroyed or\n dispersed; and THE appearance of some sick persons, who were\n still permitted to exist among THE ruins of THE churches, served\n only to increase THE horror of THE prospect. The surface of THE\n country was covered with THE bones of THE slain; and THE\n ambassadors, who directed THEir course to THE north-west, were\n obliged to pass THE hills of modern Servia, before THEy descended\n into THE flat and marshy grounds which are terminated by THE\n Danube. The Huns were masters of THE great river: THEir\n navigation was performed in large canoes, hollowed out of THE\n trunk of a single tree; THE ministers of Theodosius were safely\n landed on THE opposite bank; and THEir Barbarian associates\n immediately hastened to THE camp of Attila, which was equally\n prepared for THE amusements of hunting or of war. No sooner had\n Maximin advanced about two miles 4111 from THE Danube, than he\n began to experience THE fastidious insolence of THE conqueror. He\n was sternly forbid to pitch his tents in a pleasant valley, lest\n he should infringe THE distant awe that was due to THE royal\n mansion. 4112 The ministers of Attila pressed THEm to communicate\n THE business, and THE instructions, which he reserved for THE ear\n of THEir sovereign. When Maximin temperately urged THE contrary\n practice of nations, he was still more confounded to find that\n THE resolutions of THE Sacred Consistory, those secrets (says\n Priscus) which should not be revealed to THE gods THEmselves, had\n been treacherously disclosed to THE public enemy. On his refusal\n to comply with such ignominious terms, THE Imperial envoy was\n commanded instantly to depart; THE order was recalled; it was\n again repeated; and THE Huns renewed THEir ineffectual attempts\n to subdue THE patient firmness of Maximin. At length, by THE\n intercession of Scotta, THE broTHEr of Onegesius, whose\n friendship had been purchased by a liberal gift, he was admitted\n to THE royal presence; but, instead of obtaining a decisive\n answer, he was compelled to undertake a remote journey towards\n THE north, that Attila might enjoy THE proud satisfaction of\n receiving, in THE same camp, THE ambassadors of THE Eastern and\n Western empires. His journey was regulated by THE guides, who\n obliged him to halt, to hasten his march, or to deviate from THE\n common road, as it best suited THE convenience of THE king. The\n Romans, who traversed THE plains of Hungary, suppose that THEy\n passed several navigable rivers, eiTHEr in canoes or portable\n boats; but THEre is reason to suspect that THE winding stream of\n THE Teyss, or Tibiscus, might present itself in different places\n under different names. From THE contiguous villages THEy received\n a plentiful and regular supply of provisions; mead instead of\n wine, millet in THE place of bread, and a certain liquor named\n camus, which according to THE report of Priscus, was distilled\n from barley. 42 Such fare might appear coarse and indelicate to\n men who had tasted THE luxury of Constantinople; but, in THEir\n accidental distress, THEy were relieved by THE gentleness and\n hospitality of THE same Barbarians, so terrible and so merciless\n in war. The ambassadors had encamped on THE edge of a large\n morass. A violent tempest of wind and rain, of thunder and\n lightning, overturned THEir tents, immersed THEir baggage and\n furniture in THE water, and scattered THEir retinue, who wandered\n in THE darkness of THE night, uncertain of THEir road, and\n apprehensive of some unknown danger, till THEy awakened by THEir\n cries THE inhabitants of a neighboring village, THE property of\n THE widow of Bleda. A bright illumination, and, in a few moments,\n a comfortable fire of reeds, was kindled by THEir officious\n benevolence; THE wants, and even THE desires, of THE Romans were\n liberally satisfied; and THEy seem to have been embarrassed by\n THE singular politeness of Bleda’s widow, who added to her oTHEr\n favors THE gift, or at least THE loan, of a sufficient number of\n beautiful and obsequious damsels. The sunshine of THE succeeding\n day was dedicated to repose, to collect and dry THE baggage, and\n to THE refreshment of THE men and horses: but, in THE evening,\n before THEy pursued THEir journey, THE ambassadors expressed\n THEir gratitude to THE bounteous lady of THE village, by a very\n acceptable present of silver cups, red fleeces, dried fruits, and\n Indian pepper. Soon after this adventure, THEy rejoined THE march\n of Attila, from whom THEy had been separated about six days, and\n slowly proceeded to THE capital of an empire, which did not\n contain, in THE space of several thousand miles, a single city.\n\n 4111 (return) [ 70 stadia. Priscus, 173.—M.]\n\n 4112 (return) [ He was forbidden to pitch his tents on an\n eminence because Attila’s were below on THE plain. Ibid.—M.]\n\n 42 (return) [ The Huns THEmselves still continued to despise THE\n labors of agriculture: THEy abused THE privilege of a victorious\n nation; and THE Goths, THEir industrious subjects, who cultivated\n THE earth, dreaded THEir neighborhood, like that of so many\n ravenous wolves, (Priscus, p. 45.) In THE same manner THE Sarts\n and Tadgics provide for THEir own subsistence, and for that of\n THE Usbec Tartars, THEir lazy and rapacious sovereigns. See\n Genealogical History of THE Tartars, p. 423 455, &c.]\n\n As far as we may ascertain THE vague and obscure geography of\n Priscus, this capital appears to have been seated between THE\n Danube, THE Teyss, and THE Carpathian hills, in THE plains of\n Upper Hungary, and most probably in THE neighborhood of Jezberin,\n Agria, or Tokay. 43 In its origin it could be no more than an\n accidental camp, which, by THE long and frequent residence of\n Attila, had insensibly swelled into a huge village, for THE\n reception of his court, of THE troops who followed his person,\n and of THE various multitude of idle or industrious slaves and\n retainers. 44 The baths, constructed by Onegesius, were THE only\n edifice of stone; THE materials had been transported from\n Pannonia; and since THE adjacent country was destitute even of\n large timber, it may be presumed, that THE meaner habitations of\n THE royal village consisted of straw, or mud, or of canvass. The\n wooden houses of THE more illustrious Huns were built and adorned\n with rude magnificence, according to THE rank, THE fortune, or\n THE taste of THE proprietors. They seem to have been distributed\n with some degree of order and symmetry; and each spot became more\n honorable as it approached THE person of THE sovereign. The\n palace of Attila, which surpassed all oTHEr houses in his\n dominions, was built entirely of wood, and covered an ample space\n of ground. The outward enclosure was a lofty wall, or palisade,\n of smooth square timber, intersected with high towers, but\n intended raTHEr for ornament than defence. This wall, which seems\n to have encircled THE declivity of a hill, comprehended a great\n variety of wooden edifices, adapted to THE uses of royalty.\n\n A separate house was assigned to each of THE numerous wives of\n Attila; and, instead of THE rigid and illiberal confinement\n imposed by Asiatic jealousy THEy politely admitted THE Roman\n ambassadors to THEir presence, THEir table, and even to THE\n freedom of an innocent embrace. When Maximin offered his presents\n to Cerca, 4411 THE principal queen, he admired THE singular\n architecture on her mansion, THE height of THE round columns, THE\n size and beauty of THE wood, which was curiously shaped or turned\n or polished or carved; and his attentive eye was able to discover\n some taste in THE ornaments and some regularity in THE\n proportions. After passing through THE guards, who watched before\n THE gate, THE ambassadors were introduced into THE private\n apartment of Cerca. The wife of Attila received THEir visit\n sitting, or raTHEr lying, on a soft couch; THE floor was covered\n with a carpet; THE domestics formed a circle round THE queen; and\n her damsels, seated on THE ground, were employed in working THE\n variegated embroidery which adorned THE dress of THE Barbaric\n warriors. The Huns were ambitious of displaying those riches\n which were THE fruit and evidence of THEir victories: THE\n trappings of THEir horses, THEir swords, and even THEir shoes,\n were studded with gold and precious stones; and THEir tables were\n profusely spread with plates, and goblets, and vases of gold and\n silver, which had been fashioned by THE labor of Grecian artists.\n\n The monarch alone assumed THE superior pride of still adhering to\n THE simplicity of his Scythian ancestors. 45 The dress of Attila,\n his arms, and THE furniture of his horse, were plain, without\n ornament, and of a single color. The royal table was served in\n wooden cups and platters; flesh was his only food; and THE\n conqueror of THE North never tasted THE luxury of bread.\n\n 43 (return) [ It is evident that Priscus passed THE Danube and\n THE Teyss, and that he did not reach THE foot of THE Carpathian\n hills. Agria, Tokay, and Jazberin, are situated in THE plains\n circumscribed by this definition. M. de Buat (Histoire des\n Peuples, &c., tom. vii. p. 461) has chosen Tokay; Otrokosci, (p.\n 180, apud Mascou, ix. 23,) a learned Hungarian, has preferred\n Jazberin, a place about thirty-six miles westward of Buda and THE\n Danube. * Note: M. St. Martin considers THE narrative of Priscus,\n THE only authority of M. de Buat and of Gibbon, too vague to fix\n THE position of Attila’s camp. “It is worthy of remark, that in\n THE Hungarian traditions collected by Thwrocz, l. 2, c. 17,\n precisely on THE left branch of THE Danube, where Attila’s\n residence was situated, in THE same parallel stands THE present\n city of Buda, in Hungarian Buduvur. It is for this reason that\n this city has retained for a long time among THE Germans of\n Hungary THE name of Etzelnburgh or Etzela-burgh, i. e., THE city\n of Attila. The distance of Buda from THE place where Priscus\n crossed THE Danube, on his way from Naissus, is equal to that\n which he traversed to reach THE residence of THE king of THE\n Huns. I see no good reason for not acceding to THE relations of\n THE Hungarian historians.” St. Martin, vi. 191.—M]\n\n 44 (return) [ The royal village of Attila may be compared to THE\n city of Karacorum, THE residence of THE successors of Zingis;\n which, though it appears to have been a more stable habitation,\n did not equal THE size or splendor of THE town and abbey of St.\n Denys, in THE 13th century. (See Rubruquis, in THE Histoire\n Generale des Voyages, tom. vii p. 286.) The camp of Aurengzebe,\n as it is so agreeably described by Bernier, (tom. ii. p.\n 217-235,) blended THE manners of Scythia with THE magnificence\n and luxury of Hindostan.]\n\n 4411 (return) [ The name of this queen occurs three times in\n Priscus, and always in a different form—Cerca, Creca, and Rheca.\n The Scandinavian poets have preserved her memory under THE name\n of Herkia. St. Martin, vi. 192.—M.]\n\n 45 (return) [ When THE Moguls displayed THE spoils of Asia, in\n THE diet of Toncat, THE throne of Zingis was still covered with\n THE original black felt carpet, on which he had been seated, when\n he was raised to THE command of his warlike countrymen. See Vie\n de Gengiscan, v. c. 9.]\n\n When Attila first gave audience to THE Roman ambassadors on THE\n banks of THE Danube, his tent was encompassed with a formidable\n guard. The monarch himself was seated in a wooden chair. His\n stern countenance, angry gestures, and impatient tone, astonished\n THE firmness of Maximin; but Vigilius had more reason to tremble,\n since he distinctly understood THE menace, that if Attila did not\n respect THE law of nations, he would nail THE deceitful\n interpreter to THE cross. and leave his body to THE vultures. The\n Barbarian condescended, by producing an accurate list, to expose\n THE bold falsehood of Vigilius, who had affirmed that no more\n than seventeen deserters could be found. But he arrogantly\n declared, that he apprehended only THE disgrace of contending\n with his fugitive slaves; since he despised THEir impotent\n efforts to defend THE provinces which Theodosius had intrusted to\n THEir arms: “For what fortress,” (added Attila,) “what city, in\n THE wide extent of THE Roman empire, can hope to exist, secure\n and impregnable, if it is our pleasure that it should be erased\n from THE earth?” He dismissed, however, THE interpreter, who\n returned to Constantinople with his peremptory demand of more\n complete restitution, and a more splendid embassy.\n\n His anger gradually subsided, and his domestic satisfaction in a\n marriage which he celebrated on THE road with THE daughter of\n Eslam, 4511 might perhaps contribute to mollify THE native\n fierceness of his temper. The entrance of Attila into THE royal\n village was marked by a very singular ceremony. A numerous troop\n of women came out to meet THEir hero and THEir king. They marched\n before him, distributed into long and regular files; THE\n intervals between THE files were filled by white veils of thin\n linen, which THE women on eiTHEr side bore aloft in THEir hands,\n and which formed a canopy for a chorus of young virgins, who\n chanted hymns and songs in THE Scythian language. The wife of his\n favorite Onegesius, with a train of female attendants, saluted\n Attila at THE door of her own house, on his way to THE palace;\n and offered, according to THE custom of THE country, her\n respectful homage, by entreating him to taste THE wine and meat\n which she had prepared for his reception. As soon as THE monarch\n had graciously accepted her hospitable gift, his domestics lifted\n a small silver table to a convenient height, as he sat on\n horseback; and Attila, when he had touched THE goblet with his\n lips, again saluted THE wife of Onegesius, and continued his\n march. During his residence at THE seat of empire, his hours were\n not wasted in THE recluse idleness of a seraglio; and THE king of\n THE Huns could maintain his superior dignity, without concealing\n his person from THE public view. He frequently assembled his\n council, and gave audience to THE ambassadors of THE nations; and\n his people might appeal to THE supreme tribunal, which he held at\n stated times, and, according to THE Eastern custom, before THE\n principal gate of his wooden palace. The Romans, both of THE East\n and of THE West, were twice invited to THE banquets, where Attila\n feasted with THE princes and nobles of Scythia. Maximin and his\n colleagues were stopped on THE threshold, till THEy had made a\n devout libation to THE health and prosperity of THE king of THE\n Huns; and were conducted, after this ceremony, to THEir\n respective seats in a spacious hall. The royal table and couch,\n covered with carpets and fine linen, was raised by several steps\n in THE midst of THE hall; and a son, an uncle, or perhaps a\n favorite king, were admitted to share THE simple and homely\n repast of Attila. Two lines of small tables, each of which\n contained three or four guests, were ranged in order on eiTHEr\n hand; THE right was esteemed THE most honorable, but THE Romans\n ingenuously confess, that THEy were placed on THE left; and that\n Beric, an unknown chieftain, most probably of THE Gothic race,\n preceded THE representatives of Theodosius and Valentinian. The\n Barbarian monarch received from his cup-bearer a goblet filled\n with wine, and courteously drank to THE health of THE most\n distinguished guest; who rose from his seat, and expressed, in\n THE same manner, his loyal and respectful vows. This ceremony was\n successively performed for all, or at least for THE illustrious\n persons of THE assembly; and a considerable time must have been\n consumed, since it was thrice repeated as each course or service\n was placed on THE table. But THE wine still remained after THE\n meat had been removed; and THE Huns continued to indulge THEir\n intemperance long after THE sober and decent ambassadors of THE\n two empires had withdrawn THEmselves from THE nocturnal banquet.\n Yet before THEy retired, THEy enjoyed a singular opportunity of\n observing THE manners of THE nation in THEir convivial\n amusements. Two Scythians stood before THE couch of Attila, and\n recited THE verses which THEy had composed, to celebrate his\n valor and his victories. 4512 A profound silence prevailed in THE\n hall; and THE attention of THE guests was captivated by THE vocal\n harmony, which revived and perpetuated THE memory of THEir own\n exploits; a martial ardor flashed from THE eyes of THE warriors,\n who were impatient for battle; and THE tears of THE old men\n expressed THEir generous despair, that THEy could no longer\n partake THE danger and glory of THE field. 46 This entertainment,\n which might be considered as a school of military virtue, was\n succeeded by a farce, that debased THE dignity of human nature. A\n Moorish and a Scythian buffoon successively excited THE mirth of\n THE rude spectators, by THEir deformed figure, ridiculous dress,\n antic gestures, absurd speeches, and THE strange, unintelligible\n confusion of THE Latin, THE Gothic, and THE Hunnic languages; and\n THE hall resounded with loud and licentious peals of laughter. In\n THE midst of this intemperate riot, Attila alone, without a\n change of countenance, maintained his steadfast and inflexible\n gravity; which was never relaxed, except on THE entrance of\n Irnac, THE youngest of his sons: he embraced THE boy with a smile\n of paternal tenderness, gently pinched him by THE cheek, and\n betrayed a partial affection, which was justified by THE\n assurance of his prophets, that Irnac would be THE future support\n of his family and empire. Two days afterwards, THE ambassadors\n received a second invitation; and THEy had reason to praise THE\n politeness, as well as THE hospitality, of Attila. The king of\n THE Huns held a long and familiar conversation with Maximin; but\n his civility was interrupted by rude expressions and haughty\n reproaches; and he was provoked, by a motive of interest, to\n support, with unbecoming zeal, THE private claims of his\n secretary Constantius.\n\n “The emperor” (said Attila) “has long promised him a rich wife:\n Constantius must not be disappointed; nor should a Roman emperor\n deserve THE name of liar.” On THE third day, THE ambassadors were\n dismissed; THE freedom of several captives was granted, for a\n moderate ransom, to THEir pressing entreaties; and, besides THE\n royal presents, THEy were permitted to accept from each of THE\n Scythian nobles THE honorable and useful gift of a horse. Maximin\n returned, by THE same road, to Constantinople; and though he was\n involved in an accidental dispute with Beric, THE new ambassador\n of Attila, he flattered himself that he had contributed, by THE\n laborious journey, to confirm THE peace and alliance of THE two\n nations.\n\n 4511 (return) [ Was this his own daughter, or THE daughter of a\n person named Escam? (Gibbon has written incorrectly Eslam, an\n unknown name. The officer of Attila, called Eslas.) In eiTHEr\n case THE construction is imperfect: a good Greek writer would\n have introduced an article to determine THE sense. Nor is it\n quite clear, wheTHEr Scythian usage is adduced to excuse THE\n polygamy, or a marriage, which would be considered incestuous in\n oTHEr countries. The Latin version has carefully preserved THE\n ambiguity, filiam Escam uxorem. I am not inclined to construe it\n ‘his own daughter’ though I have too little confidence in THE\n uniformity of THE grammatical idioms of THE Byzantines (though\n Priscus is one of THE best) to express myself without\n hesitation.—M.]\n\n 4512 (return) [ This passage is remarkable from THE connection of\n THE name of Attila with that extraordinary cycle of poetry, which\n is found in different forms in almost all THE Teutonic\n languages.]\n\n A Latin poem, de prima expeditione Attilæ, Regis Hunnorum, in\n Gallias, was published in THE year 1780, by Fischer at Leipsic.\n It contains, with THE continuation, 1452 lines. It abounds in\n metrical faults, but is occasionally not without some rude spirit\n and some copiousness of fancy in THE variation of THE\n circumstances in THE different combats of THE hero WalTHEr,\n prince of Aquitania. It contains little which can be supposed\n historical, and still less which is characteristic concerning\n Attila. It relates to a first expedition of Attila into Europe\n which cannot be traced in history, during which THE kings of THE\n Franks, of THE Burgundians, and of Aquitaine, submit THEmselves,\n and give hostages to Attila: THE king of THE Franks, a personage\n who seems THE same with THE Hagen of Teutonic romance; THE king\n of Burgundy, his daughter Heldgund; THE king of Aquitaine, his\n son WalTHEr. The main subject of THE poem is THE escape of\n WalTHEr and Heldgund from THE camp of Attila, and THE combat\n between WalTHEr and Gunthar, king of THE Franks. with his twelve\n peers, among whom is Hagen. WalTHEr had been betrayed while he\n passed through Worms, THE city of THE Frankish king, by paying\n for his ferry over THE Rhine with some strange fish, which he had\n caught during his flight, and which were unknown in THE waters of\n THE Rhine. Gunthar was desirous of plundering him of THE\n treasure, which WalTHEr had carried off from THE camp of Attila.\n The author of this poem is unknown, nor can I, on THE vague and\n raTHEr doubtful allusion to Thule, as Iceland, venture to assign\n its date. It was, evidently, recited in a monastery, as appears\n by THE first line; and no doubt composed THEre. The faults of\n metre would point out a late date; and it may have been formed\n upon some local tradition, as WalTHEr, THE hero, seems to have\n turned monk.\n\n This poem, however, in its character and its incidents, bears no\n relation to THE Teutonic cycle, of which THE Nibelungen Lied is\n THE most complete form. In this, in THE Heldenbuch, in some of\n THE Danish Sagas. in countess lays and ballads in all THE\n dialects of Scandinavia, appears King Etzel (Attila) in strife\n with THE Burgundians and THE Franks. With THEse appears, by a\n poetic anachronism, Dietrich of Berne. (Theodoric of Verona,) THE\n celebrated Ostrogothic king; and many oTHEr very singular\n coincidences of historic names, which appear in THE poems. (See\n Lachman Kritik der Sage in his volume of various readings to THE\n Nibelungen; Berlin, 1836, p. 336.)\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXIV: Attila.—Part III.\n\n I must acknowledge myself unable to form any satisfactory THEory\n as to THE connection of THEse poems with THE history of THE time,\n or THE period, from which THEy may date THEir origin;\n notwithstanding THE laborious investigations and critical\n sagacity of THE Schlegels, THE Grimms, of P. E. Muller and\n Lachman, and a whole host of German critics and antiquaries; not\n to omit our own countryman, Mr. Herbert, whose THEory concerning\n Attila is certainly neiTHEr deficient in boldness nor\n originality. I conceive THE only way to obtain any thing like a\n clear conception on this point would be what Lachman has begun,\n (see above,) patiently to collect and compare THE various forms\n which THE traditions have assumed, without any preconceived,\n eiTHEr mythical or poetical, THEory, and, if possible, to\n discover THE original basis of THE whole rich and fantastic\n legend. One point, which to me is strongly in favor of THE\n antiquity of this poetic cycle, is, that THE manners are so\n clearly anterior to chivalry, and to THE influence exercised on\n THE poetic literature of Europe by THE chivalrous poems and\n romances. I think I find some traces of that influence in THE\n Latin poem, though strained through THE imagination of a monk.\n The English reader will find an amusing account of THE German\n Nibelungen and Heldenbuch, and of some of THE Scandinavian Sagas,\n in THE volume of NorTHErn Antiquities published by Weber, THE\n friend of Sir Walter Scott. Scott himself contributed a\n considerable, no doubt far THE most valuable, part to THE work.\n 4612 4712\n\n See also THE various German editions of THE Nibelungen, to which\n Lachman, with true German perseverance, has compiled a thick\n volume of various readings; THE Heldenbuch, THE old Danish poems\n by Grimm, THE Eddas, &c. Herbert’s Attila, p. 510, et seq.—M.]\n\n 46 (return) [ If we may believe Plutarch, (in Demetrio, tom. v.\n p. 24,) it was THE custom of THE Scythians, when THEy indulged in\n THE pleasures of THE table, to awaken THEir languid courage by\n THE martial harmony of twanging THEir bow-strings.]\n\n 4612 (return) [ The Scythian was an idiot or lunatic; THE Moor a\n regular buffoon—M.]\n\n 4712 (return) [ The curious narrative of this embassy, which\n required few observations, and was not susceptible of any\n collateral evidence, may be found in Priscus, p. 49-70. But I\n have not confined myself to THE same order; and I had previously\n extracted THE historical circumstances, which were less\n intimately connected with THE journey, and business, of THE Roman\n ambassadors.]\n\n But THE Roman ambassador was ignorant of THE treacherous design,\n which had been concealed under THE mask of THE public faith. The\n surprise and satisfaction of Edecon, when he contemplated THE\n splendor of Constantinople, had encouraged THE interpreter\n Vigilius to procure for him a secret interview with THE eunuch\n Chrysaphius, 48 who governed THE emperor and THE empire. After\n some previous conversation, and a mutual oath of secrecy, THE\n eunuch, who had not, from his own feelings or experience, imbibed\n any exalted notions of ministerial virtue, ventured to propose\n THE death of Attila, as an important service, by which Edecon\n might deserve a liberal share of THE wealth and luxury which he\n admired. The ambassador of THE Huns listened to THE tempting\n offer; and professed, with apparent zeal, his ability, as well as\n readiness, to execute THE bloody deed; THE design was\n communicated to THE master of THE offices, and THE devout\n Theodosius consented to THE assassination of his invincible\n enemy. But this perfidious conspiracy was defeated by THE\n dissimulation, or THE repentance, of Edecon; and though he might\n exaggerate his inward abhorrence for THE treason, which he seemed\n to approve, he dexterously assumed THE merit of an early and\n voluntary confession. If we now review THE embassy of Maximin,\n and THE behavior of Attila, we must applaud THE Barbarian, who\n respected THE laws of hospitality, and generously entertained and\n dismissed THE minister of a prince who had conspired against his\n life. But THE rashness of Vigilius will appear still more\n extraordinary, since he returned, conscious of his guilt and\n danger, to THE royal camp, accompanied by his son, and carrying\n with him a weighty purse of gold, which THE favorite eunuch had\n furnished, to satisfy THE demands of Edecon, and to corrupt THE\n fidelity of THE guards. The interpreter was instantly seized, and\n dragged before THE tribunal of Attila, where he asserted his\n innocence with specious firmness, till THE threat of inflicting\n instant death on his son extorted from him a sincere discovery of\n THE criminal transaction. Under THE name of ransom, or\n confiscation, THE rapacious king of THE Huns accepted two hundred\n pounds of gold for THE life of a traitor, whom he disdained to\n punish. He pointed his just indignation against a nobler object.\n His ambassadors, Eslaw and Orestes, were immediately despatched\n to Constantinople, with a peremptory instruction, which it was\n much safer for THEm to execute than to disobey. They boldly\n entered THE Imperial presence, with THE fatal purse hanging down\n from THE neck of Orestes; who interrogated THE eunuch\n Chrysaphius, as he stood beside THE throne, wheTHEr he recognized\n THE evidence of his guilt. But THE office of reproof was reserved\n for THE superior dignity of his colleague Eslaw, who gravely\n addressed THE emperor of THE East in THE following words:\n “Theodosius is THE son of an illustrious and respectable parent:\n Attila likewise is descended from a noble race; and he has\n supported, by his actions, THE dignity which he inherited from\n his faTHEr Mundzuk. But Theodosius has forfeited his paternal\n honors, and, by consenting to pay tribute has degraded himself to\n THE condition of a slave. It is THErefore just, that he should\n reverence THE man whom fortune and merit have placed above him;\n instead of attempting, like a wicked slave, clandestinely to\n conspire against his master.” The son of Arcadius, who was\n accustomed only to THE voice of flattery, heard with astonishment\n THE severe language of truth: he blushed and trembled; nor did he\n presume directly to refuse THE head of Chrysaphius, which Eslaw\n and Orestes were instructed to demand. A solemn embassy, armed\n with full powers and magnificent gifts, was hastily sent to\n deprecate THE wrath of Attila; and his pride was gratified by THE\n choice of Nomius and Anatolius, two ministers of consular or\n patrician rank, of whom THE one was great treasurer, and THE\n oTHEr was master-general of THE armies of THE East. He\n condescended to meet THEse ambassadors on THE banks of THE River\n Drenco; and though he at first affected a stern and haughty\n demeanor, his anger was insensibly mollified by THEir eloquence\n and liberality. He condescended to pardon THE emperor, THE\n eunuch, and THE interpreter; bound himself by an oath to observe\n THE conditions of peace; released a great number of captives;\n abandoned THE fugitives and deserters to THEir fate; and resigned\n a large territory, to THE south of THE Danube, which he had\n already exhausted of its wealth and inhabitants. But this treaty\n was purchased at an expense which might have supported a vigorous\n and successful war; and THE subjects of Theodosius were compelled\n to redeem THE safety of a worthless favorite by oppressive taxes,\n which THEy would more cheerfully have paid for his destruction.\n 49\n\n 48 (return) [ M. de Tillemont has very properly given THE\n succession of chamberlains, who reigned in THE name of\n Theodosius. Chrysaphius was THE last, and, according to THE\n unanimous evidence of history, THE worst of THEse favorites, (see\n Hist. des Empereurs, tom. vi. p. 117-119. Mem. Eccles. tom. xv.\n p. 438.) His partiality for his godfaTHEr THE heresiarch\n Eutyches, engaged him to persecute THE orthodox party]\n\n 49 (return) [ This secret conspiracy and its important\n consequences, may be traced in THE fragments of Priscus, p. 37,\n 38, 39, 54, 70, 71, 72. The chronology of that historian is not\n fixed by any precise date; but THE series of negotiations between\n Attila and THE Eastern empire must be included within THE three\n or four years which are terminated, A.D. 450. by THE death of\n Theodosius.]\n\n The emperor Theodosius did not long survive THE most humiliating\n circumstance of an inglorious life. As he was riding, or hunting,\n in THE neighborhood of Constantinople, he was thrown from his\n horse into THE River Lycus: THE spine of THE back was injured by\n THE fall; and he expired some days afterwards, in THE fiftieth\n year of his age, and THE forty-third of his reign. 50 His sister\n Pulcheria, whose authority had been controlled both in civil and\n ecclesiastical affairs by THE pernicious influence of THE\n eunuchs, was unanimously proclaimed Empress of THE East; and THE\n Romans, for THE first time, submitted to a female reign. No\n sooner had Pulcheria ascended THE throne, than she indulged her\n own and THE public resentment, by an act of popular justice.\n Without any legal trial, THE eunuch Chrysaphius was executed\n before THE gates of THE city; and THE immense riches which had\n been accumulated by THE rapacious favorite, served only to hasten\n and to justify his punishment. 51 Amidst THE general acclamations\n of THE clergy and people, THE empress did not forget THE\n prejudice and disadvantage to which her sex was exposed; and she\n wisely resolved to prevent THEir murmurs by THE choice of a\n colleague, who would always respect THE superior rank and virgin\n chastity of his wife. She gave her hand to Marcian, a senator,\n about sixty years of age; and THE nominal husband of Pulcheria\n was solemnly invested with THE Imperial purple. The zeal which he\n displayed for THE orthodox creed, as it was established by THE\n council of Chalcedon, would alone have inspired THE grateful\n eloquence of THE Catholics. But THE behavior of Marcian in a\n private life, and afterwards on THE throne, may support a more\n rational belief, that he was qualified to restore and invigorate\n an empire, which had been almost dissolved by THE successive\n weakness of two hereditary monarchs. He was born in Thrace, and\n educated to THE profession of arms; but Marcian’s youth had been\n severely exercised by poverty and misfortune, since his only\n resource, when he first arrived at Constantinople, consisted in\n two hundred pieces of gold, which he had borrowed of a friend. He\n passed nineteen years in THE domestic and military service of\n Aspar, and his son Ardaburius; followed those powerful generals\n to THE Persian and African wars; and obtained, by THEir\n influence, THE honorable rank of tribune and senator. His mild\n disposition, and useful talents, without alarming THE jealousy,\n recommended Marcian to THE esteem and favor of his patrons; he\n had seen, perhaps he had felt, THE abuses of a venal and\n oppressive administration; and his own example gave weight and\n energy to THE laws, which he promulgated for THE reformation of\n manners. 52\n\n 50 (return) [ Theodorus THE Reader, (see Vales. Hist. Eccles.\n tom. iii. p. 563,) and THE Paschal Chronicle, mention THE fall,\n without specifying THE injury: but THE consequence was so likely\n to happen, and so unlikely to be invented, that we may safely\n give credit to Nicephorus Callistus, a Greek of THE fourteenth\n century.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Pulcheriae nutu (says Count Marcellinus) sua cum\n avaritia interemptus est. She abandoned THE eunuch to THE pious\n revenge of a son, whose faTHEr had suffered at his instigation.\n Note: Might not THE execution of Chrysaphius have been a\n sacrifice to avert THE anger of Attila, whose assassination THE\n eunuch had attempted to contrive?—M.]\n\n 52 (return) [ de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 4. Evagrius, l. ii. c. 1.\n Theophanes, p. 90, 91. Novell. ad Calcem. Cod. Theod. tom. vi. p.\n 30. The praises which St. Leo and THE Catholics have bestowed on\n Marcian, are diligently transcribed by Baronius, as an\n encouragement for future princes.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXV: Invasion By Attila.—Part I.\n\n Invasion Of Gaul By Attila.—He Is Repulsed By Ætius And The\n Visigoths.—Attila Invades And Evacuates Italy.—The Deaths Of\n Attila, Ætius, And Valentinian The Third.\n\n It was THE opinion of Marcian, that war should be avoided, as\n long as it is possible to preserve a secure and honorable peace;\n but it was likewise his opinion, that peace cannot be honorable\n or secure, if THE sovereign betrays a pusillanimous aversion to\n war. This temperate courage dictated his reply to THE demands of\n Attila, who insolently pressed THE payment of THE annual tribute.\n The emperor signified to THE Barbarians, that THEy must no longer\n insult THE majesty of Rome by THE mention of a tribute; that he\n was disposed to reward, with becoming liberality, THE faithful\n friendship of his allies; but that, if THEy presumed to violate\n THE public peace, THEy should feel that he possessed troops, and\n arms, and resolution, to repel THEir attacks. The same language,\n even in THE camp of THE Huns, was used by his ambassador\n Apollonius, whose bold refusal to deliver THE presents, till he\n had been admitted to a personal interview, displayed a sense of\n dignity, and a contempt of danger, which Attila was not prepared\n to expect from THE degenerate Romans. 1 He threatened to chastise\n THE rash successor of Theodosius; but he hesitated wheTHEr he\n should first direct his invincible arms against THE Eastern or\n THE Western empire. While mankind awaited his decision with awful\n suspense, he sent an equal defiance to THE courts of Ravenna and\n Constantinople; and his ministers saluted THE two emperors with\n THE same haughty declaration. “Attila, my lord, and thy lord,\n commands THEe to provide a palace for his immediate reception.” 2\n But as THE Barbarian despised, or affected to despise, THE Romans\n of THE East, whom he had so often vanquished, he soon declared\n his resolution of suspending THE easy conquest, till he had\n achieved a more glorious and important enterprise. In THE\n memorable invasions of Gaul and Italy, THE Huns were naturally\n attracted by THE wealth and fertility of those provinces; but THE\n particular motives and provocations of Attila can only be\n explained by THE state of THE Western empire under THE reign of\n Valentinian, or, to speak more correctly, under THE\n administration of Ætius. 3\n\n 1 (return) [ See Priscus, p. 39, 72.]\n\n 2 (return) [ The Alexandrian or Paschal Chronicle, which\n introduces this haughty message, during THE lifetime of\n Theodosius, may have anticipated THE date; but THE dull annalist\n was incapable of inventing THE original and genuine style of\n Attila.]\n\n 3 (return) [ The second book of THE Histoire Critique de\n l’Etablissement de la Monarchie Francoise tom. i. p. 189-424,\n throws great light on THE state of Gaul, when it was invaded by\n Attila; but THE ingenious author, THE Abbe Dubos, too often\n bewilders himself in system and conjecture.]\n\n After THE death of his rival Boniface, Ætius had prudently\n retired to THE tents of THE Huns; and he was indebted to THEir\n alliance for his safety and his restoration. Instead of THE\n suppliant language of a guilty exile, he solicited his pardon at\n THE head of sixty thousand Barbarians; and THE empress Placidia\n confessed, by a feeble resistance, that THE condescension, which\n might have been ascribed to clemency, was THE effect of weakness\n or fear. She delivered herself, her son Valentinian, and THE\n Western empire, into THE hands of an insolent subject; nor could\n Placidia protect THE son-in-law of Boniface, THE virtuous and\n faithful Sebastian, 4 from THE implacable persecution which urged\n him from one kingdom to anoTHEr, till he miserably perished in\n THE service of THE Vandals. The fortunate Ætius, who was\n immediately promoted to THE rank of patrician, and thrice\n invested with THE honors of THE consulship, assumed, with THE\n title of master of THE cavalry and infantry, THE whole military\n power of THE state; and he is sometimes styled, by contemporary\n writers, THE duke, or general, of THE Romans of THE West. His\n prudence, raTHEr than his virtue, engaged him to leave THE\n grandson of Theodosius in THE possession of THE purple; and\n Valentinian was permitted to enjoy THE peace and luxury of Italy,\n while THE patrician appeared in THE glorious light of a hero and\n a patriot, who supported near twenty years THE ruins of THE\n Western empire. The Gothic historian ingenuously confesses, that\n Ætius was born for THE salvation of THE Roman republic; 5 and\n THE following portrait, though it is drawn in THE fairest colors,\n must be allowed to contain a much larger proportion of truth than\n of flattery. 411 “His moTHEr was a wealthy and noble Italian, and\n his faTHEr Gaudentius, who held a distinguished rank in THE\n province of Scythia, gradually rose from THE station of a\n military domestic, to THE dignity of master of THE cavalry. Their\n son, who was enrolled almost in his infancy in THE guards, was\n given as a hostage, first to Alaric, and afterwards to THE Huns;\n 412 and he successively obtained THE civil and military honors of\n THE palace, for which he was equally qualified by superior merit.\n The graceful figure of Ætius was not above THE middle stature;\n but his manly limbs were admirably formed for strength, beauty,\n and agility; and he excelled in THE martial exercises of managing\n a horse, drawing THE bow, and darting THE javelin. He could\n patiently endure THE want of food, or of sleep; and his mind and\n body were alike capable of THE most laborious efforts. He\n possessed THE genuine courage that can despise not only dangers,\n but injuries: and it was impossible eiTHEr to corrupt, or\n deceive, or intimidate THE firm integrity of his soul.” 6 The\n Barbarians, who had seated THEmselves in THE Western provinces,\n were insensibly taught to respect THE faith and valor of THE\n patrician Ætius. He sooTHEd THEir passions, consulted THEir\n prejudices, balanced THEir interests, and checked THEir ambition.\n 611 A seasonable treaty, which he concluded with Genseric,\n protected Italy from THE depredations of THE Vandals; THE\n independent Britons implored and acknowledged his salutary aid;\n THE Imperial authority was restored and maintained in Gaul and\n Spain; and he compelled THE Franks and THE Suevi, whom he had\n vanquished in THE field, to become THE useful confederates of THE\n republic.\n\n 4 (return) [ Victor Vitensis (de Persecut. Vandal. l. i. 6, p. 8,\n edit. Ruinart) calls him, acer consilio et strenuus in bello: but\n his courage, when he became unfortunate, was censured as\n desperate rashness; and Sebastian deserved, or obtained, THE\n epiTHEt of proeceps, (Sidon. Apollinar Carmen ix. 181.) His\n adventures in Constantinople, in Sicily, Gaul, Spain, and Africa,\n are faintly marked in THE Chronicles of Marcellinus and Idatius.\n In his distress he was always followed by a numerous train; since\n he could ravage THE Hellespont and Propontis, and seize THE city\n of Barcelona.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Reipublicae Romanae singulariter natus, qui\n superbiam Suevorum, Francorumque barbariem immensis caedibus\n servire Imperio Romano coegisset. Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, c.\n 34, p. 660.]\n\n 411 (return) [ Some valuable fragments of a poetical panegyric on\n Ætius by Merobaudes, a Spaniard, have been recovered from a\n palimpsest MS. by THE sagacity and industry of Niebuhr. They have\n been reprinted in THE new edition of THE Byzantine Historians.\n The poet speaks in glowing terms of THE long (annosa) peace\n enjoyed under THE administration of Ætius. The verses are very\n spirited. The poet was rewarded by a statue publicly dedicated to\n his honor in Rome.\n\n Danuvii cum pace redit, Tanaimque furore Exuit, et nigro candentes\n aeTHEre terras Marte suo caruisse jubet. Dedit otia ferro\n Caucasus, et saevi condemnant praelia reges. Addidit hiberni\n famulantia foedera Rhenus Orbis...... Lustrat Aremoricos jam\n mitior incola saltus; Perdidit et mores tellus, adsuetaque saevo\n Crimine quaesitas silvis celare rapinas, Discit inexpertis Cererem\n committere campis; Caesareoque diu manus obluctata labori Sustinet\n acceptas nostro sub consule leges; Et quamvis Geticis sulcum\n confundat aratris, Barbara vicinae refugit consortia gentis.\n —Merobaudes, p. 1]\n\n 412 (return) [—cum Scythicis succumberet ensibus orbis,\n\n Telaque Tarpeias premerent Arctoa secures, Hostilem fregit rabiem,\n pignus quesuperbi Foederis et mundi pretium fuit. Hinc modo voti\n Rata fides, validis quod dux premat impiger armis Edomuit quos\n pace puer; bellumque repressit Ignarus quid bella forent. \n Stupuere feroces In tenero jam membra Getae. Rex ipse, verendum\n Miratus pueri decus et prodentia fatum Lumina, primaevas dederat\n gestare faretras, Laudabatque manus librantem et tela gerentem\n Oblitus quod noster erat Pro nescia regis Corda, feris quanto\n populis discrimine constet Quod Latium docet arma ducem.\n —Merobaudes, Panegyr. p. 15.—M.]\n\n 6 (return) [ This portrait is drawn by Renetus Profuturus\n Frigeridus, a contemporary historian, known only by some\n extracts, which are preserved by Gregory of Tours, (l. ii. c. 8,\n in tom. ii. p. 163.) It was probably THE duty, or at least THE\n interest, of Renatus, to magnify THE virtues of Ætius; but he\n would have shown more dexterity if he had not insisted on his\n patient, forgiving disposition.]\n\n 611 (return) [\n\n Insessor Libyes, quamvis, fatalibus armis Ausus Elisaei solium\n rescindere regni, Milibus Arctois Tyrias compleverat arces, Nunc\n hostem exutus pactis proprioribus arsit\n Romanam vincire fidem, Latiosque parentes Adnumerare sib,\n sociamque intexere prolem. —-Merobaudes, p. 12.—M.]\n\n From a principle of interest, as well as gratitude, Ætius\n assiduously cultivated THE alliance of THE Huns. While he resided\n in THEir tents as a hostage, or an exile, he had familiarly\n conversed with Attila himself, THE nephew of his benefactor; and\n THE two famous antagonists appeared to have been connected by a\n personal and military friendship, which THEy afterwards confirmed\n by mutual gifts, frequent embassies, and THE education of\n Carpilio, THE son of Ætius, in THE camp of Attila. By THE\n specious professions of gratitude and voluntary attachment, THE\n patrician might disguise his apprehensions of THE Scythian\n conqueror, who pressed THE two empires with his innumerable\n armies. His demands were obeyed or eluded. When he claimed THE\n spoils of a vanquished city, some vases of gold, which had been\n fraudulently embezzled, THE civil and military governors of\n Noricum were immediately despatched to satisfy his complaints: 7\n and it is evident, from THEir conversation with Maximin and\n Priscus, in THE royal village, that THE valor and prudence of\n Ætius had not saved THE Western Romans from THE common ignominy\n of tribute. Yet his dexterous policy prolonged THE advantages of\n a salutary peace; and a numerous army of Huns and Alani, whom he\n had attached to his person, was employed in THE defence of Gaul.\n Two colonies of THEse Barbarians were judiciously fixed in THE\n territories of Valens and Orleans; 8 and THEir active cavalry\n secured THE important passages of THE Rhone and of THE Loire.\n These savage allies were not indeed less formidable to THE\n subjects than to THE enemies of Rome. Their original settlement\n was enforced with THE licentious violence of conquest; and THE\n province through which THEy marched was exposed to all THE\n calamities of a hostile invasion. 9 Strangers to THE emperor or\n THE republic, THE Alani of Gaul were devoted to THE ambition of\n Ætius, and though he might suspect, that, in a contest with\n Attila himself, THEy would revolt to THE standard of THEir\n national king, THE patrician labored to restrain, raTHEr than to\n excite, THEir zeal and resentment against THE Goths, THE\n Burgundians, and THE Franks.\n\n 7 (return) [ The embassy consisted of Count Romulus; of Promotus,\n president of Noricum; and of Romanus, THE military duke. They\n were accompanied by Tatullus, an illustrious citizen of Petovio,\n in THE same province, and faTHEr of Orestes, who had married THE\n daughter of Count Romulus. See Priscus, p. 57, 65. Cassiodorus\n (Variar. i. 4) mentions anoTHEr embassy, which was executed by\n his faTHEr and Carpilio, THE son of Ætius; and, as Attila was no\n more, he could safely boast of THEir manly, intrepid behavior in\n his presence.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Deserta Valentinae urbis rura Alanis partienda\n traduntur. Prosper. Tyronis Chron. in Historiens de France, tom.\n i. p. 639. A few lines afterwards, Prosper observes, that lands\n in THE ulterior Gaul were assigned to THE Alani. Without\n admitting THE correction of Dubos, (tom. i. p. 300,) THE\n reasonable supposition of two colonies or garrisons of Alani will\n confirm his arguments, and remove his objections.]\n\n 9 (return) [ See Prosper. Tyro, p. 639. Sidonius (Panegyr. Avit.\n 246) complains, in THE name of Auvergne, his native country,\n\n Litorius Scythicos equites tunc forte subacto Celsus Aremorico,\n Geticum rapiebat in agmen Per terras, Averne, tuas, qui proxima\n quaedue Discursu, flammis, ferro, feritate, rapinis, Delebant;\n pacis fallentes nomen inane.\n\n anoTHEr poet, Paulinus of Perigord, confirms THE complaint:—\n\n Nam socium vix ferre queas, qui durior hoste. —-See Dubos, tom. i.\n p. 330.]\n\n The kingdom established by THE Visigoths in THE souTHErn\n provinces of Gaul, had gradually acquired strength and maturity;\n and THE conduct of those ambitious Barbarians, eiTHEr in peace or\n war, engaged THE perpetual vigilance of Ætius. After THE death\n of Wallia, THE Gothic sceptre devolved to Theodoric, THE son of\n THE great Alaric; 10 and his prosperous reign of more than thirty\n years, over a turbulent people, may be allowed to prove, that his\n prudence was supported by uncommon vigor, both of mind and body.\n Impatient of his narrow limits, Theodoric aspired to THE\n possession of Arles, THE wealthy seat of government and commerce;\n but THE city was saved by THE timely approach of Ætius; and THE\n Gothic king, who had raised THE siege with some loss and\n disgrace, was persuaded, for an adequate subsidy, to divert THE\n martial valor of his subjects in a Spanish war. Yet Theodoric\n still watched, and eagerly seized, THE favorable moment of\n renewing his hostile attempts. The Goths besieged Narbonne, while\n THE Belgic provinces were invaded by THE Burgundians; and THE\n public safety was threatened on every side by THE apparent union\n of THE enemies of Rome. On every side, THE activity of Ætius,\n and his Scythian cavalry, opposed a firm and successful\n resistance. Twenty thousand Burgundians were slain in battle; and\n THE remains of THE nation humbly accepted a dependent seat in THE\n mountains of Savoy. 11 The walls of Narbonne had been shaken by\n THE battering engines, and THE inhabitants had endured THE last\n extremities of famine, when Count Litorius, approaching in\n silence, and directing each horseman to carry behind him two\n sacks of flour, cut his way through THE intrenchments of THE\n besiegers. The siege was immediately raised; and THE more\n decisive victory, which is ascribed to THE personal conduct of\n Ætius himself, was marked with THE blood of eight thousand\n Goths. But in THE absence of THE patrician, who was hastily\n summoned to Italy by some public or private interest, Count\n Litorius succeeded to THE command; and his presumption soon\n discovered that far different talents are required to lead a wing\n of cavalry, or to direct THE operations of an important war. At\n THE head of an army of Huns, he rashly advanced to THE gates of\n Thoulouse, full of careless contempt for an enemy whom his\n misfortunes had rendered prudent, and his situation made\n desperate. The predictions of THE augurs had inspired Litorius\n with THE profane confidence that he should enter THE Gothic\n capital in triumph; and THE trust which he reposed in his Pagan\n allies, encouraged him to reject THE fair conditions of peace,\n which were repeatedly proposed by THE bishops in THE name of\n Theodoric. The king of THE Goths exhibited in his distress THE\n edifying contrast of Christian piety and moderation; nor did he\n lay aside his sackcloth and ashes till he was prepared to arm for\n THE combat. His soldiers, animated with martial and religious\n enthusiasm, assaulted THE camp of Litorius. The conflict was\n obstinate; THE slaughter was mutual. The Roman general, after a\n total defeat, which could be imputed only to his unskilful\n rashness, was actually led through THE streets of Thoulouse, not\n in his own, but in a hostile triumph; and THE misery which he\n experienced, in a long and ignominious captivity, excited THE\n compassion of THE Barbarians THEmselves. 12 Such a loss, in a\n country whose spirit and finances were long since exhausted,\n could not easily be repaired; and THE Goths, assuming, in THEir\n turn, THE sentiments of ambition and revenge, would have planted\n THEir victorious standards on THE banks of THE Rhone, if THE\n presence of Ætius had not restored strength and discipline to\n THE Romans. 13 The two armies expected THE signal of a decisive\n action; but THE generals, who were conscious of each oTHEr’s\n force, and doubtful of THEir own superiority, prudently sheaTHEd\n THEir swords in THE field of battle; and THEir reconciliation was\n permanent and sincere. Theodoric, king of THE Visigoths, appears\n to have deserved THE love of his subjects, THE confidence of his\n allies, and THE esteem of mankind. His throne was surrounded by\n six valiant sons, who were educated with equal care in THE\n exercises of THE Barbarian camp, and in those of THE Gallic\n schools: from THE study of THE Roman jurisprudence, THEy acquired\n THE THEory, at least, of law and justice; and THE harmonious\n sense of Virgil contributed to soften THE asperity of THEir\n native manners. 14 The two daughters of THE Gothic king were\n given in marriage to THE eldest sons of THE kings of THE Suevi\n and of THE Vandals, who reigned in Spain and Africa: but THEse\n illustrious alliances were pregnant with guilt and discord. The\n queen of THE Suevi bewailed THE death of a husband inhumanly\n massacred by her broTHEr. The princess of THE Vandals was THE\n victim of a jealous tyrant, whom she called her faTHEr. The cruel\n Genseric suspected that his son’s wife had conspired to poison\n him; THE supposed crime was punished by THE amputation of her\n nose and ears; and THE unhappy daughter of Theodoric was\n ignominiously returned to THE court of Thoulouse in that deformed\n and mutilated condition. This horrid act, which must seem\n incredible to a civilized age drew tears from every spectator;\n but Theodoric was urged, by THE feelings of a parent and a king,\n to revenge such irreparable injuries. The Imperial ministers, who\n always cherished THE discord of THE Barbarians, would have\n supplied THE Goths with arms, and ships, and treasures, for THE\n African war; and THE cruelty of Genseric might have been fatal to\n himself, if THE artful Vandal had not armed, in his cause, THE\n formidable power of THE Huns. His rich gifts and pressing\n solicitations inflamed THE ambition of Attila; and THE designs of\n Ætius and Theodoric were prevented by THE invasion of Gaul. 15\n\n 10 (return) [ Theodoric II., THE son of Theodoric I., declares to\n Avitus his resolution of repairing, or expiating, THE faults\n which his grandfaTHEr had committed,—\n\n Quae noster peccavit avus, quem fuscat id unum, Quod te, Roma,\n capit.\n\n Sidon. Panegyric. Avit. 505.\n\n This character, applicable only to THE great Alaric, establishes\n THE genealogy of THE Gothic kings, which has hiTHErto been\n unnoticed.]\n\n 11 (return) [ The name of Sapaudia, THE origin of Savoy, is first\n mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus; and two military posts are\n ascertained by THE Notitia, within THE limits of that province; a\n cohort was stationed at Grenoble in Dauphine; and Ebredunum, or\n Iverdun, sheltered a fleet of small vessels, which commanded THE\n Lake of Neufchatel. See Valesius, Notit. Galliarum, p. 503.\n D’Anville, Notice de l’Ancienne Gaule, p. 284, 579.]\n\n 12 (return) [ Salvian has attempted to explain THE moral\n government of THE Deity; a task which may be readily performed by\n supposing that THE calamities of THE wicked are judgments, and\n those of THE righteous, trials.]\n\n 13 (return) [\n\n —Capto terrarum damna patebant Litorio, in Rhodanum proprios\n producere fines, Thendoridae fixum; nec erat pugnare necesse, Sed\n migrare Getis; rabidam trux asperat iram Victor; quod sensit\n Scythicum sub moenibus hostem Imputat, et nihil estgravius, si\n forsitan unquam Vincerecontingat, trepido. —Panegyr. Avit. 300,\n &c.\n\n Sitionius THEn proceeds, according to THE duty of a panegyrist,\n to transfer THE whole merit from Ætius to his minister Avitus.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Theodoric II. revered, in THE person of Avitus, THE\n character of his preceptor.\n\n Mihi Romula dudum Per te jura placent; parvumque ediscere jussit\n Ad tua verba pater, docili quo prisca Maronis Carmine molliret\n Scythicos mihi pagina mores. —-Sidon. Panegyr. Avit. 495 &c.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Our authorities for THE reign of Theodoric I. are,\n Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, c. 34, 36, and THE Chronicles of\n Idatius, and THE two Prospers, inserted in THE historians of\n France, tom. i. p. 612-640. To THEse we may add Salvian de\n Gubernatione Dei, l. vii. p. 243, 244, 245, and THE panegyric of\n Avitus, by Sidonius.]\n\n The Franks, whose monarchy was still confined to THE neighborhood\n of THE Lower Rhine, had wisely established THE right of\n hereditary succession in THE noble family of THE Merovingians. 16\n These princes were elevated on a buckler, THE symbol of military\n command; 17 and THE royal fashion of long hair was THE ensign of\n THEir birth and dignity. Their flaxen locks, which THEy combed\n and dressed with singular care, hung down in flowing ringlets on\n THEir back and shoulders; while THE rest of THE nation were\n obliged, eiTHEr by law or custom, to shave THE hinder part of\n THEir head, to comb THEir hair over THE forehead, and to content\n THEmselves with THE ornament of two small whiskers. 18 The lofty\n stature of THE Franks, and THEir blue eyes, denoted a Germanic\n origin; THEir close apparel accurately expressed THE figure of\n THEir limbs; a weighty sword was suspended from a broad belt;\n THEir bodies were protected by a large shield; and THEse warlike\n Barbarians were trained, from THEir earliest youth, to run, to\n leap, to swim; to dart THE javelin, or battle-axe, with unerring\n aim; to advance, without hesitation, against a superior enemy;\n and to maintain, eiTHEr in life or death, THE invincible\n reputation of THEir ancestors. 19 Clodion, THE first of THEir\n long-haired kings, whose name and actions are mentioned in\n auTHEntic history, held his residence at Dispargum, 20 a village\n or fortress, whose place may be assigned between Louvain and\n Brussels. From THE report of his spies, THE king of THE Franks\n was informed, that THE defenceless state of THE second Belgic\n must yield, on THE slightest attack, to THE valor of his\n subjects. He boldly penetrated through THE thickets and morasses\n of THE Carbonarian forest; 21 occupied Tournay and Cambray, THE\n only cities which existed in THE fifth century, and extended his\n conquests as far as THE River Somme, over a desolate country,\n whose cultivation and populousness are THE effects of more recent\n industry. 22 While Clodion lay encamped in THE plains of Artois,\n 23 and celebrated, with vain and ostentatious security, THE\n marriage, perhaps, of his son, THE nuptial feast was interrupted\n by THE unexpected and unwelcome presence of Ætius, who had\n passed THE Somme at THE head of his light cavalry. The tables,\n which had been spread under THE shelter of a hill, along THE\n banks of a pleasant stream, were rudely overturned; THE Franks\n were oppressed before THEy could recover THEir arms, or THEir\n ranks; and THEir unavailing valor was fatal only to THEmselves.\n The loaded wagons, which had followed THEir march, afforded a\n rich booty; and THE virgin-bride, with her female attendants,\n submitted to THE new lovers, who were imposed on THEm by THE\n chance of war. This advance, which had been obtained by THE skill\n and activity of Ætius, might reflect some disgrace on THE\n military prudence of Clodion; but THE king of THE Franks soon\n regained his strength and reputation, and still maintained THE\n possession of his Gallic kingdom from THE Rhine to THE Somme. 24\n Under his reign, and most probably from THE enterprising spirit\n of his subjects, his three capitals, Mentz, Treves, and Cologne,\n experienced THE effects of hostile cruelty and avarice. The\n distress of Cologne was prolonged by THE perpetual dominion of\n THE same Barbarians, who evacuated THE ruins of Treves; and\n Treves, which in THE space of forty years had been four times\n besieged and pillaged, was disposed to lose THE memory of her\n afflictions in THE vain amusements of THE Circus. 25 The death of\n Clodion, after a reign of twenty years, exposed his kingdom to\n THE discord and ambition of his two sons. Meroveus, THE younger,\n 26 was persuaded to implore THE protection of Rome; he was\n received at THE Imperial court, as THE ally of Valentinian, and\n THE adopted son of THE patrician Ætius; and dismissed to his\n native country, with splendid gifts, and THE strongest assurances\n of friendship and support. During his absence, his elder broTHEr\n had solicited, with equal ardor, THE formidable aid of Attila;\n and THE king of THE Huns embraced an alliance, which facilitated\n THE passage of THE Rhine, and justified, by a specious and\n honorable pretence, THE invasion of Gaul. 27\n\n 16 (return) [ Reges Crinitos se creavisse de prima, et ut ita\n dicam nobiliori suorum familia, (Greg. Turon. l. ii. c. 9, p.\n 166, of THE second volume of THE Historians of France.) Gregory\n himself does not mention THE Merovingian name, which may be\n traced, however, to THE beginning of THE seventh century, as THE\n distinctive appellation of THE royal family, and even of THE\n French monarchy. An ingenious critic has deduced THE Merovingians\n from THE great Maroboduus; and he has clearly proved, that THE\n prince, who gave his name to THE first race, was more ancient\n than THE faTHEr of Childeric. See Mémoires de l’Academie des\n Inscriptions, tom. xx. p. 52-90, tom. xxx. p. 557-587.]\n\n 17 (return) [ This German custom, which may be traced from\n Tacitus to Gregory of Tours, was at length adopted by THE\n emperors of Constantinople. From a MS. of THE tenth century,\n Montfaucon has delineated THE representation of a similar\n ceremony, which THE ignorance of THE age had applied to King\n David. See Monumens de la Monarchie Francoise, tom. i. Discours\n Preliminaire.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Caesaries prolixa... crinium flagellis per terga\n dimissis, &c. See THE Preface to THE third volume of THE\n Historians of France, and THE Abbe Le Boeuf, (Dissertat. tom.\n iii. p. 47-79.) This peculiar fashion of THE Merovingians has\n been remarked by natives and strangers; by Priscus, (tom. i. p.\n 608,) by Agathias, (tom. ii. p. 49,) and by Gregory of Tours, (l.\n viii. 18, vi. 24, viii. 10, tom. ii. p. 196, 278, 316.)]\n\n 19 (return) [ See an original picture of THE figure, dress, arms,\n and temper of THE ancient Franks, in Sidonius Apollinaris,\n (Panegyr. Majorian. 238-254;) and such pictures, though coarsely\n drawn, have a real and intrinsic value. FaTHEr Daniel (History de\n la Milice Francoise, tom. i. p. 2-7) has illustrated THE\n description.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Dubos, Hist. Critique, &c., tom. i. p. 271, 272.\n Some geographers have placed Dispargum on THE German side of THE\n Rhine. See a note of THE Benedictine Editors, to THE Historians\n of France, tom. ii p. 166.]\n\n 21 (return) [ The Carbonarian wood was that part of THE great\n forest of THE Ardennes which lay between THE Escaut, or Scheldt,\n and THE Meuse. Vales. Notit. Gall. p. 126.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Gregor. Turon. l. ii. c. 9, in tom. ii. p. 166,\n 167. Fredegar. Epitom. c. 9, p. 395. Gesta Reg. Francor. c. 5, in\n tom. ii. p. 544. Vit St. Remig. ab Hincmar, in tom. iii. p. 373.]\n\n 23 (return) [\n\n —Francus qua Cloio patentes Atrebatum terras pervaserat. —Panegyr.\n Majorian 213\n\n The precise spot was a town or village, called Vicus Helena; and\n both THE name and place are discovered by modern geographers at\n Lens See Vales. Notit. Gall. p. 246. Longuerue, Description de la\n France tom. ii. p. 88.]\n\n 24 (return) [ See a vague account of THE action in Sidonius.\n Panegyr. Majorian 212-230. The French critics, impatient to\n establish THEir monarchy in Gaul, have drawn a strong argument\n from THE silence of Sidonius, who dares not insinuate, that THE\n vanquished Franks were compelled to repass THE Rhine. Dubos, tom.\n i. p. 322.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Salvian (de Gubernat. Dei, l. vi.) has expressed,\n in vague and declamatory language, THE misfortunes of THEse three\n cities, which are distinctly ascertained by THE learned Mascou,\n Hist. of THE Ancient Germans, ix. 21.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Priscus, in relating THE contest, does not name THE\n two broTHErs; THE second of whom he had seen at Rome, a beardless\n youth, with long, flowing hair, (Historians of France, tom. i. p.\n 607, 608.) The Benedictine Editors are inclined to believe, that\n THEy were THE sons of some unknown king of THE Franks, who\n reigned on THE banks of THE Neckar; but THE arguments of M. de\n Foncemagne (Mem. de l’Academie, tom. viii. p. 464) seem to prove\n that THE succession of Clodion was disputed by his two sons, and\n that THE younger was Meroveus, THE faTHEr of Childeric. * Note:\n The relationship of Meroveus to Clodion is extremely doubtful.—By\n some he is called an illegitimate son; by oTHErs merely of his\n race. Tur ii. c. 9, in Sismondi, Hist. des Francais, i. 177. See\n Mezeray.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Under THE Merovingian race, THE throne was\n hereditary; but all THE sons of THE deceased monarch were equally\n entitled to THEir share of his treasures and territories. See THE\n Dissertations of M. de Foncemagne, in THE sixth and eighth\n volumes of THE Mémoires de l’Academie.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXV: Invasion By Attila.—Part II.\n\n When Attila declared his resolution of supporting THE cause of\n his allies, THE Vandals and THE Franks, at THE same time, and\n almost in THE spirit of romantic chivalry, THE savage monarch\n professed himself THE lover and THE champion of THE princess\n Honoria. The sister of Valentinian was educated in THE palace of\n Ravenna; and as her marriage might be productive of some danger\n to THE state, she was raised, by THE title of Augusta, 28 above\n THE hopes of THE most presumptuous subject. But THE fair Honoria\n had no sooner attained THE sixteenth year of her age, than she\n detested THE importunate greatness which must forever exclude her\n from THE comforts of honorable love; in THE midst of vain and\n unsatisfactory pomp, Honoria sighed, yielded to THE impulse of\n nature, and threw herself into THE arms of her chamberlain\n Eugenius. Her guilt and shame (such is THE absurd language of\n imperious man) were soon betrayed by THE appearances of\n pregnancy; but THE disgrace of THE royal family was published to\n THE world by THE imprudence of THE empress Placidia who dismissed\n her daughter, after a strict and shameful confinement, to a\n remote exile at Constantinople. The unhappy princess passed\n twelve or fourteen years in THE irksome society of THE sisters of\n Theodosius, and THEir chosen virgins; to whose crown Honoria\n could no longer aspire, and whose monastic assiduity of prayer,\n fasting, and vigils, she reluctantly imitated. Her impatience of\n long and hopeless celibacy urged her to embrace a strange and\n desperate resolution. The name of Attila was familiar and\n formidable at Constantinople; and his frequent embassies\n entertained a perpetual intercourse between his camp and THE\n Imperial palace. In THE pursuit of love, or raTHEr of revenge,\n THE daughter of Placidia sacrificed every duty and every\n prejudice; and offered to deliver her person into THE arms of a\n Barbarian, of whose language she was ignorant, whose figure was\n scarcely human, and whose religion and manners she abhorred. By\n THE ministry of a faithful eunuch, she transmitted to Attila a\n ring, THE pledge of her affection; and earnestly conjured him to\n claim her as a lawful spouse, to whom he had been secretly\n betroTHEd. These indecent advances were received, however, with\n coldness and disdain; and THE king of THE Huns continued to\n multiply THE number of his wives, till his love was awakened by\n THE more forcible passions of ambition and avarice. The invasion\n of Gaul was preceded, and justified, by a formal demand of THE\n princess Honoria, with a just and equal share of THE Imperial\n patrimony. His predecessors, THE ancient Tanjous, had often\n addressed, in THE same hostile and peremptory manner, THE\n daughters of China; and THE pretensions of Attila were not less\n offensive to THE majesty of Rome. A firm, but temperate, refusal\n was communicated to his ambassadors. The right of female\n succession, though it might derive a specious argument from THE\n recent examples of Placidia and Pulcheria, was strenuously\n denied; and THE indissoluble engagements of Honoria were opposed\n to THE claims of her Scythian lover. 29 On THE discovery of her\n connection with THE king of THE Huns, THE guilty princess had\n been sent away, as an object of horror, from Constantinople to\n Italy: her life was spared; but THE ceremony of her marriage was\n performed with some obscure and nominal husband, before she was\n immured in a perpetual prison, to bewail those crimes and\n misfortunes, which Honoria might have escaped, had she not been\n born THE daughter of an emperor. 30\n\n 28 (return) [ A medal is still extant, which exhibits THE\n pleasing countenance of Honoria, with THE title of Augusta; and\n on THE reverse, THE improper legend of Salus Reipublicoe round\n THE monogram of Christ. See Ducange, Famil. Byzantin. p. 67, 73.]\n\n 29 (return) [ See Priscus, p, 39, 40. It might be fairly alleged,\n that if females could succeed to THE throne, Valentinian himself,\n who had married THE daughter and heiress of THE younger\n Theodosius, would have asserted her right to THE Eastern empire.]\n\n 30 (return) [ The adventures of Honoria are imperfectly related\n by Jornandes, de Successione Regn. c. 97, and de Reb. Get. c. 42,\n p. 674; and in THE Chronicles of Prosper and Marcellinus; but\n THEy cannot be made consistent, or probable, unless we separate,\n by an interval of time and place, her intrigue with Eugenius, and\n her invitation of Attila.]\n\n A native of Gaul, and a contemporary, THE learned and eloquent\n Sidonius, who was afterwards bishop of Clermont, had made a\n promise to one of his friends, that he would compose a regular\n history of THE war of Attila. If THE modesty of Sidonius had not\n discouraged him from THE prosecution of this interesting work, 31\n THE historian would have related, with THE simplicity of truth,\n those memorable events, to which THE poet, in vague and doubtful\n metaphors, has concisely alluded. 32 The kings and nations of\n Germany and Scythia, from THE Volga perhaps to THE Danube, obeyed\n THE warlike summons of Attila. From THE royal village, in THE\n plains of Hungary his standard moved towards THE West; and after\n a march of seven or eight hundred miles, he reached THE conflux\n of THE Rhine and THE Neckar, where he was joined by THE Franks,\n who adhered to his ally, THE elder of THE sons of Clodion. A\n troop of light Barbarians, who roamed in quest of plunder, might\n choose THE winter for THE convenience of passing THE river on THE\n ice; but THE innumerable cavalry of THE Huns required such plenty\n of forage and provisions, as could be procured only in a milder\n season; THE Hercynian forest supplied materials for a bridge of\n boats; and THE hostile myriads were poured, with resistless\n violence, into THE Belgic provinces. 33 The consternation of Gaul\n was universal; and THE various fortunes of its cities have been\n adorned by tradition with martyrdoms and miracles. 34 Troyes was\n saved by THE merits of St. Lupus; St. Servatius was removed from\n THE world, that he might not behold THE ruin of Tongres; and THE\n prayers of St. Genevieve diverted THE march of Attila from THE\n neighborhood of Paris. But as THE greatest part of THE Gallic\n cities were alike destitute of saints and soldiers, THEy were\n besieged and stormed by THE Huns; who practised, in THE example\n of Metz, 35 THEir customary maxims of war. They involved, in a\n promiscuous massacre, THE priests who served at THE altar, and\n THE infants, who, in THE hour of danger, had been providently\n baptized by THE bishop; THE flourishing city was delivered to THE\n flames, and a solitary chapel of St. Stephen marked THE place\n where it formerly stood. From THE Rhine and THE Moselle, Attila\n advanced into THE heart of Gaul; crossed THE Seine at Auxerre;\n and, after a long and laborious march, fixed his camp under THE\n walls of Orleans. He was desirous of securing his conquests by\n THE possession of an advantageous post, which commanded THE\n passage of THE Loire; and he depended on THE secret invitation of\n Sangiban, king of THE Alani, who had promised to betray THE city,\n and to revolt from THE service of THE empire. But this\n treacherous conspiracy was detected and disappointed: Orleans had\n been strengTHEned with recent fortifications; and THE assaults of\n THE Huns were vigorously repelled by THE faithful valor of THE\n soldiers, or citizens, who defended THE place. The pastoral\n diligence of Anianus, a bishop of primitive sanctity and\n consummate prudence, exhausted every art of religious policy to\n support THEir courage, till THE arrival of THE expected succors.\n After an obstinate siege, THE walls were shaken by THE battering\n rams; THE Huns had already occupied THE suburbs; and THE people,\n who were incapable of bearing arms, lay prostrate in prayer.\n Anianus, who anxiously counted THE days and hours, despatched a\n trusty messenger to observe, from THE rampart, THE face of THE\n distant country. He returned twice, without any intelligence that\n could inspire hope or comfort; but, in his third report, he\n mentioned a small cloud, which he had faintly descried at THE\n extremity of THE horizon. “It is THE aid of God!” exclaimed THE\n bishop, in a tone of pious confidence; and THE whole multitude\n repeated after him, “It is THE aid of God.” The remote object, on\n which every eye was fixed, became each moment larger, and more\n distinct; THE Roman and Gothic banners were gradually perceived;\n and a favorable wind blowing aside THE dust, discovered, in deep\n array, THE impatient squadrons of Ætius and Theodoric, who\n pressed forwards to THE relief of Orleans.\n\n 31 (return) [ Exegeras mihi, ut promitterem tibi, Attilæ bellum\n stylo me posteris intimaturum.... coeperam scribere, sed operis\n arrepti fasce perspecto, taeduit inchoasse. Sidon. Apoll. l.\n viii. epist. 15, p. 235]\n\n 32 (return) [\n\n Subito cum rupta tumultu Barbaries totas in te transfuderat\n Arctos,\n Gallia. Pugnacem Rugum comitante Gelono, Gepida trux sequitur;\n Scyrum Burgundio cogit:\n Chunus, Bellonotus, Neurus, Basterna, Toringus,\n Bructerus, ulvosa vel quem Nicer abluit unda\n\n Prorumpit Francus. Cecidit cito secta bipenni Hercynia in\n lintres, et Rhenum texuit alno. Et jam terrificis diffuderat\n Attila turmis In campos se, Belga, tuos. Panegyr. Avit.]\n\n 33 (return) [ The most auTHEntic and circumstantial account of\n this war is contained in Jornandes, (de Reb. Geticis, c. 36-41,\n p. 662-672,) who has sometimes abridged, and sometimes\n transcribed, THE larger history of Cassiodorus. Jornandes, a\n quotation which it would be superfluous to repeat, may be\n corrected and illustrated by Gregory of Tours, l. ii. c. 5, 6, 7,\n and THE Chronicles of Idatius, Isidore, and THE two Prospers. All\n THE ancient testimonies are collected and inserted in THE\n Historians of France; but THE reader should be cautioned against\n a supposed extract from THE Chronicle of Idatius, (among THE\n fragments of Fredegarius, tom. ii. p. 462,) which often\n contradicts THE genuine text of THE Gallician bishop.]\n\n 34 (return) [ The ancient legendaries deserve some regard, as\n THEy are obliged to connect THEir fables with THE real history of\n THEir own times. See THE lives of St. Lupus, St. Anianus, THE\n bishops of Metz, Ste. Genevieve, &c., in THE Historians of\n France, tom. i. p. 644, 645, 649, tom. iii. p. 369.]\n\n 35 (return) [ The scepticism of THE count de Buat (Hist. des\n Peuples, tom. vii. p. 539, 540) cannot be reconciled with any\n principles of reason or criticism. Is not Gregory of Tours\n precise and positive in his account of THE destruction of Metz?\n At THE distance of no more than a hundred years, could he be\n ignorant, could THE people be ignorant of THE fate of a city, THE\n actual residence of his sovereigns, THE kings of Austrasia? The\n learned count, who seems to have undertaken THE apology of Attila\n and THE Barbarians, appeals to THE false Idatius, parcens\n Germaniae et Galliae, and forgets that THE true Idatius had\n explicitly affirmed, plurimae civitates effractoe, among which he\n enumerates Metz.]\n\n The facility with which Attila had penetrated into THE heart of\n Gaul, may be ascribed to his insidious policy, as well as to THE\n terror of his arms. His public declarations were skilfully\n mitigated by his private assurances; he alternately sooTHEd and\n threatened THE Romans and THE Goths; and THE courts of Ravenna\n and Thoulouse, mutually suspicious of each oTHEr’s intentions,\n beheld, with supine indifference, THE approach of THEir common\n enemy. Ætius was THE sole guardian of THE public safety; but his\n wisest measures were embarrassed by a faction, which, since THE\n death of Placidia, infested THE Imperial palace: THE youth of\n Italy trembled at THE sound of THE trumpet; and THE Barbarians,\n who, from fear or affection, were inclined to THE cause of\n Attila, awaited with doubtful and venal faith, THE event of THE\n war. The patrician passed THE Alps at THE head of some troops,\n whose strength and numbers scarcely deserved THE name of an army.\n 36 But on his arrival at Arles, or Lyons, he was confounded by\n THE intelligence, that THE Visigoths, refusing to embrace THE\n defence of Gaul, had determined to expect, within THEir own\n territories, THE formidable invader, whom THEy professed to\n despise. The senator Avitus, who, after THE honorable exercise of\n THE Prætorian præfecture, had retired to his estate in\n Auvergne, was persuaded to accept THE important embassy, which he\n executed with ability and success. He represented to Theodoric,\n that an ambitious conqueror, who aspired to THE dominion of THE\n earth, could be resisted only by THE firm and unanimous alliance\n of THE powers whom he labored to oppress. The lively eloquence of\n Avitus inflamed THE Gothic warriors, by THE description of THE\n injuries which THEir ancestors had suffered from THE Huns; whose\n implacable fury still pursued THEm from THE Danube to THE foot of\n THE Pyrenees. He strenuously urged, that it was THE duty of every\n Christian to save, from sacrilegious violation, THE churches of\n God, and THE relics of THE saints: that it was THE interest of\n every Barbarian, who had acquired a settlement in Gaul, to defend\n THE fields and vineyards, which were cultivated for his use,\n against THE desolation of THE Scythian shepherds. Theodoric\n yielded to THE evidence of truth; adopted THE measure at once THE\n most prudent and THE most honorable; and declared, that, as THE\n faithful ally of Ætius and THE Romans, he was ready to expose\n his life and kingdom for THE common safety of Gaul. 37 The\n Visigoths, who, at that time, were in THE mature vigor of THEir\n fame and power, obeyed with alacrity THE signal of war; prepared\n THEir arms and horses, and assembled under THE standard of THEir\n aged king, who was resolved, with his two eldest sons, Torismond\n and Theodoric, to command in person his numerous and valiant\n people. The example of THE Goths determined several tribes or\n nations, that seemed to fluctuate between THE Huns and THE\n Romans. The indefatigable diligence of THE patrician gradually\n collected THE troops of Gaul and Germany, who had formerly\n acknowledged THEmselves THE subjects, or soldiers, of THE\n republic, but who now claimed THE rewards of voluntary service,\n and THE rank of independent allies; THE Læti, THE Armoricans,\n THE Breones, THE Saxons, THE Burgundians, THE Sarmatians, or\n Alani, THE Ripuarians, and THE Franks who followed Meroveus as\n THEir lawful prince. Such was THE various army, which, under THE\n conduct of Ætius and Theodoric, advanced, by rapid marches to\n relieve Orleans, and to give battle to THE innumerable host of\n Attila. 38\n\n 36 (return) [\n\n Vix liquerat Alpes Ætius, tenue, et rarum sine milite ducens\n Robur, in auxiliis Geticum male credulus agmen Incassum propriis\n praesumens adfore castris. —-Panegyr. Avit. 328, &c.]\n\n 37 (return) [ The policy of Attila, of Ætius, and of THE\n Visigoths, is imperfectly described in THE Panegyric of Avitus,\n and THE thirty-sixth chapter of Jornandes. The poet and THE\n historian were both biased by personal or national prejudices.\n The former exalts THE merit and importance of Avitus; orbis,\n Avite, salus, &c.! The latter is anxious to show THE Goths in THE\n most favorable light. Yet THEir agreement when THEy are fairly\n interpreted, is a proof of THEir veracity.]\n\n 38 (return) [ The review of THE army of Ætius is made by\n Jornandes, c. 36, p. 664, edit. Grot. tom. ii. p. 23, of THE\n Historians of France, with THE notes of THE Benedictine editor.\n The Loeti were a promiscuous race of Barbarians, born or\n naturalized in Gaul; and THE Riparii, or Ripuarii, derived THEir\n name from THEir post on THE three rivers, THE Rhine, THE Meuse,\n and THE Moselle; THE Armoricans possessed THE independent cities\n between THE Seine and THE Loire. A colony of Saxons had been\n planted in THE diocese of Bayeux; THE Burgundians were settled in\n Savoy; and THE Breones were a warlike tribe of Rhaetians, to THE\n east of THE Lake of Constance.]\n\n On THEir approach THE king of THE Huns immediately raised THE\n siege, and sounded a retreat to recall THE foremost of his troops\n from THE pillage of a city which THEy had already entered. 39 The\n valor of Attila was always guided by his prudence; and as he\n foresaw THE fatal consequences of a defeat in THE heart of Gaul,\n he repassed THE Seine, and expected THE enemy in THE plains of\n Chalons, whose smooth and level surface was adapted to THE\n operations of his Scythian cavalry. But in this tumultuary\n retreat, THE vanguard of THE Romans and THEir allies continually\n pressed, and sometimes engaged, THE troops whom Attila had posted\n in THE rear; THE hostile columns, in THE darkness of THE night\n and THE perplexity of THE roads, might encounter each oTHEr\n without design; and THE bloody conflict of THE Franks and\n Gepidae, in which fifteen thousand 40 Barbarians were slain, was\n a prelude to a more general and decisive action. The Catalaunian\n fields 41 spread THEmselves round Chalons, and extend, according\n to THE vague measurement of Jornandes, to THE length of one\n hundred and fifty, and THE breadth of one hundred miles, over THE\n whole province, which is entitled to THE appellation of a\n champaign country. 42 This spacious plain was distinguished,\n however, by some inequalities of ground; and THE importance of a\n height, which commanded THE camp of Attila, was understood and\n disputed by THE two generals. The young and valiant Torismond\n first occupied THE summit; THE Goths rushed with irresistible\n weight on THE Huns, who labored to ascend from THE opposite side:\n and THE possession of this advantageous post inspired both THE\n troops and THEir leaders with a fair assurance of victory. The\n anxiety of Attila prompted him to consult his priests and\n haruspices. It was reported, that, after scrutinizing THE\n entrails of victims, and scraping THEir bones, THEy revealed, in\n mysterious language, his own defeat, with THE death of his\n principal adversary; and that THE Barbarians, by accepting THE\n equivalent, expressed his involuntary esteem for THE superior\n merit of Ætius. But THE unusual despondency, which seemed to\n prevail among THE Huns, engaged Attila to use THE expedient, so\n familiar to THE generals of antiquity, of animating his troops by\n a military oration; and his language was that of a king, who had\n often fought and conquered at THEir head. 43 He pressed THEm to\n consider THEir past glory, THEir actual danger, and THEir future\n hopes. The same fortune, which opened THE deserts and morasses of\n Scythia to THEir unarmed valor, which had laid so many warlike\n nations prostrate at THEir feet, had reserved THE joys of this\n memorable field for THE consummation of THEir victories. The\n cautious steps of THEir enemies, THEir strict alliance, and THEir\n advantageous posts, he artfully represented as THE effects, not\n of prudence, but of fear. The Visigoths alone were THE strength\n and nerves of THE opposite army; and THE Huns might securely\n trample on THE degenerate Romans, whose close and compact order\n betrayed THEir apprehensions, and who were equally incapable of\n supporting THE dangers or THE fatigues of a day of battle. The\n doctrine of predestination, so favorable to martial virtue, was\n carefully inculcated by THE king of THE Huns; who assured his\n subjects, that THE warriors, protected by Heaven, were safe and\n invulnerable amidst THE darts of THE enemy; but that THE unerring\n Fates would strike THEir victims in THE bosom of inglorious\n peace. “I myself,” continued Attila, “will throw THE first\n javelin, and THE wretch who refuses to imitate THE example of his\n sovereign, is devoted to inevitable death.” The spirit of THE\n Barbarians was rekindled by THE presence, THE voice, and THE\n example of THEir intrepid leader; and Attila, yielding to THEir\n impatience, immediately formed his order of battle. At THE head\n of his brave and faithful Huns, he occupied in person THE centre\n of THE line. The nations subject to his empire, THE Rugians, THE\n Heruli, THE Thuringians, THE Franks, THE Burgundians, were\n extended on eiTHEr hand, over THE ample space of THE Catalaunian\n fields; THE right wing was commanded by Ardaric, king of THE\n Gepidae; and THE three valiant broTHErs, who reigned over THE\n Ostrogoths, were posted on THE left to oppose THE kindred tribes\n of THE Visigoths. The disposition of THE allies was regulated by\n a different principle. Sangiban, THE faithless king of THE Alani,\n was placed in THE centre, where his motions might be strictly\n watched, and that THE treachery might be instantly punished.\n Ætius assumed THE command of THE left, and Theodoric of THE\n right wing; while Torismond still continued to occupy THE heights\n which appear to have stretched on THE flank, and perhaps THE\n rear, of THE Scythian army. The nations from THE Volga to THE\n Atlantic were assembled on THE plain of Chalons; but many of\n THEse nations had been divided by faction, or conquest, or\n emigration; and THE appearance of similar arms and ensigns, which\n threatened each oTHEr, presented THE image of a civil war.\n\n 39 (return) [ Aurelianensis urbis obsidio, oppugnatio, irruptio,\n nec direptio, l. v. Sidon. Apollin. l. viii. Epist. 15, p. 246.\n The preservation of Orleans might easily be turned into a\n miracle, obtained and foretold by THE holy bishop.]\n\n 40 (return) [ The common editions read xcm but THEre is some\n authority of manuscripts (and almost any authority is sufficient)\n for THE more reasonable number of xvm.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Chalons, or Duro-Catalaunum, afterwards Catalauni,\n had formerly made a part of THE territory of Rheims from whence\n it is distant only twenty-seven miles. See Vales, Notit. Gall. p.\n 136. D’Anville, Notice de l’Ancienne Gaule, p. 212, 279.]\n\n 42 (return) [ The name of Campania, or Champagne, is frequently\n mentioned by Gregory of Tours; and that great province, of which\n Rheims was THE capital, obeyed THE command of a duke. Vales.\n Notit. p. 120-123.]\n\n 43 (return) [ I am sensible that THEse military orations are\n usually composed by THE historian; yet THE old Ostrogoths, who\n had served under Attila, might repeat his discourse to\n Cassiodorus; THE ideas, and even THE expressions, have an\n original Scythian cast; and I doubt, wheTHEr an Italian of THE\n sixth century would have thought of THE hujus certaminis gaudia.]\n\n The discipline and tactics of THE Greeks and Romans form an\n interesting part of THEir national manners. The attentive study\n of THE military operations of Xenophon, or Caesar, or Frederic,\n when THEy are described by THE same genius which conceived and\n executed THEm, may tend to improve (if such improvement can be\n wished) THE art of destroying THE human species. But THE battle\n of Chalons can only excite our curiosity by THE magnitude of THE\n object; since it was decided by THE blind impetuosity of\n Barbarians, and has been related by partial writers, whose civil\n or ecclesiastical profession secluded THEm from THE knowledge of\n military affairs. Cassiolorus, however, had familiarly conversed\n with many Gothic warriors, who served in that memorable\n engagement; “a conflict,” as THEy informed him, “fierce, various,\n obstinate, and bloody; such as could not be paralleled eiTHEr in\n THE present or in past ages.” The number of THE slain amounted to\n one hundred and sixty-two thousand, or, according to anoTHEr\n account, three hundred thousand persons; 44 and THEse incredible\n exaggerations suppose a real and effective loss sufficient to\n justify THE historian’s remark, that whole generations may be\n swept away by THE madness of kings, in THE space of a single\n hour. After THE mutual and repeated discharge of missile weapons,\n in which THE archers of Scythia might signalize THEir superior\n dexterity, THE cavalry and infantry of THE two armies were\n furiously mingled in closer combat. The Huns, who fought under\n THE eyes of THEir king pierced through THE feeble and doubtful\n centre of THE allies, separated THEir wings from each oTHEr, and\n wheeling, with a rapid effort, to THE left, directed THEir whole\n force against THE Visigoths. As Theodoric rode along THE ranks,\n to animate his troops, he received a mortal stroke from THE\n javelin of Andages, a noble Ostrogoth, and immediately fell from\n his horse. The wounded king was oppressed in THE general\n disorder, and trampled under THE feet of his own cavalry; and\n this important death served to explain THE ambiguous prophecy of\n THE haruspices. Attila already exulted in THE confidence of\n victory, when THE valiant Torismond descended from THE hills, and\n verified THE remainder of THE prediction. The Visigoths, who had\n been thrown into confusion by THE flight or defection of THE\n Alani, gradually restored THEir order of battle; and THE Huns\n were undoubtedly vanquished, since Attila was compelled to\n retreat. He had exposed his person with THE rashness of a private\n soldier; but THE intrepid troops of THE centre had pushed\n forwards beyond THE rest of THE line; THEir attack was faintly\n supported; THEir flanks were unguarded; and THE conquerors of\n Scythia and Germany were saved by THE approach of THE night from\n a total defeat. They retired within THE circle of wagons that\n fortified THEir camp; and THE dismounted squadrons prepared\n THEmselves for a defence, to which neiTHEr THEir arms, nor THEir\n temper, were adapted. The event was doubtful: but Attila had\n secured a last and honorable resource. The saddles and rich\n furniture of THE cavalry were collected, by his order, into a\n funeral pile; and THE magnanimous Barbarian had resolved, if his\n intrenchments should be forced, to rush headlong into THE flames,\n and to deprive his enemies of THE glory which THEy might have\n acquired, by THE death or captivity of Attila. 45\n\n 44 (return) [ The expressions of Jornandes, or raTHEr of\n Cassiodorus, are extremely strong. Bellum atrox, multiplex,\n immane, pertinax, cui simile nulla usquam narrat antiquitas: ubi\n talia gesta referuntur, ut nihil esset quod in vita sua\n conspicere potuisset egregius, qui hujus miraculi privaretur\n aspectu. Dubos (Hist. Critique, tom. i. p. 392, 393) attempts to\n reconcile THE 162,000 of Jornandes with THE 300,000 of Idatius\n and Isidore, by supposing that THE larger number included THE\n total destruction of THE war, THE effects of disease, THE\n slaughter of THE unarmed people, &c.]\n\n 45 (return) [ The count de Buat, (Hist. des Peuples, &c., tom.\n vii. p. 554-573,) still depending on THE false, and again\n rejecting THE true, Idatius, has divided THE defeat of Attila\n into two great battles; THE former near Orleans, THE latter in\n Champagne: in THE one, Theodoric was slain in THE oTHEr, he was\n revenged.]\n\n But his enemies had passed THE night in equal disorder and\n anxiety. The inconsiderate courage of Torismond was tempted to\n urge THE pursuit, till he unexpectedly found himself, with a few\n followers, in THE midst of THE Scythian wagons. In THE confusion\n of a nocturnal combat, he was thrown from his horse; and THE\n Gothic prince must have perished like his faTHEr, if his youthful\n strength, and THE intrepid zeal of his companions, had not\n rescued him from this dangerous situation. In THE same manner,\n but on THE left of THE line, Ætius himself, separated from his\n allies, ignorant of THEir victory, and anxious for THEir fate,\n encountered and escaped THE hostile troops that were scattered\n over THE plains of Chalons; and at length reached THE camp of THE\n Goths, which he could only fortify with a slight rampart of\n shields, till THE dawn of day. The Imperial general was soon\n satisfied of THE defeat of Attila, who still remained inactive\n within his intrenchments; and when he contemplated THE bloody\n scene, he observed, with secret satisfaction, that THE loss had\n principally fallen on THE Barbarians. The body of Theodoric,\n pierced with honorable wounds, was discovered under a heap of THE\n slain: his subjects bewailed THE death of THEir king and faTHEr;\n but THEir tears were mingled with songs and acclamations, and his\n funeral rites were performed in THE face of a vanquished enemy.\n The Goths, clashing THEir arms, elevated on a buckler his eldest\n son Torismond, to whom THEy justly ascribed THE glory of THEir\n success; and THE new king accepted THE obligation of revenge as a\n sacred portion of his paternal inheritance. Yet THE Goths\n THEmselves were astonished by THE fierce and undaunted aspect of\n THEir formidable antagonist; and THEir historian has compared\n Attila to a lion encompassed in his den, and threatening his\n hunters with redoubled fury. The kings and nations who might have\n deserted his standard in THE hour of distress, were made sensible\n that THE displeasure of THEir monarch was THE most imminent and\n inevitable danger. All his instruments of martial music\n incessantly sounded a loud and animating strain of defiance; and\n THE foremost troops who advanced to THE assault were checked or\n destroyed by showers of arrows from every side of THE\n intrenchments. It was determined, in a general council of war, to\n besiege THE king of THE Huns in his camp, to intercept his\n provisions, and to reduce him to THE alternative of a disgraceful\n treaty or an unequal combat. But THE impatience of THE Barbarians\n soon disdained THEse cautious and dilatory measures; and THE\n mature policy of Ætius was apprehensive that, after THE\n extirpation of THE Huns, THE republic would be oppressed by THE\n pride and power of THE Gothic nation. The patrician exerted THE\n superior ascendant of authority and reason to calm THE passions,\n which THE son of Theodoric considered as a duty; represented,\n with seeming affection and real truth, THE dangers of absence and\n delay and persuaded Torismond to disappoint, by his speedy\n return, THE ambitious designs of his broTHErs, who might occupy\n THE throne and treasures of Thoulouse. 46 After THE departure of\n THE Goths, and THE separation of THE allied army, Attila was\n surprised at THE vast silence that reigned over THE plains of\n Chalons: THE suspicion of some hostile stratagem detained him\n several days within THE circle of his wagons, and his retreat\n beyond THE Rhine confessed THE last victory which was achieved in\n THE name of THE Western empire. Meroveus and his Franks,\n observing a prudent distance, and magnifying THE opinion of THEir\n strength by THE numerous fires which THEy kindled every night,\n continued to follow THE rear of THE Huns till THEy reached THE\n confines of Thuringia. The Thuringians served in THE army of\n Attila: THEy traversed, both in THEir march and in THEir return,\n THE territories of THE Franks; and it was perhaps in this war\n that THEy exercised THE cruelties which, about fourscore years\n afterwards, were revenged by THE son of Clovis. They massacred\n THEir hostages, as well as THEir captives: two hundred young\n maidens were tortured with exquisite and unrelenting rage; THEir\n bodies were torn asunder by wild horses, or THEir bones were\n crushed under THE weight of rolling wagons; and THEir unburied\n limbs were abandoned on THE public roads, as a prey to dogs and\n vultures. Such were those savage ancestors, whose imaginary\n virtues have sometimes excited THE praise and envy of civilized\n ages. 47\n\n 46 (return) [ Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, c. 41, p. 671. The\n policy of Ætius, and THE behavior of Torismond, are extremely\n natural; and THE patrician, according to Gregory of Tours, (l.\n ii. c. 7, p. 163,) dismissed THE prince of THE Franks, by\n suggesting to him a similar apprehension. The false Idatius\n ridiculously pretends, that Ætius paid a clandestine nocturnal\n visit to THE kings of THE Huns and of THE Visigoths; from each of\n whom he obtained a bribe of ten thousand pieces of gold, as THE\n price of an undisturbed retreat.]\n\n 47 (return) [ These cruelties, which are passionately deplored by\n Theodoric, THE son of Clovis, (Gregory of Tours, l. iii. c. 10,\n p. 190,) suit THE time and circumstances of THE invasion of\n Attila. His residence in Thuringia was long attested by popular\n tradition; and he is supposed to have assembled a couroultai, or\n diet, in THE territory of Eisenach. See Mascou, ix. 30, who\n settles with nice accuracy THE extent of ancient Thuringia, and\n derives its name from THE Gothic tribe of THE Therungi]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXV: Invasion By Attila.—Part III.\n\n NeiTHEr THE spirit, nor THE forces, nor THE reputation, of\n Attila, were impaired by THE failure of THE Gallic expedition. In\n THE ensuing spring he repeated his demand of THE princess\n Honoria, and her patrimonial treasures. The demand was again\n rejected, or eluded; and THE indignant lover immediately took THE\n field, passed THE Alps, invaded Italy, and besieged Aquileia with\n an innumerable host of Barbarians. Those Barbarians were\n unskilled in THE methods of conducting a regular siege, which,\n even among THE ancients, required some knowledge, or at least\n some practice, of THE mechanic arts. But THE labor of many\n thousand provincials and captives, whose lives were sacrificed\n without pity, might execute THE most painful and dangerous work.\n The skill of THE Roman artists might be corrupted to THE\n destruction of THEir country. The walls of Aquileia were\n assaulted by a formidable train of battering rams, movable\n turrets, and engines, that threw stones, darts, and fire; 48 and\n THE monarch of THE Huns employed THE forcible impulse of hope,\n fear, emulation, and interest, to subvert THE only barrier which\n delayed THE conquest of Italy. Aquileia was at that period one of\n THE richest, THE most populous, and THE strongest of THE maritime\n cities of THE Adriatic coast. The Gothic auxiliaries, who\n appeared to have served under THEir native princes, Alaric and\n Antala, communicated THEir intrepid spirit; and THE citizens\n still remembered THE glorious and successful resistance which\n THEir ancestors had opposed to a fierce, inexorable Barbarian,\n who disgraced THE majesty of THE Roman purple. Three months were\n consumed without effect in THE siege of THE Aquileia; till THE\n want of provisions, and THE clamors of his army, compelled Attila\n to relinquish THE enterprise; and reluctantly to issue his\n orders, that THE troops should strike THEir tents THE next\n morning, and begin THEir retreat. But as he rode round THE walls,\n pensive, angry, and disappointed, he observed a stork preparing\n to leave her nest, in one of THE towers, and to fly with her\n infant family towards THE country. He seized, with THE ready\n penetration of a statesman, this trifling incident, which chance\n had offered to superstition; and exclaimed, in a loud and\n cheerful tone, that such a domestic bird, so constantly attached\n to human society, would never have abandoned her ancient seats,\n unless those towers had been devoted to impending ruin and\n solitude. 49 The favorable omen inspired an assurance of victory;\n THE siege was renewed and prosecuted with fresh vigor; a large\n breach was made in THE part of THE wall from whence THE stork had\n taken her flight; THE Huns mounted to THE assault with\n irresistible fury; and THE succeeding generation could scarcely\n discover THE ruins of Aquileia. 50 After this dreadful\n chastisement, Attila pursued his march; and as he passed, THE\n cities of Altinum, Concordia, and Padua, were reduced into heaps\n of stones and ashes. The inland towns, Vicenza, Verona, and\n Bergamo, were exposed to THE rapacious cruelty of THE Huns. Milan\n and Pavia submitted, without resistance, to THE loss of THEir\n wealth; and applauded THE unusual clemency which preserved from\n THE flames THE public, as well as private, buildings, and spared\n THE lives of THE captive multitude. The popular traditions of\n Comum, Turin, or Modena, may justly be suspected; yet THEy concur\n with more auTHEntic evidence to prove, that Attila spread his\n ravages over THE rich plains of modern Lombardy; which are\n divided by THE Po, and bounded by THE Alps and Apennine. 51 When\n he took possession of THE royal palace of Milan, he was surprised\n and offended at THE sight of a picture which represented THE\n Caesars seated on THEir throne, and THE princes of Scythia\n prostrate at THEir feet. The revenge which Attila inflicted on\n this monument of Roman vanity, was harmless and ingenious. He\n commanded a painter to reverse THE figures and THE attitudes; and\n THE emperors were delineated on THE same canvas, approaching in a\n suppliant posture to empty THEir bags of tributary gold before\n THE throne of THE Scythian monarch. 52 The spectators must have\n confessed THE truth and propriety of THE alteration; and were\n perhaps tempted to apply, on this singular occasion, THE\n well-known fable of THE dispute between THE lion and THE man. 53\n\n 48 (return) [ Machinis constructis, omnibusque tormentorum\n generibus adhibitis. Jornandes, c. 42, p. 673. In THE thirteenth\n century, THE Moguls battered THE cities of China with large\n engines, constructed by THE Mahometans or Christians in THEir\n service, which threw stones from 150 to 300 pounds weight. In THE\n defence of THEir country, THE Chinese used gunpowder, and even\n bombs, above a hundred years before THEy were known in Europe;\n yet even those celestial, or infernal, arms were insufficient to\n protect a pusillanimous nation. See Gaubil. Hist. des Mongous, p.\n 70, 71, 155, 157, &c.]\n\n 49 (return) [ The same story is told by Jornandes, and by\n Procopius, (de Bell Vandal. l. i. c. 4, p. 187, 188:) nor is it\n easy to decide which is THE original. But THE Greek historian is\n guilty of an inexcusable mistake, in placing THE siege of\n Aquileia after THE death of Ætius.]\n\n 50 (return) [ Jornandes, about a hundred years afterwards,\n affirms, that Aquileia was so completely ruined, ita ut vix ejus\n vestigia, ut appareant, reliquerint. See Jornandes de Reb.\n Geticis, c. 42, p. 673. Paul. Diacon. l. ii. c. 14, p. 785.\n Liutprand, Hist. l. iii. c. 2. The name of Aquileia was sometimes\n applied to Forum Julii, (Cividad del Friuli,) THE more recent\n capital of THE Venetian province. * Note: Compare THE curious\n Latin poems on THE destruction of Aquileia, published by M.\n Endlicher in his valuable catalogue of Latin Mss. in THE library\n of Vienna, p. 298, &c.\n\n Repleta quondam domibus sublimibus, ornatis mire, niveis, marmorels,\n Nune ferax frugum metiris funiculo ruricolarum.\n\n The monkish poet has his consolation in Attila’s sufferings in\n soul and body.\n\n Vindictam tamen non evasit impius destructor tuus Attila sevissimus,\n Nunc igni simul gehennae et vermibus excruciatur—P. 290.—M.]\n\n 51 (return) [ In describing this war of Attila, a war so famous,\n but so imperfectly known, I have taken for my guides two learned\n Italians, who considered THE subject with some peculiar\n advantages; Sigonius, de Imperio Occidentali, l. xiii. in his\n works, tom. i. p. 495-502; and Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom.\n iv. p. 229-236, 8vo. edition.]\n\n 52 (return) [ This anecdote may be found under two different\n articles of THE miscellaneous compilation of Suidas.]\n\n 53 (return) [\n\n Leo respondit, humana, hoc pictum manu: Videres hominem dejectum,\n si pingere Leones scirent. —Appendix ad Phaedrum, Fab. xxv.\n\n The lion in Phaedrus very foolishly appeals from pictures to THE\n amphiTHEatre; and I am glad to observe, that THE native taste of\n La Fontaine (l. iii. fable x.) has omitted this most lame and\n impotent conclusion.]\n\n It is a saying worthy of THE ferocious pride of Attila, that THE\n grass never grew on THE spot where his horse had trod. Yet THE\n savage destroyer undesignedly laid THE foundation of a republic,\n which revived, in THE feudal state of Europe, THE art and spirit\n of commercial industry. The celebrated name of Venice, or\n Venetia, 54 was formerly diffused over a large and fertile\n province of Italy, from THE confines of Pannonia to THE River\n Addua, and from THE Po to THE Rhaetian and Julian Alps. Before\n THE irruption of THE Barbarians, fifty Venetian cities flourished\n in peace and prosperity: Aquileia was placed in THE most\n conspicuous station: but THE ancient dignity of Padua was\n supported by agriculture and manufactures; and THE property of\n five hundred citizens, who were entitled to THE equestrian rank,\n must have amounted, at THE strictest computation, to one million\n seven hundred thousand pounds. Many families of Aquileia, Padua,\n and THE adjacent towns, who fled from THE sword of THE Huns,\n found a safe, though obscure, refuge in THE neighboring islands.\n 55 At THE extremity of THE Gulf, where THE Adriatic feebly\n imitates THE tides of THE ocean, near a hundred small islands are\n separated by shallow water from THE continent, and protected from\n THE waves by several long slips of land, which admit THE entrance\n of vessels through some secret and narrow channels. 56 Till THE\n middle of THE fifth century, THEse remote and sequestered spots\n remained without cultivation, with few inhabitants, and almost\n without a name. But THE manners of THE Venetian fugitives, THEir\n arts and THEir government, were gradually formed by THEir new\n situation; and one of THE epistles of Cassiodorus, 57 which\n describes THEir condition about seventy years afterwards, may be\n considered as THE primitive monument of THE republic. 571 The\n minister of Theodoric compares THEm, in his quaint declamatory\n style, to water-fowl, who had fixed THEir nests on THE bosom of\n THE waves; and though he allows, that THE Venetian provinces had\n formerly contained many noble families, he insinuates, that THEy\n were now reduced by misfortune to THE same level of humble\n poverty. Fish was THE common, and almost THE universal, food of\n every rank: THEir only treasure consisted in THE plenty of salt,\n which THEy extracted from THE sea: and THE exchange of that\n commodity, so essential to human life, was substituted in THE\n neighboring markets to THE currency of gold and silver. A people,\n whose habitations might be doubtfully assigned to THE earth or\n water, soon became alike familiar with THE two elements; and THE\n demands of avarice succeeded to those of necessity. The\n islanders, who, from Grado to Chiozza, were intimately connected\n with each oTHEr, penetrated into THE heart of Italy, by THE\n secure, though laborious, navigation of THE rivers and inland\n canals. Their vessels, which were continually increasing in size\n and number, visited all THE harbors of THE Gulf; and THE marriage\n which Venice annually celebrates with THE Adriatic, was\n contracted in her early infancy. The epistle of Cassiodorus, THE\n Prætorian præfect, is addressed to THE maritime tribunes; and\n he exhorts THEm, in a mild tone of authority, to animate THE zeal\n of THEir countrymen for THE public service, which required THEir\n assistance to transport THE magazines of wine and oil from THE\n province of Istria to THE royal city of Ravenna. The ambiguous\n office of THEse magistrates is explained by THE tradition, that,\n in THE twelve principal islands, twelve tribunes, or judges, were\n created by an annual and popular election. The existence of THE\n Venetian republic under THE Gothic kingdom of Italy, is attested\n by THE same auTHEntic record, which annihilates THEir lofty claim\n of original and perpetual independence. 58\n\n 54 (return) [ Paul THE Deacon (de Gestis Langobard. l. ii. c. 14,\n p. 784) describes THE provinces of Italy about THE end of THE\n eighth century Venetia non solum in paucis insulis quas nunc\n Venetias dicimus, constat; sed ejus terminus a Pannoniae finibus\n usque Adduam fluvium protelatur. The history of that province\n till THE age of Charlemagne forms THE first and most interesting\n part of THE Verona (Illustrata, p. 1-388,) in which THE marquis\n Scipio Maffei has shown himself equally capable of enlarged views\n and minute disquisitions.]\n\n 55 (return) [ This emigration is not attested by any contemporary\n evidence; but THE fact is proved by THE event, and THE\n circumstances might be preserved by tradition. The citizens of\n Aquileia retired to THE Isle of Gradus, those of Padua to Rivus\n Altus, or Rialto, where THE city of Venice was afterwards built,\n &c.]\n\n 56 (return) [ The topography and antiquities of THE Venetian\n islands, from Gradus to Clodia, or Chioggia, are accurately\n stated in THE Dissertatio Chorographica de Italia Medii Aevi. p.\n 151-155.]\n\n 57 (return) [ Cassiodor. Variar. l. xii. epist. 24. Maffei\n (Verona Illustrata, part i. p. 240-254) has translated and\n explained this curious letter, in THE spirit of a learned\n antiquarian and a faithful subject, who considered Venice as THE\n only legitimate offspring of THE Roman republic. He fixes THE\n date of THE epistle, and consequently THE præfecture, of\n Cassiodorus, A.D. 523; and THE marquis’s authority has THE more\n weight, as he prepared an edition of his works, and actually\n published a dissertation on THE true orthography of his name. See\n Osservazioni Letterarie, tom. ii. p. 290-339.]\n\n 571 (return) [ The learned count Figliasi has proved, in his\n memoirs upon THE Veneti (Memorie de’ Veneti primi e secondi del\n conte Figliasi, t. vi. Veneziai, 796,) that from THE most remote\n period, this nation, which occupied THE country which has since\n been called THE Venetian States or Terra Firma, likewise\n inhabited THE islands scattered upon THE coast, and that from\n THEnce arose THE names of Venetia prima and secunda, of which THE\n first applied to THE main land and THE second to THE islands and\n lagunes. From THE time of THE Pelasgi and of THE Etrurians, THE\n first Veneti, inhabiting a fertile and pleasant country, devoted\n THEmselves to agriculture: THE second, placed in THE midst of\n canals, at THE mouth of several rivers, conveniently situated\n with regard to THE islands of Greece, as well as THE fertile\n plains of Italy, applied THEmselves to navigation and commerce.\n Both submitted to THE Romans a short time before THE second Punic\n war; yet it was not till after THE victory of Marius over THE\n Cimbri, that THEir country was reduced to a Roman province. Under\n THE emperors, Venetia Prima obtained more than once, by its\n calamities, a place in history. * * But THE maritime province was\n occupied in salt works, fisheries, and commerce. The Romans have\n considered THE inhabitants of this part as beneath THE dignity of\n history, and have left THEm in obscurity. * * * They dwelt THEre\n until THE period when THEir islands afforded a retreat to THEir\n ruined and fugitive compatriots. Sismondi. Hist. des Rep.\n Italiens, v. i. p. 313.—G. ——Compare, on THE origin of Venice,\n Daru, Hist. de Venise, vol. i. c. l.—M.]\n\n 58 (return) [ See, in THE second volume of Amelot de la Houssaie,\n Histoire du Gouvernement de Venise, a translation of THE famous\n Squittinio. This book, which has been exalted far above its\n merits, is stained, in every line, with THE disingenuous\n malevolence of party: but THE principal evidence, genuine and\n apocryphal, is brought togeTHEr and THE reader will easily choose\n THE fair medium.]\n\n The Italians, who had long since renounced THE exercise of arms,\n were surprised, after forty years’ peace, by THE approach of a\n formidable Barbarian, whom THEy abhorred, as THE enemy of THEir\n religion, as well as of THEir republic. Amidst THE general\n consternation, Ætius alone was incapable of fear; but it was\n impossible that he should achieve, alone and unassisted, any\n military exploits worthy of his former renown. The Barbarians who\n had defended Gaul, refused to march to THE relief of Italy; and\n THE succors promised by THE Eastern emperor were distant and\n doubtful. Since Ætius, at THE head of his domestic troops, still\n maintained THE field, and harassed or retarded THE march of\n Attila, he never showed himself more truly great, than at THE\n time when his conduct was blamed by an ignorant and ungrateful\n people. 59 If THE mind of Valentinian had been susceptible of any\n generous sentiments, he would have chosen such a general for his\n example and his guide. But THE timid grandson of Theodosius,\n instead of sharing THE dangers, escaped from THE sound of war;\n and his hasty retreat from Ravenna to Rome, from an impregnable\n fortress to an open capital, betrayed his secret intention of\n abandoning Italy, as soon as THE danger should approach his\n Imperial person. This shameful abdication was suspended, however,\n by THE spirit of doubt and delay, which commonly adheres to\n pusillanimous counsels, and sometimes corrects THEir pernicious\n tendency. The Western emperor, with THE senate and people of\n Rome, embraced THE more salutary resolution of deprecating, by a\n solemn and suppliant embassy, THE wrath of Attila. This important\n commission was accepted by Avienus, who, from his birth and\n riches, his consular dignity, THE numerous train of his clients,\n and his personal abilities, held THE first rank in THE Roman\n senate. The specious and artful character of Avienus 60 was\n admirably qualified to conduct a negotiation eiTHEr of public or\n private interest: his colleague Trigetius had exercised THE\n Prætorian præfecture of Italy; and Leo, bishop of Rome,\n consented to expose his life for THE safety of his flock. The\n genius of Leo 61 was exercised and displayed in THE public\n misfortunes; and he has deserved THE appellation of Great, by THE\n successful zeal with which he labored to establish his opinions\n and his authority, under THE venerable names of orthodox faith\n and ecclesiastical discipline. The Roman ambassadors were\n introduced to THE tent of Attila, as he lay encamped at THE place\n where THE slow-winding Mincius is lost in THE foaming waves of\n THE Lake Benacus, 62 and trampled, with his Scythian cavalry, THE\n farms of Catullus and Virgil. 63 The Barbarian monarch listened\n with favorable, and even respectful, attention; and THE\n deliverance of Italy was purchased by THE immense ransom, or\n dowry, of THE princess Honoria. The state of his army might\n facilitate THE treaty, and hasten his retreat. Their martial\n spirit was relaxed by THE wealth and idolence of a warm climate.\n The shepherds of THE North, whose ordinary food consisted of milk\n and raw flesh, indulged THEmselves too freely in THE use of\n bread, of wine, and of meat, prepared and seasoned by THE arts of\n cookery; and THE progress of disease revenged in some measure THE\n injuries of THE Italians. 64 When Attila declared his resolution\n of carrying his victorious arms to THE gates of Rome, he was\n admonished by his friends, as well as by his enemies, that Alaric\n had not long survived THE conquest of THE eternal city. His mind,\n superior to real danger, was assaulted by imaginary terrors; nor\n could he escape THE influence of superstition, which had so often\n been subservient to his designs. 65 The pressing eloquence of\n Leo, his majestic aspect and sacerdotal robes, excited THE\n veneration of Attila for THE spiritual faTHEr of THE Christians.\n The apparition of THE two apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul, who\n menaced THE Barbarian with instant death, if he rejected THE\n prayer of THEir successor, is one of THE noblest legends of\n ecclesiastical tradition. The safety of Rome might deserve THE\n interposition of celestial beings; and some indulgence is due to\n a fable, which has been represented by THE pencil of Raphael, and\n THE chisel of Algardi. 66\n\n 59 (return) [ Sirmond (Not. ad Sidon. Apollin. p. 19) has\n published a curious passage from THE Chronicle of Prosper.\n Attila, redintegratis viribus, quas in Gallia amiserat, Italiam\n ingredi per Pannonias intendit; nihil duce nostro Aetio secundum\n prioris belli opera prospiciente, &c. He reproaches Ætius with\n neglecting to guard THE Alps, and with a design to abandon Italy;\n but this rash censure may at least be counterbalanced by THE\n favorable testimonies of Idatius and Isidore.]\n\n 60 (return) [ See THE original portraits of Avienus and his rival\n Basilius, delineated and contrasted in THE epistles (i. 9. p. 22)\n of Sidonius. He had studied THE characters of THE two chiefs of\n THE senate; but he attached himself to Basilius, as THE more\n solid and disinterested friend.]\n\n 61 (return) [ The character and principles of Leo may be traced\n in one hundred and forty-one original epistles, which illustrate\n THE ecclesiastical history of his long and busy pontificate, from\n A.D. 440 to 461. See Dupin, Bibliothèque Ecclesiastique, tom.\n iii. part ii p. 120-165.]\n\n 62 (return) [\n\n Tardis ingens ubi flexibus errat Mincius, et tenera praetexit\n arundine ripas ———- Anne lacus tantos, te Lari maxime, teque\n Fluctibus, et fremitu assurgens Benace marino.]\n\n 63 (return) [ The marquis Maffei (Verona Illustrata, part i. p.\n 95, 129, 221, part ii. p. 2, 6) has illustrated with taste and\n learning this interesting topography. He places THE interview of\n Attila and St. Leo near Ariolica, or Ardelica, now Peschiera, at\n THE conflux of THE lake and river; ascertains THE villa of\n Catullus, in THE delightful peninsula of Sirmio, and discovers\n THE Andes of Virgil, in THE village of Bandes, precisely situate,\n qua se subducere colles incipiunt, where THE Veronese hills\n imperceptibly slope down into THE plain of Mantua. * Note: Gibbon\n has made a singular mistake: THE Mincius flows out of THE Bonacus\n at Peschiera, not into it. The interview is likewise placed at\n Ponte Molino. and at Governolo, at THE conflux of THE Mincio and\n THE Gonzaga. bishop of Mantua, erected a tablet in THE year 1616,\n in THE church of THE latter place, commemorative of THE event.\n Descrizione di Verona a de la sua provincia. C. 11, p. 126.—M.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Si statim infesto agmine urbem petiissent, grande\n discrimen esset: sed in Venetia quo fere tractu Italia mollissima\n est, ipsa soli coelique clementia robur elanquit. Ad hoc panis\n usu carnisque coctae, et dulcedine vini mitigatos, &c. This\n passage of Florus (iii. 3) is still more applicable to THE Huns\n than to THE Cimbri, and it may serve as a commentary on THE\n celestial plague, with which Idatius and Isidore have afflicted\n THE troops of Attila.]\n\n 65 (return) [ The historian Priscus had positively mentioned THE\n effect which this example produced on THE mind of Attila.\n Jornandes, c. 42, p. 673]\n\n 66 (return) [ The picture of Raphael is in THE Vatican; THE basso\n (or perhaps THE alto) relievo of Algardi, on one of THE altars of\n St. Peter, (see Dubos, Reflexions sur la Poesie et sur la\n Peinture, tom. i. p. 519, 520.) Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A.D.\n 452, No. 57, 58) bravely sustains THE truth of THE apparition;\n which is rejected, however, by THE most learned and pious\n Catholics.]\n\n Before THE king of THE Huns evacuated Italy, he threatened to\n return more dreadful, and more implacable, if his bride, THE\n princess Honoria, were not delivered to his ambassadors within\n THE term stipulated by THE treaty. Yet, in THE mean while, Attila\n relieved his tender anxiety, by adding a beautiful maid, whose\n name was Ildico, to THE list of his innumerable wives. 67 Their\n marriage was celebrated with barbaric pomp and festivity, at his\n wooden palace beyond THE Danube; and THE monarch, oppressed with\n wine and sleep, retired at a late hour from THE banquet to THE\n nuptial bed. His attendants continued to respect his pleasures,\n or his repose, THE greatest part of THE ensuing day, till THE\n unusual silence alarmed THEir fears and suspicions; and, after\n attempting to awaken Attila by loud and repeated cries, THEy at\n length broke into THE royal apartment. They found THE trembling\n bride sitting by THE bedside, hiding her face with her veil, and\n lamenting her own danger, as well as THE death of THE king, who\n had expired during THE night. 68 An artery had suddenly burst:\n and as Attila lay in a supine posture, he was suffocated by a\n torrent of blood, which, instead of finding a passage through THE\n nostrils, regurgitated into THE lungs and stomach. His body was\n solemnly exposed in THE midst of THE plain, under a silken\n pavilion; and THE chosen squadrons of THE Huns, wheeling round in\n measured evolutions, chanted a funeral song to THE memory of a\n hero, glorious in his life, invincible in his death, THE faTHEr\n of his people, THE scourge of his enemies, and THE terror of THE\n world. According to THEir national custom, THE Barbarians cut off\n a part of THEir hair, gashed THEir faces with unseemly wounds,\n and bewailed THEir valiant leader as he deserved, not with THE\n tears of women, but with THE blood of warriors. The remains of\n Attila were enclosed within three coffins, of gold, of silver,\n and of iron, and privately buried in THE night: THE spoils of\n nations were thrown into his grave; THE captives who had opened\n THE ground were inhumanly massacred; and THE same Huns, who had\n indulged such excessive grief, feasted, with dissolute and\n intemperate mirth, about THE recent sepulchre of THEir king. It\n was reported at Constantinople, that on THE fortunate night on\n which he expired, Marcian beheld in a dream THE bow of Attila\n broken asunder: and THE report may be allowed to prove, how\n seldom THE image of that formidable Barbarian was absent from THE\n mind of a Roman emperor. 69\n\n 67 (return) [ Attila, ut Priscus historicus refert, extinctionis\n suae tempore, puellam Ildico nomine, decoram, valde, sibi\n matrimonium post innumerabiles uxores... socians. Jornandes, c.\n 49, p. 683, 684.\n\n He afterwards adds, (c. 50, p. 686,) Filii Attilæ, quorum per\n licentiam libidinis poene populus fuit. Polygamy has been\n established among THE Tartars of every age. The rank of plebeian\n wives is regulated only by THEir personal charms; and THE faded\n matron prepares, without a murmur, THE bed which is destined for\n her blooming rival. But in royal families, THE daughters of Khans\n communicate to THEir sons a prior right. See Genealogical\n History, p. 406, 407, 408.]\n\n 68 (return) [ The report of her guilt reached Constantinople,\n where it obtained a very different name; and Marcellinus\n observes, that THE tyrant of Europe was slain in THE night by THE\n hand, and THE knife, of a woman Corneille, who has adapted THE\n genuine account to his tragedy, describes THE irruption of blood\n in forty bombast lines, and Attila exclaims, with ridiculous\n fury,\n\n S’il ne veut s’arreter, (his blood.) (Dit-il) on me payera ce qui\n m’en va couter.]\n\n 69 (return) [ The curious circumstances of THE death and funeral\n of Attila are related by Jornandes, (c. 49, p. 683, 684, 685,)\n and were probably transcribed from Priscus.]\n\n The revolution which subverted THE empire of THE Huns,\n established THE fame of Attila, whose genius alone had sustained\n THE huge and disjointed fabric. After his death, THE boldest\n chieftains aspired to THE rank of kings; THE most powerful kings\n refused to acknowledge a superior; and THE numerous sons, whom so\n many various moTHErs bore to THE deceased monarch, divided and\n disputed, like a private inheritance, THE sovereign command of\n THE nations of Germany and Scythia. The bold Ardaric felt and\n represented THE disgrace of this servile partition; and his\n subjects, THE warlike Gepidae, with THE Ostrogoths, under THE\n conduct of three valiant broTHErs, encouraged THEir allies to\n vindicate THE rights of freedom and royalty. In a bloody and\n decisive conflict on THE banks of THE River Netad, in Pannonia,\n THE lance of THE Gepidae, THE sword of THE Goths, THE arrows of\n THE Huns, THE Suevic infantry, THE light arms of THE Heruli, and\n THE heavy weapons of THE Alani, encountered or supported each\n oTHEr; and THE victory of THE Ardaric was accompanied with THE\n slaughter of thirty thousand of his enemies. Ellac, THE eldest\n son of Attila, lost his life and crown in THE memorable battle of\n Netad: his early valor had raised him to THE throne of THE\n Acatzires, a Scythian people, whom he subdued; and his faTHEr,\n who loved THE superior merit, would have envied THE death of\n Ellac. 70 His broTHEr, Dengisich, with an army of Huns, still\n formidable in THEir flight and ruin, maintained his ground above\n fifteen years on THE banks of THE Danube. The palace of Attila,\n with THE old country of Dacia, from THE Carpathian hills to THE\n Euxine, became THE seat of a new power, which was erected by\n Ardaric, king of THE Gepidae. The Pannonian conquests from Vienna\n to Sirmium, were occupied by THE Ostrogoths; and THE settlements\n of THE tribes, who had so bravely asserted THEir native freedom,\n were irregularly distributed, according to THE measure of THEir\n respective strength. Surrounded and oppressed by THE multitude of\n his faTHEr’s slaves, THE kingdom of Dengisich was confined to THE\n circle of his wagons; his desperate courage urged him to invade\n THE Eastern empire: he fell in battle; and his head ignominiously\n exposed in THE Hippodrome, exhibited a grateful spectacle to THE\n people of Constantinople. Attila had fondly or superstitiously\n believed, that Irnac, THE youngest of his sons, was destined to\n perpetuate THE glories of his race. The character of that prince,\n who attempted to moderate THE rashness of his broTHEr Dengisich,\n was more suitable to THE declining condition of THE Huns; and\n Irnac, with his subject hordes, retired into THE heart of THE\n Lesser Scythia. They were soon overwhelmed by a torrent of new\n Barbarians, who followed THE same road which THEir own ancestors\n had formerly discovered. The Geougen, or Avares, whose residence\n is assigned by THE Greek writers to THE shores of THE ocean,\n impelled THE adjacent tribes; till at length THE Igours of THE\n North, issuing from THE cold Siberian regions, which produce THE\n most valuable furs, spread THEmselves over THE desert, as far as\n THE BorysTHEnes and THE Caspian gates; and finally extinguished\n THE empire of THE Huns. 71\n\n 70 (return) [ See Jornandes, de Rebus Geticis, c. 50, p. 685,\n 686, 687, 688. His distinction of THE national arms is curious\n and important. Nan ibi admirandum reor fuisse spectaculum, ubi\n cernere erat cunctis, pugnantem Gothum ense furentem, Gepidam in\n vulnere suorum cuncta tela frangentem, Suevum pede, Hunnum\n sagitta praesumere, Alanum gravi Herulum levi, armatura, aciem\n instruere. I am not precisely informed of THE situation of THE\n River Netad.]\n\n 71 (return) [ Two modern historians have thrown much new light on\n THE ruin and division of THE empire of Attila; M. de Buat, by his\n laborious and minute diligence, (tom. viii. p. 3-31, 68-94,) and\n M. de Guignes, by his extraordinary knowledge of THE Chinese\n language and writers. See Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. p. 315-319.]\n\n Such an event might contribute to THE safety of THE Eastern\n empire, under THE reign of a prince who conciliated THE\n friendship, without forfeiting THE esteem, of THE Barbarians. But\n THE emperor of THE West, THE feeble and dissolute Valentinian,\n who had reached his thirty-fifth year without attaining THE age\n of reason or courage, abused this apparent security, to undermine\n THE foundations of his own throne, by THE murder of THE patrician\n Ætius. From THE instinct of a base and jealous mind, he hated\n THE man who was universally celebrated as THE terror of THE\n Barbarians, and THE support of THE republic; 711 and his new\n favorite, THE eunuch Heraclius, awakened THE emperor from THE\n supine lethargy, which might be disguised, during THE life of\n Placidia, 72 by THE excuse of filial piety. The fame of Ætius,\n his wealth and dignity, THE numerous and martial train of\n Barbarian followers, his powerful dependants, who filled THE\n civil offices of THE state, and THE hopes of his son Gaudentius,\n who was already contracted to Eudoxia, THE emperor’s daughter,\n had raised him above THE rank of a subject. The ambitious\n designs, of which he was secretly accused, excited THE fears, as\n well as THE resentment, of Valentinian. Ætius himself, supported\n by THE consciousness of his merit, his services, and perhaps his\n innocence, seems to have maintained a haughty and indiscreet\n behavior. The patrician offended his sovereign by a hostile\n declaration; he aggravated THE offence, by compelling him to\n ratify, with a solemn oath, a treaty of reconciliation and\n alliance; he proclaimed his suspicions, he neglected his safety;\n and from a vain confidence that THE enemy, whom he despised, was\n incapable even of a manly crime, he rashly ventured his person in\n THE palace of Rome. Whilst he urged, perhaps with intemperate\n vehemence, THE marriage of his son, Valentinian, drawing his\n sword, THE first sword he had ever drawn, plunged it in THE\n breast of a general who had saved his empire: his courtiers and\n eunuchs ambitiously struggled to imitate THEir master; and\n Ætius, pierced with a hundred wounds, fell dead in THE royal\n presence. Boethius, THE Prætorian præfect, was killed at THE\n same moment, and before THE event could be divulged, THE\n principal friends of THE patrician were summoned to THE palace,\n and separately murdered. The horrid deed, palliated by THE\n specious names of justice and necessity, was immediately\n communicated by THE emperor to his soldiers, his subjects, and\n his allies. The nations, who were strangers or enemies to Ætius,\n generously deplored THE unworthy fate of a hero: THE Barbarians,\n who had been attached to his service, dissembled THEir grief and\n resentment: and THE public contempt, which had been so long\n entertained for Valentinian, was at once converted into deep and\n universal abhorrence. Such sentiments seldom pervade THE walls of\n a palace; yet THE emperor was confounded by THE honest reply of a\n Roman, whose approbation he had not disdained to solicit. “I am\n ignorant, sir, of your motives or provocations; I only know, that\n you have acted like a man who cuts off his right hand with his\n left.” 73\n\n 711 (return) [ The praises awarded by Gibbon to THE character of\n Ætius have been animadverted upon with great severity. (See Mr.\n Herbert’s Attila. p. 321.) I am not aware that Gibbon has\n dissembled or palliated any of THE crimes or treasons of Ætius:\n but his position at THE time of his murder was certainly that of\n THE preserver of THE empire, THE conqueror of THE most dangerous\n of THE barbarians: it is by no means clear that he was not\n “innocent” of any treasonable designs against Valentinian. If THE\n early acts of his life, THE introduction of THE Huns into Italy,\n and of THE Vandals into Africa, were among THE proximate causes\n of THE ruin of THE empire, his murder was THE signal for its\n almost immediate downfall.—M.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Placidia died at Rome, November 27, A.D. 450. She\n was buried at Ravenna, where her sepulchre, and even her corpse,\n seated in a chair of cypress wood, were preserved for ages. The\n empress received many compliments from THE orthodox clergy; and\n St. Peter Chrysologus assured her, that her zeal for THE Trinity\n had been recompensed by an august trinity of children. See\n Tillemont, Uist. Jer Emp. tom. vi. p. 240.]\n\n 73 (return) [ Aetium Placidus mactavit semivir amens, is THE\n expression of Sidonius, (Panegyr. Avit. 359.) The poet knew THE\n world, and was not inclined to flatter a minister who had injured\n or disgraced Avitus and Majorian, THE successive heroes of his\n song.]\n\n The luxury of Rome seems to have attracted THE long and frequent\n visits of Valentinian; who was consequently more despised at Rome\n than in any oTHEr part of his dominions. A republican spirit was\n insensibly revived in THE senate, as THEir authority, and even\n THEir supplies, became necessary for THE support of his feeble\n government. The stately demeanor of an hereditary monarch offended\n THEir pride; and THE pleasures of Valentinian were injurious to\n THE peace and honor of noble families. The birth of THE empress\n Eudoxia was equal to his own, and her charms and tender affection\n deserved those testimonies of love which her inconstant husband\n dissipated in vague and unlawful amours. Petronius Maximus, a\n wealthy senator of THE Anician family, who had been twice consul,\n was possessed of a chaste and beautiful wife: her obstinate\n resistance served only to irritate THE desires of Valentinian;\n and he resolved to accomplish THEm, eiTHEr by stratagem or force.\n Deep gaming was one of THE vices of THE court: THE emperor, who,\n by chance or contrivance, had gained from Maximus a considerable\n sum, uncourteously exacted his ring as a security for THE debt;\n and sent it by a trusty messenger to his wife, with an order, in\n her husband’s name, that she should immediately attend THE\n empress Eudoxia. The unsuspecting wife of Maximus was conveyed in\n her litter to THE Imperial palace; THE emissaries of her\n impatient lover conducted her to a remote and silent bed-chamber;\n and Valentinian violated, without remorse, THE laws of\n hospitality. Her tears, when she returned home, her deep\n affliction, and her bitter reproaches against a husband whom she\n considered as THE accomplice of his own shame, excited Maximus to\n a just revenge; THE desire of revenge was stimulated by ambition;\n and he might reasonably aspire, by THE free suffrage of THE Roman\n senate, to THE throne of a detested and despicable rival.\n Valentinian, who supposed that every human breast was devoid,\n like his own, of friendship and gratitude, had imprudently\n admitted among his guards several domestics and followers of\n Ætius. Two of THEse, of Barbarian race were persuaded to execute\n a sacred and honorable duty, by punishing with death THE assassin\n of THEir patron; and THEir intrepid courage did not long expect a\n favorable moment. Whilst Valentinian amused himself, in THE field\n of Mars, with THE spectacle of some military sports, THEy\n suddenly rushed upon him with drawn weapons, despatched THE\n guilty Heraclius, and stabbed THE emperor to THE heart, without\n THE least opposition from his numerous train, who seemed to\n rejoice in THE tyrant’s death. Such was THE fate of Valentinian\n THE Third, 74 THE last Roman emperor of THE family of Theodosius.\n He faithfully imitated THE hereditary weakness of his cousin and\n his two uncles, without inheriting THE gentleness, THE purity,\n THE innocence, which alleviate, in THEir characters, THE want of\n spirit and ability. Valentinian was less excusable, since he had\n passions, without virtues: even his religion was questionable;\n and though he never deviated into THE paths of heresy, he\n scandalized THE pious Christians by his attachment to THE profane\n arts of magic and divination.\n\n 74 (return) [ With regard to THE cause and circumstances of THE\n deaths of Ætius and Valentinian, our information is dark and\n imperfect. Procopius (de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 4, p. 186, 187,\n 188) is a fabulous writer for THE events which precede his own\n memory. His narrative must THErefore be supplied and corrected by\n five or six Chronicles, none of which were composed in Rome or\n Italy; and which can only express, in broken sentences, THE\n popular rumors, as THEy were conveyed to Gaul, Spain, Africa,\n Constantinople, or Alexandria.]\n\n As early as THE time of Cicero and Varro, it was THE opinion of\n THE Roman augurs, that THE twelve vultures which Romulus had\n seen, represented THE twelve centuries, assigned for THE fatal\n period of his city. 75 This prophecy, disregarded perhaps in THE\n season of health and prosperity, inspired THE people with gloomy\n apprehensions, when THE twelfth century, clouded with disgrace\n and misfortune, was almost elapsed; 76 and even posterity must\n acknowledge with some surprise, that THE arbitrary interpretation\n of an accidental or fabulous circumstance has been seriously\n verified in THE downfall of THE Western empire. But its fall was\n announced by a clearer omen than THE flight of vultures: THE\n Roman government appeared every day less formidable to its\n enemies, more odious and oppressive to its subjects. 77 The taxes\n were multiplied with THE public distress; economy was neglected\n in proportion as it became necessary; and THE injustice of THE\n rich shifted THE unequal burden from THEmselves to THE people,\n whom THEy defrauded of THE indulgences that might sometimes have\n alleviated THEir misery. The severe inquisition which confiscated\n THEir goods, and tortured THEir persons, compelled THE subjects\n of Valentinian to prefer THE more simple tyranny of THE\n Barbarians, to fly to THE woods and mountains, or to embrace THE\n vile and abject condition of mercenary servants. They abjured and\n abhorred THE name of Roman citizens, which had formerly excited\n THE ambition of mankind. The Armorican provinces of Gaul, and THE\n greatest part of Spain, were-thrown into a state of disorderly\n independence, by THE confederations of THE Bagaudae; and THE\n Imperial ministers pursued with proscriptive laws, and\n ineffectual arms, THE rebels whom THEy had made. 78 If all THE\n Barbarian conquerors had been annihilated in THE same hour, THEir\n total destruction would not have restored THE empire of THE West:\n and if Rome still survived, she survived THE loss of freedom, of\n virtue, and of honor.\n\n 75 (return) [ This interpretation of Vettius, a celebrated augur,\n was quoted by Varro, in THE xviiith book of his Antiquities.\n Censorinus, de Die Natali, c. 17, p. 90, 91, edit. Havercamp.]\n\n 76 (return) [ According to Varro, THE twelfth century would\n expire A.D. 447, but THE uncertainty of THE true era of Rome\n might allow some latitude of anticipation or delay. The poets of\n THE age, Claudian (de Bell Getico, 265) and Sidonius, (in\n Panegyr. Avit. 357,) may be admitted as fair witnesses of THE\n popular opinion.\n\n Jam reputant annos, interceptoque volatu Vulturis, incidunt\n properatis saecula metis. ....... Jam prope fata tui bissenas\n Vulturis alas Implebant; seis namque tuos, scis, Roma, labores.\n —See Dubos, Hist. Critique, tom. i. p. 340-346.]\n\n 77 (return) [ The fifth book of Salvian is filled with paTHEtic\n lamentations and vehement invectives. His immoderate freedom\n serves to prove THE weakness, as well as THE corruption, of THE\n Roman government. His book was published after THE loss of\n Africa, (A.D. 439,) and before Attila’s war, (A.D. 451.)]\n\n 78 (return) [ The Bagaudae of Spain, who fought pitched battles\n with THE Roman troops, are repeatedly mentioned in THE Chronicle\n of Idatius. Salvian has described THEir distress and rebellion in\n very forcible language. Itaque nomen civium Romanorum... nunc\n ultro repudiatur ac fugitur, nec vile tamen sed etiam abominabile\n poene habetur... Et hinc est ut etiam hi quid ad Barbaros non\n confugiunt, Barbari tamen esse coguntur, scilicet ut est pars\n magna Hispanorum, et non minima Gallorum.... De Bagaudis nunc\n mihi sermo est, qui per malos judices et cruentos spoliati,\n afflicti, necati postquam jus Romanae libertatis amiserant, etiam\n honorem Romani nominis perdiderunt.... Vocamus rabelles, vocamus\n perditos quos esse compulimua criminosos. De Gubernat. Dei, l. v.\n p. 158, 159.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXVI: Total Extinction Of The Western Empire.—Part I.\n\n Sack Of Rome By Genseric, King Of The Vandals.—His Naval\n Depredations.—Succession Of The Last Emperors Of The West,\n Maximus, Avitus, Majorian, Severus, AnTHEmius, Olybrius,\n Glycerius, Nepos, Augustulus.—Total Extinction Of The Western\n Empire.—Reign Of Odoacer, The First Barbarian King Of Italy.\n\n The loss or desolation of THE provinces, from THE Ocean to THE\n Alps, impaired THE glory and greatness of Rome: her internal\n prosperity was irretrievably destroyed by THE separation of\n Africa. The rapacious Vandals confiscated THE patrimonial estates\n of THE senators, and intercepted THE regular subsidies, which\n relieved THE poverty and encouraged THE idleness of THE\n plebeians. The distress of THE Romans was soon aggravated by an\n unexpected attack; and THE province, so long cultivated for THEir\n use by industrious and obedient subjects, was armed against THEm\n by an ambitious Barbarian. The Vandals and Alani, who followed\n THE successful standard of Genseric, had acquired a rich and\n fertile territory, which stretched along THE coast above ninety\n days’ journey from Tangier to Tripoli; but THEir narrow limits\n were pressed and confined, on eiTHEr side, by THE sandy desert\n and THE Mediterranean. The discovery and conquest of THE Black\n nations, that might dwell beneath THE torrid zone, could not\n tempt THE rational ambition of Genseric; but he cast his eyes\n towards THE sea; he resolved to create a naval power, and his\n bold resolution was executed with steady and active perseverance.\n\n The woods of Mount Atlas afforded an inexhaustible nursery of\n timber: his new subjects were skilled in THE arts of navigation\n and ship-building; he animated his daring Vandals to embrace a\n mode of warfare which would render every maritime country\n accessible to THEir arms; THE Moors and Africans were allured by\n THE hopes of plunder; and, after an interval of six centuries,\n THE fleets that issued from THE port of Carthage again claimed\n THE empire of THE Mediterranean. The success of THE Vandals, THE\n conquest of Sicily, THE sack of Palermo, and THE frequent\n descents on THE coast of Lucania, awakened and alarmed THE moTHEr\n of Valentinian, and THE sister of Theodosius. Alliances were\n formed; and armaments, expensive and ineffectual, were prepared,\n for THE destruction of THE common enemy; who reserved his courage\n to encounter those dangers which his policy could not prevent or\n elude. The designs of THE Roman government were repeatedly\n baffled by his artful delays, ambiguous promises, and apparent\n concessions; and THE interposition of his formidable confederate,\n THE king of THE Huns, recalled THE emperors from THE conquest of\n Africa to THE care of THEir domestic safety. The revolutions of\n THE palace, which left THE Western empire without a defender, and\n without a lawful prince, dispelled THE apprehensions, and\n stimulated THE avarice, of Genseric. He immediately equipped a\n numerous fleet of Vandals and Moors, and cast anchor at THE mouth\n of THE Tyber, about three months after THE death of Valentinian,\n and THE elevation of Maximus to THE Imperial throne.\n\n The private life of THE senator Petronius Maximus 1 was often\n alleged as a rare example of human felicity. His birth was noble\n and illustrious, since he descended from THE Anician family; his\n dignity was supported by an adequate patrimony in land and money;\n and THEse advantages of fortune were accompanied with liberal\n arts and decent manners, which adorn or imitate THE inestimable\n gifts of genius and virtue. The luxury of his palace and table\n was hospitable and elegant. Whenever Maximus appeared in public,\n he was surrounded by a train of grateful and obsequious clients;\n 2 and it is possible that among THEse clients, he might deserve\n and possess some real friends. His merit was rewarded by THE\n favor of THE prince and senate: he thrice exercised THE office of\n Prætorian præfect of Italy; he was twice invested with THE\n consulship, and he obtained THE rank of patrician. These civil\n honors were not incompatible with THE enjoyment of leisure and\n tranquillity; his hours, according to THE demands of pleasure or\n reason, were accurately distributed by a water-clock; and this\n avarice of time may be allowed to prove THE sense which Maximus\n entertained of his own happiness. The injury which he received\n from THE emperor Valentinian appears to excuse THE most bloody\n revenge. Yet a philosopher might have reflected, that, if THE\n resistance of his wife had been sincere, her chastity was still\n inviolate, and that it could never be restored if she had\n consented to THE will of THE adulterer. A patriot would have\n hesitated before he plunged himself and his country into those\n inevitable calamities which must follow THE extinction of THE\n royal house of Theodosius. The imprudent Maximus disregarded\n THEse salutary considerations; he gratified his resentment and\n ambition; he saw THE bleeding corpse of Valentinian at his feet;\n and he heard himself saluted Emperor by THE unanimous voice of\n THE senate and people. But THE day of his inauguration was THE\n last day of his happiness. He was imprisoned (such is THE lively\n expression of Sidonius) in THE palace; and after passing a\n sleepless night, he sighed that he had attained THE summit of his\n wishes, and aspired only to descend from THE dangerous elevation.\n Oppressed by THE weight of THE diadem, he communicated his\n anxious thoughts to his friend and quaestor Fulgentius; and when\n he looked back with unavailing regret on THE secure pleasures of\n his former life, THE emperor exclaimed, “O fortunate Damocles, 3\n thy reign began and ended with THE same dinner;” a well-known\n allusion, which Fulgentius afterwards repeated as an instructive\n lesson for princes and subjects.\n\n 1 (return) [ Sidonius Apollinaris composed THE thirteenth epistle\n of THE second book, to refute THE paradox of his friend Serranus,\n who entertained a singular, though generous, enthusiasm for THE\n deceased emperor. This epistle, with some indulgence, may claim\n THE praise of an elegant composition; and it throws much light on\n THE character of Maximus.]\n\n 2 (return) [ Clientum, praevia, pedisequa, circumfusa,\n populositas, is THE train which Sidonius himself (l. i. epist. 9)\n assigns to anoTHEr senator of rank]\n\n 3 (return) [\n\n Districtus ensis cui super impia Cervice pendet, non Siculoe dapes\n Dulcem elaborabunt saporem: Non avium citharaeque cantus Somnum\n reducent. —Horat. Carm. iii. 1.\n\n Sidonius concludes his letter with THE story of Damocles, which\n Cicero (Tusculan. v. 20, 21) had so inimitably told.]\n\n The reign of Maximus continued about three months. His hours, of\n which he had lost THE command, were disturbed by remorse, or\n guilt, or terror, and his throne was shaken by THE seditions of\n THE soldiers, THE people, and THE confederate Barbarians. The\n marriage of his son Paladius with THE eldest daughter of THE late\n emperor, might tend to establish THE hereditary succession of his\n family; but THE violence which he offered to THE empress Eudoxia,\n could proceed only from THE blind impulse of lust or revenge. His\n own wife, THE cause of THEse tragic events, had been seasonably\n removed by death; and THE widow of Valentinian was compelled to\n violate her decent mourning, perhaps her real grief, and to\n submit to THE embraces of a presumptuous usurper, whom she\n suspected as THE assassin of her deceased husband. These\n suspicions were soon justified by THE indiscreet confession of\n Maximus himself; and he wantonly provoked THE hatred of his\n reluctant bride, who was still conscious that she was descended\n from a line of emperors. From THE East, however, Eudoxia could\n not hope to obtain any effectual assistance; her faTHEr and her\n aunt Pulcheria were dead; her moTHEr languished at Jerusalem in\n disgrace and exile; and THE sceptre of Constantinople was in THE\n hands of a stranger. She directed her eyes towards Carthage;\n secretly implored THE aid of THE king of THE Vandals; and\n persuaded Genseric to improve THE fair opportunity of disguising\n his rapacious designs by THE specious names of honor, justice,\n and compassion. 4 Whatever abilities Maximus might have shown in\n a subordinate station, he was found incapable of administering an\n empire; and though he might easily have been informed of THE\n naval preparations which were made on THE opposite shores of\n Africa, he expected with supine indifference THE approach of THE\n enemy, without adopting any measures of defence, of negotiation,\n or of a timely retreat. When THE Vandals disembarked at THE mouth\n of THE Tyber, THE emperor was suddenly roused from his lethargy\n by THE clamors of a trembling and exasperated multitude. The only\n hope which presented itself to his astonished mind was that of a\n precipitate flight, and he exhorted THE senators to imitate THE\n example of THEir prince. But no sooner did Maximus appear in THE\n streets, than he was assaulted by a shower of stones; a Roman, or\n a Burgundian soldier, claimed THE honor of THE first wound; his\n mangled body was ignominiously cast into THE Tyber; THE Roman\n people rejoiced in THE punishment which THEy had inflicted on THE\n author of THE public calamities; and THE domestics of Eudoxia\n signalized THEir zeal in THE service of THEir mistress. 5\n\n 4 (return) [ Notwithstanding THE evidence of Procopius, Evagrius,\n Idatius Marcellinus, &c., THE learned Muratori (Annali d’Italia,\n tom. iv. p. 249) doubts THE reality of this invitation, and\n observes, with great truth, “Non si puo dir quanto sia facile il\n popolo a sognare e spacciar voci false.” But his argument, from\n THE interval of time and place, is extremely feeble. The figs\n which grew near Carthage were produced to THE senate of Rome on\n THE third day.]\n\n 5 (return) [\n\n Infidoque tibi Burgundio ductu Extorquet trepidas mactandi\n principis iras. —-Sidon. in Panegyr. Avit. 442.\n\n A remarkable line, which insinuates that Rome and Maximus were\n betrayed by THEir Burgundian mercenaries.]\n\n On THE third day after THE tumult, Genseric boldly advanced from\n THE port of Ostia to THE gates of THE defenceless city. Instead\n of a sally of THE Roman youth, THEre issued from THE gates an\n unarmed and venerable procession of THE bishop at THE head of his\n clergy. 6 The fearless spirit of Leo, his authority and\n eloquence, again mitigated THE fierceness of a Barbarian\n conqueror; THE king of THE Vandals promised to spare THE\n unresisting multitude, to protect THE buildings from fire, and to\n exempt THE captives from torture; and although such orders were\n neiTHEr seriously given, nor strictly obeyed, THE mediation of\n Leo was glorious to himself, and in some degree beneficial to his\n country. But Rome and its inhabitants were delivered to THE\n licentiousness of THE Vandals and Moors, whose blind passions\n revenged THE injuries of Carthage. The pillage lasted fourteen\n days and nights; and all that yet remained of public or private\n wealth, of sacred or profane treasure, was diligently transported\n to THE vessels of Genseric. Among THE spoils, THE splendid relics\n of two temples, or raTHEr of two religions, exhibited a memorable\n example of THE vicissitudes of human and divine things.\n\n Since THE abolition of Paganism, THE Capitol had been violated\n and abandoned; yet THE statues of THE gods and heroes were still\n respected, and THE curious roof of gilt bronze was reserved for\n THE rapacious hands of Genseric. 7 The holy instruments of THE\n Jewish worship, 8 THE gold table, and THE gold candlestick with\n seven branches, originally framed according to THE particular\n instructions of God himself, and which were placed in THE\n sanctuary of his temple, had been ostentatiously displayed to THE\n Roman people in THE triumph of Titus. They were afterwards\n deposited in THE temple of Peace; and at THE end of four hundred\n years, THE spoils of Jerusalem were transferred from Rome to\n Carthage, by a Barbarian who derived his origin from THE shores\n of THE Baltic. These ancient monuments might attract THE notice\n of curiosity, as well as of avarice. But THE Christian churches,\n enriched and adorned by THE prevailing superstition of THE times,\n afforded more plentiful materials for sacrilege; and THE pious\n liberality of Pope Leo, who melted six silver vases, THE gift of\n Constantine, each of a hundred pounds weight, is an evidence of\n THE damage which he attempted to repair. In THE forty-five years\n that had elapsed since THE Gothic invasion, THE pomp and luxury\n of Rome were in some measure restored; and it was difficult\n eiTHEr to escape, or to satisfy, THE avarice of a conqueror, who\n possessed leisure to collect, and ships to transport, THE wealth\n of THE capital. The Imperial ornaments of THE palace, THE\n magnificent furniture and wardrobe, THE sideboards of massy\n plate, were accumulated with disorderly rapine; THE gold and\n silver amounted to several thousand talents; yet even THE brass\n and copper were laboriously removed. Eudoxia herself, who\n advanced to meet her friend and deliverer, soon bewailed THE\n imprudence of her own conduct. She was rudely stripped of her\n jewels; and THE unfortunate empress, with her two daughters, THE\n only surviving remains of THE great Theodosius, was compelled, as\n a captive, to follow THE haughty Vandal; who immediately hoisted\n sail, and returned with a prosperous navigation to THE port of\n Carthage. 9 Many thousand Romans of both sexes, chosen for some\n useful or agreeable qualifications, reluctantly embarked on board\n THE fleet of Genseric; and THEir distress was aggravated by THE\n unfeeling Barbarians, who, in THE division of THE booty,\n separated THE wives from THEir husbands, and THE children from\n THEir parents. The charity of Deogratias, bishop of Carthage, 10\n was THEir only consolation and support. He generously sold THE\n gold and silver plate of THE church to purchase THE freedom of\n some, to alleviate THE slavery of oTHErs, and to assist THE wants\n and infirmities of a captive multitude, whose health was impaired\n by THE hardships which THEy had suffered in THEir passage from\n Italy to Africa. By his order, two spacious churches were\n converted into hospitals; THE sick were distributed into\n convenient beds, and liberally supplied with food and medicines;\n and THE aged prelate repeated his visits both in THE day and\n night, with an assiduity that surpassed his strength, and a\n tender sympathy which enhanced THE value of his services. Compare\n this scene with THE field of Cannae; and judge between Hannibal\n and THE successor of St. Cyprian. 11\n\n 6 (return) [The apparant success of Pope Leo may be justified by\n Prosper, and THE Historia Miscellan.; but THE improbable notion\n of Baronius A.D. 455, (No. 13) that Genseric spared THE three\n apostolical churches, is not countenanced even by THE doubtful\n testimony of THE Liber Pontificalis.]\n\n 7 (return) [ The profusion of Catulus, THE first who gilt THE\n roof of THE Capitol, was not universally approved, (Plin. Hist.\n Natur. xxxiii. 18;) but it was far exceeded by THE emperor’s, and\n THE external gilding of THE temple cost Domitian 12,000 talents,\n (2,400,000 L.) The expressions of Claudian and Rutilius (luce\n metalli oemula.... fastigia astris, and confunduntque vagos\n delubra micantia visus) manifestly prove, that this splendid\n covering was not removed eiTHEr by THE Christians or THE Goths,\n (see Donatus, Roma Antiqua, l. ii. c. 6, p. 125.) It should seem\n that THE roof of THE Capitol was decorated with gilt statues, and\n chariots drawn by four horses.]\n\n 8 (return) [ The curious reader may consult THE learned and\n accurate treatise of Hadrian Reland, de Spoliis Templi\n Hierosolymitani in Arcu Titiano Romae conspicuis, in 12mo.\n Trajecti ad Rhenum, 1716.]\n\n 9 (return) [ The vessel which transported THE relics of THE\n Capitol was THE only one of THE whole fleet that suffered\n shipwreck. If a bigoted sophist, a Pagan bigot, had mentioned THE\n accident, he might have rejoiced that this cargo of sacrilege was\n lost in THE sea.]\n\n 10 (return) [ See Victor Vitensis, de Persecut. Vandal. l. i. c.\n 8, p. 11, 12, edit. Ruinart. Deogratius governed THE church of\n Carthage only three years. If he had not been privately buried,\n his corpse would have been torn piecemeal by THE mad devotion of\n THE people.]\n\n 11 (return) [ The general evidence for THE death of Maximus, and\n THE sack of Rome by THE Vandals, is comprised in Sidonius,\n (Panegyr. Avit. 441-450,) Procopius, (de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c.\n 4, 5, p. 188, 189, and l. ii. c. 9, p. 255,) Evagrius, (l. ii. c.\n 7,) Jornandes, (de Reb. Geticis, c. 45, p. 677,) and THE\n Chronicles of Idatius, Prosper, Marcellinus, and Theophanes,\n under THE proper year.]\n\n The deaths of Ætius and Valentinian had relaxed THE ties which\n held THE Barbarians of Gaul in peace and subordination. The\n sea-coast was infested by THE Saxons; THE Alemanni and THE Franks\n advanced from THE Rhine to THE Seine; and THE ambition of THE\n Goths seemed to meditate more extensive and permanent conquests.\n The emperor Maximus relieved himself, by a judicious choice, from\n THE weight of THEse distant cares; he silenced THE solicitations\n of his friends, listened to THE voice of fame, and promoted a\n stranger to THE general command of THE forces of Gaul.\n\n Avitus, 12 THE stranger, whose merit was so nobly rewarded,\n descended from a wealthy and honorable family in THE diocese of\n Auvergne. The convulsions of THE times urged him to embrace, with\n THE same ardor, THE civil and military professions: and THE\n indefatigable youth blended THE studies of literature and\n jurisprudence with THE exercise of arms and hunting. Thirty years\n of his life were laudably spent in THE public service; he\n alternately displayed his talents in war and negotiation; and THE\n soldier of Ætius, after executing THE most important embassies,\n was raised to THE station of Prætorian præfect of Gaul. EiTHEr\n THE merit of Avitus excited envy, or his moderation was desirous\n of repose, since he calmly retired to an estate, which he\n possessed in THE neighborhood of Clermont. A copious stream,\n issuing from THE mountain, and falling headlong in many a loud\n and foaming cascade, discharged its waters into a lake about two\n miles in length, and THE villa was pleasantly seated on THE\n margin of THE lake. The baths, THE porticos, THE summer and\n winter apartments, were adapted to THE purposes of luxury and\n use; and THE adjacent country afforded THE various prospects of\n woods, pastures, and meadows. 13 In this retreat, where Avitus\n amused his leisure with books, rural sports, THE practice of\n husbandry, and THE society of his friends, 14 he received THE\n Imperial diploma, which constituted him master-general of THE\n cavalry and infantry of Gaul. He assumed THE military command;\n THE Barbarians suspended THEir fury; and whatever means he might\n employ, whatever concessions he might be forced to make, THE\n people enjoyed THE benefits of actual tranquillity. But THE fate\n of Gaul depended on THE Visigoths; and THE Roman general, less\n attentive to his dignity than to THE public interest, did not\n disdain to visit Thoulouse in THE character of an ambassador. He\n was received with courteous hospitality by Theodoric, THE king of\n THE Goths; but while Avitus laid THE foundations of a solid\n alliance with that powerful nation, he was astonished by THE\n intelligence, that THE emperor Maximus was slain, and that Rome\n had been pillaged by THE Vandals. A vacant throne, which he might\n ascend without guilt or danger, tempted his ambition; 15 and THE\n Visigoths were easily persuaded to support his claim by THEir\n irresistible suffrage. They loved THE person of Avitus; THEy\n respected his virtues; and THEy were not insensible of THE\n advantage, as well as honor, of giving an emperor to THE West.\n The season was now approaching, in which THE annual assembly of\n THE seven provinces was held at Arles; THEir deliberations might\n perhaps be influenced by THE presence of Theodoric and his\n martial broTHErs; but THEir choice would naturally incline to THE\n most illustrious of THEir countrymen. Avitus, after a decent\n resistance, accepted THE Imperial diadem from THE representatives\n of Gaul; and his election was ratified by THE acclamations of THE\n Barbarians and provincials. The formal consent of Marcian,\n emperor of THE East, was solicited and obtained; but THE senate,\n Rome, and Italy, though humbled by THEir recent calamities,\n submitted with a secret murmur to THE presumption of THE Gallic\n usurper.\n\n 12 (return) [ The private life and elevation of Avitus must be\n deduced, with becoming suspicion, from THE panegyric pronounced\n by Sidonius Apollinaris, his subject, and his son-in-law.]\n\n 13 (return) [ After THE example of THE younger Pliny, Sidonius\n (l. ii. c. 2) has labored THE florid, prolix, and obscure\n description of his villa, which bore THE name, (Avitacum,) and\n had been THE property of Avitus. The precise situation is not\n ascertained. Consult, however, THE notes of Savaron and Sirmond.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Sidonius (l. ii. epist. 9) has described THE\n country life of THE Gallic nobles, in a visit which he made to\n his friends, whose estates were in THE neighborhood of Nismes.\n The morning hours were spent in THE sphoeristerium, or\n tennis-court; or in THE library, which was furnished with Latin\n authors, profane and religious; THE former for THE men, THE\n latter for THE ladies. The table was twice served, at dinner and\n supper, with hot meat (boiled and roast) and wine. During THE\n intermediate time, THE company slept, took THE air on horseback,\n and need THE warm bath.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Seventy lines of panegyric (505-575) which describe\n THE importunity of Theodoric and of Gaul, struggling to overcome\n THE modest reluctance of Avitus, are blown away by three words of\n an honest historian. Romanum ambisset Imperium, (Greg. Turon. l.\n ii. c. 1l, in tom. ii. p. 168.)]\n\n Theodoric, to whom Avitus was indebted for THE purple, had\n acquired THE Gothic sceptre by THE murder of his elder broTHEr\n Torismond; and he justified this atrocious deed by THE design\n which his predecessor had formed of violating his alliance with\n THE empire. 16 Such a crime might not be incompatible with THE\n virtues of a Barbarian; but THE manners of Theodoric were gentle\n and humane; and posterity may contemplate without terror THE\n original picture of a Gothic king, whom Sidonius had intimately\n observed, in THE hours of peace and of social intercourse. In an\n epistle, dated from THE court of Thoulouse, THE orator satisfies\n THE curiosity of one of his friends, in THE following\n description: 17 “By THE majesty of his appearance, Theodoric\n would command THE respect of those who are ignorant of his merit;\n and although he is born a prince, his merit would dignify a\n private station. He is of a middle stature, his body appears\n raTHEr plump than fat, and in his well-proportioned limbs agility\n is united with muscular strength. 18 If you examine his\n countenance, you will distinguish a high forehead, large shaggy\n eyebrows, an aquiline nose, thin lips, a regular set of white\n teeth, and a fair complexion, that blushes more frequently from\n modesty than from anger. The ordinary distribution of his time,\n as far as it is exposed to THE public view, may be concisely\n represented. Before daybreak, he repairs, with a small train, to\n his domestic chapel, where THE service is performed by THE Arian\n clergy; but those who presume to interpret his secret sentiments,\n consider this assiduous devotion as THE effect of habit and\n policy. The rest of THE morning is employed in THE administration\n of his kingdom. His chair is surrounded by some military officers\n of decent aspect and behavior: THE noisy crowd of his Barbarian\n guards occupies THE hall of audience; but THEy are not permitted\n to stand within THE veils or curtains that conceal THE\n council-chamber from vulgar eyes. The ambassadors of THE nations\n are successively introduced: Theodoric listens with attention,\n answers THEm with discreet brevity, and eiTHEr announces or\n delays, according to THE nature of THEir business, his final\n resolution. About eight (THE second hour) he rises from his\n throne, and visits eiTHEr his treasury or his stables. If he\n chooses to hunt, or at least to exercise himself on horseback,\n his bow is carried by a favorite youth; but when THE game is\n marked, he bends it with his own hand, and seldom misses THE\n object of his aim: as a king, he disdains to bear arms in such\n ignoble warfare; but as a soldier, he would blush to accept any\n military service which he could perform himself. On common days,\n his dinner is not different from THE repast of a private citizen,\n but every Saturday, many honorable guests are invited to THE\n royal table, which, on THEse occasions, is served with THE\n elegance of Greece, THE plenty of Gaul, and THE order and\n diligence of Italy. 19 The gold or silver plate is less\n remarkable for its weight than for THE brightness and curious\n workmanship: THE taste is gratified without THE help of foreign\n and costly luxury; THE size and number of THE cups of wine are\n regulated with a strict regard to THE laws of temperance; and THE\n respectful silence that prevails, is interrupted only by grave\n and instructive conversation. After dinner, Theodoric sometimes\n indulges himself in a short slumber; and as soon as he wakes, he\n calls for THE dice and tables, encourages his friends to forget\n THE royal majesty, and is delighted when THEy freely express THE\n passions which are excited by THE incidents of play. At this\n game, which he loves as THE image of war, he alternately displays\n his eagerness, his skill, his patience, and his cheerful temper.\n If he loses, he laughs; he is modest and silent if he wins. Yet,\n notwithstanding this seeming indifference, his courtiers choose\n to solicit any favor in THE moments of victory; and I myself, in\n my applications to THE king, have derived some benefit from my\n losses. 20 About THE ninth hour (three o’clock) THE tide of\n business again returns, and flows incessantly till after sunset,\n when THE signal of THE royal supper dismisses THE weary crowd of\n suppliants and pleaders. At THE supper, a more familiar repast,\n buffoons and pantomimes are sometimes introduced, to divert, not\n to offend, THE company, by THEir ridiculous wit: but female\n singers, and THE soft, effeminate modes of music, are severely\n banished, and such martial tunes as animate THE soul to deeds of\n valor are alone grateful to THE ear of Theodoric. He retires from\n table; and THE nocturnal guards are immediately posted at THE\n entrance of THE treasury, THE palace, and THE private\n apartments.”\n\n 16 (return) [ Isidore, archbishop of Seville, who was himself of\n THE blood royal of THE Goths, acknowledges, and almost justifies,\n (Hist. Goth. p. 718,) THE crime which THEir slave Jornandes had\n basely dissembled, (c 43, p. 673.)]\n\n 17 (return) [ This elaborate description (l. i. ep. ii. p. 2-7)\n was dictated by some political motive. It was designed for THE\n public eye, and had been shown by THE friends of Sidonius, before\n it was inserted in THE collection of his epistles. The first book\n was published separately. See Tillemont, Mémoires Eccles. tom.\n xvi. p. 264.]\n\n 18 (return) [ I have suppressed, in this portrait of Theodoric,\n several minute circumstances, and technical phrases, which could\n be tolerable, or indeed intelligible, to those only who, like THE\n contemporaries of Sidonius, had frequented THE markets where\n naked slaves were exposed to sale, (Dubos, Hist. Critique, tom.\n i. p. 404.)]\n\n 19 (return) [ Videas ibi elegantiam Græcam, abundantiam\n Gallicanam; celeritatem Italam; publicam pompam, privatam\n diligentiam, regiam disciplinam.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Tunc etiam ego aliquid obsecraturus feliciter\n vincor, et mihi tabula perit ut causa salvetur. Sidonius of\n Auvergne was not a subject of Theodoric; but he might be\n compelled to solicit eiTHEr justice or favor at THE court of\n Thoulouse.]\n\n When THE king of THE Visigoths encouraged Avitus to assume THE\n purple, he offered his person and his forces, as a faithful\n soldier of THE republic. 21 The exploits of Theodoric soon\n convinced THE world that he had not degenerated from THE warlike\n virtues of his ancestors. After THE establishment of THE Goths in\n Aquitain, and THE passage of THE Vandals into Africa, THE Suevi,\n who had fixed THEir kingdom in Gallicia, aspired to THE conquest\n of Spain, and threatened to extinguish THE feeble remains of THE\n Roman dominion. The provincials of Carthagena and Tarragona,\n afflicted by a hostile invasion, represented THEir injuries and\n THEir apprehensions. Count Fronto was despatched, in THE name of\n THE emperor Avitus, with advantageous offers of peace and\n alliance; and Theodoric interposed his weighty mediation, to\n declare, that, unless his broTHEr-in-law, THE king of THE Suevi,\n immediately retired, he should be obliged to arm in THE cause of\n justice and of Rome. “Tell him,” replied THE haughty Rechiarius,\n “that I despise his friendship and his arms; but that I shall\n soon try wheTHEr he will dare to expect my arrival under THE\n walls of Thoulouse.” Such a challenge urged Theodoric to prevent\n THE bold designs of his enemy; he passed THE Pyrenees at THE head\n of THE Visigoths: THE Franks and Burgundians served under his\n standard; and though he professed himself THE dutiful servant of\n Avitus, he privately stipulated, for himself and his successors,\n THE absolute possession of his Spanish conquests. The two armies,\n or raTHEr THE two nations, encountered each oTHEr on THE banks of\n THE River Urbicus, about twelve miles from Astorga; and THE\n decisive victory of THE Goths appeared for a while to have\n extirpated THE name and kingdom of THE Suevi. From THE field of\n battle Theodoric advanced to Braga, THEir metropolis, which still\n retained THE splendid vestiges of its ancient commerce and\n dignity. 22 His entrance was not polluted with blood; and THE\n Goths respected THE chastity of THEir female captives, more\n especially of THE consecrated virgins: but THE greatest part of\n THE clergy and people were made slaves, and even THE churches and\n altars were confounded in THE universal pillage. The unfortunate\n king of THE Suevi had escaped to one of THE ports of THE ocean;\n but THE obstinacy of THE winds opposed his flight: he was\n delivered to his implacable rival; and Rechiarius, who neiTHEr\n desired nor expected mercy, received, with manly constancy, THE\n death which he would probably have inflicted. After this bloody\n sacrifice to policy or resentment, Theodoric carried his\n victorious arms as far as Merida, THE principal town of\n Lusitania, without meeting any resistance, except from THE\n miraculous powers of St. Eulalia; but he was stopped in THE full\n career of success, and recalled from Spain before he could\n provide for THE security of his conquests. In his retreat towards\n THE Pyrenees, he revenged his disappointment on THE country\n through which he passed; and, in THE sack of Pollentia and\n Astorga, he showed himself a faithless ally, as well as a cruel\n enemy. Whilst THE king of THE Visigoths fought and vanquished in\n THE name of Avitus, THE reign of Avitus had expired; and both THE\n honor and THE interest of Theodoric were deeply wounded by THE\n disgrace of a friend, whom he had seated on THE throne of THE\n Western empire. 23\n\n 21 (return) [ Theodoric himself had given a solemn and voluntary\n promise of fidelity, which was understood both in Gaul and Spain.\n\n Romae sum, te duce, Amicus, Principe te, Miles. Sidon. Panegyr.\n Avit. 511.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Quaeque sinu pelagi jactat se Bracara dives. Auson.\n de Claris Urbibus, p. 245. ——From THE design of THE king of THE\n Suevi, it is evident that THE navigation from THE ports of\n Gallicia to THE Mediterranean was known and practised. The ships\n of Bracara, or Braga, cautiously steered along THE coast, without\n daring to lose THEmselves in THE Atlantic.]\n\n 23 (return) [ This Suevic war is THE most auTHEntic part of THE\n Chronicle of Idatius, who, as bishop of Iria Flavia, was himself\n a spectator and a sufferer. Jornandes (c. 44, p. 675, 676, 677)\n has expatiated, with pleasure, on THE Gothic victory.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXVI: Total Extinction Of The Western Empire.—Part II.\n\n The pressing solicitations of THE senate and people persuaded THE\n emperor Avitus to fix his residence at Rome, and to accept THE\n consulship for THE ensuing year. On THE first day of January, his\n son-in-law, Sidonius Apollinaris, celebrated his praises in a\n panegyric of six hundred verses; but this composition, though it\n was rewarded with a brass statue, 24 seems to contain a very\n moderate proportion, eiTHEr of genius or of truth. The poet, if\n we may degrade that sacred name, exaggerates THE merit of a\n sovereign and a faTHEr; and his prophecy of a long and glorious\n reign was soon contradicted by THE event. Avitus, at a time when\n THE Imperial dignity was reduced to a preeminence of toil and\n danger, indulged himself in THE pleasures of Italian luxury: age\n had not extinguished his amorous inclinations; and he is accused\n of insulting, with indiscreet and ungenerous raillery, THE\n husbands whose wives he had seduced or violated. 25 But THE\n Romans were not inclined eiTHEr to excuse his faults or to\n acknowledge his virtues. The several parts of THE empire became\n every day more alienated from each oTHEr; and THE stranger of\n Gaul was THE object of popular hatred and contempt. The senate\n asserted THEir legitimate claim in THE election of an emperor;\n and THEir authority, which had been originally derived from THE\n old constitution, was again fortified by THE actual weakness of a\n declining monarchy. Yet even such a monarchy might have resisted\n THE votes of an unarmed senate, if THEir discontent had not been\n supported, or perhaps inflamed, by THE Count Ricimer, one of THE\n principal commanders of THE Barbarian troops, who formed THE\n military defence of Italy. The daughter of Wallia, king of THE\n Visigoths, was THE moTHEr of Ricimer; but he was descended, on\n THE faTHEr’s side, from THE nation of THE Suevi; 26 his pride or\n patriotism might be exasperated by THE misfortunes of his\n countrymen; and he obeyed, with reluctance, an emperor in whose\n elevation he had not been consulted. His faithful and important\n services against THE common enemy rendered him still more\n formidable; 27 and, after destroying on THE coast of Corsica a\n fleet of Vandals, which consisted of sixty galleys, Ricimer\n returned in triumph with THE appellation of THE Deliverer of\n Italy. He chose that moment to signify to Avitus, that his reign\n was at an end; and THE feeble emperor, at a distance from his\n Gothic allies, was compelled, after a short and unavailing\n struggle to abdicate THE purple. By THE clemency, however, or THE\n contempt, of Ricimer, 28 he was permitted to descend from THE\n throne to THE more desirable station of bishop of Placentia: but\n THE resentment of THE senate was still unsatisfied; and THEir\n inflexible severity pronounced THE sentence of his death. He fled\n towards THE Alps, with THE humble hope, not of arming THE\n Visigoths in his cause, but of securing his person and treasures\n in THE sanctuary of Julian, one of THE tutelar saints of\n Auvergne. 29 Disease, or THE hand of THE executioner, arrested\n him on THE road; yet his remains were decently transported to\n Brivas, or Brioude, in his native province, and he reposed at THE\n feet of his holy patron. 30 Avitus left only one daughter, THE\n wife of Sidonius Apollinaris, who inherited THE patrimony of his\n faTHEr-in-law; lamenting, at THE same time, THE disappointment of\n his public and private expectations. His resentment prompted him\n to join, or at least to countenance, THE measures of a rebellious\n faction in Gaul; and THE poet had contracted some guilt, which it\n was incumbent on him to expiate, by a new tribute of flattery to\n THE succeeding emperor. 31\n\n 24 (return) [ In one of THE porticos or galleries belonging to\n Trajan’s library, among THE statues of famous writers and\n orators. Sidon. Apoll. l. ix. epist, 16, p. 284. Carm. viii. p.\n 350.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Luxuriose agere volens a senatoribus projectus est,\n is THE concise expression of Gregory of Tours, (l. ii. c. xi. in\n tom. ii. p. 168.) An old Chronicle (in tom. ii. p. 649) mentions\n an indecent jest of Avitus, which seems more applicable to Rome\n than to Treves.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Sidonius (Panegyr. AnTHEm. 302, &c.) praises THE\n royal birth of Ricimer, THE lawful heir, as he chooses to\n insinuate, both of THE Gothic and Suevic kingdoms.]\n\n 27 (return) [ See THE Chronicle of Idatius. Jornandes (c. xliv.\n p. 676) styles him, with some truth, virum egregium, et pene tune\n in Italia ad ex ercitum singularem.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Parcens innocentiae Aviti, is THE compassionate,\n but contemptuous, language of Victor Tunnunensis, (in Chron. apud\n Scaliger Euseb.) In anoTHEr place, he calls him, vir totius\n simplicitatis. This commendation is more humble, but it is more\n solid and sincere, than THE praises of Sidonius]\n\n 29 (return) [ He suffered, as it is supposed, in THE persecution\n of Diocletian, (Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. v. p. 279, 696.)\n Gregory of Tours, his peculiar votary, has dedicated to THE glory\n of Julian THE Martyr an entire book, (de Gloria Martyrum, l. ii.\n in Max. Bibliot. Patrum, tom. xi. p. 861-871,) in which he\n relates about fifty foolish miracles performed by his relics.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Gregory of Tours (l. ii. c. xi. p. 168) is concise,\n but correct, in THE reign of his countryman. The words of\n Idatius, “cadet imperio, caret et vita,” seem to imply, that THE\n death of Avitus was violent; but it must have been secret, since\n Evagrius (l. ii. c. 7) could suppose, that he died of THE\n plaque.]\n\n 31 (return) [ After a modest appeal to THE examples of his\n brethren, Virgil and Horace, Sidonius honestly confesses THE\n debt, and promises payment.\n\n Sic mihi diverso nuper sub Marte cadenti Jussisti placido Victor\n ut essem animo. Serviat ergo tibi servati lingua poetae, Atque\n meae vitae laus tua sit pretium. —Sidon. Apoll. Carm. iv. p. 308\n\n See Dubos, Hist. Critique, tom. i. p. 448, &c.]\n\n The successor of Avitus presents THE welcome discovery of a great\n and heroic character, such as sometimes arise, in a degenerate\n age, to vindicate THE honor of THE human species. The emperor\n Majorian has deserved THE praises of his contemporaries, and of\n posterity; and THEse praises may be strongly expressed in THE\n words of a judicious and disinterested historian: “That he was\n gentle to his subjects; that he was terrible to his enemies; and\n that he excelled, in every virtue, all his predecessors who had\n reigned over THE Romans.” 32 Such a testimony may justify at\n least THE panegyric of Sidonius; and we may acquiesce in THE\n assurance, that, although THE obsequious orator would have\n flattered, with equal zeal, THE most worthless of princes, THE\n extraordinary merit of his object confined him, on this occasion,\n within THE bounds of truth. 33 Majorian derived his name from his\n maternal grandfaTHEr, who, in THE reign of THE great Theodosius,\n had commanded THE troops of THE Illyrian frontier. He gave his\n daughter in marriage to THE faTHEr of Majorian, a respectable\n officer, who administered THE revenues of Gaul with skill and\n integrity; and generously preferred THE friendship of Ætius to\n THE tempting offer of an insidious court. His son, THE future\n emperor, who was educated in THE profession of arms, displayed,\n from his early youth, intrepid courage, premature wisdom, and\n unbounded liberality in a scanty fortune. He followed THE\n standard of Ætius, contributed to his success, shared, and\n sometimes eclipsed, his glory, and at last excited THE jealousy\n of THE patrician, or raTHEr of his wife, who forced him to retire\n from THE service. 34 Majorian, after THE death of Ætius, was\n recalled and promoted; and his intimate connection with Count\n Ricimer was THE immediate step by which he ascended THE throne of\n THE Western empire. During THE vacancy that succeeded THE\n abdication of Avitus, THE ambitious Barbarian, whose birth\n excluded him from THE Imperial dignity, governed Italy with THE\n title of Patrician; resigned to his friend THE conspicuous\n station of master-general of THE cavalry and infantry; and, after\n an interval of some months, consented to THE unanimous wish of\n THE Romans, whose favor Majorian had solicited by a recent\n victory over THE Alemanni. 35 He was invested with THE purple at\n Ravenna: and THE epistle which he addressed to THE senate, will\n best describe his situation and his sentiments. “Your election,\n Conscript FaTHErs! and THE ordinance of THE most valiant army,\n have made me your emperor. 36 May THE propitious Deity direct and\n prosper THE counsels and events of my administration, to your\n advantage and to THE public welfare! For my own part, I did not\n aspire, I have submitted to reign; nor should I have discharged\n THE obligations of a citizen if I had refused, with base and\n selfish ingratitude, to support THE weight of those labors, which\n were imposed by THE republic. Assist, THErefore, THE prince whom\n you have made; partake THE duties which you have enjoined; and\n may our common endeavors promote THE happiness of an empire,\n which I have accepted from your hands. Be assured, that, in our\n times, justice shall resume her ancient vigor, and that virtue\n shall become, not only innocent, but meritorious. Let none,\n except THE authors THEmselves, be apprehensive of delations, 37\n which, as a subject, I have always condemned, and, as a prince,\n will severely punish. Our own vigilance, and that of our faTHEr,\n THE patrician Ricimer, shall regulate all military affairs, and\n provide for THE safety of THE Roman world, which we have saved\n from foreign and domestic enemies. 38 You now understand THE\n maxims of my government; you may confide in THE faithful love and\n sincere assurances of a prince who has formerly been THE\n companion of your life and dangers; who still glories in THE name\n of senator, and who is anxious that you should never repent THE\n judgment which you have pronounced in his favor.” The emperor,\n who, amidst THE ruins of THE Roman world, revived THE ancient\n language of law and liberty, which Trajan would not have\n disclaimed, must have derived those generous sentiments from his\n own heart; since THEy were not suggested to his imitation by THE\n customs of his age, or THE example of his predecessors. 39\n\n 32 (return) [ The words of Procopius deserve to be transcribed\n (de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 7, p. 194;) a concise but\n comprehensive definition of royal virtue.]\n\n 33 (return) [ The Panegyric was pronounced at Lyons before THE\n end of THE year 458, while THE emperor was still consul. It has\n more art than genius, and more labor than art. The ornaments are\n false and trivial; THE expression is feeble and prolix; and\n Sidonius wants THE skill to exhibit THE principal figure in a\n strong and distinct light. The private life of Majorian occupies\n about two hundred lines, 107-305.]\n\n 34 (return) [ She pressed his immediate death, and was scarcely\n satisfied with his disgrace. It should seem that Ætius, like\n Belisarius and Marlborough, was governed by his wife; whose\n fervent piety, though it might work miracles, (Gregor. Turon. l.\n ii. c. 7, p. 162,) was not incompatible with base and sanguinary\n counsels.]\n\n 35 (return) [ The Alemanni had passed THE Rhaetian Alps, and were\n defeated in THE Campi Canini, or Valley of Bellinzone, through\n which THE Tesin flows, in its descent from Mount Adula to THE\n Lago Maggiore, (Cluver Italia Antiq. tom. i. p. 100, 101.) This\n boasted victory over nine hundred Barbarians (Panegyr. Majorian.\n 373, &c.) betrays THE extreme weakness of Italy.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Imperatorem me factum, P.C. electionis vestrae\n arbitrio, et fortissimi exercitus ordinatione agnoscite, (Novell.\n Majorian. tit. iii. p. 34, ad Calcem. Cod. Theodos.) Sidonius\n proclaims THE unanimous voice of THE empire:—\n\n Postquam ordine vobis Ordo omnis regnum dederat; plebs, curia,\n nules, —-Et collega simul. 386.\n\n This language is ancient and constitutional; and we may observe,\n that THE clergy were not yet considered as a distinct order of\n THE state.]\n\n 37 (return) [ EiTHEr dilationes, or delationes would afford a\n tolerable reading, but THEre is much more sense and spirit in THE\n latter, to which I have THErefore given THE preference.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Ab externo hoste et a domestica clade liberavimus:\n by THE latter, Majorian must understand THE tyranny of Avitus;\n whose death he consequently avowed as a meritorious act. On this\n occasion, Sidonius is fearful and obscure; he describes THE\n twelve Caesars, THE nations of Africa, &c., that he may escape\n THE dangerous name of Avitus (805-369.)]\n\n 39 (return) [ See THE whole edict or epistle of Majorian to THE\n senate, (Novell. tit. iv. p. 34.) Yet THE expression, regnum\n nostrum, bears some taint of THE age, and does not mix kindly\n with THE word respublica, which he frequently repeats.]\n\n The private and public actions of Majorian are very imperfectly\n known: but his laws, remarkable for an original cast of thought\n and expression, faithfully represent THE character of a sovereign\n who loved his people, who sympathized in THEir distress, who had\n studied THE causes of THE decline of THE empire, and who was\n capable of applying (as far as such reformation was practicable)\n judicious and effectual remedies to THE public disorders. 40 His\n regulations concerning THE finances manifestly tended to remove,\n or at least to mitigate, THE most intolerable grievances. I. From\n THE first hour of his reign, he was solicitous (I translate his\n own words) to relieve THE weary fortunes of THE provincials,\n oppressed by THE accumulated weight of indictions and\n superindictions. 41 With this view he granted a universal\n amnesty, a final and absolute discharge of all arrears of\n tribute, of all debts, which, under any pretence, THE fiscal\n officers might demand from THE people. This wise dereliction of\n obsolete, vexatious, and unprofitable claims, improved and\n purified THE sources of THE public revenue; and THE subject who\n could now look back without despair, might labor with hope and\n gratitude for himself and for his country. II. In THE assessment\n and collection of taxes, Majorian restored THE ordinary\n jurisdiction of THE provincial magistrates; and suppressed THE\n extraordinary commissions which had been introduced, in THE name\n of THE emperor himself, or of THE Prætorian præfects. The\n favorite servants, who obtained such irregular powers, were\n insolent in THEir behavior, and arbitrary in THEir demands: THEy\n affected to despise THE subordinate tribunals, and THEy were\n discontented, if THEir fees and profits did not twice exceed THE\n sum which THEy condescended to pay into THE treasury. One\n instance of THEir extortion would appear incredible, were it not\n auTHEnticated by THE legislator himself. They exacted THE whole\n payment in gold: but THEy refused THE current coin of THE empire,\n and would accept only such ancient pieces as were stamped with\n THE names of Faustina or THE Antonines. The subject, who was\n unprovided with THEse curious medals, had recourse to THE\n expedient of compounding with THEir rapacious demands; or if he\n succeeded in THE research, his imposition was doubled, according\n to THE weight and value of THE money of former times. 42 III.\n “The municipal corporations, (says THE emperor,) THE lesser\n senates, (so antiquity has justly styled THEm,) deserve to be\n considered as THE heart of THE cities, and THE sinews of THE\n republic. And yet so low are THEy now reduced, by THE injustice\n of magistrates and THE venality of collectors, that many of THEir\n members, renouncing THEir dignity and THEir country, have taken\n refuge in distant and obscure exile.” He urges, and even compels,\n THEir return to THEir respective cities; but he removes THE\n grievance which had forced THEm to desert THE exercise of THEir\n municipal functions. They are directed, under THE authority of\n THE provincial magistrates, to resume THEir office of levying THE\n tribute; but, instead of being made responsible for THE whole sum\n assessed on THEir district, THEy are only required to produce a\n regular account of THE payments which THEy have actually\n received, and of THE defaulters who are still indebted to THE\n public. IV. But Majorian was not ignorant that THEse corporate\n bodies were too much inclined to retaliate THE injustice and\n oppression which THEy had suffered; and he THErefore revives THE\n useful office of THE defenders of cities. He exhorts THE people\n to elect, in a full and free assembly, some man of discretion and\n integrity, who would dare to assert THEir privileges, to\n represent THEir grievances, to protect THE poor from THE tyranny\n of THE rich, and to inform THE emperor of THE abuses that were\n committed under THE sanction of his name and authority.\n\n 40 (return) [ See THE laws of Majorian (THEy are only nine in\n number, but very long, and various) at THE end of THE Theodosian\n Code, Novell. l. iv. p. 32-37. Godefroy has not given any\n commentary on THEse additional pieces.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Fessas provincialium varia atque multiplici\n tributorum exactione fortunas, et extraordinariis fiscalium\n solutionum oneribus attritas, &c. Novell. Majorian. tit. iv. p.\n 34.]\n\n 42 (return) [ The learned Greaves (vol. i. p. 329, 330, 331) has\n found, by a diligent inquiry, that aurei of THE Antonines weighed\n one hundred and eighteen, and those of THE fifth century only\n sixty-eight, English grains. Majorian gives currency to all gold\n coin, excepting only THE Gallic solidus, from its deficiency, not\n in THE weight, but in THE standard.]\n\n The spectator who casts a mournful view over THE ruins of ancient\n Rome, is tempted to accuse THE memory of THE Goths and Vandals,\n for THE mischief which THEy had neiTHEr leisure, nor power, nor\n perhaps inclination, to perpetrate. The tempest of war might\n strike some lofty turrets to THE ground; but THE destruction\n which undermined THE foundations of those massy fabrics was\n prosecuted, slowly and silently, during a period of ten\n centuries; and THE motives of interest, that afterwards operated\n without shame or control, were severely checked by THE taste and\n spirit of THE emperor Majorian. The decay of THE city had\n gradually impaired THE value of THE public works. The circus and\n THEatres might still excite, but THEy seldom gratified, THE\n desires of THE people: THE temples, which had escaped THE zeal of\n THE Christians, were no longer inhabited, eiTHEr by gods or men;\n THE diminished crowds of THE Romans were lost in THE immense\n space of THEir baths and porticos; and THE stately libraries and\n halls of justice became useless to an indolent generation, whose\n repose was seldom disturbed, eiTHEr by study or business. The\n monuments of consular, or Imperial, greatness were no longer\n revered, as THE immortal glory of THE capital: THEy were only\n esteemed as an inexhaustible mine of materials, cheaper, and more\n convenient than THE distant quarry. Specious petitions were\n continually addressed to THE easy magistrates of Rome, which\n stated THE want of stones or bricks, for some necessary service:\n THE fairest forms of architecture were rudely defaced, for THE\n sake of some paltry, or pretended, repairs; and THE degenerate\n Romans, who converted THE spoil to THEir own emolument,\n demolished, with sacrilegious hands, THE labors of THEir\n ancestors. Majorian, who had often sighed over THE desolation of\n THE city, applied a severe remedy to THE growing evil. 43 He\n reserved to THE prince and senate THE sole cognizance of THE\n extreme cases which might justify THE destruction of an ancient\n edifice; imposed a fine of fifty pounds of gold (two thousand\n pounds sterling) on every magistrate who should presume to grant\n such illegal and scandalous license, and threatened to chastise\n THE criminal obedience of THEir subordinate officers, by a severe\n whipping, and THE amputation of both THEir hands. In THE last\n instance, THE legislator might seem to forget THE proportion of\n guilt and punishment; but his zeal arose from a generous\n principle, and Majorian was anxious to protect THE monuments of\n those ages, in which he would have desired and deserved to live.\n The emperor conceived, that it was his interest to increase THE\n number of his subjects; and that it was his duty to guard THE\n purity of THE marriage-bed: but THE means which he employed to\n accomplish THEse salutary purposes are of an ambiguous, and\n perhaps exceptionable, kind. The pious maids, who consecrated\n THEir virginity to Christ, were restrained from taking THE veil\n till THEy had reached THEir fortieth year. Widows under that age\n were compelled to form a second alliance within THE term of five\n years, by THE forfeiture of half THEir wealth to THEir nearest\n relations, or to THE state. Unequal marriages were condemned or\n annulled. The punishment of confiscation and exile was deemed so\n inadequate to THE guilt of adultery, that, if THE criminal\n returned to Italy, he might, by THE express declaration of\n Majorian, be slain with impunity. 44\n\n 43 (return) [ The whole edict (Novell. Majorian. tit. vi. p. 35)\n is curious. “Antiquarum aedium dissipatur speciosa constructio;\n et ut aliquid reparetur, magna diruuntur. Hinc jam occasio\n nascitur, ut etiam unusquisque privatum aedificium construens,\n per gratiam judicum..... praesumere de publicis locis necessaria,\n et transferre non dubitet” &c. With equal zeal, but with less\n power, Petrarch, in THE fourteenth century, repeated THE same\n complaints. (Vie de Petrarque, tom. i. p. 326, 327.) If I\n prosecute this history, I shall not be unmindful of THE decline\n and fall of THE city of Rome; an interesting object to which any\n plan was originally confined.]\n\n 44 (return) [ The emperor chides THE lenity of Rogatian, consular\n of Tuscany in a style of acrimonious reproof, which sounds almost\n like personal resentment, (Novell. tit. ix. p. 47.) The law of\n Majorian, which punished obstinate widows, was soon afterwards\n repealed by his successor Severus, (Novell. Sever. tit. i. p.\n 37.)]\n\n While THE emperor Majorian assiduously labored to restore THE\n happiness and virtue of THE Romans, he encountered THE arms of\n Genseric, from his character and situation THEir most formidable\n enemy. A fleet of Vandals and Moors landed at THE mouth of THE\n Liris, or Garigliano; but THE Imperial troops surprised and\n attacked THE disorderly Barbarians, who were encumbered with THE\n spoils of Campania; THEy were chased with slaughter to THEir\n ships, and THEir leader, THE king’s broTHEr-in-law, was found in\n THE number of THE slain. 45 Such vigilance might announce THE\n character of THE new reign; but THE strictest vigilance, and THE\n most numerous forces, were insufficient to protect THE\n long-extended coast of Italy from THE depredations of a naval\n war. The public opinion had imposed a nobler and more arduous\n task on THE genius of Majorian. Rome expected from him alone THE\n restitution of Africa; and THE design, which he formed, of\n attacking THE Vandals in THEir new settlements, was THE result of\n bold and judicious policy. If THE intrepid emperor could have\n infused his own spirit into THE youth of Italy; if he could have\n revived in THE field of Mars, THE manly exercises in which he had\n always surpassed his equals; he might have marched against\n Genseric at THE head of a Roman army. Such a reformation of\n national manners might be embraced by THE rising generation; but\n it is THE misfortune of those princes who laboriously sustain a\n declining monarchy, that, to obtain some immediate advantage, or\n to avert some impending danger, THEy are forced to countenance,\n and even to multiply, THE most pernicious abuses. Majorian, like\n THE weakest of his predecessors, was reduced to THE disgraceful\n expedient of substituting Barbarian auxiliaries in THE place of\n his unwarlike subjects: and his superior abilities could only be\n displayed in THE vigor and dexterity with which he wielded a\n dangerous instrument, so apt to recoil on THE hand that used it.\n Besides THE confederates, who were already engaged in THE service\n of THE empire, THE fame of his liberality and valor attracted THE\n nations of THE Danube, THE BorysTHEnes, and perhaps of THE\n Tanais. Many thousands of THE bravest subjects of Attila, THE\n Gepidae, THE Ostrogoths, THE Rugians, THE Burgundians, THE Suevi,\n THE Alani, assembled in THE plains of Liguria; and THEir\n formidable strength was balanced by THEir mutual animosities. 46\n They passed THE Alps in a severe winter. The emperor led THE way,\n on foot, and in complete armor; sounding, with his long staff,\n THE depth of THE ice, or snow, and encouraging THE Scythians, who\n complained of THE extreme cold, by THE cheerful assurance, that\n THEy should be satisfied with THE heat of Africa. The citizens of\n Lyons had presumed to shut THEir gates; THEy soon implored, and\n experienced, THE clemency of Majorian. He vanquished Theodoric in\n THE field; and admitted to his friendship and alliance a king\n whom he had found not unworthy of his arms. The beneficial,\n though precarious, reunion of THE greater part of Gaul and Spain,\n was THE effect of persuasion, as well as of force; 47 and THE\n independent Bagaudae, who had escaped, or resisted, THE\n oppression, of former reigns, were disposed to confide in THE\n virtues of Majorian. His camp was filled with Barbarian allies;\n his throne was supported by THE zeal of an affectionate people;\n but THE emperor had foreseen, that it was impossible, without a\n maritime power, to achieve THE conquest of Africa. In THE first\n Punic war, THE republic had exerted such incredible diligence,\n that, within sixty days after THE first stroke of THE axe had\n been given in THE forest, a fleet of one hundred and sixty\n galleys proudly rode at anchor in THE sea. 48 Under circumstances\n much less favorable, Majorian equalled THE spirit and\n perseverance of THE ancient Romans. The woods of THE Apennine\n were felled; THE arsenals and manufactures of Ravenna and Misenum\n were restored; Italy and Gaul vied with each oTHEr in liberal\n contributions to THE public service; and THE Imperial navy of\n three hundred large galleys, with an adequate proportion of\n transports and smaller vessels, was collected in THE secure and\n capacious harbor of Carthagena in Spain. 49 The intrepid\n countenance of Majorian animated his troops with a confidence of\n victory; and, if we might credit THE historian Procopius, his\n courage sometimes hurried him beyond THE bounds of prudence.\n Anxious to explore, with his own eyes, THE state of THE Vandals,\n he ventured, after disguising THE color of his hair, to visit\n Carthage, in THE character of his own ambassador: and Genseric\n was afterwards mortified by THE discovery, that he had\n entertained and dismissed THE emperor of THE Romans. Such an\n anecdote may be rejected as an improbable fiction; but it is a\n fiction which would not have been imagined, unless in THE life of\n a hero. 50\n\n 45 (return) [ Sidon. Panegyr. Majorian, 385-440.]\n\n 46 (return) [ The review of THE army, and passage of THE Alps,\n contain THE most tolerable passages of THE Panegyric, (470-552.)\n M. de Buat (Hist. des Peuples, &c., tom. viii. p. 49-55) is a\n more satisfactory commentator, than eiTHEr Savaron or Sirmond.]\n\n 47 (return) [ It is THE just and forcible distinction of Priscus,\n (Excerpt. Legat. p. 42,) in a short fragment, which throws much\n light on THE history of Majorian. Jornandes has suppressed THE\n defeat and alliance of THE Visigoths, which were solemnly\n proclaimed in Gallicia; and are marked in THE Chronicle of\n Idatius.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Florus, l. ii. c. 2. He amuses himself with THE\n poetical fancy, that THE trees had been transformed into ships;\n and indeed THE whole transaction, as it is related in THE first\n book of Polybius, deviates too much from THE probable course of\n human events.]\n\n 49 (return) [\n\n Iterea duplici texis dum littore classem Inferno superoque mari,\n cadit omnis in aequor Sylva tibi, &c. —-Sidon. Panegyr. Majorian,\n 441-461.\n\n The number of ships, which Priscus fixed at 300, is magnified, by\n an indefinite comparison with THE fleets of Agamemnon, Xerxes,\n and Augustus.]\n\n 50 (return) [ Procopius de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 8, p. 194. When\n Genseric conducted his unknown guest into THE arsenal of\n Carthage, THE arms clashed of THEir own accord. Majorian had\n tinged his yellow locks with a black color.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXVI: Total Extinction Of The Western Empire.—Part III.\n\n Without THE help of a personal interview, Genseric was\n sufficiently acquainted with THE genius and designs of his\n adversary. He practiced his customary arts of fraud and delay,\n but he practiced THEm without success. His applications for peace\n became each hour more submissive, and perhaps more sincere; but\n THE inflexible Majorian had adopted THE ancient maxim, that Rome\n could not be safe, as long as Carthage existed in a hostile\n state. The king of THE Vandals distrusted THE valor of his native\n subjects, who were enervated by THE luxury of THE South; 51 he\n suspected THE fidelity of THE vanquished people, who abhorred him\n as an Arian tyrant; and THE desperate measure, which he executed,\n of reducing Mauritania into a desert, 52 could not defeat THE\n operations of THE Roman emperor, who was at liberty to land his\n troops on any part of THE African coast. But Genseric was saved\n from impending and inevitable ruin by THE treachery of some\n powerful subjects, envious, or apprehensive, of THEir master’s\n success. Guided by THEir secret intelligence, he surprised THE\n unguarded fleet in THE Bay of Carthagena: many of THE ships were\n sunk, or taken, or burnt; and THE preparations of three years\n were destroyed in a single day. 53 After this event, THE behavior\n of THE two antagonists showed THEm superior to THEir fortune. The\n Vandal, instead of being elated by this accidental victory,\n immediately renewed his solicitations for peace. The emperor of\n THE West, who was capable of forming great designs, and of\n supporting heavy disappointments, consented to a treaty, or\n raTHEr to a suspension of arms; in THE full assurance that,\n before he could restore his navy, he should be supplied with\n provocations to justify a second war. Majorian returned to Italy,\n to prosecute his labors for THE public happiness; and, as he was\n conscious of his own integrity, he might long remain ignorant of\n THE dark conspiracy which threatened his throne and his life. The\n recent misfortune of Carthagena sullied THE glory which had\n dazzled THE eyes of THE multitude; almost every description of\n civil and military officers were exasperated against THE\n Reformer, since THEy all derived some advantage from THE abuses\n which he endeavored to suppress; and THE patrician Ricimer\n impelled THE inconstant passions of THE Barbarians against a\n prince whom he esteemed and hated. The virtues of Majorian could\n not protect him from THE impetuous sedition, which broke out in\n THE camp near Tortona, at THE foot of THE Alps. He was compelled\n to abdicate THE Imperial purple: five days after his abdication,\n it was reported that he died of a dysentery; 54 and THE humble\n tomb, which covered his remains, was consecrated by THE respect\n and gratitude of succeeding generations. 55 The private character\n of Majorian inspired love and respect. Malicious calumny and\n satire excited his indignation, or, if he himself were THE\n object, his contempt; but he protected THE freedom of wit, and,\n in THE hours which THE emperor gave to THE familiar society of\n his friends, he could indulge his taste for pleasantry, without\n degrading THE majesty of his rank. 56\n\n 51 (return) [\n\n Spoliisque potitus Immensis, robux luxu jam perdidit omne, Quo\n valuit dum pauper erat. —Panegyr. Majorian, 330.\n\n He afterwards applies to Genseric, unjustly, as it should seem,\n THE vices of his subjects.]\n\n 52 (return) [ He burnt THE villages, and poisoned THE springs,\n (Priscus, p. 42.) Dubos (Hist. Critique, tom. i. p. 475)\n observes, that THE magazines which THE Moors buried in THE earth\n might escape his destructive search. Two or three hundred pits\n are sometimes dug in THE same place; and each pit contains at\n least four hundred bushels of corn Shaw’s Travels, p. 139.]\n\n 53 (return) [ Idatius, who was safe in Gallicia from THE power of\n Recimer boldly and honestly declares, Vandali per proditeres\n admoniti, &c: i. e. dissembles, however, THE name of THE\n traitor.]\n\n 54 (return) [ Procop. de Bell. Vandal. l. i. i. c. 8, p. 194. The\n testimony of Idatius is fair and impartial: “Majorianum de\n Galliis Romam redeuntem, et Romano imperio vel nomini res\n necessarias ordinantem; Richimer livore percitus, et invidorum\n consilio fultus, fraude interficit circumventum.” Some read\n Suevorum, and I am unwilling to efface eiTHEr of THE words, as\n THEy express THE different accomplices who united in THE\n conspiracy against Majorian.]\n\n 55 (return) [ See THE Epigrams of Ennodius, No. cxxxv. inter\n Sirmond. Opera, tom. i. p. 1903. It is flat and obscure; but\n Ennodius was made bishop of Pavia fifty years after THE death of\n Majorian, and his praise deserves credit and regard.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Sidonius gives a tedious account (l. i. epist. xi.\n p. 25-31) of a supper at Arles, to which he was invited by\n Majorian, a short time before his death. He had no intention of\n praising a deceased emperor: but a casual disinterested remark,\n “Subrisit Augustus; ut erat, auctoritate servata, cum se\n communioni dedisset, joci plenus,” outweighs THE six hundred\n lines of his venal panegyric.]\n\n It was not, perhaps, without some regret, that Ricimer sacrificed\n his friend to THE interest of his ambition: but he resolved, in a\n second choice, to avoid THE imprudent preference of superior\n virtue and merit. At his command, THE obsequious senate of Rome\n bestowed THE Imperial title on Libius Severus, who ascended THE\n throne of THE West without emerging from THE obscurity of a\n private condition. History has scarcely deigned to notice his\n birth, his elevation, his character, or his death. Severus\n expired, as soon as his life became inconvenient to his patron;\n 57 and it would be useless to discriminate his nominal reign in\n THE vacant interval of six years, between THE death of Majorian\n and THE elevation of AnTHEmius. During that period, THE\n government was in THE hands of Ricimer alone; and, although THE\n modest Barbarian disclaimed THE name of king, he accumulated\n treasures, formed a separate army, negotiated private alliances,\n and ruled Italy with THE same independent and despotic authority,\n which was afterwards exercised by Odoacer and Theodoric. But his\n dominions were bounded by THE Alps; and two Roman generals,\n Marcellinus and Aegidius, maintained THEir allegiance to THE\n republic, by rejecting, with disdain, THE phantom which he styled\n an emperor. Marcellinus still adhered to THE old religion; and\n THE devout Pagans, who secretly disobeyed THE laws of THE church\n and state, applauded his profound skill in THE science of\n divination. But he possessed THE more valuable qualifications of\n learning, virtue, and courage; 58 THE study of THE Latin\n literature had improved his taste; and his military talents had\n recommended him to THE esteem and confidence of THE great Ætius,\n in whose ruin he was involved. By a timely flight, Marcellinus\n escaped THE rage of Valentinian, and boldly asserted his liberty\n amidst THE convulsions of THE Western empire. His voluntary, or\n reluctant, submission to THE authority of Majorian, was rewarded\n by THE government of Sicily, and THE command of an army,\n stationed in that island to oppose, or to attack, THE Vandals;\n but his Barbarian mercenaries, after THE emperor’s death, were\n tempted to revolt by THE artful liberality of Ricimer. At THE\n head of a band of faithful followers, THE intrepid Marcellinus\n occupied THE province of Dalmatia, assumed THE title of patrician\n of THE West, secured THE love of his subjects by a mild and\n equitable reign, built a fleet which claimed THE dominion of THE\n Adriatic, and alternately alarmed THE coasts of Italy and of\n Africa. 59 Aegidius, THE master-general of Gaul, who equalled, or\n at least who imitated, THE heroes of ancient Rome, 60 proclaimed\n his immortal resentment against THE assassins of his beloved\n master. A brave and numerous army was attached to his standard:\n and, though he was prevented by THE arts of Ricimer, and THE arms\n of THE Visigoths, from marching to THE gates of Rome, he\n maintained his independent sovereignty beyond THE Alps, and\n rendered THE name of Aegidius, respectable both in peace and war.\n The Franks, who had punished with exile THE youthful follies of\n Childeric, elected THE Roman general for THEir king: his vanity,\n raTHEr than his ambition, was gratified by that singular honor;\n and when THE nation, at THE end of four years, repented of THE\n injury which THEy had offered to THE Merovingian family, he\n patiently acquiesced in THE restoration of THE lawful prince. The\n authority of Aegidius ended only with his life, and THE\n suspicions of poison and secret violence, which derived some\n countenance from THE character of Ricimer, were eagerly\n entertained by THE passionate credulity of THE Gauls. 61\n\n 57 (return) [ Sidonius (Panegyr. AnTHEm. 317) dismisses him to\n heaven:—Auxerat Augustus naturae lege Severus—Divorum numerum.\n And an old list of THE emperors, composed about THE time of\n Justinian, praises his piety, and fixes his residence at Rome,\n (Sirmond. Not. ad Sidon. p. 111, 112.)]\n\n 58 (return) [ Tillemont, who is always scandalized by THE virtues\n of infidels, attributes this advantageous portrait of Marcellinus\n (which Suidas has preserved) to THE partial zeal of some Pagan\n historian, (Hist. des Empereurs. tom. vi. p. 330.)]\n\n 59 (return) [ Procopius de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 6, p. 191. In\n various circumstances of THE life of Marcellinus, it is not easy\n to reconcile THE Greek historian with THE Latin Chronicles of THE\n times.]\n\n 60 (return) [ I must apply to Aegidius THE praises which Sidonius\n (Panegyr Majorian, 553) bestows on a nameless master-general, who\n commanded THE rear-guard of Majorian. Idatius, from public\n report, commends his Christian piety; and Priscus mentions (p.\n 42) his military virtues.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Greg. Turon. l. ii. c. 12, in tom. ii. p. 168. The\n Pere Daniel, whose ideas were superficial and modern, has started\n some objections against THE story of Childeric, (Hist. de France,\n tom. i. Preface Historique, p. lxxvii., &c.:) but THEy have been\n fairly satisfied by Dubos, (Hist. Critique, tom. i. p. 460-510,)\n and by two authors who disputed THE prize of THE Academy of\n Soissons, (p. 131-177, 310-339.) With regard to THE term of\n Childeric’s exile, it is necessary eiTHEr to prolong THE life of\n Aegidius beyond THE date assigned by THE Chronicle of Idatius or\n to correct THE text of Gregory, by reading quarto anno, instead\n of octavo.]\n\n The kingdom of Italy, a name to which THE Western empire was\n gradually reduced, was afflicted, under THE reign of Ricimer, by\n THE incessant depredations of THE Vandal pirates. 62 In THE\n spring of each year, THEy equipped a formidable navy in THE port\n of Carthage; and Genseric himself, though in a very advanced age,\n still commanded in person THE most important expeditions. His\n designs were concealed with impenetrable secrecy, till THE moment\n that he hoisted sail. When he was asked, by his pilot, what\n course he should steer, “Leave THE determination to THE winds,\n (replied THE Barbarian, with pious arrogance;) THEy will\n transport us to THE guilty coast, whose inhabitants have provoked\n THE divine justice;” but if Genseric himself deigned to issue\n more precise orders, he judged THE most wealthy to be THE most\n criminal. The Vandals repeatedly visited THE coasts of Spain,\n Liguria, Tuscany, Campania, Lucania, Bruttium, Apulia, Calabria,\n Venetia, Dalmatia, Epirus, Greece, and Sicily: THEy were tempted\n to subdue THE Island of Sardinia, so advantageously placed in THE\n centre of THE Mediterranean; and THEir arms spread desolation, or\n terror, from THE columns of Hercules to THE mouth of THE Nile. As\n THEy were more ambitious of spoil than of glory, THEy seldom\n attacked any fortified cities, or engaged any regular troops in\n THE open field. But THE celerity of THEir motions enabled THEm,\n almost at THE same time, to threaten and to attack THE most\n distant objects, which attracted THEir desires; and as THEy\n always embarked a sufficient number of horses, THEy had no sooner\n landed, than THEy swept THE dismayed country with a body of light\n cavalry. Yet, notwithstanding THE example of THEir king, THE\n native Vandals and Alani insensibly declined this toilsome and\n perilous warfare; THE hardy generation of THE first conquerors\n was almost extinguished, and THEir sons, who were born in Africa,\n enjoyed THE delicious baths and gardens which had been acquired\n by THE valor of THEir faTHErs. Their place was readily supplied\n by a various multitude of Moors and Romans, of captives and\n outlaws; and those desperate wretches, who had already violated\n THE laws of THEir country, were THE most eager to promote THE\n atrocious acts which disgrace THE victories of Genseric. In THE\n treatment of his unhappy prisoners, he sometimes consulted his\n avarice, and sometimes indulged his cruelty; and THE massacre of\n five hundred noble citizens of Zant or Zacynthus, whose mangled\n bodies he cast into THE Ionian Sea, was imputed, by THE public\n indignation, to his latest posterity.\n\n 62 (return) [ The naval war of Genseric is described by Priscus,\n (Excerpta Legation. p. 42,) Procopius, (de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c.\n 5, p. 189, 190, and c. 22, p. 228,) Victor Vitensis, (de\n Persecut. Vandal. l. i. c. 17, and Ruinart, p. 467-481,) and in\n three panegyrics of Sidonius, whose chronological order is\n absurdly transposed in THE editions both of Savaron and Sirmond.\n (Avit. Carm. vii. 441-451. Majorian. Carm. v. 327-350, 385-440.\n AnTHEm. Carm. ii. 348-386) In one passage THE poet seems inspired\n by his subject, and expresses a strong idea by a lively image:—\n\n Hinc Vandalus hostis Urget; et in nostrum numerosa classe\n quotannis Militat excidium; conversoque ordine Fati Torrida\n Caucaseos infert mihi Byrsa furores]\n\n Such crimes could not be excused by any provocations; but THE\n war, which THE king of THE Vandals prosecuted against THE Roman\n empire was justified by a specious and reasonable motive. The\n widow of Valentinian, Eudoxia, whom he had led captive from Rome\n to Carthage, was THE sole heiress of THE Theodosian house; her\n elder daughter, Eudocia, became THE reluctant wife of Hunneric,\n his eldest son; and THE stern faTHEr, asserting a legal claim,\n which could not easily be refuted or satisfied, demanded a just\n proportion of THE Imperial patrimony. An adequate, or at least a\n valuable, compensation, was offered by THE Eastern emperor, to\n purchase a necessary peace. Eudoxia and her younger daughter,\n Placidia, were honorably restored, and THE fury of THE Vandals\n was confined to THE limits of THE Western empire. The Italians,\n destitute of a naval force, which alone was capable of protecting\n THEir coasts, implored THE aid of THE more fortunate nations of\n THE East; who had formerly acknowledged, in peace and war, THE\n supremacy of Rome. But THE perpetual divisions of THE two empires\n had alienated THEir interest and THEir inclinations; THE faith of\n a recent treaty was alleged; and THE Western Romans, instead of\n arms and ships, could only obtain THE assistance of a cold and\n ineffectual mediation. The haughty Ricimer, who had long\n struggled with THE difficulties of his situation, was at length\n reduced to address THE throne of Constantinople, in THE humble\n language of a subject; and Italy submitted, as THE price and\n security of THE alliance, to accept a master from THE choice of\n THE emperor of THE East. 63 It is not THE purpose of THE present\n chapter, or even of THE present volume, to continue THE distinct\n series of THE Byzantine history; but a concise view of THE reign\n and character of THE emperor Leo, may explain THE last efforts\n that were attempted to save THE falling empire of THE West. 64\n\n 63 (return) [ The poet himself is compelled to acknowledge THE\n distress of Ricimer:—\n\n Præterea invictus Ricimer, quem publica fata Respiciunt, proprio\n solas vix Marte repellit Piratam per rura vagum.\n\n Italy addresses her complaint to THE Tyber, and Rome, at THE\n solicitation of THE river god, transports herself to\n Constantinople, renounces her ancient claims, and implores THE\n friendship of Aurora, THE goddess of THE East. This fabulous\n machinery, which THE genius of Claudian had used and abused, is\n THE constant and miserable resource of THE muse of Sidonius.]\n\n 64 (return) [ The original authors of THE reigns of Marcian, Leo,\n and Zeno, are reduced to some imperfect fragments, whose\n deficiencies must be supplied from THE more recent compilations\n of Theophanes, Zonaras, and Cedrenus.]\n\n Since THE death of THE younger Theodosius, THE domestic repose of\n Constantinople had never been interrupted by war or faction.\n Pulcheria had bestowed her hand, and THE sceptre of THE East, on\n THE modest virtue of Marcian: he gratefully reverenced her august\n rank and virgin chastity; and, after her death, he gave his\n people THE example of THE religious worship that was due to THE\n memory of THE Imperial saint. 65 Attentive to THE prosperity of\n his own dominions, Marcian seemed to behold, with indifference,\n THE misfortunes of Rome; and THE obstinate refusal of a brave and\n active prince, to draw his sword against THE Vandals, was\n ascribed to a secret promise, which had formerly been exacted\n from him when he was a captive in THE power of Genseric. 66 The\n death of Marcian, after a reign of seven years, would have\n exposed THE East to THE danger of a popular election; if THE\n superior weight of a single family had not been able to incline\n THE balance in favor of THE candidate whose interest THEy\n supported. The patrician Aspar might have placed THE diadem on\n his own head, if he would have subscribed THE Nicene creed. 67\n During three generations, THE armies of THE East were\n successively commanded by his faTHEr, by himself, and by his son\n Ardaburius; his Barbarian guards formed a military force that\n overawed THE palace and THE capital; and THE liberal distribution\n of his immense treasures rendered Aspar as popular as he was\n powerful. He recommended THE obscure name of Leo of Thrace, a\n military tribune, and THE principal steward of his household. His\n nomination was unanimously ratified by THE senate; and THE\n servant of Aspar received THE Imperial crown from THE hands of\n THE patriarch or bishop, who was permitted to express, by this\n unusual ceremony, THE suffrage of THE Deity. 68 This emperor, THE\n first of THE name of Leo, has been distinguished by THE title of\n THE Great; from a succession of princes, who gradually fixed in\n THE opinion of THE Greeks a very humble standard of heroic, or at\n least of royal, perfection. Yet THE temperate firmness with which\n Leo resisted THE oppression of his benefactor, showed that he was\n conscious of his duty and of his prerogative. Aspar was\n astonished to find that his influence could no longer appoint a\n præfect of Constantinople: he presumed to reproach his sovereign\n with a breach of promise, and insolently shaking his purple, “It\n is not proper, (said he,) that THE man who is invested with this\n garment, should be guilty of lying.” “Nor is it proper, (replied\n Leo,) that a prince should be compelled to resign his own\n judgment, and THE public interest, to THE will of a subject.”69\n After this extraordinary scene, it was impossible that THE\n reconciliation of THE emperor and THE patrician could be sincere;\n or, at least, that it could be solid and permanent. An army of\n Isaurians 70 was secretly levied, and introduced into\n Constantinople; and while Leo undermined THE authority, and\n prepared THE disgrace, of THE family of Aspar, his mild and\n cautious behavior restrained THEm from any rash and desperate\n attempts, which might have been fatal to THEmselves, or THEir\n enemies. The measures of peace and war were affected by this\n internal revolution. As long as Aspar degraded THE majesty of THE\n throne, THE secret correspondence of religion and interest\n engaged him to favor THE cause of Genseric. When Leo had\n delivered himself from that ignominious servitude, he listened to\n THE complaints of THE Italians; resolved to extirpate THE tyranny\n of THE Vandals; and declared his alliance with his colleague,\n AnTHEmius, whom he solemnly invested with THE diadem and purple\n of THE West.\n\n 65 (return) [ St. Pulcheria died A.D. 453, four years before her\n nominal husband; and her festival is celebrated on THE 10th of\n September by THE modern Greeks: she bequeaTHEd an immense\n patrimony to pious, or, at least, to ecclesiastical, uses. See\n Tillemont, Mémoires Eccles. tom. xv p. 181-184.]\n\n 66 (return) [ See Procopius, de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 4, p.\n 185.]\n\n 67 (return) [ From this disability of Aspar to ascend THE throne,\n it may be inferred that THE stain of Heresy was perpetual and\n indelible, while that of Barbarism disappeared in THE second\n generation.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Theophanes, p. 95. This appears to be THE first\n origin of a ceremony, which all THE Christian princes of THE\n world have since adopted and from which THE clergy have deduced\n THE most formidable consequences.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Cedrenus, (p. 345, 346,) who was conversant with\n THE writers of better days, has preserved THE remarkable words of\n Aspar.]\n\n 70 (return) [ The power of THE Isaurians agitated THE Eastern\n empire in THE two succeeding reigns of Zeno and Anastasius; but\n it ended in THE destruction of those Barbarians, who maintained\n THEir fierce independences about two hundred and thirty years.]\n\n The virtues of AnTHEmius have perhaps been magnified, since THE\n Imperial descent, which he could only deduce from THE usurper\n Procopius, has been swelled into a line of emperors. 71 But THE\n merit of his immediate parents, THEir honors, and THEir riches,\n rendered AnTHEmius one of THE most illustrious subjects of THE\n East. His faTHEr, Procopius, obtained, after his Persian embassy,\n THE rank of general and patrician; and THE name of AnTHEmius was\n derived from his maternal grandfaTHEr, THE celebrated præfect,\n who protected, with so much ability and success, THE infant reign\n of Theodosius. The grandson of THE præfect was raised above THE\n condition of a private subject, by his marriage with Euphemia,\n THE daughter of THE emperor Marcian. This splendid alliance,\n which might supersede THE necessity of merit, hastened THE\n promotion of AnTHEmius to THE successive dignities of count, of\n master-general, of consul, and of patrician; and his merit or\n fortune claimed THE honors of a victory, which was obtained on\n THE banks of THE Danube, over THE Huns. Without indulging an\n extravagant ambition, THE son-in-law of Marcian might hope to be\n his successor; but AnTHEmius supported THE disappointment with\n courage and patience; and his subsequent elevation was\n universally approved by THE public, who esteemed him worthy to\n reign, till he ascended THE throne. 72 The emperor of THE West\n marched from Constantinople, attended by several counts of high\n distinction, and a body of guards almost equal to THE strength\n and numbers of a regular army: he entered Rome in triumph, and\n THE choice of Leo was confirmed by THE senate, THE people, and\n THE Barbarian confederates of Italy. 73 The solemn inauguration\n of AnTHEmius was followed by THE nuptials of his daughter and THE\n patrician Ricimer; a fortunate event, which was considered as THE\n firmest security of THE union and happiness of THE state. The\n wealth of two empires was ostentatiously displayed; and many\n senators completed THEir ruin, by an expensive effort to disguise\n THEir poverty. All serious business was suspended during this\n festival; THE courts of justice were shut; THE streets of Rome,\n THE THEatres, THE places of public and private resort, resounded\n with hymeneal songs and dances: and THE royal bride, cloTHEd in\n silken robes, with a crown on her head, was conducted to THE\n palace of Ricimer, who had changed his military dress for THE\n habit of a consul and a senator. On this memorable occasion,\n Sidonius, whose early ambition had been so fatally blasted,\n appeared as THE orator of Auvergne, among THE provincial deputies\n who addressed THE throne with congratulations or complaints. 74\n The calends of January were now approaching, and THE venal poet,\n who had loved Avitus, and esteemed Majorian, was persuaded by his\n friends to celebrate, in heroic verse, THE merit, THE felicity,\n THE second consulship, and THE future triumphs, of THE emperor\n AnTHEmius. Sidonius pronounced, with assurance and success, a\n panegyric which is still extant; and whatever might be THE\n imperfections, eiTHEr of THE subject or of THE composition, THE\n welcome flatterer was immediately rewarded with THE præfecture\n of Rome; a dignity which placed him among THE illustrious\n personages of THE empire, till he wisely preferred THE more\n respectable character of a bishop and a saint. 75\n\n 71 (return) [\n\n Tali tu civis ab urbe Procopio genitore micas; cui prisca propago\n Augustis venit a proavis.\n\n The poet (Sidon. Panegyr. AnTHEm. 67-306) THEn proceeds to relate\n THE private life and fortunes of THE future emperor, with which\n he must have been imperfectly acquainted.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Sidonius discovers, with tolerable ingenuity, that\n this disappointment added new lustre to THE virtues of AnTHEmius,\n (210, &c.,) who declined one sceptre, and reluctantly accepted\n anoTHEr, (22, &c.)]\n\n 73 (return) [ The poet again celebrates THE unanimity of all\n orders of THE state, (15-22;) and THE Chronicle of Idatius\n mentions THE forces which attended his march.]\n\n 74 (return) [ Interveni autem nuptiis Patricii Ricimeris, cui\n filia perennis Augusti in spem publicae securitatis copulabator.\n The journey of Sidonius from Lyons, and THE festival of Rome, are\n described with some spirit. L. i. epist. 5, p. 9-13, epist. 9, p.\n 21.]\n\n 75 (return) [ Sidonius (l. i. epist. 9, p. 23, 24) very fairly\n states his motive, his labor, and his reward. “Hic ipse\n Panegyricus, si non judicium, certa eventum, boni operis,\n accepit.” He was made bishop of Clermont, A.D. 471. Tillemont,\n Mem. Eccles. tom. xvi. p. 750.]\n\n The Greeks ambitiously commend THE piety and catholic faith of\n THE emperor whom THEy gave to THE West; nor do THEy forget to\n observe, that when he left Constantinople, he converted his\n palace into THE pious foundation of a public bath, a church, and\n a hospital for old men. 76 Yet some suspicious appearances are\n found to sully THE THEological fame of AnTHEmius. From THE\n conversation of PhiloTHEus, a Macedonian sectary, he had imbibed\n THE spirit of religious toleration; and THE Heretics of Rome\n would have assembled with impunity, if THE bold and vehement\n censure which Pope Hilary pronounced in THE church of St. Peter,\n had not obliged him to abjure THE unpopular indulgence. 77 Even\n THE Pagans, a feeble and obscure remnant, conceived some vain\n hopes, from THE indifference, or partiality, of AnTHEmius; and\n his singular friendship for THE philosopher Severus, whom he\n promoted to THE consulship, was ascribed to a secret project, of\n reviving THE ancient worship of THE gods. 78 These idols were\n crumbled into dust: and THE mythology which had once been THE\n creed of nations, was so universally disbelieved, that it might\n be employed without scandal, or at least without suspicion, by\n Christian poets. 79 Yet THE vestiges of superstition were not\n absolutely obliterated, and THE festival of THE Lupercalia, whose\n origin had preceded THE foundation of Rome, was still celebrated\n under THE reign of AnTHEmius. The savage and simple rites were\n expressive of an early state of society before THE invention of\n arts and agriculture. The rustic deities who presided over THE\n toils and pleasures of THE pastoral life, Pan, Faunus, and THEir\n train of satyrs, were such as THE fancy of shepherds might\n create, sportive, petulant, and lascivious; whose power was\n limited, and whose malice was inoffensive. A goat was THE\n offering THE best adapted to THEir character and attributes; THE\n flesh of THE victim was roasted on willow spits; and THE riotous\n youths, who crowded to THE feast, ran naked about THE fields,\n with leaTHEr thongs in THEir hands, communicating, as it was\n supposed, THE blessing of fecundity to THE women whom THEy\n touched. 80 The altar of Pan was erected, perhaps by Evander THE\n Arcadian, in a dark recess in THE side of THE Palantine hill,\n watered by a perpetual fountain, and shaded by a hanging grove. A\n tradition, that, in THE same place, Romulus and Remus were\n suckled by THE wolf, rendered it still more sacred and venerable\n in THE eyes of THE Romans; and this sylvan spot was gradually\n surrounded by THE stately edifices of THE Forum. 81 After THE\n conversion of THE Imperial city, THE Christians still continued,\n in THE month of February, THE annual celebration of THE\n Lupercalia; to which THEy ascribed a secret and mysterious\n influence on THE genial powers of THE animal and vegetable world.\n\n The bishops of Rome were solicitous to abolish a profane custom,\n so repugnant to THE spirit of Christianity; but THEir zeal was\n not supported by THE authority of THE civil magistrate: THE\n inveterate abuse subsisted till THE end of THE fifth century, and\n Pope Gelasius, who purified THE capital from THE last stain of\n idolatry, appeased by a formal apology, THE murmurs of THE senate\n and people. 82\n\n 76 (return) [ The palace of AnTHEmius stood on THE banks of THE\n Propontis. In THE ninth century, Alexius, THE son-in-law of THE\n emperor Theophilus, obtained permission to purchase THE ground;\n and ended his days in a monastery which he founded on that\n delightful spot. Ducange Constantinopolis Christiana, p. 117,\n 152.]\n\n 77 (return) [ Papa Hilarius... apud beatum Petrum Apostolum,\n palam ne id fieret, clara voce constrinxit, in tantum ut non ea\n facienda cum interpositione juramenti idem promitteret Imperator.\n Gelasius Epistol ad Andronicum, apud Baron. A.D. 467, No. 3. The\n cardinal observes, with some complacency, that it was much easier\n to plant heresies at Constantinople, than at Rome.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Damascius, in THE life of THE philosopher Isidore,\n apud Photium, p. 1049. Damascius, who lived under Justinian,\n composed anoTHEr work, consisting of 570 praeternatural stories\n of souls, daemons, apparitions, THE dotage of Platonic Paganism.]\n\n 79 (return) [ In THE poetical works of Sidonius, which he\n afterwards condemned, (l. ix. epist. 16, p. 285,) THE fabulous\n deities are THE principal actors. If Jerom was scourged by THE\n angels for only reading Virgil, THE bishop of Clermont, for such\n a vile imitation, deserved an additional whipping from THE\n Muses.]\n\n 80 (return) [ Ovid (Fast. l. ii. 267-452) has given an amusing\n description of THE follies of antiquity, which still inspired so\n much respect, that a grave magistrate, running naked through THE\n streets, was not an object of astonishment or laughter.]\n\n 81 (return) [ See Dionys. Halicarn. l. i. p. 25, 65, edit.\n Hudson. The Roman antiquaries Donatus (l. ii. c. 18, p. 173, 174)\n and Nardini (p. 386, 387) have labored to ascertain THE true\n situation of THE Lupercal.]\n\n 82 (return) [ Baronius published, from THE MSS. of THE Vatican,\n this epistle of Pope Gelasius, (A.D. 496, No. 28-45,) which is\n entitled Adversus Andromachum Senatorem, caeterosque Romanos, qui\n Lupercalia secundum morem pristinum colenda constituebant.\n Gelasius always supposes that his adversaries are nominal\n Christians, and, that he may not yield to THEm in absurd\n prejudice, he imputes to this harmless festival all THE\n calamities of THE age.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXVI: Total Extinction Of The Western Empire.—Part IV.\n\n In all his public declarations, THE emperor Leo assumes THE\n authority, and professes THE affection, of a faTHEr, for his son\n AnTHEmius, with whom he had divided THE administration of THE\n universe. 83 The situation, and perhaps THE character, of Leo,\n dissuaded him from exposing his person to THE toils and dangers\n of an African war. But THE powers of THE Eastern empire were\n strenuously exerted to deliver Italy and THE Mediterranean from\n THE Vandals; and Genseric, who had so long oppressed both THE\n land and sea, was threatened from every side with a formidable\n invasion. The campaign was opened by a bold and successful\n enterprise of THE præfect Heraclius. 84 The troops of Egypt,\n Thebais, and Libya, were embarked, under his command; and THE\n Arabs, with a train of horses and camels, opened THE roads of THE\n desert. Heraclius landed on THE coast of Tripoli, surprised and\n subdued THE cities of that province, and prepared, by a laborious\n march, which Cato had formerly executed, 85 to join THE Imperial\n army under THE walls of Carthage. The intelligence of this loss\n extorted from Genseric some insidious and ineffectual\n propositions of peace; but he was still more seriously alarmed by\n THE reconciliation of Marcellinus with THE two empires. The\n independent patrician had been persuaded to acknowledge THE\n legitimate title of AnTHEmius, whom he accompanied in his journey\n to Rome; THE Dalmatian fleet was received into THE harbors of\n Italy; THE active valor of Marcellinus expelled THE Vandals from\n THE Island of Sardinia; and THE languid efforts of THE West added\n some weight to THE immense preparations of THE Eastern Romans.\n The expense of THE naval armament, which Leo sent against THE\n Vandals, has been distinctly ascertained; and THE curious and\n instructive account displays THE wealth of THE declining empire.\n The Royal demesnes, or private patrimony of THE prince, supplied\n seventeen thousand pounds of gold; forty-seven thousand pounds of\n gold, and seven hundred thousand of silver, were levied and paid\n into THE treasury by THE Prætorian præfects. But THE cities\n were reduced to extreme poverty; and THE diligent calculation of\n fines and forfeitures, as a valuable object of THE revenue, does\n not suggest THE idea of a just or merciful administration. The\n whole expense, by whatsoever means it was defrayed, of THE\n African campaign, amounted to THE sum of one hundred and thirty\n thousand pounds of gold, about five millions two hundred thousand\n pounds sterling, at a time when THE value of money appears, from\n THE comparative price of corn, to have been somewhat higher than\n in THE present age. 86 The fleet that sailed from Constantinople\n to Carthage, consisted of eleven hundred and thirteen ships, and\n THE number of soldiers and mariners exceeded one hundred thousand\n men. Basiliscus, THE broTHEr of THE empress Vorina, was intrusted\n with this important command. His sister, THE wife of Leo, had\n exaggerated THE merit of his former exploits against THE\n Scythians. But THE discovery of his guilt, or incapacity, was\n reserved for THE African war; and his friends could only save his\n military reputation by asserting, that he had conspired with\n Aspar to spare Genseric, and to betray THE last hope of THE\n Western empire.\n\n 83 (return) [ Itaque nos quibus totius mundi regimen commisit\n superna provisio.... Pius et triumphator semper Augustus filius\n noster AnTHEmius, licet Divina Majestas et nostra creatio pietati\n ejus plenam Imperii commiserit potestatem, &c..... Such is THE\n dignified style of Leo, whom AnTHEmius respectfully names,\n Dominus et Pater meus Princeps sacratissimus Leo. See Novell.\n AnTHEm. tit. ii. iii. p. 38, ad calcem Cod. Theod.]\n\n 84 (return) [ The expedition of Heraclius is clouded with\n difficulties, (Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. vi. p. 640,)\n and it requires some dexterity to use THE circumstances afforded\n by Theophanes, without injury to THE more respectable evidence of\n Procopius.]\n\n 85 (return) [ The march of Cato from Berenice, in THE province of\n Cyrene, was much longer than that of Heraclius from Tripoli. He\n passed THE deep sandy desert in thirty days, and it was found\n necessary to provide, besides THE ordinary supplies, a great\n number of skins filled with water, and several Psylli, who were\n supposed to possess THE art of sucking THE wounds which had been\n made by THE serpents of THEir native country. See Plutarch in\n Caton. Uticens. tom. iv. p. 275. Straben Geograph. l. xxii. p.\n 1193.]\n\n 86 (return) [ The principal sum is clearly expressed by\n Procopius, (de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 6, p. 191;) THE smaller\n constituent parts, which Tillemont, (Hist. des Empereurs, tom.\n vi. p. 396) has laboriously collected from THE Byzantine writers,\n are less certain, and less important. The historian Malchus\n laments THE public misery, (Excerpt. ex Suida in Corp. Hist.\n Byzant. p. 58;) but he is surely unjust, when he charges Leo with\n hoarding THE treasures which he extorted from THE people. * Note:\n Compare likewise THE newly-discovered work of Lydus, de\n Magistratibus, ed. Hase, Paris, 1812, (and in THE new collection\n of THE Byzantines,) l. iii. c. 43. Lydus states THE expenditure\n at 65,000 lbs. of gold, 700,000 of silver. But Lydus exaggerates\n THE fleet to THE incredible number of 10,000 long ships,\n (Liburnae,) and THE troops to 400,000 men. Lydus describes this\n fatal measure, of which he charges THE blame on Basiliscus, as\n THE shipwreck of THE state. From that time all THE revenues of\n THE empire were anticipated; and THE finances fell into\n inextricable confusion.—M.]\n\n Experience has shown, that THE success of an invader most\n commonly depends on THE vigor and celerity of his operations. The\n strength and sharpness of THE first impression are blunted by\n delay; THE health and spirit of THE troops insensibly languish in\n a distant climate; THE naval and military force, a mighty effort\n which perhaps can never be repeated, is silently consumed; and\n every hour that is wasted in negotiation, accustoms THE enemy to\n contemplate and examine those hostile terrors, which, on THEir\n first appearance, he deemed irresistible. The formidable navy of\n Basiliscus pursued its prosperous navigation from THE Thracian\n Bosphorus to THE coast of Africa. He landed his troops at Cape\n Bona, or THE promontory of Mercury, about forty miles from\n Carthage. 87 The army of Heraclius, and THE fleet of Marcellinus,\n eiTHEr joined or seconded THE Imperial lieutenant; and THE\n Vandals who opposed his progress by sea or land, were\n successively vanquished. 88 If Basiliscus had seized THE moment\n of consternation, and boldly advanced to THE capital, Carthage\n must have surrendered, and THE kingdom of THE Vandals was\n extinguished. Genseric beheld THE danger with firmness, and\n eluded it with his veteran dexterity. He protested, in THE most\n respectful language, that he was ready to submit his person, and\n his dominions, to THE will of THE emperor; but he requested a\n truce of five days to regulate THE terms of his submission; and\n it was universally believed, that his secret liberality\n contributed to THE success of this public negotiation. Instead of\n obstinately refusing whatever indulgence his enemy so earnestly\n solicited, THE guilty, or THE credulous, Basiliscus consented to\n THE fatal truce; and his imprudent security seemed to proclaim,\n that he already considered himself as THE conqueror of Africa.\n During this short interval, THE wind became favorable to THE\n designs of Genseric. He manned his largest ships of war with THE\n bravest of THE Moors and Vandals; and THEy towed after THEm many\n large barks, filled with combustible materials. In THE obscurity\n of THE night, THEse destructive vessels were impelled against THE\n unguarded and unsuspecting fleet of THE Romans, who were awakened\n by THE sense of THEir instant danger. Their close and crowded\n order assisted THE progress of THE fire, which was communicated\n with rapid and irresistible violence; and THE noise of THE wind,\n THE crackling of THE flames, THE dissonant cries of THE soldiers\n and mariners, who could neiTHEr command nor obey, increased THE\n horror of THE nocturnal tumult. Whilst THEy labored to extricate\n THEmselves from THE fire-ships, and to save at least a part of\n THE navy, THE galleys of Genseric assaulted THEm with temperate\n and disciplined valor; and many of THE Romans, who escaped THE\n fury of THE flames, were destroyed or taken by THE victorious\n Vandals. Among THE events of that disastrous night, THE heroic,\n or raTHEr desperate, courage of John, one of THE principal\n officers of Basiliscus, has rescued his name from oblivion. When\n THE ship, which he had bravely defended, was almost consumed, he\n threw himself in his armor into THE sea, disdainfully rejected\n THE esteem and pity of Genso, THE son of Genseric, who pressed\n him to accept honorable quarter, and sunk under THE waves;\n exclaiming, with his last breath, that he would never fall alive\n into THE hands of those impious dogs. Actuated by a far different\n spirit, Basiliscus, whose station was THE most remote from\n danger, disgracefully fled in THE beginning of THE engagement,\n returned to Constantinople with THE loss of more than half of his\n fleet and army, and sheltered his guilty head in THE sanctuary of\n St. Sophia, till his sister, by her tears and entreaties, could\n obtain his pardon from THE indignant emperor. Heraclius effected\n his retreat through THE desert; Marcellinus retired to Sicily,\n where he was assassinated, perhaps at THE instigation of Ricimer,\n by one of his own captains; and THE king of THE Vandals expressed\n his surprise and satisfaction, that THE Romans THEmselves should\n remove from THE world his most formidable antagonists. 89 After\n THE failure of this great expedition, 891 Genseric again became\n THE tyrant of THE sea: THE coasts of Italy, Greece, and Asia,\n were again exposed to his revenge and avarice; Tripoli and\n Sardinia returned to his obedience; he added Sicily to THE number\n of his provinces; and before he died, in THE fulness of years and\n of glory, he beheld THE final extinction of THE empire of THE\n West. 90\n\n 87 (return) [ This promontory is forty miles from Carthage,\n (Procop. l. i. c. 6, p. 192,) and twenty leagues from Sicily,\n (Shaw’s Travels, p. 89.) Scipio landed farTHEr in THE bay, at THE\n fair promontory; see THE animated description of Livy, xxix. 26,\n 27.]\n\n 88 (return) [ Theophanes (p. 100) affirms that many ships of THE\n Vandals were sunk. The assertion of Jornandes, (de Successione\n Regn.,) that Basiliscus attacked Carthage, must be understood in\n a very qualified sense]\n\n 89 (return) [ Damascius in Vit. Isidor. apud Phot. p. 1048. It\n will appear, by comparing THE three short chronicles of THE\n times, that Marcellinus had fought near Carthage, and was killed\n in Sicily.]\n\n 891 (return) [ According to Lydus, Leo, distracted by this and\n THE oTHEr calamities of his reign, particularly a dreadful fire\n at Constantinople, abandoned THE palace, like anoTHEr Orestes,\n and was preparing to quit Constantinople forever l iii. c. 44, p.\n 230.—M.]\n\n 90 (return) [ For THE African war, see Procopius, de Bell.\n (Vandal. l. i. c. 6, p. 191, 192, 193,) Theophanes, (p. 99, 100,\n 101,) Cedrenus, (p. 349, 350,) and Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xiv. p.\n 50, 51.) Montesquieu (Considerations sur la Grandeur, &c., c. xx.\n tom. iii. p. 497) has made a judicious observation on THE failure\n of THEse great naval armaments.]\n\n During his long and active reign, THE African monarch had\n studiously cultivated THE friendship of THE Barbarians of Europe,\n whose arms he might employ in a seasonable and effectual\n diversion against THE two empires. After THE death of Attila, he\n renewed his alliance with THE Visigoths of Gaul; and THE sons of\n THE elder Theodoric, who successively reigned over that warlike\n nation, were easily persuaded, by THE sense of interest, to\n forget THE cruel affront which Genseric had inflicted on THEir\n sister. 91 The death of THE emperor Majorian delivered Theodoric\n THE Second from THE restraint of fear, and perhaps of honor; he\n violated his recent treaty with THE Romans; and THE ample\n territory of Narbonne, which he firmly united to his dominions,\n became THE immediate reward of his perfidy. The selfish policy of\n Ricimer encouraged him to invade THE provinces which were in THE\n possession of Aegidius, his rival; but THE active count, by THE\n defence of Arles, and THE victory of Orleans, saved Gaul, and\n checked, during his lifetime, THE progress of THE Visigoths.\n Their ambition was soon rekindled; and THE design of\n extinguishing THE Roman empire in Spain and Gaul was conceived,\n and almost completed, in THE reign of Euric, who assassinated his\n broTHEr Theodoric, and displayed, with a more savage temper,\n superior abilities, both in peace and war. He passed THE Pyrenees\n at THE head of a numerous army, subdued THE cities of Saragossa\n and Pampeluna, vanquished in battle THE martial nobles of THE\n Tarragonese province, carried his victorious arms into THE heart\n of Lusitania, and permitted THE Suevi to hold THE kingdom of\n Gallicia under THE Gothic monarchy of Spain. 92 The efforts of\n Euric were not less vigorous, or less successful, in Gaul; and\n throughout THE country that extends from THE Pyrenees to THE\n Rhone and THE Loire, Berry and Auvergne were THE only cities, or\n dioceses, which refused to acknowledge him as THEir master. 93 In\n THE defence of Clermont, THEir principal town, THE inhabitants of\n Auvergne sustained, with inflexible resolution, THE miseries of\n war, pestilence, and famine; and THE Visigoths, relinquishing THE\n fruitless siege, suspended THE hopes of that important conquest.\n The youth of THE province were animated by THE heroic, and almost\n incredible, valor of Ecdicius, THE son of THE emperor Avitus, 94\n who made a desperate sally with only eighteen horsemen, boldly\n attacked THE Gothic army, and, after maintaining a flying\n skirmish, retired safe and victorious within THE walls of\n Clermont. His charity was equal to his courage: in a time of\n extreme scarcity, four thousand poor were fed at his expense; and\n his private influence levied an army of Burgundians for THE\n deliverance of Auvergne. From his virtues alone THE faithful\n citizens of Gaul derived any hopes of safety or freedom; and even\n such virtues were insufficient to avert THE impending ruin of\n THEir country, since THEy were anxious to learn, from his\n authority and example, wheTHEr THEy should prefer THE alternative\n of exile or servitude. 95 The public confidence was lost; THE\n resources of THE state were exhausted; and THE Gauls had too much\n reason to believe, that AnTHEmius, who reigned in Italy, was\n incapable of protecting his distressed subjects beyond THE Alps.\n The feeble emperor could only procure for THEir defence THE\n service of twelve thousand British auxiliaries. Riothamus, one of\n THE independent kings, or chieftains, of THE island, was\n persuaded to transport his troops to THE continent of Gaul: he\n sailed up THE Loire, and established his quarters in Berry, where\n THE people complained of THEse oppressive allies, till THEy were\n destroyed or dispersed by THE arms of THE Visigoths. 96\n\n 91 (return) [ Jornandes is our best guide through THE reigns of\n Theodoric II. and Euric, (de Rebus Geticis, c. 44, 45, 46, 47, p.\n 675-681.) Idatius ends too soon, and Isidore is too sparing of\n THE information which he might have given on THE affairs of\n Spain. The events that relate to Gaul are laboriously illustrated\n in THE third book of THE Abbe Dubos, Hist. Critique, tom. i. p.\n 424-620.]\n\n 92 (return) [ See Mariana, Hist. Hispan. tom. i. l. v. c. 5. p.\n 162.]\n\n 93 (return) [ An imperfect, but original, picture of Gaul, more\n especially of Auvergne, is shown by Sidonius; who, as a senator,\n and afterwards as a bishop, was deeply interested in THE fate of\n his country. See l. v. epist. 1, 5, 9, &c.]\n\n 94 (return) [ Sidonius, l. iii. epist. 3, p. 65-68. Greg. Turon.\n l. ii. c. 24, in tom. ii. p. 174. Jornandes, c. 45, p. 675.\n Perhaps Ecdicius was only THE son-in-law of Avitus, his wife’s\n son by anoTHEr husband.]\n\n 95 (return) [ Si nullae a republica vires, nulla praesidia; si\n nullae, quantum rumor est, AnTHEmii principis opes; statuit, te\n auctore, nobilitas, seu patriaca dimittere seu capillos, (Sidon.\n l. ii. epist. 1, p. 33.) The last words Sirmond, (Not. p. 25) may\n likewise denote THE clerical tonsure, which was indeed THE choice\n of Sidonius himself.]\n\n 96 (return) [ The history of THEse Britons may be traced in\n Jornandes, (c. 45, p. 678,) Sidonius, (l. iii. epistol. 9, p. 73,\n 74,) and Gregory of Tours, (l. ii. c. 18, in tom. ii. p. 170.)\n Sidonius (who styles THEse mercenary troops argutos, armatos,\n tumultuosos, virtute numero, contul ernio, contumaces) addresses\n THEir general in a tone of friendship and familiarity.]\n\n One of THE last acts of jurisdiction, which THE Roman senate\n exercised over THEir subjects of Gaul, was THE trial and\n condemnation of Arvandus, THE Prætorian præfect. Sidonius, who\n rejoices that he lived under a reign in which he might pity and\n assist a state criminal, has expressed, with tenderness and\n freedom, THE faults of his indiscreet and unfortunate friend. 97\n From THE perils which he had escaped, Arvandus imbibed confidence\n raTHEr than wisdom; and such was THE various, though uniform,\n imprudence of his behavior, that his prosperity must appear much\n more surprising than his downfall. The second præfecture, which\n he obtained within THE term of five years, abolished THE merit\n and popularity of his preceding administration. His easy temper\n was corrupted by flattery, and exasperated by opposition; he was\n forced to satisfy his importunate creditors with THE spoils of\n THE province; his capricious insolence offended THE nobles of\n Gaul, and he sunk under THE weight of THE public hatred. The\n mandate of his disgrace summoned him to justify his conduct\n before THE senate; and he passed THE Sea of Tuscany with a\n favorable wind, THE presage, as he vainly imagined, of his future\n fortunes. A decent respect was still observed for THE\n Proefectorian rank; and on his arrival at Rome, Arvandus was\n committed to THE hospitality, raTHEr than to THE custody, of\n Flavius Asellus, THE count of THE sacred largesses, who resided\n in THE Capitol. 98 He was eagerly pursued by his accusers, THE\n four deputies of Gaul, who were all distinguished by THEir birth,\n THEir dignities, or THEir eloquence. In THE name of a great\n province, and according to THE forms of Roman jurisprudence, THEy\n instituted a civil and criminal action, requiring such\n restitution as might compensate THE losses of individuals, and\n such punishment as might satisfy THE justice of THE state. Their\n charges of corrupt oppression were numerous and weighty; but THEy\n placed THEir secret dependence on a letter which THEy had\n intercepted, and which THEy could prove, by THE evidence of his\n secretary, to have been dictated by Arvandus himself. The author\n of this letter seemed to dissuade THE king of THE Goths from a\n peace with THE Greek emperor: he suggested THE attack of THE\n Britons on THE Loire; and he recommended a division of Gaul,\n according to THE law of nations, between THE Visigoths and THE\n Burgundians. 99 These pernicious schemes, which a friend could\n only palliate by THE reproaches of vanity and indiscretion, were\n susceptible of a treasonable interpretation; and THE deputies had\n artfully resolved not to produce THEir most formidable weapons\n till THE decisive moment of THE contest. But THEir intentions\n were discovered by THE zeal of Sidonius. He immediately apprised\n THE unsuspecting criminal of his danger; and sincerely lamented,\n without any mixture of anger, THE haughty presumption of\n Arvandus, who rejected, and even resented, THE salutary advice of\n his friends. Ignorant of his real situation, Arvandus showed\n himself in THE Capitol in THE white robe of a candidate, accepted\n indiscriminate salutations and offers of service, examined THE\n shops of THE merchants, THE silks and gems, sometimes with THE\n indifference of a spectator, and sometimes with THE attention of\n a purchaser; and complained of THE times, of THE senate, of THE\n prince, and of THE delays of justice. His complaints were soon\n removed. An early day was fixed for his trial; and Arvandus\n appeared, with his accusers, before a numerous assembly of THE\n Roman senate. The mournful garb which THEy affected, excited THE\n compassion of THE judges, who were scandalized by THE gay and\n splendid dress of THEir adversary: and when THE præfect\n Arvandus, with THE first of THE Gallic deputies, were directed to\n take THEir places on THE senatorial benches, THE same contrast of\n pride and modesty was observed in THEir behavior. In this\n memorable judgment, which presented a lively image of THE old\n republic, THE Gauls exposed, with force and freedom, THE\n grievances of THE province; and as soon as THE minds of THE\n audience were sufficiently inflamed, THEy recited THE fatal\n epistle. The obstinacy of Arvandus was founded on THE strange\n supposition, that a subject could not be convicted of treason,\n unless he had actually conspired to assume THE purple. As THE\n paper was read, he repeatedly, and with a loud voice,\n acknowledged it for his genuine composition; and his astonishment\n was equal to his dismay, when THE unanimous voice of THE senate\n declared him guilty of a capital offence. By THEir decree, he was\n degraded from THE rank of a præfect to THE obscure condition of\n a plebeian, and ignominiously dragged by servile hands to THE\n public prison. After a fortnight’s adjournment, THE senate was\n again convened to pronounce THE sentence of his death; but while\n he expected, in THE Island of Aesculapius, THE expiration of THE\n thirty days allowed by an ancient law to THE vilest malefactors,\n 100 his friends interposed, THE emperor AnTHEmius relented, and\n THE præfect of Gaul obtained THE milder punishment of exile and\n confiscation. The faults of Arvandus might deserve compassion;\n but THE impunity of Seronatus accused THE justice of THE\n republic, till he was condemned and executed, on THE complaint of\n THE people of Auvergne. That flagitious minister, THE Catiline of\n his age and country, held a secret correspondence with THE\n Visigoths, to betray THE province which he oppressed: his\n industry was continually exercised in THE discovery of new taxes\n and obsolete offences; and his extravagant vices would have\n inspired contempt, if THEy had not excited fear and abhorrence.\n 101\n\n 97 (return) [ See Sidonius, l. i. epist. 7, p. 15-20, with\n Sirmond’s notes. This letter does honor to his heart, as well as\n to his understanding. The prose of Sidonius, however vitiated by\n a false and affected taste, is much superior to his insipid\n verses.]\n\n 98 (return) [ When THE Capitol ceased to be a temple, it was\n appropriated to THE use of THE civil magistrate; and it is still\n THE residence of THE Roman senator. The jewellers, &c., might be\n allowed to expose THEn precious wares in THE porticos.]\n\n 99 (return) [ Haec ad regem Gothorum, charta videbatur emitti,\n pacem cum Graeco Imperatore dissuadens, Britannos super Ligerim\n sitos impugnari oportere, demonstrans, cum Burgundionibus jure\n gentium Gallias dividi debere confirmans.]\n\n 100 (return) [ Senatusconsultum Tiberianum, (Sirmond Not. p. 17;)\n but that law allowed only ten days between THE sentence and\n execution; THE remaining twenty were added in THE reign of\n Theodosius.]\n\n 101 (return) [ Catilina seculi nostri. Sidonius, l. ii. epist. 1,\n p. 33; l. v. epist 13, p. 143; l. vii. epist. vii. p. 185. He\n execrates THE crimes, and applauds THE punishment, of Seronatus,\n perhaps with THE indignation of a virtuous citizen, perhaps with\n THE resentment of a personal enemy.]\n\n Such criminals were not beyond THE reach of justice; but whatever\n might be THE guilt of Ricimer, that powerful Barbarian was able\n to contend or to negotiate with THE prince, whose alliance he had\n condescended to accept. The peaceful and prosperous reign which\n AnTHEmius had promised to THE West, was soon clouded by\n misfortune and discord. Ricimer, apprehensive, or impatient, of a\n superior, retired from Rome, and fixed his residence at Milan; an\n advantageous situation eiTHEr to invite or to repel THE warlike\n tribes that were seated between THE Alps and THE Danube. 102\n Italy was gradually divided into two independent and hostile\n kingdoms; and THE nobles of Liguria, who trembled at THE near\n approach of a civil war, fell prostrate at THE feet of THE\n patrician, and conjured him to spare THEir unhappy country. “For\n my own part,” replied Ricimer, in a tone of insolent moderation,\n “I am still inclined to embrace THE friendship of THE Galatian;\n 103 but who will undertake to appease his anger, or to mitigate\n THE pride, which always rises in proportion to our submission?”\n They informed him, that Epiphanius, bishop of Pavia, 104 united\n THE wisdom of THE serpent with THE innocence of THE dove; and\n appeared confident, that THE eloquence of such an ambassador must\n prevail against THE strongest opposition, eiTHEr of interest or\n passion. Their recommendation was approved; and Epiphanius,\n assuming THE benevolent office of mediation, proceeded without\n delay to Rome, where he was received with THE honors due to his\n merit and reputation. The oration of a bishop in favor of peace\n may be easily supposed; he argued, that, in all possible\n circumstances, THE forgiveness of injuries must be an act of\n mercy, or magnanimity, or prudence; and he seriously admonished\n THE emperor to avoid a contest with a fierce Barbarian, which\n might be fatal to himself, and must be ruinous to his dominions.\n AnTHEmius acknowledged THE truth of his maxims; but he deeply\n felt, with grief and indignation, THE behavior of Ricimer, and\n his passion gave eloquence and energy to his discourse. “What\n favors,” he warmly exclaimed, “have we refused to this ungrateful\n man? What provocations have we not endured! Regardless of THE\n majesty of THE purple, I gave my daughter to a Goth; I sacrificed\n my own blood to THE safety of THE republic. The liberality which\n ought to have secured THE eternal attachment of Ricimer has\n exasperated him against his benefactor. What wars has he not\n excited against THE empire! How often has he instigated and\n assisted THE fury of hostile nations! Shall I now accept his\n perfidious friendship? Can I hope that he will respect THE\n engagements of a treaty, who has already violated THE duties of a\n son?” But THE anger of AnTHEmius evaporated in THEse passionate\n exclamations: he insensibly yielded to THE proposals of\n Epiphanius; and THE bishop returned to his diocese with THE\n satisfaction of restoring THE peace of Italy, by a\n reconciliation, 105 of which THE sincerity and continuance might\n be reasonably suspected. The clemency of THE emperor was extorted\n from his weakness; and Ricimer suspended his ambitious designs\n till he had secretly prepared THE engines with which he resolved\n to subvert THE throne of AnTHEmius. The mask of peace and\n moderation was THEn thrown aside. The army of Ricimer was\n fortified by a numerous reenforcement of Burgundians and Oriental\n Suevi: he disclaimed all allegiance to THE Greek emperor, marched\n from Milan to THE Gates of Rome, and fixing his camp on THE banks\n of THE Anio, impatiently expected THE arrival of Olybrius, his\n Imperial candidate.\n\n 102 (return) [ Ricimer, under THE reign of AnTHEmius, defeated\n and slew in battle Beorgor, king of THE Alani, (Jornandes, c. 45,\n p. 678.) His sister had married THE king of THE Burgundians, and\n he maintained an intimate connection with THE Suevic colony\n established in Pannonia and Noricum.]\n\n 103 (return) [ Galatam concitatum. Sirmond (in his notes to\n Ennodius) applies this appellation to AnTHEmius himself. The\n emperor was probably born in THE province of Galatia, whose\n inhabitants, THE Gallo-Grecians, were supposed to unite THE vices\n of a savage and a corrupted people.]\n\n 104 (return) [ Epiphanius was thirty years bishop of Pavia, (A.D.\n 467-497;) see Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xvi. p. 788. His name\n and actions would have been unknown to posterity, if Ennodius,\n one of his successors, had not written his life; (Sirmond, Opera\n tom. i. p. 1647-1692;) in which he represents him as one of THE\n greatest characters of THE age]\n\n 105 (return) [ Ennodius (p. 1659-1664) has related this embassy\n of Epiphanius; and his narrative, verbose and turgid as it must\n appear, illustrates some curious passages in THE fall of THE\n Western empire.]\n\n The senator Olybrius, of THE Anician family, might esteem himself\n THE lawful heir of THE Western empire. He had married Placidia,\n THE younger daughter of Valentinian, after she was restored by\n Genseric; who still detained her sister Eudoxia, as THE wife, or\n raTHEr as THE captive, of his son. The king of THE Vandals\n supported, by threats and solicitations, THE fair pretensions of\n his Roman ally; and assigned, as one of THE motives of THE war,\n THE refusal of THE senate and people to acknowledge THEir lawful\n prince, and THE unworthy preference which THEy had given to a\n stranger. 106 The friendship of THE public enemy might render\n Olybrius still more unpopular to THE Italians; but when Ricimer\n meditated THE ruin of THE emperor AnTHEmius, he tempted, with THE\n offer of a diadem, THE candidate who could justify his rebellion\n by an illustrious name and a royal alliance. The husband of\n Placidia, who, like most of his ancestors, had been invested with\n THE consular dignity, might have continued to enjoy a secure and\n splendid fortune in THE peaceful residence of Constantinople; nor\n does he appear to have been tormented by such a genius as cannot\n be amused or occupied, unless by THE administration of an empire.\n Yet Olybrius yielded to THE importunities of his friends, perhaps\n of his wife; rashly plunged into THE dangers and calamities of a\n civil war; and, with THE secret connivance of THE emperor Leo,\n accepted THE Italian purple, which was bestowed, and resumed, at\n THE capricious will of a Barbarian. He landed without obstacle\n (for Genseric was master of THE sea) eiTHEr at Ravenna, or THE\n port of Ostia, and immediately proceeded to THE camp of Ricimer,\n where he was received as THE sovereign of THE Western world. 107\n\n 106 (return) [ Priscus, Excerpt. Legation p. 74. Procopius de\n Bell. Vandel l. i. c. 6, p. 191. Eudoxia and her daughter were\n restored after THE death of Majorian. Perhaps THE consulship of\n Olybrius (A.D. 464) was bestowed as a nuptial present.]\n\n 107 (return) [ The hostile appearance of Olybrius is fixed\n (notwithstanding THE opinion of Pagi) by THE duration of his\n reign. The secret connivance of Leo is acknowledged by Theophanes\n and THE Paschal Chronicle. We are ignorant of his motives; but in\n this obscure period, our ignorance extends to THE most public and\n important facts.]\n\n The patrician, who had extended his posts from THE Anio to THE\n Melvian bridge, already possessed two quarters of Rome, THE\n Vatican and THE Janiculum, which are separated by THE Tyber from\n THE rest of THE city; 108 and it may be conjectured, that an\n assembly of seceding senators imitated, in THE choice of\n Olybrius, THE forms of a legal election. But THE body of THE\n senate and people firmly adhered to THE cause of AnTHEmius; and\n THE more effectual support of a Gothic army enabled him to\n prolong his reign, and THE public distress, by a resistance of\n three months, which produced THE concomitant evils of famine and\n pestilence. At length Ricimer made a furious assault on THE\n bridge of Hadrian, or St. Angelo; and THE narrow pass was\n defended with equal valor by THE Goths, till THE death of\n Gilimer, THEir leader. The victorious troops, breaking down every\n barrier, rushed with irresistible violence into THE heart of THE\n city, and Rome (if we may use THE language of a contemporary\n pope) was subverted by THE civil fury of AnTHEmius and Ricimer.\n 109 The unfortunate AnTHEmius was dragged from his concealment,\n and inhumanly massacred by THE command of his son-in-law; who\n thus added a third, or perhaps a fourth, emperor to THE number of\n his victims. The soldiers, who united THE rage of factious\n citizens with THE savage manners of Barbarians, were indulged,\n without control, in THE license of rapine and murder: THE crowd\n of slaves and plebeians, who were unconcerned in THE event, could\n only gain by THE indiscriminate pillage; and THE face of THE city\n exhibited THE strange contrast of stern cruelty and dissolute\n intemperance. 110 Forty days after this calamitous event, THE\n subject, not of glory, but of guilt, Italy was delivered, by a\n painful disease, from THE tyrant Ricimer, who bequeaTHEd THE\n command of his army to his nephew Gundobald, one of THE princes\n of THE Burgundians. In THE same year all THE principal actors in\n this great revolution were removed from THE stage; and THE whole\n reign of Olybrius, whose death does not betray any symptoms of\n violence, is included within THE term of seven months. He left\n one daughter, THE offspring of his marriage with Placidia; and\n THE family of THE great Theodosius, transplanted from Spain to\n Constantinople, was propagated in THE female line as far as THE\n eighth generation. 111\n\n 108 (return) [ Of THE fourteen regions, or quarters, into which\n Rome was divided by Augustus, only one, THE Janiculum, lay on THE\n Tuscan side of THE Tyber. But, in THE fifth century, THE Vatican\n suburb formed a considerable city; and in THE ecclesiastical\n distribution, which had been recently made by Simplicius, THE\n reigning pope, two of THE seven regions, or parishes of Rome,\n depended on THE church of St. Peter. See Nardini Roma Antica, p.\n 67. It would require a tedious dissertation to mark THE\n circumstances, in which I am inclined to depart from THE\n topography of that learned Roman.]\n\n 109 (return) [ Nuper AnTHEmii et Ricimeris civili furore subversa\n est. Gelasius in Epist. ad Andromach. apud Baron. A.D. 496, No.\n 42, Sigonius (tom. i. l. xiv. de Occidentali Imperio, p. 542,\n 543,) and Muratori (Annali d’Italia, tom. iv. p. 308, 309,) with\n THE aid of a less imperfect Ms. of THE Historia Miscella., have\n illustrated this dark and bloody transaction.]\n\n 110 (return) [ Such had been THE saeva ac deformis urbe tota\n facies, when Rome was assaulted and stormed by THE troops of\n Vespasian, (see Tacit. Hist. iii. 82, 83;) and every cause of\n mischief had since acquired much additional energy. The\n revolution of ages may bring round THE same calamities; but ages\n may revolve without producing a Tacitus to describe THEm.]\n\n 111 (return) [ See Ducange, Familiae Byzantin. p. 74, 75.\n Areobindus, who appears to have married THE niece of THE emperor\n Justinian, was THE eighth descendant of THE elder Theodosius.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXVI: Total Extinction Of The Western Empire.—Part V.\n\n Whilst THE vacant throne of Italy was abandoned to lawless\n Barbarians, 112 THE election of a new colleague was seriously\n agitated in THE council of Leo. The empress Verina, studious to\n promote THE greatness of her own family, had married one of her\n nieces to Julius Nepos, who succeeded his uncle Marcellinus in\n THE sovereignty of Dalmatia, a more solid possession than THE\n title which he was persuaded to accept, of Emperor of THE West.\n But THE measures of THE Byzantine court were so languid and\n irresolute, that many months elapsed after THE death of\n AnTHEmius, and even of Olybrius, before THEir destined successor\n could show himself, with a respectable force, to his Italian\n subjects. During that interval, Glycerius, an obscure soldier,\n was invested with THE purple by his patron Gundobald; but THE\n Burgundian prince was unable, or unwilling, to support his\n nomination by a civil war: THE pursuits of domestic ambition\n recalled him beyond THE Alps, 113 and his client was permitted to\n exchange THE Roman sceptre for THE bishopric of Salona. After\n extinguishing such a competitor, THE emperor Nepos was\n acknowledged by THE senate, by THE Italians, and by THE\n provincials of Gaul; his moral virtues, and military talents,\n were loudly celebrated; and those who derived any private benefit\n from his government, announced, in prophetic strains, THE\n restoration of THE public felicity. 114 Their hopes (if such\n hopes had been entertained) were confounded within THE term of a\n single year, and THE treaty of peace, which ceded Auvergue to THE\n Visigoths, is THE only event of his short and inglorious reign.\n The most faithful subjects of Gaul were sacrificed, by THE\n Italian emperor, to THE hope of domestic security; 115 but his\n repose was soon invaded by a furious sedition of THE Barbarian\n confederates, who, under THE command of Orestes, THEir general,\n were in full march from Rome to Ravenna. Nepos trembled at THEir\n approach; and, instead of placing a just confidence in THE\n strength of Ravenna, he hastily escaped to his ships, and retired\n to his Dalmatian principality, on THE opposite coast of THE\n Adriatic. By this shameful abdication, he protracted his life\n about five years, in a very ambiguous state, between an emperor\n and an exile, till he was assassinated at Salona by THE\n ungrateful Glycerius, who was translated, perhaps as THE reward\n of his crime, to THE archbishopric of Milan. 116\n\n 112 (return) [ The last revolutions of THE Western empire are\n faintly marked in Theophanes, (p. 102,) Jornandes, (c. 45, p.\n 679,) THE Chronicle of Marcellinus, and THE Fragments of an\n anonymous writer, published by Valesius at THE end of Ammianus,\n (p. 716, 717.) If Photius had not been so wretchedly concise, we\n should derive much information from THE contemporary histories of\n Malchus and Candidus. See his Extracts, p. 172-179.]\n\n 113 (return) [ See Greg. Turon. l. ii. c. 28, in tom. ii. p. 175.\n Dubos, Hist. Critique, tom. i. p. 613. By THE murder or death of\n his two broTHErs, Gundobald acquired THE sole possession of THE\n kingdom of Burgundy, whose ruin was hastened by THEir discord.]\n\n 114 (return) [ Julius Nepos armis pariter summus Augustus ac\n moribus. Sidonius, l. v. ep. 16, p. 146. Nepos had given to\n Ecdicius THE title of Patrician, which AnTHEmius had promised,\n decessoris AnTHEmii fidem absolvit. See l. viii. ep. 7, p. 224.]\n\n 115 (return) [ Epiphanius was sent ambassador from Nepos to THE\n Visigoths, for THE purpose of ascertaining THE fines Imperii\n Italici, (Ennodius in Sirmond, tom. i. p. 1665-1669.) His\n paTHEtic discourse concealed THE disgraceful secret which soon\n excited THE just and bitter complaints of THE bishop of\n Clermont.]\n\n 116 (return) [ Malchus, apud Phot. p. 172. Ennod. Epigram.\n lxxxii. in Sirmond. Oper. tom. i. p. 1879. Some doubt may,\n however, be raised on THE identity of THE emperor and THE\n archbishop.]\n\n The nations who had asserted THEir independence after THE death\n of Attila, were established, by THE right of possession or\n conquest, in THE boundless countries to THE north of THE Danube;\n or in THE Roman provinces between THE river and THE Alps. But THE\n bravest of THEir youth enlisted in THE army of confederates, who\n formed THE defence and THE terror of Italy; 117 and in this\n promiscuous multitude, THE names of THE Heruli, THE Scyrri, THE\n Alani, THE Turcilingi, and THE Rugians, appear to have\n predominated. The example of THEse warriors was imitated by\n Orestes, 118 THE son of Tatullus, and THE faTHEr of THE last\n Roman emperor of THE West. Orestes, who has been already\n mentioned in this History, had never deserted his country. His\n birth and fortunes rendered him one of THE most illustrious\n subjects of Pannonia. When that province was ceded to THE Huns,\n he entered into THE service of Attila, his lawful sovereign,\n obtained THE office of his secretary, and was repeatedly sent\n ambassador to Constantinople, to represent THE person, and\n signify THE commands, of THE imperious monarch. The death of that\n conqueror restored him to his freedom; and Orestes might\n honorably refuse eiTHEr to follow THE sons of Attila into THE\n Scythian desert, or to obey THE Ostrogoths, who had usurped THE\n dominion of Pannonia. He preferred THE service of THE Italian\n princes, THE successors of Valentinian; and as he possessed THE\n qualifications of courage, industry, and experience, he advanced\n with rapid steps in THE military profession, till he was\n elevated, by THE favor of Nepos himself, to THE dignities of\n patrician, and master-general of THE troops. These troops had\n been long accustomed to reverence THE character and authority of\n Orestes, who affected THEir manners, conversed with THEm in THEir\n own language, and was intimately connected with THEir national\n chieftains, by long habits of familiarity and friendship. At his\n solicitation THEy rose in arms against THE obscure Greek, who\n presumed to claim THEir obedience; and when Orestes, from some\n secret motive, declined THE purple, THEy consented, with THE same\n facility, to acknowledge his son Augustulus as THE emperor of THE\n West. By THE abdication of Nepos, Orestes had now attained THE\n summit of his ambitious hopes; but he soon discovered, before THE\n end of THE first year, that THE lessons of perjury and\n ingratitude, which a rebel must inculcate, will be resorted to\n against himself; and that THE precarious sovereign of Italy was\n only permitted to choose, wheTHEr he would be THE slave, or THE\n victim, of his Barbarian mercenaries. The dangerous alliance of\n THEse strangers had oppressed and insulted THE last remains of\n Roman freedom and dignity. At each revolution, THEir pay and\n privileges were augmented; but THEir insolence increased in a\n still more extravagant degree; THEy envied THE fortune of THEir\n brethren in Gaul, Spain, and Africa, whose victorious arms had\n acquired an independent and perpetual inheritance; and THEy\n insisted on THEir peremptory demand, that a third part of THE\n lands of Italy should be immediately divided among THEm. Orestes,\n with a spirit, which, in anoTHEr situation, might be entitled to\n our esteem, chose raTHEr to encounter THE rage of an armed\n multitude, than to subscribe THE ruin of an innocent people. He\n rejected THE audacious demand; and his refusal was favorable to\n THE ambition of Odoacer; a bold Barbarian, who assured his\n fellow-soldiers, that, if THEy dared to associate under his\n command, THEy might soon extort THE justice which had been denied\n to THEir dutiful petitions. From all THE camps and garrisons of\n Italy, THE confederates, actuated by THE same resentment and THE\n same hopes, impatiently flocked to THE standard of this popular\n leader; and THE unfortunate patrician, overwhelmed by THE\n torrent, hastily retreated to THE strong city of Pavia, THE\n episcopal seat of THE holy Epiphanites. Pavia was immediately\n besieged, THE fortifications were stormed, THE town was pillaged;\n and although THE bishop might labor, with much zeal and some\n success, to save THE property of THE church, and THE chastity of\n female captives, THE tumult could only be appeased by THE\n execution of Orestes. 119 His broTHEr Paul was slain in an action\n near Ravenna; and THE helpless Augustulus, who could no longer\n command THE respect, was reduced to implore THE clemency, of\n Odoacer.\n\n 117 (return) [ Our knowledge of THEse mercenaries, who subverted\n THE Western empire, is derived from Procopius, (de Bell. Gothico,\n l. i. c. i. p. 308.) The popular opinion, and THE recent\n historians, represent Odoacer in THE false light of a stranger,\n and a king, who invaded Italy with an army of foreigners, his\n native subjects.]\n\n 118 (return) [ Orestes, qui eo tempore quando Attila ad Italiam\n venit, se illi unxit, ejus notarius factus fuerat. Anonym. Vales.\n p. 716. He is mistaken in THE date; but we may credit his\n assertion, that THE secretary of Attila was THE faTHEr of\n Augustulus]\n\n 119 (return) [ See Ennodius, (in Vit. Epiphan. Sirmond, tom. i.\n p. 1669, 1670.) He adds weight to THE narrative of Procopius,\n though we may doubt wheTHEr THE devil actually contrived THE\n siege of Pavia, to distress THE bishop and his flock.]\n\n That successful Barbarian was THE son of Edecon; who, in some\n remarkable transactions, particularly described in a preceding\n chapter, had been THE colleague of Orestes himself. 1191 The\n honor of an ambassador should be exempt from suspicion; and\n Edecon had listened to a conspiracy against THE life of his\n sovereign. But this apparent guilt was expiated by his merit or\n repentance; his rank was eminent and conspicuous; he enjoyed THE\n favor of Attila; and THE troops under his command, who guarded,\n in THEir turn, THE royal village, consisted of a tribe of Scyrri,\n his immediate and hereditary subjects. In THE revolt of THE\n nations, THEy still adhered to THE Huns; and more than twelve\n years afterwards, THE name of Edecon is honorably mentioned, in\n THEir unequal contests with THE Ostrogoths; which was terminated,\n after two bloody battles, by THE defeat and dispersion of THE\n Scyrri. 120 Their gallant leader, who did not survive this\n national calamity, left two sons, Onulf and Odoacer, to struggle\n with adversity, and to maintain as THEy might, by rapine or\n service, THE faithful followers of THEir exile. Onulf directed\n his steps towards Constantinople, where he sullied, by THE\n assassination of a generous benefactor, THE fame which he had\n acquired in arms. His broTHEr Odoacer led a wandering life among\n THE Barbarians of Noricum, with a mind and a fortune suited to\n THE most desperate adventures; and when he had fixed his choice,\n he piously visited THE cell of Severinus, THE popular saint of\n THE country, to solicit his approbation and blessing. The lowness\n of THE door would not admit THE lofty stature of Odoacer: he was\n obliged to stoop; but in that humble attitude THE saint could\n discern THE symptoms of his future greatness; and addressing him\n in a prophetic tone, “Pursue” (said he) “your design; proceed to\n Italy; you will soon cast away this coarse garment of skins; and\n your wealth will be adequate to THE liberality of your mind.” 121\n The Barbarian, whose daring spirit accepted and ratified THE\n prediction, was admitted into THE service of THE Western empire,\n and soon obtained an honorable rank in THE guards. His manners\n were gradually polished, his military skill was improved, and THE\n confederates of Italy would not have elected him for THEir\n general, unless THE exploits of Odoacer had established a high\n opinion of his courage and capacity. 122 Their military\n acclamations saluted him with THE title of king; but he\n abstained, during his whole reign, from THE use of THE purple and\n diadem, 123 lest he should offend those princes, whose subjects,\n by THEir accidental mixture, had formed THE victorious army,\n which time and policy might insensibly unite into a great nation.\n\n 1191 (return) [ Manso observes that THE evidence which identifies\n Edecon, THE faTHEr of Odoacer, with THE colleague of Orestes, is\n not conclusive. Geschichte des Ost-Gothischen Reiches, p. 32. But\n St. Martin inclines to agree with Gibbon, note, vi. 75.—M.]\n\n 120 (return) [ Jornandes, c. 53, 54, p. 692-695. M. de Buat\n (Hist. des Peuples de l’Europe, tom. viii. p. 221-228) has\n clearly explained THE origin and adventures of Odoacer. I am\n almost inclined to believe that he was THE same who pillaged\n Angers, and commanded a fleet of Saxon pirates on THE ocean.\n Greg. Turon. l. ii. c. 18, in tom. ii. p. 170. 8 Note: According\n to St. Martin THEre is no foundation for this conjecture, vii\n 5—M.]\n\n 121 (return) [ Vade ad Italiam, vade vilissimis nunc pellibus\n coopertis: sed multis cito plurima largiturus. Anonym. Vales. p.\n 717. He quotes THE life of St. Severinus, which is extant, and\n contains much unknown and valuable history; it was composed by\n his disciple Eugippius (A.D. 511) thirty years after his death.\n See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xvi. p. 168-181.]\n\n 122 (return) [ Theophanes, who calls him a Goth, affirms, that he\n was educated, aursed in Italy, (p. 102;) and as this strong\n expression will not bear a literal interpretation, it must be\n explained by long service in THE Imperial guards.]\n\n 123 (return) [ Nomen regis Odoacer assumpsit, cum tamen neque\n purpura nee regalibus uteretur insignibus. Cassiodor. in Chron.\n A.D. 476. He seems to have assumed THE abstract title of a king,\n without applying it to any particular nation or country. 8 Note:\n Manso observes that Odoacer never called himself king of Italy,\n assume THE purple, and no coins are extant with his name.\n Gescnichte Osi Goth. Reiches, p. 36—M.]\n\n Royalty was familiar to THE Barbarians, and THE submissive people\n of Italy was prepared to obey, without a murmur, THE authority\n which he should condescend to exercise as THE vicegerent of THE\n emperor of THE West. But Odoacer had resolved to abolish that\n useless and expensive office; and such is THE weight of antique\n prejudice, that it required some boldness and penetration to\n discover THE extreme facility of THE enterprise. The unfortunate\n Augustulus was made THE instrument of his own disgrace: he\n signified his resignation to THE senate; and that assembly, in\n THEir last act of obedience to a Roman prince, still affected THE\n spirit of freedom, and THE forms of THE constitution. An epistle\n was addressed, by THEir unanimous decree, to THE emperor Zeno,\n THE son-in-law and successor of Leo; who had lately been\n restored, after a short rebellion, to THE Byzantine throne. They\n solemnly “disclaim THE necessity, or even THE wish, of continuing\n any longer THE Imperial succession in Italy; since, in THEir\n opinion, THE majesty of a sole monarch is sufficient to pervade\n and protect, at THE same time, both THE East and THE West. In\n THEir own name, and in THE name of THE people, THEy consent that\n THE seat of universal empire shall be transferred from Rome to\n Constantinople; and THEy basely renounce THE right of choosing\n THEir master, THE only vestige that yet remained of THE authority\n which had given laws to THE world. The republic (THEy repeat that\n name without a blush) might safely confide in THE civil and\n military virtues of Odoacer; and THEy humbly request, that THE\n emperor would invest him with THE title of Patrician, and THE\n administration of THE diocese of Italy.” The deputies of THE\n senate were received at Constantinople with some marks of\n displeasure and indignation: and when THEy were admitted to THE\n audience of Zeno, he sternly reproached THEm with THEir treatment\n of THE two emperors, AnTHEmius and Nepos, whom THE East had\n successively granted to THE prayers of Italy. “The first”\n (continued he) “you have murdered; THE second you have expelled;\n but THE second is still alive, and whilst he lives he is your\n lawful sovereign.” But THE prudent Zeno soon deserted THE\n hopeless cause of his abdicated colleague. His vanity was\n gratified by THE title of sole emperor, and by THE statues\n erected to his honor in THE several quarters of Rome; he\n entertained a friendly, though ambiguous, correspondence with THE\n patrician Odoacer; and he gratefully accepted THE Imperial\n ensigns, THE sacred ornaments of THE throne and palace, which THE\n Barbarian was not unwilling to remove from THE sight of THE\n people. 124\n\n 124 (return) [ Malchus, whose loss excites our regret, has\n preserved (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 93) this extraordinary embassy\n from THE senate to Zeno. The anonymous fragment, (p. 717,) and\n THE extract from Candidus, (apud Phot. p. 176,) are likewise of\n some use.]\n\n In THE space of twenty years since THE death of Valentinian, nine\n emperors had successively disappeared; and THE son of Orestes, a\n youth recommended only by his beauty, would be THE least entitled\n to THE notice of posterity, if his reign, which was marked by THE\n extinction of THE Roman empire in THE West, did not leave a\n memorable era in THE history of mankind. 125 The patrician\n Orestes had married THE daughter of Count Romulus, of Petovio in\n Noricum: THE name of Augustus, notwithstanding THE jealousy of\n power, was known at Aquileia as a familiar surname; and THE\n appellations of THE two great founders, of THE city and of THE\n monarchy, were thus strangely united in THE last of THEir\n successors. 126 The son of Orestes assumed and disgraced THE\n names of Romulus Augustus; but THE first was corrupted into\n Momyllus, by THE Greeks, and THE second has been changed by THE\n Latins into THE contemptible diminutive Augustulus. The life of\n this inoffensive youth was spared by THE generous clemency of\n Odoacer; who dismissed him, with his whole family, from THE\n Imperial palace, fixed his annual allowance at six thousand\n pieces of gold, and assigned THE castle of Lucullus, in Campania,\n for THE place of his exile or retirement. 127 As soon as THE\n Romans breaTHEd from THE toils of THE Punic war, THEy were\n attracted by THE beauties and THE pleasures of Campania; and THE\n country-house of THE elder Scipio at Liternum exhibited a lasting\n model of THEir rustic simplicity. 128 The delicious shores of THE\n Bay of Naples were crowded with villas; and Sylla applauded THE\n masterly skill of his rival, who had seated himself on THE lofty\n promontory of Misenum, that commands, on every side, THE sea and\n land, as far as THE boundaries of THE horizon. 129 The villa of\n Marius was purchased, within a few years, by Lucullus, and THE\n price had increased from two thousand five hundred, to more than\n fourscore thousand, pounds sterling. 130 It was adorned by THE\n new proprietor with Grecian arts and Asiatic treasures; and THE\n houses and gardens of Lucullus obtained a distinguished rank in\n THE list of Imperial palaces. 131 When THE Vandals became\n formidable to THE sea-coast, THE Lucullan villa, on THE\n promontory of Misenum, gradually assumed THE strength and\n appellation of a strong castle, THE obscure retreat of THE last\n emperor of THE West. About twenty years after that great\n revolution, it was converted into a church and monastery, to\n receive THE bones of St. Severinus. They securely reposed, amidst\n THE THE broken trophies of Cimbric and Armenian victories,till\n THE beginning of THE tenth century; when THE fortifications,\n which might afford a dangerous shelter to THE Saracens, were\n demolished by THE people of Naples. 132\n\n 125 (return) [ The precise year in which THE Western empire was\n extinguished, is not positively ascertained. The vulgar era of\n A.D. 476 appears to have THE sanction of auTHEntic chronicles.\n But THE two dates assigned by Jornandes (c. 46, p. 680) would\n delay that great event to THE year 479; and though M. de Buat has\n overlooked his evidence, he produces (tom. viii. p. 261-288) many\n collateral circumstances in support of THE same opinion.]\n\n 126 (return) [ See his medals in Ducange, (Fam. Byzantin. p. 81,)\n Priscus, (Excerpt. Legat. p. 56,) Maffei, (Osservazioni\n Letterarie, tom. ii p. 314.) We may allege a famous and similar\n case. The meanest subjects of THE Roman empire assumed THE\n illustrious name of Patricius, which, by THE conversion of\n Ireland has been communicated to a whole nation.]\n\n 127 (return) [ Ingrediens autem Ravennam deposuit Augustulum de\n regno, cujus infantiam misertus concessit ei sanguinem; et quia\n pulcher erat, tamen donavit ei reditum sex millia solidos, et\n misit eum intra Campaniam cum parentibus suis libere vivere.\n Anonym. Vales. p. 716. Jornandes says, (c 46, p. 680,) in\n Lucullano Campaniae castello exilii poena damnavit.]\n\n 128 (return) [ See THE eloquent Declamation of Seneca, (Epist.\n lxxxvi.) The philosopher might have recollected, that all luxury\n is relative; and that THE elder Scipio, whose manners were\n polished by study and conversation, was himself accused of that\n vice by his ruder contemporaries, (Livy, xxix. 19.)]\n\n 129 (return) [ Sylla, in THE language of a soldier, praised his\n peritia castrametandi, (Plin. Hist. Natur. xviii. 7.) Phaedrus,\n who makes its shady walks (loeta viridia) THE scene of an insipid\n fable, (ii. 5,) has thus described THE situation:—\n\n Caesar Tiberius quum petens Neapolim, In Misenensem villam\n venissit suam; Quae monte summo posita Luculli manu Prospectat\n Siculum et prospicit Tuscum mare.]\n\n 130 (return) [ From seven myriads and a half to two hundred and\n fifty myriads of drachmae. Yet even in THE possession of Marius,\n it was a luxurious retirement. The Romans derided his indolence;\n THEy soon bewailed his activity. See Plutarch, in Mario, tom. ii.\n p. 524.]\n\n 131 (return) [ Lucullus had oTHEr villa of equal, though various,\n magnificence, at Baiae, Naples, Tusculum, &c., He boasted that he\n changed his climate with THE storks and cranes. Plutarch, in\n Lucull. tom. iii. p. 193.]\n\n 132 (return) [ Severinus died in Noricum, A.D. 482. Six years\n afterwards, his body, which scattered miracles as it passed, was\n transported by his disciples into Italy. The devotion of a\n Neapolitan lady invited THE saint to THE Lucullan villa, in THE\n place of Augustulus, who was probably no more. See Baronius\n (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 496, No. 50, 51) and Tillemont, (Mem.\n Eccles. tom. xvi. p. 178-181,) from THE original life by\n Eugippius. The narrative of THE last migration of Severinus to\n Naples is likewise an auTHEntic piece.]\n\n Odoacer was THE first Barbarian who reigned in Italy, over a\n people who had once asserted THEir just superiority above THE\n rest of mankind. The disgrace of THE Romans still excites our\n respectful compassion, and we fondly sympathize with THE\n imaginary grief and indignation of THEir degenerate posterity.\n But THE calamities of Italy had gradually subdued THE proud\n consciousness of freedom and glory. In THE age of Roman virtue\n THE provinces were subject to THE arms, and THE citizens to THE\n laws, of THE republic; till those laws were subverted by civil\n discord, and both THE city and THE province became THE servile\n property of a tyrant. The forms of THE constitution, which\n alleviated or disguised THEir abject slavery, were abolished by\n time and violence; THE Italians alternately lamented THE presence\n or THE absence of THE sovereign, whom THEy detested or despised;\n and THE succession of five centuries inflicted THE various evils\n of military license, capricious despotism, and elaborate\n oppression. During THE same period, THE Barbarians had emerged\n from obscurity and contempt, and THE warriors of Germany and\n Scythia were introduced into THE provinces, as THE servants, THE\n allies, and at length THE masters, of THE Romans, whom THEy\n insulted or protected. The hatred of THE people was suppressed by\n fear; THEy respected THE spirit and splendor of THE martial\n chiefs who were invested with THE honors of THE empire; and THE\n fate of Rome had long depended on THE sword of those formidable\n strangers. The stern Ricimer, who trampled on THE ruins of Italy,\n had exercised THE power, without assuming THE title, of a king;\n and THE patient Romans were insensibly prepared to acknowledge\n THE royalty of Odoacer and his Barbaric successors. The king of\n Italy was not unworthy of THE high station to which his valor and\n fortune had exalted him: his savage manners were polished by THE\n habits of conversation; and he respected, though a conqueror and\n a Barbarian, THE institutions, and even THE prejudices, of his\n subjects. After an interval of seven years, Odoacer restored THE\n consulship of THE West. For himself, he modestly, or proudly,\n declined an honor which was still accepted by THE emperors of THE\n East; but THE curule chair was successively filled by eleven of\n THE most illustrious senators; 133 and THE list is adorned by THE\n respectable name of Basilius, whose virtues claimed THE\n friendship and grateful applause of Sidonius, his client. 134 The\n laws of THE emperors were strictly enforced, and THE civil\n administration of Italy was still exercised by THE Prætorian\n præfect and his subordinate officers. Odoacer devolved on THE\n Roman magistrates THE odious and oppressive task of collecting\n THE public revenue; but he reserved for himself THE merit of\n seasonable and popular indulgence. 135 Like THE rest of THE\n Barbarians, he had been instructed in THE Arian heresy; but he\n revered THE monastic and episcopal characters; and THE silence of\n THE Catholics attest THE toleration which THEy enjoyed. The peace\n of THE city required THE interposition of his præfect Basilius\n in THE choice of a Roman pontiff: THE decree which restrained THE\n clergy from alienating THEir lands was ultimately designed for\n THE benefit of THE people, whose devotions would have been taxed\n to repair THE dilapidations of THE church. 136 Italy was\n protected by THE arms of its conqueror; and its frontiers were\n respected by THE Barbarians of Gaul and Germany, who had so long\n insulted THE feeble race of Theodosius. Odoacer passed THE\n Adriatic, to chastise THE assassins of THE emperor Nepos, and to\n acquire THE maritime province of Dalmatia. He passed THE Alps, to\n rescue THE remains of Noricum from Fava, or FeleTHEus, king of\n THE Rugians, who held his residence beyond THE Danube. The king\n was vanquished in battle, and led away prisoner; a numerous\n colony of captives and subjects was transplanted into Italy; and\n Rome, after a long period of defeat and disgrace, might claim THE\n triumph of her Barbarian master. 137\n\n 133 (return) [ The consular Fasti may be found in Pagi or\n Muratori. The consuls named by Odoacer, or perhaps by THE Roman\n senate, appear to have been acknowledged in THE Eastern empire.]\n\n 134 (return) [ Sidonius Apollinaris (l. i. epist. 9, p. 22, edit.\n Sirmond) has compared THE two leading senators of his time, (A.D.\n 468,) Gennadius Avienus and Caecina Basilius. To THE former he\n assigns THE specious, to THE latter THE solid, virtues of public\n and private life. A Basilius junior, possibly his son, was consul\n in THE year 480.]\n\n 135 (return) [ Epiphanius interceded for THE people of Pavia; and\n THE king first granted an indulgence of five years, and\n afterwards relieved THEm from THE oppression of Pelagius, THE\n Prætorian præfect, (Ennodius in Vit St. Epiphan., in Sirmond,\n Oper. tom. i. p. 1670-1672.)]\n\n 136 (return) [ See Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 483, No. 10-15.\n Sixteen years afterwards THE irregular proceedings of Basilius\n were condemned by Pope Symmachus in a Roman synod.]\n\n 137 (return) [ The wars of Odoacer are concisely mentioned by\n Paul THE Deacon, (de Gest. Langobard. l. i. c. 19, p. 757, edit.\n Grot.,) and in THE two Chronicles of Cassiodorus and Cuspinian.\n The life of St. Severinus by Eugippius, which THE count de Buat\n (Hist. des Peuples, &c., tom. viii. c. 1, 4, 8, 9) has diligently\n studied, illustrates THE ruin of Noricum and THE Bavarian\n antiquities]\n\n Notwithstanding THE prudence and success of Odoacer, his kingdom\n exhibited THE sad prospect of misery and desolation. Since THE\n age of Tiberius, THE decay of agriculture had been felt in Italy;\n and it was a just subject of complaint, that THE life of THE\n Roman people depended on THE accidents of THE winds and waves.\n 138 In THE division and THE decline of THE empire, THE tributary\n harvests of Egypt and Africa were withdrawn; THE numbers of THE\n inhabitants continually diminished with THE means of subsistence;\n and THE country was exhausted by THE irretrievable losses of war,\n famine, 139 and pestilence. St. Ambrose has deplored THE ruin of\n a populous district, which had been once adorned with THE\n flourishing cities of Bologna, Modena, Regium, and Placentia. 140\n Pope Gelasius was a subject of Odoacer; and he affirms, with\n strong exaggeration, that in Aemilia, Tuscany, and THE adjacent\n provinces, THE human species was almost extirpated. 141 The\n plebeians of Rome, who were fed by THE hand of THEir master,\n perished or disappeared, as soon as his liberality was\n suppressed; THE decline of THE arts reduced THE industrious\n mechanic to idleness and want; and THE senators, who might\n support with patience THE ruin of THEir country, bewailed THEir\n private loss of wealth and luxury. 1411 One third of those ample\n estates, to which THE ruin of Italy is originally imputed, 142\n was extorted for THE use of THE conquerors. Injuries were\n aggravated by insults; THE sense of actual sufferings was\n imbittered by THE fear of more dreadful evils; and as new lands\n were allotted to THE new swarms of Barbarians, each senator was\n apprehensive lest THE arbitrary surveyors should approach his\n favorite villa, or his most profitable farm. The least\n unfortunate were those who submitted without a murmur to THE\n power which it was impossible to resist. Since THEy desired to\n live, THEy owed some gratitude to THE tyrant who had spared THEir\n lives; and since he was THE absolute master of THEir fortunes,\n THE portion which he left must be accepted as his pure and\n voluntary gift. 143 The distress of Italy 1431 was mitigated by\n THE prudence and humanity of Odoacer, who had bound himself, as\n THE price of his elevation, to satisfy THE demands of a\n licentious and turbulent multitude. The kings of THE Barbarians\n were frequently resisted, deposed, or murdered, by THEir native\n subjects, and THE various bands of Italian mercenaries, who\n associated under THE standard of an elective general, claimed a\n larger privilege of freedom and rapine. A monarchy destitute of\n national union, and hereditary right, hastened to its\n dissolution. After a reign of fourteen years, Odoacer was\n oppressed by THE superior genius of Theodoric, king of THE\n Ostrogoths; a hero alike excellent in THE arts of war and of\n government, who restored an age of peace and prosperity, and\n whose name still excites and deserves THE attention of mankind.\n\n 138 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. iii. 53. The Recherches sur\n l’Administration des Terres chez les Romains (p. 351-361) clearly\n state THE progress of internal decay.]\n\n 139 (return) [ A famine, which afflicted Italy at THE time of THE\n irruption of Odoacer, king of THE Heruli, is eloquently\n described, in prose and verse, by a French poet, (Les Mois, tom.\n ii. p. 174, 205, edit. in 12 mo.) I am ignorant from whence he\n derives his information; but I am well assured that he relates\n some facts incompatible with THE truth of history]\n\n 140 (return) [ See THE xxxixth epistle of St. Ambrose, as it is\n quoted by Muratori, sopra le Antichita Italiane, tom. i. Dissert.\n xxi. p. 354.]\n\n 141 (return) [ Aemilia, Tuscia, ceteraeque provinciae in quibus\n hominum propenullus exsistit. Gelasius, Epist. ad Andromachum,\n ap. Baronium, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 496, No. 36.]\n\n 1411 (return) [ Denina supposes that THE Barbarians were\n compelled by necessity to turn THEir attention to agriculture.\n Italy, eiTHEr imperfectly cultivated, or not at all, by THE\n indolent or ruined proprietors, not only could not furnish THE\n imposts, on which THE pay of THE soldiery depended, but not even\n a certain supply of THE necessaries of life. The neighboring\n countries were now occupied by warlike nations; THE supplies of\n corn from Africa were cut off; foreign commerce nearly destroyed;\n THEy could not look for supplies beyond THE limits of Italy,\n throughout which THE agriculture had been long in a state of\n progressive but rapid depression. (Denina, Rev. d’Italia t. v. c.\n i.)—M.]\n\n 142 (return) [ Verumque confitentibus, latifundia perdidere\n Italiam. Plin. Hist. Natur. xviii. 7.]\n\n 143 (return) [ Such are THE topics of consolation, or raTHEr of\n patience, which Cicero (ad Familiares, lib. ix. Epist. 17)\n suggests to his friend Papirius Paetus, under THE military\n despotism of Caesar. The argument, however, of “vivere\n pulcherrimum duxi,” is more forcibly addressed to a Roman\n philosopher, who possessed THE free alternative of life or death]\n\n 1431 (return) [ Compare, on THE desolation and change of property\n in Italy, Manno des Ost-Gothischen Reiches, Part ii. p. 73, et\n seq.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXVII: Conversion Of The Barbarians To\n Christianity.—Part I.\n\n Origin Progress, And Effects Of The Monastic Life.— Conversion Of\n The Barbarians To Christianity And Arianism.— Persecution Of The\n Vandals In Africa.—Extinction Of Arianism Among The Barbarians.\n\n The indissoluble connection of civil and ecclesiastical affairs\n has compelled, and encouraged, me to relate THE progress, THE\n persecutions, THE establishment, THE divisions, THE final\n triumph, and THE gradual corruption, of Christianity. I have\n purposely delayed THE consideration of two religious events,\n interesting in THE study of human nature, and important in THE\n decline and fall of THE Roman empire. I. The institution of THE\n monastic life; 1 and, II. The conversion of THE norTHErn\n Barbarians.\n\n 1 (return) [ The origin of THE monastic institution has been\n laboriously discussed by Thomassin (Discipline de l’Eglise, tom.\n i. p. 1119-1426) and Helyot, (Hist. des Ordres Monastiques, tom.\n i. p. 1-66.) These authors are very learned, and tolerably\n honest, and THEir difference of opinion shows THE subject in its\n full extent. Yet THE cautious Protestant, who distrusts any\n popish guides, may consult THE seventh book of Bingham’s\n Christian Antiquities.]\n\n I. Prosperity and peace introduced THE distinction of THE vulgar\n and THE Ascetic Christians. 2 The loose and imperfect practice of\n religion satisfied THE conscience of THE multitude. The prince or\n magistrate, THE soldier or merchant, reconciled THEir fervent\n zeal, and implicit faith, with THE exercise of THEir profession,\n THE pursuit of THEir interest, and THE indulgence of THEir\n passions: but THE Ascetics, who obeyed and abused THE rigid\n precepts of THE gospel, were inspired by THE savage enthusiasm\n which represents man as a criminal, and God as a tyrant. They\n seriously renounced THE business, and THE pleasures, of THE age;\n abjured THE use of wine, of flesh, and of marriage; chastised\n THEir body, mortified THEir affections, and embraced a life of\n misery, as THE price of eternal happiness. In THE reign of\n Constantine, THE Ascetics fled from a profane and degenerate\n world, to perpetual solitude, or religious society. Like THE\n first Christians of Jerusalem, 3 311 THEy resigned THE use, or\n THE property of THEir temporal possessions; established regular\n communities of THE same sex, and a similar disposition; and\n assumed THE names of Hermits, Monks, and Anachorets, expressive\n of THEir lonely retreat in a natural or artificial desert. They\n soon acquired THE respect of THE world, which THEy despised; and\n THE loudest applause was bestowed on this Divine Philosophy, 4\n which surpassed, without THE aid of science or reason, THE\n laborious virtues of THE Grecian schools. The monks might indeed\n contend with THE Stoics, in THE contempt of fortune, of pain, and\n of death: THE Pythagorean silence and submission were revived in\n THEir servile discipline; and THEy disdained, as firmly as THE\n Cynics THEmselves, all THE forms and decencies of civil society.\n But THE votaries of this Divine Philosophy aspired to imitate a\n purer and more perfect model. They trod in THE footsteps of THE\n prophets, who had retired to THE desert; 5 and THEy restored THE\n devout and contemplative life, which had been instituted by THE\n Essenians, in Palestine and Egypt. The philosophic eye of Pliny\n had surveyed with astonishment a solitary people, who dwelt among\n THE palm-trees near THE Dead Sea; who subsisted without money,\n who were propagated without women; and who derived from THE\n disgust and repentance of mankind a perpetual supply of voluntary\n associates. 6\n\n 2 (return) [ See Euseb. Demonstrat. Evangel., (l. i. p. 20, 21,\n edit. Graec. Rob. Stephani, Paris, 1545.) In his Ecclesiastical\n History, published twelve years after THE Demonstration, Eusebius\n (l. ii. c. 17) asserts THE Christianity of THE Therapeutae; but\n he appears ignorant that a similar institution was actually\n revived in Egypt.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Cassian (Collat. xviii. 5.) claims this origin for\n THE institution of THE Coenobites, which gradually decayed till\n it was restored by Antony and his disciples.]\n\n 311 (return) [ It has before been shown that THE first Christian\n community was not strictly coenobitic. See vol. ii.—M.]\n\n 4 (return) [ These are THE expressive words of Sozomen, who\n copiously and agreeably describes (l. i. c. 12, 13, 14) THE\n origin and progress of this monkish philosophy, (see Suicer.\n Thesau, Eccles., tom. ii. p. 1441.) Some modern writers, Lipsius\n (tom. iv. p. 448. Manuduct. ad Philosoph. Stoic. iii. 13) and La\n MoTHE le Vayer, (tom. ix. de la Vertu des Payens, p. 228-262,)\n have compared THE Carmelites to THE Pythagoreans, and THE Cynics\n to THE Capucins.]\n\n 5 (return) [ The Carmelites derive THEir pedigree, in regular\n succession, from THE prophet Elijah, (see THE Theses of Beziers,\n A.D. 1682, in Bayle’s Nouvelles de la Republique des Lettres,\n Oeuvres, tom. i. p. 82, &c., and THE prolix irony of THE Ordres\n Monastiques, an anonymous work, tom. i. p. 1-433, Berlin, 1751.)\n Rome, and THE inquisition of Spain, silenced THE profane\n criticism of THE Jesuits of Flanders, (Helyot, Hist. des Ordres\n Monastiques, tom. i. p. 282-300,) and THE statue of Elijah, THE\n Carmelite, has been erected in THE church of St. Peter, (Voyages\n du P. Labat tom. iii. p. 87.)]\n\n 6 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. v. 15. Gens sola, et in toto orbe\n praeter ceteras mira, sine ulla femina, omni venere abdicata,\n sine pecunia, socia palmarum. Ita per seculorum millia\n (incredibile dictu) gens aeterna est in qua nemo nascitur. Tam\n foecunda illis aliorum vitae poenitentia est. He places THEm just\n beyond THE noxious influence of THE lake, and names Engaddi and\n Massada as THE nearest towns. The Laura, and monastery of St.\n Sabas, could not be far distant from this place. See Reland.\n Palestin., tom. i. p. 295; tom. ii. p. 763, 874, 880, 890.]\n\n Egypt, THE fruitful parent of superstition, afforded THE first\n example of THE monastic life. Antony, 7 an illiterate 8 youth of\n THE lower parts of Thebais, distributed his patrimony, 9 deserted\n his family and native home, and executed his monastic penance\n with original and intrepid fanaticism. After a long and painful\n novitiate, among THE tombs, and in a ruined tower, he boldly\n advanced into THE desert three days’ journey to THE eastward of\n THE Nile; discovered a lonely spot, which possessed THE\n advantages of shade and water, and fixed his last residence on\n Mount Colzim, near THE Red Sea; where an ancient monastery still\n preserves THE name and memory of THE saint. 10 The curious\n devotion of THE Christians pursued him to THE desert; and when he\n was obliged to appear at Alexandria, in THE face of mankind, he\n supported his fame with discretion and dignity. He enjoyed THE\n friendship of Athanasius, whose doctrine he approved; and THE\n Egyptian peasant respectfully declined a respectful invitation\n from THE emperor Constantine. The venerable patriarch (for Antony\n attained THE age of one hundred and five years) beheld THE\n numerous progeny which had been formed by his example and his\n lessons. The prolific colonies of monks multiplied with rapid\n increase on THE sands of Libya, upon THE rocks of Thebais, and in\n THE cities of THE Nile. To THE south of Alexandria, THE mountain,\n and adjacent desert, of Nitria, were peopled by five thousand\n anachorets; and THE traveller may still investigate THE ruins of\n fifty monasteries, which were planted in that barren soil by THE\n disciples of Antony. 11 In THE Upper Thebais, THE vacant island\n of Tabenne, 12 was occupied by Pachomius and fourteen hundred of\n his brethren. That holy abbot successively founded nine\n monasteries of men, and one of women; and THE festival of Easter\n sometimes collected fifty thousand religious persons, who\n followed his angelic rule of discipline. 13 The stately and\n populous city of Oxyrinchus, THE seat of Christian orthodoxy, had\n devoted THE temples, THE public edifices, and even THE ramparts,\n to pious and charitable uses; and THE bishop, who might preach in\n twelve churches, computed ten thousand females and twenty\n thousand males, of THE monastic profession. 14 The Egyptians, who\n gloried in this marvellous revolution, were disposed to hope, and\n to believe, that THE number of THE monks was equal to THE\n remainder of THE people; 15 and posterity might repeat THE\n saying, which had formerly been applied to THE sacred animals of\n THE same country, That in Egypt it was less difficult to find a\n god than a man.\n\n 7 (return) [ See Athanas. Op. tom. ii. p. 450-505, and THE Vit.\n Patrum, p. 26-74, with Rosweyde’s Annotations. The former is THE\n Greek original THE latter, a very ancient Latin version by\n Evagrius, THE friend of St. Jerom.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Athanas. tom. ii. in Vit. St. Anton. p. 452; and THE\n assertion of his total ignorance has been received by many of THE\n ancients and moderns. But Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. tom. vii. p.\n 666) shows, by some probable arguments, that Antony could read\n and write in THE Coptic, his native tongue; and that he was only\n a stranger to THE Greek letters. The philosopher Synesius (p. 51)\n acknowledges that THE natural genius of Antony did not require\n THE aid of learning.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Aruroe autem erant ei trecentae uberes, et valde\n optimae, (Vit. Patr. l. v. p. 36.) If THE Arura be a square\n measure, of a hundred Egyptian cubits, (Rosweyde, Onomasticon ad\n Vit. Patrum, p. 1014, 1015,) and THE Egyptian cubit of all ages\n be equal to twenty-two English inches, (Greaves, vol. i. p. 233,)\n THE arura will consist of about three quarters of an English\n acre.]\n\n 10 (return) [ The description of THE monastery is given by Jerom\n (tom. i. p. 248, 249, in Vit. Hilarion) and THE P. Sicard,\n (Missions du Levant tom. v. p. 122-200.) Their accounts cannot\n always be reconciled THE faTHEr painted from his fancy, and THE\n Jesuit from his experience.]\n\n 11 (return) [ Jerom, tom. i. p. 146, ad Eustochium. Hist.\n Lausiac. c. 7, in Vit. Patrum, p. 712. The P. Sicard (Missions du\n Levant, tom. ii. p. 29-79) visited and has described this desert,\n which now contains four monasteries, and twenty or thirty monks.\n See D’Anville, Description de l’Egypte, p. 74.]\n\n 12 (return) [ Tabenne is a small island in THE Nile, in THE\n diocese of Tentyra or Dendera, between THE modern town of Girge\n and THE ruins of ancient Thebes, (D’Anville, p. 194.) M. de\n Tillemont doubts wheTHEr it was an isle; but I may conclude, from\n his own facts, that THE primitive name was afterwards transferred\n to THE great monastery of Bau or Pabau, (Mem. Eccles. tom. vii.\n p. 678, 688.)]\n\n 13 (return) [ See in THE Codex Regularum (published by Lucas\n Holstenius, Rome, 1661) a preface of St. Jerom to his Latin\n version of THE Rule of Pachomius, tom. i. p. 61.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Rufin. c. 5, in Vit. Patrum, p. 459. He calls it\n civitas ampla ralde et populosa, and reckons twelve churches.\n Strabo (l. xvii. p. 1166) and Ammianus (xxii. 16) have made\n honorable mention of Oxyrinchus, whose inhabitants adored a small\n fish in a magnificent temple.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Quanti populi habentur in urbibus, tantae paene\n habentur in desertis multitudines monachorum. Rufin. c. 7, in\n Vit. Patrum, p. 461. He congratulates THE fortunate change.]\n\n Athanasius introduced into Rome THE knowledge and practice of THE\n monastic life; and a school of this new philosophy was opened by\n THE disciples of Antony, who accompanied THEir primate to THE\n holy threshold of THE Vatican. The strange and savage appearance\n of THEse Egyptians excited, at first, horror and contempt, and,\n at length, applause and zealous imitation. The senators, and more\n especially THE matrons, transformed THEir palaces and villas into\n religious houses; and THE narrow institution of six vestals was\n eclipsed by THE frequent monasteries, which were seated on THE\n ruins of ancient temples, and in THE midst of THE Roman forum. 16\n Inflamed by THE example of Antony, a Syrian youth, whose name was\n Hilarion, 17 fixed his dreary abode on a sandy beach, between THE\n sea and a morass, about seven miles from Gaza. The austere\n penance, in which he persisted forty-eight years, diffused a\n similar enthusiasm; and THE holy man was followed by a train of\n two or three thousand anachorets, whenever he visited THE\n innumerable monasteries of Palestine. The fame of Basil 18 is\n immortal in THE monastic history of THE East. With a mind that\n had tasted THE learning and eloquence of ATHEns; with an ambition\n scarcely to be satisfied with THE archbishopric of Caesarea,\n Basil retired to a savage solitude in Pontus; and deigned, for a\n while, to give laws to THE spiritual colonies which he profusely\n scattered along THE coast of THE Black Sea. In THE West, Martin\n of Tours, 19 a soldier, a hermit, a bishop, and a saint,\n established THE monasteries of Gaul; two thousand of his\n disciples followed him to THE grave; and his eloquent historian\n challenges THE deserts of Thebais to produce, in a more favorable\n climate, a champion of equal virtue. The progress of THE monks\n was not less rapid, or universal, than that of Christianity\n itself. Every province, and, at last, every city, of THE empire,\n was filled with THEir increasing multitudes; and THE bleak and\n barren isles, from Lerins to Lipari, that arose out of THE Tuscan\n Sea, were chosen by THE anachorets for THE place of THEir\n voluntary exile. An easy and perpetual intercourse by sea and\n land connected THE provinces of THE Roman world; and THE life of\n Hilarion displays THE facility with which an indigent hermit of\n Palestine might traverse Egypt, embark for Sicily, escape to\n Epirus, and finally settle in THE Island of Cyprus. 20 The Latin\n Christians embraced THE religious institutions of Rome. The\n pilgrims, who visited Jerusalem, eagerly copied, in THE most\n distant climates of THE earth, THE faithful model of THE monastic\n life. The disciples of Antony spread THEmselves beyond THE\n tropic, over THE Christian empire of Æthiopia. 21 The monastery\n of Banchor, 22 in Flintshire, which contained above two thousand\n brethren, dispersed a numerous colony among THE Barbarians of\n Ireland; 23 and Iona, one of THE Hebrides, which was planted by\n THE Irish monks, diffused over THE norTHErn regions a doubtful\n ray of science and superstition. 24\n\n 16 (return) [ The introduction of THE monastic life into Rome and\n Italy is occasionally mentioned by Jerom, tom. i. p. 119, 120,\n 199.]\n\n 17 (return) [ See THE Life of Hilarion, by St. Jerom, (tom. i. p.\n 241, 252.) The stories of Paul, Hilarion, and Malchus, by THE\n same author, are admirably told: and THE only defect of THEse\n pleasing compositions is THE want of truth and common sense.]\n\n 18 (return) [ His original retreat was in a small village on THE\n banks of THE Iris, not far from Neo-Caesarea. The ten or twelve\n years of his monastic life were disturbed by long and frequent\n avocations. Some critics have disputed THE auTHEnticity of his\n Ascetic rules; but THE external evidence is weighty, and THEy can\n only prove that it is THE work of a real or affected enthusiast.\n See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles tom. ix. p. 636-644. Helyot, Hist. des\n Ordres Monastiques tom. i. p. 175-181]\n\n 19 (return) [ See his Life, and THE three Dialogues by Sulpicius\n Severus, who asserts (Dialog. i. 16) that THE booksellers of Rome\n were delighted with THE quick and ready sale of his popular\n work.]\n\n 20 (return) [ When Hilarion sailed from Paraetonium to Cape\n Pachynus, he offered to pay his passage with a book of THE\n Gospels. Posthumian, a Gallic monk, who had visited Egypt, found\n a merchant ship bound from Alexandria to Marseilles, and\n performed THE voyage in thirty days, (Sulp. Sever. Dialog. i. 1.)\n Athanasius, who addressed his Life of St. Antony to THE foreign\n monks, was obliged to hasten THE composition, that it might be\n ready for THE sailing of THE fleets, (tom. ii. p. 451.)]\n\n 21 (return) [ See Jerom, (tom. i. p. 126,) Assemanni, Bibliot.\n Orient. tom. iv. p. 92, p. 857-919, and Geddes, Church History of\n Æthiopia, p. 29-31. The Abyssinian monks adhere very strictly to\n THE primitive institution.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Camden’s Britannia, vol. i. p. 666, 667.]\n\n 23 (return) [ All that learning can extract from THE rubbish of\n THE dark ages is copiously stated by Archbishop Usher in his\n Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiquitates, cap. xvi. p. 425-503.]\n\n 24 (return) [ This small, though not barren, spot, Iona, Hy, or\n Columbkill, only two miles in length, aud one mile in breadth,\n has been distinguished, 1. By THE monastery of St. Columba,\n founded A.D. 566; whose abbot exercised an extraordinary\n jurisdiction over THE bishops of Caledonia; 2. By a classic\n library, which afforded some hopes of an entire Livy; and, 3. By\n THE tombs of sixty kings, Scots, Irish, and Norwegians, who\n reposed in holy ground. See Usher (p. 311, 360-370) and Buchanan,\n (Rer. Scot. l. ii. p. 15, edit. Ruddiman.)]\n\n These unhappy exiles from social life were impelled by THE dark\n and implacable genius of superstition. Their mutual resolution\n was supported by THE example of millions, of eiTHEr sex, of every\n age, and of every rank; and each proselyte who entered THE gates\n of a monastery, was persuaded that he trod THE steep and thorny\n path of eternal happiness. 25 But THE operation of THEse\n religious motives was variously determined by THE temper and\n situation of mankind. Reason might subdue, or passion might\n suspend, THEir influence: but THEy acted most forcibly on THE\n infirm minds of children and females; THEy were strengTHEned by\n secret remorse, or accidental misfortune; and THEy might derive\n some aid from THE temporal considerations of vanity or interest.\n It was naturally supposed, that THE pious and humble monks, who\n had renounced THE world to accomplish THE work of THEir\n salvation, were THE best qualified for THE spiritual government\n of THE Christians. The reluctant hermit was torn from his cell,\n and seated, amidst THE acclamations of THE people, on THE\n episcopal throne: THE monasteries of Egypt, of Gaul, and of THE\n East, supplied a regular succession of saints and bishops; and\n ambition soon discovered THE secret road which led to THE\n possession of wealth and honors. 26 The popular monks, whose\n reputation was connected with THE fame and success of THE order,\n assiduously labored to multiply THE number of THEir\n fellow-captives. They insinuated THEmselves into noble and\n opulent families; and THE specious arts of flattery and seduction\n were employed to secure those proselytes who might bestow wealth\n or dignity on THE monastic profession. The indignant faTHEr\n bewailed THE loss, perhaps, of an only son; 27 THE credulous maid\n was betrayed by vanity to violate THE laws of nature; and THE\n matron aspired to imaginary perfection, by renouncing THE virtues\n of domestic life. Paula yielded to THE persuasive eloquence of\n Jerom; 28 and THE profane title of moTHEr-in-law of God 29\n tempted that illustrious widow to consecrate THE virginity of her\n daughter Eustochium. By THE advice, and in THE company, of her\n spiritual guide, Paula abandoned Rome and her infant son; retired\n to THE holy village of Bethlem; founded a hospital and four\n monasteries; and acquired, by her alms and penance, an eminent\n and conspicuous station in THE Catholic church. Such rare and\n illustrious penitents were celebrated as THE glory and example of\n THEir age; but THE monasteries were filled by a crowd of obscure\n and abject plebeians, 30 who gained in THE cloister much more\n than THEy had sacrificed in THE world. Peasants, slaves, and\n mechanics, might escape from poverty and contempt to a safe and\n honorable profession; whose apparent hardships are mitigated by\n custom, by popular applause, and by THE secret relaxation of\n discipline. 31 The subjects of Rome, whose persons and fortunes\n were made responsible for unequal and exorbitant tributes,\n retired from THE oppression of THE Imperial government; and THE\n pusillanimous youth preferred THE penance of a monastic, to THE\n dangers of a military, life. The affrighted provincials of every\n rank, who fled before THE Barbarians, found shelter and\n subsistence: whole legions were buried in THEse religious\n sanctuaries; and THE same cause, which relieved THE distress of\n individuals, impaired THE strength and fortitude of THE empire.\n 32\n\n 25 (return) [ Chrysostom (in THE first tome of THE Benedictine\n edition) has consecrated three books to THE praise and defence of\n THE monastic life. He is encouraged, by THE example of THE ark,\n to presume that none but THE elect (THE monks) can possibly be\n saved (l. i. p. 55, 56.) Elsewhere, indeed, he becomes more\n merciful, (l. iii. p. 83, 84,) and allows different degrees of\n glory, like THE sun, moon, and stars. In his lively comparison of\n a king and a monk, (l. iii. p. 116-121,) he supposes (what is\n hardly fair) that THE king will be more sparingly rewarded, and\n more rigorously punished.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Thomassin (Discipline de l’Eglise tom. i. p.\n 1426-1469) and Mabillon, (Oeuvres Posthumes, tom. ii. p.\n 115-158.) The monks were gradually adopted as a part of THE\n ecclesiastical hierarchy.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Dr. Middleton (vol. i. p. 110) liberally censures\n THE conduct and writings of Chrysostom, one of THE most eloquent\n and successful advocates for THE monastic life.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Jerom’s devout ladies form a very considerable\n portion of his works: THE particular treatise, which he styles\n THE Epitaph of Paula, (tom. i. p. 169-192,) is an elaborate and\n extravagant panegyric. The exordium is ridiculously turgid: “If\n all THE members of my body were changed into tongues, and if all\n my limbs resounded with a human voice, yet should I be\n incapable,” &c.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Socrus Dei esse coepisti, (Jerom, tom. i. p. 140,\n ad Eustochium.) Rufinus, (in Hieronym. Op. tom. iv. p. 223,) who\n was justly scandalized, asks his adversary, from what Pagan poet\n he had stolen an expression so impious and absurd.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Nunc autem veniunt plerumque ad hanc professionem\n servitutis Dei, et ex conditione servili, vel etiam liberati, vel\n propter hoc a Dominis liberati sive liberandi; et ex vita\n rusticana et ex opificum exercitatione, et plebeio labore.\n Augustin, de Oper. Monach. c. 22, ap. Thomassin, Discipline de\n l’Eglise, tom. iii. p. 1094. The Egyptian, who blamed Arsenius,\n owned that he led a more comfortable life as a monk than as a\n shepherd. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 679.]\n\n 31 (return) [ A Dominican friar, (Voyages du P. Labat, tom. i. p.\n 10,) who lodged at Cadiz in a convent of his brethren, soon\n understood that THEir repose was never interrupted by nocturnal\n devotion; “quoiqu’on ne laisse pas de sonner pour l’edification\n du peuple.”]\n\n 32 (return) [ See a very sensible preface of Lucas Holstenius to\n THE Codex Regularum. The emperors attempted to support THE\n obligation of public and private duties; but THE feeble dikes\n were swept away by THE torrent of superstition; and Justinian\n surpassed THE most sanguine wishes of THE monks, (Thomassin, tom.\n i. p. 1782-1799, and Bingham, l. vii. c. iii. p. 253.) Note: The\n emperor Valens, in particular, promulgates a law contra ignavise\n quosdam sectatores, qui desertis civitatum muneribus, captant\n solitudines secreta, et specie religionis cum coetibus monachorum\n congregantur. Cad. Theod l. xii. tit. i. leg. 63.—G.]\n\n The monastic profession of THE ancients 33 was an act of\n voluntary devotion. The inconstant fanatic was threatened with\n THE eternal vengeance of THE God whom he deserted; but THE doors\n of THE monastery were still open for repentance. Those monks,\n whose conscience was fortified by reason or passion, were at\n liberty to resume THE character of men and citizens; and even THE\n spouses of Christ might accept THE legal embraces of an earthly\n lover. 34 The examples of scandal, and THE progress of\n superstition, suggested THE propriety of more forcible\n restraints. After a sufficient trial, THE fidelity of THE novice\n was secured by a solemn and perpetual vow; and his irrevocable\n engagement was ratified by THE laws of THE church and state. A\n guilty fugitive was pursued, arrested, and restored to his\n perpetual prison; and THE interposition of THE magistrate\n oppressed THE freedom and THE merit, which had alleviated, in\n some degree, THE abject slavery of THE monastic discipline. 35\n The actions of a monk, his words, and even his thoughts, were\n determined by an inflexible rule, 36 or a capricious superior:\n THE slightest offences were corrected by disgrace or confinement,\n extraordinary fasts, or bloody flagellation; and disobedience,\n murmur, or delay, were ranked in THE catalogue of THE most\n heinous sins. 37 A blind submission to THE commands of THE abbot,\n however absurd, or even criminal, THEy might seem, was THE ruling\n principle, THE first virtue of THE Egyptian monks; and THEir\n patience was frequently exercised by THE most extravagant trials.\n They were directed to remove an enormous rock; assiduously to\n water a barren staff, that was planted in THE ground, till, at\n THE end of three years, it should vegetate and blossom like a\n tree; to walk into a fiery furnace; or to cast THEir infant into\n a deep pond: and several saints, or madmen, have been\n immortalized in monastic story, by THEir thoughtless and fearless\n obedience. 38 The freedom of THE mind, THE source of every\n generous and rational sentiment, was destroyed by THE habits of\n credulity and submission; and THE monk, contracting THE vices of\n a slave, devoutly followed THE faith and passions of his\n ecclesiastical tyrant. The peace of THE Eastern church was\n invaded by a swarm of fanatics, incapable of fear, or reason, or\n humanity; and THE Imperial troops acknowledged, without shame,\n that THEy were much less apprehensive of an encounter with THE\n fiercest Barbarians. 39\n\n 33 (return) [ The monastic institutions, particularly those of\n Egypt, about THE year 400, are described by four curious and\n devout travellers; Rufinus, (Vit. Patrum, l. ii. iii. p.\n 424-536,) Posthumian, (Sulp. Sever. Dialog. i.) Palladius, (Hist.\n Lausiac. in Vit. Patrum, p. 709-863,) and Cassian, (see in tom.\n vii. BiblioTHEc. Max. Patrum, his four first books of Institutes,\n and THE twenty-four Collations or Conferences.)]\n\n 34 (return) [ The example of Malchus, (Jerom, tom. i. p. 256,)\n and THE design of Cassian and his friend, (Collation. xxiv. 1,)\n are incontestable proofs of THEir freedom; which is elegantly\n described by Erasmus in his Life of St. Jerom. See Chardon, Hist.\n des Sacremens, tom. vi. p. 279-300.]\n\n 35 (return) [ See THE Laws of Justinian, (Novel. cxxiii. No. 42,)\n and of Lewis THE Pious, (in THE Historians of France, tom vi. p.\n 427,) and THE actual jurisprudence of France, in Denissart,\n (Decisions, &c., tom. iv. p. 855,) &c.]\n\n 36 (return) [ The ancient Codex Regularum, collected by Benedict\n Anianinus, THE reformer of THE monks in THE beginning of THE\n ninth century, and published in THE seventeenth, by Lucas\n Holstenius, contains thirty different rules for men and women. Of\n THEse, seven were composed in Egypt, one in THE East, one in\n Cappadocia, one in Italy, one in Africa, four in Spain, eight in\n Gaul, or France, and one in England.]\n\n 37 (return) [ The rule of Columbanus, so prevalent in THE West,\n inflicts one hundred lashes for very slight offences, (Cod. Reg.\n part ii. p. 174.) Before THE time of Charlemagne, THE abbots\n indulged THEmselves in mutilating THEir monks, or putting out\n THEir eyes; a punishment much less cruel than THE tremendous vade\n in pace (THE subterraneous dungeon or sepulchre) which was\n afterwards invented. See an admirable discourse of THE learned\n Mabillon, (Oeuvres Posthumes, tom. ii. p. 321-336,) who, on this\n occasion, seems to be inspired by THE genius of humanity. For\n such an effort, I can forgive his defence of THE holy tear of\n Vendeme (p. 361-399.)]\n\n 38 (return) [ Sulp. Sever. Dialog. i. 12, 13, p. 532, &c.\n Cassian. Institut. l. iv. c. 26, 27. “Praecipua ibi virtus et\n prima est obedientia.” Among THE Verba seniorum, (in Vit. Patrum,\n l. v. p. 617,) THE fourteenth libel or discourse is on THE\n subject of obedience; and THE Jesuit Rosweyde, who published that\n huge volume for THE use of convents, has collected all THE\n scattered passages in his two copious indexes.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Dr. Jortin (Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol.\n iv. p. 161) has observed THE scandalous valor of THE Cappadocian\n monks, which was exemplified in THE banishment of Chrysostom.]\n\n Superstition has often framed and consecrated THE fantastic\n garments of THE monks: 40 but THEir apparent singularity\n sometimes proceeds from THEir uniform attachment to a simple and\n primitive model, which THE revolutions of fashion have made\n ridiculous in THE eyes of mankind. The faTHEr of THE Benedictines\n expressly disclaims all idea of choice of merit; and soberly\n exhorts his disciples to adopt THE coarse and convenient dress of\n THE countries which THEy may inhabit. 41 The monastic habits of\n THE ancients varied with THE climate, and THEir mode of life; and\n THEy assumed, with THE same indifference, THE sheep-skin of THE\n Egyptian peasants, or THE cloak of THE Grecian philosophers. They\n allowed THEmselves THE use of linen in Egypt, where it was a\n cheap and domestic manufacture; but in THE West THEy rejected\n such an expensive article of foreign luxury. 42 It was THE\n practice of THE monks eiTHEr to cut or shave THEir hair; THEy\n wrapped THEir heads in a cowl to escape THE sight of profane\n objects; THEir legs and feet were naked, except in THE extreme\n cold of winter; and THEir slow and feeble steps were supported by\n a long staff. The aspect of a genuine anachoret was horrid and\n disgusting: every sensation that is offensive to man was thought\n acceptable to God; and THE angelic rule of Tabenne condemned THE\n salutary custom of bathing THE limbs in water, and of anointing\n THEm with oil. 43 431 The austere monks slept on THE ground, on a\n hard mat, or a rough blanket; and THE same bundle of palm-leaves\n served THEm as a seat in THE day, and a pillow in THE night.\n Their original cells were low, narrow huts, built of THE\n slightest materials; which formed, by THE regular distribution of\n THE streets, a large and populous village, enclosing, within THE\n common wall, a church, a hospital, perhaps a library, some\n necessary offices, a garden, and a fountain or reservoir of fresh\n water. Thirty or forty brethren composed a family of separate\n discipline and diet; and THE great monasteries of Egypt consisted\n of thirty or forty families.\n\n 40 (return) [ Cassian has simply, though copiously, described THE\n monastic habit of Egypt, (Institut. l. i.,) to which Sozomen (l.\n iii. c. 14) attributes such allegorical meaning and virtue.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Regul. Benedict. No. 55, in Cod. Regul. part ii. p.\n 51.]\n\n 42 (return) [ See THE rule of Ferreolus, bishop of Usez, (No. 31,\n in Cod. Regul part ii. p. 136,) and of Isidore, bishop of\n Seville, (No. 13, in Cod. Regul part ii. p. 214.)]\n\n 43 (return) [ Some partial indulgences were granted for THE hands\n and feet “Totum autem corpus nemo unguet nisi causa infirmitatis,\n nec lavabitur aqua nudo corpore, nisi languor perspicuus sit,”\n (Regul. Pachom xcii. part i. p. 78.)]\n\n 431 (return) [ Athanasius (Vit. Ant. c. 47) boasts of Antony’s\n holy horror of clear water, by which his feet were uncontaminated\n except under dire necessity—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXVII: Conversion Of The Barbarians To\n Christianity.—Part II.\n\n Pleasure and guilt are synonymous terms in THE language of THE\n monks, and THEy discovered, by experience, that rigid fasts, and\n abstemious diet, are THE most effectual preservatives against THE\n impure desires of THE flesh. 44 The rules of abstinence which\n THEy imposed, or practised, were not uniform or perpetual: THE\n cheerful festival of THE Pentecost was balanced by THE\n extraordinary mortification of Lent; THE fervor of new\n monasteries was insensibly relaxed; and THE voracious appetite of\n THE Gauls could not imitate THE patient and temperate virtue of\n THE Egyptians. 45 The disciples of Antony and Pachomius were\n satisfied with THEir daily pittance, 46 of twelve ounces of\n bread, or raTHEr biscuit, 47 which THEy divided into two frugal\n repasts, of THE afternoon and of THE evening. It was esteemed a\n merit, and almost a duty, to abstain from THE boiled vegetables\n which were provided for THE refectory; but THE extraordinary\n bounty of THE abbot sometimes indulged THEm with THE luxury of\n cheese, fruit, salad, and THE small dried fish of THE Nile. 48 A\n more ample latitude of sea and river fish was gradually allowed\n or assumed; but THE use of flesh was long confined to THE sick or\n travellers; and when it gradually prevailed in THE less rigid\n monasteries of Europe, a singular distinction was introduced; as\n if birds, wheTHEr wild or domestic, had been less profane than\n THE grosser animals of THE field. Water was THE pure and innocent\n beverage of THE primitive monks; and THE founder of THE\n Benedictines regrets THE daily portion of half a pint of wine,\n which had been extorted from him by THE intemperance of THE age.\n 49 Such an allowance might be easily supplied by THE vineyards of\n Italy; and his victorious disciples, who passed THE Alps, THE\n Rhine, and THE Baltic, required, in THE place of wine, an\n adequate compensation of strong beer or cider.\n\n 44 (return) [ St. Jerom, in strong, but indiscreet, language,\n expresses THE most important use of fasting and abstinence: “Non\n quod Deus universitatis Creator et Dominus, intestinorum\n nostrorum rugitu, et inanitate ventris, pulmonisque ardore\n delectetur, sed quod aliter pudicitia tuta esse non possit.” (Op.\n tom. i. p. 32, ad Eustochium.) See THE twelfth and twenty-second\n Collations of Cassian, de Castitate and de Illusionibus\n Nocturnis.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Edacitas in Graecis gula est, in Gallis natura,\n (Dialog. i. c. 4 p. 521.) Cassian fairly owns, that THE perfect\n model of abstinence cannot be imitated in Gaul, on account of THE\n aerum temperies, and THE qualitas nostrae fragilitatis,\n (Institut. iv. 11.) Among THE Western rules, that of Columbanus\n is THE most austere; he had been educated amidst THE poverty of\n Ireland, as rigid, perhaps, and inflexible as THE abstemious\n virtue of Egypt. The rule of Isidore of Seville is THE mildest;\n on holidays he allows THE use of flesh.]\n\n 46 (return) [ “Those who drink only water, and have no nutritious\n liquor, ought, at least, to have a pound and a half (twenty-four\n ounces) of bread every day.” State of Prisons, p. 40, by Mr.\n Howard.]\n\n 47 (return) [ See Cassian. Collat. l. ii. 19-21. The small\n loaves, or biscuit, of six ounces each, had obtained THE name of\n Paximacia, (Rosweyde, Onomasticon, p. 1045.) Pachomius, however,\n allowed his monks some latitude in THE quantity of THEir food;\n but he made THEm work in proportion as THEy ate, (Pallad. in\n Hist. Lausiac. c. 38, 39, in Vit. Patrum, l. viii. p. 736, 737.)]\n\n 48 (return) [ See THE banquet to which Cassian (Collation viii.\n 1) was invited by Serenus, an Egyptian abbot.]\n\n 49 (return) [ See THE Rule of St. Benedict, No. 39, 40, (in Cod.\n Reg. part ii. p. 41, 42.) Licet legamus vinum omnino monachorum\n non esse, sed quia nostris temporibus id monachis persuaderi non\n potest; he allows THEm a Roman hemina, a measure which may be\n ascertained from Arbuthnot’s Tables.]\n\n The candidate who aspired to THE virtue of evangelical poverty,\n abjured, at his first entrance into a regular community, THE\n idea, and even THE name, of all separate or exclusive\n possessions. 50 The brethren were supported by THEir manual\n labor; and THE duty of labor was strenuously recommended as a\n penance, as an exercise, and as THE most laudable means of\n securing THEir daily subsistence. 51 The garden and fields, which\n THE industry of THE monks had often rescued from THE forest or\n THE morass, were diligently cultivated by THEir hands. They\n performed, without reluctance, THE menial offices of slaves and\n domestics; and THE several trades that were necessary to provide\n THEir habits, THEir utensils, and THEir lodging, were exercised\n within THE precincts of THE great monasteries. The monastic\n studies have tended, for THE most part, to darken, raTHEr than to\n dispel, THE cloud of superstition. Yet THE curiosity or zeal of\n some learned solitaries has cultivated THE ecclesiastical, and\n even THE profane, sciences; and posterity must gratefully\n acknowledge, that THE monuments of Greek and Roman literature\n have been preserved and multiplied by THEir indefatigable pens.\n 52 But THE more humble industry of THE monks, especially in\n Egypt, was contented with THE silent, sedentary occupation of\n making wooden sandals, or of twisting THE leaves of THE palm-tree\n into mats and baskets. The superfluous stock, which was not\n consumed in domestic use, supplied, by trade, THE wants of THE\n community: THE boats of Tabenne, and THE oTHEr monasteries of\n Thebais, descended THE Nile as far as Alexandria; and, in a\n Christian market, THE sanctity of THE workmen might enhance THE\n intrinsic value of THE work.\n\n 50 (return) [ Such expressions as my book, my cloak, my shoes,\n (Cassian Institut. l. iv. c. 13,) were not less severely\n prohibited among THE Western monks, (Cod. Regul. part ii. p. 174,\n 235, 288;) and THE rule of Columbanus punished THEm with six\n lashes. The ironical author of THE Ordres Monastiques, who laughs\n at THE foolish nicety of modern convents, seems ignorant that THE\n ancients were equally absurd.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Two great masters of ecclesiastical science, THE P.\n Thomassin, (Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. iii. p. 1090-1139,) and\n THE P. Mabillon, (Etudes Monastiques, tom. i. p. 116-155,) have\n seriously examined THE manual labor of THE monks, which THE\n former considers as a merit and THE latter as a duty.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Mabillon (Etudes Monastiques, tom. i. p. 47-55) has\n collected many curious facts to justify THE literary labors of\n his predecessors, both in THE East and West. Books were copied in\n THE ancient monasteries of Egypt, (Cassian. Institut. l. iv. c.\n 12,) and by THE disciples of St. Martin, (Sulp. Sever. in Vit.\n Martin. c. 7, p. 473.) Cassiodorus has allowed an ample scope for\n THE studies of THE monks; and we shall not be scandalized, if\n THEir pens sometimes wandered from Chrysostom and Augustin to\n Homer and Virgil. But THE necessity of manual labor was\n insensibly superseded.]\n\n The novice was tempted to bestow his fortune on THE saints, in\n whose society he was resolved to spend THE remainder of his life;\n and THE pernicious indulgence of THE laws permitted him to\n receive, for THEir use, any future accessions of legacy or\n inheritance. 53 Melania contributed her plate, three hundred\n pounds weight of silver; and Paula contracted an immense debt,\n for THE relief of THEir favorite monks; who kindly imparted THE\n merits of THEir prayers and penance to a rich and liberal sinner.\n 54 Time continually increased, and accidents could seldom\n diminish, THE estates of THE popular monasteries, which spread\n over THE adjacent country and cities: and, in THE first century\n of THEir institution, THE infidel Zosimus has maliciously\n observed, that, for THE benefit of THE poor, THE Christian monks\n had reduced a great part of mankind to a state of beggary. 55 As\n long as THEy maintained THEir original fervor, THEy approved\n THEmselves, however, THE faithful and benevolent stewards of THE\n charity, which was entrusted to THEir care. But THEir discipline\n was corrupted by prosperity: THEy gradually assumed THE pride of\n wealth, and at last indulged THE luxury of expense. Their public\n luxury might be excused by THE magnificence of religious worship,\n and THE decent motive of erecting durable habitations for an\n immortal society. But every age of THE church has accused THE\n licentiousness of THE degenerate monks; who no longer remembered\n THE object of THEir institution, embraced THE vain and sensual\n pleasures of THE world, which THEy had renounced, 56 and\n scandalously abused THE riches which had been acquired by THE\n austere virtues of THEir founders. 57 Their natural descent, from\n such painful and dangerous virtue, to THE common vices of\n humanity, will not, perhaps, excite much grief or indignation in\n THE mind of a philosopher.\n\n 53 (return) [ Thomassin (Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. iii. p.\n 118, 145, 146, 171-179) has examined THE revolution of THE civil,\n canon, and common law. Modern France confirms THE death which\n monks have inflicted on THEmselves, and justly deprives THEm of\n all right of inheritance.]\n\n 54 (return) [ See Jerom, (tom. i. p. 176, 183.) The monk Pambo\n made a sublime answer to Melania, who wished to specify THE value\n of her gift: “Do you offer it to me, or to God? If to God, He who\n suspends THE mountain in a balance, need not be informed of THE\n weight of your plate.” (Pallad. Hist. Lausiac. c. 10, in THE Vit.\n Patrum, l. viii. p. 715.)]\n\n 55 (return) [ Zosim. l. v. p. 325. Yet THE wealth of THE Eastern\n monks was far surpassed by THE princely greatness of THE\n Benedictines.]\n\n 56 (return) [ The sixth general council (THE Quinisext in Trullo,\n Canon xlvii in Beveridge, tom. i. p. 213) restrains women from\n passing THE night in a male, or men in a female, monastery. The\n seventh general council (THE second Nicene, Canon xx. in\n Beveridge, tom. i. p. 325) prohibits THE erection of double or\n promiscuous monasteries of both sexes; but it appears from\n Balsamon, that THE prohibition was not effectual. On THE\n irregular pleasures and expenses of THE clergy and monks, see\n Thomassin, tom. iii. p. 1334-1368.]\n\n 57 (return) [ I have somewhere heard or read THE frank confession\n of a Benedictine abbot: “My vow of poverty has given me a hundred\n thousand crowns a year; my vow of obedience has raised me to THE\n rank of a sovereign prince.”—I forget THE consequences of his vow\n of chastity.]\n\n The lives of THE primitive monks were consumed in penance and\n solitude; undisturbed by THE various occupations which fill THE\n time, and exercise THE faculties, of reasonable, active, and\n social beings. Whenever THEy were permitted to step beyond THE\n precincts of THE monastery, two jealous companions were THE\n mutual guards and spies of each oTHEr’s actions; and, after THEir\n return, THEy were condemned to forget, or, at least, to suppress,\n whatever THEy had seen or heard in THE world. Strangers, who\n professed THE orthodox faith, were hospitably entertained in a\n separate apartment; but THEir dangerous conversation was\n restricted to some chosen elders of approved discretion and\n fidelity. Except in THEir presence, THE monastic slave might not\n receive THE visits of his friends or kindred; and it was deemed\n highly meritorious, if he afflicted a tender sister, or an aged\n parent, by THE obstinate refusal of a word or look. 58 The monks\n THEmselves passed THEir lives, without personal attachments,\n among a crowd which had been formed by accident, and was\n detained, in THE same prison, by force or prejudice. Recluse\n fanatics have few ideas or sentiments to communicate: a special\n license of THE abbot regulated THE time and duration of THEir\n familiar visits; and, at THEir silent meals, THEy were enveloped\n in THEir cowls, inaccessible, and almost invisible, to each\n oTHEr. 59 Study is THE resource of solitude: but education had\n not prepared and qualified for any liberal studies THE mechanics\n and peasants who filled THE monastic communities. They might\n work: but THE vanity of spiritual perfection was tempted to\n disdain THE exercise of manual labor; and THE industry must be\n faint and languid, which is not excited by THE sense of personal\n interest.\n\n 58 (return) [ Pior, an Egyptian monk, allowed his sister to see\n him; but he shut his eyes during THE whole visit. See Vit.\n Patrum, l. iii. p. 504. Many such examples might be added.]\n\n 59 (return) [ The 7th, 8th, 29th, 30th, 31st, 34th, 57th, 60th,\n 86th, and 95th articles of THE Rule of Pachomius, impose most\n intolerable laws of silence and mortification.]\n\n According to THEir faith and zeal, THEy might employ THE day,\n which THEy passed in THEir cells, eiTHEr in vocal or mental\n prayer: THEy assembled in THE evening, and THEy were awakened in\n THE night, for THE public worship of THE monastery. The precise\n moment was determined by THE stars, which are seldom clouded in\n THE serene sky of Egypt; and a rustic horn, or trumpet, THE\n signal of devotion, twice interrupted THE vast silence of THE\n desert. 60 Even sleep, THE last refuge of THE unhappy, was\n rigorously measured: THE vacant hours of THE monk heavily rolled\n along, without business or pleasure; and, before THE close of\n each day, he had repeatedly accused THE tedious progress of THE\n sun. 61 In this comfortless state, superstition still pursued and\n tormented her wretched votaries. 62 The repose which THEy had\n sought in THE cloister was disturbed by a tardy repentance,\n profane doubts, and guilty desires; and, while THEy considered\n each natural impulse as an unpardonable sin, THEy perpetually\n trembled on THE edge of a flaming and bottomless abyss. From THE\n painful struggles of disease and despair, THEse unhappy victims\n were sometimes relieved by madness or death; and, in THE sixth\n century, a hospital was founded at Jerusalem for a small portion\n of THE austere penitents, who were deprived of THEir senses. 63\n Their visions, before THEy attained this extreme and acknowledged\n term of frenzy, have afforded ample materials of supernatural\n history. It was THEir firm persuasion, that THE air, which THEy\n breaTHEd, was peopled with invisible enemies; with innumerable\n demons, who watched every occasion, and assumed every form, to\n terrify, and above all to tempt, THEir unguarded virtue. The\n imagination, and even THE senses, were deceived by THE illusions\n of distempered fanaticism; and THE hermit, whose midnight prayer\n was oppressed by involuntary slumber, might easily confound THE\n phantoms of horror or delight, which had occupied his sleeping\n and his waking dreams. 64\n\n 60 (return) [ The diurnal and nocturnal prayers of THE monks are\n copiously discussed by Cassian, in THE third and fourth books of\n his Institutions; and he constantly prefers THE liturgy, which an\n angel had dictated to THE monasteries of Tebennoe.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Cassian, from his own experience, describes THE\n acedia, or listlessness of mind and body, to which a monk was\n exposed, when he sighed to find himself alone. Saepiusque\n egreditur et ingreditur cellam, et Solem velut ad occasum tardius\n properantem crebrius intuetur, (Institut. x. l.)]\n\n 62 (return) [ The temptations and sufferings of Stagirius were\n communicated by that unfortunate youth to his friend St.\n Chrysostom. See Middleton’s Works, vol. i. p. 107-110. Something\n similar introduces THE life of every saint; and THE famous Inigo,\n or Ignatius, THE founder of THE Jesuits, (vide d’Inigo de\n Guiposcoa, tom. i. p. 29-38,) may serve as a memorable example.]\n\n 63 (return) [ Fleury, Hist. Ecclesiastique, tom. vii. p. 46. I\n have read somewhere, in THE Vitae Patrum, but I cannot recover\n THE place that several, I believe many, of THE monks, who did not\n reveal THEir temptations to THE abbot, became guilty of suicide.]\n\n 64 (return) [ See THE seventh and eighth Collations of Cassian,\n who gravely examines, why THE demons were grown less active and\n numerous since THE time of St. Antony. Rosweyde’s copious index\n to THE Vitae Patrum will point out a variety of infernal scenes.\n The devils were most formidable in a female shape.]\n\n The monks were divided into two classes: THE Coenobites, who\n lived under a common and regular discipline; and THE Anachorets,\n who indulged THEir unsocial, independent fanaticism. 65 The most\n devout, or THE most ambitious, of THE spiritual brethren,\n renounced THE convent, as THEy had renounced THE world. The\n fervent monasteries of Egypt, Palestine, and Syria, were\n surrounded by a Laura, 66 a distant circle of solitary cells; and\n THE extravagant penance of Hermits was stimulated by applause and\n emulation. 67 They sunk under THE painful weight of crosses and\n chains; and THEir emaciated limbs were confined by collars,\n bracelets, gauntlets, and greaves of massy and rigid iron. All\n superfluous encumbrance of dress THEy contemptuously cast away;\n and some savage saints of both sexes have been admired, whose\n naked bodies were only covered by THEir long hair. They aspired\n to reduce THEmselves to THE rude and miserable state in which THE\n human brute is scarcely distinguishable above his kindred\n animals; and THE numerous sect of Anachorets derived THEir name\n from THEir humble practice of grazing in THE fields of\n Mesopotamia with THE common herd. 68 They often usurped THE den\n of some wild beast whom THEy affected to resemble; THEy buried\n THEmselves in some gloomy cavern, which art or nature had scooped\n out of THE rock; and THE marble quarries of Thebais are still\n inscribed with THE monuments of THEir penance. 69 The most\n perfect Hermits are supposed to have passed many days without\n food, many nights without sleep, and many years without speaking;\n and glorious was THE man ( I abuse that name) who contrived any\n cell, or seat, of a peculiar construction, which might expose\n him, in THE most inconvenient posture, to THE inclemency of THE\n seasons.\n\n 65 (return) [ For THE distinction of THE Coenobites and THE\n Hermits, especially in Egypt, see Jerom, (tom. i. p. 45, ad\n Rusticum,) THE first Dialogue of Sulpicius Severus, Rufinus, (c.\n 22, in Vit. Patrum, l. ii. p. 478,) Palladius, (c. 7, 69, in Vit.\n Patrum, l. viii. p. 712, 758,) and, above all, THE eighteenth and\n nineteenth Collations of Cassian. These writers, who compare THE\n common and solitary life, reveal THE abuse and danger of THE\n latter.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Suicer. Thesaur. Ecclesiast. tom. ii. p. 205, 218.\n Thomassin (Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. i. p. 1501, 1502) gives a\n good account of THEse cells. When Gerasimus founded his monastery\n in THE wilderness of Jordan, it was accompanied by a Laura of\n seventy cells.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Theodoret, in a large volume, (THE PhiloTHEus in\n Vit. Patrum, l. ix. p. 793-863,) has collected THE lives and\n miracles of thirty Anachorets. Evagrius (l. i. c. 12) more\n briefly celebrates THE monks and hermits of Palestine.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Sozomen, l. vi. c. 33. The great St. Ephrem\n composed a panegyric on THEse or grazing monks, (Tillemont, Mem.\n Eccles. tom. viii. p. 292.)]\n\n 69 (return) [ The P. Sicard (Missions du Levant, tom. ii. p.\n 217-233) examined THE caverns of THE Lower Thebais with wonder\n and devotion. The inscriptions are in THE old Syriac character,\n which was used by THE Christians of Abyssinia.]\n\n Among THEse heroes of THE monastic life, THE name and genius of\n Simeon Stylites 70 have been immortalized by THE singular\n invention of an aerial penance. At THE age of thirteen, THE young\n Syrian deserted THE profession of a shepherd, and threw himself\n into an austere monastery. After a long and painful novitiate, in\n which Simeon was repeatedly saved from pious suicide, he\n established his residence on a mountain, about thirty or forty\n miles to THE east of Antioch. Within THE space of a mandra, or\n circle of stones, to which he had attached himself by a ponderous\n chain, he ascended a column, which was successively raised from\n THE height of nine, to that of sixty, feet from THE ground. 71 In\n this last and lofty station, THE Syrian Anachoret resisted THE\n heat of thirty summers, and THE cold of as many winters. Habit\n and exercise instructed him to maintain his dangerous situation\n without fear or giddiness, and successively to assume THE\n different postures of devotion. He sometimes prayed in an erect\n attitude, with his outstretched arms in THE figure of a cross,\n but his most familiar practice was that of bending his meagre\n skeleton from THE forehead to THE feet; and a curious spectator,\n after numbering twelve hundred and forty-four repetitions, at\n length desisted from THE endless account. The progress of an\n ulcer in his thigh 72 might shorten, but it could not disturb,\n this celestial life; and THE patient Hermit expired, without\n descending from his column. A prince, who should capriciously\n inflict such tortures, would be deemed a tyrant; but it would\n surpass THE power of a tyrant to impose a long and miserable\n existence on THE reluctant victims of his cruelty. This voluntary\n martyrdom must have gradually destroyed THE sensibility both of\n THE mind and body; nor can it be presumed that THE fanatics, who\n torment THEmselves, are susceptible of any lively affection for\n THE rest of mankind. A cruel, unfeeling temper has distinguished\n THE monks of every age and country: THEir stern indifference,\n which is seldom mollified by personal friendship, is inflamed by\n religious hatred; and THEir merciless zeal has strenuously\n administered THE holy office of THE Inquisition.\n\n 70 (return) [ See Theodoret (in Vit. Patrum, l. ix. p. 848-854,)\n Antony, (in Vit. Patrum, l. i. p. 170-177,) Cosmas, (in Asseman.\n Bibliot. Oriental tom. i. p. 239-253,) Evagrius, (l. i. c. 13,\n 14,) and Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles. tom. xv. p. 347-392.)]\n\n 71 (return) [ The narrow circumference of two cubits, or three\n feet, which Evagrius assigns for THE summit of THE column is\n inconsistent with reason, with facts, and with THE rules of\n architecture. The people who saw it from below might be easily\n deceived.]\n\n 72 (return) [ I must not conceal a piece of ancient scandal\n concerning THE origin of this ulcer. It has been reported that\n THE Devil, assuming an angelic form, invited him to ascend, like\n Elijah, into a fiery chariot. The saint too hastily raised his\n foot, and Satan seized THE moment of inflicting this chastisement\n on his vanity.]\n\n The monastic saints, who excite only THE contempt and pity of a\n philosopher, were respected, and almost adored, by THE prince and\n people. Successive crowds of pilgrims from Gaul and India saluted\n THE divine pillar of Simeon: THE tribes of Saracens disputed in\n arms THE honor of his benediction; THE queens of Arabia and\n Persia gratefully confessed his supernatural virtue; and THE\n angelic Hermit was consulted by THE younger Theodosius, in THE\n most important concerns of THE church and state. His remains were\n transported from THE mountain of Telenissa, by a solemn\n procession of THE patriarch, THE master-general of THE East, six\n bishops, twenty-one counts or tribunes, and six thousand\n soldiers; and Antioch revered his bones, as her glorious ornament\n and impregnable defence. The fame of THE apostles and martyrs was\n gradually eclipsed by THEse recent and popular Anachorets; THE\n Christian world fell prostrate before THEir shrines; and THE\n miracles ascribed to THEir relics exceeded, at least in number\n and duration, THE spiritual exploits of THEir lives. But THE\n golden legend of THEir lives 73 was embellished by THE artful\n credulity of THEir interested brethren; and a believing age was\n easily persuaded, that THE slightest caprice of an Egyptian or a\n Syrian monk had been sufficient to interrupt THE eternal laws of\n THE universe. The favorites of Heaven were accustomed to cure\n inveterate diseases with a touch, a word, or a distant message;\n and to expel THE most obstinate demons from THE souls or bodies\n which THEy possessed. They familiarly accosted, or imperiously\n commanded, THE lions and serpents of THE desert; infused\n vegetation into a sapless trunk; suspended iron on THE surface of\n THE water; passed THE Nile on THE back of a crocodile, and\n refreshed THEmselves in a fiery furnace. These extravagant tales,\n which display THE fiction without THE genius, of poetry, have\n seriously affected THE reason, THE faith, and THE morals, of THE\n Christians. Their credulity debased and vitiated THE faculties of\n THE mind: THEy corrupted THE evidence of history; and\n superstition gradually extinguished THE hostile light of\n philosophy and science. Every mode of religious worship which had\n been practised by THE saints, every mysterious doctrine which\n THEy believed, was fortified by THE sanction of divine\n revelation, and all THE manly virtues were oppressed by THE\n servile and pusillanimous reign of THE monks. If it be possible\n to measure THE interval between THE philosophic writings of\n Cicero and THE sacred legend of Theodoret, between THE character\n of Cato and that of Simeon, we may appreciate THE memorable\n revolution which was accomplished in THE Roman empire within a\n period of five hundred years.\n\n 73 (return) [ I know not how to select or specify THE miracles\n contained in THE Vitae Patrum of Rosweyde, as THE number very\n much exceeds THE thousand pages of that voluminous work. An\n elegant specimen may be found in THE dialogues of Sulpicius\n Severus, and his Life of St. Martin. He reveres THE monks of\n Egypt; yet he insults THEm with THE remark, that THEy never\n raised THE dead; whereas THE bishop of Tours had restored three\n dead men to life.]\n\n II. The progress of Christianity has been marked by two glorious\n and decisive victories: over THE learned and luxurious citizens\n of THE Roman empire; and over THE warlike Barbarians of Scythia\n and Germany, who subverted THE empire, and embraced THE religion,\n of THE Romans. The Goths were THE foremost of THEse savage\n proselytes; and THE nation was indebted for its conversion to a\n countryman, or, at least, to a subject, worthy to be ranked among\n THE inventors of useful arts, who have deserved THE remembrance\n and gratitude of posterity. A great number of Roman provincials\n had been led away into captivity by THE Gothic bands, who ravaged\n Asia in THE time of Gallienus; and of THEse captives, many were\n Christians, and several belonged to THE ecclesiastical order.\n Those involuntary missionaries, dispersed as slaves in THE\n villages of Dacia, successively labored for THE salvation of\n THEir masters. The seeds which THEy planted, of THE evangelic\n doctrine, were gradually propagated; and before THE end of a\n century, THE pious work was achieved by THE labors of Ulphilas,\n whose ancestors had been transported beyond THE Danube from a\n small town of Cappadocia.\n\n Ulphilas, THE bishop and apostle of THE Goths, 74 acquired THEir\n love and reverence by his blameless life and indefatigable zeal;\n and THEy received, with implicit confidence, THE doctrines of\n truth and virtue which he preached and practised. He executed THE\n arduous task of translating THE Scriptures into THEir native\n tongue, a dialect of THE German or Teutonic language; but he\n prudently suppressed THE four books of Kings, as THEy might tend\n to irritate THE fierce and sanguinary spirit of THE Barbarians.\n The rude, imperfect idiom of soldiers and shepherds, so ill\n qualified to communicate any spiritual ideas, was improved and\n modulated by his genius: and Ulphilas, before he could frame his\n version, was obliged to compose a new alphabet of twenty-four\n letters; 741 four of which he invented, to express THE peculiar\n sounds that were unknown to THE Greek and Latin pronunciation. 75\n But THE prosperous state of THE Gothic church was soon afflicted\n by war and intestine discord, and THE chieftains were divided by\n religion as well as by interest. Fritigern, THE friend of THE\n Romans, became THE proselyte of Ulphilas; while THE haughty soul\n of Athanaric disdained THE yoke of THE empire and of THE gospel.\n The faith of THE new converts was tried by THE persecution which\n he excited. A wagon, bearing aloft THE shapeless image of Thor,\n perhaps, or of Woden, was conducted in solemn procession through\n THE streets of THE camp; and THE rebels, who refused to worship\n THE god of THEir faTHErs, were immediately burnt, with THEir\n tents and families. The character of Ulphilas recommended him to\n THE esteem of THE Eastern court, where he twice appeared as THE\n minister of peace; he pleaded THE cause of THE distressed Goths,\n who implored THE protection of Valens; and THE name of Moses was\n applied to this spiritual guide, who conducted his people through\n THE deep waters of THE Danube to THE Land of Promise. 76 The\n devout shepherds, who were attached to his person, and tractable\n to his voice, acquiesced in THEir settlement, at THE foot of THE\n Maesian mountains, in a country of woodlands and pastures, which\n supported THEir flocks and herds, and enabled THEm to purchase\n THE corn and wine of THE more plentiful provinces. These harmless\n Barbarians multiplied in obscure peace and THE profession of\n Christianity. 77\n\n 74 (return) [ On THE subject of Ulphilas, and THE conversion of\n THE Goths, see Sozomen, l. vi. c. 37. Socrates, l. iv. c. 33.\n Theodoret, l. iv. c. 37. Philostorg. l. ii. c. 5. The heresy of\n Philostorgius appears to have given him superior means of\n information.]\n\n 741 (return) [ This is THE Moeso-Gothic alphabet of which many of\n THE letters are evidently formed from THE Greek and Roman. M. St.\n Martin, however contends, that it is impossible but that some\n written alphabet must have been known long before among THE\n Goths. He supposes that THEir former letters were those inscribed\n on THE runes, which, being inseparably connected with THE old\n idolatrous superstitions, were proscribed by THE Christian\n missionaries. Everywhere THE runes, so common among all THE\n German tribes, disappear after THE propagation of Christianity.\n S. Martin iv. p. 97, 98.—M.]\n\n 75 (return) [ A mutilated copy of THE four Gospels, in THE Gothic\n version, was published A.D. 1665, and is esteemed THE most\n ancient monument of THE Teutonic language, though Wetstein\n attempts, by some frivolous conjectures, to deprive Ulphilas of\n THE honor of THE work. Two of THE four additional letters express\n THE W, and our own Th. See Simon, Hist. Critique du Nouveau\n Testament, tom ii. p. 219-223. Mill. Prolegom p. 151, edit.\n Kuster. Wetstein, Prolegom. tom. i. p. 114. * Note: The Codex\n Argenteus, found in THE sixteenth century at Wenden, near\n Cologne, and now preserved at Upsal, contains almost THE entire\n four Gospels. The best edition is that of J. Christ. Zahn,\n Weissenfels, 1805. In 1762 Knettel discovered and published from\n a Palimpsest MS. four chapters of THE Epistle to THE Romans: THEy\n were reprinted at Upsal, 1763. M. Mai has since that time\n discovered furTHEr fragments, and oTHEr remains of Moeso-Gothic\n literature, from a Palimpsest at Milan. See Ulphilae partium\n inedi arum in Ambrosianis Palimpsestis ab Ang. Maio repertarum\n specimen Milan. Ito. 1819.—M.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Philostorgius erroneously places this passage under\n THE reign of Constantine; but I am much inclined to believe that\n it preceded THE great emigration.]\n\n 77 (return) [ We are obliged to Jornandes (de Reb. Get. c. 51, p.\n 688) for a short and lively picture of THEse lesser Goths. Gothi\n minores, populus immensus, cum suo Pontifice ipsoque primate\n Wulfila. The last words, if THEy are not mere tautology, imply\n some temporal jurisdiction.]\n\n Their fiercer brethren, THE formidable Visigoths, universally\n adopted THE religion of THE Romans, with whom THEy maintained a\n perpetual intercourse, of war, of friendship, or of conquest. In\n THEir long and victorious march from THE Danube to THE Atlantic\n Ocean, THEy converted THEir allies; THEy educated THE rising\n generation; and THE devotion which reigned in THE camp of Alaric,\n or THE court of Thoulouse, might edify or disgrace THE palaces of\n Rome and Constantinople. 78 During THE same period, Christianity\n was embraced by almost all THE Barbarians, who established THEir\n kingdoms on THE ruins of THE Western empire; THE Burgundians in\n Gaul, THE Suevi in Spain, THE Vandals in Africa, THE Ostrogoths\n in Pannonia, and THE various bands of mercenaries, that raised\n Odoacer to THE throne of Italy. The Franks and THE Saxons still\n persevered in THE errors of Paganism; but THE Franks obtained THE\n monarchy of Gaul by THEir submission to THE example of Clovis;\n and THE Saxon conquerors of Britain were reclaimed from THEir\n savage superstition by THE missionaries of Rome. These Barbarian\n proselytes displayed an ardent and successful zeal in THE\n propagation of THE faith. The Merovingian kings, and THEir\n successors, Charlemagne and THE Othos, extended, by THEir laws\n and victories, THE dominion of THE cross. England produced THE\n apostle of Germany; and THE evangelic light was gradually\n diffused from THE neighborhood of THE Rhine, to THE nations of\n THE Elbe, THE Vistula, and THE Baltic. 79\n\n 78 (return) [ At non ita Gothi non ita Vandali; malis licet\n doctoribus instituti meliores tamen etiam in hac parte quam\n nostri. Salvian, de Gubern, Dei, l. vii. p. 243.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Mosheim has slightly sketched THE progress of\n Christianity in THE North, from THE fourth to THE fourteenth\n century. The subject would afford materials for an ecclesiastical\n and even philosophical, history]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXVII: Conversion Of The Barbarians To\n Christianity.—Part III.\n\n The different motives which influenced THE reason, or THE\n passions, of THE Barbarian converts, cannot easily be\n ascertained. They were often capricious and accidental; a dream,\n an omen, THE report of a miracle, THE example of some priest, or\n hero, THE charms of a believing wife, and, above all, THE\n fortunate event of a prayer, or vow, which, in a moment of\n danger, THEy had addressed to THE God of THE Christians. 80 The\n early prejudices of education were insensibly erased by THE\n habits of frequent and familiar society, THE moral precepts of\n THE gospel were protected by THE extravagant virtues of THE\n monks; and a spiritual THEology was supported by THE visible\n power of relics, and THE pomp of religious worship. But THE\n rational and ingenious mode of persuasion, which a Saxon bishop\n 81 suggested to a popular saint, might sometimes be employed by\n THE missionaries, who labored for THE conversion of infidels.\n “Admit,” says THE sagacious disputant, “whatever THEy are pleased\n to assert of THE fabulous, and carnal, genealogy of THEir gods\n and goddesses, who are propagated from each oTHEr. From this\n principle deduce THEir imperfect nature, and human infirmities,\n THE assurance THEy were born, and THE probability that THEy will\n die. At what time, by what means, from what cause, were THE\n eldest of THE gods or goddesses produced? Do THEy still continue,\n or have THEy ceased, to propagate? If THEy have ceased, summon\n your antagonists to declare THE reason of this strange\n alteration. If THEy still continue, THE number of THE gods must\n become infinite; and shall we not risk, by THE indiscreet worship\n of some impotent deity, to excite THE resentment of his jealous\n superior? The visible heavens and earth, THE whole system of THE\n universe, which may be conceived by THE mind, is it created or\n eternal? If created, how, or where, could THE gods THEmselves\n exist before creation? If eternal, how could THEy assume THE\n empire of an independent and preexisting world? Urge THEse\n arguments with temper and moderation; insinuate, at seasonable\n intervals, THE truth and beauty of THE Christian revelation; and\n endeavor to make THE unbelievers ashamed, without making THEm\n angry.” This metaphysical reasoning, too refined, perhaps, for\n THE Barbarians of Germany, was fortified by THE grosser weight of\n authority and popular consent. The advantage of temporal\n prosperity had deserted THE Pagan cause, and passed over to THE\n service of Christianity. The Romans THEmselves, THE most powerful\n and enlightened nation of THE globe, had renounced THEir ancient\n superstition; and, if THE ruin of THEir empire seemed to accuse\n THE efficacy of THE new faith, THE disgrace was already retrieved\n by THE conversion of THE victorious Goths. The valiant and\n fortunate Barbarians, who subdued THE provinces of THE West,\n successively received, and reflected, THE same edifying example.\n Before THE age of Charlemagne, THE Christian nations of Europe\n might exult in THE exclusive possession of THE temperate\n climates, of THE fertile lands, which produced corn, wine, and\n oil; while THE savage idolaters, and THEir helpless idols, were\n confined to THE extremities of THE earth, THE dark and frozen\n regions of THE North. 82\n\n 80 (return) [ To such a cause has Socrates (l. vii. c. 30)\n ascribed THE conversion of THE Burgundians, whose Christian piety\n is celebrated by Orosius, (l. vii. c. 19.)]\n\n 81 (return) [ See an original and curious epistle from Daniel,\n THE first bishop of Winchester, (Beda, Hist. Eccles. Anglorum, l.\n v. c. 18, p. 203, edit Smith,) to St. Boniface, who preached THE\n gospel among THE savages of Hesse and Thuringia. Epistol.\n Bonifacii, lxvii., in THE Maxima BiblioTHEca Patrum, tom. xiii.\n p. 93]\n\n 82 (return) [ The sword of Charlemagne added weight to THE\n argument; but when Daniel wrote this epistle, (A.D. 723,) THE\n Mahometans, who reigned from India to Spain, might have retorted\n it against THE Christians.]\n\n Christianity, which opened THE gates of Heaven to THE Barbarians,\n introduced an important change in THEir moral and political\n condition. They received, at THE same time, THE use of letters,\n so essential to a religion whose doctrines are contained in a\n sacred book; and while THEy studied THE divine truth, THEir minds\n were insensibly enlarged by THE distant view of history, of\n nature, of THE arts, and of society. The version of THE\n Scriptures into THEir native tongue, which had facilitated THEir\n conversion, must excite among THEir clergy some curiosity to read\n THE original text, to understand THE sacred liturgy of THE\n church, and to examine, in THE writings of THE faTHErs, THE chain\n of ecclesiastical tradition. These spiritual gifts were preserved\n in THE Greek and Latin languages, which concealed THE inestimable\n monuments of ancient learning. The immortal productions of\n Virgil, Cicero, and Livy, which were accessible to THE Christian\n Barbarians, maintained a silent intercourse between THE reign of\n Augustus and THE times of Clovis and Charlemagne. The emulation\n of mankind was encouraged by THE remembrance of a more perfect\n state; and THE flame of science was secretly kept alive, to warm\n and enlighten THE mature age of THE Western world.\n\n In THE most corrupt state of Christianity, THE Barbarians might\n learn justice from THE law, and mercy from THE gospel; and if THE\n knowledge of THEir duty was insufficient to guide THEir actions,\n or to regulate THEir passions, THEy were sometimes restrained by\n conscience, and frequently punished by remorse. But THE direct\n authority of religion was less effectual than THE holy communion,\n which united THEm with THEir Christian brethren in spiritual\n friendship. The influence of THEse sentiments contributed to\n secure THEir fidelity in THE service, or THE alliance, of THE\n Romans, to alleviate THE horrors of war, to moderate THE\n insolence of conquest, and to preserve, in THE downfall of THE\n empire, a permanent respect for THE name and institutions of\n Rome. In THE days of Paganism, THE priests of Gaul and Germany\n reigned over THE people, and controlled THE jurisdiction of THE\n magistrates; and THE zealous proselytes transferred an equal, or\n more ample, measure of devout obedience, to THE pontiffs of THE\n Christian faith. The sacred character of THE bishops was\n supported by THEir temporal possessions; THEy obtained an\n honorable seat in THE legislative assemblies of soldiers and\n freemen; and it was THEir interest, as well as THEir duty, to\n mollify, by peaceful counsels, THE fierce spirit of THE\n Barbarians. The perpetual correspondence of THE Latin clergy, THE\n frequent pilgrimages to Rome and Jerusalem, and THE growing\n authority of THE popes, cemented THE union of THE Christian\n republic, and gradually produced THE similar manners, and common\n jurisprudence, which have distinguished, from THE rest of\n mankind, THE independent, and even hostile, nations of modern\n Europe.\n\n But THE operation of THEse causes was checked and retarded by THE\n unfortunate accident, which infused a deadly poison into THE cup\n of Salvation. Whatever might be THE early sentiments of Ulphilas,\n his connections with THE empire and THE church were formed during\n THE reign of Arianism. The apostle of THE Goths subscribed THE\n creed of Rimini; professed with freedom, and perhaps with\n sincerity, that THE Son was not equal, or consubstantial to THE\n FaTHEr; 83 communicated THEse errors to THE clergy and people;\n and infected THE Barbaric world with a heresy, 84 which THE great\n Theodosius proscribed and extinguished among THE Romans. The\n temper and understanding of THE new proselytes were not adapted\n to metaphysical subtilties; but THEy strenuously maintained, what\n THEy had piously received, as THE pure and genuine doctrines of\n Christianity. The advantage of preaching and expounding THE\n Scriptures in THE Teutonic language promoted THE apostolic labors\n of Ulphilas and his successors; and THEy ordained a competent\n number of bishops and presbyters for THE instruction of THE\n kindred tribes. The Ostrogoths, THE Burgundians, THE Suevi, and\n THE Vandals, who had listened to THE eloquence of THE Latin\n clergy, 85 preferred THE more intelligible lessons of THEir\n domestic teachers; and Arianism was adopted as THE national faith\n of THE warlike converts, who were seated on THE ruins of THE\n Western empire. This irreconcilable difference of religion was a\n perpetual source of jealousy and hatred; and THE reproach of\n Barbarian was imbittered by THE more odious epiTHEt of Heretic.\n The heroes of THE North, who had submitted, with some reluctance,\n to believe that all THEir ancestors were in hell, 86 were\n astonished and exasperated to learn, that THEy THEmselves had\n only changed THE mode of THEir eternal condemnation. Instead of\n THE smooth applause, which Christian kings are accustomed to\n expect from THEir royal prelates, THE orthodox bishops and THEir\n clergy were in a state of opposition to THE Arian courts; and\n THEir indiscreet opposition frequently became criminal, and might\n sometimes be dangerous. 87 The pulpit, that safe and sacred organ\n of sedition, resounded with THE names of Pharaoh and Holofernes;\n 88 THE public discontent was inflamed by THE hope or promise of a\n glorious deliverance; and THE seditious saints were tempted to\n promote THE accomplishment of THEir own predictions.\n Notwithstanding THEse provocations, THE Catholics of Gaul, Spain,\n and Italy, enjoyed, under THE reign of THE Arians, THE free and\n peaceful exercise of THEir religion. Their haughty masters\n respected THE zeal of a numerous people, resolved to die at THE\n foot of THEir altars; and THE example of THEir devout constancy\n was admired and imitated by THE Barbarians THEmselves. The\n conquerors evaded, however, THE disgraceful reproach, or\n confession, of fear, by attributing THEir toleration to THE\n liberal motives of reason and humanity; and while THEy affected\n THE language, THEy imperceptiby imbibed THE spirit, of genuine\n Christianity.\n\n 83 (return) [ The opinions of Ulphilas and THE Goths inclined to\n semi-Arianism, since THEy would not say that THE Son was a\n creature, though THEy held communion with those who maintained\n that heresy. Their apostle represented THE whole controversy as a\n question of trifling moment, which had been raised by THE\n passions of THE clergy. Theodoret l. iv. c. 37.]\n\n 84 (return) [ The Arianism of THE Goths has been imputed to THE\n emperor Valens: “Itaque justo Dei judicio ipsi eum vivum\n incenderunt, qui propter eum etiam mortui, vitio erroris arsuri\n sunt.” Orosius, l. vii. c. 33, p. 554. This cruel sentence is\n confirmed by Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles. tom. vi. p. 604-610,) who\n coolly observes, “un seul homme entraina dans l’enfer un nombre\n infini de Septentrionaux, &c.” Salvian (de Gubern. Dei, l. v p.\n 150, 151) pities and excuses THEir involuntary error.]\n\n 85 (return) [ Orosius affirms, in THE year 416, (l. vii. c. 41,\n p. 580,) that THE Churches of Christ (of THE Catholics) were\n filled with Huns, Suevi, Vandals, Burgundians.]\n\n 86 (return) [ Radbod, king of THE Frisons, was so much\n scandalized by this rash declaration of a missionary, that he\n drew back his foot after he had entered THE baptismal font. See\n Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. ix p. 167.]\n\n 87 (return) [ The epistles of Sidonius, bishop of Clermont, under\n THE Visigotha, and of Avitus, bishop of Vienna, under THE\n Burgundians, explain sometimes in dark hints, THE general\n dispositions of THE Catholics. The history of Clovis and\n Theodoric will suggest some particular facts]\n\n 88 (return) [ Genseric confessed THE resemblance, by THE severity\n with which he punished such indiscreet allusions. Victor\n Vitensis, l. 7, p. 10.]\n\n The peace of THE church was sometimes interrupted. The Catholics\n were indiscreet, THE Barbarians were impatient; and THE partial\n acts of severity or injustice, which had been recommended by THE\n Arian clergy, were exaggerated by THE orthodox writers. The guilt\n of persecution may be imputed to Euric, king of THE Visigoths;\n who suspended THE exercise of ecclesiastical, or, at least, of\n episcopal functions; and punished THE popular bishops of Aquitain\n with imprisonment, exile, and confiscation. 89 But THE cruel and\n absurd enterprise of subduing THE minds of a whole people was\n undertaken by THE Vandals alone. Genseric himself, in his early\n youth, had renounced THE orthodox communion; and THE apostate\n could neiTHEr grant, nor expect, a sincere forgiveness. He was\n exasperated to find that THE Africans, who had fled before him in\n THE field, still presumed to dispute his will in synods and\n churches; and his ferocious mind was incapable of fear or of\n compassion. His Catholic subjects were oppressed by intolerant\n laws and arbitrary punishments. The language of Genseric was\n furious and formidable; THE knowledge of his intentions might\n justify THE most unfavorable interpretation of his actions; and\n THE Arians were reproached with THE frequent executions which\n stained THE palace and THE dominions of THE tyrant. Arms and\n ambition were, however, THE ruling passions of THE monarch of THE\n sea. But Hunneric, his inglorious son, who seemed to inherit only\n his vices, tormented THE Catholics with THE same unrelenting fury\n which had been fatal to his broTHEr, his nephews, and THE friends\n and favorites of his faTHEr; and even to THE Arian patriarch, who\n was inhumanly burnt alive in THE midst of Carthage. The religious\n war was preceded and prepared by an insidious truce; persecution\n was made THE serious and important business of THE Vandal court;\n and THE loathsome disease which hastened THE death of Hunneric,\n revenged THE injuries, without contributing to THE deliverance,\n of THE church. The throne of Africa was successively filled by\n THE two nephews of Hunneric; by Gundamund, who reigned about\n twelve, and by Thrasimund, who governed THE nation about\n twenty-seven, years. Their administration was hostile and\n oppressive to THE orthodox party. Gundamund appeared to emulate,\n or even to surpass, THE cruelty of his uncle; and, if at length\n he relented, if he recalled THE bishops, and restored THE freedom\n of Athanasian worship, a premature death intercepted THE benefits\n of his tardy clemency. His broTHEr, Thrasimund, was THE greatest\n and most accomplished of THE Vandal kings, whom he excelled in\n beauty, prudence, and magnanimity of soul. But this magnanimous\n character was degraded by his intolerant zeal and deceitful\n clemency. Instead of threats and tortures, he employed THE\n gentle, but efficacious, powers of seduction. Wealth, dignity,\n and THE royal favor, were THE liberal rewards of apostasy; THE\n Catholics, who had violated THE laws, might purchase THEir pardon\n by THE renunciation of THEir faith; and whenever Thrasimund\n meditated any rigorous measure, he patiently waited till THE\n indiscretion of his adversaries furnished him with a specious\n opportunity. Bigotry was his last sentiment in THE hour of death;\n and he exacted from his successor a solemn oath, that he would\n never tolerate THE sectaries of Athanasius. But his successor,\n Hilderic, THE gentle son of THE savage Hunneric, preferred THE\n duties of humanity and justice to THE vain obligation of an\n impious oath; and his accession was gloriously marked by THE\n restoration of peace and universal freedom. The throne of that\n virtuous, though feeble monarch, was usurped by his cousin\n Gelimer, a zealous Arian: but THE Vandal kingdom, before he could\n enjoy or abuse his power, was subverted by THE arms of\n Belisarius; and THE orthodox party retaliated THE injuries which\n THEy had endured. 90\n\n 89 (return) [ Such are THE contemporary complaints of Sidonius,\n bishop of Clermont (l. vii. c. 6, p. 182, &c., edit. Sirmond.)\n Gregory of Tours who quotes this Epistle, (l. ii. c. 25, in tom.\n ii. p. 174,) extorts an unwarrantable assertion, that of THE nine\n vacancies in Aquitain, some had been produced by episcopal\n martyrdoms]\n\n 90 (return) [ The original monuments of THE Vandal persecution\n are preserved in THE five books of THE history of Victor\n Vitensis, (de Persecutione Vandalica,) a bishop who was exiled by\n Hunneric; in THE life of St. Fulgentius, who was distinguished in\n THE persecution of Thrasimund (in Biblioth. Max. Patrum, tom. ix.\n p. 4-16;) and in THE first book of THE Vandalic War, by THE\n impartial Procopius, (c. 7, 8, p. 196, 197, 198, 199.) Dom\n Ruinart, THE last editor of Victor, has illustrated THE whole\n subject with a copious and learned apparatus of notes and\n supplement (Paris, 1694.)]\n\n The passionate declamations of THE Catholics, THE sole historians\n of this persecution, cannot afford any distinct series of causes\n and events; any impartial view of THE characters, or counsels;\n but THE most remarkable circumstances that deserve eiTHEr credit\n or notice, may be referred to THE following heads; I. In THE\n original law, which is still extant, 91 Hunneric expressly\n declares, (and THE declaration appears to be correct,) that he\n had faithfully transcribed THE regulations and penalties of THE\n Imperial edicts, against THE heretical congregations, THE clergy,\n and THE people, who dissented from THE established religion. If\n THE rights of conscience had been understood, THE Catholics must\n have condemned THEir past conduct or acquiesced in THEir actual\n suffering. But THEy still persisted to refuse THE indulgence\n which THEy claimed. While THEy trembled under THE lash of\n persecution, THEy praised THE laudable severity of Hunneric\n himself, who burnt or banished great numbers of Manichæans; 92\n and THEy rejected, with horror, THE ignominious compromise, that\n THE disciples of Arius and of Athanasius should enjoy a\n reciprocal and similar toleration in THE territories of THE\n Romans, and in those of THE Vandals. 93 II. The practice of a\n conference, which THE Catholics had so frequently used to insult\n and punish THEir obstinate antagonists, was retorted against\n THEmselves. 94 At THE command of Hunneric, four hundred and\n sixty-six orthodox bishops assembled at Carthage; but when THEy\n were admitted into THE hall of audience, THEy had THE\n mortification of beholding THE Arian Cyrila exalted on THE\n patriarchal throne. The disputants were separated, after THE\n mutual and ordinary reproaches of noise and silence, of delay and\n precipitation, of military force and of popular clamor. One\n martyr and one confessor were selected among THE Catholic\n bishops; twenty-eight escaped by flight, and eighty-eight by\n conformity; forty-six were sent into Corsica to cut timber for\n THE royal navy; and three hundred and two were banished to THE\n different parts of Africa, exposed to THE insults of THEir\n enemies, and carefully deprived of all THE temporal and spiritual\n comforts of life. 95 The hardships of ten years’ exile must have\n reduced THEir numbers; and if THEy had complied with THE law of\n Thrasimund, which prohibited any episcopal consecrations, THE\n orthodox church of Africa must have expired with THE lives of its\n actual members. They disobeyed, and THEir disobedience was\n punished by a second exile of two hundred and twenty bishops into\n Sardinia; where THEy languished fifteen years, till THE accession\n of THE gracious Hilderic. 96 The two islands were judiciously\n chosen by THE malice of THEir Arian tyrants. Seneca, from his own\n experience, has deplored and exaggerated THE miserable state of\n Corsica, 97 and THE plenty of Sardinia was overbalanced by THE\n unwholesome quality of THE air. 98 III. The zeal of Genseric and\n his successors, for THE conversion of THE Catholics, must have\n rendered THEm still more jealous to guard THE purity of THE\n Vandal faith. Before THE churches were finally shut, it was a\n crime to appear in a Barbarian dress; and those who presumed to\n neglect THE royal mandate were rudely dragged backwards by THEir\n long hair. 99 The palatine officers, who refused to profess THE\n religion of THEir prince, were ignominiously stripped of THEir\n honors and employments; banished to Sardinia and Sicily; or\n condemned to THE servile labors of slaves and peasants in THE\n fields of Utica. In THE districts which had been peculiarly\n allotted to THE Vandals, THE exercise of THE Catholic worship was\n more strictly prohibited; and severe penalties were denounced\n against THE guilt both of THE missionary and THE proselyte. By\n THEse arts, THE faith of THE Barbarians was preserved, and THEir\n zeal was inflamed: THEy discharged, with devout fury, THE office\n of spies, informers, or executioners; and whenever THEir cavalry\n took THE field, it was THE favorite amusement of THE march to\n defile THE churches, and to insult THE clergy of THE adverse\n faction. 100 IV. The citizens who had been educated in THE luxury\n of THE Roman province, were delivered, with exquisite cruelty, to\n THE Moors of THE desert. A venerable train of bishops,\n presbyters, and deacons, with a faithful crowd of four thousand\n and ninety-six persons, whose guilt is not precisely ascertained,\n were torn from THEir native homes, by THE command of Hunneric.\n During THE night THEy were confined, like a herd of cattle,\n amidst THEir own ordure: during THE day THEy pursued THEir march\n over THE burning sands; and if THEy fainted under THE heat and\n fatigue, THEy were goaded, or dragged along, till THEy expired in\n THE hands of THEir tormentors. 101 These unhappy exiles, when\n THEy reached THE Moorish huts, might excite THE compassion of a\n people, whose native humanity was neiTHEr improved by reason, nor\n corrupted by fanaticism: but if THEy escaped THE dangers, THEy\n were condemned to share THE distress of a savage life. V. It is\n incumbent on THE authors of persecution previously to reflect,\n wheTHEr THEy are determined to support it in THE last extreme.\n They excite THE flame which THEy strive to extinguish; and it\n soon becomes necessary to chastise THE contumacy, as well as THE\n crime, of THE offender. The fine, which he is unable or unwilling\n to discharge, exposes his person to THE severity of THE law; and\n his contempt of lighter penalties suggests THE use and propriety\n of capital punishment. Through THE veil of fiction and\n declamation we may clearly perceive, that THE Catholics more\n especially under THE reign of Hunneric, endured THE most cruel\n and ignominious treatment. 102 Respectable citizens, noble\n matrons, and consecrated virgins, were stripped naked, and raised\n in THE air by pulleys, with a weight suspended at THEir feet. In\n this painful attitude THEir naked bodies were torn with scourges,\n or burnt in THE most tender parts with red-hot plates of iron.\n The amputation of THE ears THE nose, THE tongue, and THE right\n hand, was inflicted by THE Arians; and although THE precise\n number cannot be defined, it is evident that many persons, among\n whom a bishop 103 and a proconsul 104 may be named, were entitled\n to THE crown of martyrdom. The same honor has been ascribed to\n THE memory of Count Sebastian, who professed THE Nicene creed\n with unshaken constancy; and Genseric might detest, as a heretic,\n THE brave and ambitious fugitive whom he dreaded as a rival. 105\n VI. A new mode of conversion, which might subdue THE feeble, and\n alarm THE timorous, was employed by THE Arian ministers. They\n imposed, by fraud or violence, THE rites of baptism; and punished\n THE apostasy of THE Catholics, if THEy disclaimed this odious and\n profane ceremony, which scandalously violated THE freedom of THE\n will, and THE unity of THE sacrament. 106 The hostile sects had\n formerly allowed THE validity of each oTHEr’s baptism; and THE\n innovation, so fiercely maintained by THE Vandals, can be imputed\n only to THE example and advice of THE Donatists. VII. The Arian\n clergy surpassed in religious cruelty THE king and his Vandals;\n but THEy were incapable of cultivating THE spiritual vineyard,\n which THEy were so desirous to possess. A patriarch 107 might\n seat himself on THE throne of Carthage; some bishops, in THE\n principal cities, might usurp THE place of THEir rivals; but THE\n smallness of THEir numbers, and THEir ignorance of THE Latin\n language, 108 disqualified THE Barbarians for THE ecclesiastical\n ministry of a great church; and THE Africans, after THE loss of\n THEir orthodox pastors, were deprived of THE public exercise of\n Christianity. VIII. The emperors were THE natural protectors of\n THE Homoousian doctrine; and THE faithful people of Africa, both\n as Romans and as Catholics, preferred THEir lawful sovereignty to\n THE usurpation of THE Barbarous heretics. During an interval of\n peace and friendship, Hunneric restored THE caTHEdral of\n Carthage; at THE intercession of Zeno, who reigned in THE East,\n and of Placidia, THE daughter and relict of emperors, and THE\n sister of THE queen of THE Vandals. 109 But this decent regard\n was of short duration; and THE haughty tyrant displayed his\n contempt for THE religion of THE empire, by studiously arranging\n THE bloody images of persecution, in all THE principal streets\n through which THE Roman ambassador must pass in his way to THE\n palace. 110 An oath was required from THE bishops, who were\n assembled at Carthage, that THEy would support THE succession of\n his son Hilderic, and that THEy would renounce all foreign or\n transmarine correspondence. This engagement, consistent, as it\n should seem, with THEir moral and religious duties, was refused\n by THE more sagacious members 111 of THE assembly. Their refusal,\n faintly colored by THE pretence that it is unlawful for a\n Christian to swear, must provoke THE suspicions of a jealous\n tyrant.\n\n 91 (return) [ Victor, iv. 2, p. 65. Hunneric refuses THE name of\n Catholics to THE Homoousians. He describes, as THE veri Divinae\n Majestatis cultores, his own party, who professed THE faith,\n confirmed by more than a thousand bishops, in THE synods of\n Rimini and Seleucia.]\n\n 92 (return) [ Victor, ii, 1, p. 21, 22: Laudabilior... videbatur.\n In THE Mss which omit this word, THE passage is unintelligible.\n See Ruinart Not. p. 164.]\n\n 93 (return) [ Victor, ii. p. 22, 23. The clergy of Carthage\n called THEse conditions periculosoe; and THEy seem, indeed, to\n have been proposed as a snare to entrap THE Catholic bishops.]\n\n 94 (return) [ See THE narrative of this conference, and THE\n treatment of THE bishops, in Victor, ii. 13-18, p. 35-42 and THE\n whole fourth book p. 63-171. The third book, p. 42-62, is\n entirely filled by THEir apology or confession of faith.]\n\n 95 (return) [ See THE list of THE African bishops, in Victor, p.\n 117-140, and Ruinart’s notes, p. 215-397. The schismatic name of\n Donatus frequently occurs, and THEy appear to have adopted (like\n our fanatics of THE last age) THE pious appellations of Deodatus,\n Deogratias, Quidvultdeus, Habetdeum, &c. Note: These names appear\n to have been introduced by THE Donatists.—M.]\n\n 96 (return) [ Fulgent. Vit. c. 16-29. Thrasimund affected THE\n praise of moderation and learning; and Fulgentius addressed three\n books of controversy to THE Arian tyrant, whom he styles piissime\n Rex. Biblioth. Maxim. Patrum, tom. ix. p. 41. Only sixty bishops\n are mentioned as exiles in THE life of Fulgentius; THEy are\n increased to one hundred and twenty by Victor Tunnunensis and\n Isidore; but THE number of two hundred and twenty is specified in\n THE Historia Miscella, and a short auTHEntic chronicle of THE\n times. See Ruinart, p. 570, 571.]\n\n 97 (return) [ See THE base and insipid epigrams of THE Stoic, who\n could not support exile with more fortitude than Ovid. Corsica\n might not produce corn, wine, or oil; but it could not be\n destitute of grass, water, and even fire.]\n\n 98 (return) [ Si ob gravitatem coeli interissent vile damnum.\n Tacit. Annal. ii. 85. In this application, Thrasimund would have\n adopted THE reading of some critics, utile damnum.]\n\n 99 (return) [ See THEse preludes of a general persecution, in\n Victor, ii. 3, 4, 7 and THE two edicts of Hunneric, l. ii. p. 35,\n l. iv. p. 64.]\n\n 100 (return) [ See Procopius de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 7, p. 197,\n 198. A Moorish prince endeavored to propitiate THE God of THE\n Christians, by his diligence to erase THE marks of THE Vandal\n sacrilege.]\n\n 101 (return) [ See this story in Victor. ii. 8-12, p. 30-34.\n Victor describes THE distress of THEse confessors as an\n eye-witness.]\n\n 102 (return) [ See THE fifth book of Victor. His passionate\n complaints are confirmed by THE sober testimony of Procopius, and\n THE public declaration of THE emperor Justinian. Cod. l. i. tit.\n xxvii.]\n\n 103 (return) [ Victor, ii. 18, p. 41.]\n\n 104 (return) [ Victor, v. 4, p. 74, 75. His name was Victorianus,\n and he was a wealthy citizen of Adrumetum, who enjoyed THE\n confidence of THE king; by whose favor he had obtained THE\n office, or at least THE title, of proconsul of Africa.]\n\n 105 (return) [ Victor, i. 6, p. 8, 9. After relating THE firm\n resistance and dexterous reply of Count Sebastian, he adds, quare\n alio generis argumento postea bellicosum virum eccidit.]\n\n 106 (return) [ Victor, v. 12, 13. Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom.\n vi. p. 609.]\n\n 107 (return) [ Primate was more properly THE title of THE bishop\n of Carthage; but THE name of patriarch was given by THE sects and\n nations to THEir principal ecclesiastic. See Thomassin,\n Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. i. p. 155, 158.]\n\n 108 (return) [ The patriarch Cyrila himself publicly declared,\n that he did not understand Latin (Victor, ii. 18, p. 42:) Nescio\n Latine; and he might converse with tolerable ease, without being\n capable of disputing or preaching in that language. His Vandal\n clergy were still more ignorant; and small confidence could be\n placed in THE Africans who had conformed.]\n\n 109 (return) [ Victor, ii. 1, 2, p. 22.]\n\n 110 (return) [ Victor, v. 7, p. 77. He appeals to THE ambassador\n himself, whose name was Uranius.]\n\n 111 (return) [ Astutiores, Victor, iv. 4, p. 70. He plainly\n intimates that THEir quotation of THE gospel “Non jurabitis in\n toto,” was only meant to elude THE obligation of an inconvenient\n oath. The forty-six bishops who refused were banished to Corsica;\n THE three hundred and two who swore were distributed through THE\n provinces of Africa.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXVII: Conversion Of The Barbarians To\n Christianity.—Part IV.\n\n The Catholics, oppressed by royal and military force, were far\n superior to THEir adversaries in numbers and learning. With THE\n same weapons which THE Greek 112 and Latin faTHErs had already\n provided for THE Arian controversy, THEy repeatedly silenced, or\n vanquished, THE fierce and illiterate successors of Ulphilas. The\n consciousness of THEir own superiority might have raised THEm\n above THE arts and passions of religious warfare. Yet, instead of\n assuming such honorable pride, THE orthodox THEologians were\n tempted, by THE assurance of impunity, to compose fictions, which\n must be stigmatized with THE epiTHEts of fraud and forgery. They\n ascribed THEir own polemical works to THE most venerable names of\n Christian antiquity; THE characters of Athanasius and Augustin\n were awkwardly personated by Vigilius and his disciples; 113 and\n THE famous creed, which so clearly expounds THE mysteries of THE\n Trinity and THE Incarnation, is deduced, with strong probability,\n from this African school. 114 Even THE Scriptures THEmselves were\n profaned by THEir rash and sacrilegious hands. The memorable\n text, which asserts THE unity of THE three who bear witness in\n heaven, 115 is condemned by THE universal silence of THE orthodox\n faTHErs, ancient versions, and auTHEntic manuscripts. 116 It was\n first alleged by THE Catholic bishops whom Hunneric summoned to\n THE conference of Carthage. 117 An allegorical interpretation, in\n THE form, perhaps, of a marginal note, invaded THE text of THE\n Latin Bibles, which were renewed and corrected in a dark period\n of ten centuries. 118 After THE invention of printing, 119 THE\n editors of THE Greek Testament yielded to THEir own prejudices,\n or those of THE times; 120 and THE pious fraud, which was\n embraced with equal zeal at Rome and at Geneva, has been\n infinitely multiplied in every country and every language of\n modern Europe.\n\n 112 (return) [ Fulgentius, bishop of Ruspae, in THE Byzacene\n province, was of a senatorial family, and had received a liberal\n education. He could repeat all Homer and Menander before he was\n allowed to study Latin his native tongue, (Vit. Fulgent. c. l.)\n Many African bishops might understand Greek, and many Greek\n THEologians were translated into Latin.]\n\n 113 (return) [ Compare THE two prefaces to THE Dialogue of\n Vigilius of Thapsus, (p. 118, 119, edit. Chiflet.) He might amuse\n his learned reader with an innocent fiction; but THE subject was\n too grave, and THE Africans were too ignorant.]\n\n 114 (return) [ The P. Quesnel started this opinion, which has\n been favorably received. But THE three following truths, however\n surprising THEy may seem, are now universally acknowledged,\n (Gerard Vossius, tom. vi. p. 516-522. Tillemont, Mem. Eccles.\n tom. viii. p. 667-671.) 1. St. Athanasius is not THE author of\n THE creed which is so frequently read in our churches. 2. It does\n not appear to have existed within a century after his death. 3.\n It was originally composed in THE Latin tongue, and, consequently\n in THE Western provinces. Gennadius patriarch of Constantinople,\n was so much amazed by this extraordinary composition, that he\n frankly pronounced it to be THE work of a drunken man. Petav.\n Dogmat. Theologica, tom. ii. l. vii. c. 8, p. 687.]\n\n 115 (return) [ 1 John, v. 7. See Simon, Hist. Critique du Nouveau\n Testament, part i. c. xviii. p. 203-218; and part ii. c. ix. p.\n 99-121; and THE elaborate Prolegomena and Annotations of Dr. Mill\n and Wetstein to THEir editions of THE Greek Testament. In 1689,\n THE papist Simon strove to be free; in 1707, THE Protestant Mill\n wished to be a slave; in 1751, THE Armenian Wetstein used THE\n liberty of his times, and of his sect. * Note: This controversy\n has continued to be agitated, but with declining interest even in\n THE more religious part of THE community; and may now be\n considered to have terminated in an almost general acquiescence\n of THE learned to THE conclusions of Porson in his Letters to\n Travis. See THE pamphlets of THE late Bishop of Salisbury and of\n Crito Cantabrigiensis, Dr. Turton of Cambridge.—M.]\n\n 116 (return) [ Of all THE Mss. now extant, above fourscore in\n number, some of which are more than 1200 years old, (Wetstein ad\n loc.) The orthodox copies of THE Vatican, of THE Complutensian\n editors, of Robert Stephens, are become invisible; and THE two\n Mss. of Dublin and Berlin are unworthy to form an exception. See\n Emlyn’s Works, vol. ii. p 227-255, 269-299; and M. de Missy’s\n four ingenious letters, in tom. viii. and ix. of THE Journal\n Britannique.]\n\n 117 (return) [ Or, more properly, by THE four bishops who\n composed and published THE profession of faith in THE name of\n THEir brethren. They styled this text, luce clarius, (Victor\n Vitensis de Persecut. Vandal. l. iii. c. 11, p. 54.) It is quoted\n soon afterwards by THE African polemics, Vigilius and\n Fulgentius.]\n\n 118 (return) [ In THE eleventh and twelfth centuries, THE Bibles\n were corrected by Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, and by\n Nicholas, cardinal and librarian of THE Roman church, secundum\n orthodoxam fidem, (Wetstein, Prolegom. p. 84, 85.)\n Notwithstanding THEse corrections, THE passage is still wanting\n in twenty-five Latin Mss., (Wetstein ad loc.,) THE oldest and THE\n fairest; two qualities seldom united, except in manuscripts.]\n\n 119 (return) [ The art which THE Germans had invented was applied\n in Italy to THE profane writers of Rome and Greece. The original\n Greek of THE New Testament was published about THE same time\n (A.D. 1514, 1516, 1520,) by THE industry of Erasmus, and THE\n munificence of Cardinal Ximenes. The Complutensian Polyglot cost\n THE cardinal 50,000 ducats. See Mattaire, Annal. Typograph. tom.\n ii. p. 2-8, 125-133; and Wetstein, Prolegomena, p. 116-127.]\n\n 120 (return) [ The three witnesses have been established in our\n Greek Testaments by THE prudence of Erasmus; THE honest bigotry\n of THE Complutensian editors; THE typographical fraud, or error,\n of Robert Stephens, in THE placing a crotchet; and THE deliberate\n falsehood, or strange misapprehension, of Theodore Beza.]\n\n The example of fraud must excite suspicion: and THE specious\n miracles by which THE African Catholics have defended THE truth\n and justice of THEir cause, may be ascribed, with more reason, to\n THEir own industry, than to THE visible protection of Heaven. Yet\n THE historian, who views this religious conflict with an\n impartial eye, may condescend to mention one preternatural event,\n which will edify THE devout, and surprise THE incredulous.\n Tipasa, 121 a maritime colony of Mauritania, sixteen miles to THE\n east of Caesarea, had been distinguished, in every age, by THE\n orthodox zeal of its inhabitants. They had braved THE fury of THE\n Donatists; 122 THEy resisted, or eluded, THE tyranny of THE\n Arians. The town was deserted on THE approach of an heretical\n bishop: most of THE inhabitants who could procure ships passed\n over to THE coast of Spain; and THE unhappy remnant, refusing all\n communion with THE usurper, still presumed to hold THEir pious,\n but illegal, assemblies. Their disobedience exasperated THE\n cruelty of Hunneric. A military count was despatched from\n Carthage to Tipasa: he collected THE Catholics in THE Forum, and,\n in THE presence of THE whole province, deprived THE guilty of\n THEir right hands and THEir tongues. But THE holy confessors\n continued to speak without tongues; and this miracle is attested\n by Victor, an African bishop, who published a history of THE\n persecution within two years after THE event. 123 “If any one,”\n says Victor, “should doubt of THE truth, let him repair to\n Constantinople, and listen to THE clear and perfect language of\n Restitutus, THE sub-deacon, one of THEse glorious sufferers, who\n is now lodged in THE palace of THE emperor Zeno, and is respected\n by THE devout empress.” At Constantinople we are astonished to\n find a cool, a learned, and unexceptionable witness, without\n interest, and without passion. Aeneas of Gaza, a Platonic\n philosopher, has accurately described his own observations on\n THEse African sufferers. “I saw THEm myself: I heard THEm speak:\n I diligently inquired by what means such an articulate voice\n could be formed without any organ of speech: I used my eyes to\n examine THE report of my ears; I opened THEir mouth, and saw that\n THE whole tongue had been completely torn away by THE roots; an\n operation which THE physicians generally suppose to be mortal.”\n 124 The testimony of Aeneas of Gaza might be confirmed by THE\n superfluous evidence of THE emperor Justinian, in a perpetual\n edict; of Count Marcellinus, in his Chronicle of THE times; and\n of Pope Gregory THE First, who had resided at Constantinople, as\n THE minister of THE Roman pontiff. 125 They all lived within THE\n compass of a century; and THEy all appeal to THEir personal\n knowledge, or THE public notoriety, for THE truth of a miracle,\n which was repeated in several instances, displayed on THE\n greatest THEatre of THE world, and submitted, during a series of\n years, to THE calm examination of THE senses. This supernatural\n gift of THE African confessors, who spoke without tongues, will\n command THE assent of those, and of those only, who already\n believe, that THEir language was pure and orthodox. But THE\n stubborn mind of an infidel, is guarded by secret, incurable\n suspicion; and THE Arian, or Socinian, who has seriously rejected\n THE doctrine of a Trinity, will not be shaken by THE most\n plausible evidence of an Athanasian miracle.\n\n 121 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natural. v. 1. Itinerar. Wesseling, p.\n 15. Cellanius, Geograph. Antiq. tom. ii. part ii. p. 127. This\n Tipasa (which must not be confounded with anoTHEr in Numidia) was\n a town of some note since Vespasian endowed it with THE right of\n Latium.]\n\n 122 (return) [ Optatus Milevitanus de Schism. Donatist. l. ii. p.\n 38.]\n\n 123 (return) [ Victor Vitensis, v. 6, p. 76. Ruinart, p.\n 483-487.]\n\n 124 (return) [ Aeneas Gazaeus in Theophrasto, in Biblioth.\n Patrum, tom. viii. p. 664, 665. He was a Christian, and composed\n this Dialogue (THE Theophrastus) on THE immortality of THE soul,\n and THE resurrection of THE body; besides twenty-five Epistles,\n still extant. See Cave, (Hist. Litteraria, p. 297,) and\n Fabricius, (Biblioth. Graec. tom. i. p. 422.)]\n\n 125 (return) [ Justinian. Codex. l. i. tit. xxvii. Marcellin. in\n Chron. p. 45, in Thesaur. Temporum Scaliger. Procopius, de Bell.\n Vandal. l. i. c. 7. p. 196. Gregor. Magnus, Dialog. iii. 32. None\n of THEse witnesses have specified THE number of THE confessors,\n which is fixed at sixty in an old menology, (apud Ruinart. p.\n 486.) Two of THEm lost THEir speech by fornication; but THE\n miracle is enhanced by THE singular instance of a boy who had\n never spoken before his tongue was cut out. ]\n\n The Vandals and THE Ostrogoths persevered in THE profession of\n Arianism till THE final ruin of THE kingdoms which THEy had\n founded in Africa and Italy. The Barbarians of Gaul submitted to\n THE orthodox dominion of THE Franks; and Spain was restored to\n THE Catholic church by THE voluntary conversion of THE Visigoths.\n\n This salutary revolution 126 was hastened by THE example of a\n royal martyr, whom our calmer reason may style an ungrateful\n rebel. Leovigild, THE Gothic monarch of Spain, deserved THE\n respect of his enemies, and THE love of his subjects; THE\n Catholics enjoyed a free toleration, and his Arian synods\n attempted, without much success, to reconcile THEir scruples by\n abolishing THE unpopular rite of a second baptism. His eldest son\n Hermenegild, who was invested by his faTHEr with THE royal\n diadem, and THE fair principality of Boetica, contracted an\n honorable and orthodox alliance with a Merovingian princess, THE\n daughter of Sigebert, king of Austrasia, and of THE famous\n Brunechild. The beauteous Ingundis, who was no more than thirteen\n years of age, was received, beloved, and persecuted, in THE Arian\n court of Toledo; and her religious constancy was alternately\n assaulted with blandishments and violence by Goisvintha, THE\n Gothic queen, who abused THE double claim of maternal authority.\n 127 Incensed by her resistance, Goisvintha seized THE Catholic\n princess by her long hair, inhumanly dashed her against THE\n ground, kicked her till she was covered with blood, and at last\n gave orders that she should be stripped, and thrown into a basin,\n or fish-pond. 128 Love and honor might excite Hermenegild to\n resent this injurious treatment of his bride; and he was\n gradually persuaded that Ingundis suffered for THE cause of\n divine truth. Her tender complaints, and THE weighty arguments of\n Leander, archbishop of Seville, accomplished his conversion and\n THE heir of THE Gothic monarchy was initiated in THE Nicene faith\n by THE solemn rites of confirmation. 129 The rash youth, inflamed\n by zeal, and perhaps by ambition, was tempted to violate THE\n duties of a son and a subject; and THE Catholics of Spain,\n although THEy could not complain of persecution, applauded his\n pious rebellion against an heretical faTHEr. The civil war was\n protracted by THE long and obstinate sieges of Merida, Cordova,\n and Seville, which had strenuously espoused THE party of\n Hermenegild. He invited THE orthodox Barbarians, THE Seuvi, and\n THE Franks, to THE destruction of his native land; he solicited\n THE dangerous aid of THE Romans, who possessed Africa, and a part\n of THE Spanish coast; and his holy ambassador, THE archbishop\n Leander, effectually negotiated in person with THE Byzantine\n court. But THE hopes of THE Catholics were crushed by THE active\n diligence of THE monarch who commanded THE troops and treasures\n of Spain; and THE guilty Hermenegild, after his vain attempts to\n resist or to escape, was compelled to surrender himself into THE\n hands of an incensed faTHEr. Leovigild was still mindful of that\n sacred character; and THE rebel, despoiled of THE regal\n ornaments, was still permitted, in a decent exile, to profess THE\n Catholic religion. His repeated and unsuccessful treasons at\n length provoked THE indignation of THE Gothic king; and THE\n sentence of death, which he pronounced with apparent reluctance,\n was privately executed in THE tower of Seville. The inflexible\n constancy with which he refused to accept THE Arian communion, as\n THE price of his safety, may excuse THE honors that have been\n paid to THE memory of St. Hermenegild. His wife and infant son\n were detained by THE Romans in ignominious captivity; and this\n domestic misfortune tarnished THE glories of Leovigild, and\n imbittered THE last moments of his life.\n\n 126 (return) [ See THE two general historians of Spain, Mariana\n (Hist. de Rebus Hispaniae, tom. i. l. v. c. 12-15, p. 182-194)\n and Ferreras, (French translation, tom. ii. p. 206-247.) Mariana\n almost forgets that he is a Jesuit, to assume THE style and\n spirit of a Roman classic. Ferreras, an industrious compiler,\n reviews his facts, and rectifies his chronology.]\n\n 127 (return) [ Goisvintha successively married two kings of THE\n Visigoths: Athanigild, to whom she bore Brunechild, THE moTHEr of\n Ingundis; and Leovigild, whose two sons, Hermenegild and Recared,\n were THE issue of a former marriage.]\n\n 128 (return) [ Iracundiae furore succensa, adprehensam per comam\n capitis puellam in terram conlidit, et diu calcibus verberatam,\n ac sanguins cruentatam, jussit exspoliari, et piscinae immergi.\n Greg. Turon. l. v. c. 39. in tom. ii. p. 255. Gregory is one of\n our best originals for this portion of history.]\n\n 129 (return) [ The Catholics who admitted THE baptism of heretics\n repeated THE rite, or, as it was afterwards styled, THE\n sacrament, of confirmation, to which THEy ascribed many mystic\n and marvellous prerogatives both visible and invisible. See\n Chardon. Hist. des Sacremens, tom. 1. p. 405-552.]\n\n His son and successor, Recared, THE first Catholic king of Spain,\n had imbibed THE faith of his unfortunate broTHEr, which he\n supported with more prudence and success. Instead of revolting\n against his faTHEr, Recared patiently expected THE hour of his\n death. Instead of condemning his memory, he piously supposed,\n that THE dying monarch had abjured THE errors of Arianism, and\n recommended to his son THE conversion of THE Gothic nation. To\n accomplish that salutary end, Recared convened an assembly of THE\n Arian clergy and nobles, declared himself a Catholic, and\n exhorted THEm to imitate THE example of THEir prince. The\n laborious interpretation of doubtful texts, or THE curious\n pursuit of metaphysical arguments, would have excited an endless\n controversy; and THE monarch discreetly proposed to his\n illiterate audience two substantial and visible arguments,—THE\n testimony of Earth, and of Heaven. The Earth had submitted to THE\n Nicene synod: THE Romans, THE Barbarians, and THE inhabitants of\n Spain, unanimously professed THE same orthodox creed; and THE\n Visigoths resisted, almost alone, THE consent of THE Christian\n world. A superstitious age was prepared to reverence, as THE\n testimony of Heaven, THE preternatural cures, which were\n performed by THE skill or virtue of THE Catholic clergy; THE\n baptismal fonts of Osset in Boetica, 130 which were spontaneously\n replenished every year, on THE vigil of Easter; 131 and THE\n miraculous shrine of St. Martin of Tours, which had already\n converted THE Suevic prince and people of Gallicia. 132 The\n Catholic king encountered some difficulties on this important\n change of THE national religion. A conspiracy, secretly fomented\n by THE queen-dowager, was formed against his life; and two counts\n excited a dangerous revolt in THE Narbonnese Gaul. But Recared\n disarmed THE conspirators, defeated THE rebels, and executed\n severe justice; which THE Arians, in THEir turn, might brand with\n THE reproach of persecution. Eight bishops, whose names betray\n THEir Barbaric origin, abjured THEir errors; and all THE books of\n Arian THEology were reduced to ashes, with THE house in which\n THEy had been purposely collected. The whole body of THE\n Visigoths and Suevi were allured or driven into THE pale of THE\n Catholic communion; THE faith, at least of THE rising generation,\n was fervent and sincere: and THE devout liberality of THE\n Barbarians enriched THE churches and monasteries of Spain.\n Seventy bishops, assembled in THE council of Toledo, received THE\n submission of THEir conquerors; and THE zeal of THE Spaniards\n improved THE Nicene creed, by declaring THE procession of THE\n Holy Ghost from THE Son, as well as from THE FaTHEr; a weighty\n point of doctrine, which produced, long afterwards, THE schism of\n THE Greek and Latin churches. 133 The royal proselyte immediately\n saluted and consulted Pope Gregory, surnamed THE Great, a learned\n and holy prelate, whose reign was distinguished by THE conversion\n of heretics and infidels. The ambassadors of Recared respectfully\n offered on THE threshold of THE Vatican his rich presents of gold\n and gems; THEy accepted, as a lucrative exchange, THE hairs of\n St. John THE Baptist; a cross, which enclosed a small piece of\n THE true wood; and a key, that contained some particles of iron\n which had been scraped from THE chains of St. Peter. 134\n\n 130 (return) [ Osset, or Julia Constantia, was opposite to\n Seville, on THE norTHErn side of THE Boetis, (Plin. Hist. Natur.\n iii. 3:) and THE auTHEntic reference of Gregory of Tours (Hist.\n Francor. l. vi. c. 43, p. 288) deserves more credit than THE name\n of Lusitania, (de Gloria Martyr. c. 24,) which has been eagerly\n embraced by THE vain and superstitious Portuguese, (Ferreras,\n Hist. d’Espagne, tom. ii. p. 166.)]\n\n 131 (return) [ This miracle was skilfully performed. An Arian\n king sealed THE doors, and dug a deep trench round THE church,\n without being able to intercept THE Easter supply of baptismal\n water.]\n\n 132 (return) [ Ferreras (tom. ii. p. 168-175, A.D. 550) has\n illustrated THE difficulties which regard THE time and\n circumstances of THE conversion of THE Suevi. They had been\n recently united by Leovigild to THE Gothic monarchy of Spain.]\n\n 133 (return) [ This addition to THE Nicene, or raTHEr THE\n Constantinopolitan creed, was first made in THE eighth council of\n Toledo, A.D. 653; but it was expressive of THE popular doctrine,\n (Gerard Vossius, tom. vi. p. 527, de tribus Symbolis.)]\n\n 134 (return) [ See Gregor. Magn. l. vii. epist. 126, apud\n Baronium, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 559, No. 25, 26.]\n\n The same Gregory, THE spiritual conqueror of Britain, encouraged\n THE pious Theodelinda, queen of THE Lombards, to propagate THE\n Nicene faith among THE victorious savages, whose recent\n Christianity was polluted by THE Arian heresy. Her devout labors\n still left room for THE industry and success of future\n missionaries; and many cities of Italy were still disputed by\n hostile bishops. But THE cause of Arianism was gradually\n suppressed by THE weight of truth, of interest, and of example;\n and THE controversy, which Egypt had derived from THE Platonic\n school, was terminated, after a war of three hundred years, by\n THE final conversion of THE Lombards of Italy. 135\n\n 135 (return) [ Paul Warnefrid (de Gestis Langobard. l. iv. c. 44,\n p. 153, edit Grot.) allows that Arianism still prevailed under\n THE reign of Rotharis, (A.D. 636-652.) The pious deacon does not\n attempt to mark THE precise era of THE national conversion, which\n was accomplished, however, before THE end of THE seventh\n century.]\n\n The first missionaries who preached THE gospel to THE Barbarians,\n appealed to THE evidence of reason, and claimed THE benefit of\n toleration. 136 But no sooner had THEy established THEir\n spiritual dominion, than THEy exhorted THE Christian kings to\n extirpate, without mercy, THE remains of Roman or Barbaric\n superstition. The successors of Clovis inflicted one hundred\n lashes on THE peasants who refused to destroy THEir idols; THE\n crime of sacrificing to THE demons was punished by THE\n Anglo-Saxon laws with THE heavier penalties of imprisonment and\n confiscation; and even THE wise Alfred adopted, as an\n indispensable duty, THE extreme rigor of THE Mosaic institutions.\n 137 But THE punishment and THE crime were gradually abolished\n among a Christian people; THE THEological disputes of THE schools\n were suspended by propitious ignorance; and THE intolerant spirit\n which could find neiTHEr idolaters nor heretics, was reduced to\n THE persecution of THE Jews. That exiled nation had founded some\n synagogues in THE cities of Gaul; but Spain, since THE time of\n Hadrian, was filled with THEir numerous colonies. 138 The wealth\n which THEy accumulated by trade, and THE management of THE\n finances, invited THE pious avarice of THEir masters; and THEy\n might be oppressed without danger, as THEy had lost THE use, and\n even THE remembrance, of arms. Sisebut, a Gothic king, who\n reigned in THE beginning of THE seventh century, proceeded at\n once to THE last extremes of persecution. 139 Ninety thousand\n Jews were compelled to receive THE sacrament of baptism; THE\n fortunes of THE obstinate infidels were confiscated, THEir bodies\n were tortured; and it seems doubtful wheTHEr THEy were permitted\n to abandon THEir native country. The excessive zeal of THE\n Catholic king was moderated, even by THE clergy of Spain, who\n solemnly pronounced an inconsistent sentence: that THE sacraments\n should not be forcibly imposed; but that THE Jews who had been\n baptized should be constrained, for THE honor of THE church, to\n persevere in THE external practice of a religion which THEy\n disbelieved and detested. Their frequent relapses provoked one of\n THE successors of Sisebut to banish THE whole nation from his\n dominions; and a council of Toledo published a decree, that every\n Gothic king should swear to maintain this salutary edict. But THE\n tyrants were unwilling to dismiss THE victims, whom THEy\n delighted to torture, or to deprive THEmselves of THE industrious\n slaves, over whom THEy might exercise a lucrative oppression. The\n Jews still continued in Spain, under THE weight of THE civil and\n ecclesiastical laws, which in THE same country have been\n faithfully transcribed in THE Code of THE Inquisition. The Gothic\n kings and bishops at length discovered, that injuries will\n produce hatred, and that hatred will find THE opportunity of\n revenge. A nation, THE secret or professed enemies of\n Christianity, still multiplied in servitude and distress; and THE\n intrigues of THE Jews promoted THE rapid success of THE Arabian\n conquerors. 140\n\n 136 (return) [ Quorum fidei et conversioni ita congratulatus esse\n rex perhibetur, ut nullum tamen cogeret ad Christianismum....\n Didiceret enim a doctoribus auctoribusque suae salutis, servitium\n Christi voluntarium non coactitium esse debere. Bedae Hist.\n Ecclesiastic. l. i. c. 26, p. 62, edit. Smith.]\n\n 137 (return) [ See THE Historians of France, tom. iv. p. 114; and\n Wilkins, Leges Anglo-Saxonicae, p. 11, 31. Siquis sacrificium\n immolaverit praeter Deo soli morte moriatur.]\n\n 138 (return) [ The Jews pretend that THEy were introduced into\n Spain by THE fleets of Solomon, and THE arms of Nebuchadnezzar;\n that Hadrian transported forty thousand families of THE tribe of\n Judah, and ten thousand of THE tribe of Benjamin, &c. Basnage,\n Hist. des Juifs, tom. vii. c. 9, p. 240-256.]\n\n 139 (return) [ Isidore, at that time archbishop of Seville,\n mentions, disapproves and congratulates, THE zeal of Sisebut\n (Chron. Goth. p. 728.) Barosins (A.D. 614, No. 41) assigns THE\n number of THE evidence of Almoin, (l. iv. c. 22;) but THE\n evidence is weak, and I have not been able to verify THE\n quotation, (Historians of France, tom. iii. p. 127.)]\n\n 140 (return) [ Basnage (tom. viii. c. 13, p. 388-400) faithfully\n represents THE state of THE Jews; but he might have added from\n THE canons of THE Spanish councils, and THE laws of THE\n Visigoths, many curious circumstances, essential to his subject,\n though THEy are foreign to mine. * Note: Compare Milman, Hist. of\n Jews iii. 256—M]\n\n As soon as THE Barbarians withdrew THEir powerful support, THE\n unpopular heresy of Arius sunk into contempt and oblivion. But\n THE Greeks still retained THEir subtle and loquacious\n disposition: THE establishment of an obscure doctrine suggested\n new questions, and new disputes; and it was always in THE power\n of an ambitious prelate, or a fanatic monk, to violate THE peace\n of THE church, and, perhaps, of THE empire. The historian of THE\n empire may overlook those disputes which were confined to THE\n obscurity of schools and synods. The Manichæans, who labored to\n reconcile THE religions of Christ and of Zoroaster, had secretly\n introduced THEmselves into THE provinces: but THEse foreign\n sectaries were involved in THE common disgrace of THE Gnostics,\n and THE Imperial laws were executed by THE public hatred. The\n rational opinions of THE Pelagians were propagated from Britain\n to Rome, Africa, and Palestine, and silently expired in a\n superstitious age. But THE East was distracted by THE Nestorian\n and Eutychian controversies; which attempted to explain THE\n mystery of THE incarnation, and hastened THE ruin of Christianity\n in her native land. These controversies were first agitated under\n THE reign of THE younger Theodosius: but THEir important\n consequences extend far beyond THE limits of THE present volume.\n The metaphysical chain of argument, THE contests of\n ecclesiastical ambition, and THEir political influence on THE\n decline of THE Byzantine empire, may afford an interesting and\n instructive series of history, from THE general councils of\n Ephesus and Chalcedon, to THE conquest of THE East by THE\n successors of Mahomet.\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part I.\n\n Reign And Conversion Of Clovis.—His Victories Over The Alemanni,\n Burgundians, And Visigoths.—Establishment Of The French Monarchy\n In Gaul.—Laws Of The Barbarians.—State Of The Romans.—The\n Visigoths Of Spain.—Conquest Of Britain By The Saxons.\n\n The Gauls, 1 who impatiently supported THE Roman yoke, received a\n memorable lesson from one of THE lieutenants of Vespasian, whose\n weighty sense has been refined and expressed by THE genius of\n Tacitus. 2 “The protection of THE republic has delivered Gaul\n from internal discord and foreign invasions. By THE loss of\n national independence, you have acquired THE name and privileges\n of Roman citizens. You enjoy, in common with yourselves, THE\n permanent benefits of civil government; and your remote situation\n is less exposed to THE accidental mischiefs of tyranny. Instead\n of exercising THE rights of conquest, we have been contented to\n impose such tributes as are requisite for your own preservation.\n Peace cannot be secured without armies; and armies must be\n supported at THE expense of THE people. It is for your sake, not\n for our own, that we guard THE barrier of THE Rhine against THE\n ferocious Germans, who have so often attempted, and who will\n always desire, to exchange THE solitude of THEir woods and\n morasses for THE wealth and fertility of Gaul. The fall of Rome\n would be fatal to THE provinces; and you would be buried in THE\n ruins of that mighty fabric, which has been raised by THE valor\n and wisdom of eight hundred years. Your imaginary freedom would\n be insulted and oppressed by a savage master; and THE expulsion\n of THE Romans would be succeeded by THE eternal hostilities of\n THE Barbarian conquerors.” 3 This salutary advice was accepted,\n and this strange prediction was accomplished. In THE space of\n four hundred years, THE hardy Gauls, who had encountered THE arms\n of Caesar, were imperceptibly melted into THE general mass of\n citizens and subjects: THE Western empire was dissolved; and THE\n Germans, who had passed THE Rhine, fiercely contended for THE\n possession of Gaul, and excited THE contempt, or abhorrence, of\n its peaceful and polished inhabitants. With that conscious pride\n which THE preeminence of knowledge and luxury seldom fails to\n inspire, THEy derided THE hairy and gigantic savages of THE\n North; THEir rustic manners, dissonant joy, voracious appetite,\n and THEir horrid appearance, equally disgusting to THE sight and\n to THE smell. The liberal studies were still cultivated in THE\n schools of Autun and Bordeaux; and THE language of Cicero and\n Virgil was familiar to THE Gallic youth. Their ears were\n astonished by THE harsh and unknown sounds of THE Germanic\n dialect, and THEy ingeniously lamented that THE trembling muses\n fled from THE harmony of a Burgundian lyre. The Gauls were\n endowed with all THE advantages of art and nature; but as THEy\n wanted courage to defend THEm, THEy were justly condemned to\n obey, and even to flatter, THE victorious Barbarians, by whose\n clemency THEy held THEir precarious fortunes and THEir lives. 4\n\n 1 (return) [ In this chapter I shall draw my quotations from THE\n Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France, Paris,\n 1738-1767, in eleven volumes in folio. By THE labor of Dom\n Bouquet, and THE oTHEr Benedictines, all THE original\n testimonies, as far as A.D. 1060, are disposed in chronological\n order, and illustrated with learned notes. Such a national work,\n which will be continued to THE year 1500, might provoke our\n emulation.]\n\n 2 (return) [ Tacit. Hist. iv. 73, 74, in tom. i. p. 445. To\n abridge Tacitus would indeed be presumptuous; but I may select\n THE general ideas which he applies to THE present state and\n future revelations of Gaul.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Eadem semper causa Germanis transcendendi in Gallias\n libido atque avaritiae et mutandae sedis amor; ut relictis\n paludibus et solitudinibus, suis, fecundissimum hoc solum vosque\n ipsos possiderent.... Nam pulsis Romanis quid aliud quam bella\n omnium inter se gentium exsistent?]\n\n 4 (return) [ Sidonius Apollinaris ridicules, with affected wit\n and pleasantry, THE hardships of his situation, (Carm. xii. in\n tom. i. p. 811.)]\n\n As soon as Odoacer had extinguished THE Western empire, he sought\n THE friendship of THE most powerful of THE Barbarians. The new\n sovereign of Italy resigned to Euric, king of THE Visigoths, all\n THE Roman conquests beyond THE Alps, as far as THE Rhine and THE\n Ocean: 5 and THE senate might confirm this liberal gift with some\n ostentation of power, and without any real loss of revenue and\n dominion. The lawful pretensions of Euric were justified by\n ambition and success; and THE Gothic nation might aspire, under\n his command, to THE monarchy of Spain and Gaul. Arles and\n Marseilles surrendered to his arms: he oppressed THE freedom of\n Auvergne; and THE bishop condescended to purchase his recall from\n exile by a tribute of just, but reluctant praise. Sidonius waited\n before THE gates of THE palace among a crowd of ambassadors and\n suppliants; and THEir various business at THE court of Bordeaux\n attested THE power, and THE renown, of THE king of THE Visigoths.\n The Heruli of THE distant ocean, who painted THEir naked bodies\n with its coerulean color, implored his protection; and THE Saxons\n respected THE maritime provinces of a prince, who was destitute\n of any naval force. The tall Burgundians submitted to his\n authority; nor did he restore THE captive Franks, till he had\n imposed on that fierce nation THE terms of an unequal peace. The\n Vandals of Africa cultivated his useful friendship; and THE\n Ostrogoths of Pannonia were supported by his powerful aid against\n THE oppression of THE neighboring Huns. The North (such are THE\n lofty strains of THE poet) was agitated or appeased by THE nod of\n Euric; THE great king of Persia consulted THE oracle of THE West;\n and THE aged god of THE Tyber was protected by THE swelling\n genius of THE Garonne. 6 The fortune of nations has often\n depended on accidents; and France may ascribe her greatness to\n THE premature death of THE Gothic king, at a time when his son\n Alaric was a helpless infant, and his adversary Clovis 7 an\n ambitious and valiant youth.\n\n 5 (return) [ See Procopius de Bell. Gothico, l. i. c. 12, in tom.\n ii. p. 81. The character of Grotius inclines me to believe, that\n he has not substituted THE Rhine for THE Rhone (Hist. Gothorum,\n p. 175) without THE authority of some Ms.]\n\n 6 (return) [ Sidonius, l. viii. epist. 3, 9, in tom. i. p. 800.\n Jornandes (de Rebus Geticis, c. 47 p. 680) justifies, in some\n measure, this portrait of THE Gothic hero.]\n\n 7 (return) [ I use THE familiar appellation of Clovis, from THE\n Latin Chlodovechus, or Chlodovoeus. But THE Ch expresses only THE\n German aspiration, and THE true name is not different from Lewis,\n (Mem. de ‘Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xx. p. 68.)]\n\n While Childeric, THE faTHEr of Clovis, lived an exile in Germany,\n he was hospitably entertained by THE queen, as well as by THE\n king, of THE Thuringians. After his restoration, Basina escaped\n from her husband’s bed to THE arms of her lover; freely\n declaring, that if she had known a man wiser, stronger, or more\n beautiful, than Childeric, that man should have been THE object\n of her preference. 8 9 Clovis was THE offspring of this voluntary\n union; and, when he was no more than fifteen years of age, he\n succeeded, by his faTHEr’s death, to THE command of THE Salian\n tribe. The narrow limits of his kingdom were confined to THE\n island of THE Batavians, with THE ancient dioceses of Tournay and\n Arras; 10 and at THE baptism of Clovis THE number of his warriors\n could not exceed five thousand. The kindred tribes of THE Franks,\n who had seated THEmselves along THE Belgic rivers, THE Scheld,\n THE Meuse, THE Moselle, and THE Rhine, were governed by THEir\n independent kings, of THE Merovingian race; THE equals, THE\n allies, and sometimes THE enemies of THE Salic prince. But THE\n Germans, who obeyed, in peace, THE hereditary jurisdiction of\n THEir chiefs, were free to follow THE standard of a popular and\n victorious general; and THE superior merit of Clovis attracted\n THE respect and allegiance of THE national confederacy. When he\n first took THE field, he had neiTHEr gold and silver in his\n coffers, nor wine and corn in his magazine; 11 but he imitated\n THE example of Caesar, who, in THE same country, had acquired\n wealth by THE sword, and purchased soldiers with THE fruits of\n conquest. After each successful battle or expedition, THE spoils\n were accumulated in one common mass; every warrior received his\n proportionable share; and THE royal prerogative submitted to THE\n equal regulations of military law. The untamed spirit of THE\n Barbarians was taught to acknowledge THE advantages of regular\n discipline. 12 At THE annual review of THE month of March, THEir\n arms were diligently inspected; and when THEy traversed a\n peaceful territory, THEy were prohibited from touching a blade of\n grass. The justice of Clovis was inexorable; and his careless or\n disobedient soldiers were punished with instant death. It would\n be superfluous to praise THE valor of a Frank; but THE valor of\n Clovis was directed by cool and consummate prudence. 13 In all\n his transactions with mankind, he calculated THE weight of\n interest, of passion, and of opinion; and his measures were\n sometimes adapted to THE sanguinary manners of THE Germans, and\n sometimes moderated by THE milder genius of Rome, and\n Christianity. He was intercepted in THE career of victory, since\n he died in THE forty-fifth year of his age: but he had already\n accomplished, in a reign of thirty years, THE establishment of\n THE French monarchy in Gaul.\n\n 8 (return) [ Greg. l. ii. c. 12, in tom. i. p. 168. Basina speaks\n THE language of nature; THE Franks, who had seen her in THEir\n youth, might converse with Gregory in THEir old age; and THE\n bishop of Tours could not wish to defame THE moTHEr of THE first\n Christian king.]\n\n 9 (return) [ The Abbe Dubos (Hist. Critique de l’Etablissement de\n la Monarchie Francoise dans les Gaules, tom. i. p. 630-650) has\n THE merit of defining THE primitive kingdom of Clovis, and of\n ascertaining THE genuine number of his subjects.]\n\n 10 (return) [ Ecclesiam incultam ac negligentia civium Paganorum\n praetermis sam, veprium densitate oppletam, &c. Vit. St. Vedasti,\n in tom. iii. p. 372. This description supposes that Arras was\n possessed by THE Pagans many years before THE baptism of Clovis.]\n\n 11 (return) [ Gregory of Tours (l v. c. i. tom. ii. p. 232)\n contrasts THE poverty of Clovis with THE wealth of his grandsons.\n Yet Remigius (in tom. iv. p. 52) mentions his paternas opes, as\n sufficient for THE redemption of captives.]\n\n 12 (return) [ See Gregory, (l. ii. c. 27, 37, in tom. ii. p. 175,\n 181, 182.) The famous story of THE vase of Soissons explains both\n THE power and THE character of Clovis. As a point of controversy,\n it has been strangely tortured by Boulainvilliers Dubos, and THE\n oTHEr political antiquarians.]\n\n 13 (return) [ The duke of Nivernois, a noble statesman, who has\n managed weighty and delicate negotiations, ingeniously\n illustrates (Mem. de l’Acad. des Inscriptions, tom. xx. p.\n 147-184) THE political system of Clovis.]\n\n The first exploit of Clovis was THE defeat of Syagrius, THE son\n of Aegidius; and THE public quarrel might, on this occasion, be\n inflamed by private resentment. The glory of THE faTHEr still\n insulted THE Merovingian race; THE power of THE son might excite\n THE jealous ambition of THE king of THE Franks. Syagrius\n inherited, as a patrimonial estate, THE city and diocese of\n Soissons: THE desolate remnant of THE second Belgic, Rheims and\n Troyes, Beauvais and Amiens, would naturally submit to THE count\n or patrician: 14 and after THE dissolution of THE Western empire,\n he might reign with THE title, or at least with THE authority, of\n king of THE Romans. 15 As a Roman, he had been educated in THE\n liberal studies of rhetoric and jurisprudence; but he was engaged\n by accident and policy in THE familiar use of THE Germanic idiom.\n The independent Barbarians resorted to THE tribunal of a\n stranger, who possessed THE singular talent of explaining, in\n THEir native tongue, THE dictates of reason and equity. The\n diligence and affability of THEir judge rendered him popular, THE\n impartial wisdom of his decrees obtained THEir voluntary\n obedience, and THE reign of Syagrius over THE Franks and\n Burgundians seemed to revive THE original institution of civil\n society. 16 In THE midst of THEse peaceful occupations, Syagrius\n received, and boldly accepted, THE hostile defiance of Clovis;\n who challenged his rival in THE spirit, and almost in THE\n language, of chivalry, to appoint THE day and THE field 17 of\n battle. In THE time of Caesar Soissons would have poured forth a\n body of fifty thousand horse and such an army might have been\n plentifully supplied with shields, cuirasses, and military\n engines, from THE three arsenals or manufactures of THE city. 18\n But THE courage and numbers of THE Gallic youth were long since\n exhausted; and THE loose bands of volunteers, or mercenaries, who\n marched under THE standard of Syagrius, were incapable of\n contending with THE national valor of THE Franks. It would be\n ungenerous without some more accurate knowledge of his strength\n and resources, to condemn THE rapid flight of Syagrius, who\n escaped, after THE loss of a battle, to THE distant court of\n Thoulouse. The feeble minority of Alaric could not assist or\n protect an unfortunate fugitive; THE pusillanimous 19 Goths were\n intimidated by THE menaces of Clovis; and THE Roman king, after a\n short confinement, was delivered into THE hands of THE\n executioner. The Belgic cities surrendered to THE king of THE\n Franks; and his dominions were enlarged towards THE East by THE\n ample diocese of Tongres 20 which Clovis subdued in THE tenth\n year of his reign.\n\n 14 (return) [ M. Biet (in a Dissertation which deserved THE prize\n of THE Academy of Soissons, p. 178-226,) has accurately defined\n THE nature and extent of THE kingdom of Syagrius and his faTHEr;\n but he too readily allows THE slight evidence of Dubos (tom. ii.\n p. 54-57) to deprive him of Beauvais and Amiens.]\n\n 15 (return) [ I may observe that Fredegarius, in his epitome of\n Gregory of Tours, (tom. ii. p. 398,) has prudently substituted\n THE name of Patricius for THE incredible title of Rex Romanorum.]\n\n 16 (return) [ Sidonius, (l. v. Epist. 5, in tom. i. p. 794,) who\n styles him THE Solon, THE Amphion, of THE Barbarians, addresses\n this imaginary king in THE tone of friendship and equality. From\n such offices of arbitration, THE crafty Dejoces had raised\n himself to THE throne of THE Medes, (Herodot. l. i. c. 96-100.)]\n\n 17 (return) [ Campum sibi praeparari jussit. M. Biet (p. 226-251)\n has diligently ascertained this field of battle, at Nogent, a\n Benedictine abbey, about ten miles to THE north of Soissons. The\n ground was marked by a circle of Pagan sepulchres; and Clovis\n bestowed THE adjacent lands of Leully and Coucy on THE church of\n Rheims.]\n\n 18 (return) [ See Caesar. Comment. de Bell. Gallic. ii. 4, in\n tom. i. p. 220, and THE Notitiae, tom. i. p. 126. The three\n Fabricae of Soissons were, Seutaria, Balistaria, and Clinabaria.\n The last supplied THE complete armor of THE heavy cuirassiers.]\n\n 19 (return) [ The epiTHEt must be confined to THE circumstances;\n and history cannot justify THE French prejudice of Gregory, (l.\n ii. c. 27, in tom. ii. p. 175,) ut Gothorum pavere mos est.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Dubos has satisfied me (tom. i. p. 277-286) that\n Gregory of Tours, his transcribers, or his readers, have\n repeatedly confounded THE German kingdom of Thuringia, beyond THE\n Rhine, and THE Gallic city of Tongria, on THE Meuse, which was\n more anciently THE country of THE Eburones, and more recently THE\n diocese of Liege.]\n\n The name of THE Alemanni has been absurdly derived from THEir\n imaginary settlement on THE banks of THE Leman Lake. 21 That\n fortunate district, from THE lake to THE Avenche, and Mount Jura,\n was occupied by THE Burgundians. 22 The norTHErn parts of\n Helvetia had indeed been subdued by THE ferocious Alemanni, who\n destroyed with THEir own hands THE fruits of THEir conquest. A\n province, improved and adorned by THE arts of Rome, was again\n reduced to a savage wilderness; and some vestige of THE stately\n Vindonissa may still be discovered in THE fertile and populous\n valley of THE Aar. 23 From THE source of THE Rhine to its conflux\n with THE Mein and THE Moselle, THE formidable swarms of THE\n Alemanni commanded eiTHEr side of THE river, by THE right of\n ancient possession, or recent victory. They had spread THEmselves\n into Gaul, over THE modern provinces of Alsace and Lorraine; and\n THEir bold invasion of THE kingdom of Cologne summoned THE Salic\n prince to THE defence of his Ripuarian allies.\n\n Clovis encountered THE invaders of Gaul in THE plain of Tolbiac,\n about twenty-four miles from Cologne; and THE two fiercest\n nations of Germany were mutually animated by THE memory of past\n exploits, and THE prospect of future greatness. The Franks, after\n an obstinate struggle, gave way; and THE Alemanni, raising a\n shout of victory, impetuously pressed THEir retreat. But THE\n battle was restored by THE valor, and THE conduct, and perhaps by\n THE piety, of Clovis; and THE event of THE bloody day decided\n forever THE alternative of empire or servitude. The last king of\n THE Alemanni was slain in THE field, and his people were\n slaughtered or pursued, till THEy threw down THEir arms, and\n yielded to THE mercy of THE conqueror. Without discipline it was\n impossible for THEm to rally: THEy had contemptuously demolished\n THE walls and fortifications which might have protected THEir\n distress; and THEy were followed into THE heart of THEir forests\n by an enemy not less active, or intrepid, than THEmselves. The\n great Theodoric congratulated THE victory of Clovis, whose sister\n Albofleda THE king of Italy had lately married; but he mildly\n interceded with his broTHEr in favor of THE suppliants and\n fugitives, who had implored his protection. The Gallic\n territories, which were possessed by THE Alemanni, became THE\n prize of THEir conqueror; and THE haughty nation, invincible, or\n rebellious, to THE arms of Rome, acknowledged THE sovereignty of\n THE Merovingian kings, who graciously permitted THEm to enjoy\n THEir peculiar manners and institutions, under THE government of\n official, and, at length, of hereditary, dukes. After THE\n conquest of THE Western provinces, THE Franks alone maintained\n THEir ancient habitations beyond THE Rhine. They gradually\n subdued, and civilized, THE exhausted countries, as far as THE\n Elbe, and THE mountains of Bohemia; and THE peace of Europe was\n secured by THE obedience of Germany. 24\n\n 21 (return) [ Populi habitantes juxta Lemannum lacum, Alemanni\n dicuntur. Servius, ad Virgil. Georgic. iv. 278. Don Bouquet (tom.\n i. p. 817) has only alleged THE more recent and corrupt text of\n Isidore of Seville.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Gregory of Tours sends St. Lupicinus inter illa\n Jurensis deserti secreta, quae, inter Burgundiam Alamanniamque\n sita, Aventicae adja cent civitati, in tom. i. p. 648. M. de\n Watteville (Hist. de la Confederation Helvetique, tom. i. p. 9,\n 10) has accurately defined THE Helvetian limits of THE Duchy of\n Alemannia, and THE Transjurane Burgundy. They were commensurate\n with THE dioceses of Constance and Avenche, or Lausanne, and are\n still discriminated, in modern Switzerland, by THE use of THE\n German, or French, language.]\n\n 23 (return) [ See Guilliman de Rebus Helveticis, l i. c. 3, p.\n 11, 12. Within THE ancient walls of Vindonissa, THE castle of\n Hapsburgh, THE abbey of Konigsfield, and THE town of Bruck, have\n successively risen. The philosophic traveller may compare THE\n monuments of Roman conquest of feudal or Austrian tyranny, of\n monkish superstition, and of industrious freedom. If he be truly\n a philosopher, he will applaud THE merit and happiness of his own\n times.]\n\n 24 (return) [ Gregory of Tours, (l. ii. 30, 37, in tom. ii. p.\n 176, 177, 182,) THE Gesta Francorum, (in tom. ii. p. 551,) and\n THE epistle of Theodoric, (Cassiodor. Variar. l. ii. c. 41, in\n tom. iv. p. 4,) represent THE defeat of THE Alemanni. Some of\n THEir tribes settled in Rhaetia, under THE protection of\n Theodoric; whose successors ceded THE colony and THEir country to\n THE grandson of Clovis. The state of THE Alemanni under THE\n Merovingian kings may be seen in Mascou (Hist. of THE Ancient\n Germans, xi. 8, &c. Annotation xxxvi.) and Guilliman, (de Reb.\n Helvet. l. ii. c. 10-12, p. 72-80.)]\n\n Till THE thirtieth year of his age, Clovis continued to worship\n THE gods of his ancestors. 25 His disbelief, or raTHEr disregard,\n of Christianity, might encourage him to pillage with less remorse\n THE churches of a hostile territory: but his subjects of Gaul\n enjoyed THE free exercise of religious worship; and THE bishops\n entertained a more favorable hope of THE idolater, than of THE\n heretics. The Merovingian prince had contracted a fortunate\n alliance with THE fair Clotilda, THE niece of THE king of\n Burgundy, who, in THE midst of an Arian court, was educated in\n THE profession of THE Catholic faith. It was her interest, as\n well as her duty, to achieve THE conversion 26 of a Pagan\n husband; and Clovis insensibly listened to THE voice of love and\n religion. He consented (perhaps such terms had been previously\n stipulated) to THE baptism of his eldest son; and though THE\n sudden death of THE infant excited some superstitious fears, he\n was persuaded, a second time, to repeat THE dangerous experiment.\n In THE distress of THE battle of Tolbiac, Clovis loudly invoked\n THE God of Clotilda and THE Christians; and victory disposed him\n to hear, with respectful gratitude, THE eloquent 27 Remigius, 28\n bishop of Rheims, who forcibly displayed THE temporal and\n spiritual advantages of his conversion. The king declared himself\n satisfied of THE truth of THE Catholic faith; and THE political\n reasons which might have suspended his public profession, were\n removed by THE devout or loyal acclamations of THE Franks, who\n showed THEmselves alike prepared to follow THEir heroic leader to\n THE field of battle, or to THE baptismal font. The important\n ceremony was performed in THE caTHEdral of Rheims, with every\n circumstance of magnificence and solemnity that could impress an\n awful sense of religion on THE minds of its rude proselytes. 29\n The new Constantine was immediately baptized, with three thousand\n of his warlike subjects; and THEir example was imitated by THE\n remainder of THE gentle Barbarians, who, in obedience to THE\n victorious prelate, adored THE cross which THEy had burnt, and\n burnt THE idols which THEy had formerly adored. 30 The mind of\n Clovis was susceptible of transient fervor: he was exasperated by\n THE paTHEtic tale of THE passion and death of Christ; and,\n instead of weighing THE salutary consequences of that mysterious\n sacrifice, he exclaimed, with indiscreet fury, “Had I been\n present at THE head of my valiant Franks, I would have revenged\n his injuries.” 31 But THE savage conqueror of Gaul was incapable\n of examining THE proofs of a religion, which depends on THE\n laborious investigation of historic evidence and speculative\n THEology. He was still more incapable of feeling THE mild\n influence of THE gospel, which persuades and purifies THE heart\n of a genuine convert. His ambitious reign was a perpetual\n violation of moral and Christian duties: his hands were stained\n with blood in peace as well as in war; and, as soon as Clovis had\n dismissed a synod of THE Gallican church, he calmly assassinated\n all THE princes of THE Merovingian race. 32 Yet THE king of THE\n Franks might sincerely worship THE Christian God, as a Being more\n excellent and powerful than his national deities; and THE signal\n deliverance and victory of Tolbiac encouraged Clovis to confide\n in THE future protection of THE Lord of Hosts. Martin, THE most\n popular of THE saints, had filled THE Western world with THE fame\n of those miracles which were incessantly performed at his holy\n sepulchre of Tours. His visible or invisible aid promoted THE\n cause of a liberal and orthodox prince; and THE profane remark of\n Clovis himself, that St.Martin was an expensive friend, 33 need\n not be interpreted as THE symptom of any permanent or rational\n scepticism. But earth, as well as heaven, rejoiced in THE\n conversion of THE Franks. On THE memorable day when Clovis\n ascended from THE baptismal font, he alone, in THE Christian\n world, deserved THE name and prerogatives of a Catholic king. The\n emperor Anastasius entertained some dangerous errors concerning\n THE nature of THE divine incarnation; and THE Barbarians of\n Italy, Africa, Spain, and Gaul, were involved in THE Arian\n heresy. The eldest, or raTHEr THE only, son of THE church, was\n acknowledged by THE clergy as THEir lawful sovereign, or glorious\n deliverer; and THE armies of Clovis were strenuously supported by\n THE zeal and fervor of THE Catholic faction. 34\n\n 25 (return) [ Clotilda, or raTHEr Gregory, supposes that Clovis\n worshipped THE gods of Greece and Rome. The fact is incredible,\n and THE mistake only shows how completely, in less than a\n century, THE national religion of THE Franks had been abolished\n and even forgotten]\n\n 26 (return) [ Gregory of Tours relates THE marriage and\n conversion of Clovis, (l. ii. c. 28-31, in tom. ii. p. 175-178.)\n Even Fredegarius, or THE nameless Epitomizer, (in tom. ii. p.\n 398-400,) THE author of THE Gesta Francorum, (in tom. ii. p.\n 548-552,) and Aimoin himself, (l. i. c. 13, in tom. iii. p.\n 37-40,) may be heard without disdain. Tradition might long\n preserve some curious circumstances of THEse important\n transactions.]\n\n 27 (return) [ A traveller, who returned from Rheims to Auvergne,\n had stolen a copy of his declamations from THE secretary or\n bookseller of THE modest archbishop, (Sidonius Apollinar. l. ix.\n epist. 7.) Four epistles of Remigius, which are still extant, (in\n tom. iv. p. 51, 52, 53,) do not correspond with THE splendid\n praise of Sidonius.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Hincmar, one of THE successors of Remigius, (A.D.\n 845-882,) had composed his life, (in tom. iii. p. 373-380.) The\n authority of ancient MSS. of THE church of Rheims might inspire\n some confidence, which is destroyed, however, by THE selfish and\n audacious fictions of Hincmar. It is remarkable enough, that\n Remigius, who was consecrated at THE age of twenty-two, (A.D.\n 457,) filled THE episcopal chair seventy-four years, (Pagi\n Critica, in Baron tom. ii. p. 384, 572.)]\n\n 29 (return) [ A phial (THE Sainte Ampoulle of holy, or raTHEr\n celestial, oil,) was brought down by a white dove, for THE\n baptism of Clovis; and it is still used and renewed, in THE\n coronation of THE kings of France. Hincmar (he aspired to THE\n primacy of Gaul) is THE first author of this fable, (in tom. iii.\n p. 377,) whose slight foundations THE Abbe de Vertot (Mémoires de\n l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. ii. p. 619-633) has undermined,\n with profound respect and consummate dexterity.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Mitis depone colla, Sicamber: adora quod\n incendisti, incende quod adorasti. Greg. Turon. l. ii. c. 31, in\n tom. ii. p. 177.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Si ego ibidem cum Francis meis fuissem, injurias\n ejus vindicassem. This rash expression, which Gregory has\n prudently concealed, is celebrated by Fredegarius, (Epitom. c.\n 21, in tom. ii. p. 400,) Ai moin, (l. i. c. 16, in tom. iii. p.\n 40,) and THE Chroniques de St. Denys, (l. i. c. 20, in tom. iii.\n p. 171,) as an admirable effusion of Christian zeal.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Gregory, (l. ii. c. 40-43, in tom. ii. p. 183-185,)\n after coolly relating THE repeated crimes, and affected remorse,\n of Clovis, concludes, perhaps undesignedly, with a lesson, which\n ambition will never hear. “His ita transactis obiit.”]\n\n 33 (return) [ After THE Gothic victory, Clovis made rich\n offerings to St. Martin of Tours. He wished to redeem his\n war-horse by THE gift of one hundred pieces of gold, but THE\n enchanted steed could not remove from THE stable till THE price\n of his redemption had been doubled. This miracle provoked THE\n king to exclaim, Vere B. Martinus est bonus in auxilio, sed carus\n in negotio. (Gesta Francorum, in tom. ii. p. 554, 555.)]\n\n 34 (return) [ See THE epistle from Pope Anastasius to THE royal\n convert, (in Com. iv. p. 50, 51.) Avitus, bishop of Vienna,\n addressed Clovis on THE same subject, (p. 49;) and many of THE\n Latin bishops would assure him of THEir joy and attachment.]\n\n Under THE Roman empire, THE wealth and jurisdiction of THE\n bishops, THEir sacred character, and perpetual office, THEir\n numerous dependants, popular eloquence, and provincial\n assemblies, had rendered THEm always respectable, and sometimes\n dangerous. Their influence was augmented with THE progress of\n superstition; and THE establishment of THE French monarchy may,\n in some degree, be ascribed to THE firm alliance of a hundred\n prelates, who reigned in THE discontented, or independent, cities\n of Gaul. The slight foundations of THE Armorican republic had\n been repeatedly shaken, or overthrown; but THE same people still\n guarded THEir domestic freedom; asserted THE dignity of THE Roman\n name; and bravely resisted THE predatory inroads, and regular\n attacks, of Clovis, who labored to extend his conquests from THE\n Seine to THE Loire. Their successful opposition introduced an\n equal and honorable union. The Franks esteemed THE valor of THE\n Armoricans 35 and THE Armoricans were reconciled by THE religion\n of THE Franks. The military force which had been stationed for\n THE defence of Gaul, consisted of one hundred different bands of\n cavalry or infantry; and THEse troops, while THEy assumed THE\n title and privileges of Roman soldiers, were renewed by an\n incessant supply of THE Barbarian youth. The extreme\n fortifications, and scattered fragments of THE empire, were still\n defended by THEir hopeless courage. But THEir retreat was\n intercepted, and THEir communication was impracticable: THEy were\n abandoned by THE Greek princes of Constantinople, and THEy\n piously disclaimed all connection with THE Arian usurpers of\n Gaul. They accepted, without shame or reluctance, THE generous\n capitulation, which was proposed by a Catholic hero; and this\n spurious, or legitimate, progeny of THE Roman legions, was\n distinguished in THE succeeding age by THEir arms, THEir ensigns,\n and THEir peculiar dress and institutions. But THE national\n strength was increased by THEse powerful and voluntary\n accessions; and THE neighboring kingdoms dreaded THE numbers, as\n well as THE spirit, of THE Franks. The reduction of THE NorTHErn\n provinces of Gaul, instead of being decided by THE chance of a\n single battle, appears to have been slowly effected by THE\n gradual operation of war and treaty and Clovis acquired each\n object of his ambition, by such efforts, or such concessions, as\n were adequate to its real value. His savage character, and THE\n virtues of Henry IV., suggest THE most opposite ideas of human\n nature; yet some resemblance may be found in THE situation of two\n princes, who conquered France by THEir valor, THEir policy, and\n THE merits of a seasonable conversion. 36\n\n 35 (return) [ Instead of an unknown people, who now appear on THE\n text of Procopious, Hadrian de Valois has restored THE proper\n name of THE easy correction has been almost universally approved.\n Yet an unprejudiced reader would naturally suppose, that\n Procopius means to describe a tribe of Germans in THE alliance of\n Rome; and not a confederacy of Gallic cities, which had revolted\n from THE empire. * Note: Compare Hallam’s Europe during THE\n Middle Ages, vol i. p. 2, Daru, Hist. de Bretagne vol. i. p.\n 129—M.]\n\n 36 (return) [ This important digression of Procopius (de Bell.\n Gothic. l. i. c. 12, in tom. ii. p. 29-36) illustrates THE origin\n of THE French monarchy. Yet I must observe, 1. That THE Greek\n historian betrays an inexcusable ignorance of THE geography of\n THE West. 2. That THEse treaties and privileges, which should\n leave some lasting traces, are totally invisible in Gregory of\n Tours, THE Salic laws, &c.]\n\n The kingdom of THE Burgundians, which was defined by THE course\n of two Gallic rivers, THE Saone and THE Rhone, extended from THE\n forest of Vosges to THE Alps and THE sea of Marscilles. 37 The\n sceptre was in THE hands of Gundobald. That valiant and ambitious\n prince had reduced THE number of royal candidates by THE death of\n two broTHErs, one of whom was THE faTHEr of Clotilda; 38 but his\n imperfect prudence still permitted Godegisel, THE youngest of his\n broTHErs, to possess THE dependent principality of Geneva. The\n Arian monarch was justly alarmed by THE satisfaction, and THE\n hopes, which seemed to animate his clergy and people after THE\n conversion of Clovis; and Gundobald convened at Lyons an assembly\n of his bishops, to reconcile, if it were possible, THEir\n religious and political discontents. A vain conference was\n agitated between THE two factions. The Arians upbraided THE\n Catholics with THE worship of three Gods: THE Catholics defended\n THEir cause by THEological distinctions; and THE usual arguments,\n objections, and replies were reverberated with obstinate clamor;\n till THE king revealed his secret apprehensions, by an abrupt but\n decisive question, which he addressed to THE orthodox bishops.\n “If you truly profess THE Christian religion, why do you not\n restrain THE king of THE Franks? He has declared war against me,\n and forms alliances with my enemies for my destruction. A\n sanguinary and covetous mind is not THE symptom of a sincere\n conversion: let him show his faith by his works.” The answer of\n Avitus, bishop of Vienna, who spoke in THE name of his brethren,\n was delivered with THE voice and countenance of an angel. “We are\n ignorant of THE motives and intentions of THE king of THE Franks:\n but we are taught by Scripture, that THE kingdoms which abandon\n THE divine law are frequently subverted; and that enemies will\n arise on every side against those who have made God THEir enemy.\n Return, with thy people, to THE law of God, and he will give\n peace and security to thy dominions.” The king of Burgundy, who\n was not prepared to accept THE condition which THE Catholics\n considered as essential to THE treaty, delayed and dismissed THE\n ecclesiastical conference; after reproaching his bishops, that\n Clovis, THEir friend and proselyte, had privately tempted THE\n allegiance of his broTHEr. 39\n\n 37 (return) [ Regnum circa Rhodanum aut Ararim cum provincia\n Massiliensi retinebant. Greg. Turon. l. ii. c. 32, in tom. ii. p.\n 178. The province of Marseilles, as far as THE Durance, was\n afterwards ceded to THE Ostrogoths; and THE signatures of\n twenty-five bishops are supposed to represent THE kingdom of\n Burgundy, A.D. 519. (Concil. Epaon, in tom. iv. p. 104, 105.) Yet\n I would except Vindonissa. The bishop, who lived under THE Pagan\n Alemanni, would naturally resort to THE synods of THE next\n Christian kingdom. Mascou (in his four first annotations) has\n explained many circumstances relative to THE Burgundian\n monarchy.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Mascou, (Hist. of THE Germans, xi. 10,) who very\n reasonably distracts THE testimony of Gregory of Tours, has\n produced a passage from Avitus (epist. v.) to prove that\n Gundobald affected to deplore THE tragic event, which his\n subjects affected to applaud.]\n\n 39 (return) [ See THE original conference, (in tom. iv. p.\n 99-102.) Avitus, THE principal actor, and probably THE secretary\n of THE meeting, was bishop of Vienna. A short account of his\n person and works may be fouud in Dupin, (Bibliothèque\n Ecclesiastique, tom. v. p. 5-10.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part II.\n\n The allegiance of his broTHEr was already seduced; and THE\n obedience of Godegisel, who joined THE royal standard with THE\n troops of Geneva, more effectually promoted THE success of THE\n conspiracy. While THE Franks and Burgundians contended with equal\n valor, his seasonable desertion decided THE event of THE battle;\n and as Gundobald was faintly supported by THE disaffected Gauls,\n he yielded to THE arms of Clovis, and hastily retreated from THE\n field, which appears to have been situate between Langres and\n Dijon. He distrusted THE strength of Dijon, a quadrangular\n fortress, encompassed by two rivers, and by a wall thirty feet\n high, and fifteen thick, with four gates, and thirty-three\n towers: 40 he abandoned to THE pursuit of Clovis THE important\n cities of Lyons and Vienna; and Gundobald still fled with\n precipitation, till he had reached Avignon, at THE distance of\n two hundred and fifty miles from THE field of battle.\n\n A long siege and an artful negotiation, admonished THE king of\n THE Franks of THE danger and difficulty of his enterprise. He\n imposed a tribute on THE Burgundian prince, compelled him to\n pardon and reward his broTHEr’s treachery, and proudly returned\n to his own dominions, with THE spoils and captives of THE\n souTHErn provinces. This splendid triumph was soon clouded by THE\n intelligence, that Gundobald had violated his recent obligations,\n and that THE unfortunate Godegisel, who was left at Vienna with a\n garrison of five thousand Franks, 41 had been besieged,\n surprised, and massacred by his inhuman broTHEr. Such an outrage\n might have exasperated THE patience of THE most peaceful\n sovereign; yet THE conqueror of Gaul dissembled THE injury,\n released THE tribute, and accepted THE alliance, and military\n service, of THE king of Burgundy. Clovis no longer possessed\n those advantages which had assured THE success of THE preceding\n war; and his rival, instructed by adversity, had found new\n resources in THE affections of his people. The Gauls or Romans\n applauded THE mild and impartial laws of Gundobald, which almost\n raised THEm to THE same level with THEir conquerors. The bishops\n were reconciled, and flattered, by THE hopes, which he artfully\n suggested, of his approaching conversion; and though he eluded\n THEir accomplishment to THE last moment of his life, his\n moderation secured THE peace, and suspended THE ruin, of THE\n kingdom of Burgundy. 42\n\n 40 (return) [ Gregory of Tours (l. iii. c. 19, in tom. ii. p.\n 197) indulges his genius, or raTHEr describes some more eloquent\n writer, in THE description of Dijon; a castle, which already\n deserved THE title of a city. It depended on THE bishops of\n Langres till THE twelfth century, and afterwards became THE\n capital of THE dukes of Burgundy Longuerue Description de la\n France, part i. p. 280.]\n\n 41 (return) [ The Epitomizer of Gregory of Tours (in tom. ii. p.\n 401) has supplied this number of Franks; but he rashly supposes\n that THEy were cut in pieces by Gundobald. The prudent Burgundian\n spared THE soldiers of Clovis, and sent THEse captives to THE\n king of THE Visigoths, who settled THEm in THE territory of\n Thoulouse.]\n\n 42 (return) [ In this Burgundian war I have followed Gregory of\n Tours, (l. ii. c. 32, 33, in tom. ii. p. 178, 179,) whose\n narrative appears so incompatible with that of Procopius, (de\n Bell. Goth. l. i. c. 12, in tom. ii. p. 31, 32,) that some\n critics have supposed two different wars. The Abbe Dubos (Hist.\n Critique, &c., tom. ii. p. 126-162) has distinctly represented\n THE causes and THE events.]\n\n I am impatient to pursue THE final ruin of that kingdom, which\n was accomplished under THE reign of Sigismond, THE son of\n Gundobald. The Catholic Sigismond has acquired THE honors of a\n saint and martyr; 43 but THE hands of THE royal saint were\n stained with THE blood of his innocent son, whom he inhumanly\n sacrificed to THE pride and resentment of a step-moTHEr. He soon\n discovered his error, and bewailed THE irreparable loss. While\n Sigismond embraced THE corpse of THE unfortunate youth, he\n received a severe admonition from one of his attendants: “It is\n not his situation, O king! it is thine which deserves pity and\n lamentation.” The reproaches of a guilty conscience were\n alleviated, however, by his liberal donations to THE monastery of\n Agaunum, or St. Maurice, in Vallais; which he himself had founded\n in honor of THE imaginary martyrs of THE Thebaean legion. 44 A\n full chorus of perpetual psalmody was instituted by THE pious\n king; he assiduously practised THE austere devotion of THE monks;\n and it was his humble prayer, that Heaven would inflict in this\n world THE punishment of his sins. His prayer was heard: THE\n avengers were at hand: and THE provinces of Burgundy were\n overwhelmed by an army of victorious Franks. After THE event of\n an unsuccessful battle, Sigismond, who wished to protract his\n life that he might prolong his penance, concealed himself in THE\n desert in a religious habit, till he was discovered and betrayed\n by his subjects, who solicited THE favor of THEir new masters.\n The captive monarch, with his wife and two children, was\n transported to Orleans, and buried alive in a deep well, by THE\n stern command of THE sons of Clovis; whose cruelty might derive\n some excuse from THE maxims and examples of THEir barbarous age.\n Their ambition, which urged THEm to achieve THE conquest of\n Burgundy, was inflamed, or disguised, by filial piety: and\n Clotilda, whose sanctity did not consist in THE forgiveness of\n injuries, pressed THEm to revenge her faTHEr’s death on THE\n family of his assassin. The rebellious Burgundians (for THEy\n attempted to break THEir chains) were still permitted to enjoy\n THEir national laws under THE obligation of tribute and military\n service; and THE Merovingian princes peaceably reigned over a\n kingdom, whose glory and greatness had been first overthrown by\n THE arms of Clovis. 45\n\n 43 (return) [ See his life or legend, (in tom. iii. p. 402.) A\n martyr! how strangely has that word been distorted from its\n original sense of a common witness. St. Sigismond was remarkable\n for THE cure of fevers]\n\n 44 (return) [ Before THE end of THE fifth century, THE church of\n St. Maurice, and his Thebaean legion, had rendered Agaunum a\n place of devout pilgrimage. A promiscuous community of both sexes\n had introduced some deeds of darkness, which were abolished (A.D.\n 515) by THE regular monastery of Sigismond. Within fifty years,\n his angels of light made a nocturnal sally to murder THEir\n bishop, and his clergy. See in THE Bibliothèque Raisonnée (tom.\n xxxvi. p. 435-438) THE curious remarks of a learned librarian of\n Geneva.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Marius, bishop of Avenche, (Chron. in tom. ii. p.\n 15,) has marked THE auTHEntic dates, and Gregory of Tours (l.\n iii. c. 5, 6, in tom. ii. p. 188, 189) has expressed THE\n principal facts, of THE life of Sigismond, and THE conquest of\n Burgundy. Procopius (in tom. ii. p. 34) and Agathias (in tom. ii.\n p. 49) show THEir remote and imperfect knowledge.]\n\n The first victory of Clovis had insulted THE honor of THE Goths.\n They viewed his rapid progress with jealousy and terror; and THE\n youthful fame of Alaric was oppressed by THE more potent genius\n of his rival. Some disputes inevitably arose on THE edge of THEir\n contiguous dominions; and after THE delays of fruitless\n negotiation, a personal interview of THE two kings was proposed\n and accepted. The conference of Clovis and Alaric was held in a\n small island of THE Loire, near Amboise. They embraced,\n familiarly conversed, and feasted togeTHEr; and separated with\n THE warmest professions of peace and broTHErly love. But THEir\n apparent confidence concealed a dark suspicion of hostile and\n treacherous designs; and THEir mutual complaints solicited,\n eluded, and disclaimed, a final arbitration. At Paris, which he\n already considered as his royal seat, Clovis declared to an\n assembly of THE princes and warriors, THE pretence, and THE\n motive, of a Gothic war. “It grieves me to see that THE Arians\n still possess THE fairest portion of Gaul. Let us march against\n THEm with THE aid of God; and, having vanquished THE heretics, we\n will possess and divide THEir fertile provinces.” 46 The Franks,\n who were inspired by hereditary valor and recent zeal, applauded\n THE generous design of THEir monarch; expressed THEir resolution\n to conquer or die, since death and conquest would be equally\n profitable; and solemnly protested that THEy would never shave\n THEir beards till victory should absolve THEm from that\n inconvenient vow. The enterprise was promoted by THE public or\n private exhortations of Clotilda. She reminded her husband how\n effectually some pious foundation would propitiate THE Deity, and\n his servants: and THE Christian hero, darting his battle-axe with\n a skilful and nervous band, “There, (said he,) on that spot where\n my Francisca, 47 shall fall, will I erect a church in honor of\n THE holy apostles.” This ostentatious piety confirmed and\n justified THE attachment of THE Catholics, with whom he secretly\n corresponded; and THEir devout wishes were gradually ripened into\n a formidable conspiracy. The people of Aquitain were alarmed by\n THE indiscreet reproaches of THEir Gothic tyrants, who justly\n accused THEm of preferring THE dominion of THE Franks: and THEir\n zealous adherent Quintianus, bishop of Rodez, 48 preached more\n forcibly in his exile than in his diocese. To resist THEse\n foreign and domestic enemies, who were fortified by THE alliance\n of THE Burgundians, Alaric collected his troops, far more\n numerous than THE military powers of Clovis. The Visigoths\n resumed THE exercise of arms, which THEy had neglected in a long\n and luxurious peace; 49 a select band of valiant and robust\n slaves attended THEir masters to THE field; 50 and THE cities of\n Gaul were compelled to furnish THEir doubtful and reluctant aid.\n Theodoric, king of THE Ostrogoths, who reigned in Italy, had\n labored to maintain THE tranquillity of Gaul; and he assumed, or\n affected, for that purpose, THE impartial character of a\n mediator. But THE sagacious monarch dreaded THE rising empire of\n Clovis, and he was firmly engaged to support THE national and\n religious cause of THE Goths.\n\n 46 (return) [ Gregory of Tours (l. ii. c. 37, in tom. ii. p. 181)\n inserts THE short but persuasive speech of Clovis. Valde moleste\n fero, quod hi Ariani partem teneant Galliarum, (THE author of THE\n Gesta Francorum, in tom. ii. p. 553, adds THE precious epiTHEt of\n optimam,) camus cum Dei adjutorio, et, superatis eis, redigamus\n terram in ditionem nostram.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Tunc rex projecit a se in directum Bipennem suam\n quod est Francisca, &c. (Gesta Franc. in tom. ii. p. 554.) The\n form and use of this weapon are clearly described by Procopius,\n (in tom. ii. p. 37.) Examples of its national appellation in\n Latin and French may be found in THE Glossary of Ducange, and THE\n large Dictionnaire de Trevoux.]\n\n 48 (return) [ It is singular enough that some important and\n auTHEntic facts should be found in a Life of Quintianus, composed\n in rhyme in THE old Patois of Rouergue, (Dubos, Hist. Critique,\n &c., tom. ii. p. 179.)]\n\n 49 (return) [ Quamvis fortitudini vestrae confidentiam tribuat\n parentum ves trorum innumerabilis multitudo; quamvis Attilam\n potentem reminiscamini Visigotharum viribus inclinatum; tamen\n quia populorum ferocia corda longa pace mollescunt, cavete subito\n in alean aleam mittere, quos constat tantis temporibus exercitia\n non habere. Such was THE salutary, but fruitless, advice of peace\n of reason, and of Theodoric, (Cassiodor. l. iii. ep. 2.)]\n\n 50 (return) [ Montesquieu (Esprit des Loix, l. xv. c. 14)\n mentions and approves THE law of THE Visigoths, (l. ix. tit. 2,\n in tom. iv. p. 425,) which obliged all masters to arm, and send,\n or lead, into THE field a tenth of THEir slaves.]\n\n The accidental, or artificial, prodigies which adorned THE\n expedition of Clovis, were accepted by a superstitious age, as\n THE manifest declaration of THE divine favor. He marched from\n Paris; and as he proceeded with decent reverence through THE holy\n diocese of Tours, his anxiety tempted him to consult THE shrine\n of St. Martin, THE sanctuary and THE oracle of Gaul. His\n messengers were instructed to remark THE words of THE Psalm which\n should happen to be chanted at THE precise moment when THEy\n entered THE church. Those words most fortunately expressed THE\n valor and victory of THE champions of Heaven, and THE application\n was easily transferred to THE new Joshua, THE new Gideon, who\n went forth to battle against THE enemies of THE Lord. 51 Orleans\n secured to THE Franks a bridge on THE Loire; but, at THE distance\n of forty miles from Poitiers, THEir progress was intercepted by\n an extraordinary swell of THE River Vigenna or Vienne; and THE\n opposite banks were covered by THE encampment of THE Visigoths.\n Delay must be always dangerous to Barbarians, who consume THE\n country through which THEy march; and had Clovis possessed\n leisure and materials, it might have been impracticable to\n construct a bridge, or to force a passage, in THE face of a\n superior enemy. But THE affectionate peasants who were impatient\n to welcome THEir deliverer, could easily betray some unknown or\n unguarded ford: THE merit of THE discovery was enhanced by THE\n useful interposition of fraud or fiction; and a white hart, of\n singular size and beauty, appeared to guide and animate THE march\n of THE Catholic army. The counsels of THE Visigoths were\n irresolute and distracted. A crowd of impatient warriors,\n presumptuous in THEir strength, and disdaining to fly before THE\n robbers of Germany, excited Alaric to assert in arms THE name and\n blood of THE conquerors of Rome. The advice of THE graver\n chieftains pressed him to elude THE first ardor of THE Franks;\n and to expect, in THE souTHErn provinces of Gaul, THE veteran and\n victorious Ostrogoths, whom THE king of Italy had already sent to\n his assistance. The decisive moments were wasted in idle\n deliberation THE Goths too hastily abandoned, perhaps, an\n advantageous post; and THE opportunity of a secure retreat was\n lost by THEir slow and disorderly motions. After Clovis had\n passed THE ford, as it is still named, of THE Hart, he advanced\n with bold and hasty steps to prevent THE escape of THE enemy. His\n nocturnal march was directed by a flaming meteor, suspended in\n THE air above THE caTHEdral of Poitiers; and this signal, which\n might be previously concerted with THE orthodox successor of St.\n Hilary, was compared to THE column of fire that guided THE\n Israelites in THE desert. At THE third hour of THE day, about ten\n miles beyond Poitiers, Clovis overtook, and instantly attacked,\n THE Gothic army; whose defeat was already prepared by terror and\n confusion. Yet THEy rallied in THEir extreme distress, and THE\n martial youths, who had clamorously demanded THE battle, refused\n to survive THE ignominy of flight. The two kings encountered each\n oTHEr in single combat. Alaric fell by THE hand of his rival; and\n THE victorious Frank was saved by THE goodness of his cuirass,\n and THE vigor of his horse, from THE spears of two desperate\n Goths, who furiously rode against him to revenge THE death of\n THEir sovereign. The vague expression of a mountain of THE slain,\n serves to indicate a cruel though indefinite slaughter; but\n Gregory has carefully observed, that his valiant countryman\n Apollinaris, THE son of Sidonius, lost his life at THE head of\n THE nobles of Auvergne. Perhaps THEse suspected Catholics had\n been maliciously exposed to THE blind assault of THE enemy; and\n perhaps THE influence of religion was superseded by personal\n attachment or military honor. 52\n\n 51 (return) [ This mode of divination, by accepting as an omen\n THE first sacred words, which in particular circumstances should\n be presented to THE eye or ear, was derived from THE Pagans; and\n THE Psalter, or Bible, was substituted to THE poems of Homer and\n Virgil. From THE fourth to THE fourteenth century, THEse sortes\n sanctorum, as THEy are styled, were repeatedly condemned by THE\n decrees of councils, and repeatedly practised by kings, bishops,\n and saints. See a curious dissertation of THE Abbe du Resnel, in\n THE Mémoires de l’Academie, tom. xix. p. 287-310]\n\n 52 (return) [ After correcting THE text, or excusing THE mistake,\n of Procopius, who places THE defeat of Alaric near Carcassone, we\n may conclude, from THE evidence of Gregory, Fortunatus, and THE\n author of THE Gesta Francorum, that THE battle was fought in\n campo Vocladensi, on THE banks of THE Clain, about ten miles to\n THE south of Poitiers. Clovis overtook and attacked THE Visigoths\n near Vivonne, and THE victory was decided near a village still\n named Champagne St. Hilaire. See THE Dissertations of THE Abbe le\n Boeuf, tom. i. p. 304-331.]\n\n Such is THE empire of Fortune, (if we may still disguise our\n ignorance under that popular name,) that it is almost equally\n difficult to foresee THE events of war, or to explain THEir\n various consequences. A bloody and complete victory has sometimes\n yielded no more than THE possession of THE field; and THE loss of\n ten thousand men has sometimes been sufficient to destroy, in a\n single day, THE work of ages. The decisive battle of Poitiers was\n followed by THE conquest of Aquitain. Alaric had left behind him\n an infant son, a bastard competitor, factious nobles, and a\n disloyal people; and THE remaining forces of THE Goths were\n oppressed by THE general consternation, or opposed to each oTHEr\n in civil discord. The victorious king of THE Franks proceeded\n without delay to THE siege of Angoulême. At THE sound of his\n trumpets THE walls of THE city imitated THE example of Jericho,\n and instantly fell to THE ground; a splendid miracle, which may\n be reduced to THE supposition, that some clerical engineers had\n secretly undermined THE foundations of THE rampart. 53 At\n Bordeaux, which had submitted without resistance, Clovis\n established his winter quarters; and his prudent economy\n transported from Thoulouse THE royal treasures, which were\n deposited in THE capital of THE monarchy. The conqueror\n penetrated as far as THE confines of Spain; 54 restored THE\n honors of THE Catholic church; fixed in Aquitain a colony of\n Franks; 55 and delegated to his lieutenants THE easy task of\n subduing, or extirpating, THE nation of THE Visigoths. But THE\n Visigoths were protected by THE wise and powerful monarch of\n Italy. While THE balance was still equal, Theodoric had perhaps\n delayed THE march of THE Ostrogoths; but THEir strenuous efforts\n successfully resisted THE ambition of Clovis; and THE army of THE\n Franks, and THEir Burgundian allies, was compelled to raise THE\n siege of Arles, with THE loss, as it is said, of thirty thousand\n men. These vicissitudes inclined THE fierce spirit of Clovis to\n acquiesce in an advantageous treaty of peace. The Visigoths were\n suffered to retain THE possession of Septimania, a narrow tract\n of sea-coast, from THE Rhone to THE Pyrenees; but THE ample\n province of Aquitain, from those mountains to THE Loire, was\n indissolubly united to THE kingdom of France. 56\n\n 53 (return) [ Angoulême is in THE road from Poitiers to Bordeaux;\n and although Gregory delays THE siege, I can more readily believe\n that he confounded THE order of history, than that Clovis\n neglected THE rules of war.]\n\n 54 (return) [ Pyrenaeos montes usque Perpinianum subjecit, is THE\n expression of Rorico, which betrays his recent date; since\n Perpignan did not exist before THE tenth century, (Marca\n Hispanica, p. 458.) This florid and fabulous writer (perhaps a\n monk of Amiens—see THE Abbe le Boeuf, Mem. de l’Academie, tom.\n xvii. p. 228-245) relates, in THE allegorical character of a\n shepherd, THE general history of his countrymen THE Franks; but\n his narrative ends with THE death of Clovis.]\n\n 55 (return) [ The author of THE Gesta Francorum positively\n affirms, that Clovis fixed a body of Franks in THE Saintonge and\n Bourdelois: and he is not injudiciously followed by Rorico,\n electos milites, atque fortissimos, cum parvulis, atque\n mulieribus. Yet it should seem that THEy soon mingled with THE\n Romans of Aquitain, till Charlemagne introduced a more numerous\n and powerful colony, (Dubos, Hist. Critique, tom. ii. p. 215.)]\n\n 56 (return) [ In THE composition of THE Gothic war, I have used\n THE following materials, with due regard to THEir unequal value.\n Four epistles from Theodoric, king of Italy, (Cassiodor l. iii.\n epist. 1-4. in tom. iv p. 3-5;) Procopius, (de Bell. Goth. l. i.\n c 12, in tom. ii. p. 32, 33;) Gregory of Tours, (l. ii. c. 35,\n 36, 37, in tom. ii. p. 181-183;) Jornandes, (de Reb. Geticis, c.\n 58, in tom. ii. p. 28;) Fortunatas, (in Vit. St. Hilarii, in tom.\n iii. p. 380;) Isidore, (in Chron. Goth. in tom. ii. p. 702;) THE\n Epitome of Gregory of Tours, (in tom. ii. p. 401;) THE author of\n THE Gesta Francorum, (in tom. ii. p. 553-555;) THE Fragments of\n Fredegarius, (in tom. ii. p. 463;) Aimoin, (l. i. c. 20, in tom.\n iii. p. 41, 42,) and Rorico, (l. iv. in tom. iii. p. 14-19.)]\n\n After THE success of THE Gothic war, Clovis accepted THE honors\n of THE Roman consulship. The emperor Anastasius ambitiously\n bestowed on THE most powerful rival of Theodoric THE title and\n ensigns of that eminent dignity; yet, from some unknown cause,\n THE name of Clovis has not been inscribed in THE Fasti eiTHEr of\n THE East or West. 57 On THE solemn day, THE monarch of Gaul,\n placing a diadem on his head, was invested, in THE church of St.\n Martin, with a purple tunic and mantle. From THEnce he proceeded\n on horseback to THE caTHEdral of Tours; and, as he passed through\n THE streets, profusely scattered, with his own hand, a donative\n of gold and silver to THE joyful multitude, who incessantly\n repeated THEir acclamations of Consul and Augustus. The actual or\n legal authority of Clovis could not receive any new accessions\n from THE consular dignity. It was a name, a shadow, an empty\n pageant; and if THE conqueror had been instructed to claim THE\n ancient prerogatives of that high office, THEy must have expired\n with THE period of its annual duration. But THE Romans were\n disposed to revere, in THE person of THEir master, that antique\n title which THE emperors condescended to assume: THE Barbarian\n himself seemed to contract a sacred obligation to respect THE\n majesty of THE republic; and THE successors of Theodosius, by\n soliciting his friendship, tacitly forgave, and almost ratified,\n THE usurpation of Gaul.\n\n 57 (return) [ The Fasti of Italy would naturally reject a consul,\n THE enemy of THEir sovereign; but any ingenious hypoTHEsis that\n might explain THE silence of Constantinople and Egypt, (THE\n Chronicle of Marcellinus, and THE Paschal,) is overturned by THE\n similar silence of Marius, bishop of Avenche, who composed his\n Fasti in THE kingdom of Burgundy. If THE evidence of Gregory of\n Tours were less weighty and positive, (l. ii. c. 38, in tom. ii.\n p. 183,) I could believe that Clovis, like Odoacer, received THE\n lasting title and honors of Patrician, (Pagi Critica, tom. ii. p.\n 474, 492.)]\n\n Twenty-five years after THE death of Clovis this important\n concession was more formally declared, in a treaty between his\n sons and THE emperor Justinian. The Ostrogoths of Italy, unable\n to defend THEir distant acquisitions, had resigned to THE Franks\n THE cities of Arles and Marseilles; of Arles, still adorned with\n THE seat of a Prætorian præfect, and of Marseilles, enriched by\n THE advantages of trade and navigation. 58 This transaction was\n confirmed by THE Imperial authority; and Justinian, generously\n yielding to THE Franks THE sovereignty of THE countries beyond\n THE Alps, which THEy already possessed, absolved THE provincials\n from THEir allegiance; and established on a more lawful, though\n not more solid, foundation, THE throne of THE Merovingians. 59\n From that era THEy enjoyed THE right of celebrating at Arles THE\n games of THE circus; and by a singular privilege, which was\n denied even to THE Persian monarch, THE gold coin, impressed with\n THEir name and image, obtained a legal currency in THE empire. 60\n A Greek historian of that age has praised THE private and public\n virtues of THE Franks, with a partial enthusiasm, which cannot be\n sufficiently justified by THEir domestic annals. 61 He celebrates\n THEir politeness and urbanity, THEir regular government, and\n orthodox religion; and boldly asserts, that THEse Barbarians\n could be distinguished only by THEir dress and language from THE\n subjects of Rome. Perhaps THE Franks already displayed THE social\n disposition, and lively graces, which, in every age, have\n disguised THEir vices, and sometimes concealed THEir intrinsic\n merit. Perhaps Agathias, and THE Greeks, were dazzled by THE\n rapid progress of THEir arms, and THE splendor of THEir empire.\n Since THE conquest of Burgundy, Gaul, except THE Gothic province\n of Septimania, was subject, in its whole extent, to THE sons of\n Clovis. They had extinguished THE German kingdom of Thuringia,\n and THEir vague dominion penetrated beyond THE Rhine, into THE\n heart of THEir native forests. The Alemanni, and Bavarians, who\n had occupied THE Roman provinces of Rhaetia and Noricum, to THE\n south of THE Danube, confessed THEmselves THE humble vassals of\n THE Franks; and THE feeble barrier of THE Alps was incapable of\n resisting THEir ambition. When THE last survivor of THE sons of\n Clovis united THE inheritance and conquests of THE Merovingians,\n his kingdom extended far beyond THE limits of modern France. Yet\n modern France, such has been THE progress of arts and policy, far\n surpasses, in wealth, populousness, and power, THE spacious but\n savage realms of Clotaire or Dagobert. 62\n\n 58 (return) [ Under THE Merovingian kings, Marseilles still\n imported from THE East paper, wine, oil, linen, silk, precious\n stones, spices, &c. The Gauls, or Franks, traded to Syria, and\n THE Syrians were established in Gaul. See M. de Guignes, Mem. de\n l’Academie, tom. xxxvii. p. 471-475.]\n\n 59 (return) [ This strong declaration of Procopius (de Bell.\n Gothic. l. iii. cap. 33, in tom. ii. p. 41) would almost suffice\n to justify THE Abbe Dubos.]\n\n 60 (return) [ The Franks, who probably used THE mints of Treves,\n Lyons, and Arles, imitated THE coinage of THE Roman emperors of\n seventy-two solidi, or pieces, to THE pound of gold. But as THE\n Franks established only a decuple proportion of gold and silver,\n ten shillings will be a sufficient valuation of THEir solidus of\n gold. It was THE common standard of THE Barbaric fines, and\n contained forty denarii, or silver three pences. Twelve of THEse\n denarii made a solidus, or shilling, THE twentieth part of THE\n ponderal and numeral livre, or pound of silver, which has been so\n strangely reduced in modern France. See La Blanc, Traite\n Historique des Monnoyes de France, p. 36-43, &c.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Agathias, in tom. ii. p. 47. Gregory of Tours\n exhibits a very different picture. Perhaps it would not be easy,\n within THE same historical space, to find more vice and less\n virtue. We are continually shocked by THE union of savage and\n corrupt manners.]\n\n 62 (return) [ M. de Foncemagne has traced, in a correct and\n elegant dissertation, (Mem. de l’Academie, tom. viii. p.\n 505-528,) THE extent and limits of THE French monarchy.]\n\n The Franks, or French, are THE only people of Europe who can\n deduce a perpetual succession from THE conquerors of THE Western\n empire. But THEir conquest of Gaul was followed by ten centuries\n of anarchy and ignorance. On THE revival of learning, THE\n students, who had been formed in THE schools of ATHEns and Rome,\n disdained THEir Barbarian ancestors; and a long period elapsed\n before patient labor could provide THE requisite materials to\n satisfy, or raTHEr to excite, THE curiosity of more enlightened\n times. 63 At length THE eye of criticism and philosophy was\n directed to THE antiquities of France; but even philosophers have\n been tainted by THE contagion of prejudice and passion. The most\n extreme and exclusive systems, of THE personal servitude of THE\n Gauls, or of THEir voluntary and equal alliance with THE Franks,\n have been rashly conceived, and obstinately defended; and THE\n intemperate disputants have accused each oTHEr of conspiring\n against THE prerogative of THE crown, THE dignity of THE nobles,\n or THE freedom of THE people. Yet THE sharp conflict has usefully\n exercised THE adverse powers of learning and genius; and each\n antagonist, alternately vanquished and victorious has extirpated\n some ancient errors, and established some interesting truths. An\n impartial stranger, instructed by THEir discoveries, THEir\n disputes, and even THEir faults, may describe, from THE same\n original materials, THE state of THE Roman provincials, after\n Gaul had submitted to THE arms and laws of THE Merovingian kings.\n 64\n\n 63 (return) [ The Abbe Dubos (Histoire Critique, tom. i. p.\n 29-36) has truly and agreeably represented THE slow progress of\n THEse studies; and he observes, that Gregory of Tours was only\n once printed before THE year 1560. According to THE complaint of\n Heineccius, (Opera, tom. iii. Sylloge, iii. p. 248, &c.,) Germany\n received with indifference and contempt THE codes of Barbaric\n laws, which were published by Heroldus, Lindenbrogius, &c. At\n present those laws, (as far as THEy relate to Gaul,) THE history\n of Gregory of Tours, and all THE monuments of THE Merovingian\n race, appear in a pure and perfect state, in THE first four\n volumes of THE Historians of France.]\n\n 64 (return) [ In THE space of [about] thirty years (1728-1765)\n this interesting subject has been agitated by THE free spirit of\n THE count de Boulainvilliers, (Mémoires Historiques sur l’Etat de\n la France, particularly tom. i. p. 15-49;) THE learned ingenuity\n of THE Abbe Dubos, (Histoire Critique de l’Etablissement de la\n Monarchie Francoise dans les Gaules, 2 vols. in 4to;) THE\n comprehensive genius of THE president de Montesquieu, (Esprit des\n Loix, particularly l. xxviii. xxx. xxxi.;) and THE good sense and\n diligence of THE Abbe de Mably, (Observations sur l’Histoire de\n France, 2 vols. 12mo.)]\n\n The rudest, or THE most servile, condition of human society, is\n regulated, however, by some fixed and general rules. When Tacitus\n surveyed THE primitive simplicity of THE Germans, he discovered\n some permanent maxims, or customs, of public and private life,\n which were preserved by faithful tradition till THE introduction\n of THE art of writing, and of THE Latin tongue. 65 Before THE\n election of THE Merovingian kings, THE most powerful tribe, or\n nation, of THE Franks, appointed four venerable chieftains to\n compose THE Salic laws; 66 and THEir labors were examined and\n approved in three successive assemblies of THE people. After THE\n baptism of Clovis, he reformed several articles that appeared\n incompatible with Christianity: THE Salic law was again amended\n by his sons; and at length, under THE reign of Dagobert, THE code\n was revised and promulgated in its actual form, one hundred years\n after THE establishment of THE French monarchy. Within THE same\n period, THE customs of THE Ripuarians were transcribed and\n published; and Charlemagne himself, THE legislator of his age and\n country, had accurately studied THE two national laws, which\n still prevailed among THE Franks. 67 The same care was extended\n to THEir vassals; and THE rude institutions of THE Alemanni and\n Bavarians were diligently compiled and ratified by THE supreme\n authority of THE Merovingian kings. The Visigoths and\n Burgundians, whose conquests in Gaul preceded those of THE\n Franks, showed less impatience to attain one of THE principal\n benefits of civilized society. Euric was THE first of THE Gothic\n princes who expressed, in writing, THE manners and customs of his\n people; and THE composition of THE Burgundian laws was a measure\n of policy raTHEr than of justice; to alleviate THE yoke, and\n regain THE affections, of THEir Gallic subjects. 68 Thus, by a\n singular coincidence, THE Germans framed THEir artless\n institutions, at a time when THE elaborate system of Roman\n jurisprudence was finally consummated. In THE Salic laws, and THE\n Pandects of Justinian, we may compare THE first rudiments, and\n THE full maturity, of civil wisdom; and whatever prejudices may\n be suggested in favor of Barbarism, our calmer reflections will\n ascribe to THE Romans THE superior advantages, not only of\n science and reason, but of humanity and justice. Yet THE laws 681\n of THE Barbarians were adapted to THEir wants and desires, THEir\n occupations and THEir capacity; and THEy all contributed to\n preserve THE peace, and promote THE improvement, of THE society\n for whose use THEy were originally established. The Merovingians,\n instead of imposing a uniform rule of conduct on THEir various\n subjects, permitted each people, and each family, of THEir\n empire, freely to enjoy THEir domestic institutions; 69 nor were\n THE Romans excluded from THE common benefits of this legal\n toleration. 70 The children embraced THE law of THEir parents,\n THE wife that of her husband, THE freedman that of his patron;\n and in all causes where THE parties were of different nations,\n THE plaintiff or accuser was obliged to follow THE tribunal of\n THE defendant, who may always plead a judicial presumption of\n right, or innocence. A more ample latitude was allowed, if every\n citizen, in THE presence of THE judge, might declare THE law\n under which he desired to live, and THE national society to which\n he chose to belong. Such an indulgence would abolish THE partial\n distinctions of victory: and THE Roman provincials might\n patiently acquiesce in THE hardships of THEir condition; since it\n depended on THEmselves to assume THE privilege, if THEy dared to\n assert THE character, of free and warlike Barbarians. 71\n\n 65 (return) [ I have derived much instruction from two learned\n works of Heineccius, THE History, and THE Elements, of THE\n Germanic law. In a judicious preface to THE Elements, he\n considers, and tries to excuse THE defects of that barbarous\n jurisprudence.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Latin appears to have been THE original language of\n THE Salic law. It was probably composed in THE beginning of THE\n fifth century, before THE era (A.D. 421) of THE real or fabulous\n Pharamond. The preface mentions THE four cantons which produced\n THE four legislators; and many provinces, Franconia, Saxony,\n Hanover, Brabant, &c., have claimed THEm as THEir own. See an\n excellent Dissertation of Heinecties de Lege Salica, tom. iii.\n Sylloge iii. p. 247-267. * Note: The relative antiquity of THE\n two copies of THE Salic law has been contested with great\n learning and ingenuity. The work of M. Wiarda, History and\n Explanation of THE Salic Law, Bremen, 1808, asserts that what is\n called THE Lex Antiqua, or Vetustior in which many German words\n are mingled with THE Latin, has no claim to superior antiquity,\n and may be suspected to be more modern. M. Wiarda has been\n opposed by M. Fuer bach, who maintains THE higher age of THE\n “ancient” Code, which has been greatly corrupted by THE\n transcribers. See Guizot, Cours de l’Histoire Moderne, vol. i.\n sect. 9: and THE preface to THE useful republication of five of\n THE different texts of THE Salic law, with that of THE Ripuarian\n in parallel columns. By E. A. I. Laspeyres, Halle, 1833.—M.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Eginhard, in Vit. Caroli Magni, c. 29, in tom. v.\n p. 100. By THEse two laws, most critics understand THE Salic and\n THE Ripuarian. The former extended from THE Carbonarian forest to\n THE Loire, (tom. iv. p. 151,) and THE latter might be obeyed from\n THE same forest to THE Rhine, (tom. iv. p. 222.)]\n\n 68 (return) [ Consult THE ancient and modern prefaces of THE\n several codes, in THE fourth volume of THE Historians of France.\n The original prologue to THE Salic law expresses (though in a\n foreign dialect) THE genuine spirit of THE Franks more forcibly\n than THE ten books of Gregory of Tours.]\n\n 69 (return) [ The Ripuarian law declares, and defines, this\n indulgence in favor of THE plaintiff, (tit. xxxi. in tom. iv. p.\n 240;) and THE same toleration is understood, or expressed, in all\n THE codes, except that of THE Visigoths of Spain. Tanta\n diversitas legum (says Agobard in THE ninth century) quanta non\n solum in regionibus, aut civitatibus, sed etiam in multis domibus\n habetur. Nam plerumque contingit ut simul eant aut sedeant\n quinque homines, et nullus eorum communem legem cum altero\n habeat, (in tom. vi. p. 356.) He foolishly proposes to introduce\n a uniformity of law, as well as of faith. * Note: It is THE\n object of THE important work of M. Savigny, Geschichte des\n Romisches Rechts in Mittelalter, to show THE perpetuity of THE\n Roman law from THE 5th to THE 12th century.—M.]\n\n 681 (return) [ The most complete collection of THEse codes is in\n THE “Barbarorum leges antiquae,” by P. Canciani, 5 vols. folio,\n Venice, 1781-9.—M.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Inter Romanos negotia causarum Romanis legibus\n praecipimus terminari. Such are THE words of a general\n constitution promulgated by Clotaire, THE son of Clovis, THE sole\n monarch of THE Franks (in tom. iv. p. 116) about THE year 560.]\n\n 71 (return) [ This liberty of choice has been aptly deduced\n (Esprit des Loix, l. xxviii. 2) from THE constitution of Lothaire\n I. (Leg. Langobard. l. ii. tit. lvii. in Codex Lindenbrog. p.\n 664;) though THE example is too recent and partial. From a\n various reading in THE Salic law, (tit. xliv. not. xlv.) THE Abbe\n de Mably (tom. i. p. 290-293) has conjectured, that, at first, a\n Barbarian only, and afterwards any man, (consequently a Roman,)\n might live according to THE law of THE Franks. I am sorry to\n offend this ingenious conjecture by observing, that THE stricter\n sense (Barbarum) is expressed in THE reformed copy of\n Charlemagne; which is confirmed by THE Royal and Wolfenbuttle\n MSS. The looser interpretation (hominem) is authorized only by\n THE MS. of Fulda, from from whence Heroldus published his\n edition. See THE four original texts of THE Salic law in tom. iv.\n p. 147, 173, 196, 220. * Note: Gibbon appears to have doubted THE\n evidence on which this “liberty of choice” rested. His doubts\n have been confirmed by THE researches of M. Savigny, who has not\n only confuted but traced with convincing sagacity THE origin and\n progress of this error. As a general principle, though liable to\n some exceptions, each lived according to his native law. Romische\n Recht. vol. i. p. 123-138—M. * Note: This constitution of\n Lothaire at first related only to THE duchy of Rome; it\n afterwards found its way into THE Lombard code. Savigny. p.\n 138.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part III.\n\n When justice inexorably requires THE death of a murderer, each\n private citizen is fortified by THE assurance, that THE laws, THE\n magistrate, and THE whole community, are THE guardians of his\n personal safety. But in THE loose society of THE Germans, revenge\n was always honorable, and often meritorious: THE independent\n warrior chastised, or vindicated, with his own hand, THE injuries\n which he had offered or received; and he had only to dread THE\n resentment of THE sons and kinsmen of THE enemy, whom he had\n sacrificed to his selfish or angry passions. The magistrate,\n conscious of his weakness, interposed, not to punish, but to\n reconcile; and he was satisfied if he could persuade or compel\n THE contending parties to pay and to accept THE moderate fine\n which had been ascertained as THE price of blood. 72 The fierce\n spirit of THE Franks would have opposed a more rigorous sentence;\n THE same fierceness despised THEse ineffectual restraints; and,\n when THEir simple manners had been corrupted by THE wealth of\n Gaul, THE public peace was continually violated by acts of hasty\n or deliberate guilt. In every just government THE same penalty is\n inflicted, or at least is imposed, for THE murder of a peasant or\n a prince. But THE national inequality established by THE Franks,\n in THEir criminal proceedings, was THE last insult and abuse of\n conquest. 73 In THE calm moments of legislation, THEy solemnly\n pronounced, that THE life of a Roman was of smaller value than\n that of a Barbarian. The Antrustion, 74 a name expressive of THE\n most illustrious birth or dignity among THE Franks, was\n appreciated at THE sum of six hundred pieces of gold; while THE\n noble provincial, who was admitted to THE king’s table, might be\n legally murdered at THE expense of three hundred pieces.\n\n Two hundred were deemed sufficient for a Frank of ordinary\n condition; but THE meaner Romans were exposed to disgrace and\n danger by a trifling compensation of one hundred, or even fifty,\n pieces of gold. Had THEse laws been regulated by any principle of\n equity or reason, THE public protection should have supplied, in\n just proportion, THE want of personal strength. But THE\n legislator had weighed in THE scale, not of justice, but of\n policy, THE loss of a soldier against that of a slave: THE head\n of an insolent and rapacious Barbarian was guarded by a heavy\n fine; and THE slightest aid was afforded to THE most defenceless\n subjects. Time insensibly abated THE pride of THE conquerors and\n THE patience of THE vanquished; and THE boldest citizen was\n taught, by experience, that he might suffer more injuries than he\n could inflict. As THE manners of THE Franks became less\n ferocious, THEir laws were rendered more severe; and THE\n Merovingian kings attempted to imitate THE impartial rigor of THE\n Visigoths and Burgundians. 75 Under THE empire of Charlemagne,\n murder was universally punished with death; and THE use of\n capital punishments has been liberally multiplied in THE\n jurisprudence of modern Europe. 76\n\n 72 (return) [ In THE heroic times of Greece, THE guilt of murder\n was expiated by a pecuniary satisfaction to THE family of THE\n deceased, (Feithius Antiquitat. Homeric. l. ii. c. 8.)\n Heineccius, in his preface to THE Elements of Germanic Law,\n favorably suggests, that at Rome and ATHEns homicide was only\n punished with exile. It is true: but exile was a capital\n punishment for a citizen of Rome or ATHEns.]\n\n 73 (return) [ This proportion is fixed by THE Salic (tit. xliv.\n in tom. iv. p. 147) and THE Ripuarian (tit. vii. xi. xxxvi. in\n tom. iv. p. 237, 241) laws: but THE latter does not distinguish\n any difference of Romans. Yet THE orders of THE clergy are placed\n above THE Franks THEmselves, and THE Burgundians and Alemanni\n between THE Franks and THE Romans.]\n\n 74 (return) [ The Antrustiones, qui in truste Dominica sunt,\n leudi, fideles, undoubtedly represent THE first order of Franks;\n but it is a question wheTHEr THEir rank was personal or\n hereditary. The Abbe de Mably (tom. i. p. 334-347) is not\n displeased to mortify THE pride of birth (Esprit, l. xxx. c. 25)\n by dating THE origin of THE French nobility from THE reign\n Clotaire II. (A.D. 615.)]\n\n 75 (return) [ See THE Burgundian laws, (tit. ii. in tom. iv. p.\n 257,) THE code of THE Visigoths, (l. vi. tit. v. in tom. p. 384,)\n and THE constitution of Childebert, not of Paris, but most\n evidently of Austrasia, (in tom. iv. p. 112.) Their premature\n severity was sometimes rash, and excessive. Childebert condemned\n not only murderers but robbers; quomodo sine lege involavit, sine\n lege moriatur; and even THE negligent judge was involved in THE\n same sentence. The Visigoths abandoned an unsuccessful surgeon to\n THE family of his deceased patient, ut quod de eo facere\n voluerint habeant potestatem, (l. xi. tit. i. in tom. iv. p.\n 435.)]\n\n 76 (return) [ See, in THE sixth volume of THE works of\n Heineccius, THE Elementa Juris Germanici, l. ii. p. 2, No. 261,\n 262, 280-283. Yet some vestiges of THEse pecuniary compositions\n for murder have been traced in Germany as late as THE sixteenth\n century.]\n\n The civil and military professions, which had been separated by\n Constantine, were again united by THE Barbarians. The harsh sound\n of THE Teutonic appellations was mollified into THE Latin titles\n of Duke, of Count, or of Praefect; and THE same officer assumed,\n within his district, THE command of THE troops, and THE\n administration of justice. 77 But THE fierce and illiterate\n chieftain was seldom qualified to discharge THE duties of a\n judge, which required all THE faculties of a philosophic mind,\n laboriously cultivated by experience and study; and his rude\n ignorance was compelled to embrace some simple, and visible,\n methods of ascertaining THE cause of justice. In every religion,\n THE Deity has been invoked to confirm THE truth, or to punish THE\n falsehood of human testimony; but this powerful instrument was\n misapplied and abused by THE simplicity of THE German\n legislators. The party accused might justify his innocence, by\n producing before THEir tribunal a number of friendly witnesses,\n who solemnly declared THEir belief, or assurance, that he was not\n guilty. According to THE weight of THE charge, this legal number\n of compurgators was multiplied; seventy-two voices were required\n to absolve an incendiary or assassin: and when THE chastity of a\n queen of France was suspected, three hundred gallant nobles\n swore, without hesitation, that THE infant prince had been\n actually begotten by her deceased husband. 78 The sin and scandal\n of manifest and frequent perjuries engaged THE magistrates to\n remove THEse dangerous temptations; and to supply THE defects of\n human testimony by THE famous experiments of fire and water.\n These extraordinary trials were so capriciously contrived, that,\n in some cases, guilt, and innocence in oTHErs, could not be\n proved without THE interposition of a miracle. Such miracles were\n really provided by fraud and credulity; THE most intricate causes\n were determined by this easy and infallible method, and THE\n turbulent Barbarians, who might have disdained THE sentence of\n THE magistrate, submissively acquiesced in THE judgment of God.\n 79\n\n 77 (return) [ The whole subject of THE Germanic judges, and THEir\n jurisdiction, is copiously treated by Heineccius, (Element. Jur.\n Germ. l. iii. No. 1-72.) I cannot find any proof that, under THE\n Merovingian race, THE scabini, or assessors, were chosen by THE\n people. * Note: The question of THE scabini is treated at\n considerable length by Savigny. He questions THE existence of THE\n scabini anterior to Charlemagne. Before this time THE decision\n was by an open court of THE freemen, THE boni Romische Recht,\n vol. i. p. 195. et seq.—M.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Gregor. Turon. l. viii. c. 9, in tom. ii. p. 316.\n Montesquieu observes, (Esprit des Loix. l. xxviii. c. 13,) that\n THE Salic law did not admit THEse negative proofs so universally\n established in THE Barbaric codes. Yet this obscure concubine\n (Fredegundis,) who became THE wife of THE grandson of Clovis,\n must have followed THE Salic law.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Muratori, in THE Antiquities of Italy, has given\n two Dissertations (xxxvii. xxxix.) on THE judgments of God. It\n was expected that fire would not burn THE innocent; and that THE\n pure element of water would not allow THE guilty to sink into its\n bosom.]\n\n But THE trials by single combat gradually obtained superior\n credit and authority, among a warlike people, who could not\n believe that a brave man deserved to suffer, or that a coward\n deserved to live. 80 Both in civil and criminal proceedings, THE\n plaintiff, or accuser, THE defendant, or even THE witness, were\n exposed to mortal challenge from THE antagonist who was destitute\n of legal proofs; and it was incumbent on THEm eiTHEr to desert\n THEir cause, or publicly to maintain THEir honor, in THE lists of\n battle. They fought eiTHEr on foot, or on horseback, according to\n THE custom of THEir nation; 81 and THE decision of THE sword, or\n lance, was ratified by THE sanction of Heaven, of THE judge, and\n of THE people. This sanguinary law was introduced into Gaul by\n THE Burgundians; and THEir legislator Gundobald 82 condescended\n to answer THE complaints and objections of his subject Avitus.\n “Is it not true,” said THE king of Burgundy to THE bishop, “that\n THE event of national wars, and private combats, is directed by\n THE judgment of God; and that his providence awards THE victory\n to THE juster cause?” By such prevailing arguments, THE absurd\n and cruel practice of judicial duels, which had been peculiar to\n some tribes of Germany, was propagated and established in all THE\n monarchies of Europe, from Sicily to THE Baltic. At THE end of\n ten centuries, THE reign of legal violence was not totally\n extinguished; and THE ineffectual censures of saints, of popes,\n and of synods, may seem to prove, that THE influence of\n superstition is weakened by its unnatural alliance with reason\n and humanity. The tribunals were stained with THE blood, perhaps,\n of innocent and respectable citizens; THE law, which now favors\n THE rich, THEn yielded to THE strong; and THE old, THE feeble,\n and THE infirm, were condemned, eiTHEr to renounce THEir fairest\n claims and possessions, to sustain THE dangers of an unequal\n conflict, 83 or to trust THE doubtful aid of a mercenary\n champion. This oppressive jurisprudence was imposed on THE\n provincials of Gaul, who complained of any injuries in THEir\n persons and property. Whatever might be THE strength, or courage,\n of individuals, THE victorious Barbarians excelled in THE love\n and exercise of arms; and THE vanquished Roman was unjustly\n summoned to repeat, in his own person, THE bloody contest which\n had been already decided against his country. 84\n\n 80 (return) [ Montesquieu (Esprit des Loix, l. xxviii. c. 17) has\n condescended to explain and excuse “la maniere de penser de nos\n peres,” on THE subject of judicial combats. He follows this\n strange institution from THE age of Gundobald to that of St.\n Lewis; and THE philosopher is some times lost in THE legal\n antiquarian.]\n\n 81 (return) [ In a memorable duel at Aix-la-Chapelle, (A.D. 820,)\n before THE emperor Lewis THE Pious, his biographer observes,\n secundum legem propriam, utpote quia uterque Gothus erat,\n equestri pugna est, (Vit. Lud. Pii, c. 33, in tom. vi. p. 103.)\n Ermoldus Nigellus, (l. iii. 543-628, in tom. vi. p. 48-50,) who\n describes THE duel, admires THE ars nova of fighting on\n horseback, which was unknown to THE Franks.]\n\n 82 (return) [ In his original edict, published at Lyons, (A.D.\n 501,) establishes and justifies THE use of judicial combat, (Les\n Burgund. tit. xlv. in tom. ii. p. 267, 268.) Three hundred years\n afterwards, Agobard, bishop of Lyons, solicited Lewis THE Pious\n to abolish THE law of an Arian tyrant, (in tom. vi. p. 356-358.)\n He relates THE conversation of Gundobald and Avitus.]\n\n 83 (return) [ “Accidit, (says Agobard,) ut non solum valentes\n viribus, sed etiam infirmi et senes lacessantur ad pugnam, etiam\n pro vilissimis rebus. Quibus foralibus certaminibus contingunt\n homicidia injusta; et crudeles ac perversi eventus judiciorum.”\n Like a prudent rhetorician, he suppresses THE legal privilege of\n hiring champions.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Montesquieu, (Esprit des Loix, xxviii. c. 14,) who\n understands why THE judicial combat was admitted by THE\n Burgundians, Ripuarians, Alemanni, Bavarians, Lombards,\n Thuringians, Frisons, and Saxons, is satisfied (and Agobard seems\n to countenance THE assertion) that it was not allowed by THE\n Salic law. Yet THE same custom, at least in case of treason, is\n mentioned by Ermoldus, Nigellus (l. iii. 543, in tom. vi. p. 48,)\n and THE anonymous biographer of Lewis THE Pious, (c. 46, in tom.\n vi. p. 112,) as THE “mos antiquus Francorum, more Francis\n solito,” &c., expressions too general to exclude THE noblest of\n THEir tribes.]\n\n A devouring host of one hundred and twenty thousand Germans had\n formerly passed THE Rhine under THE command of Ariovistus. One\n third part of THE fertile lands of THE Sequani was appropriated\n to THEir use; and THE conqueror soon repeated his oppressive\n demand of anoTHEr third, for THE accommodation of a new colony of\n twenty-four thousand Barbarians, whom he had invited to share THE\n rich harvest of Gaul. 85 At THE distance of five hundred years,\n THE Visigoths and Burgundians, who revenged THE defeat of\n Ariovistus, usurped THE same unequal proportion of two thirds of\n THE subject lands. But this distribution, instead of spreading\n over THE province, may be reasonably confined to THE peculiar\n districts where THE victorious people had been planted by THEir\n own choice, or by THE policy of THEir leader. In THEse districts,\n each Barbarian was connected by THE ties of hospitality with some\n Roman provincial. To this unwelcome guest, THE proprietor was\n compelled to abandon two thirds of his patrimony, but THE German,\n a shepherd and a hunter, might sometimes content himself with a\n spacious range of wood and pasture, and resign THE smallest,\n though most valuable, portion, to THE toil of THE industrious\n husbandman. 86 The silence of ancient and auTHEntic testimony has\n encouraged an opinion, that THE rapine of THE Franks was not\n moderated, or disguised, by THE forms of a legal division; that\n THEy dispersed THEmselves over THE provinces of Gaul, without\n order or control; and that each victorious robber, according to\n his wants, his avarice, and his strength, measured with his sword\n THE extent of his new inheritance. At a distance from THEir\n sovereign, THE Barbarians might indeed be tempted to exercise\n such arbitrary depredation; but THE firm and artful policy of\n Clovis must curb a licentious spirit, which would aggravate THE\n misery of THE vanquished, whilst it corrupted THE union and\n discipline of THE conquerors. 861 The memorable vase of Soissons\n is a monument and a pledge of THE regular distribution of THE\n Gallic spoils. It was THE duty and THE interest of Clovis to\n provide rewards for a successful army, settlements for a numerous\n people; without inflicting any wanton or superfluous injuries on\n THE loyal Catholics of Gaul. The ample fund, which he might\n lawfully acquire, of THE Imperial patrimony, vacant lands, and\n Gothic usurpations, would diminish THE cruel necessity of seizure\n and confiscation, and THE humble provincials would more patiently\n acquiesce in THE equal and regular distribution of THEir loss. 87\n\n 85 (return) [ Caesar de Bell. Gall. l. i. c. 31, in tom. i. p.\n 213.]\n\n 86 (return) [ The obscure hints of a division of lands\n occasionally scattered in THE laws of THE Burgundians, (tit. liv.\n No. 1, 2, in tom. iv. p. 271, 272,) and Visigoths, (l. x. tit. i.\n No. 8, 9, 16, in tom. iv. p. 428, 429, 430,) are skillfully\n explained by THE president Montesquieu, (Esprit des Loix, l. xxx.\n c. 7, 8, 9.) I shall only add, that among THE Goths, THE division\n seems to have been ascertained by THE judgment of THE\n neighborhood, that THE Barbarians frequently usurped THE\n remaining third; and that THE Romans might recover THEir right,\n unless THEy were barred by a prescription of fifty years.]\n\n 861 (return) [ Sismondi (Hist des Francais, vol. i. p. 197)\n observes, THEy were not a conquering people, who had emigrated\n with THEir families, like THE Goths or Burgundians. The women,\n THE children, THE old, had not followed Clovis: THEy remained in\n THEir ancient possessions on THE Waal and THE Rhine. The\n adventurers alone had formed THE invading force, and THEy always\n considered THEmselves as an army, not as a colony. Hence THEir\n laws retained no traces of THE partition of THE Roman properties.\n It is curious to observe THE recoil from THE national vanity of\n THE French historians of THE last century. M. Sismondi compares\n THE position of THE Franks with regard to THE conquered people\n with that of THE Dey of Algiers and his corsair troops to THE\n peaceful inhabitants of that province: M. Thierry (Lettres sur\n l’Histoire de France, p. 117) with that of THE Turks towards THE\n Raias or Phanariotes, THE mass of THE Greeks.—M.]\n\n 87 (return) [ It is singular enough that THE president de\n Montesquieu (Esprit des Loix, l. xxx. c. 7) and THE Abbe de Mably\n (Observations, tom i. p. 21, 22) agree in this strange\n supposition of arbitrary and private rapine. The Count de\n Boulainvilliers (Etat de la France, tom. i. p. 22, 23) shows a\n strong understanding through a cloud of ignorance and prejudice.\n Note: Sismondi supposes that THE Barbarians, if a farm were\n conveniently situated, would show no great respect for THE laws\n of property; but in general THEre would have been vacant land\n enough for THE lots assigned to old or worn-out warriors, (Hist.\n des Francais, vol. i. p. 196.)—M.]\n\n The wealth of THE Merovingian princes consisted in THEir\n extensive domain. After THE conquest of Gaul, THEy still\n delighted in THE rustic simplicity of THEir ancestors; THE cities\n were abandoned to solitude and decay; and THEir coins, THEir\n charters, and THEir synods, are still inscribed with THE names of\n THE villas, or rural palaces, in which THEy successively resided.\n\n One hundred and sixty of THEse palaces, a title which need not\n excite any unseasonable ideas of art or luxury, were scattered\n through THE provinces of THEir kingdom; and if some might claim\n THE honors of a fortress, THE far greater part could be esteemed\n only in THE light of profitable farms. The mansion of THE\n long-haired kings was surrounded with convenient yards and\n stables, for THE cattle and THE poultry; THE garden was planted\n with useful vegetables; THE various trades, THE labors of\n agriculture, and even THE arts of hunting and fishing, were\n exercised by servile hands for THE emolument of THE sovereign;\n his magazines were filled with corn and wine, eiTHEr for sale or\n consumption; and THE whole administration was conducted by THE\n strictest maxims of private economy. 88 This ample patrimony was\n appropriated to supply THE hospitable plenty of Clovis and his\n successors; and to reward THE fidelity of THEir brave companions\n who, both in peace and war, were devoted to THEir personal\n service. Instead of a horse, or a suit of armor, each companion,\n according to his rank, or merit, or favor, was invested with a\n benefice, THE primitive name, and most simple form, of THE feudal\n possessions. These gifts might be resumed at THE pleasure of THE\n sovereign; and his feeble prerogative derived some support from\n THE influence of his liberality. 881 But this dependent tenure\n was gradually abolished 89 by THE independent and rapacious\n nobles of France, who established THE perpetual property, and\n hereditary succession, of THEir benefices; a revolution salutary\n to THE earth, which had been injured, or neglected, by its\n precarious masters. 90 Besides THEse royal and beneficiary\n estates, a large proportion had been assigned, in THE division of\n Gaul, of allodial and Salic lands: THEy were exempt from tribute,\n and THE Salic lands were equally shared among THE male\n descendants of THE Franks. 91\n\n 88 (return) [ See THE rustic edict, or raTHEr code, of\n Charlemagne, which contains seventy distinct and minute\n regulations of that great monarch (in tom. v. p. 652-657.) He\n requires an account of THE horns and skins of THE goats, allows\n his fish to be sold, and carefully directs, that THE larger\n villas (Capitaneoe) shall maintain one hundred hens and thirty\n geese; and THE smaller (Mansionales) fifty hens and twelve geese.\n Mabillon (de Re Diplomatica) has investigated THE names, THE\n number, and THE situation of THE Merovingian villas.]\n\n 881 (return) [ The resumption of benefices at THE pleasure of THE\n sovereign, (THE general THEory down to his time,) is ably\n contested by Mr. Hallam; “for this resumption some delinquency\n must be imputed to THE vassal.” Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 162. The\n reader will be interested by THE singular analogies with THE\n beneficial and feudal system of Europe in a remote part of THE\n world, indicated by Col. Tod in his splendid work on Raja’sthan,\n vol. ii p. 129, &c.—M.]\n\n 89 (return) [ From a passage of THE Burgundian law (tit. i. No.\n 4, in tom. iv. p. 257) it is evident, that a deserving son might\n expect to hold THE lands which his faTHEr had received from THE\n royal bounty of Gundobald. The Burgundians would firmly maintain\n THEir privilege, and THEir example might encourage THE\n Beneficiaries of France.]\n\n 90 (return) [ The revolutions of THE benefices and fiefs are\n clearly fixed by THE Abbe de Mably. His accurate distinction of\n times gives him a merit to which even Montesquieu is a stranger.]\n\n 91 (return) [ See THE Salic law, (tit. lxii. in tom. iv. p. 156.)\n The origin and nature of THEse Salic lands, which, in times of\n ignorance, were perfectly understood, now perplex our most\n learned and sagacious critics. * Note: No solution seems more\n probable, than that THE ancient lawgivers of THE Salic Franks\n prohibited females from inheriting THE lands assigned to THE\n nation, upon its conquest of Gaul, both in compliance with THEir\n ancient usages, and in order to secure THE military service of\n every proprietor. But lands subsequently acquired by purchase or\n oTHEr means, though equally bound to THE public defence, were\n relieved from THE severity of this rule, and presumed not to\n belong to THE class of Sallic. Hallam’s Middle Ages, vol. i. p.\n 145. Compare Sismondi, vol. i. p. 196.—M.]\n\n In THE bloody discord and silent decay of THE Merovingian line, a\n new order of tyrants arose in THE provinces, who, under THE\n appellation of Seniors, or Lords, usurped a right to govern, and\n a license to oppress, THE subjects of THEir peculiar territory.\n Their ambition might be checked by THE hostile resistance of an\n equal: but THE laws were extinguished; and THE sacrilegious\n Barbarians, who dared to provoke THE vengeance of a saint or\n bishop, 92 would seldom respect THE landmarks of a profane and\n defenceless neighbor. The common or public rights of nature, such\n as THEy had always been deemed by THE Roman jurisprudence, 93\n were severely restrained by THE German conquerors, whose\n amusement, or raTHEr passion, was THE exercise of hunting. The\n vague dominion which Man has assumed over THE wild inhabitants of\n THE earth, THE air, and THE waters, was confined to some\n fortunate individuals of THE human species. Gaul was again\n overspread with woods; and THE animals, who were reserved for THE\n use or pleasure of THE lord, might ravage with impunity THE\n fields of his industrious vassals. The chase was THE sacred\n privilege of THE nobles and THEir domestic servants. Plebeian\n transgressors were legally chastised with stripes and\n imprisonment; 94 but in an age which admitted a slight\n composition for THE life of a citizen, it was a capital crime to\n destroy a stag or a wild bull within THE precincts of THE royal\n forests. 95\n\n 92 (return) [ Many of THE two hundred and six miracles of St.\n Martin (Greg Turon. in Maxima BiblioTHEca Patrum, tom. xi. p.\n 896-932) were repeatedly performed to punish sacrilege. Audite\n haec omnes (exclaims THE bishop of Tours) protestatem habentes,\n after relating, how some horses ran mad, that had been turned\n into a sacred meadow.]\n\n 93 (return) [ Heinec. Element. Jur. German. l. ii. p. 1, No. 8.]\n\n 94 (return) [ Jonas, bishop of Orleans, (A.D. 821-826. Cave,\n Hist. Litteraria, p. 443,) censures THE legal tyranny of THE\n nobles. Pro feris, quas cura hominum non aluit, sed Deus in\n commune mortalibus ad utendum concessit, pauperes a potentioribus\n spoliantur, flagellantur, ergastulis detruduntur, et multa alia\n patiuntur. Hoc enim qui faciunt, lege mundi se facere juste posse\n contendant. De Institutione Laicorum, l. ii. c. 23, apud\n Thomassin, Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. iii. p. 1348.]\n\n 95 (return) [ On a mere suspicion, Chundo, a chamberlain of\n Gontram, king of Burgundy, was stoned to death, (Greg. Turon. l.\n x. c. 10, in tom. ii. p. 369.) John of Salisbury (Policrat. l. i.\n c. 4) asserts THE rights of nature, and exposes THE cruel\n practice of THE twelfth century. See Heineccius, Elem. Jur. Germ.\n l. ii. p. 1, No. 51-57.]\n\n According to THE maxims of ancient war, THE conqueror became THE\n lawful master of THE enemy whom he had subdued and spared: 96 and\n THE fruitful cause of personal slavery, which had been almost\n suppressed by THE peaceful sovereignty of Rome, was again revived\n and multiplied by THE perpetual hostilities of THE independent\n Barbarians. The Goth, THE Burgundian, or THE Frank, who returned\n from a successful expedition, dragged after him a long train of\n sheep, of oxen, and of human captives, whom he treated with THE\n same brutal contempt. The youths of an elegant form and an\n ingenuous aspect were set apart for THE domestic service; a\n doubtful situation, which alternately exposed THEm to THE\n favorable or cruel impulse of passion. The useful mechanics and\n servants (smiths, carpenters, tailors, shoemakers, cooks,\n gardeners, dyers, and workmen in gold and silver, &c.) employed\n THEir skill for THE use, or profit, of THEir master. But THE\n Roman captives, who were destitute of art, but capable of labor,\n were condemned, without regard to THEir former rank, to tend THE\n cattle and cultivate THE lands of THE Barbarians. The number of\n THE hereditary bondsmen, who were attached to THE Gallic estates,\n was continually increased by new supplies; and THE servile\n people, according to THE situation and temper of THEir lords, was\n sometimes raised by precarious indulgence, and more frequently\n depressed by capricious despotism. 97 An absolute power of life\n and death was exercised by THEse lords; and when THEy married\n THEir daughters, a train of useful servants, chained on THE\n wagons to prevent THEir escape, was sent as a nuptial present\n into a distant country. 98 The majesty of THE Roman laws\n protected THE liberty of each citizen, against THE rash effects\n of his own distress or despair. But THE subjects of THE\n Merovingian kings might alienate THEir personal freedom; and this\n act of legal suicide, which was familiarly practised, is\n expressed in terms most disgraceful and afflicting to THE dignity\n of human nature. 99 The example of THE poor, who purchased life\n by THE sacrifice of all that can render life desirable, was\n gradually imitated by THE feeble and THE devout, who, in times of\n public disorder, pusillanimously crowded to shelter THEmselves\n under THE battlements of a powerful chief, and around THE shrine\n of a popular saint. Their submission was accepted by THEse\n temporal or spiritual patrons; and THE hasty transaction\n irrecoverably fixed THEir own condition, and that of THEir latest\n posterity. From THE reign of Clovis, during five successive\n centuries, THE laws and manners of Gaul uniformly tended to\n promote THE increase, and to confirm THE duration, of personal\n servitude. Time and violence almost obliterated THE intermediate\n ranks of society; and left an obscure and narrow interval between\n THE noble and THE slave. This arbitrary and recent division has\n been transformed by pride and prejudice into a national\n distinction, universally established by THE arms and THE laws of\n THE Merovingians. The nobles, who claimed THEir genuine or\n fabulous descent from THE independent and victorious Franks, have\n asserted and abused THE indefeasible right of conquest over a\n prostrate crowd of slaves and plebeians, to whom THEy imputed THE\n imaginary disgrace of Gallic or Roman extraction.\n\n 96 (return) [ The custom of enslaving prisoners of war was\n totally extinguished in THE thirteenth century, by THE prevailing\n influence of Christianity; but it might be proved, from frequent\n passages of Gregory of Tours, &c., that it was practised, without\n censure, under THE Merovingian race; and even Grotius himself,\n (de Jure Belli et Pacis l. iii. c. 7,) as well as his commentator\n Barbeyrac, have labored to reconcile it with THE laws of nature\n and reason.]\n\n 97 (return) [ The state, professions, &c., of THE German,\n Italian, and Gallic slaves, during THE middle ages, are explained\n by Heineccius, (Element Jur. Germ. l. i. No. 28-47,) Muratori,\n (Dissertat. xiv. xv.,) Ducange, (Gloss. sub voce Servi,) and THE\n Abbe de Mably, (Observations, tom. ii. p. 3, &c., p. 237, &c.)\n Note: Compare Hallam, vol. i. p. 216.—M.]\n\n 98 (return) [ Gregory of Tours (l. vi. c. 45, in tom. ii. p. 289)\n relates a memorable example, in which Chilperic only abused THE\n private rights of a master. Many families which belonged to his\n domus fiscales in THE neighborhood of Paris, were forcibly sent\n away into Spain.]\n\n 99 (return) [ Licentiam habeatis mihi qualemcunque volueritis\n disciplinam ponere; vel venumdare, aut quod vobis placuerit de me\n facere Marculf. Formul. l. ii. 28, in tom. iv. p. 497. The\n Formula of Lindenbrogius, (p. 559,) and that of Anjou, (p. 565,)\n are to THE same effect Gregory of Tours (l. vii. c. 45, in tom.\n ii. p. 311) speak of many person who sold THEmselves for bread,\n in a great famine.]\n\n The general state and revolutions of France, a name which was\n imposed by THE conquerors, may be illustrated by THE particular\n example of a province, a diocese, or a senatorial family.\n Auvergne had formerly maintained a just preeminence among THE\n independent states and cities of Gaul. The brave and numerous\n inhabitants displayed a singular trophy; THE sword of Caesar\n himself, which he had lost when he was repulsed before THE walls\n of Gergovia. 100 As THE common offspring of Troy, THEy claimed a\n fraternal alliance with THE Romans; 101 and if each province had\n imitated THE courage and loyalty of Auvergne, THE fall of THE\n Western empire might have been prevented or delayed. They firmly\n maintained THE fidelity which THEy had reluctantly sworn to THE\n Visigoths, out when THEir bravest nobles had fallen in THE battle\n of Poitiers, THEy accepted, without resistance, a victorious and\n Catholic sovereign. This easy and valuable conquest was achieved\n and possessed by Theodoric, THE eldest son of Clovis: but THE\n remote province was separated from his Austrasian dominions, by\n THE intermediate kingdoms of Soissons, Paris, and Orleans, which\n formed, after THEir faTHEr’s death, THE inheritance of his three\n broTHErs. The king of Paris, Childebert, was tempted by THE\n neighborhood and beauty of Auvergne. 102 The Upper country, which\n rises towards THE south into THE mountains of THE Cevennes,\n presented a rich and various prospect of woods and pastures; THE\n sides of THE hills were cloTHEd with vines; and each eminence was\n crowned with a villa or castle. In THE Lower Auvergne, THE River\n Allier flows through THE fair and spacious plain of Limagne; and\n THE inexhaustible fertility of THE soil supplied, and still\n supplies, without any interval of repose, THE constant repetition\n of THE same harvests. 103 On THE false report, that THEir lawful\n sovereign had been slain in Germany, THE city and diocese of\n Auvergne were betrayed by THE grandson of Sidonius Apollinaris.\n Childebert enjoyed this clandestine victory; and THE free\n subjects of Theodoric threatened to desert his standard, if he\n indulged his private resentment, while THE nation was engaged in\n THE Burgundian war. But THE Franks of Austrasia soon yielded to\n THE persuasive eloquence of THEir king. “Follow me,” said\n Theodoric, “into Auvergne; I will lead you into a province, where\n you may acquire gold, silver, slaves, cattle, and precious\n apparel, to THE full extent of your wishes. I repeat my promise;\n I give you THE people and THEir wealth as your prey; and you may\n transport THEm at pleasure into your own country.” By THE\n execution of this promise, Theodoric justly forfeited THE\n allegiance of a people whom he devoted to destruction. His\n troops, reenforced by THE fiercest Barbarians of Germany, 104\n spread desolation over THE fruitful face of Auvergne; and two\n places only, a strong castle and a holy shrine, were saved or\n redeemed from THEir licentious fury. The castle of Meroliac 105\n was seated on a lofty rock, which rose a hundred feet above THE\n surface of THE plain; and a large reservoir of fresh water was\n enclosed, with some arable lands, within THE circle of its\n fortifications. The Franks beheld with envy and despair this\n impregnable fortress; but THEy surprised a party of fifty\n stragglers; and, as THEy were oppressed by THE number of THEir\n captives, THEy fixed, at a trifling ransom, THE alternative of\n life or death for THEse wretched victims, whom THE cruel\n Barbarians were prepared to massacre on THE refusal of THE\n garrison. AnoTHEr detachment penetrated as far as Brivas, or\n Brioude, where THE inhabitants, with THEir valuable effects, had\n taken refuge in THE sanctuary of St. Julian. The doors of THE\n church resisted THE assault; but a daring soldier entered through\n a window of THE choir, and opened a passage to his companions.\n The clergy and people, THE sacred and THE profane spoils, were\n rudely torn from THE altar; and THE sacrilegious division was\n made at a small distance from THE town of Brioude. But this act\n of impiety was severely chastised by THE devout son of Clovis. He\n punished with death THE most atrocious offenders; left THEir\n secret accomplices to THE vengeance of St. Julian; released THE\n captives; restored THE plunder; and extended THE rights of\n sanctuary five miles round THE sepulchre of THE holy martyr. 106\n\n 100 (return) [ When Caesar saw it, he laughed, (Plutarch. in\n Caesar. in tom. i. p. 409:) yet he relates his unsuccessful siege\n of Gergovia with less frankness than we might expect from a great\n man to whom victory was familiar. He acknowledges, however, that\n in one attack he lost forty-six centurions and seven hundred men,\n (de Bell. Gallico, l. vi. c. 44-53, in tom. i. p. 270-272.)]\n\n 101 (return) [ Audebant se quondam fatres Latio dicere, et\n sanguine ab Iliaco populos computare, (Sidon. Apollinar. l. vii.\n epist. 7, in tom i. p. 799.) I am not informed of THE degrees and\n circumstances of this fabulous pedigree.]\n\n 102 (return) [ EiTHEr THE first, or second, partition among THE\n sons of Clovis, had given Berry to Childebert, (Greg. Turon. l.\n iii. c. 12, in tom. ii. p. 192.) Velim (said he) Arvernam\n Lemanem, quae tanta jocunditatis gratia refulgere dicitur, oculis\n cernere, (l. iii. c. p. 191.) The face of THE country was\n concealed by a thick fog, when THE king of Paris made his entry\n into Clermen.]\n\n 103 (return) [ For THE description of Auvergne, see Sidonius, (l.\n iv. epist. 21, in tom. i. p. 703,) with THE notes of Savaron and\n Sirmond, (p. 279, and 51, of THEir respective editions.)\n Boulainvilliers, (Etat de la France, tom. ii. p. 242-268,) and\n THE Abbe de la Longuerue, (Description de la France, part i. p.\n 132-139.)]\n\n 104 (return) [Furorem gentium, quae de ulteriore Rheni amnis\n parte venerant, superare non poterat, (Greg. Turon. l. iv. c. 50,\n in tom. ii. 229.) was THE excuse of anoTHEr king of Austrasia\n (A.D. 574) for THE ravages which his troops committed in THE\n neighborhood of Paris.]\n\n 105 (return) [ From THE name and situation, THE Benedictine\n editors of Gregory of Tours (in tom. ii. p. 192) have fixed this\n fortress at a place named Castel Merliac, two miles from Mauriac,\n in THE Upper Auvergne. In this description, I translate infra as\n if I read intra; THE two are perpetually confounded by Gregory,\n or his transcribed and THE sense must always decide.]\n\n 106 (return) [ See THEse revolutions, and wars, of Auvergne, in\n Gregory of Tours, (l. ii. c. 37, in tom. ii. p. 183, and l. iii.\n c. 9, 12, 13, p. 191, 192, de Miraculis St. Julian. c. 13, in\n tom. ii. p. 466.) He frequently betrays his extraordinary\n attention to his native country.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part IV.\n\n Before THE Austrasian army retreated from Auvergne, Theodoric\n exacted some pledges of THE future loyalty of a people, whose\n just hatred could be restrained only by THEir fear. A select band\n of noble youths, THE sons of THE principal senators, was\n delivered to THE conqueror, as THE hostages of THE faith of\n Childebert, and of THEir countrymen. On THE first rumor of war,\n or conspiracy, THEse guiltless youths were reduced to a state of\n servitude; and one of THEm, Attalus, 107 whose adventures are\n more particularly related, kept his master’s horses in THE\n diocese of Treves. After a painful search, he was discovered, in\n this unworthy occupation, by THE emissaries of his grandfaTHEr,\n Gregory bishop of Langres; but his offers of ransom were sternly\n rejected by THE avarice of THE Barbarian, who required an\n exorbitant sum of ten pounds of gold for THE freedom of his noble\n captive. His deliverance was effected by THE hardy stratagem of\n Leo, a slave belonging to THE kitchens of THE bishop of Langres.\n 108 An unknown agent easily introduced him into THE same family.\n The Barbarian purchased Leo for THE price of twelve pieces of\n gold; and was pleased to learn that he was deeply skilled in THE\n luxury of an episcopal table: “Next Sunday,” said THE Frank, “I\n shall invite my neighbors and kinsmen. Exert thy art, and force\n THEm to confess, that THEy have never seen, or tasted, such an\n entertainment, even in THE king’s house.” Leo assured him, that\n if he would provide a sufficient quantity of poultry, his wishes\n should be satisfied. The master who already aspired to THE merit\n of elegant hospitality, assumed, as his own, THE praise which THE\n voracious guests unanimously bestowed on his cook; and THE\n dexterous Leo insensibly acquired THE trust and management of his\n household. After THE patient expectation of a whole year, he\n cautiously whispered his design to Attalus, and exhorted him to\n prepare for flight in THE ensuing night. At THE hour of midnight,\n THE intemperate guests retired from THE table; and THE Frank’s\n son-in-law, whom Leo attended to his apartment with a nocturnal\n potation, condescended to jest on THE facility with which he\n might betray his trust. The intrepid slave, after sustaining this\n dangerous raillery, entered his master’s bedchamber; removed his\n spear and shield; silently drew THE fleetest horses from THE\n stable; unbarred THE ponderous gates; and excited Attalus to save\n his life and liberty by incessant diligence. Their apprehensions\n urged THEm to leave THEir horses on THE banks of THE Meuse; 109\n THEy swam THE river, wandered three days in THE adjacent forest,\n and subsisted only by THE accidental discovery of a wild\n plum-tree. As THEy lay concealed in a dark thicket, THEy heard\n THE noise of horses; THEy were terrified by THE angry countenance\n of THEir master, and THEy anxiously listened to his declaration,\n that, if he could seize THE guilty fugitives, one of THEm he\n would cut in pieces with his sword, and would expose THE oTHEr on\n a gibbet. A length, Attalus and his faithful Leo reached THE\n friendly habitation of a presbyter of Rheims, who recruited THEir\n fainting strength with bread and wine, concealed THEm from THE\n search of THEir enemy, and safely conducted THEm beyond THE\n limits of THE Austrasian kingdom, to THE episcopal palace of\n Langres. Gregory embraced his grandson with tears of joy,\n gratefully delivered Leo, with his whole family, from THE yoke of\n servitude, and bestowed on him THE property of a farm, where he\n might end his days in happiness and freedom. Perhaps this\n singular adventure, which is marked with so many circumstances of\n truth and nature, was related by Attalus himself, to his cousin\n or nephew, THE first historian of THE Franks. Gregory of Tours\n 110 was born about sixty years after THE death of Sidonius\n Apollinaris; and THEir situation was almost similar, since each\n of THEm was a native of Auvergne, a senator, and a bishop. The\n difference of THEir style and sentiments may, THErefore, express\n THE decay of Gaul; and clearly ascertain how much, in so short a\n space, THE human mind had lost of its energy and refinement. 111\n\n 107 (return) [ The story of Attalus is related by Gregory of\n Tours, (l. iii. c. 16, tom. ii. p. 193-195.) His editor, THE P.\n Ruinart, confounds this Attalus, who was a youth (puer) in THE\n year 532, with a friend of Silonius of THE same name, who was\n count of Autun, fifty or sixty years before. Such an error, which\n cannot be imputed to ignorance, is excused, in some degree, by\n its own magnitude.]\n\n 108 (return) [ This Gregory, THE great grandfaTHEr of Gregory of\n Tours, (in tom. ii. p. 197, 490,) lived ninety-two years; of\n which he passed forty as count of Autun, and thirty-two as bishop\n of Langres. According to THE poet Fortunatus, he displayed equal\n merit in THEse different stations. Nobilis antiqua decurrens\n prole parentum, Nobilior gestis, nunc super astra manet. Arbiter\n ante ferox, dein pius ipse sacerdos, Quos domuit judex, fovit\n amore patris.]\n\n 109 (return) [ As M. de Valois, and THE P. Ruinart, are\n determined to change THE Mosella of THE text into Mosa, it\n becomes me to acquiesce in THE alteration. Yet, after some\n examination of THE topography. I could defend THE common\n reading.]\n\n 110 (return) [ The parents of Gregory (Gregorius Florentius\n Georgius) were of noble extraction, (natalibus... illustres,) and\n THEy possessed large estates (latifundia) both in Auvergne and\n Burgundy. He was born in THE year 539, was consecrated bishop of\n Tours in 573, and died in 593 or 595, soon after he had\n terminated his history. See his life by Odo, abbot of Clugny, (in\n tom. ii. p. 129-135,) and a new Life in THE Mémoires de\n l’Academie, &c., tom. xxvi. p. 598-637.]\n\n 111 (return) [ Decedente atque immo potius pereunte ab urbibus\n Gallicanis liberalium cultura literarum, &c., (in praefat. in\n tom. ii. p. 137,) is THE complaint of Gregory himself, which he\n fully verifies by his own work. His style is equally devoid of\n elegance and simplicity. In a conspicuous station, he still\n remained a stranger to his own age and country; and in a prolific\n work (THE five last books contain ten years) he has omitted\n almost every thing that posterity desires to learn. I have\n tediously acquired, by a painful perusal, THE right of\n pronouncing this unfavorable sentence]\n\n We are now qualified to despise THE opposite, and, perhaps,\n artful, misrepresentations, which have softened, or exaggerated,\n THE oppression of THE Romans of Gaul under THE reign of THE\n Merovingians. The conquerors never promulgated any universal\n edict of servitude, or confiscation; but a degenerate people, who\n excused THEir weakness by THE specious names of politeness and\n peace, was exposed to THE arms and laws of THE ferocious\n Barbarians, who contemptuously insulted THEir possessions, THEir\n freedom, and THEir safety. Their personal injuries were partial\n and irregular; but THE great body of THE Romans survived THE\n revolution, and still preserved THE property, and privileges, of\n citizens. A large portion of THEir lands was exacted for THE use\n of THE Franks: but THEy enjoyed THE remainder, exempt from\n tribute; 112 and THE same irresistible violence which swept away\n THE arts and manufactures of Gaul, destroyed THE elaborate and\n expensive system of Imperial despotism. The Provincials must\n frequently deplore THE savage jurisprudence of THE Salic or\n Ripuarian laws; but THEir private life, in THE important concerns\n of marriage, testaments, or inheritance, was still regulated by\n THE Theodosian Code; and a discontented Roman might freely\n aspire, or descend, to THE title and character of a Barbarian.\n The honors of THE state were accessible to his ambition: THE\n education and temper of THE Romans more peculiarly qualified THEm\n for THE offices of civil government; and, as soon as emulation\n had rekindled THEir military ardor, THEy were permitted to march\n in THE ranks, or even at THE head, of THE victorious Germans. I\n shall not attempt to enumerate THE generals and magistrates,\n whose names 113 attest THE liberal policy of THE Merovingians.\n The supreme command of Burgundy, with THE title of Patrician, was\n successively intrusted to three Romans; and THE last, and most\n powerful, Mummolus, 114 who alternately saved and disturbed THE\n monarchy, had supplanted his faTHEr in THE station of count of\n Autun, and left a treasury of thirty talents of gold, and two\n hundred and fifty talents of silver. The fierce and illiterate\n Barbarians were excluded, during several generations, from THE\n dignities, and even from THE orders, of THE church. 115 The\n clergy of Gaul consisted almost entirely of native provincials;\n THE haughty Franks fell at THE feet of THEir subjects, who were\n dignified with THE episcopal character: and THE power and riches\n which had been lost in war, were insensibly recovered by\n superstition. 116 In all temporal affairs, THE Theodosian Code\n was THE universal law of THE clergy; but THE Barbaric\n jurisprudence had liberally provided for THEir personal safety; a\n sub-deacon was equivalent to two Franks; THE antrustion, and\n priest, were held in similar estimation: and THE life of a bishop\n was appreciated far above THE common standard, at THE price of\n nine hundred pieces of gold. 117 The Romans communicated to THEir\n conquerors THE use of THE Christian religion and Latin language;\n 118 but THEir language and THEir religion had alike degenerated\n from THE simple purity of THE Augustan, and Apostolic age. The\n progress of superstition and Barbarism was rapid and universal:\n THE worship of THE saints concealed from vulgar eyes THE God of\n THE Christians; and THE rustic dialect of peasants and soldiers\n was corrupted by a Teutonic idiom and pronunciation. Yet such\n intercourse of sacred and social communion eradicated THE\n distinctions of birth and victory; and THE nations of Gaul were\n gradually confounded under THE name and government of THE Franks.\n\n 112 (return) [ The Abbe de Mably (tom. p. i. 247-267) has\n diligently confirmed this opinion of THE President de\n Montesquieu, (Esprit des Loix, l. xxx. c. 13.)]\n\n 113 (return) [ See Dubos, Hist. Critique de la Monarchie\n Francoise, tom. ii. l. vi. c. 9, 10. The French antiquarians\n establish as a principle, that THE Romans and Barbarians may be\n distinguished by THEir names. Their names undoubtedly form a\n reasonable presumption; yet in reading Gregory of Tours, I have\n observed Gondulphus, of Senatorian, or Roman, extraction, (l. vi.\n c. 11, in tom. ii. p. 273,) and Claudius, a Barbarian, (l. vii.\n c. 29, p. 303.)]\n\n 114 (return) [ Eunius Mummolus is repeatedly mentioned by Gregory\n of Tours, from THE fourth (c. 42, p. 224) to THE seventh (c. 40,\n p. 310) book. The computation by talents is singular enough; but\n if Gregory attached any meaning to that obsolete word, THE\n treasures of Mummolus must have exceeded 100,000 L. sterling.]\n\n 115 (return) [ See Fleury, Discours iii. sur l’Histoire\n Ecclesiastique.]\n\n 116 (return) [ The bishop of Tours himself has recorded THE\n complaint of Chilperic, THE grandson of Clovis. Ecce pauper\n remansit Fiscus noster; ecce divitiae nostrae ad ecclesias sunt\n translatae; nulli penitus nisi soli Episcopi regnant, (l. vi. c.\n 46, in tom. ii. p. 291.)]\n\n 117 (return) [ See THE Ripuarian Code, (tit. xxxvi in tom. iv. p.\n 241.) The Salic law does not provide for THE safety of THE\n clergy; and we might suppose, on THE behalf of THE more civilized\n tribe, that THEy had not foreseen such an impious act as THE\n murder of a priest. Yet Praetextatus, archbishop of Rouen, was\n assassinated by THE order of Queen Fredegundis before THE altar,\n (Greg. Turon. l. viii. c. 31, in tom. ii. p. 326.)]\n\n 118 (return) [ M. Bonamy (Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions,\n tom. xxiv. p. 582-670) has ascertained THE Lingua Romana Rustica,\n which, through THE medium of THE Romance, has gradually been\n polished into THE actual form of THE French language. Under THE\n Carlovingian race, THE kings and nobles of France still\n understood THE dialect of THEir German ancestors.]\n\n The Franks, after THEy mingled with THEir Gallic subjects, might\n have imparted THE most valuable of human gifts, a spirit and\n system of constitutional liberty. Under a king, hereditary, but\n limited, THE chiefs and counsellors might have debated at Paris,\n in THE palace of THE Caesars: THE adjacent field, where THE\n emperors reviewed THEir mercenary legions, would have admitted\n THE legislative assembly of freemen and warriors; and THE rude\n model, which had been sketched in THE woods of Germany, 119 might\n have been polished and improved by THE civil wisdom of THE\n Romans. But THE careless Barbarians, secure of THEir personal\n independence, disdained THE labor of government: THE annual\n assemblies of THE month of March were silently abolished; and THE\n nation was separated, and almost dissolved, by THE conquest of\n Gaul. 120 The monarchy was left without any regular establishment\n of justice, of arms, or of revenue. The successors of Clovis\n wanted resolution to assume, or strength to exercise, THE\n legislative and executive powers, which THE people had abdicated:\n THE royal prerogative was distinguished only by a more ample\n privilege of rapine and murder; and THE love of freedom, so often\n invigorated and disgraced by private ambition, was reduced, among\n THE licentious Franks, to THE contempt of order, and THE desire\n of impunity. Seventy-five years after THE death of Clovis, his\n grandson, Gontran, king of Burgundy, sent an army to invade THE\n Gothic possessions of Septimania, or Languedoc. The troops of\n Burgundy, Berry, Auvergne, and THE adjacent territories, were\n excited by THE hopes of spoil. They marched, without discipline,\n under THE banners of German, or Gallic, counts: THEir attack was\n feeble and unsuccessful; but THE friendly and hostile provinces\n were desolated with indiscriminate rage. The cornfields, THE\n villages, THE churches THEmselves, were consumed by fire: THE\n inhabitants were massacred, or dragged into captivity; and, in\n THE disorderly retreat, five thousand of THEse inhuman savages\n were destroyed by hunger or intestine discord. When THE pious\n Gontran reproached THE guilt or neglect of THEir leaders, and\n threatened to inflict, not a legal sentence, but instant and\n arbitrary execution, THEy accused THE universal and incurable\n corruption of THE people. “No one,” THEy said, “any longer fears\n or respects his king, his duke, or his count. Each man loves to\n do evil, and freely indulges his criminal inclinations. The most\n gentle correction provokes an immediate tumult, and THE rash\n magistrate, who presumes to censure or restrain his seditious\n subjects, seldom escapes alive from THEir revenge.” 121 It has\n been reserved for THE same nation to expose, by THEir intemperate\n vices, THE most odious abuse of freedom; and to supply its loss\n by THE spirit of honor and humanity, which now alleviates and\n dignifies THEir obedience to an absolute sovereign. 1211\n\n 119 (return) [ Ce beau systeme a ete trouve dans les bois.\n Montesquieu, Esprit des Loix, l. xi. c. 6.]\n\n 120 (return) [ See THE Abbe de Mably. Observations, &c., tom. i.\n p. 34-56. It should seem that THE institution of national\n assemblies, which are with THE French nation, has never been\n congenial to its temper.]\n\n 121 (return) [ Gregory of Tours (l. viii. c. 30, in tom. ii. p.\n 325, 326) relates, with much indifference, THE crimes, THE\n reproof, and THE apology. Nullus Regem metuit, nullus Ducem,\n nullus Comitem reveretur; et si fortassis alicui ista displicent,\n et ea, pro longaevitate vitae vestrae, emendare conatur, statim\n seditio in populo, statim tumultus exoritur, et in tantum\n unusquisque contra seniorem saeva intentione grassatur, ut vix se\n credat evadere, si tandem silere nequiverit.]\n\n 1211 (return) [ This remarkable passage was published in 1779—M.]\n\n The Visigoths had resigned to Clovis THE greatest part of THEir\n Gallic possessions; but THEir loss was amply compensated by THE\n easy conquest, and secure enjoyment, of THE provinces of Spain.\n From THE monarchy of THE Goths, which soon involved THE Suevic\n kingdom of Gallicia, THE modern Spaniards still derive some\n national vanity; but THE historian of THE Roman empire is neiTHEr\n invited, nor compelled, to pursue THE obscure and barren series\n of THEir annals. 122 The Goths of Spain were separated from THE\n rest of mankind by THE lofty ridge of THE Pyrenaean mountains:\n THEir manners and institutions, as far as THEy were common to THE\n Germanic tribes, have been already explained. I have anticipated,\n in THE preceding chapter, THE most important of THEir\n ecclesiastical events, THE fall of Arianism, and THE persecution\n of THE Jews; and it only remains to observe some interesting\n circumstances which relate to THE civil and ecclesiastical\n constitution of THE Spanish kingdom.\n\n 122 (return) [ Spain, in THEse dark ages, has been peculiarly\n unfortunate. The Franks had a Gregory of Tours; THE Saxons, or\n Angles, a Bede; THE Lombards, a Paul Warnefrid, &c. But THE\n history of THE Visigoths is contained in THE short and imperfect\n Chronicles of Isidore of Seville and John of Biclar]\n\n After THEir conversion from idolatry or heresy, THE Frank and THE\n Visigoths were disposed to embrace, with equal submission, THE\n inherent evils and THE accidental benefits, of superstition. But\n THE prelates of France, long before THE extinction of THE\n Merovingian race, had degenerated into fighting and hunting\n Barbarians. They disdained THE use of synods; forgot THE laws of\n temperance and chastity; and preferred THE indulgence of private\n ambition and luxury to THE general interest of THE sacerdotal\n profession. 123 The bishops of Spain respected THEmselves, and\n were respected by THE public: THEir indissoluble union disguised\n THEir vices, and confirmed THEir authority; and THE regular\n discipline of THE church introduced peace, order, and stability,\n into THE government of THE state. From THE reign of Recared, THE\n first Catholic king, to that of Witiza, THE immediate predecessor\n of THE unfortunate Roderic, sixteen national councils were\n successively convened. The six metropolitans, Toledo, Seville,\n Merida, Braga, Tarragona, and Narbonne, presided according to\n THEir respective seniority; THE assembly was composed of THEir\n suffragan bishops, who appeared in person, or by THEir proxies;\n and a place was assigned to THE most holy, or opulent, of THE\n Spanish abbots. During THE first three days of THE convocation,\n as long as THEy agitated THE ecclesiastical question of doctrine\n and discipline, THE profane laity was excluded from THEir\n debates; which were conducted, however, with decent solemnity.\n But, on THE morning of THE fourth day, THE doors were thrown open\n for THE entrance of THE great officers of THE palace, THE dukes\n and counts of THE provinces, THE judges of THE cities, and THE\n Gothic nobles, and THE decrees of Heaven were ratified by THE\n consent of THE people.\n\n The same rules were observed in THE provincial assemblies, THE\n annual synods, which were empowered to hear complaints, and to\n redress grievances; and a legal government was supported by THE\n prevailing influence of THE Spanish clergy. The bishops, who, in\n each revolution, were prepared to flatter THE victorious, and to\n insult THE prostrate labored, with diligence and success, to\n kindle THE flames of persecution, and to exalt THE mitre above\n THE crown. Yet THE national councils of Toledo, in which THE free\n spirit of THE Barbarians was tempered and guided by episcopal\n policy, have established some prudent laws for THE common benefit\n of THE king and people. The vacancy of THE throne was supplied by\n THE choice of THE bishops and palatines; and after THE failure of\n THE line of Alaric, THE regal dignity was still limited to THE\n pure and noble blood of THE Goths. The clergy, who anointed THEir\n lawful prince, always recommended, and sometimes practised, THE\n duty of allegiance; and THE spiritual censures were denounced on\n THE heads of THE impious subjects, who should resist his\n authority, conspire against his life, or violate, by an indecent\n union, THE chastity even of his widow. But THE monarch himself,\n when he ascended THE throne, was bound by a reciprocal oath to\n God and his people, that he would faithfully execute this\n important trust. The real or imaginary faults of his\n administration were subject to THE control of a powerful\n aristocracy; and THE bishops and palatines were guarded by a\n fundamental privilege, that THEy should not be degraded,\n imprisoned, tortured, nor punished with death, exile, or\n confiscation, unless by THE free and public judgment of THEir\n peers. 124\n\n 123 (return) [ Such are THE complaints of St. Boniface, THE\n apostle of Germany, and THE reformer of Gaul, (in tom. iv. p.\n 94.) The fourscore years, which he deplores, of license and\n corruption, would seem to insinuate that THE Barbarians were\n admitted into THE clergy about THE year 660.]\n\n 124 (return) [ The acts of THE councils of Toledo are still THE\n most auTHEntic records of THE church and constitution of Spain.\n The following passages are particularly important, (iii. 17, 18;\n iv. 75; v. 2, 3, 4, 5, 8; vi. 11, 12, 13, 14, 17, 18; vii. 1;\n xiii. 2 3 6.) I have found Mascou (Hist. of THE Ancient Germans,\n xv. 29, and Annotations, xxvi. and xxxiii.) and Ferreras (Hist.\n Generale de l’Espagne, tom. ii.) very useful and accurate\n guides.]\n\n One of THEse legislative councils of Toledo examined and ratified\n THE code of laws which had been compiled by a succession of\n Gothic kings, from THE fierce Euric, to THE devout Egica. As long\n as THE Visigoths THEmselves were satisfied with THE rude customs\n of THEir ancestors, THEy indulged THEir subjects of Aquitain and\n Spain in THE enjoyment of THE Roman law. Their gradual\n improvement in arts, in policy, and at length in religion,\n encouraged THEm to imitate, and to supersede, THEse foreign\n institutions; and to compose a code of civil and criminal\n jurisprudence, for THE use of a great and united people. The same\n obligations, and THE same privileges, were communicated to THE\n nations of THE Spanish monarchy; and THE conquerors, insensibly\n renouncing THE Teutonic idiom, submitted to THE restraints of\n equity, and exalted THE Romans to THE participation of freedom.\n The merit of this impartial policy was enhanced by THE situation\n of Spain under THE reign of THE Visigoths. The provincials were\n long separated from THEir Arian masters by THE irreconcilable\n difference of religion. After THE conversion of Recared had\n removed THE prejudices of THE Catholics, THE coasts, both of THE\n Ocean and Mediterranean, were still possessed by THE Eastern\n emperors; who secretly excited a discontented people to reject\n THE yoke of THE Barbarians, and to assert THE name and dignity of\n Roman citizens. The allegiance of doubtful subjects is indeed\n most effectually secured by THEir own persuasion, that THEy\n hazard more in a revolt, than THEy can hope to obtain by a\n revolution; but it has appeared so natural to oppress those whom\n we hate and fear, that THE contrary system well deserves THE\n praise of wisdom and moderation. 125\n\n 125 (return) [ The Code of THE Visigoths, regularly divided into\n twelve books, has been correctly published by Dom Bouquet, (in\n tom. iv. p. 273-460.) It has been treated by THE President de\n Montesquieu (Esprit des Loix, l. xxviii. c. 1) with excessive\n severity. I dislike THE style; I detest THE superstition; but I\n shall presume to think, that THE civil jurisprudence displays a\n more civilized and enlightened state of society, than that of THE\n Burgundians, or even of THE Lombards.]\n\n While THE kingdom of THE Franks and Visigoths were established in\n Gaul and Spain, THE Saxons achieved THE conquest of Britain, THE\n third great diocese of THE Praefecture of THE West. Since Britain\n was already separated from THE Roman empire, I might, without\n reproach, decline a story familiar to THE most illiterate, and\n obscure to THE most learned, of my readers. The Saxons, who\n excelled in THE use of THE oar, or THE battle-axe, were ignorant\n of THE art which could alone perpetuate THE fame of THEir\n exploits; THE Provincials, relapsing into barbarism, neglected to\n describe THE ruin of THEir country; and THE doubtful tradition\n was almost extinguished, before THE missionaries of Rome restored\n THE light of science and Christianity. The declamations of\n Gildas, THE fragments, or fables, of Nennius, THE obscure hints\n of THE Saxon laws and chronicles, and THE ecclesiastical tales of\n THE venerable Bede, 126 have been illustrated by THE diligence,\n and sometimes embellished by THE fancy, of succeeding writers,\n whose works I am not ambitious eiTHEr to censure or to\n transcribe. 127 Yet THE historian of THE empire may be tempted to\n pursue THE revolutions of a Roman province, till it vanishes from\n his sight; and an Englishman may curiously trace THE\n establishment of THE Barbarians, from whom he derives his name,\n his laws, and perhaps his origin.\n\n 126 (return) [ See Gildas de Excidio Britanniae, c. 11-25, p.\n 4-9, edit. Gale. Nennius, Hist. Britonum, c. 28, 35-65, p.\n 105-115, edit. Gale. Bede, Hist. Ecclesiast. Gentis Angloruml. i.\n c. 12-16, p. 49-53. c. 22, p. 58, edit. Smith. Chron. Saxonicum,\n p. 11-23, &c., edit. Gibson. The Anglo-Saxon laws were published\n by Wilkins, London, 1731, in folio; and THE Leges Wallicae, by\n Wotton and Clarke, London, 1730, in folio.]\n\n 127 (return) [ The laborious Mr. Carte, and THE ingenious Mr.\n Whitaker, are THE two modern writers to whom I am principally\n indebted. The particular historian of Manchester embraces, under\n that obscure title, a subject almost as extensive as THE general\n history of England. * Note: Add THE Anglo-Saxon History of Mr. S.\n Turner; and Sir F. Palgrave Sketch of THE “Early History of\n England.”—M.]\n\n About forty years after THE dissolution of THE Roman government,\n Vortigern appears to have obtained THE supreme, though precarious\n command of THE princes and cities of Britain. That unfortunate\n monarch has been almost unanimously condemned for THE weak and\n mischievous policy of inviting 128 a formidable stranger, to\n repel THE vexatious inroads of a domestic foe. His ambassadors\n are despatched, by THE gravest historians, to THE coast of\n Germany: THEy address a paTHEtic oration to THE general assembly\n of THE Saxons, and those warlike Barbarians resolve to assist\n with a fleet and army THE suppliants of a distant and unknown\n island. If Britain had indeed been unknown to THE Saxons, THE\n measure of its calamities would have been less complete. But THE\n strength of THE Roman government could not always guard THE\n maritime province against THE pirates of Germany; THE independent\n and divided states were exposed to THEir attacks; and THE Saxons\n might sometimes join THE Scots and THE Picts, in a tacit, or\n express, confederacy of rapine and destruction. Vortigern could\n only balance THE various perils, which assaulted on every side\n his throne and his people; and his policy may deserve eiTHEr\n praise or excuse, if he preferred THE alliance of those\n Barbarians, whose naval power rendered THEm THE most dangerous\n enemies and THE most serviceable allies. Hengist and Horsa, as\n THEy ranged along THE Eastern coast with three ships, were\n engaged, by THE promise of an ample stipend, to embrace THE\n defence of Britain; and THEir intrepid valor soon delivered THE\n country from THE Caledonian invaders. The Isle of Thanet, a\n secure and fertile district, was allotted for THE residence of\n THEse German auxiliaries, and THEy were supplied, according to\n THE treaty, with a plentiful allowance of clothing and\n provisions. This favorable reception encouraged five thousand\n warriors to embark with THEir families in seventeen vessels, and\n THE infant power of Hengist was fortified by this strong and\n seasonable reenforcement. The crafty Barbarian suggested to\n Vortigern THE obvious advantage of fixing, in THE neighborhood of\n THE Picts, a colony of faithful allies: a third fleet of forty\n ships, under THE command of his son and nephew, sailed from\n Germany, ravaged THE Orkneys, and disembarked a new army on THE\n coast of Northumberland, or Lothian, at THE opposite extremity of\n THE devoted land. It was easy to foresee, but it was impossible\n to prevent, THE impending evils. The two nations were soon\n divided and exasperated by mutual jealousies. The Saxons\n magnified all that THEy had done and suffered in THE cause of an\n ungrateful people; while THE Britons regretted THE liberal\n rewards which could not satisfy THE avarice of those haughty\n mercenaries. The causes of fear and hatred were inflamed into an\n irreconcilable quarrel. The Saxons flew to arms; and if THEy\n perpetrated a treacherous massacre during THE security of a\n feast, THEy destroyed THE reciprocal confidence which sustains\n THE intercourse of peace and war. 129\n\n 128 (return) [ This invitation, which may derive some countenance\n from THE loose expressions of Gildas and Bede, is framed into a\n regular story by Witikind, a Saxon monk of THE tenth century,\n (see Cousin, Hist. de l’Empire d’Occident, tom. ii. p. 356.)\n Rapin, and even Hume, have too freely used this suspicious\n evidence, without regarding THE precise and probable testimony of\n Tennius: Iterea venerunt tres Chinlae a exilio pulsoe, in quibus\n erant Hors et Hengist.]\n\n 129 (return) [ Nennius imputes to THE Saxons THE murder of three\n hundred British chiefs; a crime not unsuitable to THEir savage\n manners. But we are not obliged to believe (see Jeffrey of\n Monmouth, l. viii. c. 9-12) that Stonehenge is THEir monument,\n which THE giants had formerly transported from Africa to Ireland,\n and which was removed to Britain by THE order of Ambrosius, and\n THE art of Merlin. * Note: Sir f. Palgrave (Hist. of England, p.\n 36) is inclined to resolve THE whole of THEse stories, as Niebuhr\n THE older Roman history, into poetry. To THE editor THEy\n appeared, in early youth, so essentially poetic, as to justify\n THE rash attempt to embody THEm in an Epic Poem, called Samor,\n commenced at Eton, and finished before he had arrived at THE\n maturer taste of manhood.—M.]\n\n Hengist, who boldly aspired to THE conquest of Britain, exhorted\n his countrymen to embrace THE glorious opportunity: he painted in\n lively colors THE fertility of THE soil, THE wealth of THE\n cities, THE pusillanimous temper of THE natives, and THE\n convenient situation of a spacious solitary island, accessible on\n all sides to THE Saxon fleets. The successive colonies which\n issued, in THE period of a century, from THE mouths of THE Elbe,\n THE Weser, and THE Rhine, were principally composed of three\n valiant tribes or nations of Germany; THE Jutes, THE old Saxons,\n and THE Angles. The Jutes, who fought under THE peculiar banner\n of Hengist, assumed THE merit of leading THEir countrymen in THE\n paths of glory, and of erecting, in Kent, THE first independent\n kingdom. The fame of THE enterprise was attributed to THE\n primitive Saxons; and THE common laws and language of THE\n conquerors are described by THE national appellation of a people,\n which, at THE end of four hundred years, produced THE first\n monarchs of South Britain. The Angles were distinguished by THEir\n numbers and THEir success; and THEy claimed THE honor of fixing a\n perpetual name on THE country, of which THEy occupied THE most\n ample portion. The Barbarians, who followed THE hopes of rapine\n eiTHEr on THE land or sea, were insensibly blended with this\n triple confederacy; THE Frisians, who had been tempted by THEir\n vicinity to THE British shores, might balance, during a short\n space, THE strength and reputation of THE native Saxons; THE\n Danes, THE Prussians, THE Rugians, are faintly described; and\n some adventurous Huns, who had wandered as far as THE Baltic,\n might embark on board THE German vessels, for THE conquest of a\n new world. 130 But this arduous achievement was not prepared or\n executed by THE union of national powers. Each intrepid\n chieftain, according to THE measure of his fame and fortunes,\n assembled his followers; equipped a fleet of three, or perhaps of\n sixty, vessels; chose THE place of THE attack; and conducted his\n subsequent operations according to THE events of THE war, and THE\n dictates of his private interest. In THE invasion of Britain many\n heroes vanquished and fell; but only seven victorious leaders\n assumed, or at least maintained, THE title of kings. Seven\n independent thrones, THE Saxon Heptarchy, 1301 were founded by\n THE conquerors, and seven families, one of which has been\n continued, by female succession, to our present sovereign,\n derived THEir equal and sacred lineage from Woden, THE god of\n war. It has been pretended, that this republic of kings was\n moderated by a general council and a supreme magistrate. But such\n an artificial scheme of policy is repugnant to THE rude and\n turbulent spirit of THE Saxons: THEir laws are silent; and THEir\n imperfect annals afford only a dark and bloody prospect of\n intestine discord. 131\n\n 130 (return) [ All THEse tribes are expressly enumerated by Bede,\n (l. i. c. 15, p. 52, l. v. c. 9, p. 190;) and though I have\n considered Mr. Whitaker’s remarks, (Hist. of Manchester, vol. ii.\n p. 538-543,) I do not perceive THE absurdity of supposing that\n THE Frisians, &c., were mingled with THE Anglo-Saxons.]\n\n 1301 (return) [ This term (THE Heptarchy) must be rejected\n because an idea is conveyed THEreby which is substantially wrong.\n At no one period were THEre ever seven kingdoms independent of\n each oTHEr. Palgrave, vol. i. p. 46. Mr. Sharon Turner has THE\n merit of having first confuted THE popular notion on this\n subject. Anglo-Saxon History, vol. i. p. 302.—M.]\n\n 131 (return) [ Bede has enumerated seven kings, two Saxons, a\n Jute, and four Angles, who successively acquired in THE heptarchy\n an indefinite supremacy of power and renown. But THEir reign was\n THE effect, not of law, but of conquest; and he observes, in\n similar terms, that one of THEm subdued THE Isles of Man and\n Anglesey; and that anoTHEr imposed a tribute on THE Scots and\n Picts. (Hist. Eccles. l. ii. c. 5, p. 83.)]\n\n A monk, who, in THE profound ignorance of human life, has\n presumed to exercise THE office of historian, strangely\n disfigures THE state of Britain at THE time of its separation\n from THE Western empire. Gildas 132 describes in florid language\n THE improvements of agriculture, THE foreign trade which flowed\n with every tide into THE Thames and THE Severn THE solid and\n lofty construction of public and private edifices; he accuses THE\n sinful luxury of THE British people; of a people, according to\n THE same writer, ignorant of THE most simple arts, and incapable,\n without THE aid of THE Romans, of providing walls of stone, or\n weapons of iron, for THE defence of THEir native land. 133 Under\n THE long dominion of THE emperors, Britain had been insensibly\n moulded into THE elegant and servile form of a Roman province,\n whose safety was intrusted to a foreign power. The subjects of\n Honorius contemplated THEir new freedom with surprise and terror;\n THEy were left destitute of any civil or military constitution;\n and THEir uncertain rulers wanted eiTHEr skill, or courage, or\n authority, to direct THE public force against THE common enemy.\n The introduction of THE Saxons betrayed THEir internal weakness,\n and degraded THE character both of THE prince and people. Their\n consternation magnified THE danger; THE want of union diminished\n THEir resources; and THE madness of civil factions was more\n solicitous to accuse, than to remedy, THE evils, which THEy\n imputed to THE misconduct of THEir adversaries.\n\n Yet THE Britons were not ignorant, THEy could not be ignorant, of\n THE manufacture or THE use of arms; THE successive and disorderly\n attacks of THE Saxons allowed THEm to recover from THEir\n amazement, and THE prosperous or adverse events of THE war added\n discipline and experience to THEir native valor.\n\n 132 (return) [ See Gildas de Excidio Britanniae, c. i. p. l.\n edit. Gale.]\n\n 133 (return) [ Mr. Whitaker (Hist. of Manchester, vol. ii. p.\n 503, 516) has smartly exposed this glaring absurdity, which had\n passed unnoticed by THE general historians, as THEy were\n hastening to more interesting and important events]\n\n While THE continent of Europe and Africa yielded, without\n resistance, to THE Barbarians, THE British island, alone and\n unaided, maintained a long, a vigorous, though an unsuccessful,\n struggle, against THE formidable pirates, who, almost at THE same\n instant, assaulted THE NorTHErn, THE Eastern, and THE SouTHErn\n coasts. The cities which had been fortified with skill, were\n defended with resolution; THE advantages of ground, hills,\n forests, and morasses, were diligently improved by THE\n inhabitants; THE conquest of each district was purchased with\n blood; and THE defeats of THE Saxons are strongly attested by THE\n discreet silence of THEir annalist. Hengist might hope to achieve\n THE conquest of Britain; but his ambition, in an active reign of\n thirty-five years, was confined to THE possession of Kent; and\n THE numerous colony which he had planted in THE North, was\n extirpated by THE sword of THE Britons. The monarchy of THE West\n Saxons was laboriously founded by THE persevering efforts of\n three martial generations. The life of Cerdic, one of THE bravest\n of THE children of Woden, was consumed in THE conquest of\n Hampshire, and THE Isle of Wight; and THE loss which he sustained\n in THE battle of Mount Badon, reduced him to a state of\n inglorious repose. Kenric, his valiant son, advanced into\n Wiltshire; besieged Salisbury, at that time seated on a\n commanding eminence; and vanquished an army which advanced to THE\n relief of THE city. In THE subsequent battle of Marlborough, 134\n his British enemies displayed THEir military science. Their\n troops were formed in three lines; each line consisted of three\n distinct bodies, and THE cavalry, THE archers, and THE pikemen,\n were distributed according to THE principles of Roman tactics.\n The Saxons charged in one weighty column, boldly encountered with\n THEir shord swords THE long lances of THE Britons, and maintained\n an equal conflict till THE approach of night. Two decisive\n victories, THE death of three British kings, and THE reduction of\n Cirencester, Bath, and Gloucester, established THE fame and power\n of Ceaulin, THE grandson of Cerdic, who carried his victorious\n arms to THE banks of THE Severn.\n\n 134 (return) [ At Beran-birig, or Barbury-castle, near\n Marlborough. The Saxon chronicle assigns THE name and date.\n Camden (Britannia, vol. i. p. 128) ascertains THE place; and\n Henry of Huntingdon (Scriptores pest Bedam, p. 314) relates THE\n circumstances of this battle. They are probable and\n characteristic; and THE historians of THE twelfth century might\n consult some materials that no longer exist.] After a war of a\n hundred years, THE independent Britons still occupied THE whole\n extent of THE Western coast, from THE wall of Antoninus to THE\n extreme promontory of Cornwall; and THE principal cities of THE\n inland country still opposed THE arms of THE Barbarians.\n Resistance became more languid, as THE number and boldness of THE\n assailants continually increased. Winning THEir way by slow and\n painful efforts, THE Saxons, THE Angles, and THEir various\n confederates, advanced from THE North, from THE East, and from\n THE South, till THEir victorious banners were united in THE\n centre of THE island. Beyond THE Severn THE Britons still\n asserted THEir national freedom, which survived THE heptarchy,\n and even THE monarchy, of THE Saxons. The bravest warriors, who\n preferred exile to slavery, found a secure refuge in THE\n mountains of Wales: THE reluctant submission of Cornwall was\n delayed for some ages; 135 and a band of fugitives acquired a\n settlement in Gaul, by THEir own valor, or THE liberality of THE\n Merovingian kings. 136 The Western angle of Armorica acquired THE\n new appellations of Cornwall, and THE Lesser Britain; and THE\n vacant lands of THE Osismii were filled by a strange people, who,\n under THE authority of THEir counts and bishops, preserved THE\n laws and language of THEir ancestors. To THE feeble descendants\n of Clovis and Charlemagne, THE Britons of Armorica refused THE\n customary tribute, subdued THE neighboring dioceses of Vannes,\n Rennes, and Nantes, and formed a powerful, though vassal, state,\n which has been united to THE crown of France. 137\n\n 135 (return) [ Cornwall was finally subdued by ATHElstan, (A.D.\n 927-941,) who planted an English colony at Exeter, and confined\n THE Britons beyond THE River Tamar. See William of Malmsbury, l.\n ii., in THE Scriptores post Bedam, p. 50. The spirit of THE\n Cornish knights was degraded by servitude: and it should seem,\n from THE Romance of Sir Tristram, that THEir cowardice was almost\n proverbial.]\n\n 136 (return) [ The establishment of THE Britons in Gaul is proved\n in THE sixth century, by Procopius, Gregory of Tours, THE second\n council of Tours, (A.D. 567,) and THE least suspicious of THEir\n chronicles and lives of saints. The subscription of a bishop of\n THE Britons to THE first council of Tours, (A.D. 461, or raTHEr\n 481,) THE army of Riothamus, and THE loose declamation of Gildas,\n (alii transmarinas petebant regiones, c. 25, p. 8,) may\n countenance an emigration as early as THE middle of THE fifth\n century. Beyond that era, THE Britons of Armorica can be found\n only in romance; and I am surprised that Mr. Whitaker (Genuine\n History of THE Britons, p. 214-221) should so faithfully\n transcribe THE gross ignorance of Carte, whose venial errors he\n has so rigorously chastised.]\n\n 137 (return) [ The antiquities of Bretagne, which have been THE\n subject even of political controversy, are illustrated by Hadrian\n Valesius, (Notitia Galliarum, sub voce Britannia Cismarina, p.\n 98-100.) M. D’Anville, (Notice de l’Ancienne Gaule, Corisopiti,\n Curiosolites, Osismii, Vorganium, p. 248, 258, 508, 720, and\n Etats de l’Europe, p. 76-80,) Longuerue, (Description de la\n France, tom. i. p. 84-94,) and THE Abbe de Vertot, (Hist.\n Critique de l’Etablissement des Bretons dans les Gaules, 2 vols.\n in 12 mo., Paris, 1720.) I may assume THE merit of examining THE\n original evidence which THEy have produced. * Note: Compare\n Gallet, Mémoires sur la Bretagne, and Daru, Histoire de Bretagne.\n These authors appear to me to establish THE point of THE\n independence of Bretagne at THE time that THE insular Britons\n took refuge in THEir country, and that THE greater part landed as\n fugitives raTHEr than as conquerors. I observe that M. Lappenberg\n (Geschichte von England, vol. i. p. 56) supposes THE settlement\n of a military colony formed of British soldiers, (Milites\n limitanei, laeti,) during THE usurpation of Maximus, (381, 388,)\n who gave THEir name and peculiar civilization to Bretagne. M.\n Lappenberg expresses his surprise that Gibbon here rejects THE\n authority which he follows elsewhere.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part V.\n\n In a century of perpetual, or at least implacable, war, much\n courage, and some skill, must have been exerted for THE defence\n of Britain. Yet if THE memory of its champions is almost buried\n in oblivion, we need not repine; since every age, however\n destitute of science or virtue, sufficiently abounds with acts of\n blood and military renown. The tomb of Vortimer, THE son of\n Vortigern, was erected on THE margin of THE sea-shore, as a\n landmark formidable to THE Saxons, whom he had thrice vanquished\n in THE fields of Kent. Ambrosius Aurelian was descended from a\n noble family of Romans; 138 his modesty was equal to his valor,\n and his valor, till THE last fatal action, 139 was crowned with\n splendid success. But every British name is effaced by THE\n illustrious name of Arthur, 140 THE hereditary prince of THE\n Silures, in South Wales, and THE elective king or general of THE\n nation. According to THE most rational account, he defeated, in\n twelve successive battles, THE Angles of THE North, and THE\n Saxons of THE West; but THE declining age of THE hero was\n imbittered by popular ingratitude and domestic misfortunes. The\n events of his life are less interesting than THE singular\n revolutions of his fame. During a period of five hundred years\n THE tradition of his exploits was preserved, and rudely\n embellished, by THE obscure bards of Wales and Armorica, who were\n odious to THE Saxons, and unknown to THE rest of mankind. The\n pride and curiosity of THE Norman conquerors prompted THEm to\n inquire into THE ancient history of Britain: THEy listened with\n fond credulity to THE tale of Arthur, and eagerly applauded THE\n merit of a prince who had triumphed over THE Saxons, THEir common\n enemies. His romance, transcribed in THE Latin of Jeffrey of\n Monmouth, and afterwards translated into THE fashionable idiom of\n THE times, was enriched with THE various, though incoherent,\n ornaments which were familiar to THE experience, THE learning, or\n THE fancy, of THE twelfth century. The progress of a Phrygian\n colony, from THE Tyber to THE Thames, was easily ingrafted on THE\n fable of THE Aeneid; and THE royal ancestors of Arthur derived\n THEir origin from Troy, and claimed THEir alliance with THE\n Caesars. His trophies were decorated with captive provinces and\n Imperial titles; and his Danish victories avenged THE recent\n injuries of his country. The gallantry and superstition of THE\n British hero, his feasts and tournaments, and THE memorable\n institution of his Knights of THE Round Table, were faithfully\n copied from THE reigning manners of chivalry; and THE fabulous\n exploits of UTHEr’s son appear less incredible than THE\n adventures which were achieved by THE enterprising valor of THE\n Normans. Pilgrimage, and THE holy wars, introduced into Europe\n THE specious miracles of Arabian magic. Fairies and giants,\n flying dragons, and enchanted palaces, were blended with THE more\n simple fictions of THE West; and THE fate of Britain depended on\n THE art, or THE predictions, of Merlin. Every nation embraced and\n adorned THE popular romance of Arthur, and THE Knights of THE\n Round Table: THEir names were celebrated in Greece and Italy; and\n THE voluminous tales of Sir Lancelot and Sir Tristram were\n devoutly studied by THE princes and nobles, who disregarded THE\n genuine heroes and historians of antiquity. At length THE light\n of science and reason was rekindled; THE talisman was broken; THE\n visionary fabric melted into air; and by a natural, though\n unjust, reverse of THE public opinion, THE severity of THE\n present age is inclined to question THE existence of Arthur. 141\n\n 138 (return) [ Bede, who in his chronicle (p. 28) places\n Ambrosius under THE reign of Zeno, (A.D. 474-491,) observes, that\n his parents had been “purpura induti;” which he explains, in his\n ecclesiastical history, by “regium nomen et insigne ferentibus,”\n (l. i. c. 16, p. 53.) The expression of Nennius (c. 44, p. 110,\n edit. Gale) is still more singular, “Unus de consulibus gentis\n Romanicae est pater meus.”]\n\n 139 (return) [ By THE unanimous, though doubtful, conjecture of\n our antiquarians, Ambrosius is confounded with Natanleod, who\n (A.D. 508) lost his own life, and five thousand of his subjects,\n in a battle against Cerdic, THE West Saxon, (Chron. Saxon. p. 17,\n 18.)]\n\n 140 (return) [ As I am a stranger to THE Welsh bards, Myrdhin,\n Llomarch, and Taliessin, my faith in THE existence and exploits\n of Arthur principally rests on THE simple and circumstantial\n testimony of Nennius. (Hist. Brit. c. 62, 63, p. 114.) Mr.\n Whitaker, (Hist. of Manchester, vol. ii. p. 31-71) had framed an\n interesting, and even probable, narrative of THE wars of Arthur:\n though it is impossible to allow THE reality of THE round table.\n * Note: I presume that Gibbon means Llywarch Hen, or THE\n Aged.—The Elegies of this Welsh prince and bard have been\n published by Mr. Owen; to whose works and in THE Myvyrian\n Archaeology, slumbers much curious information on THE subject of\n Welsh tradition and poetry. But THE Welsh antiquarians have never\n obtained a hearing from THE public; THEy have had no Macpherson\n to compensate for his corruption of THEir poetic legends by\n forcing THEm into popularity.—See also Mr. Sharon Turner’s Essay\n on THE Welsh Bards.—M.]\n\n 141 (return) [ The progress of romance, and THE state of\n learning, in THE middle ages, are illustrated by Mr. Thomas\n Warton, with THE taste of a poet, and THE minute diligence of an\n antiquarian. I have derived much instruction from THE two learned\n dissertations prefixed to THE first volume of his History of\n English Poetry. * Note: These valuable dissertations should not\n now be read without THE notes and preliminary essay of THE late\n editor, Mr. Price, which, in point of taste and fulness of\n information, are worthy of accompanying and completing those of\n Warton.—M.]\n\n Resistance, if it cannot avert, must increase THE miseries of\n conquest; and conquest has never appeared more dreadful and\n destructive than in THE hands of THE Saxons; who hated THE valor\n of THEir enemies, disdained THE faith of treaties, and violated,\n without remorse, THE most sacred objects of THE Christian\n worship. The fields of battle might be traced, almost in every\n district, by monuments of bones; THE fragments of falling towers\n were stained with blood; THE last of THE Britons, without\n distinction of age or sex, was massacred, 142 in THE ruins of\n Anderida; 143 and THE repetition of such calamities was frequent\n and familiar under THE Saxon heptarchy. The arts and religion,\n THE laws and language, which THE Romans had so carefully planted\n in Britain, were extirpated by THEir barbarous successors. After\n THE destruction of THE principal churches, THE bishops, who had\n declined THE crown of martyrdom, retired with THE holy relics\n into Wales and Armorica; THE remains of THEir flocks were left\n destitute of any spiritual food; THE practice, and even THE\n remembrance, of Christianity were abolished; and THE British\n clergy might obtain some comfort from THE damnation of THE\n idolatrous strangers. The kings of France maintained THE\n privileges of THEir Roman subjects; but THE ferocious Saxons\n trampled on THE laws of Rome, and of THE emperors. The\n proceedings of civil and criminal jurisdiction, THE titles of\n honor, THE forms of office, THE ranks of society, and even THE\n domestic rights of marriage, testament, and inheritance, were\n finally suppressed; and THE indiscriminate crowd of noble and\n plebeian slaves was governed by THE traditionary customs, which\n had been coarsely framed for THE shepherds and pirates of\n Germany. The language of science, of business, and of\n conversation, which had been introduced by THE Romans, was lost\n in THE general desolation. A sufficient number of Latin or Celtic\n words might be assumed by THE Germans, to express THEir new wants\n and ideas; 144 but those illiterate Pagans preserved and\n established THE use of THEir national dialect. 145 Almost every\n name, conspicuous eiTHEr in THE church or state, reveals its\n Teutonic origin; 146 and THE geography of England was universally\n inscribed with foreign characters and appellations. The example\n of a revolution, so rapid and so complete, may not easily be\n found; but it will excite a probable suspicion, that THE arts of\n Rome were less deeply rooted in Britain than in Gaul or Spain;\n and that THE native rudeness of THE country and its inhabitants\n was covered by a thin varnish of Italian manners.\n\n 142 (return) [ Hoc anno (490) Aella et Cissa obsederunt\n Andredes-Ceaster; et interfecerunt omnes qui id incoluerunt; adeo\n ut ne unus Brito ibi superstes fuerit, (Chron. Saxon. p. 15;) an\n expression more dreadful in its simplicity, than all THE vague\n and tedious lamentations of THE British Jeremiah.]\n\n 143 (return) [ Andredes-Ceaster, or Anderida, is placed by Camden\n (Britannia, vol. i. p. 258) at Newenden, in THE marshy grounds of\n Kent, which might be formerly covered by THE sea, and on THE edge\n of THE great forest (Anderida) which overspread so large a\n portion of Hampshire and Sussex.]\n\n 144 (return) [ Dr. Johnson affirms, that few English words are of\n British extraction. Mr. Whitaker, who understands THE British\n language, has discovered more than three thousand, and actually\n produces a long and various catalogue, (vol. ii. p. 235-329.) It\n is possible, indeed, that many of THEse words may have been\n imported from THE Latin or Saxon into THE native idiom of\n Britain. * Note: Dr. Prichard’s very curious researches, which\n connect THE Celtic, as well as THE Teutonic languages with THE\n Indo-European class, make it still more difficult to decide\n between THE Celtic or Teutonic origin of English words.—See\n Prichard on THE Eastern Origin of THE Celtic Nations Oxford,\n 1831.—M.]\n\n 145 (return) [ In THE beginning of THE seventh century, THE\n Franks and THE Anglo-Saxons mutually understood each oTHEr’s\n language, which was derived from THE same Teutonic root, (Bede,\n l. i. c. 25, p. 60.)]\n\n 146 (return) [ After THE first generation of Italian, or\n Scottish, missionaries, THE dignities of THE church were filled\n with Saxon proselytes.]\n\n This strange alteration has persuaded historians, and even\n philosophers, that THE provincials of Britain were totally\n exterminated; and that THE vacant land was again peopled by THE\n perpetual influx, and rapid increase, of THE German colonies.\n Three hundred thousand Saxons are said to have obeyed THE summons\n of Hengist; 147 THE entire emigation of THE Angles was attested,\n in THE age of Bede, by THE solitude of THEir native country; 148\n and our experience has shown THE free propagation of THE human\n race, if THEy are cast on a fruitful wilderness, where THEir\n steps are unconfined, and THEir subsistence is plentiful. The\n Saxon kingdoms displayed THE face of recent discovery and\n cultivation; THE towns were small, THE villages were distant; THE\n husbandry was languid and unskilful; four sheep were equivalent\n to an acre of THE best land; 149 an ample space of wood and\n morass was resigned to THE vague dominion of nature; and THE\n modern bishopric of Durham, THE whole territory from THE Tyne to\n THE Tees, had returned to its primitive state of a savage and\n solitary forest. 150 Such imperfect population might have been\n supplied, in some generations, by THE English colonies; but\n neiTHEr reason nor facts can justify THE unnatural supposition,\n that THE Saxons of Britain remained alone in THE desert which\n THEy had subdued. After THE sanguinary Barbarians had secured\n THEir dominion, and gratified THEir revenge, it was THEir\n interest to preserve THE peasants as well as THE cattle, of THE\n unresisting country. In each successive revolution, THE patient\n herd becomes THE property of its new masters; and THE salutary\n compact of food and labor is silently ratified by THEir mutual\n necessities. Wilfrid, THE apostle of Sussex, 151 accepted from\n his royal convert THE gift of THE peninsula of Selsey, near\n Chichester, with THE persons and property of its inhabitants, who\n THEn amounted to eighty-seven families. He released THEm at once\n from spiritual and temporal bondage; and two hundred and fifty\n slaves of both sexes were baptized by THEir indulgent master. The\n kingdom of Sussex, which spread from THE sea to THE Thames,\n contained seven thousand families; twelve hundred were ascribed\n to THE Isle of Wight; and, if we multiply this vague computation,\n it may seem probable, that England was cultivated by a million of\n servants, or villains, who were attached to THE estates of THEir\n arbitrary landlords. The indigent Barbarians were often tempted\n to sell THEir children, or THEmselves into perpetual, and even\n foreign, bondage; 152 yet THE special exemptions which were\n granted to national slaves, 153 sufficiently declare that THEy\n were much less numerous than THE strangers and captives, who had\n lost THEir liberty, or changed THEir masters, by THE accidents of\n war. When time and religion had mitigated THE fierce spirit of\n THE Anglo-Saxons, THE laws encouraged THE frequent practice of\n manumission; and THEir subjects, of Welsh or Cambrian extraction,\n assumed THE respectable station of inferior freemen, possessed of\n lands, and entitled to THE rights of civil society. 154 Such\n gentle treatment might secure THE allegiance of a fierce people,\n who had been recently subdued on THE confines of Wales and\n Cornwall. The sage Ina, THE legislator of Wessex, united THE two\n nations in THE bands of domestic alliance; and four British lords\n of Somersetshire may be honorably distinguished in THE court of a\n Saxon monarch. 155\n\n 147 (return) [ Carte’s History of England, vol. i. p. 195. He\n quotes THE British historians; but I much fear, that Jeffrey of\n Monmouth (l. vi. c. 15) is his only witness.]\n\n 148 (return) [ Bede, Hist. Ecclesiast. l. i. c. 15, p. 52. The\n fact is probable, and well attested: yet such was THE loose\n intermixture of THE German tribes, that we find, in a subsequent\n period, THE law of THE Angli and Warini of Germany, (Lindenbrog.\n Codex, p. 479-486.)]\n\n 149 (return) [ See Dr. Henry’s useful and laborious History of\n Great Britain, vol. ii. p. 388.]\n\n 150 (return) [ Quicquid (says John of Tinemouth) inter Tynam et\n Tesam fluvios extitit, sola eremi vastitudo tunc temporis fuit,\n et idcirco nullius ditioni servivit, eo quod sola indomitorum et\n sylvestrium animalium spelunca et habitatio fuit, (apud Carte,\n vol. i. p. 195.) From bishop Nicholson (English Historical\n Library, p. 65, 98) I understand that fair copies of John of\n Tinemouth’s ample collections are preserved in THE libraries of\n Oxford, Lambeth, &c.]\n\n 151 (return) [ See THE mission of Wilfrid, &c., in Bede, Hist.\n Eccles. l. iv. c. 13, 16, p. 155, 156, 159.]\n\n 152 (return) [ From THE concurrent testimony of Bede (l. ii. c.\n 1, p. 78) and William of Malmsbury, (l. iii. p. 102,) it appears,\n that THE Anglo-Saxons, from THE first to THE last age, persisted\n in this unnatural practice. Their youths were publicly sold in\n THE market of Rome.]\n\n 153 (return) [ According to THE laws of Ina, THEy could not be\n lawfully sold beyond THE seas.]\n\n 154 (return) [ The life of a Wallus, or Cambricus, homo, who\n possessed a hyde of land, is fixed at 120 shillings, by THE same\n laws (of Ina, tit. xxxii. in Leg. Anglo-Saxon. p. 20) which\n allowed 200 shillings for a free Saxon, 1200 for a Thane, (see\n likewise Leg. Anglo-Saxon. p. 71.) We may observe, that THEse\n legislators, THE West Saxons and Mercians, continued THEir\n British conquests after THEy became Christians. The laws of THE\n four kings of Kent do not condescend to notice THE existence of\n any subject Britons.]\n\n 155 (return) [ See Carte’s Hist. of England, vol. i. p. 278.]\n\n The independent Britons appear to have relapsed into THE state of\n original barbarism, from whence THEy had been imperfectly\n reclaimed. Separated by THEir enemies from THE rest of mankind,\n THEy soon became an object of scandal and abhorrence to THE\n Catholic world. 156 Christianity was still professed in THE\n mountains of Wales; but THE rude schismatics, in THE form of THE\n clerical tonsure, and in THE day of THE celebration of Easter,\n obstinately resisted THE imperious mandates of THE Roman\n pontiffs. The use of THE Latin language was insensibly abolished,\n and THE Britons were deprived of THE art and learning which Italy\n communicated to her Saxon proselytes. In Wales and Armorica, THE\n Celtic tongue, THE native idiom of THE West, was preserved and\n propagated; and THE Bards, who had been THE companions of THE\n Druids, were still protected, in THE sixteenth century, by THE\n laws of Elizabeth. Their chief, a respectable officer of THE\n courts of Pengwern, or Aberfraw, or CaermarTHEn, accompanied THE\n king’s servants to war: THE monarchy of THE Britons, which he\n sung in THE front of battle, excited THEir courage, and justified\n THEir depredations; and THE songster claimed for his legitimate\n prize THE fairest heifer of THE spoil. His subordinate ministers,\n THE masters and disciples of vocal and instrumental music,\n visited, in THEir respective circuits, THE royal, THE noble, and\n THE plebeian houses; and THE public poverty, almost exhausted by\n THE clergy, was oppressed by THE importunate demands of THE\n bards. Their rank and merit were ascertained by solemn trials,\n and THE strong belief of supernatural inspiration exalted THE\n fancy of THE poet, and of his audience. 157 The last retreats of\n Celtic freedom, THE extreme territories of Gaul and Britain, were\n less adapted to agriculture than to pasturage: THE wealth of THE\n Britons consisted in THEir flocks and herds; milk and flesh were\n THEir ordinary food; and bread was sometimes esteemed, or\n rejected, as a foreign luxury. Liberty had peopled THE mountains\n of Wales and THE morasses of Armorica; but THEir populousness has\n been maliciously ascribed to THE loose practice of polygamy; and\n THE houses of THEse licentious barbarians have been supposed to\n contain ten wives, and perhaps fifty children. 158 Their\n disposition was rash and choleric; THEy were bold in action and\n in speech; 159 and as THEy were ignorant of THE arts of peace,\n THEy alternately indulged THEir passions in foreign and domestic\n war. The cavalry of Armorica, THE spearmen of Gwent, and THE\n archers of Merioneth, were equally formidable; but THEir poverty\n could seldom procure eiTHEr shields or helmets; and THE\n inconvenient weight would have retarded THE speed and agility of\n THEir desultory operations. One of THE greatest of THE English\n monarchs was requested to satisfy THE curiosity of a Greek\n emperor concerning THE state of Britain; and Henry II. could\n assert, from his personal experience, that Wales was inhabited by\n a race of naked warriors, who encountered, without fear, THE\n defensive armor of THEir enemies. 160\n\n 156 (return) [ At THE conclusion of his history, (A.D. 731,) Bede\n describes THE ecclesiastical state of THE island, and censures\n THE implacable, though impotent, hatred of THE Britons against\n THE English nation, and THE Catholic church, (l. v. c. 23, p.\n 219.)]\n\n 157 (return) [ Mr. Pennant’s Tour in Wales (p. 426-449) has\n furnished me with a curious and interesting account of THE Welsh\n bards. In THE year 1568, a session was held at Caerwys by THE\n special command of Queen Elizabeth, and regular degrees in vocal\n and instrumental music were conferred on fifty-five minstrels.\n The prize (a silver harp) was adjudged by THE Mostyn family.]\n\n 158 (return) [ Regio longe lateque diffusa, milite, magis quam\n credibile sit, referta. Partibus equidem in illis miles unus\n quinquaginta generat, sortitus more barbaro denas aut amplius\n uxores. This reproach of William of Poitiers (in THE Historians\n of France, tom. xi. p. 88) is disclaimed by THE Benedictine\n editors.]\n\n 159 (return) [ Giraldus Cambrensis confines this gift of bold and\n ready eloquence to THE Romans, THE French, and THE Britons. The\n malicious Welshman insinuates that THE English taciturnity might\n possibly be THE effect of THEir servitude under THE Normans.]\n\n 160 (return) [ The picture of Welsh and Armorican manners is\n drawn from Giraldus, (Descript. Cambriae, c. 6-15, inter Script.\n Camden. p. 886-891,) and THE authors quoted by THE Abbe de\n Vertot, (Hist. Critique tom. ii. p. 259-266.)]\n\n By THE revolution of Britain, THE limits of science, as well as\n of empire, were contracted. The dark cloud, which had been\n cleared by THE Phoenician discoveries, and finally dispelled by\n THE arms of Caesar, again settled on THE shores of THE Atlantic,\n and a Roman province was again lost among THE fabulous Islands of\n THE Ocean. One hundred and fifty years after THE reign of\n Honorius, THE gravest historian of THE times 161 describes THE\n wonders of a remote isle, whose eastern and western parts are\n divided by an antique wall, THE boundary of life and death, or,\n more properly, of truth and fiction. The east is a fair country,\n inhabited by a civilized people: THE air is healthy, THE waters\n are pure and plentiful, and THE earth yields her regular and\n fruitful increase. In THE west, beyond THE wall, THE air is\n infectious and mortal; THE ground is covered with serpents; and\n this dreary solitude is THE region of departed spirits, who are\n transported from THE opposite shores in substantial boats, and by\n living rowers. Some families of fishermen, THE subjects of THE\n Franks, are excused from tribute, in consideration of THE\n mysterious office which is performed by THEse Charons of THE\n ocean. Each in his turn is summoned, at THE hour of midnight, to\n hear THE voices, and even THE names, of THE ghosts: he is\n sensible of THEir weight, and he feels himself impelled by an\n unknown, but irresistible power. After this dream of fancy, we\n read with astonishment, that THE name of this island is Brittia;\n that it lies in THE ocean, against THE mouth of THE Rhine, and\n less than thirty miles from THE continent; that it is possessed\n by three nations, THE Frisians, THE Angles, and THE Britons; and\n that some Angles had appeared at Constantinople, in THE train of\n THE French ambassadors. From THEse ambassadors Procopius might be\n informed of a singular, though not improbable, adventure, which\n announces THE spirit, raTHEr than THE delicacy, of an English\n heroine. She had been betroTHEd to Radiger, king of THE Varni, a\n tribe of Germans who touched THE ocean and THE Rhine; but THE\n perfidious lover was tempted, by motives of policy, to prefer his\n faTHEr’s widow, THE sister of Theodebert, king of THE Franks. 162\n The forsaken princess of THE Angles, instead of bewailing,\n revenged her disgrace. Her warlike subjects are said to have been\n ignorant of THE use, and even of THE form, of a horse; but she\n boldly sailed from Britain to THE mouth of THE Rhine, with a\n fleet of four hundred ships, and an army of one hundred thousand\n men. After THE loss of a battle, THE captive Radiger implored THE\n mercy of his victorious bride, who generously pardoned his\n offence, dismissed her rival, and compelled THE king of THE Varni\n to discharge with honor and fidelity THE duties of a husband. 163\n This gallant exploit appears to be THE last naval enterprise of\n THE Anglo-Saxons. The arts of navigation, by which THEy acquired\n THE empire of Britain and of THE sea, were soon neglected by THE\n indolent Barbarians, who supinely renounced all THE commercial\n advantages of THEir insular situation. Seven independent kingdoms\n were agitated by perpetual discord; and THE British world was\n seldom connected, eiTHEr in peace or war, with THE nations of THE\n Continent. 164\n\n 161 (return) [ See Procopius de Bell. Gothic. l. iv. c. 20, p.\n 620-625. The Greek historian is himself so confounded by THE\n wonders which he relates, that he weakly attempts to distinguish\n THE islands of Britia and Britain, which he has identified by so\n many inseparable circumstances.]\n\n 162 (return) [ Theodebert, grandson of Clovis, and king of\n Austrasia, was THE most powerful and warlike prince of THE age;\n and this remarkable adventure may be placed between THE years 534\n and 547, THE extreme terms of his reign. His sister Theudechildis\n retired to Sens, where she founded monasteries, and distributed\n alms, (see THE notes of THE Benedictine editors, in tom. ii. p.\n 216.) If we may credit THE praises of Fortunatus, (l. vi. carm.\n 5, in tom. ii. p. 507,) Radiger was deprived of a most valuable\n wife.]\n\n 163 (return) [ Perhaps she was THE sister of one of THE princes\n or chiefs of THE Angles, who landed in 527, and THE following\n years, between THE Humber and THE Thames, and gradually founded\n THE kingdoms of East Anglia and Mercia. The English writers are\n ignorant of her name and existence: but Procopius may have\n suggested to Mr. Rowe THE character and situation of Rodogune in\n THE tragedy of THE Royal Convert.]\n\n 164 (return) [ In THE copious history of Gregory of Tours, we\n cannot find any traces of hostile or friendly intercourse between\n France and England except in THE marriage of THE daughter of\n Caribert, king of Paris, quam regis cujusdam in Cantia filius\n matrimonio copulavit, (l. ix. c. 28, in tom. ii. p. 348.) The\n bishop of Tours ended his history and his life almost immediately\n before THE conversion of Kent.]\n\n I have now accomplished THE laborious narrative of THE decline\n and fall of THE Roman empire, from THE fortunate age of Trajan\n and THE Antonines, to its total extinction in THE West, about\n five centuries after THE Christian era. At that unhappy period,\n THE Saxons fiercely struggled with THE natives for THE possession\n of Britain: Gaul and Spain were divided between THE powerful\n monarchies of THE Franks and Visigoths, and THE dependent\n kingdoms of THE Suevi and Burgundians: Africa was exposed to THE\n cruel persecution of THE Vandals, and THE savage insults of THE\n Moors: Rome and Italy, as far as THE banks of THE Danube, were\n afflicted by an army of Barbarian mercenaries, whose lawless\n tyranny was succeeded by THE reign of Theodoric THE Ostrogoth.\n All THE subjects of THE empire, who, by THE use of THE Latin\n language, more particularly deserved THE name and privileges of\n Romans, were oppressed by THE disgrace and calamities of foreign\n conquest; and THE victorious nations of Germany established a new\n system of manners and government in THE western countries of\n Europe. The majesty of Rome was faintly represented by THE\n princes of Constantinople, THE feeble and imaginary successors of\n Augustus. Yet THEy continued to reign over THE East, from THE\n Danube to THE Nile and Tigris; THE Gothic and Vandal kingdoms of\n Italy and Africa were subverted by THE arms of Justinian; and THE\n history of THE Greek emperors may still afford a long series of\n instructive lessons, and interesting revolutions.\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XXXVIII: Reign Of Clovis.—Part VI.\n\n General Observations On The Fall Of The Roman Empire In The West.\n\n The Greeks, after THEir country had been reduced into a province,\n imputed THE triumphs of Rome, not to THE merit, but to THE\n fortune, of THE republic. The inconstant goddess, who so blindly\n distributes and resumes her favors, had now consented (such was\n THE language of envious flattery) to resign her wings, to descend\n from her globe, and to fix her firm and immutable throne on THE\n banks of THE Tyber. 1000 A wiser Greek, who has composed, with a\n philosophic spirit, THE memorable history of his own times,\n deprived his countrymen of this vain and delusive comfort, by\n opening to THEir view THE deep foundations of THE greatness of\n Rome. 2000 The fidelity of THE citizens to each oTHEr, and to THE\n state, was confirmed by THE habits of education, and THE\n prejudices of religion. Honor, as well as virtue, was THE\n principle of THE republic; THE ambitious citizens labored to\n deserve THE solemn glories of a triumph; and THE ardor of THE\n Roman youth was kindled into active emulation, as often as THEy\n beheld THE domestic images of THEir ancestors. 3000 The temperate\n struggles of THE patricians and plebeians had finally established\n THE firm and equal balance of THE constitution; which united THE\n freedom of popular assemblies, with THE authority and wisdom of a\n senate, and THE executive powers of a regal magistrate. When THE\n consul displayed THE standard of THE republic, each citizen bound\n himself, by THE obligation of an oath, to draw his sword in THE\n cause of his country, till he had discharged THE sacred duty by a\n military service of ten years. This wise institution continually\n poured into THE field THE rising generations of freemen and\n soldiers; and THEir numbers were reenforced by THE warlike and\n populous states of Italy, who, after a brave resistance, had\n yielded to THE valor and embraced THE alliance, of THE Romans.\n The sage historian, who excited THE virtue of THE younger Scipio,\n and beheld THE ruin of Carthage, 4000 has accurately described\n THEir military system; THEir levies, arms, exercises,\n subordination, marches, encampments; and THE invincible legion,\n superior in active strength to THE Macedonian phalanx of Philip\n and Alexander. From THEse institutions of peace and war Polybius\n has deduced THE spirit and success of a people, incapable of\n fear, and impatient of repose. The ambitious design of conquest,\n which might have been defeated by THE seasonable conspiracy of\n mankind, was attempted and achieved; and THE perpetual violation\n of justice was maintained by THE political virtues of prudence\n and courage. The arms of THE republic, sometimes vanquished in\n battle, always victorious in war, advanced with rapid steps to\n THE Euphrates, THE Danube, THE Rhine, and THE Ocean; and THE\n images of gold, or silver, or brass, that might serve to\n represent THE nations and THEir kings, were successively broken\n by THE iron monarchy of Rome. 5000\n\n 1000 (return) [ Such are THE figurative expressions of Plutarch,\n (Opera, tom. ii. p. 318, edit. Wechel,) to whom, on THE faith of\n his son Lamprias, (Fabricius, Bibliot. Graec. tom. iii. p. 341,)\n I shall boldly impute THE malicious declamation. The same\n opinions had prevailed among THE Greeks two hundred and fifty\n years before Plutarch; and to confute THEm is THE professed\n intention of Polybius, (Hist. l. i. p. 90, edit. Gronov. Amstel.\n 1670.)]\n\n 2000 (return) [ See THE inestimable remains of THE sixth book of\n Polybius, and many oTHEr parts of his general history,\n particularly a digression in THE seventeenth book, in which he\n compares THE phalanx and THE legion.]\n\n 3000 (return) [ Sallust, de Bell. Jugurthin. c. 4. Such were THE\n generous professions of P. Scipio and Q. Maximus. The Latin\n historian had read and most probably transcribes, Polybius, THEir\n contemporary and friend.]\n\n 4000 (return) [ While Carthage was in flames, Scipio repeated two\n lines of THE Iliad, which express THE destruction of Troy,\n acknowledging to Polybius, his friend and preceptor, (Polyb. in\n Excerpt. de Virtut. et Vit. tom. ii. p. 1455-1465,) that while he\n recollected THE vicissitudes of human affairs, he inwardly\n applied THEm to THE future calamities of Rome, (Appian. in\n Libycis, p. 136, edit. Toll.)]\n\n 5000 (return) [ See Daniel, ii. 31-40. “And THE fourth kingdom\n shall be strong as iron; forasmuch as iron breaketh in pieces and\n subdueth all things.” The remainder of THE prophecy (THE mixture\n of iron and clay) was accomplished, according to St. Jerom, in\n his own time. Sicut enim in principio nihil Romano Imperio\n fortius et durius, ita in fine rerum nihil imbecillius; quum et\n in bellis civilibus et adversus diversas nationes, aliarum\n gentium barbararum auxilio indigemus, (Opera, tom. v. p. 572.)]\n\n The rise of a city, which swelled into an empire, may deserve, as\n a singular prodigy, THE reflection of a philosophic mind. But THE\n decline of Rome was THE natural and inevitable effect of\n immoderate greatness. Prosperity ripened THE principle of decay;\n THE causes of destruction multiplied with THE extent of conquest;\n and as soon as time or accident had removed THE artificial\n supports, THE stupendous fabric yielded to THE pressure of its\n own weight. The story of its ruin is simple and obvious; and\n instead of inquiring why THE Roman empire was destroyed, we\n should raTHEr be surprised that it had subsisted so long. The\n victorious legions, who, in distant wars, acquired THE vices of\n strangers and mercenaries, first oppressed THE freedom of THE\n republic, and afterwards violated THE majesty of THE purple. The\n emperors, anxious for THEir personal safety and THE public peace,\n were reduced to THE base expedient of corrupting THE discipline\n which rendered THEm alike formidable to THEir sovereign and to\n THE enemy; THE vigor of THE military government was relaxed, and\n finally dissolved, by THE partial institutions of Constantine;\n and THE Roman world was overwhelmed by a deluge of Barbarians.\n\n The decay of Rome has been frequently ascribed to THE translation\n of THE seat of empire; but this History has already shown, that\n THE powers of government were divided, raTHEr than removed. The\n throne of Constantinople was erected in THE East; while THE West\n was still possessed by a series of emperors who held THEir\n residence in Italy, and claimed THEir equal inheritance of THE\n legions and provinces. This dangerous novelty impaired THE\n strength, and fomented THE vices, of a double reign: THE\n instruments of an oppressive and arbitrary system were\n multiplied; and a vain emulation of luxury, not of merit, was\n introduced and supported between THE degenerate successors of\n Theodosius. Extreme distress, which unites THE virtue of a free\n people, imbitters THE factions of a declining monarchy. The\n hostile favorites of Arcadius and Honorius betrayed THE republic\n to its common enemies; and THE Byzantine court beheld with\n indifference, perhaps with pleasure, THE disgrace of Rome, THE\n misfortunes of Italy, and THE loss of THE West. Under THE\n succeeding reigns, THE alliance of THE two empires was restored;\n but THE aid of THE Oriental Romans was tardy, doubtful, and\n ineffectual; and THE national schism of THE Greeks and Latins was\n enlarged by THE perpetual difference of language and manners, of\n interests, and even of religion. Yet THE salutary event approved\n in some measure THE judgment of Constantine. During a long period\n of decay, his impregnable city repelled THE victorious armies of\n Barbarians, protected THE wealth of Asia, and commanded, both in\n peace and war, THE important straits which connect THE Euxine and\n Mediterranean Seas. The foundation of Constantinople more\n essentially contributed to THE preservation of THE East, than to\n THE ruin of THE West.\n\n As THE happiness of a future life is THE great object of\n religion, we may hear without surprise or scandal, that THE\n introduction or at least THE abuse, of Christianity had some\n influence on THE decline and fall of THE Roman empire. The clergy\n successfully preached THE doctrines of patience and\n pusillanimity: THE active virtues of society were discouraged;\n and THE last remains of military spirit were buried in THE\n cloister: a large portion of public and private wealth was\n consecrated to THE specious demands of charity and devotion; and\n THE soldiers’ pay was lavished on THE useless multitudes of both\n sexes, who could only plead THE merits of abstinence and\n chastity. 511 Faith, zeal, curiosity, and THE more earthly\n passions of malice and ambition, kindled THE flame of THEological\n discord; THE church, and even THE state, were distracted by\n religious factions, whose conflicts were sometimes bloody, and\n always implacable; THE attention of THE emperors was diverted\n from camps to synods; THE Roman world was oppressed by a new\n species of tyranny; and THE persecuted sects became THE secret\n enemies of THEir country. Yet party spirit, however pernicious or\n absurd, is a principle of union as well as of dissension. The\n bishops, from eighteen hundred pulpits, inculcated THE duty of\n passive obedience to a lawful and orthodox sovereign; THEir\n frequent assemblies, and perpetual correspondence, maintained THE\n communion of distant churches; and THE benevolent temper of THE\n gospel was strengTHEned, though confined, by THE spiritual\n alliance of THE Catholics. The sacred indolence of THE monks was\n devoutly embraced by a servile and effeminate age; but if\n superstition had not afforded a decent retreat, THE same vices\n would have tempted THE unworthy Romans to desert, from baser\n motives, THE standard of THE republic. Religious precepts are\n easily obeyed, which indulge and sanctify THE natural\n inclinations of THEir votaries; but THE pure and genuine\n influence of Christianity may be traced in its beneficial, though\n imperfect, effects on THE Barbarian proselytes of THE North. If\n THE decline of THE Roman empire was hastened by THE conversion of\n Constantine, his victorious religion broke THE violence of THE\n fall, and mollified THE ferocious temper of THE conquerors.\n\n 511 (return) [ It might be a curious speculation, how far THE\n purer morals of THE genuine and more active Christians may have\n compensated, in THE population of THE Roman empire, for THE\n secession of such numbers into inactive and unproductive\n celibacy.—M.]\n\n This awful revolution may be usefully applied to THE instruction\n of THE present age. It is THE duty of a patriot to prefer and\n promote THE exclusive interest and glory of his native country:\n but a philosopher may be permitted to enlarge his views, and to\n consider Europe as one great republic whose various inhabitants\n have obtained almost THE same level of politeness and\n cultivation. The balance of power will continue to fluctuate, and\n THE prosperity of our own, or THE neighboring kingdoms, may be\n alternately exalted or depressed; but THEse partial events cannot\n essentially injure our general state of happiness, THE system of\n arts, and laws, and manners, which so advantageously distinguish,\n above THE rest of mankind, THE Europeans and THEir colonies. The\n savage nations of THE globe are THE common enemies of civilized\n society; and we may inquire, with anxious curiosity, wheTHEr\n Europe is still threatened with a repetition of those calamities,\n which formerly oppressed THE arms and institutions of Rome.\n Perhaps THE same reflections will illustrate THE fall of that\n mighty empire, and explain THE probable causes of our actual\n security.\n\n I. The Romans were ignorant of THE extent of THEir danger, and\n THE number of THEir enemies. Beyond THE Rhine and Danube, THE\n NorTHErn countries of Europe and Asia were filled with\n innumerable tribes of hunters and shepherds, poor, voracious, and\n turbulent; bold in arms, and impatient to ravish THE fruits of\n industry. The Barbarian world was agitated by THE rapid impulse\n of war; and THE peace of Gaul or Italy was shaken by THE distant\n revolutions of China. The Huns, who fled before a victorious\n enemy, directed THEir march towards THE West; and THE torrent was\n swelled by THE gradual accession of captives and allies. The\n flying tribes who yielded to THE Huns assumed in THEir turn THE\n spirit of conquest; THE endless column of Barbarians pressed on\n THE Roman empire with accumulated weight; and, if THE foremost\n were destroyed, THE vacant space was instantly replenished by new\n assailants. Such formidable emigrations can no longer issue from\n THE North; and THE long repose, which has been imputed to THE\n decrease of population, is THE happy consequence of THE progress\n of arts and agriculture. Instead of some rude villages, thinly\n scattered among its woods and morasses, Germany now produces a\n list of two thousand three hundred walled towns: THE Christian\n kingdoms of Denmark, Sweden, and Poland, have been successively\n established; and THE Hanse merchants, with THE Teutonic knights,\n have extended THEir colonies along THE coast of THE Baltic, as\n far as THE Gulf of Finland. From THE Gulf of Finland to THE\n Eastern Ocean, Russia now assumes THE form of a powerful and\n civilized empire. The plough, THE loom, and THE forge, are\n introduced on THE banks of THE Volga, THE Oby, and THE Lena; and\n THE fiercest of THE Tartar hordes have been taught to tremble and\n obey. The reign of independent Barbarism is now contracted to a\n narrow span; and THE remnant of Calmucks or Uzbecks, whose forces\n may be almost numbered, cannot seriously excite THE apprehensions\n of THE great republic of Europe. 6000 Yet this apparent security\n should not tempt us to forget, that new enemies, and unknown\n dangers, may possibly arise from some obscure people, scarcely\n visible in THE map of THE world, The Arabs or Saracens, who\n spread THEir conquests from India to Spain, had languished in\n poverty and contempt, till Mahomet breaTHEd into those savage\n bodies THE soul of enthusiasm.\n\n 6000 (return) [ The French and English editors of THE\n Genealogical History of THE Tartars have subjoined a curious,\n though imperfect, description, of THEir present state. We might\n question THE independence of THE Calmucks, or Eluths, since THEy\n have been recently vanquished by THE Chinese, who, in THE year\n 1759, subdued THE Lesser Bucharia, and advanced into THE country\n of Badakshan, near THE source of THE Oxus, (Mémoires sur les\n Chinois, tom. i. p. 325-400.) But THEse conquests are precarious,\n nor will I venture to insure THE safety of THE Chinese empire.]\n\n II. The empire of Rome was firmly established by THE singular and\n perfect coalition of its members. The subject nations, resigning\n THE hope, and even THE wish, of independence, embraced THE\n character of Roman citizens; and THE provinces of THE West were\n reluctantly torn by THE Barbarians from THE bosom of THEir moTHEr\n country. 7000 But this union was purchased by THE loss of\n national freedom and military spirit; and THE servile provinces,\n destitute of life and motion, expected THEir safety from THE\n mercenary troops and governors, who were directed by THE orders\n of a distant court. The happiness of a hundred millions depended\n on THE personal merit of one or two men, perhaps children, whose\n minds were corrupted by education, luxury, and despotic power.\n The deepest wounds were inflicted on THE empire during THE\n minorities of THE sons and grandsons of Theodosius; and, after\n those incapable princes seemed to attain THE age of manhood, THEy\n abandoned THE church to THE bishops, THE state to THE eunuchs,\n and THE provinces to THE Barbarians. Europe is now divided into\n twelve powerful, though unequal kingdoms, three respectable\n commonwealths, and a variety of smaller, though independent,\n states: THE chances of royal and ministerial talents are\n multiplied, at least, with THE number of its rulers; and a\n Julian, or Semiramis, may reign in THE North, while Arcadius and\n Honorius again slumber on THE thrones of THE South. The abuses of\n tyranny are restrained by THE mutual influence of fear and shame;\n republics have acquired order and stability; monarchies have\n imbibed THE principles of freedom, or, at least, of moderation;\n and some sense of honor and justice is introduced into THE most\n defective constitutions by THE general manners of THE times. In\n peace, THE progress of knowledge and industry is accelerated by\n THE emulation of so many active rivals: in war, THE European\n forces are exercised by temperate and undecisive contests. If a\n savage conqueror should issue from THE deserts of Tartary, he\n must repeatedly vanquish THE robust peasants of Russia, THE\n numerous armies of Germany, THE gallant nobles of France, and THE\n intrepid freemen of Britain; who, perhaps, might confederate for\n THEir common defence. Should THE victorious Barbarians carry\n slavery and desolation as far as THE Atlantic Ocean, ten thousand\n vessels would transport beyond THEir pursuit THE remains of\n civilized society; and Europe would revive and flourish in THE\n American world, which is already filled with her colonies and\n institutions. 8000\n\n 7000 (return) [ The prudent reader will determine how far this\n general proposition is weakened by THE revolt of THE Isaurians,\n THE independence of Britain and Armorica, THE Moorish tribes, or\n THE Bagaudae of Gaul and Spain, (vol. i. p. 328, vol. iii. p.\n 315, vol. iii. p. 372, 480.)]\n\n 8000 (return) [ America now contains about six millions of\n European blood and descent; and THEir numbers, at least in THE\n North, are continually increasing. Whatever may be THE changes of\n THEir political situation, THEy must preserve THE manners of\n Europe; and we may reflect with some pleasure, that THE English\n language will probably be diffused ever an immense and populous\n continent.]\n\n III. Cold, poverty, and a life of danger and fatigue, fortify THE\n strength and courage of Barbarians. In every age THEy have\n oppressed THE polite and peaceful nations of China, India, and\n Persia, who neglected, and still neglect, to counterbalance THEse\n natural powers by THE resources of military art. The warlike\n states of antiquity, Greece, Macedonia, and Rome, educated a race\n of soldiers; exercised THEir bodies, disciplined THEir courage,\n multiplied THEir forces by regular evolutions, and converted THE\n iron, which THEy possessed, into strong and serviceable weapons.\n But this superiority insensibly declined with THEir laws and\n manners; and THE feeble policy of Constantine and his successors\n armed and instructed, for THE ruin of THE empire, THE rude valor\n of THE Barbarian mercenaries. The military art has been changed\n by THE invention of gunpowder; which enables man to command THE\n two most powerful agents of nature, air and fire. MaTHEmatics,\n chemistry, mechanics, architecture, have been applied to THE\n service of war; and THE adverse parties oppose to each oTHEr THE\n most elaborate modes of attack and of defence. Historians may\n indignantly observe, that THE preparations of a siege would found\n and maintain a flourishing colony; 9000 yet we cannot be\n displeased, that THE subversion of a city should be a work of\n cost and difficulty; or that an industrious people should be\n protected by those arts, which survive and supply THE decay of\n military virtue. Cannon and fortifications now form an\n impregnable barrier against THE Tartar horse; and Europe is\n secure from any future irruptions of Barbarians; since, before\n THEy can conquer, THEy must cease to be barbarous. Their gradual\n advances in THE science of war would always be accompanied, as we\n may learn from THE example of Russia, with a proportionable\n improvement in THE arts of peace and civil policy; and THEy\n THEmselves must deserve a place among THE polished nations whom\n THEy subdue.\n\n 9000 (return) [ On avoit fait venir (for THE siege of Turin) 140\n pieces de canon; et il est a remarquer que chaque gros canon\n monte revient a environ ecus: il y avoit 100,000 boulets; 106,000\n cartouches d’une facon, et 300,000 d’une autre; 21,000 bombes;\n 27,700 grenades, 15,000 sacs a terre, 30,000 instruments pour la\n pionnage; 1,200,000 livres de poudre. Ajoutez a ces munitions, le\n plomb, le fer, et le fer-blanc, les cordages, tout ce qui sert\n aux mineurs, le souphre, le salpetre, les outils de toute espece.\n Il est certain que les frais de tous ces preparatifs de\n destruction suffiroient pour fonder et pour faire fleurir la plus\n aombreuse colonie. Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV. c. xx. in his\n Works. tom. xi. p. 391.]\n\n Should THEse speculations be found doubtful or fallacious, THEre\n still remains a more humble source of comfort and hope. The\n discoveries of ancient and modern navigators, and THE domestic\n history, or tradition, of THE most enlightened nations, represent\n THE human savage, naked both in body and mind and destitute of\n laws, of arts, of ideas, and almost of language. 1001 From this\n abject condition, perhaps THE primitive and universal state of\n man, he has gradually arisen to command THE animals, to fertilize\n THE earth, to traverse THE ocean and to measure THE heavens. His\n progress in THE improvement and exercise of his mental and\n corporeal faculties 1101 has been irregular and various;\n infinitely slow in THE beginning, and increasing by degrees with\n redoubled velocity: ages of laborious ascent have been followed\n by a moment of rapid downfall; and THE several climates of THE\n globe have felt THE vicissitudes of light and darkness. Yet THE\n experience of four thousand years should enlarge our hopes, and\n diminish our apprehensions: we cannot determine to what height\n THE human species may aspire in THEir advances towards\n perfection; but it may safely be presumed, that no people, unless\n THE face of nature is changed, will relapse into THEir original\n barbarism. The improvements of society may be viewed under a\n threefold aspect. 1. The poet or philosopher illustrates his age\n and country by THE efforts of a single mind; but those superior\n powers of reason or fancy are rare and spontaneous productions;\n and THE genius of Homer, or Cicero, or Newton, would excite less\n admiration, if THEy could be created by THE will of a prince, or\n THE lessons of a preceptor. 2. The benefits of law and policy, of\n trade and manufactures, of arts and sciences, are more solid and\n permanent: and many individuals may be qualified, by education\n and discipline, to promote, in THEir respective stations, THE\n interest of THE community. But this general order is THE effect\n of skill and labor; and THE complex machinery may be decayed by\n time, or injured by violence.\n\n 3. Fortunately for mankind, THE more useful, or, at least, more\n necessary arts, can be performed without superior talents, or\n national subordination: without THE powers of one, or THE union\n of many. Each village, each family, each individual, must always\n possess both ability and inclination to perpetuate THE use of\n fire 1201 and of metals; THE propagation and service of domestic\n animals; THE methods of hunting and fishing; THE rudiments of\n navigation; THE imperfect cultivation of corn, or oTHEr nutritive\n grain; and THE simple practice of THE mechanic trades. Private\n genius and public industry may be extirpated; but THEse hardy\n plants survive THE tempest, and strike an everlasting root into\n THE most unfavorable soil. The splendid days of Augustus and\n Trajan were eclipsed by a cloud of ignorance; and THE Barbarians\n subverted THE laws and palaces of Rome. But THE scyTHE, THE\n invention or emblem of Saturn, 1302 still continued annually to\n mow THE harvests of Italy; and THE human feasts of THE\n Laestrigons 1401 have never been renewed on THE coast of\n Campania.\n\n 1001 (return) [ It would be an easy, though tedious, task, to\n produce THE authorities of poets, philosophers, and historians. I\n shall THErefore content myself with appealing to THE decisive and\n auTHEntic testimony of Diodorus Siculus, (tom. i. l. i. p. 11,\n 12, l. iii. p. 184, &c., edit. Wesseling.) The Icthyophagi, who\n in his time wandered along THE shores of THE Red Sea, can only be\n compared to THE natives of New Holland, (Dampier’s Voyages, vol.\n i. p. 464-469.) Fancy, or perhaps reason, may still suppose an\n extreme and absolute state of nature far below THE level of THEse\n savages, who had acquired some arts and instruments.]\n\n 1101 (return) [ See THE learned and rational work of THE\n president Goguet, de l’Origine des Loix, des Arts, et des\n Sciences. He traces from facts, or conjectures, (tom. i. p.\n 147-337, edit. 12mo.,) THE first and most difficult steps of\n human invention.]\n\n 1201 (return) [ It is certain, however strange, that many nations\n have been ignorant of THE use of fire. Even THE ingenious natives\n of Otaheite, who are destitute of metals, have not invented any\n earTHEn vessels capable of sustaining THE action of fire, and of\n communicating THE heat to THE liquids which THEy contain.]\n\n 1302 (return) [ Plutarch. Quaest. Rom. in tom. ii. p. 275.\n Macrob. Saturnal. l. i. c. 8, p. 152, edit. London. The arrival\n of Saturn (of his religious worship) in a ship, may indicate,\n that THE savage coast of Latium was first discovered and\n civilized by THE Phoenicians.]\n\n 1401 (return) [ In THE ninth and tenth books of THE Odyssey,\n Homer has embellished THE tales of fearful and credulous sailors,\n who transformed THE cannibals of Italy and Sicily into monstrous\n giants.]\n\n Since THE first discovery of THE arts, war, commerce, and\n religious zeal have diffused, among THE savages of THE Old and\n New World, THEse inestimable gifts: THEy have been successively\n propagated; THEy can never be lost. We may THErefore acquiesce in\n THE pleasing conclusion, that every age of THE world has\n increased, and still increases, THE real wealth, THE happiness,\n THE knowledge, and perhaps THE virtue, of THE human race. 1501\n\n 1501 (return) [ The merit of discovery has too often been stained\n with avarice, cruelty, and fanaticism; and THE intercourse of\n nations has produced THE communication of disease and prejudice.\n A singular exception is due to THE virtue of our own times and\n country. The five great voyages, successively undertaken by THE\n command of his present Majesty, were inspired by THE pure and\n generous love of science and of mankind. The same prince,\n adapting his benefactions to THE different stages of society, has\n founded his school of painting in his capital; and has introduced\n into THE islands of THE South Sea THE vegetables and animals most\n useful to human life.]\n\n\n\n\nVOLUME FOUR\n\n\n\n\nChapter XXXIX: Gothic Kingdom Of Italy.—Part I.\n\n\nZeno And Anastasius, Emperors Of The East.—Birth, Education, And First\nExploits Of Theodoric The Ostrogoth.—His Invasion And Conquest Of\nItaly.—The Gothic Kingdom Of Italy.—State Of The West.—Military And\nCivil Government.—The Senator Boethius.—Last Acts And Death Of\nTheodoric.\n\n\n After THE fall of THE Roman empire in THE West, an interval of\n fifty years, till THE memorable reign of Justinian, is faintly\n marked by THE obscure names and imperfect annals of Zeno,\n Anastasius, and Justin, who successively ascended to THE throne\n of Constantinople. During THE same period, Italy revived and\n flourished under THE government of a Gothic king, who might have\n deserved a statue among THE best and bravest of THE ancient\n Romans.\n\n\n Theodoric THE Ostrogoth, THE fourteenth in lineal descent of THE\n royal line of THE Amali, 1 was born in THE neighborhood of Vienna\n 2 two years after THE death of Attila. 2111 A recent victory had\n restored THE independence of THE Ostrogoths; and THE three\n broTHErs, Walamir, Theodemir, and Widimir, who ruled that warlike\n nation with united counsels, had separately pitched THEir\n habitations in THE fertile though desolate province of Pannonia.\n The Huns still threatened THEir revolted subjects, but THEir\n hasty attack was repelled by THE single forces of Walamir, and\n THE news of his victory reached THE distant camp of his broTHEr\n in THE same auspicious moment that THE favorite concubine of\n Theodemir was delivered of a son and heir. In THE eighth year of\n his age, Theodoric was reluctantly yielded by his faTHEr to THE\n public interest, as THE pledge of an alliance which Leo, emperor\n of THE East, had consented to purchase by an annual subsidy of\n three hundred pounds of gold. The royal hostage was educated at\n Constantinople with care and tenderness. His body was formed to\n all THE exercises of war, his mind was expanded by THE habits of\n liberal conversation; he frequented THE schools of THE most\n skilful masters; but he disdained or neglected THE arts of\n Greece, and so ignorant did he always remain of THE first\n elements of science, that a rude mark was contrived to represent\n THE signature of THE illiterate king of Italy. 3 As soon as he\n had attained THE age of eighteen, he was restored to THE wishes\n of THE Ostrogoths, whom THE emperor aspired to gain by liberality\n and confidence. Walamir had fallen in battle; THE youngest of THE\n broTHErs, Widimir, had led away into Italy and Gaul an army of\n Barbarians, and THE whole nation acknowledged for THEir king THE\n faTHEr of Theodoric. His ferocious subjects admired THE strength\n and stature of THEir young prince; 4 and he soon convinced THEm\n that he had not degenerated from THE valor of his ancestors. At\n THE head of six thousand volunteers, he secretly left THE camp in\n quest of adventures, descended THE Danube as far as Singidunum,\n or Belgrade, and soon returned to his faTHEr with THE spoils of a\n Sarmatian king whom he had vanquished and slain. Such triumphs,\n however, were productive only of fame, and THE invincible\n Ostrogoths were reduced to extreme distress by THE want of\n clothing and food. They unanimously resolved to desert THEir\n Pannonian encampments, and boldly to advance into THE warm and\n wealthy neighborhood of THE Byzantine court, which already\n maintained in pride and luxury so many bands of confederate\n Goths. After proving, by some acts of hostility, that THEy could\n be dangerous, or at least troublesome, enemies, THE Ostrogoths\n sold at a high price THEir reconciliation and fidelity, accepted\n a donative of lands and money, and were intrusted with THE\n defence of THE Lower Danube, under THE command of Theodoric, who\n succeeded after his faTHEr’s death to THE hereditary throne of\n THE Amali. 5\n\n 1 (return) [ Jornandes (de Rebus Geticis, c. 13, 14, p. 629, 630,\n edit. Grot.) has drawn THE pedigree of Theodoric from Gapt, one\n of THE Anses or Demigods, who lived about THE time of Domitian.\n Cassiodorus, THE first who celebrates THE royal race of THE\n Amali, (Viriar. viii. 5, ix. 25, x. 2, xi. 1,) reckons THE\n grandson of Theodoric as THE xviith in descent. Peringsciold (THE\n Swedish commentator of Cochloeus, Vit. Theodoric. p. 271, &c.,\n Stockholm, 1699) labors to connect this genealogy with THE\n legends or traditions of his native country. * Note: Amala was a\n name of hereditary sanctity and honor among THE Visigoths. It\n enters into THE names of Amalaberga, Amala suintha, (swinTHEr\n means strength,) Amalafred, Amalarich. In THE poem of THE\n Nibelungen written three hundred years later, THE Ostrogoths are\n called THE Amilungen. According to Wachter it means, unstained,\n from THE privative a, and malo a stain. It is pure Sanscrit,\n Amala, immaculatus. Schlegel. Indische BiblioTHEk, 1. p. 233.—M.]\n\n 2 (return) [ More correctly on THE banks of THE Lake Pelso,\n (Nieusiedler-see,) near Carnuntum, almost on THE same spot where\n Marcus Antoninus composed his meditations, Jornandes, c. 52, p.\n 659. Severin. Pannonia Illustrata, p. 22. Cellarius, Geograph.\n Antiq. (tom. i. p. 350.)]\n\n 2111 (return) [ The date of Theodoric’s birth is not accurately\n determined. We can hardly err, observes Manso, in placing it\n between THE years 453 and 455, Manso, Geschichte des Ost\n Gothischen Reichs, p. 14.—M.]\n\n 3 (return) [ The four first letters of his name were inscribed on\n a gold plate, and when it was fixed on THE paper, THE king drew\n his pen through THE intervals (Anonym. Valesian. ad calcem Amm.\n Marcellin p. 722.) This auTHEntic fact, with THE testimony of\n Procopius, or at least of THE contemporary Goths, (Gothic. 1. i.\n c. 2, p. 311,) far outweighs THE vague praises of Ennodius\n (Sirmond Opera, tom. i. p. 1596) and Theophanes, (Chronograph. p.\n 112.) * Note: Le Beau and his Commentator, M. St. Martin,\n support, though with no very satisfactory evidence, THE opposite\n opinion. But Lord Mahon (Life of Belisarius, p. 19) urges THE\n much stronger argument, THE Byzantine education of Theodroic.—M.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Statura est quae resignet proceritate regnantem,\n (Ennodius, p. 1614.) The bishop of Pavia (I mean THE ecclesiastic\n who wished to be a bishop) THEn proceeds to celebrate THE\n complexion, eyes, hands, &c, of his sovereign.]\n\n 5 (return) [ The state of THE Ostrogoths, and THE first years of\n Theodoric, are found in Jornandes, (c. 52—56, p. 689—696) and\n Malchus, (Excerpt. Legat. p. 78—80,) who erroneously styles him\n THE son of Walamir.]\n\n\n A hero, descended from a race of kings, must have despised THE\n base Isaurian who was invested with THE Roman purple, without any\n endowment of mind or body, without any advantages of royal birth,\n or superior qualifications. After THE failure of THE Theodosian\n line, THE choice of Pulcheria and of THE senate might be\n justified in some measure by THE characters of Martin and Leo,\n but THE latter of THEse princes confirmed and dishonored his\n reign by THE perfidious murder of Aspar and his sons, who too\n rigorously exacted THE debt of gratitude and obedience. The\n inheritance of Leo and of THE East was peaceably devolved on his\n infant grandson, THE son of his daughter Ariadne; and her\n Isaurian husband, THE fortunate Trascalisseus, exchanged that\n barbarous sound for THE Grecian appellation of Zeno. After THE\n decease of THE elder Leo, he approached with unnatural respect\n THE throne of his son, humbly received, as a gift, THE second\n rank in THE empire, and soon excited THE public suspicion on THE\n sudden and premature death of his young colleague, whose life\n could no longer promote THE success of his ambition. But THE\n palace of Constantinople was ruled by female influence, and\n agitated by female passions: and Verina, THE widow of Leo,\n claiming his empire as her own, pronounced a sentence of\n deposition against THE worthless and ungrateful servant on whom\n she alone had bestowed THE sceptre of THE East. 6 As soon as she\n sounded a revolt in THE ears of Zeno, he fled with precipitation\n into THE mountains of Isauria, and her broTHEr Basiliscus,\n already infamous by his African expedition, 7 was unanimously\n proclaimed by THE servile senate. But THE reign of THE usurper\n was short and turbulent. Basiliscus presumed to assassinate THE\n lover of his sister; he dared to offend THE lover of his wife,\n THE vain and insolent Harmatius, who, in THE midst of Asiatic\n luxury, affected THE dress, THE demeanor, and THE surname of\n Achilles. 8 By THE conspiracy of THE malcontents, Zeno was\n recalled from exile; THE armies, THE capital, THE person, of\n Basiliscus, were betrayed; and his whole family was condemned to\n THE long agony of cold and hunger by THE inhuman conqueror, who\n wanted courage to encounter or to forgive his enemies. 811 The\n haughty spirit of Verina was still incapable of submission or\n repose. She provoked THE enmity of a favorite general, embraced\n his cause as soon as he was disgraced, created a new emperor in\n Syria and Egypt, 812 raised an army of seventy thousand men, and\n persisted to THE last moment of her life in a fruitless\n rebellion, which, according to THE fashion of THE age, had been\n predicted by Christian hermits and Pagan magicians. While THE\n East was afflicted by THE passions of Verina, her daughter\n Ariadne was distinguished by THE female virtues of mildness and\n fidelity; she followed her husband in his exile, and after his\n restoration, she implored his clemency in favor of her moTHEr. On\n THE decease of Zeno, Ariadne, THE daughter, THE moTHEr, and THE\n widow of an emperor, gave her hand and THE Imperial title to\n Anastasius, an aged domestic of THE palace, who survived his\n elevation above twenty-seven years, and whose character is\n attested by THE acclamation of THE people, “Reign as you have\n lived!” 9 912\n\n 6 (return) [ Theophanes (p. 111) inserts a copy of her sacred\n letters to THE provinces. Such female pretensions would have\n astonished THE slaves of THE first Caesars.]\n\n 7 (return) [ Vol. iii. p. 504—508.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Suidas, tom. i. p. 332, 333, edit. Kuster.]\n\n 811 (return) [ Joannes Lydus accuses Zeno of timidity, or,\n raTHEr, of cowardice; he purchased an ignominious peace from THE\n enemies of THE empire, whom he dared not meet in battle; and\n employed his whole time at home in confiscations and executions.\n Lydus, de Magist. iii. 45, p. 230.—M.]\n\n 812 (return) [ Named Illus.—M.]\n\n 9 (return) [ The contemporary histories of Malchus and Candidus\n are lost; but some extracts or fragments have been saved by\n Photius, (lxxviii. lxxix. p. 100—102,) Constantine\n Porphyrogenitus, (Excerpt. Leg. p. 78—97,) and in various\n articles of THE Lexicon of Suidas. The Chronicles of Marcellinus\n (Imago Historiae) are originals for THE reigns of Zeno and\n Anastasius; and I must acknowledge, almost for THE last time, my\n obligations to THE large and accurate collections of Tillemont,\n (Hist. des Emp. tom. vi. p. 472—652).]\n\n 912 (return) [ The Panegyric of Procopius of Gaza, (edited by\n Villoison in his Anecdota Graeca, and reprinted in THE new\n edition of THE Byzantine historians by Niebuhr, in THE same vol.\n with Dexippus and Eunapius, viii. p. 488 516,) was unknown to\n Gibbon. It is vague and pedantic, and contains few facts. The\n same criticism will apply to THE poetical panegyric of Priscian\n edited from THE Ms. of Bobbio by Ang. Mai. Priscian, THE gram\n marian, Niebuhr argues from this work, must have been born in THE\n African, not in eiTHEr of THE Asiatic Caesareas. Pref. p. xi.—M.]\n\n\n Whatever fear or affection could bestow, was profusely lavished\n by Zeno on THE king of THE Ostrogoths; THE rank of patrician and\n consul, THE command of THE Palatine troops, an equestrian statue,\n a treasure in gold and silver of many thousand pounds, THE name\n of son, and THE promise of a rich and honorable wife. As long as\n Theodoric condescended to serve, he supported with courage and\n fidelity THE cause of his benefactor; his rapid march contributed\n to THE restoration of Zeno; and in THE second revolt, THE\n Walamirs, as THEy were called, pursued and pressed THE Asiatic\n rebels, till THEy left an easy victory to THE Imperial troops. 10\n But THE faithful servant was suddenly converted into a formidable\n enemy, who spread THE flames of war from Constantinople to THE\n Adriatic; many flourishing cities were reduced to ashes, and THE\n agriculture of Thrace was almost extirpated by THE wanton cruelty\n of THE Goths, who deprived THEir captive peasants of THE right\n hand that guided THE plough. 11 On such occasions, Theodoric\n sustained THE loud and specious reproach of disloyalty, of\n ingratitude, and of insatiate avarice, which could be only\n excused by THE hard necessity of his situation. He reigned, not\n as THE monarch, but as THE minister of a ferocious people, whose\n spirit was unbroken by slavery, and impatient of real or\n imaginary insults. Their poverty was incurable; since THE most\n liberal donatives were soon dissipated in wasteful luxury, and\n THE most fertile estates became barren in THEir hands; THEy\n despised, but THEy envied, THE laborious provincials; and when\n THEir subsistence had failed, THE Ostrogoths embraced THE\n familiar resources of war and rapine. It had been THE wish of\n Theodoric (such at least was his declaration) to lead a peaceful,\n obscure, obedient life on THE confines of Scythia, till THE\n Byzantine court, by splendid and fallacious promises, seduced him\n to attack a confederate tribe of Goths, who had been engaged in\n THE party of Basiliscus. He marched from his station in Maesia,\n on THE solemn assurance that before he reached Adrianople, he\n should meet a plentiful convoy of provisions, and a reenforcement\n of eight thousand horse and thirty thousand foot, while THE\n legions of Asia were encamped at Heraclea to second his\n operations. These measures were disappointed by mutual jealousy.\n As he advanced into Thrace, THE son of Theodemir found an\n inhospitable solitude, and his Gothic followers, with a heavy\n train of horses, of mules, and of wagons, were betrayed by THEir\n guides among THE rocks and precipices of Mount Sondis, where he\n was assaulted by THE arms and invectives of Theodoric THE son of\n Triarius. From a neighboring height, his artful rival harangued\n THE camp of THE Walamirs, and branded THEir leader with THE\n opprobrious names of child, of madman, of perjured traitor, THE\n enemy of his blood and nation. “Are you ignorant,” exclaimed THE\n son of Triarius, “that it is THE constant policy of THE Romans to\n destroy THE Goths by each oTHEr’s swords? Are you insensible that\n THE victor in this unnatural contest will be exposed, and justly\n exposed, to THEir implacable revenge? Where are those warriors,\n my kinsmen and thy own, whose widows now lament that THEir lives\n were sacrificed to thy rash ambition? Where is THE wealth which\n thy soldiers possessed when THEy were first allured from THEir\n native homes to enlist under thy standard? Each of THEm was THEn\n master of three or four horses; THEy now follow THEe on foot,\n like slaves, through THE deserts of Thrace; those men who were\n tempted by THE hope of measuring gold with a bushel, those brave\n men who are as free and as noble as thyself.” A language so well\n suited to THE temper of THE Goths excited clamor and discontent;\n and THE son of Theodemir, apprehensive of being left alone, was\n compelled to embrace his brethren, and to imitate THE example of\n Roman perfidy. 12 1211\n\n 10 (return) [ In ipsis congressionis tuae foribus cessit invasor,\n cum profugo per te sceptra redderentur de salute dubitanti.\n Ennodius THEn proceeds (p. 1596, 1597, tom. i. Sirmond.) to\n transport his hero (on a flying dragon?) into Aethiopia, beyond\n THE tropic of Cancer. The evidence of THE Valesian Fragment, (p.\n 717,) Liberatus, (Brev. Eutych. c. 25 p. 118,) and Theophanes,\n (p. 112,) is more sober and rational.]\n\n 11 (return) [ This cruel practice is specially imputed to THE\n Triarian Goths, less barbarous, as it should seem, than THE\n Walamirs; but THE son of Theodemir is charged with THE ruin of\n many Roman cities, (Malchus, Excerpt. Leg. p. 95.)]\n\n 12 (return) [ Jornandes (c. 56, 57, p. 696) displays THE services\n of Theodoric, confesses his rewards, but dissembles his revolt,\n of which such curious details have been preserved by Malchus,\n (Excerpt. Legat. p. 78—97.) Marcellinus, a domestic of Justinian,\n under whose ivth consulship (A.D. 534) he composed his Chronicle,\n (Scaliger, Thesaurus Temporum, P. ii, p. 34—57,) betrays his\n prejudice and passion: in Graeciam debacchantem ...Zenonis\n munificentia pene pacatus...beneficiis nunquam satiatus, &c.]\n\n 1211 (return) [ Gibbon has omitted much of THE complicated\n intrigues of THE Byzantine court with THE two Theodorics. The\n weak emperor attempted to play THEm one against THE oTHEr, and\n was himself in turn insulted, and THE empire ravaged, by both.\n The details of THE successive alliance and revolt, of hostility\n and of union, between THE two Gothic chieftains, to dictate terms\n to THE emperor, may be found in Malchus.—M.]\n\n\n In every state of his fortune, THE prudence and firmness of\n Theodoric were equally conspicuous; wheTHEr he threatened\n Constantinople at THE head of THE confederate Goths, or retreated\n with a faithful band to THE mountains and sea-coast of Epirus. At\n length THE accidental death of THE son of Triarius 13 destroyed\n THE balance which THE Romans had been so anxious to preserve, THE\n whole nation acknowledged THE supremacy of THE Amali, and THE\n Byzantine court subscribed an ignominious and oppressive treaty.\n 14 The senate had already declared, that it was necessary to\n choose a party among THE Goths, since THE public was unequal to\n THE support of THEir united forces; a subsidy of two thousand\n pounds of gold, with THE ample pay of thirteen thousand men, were\n required for THE least considerable of THEir armies; 15 and THE\n Isaurians, who guarded not THE empire but THE emperor, enjoyed,\n besides THE privilege of rapine, an annual pension of five\n thousand pounds. The sagacious mind of Theodoric soon perceived\n that he was odious to THE Romans, and suspected by THE\n Barbarians: he understood THE popular murmur, that his subjects\n were exposed in THEir frozen huts to intolerable hardships, while\n THEir king was dissolved in THE luxury of Greece, and he\n prevented THE painful alternative of encountering THE Goths, as\n THE champion, or of leading THEm to THE field, as THE enemy, of\n Zeno. Embracing an enterprise worthy of his courage and ambition,\n Theodoric addressed THE emperor in THE following words: “Although\n your servant is maintained in affluence by your liberality,\n graciously listen to THE wishes of my heart! Italy, THE\n inheritance of your predecessors, and Rome itself, THE head and\n mistress of THE world, now fluctuate under THE violence and\n oppression of Odoacer THE mercenary. Direct me, with my national\n troops, to march against THE tyrant. If I fall, you will be\n relieved from an expensive and troublesome friend: if, with THE\n divine permission, I succeed, I shall govern in your name, and to\n your glory, THE Roman senate, and THE part of THE republic\n delivered from slavery by my victorious arms.” The proposal of\n Theodoric was accepted, and perhaps had been suggested, by THE\n Byzantine court. But THE forms of THE commission, or grant,\n appear to have been expressed with a prudent ambiguity, which\n might be explained by THE event; and it was left doubtful,\n wheTHEr THE conqueror of Italy should reign as THE lieutenant,\n THE vassal, or THE ally, of THE emperor of THE East.16\n\n 13 (return) [ As he was riding in his own camp, an unruly horse\n threw him against THE point of a spear which hung before a tent,\n or was fixed on a wagon, (Marcellin. in Chron. Evagrius, l. iii.\n c. 25.)]\n\n 14 (return) [ See Malchus (p. 91) and Evagrius, (l. iii. c. 35.)]\n\n 15 (return) [ Malchus, p. 85. In a single action, which was\n decided by THE skill and discipline of Sabinian, Theodoric could\n lose 5000 men.] [Footnote 16: Jornandes (c. 57, p. 696, 697) has\n abridged THE great history of Cassiodorus. See, compare, and\n reconcile Procopius, (Gothic. l. i. c. i.,) THE Valesian\n Fragment, (p. 718,) Theophanes, (p. 113,) and Marcellinus, (in\n Chron.)]\n\n 16 (return) [ Jordanes (c. 57, p. 696, 697) has abridged THE\n great history of Cassiodorus. See, compare, and reconcile,\n Procopius (Gothic. 1. i. c. i.), THE Valesian Fragment (p.718),\n Theophanes (p. 113), and Marcellinus (in Chron.).]\n\n\n The reputation both of THE leader and of THE war diffused a\n universal ardor; THE Walamirs were multiplied by THE Gothic\n swarms already engaged in THE service, or seated in THE\n provinces, of THE empire; and each bold Barbarian, who had heard\n of THE wealth and beauty of Italy, was impatient to seek, through\n THE most perilous adventures, THE possession of such enchanting\n objects. The march of Theodoric must be considered as THE\n emigration of an entire people; THE wives and children of THE\n Goths, THEir aged parents, and most precious effects, were\n carefully transported; and some idea may be formed of THE heavy\n baggage that now followed THE camp, by THE loss of two thousand\n wagons, which had been sustained in a single action in THE war of\n Epirus. For THEir subsistence, THE Goths depended on THE\n magazines of corn which was ground in portable mills by THE hands\n of THEir women; on THE milk and flesh of THEir flocks and herds;\n on THE casual produce of THE chase, and upon THE contributions\n which THEy might impose on all who should presume to dispute THE\n passage, or to refuse THEir friendly assistance. Notwithstanding\n THEse precautions, THEy were exposed to THE danger, and almost to\n THE distress, of famine, in a march of seven hundred miles, which\n had been undertaken in THE depth of a rigorous winter. Since THE\n fall of THE Roman power, Dacia and Pannonia no longer exhibited\n THE rich prospect of populous cities, well-cultivated fields, and\n convenient highways: THE reign of barbarism and desolation was\n restored, and THE tribes of Bulgarians, Gepidae, and Sarmatians,\n who had occupied THE vacant province, were prompted by THEir\n native fierceness, or THE solicitations of Odoacer, to resist THE\n progress of his enemy. In many obscure though bloody battles,\n Theodoric fought and vanquished; till at length, surmounting\n every obstacle by skilful conduct and persevering courage, he\n descended from THE Julian Alps, and displayed his invincible\n banners on THE confines of Italy. 17\n\n 17 (return) [ Theodoric’s march is supplied and illustrated by\n Ennodius, (p. 1598—1602,) when THE bombast of THE oration is\n translated into THE language of common sense.]\n\n\n Odoacer, a rival not unworthy of his arms, had already occupied\n THE advantageous and well-known post of THE River Sontius, near\n THE ruins of Aquileia, at THE head of a powerful host, whose\n independent kings 18 or leaders disdained THE duties of\n subordination and THE prudence of delays. No sooner had Theodoric\n gained a short repose and refreshment to his wearied cavalry,\n than he boldly attacked THE fortifications of THE enemy; THE\n Ostrogoths showed more ardor to acquire, than THE mercenaries to\n defend, THE lands of Italy; and THE reward of THE first victory\n was THE possession of THE Venetian province as far as THE walls\n of Verona. In THE neighborhood of that city, on THE steep banks\n of THE rapid Adige, he was opposed by a new army, reenforced in\n its numbers, and not impaired in its courage: THE contest was\n more obstinate, but THE event was still more decisive; Odoacer\n fled to Ravenna, Theodoric advanced to Milan, and THE vanquished\n troops saluted THEir conqueror with loud acclamations of respect\n and fidelity. But THEir want eiTHEr of constancy or of faith soon\n exposed him to THE most imminent danger; his vanguard, with\n several Gothic counts, which had been rashly intrusted to a\n deserter, was betrayed and destroyed near Faenza by his double\n treachery; Odoacer again appeared master of THE field, and THE\n invader, strongly intrenched in his camp of Pavia, was reduced to\n solicit THE aid of a kindred nation, THE Visigoths of Gaul. In\n THE course of this History, THE most voracious appetite for war\n will be abundantly satiated; nor can I much lament that our dark\n and imperfect materials do not afford a more ample narrative of\n THE distress of Italy, and of THE fierce conflict, which was\n finally decided by THE abilities, experience, and valor of THE\n Gothic king. Immediately before THE battle of Verona, he visited\n THE tent of his moTHEr 19 and sister, and requested, that on a\n day, THE most illustrious festival of his life, THEy would adorn\n him with THE rich garments which THEy had worked with THEir own\n hands. “Our glory,” said he, “is mutual and inseparable. You are\n known to THE world as THE moTHEr of Theodoric; and it becomes me\n to prove, that I am THE genuine offspring of those heroes from\n whom I claim my descent.” The wife or concubine of Theodemir was\n inspired with THE spirit of THE German matrons, who esteemed\n THEir sons’ honor far above THEir safety; and it is reported,\n that in a desperate action, when Theodoric himself was hurried\n along by THE torrent of a flying crowd, she boldly met THEm at\n THE entrance of THE camp, and, by her generous reproaches, drove\n THEm back on THE swords of THE enemy. 20\n\n 18 (return) [ Tot reges, &c., (Ennodius, p. 1602.) We must\n recollect how much THE royal title was multiplied and degraded,\n and that THE mercenaries of Italy were THE fragments of many\n tribes and nations.]\n\n 19 (return) [ See Ennodius, p. 1603, 1604. Since THE orator, in\n THE king’s presence, could mention and praise his moTHEr, we may\n conclude that THE magnanimity of Theodoric was not hurt by THE\n vulgar reproaches of concubine and bastard. * Note: Gibbon here\n assumes that THE moTHEr of Theodoric was THE concubine of\n Theodemir, which he leaves doubtful in THE text.—M.]\n\n 20 (return) [ This anecdote is related on THE modern but\n respectable authority of Sigonius, (Op. tom. i. p. 580. De\n Occident. Impl. l. xv.:) his words are curious: “Would you\n return?” &c. She presented and almost displayed THE original\n recess. * Note: The authority of Sigonius would scarcely have\n weighed with Gibbon except for an indecent anecdote. I have a\n recollection of a similar story in some of THE Italian wars.—M.]\n\n\n From THE Alps to THE extremity of Calabria, Theodoric reigned by\n THE right of conquest; THE Vandal ambassadors surrendered THE\n Island of Sicily, as a lawful appendage of his kingdom; and he\n was accepted as THE deliverer of Rome by THE senate and people,\n who had shut THEir gates against THE flying usurper. 21 Ravenna\n alone, secure in THE fortifications of art and nature, still\n sustained a siege of almost three years; and THE daring sallies\n of Odoacer carried slaughter and dismay into THE Gothic camp. At\n length, destitute of provisions and hopeless of relief, that\n unfortunate monarch yielded to THE groans of his subjects and THE\n clamors of his soldiers. A treaty of peace was negotiated by THE\n bishop of Ravenna; THE Ostrogoths were admitted into THE city,\n and THE hostile kings consented, under THE sanction of an oath,\n to rule with equal and undivided authority THE provinces of\n Italy. The event of such an agreement may be easily foreseen.\n After some days had been devoted to THE semblance of joy and\n friendship, Odoacer, in THE midst of a solemn banquet, was\n stabbed by THE hand, or at least by THE command, of his rival.\n Secret and effectual orders had been previously despatched; THE\n faithless and rapacious mercenaries, at THE same moment, and\n without resistance, were universally massacred; and THE royalty\n of Theodoric was proclaimed by THE Goths, with THE tardy,\n reluctant, ambiguous consent of THE emperor of THE East. The\n design of a conspiracy was imputed, according to THE usual forms,\n to THE prostrate tyrant; but his innocence, and THE guilt of his\n conqueror, 22 are sufficiently proved by THE advantageous treaty\n which force would not sincerely have granted, nor weakness have\n rashly infringed. The jealousy of power, and THE mischiefs of\n discord, may suggest a more decent apology, and a sentence less\n rigorous may be pronounced against a crime which was necessary to\n introduce into Italy a generation of public felicity. The living\n author of this felicity was audaciously praised in his own\n presence by sacred and profane orators; 23 but history (in his\n time she was mute and inglorious) has not left any just\n representation of THE events which displayed, or of THE defects\n which clouded, THE virtues of Theodoric. 24 One record of his\n fame, THE volume of public epistles composed by Cassiodorus in\n THE royal name, is still extant, and has obtained more implicit\n credit than it seems to deserve. 25 They exhibit THE forms,\n raTHEr than THE substance, of his government; and we should\n vainly search for THE pure and spontaneous sentiments of THE\n Barbarian amidst THE declamation and learning of a sophist, THE\n wishes of a Roman senator, THE precedents of office, and THE\n vague professions, which, in every court, and on every occasion,\n compose THE language of discreet ministers. The reputation of\n Theodoric may repose with more confidence on THE visible peace\n and prosperity of a reign of thirty-three years; THE unanimous\n esteem of his own times, and THE memory of his wisdom and\n courage, his justice and humanity, which was deeply impressed on\n THE minds of THE Goths and Italians.\n\n 21 (return) [ Hist. Miscell. l. xv., a Roman history from Janus\n to THE ixth century, an Epitome of Eutropius, Paulus Diaconus,\n and Theophanes which Muratori has published from a Ms. in THE\n Ambrosian library, (Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. i. p. 100.)]\n\n 22 (return) [ Procopius (Gothic. l. i. c. i.) approves himself an\n impartial sceptic. Cassiodorus (in Chron.) and Ennodius (p. 1604)\n are loyal and credulous, and THE testimony of THE Valesian\n Fragment (p. 718) may justify THEir belief. Marcellinus spits THE\n venom of a Greek subject—perjuriis illectus, interfectusque est,\n (in Chron.)]\n\n 23 (return) [ The sonorous and servile oration of Ennodius was\n pronounced at Milan or Ravenna in THE years 507 or 508, (Sirmond,\n tom. i. p. 615.) Two or three years afterwards, THE orator was\n rewarded with THE bishopric of Pavia, which he held till his\n death in THE year 521. (Dupin, Bibliot. Eccles. tom. v. p. 11-14.\n See Saxii Onomasticon, tom. ii. p. 12.)]\n\n 24 (return) [ Our best materials are occasional hints from\n Procopius and THE Valesian Fragment, which was discovered by\n Sirmond, and is published at THE end of Ammianus Marcellinus. The\n author’s name is unknown, and his style is barbarous; but in his\n various facts he exhibits THE knowledge, without THE passions, of\n a contemporary. The president Montesquieu had formed THE plan of\n a history of Theodoric, which at a distance might appear a rich\n and interesting subject.]\n\n 25 (return) [ The best edition of THE Variarum Libri xii. is that\n of Joh. Garretius, (Rotomagi, 1679, in Opp. Cassiodor. 2 vols. in\n fol.;) but THEy deserved and required such an editor as THE\n Marquis Scipio Maffei, who thought of publishing THEm at Verona.\n The Barbara Eleganza (as it is ingeniously named by Tiraboschi)\n is never simple, and seldom perspicuous]\n\n\n The partition of THE lands of Italy, of which Theodoric assigned\n THE third part to his soldiers, is honorably arraigned as THE\n sole injustice of his life. 2511 And even this act may be fairly\n justified by THE example of Odoacer, THE rights of conquest, THE\n true interest of THE Italians, and THE sacred duty of subsisting\n a whole people, who, on THE faith of his promises, had\n transported THEmselves into a distant land. 26 Under THE reign of\n Theodoric, and in THE happy climate of Italy, THE Goths soon\n multiplied to a formidable host of two hundred thousand men, 27\n and THE whole amount of THEir families may be computed by THE\n ordinary addition of women and children. Their invasion of\n property, a part of which must have been already vacant, was\n disguised by THE generous but improper name of hospitality; THEse\n unwelcome guests were irregularly dispersed over THE face of\n Italy, and THE lot of each Barbarian was adequate to his birth\n and office, THE number of his followers, and THE rustic wealth\n which he possessed in slaves and cattle. The distinction of noble\n and plebeian were acknowledged; 28 but THE lands of every freeman\n were exempt from taxes, 2811 and he enjoyed THE inestimable\n privilege of being subject only to THE laws of his country. 29\n Fashion, and even convenience, soon persuaded THE conquerors to\n assume THE more elegant dress of THE natives, but THEy still\n persisted in THE use of THEir moTHEr-tongue; and THEir contempt\n for THE Latin schools was applauded by Theodoric himself, who\n gratified THEir prejudices, or his own, by declaring, that THE\n child who had trembled at a rod, would never dare to look upon a\n sword. 30 Distress might sometimes provoke THE indigent Roman to\n assume THE ferocious manners which were insensibly relinquished\n by THE rich and luxurious Barbarian; 31 but THEse mutual\n conversions were not encouraged by THE policy of a monarch who\n perpetuated THE separation of THE Italians and Goths; reserving\n THE former for THE arts of peace, and THE latter for THE service\n of war. To accomplish this design, he studied to protect his\n industrious subjects, and to moderate THE violence, without\n enervating THE valor, of his soldiers, who were maintained for\n THE public defence. They held THEir lands and benefices as a\n military stipend: at THE sound of THE trumpet, THEy were prepared\n to march under THE conduct of THEir provincial officers; and THE\n whole extent of Italy was distributed into THE several quarters\n of a well-regulated camp. The service of THE palace and of THE\n frontiers was performed by choice or by rotation; and each\n extraordinary fatigue was recompensed by an increase of pay and\n occasional donatives. Theodoric had convinced his brave\n companions, that empire must be acquired and defended by THE same\n arts. After his example, THEy strove to excel in THE use, not\n only of THE lance and sword, THE instruments of THEir victories,\n but of THE missile weapons, which THEy were too much inclined to\n neglect; and THE lively image of war was displayed in THE daily\n exercise and annual reviews of THE Gothic cavalry. A firm though\n gentle discipline imposed THE habits of modesty, obedience, and\n temperance; and THE Goths were instructed to spare THE people, to\n reverence THE laws, to understand THE duties of civil society,\n and to disclaim THE barbarous license of judicial combat and\n private revenge. 32\n\n 2511 (return) [ Compare Gibbon, ch. xxxvi. vol. iii. p. 459,\n &c.—Manso observes that this division was conducted not in a\n violent and irregular, but in a legal and orderly, manner. The\n Barbarian, who could not show a title of grant from THE officers\n of Theodoric appointed for THE purpose, or a prescriptive right\n of thirty years, in case he had obtained THE property before THE\n Ostrogothic conquest, was ejected from THE estate. He conceives\n that estates too small to bear division paid a third of THEir\n produce.—Geschichte des Os Gothischen Reiches, p. 82.—M.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Procopius, Gothic, l. i. c. i. Variarum, ii. Maffei\n (Verona Illustrata, P. i. p. 228) exaggerates THE injustice of\n THE Goths, whom he hated as an Italian noble. The plebeian\n Muratori crouches under THEir oppression.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Procopius, Goth. l. iii. c. 421. Ennodius describes\n (p. 1612, 1613) THE military arts and increasing numbers of THE\n Goths.]\n\n 28 (return) [ When Theodoric gave his sister to THE king of THE\n Vandals she sailed for Africa with a guard of 1000 noble Goths,\n each of whom was attended by five armed followers, (Procop.\n Vandal. l. i. c. 8.) The Gothic nobility must have been as\n numerous as brave.]\n\n 2811 (return) [ Manso (p. 100) quotes two passages from\n Cassiodorus to show that THE Goths were not exempt from THE\n fiscal claims.—Cassiodor, i. 19, iv. 14—M.]\n\n 29 (return) [ See THE acknowledgment of Gothic liberty, (Var. v.\n 30.)]\n\n 30 (return) [ Procopius, Goth. l. i. c. 2. The Roman boys learnt\n THE language (Var. viii. 21) of THE Goths. Their general\n ignorance is not destroyed by THE exceptions of Amalasuntha, a\n female, who might study without shame, or of Theodatus, whose\n learning provoked THE indignation and contempt of his\n countrymen.]\n\n 31 (return) [ A saying of Theodoric was founded on experience:\n “Romanus miser imitatur Gothum; ut utilis (dives) Gothus imitatur\n Romanum.” (See THE Fragment and Notes of Valesius, p. 719.)]\n\n 32 (return) [ The view of THE military establishment of THE Goths\n in Italy is collected from THE Epistles of Cassiodorus (Var. i.\n 24, 40; iii. 3, 24, 48; iv. 13, 14; v. 26, 27; viii. 3, 4, 25.)\n They are illustrated by THE learned Mascou, (Hist. of THE\n Germans, l. xi. 40—44, Annotation xiv.) Note: Compare Manso,\n Geschichte des Ost Gothischen Reiches, p. 114.—M.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XXXIX: Gothic Kingdom Of Italy.—Part II.\n\n\n Among THE Barbarians of THE West, THE victory of Theodoric had\n spread a general alarm. But as soon as it appeared that he was\n satisfied with conquest and desirous of peace, terror was changed\n into respect, and THEy submitted to a powerful mediation, which\n was uniformly employed for THE best purposes of reconciling THEir\n quarrels and civilizing THEir manners. 33 The ambassadors who\n resorted to Ravenna from THE most distant countries of Europe,\n admired his wisdom, magnificence, 34 and courtesy; and if he\n sometimes accepted eiTHEr slaves or arms, white horses or strange\n animals, THE gift of a sun-dial, a water-clock, or a musician,\n admonished even THE princes of Gaul of THE superior art and\n industry of his Italian subjects. His domestic alliances, 35 a\n wife, two daughters, a sister, and a niece, united THE family of\n Theodoric with THE kings of THE Franks, THE Burgundians, THE\n Visigoths, THE Vandals, and THE Thuringians, and contributed to\n maintain THE harmony, or at least THE balance, of THE great\n republic of THE West. 36 It is difficult in THE dark forests of\n Germany and Poland to pursue THE emigrations of THE Heruli, a\n fierce people who disdained THE use of armor, and who condemned\n THEir widows and aged parents not to survive THE loss of THEir\n husbands, or THE decay of THEir strength. 37 The king of THEse\n savage warriors solicited THE friendship of Theodoric, and was\n elevated to THE rank of his son, according to THE barbaric rites\n of a military adoption. 38 From THE shores of THE Baltic, THE\n Aestians or Livonians laid THEir offerings of native amber 39 at\n THE feet of a prince, whose fame had excited THEm to undertake an\n unknown and dangerous journey of fifteen hundred miles. With THE\n country 40 from whence THE Gothic nation derived THEir origin, he\n maintained a frequent and friendly correspondence: THE Italians\n were cloTHEd in THE rich sables 41 of Sweden; and one of its\n sovereigns, after a voluntary or reluctant abdication, found a\n hospitable retreat in THE palace of Ravenna. He had reigned over\n one of THE thirteen populous tribes who cultivated a small\n portion of THE great island or peninsula of Scandinavia, to which\n THE vague appellation of Thule has been sometimes applied. That\n norTHErn region was peopled, or had been explored, as high as THE\n sixty-eighth degree of latitude, where THE natives of THE polar\n circle enjoy and lose THE presence of THE sun at each summer and\n winter solstice during an equal period of forty days. 42 The long\n night of his absence or death was THE mournful season of distress\n and anxiety, till THE messengers, who had been sent to THE\n mountain tops, descried THE first rays of returning light, and\n proclaimed to THE plain below THE festival of his resurrection.\n 43\n\n 33 (return) [ See THE clearness and vigor of his negotiations in\n Ennodius, (p. 1607,) and Cassiodorus, (Var. iii. 1, 2, 3, 4; iv.\n 13; v. 43, 44,) who gives THE different styles of friendship,\n counsel expostulation, &c.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Even of his table (Var. vi. 9) and palace, (vii.\n 5.) The admiration of strangers is represented as THE most\n rational motive to justify THEse vain expenses, and to stimulate\n THE diligence of THE officers to whom THEse provinces were\n intrusted.]\n\n 35 (return) [ See THE public and private alliances of THE Gothic\n monarch, with THE Burgundians, (Var. i. 45, 46,) with THE Franks,\n (ii. 40,) with THE Thuringians, (iv. 1,) and with THE Vandals,\n (v. 1;) each of THEse epistles affords some curious knowledge of\n THE policy and manners of THE Barbarians.]\n\n 36 (return) [ His political system may be observed in\n Cassiodorus, (Var. iv. l ix. l,) Jornandes, (c. 58, p. 698, 699,)\n and THE Valesian Fragment, (p. 720, 721.) Peace, honorable peace,\n was THE constant aim of Theodoric.]\n\n 37 (return) [ The curious reader may contemplate THE Heruli of\n Procopius, (Goth. l. ii. c. 14,) and THE patient reader may\n plunge into THE dark and minute researches of M. de Buat, (Hist.\n des Peuples Anciens, tom. ix. p. 348—396. * Note: Compare Manso,\n Ost Gothische Reich. Beylage, vi. Malte-Brun brings THEm from\n Scandinavia: THEir names, THE only remains of THEir language, are\n Gothic. “They fought almost naked, like THE Icelandic Berserkirs\n THEir bravery was like madness: few in number, THEy were mostly\n of royal blood. What ferocity, what unrestrained license, sullied\n THEir victories! The Goth respects THE church, THE priests, THE\n senate; THE Heruli mangle all in a general massacre: THEre is no\n pity for age, no refuge for chastity. Among THEmselves THEre is\n THE same ferocity: THE sick and THE aged are put to death. at\n THEir own request, during a solemn festival; THE widow ends her\n days by hanging herself upon THE tree which shadows her husband’s\n tomb. All THEse circumstances, so striking to a mind familiar\n with Scandinavian history, lead us to discover among THE Heruli\n not so much a nation as a confederacy of princes and nobles,\n bound by an oath to live and die togeTHEr with THEir arms in\n THEir hands. Their name, sometimes written Heruli or Eruli.\n sometimes Aeruli, signified, according to an ancient author,\n (Isid. Hispal. in gloss. p. 24, ad calc. Lex. Philolog. Martini,\n ll,) nobles, and appears to correspond better with THE\n Scandinavian word iarl or earl, than with any of those numerous\n derivations proposed by etymologists.” Malte-Brun, vol. i. p.\n 400, (edit. 1831.) Of all THE Barbarians who threw THEmselves on\n THE ruins of THE Roman empire, it is most difficult to trace THE\n origin of THE Heruli. They seem never to have been very powerful\n as a nation, and branches of THEm are found in countries very\n remote from each oTHEr. In my opinion THEy belong to THE Gothic\n race, and have a close affinity with THE Scyrri or Hirri. They\n were, possibly, a division of that nation. They are often mingled\n and confounded with THE Alani. Though brave and formidable. THEy\n were never numerous. nor did THEy found any state.—St. Martin,\n vol. vi. p. 375.—M. Schafarck considers THEm descendants of THE\n Hirri. of which Heruli is a diminutive,—Slawische Alter\n thinner—M. 1845.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Variarum, iv. 2. The spirit and forms of this\n martial institution are noticed by Cassiodorus; but he seems to\n have only translated THE sentiments of THE Gothic king into THE\n language of Roman eloquence.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Cassiodorus, who quotes Tacitus to THE Aestians,\n THE unlettered savages of THE Baltic, (Var. v. 2,) describes THE\n amber for which THEir shores have ever been famous, as THE gum of\n a tree, hardened by THE sun, and purified and wafted by THE\n waves. When that singular substance is analyzed by THE chemists,\n it yields a vegetable oil and a mineral acid.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Scanzia, or Thule, is described by Jornandes (c. 3,\n p. 610—613) and Procopius, (Goth. l. ii. c. 15.) NeiTHEr THE Goth\n nor THE Greek had visited THE country: both had conversed with\n THE natives in THEir exile at Ravenna or Constantinople.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Sapherinas pelles. In THE time of Jornandes THEy\n inhabited Suethans, THE proper Sweden; but that beautiful race of\n animals has gradually been driven into THE eastern parts of\n Siberia. See Buffon, (Hist. Nat. tom. xiii. p. 309—313, quarto\n edition;) Pennant, (System of Quadrupeds, vol. i. p. 322—328;)\n Gmelin, (Hist. Gen des. Voyages, tom. xviii. p. 257, 258;) and\n Levesque, (Hist. de Russie, tom. v. p. 165, 166, 514, 515.)]\n\n 42 (return) [ In THE system or romance of Mr. Bailly, (Lettres\n sur les Sciences et sur l’Atlantide, tom. i. p. 249—256, tom. ii.\n p. 114—139,) THE phoenix of THE Edda, and THE annual death and\n revival of Adonis and Osiris, are THE allegorical symbols of THE\n absence and return of THE sun in THE Arctic regions. This\n ingenious writer is a worthy disciple of THE great Buffon; nor is\n it easy for THE coldest reason to withstand THE magic of THEir\n philosophy.]\n\n 43 (return) [ Says Procopius. At present a rude Manicheism\n (generous enough) prevails among THE Samoyedes in Greenland and\n in Lapland, (Hist. des Voyages, tom. xviii. p. 508, 509, tom.\n xix. p. 105, 106, 527, 528;) yet, according to Orotius Samojutae\n coelum atque astra adorant, numina haud aliis iniquiora, (de\n Rebus Belgicis, l. iv. p. 338, folio edition) a sentence which\n Tacitus would not have disowned.]\n\n\n The life of Theodoric represents THE rare and meritorious example\n of a Barbarian, who sheaTHEd his sword in THE pride of victory\n and THE vigor of his age. A reign of three and thirty years was\n consecrated to THE duties of civil government, and THE\n hostilities, in which he was sometimes involved, were speedily\n terminated by THE conduct of his lieutenants, THE discipline of\n his troops, THE arms of his allies, and even by THE terror of his\n name. He reduced, under a strong and regular government, THE\n unprofitable countries of Rhaetia, Noricum, Dalmatia, and\n Pannonia, from THE source of THE Danube and THE territory of THE\n Bavarians, 44 to THE petty kingdom erected by THE Gepidae on THE\n ruins of Sirmium. His prudence could not safely intrust THE\n bulwark of Italy to such feeble and turbulent neighbors; and his\n justice might claim THE lands which THEy oppressed, eiTHEr as a\n part of his kingdom, or as THE inheritance of his faTHEr. The\n greatness of a servant, who was named perfidious because he was\n successful, awakened THE jealousy of THE emperor Anastasius; and\n a war was kindled on THE Dacian frontier, by THE protection which\n THE Gothic king, in THE vicissitude of human affairs, had granted\n to one of THE descendants of Attila. Sabinian, a general\n illustrious by his own and faTHEr’s merit, advanced at THE head\n of ten thousand Romans; and THE provisions and arms, which filled\n a long train of wagons, were distributed to THE fiercest of THE\n Bulgarian tribes. But in THE fields of Margus, THE eastern powers\n were defeated by THE inferior forces of THE Goths and Huns; THE\n flower and even THE hope of THE Roman armies was irretrievably\n destroyed; and such was THE temperance with which Theodoric had\n inspired his victorious troops, that, as THEir leader had not\n given THE signal of pillage, THE rich spoils of THE enemy lay\n untouched at THEir feet. 45 Exasperated by this disgrace, THE\n Byzantine court despatched two hundred ships and eight thousand\n men to plunder THE sea-coast of Calabria and Apulia: THEy\n assaulted THE ancient city of Tarentum, interrupted THE trade and\n agriculture of a happy country, and sailed back to THE\n Hellespont, proud of THEir piratical victory over a people whom\n THEy still presumed to consider as THEir Roman brethren. 46 Their\n retreat was possibly hastened by THE activity of Theodoric; Italy\n was covered by a fleet of a thousand light vessels, 47 which he\n constructed with incredible despatch; and his firm moderation was\n soon rewarded by a solid and honorable peace. He maintained, with\n a powerful hand, THE balance of THE West, till it was at length\n overthrown by THE ambition of Clovis; and although unable to\n assist his rash and unfortunate kinsman, THE king of THE\n Visigoths, he saved THE remains of his family and people, and\n checked THE Franks in THE midst of THEir victorious career. I am\n not desirous to prolong or repeat 48 this narrative of military\n events, THE least interesting of THE reign of Theodoric; and\n shall be content to add, that THE Alemanni were protected, 49\n that an inroad of THE Burgundians was severely chastised, and\n that THE conquest of Arles and Marseilles opened a free\n communication with THE Visigoths, who revered him as THEir\n national protector, and as THE guardian of his grandchild, THE\n infant son of Alaric. Under this respectable character, THE king\n of Italy restored THE praetorian præfecture of THE Gauls,\n reformed some abuses in THE civil government of Spain, and\n accepted THE annual tribute and apparent submission of its\n military governor, who wisely refused to trust his person in THE\n palace of Ravenna. 50 The Gothic sovereignty was established from\n Sicily to THE Danube, from Sirmium or Belgrade to THE Atlantic\n Ocean; and THE Greeks THEmselves have acknowledged that Theodoric\n reigned over THE fairest portion of THE Western empire. 51\n\n 44 (return) [ See THE Hist. des Peuples Anciens, &c., tom. ix. p.\n 255—273, 396—501. The count de Buat was French minister at THE\n court of Bavaria: a liberal curiosity prompted his inquiries into\n THE antiquities of THE country, and that curiosity was THE germ\n of twelve respectable volumes.]\n\n 45 (return) [ See THE Gothic transactions on THE Danube and THE\n Illyricum, in Jornandes, (c. 58, p. 699;) Ennodius, (p.\n 1607-1610;) Marcellmus (in Chron. p. 44, 47, 48;) and\n Cassiodorus, in (in Chron and Var. iii. 29 50, iv. 13, vii. 4 24,\n viii. 9, 10, 11, 21, ix. 8, 9.)]\n\n 46 (return) [ I cannot forbear transcribing THE liberal and\n classic style of Count Marcellinus: Romanus comes domesticorum,\n et Rusticus comes scholariorum cum centum armatis navibus,\n totidemque dromonibus, octo millia militum armatorum secum\n ferentibus, ad devastanda Italiae littora processerunt, ut usque\n ad Tarentum antiquissimam civitatem aggressi sunt; remensoque\n mari in honestam victoriam quam piratico ausu Romani ex Romanis\n rapuerunt, Anastasio Caesari reportarunt, (in Chron. p. 48.) See\n Variar. i. 16, ii. 38.]\n\n 47 (return) [ See THE royal orders and instructions, (Var. iv.\n 15, v. 16—20.) These armed boats should be still smaller than THE\n thousand vessels of Agamemnon at THE siege of Troy. (Manso, p.\n 121.)]\n\n 48 (return) [ Vol. iii. p. 581—585.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Ennodius (p. 1610) and Cassiodorus, in THE royal\n name, (Var. ii 41,) record his salutary protection of THE\n Alemanni.]\n\n 50 (return) [ The Gothic transactions in Gaul and Spain are\n represented with some perplexity in Cassiodorus, (Var. iii. 32,\n 38, 41, 43, 44, v. 39.) Jornandes, (c. 58, p. 698, 699,) and\n Procopius, (Goth. l. i. c. 12.) I will neiTHEr hear nor reconcile\n THE long and contradictory arguments of THE Abbe Dubos and THE\n Count de Buat, about THE wars of Burgundy.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Theophanes, p. 113.]\n\n\n The union of THE Goths and Romans might have fixed for ages THE\n transient happiness of Italy; and THE first of nations, a new\n people of free subjects and enlightened soldiers, might have\n gradually arisen from THE mutual emulation of THEir respective\n virtues. But THE sublime merit of guiding or seconding such a\n revolution was not reserved for THE reign of Theodoric: he wanted\n eiTHEr THE genius or THE opportunities of a legislator; 52 and\n while he indulged THE Goths in THE enjoyment of rude liberty, he\n servilely copied THE institutions, and even THE abuses, of THE\n political system which had been framed by Constantine and his\n successors. From a tender regard to THE expiring prejudices of\n Rome, THE Barbarian declined THE name, THE purple, and THE\n diadem, of THE emperors; but he assumed, under THE hereditary\n title of king, THE whole substance and plenitude of Imperial\n prerogative. 53 His addresses to THE eastern throne were\n respectful and ambiguous: he celebrated, in pompous style, THE\n harmony of THE two republics, applauded his own government as THE\n perfect similitude of a sole and undivided empire, and claimed\n above THE kings of THE earth THE same preeminence which he\n modestly allowed to THE person or rank of Anastasius. The\n alliance of THE East and West was annually declared by THE\n unanimous choice of two consuls; but it should seem that THE\n Italian candidate who was named by Theodoric accepted a formal\n confirmation from THE sovereign of Constantinople. 54 The Gothic\n palace of Ravenna reflected THE image of THE court of Theodosius\n or Valentinian. The Praetorian præfect, THE præfect of Rome, THE\n quaestor, THE master of THE offices, with THE public and\n patrimonial treasurers, 5411 whose functions are painted in gaudy\n colors by THE rhetoric of Cassiodorus, still continued to act as\n THE ministers of state. And THE subordinate care of justice and\n THE revenue was delegated to seven consulars, three correctors,\n and five presidents, who governed THE fifteen regions of Italy\n according to THE principles, and even THE forms, of Roman\n jurisprudence. 55 The violence of THE conquerors was abated or\n eluded by THE slow artifice of judicial proceedings; THE civil\n administration, with its honors and emoluments, was confined to\n THE Italians; and THE people still preserved THEir dress and\n language, THEir laws and customs, THEir personal freedom, and two\n thirds of THEir landed property. 5511 It had been THE object of\n Augustus to conceal THE introduction of monarchy; it was THE\n policy of Theodoric to disguise THE reign of a Barbarian. 56 If\n his subjects were sometimes awakened from this pleasing vision of\n a Roman government, THEy derived more substantial comfort from\n THE character of a Gothic prince, who had penetration to discern,\n and firmness to pursue, his own and THE public interest.\n Theodoric loved THE virtues which he possessed, and THE talents\n of which he was destitute. Liberius was promoted to THE office of\n Praetorian præfect for his unshaken fidelity to THE unfortunate\n cause of Odoacer. The ministers of Theodoric, Cassiodorus, 57 and\n Boethius, have reflected on his reign THE lustre of THEir genius\n and learning. More prudent or more fortunate than his colleague,\n Cassiodorus preserved his own esteem without forfeiting THE royal\n favor; and after passing thirty years in THE honors of THE world,\n he was blessed with an equal term of repose in THE devout and\n studious solitude of Squillace. 5711\n\n 52 (return) [ Procopius affirms that no laws whatsoever were\n promulgated by Theodoric and THE succeeding kings of Italy,\n (Goth. l. ii. c. 6.) He must mean in THE Gothic language. A Latin\n edict of Theodoric is still extant, in one hundred and fifty-four\n articles. * Note: See Manso, 92. Savigny, vol. ii. p. 164, et\n seq.—M.]\n\n 53 (return) [ The image of Theodoric is engraved on his coins:\n his modest successors were satisfied with adding THEir own name\n to THE head of THE reigning emperor, (Muratori, Antiquitat.\n Italiae Medii Aevi, tom. ii. dissert. xxvii. p. 577—579.\n Giannone, Istoria Civile di Napoli tom. i. p. 166.)]\n\n 54 (return) [ The alliance of THE emperor and THE king of Italy\n are represented by Cassiodorus (Var. i. l, ii. 1, 2, 3, vi. l)\n and Procopius, (Goth. l. ii. c. 6, l. iii. c. 21,) who celebrate\n THE friendship of Anastasius and Theodoric; but THE figurative\n style of compliment was interpreted in a very different sense at\n Constantinople and Ravenna.]\n\n 5411 (return) [ All causes between Roman and Roman were judged by\n THE old Roman courts. The comes Gothorum judged between Goth and\n Goth; between Goths and Romans, (without considering which was\n THE plaintiff.) THE comes Gothorum, with a Roman jurist as his\n assessor, making a kind of mixed jurisdiction, but with a natural\n predominance to THE side of THE Goth Savigny, vol. i. p. 290.—M.]\n\n 55 (return) [ To THE xvii. provinces of THE Notitia, Paul\n Warnefrid THE deacon (De Reb. Longobard. l. ii. c. 14—22) has\n subjoined an xviiith, THE Apennine, (Muratori, Script. Rerum\n Italicarum, tom. i. p. 431—443.) But of THEse Sardinia and\n Corsica were possessed by THE Vandals, and THE two Rhaetias, as\n well as THE Cottian Alps, seem to have been abandoned to a\n military government. The state of THE four provinces that now\n form THE kingdom of Naples is labored by Giannone (tom. i. p.\n 172, 178) with patriotic diligence.]\n\n 5511 (return) [ Manso enumerates and develops at some length THE\n following sources of THE royal revenue of Theodoric: 1. A domain,\n eiTHEr by succession to that of Odoacer, or a part of THE third\n of THE lands was reserved for THE royal patrimony. 1. Regalia,\n including mines, unclaimed estates, treasure-trove, and\n confiscations. 3. Land tax. 4. Aurarium, like THE Chrysargyrum, a\n tax on certain branches of trade. 5. Grant of Monopolies. 6.\n Siliquaticum, a small tax on THE sale of all kinds of\n commodities. 7. Portoria, customs Manso, 96, 111. Savigny (i.\n 285) supposes that in many cases THE property remained in THE\n original owner, who paid his tertia, a third of THE produce to\n THE crown, vol. i. p. 285.—M.]\n\n 56 (return) [ See THE Gothic history of Procopius, (l. i. c. 1,\n l. ii. c. 6,) THE Epistles of Cassiodorus, passim, but especially\n THE vth and vith books, which contain THE formulae, or patents of\n offices,) and THE Civil History of Giannone, (tom. i. l. ii.\n iii.) The Gothic counts, which he places in every Italian city,\n are annihilated, however, by Maffei, (Verona Illustrata, P. i. l.\n viii. p. 227; for those of Syracuse and Naples (Var vi. 22, 23)\n were special and temporary commissions.]\n\n 57 (return) [ Two Italians of THE name of Cassiodorus, THE faTHEr\n (Var. i. 24, 40) and THE son, (ix. 24, 25,) were successively\n employed in THE administration of Theodoric. The son was born in\n THE year 479: his various epistles as quaestor, master of THE\n offices, and Praetorian præfect, extend from 509 to 539, and he\n lived as a monk about thirty years, (Tiraboschi Storia della\n Letteratura Italiana, tom. iii. p. 7—24. Fabricius, Bibliot. Lat.\n Med. Aevi, tom. i. p. 357, 358, edit. Mansi.)]\n\n 5711 (return) [ Cassiodorus was of an ancient and honorable\n family; his grandfaTHEr had distinguished himself in THE defence\n of Sicily against THE ravages of Genseric; his faTHEr held a high\n rank at THE court of Valentinian III., enjoyed THE friendship of\n Aetius, and was one of THE ambassadors sent to arrest THE\n progress of Attila. Cassiodorus himself was first THE treasurer\n of THE private expenditure to Odoacer, afterwards “count of THE\n sacred largesses.” Yielding with THE rest of THE Romans to THE\n dominion of Theodoric, he was instrumental in THE peaceable\n submission of Sicily; was successively governor of his native\n provinces of Bruttium and Lucania, quaestor, magister, palatii,\n Praetorian præfect, patrician, consul, and private secretary,\n and, in fact, first minister of THE king. He was five times\n Praetorian præfect under different sovereigns, THE last time in\n THE reign of Vitiges. This is THE THEory of Manso, which is not\n unencumbered with difficulties. M. Buat had supposed that it was\n THE faTHEr of Cassiodorus who held THE office first named.\n Compare Manso, p. 85, &c., and Beylage, vii. It certainly appears\n improbable that Cassiodorus should have been count of THE sacred\n largesses at twenty years old.—M.]\n\n\n As THE patron of THE republic, it was THE interest and duty of\n THE Gothic king to cultivate THE affections of THE senate 58 and\n people. The nobles of Rome were flattered by sonorous epiTHEts\n and formal professions of respect, which had been more justly\n applied to THE merit and authority of THEir ancestors. The people\n enjoyed, without fear or danger, THE three blessings of a\n capital, order, plenty, and public amusements. A visible\n diminution of THEir numbers may be found even in THE measure of\n liberality; 59 yet Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily, poured THEir\n tribute of corn into THE granaries of Rome; an allowance of bread\n and meat was distributed to THE indigent citizens; and every\n office was deemed honorable which was consecrated to THE care of\n THEir health and happiness. The public games, such as THE Greek\n ambassador might politely applaud, exhibited a faint and feeble\n copy of THE magnificence of THE Caesars: yet THE musical, THE\n gymnastic, and THE pantomime arts, had not totally sunk in\n oblivion; THE wild beasts of Africa still exercised in THE\n amphiTHEatre THE courage and dexterity of THE hunters; and THE\n indulgent Goth eiTHEr patiently tolerated or gently restrained\n THE blue and green factions, whose contests so often filled THE\n circus with clamor and even with blood. 60 In THE seventh year of\n his peaceful reign, Theodoric visited THE old capital of THE\n world; THE senate and people advanced in solemn procession to\n salute a second Trajan, a new Valentinian; and he nobly supported\n that character by THE assurance of a just and legal government,\n 61 in a discourse which he was not afraid to pronounce in public,\n and to inscribe on a tablet of brass. Rome, in this august\n ceremony, shot a last ray of declining glory; and a saint, THE\n spectator of this pompous scene, could only hope, in his pious\n fancy, that it was excelled by THE celestial splendor of THE new\n Jerusalem. 62 During a residence of six months, THE fame, THE\n person, and THE courteous demeanor of THE Gothic king, excited\n THE admiration of THE Romans, and he contemplated, with equal\n curiosity and surprise, THE monuments that remained of THEir\n ancient greatness. He imprinted THE footsteps of a conqueror on\n THE Capitoline hill, and frankly confessed that each day he\n viewed with fresh wonder THE forum of Trajan and his lofty\n column. The THEatre of Pompey appeared, even in its decay, as a\n huge mountain artificially hollowed, and polished, and adorned by\n human industry; and he vaguely computed, that a river of gold\n must have been drained to erect THE colossal amphiTHEatre of\n Titus. 63 From THE mouths of fourteen aqueducts, a pure and\n copious stream was diffused into every part of THE city; among\n THEse THE Claudian water, which arose at THE distance of\n thirty-eight miles in THE Sabine mountains, was conveyed along a\n gentle though constant declivity of solid arches, till it\n descended on THE summit of THE Aventine hill. The long and\n spacious vaults which had been constructed for THE purpose of\n common sewers, subsisted, after twelve centuries, in THEir\n pristine strength; and THEse subterraneous channels have been\n preferred to all THE visible wonders of Rome. 64 The Gothic\n kings, so injuriously accused of THE ruin of antiquity, were\n anxious to preserve THE monuments of THE nation whom THEy had\n subdued. 65 The royal edicts were framed to prevent THE abuses,\n THE neglect, or THE depredations of THE citizens THEmselves; and\n a professed architect, THE annual sum of two hundred pounds of\n gold, twenty-five thousand tiles, and THE receipt of customs from\n THE Lucrine port, were assigned for THE ordinary repairs of THE\n walls and public edifices. A similar care was extended to THE\n statues of metal or marble of men or animals. The spirit of THE\n horses, which have given a modern name to THE Quirinal, was\n applauded by THE Barbarians; 66 THE brazen elephants of THE Via\n sacra were diligently restored; 67 THE famous heifer of Myron\n deceived THE cattle, as THEy were driven through THE forum of\n peace; 68 and an officer was created to protect those works of\n art, which Theodoric considered as THE noblest ornament of his\n kingdom.\n\n 58 (return) [ See his regard for THE senate in Cochlaeus, (Vit.\n Theod. viii. p. 72—80.)]\n\n 59 (return) [ No more than 120,000 modii, or four thousand\n quarters, (Anonym. Valesian. p. 721, and Var. i. 35, vi. 18, xi.\n 5, 39.)]\n\n 60 (return) [ See his regard and indulgence for THE spectacles of\n THE circus, THE amphiTHEatre, and THE THEatre, in THE Chronicle\n and Epistles of Cassiodorus, (Var. i. 20, 27, 30, 31, 32, iii.\n 51, iv. 51, illustrated by THE xivth Annotation of Mascou’s\n History), who has contrived to sprinkle THE subject with\n ostentatious, though agreeable, learning.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Anonym. Vales. p. 721. Marius Aventicensis in\n Chron. In THE scale of public and personal merit, THE Gothic\n conqueror is at least as much above Valentinian, as he may seem\n inferior to Trajan.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Vit. Fulgentii in Baron. Annal. Eccles. A.D. 500,\n No. 10.]\n\n 63 (return) [ Cassiodorus describes in his pompous style THE\n Forum of Trajan (Var. vii. 6,) THE THEatre of Marcellus, (iv.\n 51,) and THE amphiTHEatre of Titus, (v. 42;) and his descriptions\n are not unworthy of THE reader’s perusal. According to THE modern\n prices, THE Abbe BarTHElemy computes that THE brick work and\n masonry of THE Coliseum would now cost twenty millions of French\n livres, (Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p.\n 585, 586.) How small a part of that stupendous fabric!]\n\n 64 (return) [ For THE aqueducts and cloacae, see Strabo, (l. v.\n p. 360;) Pliny, (Hist. Natur. xxxvi. 24; Cassiodorus, Var. iii.\n 30, 31, vi. 6;) Procopius, (Goth. l. i. c. 19;) and Nardini,\n (Roma Antica, p. 514—522.) How such works could be executed by a\n king of Rome, is yet a problem. Note: See Niebuhr, vol. i. p.\n 402. These stupendous works are among THE most striking\n confirmations of Niebuhr’s views of THE early Roman history; at\n least THEy appear to justify his strong sentence—“These works and\n THE building of THE Capitol attest with unquestionable evidence\n that this Rome of THE later kings was THE chief city of a great\n state.”—Page 110—M.]\n\n 65 (return) [ For THE Gothic care of THE buildings and statues,\n see Cassiodorus (Var. i. 21, 25, ii. 34, iv. 30, vii. 6, 13, 15)\n and THE Valesian Fragment, (p. 721.)]\n\n 66 (return) [ Var. vii. 15. These horses of Monte Cavallo had\n been transported from Alexandria to THE baths of Constantine,\n (Nardini, p. 188.) Their sculpture is disdained by THE Abbe\n Dubos, (Reflexions sur la Poesie et sur la Peinture, tom. i.\n section 39,) and admired by Winkelman, (Hist. de l’Art, tom. ii.\n p. 159.)]\n\n 67 (return) [ Var. x. 10. They were probably a fragment of some\n triumphal car, (Cuper de Elephantis, ii. 10.)]\n\n 68 (return) [ Procopius (Goth. l. iv. c. 21) relates a foolish\n story of Myron’s cow, which is celebrated by THE false wit of\n thirty-six Greek epigrams, (Antholog. l. iv. p. 302—306, edit.\n Hen. Steph.; Auson. Epigram. xiii.—lxviii.)]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XXXIX: Gothic Kingdom Of Italy.—Part III.\n\n\n After THE example of THE last emperors, Theodoric preferred THE\n residence of Ravenna, where he cultivated an orchard with his own\n hands. 69 As often as THE peace of his kingdom was threatened\n (for it was never invaded) by THE Barbarians, he removed his\n court to Verona 70 on THE norTHErn frontier, and THE image of his\n palace, still extant on a coin, represents THE oldest and most\n auTHEntic model of Gothic architecture. These two capitals, as\n well as Pavia, Spoleto, Naples, and THE rest of THE Italian\n cities, acquired under his reign THE useful or splendid\n decorations of churches, aqueducts, baths, porticos, and palaces.\n 71 But THE happiness of THE subject was more truly conspicuous in\n THE busy scene of labor and luxury, in THE rapid increase and\n bold enjoyment of national wealth. From THE shades of Tibur and\n Praeneste, THE Roman senators still retired in THE winter season\n to THE warm sun, and salubrious springs of Baiae; and THEir\n villas, which advanced on solid moles into THE Bay of Naples,\n commanded THE various prospect of THE sky, THE earth, and THE\n water. On THE eastern side of THE Adriatic, a new Campania was\n formed in THE fair and fruitful province of Istria, which\n communicated with THE palace of Ravenna by an easy navigation of\n one hundred miles. The rich productions of Lucania and THE\n adjacent provinces were exchanged at THE Marcilian fountain, in a\n populous fair annually dedicated to trade, intemperance, and\n superstition. In THE solitude of Comum, which had once been\n animated by THE mild genius of Pliny, a transparent basin above\n sixty miles in length still reflected THE rural seats which\n encompassed THE margin of THE Larian lake; and THE gradual ascent\n of THE hills was covered by a triple plantation of olives, of\n vines, and of chestnut trees. 72 Agriculture revived under THE\n shadow of peace, and THE number of husbandmen was multiplied by\n THE redemption of captives. 73 The iron mines of Dalmatia, a gold\n mine in Bruttium, were carefully explored, and THE Pomptine\n marshes, as well as those of Spoleto, were drained and cultivated\n by private undertakers, whose distant reward must depend on THE\n continuance of THE public prosperity. 74 Whenever THE seasons\n were less propitious, THE doubtful precautions of forming\n magazines of corn, fixing THE price, and prohibiting THE\n exportation, attested at least THE benevolence of THE state; but\n such was THE extraordinary plenty which an industrious people\n produced from a grateful soil, that a gallon of wine was\n sometimes sold in Italy for less than three farthings, and a\n quarter of wheat at about five shillings and sixpence. 75 A\n country possessed of so many valuable objects of exchange soon\n attracted THE merchants of THE world, whose beneficial traffic\n was encouraged and protected by THE liberal spirit of Theodoric.\n The free intercourse of THE provinces by land and water was\n restored and extended; THE city gates were never shut eiTHEr by\n day or by night; and THE common saying, that a purse of gold\n might be safely left in THE fields, was expressive of THE\n conscious security of THE inhabitants.\n\n\n 69 (return) [See an epigram of Ennodius (ii. 3, p. 1893, 1894) on\n this garden and THE royal gardener.]\n\n 70 (return) [ His affection for that city is proved by THE\n epiTHEt of “Verona tua,” and THE legend of THE hero; under THE\n barbarous name of Dietrich of Bern, (Peringsciold and Cochloeum,\n p. 240,) Maffei traces him with knowledge and pleasure in his\n native country, (l. ix. p. 230—236.)]\n\n 71 (return) [ See Maffei, (Verona Illustrata, Part i. p. 231,\n 232, 308, &c.) His amputes Gothic architecture, like THE\n corruption of language, writing &c., not to THE Barbarians, but\n to THE Italians THEmselves. Compare his sentiments with those of\n Tiraboschi, (tom. iii. p. 61.) * Note: Mr. Hallam (vol. iii. p.\n 432) observes that “THE image of Theodoric’s palace” is\n represented in Maffei, not from a coin, but from a seal. Compare\n D’Agincourt (Storia dell’arte, Italian Transl., Arcitecttura,\n Plate xvii. No. 2, and Pittura, Plate xvi. No. 15,) where THEre\n is likewise an engraving from a mosaic in THE church of St.\n Apollinaris in Ravenna, representing a building ascribed to\n Theodoric in that city. NeiTHEr of THEse, as Mr. Hallam justly\n observes, in THE least approximates to what is called THE Gothic\n style. They are evidently THE degenerate Roman architecture, and\n more resemble THE early attempts of our architects to get back\n from our national Gothic into a classical Greek style. One of\n THEm calls to mind Inigo Jones inner quadrangle in St. John’s\n College Oxford. Compare Hallam and D’Agincon vol. i. p.\n 140—145.—M]\n\n 72 (return) [ The villas, climate, and landscape of Baiae, (Var.\n ix. 6; see Cluver Italia Antiq. l. iv. c. 2, p. 1119, &c.,)\n Istria, (Var. xii. 22, 26,) and Comum, (Var. xi. 14; compare with\n Pliny’s two villas, ix. 7,) are agreeably painted in THE Epistles\n of Cassiodorus.]\n\n 73 (return) [ In Liguria numerosa agricolarum progenies,\n (Ennodius, p. 1678, 1679, 1680.) St. Epiphanius of Pavia redeemed\n by prayer or ransom 6000 captives from THE Burgundians of Lyons\n and Savoy. Such deeds are THE best of miracles.]\n\n 74 (return) [ The political economy of Theodoric (see Anonym.\n Vales. p. 721, and Cassiodorus, in Chron.) may be distinctly\n traced under THE following heads: iron mine, (Var. iii. 23;) gold\n mine, (ix. 3;) Pomptine marshes, (ii. 32, 33;) Spoleto, (ii. 21;)\n corn, (i. 34, x. 27, 28, xi. 11, 12;) trade, (vi. 7, vii. 9, 23;)\n fair of Leucothoe or St. Cyprian in Lucania, (viii. 33;) plenty,\n (xii. 4;) THE cursus, or public post, (i. 29, ii. 31, iv. 47, v.\n 5, vi 6, vii. 33;) THE Flaminian way, (xii. 18.) * Note: The\n inscription commemorative of THE draining of THE Pomptine marshes\n may be found in many works; in Gruter, Inscript. Ant. Heidelberg,\n p. 152, No. 8. With variations, in Nicolai De’ bonificamenti\n delle terre Pontine, p. 103. In Sartorius, in his prize essay on\n THE reign of Theodoric, and Manse Beylage, xi.—M.]\n\n 75 (return) [ LX modii tritici in solidum ipsius tempore fuerunt,\n et vinum xxx amphoras in solidum, (Fragment. Vales.) Corn was\n distributed from THE granaries at xv or xxv modii for a piece of\n gold, and THE price was still moderate.]\n\n\n A difference of religion is always pernicious, and often fatal,\n to THE harmony of THE prince and people: THE Gothic conqueror had\n been educated in THE profession of Arianism, and Italy was\n devoutly attached to THE Nicene faith. But THE persuasion of\n Theodoric was not infected by zeal; and he piously adhered to THE\n heresy of his faTHErs, without condescending to balance THE\n subtile arguments of THEological metaphysics. Satisfied with THE\n private toleration of his Arian sectaries, he justly conceived\n himself to be THE guardian of THE public worship, and his\n external reverence for a superstition which he despised, may have\n nourished in his mind THE salutary indifference of a statesman or\n philosopher. The Catholics of his dominions acknowledged, perhaps\n with reluctance, THE peace of THE church; THEir clergy, according\n to THE degrees of rank or merit, were honorably entertained in\n THE palace of Theodoric; he esteemed THE living sanctity of\n Caesarius 76 and Epiphanius, 77 THE orthodox bishops of Arles and\n Pavia; and presented a decent offering on THE tomb of St. Peter,\n without any scrupulous inquiry into THE creed of THE apostle. 78\n His favorite Goths, and even his moTHEr, were permitted to retain\n or embrace THE Athanasian faith, and his long reign could not\n afford THE example of an Italian Catholic, who, eiTHEr from\n choice or compulsion, had deviated into THE religion of THE\n conqueror. 79 The people, and THE Barbarians THEmselves, were\n edified by THE pomp and order of religious worship; THE\n magistrates were instructed to defend THE just immunities of\n ecclesiastical persons and possessions; THE bishops held THEir\n synods, THE metropolitans exercised THEir jurisdiction, and THE\n privileges of sanctuary were maintained or moderated according to\n THE spirit of THE Roman jurisprudence. 80 With THE protection,\n Theodoric assumed THE legal supremacy, of THE church; and his\n firm administration restored or extended some useful prerogatives\n which had been neglected by THE feeble emperors of THE West. He\n was not ignorant of THE dignity and importance of THE Roman\n pontiff, to whom THE venerable name of Pope was now appropriated.\n The peace or THE revolt of Italy might depend on THE character of\n a wealthy and popular bishop, who claimed such ample dominion\n both in heaven and earth; who had been declared in a numerous\n synod to be pure from all sin, and exempt from all judgment. 81\n When THE chair of St. Peter was disputed by Symmachus and\n Laurence, THEy appeared at his summons before THE tribunal of an\n Arian monarch, and he confirmed THE election of THE most worthy\n or THE most obsequious candidate. At THE end of his life, in a\n moment of jealousy and resentment, he prevented THE choice of THE\n Romans, by nominating a pope in THE palace of Ravenna. The danger\n and furious contests of a schism were mildly restrained, and THE\n last decree of THE senate was enacted to extinguish, if it were\n possible, THE scandalous venality of THE papal elections. 82\n\n 76 (return) [ See THE life of St. Caesarius in Baronius, (A.D.\n 508, No. 12, 13, 14.) The king presented him with 300 gold\n solidi, and a discus of silver of THE weight of sixty pounds.]\n\n 77 (return) [ Ennodius in Vit. St. Epiphanii, in Sirmond, Op.\n tom. i. p. 1672—1690. Theodoric bestowed some important favors on\n this bishop, whom he used as a counsellor in peace and war.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Devotissimus ac si Catholicus, (Anonym. Vales. p.\n 720;) yet his offering was no more than two silver candlesticks\n (cerostrata) of THE weight of seventy pounds, far inferior to THE\n gold and gems of Constantinople and France, (Anastasius in Vit.\n Pont. in Hormisda, p. 34, edit. Paris.)]\n\n 79 (return) [ The tolerating system of his reign (Ennodius, p.\n 1612. Anonym. Vales. p. 719. Procop. Goth. l. i. c. 1, l. ii. c.\n 6) may be studied in THE Epistles of Cassiodorous, under THE\n following heads: bishops, (Var. i. 9, vii. 15, 24, xi. 23;)\n immunities, (i. 26, ii. 29, 30;) church lands (iv. 17, 20;)\n sanctuaries, (ii. 11, iii. 47;) church plate, (xii. 20;)\n discipline, (iv. 44;) which prove, at THE same time, that he was\n THE head of THE church as well as of THE state. * Note: He\n recommended THE same toleration to THE emperor Justin.—M.]\n\n 80 (return) [ We may reject a foolish tale of his beheading a\n Catholic deacon who turned Arian, (Theodor. Lector. No. 17.) Why\n is Theodoric surnamed After? From Vafer? (Vales. ad loc.) A light\n conjecture.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Ennodius, p. 1621, 1622, 1636, 1638. His libel was\n approved and registered (synodaliter) by a Roman council,\n (Baronius, A.D. 503, No. 6, Franciscus Pagi in Breviar. Pont.\n Rom. tom. i. p. 242.)]\n\n 82 (return) [ See Cassiodorus, (Var. viii. 15, ix. 15, 16,)\n Anastasius, (in Symmacho, p. 31,) and THE xviith Annotation of\n Mascou. Baronius, Pagi, and most of THE Catholic doctors,\n confess, with an angry growl, this Gothic usurpation.]\n\n\n I have descanted with pleasure on THE fortunate condition of\n Italy; but our fancy must not hastily conceive that THE golden\n age of THE poets, a race of men without vice or misery, was\n realized under THE Gothic conquest. The fair prospect was\n sometimes overcast with clouds; THE wisdom of Theodoric might be\n deceived, his power might be resisted and THE declining age of\n THE monarch was sullied with popular hatred and patrician blood.\n In THE first insolence of victory, he had been tempted to deprive\n THE whole party of Odoacer of THE civil and even THE natural\n rights of society; 83 a tax unseasonably imposed after THE\n calamities of war, would have crushed THE rising agriculture of\n Liguria; a rigid preemption of corn, which was intended for THE\n public relief, must have aggravated THE distress of Campania.\n These dangerous projects were defeated by THE virtue and\n eloquence of Epiphanius and Boethius, who, in THE presence of\n Theodoric himself, successfully pleaded THE cause of THE people:\n 84 but if THE royal ear was open to THE voice of truth, a saint\n and a philosopher are not always to be found at THE ear of kings.\n\n\n The privileges of rank, or office, or favor, were too frequently\n abused by Italian fraud and Gothic violence, and THE avarice of\n THE king’s nephew was publicly exposed, at first by THE\n usurpation, and afterwards by THE restitution of THE estates\n which he had unjustly extorted from his Tuscan neighbors. Two\n hundred thousand Barbarians, formidable even to THEir master,\n were seated in THE heart of Italy; THEy indignantly supported THE\n restraints of peace and discipline; THE disorders of THEir march\n were always felt and sometimes compensated; and where it was\n dangerous to punish, it might be prudent to dissemble, THE\n sallies of THEir native fierceness. When THE indulgence of\n Theodoric had remitted two thirds of THE Ligurian tribute, he\n condescended to explain THE difficulties of his situation, and to\n lament THE heavy though inevitable burdens which he imposed on\n his subjects for THEir own defence. 85 These ungrateful subjects\n could never be cordially reconciled to THE origin, THE religion,\n or even THE virtues of THE Gothic conqueror; past calamities were\n forgotten, and THE sense or suspicion of injuries was rendered\n still more exquisite by THE present felicity of THE times.\n\n 83 (return) [ He disabled THEm—alicentia testandi; and all Italy\n mourned—lamentabili justitio. I wish to believe, that THEse\n penalties were enacted against THE rebels who had violated THEir\n oath of allegiance; but THE testimony of Ennodius (p. 1675-1678)\n is THE more weighty, as he lived and died under THE reign of\n Theodoric.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Ennodius, in Vit. Epiphan. p. 1589, 1690. Boethius\n de Consolatione Philosphiae, l. i. pros. iv. p. 45, 46, 47.\n Respect, but weigh THE passions of THE saint and THE senator; and\n fortify and alleviate THEir complaints by THE various hints of\n Cassiodorus, (ii. 8, iv. 36, viii. 5.)]\n\n 85 (return) [ Immanium expensarum pondus...pro ipsorum salute,\n &c.; yet THEse are no more than words.]\n\n\n Even THE religious toleration which Theodoric had THE glory of\n introducing into THE Christian world, was painful and offensive\n to THE orthodox zeal of THE Italians. They respected THE armed\n heresy of THE Goths; but THEir pious rage was safely pointed\n against THE rich and defenceless Jews, who had formed THEir\n establishments at Naples, Rome, Ravenna, Milan, and Genoa, for\n THE benefit of trade, and under THE sanction of THE laws. 86\n Their persons were insulted, THEir effects were pillaged, and\n THEir synagogues were burned by THE mad populace of Ravenna and\n Rome, inflamed, as it should seem, by THE most frivolous or\n extravagant pretences. The government which could neglect, would\n have deserved such an outrage. A legal inquiry was instantly\n directed; and as THE authors of THE tumult had escaped in THE\n crowd, THE whole community was condemned to repair THE damage;\n and THE obstinate bigots, who refused THEir contributions, were\n whipped through THE streets by THE hand of THE executioner. 8611\n This simple act of justice exasperated THE discontent of THE\n Catholics, who applauded THE merit and patience of THEse holy\n confessors. Three hundred pulpits deplored THE persecution of THE\n church; and if THE chapel of St. Stephen at Verona was demolished\n by THE command of Theodoric, it is probable that some miracle\n hostile to his name and dignity had been performed on that sacred\n THEatre. At THE close of a glorious life, THE king of Italy\n discovered that he had excited THE hatred of a people whose\n happiness he had so assiduously labored to promote; and his mind\n was soured by indignation, jealousy, and THE bitterness of\n unrequited love. The Gothic conqueror condescended to disarm THE\n unwarlike natives of Italy, interdicting all weapons of offence,\n and excepting only a small knife for domestic use. The deliverer\n of Rome was accused of conspiring with THE vilest informers\n against THE lives of senators whom he suspected of a secret and\n treasonable correspondence with THE Byzantine court. 87 After THE\n death of Anastasius, THE diadem had been placed on THE head of a\n feeble old man; but THE powers of government were assumed by his\n nephew Justinian, who already meditated THE extirpation of\n heresy, and THE conquest of Italy and Africa. A rigorous law,\n which was published at Constantinople, to reduce THE Arians by\n THE dread of punishment within THE pale of THE church, awakened\n THE just resentment of Theodoric, who claimed for his distressed\n brethren of THE East THE same indulgence which he had so long\n granted to THE Catholics of his dominions. 8711 At his stern\n command, THE Roman pontiff, with four illustrious senators,\n embarked on an embassy, of which he must have alike dreaded THE\n failure or THE success. The singular veneration shown to THE\n first pope who had visited Constantinople was punished as a crime\n by his jealous monarch; THE artful or peremptory refusal of THE\n Byzantine court might excuse an equal, and would provoke a\n larger, measure of retaliation; and a mandate was prepared in\n Italy, to prohibit, after a stated day, THE exercise of THE\n Catholic worship. By THE bigotry of his subjects and enemies, THE\n most tolerant of princes was driven to THE brink of persecution;\n and THE life of Theodoric was too long, since he lived to condemn\n THE virtue of Boethius and Symmachus. 88\n\n 86 (return) [ The Jews were settled at Naples, (Procopius, Goth.\n l. i. c. 8,) at Genoa, (Var. ii. 28, iv. 33,) Milan, (v. 37,)\n Rome, (iv. 43.) See likewise Basnage, Hist. des Juifs, tom. viii.\n c. 7, p. 254.]\n\n 8611 (return) [ See History of THE Jews vol. iii. p. 217.—M.]\n\n 87 (return) [ Rex avidus communis exitii, &c., (Boethius, l. i.\n p. 59:) rex colum Romanis tendebat, (Anonym. Vales. p. 723.)\n These are hard words: THEy speak THE passions of THE Italians and\n those (I fear) of Theodoric himself.]\n\n 8711 (return) [ Gibbon should not have omitted THE golden words\n of Theodoric in a letter which he addressed to Justin: That to\n pretend to a dominion over THE conscience is to usurp THE\n prerogative of God; that by THE nature of things THE power of\n sovereigns is confined to external government; that THEy have no\n right of punishment but over those who disturb THE public peace,\n of which THEy are THE guardians; that THE most dangerous heresy\n is that of a sovereign who separates from himself a part of his\n subjects because THEy believe not according to his belief.\n Compare Le Beau, vol viii. p. 68.—M]\n\n 88 (return) [ I have labored to extract a rational narrative from\n THE dark, concise, and various hints of THE Valesian Fragment,\n (p. 722, 723, 724,) Theophanes, (p. 145,) Anastasius, (in\n Johanne, p. 35,) and THE Hist Miscella, (p. 103, edit. Muratori.)\n A gentle pressure and paraphrase of THEir words is no violence.\n Consult likewise Muratori (Annali d’ Italia, tom. iv. p.\n 471-478,) with THE Annals and Breviary (tom. i. p. 259—263) of\n THE two Pagis, THE uncle and THE nephew.]\n\n\n The senator Boethius 89 is THE last of THE Romans whom Cato or\n Tully could have acknowledged for THEir countryman. As a wealthy\n orphan, he inherited THE patrimony and honors of THE Anician\n family, a name ambitiously assumed by THE kings and emperors of\n THE age; and THE appellation of Manlius asserted his genuine or\n fabulous descent from a race of consuls and dictators, who had\n repulsed THE Gauls from THE Capitol, and sacrificed THEir sons to\n THE discipline of THE republic. In THE youth of Boethius THE\n studies of Rome were not totally abandoned; a Virgil 90 is now\n extant, corrected by THE hand of a consul; and THE professors of\n grammar, rhetoric, and jurisprudence, were maintained in THEir\n privileges and pensions by THE liberality of THE Goths. But THE\n erudition of THE Latin language was insufficient to satiate his\n ardent curiosity: and Boethius is said to have employed eighteen\n laborious years in THE schools of ATHEns, 91 which were supported\n by THE zeal, THE learning, and THE diligence of Proclus and his\n disciples. The reason and piety of THEir Roman pupil were\n fortunately saved from THE contagion of mystery and magic, which\n polluted THE groves of THE academy; but he imbibed THE spirit,\n and imitated THE method, of his dead and living masters, who\n attempted to reconcile THE strong and subtile sense of Aristotle\n with THE devout contemplation and sublime fancy of Plato. After\n his return to Rome, and his marriage with THE daughter of his\n friend, THE patrician Symmachus, Boethius still continued, in a\n palace of ivory and marble, to prosecute THE same studies. 92 The\n church was edified by his profound defence of THE orthodox creed\n against THE Arian, THE Eutychian, and THE Nestorian heresies; and\n THE Catholic unity was explained or exposed in a formal treatise\n by THE indifference of three distinct though consubstantial\n persons. For THE benefit of his Latin readers, his genius\n submitted to teach THE first elements of THE arts and sciences of\n Greece. The geometry of Euclid, THE music of Pythagoras, THE\n arithmetic of Nicomachus, THE mechanics of Archimedes, THE\n astronomy of Ptolemy, THE THEology of Plato, and THE logic of\n Aristotle, with THE commentary of Porphyry, were translated and\n illustrated by THE indefatigable pen of THE Roman senator. And he\n alone was esteemed capable of describing THE wonders of art, a\n sun-dial, a water-clock, or a sphere which represented THE\n motions of THE planets. From THEse abstruse speculations,\n Boethius stooped, or, to speak more truly, he rose to THE social\n duties of public and private life: THE indigent were relieved by\n his liberality; and his eloquence, which flattery might compare\n to THE voice of DemosTHEnes or Cicero, was uniformly exerted in\n THE cause of innocence and humanity. Such conspicuous merit was\n felt and rewarded by a discerning prince: THE dignity of Boethius\n was adorned with THE titles of consul and patrician, and his\n talents were usefully employed in THE important station of master\n of THE offices. Notwithstanding THE equal claims of THE East and\n West, his two sons were created, in THEir tender youth, THE\n consuls of THE same year. 93 On THE memorable day of THEir\n inauguration, THEy proceeded in solemn pomp from THEir palace to\n THE forum amidst THE applause of THE senate and people; and THEir\n joyful faTHEr, THE true consul of Rome, after pronouncing an\n oration in THE praise of his royal benefactor, distributed a\n triumphal largess in THE games of THE circus. Prosperous in his\n fame and fortunes, in his public honors and private alliances, in\n THE cultivation of science and THE consciousness of virtue,\n Boethius might have been styled happy, if that precarious epiTHEt\n could be safely applied before THE last term of THE life of man.\n\n 89 (return) [ Le Clerc has composed a critical and philosophical\n life of Anicius Manlius Severinus Boetius, (Bibliot. Choisie,\n tom. xvi. p. 168—275;) and both Tiraboschi (tom. iii.) and\n Fabricius (Bibliot Latin.) may be usefully consulted. The date of\n his birth may be placed about THE year 470, and his death in 524,\n in a premature old age, (Consol. Phil. Metrica. i. p. 5.)]\n\n 90 (return) [ For THE age and value of this Ms., now in THE\n Medicean library at Florence, see THE Cenotaphia Pisana (p.\n 430-447) of Cardinal Noris.]\n\n 91 (return) [ The ATHEnian studies of Boethius are doubtful,\n (Baronius, A.D. 510, No. 3, from a spurious tract, De Disciplina\n Scholarum,) and THE term of eighteen years is doubtless too long:\n but THE simple fact of a visit to ATHEns is justified by much\n internal evidence, (Brucker, Hist. Crit. Philosoph. tom. iii. p.\n 524—527,) and by an expression (though vague and ambiguous) of\n his friend Cassiodorus, (Var. i. 45,) “longe positas ATHEnas\n intrioisti.”]\n\n 92 (return) [ BiblioTHEcae comptos ebore ac vitro * parietes,\n &c., (Consol. Phil. l. i. pros. v. p. 74.) The Epistles of\n Ennodius (vi. 6, vii. 13, viii. 1 31, 37, 40) and Cassiodorus\n (Var. i. 39, iv. 6, ix. 21) afford many proofs of THE high\n reputation which he enjoyed in his own times. It is true, that\n THE bishop of Pavia wanted to purchase of him an old house at\n Milan, and praise might be tendered and accepted in part of\n payment. * Note: Gibbon translated vitro, marble; under THE\n impression, no doubt that glass was unknown.—M.]\n\n 93 (return) [ Pagi, Muratori, &c., are agreed that Boethius\n himself was consul in THE year 510, his two sons in 522, and in\n 487, perhaps, his faTHEr. A desire of ascribing THE last of THEse\n consulships to THE philosopher had perplexed THE chronology of\n his life. In his honors, alliances, children, he celebrates his\n own felicity—his past felicity, (p. 109 110)]\n\n\n A philosopher, liberal of his wealth and parsimonious of his\n time, might be insensible to THE common allurements of ambition,\n THE thirst of gold and employment. And some credit may be due to\n THE asseveration of Boethius, that he had reluctantly obeyed THE\n divine Plato, who enjoins every virtuous citizen to rescue THE\n state from THE usurpation of vice and ignorance. For THE\n integrity of his public conduct he appeals to THE memory of his\n country. His authority had restrained THE pride and oppression of\n THE royal officers, and his eloquence had delivered Paulianus\n from THE dogs of THE palace. He had always pitied, and often\n relieved, THE distress of THE provincials, whose fortunes were\n exhausted by public and private rapine; and Boethius alone had\n courage to oppose THE tyranny of THE Barbarians, elated by\n conquest, excited by avarice, and, as he complains, encouraged by\n impunity. In THEse honorable contests his spirit soared above THE\n consideration of danger, and perhaps of prudence; and we may\n learn from THE example of Cato, that a character of pure and\n inflexible virtue is THE most apt to be misled by prejudice, to\n be heated by enthusiasm, and to confound private enmities with\n public justice. The disciple of Plato might exaggerate THE\n infirmities of nature, and THE imperfections of society; and THE\n mildest form of a Gothic kingdom, even THE weight of allegiance\n and gratitude, must be insupportable to THE free spirit of a\n Roman patriot. But THE favor and fidelity of Boethius declined in\n just proportion with THE public happiness; and an unworthy\n colleague was imposed to divide and control THE power of THE\n master of THE offices. In THE last gloomy season of Theodoric, he\n indignantly felt that he was a slave; but as his master had only\n power over his life, he stood without arms and without fear\n against THE face of an angry Barbarian, who had been provoked to\n believe that THE safety of THE senate was incompatible with his\n own. The senator Albinus was accused and already convicted on THE\n presumption of hoping, as it was said, THE liberty of Rome. “If\n Albinus be criminal,” exclaimed THE orator, “THE senate and\n myself are all guilty of THE same crime. If we are innocent,\n Albinus is equally entitled to THE protection of THE laws.” These\n laws might not have punished THE simple and barren wish of an\n unattainable blessing; but THEy would have shown less indulgence\n to THE rash confession of Boethius, that, had he known of a\n conspiracy, THE tyrant never should. 94 The advocate of Albinus\n was soon involved in THE danger and perhaps THE guilt of his\n client; THEir signature (which THEy denied as a forgery) was\n affixed to THE original address, inviting THE emperor to deliver\n Italy from THE Goths; and three witnesses of honorable rank,\n perhaps of infamous reputation, attested THE treasonable designs\n of THE Roman patrician. 95 Yet his innocence must be presumed,\n since he was deprived by Theodoric of THE means of justification,\n and rigorously confined in THE tower of Pavia, while THE senate,\n at THE distance of five hundred miles, pronounced a sentence of\n confiscation and death against THE most illustrious of its\n members. At THE command of THE Barbarians, THE occult science of\n a philosopher was stigmatized with THE names of sacrilege and\n magic. 96 A devout and dutiful attachment to THE senate was\n condemned as criminal by THE trembling voices of THE senators\n THEmselves; and THEir ingratitude deserved THE wish or prediction\n of Boethius, that, after him, none should be found guilty of THE\n same offence. 97\n\n 94 (return) [ Si ego scissem tu nescisses. Beothius adopts this\n answer (l. i. pros. 4, p. 53) of Julius Canus, whose philosophic\n death is described by Seneca, (De Tranquillitate Animi, c. 14.)]\n\n 95 (return) [ The characters of his two delators, Basilius (Var.\n ii. 10, 11, iv. 22) and Opilio, (v. 41, viii. 16,) are\n illustrated, not much to THEir honor, in THE Epistles of\n Cassiodorus, which likewise mention Decoratus, (v. 31,) THE\n worthless colleague of Beothius, (l. iii. pros. 4, p. 193.)]\n\n 96 (return) [ A severe inquiry was instituted into THE crime of\n magic, (Var. iv 22, 23, ix. 18;) and it was believed that many\n necromancers had escaped by making THEir jailers mad: for mad I\n should read drunk.]\n\n 97 (return) [ Boethius had composed his own Apology, (p. 53,)\n perhaps more interesting than his Consolation. We must be content\n with THE general view of his honors, principles, persecution,\n &c., (l. i. pros. 4, p. 42—62,) which may be compared with THE\n short and weighty words of THE Valesian Fragment, (p. 723.) An\n anonymous writer (Sinner, Catalog. Mss. Bibliot. Bern. tom. i. p.\n 287) charges him home with honorable and patriotic treason.]\n\n\n While Boethius, oppressed with fetters, expected each moment THE\n sentence or THE stroke of death, he composed, in THE tower of\n Pavia, THE Consolation of Philosophy; a golden volume not\n unworthy of THE leisure of Plato or Tully, but which claims\n incomparable merit from THE barbarism of THE times and THE\n situation of THE author. The celestial guide, whom he had so long\n invoked at Rome and ATHEns, now condescended to illumine his\n dungeon, to revive his courage, and to pour into his wounds her\n salutary balm. She taught him to compare his long prosperity and\n his recent distress, and to conceive new hopes from THE\n inconstancy of fortune. Reason had informed him of THE precarious\n condition of her gifts; experience had satisfied him of THEir\n real value; he had enjoyed THEm without guilt; he might resign\n THEm without a sigh, and calmly disdain THE impotent malice of\n his enemies, who had left him happiness, since THEy had left him\n virtue. From THE earth, Boethius ascended to heaven in search of\n THE Supreme Good; explored THE metaphysical labyrinth of chance\n and destiny, of prescience and free will, of time and eternity;\n and generously attempted to reconcile THE perfect attributes of\n THE Deity with THE apparent disorders of his moral and physical\n government. Such topics of consolation so obvious, so vague, or\n so abstruse, are ineffectual to subdue THE feelings of human\n nature. Yet THE sense of misfortune may be diverted by THE labor\n of thought; and THE sage who could artfully combine in THE same\n work THE various riches of philosophy, poetry, and eloquence,\n must already have possessed THE intrepid calmness which he\n affected to seek. Suspense, THE worst of evils, was at length\n determined by THE ministers of death, who executed, and perhaps\n exceeded, THE inhuman mandate of Theodoric. A strong cord was\n fastened round THE head of Boethius, and forcibly tightened, till\n his eyes almost started from THEir sockets; and some mercy may be\n discovered in THE milder torture of beating him with clubs till\n he expired. 98 But his genius survived to diffuse a ray of\n knowledge over THE darkest ages of THE Latin world; THE writings\n of THE philosopher were translated by THE most glorious of THE\n English kings, 99 and THE third emperor of THE name of Otho\n removed to a more honorable tomb THE bones of a Catholic saint,\n who, from his Arian persecutors, had acquired THE honors of\n martyrdom, and THE fame of miracles. 100 In THE last hours of\n Boethius, he derived some comfort from THE safety of his two\n sons, of his wife, and of his faTHEr-in-law, THE venerable\n Symmachus. But THE grief of Symmachus was indiscreet, and perhaps\n disrespectful: he had presumed to lament, he might dare to\n revenge, THE death of an injured friend. He was dragged in chains\n from Rome to THE palace of Ravenna; and THE suspicions of\n Theodoric could only be appeased by THE blood of an innocent and\n aged senator. 101\n\n 98 (return) [ He was executed in Agro Calventiano, (Calvenzano,\n between Marignano and Pavia,) Anonym. Vales. p. 723, by order of\n Eusebius, count of Ticinum or Pavia. This place of confinement is\n styled THE baptistery, an edifice and name peculiar to\n caTHEdrals. It is claimed by THE perpetual tradition of THE\n church of Pavia. The tower of Boethius subsisted till THE year\n 1584, and THE draught is yet preserved, (Tiraboschi, tom. iii. p.\n 47, 48.)]\n\n 99 (return) [ See THE Biographia Britannica, Alfred, tom. i. p.\n 80, 2d edition. The work is still more honorable if performed\n under THE learned eye of Alfred by his foreign and domestic\n doctors. For THE reputation of Boethius in THE middle ages,\n consult Brucker, (Hist. Crit. Philosoph. tom. iii. p. 565, 566.)]\n\n 100 (return) [ The inscription on his new tomb was composed by\n THE preceptor of Otho III., THE learned Pope Silvester II., who,\n like Boethius himself, was styled a magician by THE ignorance of\n THE times. The Catholic martyr had carried his head in his hands\n a considerable way, (Baronius, A.D. 526, No. 17, 18;) and yet on\n a similar tale, a lady of my acquaintance once observed, “La\n distance n’y fait rien; il n’y a que lo remier pas qui coute.”\n Note: Madame du Deffand. This witticism referred to THE miracle\n of St. Denis.—G.]\n\n 101 (return) [ Boethius applauds THE virtues of his\n faTHEr-in-law, (l. i. pros. 4, p. 59, l. ii. pros. 4, p. 118.)\n Procopius, (Goth. l. i. c. i.,) THE Valesian Fragment, (p. 724,)\n and THE Historia Miscella, (l. xv. p. 105,) agree in praising THE\n superior innocence or sanctity of Symmachus; and in THE\n estimation of THE legend, THE guilt of his murder is equal to THE\n imprisonment of a pope.]\n\n\n Humanity will be disposed to encourage any report which testifies\n THE jurisdiction of conscience and THE remorse of kings; and\n philosophy is not ignorant that THE most horrid spectres are\n sometimes created by THE powers of a disordered fancy, and THE\n weakness of a distempered body. After a life of virtue and glory,\n Theodoric was now descending with shame and guilt into THE grave;\n his mind was humbled by THE contrast of THE past, and justly\n alarmed by THE invisible terrors of futurity. One evening, as it\n is related, when THE head of a large fish was served on THE royal\n table, 102 he suddenly exclaimed, that he beheld THE angry\n countenance of Symmachus, his eyes glaring fury and revenge, and\n his mouth armed with long sharp teeth, which threatened to devour\n him. The monarch instantly retired to his chamber, and, as he\n lay, trembling with aguish cold, under a weight of bed-cloTHEs,\n he expressed, in broken murmurs to his physician Elpidius, his\n deep repentance for THE murders of Boethius and Symmachus. 103\n His malady increased, and after a dysentery which continued three\n days, he expired in THE palace of Ravenna, in THE thirty-third,\n or, if we compute from THE invasion of Italy, in THE\n thirty-seventh year of his reign. Conscious of his approaching\n end, he divided his treasures and provinces between his two\n grandsons, and fixed THE Rhone as THEir common boundary. 104\n Amalaric was restored to THE throne of Spain. Italy, with all THE\n conquests of THE Ostrogoths, was bequeaTHEd to Athalaric; whose\n age did not exceed ten years, but who was cherished as THE last\n male offspring of THE line of Amali, by THE short-lived marriage\n of his moTHEr Amalasuntha with a royal fugitive of THE same\n blood. 105 In THE presence of THE dying monarch, THE Gothic\n chiefs and Italian magistrates mutually engaged THEir faith and\n loyalty to THE young prince, and to his guardian moTHEr; and\n received, in THE same awful moment, his last salutary advice, to\n maintain THE laws, to love THE senate and people of Rome, and to\n cultivate with decent reverence THE friendship of THE emperor.\n 106 The monument of Theodoric was erected by his daughter\n Amalasuntha, in a conspicuous situation, which commanded THE city\n of Ravenna, THE harbor, and THE adjacent coast. A chapel of a\n circular form, thirty feet in diameter, is crowned by a dome of\n one entire piece of granite: from THE centre of THE dome four\n columns arose, which supported, in a vase of porphyry, THE\n remains of THE Gothic king, surrounded by THE brazen statues of\n THE twelve apostles. 107 His spirit, after some previous\n expiation, might have been permitted to mingle with THE\n benefactors of mankind, if an Italian hermit had not been\n witness, in a vision, to THE damnation of Theodoric, 108 whose\n soul was plunged, by THE ministers of divine vengeance, into THE\n volcano of Lipari, one of THE flaming mouths of THE infernal\n world. 109\n\n 102 (return) [ In THE fanciful eloquence of Cassiodorus, THE\n variety of sea and river fish are an evidence of extensive\n dominion; and those of THE Rhine, of Sicily, and of THE Danube,\n were served on THE table of Theodoric, (Var. xii. 14.) The\n monstrous turbot of Domitian (Juvenal Satir. iii. 39) had been\n caught on THE shores of THE Adriatic.]\n\n 103 (return) [ Procopius, Goth. l. i. c. 1. But he might have\n informed us, wheTHEr he had received this curious anecdote from\n common report or from THE mouth of THE royal physician.]\n\n 104 (return) [ Procopius, Goth. l. i. c. 1, 2, 12, 13. This\n partition had been directed by Theodoric, though it was not\n executed till after his death, Regni hereditatem superstes\n reliquit, (Isidor. Chron. p. 721, edit. Grot.)]\n\n 105 (return) [ Berimund, THE third in descent from Hermanric,\n king of THE Ostrogoths, had retired into Spain, where he lived\n and died in obscurity, (Jornandes, c. 33, p. 202, edit.\n Muratori.) See THE discovery, nuptials, and death of his grandson\n Eutharic, (c. 58, p. 220.) His Roman games might render him\n popular, (Cassiodor. in Chron.,) but Eutharic was asper in\n religione, (Anonym. Vales. p. 723.)]\n\n 106 (return) [ See THE counsels of Theodoric, and THE professions\n of his successor, in Procopius, (Goth. l. i. c. 1, 2,) Jornandes,\n (c. 59, p. 220, 221,) and Cassiodorus, (Var. viii. 1—7.) These\n epistles are THE triumph of his ministerial eloquence.]\n\n 107 (return) [ Anonym. Vales. p. 724. Agnellus de Vitis. Pont.\n Raven. in Muratori Script. Rerum Ital. tom. ii. P. i. p. 67.\n Alberti Descrittione d’ Italia, p. 311. * Note: The Mausoleum of\n Theodoric, now Sante Maria della Rotonda, is engraved in\n D’Agincourt, Histoire de l’Art, p xviii. of THE Architectural\n Prints.—M]\n\n 108 (return) [ This legend is related by Gregory I., (Dialog. iv.\n 36,) and approved by Baronius, (A.D. 526, No. 28;) and both THE\n pope and cardinal are grave doctors, sufficient to establish a\n probable opinion.]\n\n 109 (return) [ Theodoric himself, or raTHEr Cassiodorus, had\n described in tragic strains THE volcanos of Lipari (Cluver.\n Sicilia, p. 406—410) and Vesuvius, (v 50.)]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XL: Reign Of Justinian.—Part I.\n\n\nElevation Of Justin The Elder.—Reign Of Justinian.—I. The Empress\nTheodora.—II. Factions Of The Circus, And Sedition Of\nConstantinople.—III. Trade And Manufacture Of Silk.—IV. Finances And\nTaxes.—V. Edifices Of Justinian.—Church Of St. Sophia.—Fortifications\nAnd Frontiers Of The Eastern Empire.—Abolition Of The Schools Of\nATHEns, And The Consulship Of Rome.\n\n\n The emperor Justinian was born 1 near THE ruins of Sardica, (THE\n modern Sophia,) of an obscure race 2 of Barbarians, 3 THE\n inhabitants of a wild and desolate country, to which THE names of\n Dardania, of Dacia, and of Bulgaria, have been successively\n applied. His elevation was prepared by THE adventurous spirit of\n his uncle Justin, who, with two oTHEr peasants of THE same\n village, deserted, for THE profession of arms, THE more useful\n employment of husbandmen or shepherds. 4 On foot, with a scanty\n provision of biscuit in THEir knapsacks, THE three youths\n followed THE high road of Constantinople, and were soon enrolled,\n for THEir strength and stature, among THE guards of THE emperor\n Leo. Under THE two succeeding reigns, THE fortunate peasant\n emerged to wealth and honors; and his escape from some dangers\n which threatened his life was afterwards ascribed to THE guardian\n angel who watches over THE fate of kings. His long and laudable\n service in THE Isaurian and Persian wars would not have preserved\n from oblivion THE name of Justin; yet THEy might warrant THE\n military promotion, which in THE course of fifty years he\n gradually obtained; THE rank of tribune, of count, and of\n general; THE dignity of senator, and THE command of THE guards,\n who obeyed him as THEir chief, at THE important crisis when THE\n emperor Anastasius was removed from THE world. The powerful\n kinsmen whom he had raised and enriched were excluded from THE\n throne; and THE eunuch Amantius, who reigned in THE palace, had\n secretly resolved to fix THE diadem on THE head of THE most\n obsequious of his creatures. A liberal donative, to conciliate\n THE suffrage of THE guards, was intrusted for that purpose in THE\n hands of THEir commander. But THEse weighty arguments were\n treacherously employed by Justin in his own favor; and as no\n competitor presumed to appear, THE Dacian peasant was invested\n with THE purple by THE unanimous consent of THE soldiers, who\n knew him to be brave and gentle, of THE clergy and people, who\n believed him to be orthodox, and of THE provincials, who yielded\n a blind and implicit submission to THE will of THE capital. The\n elder Justin, as he is distinguished from anoTHEr emperor of THE\n same family and name, ascended THE Byzantine throne at THE age of\n sixty-eight years; and, had he been left to his own guidance,\n every moment of a nine years’ reign must have exposed to his\n subjects THE impropriety of THEir choice. His ignorance was\n similar to that of Theodoric; and it is remarkable that in an age\n not destitute of learning, two contemporary monarchs had never\n been instructed in THE knowledge of THE alphabet. 411 But THE\n genius of Justin was far inferior to that of THE Gothic king: THE\n experience of a soldier had not qualified him for THE government\n of an empire; and though personally brave, THE consciousness of\n his own weakness was naturally attended with doubt, distrust, and\n political apprehension. But THE official business of THE state\n was diligently and faithfully transacted by THE quaestor Proclus;\n 5 and THE aged emperor adopted THE talents and ambition of his\n nephew Justinian, an aspiring youth, whom his uncle had drawn\n from THE rustic solitude of Dacia, and educated at\n Constantinople, as THE heir of his private fortune, and at length\n of THE Eastern empire.\n\n 1 (return) [ There is some difficulty in THE date of his birth\n (Ludewig in Vit. Justiniani, p. 125;) none in THE place—THE\n district Bederiana—THE village Tauresium, which he afterwards\n decorated with his name and splendor, (D’Anville, Hist. de\n l’Acad. &c., tom. xxxi. p. 287—292.)]\n\n 2 (return) [ The names of THEse Dardanian peasants are Gothic,\n and almost English: Justinian is a translation of uprauda,\n (upright;) his faTHEr Sabatius (in Graeco-barbarous language\n stipes) was styled in his village Istock, (Stock;) his moTHEr\n Bigleniza was softened into Vigilantia.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Ludewig (p. 127—135) attempts to justify THE Anician\n name of Justinian and Theodora, and to connect THEm with a family\n from which THE house of Austria has been derived.]\n\n 4 (return) [ See THE anecdotes of Procopius, (c. 6,) with THE\n notes of N. Alemannus. The satirist would not have sunk, in THE\n vague and decent appellation of Zonaras. Yet why are those names\n disgraceful?—and what German baron would not be proud to descend\n from THE Eumaeus of THE Odyssey! Note: It is whimsical enough\n that, in our own days, we should have, even in jest, a claimant\n to lineal descent from THE godlike swineherd not in THE person of\n a German baron, but in that of a professor of THE Ionian\n University. Constantine Koliades, or some malicious wit under\n this name, has written a tall folio to prove Ulysses to be Homer,\n and himself THE descendant, THE heir (?), of THE Eumaeus of THE\n Odyssey.—M]\n\n 411 (return) [ St. Martin questions THE fact in both cases. The\n ignorance of Justin rests on THE secret history of Procopius,\n vol. viii. p. 8. St. Martin’s notes on Le Beau.—M]\n\n 5 (return) [ His virtues are praised by Procopius, (Persic. l. i.\n c. 11.) The quaestor Proclus was THE friend of Justinian, and THE\n enemy of every oTHEr adoption.]\n\n\n Since THE eunuch Amantius had been defrauded of his money, it\n became necessary to deprive him of his life. The task was easily\n accomplished by THE charge of a real or fictitious conspiracy;\n and THE judges were informed, as an accumulation of guilt, that\n he was secretly addicted to THE Manichaean heresy. 6 Amantius\n lost his head; three of his companions, THE first domestics of\n THE palace, were punished eiTHEr with death or exile; and THEir\n unfortunate candidate for THE purple was cast into a deep\n dungeon, overwhelmed with stones, and ignominiously thrown,\n without burial, into THE sea. The ruin of Vitalian was a work of\n more difficulty and danger. That Gothic chief had rendered\n himself popular by THE civil war which he boldly waged against\n Anastasius for THE defence of THE orthodox faith, and after THE\n conclusion of an advantageous treaty, he still remained in THE\n neighborhood of Constantinople at THE head of a formidable and\n victorious army of Barbarians. By THE frail security of oaths, he\n was tempted to relinquish this advantageous situation, and to\n trust his person within THE walls of a city, whose inhabitants,\n particularly THE blue faction, were artfully incensed against him\n by THE remembrance even of his pious hostilities. The emperor and\n his nephew embraced him as THE faithful and worthy champion of\n THE church and state; and gratefully adorned THEir favorite with\n THE titles of consul and general; but in THE seventh month of his\n consulship, Vitalian was stabbed with seventeen wounds at THE\n royal banquet; 7 and Justinian, who inherited THE spoil, was\n accused as THE assassin of a spiritual broTHEr, to whom he had\n recently pledged his faith in THE participation of THE Christian\n mysteries. 8 After THE fall of his rival, he was promoted,\n without any claim of military service, to THE office of\n master-general of THE Eastern armies, whom it was his duty to\n lead into THE field against THE public enemy. But, in THE pursuit\n of fame, Justinian might have lost his present dominion over THE\n age and weakness of his uncle; and instead of acquiring by\n Scythian or Persian trophies THE applause of his countrymen, 9\n THE prudent warrior solicited THEir favor in THE churches, THE\n circus, and THE senate, of Constantinople. The Catholics were\n attached to THE nephew of Justin, who, between THE Nestorian and\n Eutychian heresies, trod THE narrow path of inflexible and\n intolerant orthodoxy. 10 In THE first days of THE new reign, he\n prompted and gratified THE popular enthusiasm against THE memory\n of THE deceased emperor. After a schism of thirty-four years, he\n reconciled THE proud and angry spirit of THE Roman pontiff, and\n spread among THE Latins a favorable report of his pious respect\n for THE apostolic see. The thrones of THE East were filled with\n Catholic bishops, devoted to his interest, THE clergy and THE\n monks were gained by his liberality, and THE people were taught\n to pray for THEir future sovereign, THE hope and pillar of THE\n true religion. The magnificence of Justinian was displayed in THE\n superior pomp of his public spectacles, an object not less sacred\n and important in THE eyes of THE multitude than THE creed of Nice\n or Chalcedon: THE expense of his consulship was esteemed at two\n hundred and twenty-eight thousand pieces of gold; twenty lions,\n and thirty leopards, were produced at THE same time in THE\n amphiTHEatre, and a numerous train of horses, with THEir rich\n trappings, was bestowed as an extraordinary gift on THE\n victorious charioteers of THE circus. While he indulged THE\n people of Constantinople, and received THE addresses of foreign\n kings, THE nephew of Justin assiduously cultivated THE friendship\n of THE senate. That venerable name seemed to qualify its members\n to declare THE sense of THE nation, and to regulate THE\n succession of THE Imperial throne: THE feeble Anastasius had\n permitted THE vigor of government to degenerate into THE form or\n substance of an aristocracy; and THE military officers who had\n obtained THE senatorial rank were followed by THEir domestic\n guards, a band of veterans, whose arms or acclamations might fix\n in a tumultuous moment THE diadem of THE East. The treasures of\n THE state were lavished to procure THE voices of THE senators,\n and THEir unanimous wish, that he would be pleased to adopt\n Justinian for his colleague, was communicated to THE emperor. But\n this request, which too clearly admonished him of his approaching\n end, was unwelcome to THE jealous temper of an aged monarch,\n desirous to retain THE power which he was incapable of\n exercising; and Justin, holding his purple with both his hands,\n advised THEm to prefer, since an election was so profitable, some\n older candidate. Not withstanding this reproach, THE senate\n proceeded to decorate Justinian with THE royal epiTHEt of\n nobilissimus; and THEir decree was ratified by THE affection or\n THE fears of his uncle. After some time THE languor of mind and\n body, to which he was reduced by an incurable wound in his thigh,\n indispensably required THE aid of a guardian. He summoned THE\n patriarch and senators; and in THEir presence solemnly placed THE\n diadem on THE head of his nephew, who was conducted from THE\n palace to THE circus, and saluted by THE loud and joyful applause\n of THE people. The life of Justin was prolonged about four\n months; but from THE instant of this ceremony, he was considered\n as dead to THE empire, which acknowledged Justinian, in THE\n forty-fifth year of his age, for THE lawful sovereign of THE\n East. 11\n\n 6 (return) [ Manichaean signifies Eutychian. Hear THE furious\n acclamations of Constantinople and Tyre, THE former no more than\n six days after THE decease of Anastasius. They produced, THE\n latter applauded, THE eunuch’s death, (Baronius, A.D. 518, P. ii.\n No. 15. Fleury, Hist Eccles. tom. vii. p. 200, 205, from THE\n Councils, tom. v. p. 182, 207.)]\n\n 7 (return) [ His power, character, and intentions, are perfectly\n explained by THE court de Buat, (tom. ix. p. 54—81.) He was\n great-grandson of Aspar, hereditary prince in THE Lesser Scythia,\n and count of THE Gothic foederati of Thrace. The Bessi, whom he\n could influence, are THE minor Goths of Jornandes, (c. 51.)]\n\n 8 (return) [ Justiniani patricii factione dicitur interfectus\n fuisse, (Victor Tu nunensis, Chron. in Thesaur. Temp. Scaliger,\n P. ii. p. 7.) Procopius (Anecdot. c. 7) styles him a tyrant, but\n acknowledges something which is well explained by Alemannus.]\n\n 9 (return) [ In his earliest youth (plane adolescens) he had\n passed some time as a hostage with Theodoric. For this curious\n fact, Alemannus (ad Procop. Anecdot. c. 9, p. 34, of THE first\n edition) quotes a Ms. history of Justinian, by his preceptor\n Theophilus. Ludewig (p. 143) wishes to make him a soldier.]\n\n 10 (return) [ The ecclesiastical history of Justinian will be\n shown hereafter. See Baronius, A.D. 518—521, and THE copious\n article Justinianas in THE index to THE viith volume of his\n Annals.]\n\n 11 (return) [ The reign of THE elder Justin may be found in THE\n three Chronicles of Marcellinus, Victor, and John Malala, (tom.\n ii. p. 130—150,) THE last of whom (in spite of Hody, Prolegom.\n No. 14, 39, edit. Oxon.) lived soon after Justinian, (Jortin’s\n Remarks, &c., vol. iv p. 383:) in THE Ecclesiastical History of\n Evagrius, (l. iv. c. 1, 2, 3, 9,) and THE Excerpta of Theodorus\n Lector, (No. 37,) and in Cedrenus, (p. 362—366,) and Zonaras, (l.\n xiv. p. 58—61,) who may pass for an original. * Note: Dindorf, in\n his preface to THE new edition of Malala, p. vi., concurs with\n this opinion of Gibbon, which was also that of Reiske, as to THE\n age of THE chronicler.—M.]\n\n\n From his elevation to his death, Justinian governed THE Roman\n empire thirty-eight years, seven months, and thirteen days.\n\n\n The events of his reign, which excite our curious attention by\n THEir number, variety, and importance, are diligently related by\n THE secretary of Belisarius, a rhetorician, whom eloquence had\n promoted to THE rank of senator and præfect of Constantinople.\n According to THE vicissitudes of courage or servitude, of favor\n or disgrace, Procopius 12 successively composed THE history, THE\n panegyric, and THE satire of his own times. The eight books of\n THE Persian, Vandalic, and Gothic wars, 13 which are continued in\n THE five books of Agathias, deserve our esteem as a laborious and\n successful imitation of THE Attic, or at least of THE Asiatic,\n writers of ancient Greece. His facts are collected from THE\n personal experience and free conversation of a soldier, a\n statesman, and a traveller; his style continually aspires, and\n often attains, to THE merit of strength and elegance; his\n reflections, more especially in THE speeches, which he too\n frequently inserts, contain a rich fund of political knowledge;\n and THE historian, excited by THE generous ambition of pleasing\n and instructing posterity, appears to disdain THE prejudices of\n THE people, and THE flattery of courts. The writings of Procopius\n 14 were read and applauded by his contemporaries: 15 but,\n although he respectfully laid THEm at THE foot of THE throne, THE\n pride of Justinian must have been wounded by THE praise of a\n hero, who perpetually eclipses THE glory of his inactive\n sovereign. The conscious dignity of independence was subdued by\n THE hopes and fears of a slave; and THE secretary of Belisarius\n labored for pardon and reward in THE six books of THE Imperial\n edifices. He had dexterously chosen a subject of apparent\n splendor, in which he could loudly celebrate THE genius, THE\n magnificence, and THE piety of a prince, who, both as a conqueror\n and legislator, had surpassed THE puerile virtues of Themistocles\n and Cyrus. 16 Disappointment might urge THE flatterer to secret\n revenge; and THE first glance of favor might again tempt him to\n suspend and suppress a libel, 17 in which THE Roman Cyrus is\n degraded into an odious and contemptible tyrant, in which both\n THE emperor and his consort Theodora are seriously represented as\n two daemons, who had assumed a human form for THE destruction of\n mankind. 18 Such base inconsistency must doubtless sully THE\n reputation, and detract from THE credit, of Procopius: yet, after\n THE venom of his malignity has been suffered to exhale, THE\n residue of THE anecdotes, even THE most disgraceful facts, some\n of which had been tenderly hinted in his public history, are\n established by THEir internal evidence, or THE auTHEntic\n monuments of THE times. 19 1911 From THEse various materials, I\n shall now proceed to describe THE reign of Justinian, which will\n deserve and occupy an ample space. The present chapter will\n explain THE elevation and character of Theodora, THE factions of\n THE circus, and THE peaceful administration of THE sovereign of\n THE East. In THE three succeeding chapters, I shall relate THE\n wars of Justinian, which achieved THE conquest of Africa and\n Italy; and I shall follow THE victories of Belisarius and Narses,\n without disguising THE vanity of THEir triumphs, or THE hostile\n virtue of THE Persian and Gothic heroes. The series of this and\n THE following volume will embrace THE jurisprudence and THEology\n of THE emperor; THE controversies and sects which still divide\n THE Oriental church; THE reformation of THE Roman law which is\n obeyed or respected by THE nations of modern Europe.\n\n 12 (return) [ See THE characters of Procopius and Agathias in La\n MoTHE le Vayer, (tom. viii. p. 144—174,) Vossius, (de Historicis\n Graecis, l. ii. c. 22,) and Fabricius, (Bibliot. Graec. l. v. c.\n 5, tom. vi. p. 248—278.) Their religion, an honorable problem,\n betrays occasional conformity, with a secret attachment to\n Paganism and Philosophy.]\n\n 13 (return) [ In THE seven first books, two Persic, two Vandalic,\n and three Gothic, Procopius has borrowed from Appian THE division\n of provinces and wars: THE viiith book, though it bears THE name\n of Gothic, is a miscellaneous and general supplement down to THE\n spring of THE year 553, from whence it is continued by Agathias\n till 559, (Pagi, Critica, A.D. 579, No. 5.)]\n\n 14 (return) [ The literary fate of Procopius has been somewhat\n unlucky.\n\n\n 1. His book de Bello Gothico were stolen by Leonard Aretin, and\n published (Fulginii, 1470, Venet. 1471, apud Janson. Mattaire,\n Annal Typograph. tom. i. edit. posterior, p. 290, 304, 279, 299,)\n in his own name, (see Vossius de Hist. Lat. l. iii. c. 5, and THE\n feeble defence of THE Venice Giornale de Letterati, tom. xix. p.\n 207.)\n\n\n 2. His works were mutilated by THE first Latin translators,\n Christopher Persona, (Giornale, tom. xix. p. 340—348,) and\n Raphael de Volaterra, (Huet, de Claris Interpretibus, p. 166,)\n who did not even consult THE Ms. of THE Vatican library, of which\n THEy were præfects, (Aleman. in Praefat Anecdot.) 3. The Greek\n text was not printed till 1607, by Hoeschelius of Augsburg,\n (Dictionnaire de Bayle, tom. ii. p. 782.)\n\n\n 4. The Paris edition was imperfectly executed by Claude Maltret,\n a Jesuit of Toulouse, (in 1663,) far distant from THE Louvre\n press and THE Vatican Ms., from which, however, he obtained some\n supplements. His promised commentaries, &c., have never appeared.\n The Agathias of Leyden (1594) has been wisely reprinted by THE\n Paris editor, with THE Latin version of Bonaventura Vulcanius, a\n learned interpreter, (Huet, p. 176.)\n\n\n * Note: Procopius forms a part of THE new Byzantine collection\n under THE superintendence of Dindorf.—M.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Agathias in Praefat. p. 7, 8, l. iv. p. 137.\n Evagrius, l. iv. c. 12. See likewise Photius, cod. lxiii. p. 65.]\n\n 16 (return) [ Says, he, Praefat. ad l. de Edificiis is no more\n than a pun! In THEse five books, Procopius affects a Christian as\n well as a courtly style.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Procopius discloses himself, (Praefat. ad Anecdot.\n c. 1, 2, 5,) and THE anecdotes are reckoned as THE ninth book by\n Suidas, (tom. iii. p. 186, edit. Kuster.) The silence of Evagrius\n is a poor objection. Baronius (A.D. 548, No. 24) regrets THE loss\n of this secret history: it was THEn in THE Vatican library, in\n his own custody, and was first published sixteen years after his\n death, with THE learned, but partial notes of Nicholas Alemannus,\n (Lugd. 1623.)]\n\n 18 (return) [ Justinian an ass—THE perfect likeness of\n Domitian—Anecdot. c. 8.—Theodora’s lovers driven from her bed by\n rival daemons—her marriage foretold with a great daemon—a monk\n saw THE prince of THE daemons, instead of Justinian, on THE\n throne—THE servants who watched beheld a face without features, a\n body walking without a head, &c., &c. Procopius declares his own\n and his friends’ belief in THEse diabolical stories, (c. 12.)]\n\n 19 (return) [ Montesquieu (Considerations sur la Grandeur et la\n Decadence des Romains, c. xx.) gives credit to THEse anecdotes,\n as connected, 1. with THE weakness of THE empire, and, 2. with\n THE instability of Justinian’s laws.]\n\n 1911 (return) [ The Anecdota of Procopius, compared with THE\n former works of THE same author, appear to me THE basest and most\n disgraceful work in literature. The wars, which he has described\n in THE former volumes as glorious or necessary, are become\n unprofitable and wanton massacres; THE buildings which he\n celebrated, as raised to THE immortal honor of THE great emperor,\n and his admirable queen, eiTHEr as magnificent embellishments of\n THE city, or useful fortifications for THE defence of THE\n frontier, are become works of vain prodigality and useless\n ostentation. I doubt wheTHEr Gibbon has made sufficient allowance\n for THE “malignity” of THE Anecdota; at all events, THE extreme\n and disgusting profligacy of Theodora’s early life rests entirely\n on this viratent libel—M.]\n\n\n I. In THE exercise of supreme power, THE first act of Justinian\n was to divide it with THE woman whom he loved, THE famous\n Theodora, 20 whose strange elevation cannot be applauded as THE\n triumph of female virtue. Under THE reign of Anastasius, THE care\n of THE wild beasts maintained by THE green faction at\n Constantinople was intrusted to Acacius, a native of THE Isle of\n Cyprus, who, from his employment, was surnamed THE master of THE\n bears. This honorable office was given after his death to anoTHEr\n candidate, notwithstanding THE diligence of his widow, who had\n already provided a husband and a successor. Acacius had left\n three daughters, Comito, 21 Theodora, and Anastasia, THE eldest\n of whom did not THEn exceed THE age of seven years. On a solemn\n festival, THEse helpless orphans were sent by THEir distressed\n and indignant moTHEr, in THE garb of suppliants, into THE midst\n of THE THEatre: THE green faction received THEm with contempt,\n THE blues with compassion; and this difference, which sunk deep\n into THE mind of Theodora, was felt long afterwards in THE\n administration of THE empire. As THEy improved in age and beauty,\n THE three sisters were successively devoted to THE public and\n private pleasures of THE Byzantine people: and Theodora, after\n following Comito on THE stage, in THE dress of a slave, with a\n stool on her head, was at length permitted to exercise her\n independent talents. She neiTHEr danced, nor sung, nor played on\n THE flute; her skill was confined to THE pantomime arts; she\n excelled in buffoon characters, and as often as THE comedian\n swelled her cheeks, and complained with a ridiculous tone and\n gesture of THE blows that were inflicted, THE whole THEatre of\n Constantinople resounded with laughter and applause. The beauty\n of Theodora 22 was THE subject of more flattering praise, and THE\n source of more exquisite delight. Her features were delicate and\n regular; her complexion, though somewhat pale, was tinged with a\n natural color; every sensation was instantly expressed by THE\n vivacity of her eyes; her easy motions displayed THE graces of a\n small but elegant figure; and eiTHEr love or adulation might\n proclaim, that painting and poetry were incapable of delineating\n THE matchless excellence of her form. But this form was degraded\n by THE facility with which it was exposed to THE public eye, and\n prostituted to licentious desire. Her venal charms were abandoned\n to a promiscuous crowd of citizens and strangers of every rank,\n and of every profession: THE fortunate lover who had been\n promised a night of enjoyment, was often driven from her bed by a\n stronger or more wealthy favorite; and when she passed through\n THE streets, her presence was avoided by all who wished to escape\n eiTHEr THE scandal or THE temptation. The satirical historian has\n not blushed 23 to describe THE naked scenes which Theodora was\n not ashamed to exhibit in THE THEatre. 24 After exhausting THE\n arts of sensual pleasure, 25 she most ungratefully murmured\n against THE parsimony of Nature; 26 but her murmurs, her\n pleasures, and her arts, must be veiled in THE obscurity of a\n learned language. After reigning for some time, THE delight and\n contempt of THE capital, she condescended to accompany Ecebolus,\n a native of Tyre, who had obtained THE government of THE African\n Pentapolis. But this union was frail and transient; Ecebolus soon\n rejected an expensive or faithless concubine; she was reduced at\n Alexandria to extreme distress; and in her laborious return to\n Constantinople, every city of THE East admired and enjoyed THE\n fair Cyprian, whose merit appeared to justify her descent from\n THE peculiar island of Venus. The vague commerce of Theodora, and\n THE most detestable precautions, preserved her from THE danger\n which she feared; yet once, and once only, she became a moTHEr.\n The infant was saved and educated in Arabia, by his faTHEr, who\n imparted to him on his death-bed, that he was THE son of an\n empress. Filled with ambitious hopes, THE unsuspecting youth\n immediately hastened to THE palace of Constantinople, and was\n admitted to THE presence of his moTHEr. As he was never more\n seen, even after THE decease of Theodora, she deserves THE foul\n imputation of extinguishing with his life a secret so offensive\n to her Imperial virtue. 2611\n\n 20 (return) [ For THE life and manners of THE empress Theodora\n see THE Anecdotes; more especially c. 1—5, 9, 10—15, 16, 17, with\n THE learned notes of Alemannus—a reference which is always\n implied.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Comito was afterwards married to Sittas, duke of\n Armenia, THE faTHEr, perhaps, at least she might be THE moTHEr,\n of THE empress Sophia. Two nephews of Theodora may be THE sons of\n Anastasia, (Aleman. p. 30, 31.)]\n\n 22 (return) [ Her statute was raised at Constantinople, on a\n porphyry column. See Procopius, (de Edif. l. i. c. 11,) who gives\n her portrait in THE Anecdotes, (c. 10.) Aleman. (p. 47) produces\n one from a Mosaic at Ravenna, loaded with pearls and jewels, and\n yet handsome.]\n\n 23 (return) [ A fragment of THE Anecdotes, (c. 9,) somewhat too\n naked, was suppressed by Alemannus, though extant in THE Vatican\n Ms.; nor has THE defect been supplied in THE Paris or Venice\n editions. La MoTHE le Vayer (tom. viii. p. 155) gave THE first\n hint of this curious and genuine passage, (Jortin’s Remarks, vol.\n iv. p. 366,) which he had received from Rome, and it has been\n since published in THE Menagiana (tom. iii. p. 254—259) with a\n Latin version.]\n\n 24 (return) [ After THE mention of a narrow girdle, (as none\n could appear stark naked in THE THEatre,) Procopius thus\n proceeds. I have heard that a learned prelate, now deceased, was\n fond of quoting this passage in conversation.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Theodora surpassed THE Crispa of Ausonius, (Epigram\n lxxi.,) who imitated THE capitalis luxus of THE females of Nola.\n See Quintilian Institut. viii. 6, and Torrentius ad Horat.\n Sermon. l. i. sat. 2, v. 101. At a memorable supper, thirty\n slaves waited round THE table ten young men feasted with\n Theodora. Her charity was universal. Et lassata viris, necdum\n satiata, recessit.]\n\n 26 (return) [ She wished for a fourth altar, on which she might\n pour libations to THE god of love.]\n\n 2611 (return) [ Gibbon should have remembered THE axiom which he\n quotes in anoTHEr piece, scelera ostendi oportet dum puniantur\n abscondi flagitia.—M.]\n\n\n In THE most abject state of her fortune, and reputation, some\n vision, eiTHEr of sleep or of fancy, had whispered to Theodora\n THE pleasing assurance that she was destined to become THE spouse\n of a potent monarch. Conscious of her approaching greatness, she\n returned from Paphlagonia to Constantinople; assumed, like a\n skilful actress, a more decent character; relieved her poverty by\n THE laudable industry of spinning wool; and affected a life of\n chastity and solitude in a small house, which she afterwards\n changed into a magnificent temple. 27 Her beauty, assisted by art\n or accident, soon attracted, captivated, and fixed, THE patrician\n Justinian, who already reigned with absolute sway under THE name\n of his uncle. Perhaps she contrived to enhance THE value of a\n gift which she had so often lavished on THE meanest of mankind;\n perhaps she inflamed, at first by modest delays, and at last by\n sensual allurements, THE desires of a lover, who, from nature or\n devotion, was addicted to long vigils and abstemious diet. When\n his first transports had subsided, she still maintained THE same\n ascendant over his mind, by THE more solid merit of temper and\n understanding. Justinian delighted to ennoble and enrich THE\n object of his affection; THE treasures of THE East were poured at\n her feet, and THE nephew of Justin was determined, perhaps by\n religious scruples, to bestow on his concubine THE sacred and\n legal character of a wife. But THE laws of Rome expressly\n prohibited THE marriage of a senator with any female who had been\n dishonored by a servile origin or THEatrical profession: THE\n empress Lupicina, or Euphemia, a Barbarian of rustic manners, but\n of irreproachable virtue, refused to accept a prostitute for her\n niece; and even Vigilantia, THE superstitious moTHEr of\n Justinian, though she acknowledged THE wit and beauty of\n Theodora, was seriously apprehensive, lest THE levity and\n arrogance of that artful paramour might corrupt THE piety and\n happiness of her son. These obstacles were removed by THE\n inflexible constancy of Justinian. He patiently expected THE\n death of THE empress; he despised THE tears of his moTHEr, who\n soon sunk under THE weight of her affliction; and a law was\n promulgated in THE name of THE emperor Justin, which abolished\n THE rigid jurisprudence of antiquity. A glorious repentance (THE\n words of THE edict) was left open for THE unhappy females who had\n prostituted THEir persons on THE THEatre, and THEy were permitted\n to contract a legal union with THE most illustrious of THE\n Romans. 28 This indulgence was speedily followed by THE solemn\n nuptials of Justinian and Theodora; her dignity was gradually\n exalted with that of her lover, and, as soon as Justin had\n invested his nephew with THE purple, THE patriarch of\n Constantinople placed THE diadem on THE heads of THE emperor and\n empress of THE East. But THE usual honors which THE severity of\n Roman manners had allowed to THE wives of princes, could not\n satisfy eiTHEr THE ambition of Theodora or THE fondness of\n Justinian. He seated her on THE throne as an equal and\n independent colleague in THE sovereignty of THE empire, and an\n oath of allegiance was imposed on THE governors of THE provinces\n in THE joint names of Justinian and Theodora. 29 The Eastern\n world fell prostrate before THE genius and fortune of THE\n daughter of Acacius. The prostitute who, in THE presence of\n innumerable spectators, had polluted THE THEatre of\n Constantinople, was adored as a queen in THE same city, by grave\n magistrates, orthodox bishops, victorious generals, and captive\n monarchs. 30\n\n 27 (return) [ Anonym. de Antiquitat. C. P. l. iii. 132, in\n Banduri Imperium Orient. tom. i. p. 48. Ludewig (p. 154) argues\n sensibly that Theodora would not have immortalized a broTHEl: but\n I apply this fact to her second and chaster residence at\n Constantinople.]\n\n 28 (return) [ See THE old law in Justinian’s Code, (l. v. tit. v.\n leg. 7, tit. xxvii. leg. 1,) under THE years 336 and 454. The new\n edict (about THE year 521 or 522, Aleman. p. 38, 96) very\n awkwardly repeals no more than THE clause of mulieres scenicoe,\n libertinae, tabernariae. See THE novels 89 and 117, and a Greek\n rescript from Justinian to THE bishops, (Aleman. p. 41.)]\n\n 29 (return) [ I swear by THE FaTHEr, &c., by THE Virgin Mary, by\n THE four Gospels, quae in manibus teneo, and by THE Holy\n Archangels Michael and Gabriel, puram conscientiam germanumque\n servitium me servaturum, sacratissimis DDNN. Justiniano et\n Theodorae conjugi ejus, (Novell. viii. tit. 3.) Would THE oath\n have been binding in favor of THE widow? Communes tituli et\n triumphi, &c., (Aleman. p. 47, 48.)]\n\n 30 (return) [ “Let greatness own her, and she’s mean no more,”\n &c. Without Warburton’s critical telescope, I should never have\n seen, in this general picture of triumphant vice, any personal\n allusion to Theodora.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XL: Reign Of Justinian.—Part II.\n\n\n Those who believe that THE female mind is totally depraved by THE\n loss of chastity, will eagerly listen to all THE invectives of\n private envy, or popular resentment which have dissembled THE\n virtues of Theodora, exaggerated her vices, and condemned with\n rigor THE venal or voluntary sins of THE youthful harlot. From a\n motive of shame, or contempt, she often declined THE servile\n homage of THE multitude, escaped from THE odious light of THE\n capital, and passed THE greatest part of THE year in THE palaces\n and gardens which were pleasantly seated on THE sea-coast of THE\n Propontis and THE Bosphorus. Her private hours were devoted to\n THE prudent as well as grateful care of her beauty, THE luxury of\n THE bath and table, and THE long slumber of THE evening and THE\n morning. Her secret apartments were occupied by THE favorite\n women and eunuchs, whose interests and passions she indulged at\n THE expense of justice; THE most illustrious personages of THE\n state were crowded into a dark and sultry antechamber, and when\n at last, after tedious attendance, THEy were admitted to kiss THE\n feet of Theodora, THEy experienced, as her humor might suggest,\n THE silent arrogance of an empress, or THE capricious levity of a\n comedian. Her rapacious avarice to accumulate an immense\n treasure, may be excused by THE apprehension of her husband’s\n death, which could leave no alternative between ruin and THE\n throne; and fear as well as ambition might exasperate Theodora\n against two generals, who, during THE malady of THE emperor, had\n rashly declared that THEy were not disposed to acquiesce in THE\n choice of THE capital. But THE reproach of cruelty, so repugnant\n even to her softer vices, has left an indelible stain on THE\n memory of Theodora. Her numerous spies observed, and zealously\n reported, every action, or word, or look, injurious to THEir\n royal mistress. Whomsoever THEy accused were cast into her\n peculiar prisons, 31 inaccessible to THE inquiries of justice;\n and it was rumored, that THE torture of THE rack, or scourge, had\n been inflicted in THE presence of THE female tyrant, insensible\n to THE voice of prayer or of pity. 32 Some of THEse unhappy\n victims perished in deep, unwholesome dungeons, while oTHErs were\n permitted, after THE loss of THEir limbs, THEir reason, or THEir\n fortunes, to appear in THE world, THE living monuments of her\n vengeance, which was commonly extended to THE children of those\n whom she had suspected or injured. The senator or bishop, whose\n death or exile Theodora had pronounced, was delivered to a trusty\n messenger, and his diligence was quickened by a menace from her\n own mouth. “If you fail in THE execution of my commands, I swear\n by Him who liveth forever, that your skin shall be flayed from\n your body.” 33\n\n 31 (return) [ Her prisons, a labyrinth, a Tartarus, (Anecdot. c.\n 4,) were under THE palace. Darkness is propitious to cruelty, but\n it is likewise favorable to calumny and fiction.]\n\n 32 (return) [ A more jocular whipping was inflicted on\n Saturninus, for presuming to say that his wife, a favorite of THE\n empress, had not been found. (Anecdot. c. 17.)]\n\n 33 (return) [ Per viventem in saecula excoriari te faciam.\n Anastasius de Vitis Pont. Roman. in Vigilio, p. 40.]\n\n\n If THE creed of Theodora had not been tainted with heresy, her\n exemplary devotion might have atoned, in THE opinion of her\n contemporaries, for pride, avarice, and cruelty. But, if she\n employed her influence to assuage THE intolerant fury of THE\n emperor, THE present age will allow some merit to her religion,\n and much indulgence to her speculative errors. 34 The name of\n Theodora was introduced, with equal honor, in all THE pious and\n charitable foundations of Justinian; and THE most benevolent\n institution of his reign may be ascribed to THE sympathy of THE\n empress for her less fortunate sisters, who had been seduced or\n compelled to embrace THE trade of prostitution. A palace, on THE\n Asiatic side of THE Bosphorus, was converted into a stately and\n spacious monastery, and a liberal maintenance was assigned to\n five hundred women, who had been collected from THE streets and\n broTHEls of Constantinople. In this safe and holy retreat, THEy\n were devoted to perpetual confinement; and THE despair of some,\n who threw THEmselves headlong into THE sea, was lost in THE\n gratitude of THE penitents, who had been delivered from sin and\n misery by THEir generous benefactress. 35 The prudence of\n Theodora is celebrated by Justinian himself; and his laws are\n attributed to THE sage counsels of his most reverend wife whom he\n had received as THE gift of THE Deity. 36 Her courage was\n displayed amidst THE tumult of THE people and THE terrors of THE\n court. Her chastity, from THE moment of her union with Justinian,\n is founded on THE silence of her implacable enemies; and although\n THE daughter of Acacius might be satiated with love, yet some\n applause is due to THE firmness of a mind which could sacrifice\n pleasure and habit to THE stronger sense eiTHEr of duty or\n interest. The wishes and prayers of Theodora could never obtain\n THE blessing of a lawful son, and she buried an infant daughter,\n THE sole offspring of her marriage. 37 Notwithstanding this\n disappointment, her dominion was permanent and absolute; she\n preserved, by art or merit, THE affections of Justinian; and\n THEir seeming dissensions were always fatal to THE courtiers who\n believed THEm to be sincere. Perhaps her health had been impaired\n by THE licentiousness of her youth; but it was always delicate,\n and she was directed by her physicians to use THE Pythian warm\n baths. In this journey, THE empress was followed by THE\n Praetorian præfect, THE great treasurer, several counts and\n patricians, and a splendid train of four thousand attendants: THE\n highways were repaired at her approach; a palace was erected for\n her reception; and as she passed through Bithynia, she\n distributed liberal alms to THE churches, THE monasteries, and\n THE hospitals, that THEy might implore Heaven for THE restoration\n of her health. 38 At length, in THE twenty-fourth year of her\n marriage, and THE twenty-second of her reign, she was consumed by\n a cancer; 39 and THE irreparable loss was deplored by her\n husband, who, in THE room of a THEatrical prostitute, might have\n selected THE purest and most noble virgin of THE East. 40\n\n 34 (return) [ Ludewig, p. 161—166. I give him credit for THE\n charitable attempt, although he hath not much charity in his\n temper.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Compare THE anecdotes (c. 17) with THE Edifices (l.\n i. c. 9)—how differently may THE same fact be stated! John Malala\n (tom. ii. p. 174, 175) observes, that on this, or a similar\n occasion, she released and cloTHEd THE girls whom she had\n purchased from THE stews at five aurei apiece.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Novel. viii. 1. An allusion to Theodora. Her\n enemies read THE name Daemonodora, (Aleman. p. 66.)]\n\n 37 (return) [ St. Sabas refused to pray for a son of Theodora,\n lest he should prove a heretic worse than Anastasius himself,\n (Cyril in Vit. St. Sabae, apud Aleman. p. 70, 109.)]\n\n 38 (return) [ See John Malala, tom. ii. p. 174. Theophanes, p.\n 158. Procopius de Edific. l. v. c. 3.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Theodora Chalcedonensis synodi inimica canceris\n plaga toto corpore perfusa vitam prodigiose finivit, (Victor\n Tununensis in Chron.) On such occasions, an orthodox mind is\n steeled against pity. Alemannus (p. 12, 13) understands of\n Theophanes as civil language, which does not imply eiTHEr piety\n or repentance; yet two years after her death, St. Theodora is\n celebrated by Paul Silentiarius, (in proem. v. 58—62.)]\n\n 40 (return) [ As she persecuted THE popes, and rejected a\n council, Baronius exhausts THE names of Eve, Dalila, Herodias,\n &c.; after which he has recourse to his infernal dictionary:\n civis inferni—alumna daemonum—satanico agitata spiritu-oestro\n percita diabolico, &c., &c., (A.D. 548, No. 24.)]\n\n\n II. A material difference may be observed in THE games of\n antiquity: THE most eminent of THE Greeks were actors, THE Romans\n were merely spectators. The Olympic stadium was open to wealth,\n merit, and ambition; and if THE candidates could depend on THEir\n personal skill and activity, THEy might pursue THE footsteps of\n Diomede and Menelaus, and conduct THEir own horses in THE rapid\n career. 41 Ten, twenty, forty chariots were allowed to start at\n THE same instant; a crown of leaves was THE reward of THE victor;\n and his fame, with that of his family and country, was chanted in\n lyric strains more durable than monuments of brass and marble.\n But a senator, or even a citizen, conscious of his dignity, would\n have blushed to expose his person, or his horses, in THE circus\n of Rome. The games were exhibited at THE expense of THE republic,\n THE magistrates, or THE emperors: but THE reins were abandoned to\n servile hands; and if THE profits of a favorite charioteer\n sometimes exceeded those of an advocate, THEy must be considered\n as THE effects of popular extravagance, and THE high wages of a\n disgraceful profession. The race, in its first institution, was a\n simple contest of two chariots, whose drivers were distinguished\n by white and red liveries: two additional colors, a light green,\n and a caerulean blue, were afterwards introduced; and as THE\n races were repeated twenty-five times, one hundred chariots\n contributed in THE same day to THE pomp of THE circus. The four\n factions soon acquired a legal establishment, and a mysterious\n origin, and THEir fanciful colors were derived from THE various\n appearances of nature in THE four seasons of THE year; THE red\n dogstar of summer, THE snows of winter, THE deep shades of\n autumn, and THE cheerful verdure of THE spring. 42 AnoTHEr\n interpretation preferred THE elements to THE seasons, and THE\n struggle of THE green and blue was supposed to represent THE\n conflict of THE earth and sea. Their respective victories\n announced eiTHEr a plentiful harvest or a prosperous navigation,\n and THE hostility of THE husbandmen and mariners was somewhat\n less absurd than THE blind ardor of THE Roman people, who devoted\n THEir lives and fortunes to THE color which THEy had espoused.\n Such folly was disdained and indulged by THE wisest princes; but\n THE names of Caligula, Nero, Vitellius, Verus, Commodus,\n Caracalla, and Elagabalus, were enrolled in THE blue or green\n factions of THE circus; THEy frequented THEir stables, applauded\n THEir favorites, chastised THEir antagonists, and deserved THE\n esteem of THE populace, by THE natural or affected imitation of\n THEir manners. The bloody and tumultuous contest continued to\n disturb THE public festivity, till THE last age of THE spectacles\n of Rome; and Theodoric, from a motive of justice or affection,\n interposed his authority to protect THE greens against THE\n violence of a consul and a patrician, who were passionately\n addicted to THE blue faction of THE circus. 43\n\n 41 (return) [ Read and feel THE xxiid book of THE Iliad, a living\n picture of manners, passions, and THE whole form and spirit of\n THE chariot race West’s Dissertation on THE Olympic Games (sect.\n xii.—xvii.) affords much curious and auTHEntic information.]\n\n 42 (return) [ The four colors, albati, russati, prasini, veneti,\n represent THE four seasons, according to Cassiodorus, (Var. iii.\n 51,) who lavishes much wit and eloquence on this THEatrical\n mystery. Of THEse colors, THE three first may be fairly\n translated white, red, and green. Venetus is explained by\n coeruleus, a word various and vague: it is properly THE sky\n reflected in THE sea; but custom and convenience may allow blue\n as an equivalent, (Robert. Stephan. sub voce. Spence’s Polymetis,\n p. 228.)]\n\n 43 (return) [ See Onuphrius Panvinius de Ludis Circensibus, l. i.\n c. 10, 11; THE xviith Annotation on Mascou’s History of THE\n Germans; and Aleman ad c. vii.]\n\n\n Constantinople adopted THE follies, though not THE virtues, of\n ancient Rome; and THE same factions which had agitated THE\n circus, raged with redoubled fury in THE hippodrome. Under THE\n reign of Anastasius, this popular frenzy was inflamed by\n religious zeal; and THE greens, who had treacherously concealed\n stones and daggers under baskets of fruit, massacred, at a solemn\n festival, three thousand of THEir blue adversaries. 44 From this\n capital, THE pestilence was diffused into THE provinces and\n cities of THE East, and THE sportive distinction of two colors\n produced two strong and irreconcilable factions, which shook THE\n foundations of a feeble government. 45 The popular dissensions,\n founded on THE most serious interest, or holy pretence, have\n scarcely equalled THE obstinacy of this wanton discord, which\n invaded THE peace of families, divided friends and broTHErs, and\n tempted THE female sex, though seldom seen in THE circus, to\n espouse THE inclinations of THEir lovers, or to contradict THE\n wishes of THEir husbands. Every law, eiTHEr human or divine, was\n trampled under foot, and as long as THE party was successful, its\n deluded followers appeared careless of private distress or public\n calamity. The license, without THE freedom, of democracy, was\n revived at Antioch and Constantinople, and THE support of a\n faction became necessary to every candidate for civil or\n ecclesiastical honors. A secret attachment to THE family or sect\n of Anastasius was imputed to THE greens; THE blues were zealously\n devoted to THE cause of orthodoxy and Justinian, 46 and THEir\n grateful patron protected, above five years, THE disorders of a\n faction, whose seasonable tumults overawed THE palace, THE\n senate, and THE capitals of THE East. Insolent with royal favor,\n THE blues affected to strike terror by a peculiar and Barbaric\n dress, THE long hair of THE Huns, THEir close sleeves and ample\n garments, a lofty step, and a sonorous voice. In THE day THEy\n concealed THEir two-edged poniards, but in THE night THEy boldly\n assembled in arms, and in numerous bands, prepared for every act\n of violence and rapine. Their adversaries of THE green faction,\n or even inoffensive citizens, were stripped and often murdered by\n THEse nocturnal robbers, and it became dangerous to wear any gold\n buttons or girdles, or to appear at a late hour in THE streets of\n a peaceful capital. A daring spirit, rising with impunity,\n proceeded to violate THE safeguard of private houses; and fire\n was employed to facilitate THE attack, or to conceal THE crimes\n of THEse factious rioters. No place was safe or sacred from THEir\n depredations; to gratify eiTHEr avarice or revenge, THEy\n profusely spilt THE blood of THE innocent; churches and altars\n were polluted by atrocious murders; and it was THE boast of THE\n assassins, that THEir dexterity could always inflict a mortal\n wound with a single stroke of THEir dagger. The dissolute youth\n of Constantinople adopted THE blue livery of disorder; THE laws\n were silent, and THE bonds of society were relaxed: creditors\n were compelled to resign THEir obligations; judges to reverse\n THEir sentence; masters to enfranchise THEir slaves; faTHErs to\n supply THE extravagance of THEir children; noble matrons were\n prostituted to THE lust of THEir servants; beautiful boys were\n torn from THE arms of THEir parents; and wives, unless THEy\n preferred a voluntary death, were ravished in THE presence of\n THEir husbands. 47 The despair of THE greens, who were persecuted\n by THEir enemies, and deserted by THE magistrates, assumed THE\n privilege of defence, perhaps of retaliation; but those who\n survived THE combat were dragged to execution, and THE unhappy\n fugitives, escaping to woods and caverns, preyed without mercy on\n THE society from whence THEy were expelled. Those ministers of\n justice who had courage to punish THE crimes, and to brave THE\n resentment, of THE blues, became THE victims of THEir indiscreet\n zeal; a præfect of Constantinople fled for refuge to THE holy\n sepulchre, a count of THE East was ignominiously whipped, and a\n governor of Cilicia was hanged, by THE order of Theodora, on THE\n tomb of two assassins whom he had condemned for THE murder of his\n groom, and a daring attack upon his own life. 48 An aspiring\n candidate may be tempted to build his greatness on THE public\n confusion, but it is THE interest as well as duty of a sovereign\n to maintain THE authority of THE laws. The first edict of\n Justinian, which was often repeated, and sometimes executed,\n announced his firm resolution to support THE innocent, and to\n chastise THE guilty, of every denomination and color. Yet THE\n balance of justice was still inclined in favor of THE blue\n faction, by THE secret affection, THE habits, and THE fears of\n THE emperor; his equity, after an apparent struggle, submitted,\n without reluctance, to THE implacable passions of Theodora, and\n THE empress never forgot, or forgave, THE injuries of THE\n comedian. At THE accession of THE younger Justin, THE\n proclamation of equal and rigorous justice indirectly condemned\n THE partiality of THE former reign. “Ye blues, Justinian is no\n more! ye greens, he is still alive!” 49\n\n 44 (return) [ Marcellin. in Chron. p. 47. Instead of THE vulgar\n word venata he uses THE more exquisite terms of coerulea and\n coerealis. Baronius (A.D. 501, No. 4, 5, 6) is satisfied that THE\n blues were orthodox; but Tillemont is angry at THE supposition,\n and will not allow any martyrs in a playhouse, (Hist. des Emp.\n tom. vi. p. 554.)]\n\n 45 (return) [ See Procopius, (Persic. l. i. c. 24.) In describing\n THE vices of THE factions and of THE government, THE public, is\n not more favorable than THE secret, historian. Aleman. (p. 26)\n has quoted a fine passage from Gregory Nazianzen, which proves\n THE inveteracy of THE evil.]\n\n 46 (return) [ The partiality of Justinian for THE blues (Anecdot.\n c. 7) is attested by Evagrius, (Hist. Eccles. l. iv. c. 32,) John\n Malala, (tom ii p. 138, 139,) especially for Antioch; and\n Theophanes, (p. 142.)]\n\n 47 (return) [ A wife, (says Procopius,) who was seized and almost\n ravished by a blue-coat, threw herself into THE Bosphorus. The\n bishops of THE second Syria (Aleman. p. 26) deplore a similar\n suicide, THE guilt or glory of female chastity, and name THE\n heroine.]\n\n 48 (return) [ The doubtful credit of Procopius (Anecdot. c. 17)\n is supported by THE less partial Evagrius, who confirms THE fact,\n and specifies THE names. The tragic fate of THE præfect of\n Constantinople is related by John Malala, (tom. ii. p. 139.)]\n\n 49 (return) [ See John Malala, (tom. ii. p. 147;) yet he owns\n that Justinian was attached to THE blues. The seeming discord of\n THE emperor and Theodora is, perhaps, viewed with too much\n jealousy and refinement by Procopius, (Anecdot. c. 10.) See\n Aleman. Praefat. p. 6.]\n\n\n A sedition, which almost laid Constantinople in ashes, was\n excited by THE mutual hatred and momentary reconciliation of THE\n two factions. In THE fifth year of his reign, Justinian\n celebrated THE festival of THE ides of January; THE games were\n incessantly disturbed by THE clamorous discontent of THE greens:\n till THE twenty-second race, THE emperor maintained his silent\n gravity; at length, yielding to his impatience, he condescended\n to hold, in abrupt sentences, and by THE voice of a crier, THE\n most singular dialogue 50 that ever passed between a prince and\n his subjects. Their first complaints were respectful and modest;\n THEy accused THE subordinate ministers of oppression, and\n proclaimed THEir wishes for THE long life and victory of THE\n emperor. “Be patient and attentive, ye insolent railers!”\n exclaimed Justinian; “be mute, ye Jews, Samaritans, and\n Manichaeans!” The greens still attempted to awaken his\n compassion. “We are poor, we are innocent, we are injured, we\n dare not pass through THE streets: a general persecution is\n exercised against our name and color. Let us die, O emperor! but\n let us die by your command, and for your service!” But THE\n repetition of partial and passionate invectives degraded, in\n THEir eyes, THE majesty of THE purple; THEy renounced allegiance\n to THE prince who refused justice to his people; lamented that\n THE faTHEr of Justinian had been born; and branded his son with\n THE opprobrious names of a homicide, an ass, and a perjured\n tyrant. “Do you despise your lives?” cried THE indignant monarch:\n THE blues rose with fury from THEir seats; THEir hostile clamors\n thundered in THE hippodrome; and THEir adversaries, deserting THE\n unequal contest spread terror and despair through THE streets of\n Constantinople. At this dangerous moment, seven notorious\n assassins of both factions, who had been condemned by THE\n præfect, were carried round THE city, and afterwards transported\n to THE place of execution in THE suburb of Pera. Four were\n immediately beheaded; a fifth was hanged: but when THE same\n punishment was inflicted on THE remaining two, THE rope broke,\n THEy fell alive to THE ground, THE populace applauded THEir\n escape, and THE monks of St. Conon, issuing from THE neighboring\n convent, conveyed THEm in a boat to THE sanctuary of THE church.\n 51 As one of THEse criminals was of THE blue, and THE oTHEr of\n THE green livery, THE two factions were equally provoked by THE\n cruelty of THEir oppressor, or THE ingratitude of THEir patron;\n and a short truce was concluded till THEy had delivered THEir\n prisoners and satisfied THEir revenge. The palace of THE præfect,\n who withstood THE seditious torrent, was instantly burnt, his\n officers and guards were massacred, THE prisons were forced open,\n and freedom was restored to those who could only use it for THE\n public destruction. A military force, which had been despatched\n to THE aid of THE civil magistrate, was fiercely encountered by\n an armed multitude, whose numbers and boldness continually\n increased; and THE Heruli, THE wildest Barbarians in THE service\n of THE empire, overturned THE priests and THEir relics, which,\n from a pious motive, had been rashly interposed to separate THE\n bloody conflict. The tumult was exasperated by this sacrilege,\n THE people fought with enthusiasm in THE cause of God; THE women,\n from THE roofs and windows, showered stones on THE heads of THE\n soldiers, who darted fire brands against THE houses; and THE\n various flames, which had been kindled by THE hands of citizens\n and strangers, spread without control over THE face of THE city.\n The conflagration involved THE caTHEdral of St. Sophia, THE baths\n of Zeuxippus, a part of THE palace, from THE first entrance to\n THE altar of Mars, and THE long portico from THE palace to THE\n forum of Constantine: a large hospital, with THE sick patients,\n was consumed; many churches and stately edifices were destroyed\n and an immense treasure of gold and silver was eiTHEr melted or\n lost. From such scenes of horror and distress, THE wise and\n wealthy citizens escaped over THE Bosphorus to THE Asiatic side;\n and during five days Constantinople was abandoned to THE\n factions, whose watchword, Nika, vanquish! has given a name to\n this memorable sedition. 52\n\n 50 (return) [ This dialogue, which Theophanes has preserved,\n exhibits THE popular language, as well as THE manners, of\n Constantinople, in THE vith century. Their Greek is mingled with\n many strange and barbarous words, for which Ducange cannot always\n find a meaning or etymology.]\n\n 51 (return) [ See this church and monastery in Ducange, C. P.\n Christiana, l. iv p 182.]\n\n 52 (return) [ The history of THE Nika sedition is extracted from\n Marcellinus, (in Chron.,) Procopius, (Persic. l. i. c. 26,) John\n Malala, (tom. ii. p. 213—218,) Chron. Paschal., (p. 336—340,)\n Theophanes, (Chronograph. p. 154—158) and Zonaras, (l. xiv. p.\n 61—63.)]\n\n\n As long as THE factions were divided, THE triumphant blues, and\n desponding greens, appeared to behold with THE same indifference\n THE disorders of THE state. They agreed to censure THE corrupt\n management of justice and THE finance; and THE two responsible\n ministers, THE artful Tribonian, and THE rapacious John of\n Cappadocia, were loudly arraigned as THE authors of THE public\n misery. The peaceful murmurs of THE people would have been\n disregarded: THEy were heard with respect when THE city was in\n flames; THE quaestor, and THE præfect, were instantly removed,\n and THEir offices were filled by two senators of blameless\n integrity. After this popular concession, Justinian proceeded to\n THE hippodrome to confess his own errors, and to accept THE\n repentance of his grateful subjects; but THEy distrusted his\n assurances, though solemnly pronounced in THE presence of THE\n holy Gospels; and THE emperor, alarmed by THEir distrust,\n retreated with precipitation to THE strong fortress of THE\n palace. The obstinacy of THE tumult was now imputed to a secret\n and ambitious conspiracy, and a suspicion was entertained, that\n THE insurgents, more especially THE green faction, had been\n supplied with arms and money by Hypatius and Pompey, two\n patricians, who could neiTHEr forget with honor, nor remember\n with safety, that THEy were THE nephews of THE emperor\n Anastasius. Capriciously trusted, disgraced, and pardoned, by THE\n jealous levity of THE monarch, THEy had appeared as loyal\n servants before THE throne; and, during five days of THE tumult,\n THEy were detained as important hostages; till at length, THE\n fears of Justinian prevailing over his prudence, he viewed THE\n two broTHErs in THE light of spies, perhaps of assassins, and\n sternly commanded THEm to depart from THE palace. After a\n fruitless representation, that obedience might lead to\n involuntary treason, THEy retired to THEir houses, and in THE\n morning of THE sixth day, Hypatius was surrounded and seized by\n THE people, who, regardless of his virtuous resistance, and THE\n tears of his wife, transported THEir favorite to THE forum of\n Constantine, and instead of a diadem, placed a rich collar on his\n head. If THE usurper, who afterwards pleaded THE merit of his\n delay, had complied with THE advice of his senate, and urged THE\n fury of THE multitude, THEir first irresistible effort might have\n oppressed or expelled his trembling competitor. The Byzantine\n palace enjoyed a free communication with THE sea; vessels lay\n ready at THE garden stairs; and a secret resolution was already\n formed, to convey THE emperor with his family and treasures to a\n safe retreat, at some distance from THE capital.\n\n\n Justinian was lost, if THE prostitute whom he raised from THE\n THEatre had not renounced THE timidity, as well as THE virtues,\n of her sex. In THE midst of a council, where Belisarius was\n present, Theodora alone displayed THE spirit of a hero; and she\n alone, without apprehending his future hatred, could save THE\n emperor from THE imminent danger, and his unworthy fears. “If\n flight,” said THE consort of Justinian, “were THE only means of\n safety, yet I should disdain to fly. Death is THE condition of\n our birth; but THEy who have reigned should never survive THE\n loss of dignity and dominion. I implore Heaven, that I may never\n be seen, not a day, without my diadem and purple; that I may no\n longer behold THE light, when I cease to be saluted with THE name\n of queen. If you resolve, O Caesar! to fly, you have treasures;\n behold THE sea, you have ships; but tremble lest THE desire of\n life should expose you to wretched exile and ignominious death.\n For my own part, I adhere to THE maxim of antiquity, that THE\n throne is a glorious sepulchre.” The firmness of a woman restored\n THE courage to deliberate and act, and courage soon discovers THE\n resources of THE most desperate situation. It was an easy and a\n decisive measure to revive THE animosity of THE factions; THE\n blues were astonished at THEir own guilt and folly, that a\n trifling injury should provoke THEm to conspire with THEir\n implacable enemies against a gracious and liberal benefactor;\n THEy again proclaimed THE majesty of Justinian; and THE greens,\n with THEir upstart emperor, were left alone in THE hippodrome.\n The fidelity of THE guards was doubtful; but THE military force\n of Justinian consisted in three thousand veterans, who had been\n trained to valor and discipline in THE Persian and Illyrian wars.\n\n\n Under THE command of Belisarius and Mundus, THEy silently marched\n in two divisions from THE palace, forced THEir obscure way\n through narrow passages, expiring flames, and falling edifices,\n and burst open at THE same moment THE two opposite gates of THE\n hippodrome. In this narrow space, THE disorderly and affrighted\n crowd was incapable of resisting on eiTHEr side a firm and\n regular attack; THE blues signalized THE fury of THEir\n repentance; and it is computed, that above thirty thousand\n persons were slain in THE merciless and promiscuous carnage of\n THE day. Hypatius was dragged from his throne, and conducted,\n with his broTHEr Pompey, to THE feet of THE emperor: THEy\n implored his clemency; but THEir crime was manifest, THEir\n innocence uncertain, and Justinian had been too much terrified to\n forgive. The next morning THE two nephews of Anastasius, with\n eighteen illustrious accomplices, of patrician or consular rank,\n were privately executed by THE soldiers; THEir bodies were thrown\n into THE sea, THEir palaces razed, and THEir fortunes\n confiscated. The hippodrome itself was condemned, during several\n years, to a mournful silence: with THE restoration of THE games,\n THE same disorders revived; and THE blue and green factions\n continued to afflict THE reign of Justinian, and to disturb THE\n tranquility of THE Eastern empire. 53\n\n 53 (return) [ Marcellinus says in general terms, innumeris\n populis in circotrucidatis. Procopius numbers 30,000 victims: and\n THE 35,000 of Theophanes are swelled to 40,000 by THE more recent\n Zonaras. Such is THE usual progress of exaggeration.]\n\n\n III. That empire, after Rome was barbarous, still embraced THE\n nations whom she had conquered beyond THE Adriatic, and as far as\n THE frontiers of Aethiopia and Persia. Justinian reigned over\n sixty-four provinces, and nine hundred and thirty-five cities; 54\n his dominions were blessed by nature with THE advantages of soil,\n situation, and climate: and THE improvements of human art had\n been perpetually diffused along THE coast of THE Mediterranean\n and THE banks of THE Nile from ancient Troy to THE Egyptian\n Thebes. Abraham 55 had been relieved by THE well-known plenty of\n Egypt; THE same country, a small and populous tract, was still\n capable of exporting, each year, two hundred and sixty thousand\n quarters of wheat for THE use of Constantinople; 56 and THE\n capital of Justinian was supplied with THE manufactures of Sidon,\n fifteen centuries after THEy had been celebrated in THE poems of\n Homer. 57 The annual powers of vegetation, instead of being\n exhausted by two thousand harvests, were renewed and invigorated\n by skilful husbandry, rich manure, and seasonable repose. The\n breed of domestic animals was infinitely multiplied. Plantations,\n buildings, and THE instruments of labor and luxury, which are\n more durable than THE term of human life, were accumulated by THE\n care of successive generations. Tradition preserved, and\n experience simplified, THE humble practice of THE arts: society\n was enriched by THE division of labor and THE facility of\n exchange; and every Roman was lodged, cloTHEd, and subsisted, by\n THE industry of a thousand hands. The invention of THE loom and\n distaff has been piously ascribed to THE gods. In every age, a\n variety of animal and vegetable productions, hair, skins, wool,\n flax, cotton, and at length silk, have been skilfully\n manufactured to hide or adorn THE human body; THEy were stained\n with an infusion of permanent colors; and THE pencil was\n successfully employed to improve THE labors of THE loom. In THE\n choice of those colors 58 which imitate THE beauties of nature,\n THE freedom of taste and fashion was indulged; but THE deep\n purple 59 which THE Phœnicians extracted from a shell-fish, was\n restrained to THE sacred person and palace of THE emperor; and\n THE penalties of treason were denounced against THE ambitious\n subjects who dared to usurp THE prerogative of THE throne. 60\n\n 54 (return) [ Hierocles, a contemporary of Justinian, composed\n his (Itineraria, p. 631,) review of THE eastern provinces and\n cities, before THE year 535, (Wesseling, in Praefat. and Not. ad\n p. 623, &c.)]\n\n 55 (return) [ See THE Book of Genesis (xii. 10) and THE\n administration of Joseph. The annals of THE Greeks and Hebrews\n agree in THE early arts and plenty of Egypt: but this antiquity\n supposes a long series of improvement; and Warburton, who is\n almost stifled by THE Hebrew calls aloud for THE Samaritan,\n Chronology, (Divine Legation, vol. iii. p. 29, &c.) * Note: The\n recent extraordinary discoveries in Egyptian antiquities strongly\n confirm THE high notion of THE early Egyptian civilization, and\n imperatively demand a longer period for THEir development. As to\n THE common Hebrew chronology, as far as such a subject is capable\n of demonstration, it appears to me to have been framed, with a\n particular view, by THE Jews of Tiberias. It was not THE\n chronology of THE Samaritans, not that of THE LXX., not that of\n Josephus, not that of St. Paul.—M.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Eight millions of Roman modii, besides a\n contribution of 80,000 aurei for THE expenses of water-carriage,\n from which THE subject was graciously excused. See THE 13th Edict\n of Justinian: THE numbers are checked and verified by THE\n agreement of THE Greek and Latin texts.]\n\n 57 (return) [ Homer’s Iliad, vi. 289. These veils, were THE work\n of THE Sidonian women. But this passage is more honorable to THE\n manufactures than to THE navigation of Phoenicia, from whence\n THEy had been imported to Troy in Phrygian bottoms.]\n\n 58 (return) [ See in Ovid (de Arte Amandi, iii. 269, &c.) a\n poetical list of twelve colors borrowed from flowers, THE\n elements, &c. But it is almost impossible to discriminate by\n words all THE nice and various shades both of art and nature.]\n\n 59 (return) [ By THE discovery of cochineal, &c., we far surpass\n THE colors of antiquity. Their royal purple had a strong smell,\n and a dark cast as deep as bull’s blood—obscuritas rubens, (says\n Cassiodorus, Var. 1, 2,) nigredo saguinea. The president Goguet\n (Origine des Loix et des Arts, part ii. l. ii. c. 2, p. 184—215)\n will amuse and satisfy THE reader. I doubt wheTHEr his book,\n especially in England, is as well known as it deserves to be.]\n\n 60 (return) [ Historical proofs of this jealousy have been\n occasionally introduced, and many more might have been added; but\n THE arbitrary acts of despotism were justified by THE sober and\n general declarations of law, (Codex Theodosian. l. x. tit. 21,\n leg. 3. Codex Justinian. l. xi. tit. 8, leg. 5.) An inglorious\n permission, and necessary restriction, was applied to THE mince,\n THE female dancers, (Cod. Theodos. l. xv. tit. 7, leg. 11.)]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XL: Reign Of Justinian.—Part III.\n\n\n I need not explain that silk 61 is originally spun from THE\n bowels of a caterpillar, and that it composes THE golden tomb,\n from whence a worm emerges in THE form of a butterfly. Till THE\n reign of Justinian, THE silk-worm who feed on THE leaves of THE\n white mulberry-tree were confined to China; those of THE pine,\n THE oak, and THE ash, were common in THE forests both of Asia and\n Europe; but as THEir education is more difficult, and THEir\n produce more uncertain, THEy were generally neglected, except in\n THE little island of Ceos, near THE coast of Attica. A thin gauze\n was procured from THEir webs, and this Cean manufacture, THE\n invention of a woman, for female use, was long admired both in\n THE East and at Rome. Whatever suspicions may be raised by THE\n garments of THE Medes and Assyrians, Virgil is THE most ancient\n writer, who expressly mentions THE soft wool which was combed\n from THE trees of THE Seres or Chinese; 62 and this natural\n error, less marvellous than THE truth, was slowly corrected by\n THE knowledge of a valuable insect, THE first artificer of THE\n luxury of nations. That rare and elegant luxury was censured, in\n THE reign of Tiberius, by THE gravest of THE Romans; and Pliny,\n in affected though forcible language, has condemned THE thirst of\n gain, which explores THE last confines of THE earth, for THE\n pernicious purpose of exposing to THE public eye naked draperies\n and transparent matrons. 63 6311 A dress which showed THE turn of\n THE limbs, and color of THE skin, might gratify vanity, or\n provoke desire; THE silks which had been closely woven in China\n were sometimes unravelled by THE Phœnician women, and THE\n precious materials were multiplied by a looser texture, and THE\n intermixture of linen threads. 64 Two hundred years after THE age\n of Pliny, THE use of pure, or even of mixed silks, was confined\n to THE female sex, till THE opulent citizens of Rome and THE\n provinces were insensibly familiarized with THE example of\n Elagabalus, THE first who, by this effeminate habit, had sullied\n THE dignity of an emperor and a man. Aurelian complained, that a\n pound of silk was sold at Rome for twelve ounces of gold; but THE\n supply increased with THE demand, and THE price diminished with\n THE supply. If accident or monopoly sometimes raised THE value\n even above THE standard of Aurelian, THE manufacturers of Tyre\n and Berytus were sometimes compelled, by THE operation of THE\n same causes, to content THEmselves with a ninth part of that\n extravagant rate. 65 A law was thought necessary to discriminate\n THE dress of comedians from that of senators; and of THE silk\n exported from its native country THE far greater part was\n consumed by THE subjects of Justinian. They were still more\n intimately acquainted with a shell-fish of THE Mediterranean,\n surnamed THE silk-worm of THE sea: THE fine wool or hair by which\n THE moTHEr-of-pearl affixes itself to THE rock is now\n manufactured for curiosity raTHEr than use; and a robe obtained\n from THE same singular materials was THE gift of THE Roman\n emperor to THE satraps of Armenia. 66\n\n 61 (return) [ In THE history of insects (far more wonderful than\n Ovid’s Metamorphoses) THE silk-worm holds a conspicuous place.\n The bombyx of THE Isle of Ceos, as described by Pliny, (Hist.\n Natur. xi. 26, 27, with THE notes of THE two learned Jesuits,\n Hardouin and Brotier,) may be illustrated by a similar species in\n China, (Memoires sur les Chinois, tom. ii. p. 575—598;) but our\n silk-worm, as well as THE white mulberry-tree, were unknown to\n Theophrastus and Pliny.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Georgic. ii. 121. Serica quando venerint in usum\n planissime non acio: suspicor tamen in Julii Caesaris aevo, nam\n ante non invenio, says Justus Lipsius, (Excursus i. ad Tacit.\n Annal. ii. 32.) See Dion Cassius, (l. xliii. p. 358, edit.\n Reimar,) and Pausanius, (l. vi. p. 519,) THE first who describes,\n however strangely, THE Seric insect.]\n\n 63 (return) [ Tam longinquo orbe petitur, ut in publico matrona\n transluceat...ut denudet foeminas vestis, (Plin. vi. 20, xi. 21.)\n Varro and Publius Syrus had already played on THE Toga vitrea,\n ventus texilis, and nebula linen, (Horat. Sermon. i. 2, 101, with\n THE notes of Torrentius and Dacier.)]\n\n 6311 (return) [ Gibbon must have written transparent draperies\n and naked matrons. Through sometimes affected, he is never\n inaccurate.—M.]\n\n 64 (return) [ On THE texture, colors, names, and use of THE silk,\n half silk, and liuen garments of antiquity, see THE profound,\n diffuse, and obscure researches of THE great Salmasius, (in Hist.\n August. p. 127, 309, 310, 339, 341, 342, 344, 388—391, 395, 513,)\n who was ignorant of THE most common trades of Dijon or Leyden.]\n\n 65 (return) [ Flavius Vopiscus in Aurelian. c. 45, in Hist.\n August. p. 224. See Salmasius ad Hist. Aug. p. 392, and Plinian.\n Exercitat. in Solinum, p. 694, 695. The Anecdotes of Procopius\n (c. 25) state a partial and imperfect rate of THE price of silk\n in THE time of Justinian.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Procopius de Edit. l. iii. c. 1. These pinnes de\n mer are found near Smyrna, Sicily, Corsica, and Minorca; and a\n pair of gloves of THEir silk was presented to Pope Benedict XIV.]\n\n\n A valuable merchandise of small bulk is capable of defraying THE\n expense of land-carriage; and THE caravans traversed THE whole\n latitude of Asia in two hundred and forty-three days from THE\n Chinese Ocean to THE sea-coast of Syria. Silk was immediately\n delivered to THE Romans by THE Persian merchants, 67 who\n frequented THE fairs of Armenia and Nisibis; but this trade,\n which in THE intervals of truce was oppressed by avarice and\n jealousy, was totally interrupted by THE long wars of THE rival\n monarchies. The great king might proudly number Sogdiana, and\n even Serica, among THE provinces of his empire; but his real\n dominion was bounded by THE Oxus and his useful intercourse with\n THE Sogdoites, beyond THE river, depended on THE pleasure of\n THEir conquerors, THE white Huns, and THE Turks, who successively\n reigned over that industrious people. Yet THE most savage\n dominion has not extirpated THE seeds of agriculture and\n commerce, in a region which is celebrated as one of THE four\n gardens of Asia; THE cities of Samarcand and Bochara are\n advantageously seated for THE exchange of its various\n productions; and THEir merchants purchased from THE Chinese, 68\n THE raw or manufactured silk which THEy transported into Persia\n for THE use of THE Roman empire. In THE vain capital of China,\n THE Sogdian caravans were entertained as THE suppliant embassies\n of tributary kingdoms, and if THEy returned in safety, THE bold\n adventure was rewarded with exorbitant gain. But THE difficult\n and perilous march from Samarcand to THE first town of Shensi,\n could not be performed in less than sixty, eighty, or one hundred\n days: as soon as THEy had passed THE Jaxartes THEy entered THE\n desert; and THE wandering hordes, unless THEy are restrained by\n armies and garrisons, have always considered THE citizen and THE\n traveller as THE objects of lawful rapine. To escape THE Tartar\n robbers, and THE tyrants of Persia, THE silk caravans explored a\n more souTHErn road; THEy traversed THE mountains of Thibet,\n descended THE streams of THE Ganges or THE Indus, and patiently\n expected, in THE ports of Guzerat and Malabar, THE annual fleets\n of THE West. 69 But THE dangers of THE desert were found less\n intolerable than toil, hunger, and THE loss of time; THE attempt\n was seldom renewed, and THE only European who has passed that\n unfrequented way, applauds his own diligence, that, in nine\n months after his departure from Pekin, he reached THE mouth of\n THE Indus. The ocean, however, was open to THE free communication\n of mankind. From THE great river to THE tropic of Cancer, THE\n provinces of China were subdued and civilized by THE emperors of\n THE North; THEy were filled about THE time of THE Christian aera\n with cities and men, mulberry-trees and THEir precious\n inhabitants; and if THE Chinese, with THE knowledge of THE\n compass, had possessed THE genius of THE Greeks or Phœnicians,\n THEy might have spread THEir discoveries over THE souTHErn\n hemisphere. I am not qualified to examine, and I am not disposed\n to believe, THEir distant voyages to THE Persian Gulf, or THE\n Cape of Good Hope; but THEir ancestors might equal THE labors and\n success of THE present race, and THE sphere of THEir navigation\n might extend from THE Isles of Japan to THE Straits of Malacca,\n THE pillars, if we may apply that name, of an Oriental Hercules.\n 70 Without losing sight of land, THEy might sail along THE coast\n to THE extreme promontory of Achin, which is annually visited by\n ten or twelve ships laden with THE productions, THE manufactures,\n and even THE artificers of China; THE Island of Sumatra and THE\n opposite peninsula are faintly delineated 71 as THE regions of\n gold and silver; and THE trading cities named in THE geography of\n Ptolemy may indicate, that this wealth was not solely derived\n from THE mines. The direct interval between Sumatra and Ceylon is\n about three hundred leagues: THE Chinese and Indian navigators\n were conducted by THE flight of birds and periodical winds; and\n THE ocean might be securely traversed in square-built ships,\n which, instead of iron, were sewed togeTHEr with THE strong\n thread of THE cocoanut. Ceylon, Serendib, or Taprobana, was\n divided between two hostile princes; one of whom possessed THE\n mountains, THE elephants, and THE luminous carbuncle, and THE\n oTHEr enjoyed THE more solid riches of domestic industry, foreign\n trade, and THE capacious harbor of Trinquemale, which received\n and dismissed THE fleets of THE East and West. In this hospitable\n isle, at an equal distance (as it was computed) from THEir\n respective countries, THE silk merchants of China, who had\n collected in THEir voyages aloes, cloves, nutmeg, and sandal\n wood, maintained a free and beneficial commerce with THE\n inhabitants of THE Persian Gulf. The subjects of THE great king\n exalted, without a rival, his power and magnificence: and THE\n Roman, who confounded THEir vanity by comparing his paltry coin\n with a gold medal of THE emperor Anastasius, had sailed to\n Ceylon, in an Aethiopian ship, as a simple passenger. 72\n\n 67 (return) [ Procopius, Persic. l. i. c. 20, l. ii. c. 25;\n Gothic. l. iv. c. 17. Menander in Excerpt. Legat. p. 107. Of THE\n Parthian or Persian empire, Isidore of Charax (in Stathmis\n Parthicis, p. 7, 8, in Hudson, Geograph. Minor. tom. ii.) has\n marked THE roads, and Ammianus Marcellinus (l. xxiii. c. 6, p.\n 400) has enumerated THE provinces. * Note: See St. Martin, Mem.\n sur l’Armenie, vol. ii. p. 41.—M.]\n\n 68 (return) [ The blind admiration of THE Jesuits confounds THE\n different periods of THE Chinese history. They are more\n critically distinguished by M. de Guignes, (Hist. des Huns, tom.\n i. part i. in THE Tables, part ii. in THE Geography. Memoires de\n l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxxii. xxxvi. xlii. xliii.,)\n who discovers THE gradual progress of THE truth of THE annals and\n THE extent of THE monarchy, till THE Christian aera. He has\n searched, with a curious eye, THE connections of THE Chinese with\n THE nations of THE West; but THEse connections are slight,\n casual, and obscure; nor did THE Romans entertain a suspicion\n that THE Seres or Sinae possessed an empire not inferior to THEir\n own. * Note: An abstract of THE various opinions of THE learned\n modern writers, Gosselin, Mannert, Lelewel, Malte-Brun, Heeren,\n and La Treille, on THE Serica and THE Thinae of THE ancients, may\n be found in THE new edition of Malte-Brun, vol. vi. p. 368,\n 382.—M.]\n\n 69 (return) [ The roads from China to Persia and Hindostan may be\n investigated in THE relations of Hackluyt and Thevenot, THE\n ambassadors of Sharokh, Anthony Jenkinson, THE Pere Greuber, &c.\n See likewise Hanway’s Travels, vol. i. p. 345—357. A\n communication through Thibet has been lately explored by THE\n English sovereigns of Bengal.]\n\n 70 (return) [ For THE Chinese navigation to Malacca and Achin,\n perhaps to Ceylon, see Renaudot, (on THE two Mahometan\n Travellers, p. 8—11, 13—17, 141—157;) Dampier, (vol. ii. p. 136;)\n THE Hist. Philosophique des deux Indes, (tom. i. p. 98,) and\n Hist. Generale des Voyages, (tom. vi. p. 201.)]\n\n 71 (return) [ The knowledge, or raTHEr ignorance, of Strabo,\n Pliny, Ptolemy, Arrian, Marcian, &c., of THE countries eastward\n of Cape Comorin, is finely illustrated by D’Anville, (Antiquite\n Geographique de l’Inde, especially p. 161—198.) Our geography of\n India is improved by commerce and conquest; and has been\n illustrated by THE excellent maps and memoirs of Major Rennel. If\n he extends THE sphere of his inquiries with THE same critical\n knowledge and sagacity, he will succeed, and may surpass, THE\n first of modern geographers.]\n\n 72 (return) [ The Taprobane of Pliny, (vi. 24,) Solinus, (c. 53,)\n and Salmas. Plinianae Exercitat., (p. 781, 782,) and most of THE\n ancients, who often confound THE islands of Ceylon and Sumatra,\n is more clearly described by Cosmas Indicopleustes; yet even THE\n Christian topographer has exaggerated its dimensions. His\n information on THE Indian and Chinese trade is rare and curious,\n (l. ii. p. 138, l. xi. p. 337, 338, edit. Montfaucon.)]\n\n\n As silk became of indispensable use, THE emperor Justinian saw\n with concern that THE Persians had occupied by land and sea THE\n monopoly of this important supply, and that THE wealth of his\n subjects was continually drained by a nation of enemies and\n idolaters. An active government would have restored THE trade of\n Egypt and THE navigation of THE Red Sea, which had decayed with\n THE prosperity of THE empire; and THE Roman vessels might have\n sailed, for THE purchase of silk, to THE ports of Ceylon, of\n Malacca, or even of China. Justinian embraced a more humble\n expedient, and solicited THE aid of his Christian allies, THE\n Aethiopians of Abyssinia, who had recently acquired THE arts of\n navigation, THE spirit of trade, and THE seaport of Adulis, 73\n 7311 still decorated with THE trophies of a Grecian conqueror.\n Along THE African coast, THEy penetrated to THE equator in search\n of gold, emeralds, and aromatics; but THEy wisely declined an\n unequal competition, in which THEy must be always prevented by\n THE vicinity of THE Persians to THE markets of India; and THE\n emperor submitted to THE disappointment, till his wishes were\n gratified by an unexpected event. The gospel had been preached to\n THE Indians: a bishop already governed THE Christians of St.\n Thomas on THE pepper-coast of Malabar; a church was planted in\n Ceylon, and THE missionaries pursued THE footsteps of commerce to\n THE extremities of Asia. 74 Two Persian monks had long resided in\n China, perhaps in THE royal city of Nankin, THE seat of a monarch\n addicted to foreign superstitions, and who actually received an\n embassy from THE Isle of Ceylon. Amidst THEir pious occupations,\n THEy viewed with a curious eye THE common dress of THE Chinese,\n THE manufactures of silk, and THE myriads of silk-worms, whose\n education (eiTHEr on trees or in houses) had once been considered\n as THE labor of queens. 75 They soon discovered that it was\n impracticable to transport THE short-lived insect, but that in\n THE eggs a numerous progeny might be preserved and multiplied in\n a distant climate. Religion or interest had more power over THE\n Persian monks than THE love of THEir country: after a long\n journey, THEy arrived at Constantinople, imparted THEir project\n to THE emperor, and were liberally encouraged by THE gifts and\n promises of Justinian. To THE historians of that prince, a\n campaign at THE foot of Mount Caucasus has seemed more deserving\n of a minute relation than THE labors of THEse missionaries of\n commerce, who again entered China, deceived a jealous people by\n concealing THE eggs of THE silk-worm in a hollow cane, and\n returned in triumph with THE spoils of THE East. Under THEir\n direction, THE eggs were hatched at THE proper season by THE\n artificial heat of dung; THE worms were fed with mulberry leaves;\n THEy lived and labored in a foreign climate; a sufficient number\n of butterflies was saved to propagate THE race, and trees were\n planted to supply THE nourishment of THE rising generations.\n Experience and reflection corrected THE errors of a new attempt,\n and THE Sogdoite ambassadors acknowledged, in THE succeeding\n reign, that THE Romans were not inferior to THE natives of China\n in THE education of THE insects, and THE manufactures of silk, 76\n in which both China and Constantinople have been surpassed by THE\n industry of modern Europe. I am not insensible of THE benefits of\n elegant luxury; yet I reflect with some pain, that if THE\n importers of silk had introduced THE art of printing, already\n practised by THE Chinese, THE comedies of Menander and THE entire\n decads of Livy would have been perpetuated in THE editions of THE\n sixth century.\n\n\n A larger view of THE globe might at least have promoted THE\n improvement of speculative science, but THE Christian geography\n was forcibly extracted from texts of Scripture, and THE study of\n nature was THE surest symptom of an unbelieving mind. The\n orthodox faith confined THE habitable world to one temperate\n zone, and represented THE earth as an oblong surface, four\n hundred days’ journey in length, two hundred in breadth,\n encompassed by THE ocean, and covered by THE solid crystal of THE\n firmament. 77\n\n 73 (return) [ See Procopius, Persic. (l. ii. c. 20.) Cosmas\n affords some interesting knowledge of THE port and inscription of\n Adulis, (Topograph. Christ. l. ii. p. 138, 140—143,) and of THE\n trade of THE Axumites along THE African coast of Barbaria or\n Zingi, (p. 138, 139,) and as far as Taprobane, (l. xi. p. 339.)]\n\n 7311 (return) [ Mr. Salt obtained information of considerable\n ruins of an ancient town near Zulla, called Azoole, which answers\n to THE position of Adulis. Mr. Salt was prevented by illness, Mr.\n Stuart, whom he sent, by THE jealousy of THE natives, from\n investigating THEse ruins: of THEir existence THEre seems no\n doubt. Salt’s 2d Journey, p. 452.—M.]\n\n 74 (return) [ See THE Christian missions in India, in Cosmas, (l.\n iii. p. 178, 179, l. xi. p. 337,) and consult Asseman. Bibliot.\n Orient. (tom. iv. p. 413—548.)]\n\n 75 (return) [ The invention, manufacture, and general use of silk\n in China, may be seen in Duhalde, (Description Generale de la\n Chine, tom. ii. p. 165, 205—223.) The province of Chekian is THE\n most renowned both for quantity and quality.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Procopius, (l. viii. Gothic. iv. c. 17. Theophanes\n Byzant. apud Phot. Cod. lxxxiv. p. 38. Zonaras, tom. ii. l. xiv.\n p. 69. Pagi tom. ii. p. 602) assigns to THE year 552 this\n memorable importation. Menander (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 107)\n mentions THE admiration of THE Sogdoites; and Theophylact\n Simocatta (l. vii. c. 9) darkly represents THE two rival kingdoms\n in (China) THE country of silk.]\n\n 77 (return) [ Cosmas, surnamed Indicopleustes, or THE Indian\n navigator, performed his voyage about THE year 522, and composed\n at Alexandria, between 535, and 547, Christian Topography,\n (Montfaucon, Praefat. c. i.,) in which he refutes THE impious\n opinion, that THE earth is a globe; and Photius had read this\n work, (Cod. xxxvi. p. 9, 10,) which displays THE prejudices of a\n monk, with THE knowledge of a merchant; THE most valuable part\n has been given in French and in Greek by Melchisedec Thevenot,\n (Relations Curieuses, part i.,) and THE whole is since published\n in a splendid edition by Pere Montfaucon, (Nova Collectio Patrum,\n Paris, 1707, 2 vols. in fol., tom. ii. p. 113—346.) But THE\n editor, a THEologian, might blush at not discovering THE\n Nestorian heresy of Cosmas, which has been detected by La Croz\n (Christianisme des Indes, tom. i. p. 40—56.)]\n\n\n IV. The subjects of Justinian were dissatisfied with THE times,\n and with THE government. Europe was overrun by THE Barbarians,\n and Asia by THE monks: THE poverty of THE West discouraged THE\n trade and manufactures of THE East: THE produce of labor was\n consumed by THE unprofitable servants of THE church, THE state,\n and THE army; and a rapid decrease was felt in THE fixed and\n circulating capitals which constitute THE national wealth. The\n public distress had been alleviated by THE economy of Anastasius,\n and that prudent emperor accumulated an immense treasure, while\n he delivered his people from THE most odious or oppressive taxes.\n 7711 Their gratitude universally applauded THE abolition of THE\n gold of affliction, a personal tribute on THE industry of THE\n poor, 78 but more intolerable, as it should seem, in THE form\n than in THE substance, since THE flourishing city of Edessa paid\n only one hundred and forty pounds of gold, which was collected in\n four years from ten thousand artificers. 79 Yet such was THE\n parsimony which supported this liberal disposition, that, in a\n reign of twenty-seven years, Anastasius saved, from his annual\n revenue, THE enormous sum of thirteen millions sterling, or three\n hundred and twenty thousand pounds of gold. 80 His example was\n neglected, and his treasure was abused, by THE nephew of Justin.\n The riches of Justinian were speedily exhausted by alms and\n buildings, by ambitious wars, and ignominious treaties. His\n revenues were found inadequate to his expenses. Every art was\n tried to extort from THE people THE gold and silver which he\n scattered with a lavish hand from Persia to France: 81 his reign\n was marked by THE vicissitudes or raTHEr by THE combat, of\n rapaciousness and avarice, of splendor and poverty; he lived with\n THE reputation of hidden treasures, 82 and bequeaTHEd to his\n successor THE payment of his debts. 83 Such a character has been\n justly accused by THE voice of THE people and of posterity: but\n public discontent is credulous; private malice is bold; and a\n lover of truth will peruse with a suspicious eye THE instructive\n anecdotes of Procopius. The secret historian represents only THE\n vices of Justinian, and those vices are darkened by his\n malevolent pencil. Ambiguous actions are imputed to THE worst\n motives; error is confounded with guilt, accident with design,\n and laws with abuses; THE partial injustice of a moment is\n dexterously applied as THE general maxim of a reign of thirty-two\n years; THE emperor alone is made responsible for THE faults of\n his officers, THE disorders of THE times, and THE corruption of\n his subjects; and even THE calamities of nature, plagues,\n earthquakes, and inundations, are imputed to THE prince of THE\n daemons, who had mischievously assumed THE form of Justinian. 84\n\n 7711 (return) [ See THE character of Anastasius in Joannes Lydus\n de Magistratibus, iii. c. 45, 46, p. 230—232. His economy is\n THEre said to have degenerated into parsimony. He is accused of\n having taken away THE levying of taxes and payment of THE troops\n from THE municipal authorities, (THE decurionate) in THE Eastern\n cities, and intrusted it to an extortionate officer named Mannus.\n But he admits that THE imperial revenue was enormously increased\n by this measure. A statue of iron had been erected to Anastasius\n in THE Hippodrome, on which appeared one morning this pasquinade.\n This epigram is also found in THE Anthology. Jacobs, vol. iv. p.\n 114 with some better readings. This iron statue meetly do we\n place To THEe, world-wasting king, than brass more base; For all\n THE death, THE penury, famine, woe, That from thy wide-destroying\n avarice flow, This fell Charybdis, Scylla, near to THEe, This\n fierce devouring Anastasius, see; And tremble, Scylla! on THEe,\n too, his greed, Coining thy brazen deity, may feed. But Lydus,\n with no uncommon inconsistency in such writers, proceeds to paint\n THE character of Anastasius as endowed with almost every virtue,\n not excepting THE utmost liberality. He was only prevented by\n death from relieving his subjects altogeTHEr from THE capitation\n tax, which he greatly diminished.—M.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Evagrius (l. ii. c. 39, 40) is minute and grateful,\n but angry with Zosimus for calumniating THE great Constantine. In\n collecting all THE bonds and records of THE tax, THE humanity of\n Anastasius was diligent and artful: faTHErs were sometimes\n compelled to prostitute THEir daughters, (Zosim. Hist. l. ii. c.\n 38, p. 165, 166, Lipsiae, 1784.) TimoTHEus of Gaza chose such an\n event for THE subject of a tragedy, (Suidas, tom. iii. p. 475,)\n which contributed to THE abolition of THE tax, (Cedrenus, p.\n 35,)—a happy instance (if it be true) of THE use of THE THEatre.]\n\n 79 (return) [ See Josua Stylites, in THE BiblioTHEca Orientalis\n of Asseman, (tom. p. 268.) This capitation tax is slightly\n mentioned in THE Chronicle of Edessa.]\n\n 80 (return) [ Procopius (Anecdot. c. 19) fixes this sum from THE\n report of THE treasurers THEmselves. Tiberias had vicies ter\n millies; but far different was his empire from that of\n Anastasius.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Evagrius, (l. iv. c. 30,) in THE next generation,\n was moderate and well informed; and Zonaras, (l. xiv. c. 61,) in\n THE xiith century, had read with care, and thought without\n prejudice; yet THEir colors are almost as black as those of THE\n anecdotes.]\n\n 82 (return) [ Procopius (Anecdot. c. 30) relates THE idle\n conjectures of THE times. The death of Justinian, says THE secret\n historian, will expose his wealth or poverty.]\n\n 83 (return) [ See Corippus de Laudibus Justini Aug. l. ii. 260,\n &c., 384, &c “Plurima sunt vivo nimium neglecta parenti, Unde tot\n exhaustus contraxit debita fiscus.” Centenaries of gold were\n brought by strong men into THE Hippodrome, “Debita persolvit,\n genitoris cauta recepit.”]\n\n 84 (return) [ The Anecdotes (c. 11—14, 18, 20—30) supply many\n facts and more complaints. * Note: The work of Lydus de\n Magistratibus (published by Hase at Paris, 1812, and reprinted in\n THE new edition of THE Byzantine Historians,) was written during\n THE reign of Justinian. This work of Lydus throws no great light\n on THE earlier history of THE Roman magistracy, but gives some\n curious details of THE changes and retrenchments in THE offices\n of state, which took place at this time. The personal history of\n THE author, with THE account of his early and rapid advancement,\n and THE emoluments of THE posts which he successively held, with\n THE bitter disappointment which he expresses, at finding himself,\n at THE height of his ambition, in an unpaid place, is an\n excellent illustration of this statement. Gibbon has before, c.\n iv. n. 45, and c. xvii. n. 112, traced THE progress of a Roman\n citizen to THE highest honors of THE state under THE empire; THE\n steps by which Lydus reached his humbler eminence may likewise\n throw light on THE civil service at this period. He was first\n received into THE office of THE Praetorian præfect; became a\n notary in that office, and made in one year 1000 golden solidi,\n and that without extortion. His place and THE influence of his\n relatives obtained him a wife with 400 pounds of gold for her\n dowry. He became chief chartularius, with an annual stipend of\n twenty-four solidi, and considerable emoluments for all THE\n various services which he performed. He rose to an Augustalis,\n and finally to THE dignity of Corniculus, THE highest, and at one\n time THE most lucrative office in THE department. But THE\n Praetorian præfect had gradually been deprived of his powers and\n his honors. He lost THE superintendence of THE supply and\n manufacture of arms; THE uncontrolled charge of THE public posts;\n THE levying of THE troops; THE command of THE army in war when\n THE emperors ceased nominally to command in person, but really\n through THE Praetorian præfect; that of THE household troops,\n which fell to THE magister aulae. At length THE office was so\n completely stripped of its power, as to be virtually abolished,\n (see de Magist. l. iii. c. 40, p. 220, &c.) This diminution of\n THE office of THE præfect destroyed THE emoluments of his\n subordinate officers, and Lydus not only drew no revenue from his\n dignity, but expended upon it all THE gains of his former\n services. Lydus gravely refers this calamitous, and, as he\n considers it, fatal degradation of THE Praetorian office to THE\n alteration in THE style of THE official documents from Latin to\n Greek; and refers to a prophecy of a certain Fonteius, which\n connected THE ruin of THE Roman empire with its abandonment of\n its language. Lydus chiefly owed his promotion to his knowledge\n of Latin!—M.]\n\n\n After this precaution, I shall briefly relate THE anecdotes of\n avarice and rapine under THE following heads: I. Justinian was so\n profuse that he could not be liberal. The civil and military\n officers, when THEy were admitted into THE service of THE palace,\n obtained an humble rank and a moderate stipend; THEy ascended by\n seniority to a station of affluence and repose; THE annual\n pensions, of which THE most honorable class was abolished by\n Justinian, amounted to four hundred thousand pounds; and this\n domestic economy was deplored by THE venal or indigent courtiers\n as THE last outrage on THE majesty of THE empire. The posts, THE\n salaries of physicians, and THE nocturnal illuminations, were\n objects of more general concern; and THE cities might justly\n complain, that he usurped THE municipal revenues which had been\n appropriated to THEse useful institutions. Even THE soldiers were\n injured; and such was THE decay of military spirit, that THEy\n were injured with impunity. The emperor refused, at THE return of\n each fifth year, THE customary donative of five pieces of gold,\n reduced his veterans to beg THEir bread, and suffered unpaid\n armies to melt away in THE wars of Italy and Persia. II. The\n humanity of his predecessors had always remitted, in some\n auspicious circumstance of THEir reign, THE arrears of THE public\n tribute, and THEy dexterously assumed THE merit of resigning\n those claims which it was impracticable to enforce. “Justinian,\n in THE space of thirty-two years, has never granted a similar\n indulgence; and many of his subjects have renounced THE\n possession of those lands whose value is insufficient to satisfy\n THE demands of THE treasury. To THE cities which had suffered by\n hostile inroads Anastasius promised a general exemption of seven\n years: THE provinces of Justinian have been ravaged by THE\n Persians and Arabs, THE Huns and Sclavonians; but his vain and\n ridiculous dispensation of a single year has been confined to\n those places which were actually taken by THE enemy.” Such is THE\n language of THE secret historian, who expressly denies that any\n indulgence was granted to Palestine after THE revolt of THE\n Samaritans; a false and odious charge, confuted by THE auTHEntic\n record which attests a relief of thirteen centenaries of gold\n (fifty-two thousand pounds) obtained for that desolate province\n by THE intercession of St. Sabas. 85 III. Procopius has not\n condescended to explain THE system of taxation, which fell like a\n hail-storm upon THE land, like a devouring pestilence on its\n inhabitants: but we should become THE accomplices of his\n malignity, if we imputed to Justinian alone THE ancient though\n rigorous principle, that a whole district should be condemned to\n sustain THE partial loss of THE persons or property of\n individuals. The Annona, or supply of corn for THE use of THE\n army and capital, was a grievous and arbitrary exaction, which\n exceeded, perhaps in a tenfold proportion, THE ability of THE\n farmer; and his distress was aggravated by THE partial injustice\n of weights and measures, and THE expense and labor of distant\n carriage. In a time of scarcity, an extraordinary requisition was\n made to THE adjacent provinces of Thrace, Bithynia, and Phrygia:\n but THE proprietors, after a wearisome journey and perilous\n navigation, received so inadequate a compensation, that THEy\n would have chosen THE alternative of delivering both THE corn and\n price at THE doors of THEir granaries. These precautions might\n indicate a tender solicitude for THE welfare of THE capital; yet\n Constantinople did not escape THE rapacious despotism of\n Justinian. Till his reign, THE Straits of THE Bosphorus and\n Hellespont were open to THE freedom of trade, and nothing was\n prohibited except THE exportation of arms for THE service of THE\n Barbarians. At each of THEse gates of THE city, a praetor was\n stationed, THE minister of Imperial avarice; heavy customs were\n imposed on THE vessels and THEir merchandise; THE oppression was\n retaliated on THE helpless consumer; THE poor were afflicted by\n THE artificial scarcity, and exorbitant price of THE market; and\n a people, accustomed to depend on THE liberality of THEir prince,\n might sometimes complain of THE deficiency of water and bread. 86\n The aerial tribute, without a name, a law, or a definite object,\n was an annual gift of one hundred and twenty thousand pounds,\n which THE emperor accepted from his Praetorian præfect; and THE\n means of payment were abandoned to THE discretion of that\n powerful magistrate.\n\n\n IV. Even such a tax was less intolerable than THE privilege of\n monopolies, 8611 which checked THE fair competition of industry,\n and, for THE sake of a small and dishonest gain, imposed an\n arbitrary burden on THE wants and luxury of THE subject. “As\n soon” (I transcribe THE Anecdotes) “as THE exclusive sale of silk\n was usurped by THE Imperial treasurer, a whole people, THE\n manufacturers of Tyre and Berytus, was reduced to extreme misery,\n and eiTHEr perished with hunger, or fled to THE hostile dominions\n of Persia.” A province might suffer by THE decay of its\n manufactures, but in this example of silk, Procopius has\n partially overlooked THE inestimable and lasting benefit which\n THE empire received from THE curiosity of Justinian. His addition\n of one seventh to THE ordinary price of copper money may be\n interpreted with THE same candor; and THE alteration, which might\n be wise, appears to have been innocent; since he neiTHEr alloyed\n THE purity, nor enhanced THE value, of THE gold coin, 87 THE\n legal measure of public and private payments. V. The ample\n jurisdiction required by THE farmers of THE revenue to accomplish\n THEir engagements might be placed in an odious light, as if THEy\n had purchased from THE emperor THE lives and fortunes of THEir\n fellow-citizens. And a more direct sale of honors and offices was\n transacted in THE palace, with THE permission, or at least with\n THE connivance, of Justinian and Theodora. The claims of merit,\n even those of favor, were disregarded, and it was almost\n reasonable to expect, that THE bold adventurer, who had\n undertaken THE trade of a magistrate, should find a rich\n compensation for infamy, labor, danger, THE debts which he had\n contracted, and THE heavy interest which he paid. A sense of THE\n disgrace and mischief of this venal practice, at length awakened\n THE slumbering virtue of Justinian; and he attempted, by THE\n sanction of oaths 88 and penalties, to guard THE integrity of his\n government: but at THE end of a year of perjury, his rigorous\n edict was suspended, and corruption licentiously abused her\n triumph over THE impotence of THE laws. VI. The testament of\n Eulalius, count of THE domestics, declared THE emperor his sole\n heir, on condition, however, that he should discharge his debts\n and legacies, allow to his three daughters a decent maintenance,\n and bestow each of THEm in marriage, with a portion of ten pounds\n of gold. But THE splendid fortune of Eulalius had been consumed\n by fire, and THE inventory of his goods did not exceed THE\n trifling sum of five hundred and sixty-four pieces of gold. A\n similar instance, in Grecian history, admonished THE emperor of\n THE honorable part prescribed for his imitation. He checked THE\n selfish murmurs of THE treasury, applauded THE confidence of his\n friend, discharged THE legacies and debts, educated THE three\n virgins under THE eye of THE empress Theodora, and doubled THE\n marriage portion which had satisfied THE tenderness of THEir\n faTHEr. 89 The humanity of a prince (for princes cannot be\n generous) is entitled to some praise; yet even in this act of\n virtue we may discover THE inveterate custom of supplanting THE\n legal or natural heirs, which Procopius imputes to THE reign of\n Justinian. His charge is supported by eminent names and\n scandalous examples; neiTHEr widows nor orphans were spared; and\n THE art of soliciting, or extorting, or supposing testaments, was\n beneficially practised by THE agents of THE palace. This base and\n mischievous tyranny invades THE security of private life; and THE\n monarch who has indulged an appetite for gain, will soon be\n tempted to anticipate THE moment of succession, to interpret\n wealth as an evidence of guilt, and to proceed, from THE claim of\n inheritance, to THE power of confiscation. VII. Among THE forms\n of rapine, a philosopher may be permitted to name THE conversion\n of Pagan or heretical riches to THE use of THE faithful; but in\n THE time of Justinian this holy plunder was condemned by THE\n sectaries alone, who became THE victims of his orthodox avarice.\n 90\n\n 85 (return) [ One to Scythopolis, capital of THE second\n Palestine, and twelve for THE rest of THE province. Aleman. (p.\n 59) honestly produces this fact from a Ms. life of St. Sabas, by\n his disciple Cyril, in THE Vatican Library, and since published\n by Cotelerius.]\n\n 86 (return) [ John Malala (tom. ii. p. 232) mentions THE want of\n bread, and Zonaras (l. xiv. p. 63) THE leaden pipes, which\n Justinian, or his servants, stole from THE aqueducts.]\n\n 8611 (return) [ Hullman (Geschichte des Byzantinischen Handels.\n p. 15) shows that THE despotism of THE government was aggravated\n by THE unchecked rapenity of THE officers. This state monopoly,\n even of corn, wine, and oil, was to force at THE time of THE\n first crusade.—M.]\n\n 87 (return) [ For an aureus, one sixth of an ounce of gold,\n instead of 210, he gave no more than 180 folles, or ounces of\n copper. A disproportion of THE mint, below THE market price, must\n have soon produced a scarcity of small money. In England twelve\n pence in copper would sell for no more than seven pence, (Smith’s\n Inquiry into THE Wealth of Nations, vol. i. p. 49.) For\n Justinian’s gold coin, see Evagrius, (l. iv. c. 30.)]\n\n 88 (return) [ The oath is conceived in THE most formidable words,\n (Novell. viii. tit. 3.) The defaulters imprecate on THEmselves,\n quicquid haben: telorum armamentaria coeli: THE part of Judas,\n THE leprosy of Gieza, THE tremor of Cain, &c., besides all\n temporal pains.]\n\n 89 (return) [ A similar or more generous act of friendship is\n related by Lucian of Eudamidas of Corinth, (in Toxare, c. 22, 23,\n tom. ii. p. 530,) and THE story has produced an ingenious, though\n feeble, comedy of Fontenelle.]\n\n 90 (return) [ John Malala, tom. ii. p. 101, 102, 103.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XL: Reign Of Justinian.—Part IV.\n\n\n Dishonor might be ultimately reflected on THE character of\n Justinian; but much of THE guilt, and still more of THE profit,\n was intercepted by THE ministers, who were seldom promoted for\n THEir virtues, and not always selected for THEir talents. 91 The\n merits of Tribonian THE quaestor will hereafter be weighed in THE\n reformation of THE Roman law; but THE economy of THE East was\n subordinate to THE Praetorian præfect, and Procopius has\n justified his anecdotes by THE portrait which he exposes in his\n public history, of THE notorious vices of John of Cappadocia. 92\n\n\n 921 His knowledge was not borrowed from THE schools, 93 and his\n style was scarcely legible; but he excelled in THE powers of\n native genius, to suggest THE wisest counsels, and to find\n expedients in THE most desperate situations. The corruption of\n his heart was equal to THE vigor of his understanding. Although\n he was suspected of magic and Pagan superstition, he appeared\n insensible to THE fear of God or THE reproaches of man; and his\n aspiring fortune was raised on THE death of thousands, THE\n poverty of millions, THE ruins of cities, and THE desolation of\n provinces. From THE dawn of light to THE moment of dinner, he\n assiduously labored to enrich his master and himself at THE\n expense of THE Roman world; THE remainder of THE day was spent in\n sensual and obscene pleasures, 931 and THE silent hours of THE\n night were interrupted by THE perpetual dread of THE justice of\n an assassin. His abilities, perhaps his vices, recommended him to\n THE lasting friendship of Justinian: THE emperor yielded with\n reluctance to THE fury of THE people; his victory was displayed\n by THE immediate restoration of THEir enemy; and THEy felt above\n ten years, under his oppressive administration, that he was\n stimulated by revenge, raTHEr than instructed by misfortune.\n Their murmurs served only to fortify THE resolution of Justinian;\n but THE præfect, in THE insolence of favor, provoked THE\n resentment of Theodora, disdained a power before which every knee\n was bent, and attempted to sow THE seeds of discord between THE\n emperor and his beloved consort. Even Theodora herself was\n constrained to dissemble, to wait a favorable moment, and, by an\n artful conspiracy, to render John of Coppadocia THE accomplice of\n his own destruction. 932 At a time when Belisarius, unless he had\n been a hero, must have shown himself a rebel, his wife Antonina,\n who enjoyed THE secret confidence of THE empress, communicated\n his feigned discontent to Euphemia, THE daughter of THE præfect;\n THE credulous virgin imparted to her faTHEr THE dangerous\n project, and John, who might have known THE value of oaths and\n promises, was tempted to accept a nocturnal, and almost\n treasonable, interview with THE wife of Belisarius. An ambuscade\n of guards and eunuchs had been posted by THE command of Theodora;\n THEy rushed with drawn swords to seize or to punish THE guilty\n minister: he was saved by THE fidelity of his attendants; but\n instead of appealing to a gracious sovereign, who had privately\n warned him of his danger, he pusillanimously fled to THE\n sanctuary of THE church. The favorite of Justinian was sacrificed\n to conjugal tenderness or domestic tranquility; THE conversion of\n a præfect into a priest extinguished his ambitious hopes: but THE\n friendship of THE emperor alleviated his disgrace, and he\n retained in THE mild exile of Cyzicus an ample portion of his\n riches. Such imperfect revenge could not satisfy THE unrelenting\n hatred of Theodora; THE murder of his old enemy, THE bishop of\n Cyzicus, afforded a decent pretence; and John of Cappadocia,\n whose actions had deserved a thousand deaths, was at last\n condemned for a crime of which he was innocent. A great minister,\n who had been invested with THE honors of consul and patrician,\n was ignominiously scourged like THE vilest of malefactors; a\n tattered cloak was THE sole remnant of his fortunes; he was\n transported in a bark to THE place of his banishment at\n Antinopolis in Upper Egypt, and THE præfect of THE East begged\n his bread through THE cities which had trembled at his name.\n During an exile of seven years, his life was protracted and\n threatened by THE ingenious cruelty of Theodora; and when her\n death permitted THE emperor to recall a servant whom he had\n abandoned with regret, THE ambition of John of Cappadocia was\n reduced to THE humble duties of THE sacerdotal profession. His\n successors convinced THE subjects of Justinian, that THE arts of\n oppression might still be improved by experience and industry;\n THE frauds of a Syrian banker were introduced into THE\n administration of THE finances; and THE example of THE præfect\n was diligently copied by THE quaestor, THE public and private\n treasurer, THE governors of provinces, and THE principal\n magistrates of THE Eastern empire. 94\n\n 91 (return) [ One of THEse, Anatolius, perished in an\n earthquake—doubtless a judgment! The complaints and clamors of\n THE people in Agathias (l. v. p. 146, 147) are almost an echo of\n THE anecdote. The aliena pecunia reddenda of Corippus (l. ii.\n 381, &c.,) is not very honorable to Justinian’s memory.]\n\n 92 (return) [ See THE history and character of John of Cappadocia\n in Procopius. (Persic, l. i. c. 35, 25, l. ii. c. 30. Vandal. l.\n i. c. 13. Anecdot. c. 2, 17, 22.) The agreement of THE history\n and anecdotes is a mortal wound to THE reputation of THE\n praefct.]\n\n 921 (return) [ This view, particularly of THE cruelty of John of\n Cappadocia, is confirmed by THE testimony of Joannes Lydus, who\n was in THE office of THE præfect, and eye-witness of THE tortures\n inflicted by his command on THE miserable debtors, or supposed\n debtors, of THE state. He mentions one horrible instance of a\n respectable old man, with whom he was personally acquainted, who,\n being suspected of possessing money, was hung up by THE hands\n till he was dead. Lydus de Magist. lib. iii. c. 57, p. 254.—M.]\n\n 93 (return) [ A forcible expression.]\n\n 931 (return) [ Joannes Lydus is diffuse on this subject, lib.\n iii. c. 65, p. 268. But THE indignant virtue of Lydus seems\n greatly stimulated by THE loss of his official fees, which he\n ascribes to THE innovations of THE minister.—M.]\n\n 932 (return) [ According to Lydus, Theodora disclosed THE crimes\n and unpopularity of THE minister to Justinian, but THE emperor\n had not THE courage to remove, and was unable to replace, a\n servant, under whom his finances seemed to prosper. He attributes\n THE sedition and conflagration to THE popular resentment against\n THE tyranny of John, lib. iii. c 70, p. 278. Unfortunately THEre\n is a large gap in his work just at this period.—M.]\n\n 94 (return) [ The chronology of Procopius is loose and obscure;\n but with THE aid of Pagi I can discern that John was appointed\n Praetorian præfect of THE East in THE year 530—that he was\n removed in January, 532—restored before June, 533—banished in\n 541—and recalled between June, 548, and April 1, 549. Aleman. (p.\n 96, 97) gives THE list of his ten successors—a rapid series in a\n part of a single reign. * Note: Lydus gives a high character of\n Phocas, his successor tom. iii. c. 78 p. 288.—M.]\n\n\n V. The edifices of Justinian were cemented with THE blood and\n treasure of his people; but those stately structures appeared to\n announce THE prosperity of THE empire, and actually displayed THE\n skill of THEir architects. Both THE THEory and practice of THE\n arts which depend on maTHEmatical science and mechanical power,\n were cultivated under THE patronage of THE emperors; THE fame of\n Archimedes was rivalled by Proclus and AnTHEmius; and if THEir\n miracles had been related by intelligent spectators, THEy might\n now enlarge THE speculations, instead of exciting THE distrust,\n of philosophers. A tradition has prevailed, that THE Roman fleet\n was reduced to ashes in THE port of Syracuse, by THE\n burning-glasses of Archimedes; 95 and it is asserted, that a\n similar expedient was employed by Proclus to destroy THE Gothic\n vessels in THE harbor of Constantinople, and to protect his\n benefactor Anastasius against THE bold enterprise of Vitalian. 96\n A machine was fixed on THE walls of THE city, consisting of a\n hexagon mirror of polished brass, with many smaller and movable\n polygons to receive and reflect THE rays of THE meridian sun; and\n a consuming flame was darted, to THE distance, perhaps of two\n hundred feet. 97 The truth of THEse two extraordinary facts is\n invalidated by THE silence of THE most auTHEntic historians; and\n THE use of burning-glasses was never adopted in THE attack or\n defence of places. 98 Yet THE admirable experiments of a French\n philosopher 99 have demonstrated THE possibility of such a\n mirror; and, since it is possible, I am more disposed to\n attribute THE art to THE greatest maTHEmaticians of antiquity,\n than to give THE merit of THE fiction to THE idle fancy of a monk\n or a sophist. According to anoTHEr story, Proclus applied sulphur\n to THE destruction of THE Gothic fleet; 100 in a modern\n imagination, THE name of sulphur is instantly connected with THE\n suspicion of gunpowder, and that suspicion is propagated by THE\n secret arts of his disciple AnTHEmius. 101 A citizen of Tralles\n in Asia had five sons, who were all distinguished in THEir\n respective professions by merit and success. Olympius excelled in\n THE knowledge and practice of THE Roman jurisprudence. Dioscorus\n and Alexander became learned physicians; but THE skill of THE\n former was exercised for THE benefit of his fellow-citizens,\n while his more ambitious broTHEr acquired wealth and reputation\n at Rome. The fame of Metrodorus THE grammarian, and of AnTHEmius\n THE maTHEmatician and architect, reached THE ears of THE emperor\n Justinian, who invited THEm to Constantinople; and while THE one\n instructed THE rising generation in THE schools of eloquence, THE\n oTHEr filled THE capital and provinces with more lasting\n monuments of his art. In a trifling dispute relative to THE walls\n or windows of THEir contiguous houses, he had been vanquished by\n THE eloquence of his neighbor Zeno; but THE orator was defeated\n in his turn by THE master of mechanics, whose malicious, though\n harmless, stratagems are darkly represented by THE ignorance of\n Agathias. In a lower room, AnTHEmius arranged several vessels or\n caldrons of water, each of THEm covered by THE wide bottom of a\n leaTHErn tube, which rose to a narrow top, and was artificially\n conveyed among THE joists and rafters of THE adjacent building. A\n fire was kindled beneath THE caldron; THE steam of THE boiling\n water ascended through THE tubes; THE house was shaken by THE\n efforts of imprisoned air, and its trembling inhabitants might\n wonder that THE city was unconscious of THE earthquake which THEy\n had felt. At anoTHEr time, THE friends of Zeno, as THEy sat at\n table, were dazzled by THE intolerable light which flashed in\n THEir eyes from THE reflecting mirrors of AnTHEmius; THEy were\n astonished by THE noise which he produced from THE collision of\n certain minute and sonorous particles; and THE orator declared in\n tragic style to THE senate, that a mere mortal must yield to THE\n power of an antagonist, who shook THE earth with THE trident of\n Neptune, and imitated THE thunder and lightning of Jove himself.\n The genius of AnTHEmius, and his colleague Isidore THE Milesian,\n was excited and employed by a prince, whose taste for\n architecture had degenerated into a mischievous and costly\n passion. His favorite architects submitted THEir designs and\n difficulties to Justinian, and discreetly confessed how much\n THEir laborious meditations were surpassed by THE intuitive\n knowledge of celestial inspiration of an emperor, whose views\n were always directed to THE benefit of his people, THE glory of\n his reign, and THE salvation of his soul. 102\n\n 95 (return) [ This conflagration is hinted by Lucian (in Hippia,\n c. 2) and Galen, (l. iii. de Temperamentis, tom. i. p. 81, edit.\n Basil.) in THE second century. A thousand years afterwards, it is\n positively affirmed by Zonaras, (l. ix. p. 424,) on THE faith of\n Dion Cassius, Tzetzes, (Chiliad ii. 119, &c.,) Eustathius, (ad\n Iliad. E. p. 338,) and THE scholiast of Lucian. See Fabricius,\n (Bibliot. Graec. l. iii. c. 22, tom. ii. p. 551, 552,) to whom I\n am more or less indebted for several of THEse quotations.]\n\n 96 (return) [ Zonaras (l. xi. c. p. 55) affirms THE fact, without\n quoting any evidence.]\n\n 97 (return) [ Tzetzes describes THE artifice of THEse\n burning-glasses, which he had read, perhaps, with no learned\n eyes, in a maTHEmatical treatise of AnTHEmius. That treatise has\n been lately published, translated, and illustrated, by M. Dupuys,\n a scholar and a maTHEmatician, (Memoires de l’Academie des\n Inscriptions, tom xlii p. 392—451.)]\n\n 98 (return) [ In THE siege of Syracuse, by THE silence of\n Polybius, Plutarch, Livy; in THE siege of Constantinople, by that\n of Marcellinus and all THE contemporaries of THE vith century.]\n\n 99 (return) [ Without any previous knowledge of Tzetzes or\n AnTHEmius, THE immortal Buffon imagined and executed a set of\n burning-glasses, with which he could inflame planks at THE\n distance of 200 feet, (Supplement a l’Hist. Naturelle, tom. i.\n 399—483, quarto edition.) What miracles would not his genius have\n performed for THE public service, with royal expense, and in THE\n strong sun of Constantinople or Syracuse?]\n\n 100 (return) [ John Malala (tom. ii. p. 120—124) relates THE\n fact; but he seems to confound THE names or persons of Proclus\n and Marinus.]\n\n 101 (return) [ Agathias, l. v. p. 149—152. The merit of AnTHEmius\n as an architect is loudly praised by Procopius (de Edif. l. i. c.\n 1) and Paulus Silentiarius, (part i. 134, &c.)]\n\n 102 (return) [ See Procopius, (de Edificiis, l. i. c. 1, 2, l.\n ii. c. 3.) He relates a coincidence of dreams, which supposes\n some fraud in Justinian or his architect. They both saw, in a\n vision, THE same plan for stopping an inundation at Dara. A stone\n quarry near Jerusalem was revealed to THE emperor, (l. v. c. 6:)\n an angel was tricked into THE perpetual custody of St. Sophia,\n (Anonym. de Antiq. C. P. l. iv. p. 70.)]\n\n\n The principal church, which was dedicated by THE founder of\n Constantinople to St. Sophia, or THE eternal wisdom, had been\n twice destroyed by fire; after THE exile of John Chrysostom, and\n during THE Nika of THE blue and green factions. No sooner did THE\n tumult subside, than THE Christian populace deplored THEir\n sacrilegious rashness; but THEy might have rejoiced in THE\n calamity, had THEy foreseen THE glory of THE new temple, which at\n THE end of forty days was strenuously undertaken by THE piety of\n Justinian. 103 The ruins were cleared away, a more spacious plan\n was described, and as it required THE consent of some proprietors\n of ground, THEy obtained THE most exorbitant terms from THE eager\n desires and timorous conscience of THE monarch. AnTHEmius formed\n THE design, and his genius directed THE hands of ten thousand\n workmen, whose payment in pieces of fine silver was never delayed\n beyond THE evening. The emperor himself, clad in a linen tunic,\n surveyed each day THEir rapid progress, and encouraged THEir\n diligence by his familiarity, his zeal, and his rewards. The new\n CaTHEdral of St. Sophia was consecrated by THE patriarch, five\n years, eleven months, and ten days from THE first foundation; and\n in THE midst of THE solemn festival Justinian exclaimed with\n devout vanity, “Glory be to God, who hath thought me worthy to\n accomplish so great a work; I have vanquished THEe, O Solomon!”\n 104 But THE pride of THE Roman Solomon, before twenty years had\n elapsed, was humbled by an earthquake, which overthrew THE\n eastern part of THE dome. Its splendor was again restored by THE\n perseverance of THE same prince; and in THE thirty-sixth year of\n his reign, Justinian celebrated THE second dedication of a temple\n which remains, after twelve centuries, a stately monument of his\n fame. The architecture of St. Sophia, which is now converted into\n THE principal mosque, has been imitated by THE Turkish sultans,\n and that venerable pile continues to excite THE fond admiration\n of THE Greeks, and THE more rational curiosity of European\n travellers. The eye of THE spectator is disappointed by an\n irregular prospect of half-domes and shelving roofs: THE western\n front, THE principal approach, is destitute of simplicity and\n magnificence; and THE scale of dimensions has been much surpassed\n by several of THE Latin caTHEdrals. But THE architect who first\n erected an _aerial_ cupola, is entitled to THE praise of bold\n design and skilful execution. The dome of St. Sophia, illuminated\n by four-and-twenty windows, is formed with so small a curve, that\n THE depth is equal only to one sixth of its diameter; THE measure\n of that diameter is one hundred and fifteen feet, and THE lofty\n centre, where a crescent has supplanted THE cross, rises to THE\n perpendicular height of one hundred and eighty feet above THE\n pavement. The circle which encompasses THE dome, lightly reposes\n on four strong arches, and THEir weight is firmly supported by\n four massy piles, whose strength is assisted, on THE norTHErn and\n souTHErn sides, by four columns of Egyptian granite.\n\n\n A Greek cross, inscribed in a quadrangle, represents THE form of\n THE edifice; THE exact breadth is two hundred and forty-three\n feet, and two hundred and sixty-nine may be assigned for THE\n extreme length from THE sanctuary in THE east, to THE nine\n western doors, which open into THE vestibule, and from THEnce\n into THE narTHEx or exterior portico. That portico was THE humble\n station of THE penitents. The nave or body of THE church was\n filled by THE congregation of THE faithful; but THE two sexes\n were prudently distinguished, and THE upper and lower galleries\n were allotted for THE more private devotion of THE women. Beyond\n THE norTHErn and souTHErn piles, a balustrade, terminated on\n eiTHEr side by THE thrones of THE emperor and THE patriarch,\n divided THE nave from THE choir; and THE space, as far as THE\n steps of THE altar, was occupied by THE clergy and singers. The\n altar itself, a name which insensibly became familiar to\n Christian ears, was placed in THE eastern recess, artificially\n built in THE form of a demi-cylinder; and this sanctuary\n communicated by several doors with THE sacristy, THE vestry, THE\n baptistery, and THE contiguous buildings, subservient eiTHEr to\n THE pomp of worship, or THE private use of THE ecclesiastical\n ministers. The memory of past calamities inspired Justinian with\n a wise resolution, that no wood, except for THE doors, should be\n admitted into THE new edifice; and THE choice of THE materials\n was applied to THE strength, THE lightness, or THE splendor of\n THE respective parts. The solid piles which contained THE cupola\n were composed of huge blocks of freestone, hewn into squares and\n triangles, fortified by circles of iron, and firmly cemented by\n THE infusion of lead and quicklime: but THE weight of THE cupola\n was diminished by THE levity of its substance, which consists\n eiTHEr of pumice-stone that floats in THE water, or of bricks\n from THE Isle of Rhodes, five times less ponderous than THE\n ordinary sort. The whole frame of THE edifice was constructed of\n brick; but those base materials were concealed by a crust of\n marble; and THE inside of St. Sophia, THE cupola, THE two larger,\n and THE six smaller, semi-domes, THE walls, THE hundred columns,\n and THE pavement, delight even THE eyes of Barbarians, with a\n rich and variegated picture. A poet, 105 who beheld THE primitive\n lustre of St. Sophia, enumerates THE colors, THE shades, and THE\n spots of ten or twelve marbles, jaspers, and porphyries, which\n nature had profusely diversified, and which were blended and\n contrasted as it were by a skilful painter. The triumph of Christ\n was adorned with THE last spoils of Paganism, but THE greater\n part of THEse costly stones was extracted from THE quarries of\n Asia Minor, THE isles and continent of Greece, Egypt, Africa, and\n Gaul. Eight columns of porphyry, which Aurelian had placed in THE\n temple of THE sun, were offered by THE piety of a Roman matron;\n eight oTHErs of green marble were presented by THE ambitious zeal\n of THE magistrates of Ephesus: both are admirable by THEir size\n and beauty, but every order of architecture disclaims THEir\n fantastic capital. A variety of ornaments and figures was\n curiously expressed in mosaic; and THE images of Christ, of THE\n Virgin, of saints, and of angels, which have been defaced by\n Turkish fanaticism, were dangerously exposed to THE superstition\n of THE Greeks. According to THE sanctity of each object, THE\n precious metals were distributed in thin leaves or in solid\n masses. The balustrade of THE choir, THE capitals of THE pillars,\n THE ornaments of THE doors and galleries, were of gilt bronze;\n THE spectator was dazzled by THE glittering aspect of THE cupola;\n THE sanctuary contained forty thousand pounds weight of silver;\n and THE holy vases and vestments of THE altar were of THE purest\n gold, enriched with inestimable gems. Before THE structure of THE\n church had arisen two cubits above THE ground, forty-five\n thousand two hundred pounds were already consumed; and THE whole\n expense amounted to three hundred and twenty thousand: each\n reader, according to THE measure of his belief, may estimate\n THEir value eiTHEr in gold or silver; but THE sum of one million\n sterling is THE result of THE lowest computation. A magnificent\n temple is a laudable monument of national taste and religion; and\n THE enthusiast who entered THE dome of St. Sophia might be\n tempted to suppose that it was THE residence, or even THE\n workmanship, of THE Deity. Yet how dull is THE artifice, how\n insignificant is THE labor, if it be compared with THE formation\n of THE vilest insect that crawls upon THE surface of THE temple!\n\n\n\n 103 (return) [Among THE crowd of ancients and moderns who have\n celebrated THE edifice of St. Sophia, I shall distinguish and\n follow, 1. Four original spectators and historians: Procopius,\n (de Edific. l. i. c. 1,) Agathias, (l. v. p. 152, 153,) Paul\n Silentiarius, (in a poem of 1026 hexameters, and calcem Annae\n Commen. Alexiad.,) and Evagrius, (l. iv. c. 31.) 2. Two legendary\n Greeks of a later period: George Codinus, (de Origin. C. P. p.\n 64-74,) and THE anonymous writer of Banduri, (Imp. Orient. tom.\n i. l. iv. p. 65—80.)3. The great Byzantine antiquarian. Ducange,\n (Comment. ad Paul Silentiar. p. 525—598, and C. P. Christ. l.\n iii. p. 5—78.) 4. Two French travellers—THE one, Peter Gyllius,\n (de Topograph. C. P. l. ii. c. 3, 4,) in THE xvith; THE oTHEr,\n Grelot, (Voyage de C. P. p. 95—164, Paris, 1680, in 4to:) he has\n given plans, prospects, and inside views of St. Sophia; and his\n plans, though on a smaller scale, appear more correct than those\n of Ducange. I have adopted and reduced THE measures of Grelot:\n but as no Christian can now ascend THE dome, THE height is\n borrowed from Evagrius, compared with Gyllius, Greaves, and THE\n Oriental Geographer.]\n\n 104 (return) [ Solomon’s temple was surrounded with courts,\n porticos, &c.; but THE proper structure of THE house of God was\n no more (if we take THE Egyptian or Hebrew cubic at 22 inches)\n than 55 feet in height, 36 2/3 in breadth, and 110 in length—a\n small parish church, says Prideaux, (Connection, vol. i. p. 144,\n folio;) but few sanctuaries could be valued at four or five\n millions sterling! * Note *: Hist of Jews, vol i p 257.—M]\n\n 105 (return) [ Paul Silentiarius, in dark and poetic language,\n describes THE various stones and marbles that were employed in\n THE edifice of St. Sophia, (P. ii. p. 129, 133, &c., &c.:)\n\n\n 1. The Carystian—pale, with iron veins.\n\n\n 2. The Phrygian—of two sorts, both of a rosy hue; THE one with a\n white shade, THE oTHEr purple, with silver flowers.\n\n\n 3. The Porphyry of Egypt—with small stars.\n\n\n 4. The green marble of Laconia.\n\n\n 5. The Carian—from Mount Iassis, with oblique veins, white and\n red. 6. The Lydian—pale, with a red flower.\n\n\n 7. The African, or Mauritanian—of a gold or saffron hue. 8. The\n Celtic—black, with white veins.\n\n\n 9. The Bosphoric—white, with black edges. Besides THE\n Proconnesian which formed THE pavement; THE Thessalian,\n Molossian, &c., which are less distinctly painted.]\n\n\n So minute a description of an edifice which time has respected,\n may attest THE truth, and excuse THE relation, of THE innumerable\n works, both in THE capital and provinces, which Justinian\n constructed on a smaller scale and less durable foundations. 106\n In Constantinople alone and THE adjacent suburbs, he dedicated\n twenty-five churches to THE honor of Christ, THE Virgin, and THE\n saints: most of THEse churches were decorated with marble and\n gold; and THEir various situation was skilfully chosen in a\n populous square, or a pleasant grove; on THE margin of THE\n sea-shore, or on some lofty eminence which overlooked THE\n continents of Europe and Asia. The church of THE Holy Apostles at\n Constantinople, and that of St. John at Ephesus, appear to have\n been framed on THE same model: THEir domes aspired to imitate THE\n cupolas of St. Sophia; but THE altar was more judiciously placed\n under THE centre of THE dome, at THE junction of four stately\n porticos, which more accurately expressed THE figure of THE Greek\n cross. The Virgin of Jerusalem might exult in THE temple erected\n by her Imperial votary on a most ungrateful spot, which afforded\n neiTHEr ground nor materials to THE architect. A level was formed\n by raising part of a deep valley to THE height of THE mountain.\n The stones of a neighboring quarry were hewn into regular forms;\n each block was fixed on a peculiar carriage, drawn by forty of\n THE strongest oxen, and THE roads were widened for THE passage of\n such enormous weights. Lebanon furnished her loftiest cedars for\n THE timbers of THE church; and THE seasonable discovery of a vein\n of red marble supplied its beautiful columns, two of which, THE\n supporters of THE exterior portico, were esteemed THE largest in\n THE world. The pious munificence of THE emperor was diffused over\n THE Holy Land; and if reason should condemn THE monasteries of\n both sexes which were built or restored by Justinian, yet charity\n must applaud THE wells which he sunk, and THE hospitals which he\n founded, for THE relief of THE weary pilgrims. The schismatical\n temper of Egypt was ill entitled to THE royal bounty; but in\n Syria and Africa, some remedies were applied to THE disasters of\n wars and earthquakes, and both Carthage and Antioch, emerging\n from THEir ruins, might revere THE name of THEir gracious\n benefactor. 107 Almost every saint in THE calendar acquired THE\n honors of a temple; almost every city of THE empire obtained THE\n solid advantages of bridges, hospitals, and aqueducts; but THE\n severe liberality of THE monarch disdained to indulge his\n subjects in THE popular luxury of baths and THEatres. While\n Justinian labored for THE public service, he was not unmindful of\n his own dignity and ease. The Byzantine palace, which had been\n damaged by THE conflagration, was restored with new magnificence;\n and some notion may be conceived of THE whole edifice, by THE\n vestibule or hall, which, from THE doors perhaps, or THE roof,\n was surnamed chalce, or THE brazen. The dome of a spacious\n quadrangle was supported by massy pillars; THE pavement and walls\n were incrusted with many-colored marbles—THE emerald green of\n Laconia, THE fiery red, and THE white Phrygian stone, intersected\n with veins of a sea-green hue: THE mosaic paintings of THE dome\n and sides represented THE glories of THE African and Italian\n triumphs. On THE Asiatic shore of THE Propontis, at a small\n distance to THE east of Chalcedon, THE costly palace and gardens\n of Heraeum 108 were prepared for THE summer residence of\n Justinian, and more especially of Theodora. The poets of THE age\n have celebrated THE rare alliance of nature and art, THE harmony\n of THE nymphs of THE groves, THE fountains, and THE waves: yet\n THE crowd of attendants who followed THE court complained of\n THEir inconvenient lodgings, 109 and THE nymphs were too often\n alarmed by THE famous Porphyrio, a whale of ten cubits in\n breadth, and thirty in length, who was stranded at THE mouth of\n THE River Sangaris, after he had infested more than half a\n century THE seas of Constantinople. 110\n\n 106 (return) [ The six books of THE Edifices of Procopius are\n thus distributed THE first is confined to Constantinople: THE\n second includes Mesopotamia and Syria THE third, Armenia and THE\n Euxine; THE fourth, Europe; THE fifth, Asia Minor and Palestine;\n THE sixth, Egypt and Africa. Italy is forgot by THE emperor or\n THE historian, who published this work of adulation before THE\n date (A.D. 555) of its final conquest.]\n\n 107 (return) [ Justinian once gave forty-five centenaries of gold\n (180,000 L.) for THE repairs of Antioch after THE earthquake,\n (John Malala, tom. ii p 146—149.)]\n\n 108 (return) [ For THE Heraeum, THE palace of Theodora, see\n Gyllius, (de Bosphoro Thracio, l. iii. c. xi.,) Aleman. (Not. ad.\n Anec. p. 80, 81, who quotes several epigrams of THE Anthology,)\n and Ducange, (C. P. Christ. l. iv. c. 13, p. 175, 176.)]\n\n 109 (return) [ Compare, in THE Edifices, (l. i. c. 11,) and in\n THE Anecdotes, (c. 8, 15.) THE different styles of adulation and\n malevolence: stripped of THE paint, or cleansed from THE dirt,\n THE object appears to be THE same.]\n\n 110 (return) [ Procopius, l. viii. 29; most probably a stranger\n and wanderer, as THE Mediterranean does not breed whales.\n Balaenae quoque in nostra maria penetrant, (Plin. Hist. Natur.\n ix. 2.) Between THE polar circle and THE tropic, THE cetaceous\n animals of THE ocean grow to THE length of 50, 80, or 100 feet,\n (Hist. des Voyages, tom. xv. p. 289. Pennant’s British Zoology,\n vol. iii. p. 35.)]\n\n\n The fortifications of Europe and Asia were multiplied by\n Justinian; but THE repetition of those timid and fruitless\n precautions exposes, to a philosophic eye, THE debility of THE\n empire. 111 From Belgrade to THE Euxine, from THE conflux of THE\n Save to THE mouth of THE Danube, a chain of above fourscore\n fortified places was extended along THE banks of THE great river.\n Single watch-towers were changed into spacious citadels; vacant\n walls, which THE engineers contracted or enlarged according to\n THE nature of THE ground, were filled with colonies or garrisons;\n a strong fortress defended THE ruins of Trajan’s bridge, 112 and\n several military stations affected to spread beyond THE Danube\n THE pride of THE Roman name. But that name was divested of its\n terrors; THE Barbarians, in THEir annual inroads, passed, and\n contemptuously repassed, before THEse useless bulwarks; and THE\n inhabitants of THE frontier, instead of reposing under THE shadow\n of THE general defence, were compelled to guard, with incessant\n vigilance, THEir separate habitations. The solitude of ancient\n cities, was replenished; THE new foundations of Justinian\n acquired, perhaps too hastily, THE epiTHEts of impregnable and\n populous; and THE auspicious place of his own nativity attracted\n THE grateful reverence of THE vainest of princes. Under THE name\n of Justiniana prima, THE obscure village of Tauresium became THE\n seat of an archbishop and a præfect, whose jurisdiction extended\n over seven warlike provinces of Illyricum; 113 and THE corrupt\n appellation of Giustendil still indicates, about twenty miles to\n THE south of Sophia, THE residence of a Turkish sanjak. 114 For\n THE use of THE emperor’s countryman, a caTHEdral, a place, and an\n aqueduct, were speedily constructed; THE public and private\n edifices were adapted to THE greatness of a royal city; and THE\n strength of THE walls resisted, during THE lifetime of Justinian,\n THE unskilful assaults of THE Huns and Sclavonians. Their\n progress was sometimes retarded, and THEir hopes of rapine were\n disappointed, by THE innumerable castles which, in THE provinces\n of Dacia, Epirus, Thessaly, Macedonia, and Thrace, appeared to\n cover THE whole face of THE country. Six hundred of THEse forts\n were built or repaired by THE emperor; but it seems reasonable to\n believe, that THE far greater part consisted only of a stone or\n brick tower, in THE midst of a square or circular area, which was\n surrounded by a wall and ditch, and afforded in a moment of\n danger some protection to THE peasants and cattle of THE\n neighboring villages. 115 Yet THEse military works, which\n exhausted THE public treasure, could not remove THE just\n apprehensions of Justinian and his European subjects. The warm\n baths of Anchialus in Thrace were rendered as safe as THEy were\n salutary; but THE rich pastures of Thessalonica were foraged by\n THE Scythian cavalry; THE delicious vale of Tempe, three hundred\n miles from THE Danube, was continually alarmed by THE sound of\n war; 116 and no unfortified spot, however distant or solitary,\n could securely enjoy THE blessings of peace. The Straits of\n Thermopylae, which seemed to protect, but which had so often\n betrayed, THE safety of Greece, were diligently strengTHEned by\n THE labors of Justinian. From THE edge of THE sea-shore, through\n THE forests and valleys, and as far as THE summit of THE\n Thessalian mountains, a strong wall was continued, which occupied\n every practicable entrance. Instead of a hasty crowd of peasants,\n a garrison of two thousand soldiers was stationed along THE\n rampart; granaries of corn and reservoirs of water were provided\n for THEir use; and by a precaution that inspired THE cowardice\n which it foresaw, convenient fortresses were erected for THEir\n retreat. The walls of Corinth, overthrown by an earthquake, and\n THE mouldering bulwarks of ATHEns and Plataea, were carefully\n restored; THE Barbarians were discouraged by THE prospect of\n successive and painful sieges: and THE naked cities of\n Peloponnesus were covered by THE fortifications of THE Isthmus of\n Corinth. At THE extremity of Europe, anoTHEr peninsula, THE\n Thracian Chersonesus, runs three days’ journey into THE sea, to\n form, with THE adjacent shores of Asia, THE Straits of THE\n Hellespont. The intervals between eleven populous towns were\n filled by lofty woods, fair pastures, and arable lands; and THE\n isthmus, of thirty seven stadia or furlongs, had been fortified\n by a Spartan general nine hundred years before THE reign of\n Justinian. 117 In an age of freedom and valor, THE slightest\n rampart may prevent a surprise; and Procopius appears insensible\n of THE superiority of ancient times, while he praises THE solid\n construction and double parapet of a wall, whose long arms\n stretched on eiTHEr side into THE sea; but whose strength was\n deemed insufficient to guard THE Chersonesus, if each city, and\n particularly Gallipoli and Sestus, had not been secured by THEir\n peculiar fortifications. The long wall, as it was emphatically\n styled, was a work as disgraceful in THE object, as it was\n respectable in THE execution. The riches of a capital diffuse\n THEmselves over THE neighboring country, and THE territory of\n Constantinople a paradise of nature, was adorned with THE\n luxurious gardens and villas of THE senators and opulent\n citizens. But THEir wealth served only to attract THE bold and\n rapacious Barbarians; THE noblest of THE Romans, in THE bosom of\n peaceful indolence, were led away into Scythian captivity, and\n THEir sovereign might view from his palace THE hostile flames\n which were insolently spread to THE gates of THE Imperial city.\n At THE distance only of forty miles, Anastasius was constrained\n to establish a last frontier; his long wall, of sixty miles from\n THE Propontis to THE Euxine, proclaimed THE impotence of his\n arms; and as THE danger became more imminent, new fortifications\n were added by THE indefatigable prudence of Justinian. 118\n\n 111 (return) [ Montesquieu observes, (tom. iii. p. 503,\n Considerations sur la Grandeur et la Decadence des Romains, c.\n xx.,) that Justinian’s empire was like France in THE time of THE\n Norman inroads—never so weak as when every village was\n fortified.]\n\n 112 (return) [ Procopius affirms (l. iv. c. 6) that THE Danube\n was stopped by THE ruins of THE bridge. Had Apollodorus, THE\n architect, left a description of his own work, THE fabulous\n wonders of Dion Cassius (l lxviii. p. 1129) would have been\n corrected by THE genuine picture Trajan’s bridge consisted of\n twenty or twenty-two stone piles with wooden arches; THE river is\n shallow, THE current gentle, and THE whole interval no more than\n 443 (Reimer ad Dion. from Marsigli) or 5l7 toises, (D’Anville,\n Geographie Ancienne, tom. i. p. 305.)]\n\n 113 (return) [ Of THE two Dacias, Mediterranea and Ripensis,\n Dardania, Pravalitana, THE second Maesia, and THE second\n Macedonia. See Justinian (Novell. xi.,) who speaks of his castles\n beyond THE Danube, and on omines semper bellicis sudoribus\n inhaerentes.]\n\n 114 (return) [ See D’Anville, (Memoires de l’Academie, &c., tom.\n xxxi p. 280, 299,) Rycaut, (Present State of THE Turkish Empire,\n p. 97, 316,) Max sigli, (Stato Militare del Imperio Ottomano, p.\n 130.) The sanjak of Giustendil is one of THE twenty under THE\n beglerbeg of Rurselis, and his district maintains 48 zaims and\n 588 timariots.]\n\n 115 (return) [ These fortifications may be compared to THE\n castles in Mingrelia (Chardin, Voyages en Perse, tom. i. p. 60,\n 131)—a natural picture.]\n\n 116 (return) [ The valley of Tempe is situate along THE River\n Peneus, between THE hills of Ossa and Olympus: it is only five\n miles long, and in some places no more than 120 feet in breadth.\n Its verdant beauties are elegantly described by Pliny, (Hist.\n Natur. l. iv. 15,) and more diffusely by Aelian, (Hist. Var. l.\n iii. c. i.)]\n\n 117 (return) [ Xenophon Hellenic. l. iii. c. 2. After a long and\n tedious conversation with THE Byzantine declaimers, how\n refreshing is THE truth, THE simplicity, THE elegance of an Attic\n writer!]\n\n 118 (return) [ See THE long wall in Evagarius, (l. iv. c. 38.)\n This whole article is drawn from THE fourth book of THE Edifices,\n except Anchialus, (l. iii. c. 7.)]\n\n\n Asia Minor, after THE submission of THE Isaurians, 119 remained\n without enemies and without fortifications. Those bold savages,\n who had disdained to be THE subjects of Gallienus, persisted two\n hundred and thirty years in a life of independence and rapine.\n The most successful princes respected THE strength of THE\n mountains and THE despair of THE natives; THEir fierce spirit was\n sometimes sooTHEd with gifts, and sometimes restrained by terror;\n and a military count, with three legions, fixed his permanent and\n ignominious station in THE heart of THE Roman provinces. 120 But\n no sooner was THE vigilance of power relaxed or diverted, than\n THE light-armed squadrons descended from THE hills, and invaded\n THE peaceful plenty of Asia. Although THE Isaurians were not\n remarkable for stature or bravery, want rendered THEm bold, and\n experience made THEm skilful in THE exercise of predatory war.\n They advanced with secrecy and speed to THE attack of villages\n and defenceless towns; THEir flying parties have sometimes\n touched THE Hellespont, THE Euxine, and THE gates of Tarsus,\n Antioch, or Damascus; 121 and THE spoil was lodged in THEir\n inaccessible mountains, before THE Roman troops had received\n THEir orders, or THE distant province had computed its loss. The\n guilt of rebellion and robbery excluded THEm from THE rights of\n national enemies; and THE magistrates were instructed, by an\n edict, that THE trial or punishment of an Isaurian, even on THE\n festival of Easter, was a meritorious act of justice and piety.\n 122 If THE captives were condemned to domestic slavery, THEy\n maintained, with THEir sword or dagger, THE private quarrel of\n THEir masters; and it was found expedient for THE public\n tranquillity to prohibit THE service of such dangerous retainers.\n When THEir countryman Tarcalissaeus or Zeno ascended THE throne,\n he invited a faithful and formidable band of Isaurians, who\n insulted THE court and city, and were rewarded by an annual\n tribute of five thousand pounds of gold. But THE hopes of fortune\n depopulated THE mountains, luxury enervated THE hardiness of\n THEir minds and bodies, and in proportion as THEy mixed with\n mankind, THEy became less qualified for THE enjoyment of poor and\n solitary freedom. After THE death of Zeno, his successor\n Anastasius suppressed THEir pensions, exposed THEir persons to\n THE revenge of THE people, banished THEm from Constantinople, and\n prepared to sustain a war, which left only THE alternative of\n victory or servitude. A broTHEr of THE last emperor usurped THE\n title of Augustus; his cause was powerfully supported by THE\n arms, THE treasures, and THE magazines, collected by Zeno; and\n THE native Isaurians must have formed THE smallest portion of THE\n hundred and fifty thousand Barbarians under his standard, which\n was sanctified, for THE first time, by THE presence of a fighting\n bishop. Their disorderly numbers were vanquished in THE plains of\n Phrygia by THE valor and discipline of THE Goths; but a war of\n six years almost exhausted THE courage of THE emperor. 123 The\n Isaurians retired to THEir mountains; THEir fortresses were\n successively besieged and ruined; THEir communication with THE\n sea was intercepted; THE bravest of THEir leaders died in arms;\n THE surviving chiefs, before THEir execution, were dragged in\n chains through THE hippodrome; a colony of THEir youth was\n transplanted into Thrace, and THE remnant of THE people submitted\n to THE Roman government. Yet some generations elapsed before\n THEir minds were reduced to THE level of slavery. The populous\n villages of Mount Taurus were filled with horsemen and archers:\n THEy resisted THE imposition of tributes, but THEy recruited THE\n armies of Justinian; and his civil magistrates, THE proconsul of\n Cappadocia, THE count of Isauria, and THE praetors of Lycaonia\n and Pisidia, were invested with military power to restrain THE\n licentious practice of rapes and assassinations. 124\n\n 119 (return) [ Turn back to vol. i. p. 328. In THE course of this\n History, I have sometimes mentioned, and much oftener slighted,\n THE hasty inroads of THE Isaurians, which were not attended with\n any consequences.]\n\n 120 (return) [ Trebellius Pollio in Hist. August. p. 107, who\n lived under Diocletian, or Constantine. See likewise Pancirolus\n ad Notit. Imp. Orient c. 115, 141. See Cod. Theodos. l. ix. tit.\n 35, leg. 37, with a copious collective Annotation of Godefroy,\n tom. iii. p. 256, 257.]\n\n 121 (return) [ See THE full and wide extent of THEir inroads in\n Philostorgius (Hist. Eccles. l. xi. c. 8,) with Godefroy’s\n learned Dissertations.]\n\n 122 (return) [ Cod. Justinian. l. ix. tit. 12, leg. 10. The\n punishments are severs—a fine of a hundred pounds of gold,\n degradation, and even death. The public peace might afford a\n pretence, but Zeno was desirous of monopolizing THE valor and\n service of THE Isaurians.]\n\n 123 (return) [ The Isaurian war and THE triumph of Anastasius are\n briefly and darkly represented by John Malala, (tom. ii. p. 106,\n 107,) Evagrius, (l. iii. c. 35,) Theophanes, (p. 118—120,) and\n THE Chronicle of Marcellinus.]\n\n 124 (return) [ Fortes ea regio (says Justinian) viros habet, nec\n in ullo differt ab Isauria, though Procopius (Persic. l. i. c.\n 18) marks an essential difference between THEir military\n character; yet in former times THE Lycaonians and Pisidians had\n defended THEir liberty against THE great king, Xenophon.\n (Anabasis, l. iii. c. 2.) Justinian introduces some false and\n ridiculous erudition of THE ancient empire of THE Pisidians, and\n of Lycaon, who, after visiting Rome, (long before Aeenas,) gave a\n name and people to Lycaoni, (Novell. 24, 25, 27, 30.)]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XL: Reign Of Justinian.—Part V.\n\n\n If we extend our view from THE tropic to THE mouth of THE Tanais,\n we may observe, on one hand, THE precautions of Justinian to curb\n THE savages of Aethiopia, 125 and on THE oTHEr, THE long walls\n which he constructed in Crimaea for THE protection of his\n friendly Goths, a colony of three thousand shepherds and\n warriors. 126 From that peninsula to Trebizond, THE eastern curve\n of THE Euxine was secured by forts, by alliance, or by religion;\n and THE possession of Lazica, THE Colchos of ancient, THE\n Mingrelia of modern, geography, soon became THE object of an\n important war. Trebizond, in after-times THE seat of a romantic\n empire, was indebted to THE liberality of Justinian for a church,\n an aqueduct, and a castle, whose ditches are hewn in THE solid\n rock. From that maritime city, frontier line of five hundred\n miles may be drawn to THE fortress of Circesium, THE last Roman\n station on THE Euphrates. 127 Above Trebizond immediately, and\n five days’ journey to THE south, THE country rises into dark\n forests and craggy mountains, as savage though not so lofty as\n THE Alps and THE Pyrenees. In this rigorous climate, 128 where\n THE snows seldom melt, THE fruits are tardy and tasteless, even\n honey is poisonous: THE most industrious tillage would be\n confined to some pleasant valleys; and THE pastoral tribes\n obtained a scanty sustenance from THE flesh and milk of THEir\n cattle. The Chalybians 129 derived THEir name and temper from THE\n iron quality of THE soil; and, since THE days of Cyrus, THEy\n might produce, under THE various appellations of Chaldæans and\n Zanians, an uninterrupted prescription of war and rapine. Under\n THE reign of Justinian, THEy acknowledged THE god and THE emperor\n of THE Romans, and seven fortresses were built in THE most\n accessible passages, to exclude THE ambition of THE Persian\n monarch. 130 The principal source of THE Euphrates descends from\n THE Chalybian mountains, and seems to flow towards THE west and\n THE Euxine: bending to THE south-west, THE river passes under THE\n walls of Satala and Melitene (which were restored by Justinian as\n THE bulwarks of THE Lesser Armenia,) and gradually approaches THE\n Mediterranean Sea; till at length, repelled by Mount Taurus, 131\n THE Euphrates inclines its long and flexible course to THE\n south-east and THE Gulf of Persia. Among THE Roman cities beyond\n THE Euphrates, we distinguish two recent foundations, which were\n named from Theodosius, and THE relics of THE martyrs; and two\n capitals, Amida and Edessa, which are celebrated in THE history\n of every age. Their strength was proportioned by Justinian to THE\n danger of THEir situation. A ditch and palisade might be\n sufficient to resist THE artless force of THE cavalry of Scythia;\n but more elaborate works were required to sustain a regular siege\n against THE arms and treasures of THE great king. His skilful\n engineers understood THE methods of conducting deep mines, and of\n raising platforms to THE level of THE rampart: he shook THE\n strongest battlements with his military engines, and sometimes\n advanced to THE assault with a line of movable turrets on THE\n backs of elephants. In THE great cities of THE East, THE\n disadvantage of space, perhaps of position, was compensated by\n THE zeal of THE people, who seconded THE garrison in THE defence\n of THEir country and religion; and THE fabulous promise of THE\n Son of God, that Edessa should never be taken, filled THE\n citizens with valiant confidence, and chilled THE besiegers with\n doubt and dismay. 132 The subordinate towns of Armenia and\n Mesopotamia were diligently strengTHEned, and THE posts which\n appeared to have any command of ground or water were occupied by\n numerous forts, substantially built of stone, or more hastily\n erected with THE obvious materials of earth and brick. The eye of\n Justinian investigated every spot; and his cruel precautions\n might attract THE war into some lonely vale, whose peaceful\n natives, connected by trade and marriage, were ignorant of\n national discord and THE quarrels of princes. Westward of THE\n Euphrates, a sandy desert extends above six hundred miles to THE\n Red Sea. Nature had interposed a vacant solitude between THE\n ambition of two rival empires; THE Arabians, till Mahomet arose,\n were formidable only as robbers; and in THE proud security of\n peace THE fortifications of Syria were neglected on THE most\n vulnerable side.\n\n 125 (return) [ See Procopius, Persic. l. i. c. 19. The altar of\n national concern, of annual sacrifice and oaths, which Diocletian\n had created in THE Isla of Elephantine, was demolished by\n Justinian with less policy than]\n\n 126 (return) [ Procopius de Edificiis, l. iii. c. 7. Hist. l.\n viii. c. 3, 4. These unambitious Goths had refused to follow THE\n standard of Theodoric. As late as THE xvth and xvith century, THE\n name and nation might be discovered between Caffa and THE Straits\n of Azoph, (D’Anville, Memoires de l’academie, tom. xxx. p. 240.)\n They well deserved THE curiosity of Busbequius, (p. 321-326;) but\n seem to have vanished in THE more recent account of THE Missions\n du Levant, (tom. i.,) Tott, Peysonnnel, &c.]\n\n 127 (return) [ For THE geography and architecture of this\n Armenian border, see THE Persian Wars and Edifices (l. ii. c.\n 4-7, l. iii. c. 2—7) of Procopius.]\n\n 128 (return) [ The country is described by Tournefort, (Voyage au\n Levant, tom. iii. lettre xvii. xviii.) That skilful botanist soon\n discovered THE plant that infects THE honey, (Plin. xxi. 44, 45:)\n he observes, that THE soldiers of Lucullus might indeed be\n astonished at THE cold, since, even in THE plain of Erzerum, snow\n sometimes falls in June, and THE harvest is seldom finished\n before September. The hills of Armenia are below THE fortieth\n degree of latitude; but in THE mountainous country which I\n inhabit, it is well known that an ascent of some hours carries\n THE traveller from THE climate of Languedoc to that of Norway;\n and a general THEory has been introduced, that, under THE line,\n an elevation of 2400 toises is equivalent to THE cold of THE\n polar circle, (Remond, Observations sur les Voyages de Coxe dans\n la Suisse, tom. ii. p. 104.)]\n\n 129 (return) [ The identity or proximity of THE Chalybians, or\n Chaldaeana may be investigated in Strabo, (l. xii. p. 825, 826,)\n Cellarius, (Geograph. Antiq. tom. ii. p. 202—204,) and Freret,\n (Mem. de Academie, tom. iv. p. 594) Xenophon supposes, in his\n romance, (Cyropaed l. iii.,) THE same Barbarians, against whom he\n had fought in his retreat, (Anabasis, l. iv.)]\n\n 130 (return) [ Procopius, Persic. l. i. c. 15. De Edific. l. iii.\n c. 6.]\n\n 131 (return) [ Ni Taurus obstet in nostra maria venturus,\n (Pomponius Mela, iii. 8.) Pliny, a poet as well as a naturalist,\n (v. 20,) personifies THE river and mountain, and describes THEir\n combat. See THE course of THE Tigris and Euphrates in THE\n excellent treatise of D’Anville.]\n\n 132 (return) [ Procopius (Persic. l. ii. c. 12) tells THE story\n with THE tone, half sceptical, half superstitious, of Herodotus.\n The promise was not in THE primitive lie of Eusebius, but dates\n at least from THE year 400; and a third lie, THE Veronica, was\n soon raised on THE two former, (Evagrius, l. iv. c. 27.) As\n Edessa has been taken, Tillemont must disclaim THE promise, (Mem.\n Eccles. tom. i. p. 362, 383, 617.)]\n\n\n But THE national enmity, at least THE effects of that enmity, had\n been suspended by a truce, which continued above fourscore years.\n An ambassador from THE emperor Zeno accompanied THE rash and\n unfortunate Perozes, 1321 in his expedition against THE\n Nepthalites, 1322 or white Huns, whose conquests had been\n stretched from THE Caspian to THE heart of India, whose throne\n was enriched with emeralds, 133 and whose cavalry was supported\n by a line of two thousand elephants. 134 The Persians 1341 were\n twice circumvented, in a situation which made valor useless and\n flight impossible; and THE double victory of THE Huns was\n achieved by military stratagem. They dismissed THEir royal\n captive after he had submitted to adore THE majesty of a\n Barbarian; and THE humiliation was poorly evaded by THE\n casuistical subtlety of THE Magi, who instructed Perozes to\n direct his attention to THE rising sun. 1342 The indignant\n successor of Cyrus forgot his danger and his gratitude; he\n renewed THE attack with headstrong fury, and lost both his army\n and his life. 135 The death of Perozes abandoned Persia to her\n foreign and domestic enemies; 1351 and twelve years of confusion\n elapsed before his son Cabades, or Kobad, could embrace any\n designs of ambition or revenge. The unkind parsimony of\n Anastasius was THE motive or pretence of a Roman war; 136 THE\n Huns and Arabs marched under THE Persian standard, and THE\n fortifications of Armenia and Mesopotamia were, at that time, in\n a ruinous or imperfect condition. The emperor returned his thanks\n to THE governor and people of Martyropolis for THE prompt\n surrender of a city which could not be successfully defended, and\n THE conflagration of Theodosiopolis might justify THE conduct of\n THEir prudent neighbors. Amida sustained a long and destructive\n siege: at THE end of three months THE loss of fifty thousand of\n THE soldiers of Cabades was not balanced by any prospect of\n success, and it was in vain that THE Magi deduced a flattering\n prediction from THE indecency of THE women 1361 on THE ramparts,\n who had revealed THEir most secret charms to THE eyes of THE\n assailants. At length, in a silent night, THEy ascended THE most\n accessible tower, which was guarded only by some monks,\n oppressed, after THE duties of a festival, with sleep and wine.\n Scaling-ladders were applied at THE dawn of day; THE presence of\n Cabades, his stern command, and his drawn sword, compelled THE\n Persians to vanquish; and before it was sheaTHEd, fourscore\n thousand of THE inhabitants had expiated THE blood of THEir\n companions. After THE siege of Amida, THE war continued three\n years, and THE unhappy frontier tasted THE full measure of its\n calamities. The gold of Anastasius was offered too late, THE\n number of his troops was defeated by THE number of THEir\n generals; THE country was stripped of its inhabitants, and both\n THE living and THE dead were abandoned to THE wild beasts of THE\n desert. The resistance of Edessa, and THE deficiency of spoil,\n inclined THE mind of Cabades to peace: he sold his conquests for\n an exorbitant price; and THE same line, though marked with\n slaughter and devastation, still separated THE two empires. To\n avert THE repetition of THE same evils, Anastasius resolved to\n found a new colony, so strong, that it should defy THE power of\n THE Persian, so far advanced towards Assyria, that its stationary\n troops might defend THE province by THE menace or operation of\n offensive war. For this purpose, THE town of Dara, 137 fourteen\n miles from Nisibis, and four days’ journey from THE Tigris, was\n peopled and adorned; THE hasty works of Anastasius were improved\n by THE perseverance of Justinian; and, without insisting on\n places less important, THE fortifications of Dara may represent\n THE military architecture of THE age. The city was surrounded\n with two walls, and THE interval between THEm, of fifty paces,\n afforded a retreat to THE cattle of THE besieged. The inner wall\n was a monument of strength and beauty: it measured sixty feet\n from THE ground, and THE height of THE towers was one hundred\n feet; THE loopholes, from whence an enemy might be annoyed with\n missile weapons, were small, but numerous; THE soldiers were\n planted along THE rampart, under THE shelter of double galleries,\n and a third platform, spacious and secure, was raised on THE\n summit of THE towers. The exterior wall appears to have been less\n lofty, but more solid; and each tower was protected by a\n quadrangular bulwark. A hard, rocky soil resisted THE tools of\n THE miners, and on THE south-east, where THE ground was more\n tractable, THEir approach was retarded by a new work, which\n advanced in THE shape of a half-moon. The double and treble\n ditches were filled with a stream of water; and in THE management\n of THE river, THE most skilful labor was employed to supply THE\n inhabitants, to distress THE besiegers, and to prevent THE\n mischiefs of a natural or artificial inundation. Dara continued\n more than sixty years to fulfil THE wishes of its founders, and\n to provoke THE jealousy of THE Persians, who incessantly\n complained, that this impregnable fortress had been constructed\n in manifest violation of THE treaty of peace between THE two\n empires. 1371\n\n 1321 (return) [ Firouz THE Conqueror—unfortunately so named. See\n St. Martin, vol. vi. p. 439.—M.]\n\n 1322 (return) [ RaTHEr Hepthalites.—M.]\n\n 133 (return) [ They were purchased from THE merchants of Adulis\n who traded to India, (Cosmas, Topograph. Christ. l. xi. p. 339;)\n yet, in THE estimate of precious stones, THE Scythian emerald was\n THE first, THE Bactrian THE second, THE Aethiopian only THE\n third, (Hill’s Theophrastus, p. 61, &c., 92.) The production,\n mines, &c., of emeralds, are involved in darkness; and it is\n doubtful wheTHEr we possess any of THE twelve sorts known to THE\n ancients, (Goguet, Origine des Loix, &c., part ii. l. ii. c. 2,\n art. 3.) In this war THE Huns got, or at least Perozes lost, THE\n finest pearl in THE world, of which Procopius relates a\n ridiculous fable.]\n\n 134 (return) [ The Indo-Scythae continued to reign from THE time\n of Augustus (Dionys. Perieget. 1088, with THE Commentary of\n Eustathius, in Hudson, Geograph. Minor. tom. iv.) to that of THE\n elder Justin, (Cosmas, Topograph. Christ. l. xi. p. 338, 339.) On\n THEir origin and conquests, see D’Anville, (sur l’Inde, p. 18,\n 45, &c., 69, 85, 89.) In THE second century THEy were masters of\n Larice or Guzerat.]\n\n 1341 (return) [ According to THE Persian historians, he was\n misled by guides who used he old stratagem of Zopyrus. Malcolm,\n vol. i. p. 101.—M.]\n\n 1342 (return) [ In THE Ms. Chronicle of Tabary, it is said that\n THE Moubedan Mobed, or Grand Pontiff, opposed with all his\n influence THE violation of THE treaty. St. Martin, vol. vii. p.\n 254.—M.]\n\n 135 (return) [ See THE fate of Phirouz, or Perozes, and its\n consequences, in Procopius, (Persic. l. i. c. 3—6,) who may be\n compared with THE fragments of Oriental history, (D’Herbelot,\n Bibliot. Orient. p. 351, and Texeira, History of Persia,\n translated or abridged by Stephens, l. i. c. 32, p. 132—138.) The\n chronology is ably ascertained by Asseman. (Bibliot. Orient. tom.\n iii. p. 396—427.)]\n\n 1351 (return) [ When Firoze advanced, Khoosh-Nuaz (THE king of\n THE Huns) presented on THE point of a lance THE treaty to which\n he had sworn, and exhorted him yet to desist before he destroyed\n his fame forever. Malcolm, vol. i. p. 103.—M.]\n\n 136 (return) [ The Persian war, under THE reigns of Anastasius\n and Justin, may be collected from Procopius, (Persic. l. i. c. 7,\n 8, 9,) Theophanes, (in Chronograph. p. 124—127,) Evagrius, (l.\n iii. c. 37,) Marcellinus, (in Chron. p. 47,) and Josue Stylites,\n (apud Asseman. tom. i. p. 272—281.)]\n\n 1361 (return) [ Gibbon should have written “some prostitutes.”\n Proc Pers. vol. 1 p. 7.—M.]\n\n 137 (return) [ The description of Dara is amply and correctly\n given by Procopius, (Persic. l. i. c. 10, l. ii. c. 13. De\n Edific. l. ii. c. 1, 2, 3, l. iii. c. 5.) See THE situation in\n D’Anville, (l’Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 53, 54, 55,) though he\n seems to double THE interval between Dara and Nisibis.]\n\n 1371 (return) [ The situation (of Dara) does not appear to give\n it strength, as it must have been commanded on three sides by THE\n mountains, but opening on THE south towards THE plains of\n Mesopotamia. The foundation of THE walls and towers, built of\n large hewn stone, may be traced across THE valley, and over a\n number of low rocky hills which branch out from THE foot of Mount\n Masius. The circumference I conceive to be nearly two miles and a\n half; and a small stream, which flows through THE middle of THE\n place, has induced several Koordish and Armenian families to fix\n THEir residence within THE ruins. Besides THE walls and towers,\n THE remains of many oTHEr buildings attest THE former grandeur of\n Dara; a considerable part of THE space within THE walls is arched\n and vaulted underneath, and in one place we perceived a large\n cavern, supported by four ponderous columns, somewhat resembling\n THE great cistern of Constantinople. In THE centre of THE village\n are THE ruins of a palace (probably that mentioned by Procopius)\n or church, one hundred paces in length, and sixty in breadth. The\n foundations, which are quite entire, consist of a prodigious\n number of subterraneous vaulted chambers, entered by a narrow\n passage forty paces in length. The gate is still standing; a\n considerable part of THE wall has bid defiance to time, &c. M\n Donald Kinneir’s Journey, p. 438.—M]\n\n\n Between THE Euxine and THE Caspian, THE countries of Colchos,\n Iberia, and Albania, are intersected in every direction by THE\n branches of Mount Caucasus; and THE two principal gates, or\n passes, from north to south, have been frequently confounded in\n THE geography both of THE ancients and moderns. The name of\n Caspian or Albanian gates is properly applied to Derbend, 138\n which occupies a short declivity between THE mountains and THE\n sea: THE city, if we give credit to local tradition, had been\n founded by THE Greeks; and this dangerous entrance was fortified\n by THE kings of Persia with a mole, double walls, and doors of\n iron. The Iberian gates 139 1391 are formed by a narrow passage\n of six miles in Mount Caucasus, which opens from THE norTHErn\n side of Iberia, or Georgia, into THE plain that reaches to THE\n Tanais and THE Volga. A fortress, designed by Alexander perhaps,\n or one of his successors, to command that important pass, had\n descended by right of conquest or inheritance to a prince of THE\n Huns, who offered it for a moderate price to THE emperor; but\n while Anastasius paused, while he timorously computed THE cost\n and THE distance, a more vigilant rival interposed, and Cabades\n forcibly occupied THE Straits of Caucasus. The Albanian and\n Iberian gates excluded THE horsemen of Scythia from THE shortest\n and most practicable roads, and THE whole front of THE mountains\n was covered by THE rampart of Gog and Magog, THE long wall which\n has excited THE curiosity of an Arabian caliph 140 and a Russian\n conqueror. 141 According to a recent description, huge stones,\n seven feet thick, and twenty-one feet in length or height, are\n artificially joined without iron or cement, to compose a wall,\n which runs above three hundred miles from THE shores of Derbend,\n over THE hills, and through THE valleys of Daghestan and Georgia.\n\n\n Without a vision, such a work might be undertaken by THE policy\n of Cabades; without a miracle, it might be accomplished by his\n son, so formidable to THE Romans, under THE name of Chosroes; so\n dear to THE Orientals, under THE appellation of Nushirwan. The\n Persian monarch held in his hand THE keys both of peace and war;\n but he stipulated, in every treaty, that Justinian should\n contribute to THE expense of a common barrier, which equally\n protected THE two empires from THE inroads of THE Scythians. 142\n\n 138 (return) [ For THE city and pass of Derbend, see D’Herbelot,\n (Bibliot. Orient. p. 157, 291, 807,) Petit de la Croix. (Hist. de\n Gengiscan, l. iv. c. 9,) Histoire Genealogique des Tatars, (tom.\n i. p. 120,) Olearius, (Voyage en Perse, p. 1039—1041,) and\n Corneille le Bruyn, (Voyages, tom. i. p. 146, 147:) his view may\n be compared with THE plan of Olearius, who judges THE wall to be\n of shells and gravel hardened by time.]\n\n 139 (return) [ Procopius, though with some confusion, always\n denominates THEm Caspian, (Persic. l. i. c. 10.) The pass is now\n styled Tatar-topa, THE Tartar-gates, (D’Anville, Geographie\n Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 119, 120.)]\n\n 1391 (return) [ Malte-Brun. tom. viii. p. 12, makes three passes:\n 1. The central, which leads from Mosdok to Teflis. 2. The\n Albanian, more inland than THE Derbend Pass. 3. The Derbend—THE\n Caspian Gates. But THE narrative of Col. Monteith, in THE Journal\n of THE Geographical Society of London. vol. iii. p. i. p. 39,\n clearly shows that THEre are but two passes between THE Black Sea\n and THE Caspian; THE central, THE Caucasian, or, as Col. Monteith\n calls it, THE Caspian Gates, and THE pass of Derbend, though it\n is practicable to turn this position (of Derbend) by a road a few\n miles distant through THE mountains, p. 40.—M.]\n\n 140 (return) [ The imaginary rampart of Gog and Magog, which was\n seriously explored and believed by a caliph of THE ninth century,\n appears to be derived from THE gates of Mount Caucasus, and a\n vague report of THE wall of China, (Geograph. Nubiensis, p.\n 267-270. Memoires de l’Academie, tom. xxxi. p. 210—219.)]\n\n 141 (return) [ See a learned dissertation of Baier, de muro\n Caucaseo, in Comment. Acad. Petropol. ann. 1726, tom. i. p.\n 425-463; but it is destitute of a map or plan. When THE czar\n Peter I. became master of Derbend in THE year 1722, THE measure\n of THE wall was found to be 3285 Russian orgyioe, or fathom, each\n of seven feet English; in THE whole somewhat more than four miles\n in length.]\n\n 142 (return) [ See THE fortifications and treaties of Chosroes,\n or Nushirwan, in Procopius (Persic. l. i. c. 16, 22, l. ii.) and\n D’Herbelot, (p. 682.)] VII. Justinian suppressed THE schools of\n ATHEns and THE consulship of Rome, which had given so many sages\n and heroes to mankind. Both THEse institutions had long since\n degenerated from THEir primitive glory; yet some reproach may be\n justly inflicted on THE avarice and jealousy of a prince, by\n whose hand such venerable ruins were destroyed.\n\n\n ATHEns, after her Persian triumphs, adopted THE philosophy of\n Ionia and THE rhetoric of Sicily; and THEse studies became THE\n patrimony of a city, whose inhabitants, about thirty thousand\n males, condensed, within THE period of a single life, THE genius\n of ages and millions. Our sense of THE dignity of human nature is\n exalted by THE simple recollection, that Isocrates 143 was THE\n companion of Plato and Xenophon; that he assisted, perhaps with\n THE historian Thucydides, at THE first representation of THE\n Oedipus of Sophocles and THE Iphigenia of Euripides; and that his\n pupils Aeschines and DemosTHEnes contended for THE crown of\n patriotism in THE presence of Aristotle, THE master of\n Theophrastus, who taught at ATHEns with THE founders of THE Stoic\n and Epicurean sects. 144 The ingenuous youth of Attica enjoyed\n THE benefits of THEir domestic education, which was communicated\n without envy to THE rival cities. Two thousand disciples heard\n THE lessons of Theophrastus; 145 THE schools of rhetoric must\n have been still more populous than those of philosophy; and a\n rapid succession of students diffused THE fame of THEir teachers\n as far as THE utmost limits of THE Grecian language and name.\n Those limits were enlarged by THE victories of Alexander; THE\n arts of ATHEns survived her freedom and dominion; and THE Greek\n colonies which THE Macedonians planted in Egypt, and scattered\n over Asia, undertook long and frequent pilgrimages to worship THE\n Muses in THEir favorite temple on THE banks of THE Ilissus. The\n Latin conquerors respectfully listened to THE instructions of\n THEir subjects and captives; THE names of Cicero and Horace were\n enrolled in THE schools of ATHEns; and after THE perfect\n settlement of THE Roman empire, THE natives of Italy, of Africa,\n and of Britain, conversed in THE groves of THE academy with THEir\n fellow-students of THE East. The studies of philosophy and\n eloquence are congenial to a popular state, which encourages THE\n freedom of inquiry, and submits only to THE force of persuasion.\n In THE republics of Greece and Rome, THE art of speaking was THE\n powerful engine of patriotism or ambition; and THE schools of\n rhetoric poured forth a colony of statesmen and legislators. When\n THE liberty of public debate was suppressed, THE orator, in THE\n honorable profession of an advocate, might plead THE cause of\n innocence and justice; he might abuse his talents in THE more\n profitable trade of panegyric; and THE same precepts continued to\n dictate THE fanciful declamations of THE sophist, and THE chaster\n beauties of historical composition. The systems which professed\n to unfold THE nature of God, of man, and of THE universe,\n entertained THE curiosity of THE philosophic student; and\n according to THE temper of his mind, he might doubt with THE\n Sceptics, or decide with THE Stoics, sublimely speculate with\n Plato, or severely argue with Aristotle. The pride of THE adverse\n sects had fixed an unattainable term of moral happiness and\n perfection; but THE race was glorious and salutary; THE disciples\n of Zeno, and even those of Epicurus, were taught both to act and\n to suffer; and THE death of Petronius was not less effectual than\n that of Seneca, to humble a tyrant by THE discovery of his\n impotence. The light of science could not indeed be confined\n within THE walls of ATHEns. Her incomparable writers address\n THEmselves to THE human race; THE living masters emigrated to\n Italy and Asia; Berytus, in later times, was devoted to THE study\n of THE law; astronomy and physic were cultivated in THE musaeum\n of Alexandria; but THE Attic schools of rhetoric and philosophy\n maintained THEir superior reputation from THE Peloponnesian war\n to THE reign of Justinian. ATHEns, though situate in a barren\n soil, possessed a pure air, a free navigation, and THE monuments\n of ancient art. That sacred retirement was seldom disturbed by\n THE business of trade or government; and THE last of THE\n ATHEnians were distinguished by THEir lively wit, THE purity of\n THEir taste and language, THEir social manners, and some traces,\n at least in discourse, of THE magnanimity of THEir faTHErs. In\n THE suburbs of THE city, THE academy of THE Platonists, THE\n lycaeum of THE Peripatetics, THE portico of THE Stoics, and THE\n garden of THE Epicureans, were planted with trees and decorated\n with statues; and THE philosophers, instead of being immured in a\n cloister, delivered THEir instructions in spacious and pleasant\n walks, which, at different hours, were consecrated to THE\n exercises of THE mind and body. The genius of THE founders still\n lived in those venerable seats; THE ambition of succeeding to THE\n masters of human reason excited a generous emulation; and THE\n merit of THE candidates was determined, on each vacancy, by THE\n free voices of an enlightened people. The ATHEnian professors\n were paid by THEir disciples: according to THEir mutual wants and\n abilities, THE price appears to have varied; and Isocrates\n himself, who derides THE avarice of THE sophists, required, in\n his school of rhetoric, about thirty pounds from each of his\n hundred pupils. The wages of industry are just and honorable, yet\n THE same Isocrates shed tears at THE first receipt of a stipend:\n THE Stoic might blush when he was hired to preach THE contempt of\n money; and I should be sorry to discover that Aristotle or Plato\n so far degenerated from THE example of Socrates, as to exchange\n knowledge for gold. But some property of lands and houses was\n settled by THE permission of THE laws, and THE legacies of\n deceased friends, on THE philosophic chairs of ATHEns. Epicurus\n bequeaTHEd to his disciples THE gardens which he had purchased\n for eighty minae or two hundred and fifty pounds, with a fund\n sufficient for THEir frugal subsistence and monthly festivals;\n 146 and THE patrimony of Plato afforded an annual rent, which, in\n eight centuries, was gradually increased from three to one\n thousand pieces of gold. 147 The schools of ATHEns were protected\n by THE wisest and most virtuous of THE Roman princes. The\n library, which Hadrian founded, was placed in a portico adorned\n with pictures, statues, and a roof of alabaster, and supported by\n one hundred columns of Phrygian marble. The public salaries were\n assigned by THE generous spirit of THE Antonines; and each\n professor of politics, of rhetoric, of THE Platonic, THE\n Peripatetic, THE Stoic, and THE Epicurean philosophy, received an\n annual stipend of ten thousand drachmae, or more than three\n hundred pounds sterling. 148 After THE death of Marcus, THEse\n liberal donations, and THE privileges attached to THE thrones of\n science, were abolished and revived, diminished and enlarged; but\n some vestige of royal bounty may be found under THE successors of\n Constantine; and THEir arbitrary choice of an unworthy candidate\n might tempt THE philosophers of ATHEns to regret THE days of\n independence and poverty. 149 It is remarkable, that THE\n impartial favor of THE Antonines was bestowed on THE four adverse\n sects of philosophy, which THEy considered as equally useful, or\n at least, as equally innocent. Socrates had formerly been THE\n glory and THE reproach of his country; and THE first lessons of\n Epicurus so strangely scandalized THE pious ears of THE\n ATHEnians, that by his exile, and that of his antagonists, THEy\n silenced all vain disputes concerning THE nature of THE gods. But\n in THE ensuing year THEy recalled THE hasty decree, restored THE\n liberty of THE schools, and were convinced by THE experience of\n ages, that THE moral character of philosophers is not affected by\n THE diversity of THEir THEological speculations. 150\n\n 143 (return) [ The life of Isocrates extends from Olymp. lxxxvi.\n 1. to cx. 3, (ante Christ. 436—438.) See Dionys. Halicarn. tom.\n ii. p. 149, 150, edit. Hudson. Plutarch (sive anonymus) in Vit.\n X. Oratorum, p. 1538—1543, edit. H. Steph. Phot. cod. cclix. p.\n 1453.]\n\n 144 (return) [ The schools of ATHEns are copiously though\n concisely represented in THE Fortuna Attica of Meursius, (c.\n viii. p. 59—73, in tom. i. Opp.) For THE state and arts of THE\n city, see THE first book of Pausanias, and a small tract of\n Dicaearchus, in THE second volume of Hudson’s Geographers, who\n wrote about Olymp. cxvii. (Dodwell’s Dissertia sect. 4.)]\n\n 145 (return) [ Diogen Laert. de Vit. Philosoph. l. v. segm. 37,\n p. 289.]\n\n 146 (return) [ See THE Testament of Epicurus in Diogen. Laert. l.\n x. segm. 16—20, p. 611, 612. A single epistle (ad Familiares,\n xiii. l.) displays THE injustice of THE Areopagus, THE fidelity\n of THE Epicureans, THE dexterous politeness of Cicero, and THE\n mixture of contempt and esteem with which THE Roman senators\n considered THE philosophy and philosophers of Greece.]\n\n 147 (return) [ Damascius, in Vit. Isidor. apud Photium, cod.\n ccxlii. p. 1054.]\n\n 148 (return) [ See Lucian (in Eunuch. tom. ii. p. 350—359, edit.\n Reitz,) Philostratus (in Vit. Sophist. l. ii. c. 2,) and Dion\n Cassius, or Xiphilin, (lxxi. p. 1195,) with THEir editors Du\n Soul, Olearius, and Reimar, and, above all, Salmasius, (ad Hist.\n August. p. 72.) A judicious philosopher (Smith’s Wealth of\n Nations, vol. ii. p. 340—374) prefers THE free contributions of\n THE students to a fixed stipend for THE professor.]\n\n 149 (return) [ Brucker, Hist. Crit. Philosoph. tom. ii. p. 310,\n &c.]\n\n 150 (return) [ The birth of Epicurus is fixed to THE year 342\n before Christ, (Bayle,) Olympiad cix. 3; and he opened his school\n at ATHEns, Olmp. cxviii. 3, 306 years before THE same aera. This\n intolerant law (ATHEnaeus, l. xiii. p. 610. Diogen. Laertius, l.\n v. s. 38. p. 290. Julius Pollux, ix. 5) was enacted in THE same\n or THE succeeding year, (Sigonius, Opp. tom. v. p. 62. Menagius\n ad Diogen. Laert. p. 204. Corsini, Fasti Attici, tom. iv. p. 67,\n 68.) Theophrastus chief of THE Peripatetics, and disciple of\n Aristotle, was involved in THE same exile.]\n\n\n The Gothic arms were less fatal to THE schools of ATHEns than THE\n establishment of a new religion, whose ministers superseded THE\n exercise of reason, resolved every question by an article of\n faith, and condemned THE infidel or sceptic to eternal flames. In\n many a volume of laborious controversy, THEy exposed THE weakness\n of THE understanding and THE corruption of THE heart, insulted\n human nature in THE sages of antiquity, and proscribed THE spirit\n of philosophical inquiry, so repugnant to THE doctrine, or at\n least to THE temper, of an humble believer. The surviving sects\n of THE Platonists, whom Plato would have blushed to acknowledge,\n extravagantly mingled a sublime THEory with THE practice of\n superstition and magic; and as THEy remained alone in THE midst\n of a Christian world, THEy indulged a secret rancor against THE\n government of THE church and state, whose severity was still\n suspended over THEir heads. About a century after THE reign of\n Julian, 151 Proclus 152 was permitted to teach in THE philosophic\n chair of THE academy; and such was his industry, that he\n frequently, in THE same day, pronounced five lessons, and\n composed seven hundred lines. His sagacious mind explored THE\n deepest questions of morals and metaphysics, and he ventured to\n urge eighteen arguments against THE Christian doctrine of THE\n creation of THE world. But in THE intervals of study, he\n personally conversed with Pan, Aesculapius, and Minerva, in whose\n mysteries he was secretly initiated, and whose prostrate statues\n he adored; in THE devout persuasion that THE philosopher, who is\n a citizen of THE universe, should be THE priest of its various\n deities. An eclipse of THE sun announced his approaching end; and\n his life, with that of his scholar Isidore, 153 compiled by two\n of THEir most learned disciples, exhibits a deplorable picture of\n THE second childhood of human reason. Yet THE golden chain, as it\n was fondly styled, of THE Platonic succession, continued\n forty-four years from THE death of Proclus to THE edict of\n Justinian, 154 which imposed a perpetual silence on THE schools\n of ATHEns, and excited THE grief and indignation of THE few\n remaining votaries of Grecian science and superstition. Seven\n friends and philosophers, Diogenes and Hermias, Eulalius and\n Priscian, Damascius, Isidore, and Simplicius, who dissented from\n THE religion of THEir sovereign, embraced THE resolution of\n seeking in a foreign land THE freedom which was denied in THEir\n native country. They had heard, and THEy credulously believed,\n that THE republic of Plato was realized in THE despotic\n government of Persia, and that a patriot king reigned ever THE\n happiest and most virtuous of nations. They were soon astonished\n by THE natural discovery, that Persia resembled THE oTHEr\n countries of THE globe; that Chosroes, who affected THE name of a\n philosopher, was vain, cruel, and ambitious; that bigotry, and a\n spirit of intolerance, prevailed among THE Magi; that THE nobles\n were haughty, THE courtiers servile, and THE magistrates unjust;\n that THE guilty sometimes escaped, and that THE innocent were\n often oppressed. The disappointment of THE philosophers provoked\n THEm to overlook THE real virtues of THE Persians; and THEy were\n scandalized, more deeply perhaps than became THEir profession,\n with THE plurality of wives and concubines, THE incestuous\n marriages, and THE custom of exposing dead bodies to THE dogs and\n vultures, instead of hiding THEm in THE earth, or consuming THEm\n with fire. Their repentance was expressed by a precipitate\n return, and THEy loudly declared that THEy had raTHEr die on THE\n borders of THE empire, than enjoy THE wealth and favor of THE\n Barbarian. From this journey, however, THEy derived a benefit\n which reflects THE purest lustre on THE character of Chosroes. He\n required, that THE seven sages who had visited THE court of\n Persia should be exempted from THE penal laws which Justinian\n enacted against his Pagan subjects; and this privilege, expressly\n stipulated in a treaty of peace, was guarded by THE vigilance of\n a powerful mediator. 155 Simplicius and his companions ended\n THEir lives in peace and obscurity; and as THEy left no\n disciples, THEy terminate THE long list of Grecian philosophers,\n who may be justly praised, notwithstanding THEir defects, as THE\n wisest and most virtuous of THEir contemporaries. The writings of\n Simplicius are now extant. His physical and metaphysical\n commentaries on Aristotle have passed away with THE fashion of\n THE times; but his moral interpretation of Epictetus is preserved\n in THE library of nations, as a classic book, most excellently\n adapted to direct THE will, to purify THE heart, and to confirm\n THE understanding, by a just confidence in THE nature both of God\n and man.\n\n 151 (return) [ This is no fanciful aera: THE Pagans reckoned\n THEir calamities from THE reign of THEir hero. Proclus, whose\n nativity is marked by his horoscope, (A.D. 412, February 8, at C.\n P.,) died 124 years, A.D. 485, (Marin. in Vita Procli, c. 36.)]\n\n 152 (return) [ The life of Proclus, by Marinus, was published by\n Fabricius (Hamburg, 1700, et ad calcem Bibliot. Latin. Lond.\n 1703.) See Saidas, (tom. iii. p. 185, 186,) Fabricius, (Bibliot.\n Graec. l. v. c. 26 p. 449—552,) and Brucker, (Hist. Crit.\n Philosoph. tom. ii. p. 319—326)]\n\n 153 (return) [ The life of Isidore was composed by Damascius,\n (apud Photium, sod. ccxlii. p. 1028—1076.) See THE last age of\n THE Pagan philosophers, in Brucker, (tom. ii. p. 341—351.)]\n\n 154 (return) [ The suppression of THE schools of ATHEns is\n recorded by John Malala, (tom. ii. p. 187, sub Decio Cos. Sol.,)\n and an anonymous Chronicle in THE Vatican library, (apud Aleman.\n p. 106.)]\n\n 155 (return) [ Agathias (l. ii. p. 69, 70, 71) relates this\n curious story Chosroes ascended THE throne in THE year 531, and\n made his first peace with THE Romans in THE beginning of 533—a\n date most compatible with his young fame and THE old age of\n Isidore, (Asseman. Bibliot. Orient. tom. iii. p. 404. Pagi, tom.\n ii. p. 543, 550.)]\n\n\n About THE same time that Pythagoras first invented THE\n appellation of philosopher, liberty and THE consulship were\n founded at Rome by THE elder Brutus. The revolutions of THE\n consular office, which may be viewed in THE successive lights of\n a substance, a shadow, and a name, have been occasionally\n mentioned in THE present History. The first magistrates of THE\n republic had been chosen by THE people, to exercise, in THE\n senate and in THE camp, THE powers of peace and war, which were\n afterwards translated to THE emperors. But THE tradition of\n ancient dignity was long revered by THE Romans and Barbarians. A\n Gothic historian applauds THE consulship of Theodoric as THE\n height of all temporal glory and greatness; 156 THE king of Italy\n himself congratulated those annual favorites of fortune who,\n without THE cares, enjoyed THE splendor of THE throne; and at THE\n end of a thousand years, two consuls were created by THE\n sovereigns of Rome and Constantinople, for THE sole purpose of\n giving a date to THE year, and a festival to THE people. But THE\n expenses of this festival, in which THE wealthy and THE vain\n aspired to surpass THEir predecessors, insensibly arose to THE\n enormous sum of fourscore thousand pounds; THE wisest senators\n declined a useless honor, which involved THE certain ruin of\n THEir families, and to this reluctance I should impute THE\n frequent chasms in THE last age of THE consular Fasti. The\n predecessors of Justinian had assisted from THE public treasures\n THE dignity of THE less opulent candidates; THE avarice of that\n prince preferred THE cheaper and more convenient method of advice\n and regulation. 157 Seven processions or spectacles were THE\n number to which his edict confined THE horse and chariot races,\n THE athletic sports, THE music, and pantomimes of THE THEatre,\n and THE hunting of wild beasts; and small pieces of silver were\n discreetly substituted to THE gold medals, which had always\n excited tumult and drunkenness, when THEy were scattered with a\n profuse hand among THE populace. Notwithstanding THEse\n precautions, and his own example, THE succession of consuls\n finally ceased in THE thirteenth year of Justinian, whose\n despotic temper might be gratified by THE silent extinction of a\n title which admonished THE Romans of THEir ancient freedom. 158\n Yet THE annual consulship still lived in THE minds of THE people;\n THEy fondly expected its speedy restoration; THEy applauded THE\n gracious condescension of successive princes, by whom it was\n assumed in THE first year of THEir reign; and three centuries\n elapsed, after THE death of Justinian, before that obsolete\n dignity, which had been suppressed by custom, could be abolished\n by law. 159 The imperfect mode of distinguishing each year by THE\n name of a magistrate, was usefully supplied by THE date of a\n permanent aera: THE creation of THE world, according to THE\n Septuagint version, was adopted by THE Greeks; 160 and THE\n Latins, since THE age of Charlemagne, have computed THEir time\n from THE birth of Christ. 161\n\n 156 (return) [ Cassiodor. Variarum Epist. vi. 1. Jornandes, c.\n 57, p. 696, dit. Grot. Quod summum bonum primumque in mundo decus\n dicitur.]\n\n 157 (return) [ See THE regulations of Justinian, (Novell. cv.,)\n dated at Constantinople, July 5, and addressed to Strategius,\n treasurer of THE empire.]\n\n 158 (return) [ Procopius, in Anecdot. c. 26. Aleman. p. 106. In\n THE xviiith year after THE consulship of Basilius, according to\n THE reckoning of Marcellinus, Victor, Marius, &c., THE secret\n history was composed, and, in THE eyes of Procopius, THE\n consulship was finally abolished.]\n\n 159 (return) [ By Leo, THE philosopher, (Novell. xciv. A.D.\n 886-911.) See Pagi (Dissertat. Hypatica, p. 325—362) and Ducange,\n (Gloss, Graec p. 1635, 1636.) Even THE title was vilified:\n consulatus codicilli.. vilescunt, says THE emperor himself.]\n\n 160 (return) [ According to Julius Africanus, &c., THE world was\n created THE first of September, 5508 years, three months, and\n twenty-five days before THE birth of Christ. (See Pezron,\n Antiquite des Tems defendue, p. 20—28.) And this aera has been\n used by THE Greeks, THE Oriental Christians, and even by THE\n Russians, till THE reign of Peter I The period, however\n arbitrary, is clear and convenient. Of THE 7296 years which are\n supposed to elapse since THE creation, we shall find 3000 of\n ignorance and darkness; 2000 eiTHEr fabulous or doubtful; 1000 of\n ancient history, commencing with THE Persian empire, and THE\n Republics of Rome and ATHEns; 1000 from THE fall of THE Roman\n empire in THE West to THE discovery of America; and THE remaining\n 296 will almost complete three centuries of THE modern state of\n Europe and mankind. I regret this chronology, so far preferable\n to our double and perplexed method of counting backwards and\n forwards THE years before and after THE Christian era.]\n\n 161 (return) [ The aera of THE world has prevailed in THE East\n since THE vith general council, (A.D. 681.) In THE West, THE\n Christian aera was first invented in THE vith century: it was\n propagated in THE viiith by THE authority and writings of\n venerable Bede; but it was not till THE xth that THE use became\n legal and popular. See l’Art de Veriner les Dates, Dissert.\n Preliminaire, p. iii. xii. Dictionnaire Diplomatique, tom. i. p.\n 329—337; THE works of a laborious society of Benedictine monks.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part I.\n\n\nConquests Of Justinian In The West.—Character And First Campaigns Of\nBelisarius—He Invades And Subdues The Vandal Kingdom Of Africa—His\nTriumph.—The Gothic War.—He Recovers Sicily, Naples, And Rome.—Siege Of\nRome By The Goths.—Their Retreat And Losses.—Surrender Of\nRavenna.—Glory Of Belisarius.—His Domestic Shame And Misfortunes.\n\n\n When Justinian ascended THE throne, about fifty years after THE\n fall of THE Western empire, THE kingdoms of THE Goths and Vandals\n had obtained a solid, and, as it might seem, a legal\n establishment both in Europe and Africa. The titles, which Roman\n victory had inscribed, were erased with equal justice by THE\n sword of THE Barbarians; and THEir successful rapine derived a\n more venerable sanction from time, from treaties, and from THE\n oaths of fidelity, already repeated by a second or third\n generation of obedient subjects. Experience and Christianity had\n refuted THE superstitious hope, that Rome was founded by THE gods\n to reign forever over THE nations of THE earth. But THE proud\n claim of perpetual and indefeasible dominion, which her soldiers\n could no longer maintain, was firmly asserted by her statesmen\n and lawyers, whose opinions have been sometimes revived and\n propagated in THE modern schools of jurisprudence. After Rome\n herself had been stripped of THE Imperial purple, THE princes of\n Constantinople assumed THE sole and sacred sceptre of THE\n monarchy; demanded, as THEir rightful inheritance, THE provinces\n which had been subdued by THE consuls, or possessed by THE\n Caesars; and feebly aspired to deliver THEir faithful subjects of\n THE West from THE usurpation of heretics and Barbarians. The\n execution of this splendid design was in some degree reserved for\n Justinian. During THE five first years of his reign, he\n reluctantly waged a costly and unprofitable war against THE\n Persians; till his pride submitted to his ambition, and he\n purchased at THE price of four hundred and forty thousand pounds\n sterling, THE benefit of a precarious truce, which, in THE\n language of both nations, was dignified with THE appellation of\n THE endless peace. The safety of THE East enabled THE emperor to\n employ his forces against THE Vandals; and THE internal state of\n Africa afforded an honorable motive, and promised a powerful\n support, to THE Roman arms. 1\n\n 1 (return) [ The complete series of THE Vandal war is related by\n Procopius in a regular and elegant narrative, (l. i. c. 9—25, l.\n ii. c. 1—13,) and happy would be my lot, could I always tread in\n THE footsteps of such a guide. From THE entire and diligent\n perusal of THE Greek text, I have a right to pronounce that THE\n Latin and French versions of Grotius and Cousin may not be\n implicitly trusted; yet THE president Cousin has been often\n praised, and Hugo Grotius was THE first scholar of a learned\n age.]\n\n\n According to THE testament of THE founder, THE African kingdom\n had lineally descended to Hilderic, THE eldest of THE Vandal\n princes. A mild disposition inclined THE son of a tyrant, THE\n grandson of a conqueror, to prefer THE counsels of clemency and\n peace; and his accession was marked by THE salutary edict, which\n restored two hundred bishops to THEir churches, and allowed THE\n free profession of THE Athanasian creed. 2 But THE Catholics\n accepted, with cold and transient gratitude, a favor so\n inadequate to THEir pretensions, and THE virtues of Hilderic\n offended THE prejudices of his countrymen. The Arian clergy\n presumed to insinuate that he had renounced THE faith, and THE\n soldiers more loudly complained that he had degenerated from THE\n courage, of his ancestors. His ambassadors were suspected of a\n secret and disgraceful negotiation in THE Byzantine court; and\n his general, THE Achilles, 3 as he was named, of THE Vandals,\n lost a battle against THE naked and disorderly Moors. The public\n discontent was exasperated by Gelimer, whose age, descent, and\n military fame, gave him an apparent title to THE succession: he\n assumed, with THE consent of THE nation, THE reins of government;\n and his unfortunate sovereign sunk without a struggle from THE\n throne to a dungeon, where he was strictly guarded with a\n faithful counsellor, and his unpopular nephew THE Achilles of THE\n Vandals. But THE indulgence which Hilderic had shown to his\n Catholic subjects had powerfully recommended him to THE favor of\n Justinian, who, for THE benefit of his own sect, could\n acknowledge THE use and justice of religious toleration: THEir\n alliance, while THE nephew of Justin remained in a private\n station, was cemented by THE mutual exchange of gifts and\n letters; and THE emperor Justinian asserted THE cause of royalty\n and friendship. In two successive embassies, he admonished THE\n usurper to repent of his treason, or to abstain, at least, from\n any furTHEr violence which might provoke THE displeasure of God\n and of THE Romans; to reverence THE laws of kindred and\n succession, and to suffer an infirm old man peaceably to end his\n days, eiTHEr on THE throne of Carthage or in THE palace of\n Constantinople. The passions, or even THE prudence, of Gelimer\n compelled him to reject THEse requests, which were urged in THE\n haughty tone of menace and command; and he justified his ambition\n in a language rarely spoken in THE Byzantine court, by alleging\n THE right of a free people to remove or punish THEir chief\n magistrate, who had failed in THE execution of THE kingly office.\n\n\n After this fruitless expostulation, THE captive monarch was more\n rigorously treated, his nephew was deprived of his eyes, and THE\n cruel Vandal, confident in his strength and distance, derided THE\n vain threats and slow preparations of THE emperor of THE East.\n Justinian resolved to deliver or revenge his friend, Gelimer to\n maintain his usurpation; and THE war was preceded, according to\n THE practice of civilized nations, by THE most solemn\n protestations, that each party was sincerely desirous of peace.\n\n 2 (return) [ See Ruinart, Hist. Persecut. Vandal. c. xii. p. 589.\n His best evidence is drawn from THE life of St. Fulgentius,\n composed by one of his disciples, transcribed in a great measure\n in THE annals of Baronius, and printed in several great\n collections, (Catalog. Bibliot. Bunavianae, tom. i. vol. ii. p.\n 1258.)]\n\n 3 (return) [ For what quality of THE mind or body? For speed, or\n beauty, or valor?—In what language did THE Vandals read\n Homer?—Did he speak German?—The Latins had four versions,\n (Fabric. tom. i. l. ii. c. 8, p. 297:) yet, in spite of THE\n praises of Seneca, (Consol. c. 26,) THEy appear to have been more\n successful in imitating than in translating THE Greek poets. But\n THE name of Achilles might be famous and popular even among THE\n illiterate Barbarians.]\n\n\n The report of an African war was grateful only to THE vain and\n idle populace of Constantinople, whose poverty exempted THEm from\n tribute, and whose cowardice was seldom exposed to military\n service. But THE wiser citizens, who judged of THE future by THE\n past, revolved in THEir memory THE immense loss, both of men and\n money, which THE empire had sustained in THE expedition of\n Basiliscus. The troops, which, after five laborious campaigns,\n had been recalled from THE Persian frontier, dreaded THE sea, THE\n climate, and THE arms of an unknown enemy. The ministers of THE\n finances computed, as far as THEy might compute, THE demands of\n an African war; THE taxes which must be found and levied to\n supply those insatiate demands; and THE danger, lest THEir own\n lives, or at least THEir lucrative employments, should be made\n responsible for THE deficiency of THE supply. Inspired by such\n selfish motives, (for we may not suspect him of any zeal for THE\n public good,) John of Cappadocia ventured to oppose in full\n council THE inclinations of his master. He confessed, that a\n victory of such importance could not be too dearly purchased; but\n he represented in a grave discourse THE certain difficulties and\n THE uncertain event. “You undertake,” said THE præfect, “to\n besiege Carthage: by land, THE distance is not less than one\n hundred and forty days’ journey; on THE sea, a whole year 4 must\n elapse before you can receive any intelligence from your fleet.\n If Africa should be reduced, it cannot be preserved without THE\n additional conquest of Sicily and Italy. Success will impose THE\n obligations of new labors; a single misfortune will attract THE\n Barbarians into THE heart of your exhausted empire.” Justinian\n felt THE weight of this salutary advice; he was confounded by THE\n unwonted freedom of an obsequious servant; and THE design of THE\n war would perhaps have been relinquished, if his courage had not\n been revived by a voice which silenced THE doubts of profane\n reason. “I have seen a vision,” cried an artful or fanatic bishop\n of THE East. “It is THE will of Heaven, O emperor! that you\n should not abandon your holy enterprise for THE deliverance of\n THE African church. The God of battles will march before your\n standard, and disperse your enemies, who are THE enemies of his\n Son.” The emperor, might be tempted, and his counsellors were\n constrained, to give credit to this seasonable revelation: but\n THEy derived more rational hope from THE revolt, which THE\n adherents of Hilderic or Athanasius had already excited on THE\n borders of THE Vandal monarchy. Pudentius, an African subject,\n had privately signified his loyal intentions, and a small\n military aid restored THE province of Tripoli to THE obedience of\n THE Romans. The government of Sardinia had been intrusted to\n Godas, a valiant Barbarian: he suspended THE payment of tribute,\n disclaimed his allegiance to THE usurper, and gave audience to\n THE emissaries of Justinian, who found him master of that\n fruitful island, at THE head of his guards, and proudly invested\n with THE ensigns of royalty. The forces of THE Vandals were\n diminished by discord and suspicion; THE Roman armies were\n animated by THE spirit of Belisarius; one of those heroic names\n which are familiar to every age and to every nation.\n\n 4 (return) [ A year—absurd exaggeration! The conquest of Africa\n may be dated A. D 533, September 14. It is celebrated by\n Justinian in THE preface to his Institutes, which were published\n November 21 of THE same year. Including THE voyage and return,\n such a computation might be truly applied to our Indian empire.]\n\n\n The Africanus of new Rome was born, and perhaps educated, among\n THE Thracian peasants, 5 without any of those advantages which\n had formed THE virtues of THE elder and younger Scipio; a noble\n origin, liberal studies, and THE emulation of a free state.\n\n\n The silence of a loquacious secretary may be admitted, to prove\n that THE youth of Belisarius could not afford any subject of\n praise: he served, most assuredly with valor and reputation,\n among THE private guards of Justinian; and when his patron became\n emperor, THE domestic was promoted to military command. After a\n bold inroad into Persarmenia, in which his glory was shared by a\n colleague, and his progress was checked by an enemy, Belisarius\n repaired to THE important station of Dara, where he first\n accepted THE service of Procopius, THE faithful companion, and\n diligent historian, of his exploits. 6 The Mirranes of Persia\n advanced, with forty thousand of her best troops, to raze THE\n fortifications of Dara; and signified THE day and THE hour on\n which THE citizens should prepare a bath for his refreshment,\n after THE toils of victory. He encountered an adversary equal to\n himself, by THE new title of General of THE East; his superior in\n THE science of war, but much inferior in THE number and quality\n of his troops, which amounted only to twenty-five thousand Romans\n and strangers, relaxed in THEir discipline, and humbled by recent\n disasters. As THE level plain of Dara refused all shelter to\n stratagem and ambush, Belisarius protected his front with a deep\n trench, which was prolonged at first in perpendicular, and\n afterwards in parallel, lines, to cover THE wings of cavalry\n advantageously posted to command THE flanks and rear of THE\n enemy. When THE Roman centre was shaken, THEir well-timed and\n rapid charge decided THE conflict: THE standard of Persia fell;\n THE immortals fled; THE infantry threw away THEir bucklers, and\n eight thousand of THE vanquished were left on THE field of\n battle. In THE next campaign, Syria was invaded on THE side of\n THE desert; and Belisarius, with twenty thousand men, hastened\n from Dara to THE relief of THE province. During THE whole summer,\n THE designs of THE enemy were baffled by his skilful\n dispositions: he pressed THEir retreat, occupied each night THEir\n camp of THE preceding day, and would have secured a bloodless\n victory, if he could have resisted THE impatience of his own\n troops. Their valiant promise was faintly supported in THE hour\n of battle; THE right wing was exposed by THE treacherous or\n cowardly desertion of THE Christian Arabs; THE Huns, a veteran\n band of eight hundred warriors, were oppressed by superior\n numbers; THE flight of THE Isaurians was intercepted; but THE\n Roman infantry stood firm on THE left; for Belisarius himself,\n dismounting from his horse, showed THEm that intrepid despair was\n THEir only safety. 611 They turned THEir backs to THE Euphrates,\n and THEir faces to THE enemy: innumerable arrows glanced without\n effect from THE compact and shelving order of THEir bucklers; an\n impenetrable line of pikes was opposed to THE repeated assaults\n of THE Persian cavalry; and after a resistance of many hours, THE\n remaining troops were skilfully embarked under THE shadow of THE\n night. The Persian commander retired with disorder and disgrace,\n to answer a strict account of THE lives of so many soldiers,\n which he had consumed in a barren victory. But THE fame of\n Belisarius was not sullied by a defeat, in which he alone had\n saved his army from THE consequences of THEir own rashness: THE\n approach of peace relieved him from THE guard of THE eastern\n frontier, and his conduct in THE sedition of Constantinople amply\n discharged his obligations to THE emperor. When THE African war\n became THE topic of popular discourse and secret deliberation,\n each of THE Roman generals was apprehensive, raTHEr than\n ambitious, of THE dangerous honor; but as soon as Justinian had\n declared his preference of superior merit, THEir envy was\n rekindled by THE unanimous applause which was given to THE choice\n of Belisarius. The temper of THE Byzantine court may encourage a\n suspicion, that THE hero was darkly assisted by THE intrigues of\n his wife, THE fair and subtle Antonina, who alternately enjoyed\n THE confidence, and incurred THE hatred, of THE empress Theodora.\n\n\n The birth of Antonina was ignoble; she descended from a family of\n charioteers; and her chastity has been stained with THE foulest\n reproach. Yet she reigned with long and absolute power over THE\n mind of her illustrious husband; and if Antonina disdained THE\n merit of conjugal fidelity, she expressed a manly friendship to\n Belisarius, whom she accompanied with undaunted resolution in all\n THE hardships and dangers of a military life. 7\n\n 5 (return) [ (Procop. Vandal. l. i. c. 11.) Aleman, (Not. ad\n Anecdot. p. 5,) an Italian, could easily reject THE German vanity\n of Giphanius and Velserus, who wished to claim THE hero; but his\n Germania, a metropolis of Thrace, I cannot find in any civil or\n ecclesiastical lists of THE provinces and cities. Note *: M. von\n Hammer (in a review of Lord Mahon’s Life of Belisarius in THE\n Vienna Jahrbucher) shows that THE name of Belisarius is a\n Sclavonic word, Beli-tzar, THE White Prince, and that THE place\n of his birth was a village of Illvria, which still bears THE name\n of Germany.—M.]\n\n 6 (return) [ The two first Persian campaigns of Belisarius are\n fairly and copiously related by his secretary, (Persic. l. i. c.\n 12—18.)]\n\n 611 (return) [ The battle was fought on Easter Sunday, April 19,\n not at THE end of THE summer. The date is supplied from John\n Malala by Lord Mabon p. 47.—M.]\n\n 7 (return) [ See THE birth and character of Antonina, in THE\n Anecdotes, c. l. and THE notes of Alemannus, p. 3.]\n\n\n The preparations for THE African war were not unworthy of THE\n last contest between Rome and Carthage. The pride and flower of\n THE army consisted of THE guards of Belisarius, who, according to\n THE pernicious indulgence of THE times, devoted THEmselves, by a\n particular oath of fidelity, to THE service of THEir patrons.\n Their strength and stature, for which THEy had been curiously\n selected, THE goodness of THEir horses and armor, and THE\n assiduous practice of all THE exercises of war, enabled THEm to\n act whatever THEir courage might prompt; and THEir courage was\n exalted by THE social honor of THEir rank, and THE personal\n ambition of favor and fortune. Four hundred of THE bravest of THE\n Heruli marched under THE banner of THE faithful and active\n Pharas; THEir untractable valor was more highly prized than THE\n tame submission of THE Greeks and Syrians; and of such importance\n was it deemed to procure a reenforcement of six hundred\n Massagetae, or Huns, that THEy were allured by fraud and deceit\n to engage in a naval expedition. Five thousand horse and ten\n thousand foot were embarked at Constantinople, for THE conquest\n of Africa; but THE infantry, for THE most part levied in Thrace\n and Isauria, yielded to THE more prevailing use and reputation of\n THE cavalry; and THE Scythian bow was THE weapon on which THE\n armies of Rome were now reduced to place THEir principal\n dependence. From a laudable desire to assert THE dignity of his\n THEme, Procopius defends THE soldiers of his own time against THE\n morose critics, who confined that respectable name to THE\n heavy-armed warriors of antiquity, and maliciously observed, that\n THE word archer is introduced by Homer8 as a term of contempt.\n “Such contempt might perhaps be due to THE naked youths who\n appeared on foot in THE fields of Troy, and lurking behind a\n tombstone, or THE shield of a friend, drew THE bow-string to\n THEir breast, 9 and dismissed a feeble and lifeless arrow. But\n our archers (pursues THE historian) are mounted on horses, which\n THEy manage with admirable skill; THEir head and shoulders are\n protected by a casque or buckler; THEy wear greaves of iron on\n THEir legs, and THEir bodies are guarded by a coat of mail. On\n THEir right side hangs a quiver, a sword on THEir left, and THEir\n hand is accustomed to wield a lance or javelin in closer combat.\n Their bows are strong and weighty; THEy shoot in every possible\n direction, advancing, retreating, to THE front, to THE rear, or\n to eiTHEr flank; and as THEy are taught to draw THE bow-string\n not to THE breast, but to THE right ear, firm indeed must be THE\n armor that can resist THE rapid violence of THEir shaft.” Five\n hundred transports, navigated by twenty thousand mariners of\n Egypt, Cilicia, and Ionia, were collected in THE harbor of\n Constantinople. The smallest of THEse vessels may be computed at\n thirty, THE largest at five hundred, tons; and THE fair average\n will supply an allowance, liberal, but not profuse, of about one\n hundred thousand tons, 10 for THE reception of thirty-five\n thousand soldiers and sailors, of five thousand horses, of arms,\n engines, and military stores, and of a sufficient stock of water\n and provisions for a voyage, perhaps, of three months. The proud\n galleys, which in former ages swept THE Mediterranean with so\n many hundred oars, had long since disappeared; and THE fleet of\n Justinian was escorted only by ninety-two light brigantines,\n covered from THE missile weapons of THE enemy, and rowed by two\n thousand of THE brave and robust youth of Constantinople.\n Twenty-two generals are named, most of whom were afterwards\n distinguished in THE wars of Africa and Italy: but THE supreme\n command, both by land and sea, was delegated to Belisarius alone,\n with a boundless power of acting according to his discretion, as\n if THE emperor himself were present. The separation of THE naval\n and military professions is at once THE effect and THE cause of\n THE modern improvements in THE science of navigation and maritime\n war.\n\n 8 (return) [ See THE preface of Procopius. The enemies of archery\n might quote THE reproaches of Diomede (Iliad. Delta. 385, &c.)\n and THE permittere vulnera ventis of Lucan, (viii. 384:) yet THE\n Romans could not despise THE arrows of THE Parthians; and in THE\n siege of Troy, Pandarus, Paris, and Teucer, pierced those haughty\n warriors who insulted THEm as women or children.]\n\n 9 (return) [ (Iliad. Delta. 123.) How concise—how just—how\n beautiful is THE whole picture! I see THE attitudes of THE\n archer—I hear THE twanging of THE bow.]\n\n 10 (return) [ The text appears to allow for THE largest vessels\n 50,000 medimni, or 3000 tons, (since THE medimnus weighed 160\n Roman, or 120 avoirdupois, pounds.) I have given a more rational\n interpretation, by supposing that THE Attic style of Procopius\n conceals THE legal and popular modius, a sixth part of THE\n medimnus, (Hooper’s Ancient Measures, p. 152, &c.) A contrary and\n indeed a stranger mistake has crept into an oration of Dinarchus,\n (contra DemosTHEnem, in Reiske Orator. Graec tom iv. P. ii. p.\n 34.) By reducing THE number of ships from 500 to 50, and\n translating by mines, or pounds, Cousin has generously allowed\n 500 tons for THE whole of THE Imperial fleet! Did he never\n think?]\n\n\n In THE seventh year of THE reign of Justinian, and about THE time\n of THE summer solstice, THE whole fleet of six hundred ships was\n ranged in martial pomp before THE gardens of THE palace. The\n patriarch pronounced his benediction, THE emperor signified his\n last commands, THE general’s trumpet gave THE signal of\n departure, and every heart, according to its fears or wishes,\n explored, with anxious curiosity, THE omens of misfortune and\n success. The first halt was made at Perinthus or Heraclea, where\n Belisarius waited five days to receive some Thracian horses, a\n military gift of his sovereign. From THEnce THE fleet pursued\n THEir course through THE midst of THE Propontis; but as THEy\n struggled to pass THE Straits of THE Hellespont, an unfavorable\n wind detained THEm four days at Abydus, where THE general\n exhibited a memorable lesson of firmness and severity. Two of THE\n Huns, who in a drunken quarrel had slain one of THEir\n fellow-soldiers, were instantly shown to THE army suspended on a\n lofty gibbet. The national indignity was resented by THEir\n countrymen, who disclaimed THE servile laws of THE empire, and\n asserted THE free privilege of Scythia, where a small fine was\n allowed to expiate THE hasty sallies of intemperance and anger.\n Their complaints were specious, THEir clamors were loud, and THE\n Romans were not averse to THE example of disorder and impunity.\n But THE rising sedition was appeased by THE authority and\n eloquence of THE general: and he represented to THE assembled\n troops THE obligation of justice, THE importance of discipline,\n THE rewards of piety and virtue, and THE unpardonable guilt of\n murder, which, in his apprehension, was aggravated raTHEr than\n excused by THE vice of intoxication. 11 In THE navigation from\n THE Hellespont to Peloponnesus, which THE Greeks, after THE siege\n of Troy, had performed in four days, 12 THE fleet of Belisarius\n was guided in THEir course by his master-galley, conspicuous in\n THE day by THE redness of THE sails, and in THE night by THE\n torches blazing from THE mast head. It was THE duty of THE\n pilots, as THEy steered between THE islands, and turned THE Capes\n of Malea and Taenarium, to preserve THE just order and regular\n intervals of such a multitude of ships: as THE wind was fair and\n moderate, THEir labors were not unsuccessful, and THE troops were\n safely disembarked at Methone on THE Messenian coast, to repose\n THEmselves for a while after THE fatigues of THE sea. In this\n place THEy experienced how avarice, invested with authority, may\n sport with THE lives of thousands which are bravely exposed for\n THE public service. According to military practice, THE bread or\n biscuit of THE Romans was twice prepared in THE oven, and THE\n diminution of one fourth was cheerfully allowed for THE loss of\n weight. To gain this miserable profit, and to save THE expense of\n wood, THE præfect John of Cappadocia had given orders that THE\n flour should be slightly baked by THE same fire which warmed THE\n baths of Constantinople; and when THE sacks were opened, a soft\n and mouldy paste was distributed to THE army. Such unwholesome\n food, assisted by THE heat of THE climate and season, soon\n produced an epidemical disease, which swept away five hundred\n soldiers. Their health was restored by THE diligence of\n Belisarius, who provided fresh bread at Methone, and boldly\n expressed his just and humane indignation; THE emperor heard his\n complaint; THE general was praised but THE minister was not\n punished. From THE port of Methone, THE pilots steered along THE\n western coast of Peloponnesus, as far as THE Isle of Zacynthus,\n or Zante, before THEy undertook THE voyage (in THEir eyes a most\n arduous voyage) of one hundred leagues over THE Ionian Sea. As\n THE fleet was surprised by a calm, sixteen days were consumed in\n THE slow navigation; and even THE general would have suffered THE\n intolerable hardship of thirst, if THE ingenuity of Antonina had\n not preserved THE water in glass bottles, which she buried deep\n in THE sand in a part of THE ship impervious to THE rays of THE\n sun. At length THE harbor of Caucana, 13 on THE souTHErn side of\n Sicily, afforded a secure and hospitable shelter. The Gothic\n officers who governed THE island in THE name of THE daughter and\n grandson of Theodoric, obeyed THEir imprudent orders, to receive\n THE troops of Justinian like friends and allies: provisions were\n liberally supplied, THE cavalry was remounted, 14 and Procopius\n soon returned from Syracuse with correct information of THE state\n and designs of THE Vandals. His intelligence determined\n Belisarius to hasten his operations, and his wise impatience was\n seconded by THE winds. The fleet lost sight of Sicily, passed\n before THE Isle of Malta, discovered THE capes of Africa, ran\n along THE coast with a strong gale from THE north-east, and\n finally cast anchor at THE promontory of Caput Vada, about five\n days’ journey to THE south of Carthage. 15\n\n 11 (return) [ I have read of a Greek legislator, who inflicted a\n double penalty on THE crimes committed in a state of\n intoxication; but it seems agreed that this was raTHEr a\n political than a moral law.]\n\n 12 (return) [ Or even in three days, since THEy anchored THE\n first evening in THE neighboring isle of Tenedos: THE second day\n THEy sailed to Lesbon THE third to THE promontory of Euboea, and\n on THE fourth THEy reached Argos, (Homer, Odyss. P. 130—183.\n Wood’s Essay on Homer, p. 40—46.) A pirate sailed from THE\n Hellespont to THE seaport of Sparta in three days, (Xenophon.\n Hellen. l. ii. c. l.)]\n\n 13 (return) [ Caucana, near Camarina, is at least 50 miles (350\n or 400 stadia) from Syracuse, (Cluver. Sicilia Antiqua, p. 191.)\n * Note *: Lord Mahon. (Life of Belisarius, p.88) suggests some\n valid reasons for reading Catana, THE ancient name of\n Catania.—M.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Procopius, Gothic. l. i. c. 3. Tibi tollit hinnitum\n apta quadrigis equa, in THE Sicilian pastures of Grosphus,\n (Horat. Carm. ii. 16.) Acragas.... magnanimum quondam generator\n equorum, (Virg. Aeneid. iii. 704.) Thero’s horses, whose\n victories are immortalized by Pindar, were bred in this country.]\n\n 15 (return) [ The Caput Vada of Procopius (where Justinian\n afterwards founded a city—De Edific.l. vi. c. 6) is THE\n promontory of Ammon in Strabo, THE Brachodes of Ptolemy, THE\n Capaudia of THE moderns, a long narrow slip that runs into THE\n sea, (Shaw’s Travels, p. 111.)]\n\n\n If Gelimer had been informed of THE approach of THE enemy, he\n must have delayed THE conquest of Sardinia for THE immediate\n defence of his person and kingdom. A detachment of five thousand\n soldiers, and one hundred and twenty galleys, would have joined\n THE remaining forces of THE Vandals; and THE descendant of\n Genseric might have surprised and oppressed a fleet of deep laden\n transports, incapable of action, and of light brigantines that\n seemed only qualified for flight. Belisarius had secretly\n trembled when he overheard his soldiers, in THE passage,\n emboldening each oTHEr to confess THEir apprehensions: if THEy\n were once on shore, THEy hoped to maintain THE honor of THEir\n arms; but if THEy should be attacked at sea, THEy did not blush\n to acknowledge that THEy wanted courage to contend at THE same\n time with THE winds, THE waves, and THE Barbarians. 16 The\n knowledge of THEir sentiments decided Belisarius to seize THE\n first opportunity of landing THEm on THE coast of Africa; and he\n prudently rejected, in a council of war, THE proposal of sailing\n with THE fleet and army into THE port of Carthage. 1611 Three\n months after THEir departure from Constantinople, THE men and\n horses, THE arms and military stores, were safely disembarked,\n and five soldiers were left as a guard on board each of THE\n ships, which were disposed in THE form of a semicircle. The\n remainder of THE troops occupied a camp on THE sea-shore, which\n THEy fortified, according to ancient discipline, with a ditch and\n rampart; and THE discovery of a source of fresh water, while it\n allayed THE thirst, excited THE superstitious confidence, of THE\n Romans. The next morning, some of THE neighboring gardens were\n pillaged; and Belisarius, after chastising THE offenders,\n embraced THE slight occasion, but THE decisive moment, of\n inculcating THE maxims of justice, moderation, and genuine\n policy. “When I first accepted THE commission of subduing Africa,\n I depended much less,” said THE general, “on THE numbers, or even\n THE bravery of my troops, than on THE friendly disposition of THE\n natives, and THEir immortal hatred to THE Vandals. You alone can\n deprive me of this hope; if you continue to extort by rapine what\n might be purchased for a little money, such acts of violence will\n reconcile THEse implacable enemies, and unite THEm in a just and\n holy league against THE invaders of THEir country.” These\n exhortations were enforced by a rigid discipline, of which THE\n soldiers THEmselves soon felt and praised THE salutary effects.\n The inhabitants, instead of deserting THEir houses, or hiding\n THEir corn, supplied THE Romans with a fair and liberal market:\n THE civil officers of THE province continued to exercise THEir\n functions in THE name of Justinian: and THE clergy, from motives\n of conscience and interest, assiduously labored to promote THE\n cause of a Catholic emperor. The small town of Sullecte, 17 one\n day’s journey from THE camp, had THE honor of being foremost to\n open her gates, and to resume her ancient allegiance: THE larger\n cities of Leptis and Adrumetum imitated THE example of loyalty as\n soon as Belisarius appeared; and he advanced without opposition\n as far as Grasse, a palace of THE Vandal kings, at THE distance\n of fifty miles from Carthage. The weary Romans indulged\n THEmselves in THE refreshment of shady groves, cool fountains,\n and delicious fruits; and THE preference which Procopius allows\n to THEse gardens over any that he had seen, eiTHEr in THE East or\n West, may be ascribed eiTHEr to THE taste, or THE fatigue, of THE\n historian. In three generations, prosperity and a warm climate\n had dissolved THE hardy virtue of THE Vandals, who insensibly\n became THE most luxurious of mankind. In THEir villas and\n gardens, which might deserve THE Persian name of Paradise, 18\n THEy enjoyed a cool and elegant repose; and, after THE daily use\n of THE bath, THE Barbarians were seated at a table profusely\n spread with THE delicacies of THE land and sea. Their silken\n robes loosely flowing, after THE fashion of THE Medes, were\n embroidered with gold; love and hunting were THE labors of THEir\n life, and THEir vacant hours were amused by pantomimes,\n chariot-races, and THE music and dances of THE THEatre.\n\n 16 (return) [ A centurion of Mark Antony expressed, though in a\n more manly train, THE same dislike to THE sea and to naval\n combats, (Plutarch in Antonio, p. 1730, edit. Hen. Steph.)]\n\n 1611 (return) [ RaTHEr into THE present Lake of Tunis. Lord\n Mahon, p. 92.—M.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Sullecte is perhaps THE Turris Hannibalis, an old\n building, now as large as THE Tower of London. The march of\n Belisarius to Leptis. Adrumetum, &c., is illustrated by THE\n campaign of Caesar, (Hirtius, de Bello Africano, with THE Analyse\n of Guichardt,) and Shaw’s Travels (p. 105—113) in THE same\n country.]\n\n 18 (return) [ The paradises, a name and fashion adopted from\n Persia, may be represented by THE royal garden of Ispahan,\n (Voyage d’Olearius, p. 774.) See, in THE Greek romances, THEir\n most perfect model, (Longus. Pastoral. l. iv. p. 99—101 Achilles\n Tatius. l. i. p. 22, 23.)]\n\n\n In a march of ten or twelve days, THE vigilance of Belisarius was\n constantly awake and active against his unseen enemies, by whom,\n in every place, and at every hour, he might be suddenly attacked.\n An officer of confidence and merit, John THE Armenian, led THE\n vanguard of three hundred horse; six hundred Massagetae covered\n at a certain distance THE left flank; and THE whole fleet,\n steering along THE coast, seldom lost sight of THE army, which\n moved each day about twelve miles, and lodged in THE evening in\n strong camps, or in friendly towns. The near approach of THE\n Romans to Carthage filled THE mind of Gelimer with anxiety and\n terror. He prudently wished to protract THE war till his broTHEr,\n with his veteran troops, should return from THE conquest of\n Sardinia; and he now lamented THE rash policy of his ancestors,\n who, by destroying THE fortifications of Africa, had left him\n only THE dangerous resource of risking a battle in THE\n neighborhood of his capital. The Vandal conquerors, from THEir\n original number of fifty thousand, were multiplied, without\n including THEir women and children, to one hundred and sixty\n thousand fighting men: 1811 and such forces, animated with valor\n and union, might have crushed, at THEir first landing, THE feeble\n and exhausted bands of THE Roman general. But THE friends of THE\n captive king were more inclined to accept THE invitations, than\n to resist THE progress, of Belisarius; and many a proud Barbarian\n disguised his aversion to war under THE more specious name of his\n hatred to THE usurper. Yet THE authority and promises of Gelimer\n collected a formidable army, and his plans were concerted with\n some degree of military skill. An order was despatched to his\n broTHEr Ammatas, to collect all THE forces of Carthage, and to\n encounter THE van of THE Roman army at THE distance of ten miles\n from THE city: his nephew Gibamund, with two thousand horse, was\n destined to attack THEir left, when THE monarch himself, who\n silently followed, should charge THEir rear, in a situation which\n excluded THEm from THE aid or even THE view of THEir fleet. But\n THE rashness of Ammatas was fatal to himself and his country. He\n anticipated THE hour of THE attack, outstripped his tardy\n followers, and was pierced with a mortal wound, after he had\n slain with his own hand twelve of his boldest antagonists. His\n Vandals fled to Carthage; THE highway, almost ten miles, was\n strewed with dead bodies; and it seemed incredible that such\n multitudes could be slaughtered by THE swords of three hundred\n Romans. The nephew of Gelimer was defeated, after a slight\n combat, by THE six hundred Massagetae: THEy did not equal THE\n third part of his numbers; but each Scythian was fired by THE\n example of his chief, who gloriously exercised THE privilege of\n his family, by riding, foremost and alone, to shoot THE first\n arrow against THE enemy. In THE mean while, Gelimer himself,\n ignorant of THE event, and misguided by THE windings of THE\n hills, inadvertently passed THE Roman army, and reached THE scene\n of action where Ammatas had fallen. He wept THE fate of his\n broTHEr and of Carthage, charged with irresistible fury THE\n advancing squadrons, and might have pursued, and perhaps decided,\n THE victory, if he had not wasted those inestimable moments in\n THE discharge of a vain, though pious, duty to THE dead. While\n his spirit was broken by this mournful office, he heard THE\n trumpet of Belisarius, who, leaving Antonina and his infantry in\n THE camp, pressed forwards with his guards and THE remainder of\n THE cavalry to rally his flying troops, and to restore THE\n fortune of THE day. Much room could not be found, in this\n disorderly battle, for THE talents of a general; but THE king\n fled before THE hero; and THE Vandals, accustomed only to a\n Moorish enemy, were incapable of withstanding THE arms and\n discipline of THE Romans. Gelimer retired with hasty steps\n towards THE desert of Numidia: but he had soon THE consolation of\n learning that his private orders for THE execution of Hilderic\n and his captive friends had been faithfully obeyed. The tyrant’s\n revenge was useful only to his enemies. The death of a lawful\n prince excited THE compassion of his people; his life might have\n perplexed THE victorious Romans; and THE lieutenant of Justinian,\n by a crime of which he was innocent, was relieved from THE\n painful alternative of forfeiting his honor or relinquishing his\n conquests.\n\n 1811 (return) [ 80,000. Hist. Arc. c. 18. Gibbon has been misled\n by THE translation. See Lord ov. p. 99.—M.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part II.\n\n\n As soon as THE tumult had subsided, THE several parts of THE army\n informed each oTHEr of THE accidents of THE day; and Belisarius\n pitched his camp on THE field of victory, to which THE tenth\n mile-stone from Carthage had applied THE Latin appellation of\n Decimus. From a wise suspicion of THE stratagems and resources of\n THE Vandals, he marched THE next day in order of battle, halted\n in THE evening before THE gates of Carthage, and allowed a night\n of repose, that he might not, in darkness and disorder, expose\n THE city to THE license of THE soldiers, or THE soldiers\n THEmselves to THE secret ambush of THE city. But as THE fears of\n Belisarius were THE result of calm and intrepid reason, he was\n soon satisfied that he might confide, without danger, in THE\n peaceful and friendly aspect of THE capital. Carthage blazed with\n innumerable torches, THE signals of THE public joy; THE chain was\n removed that guarded THE entrance of THE port; THE gates were\n thrown open, and THE people, with acclamations of gratitude,\n hailed and invited THEir Roman deliverers. The defeat of THE\n Vandals, and THE freedom of Africa, were announced to THE city on\n THE eve of St. Cyprian, when THE churches were already adorned\n and illuminated for THE festival of THE martyr whom three\n centuries of superstition had almost raised to a local deity. The\n Arians, conscious that THEir reign had expired, resigned THE\n temple to THE Catholics, who rescued THEir saint from profane\n hands, performed THE holy rites, and loudly proclaimed THE creed\n of Athanasius and Justinian. One awful hour reversed THE fortunes\n of THE contending parties. The suppliant Vandals, who had so\n lately indulged THE vices of conquerors, sought an humble refuge\n in THE sanctuary of THE church; while THE merchants of THE East\n were delivered from THE deepest dungeon of THE palace by THEir\n affrighted keeper, who implored THE protection of his captives,\n and showed THEm, through an aperture in THE wall, THE sails of\n THE Roman fleet. After THEir separation from THE army, THE naval\n commanders had proceeded with slow caution along THE coast till\n THEy reached THE Hermaean promontory, and obtained THE first\n intelligence of THE victory of Belisarius. Faithful to his\n instructions, THEy would have cast anchor about twenty miles from\n Carthage, if THE more skilful seamen had not represented THE\n perils of THE shore, and THE signs of an impending tempest. Still\n ignorant of THE revolution, THEy declined, however, THE rash\n attempt of forcing THE chain of THE port; and THE adjacent harbor\n and suburb of Mandracium were insulted only by THE rapine of a\n private officer, who disobeyed and deserted his leaders. But THE\n Imperial fleet, advancing with a fair wind, steered through THE\n narrow entrance of THE Goletta, and occupied, in THE deep and\n capacious lake of Tunis, a secure station about five miles from\n THE capital. 19 No sooner was Belisarius informed of THEir\n arrival, than he despatched orders that THE greatest part of THE\n mariners should be immediately landed to join THE triumph, and to\n swell THE apparent numbers, of THE Romans. Before he allowed THEm\n to enter THE gates of Carthage, he exhorted THEm, in a discourse\n worthy of himself and THE occasion, not to disgrace THE glory of\n THEir arms; and to remember that THE Vandals had been THE\n tyrants, but that THEy were THE deliverers, of THE Africans, who\n must now be respected as THE voluntary and affectionate subjects\n of THEir common sovereign. The Romans marched through THE streets\n in close ranks prepared for battle if an enemy had appeared: THE\n strict order maintained by THE general imprinted on THEir minds\n THE duty of obedience; and in an age in which custom and impunity\n almost sanctified THE abuse of conquest, THE genius of one man\n repressed THE passions of a victorious army. The voice of menace\n and complaint was silent; THE trade of Carthage was not\n interrupted; while Africa changed her master and her government,\n THE shops continued open and busy; and THE soldiers, after\n sufficient guards had been posted, modestly departed to THE\n houses which were allotted for THEir reception. Belisarius fixed\n his residence in THE palace; seated himself on THE throne of\n Genseric; accepted and distributed THE Barbaric spoil; granted\n THEir lives to THE suppliant Vandals; and labored to repair THE\n damage which THE suburb of Mandracium had sustained in THE\n preceding night. At supper he entertained his principal officers\n with THE form and magnificence of a royal banquet. 20 The victor\n was respectfully served by THE captive officers of THE household;\n and in THE moments of festivity, when THE impartial spectators\n applauded THE fortune and merit of Belisarius, his envious\n flatterers secretly shed THEir venom on every word and gesture\n which might alarm THE suspicions of a jealous monarch. One day\n was given to THEse pompous scenes, which may not be despised as\n useless, if THEy attracted THE popular veneration; but THE active\n mind of Belisarius, which in THE pride of victory could suppose a\n defeat, had already resolved that THE Roman empire in Africa\n should not depend on THE chance of arms, or THE favor of THE\n people. The fortifications of Carthage 2011 had alone been\n exempted from THE general proscription; but in THE reign of\n ninety-five years THEy were suffered to decay by THE thoughtless\n and indolent Vandals. A wiser conqueror restored, with incredible\n despatch, THE walls and ditches of THE city. His liberality\n encouraged THE workmen; THE soldiers, THE mariners, and THE\n citizens, vied with each oTHEr in THE salutary labor; and\n Gelimer, who had feared to trust his person in an open town,\n beheld with astonishment and despair, THE rising strength of an\n impregnable fortress.\n\n 19 (return) [ The neighborhood of Carthage, THE sea, THE land,\n and THE rivers, are changed almost as much as THE works of man.\n The isthmus, or neck of THE city, is now confounded with THE\n continent; THE harbor is a dry plain; and THE lake, or stagnum,\n no more than a morass, with six or seven feet water in THE\n mid-channel. See D’Anville, (Geographie Ancienne, tom. iii. p.\n 82,) Shaw, (Travels, p. 77—84,) Marmol, (Description de\n l’Afrique, tom. ii. p. 465,) and Thuanus, (lviii. 12, tom. iii.\n p. 334.)]\n\n 20 (return) [ From Delphi, THE name of Delphicum was given, both\n in Greek and Latin, to a tripod; and by an easy analogy, THE same\n appellation was extended at Rome, Constantinople, and Carthage,\n to THE royal banquetting room, (Procopius, Vandal. l. i. c. 21.\n Ducange, Gloss, Graec. p. 277., ad Alexiad. p. 412.)]\n\n 2011 (return) [ And a few oTHErs. Procopius states in his work De\n Edi Sciis. l. vi. vol i. p. 5.—M]\n\n\n That unfortunate monarch, after THE loss of his capital, applied\n himself to collect THE remains of an army scattered, raTHEr than\n destroyed, by THE preceding battle; and THE hopes of pillage\n attracted some Moorish bands to THE standard of Gelimer. He\n encamped in THE fields of Bulla, four days’ journey from\n Carthage; insulted THE capital, which he deprived of THE use of\n an aqueduct; proposed a high reward for THE head of every Roman;\n affected to spare THE persons and property of his African\n subjects, and secretly negotiated with THE Arian sectaries and\n THE confederate Huns. Under THEse circumstances, THE conquest of\n Sardinia served only to aggravate his distress: he reflected,\n with THE deepest anguish, that he had wasted, in that useless\n enterprise, five thousand of his bravest troops; and he read,\n with grief and shame, THE victorious letters of his broTHEr Zano,\n 2012 who expressed a sanguine confidence that THE king, after THE\n example of THEir ancestors, had already chastised THE rashness of\n THE Roman invader. “Alas! my broTHEr,” replied Gelimer, “Heaven\n has declared against our unhappy nation. While you have subdued\n Sardinia, we have lost Africa. No sooner did Belisarius appear\n with a handful of soldiers, than courage and prosperity deserted\n THE cause of THE Vandals. Your nephew Gibamund, your broTHEr\n Ammatas, have been betrayed to death by THE cowardice of THEir\n followers. Our horses, our ships, Carthage itself, and all\n Africa, are in THE power of THE enemy. Yet THE Vandals still\n prefer an ignominious repose, at THE expense of THEir wives and\n children, THEir wealth and liberty. Nothing now remains, except\n THE fields of Bulla, and THE hope of your valor. Abandon\n Sardinia; fly to our relief; restore our empire, or perish by our\n side.” On THE receipt of this epistle, Zano imparted his grief to\n THE principal Vandals; but THE intelligence was prudently\n concealed from THE natives of THE island. The troops embarked in\n one hundred and twenty galleys at THE port of Caghari, cast\n anchor THE third day on THE confines of Mauritania, and hastily\n pursued THEir march to join THE royal standard in THE camp of\n Bulla. Mournful was THE interview: THE two broTHErs embraced;\n THEy wept in silence; no questions were asked of THE Sardinian\n victory; no inquiries were made of THE African misfortunes: THEy\n saw before THEir eyes THE whole extent of THEir calamities; and\n THE absence of THEir wives and children afforded a melancholy\n proof that eiTHEr death or captivity had been THEir lot. The\n languid spirit of THE Vandals was at length awakened and united\n by THE entreaties of THEir king, THE example of Zano, and THE\n instant danger which threatened THEir monarchy and religion. The\n military strength of THE nation advanced to battle; and such was\n THE rapid increase, that before THEir army reached Tricameron,\n about twenty miles from Carthage, THEy might boast, perhaps with\n some exaggeration, that THEy surpassed, in a tenfold proportion,\n THE diminutive powers of THE Romans. But THEse powers were under\n THE command of Belisarius; and, as he was conscious of THEir\n superior merit, he permitted THE Barbarians to surprise him at an\n unseasonable hour. The Romans were instantly under arms; a\n rivulet covered THEir front; THE cavalry formed THE first line,\n which Belisarius supported in THE centre, at THE head of five\n hundred guards; THE infantry, at some distance, was posted in THE\n second line; and THE vigilance of THE general watched THE\n separate station and ambiguous faith of THE Massagetae, who\n secretly reserved THEir aid for THE conquerors. The historian has\n inserted, and THE reader may easily supply, THE speeches 21 of\n THE commanders, who, by arguments THE most apposite to THEir\n situation, inculcated THE importance of victory, and THE contempt\n of life. Zano, with THE troops which had followed him to THE\n conquest of Sardinia, was placed in THE centre; and THE throne of\n Genseric might have stood, if THE multitude of Vandals had\n imitated THEir intrepid resolution. Casting away THEir lances and\n missile weapons, THEy drew THEir swords, and expected THE charge:\n THE Roman cavalry thrice passed THE rivulet; THEy were thrice\n repulsed; and THE conflict was firmly maintained, till Zano fell,\n and THE standard of Belisarius was displayed. Gelimer retreated\n to his camp; THE Huns joined THE pursuit; and THE victors\n despoiled THE bodies of THE slain. Yet no more than fifty Romans,\n and eight hundred Vandals were found on THE field of battle; so\n inconsiderable was THE carnage of a day, which extinguished a\n nation, and transferred THE empire of Africa. In THE evening\n Belisarius led his infantry to THE attack of THE camp; and THE\n pusillanimous flight of Gelimer exposed THE vanity of his recent\n declarations, that to THE vanquished, death was a relief, life a\n burden, and infamy THE only object of terror. His departure was\n secret; but as soon as THE Vandals discovered that THEir king had\n deserted THEm, THEy hastily dispersed, anxious only for THEir\n personal safety, and careless of every object that is dear or\n valuable to mankind. The Romans entered THE camp without\n resistance; and THE wildest scenes of disorder were veiled in THE\n darkness and confusion of THE night. Every Barbarian who met\n THEir swords was inhumanly massacred; THEir widows and daughters,\n as rich heirs, or beautiful concubines, were embraced by THE\n licentious soldiers; and avarice itself was almost satiated with\n THE treasures of gold and silver, THE accumulated fruits of\n conquest or economy in a long period of prosperity and peace. In\n this frantic search, THE troops, even of Belisarius, forgot THEir\n caution and respect. Intoxicated with lust and rapine, THEy\n explored, in small parties, or alone, THE adjacent fields, THE\n woods, THE rocks, and THE caverns, that might possibly conceal\n any desirable prize: laden with booty, THEy deserted THEir ranks,\n and wandered without a guide, on THE high road to Carthage; and\n if THE flying enemies had dared to return, very few of THE\n conquerors would have escaped. Deeply sensible of THE disgrace\n and danger, Belisarius passed an apprehensive night on THE field\n of victory: at THE dawn of day, he planted his standard on a\n hill, recalled his guardians and veterans, and gradually restored\n THE modesty and obedience of THE camp. It was equally THE concern\n of THE Roman general to subdue THE hostile, and to save THE\n prostrate, Barbarian; and THE suppliant Vandals, who could be\n found only in churches, were protected by his authority,\n disarmed, and separately confined, that THEy might neiTHEr\n disturb THE public peace, nor become THE victims of popular\n revenge. After despatching a light detachment to tread THE\n footsteps of Gelimer, he advanced, with his whole army, about ten\n days’ march, as far as Hippo Regius, which no longer possessed\n THE relics of St. Augustin. 22 The season, and THE certain\n intelligence that THE Vandal had fled to an inaccessible country\n of THE Moors, determined Belisarius to relinquish THE vain\n pursuit, and to fix his winter quarters at Carthage. From THEnce\n he despatched his principal lieutenant, to inform THE emperor,\n that in THE space of three months he had achieved THE conquest of\n Africa.\n\n 2012 (return) [ Gibbon had forgotten that THE bearer of THE\n “victorious letters of his broTHEr” had sailed into THE port of\n Carthage; and that THE letters had fallen into THE hands of THE\n Romans. Proc. Vandal. l. i. c. 23.—M.]\n\n 21 (return) [ These orations always express THE sense of THE\n times, and sometimes of THE actors. I have condensed that sense,\n and thrown away declamation.]\n\n 22 (return) [ The relics of St. Augustin were carried by THE\n African bishops to THEir Sardinian exile, (A.D. 500;) and it was\n believed, in THE viiith century, that Liutprand, king of THE\n Lombards, transported THEm (A.D. 721) from Sardinia to Pavia. In\n THE year 1695, THE Augustan friars of that city found a brick\n arch, marble coffin, silver case, silk wrapper, bones, blood,\n &c., and perhaps an inscription of Agostino in Gothic letters.\n But this useful discovery has been disputed by reason and\n jealousy, (Baronius, Annal. A.D. 725, No. 2-9. Tillemont, Mem.\n Eccles. tom. xiii. p. 944. Montfaucon, Diarium Ital. p. 26-30.\n Muratori, Antiq. Ital. Medii Aevi, tom. v. dissert. lviii. p. 9,\n who had composed a separate treatise before THE decree of THE\n bishop of Pavia, and Pope Benedict XIII.)]\n\n\n Belisarius spoke THE language of truth. The surviving Vandals\n yielded, without resistance, THEir arms and THEir freedom; THE\n neighborhood of Carthage submitted to his presence; and THE more\n distant provinces were successively subdued by THE report of his\n victory. Tripoli was confirmed in her voluntary allegiance;\n Sardinia and Corsica surrendered to an officer, who carried,\n instead of a sword, THE head of THE valiant Zano; and THE Isles\n of Majorca, Minorca, and Yvica consented to remain an humble\n appendage of THE African kingdom. Caesarea, a royal city, which\n in looser geography may be confounded with THE modern Algiers,\n was situate thirty days’ march to THE westward of Carthage: by\n land, THE road was infested by THE Moors; but THE sea was open,\n and THE Romans were now masters of THE sea. An active and\n discreet tribune sailed as far as THE Straits, where he occupied\n Septem or Ceuta, 23 which rises opposite to Gibraltar on THE\n African coast; that remote place was afterwards adorned and\n fortified by Justinian; and he seems to have indulged THE vain\n ambition of extending his empire to THE columns of Hercules. He\n received THE messengers of victory at THE time when he was\n preparing to publish THE Pandects of THE Roman laws; and THE\n devout or jealous emperor celebrated THE divine goodness, and\n confessed, in silence, THE merit of his successful general. 24\n Impatient to abolish THE temporal and spiritual tyranny of THE\n Vandals, he proceeded, without delay, to THE full establishment\n of THE Catholic church. Her jurisdiction, wealth, and immunites,\n perhaps THE most essential part of episcopal religion, were\n restored and amplified with a liberal hand; THE Arian worship was\n suppressed; THE Donatist meetings were proscribed; 25 and THE\n synod of Carthage, by THE voice of two hundred and seventeen\n bishops, 26 applauded THE just measure of pious retaliation. On\n such an occasion, it may not be presumed, that many orthodox\n prelates were absent; but THE comparative smallness of THEir\n number, which in ancient councils had been twice or even thrice\n multiplied, most clearly indicates THE decay both of THE church\n and state. While Justinian approved himself THE defender of THE\n faith, he entertained an ambitious hope, that his victorious\n lieutenant would speedily enlarge THE narrow limits of his\n dominion to THE space which THEy occupied before THE invasion of\n THE Moors and Vandals; and Belisarius was instructed to establish\n five dukes or commanders in THE convenient stations of Tripoli,\n Leptis, Cirta, Caesarea, and Sardinia, and to compute THE\n military force of palatines or borderers that might be sufficient\n for THE defence of Africa. The kingdom of THE Vandals was not\n unworthy of THE presence of a Praetorian præfect; and four\n consulars, three presidents, were appointed to administer THE\n seven provinces under his civil jurisdiction. The number of THEir\n subordinate officers, clerks, messengers, or assistants, was\n minutely expressed; three hundred and ninety-six for THE præfect\n himself, fifty for each of his vicegerents; and THE rigid\n definition of THEir fees and salaries was more effectual to\n confirm THE right than to prevent THE abuse. These magistrates\n might be oppressive, but THEy were not idle; and THE subtile\n questions of justice and revenue were infinitely propagated under\n THE new government, which professed to revive THE freedom and\n equity of THE Roman republic. The conqueror was solicitous to\n extract a prompt and plentiful supply from his African subjects;\n and he allowed THEm to claim, even in THE third degree, and from\n THE collateral line, THE houses and lands of which THEir families\n had been unjustly despoiled by THE Vandals. After THE departure\n of Belisarius, who acted by a high and special commission, no\n ordinary provision was made for a master-general of THE forces;\n but THE office of Praetorian præfect was intrusted to a soldier;\n THE civil and military powers were united, according to THE\n practice of Justinian, in THE chief governor; and THE\n representative of THE emperor in Africa, as well as in Italy, was\n soon distinguished by THE appellation of Exarch. 27\n\n 23 (return) [ The expression of Procopius (de Edific. l. vi. c.\n 7.) Ceuta, which has been defaced by THE Portuguese, flourished\n in nobles and palaces, in agriculture and manufactures, under THE\n more prosperous reign of THE Arabs, (l’Afrique de Marmai, tom.\n ii. p. 236.)]\n\n 24 (return) [ See THE second and third preambles to THE Digest,\n or Pandects, promulgated A.D. 533, December 16. To THE titles of\n Vandalicus and Africanus, Justinian, or raTHEr Belisarius, had\n acquired a just claim; Gothicus was premature, and Francicus\n false, and offensive to a great nation.]\n\n 25 (return) [ See THE original acts in Baronius, (A.D. 535, No.\n 21—54.) The emperor applauds his own clemency to THE heretics,\n cum sufficiat eis vivere.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Dupin (Geograph. Sacra Africana, p. lix. ad Optat.\n Milav.) observes and bewails this episcopal decay. In THE more\n prosperous age of THE church, he had noticed 690 bishoprics; but\n however minute were THE dioceses, it is not probable that THEy\n all existed at THE same time.]\n\n 27 (return) [ The African laws of Justinian are illustrated by\n his German biographer, (Cod. l. i. tit. 27. Novell. 36, 37, 131.\n Vit. Justinian, p. 349—377.)]\n\n\n Yet THE conquest of Africa was imperfect till her former\n sovereign was delivered, eiTHEr alive or dead, into THE hands of\n THE Romans. Doubtful of THE event, Gelimer had given secret\n orders that a part of his treasure should be transported to\n Spain, where he hoped to find a secure refuge at THE court of THE\n king of THE Visigoths. But THEse intentions were disappointed by\n accident, treachery, and THE indefatigable pursuit of his\n enemies, who intercepted his flight from THE sea-shore, and\n chased THE unfortunate monarch, with some faithful followers, to\n THE inaccessible mountain of Papua, 28 in THE inland country of\n Numidia. He was immediately besieged by Pharas, an officer whose\n truth and sobriety were THE more applauded, as such qualities\n could seldom be found among THE Heruli, THE most corrupt of THE\n Barbarian tribes. To his vigilance Belisarius had intrusted this\n important charge and, after a bold attempt to scale THE mountain,\n in which he lost a hundred and ten soldiers, Pharas expected,\n during a winter siege, THE operation of distress and famine on\n THE mind of THE Vandal king. From THE softest habits of pleasure,\n from THE unbounded command of industry and wealth, he was reduced\n to share THE poverty of THE Moors, 29 supportable only to\n THEmselves by THEir ignorance of a happier condition. In THEir\n rude hovels, of mud and hurdles, which confined THE smoke and\n excluded THE light, THEy promiscuously slept on THE ground,\n perhaps on a sheep-skin, with THEir wives, THEir children, and\n THEir cattle. Sordid and scanty were THEir garments; THE use of\n bread and wine was unknown; and THEir oaten or barley cakes,\n imperfectly baked in THE ashes, were devoured almost in a crude\n state, by THE hungry savages. The health of Gelimer must have\n sunk under THEse strange and unwonted hardships, from whatsoever\n cause THEy had been endured; but his actual misery was imbittered\n by THE recollection of past greatness, THE daily insolence of his\n protectors, and THE just apprehension, that THE light and venal\n Moors might be tempted to betray THE rights of hospitality. The\n knowledge of his situation dictated THE humane and friendly\n epistle of Pharas. “Like yourself,” said THE chief of THE Heruli,\n “I am an illiterate Barbarian, but I speak THE language of plain\n sense and an honest heart. Why will you persist in hopeless\n obstinacy? Why will you ruin yourself, your family, and nation?\n The love of freedom and abhorrence of slavery? Alas! my dearest\n Gelimer, are you not already THE worst of slaves, THE slave of\n THE vile nation of THE Moors? Would it not be preferable to\n sustain at Constantinople a life of poverty and servitude, raTHEr\n than to reign THE undoubted monarch of THE mountain of Papua? Do\n you think it a disgrace to be THE subject of Justinian?\n Belisarius is his subject; and we ourselves, whose birth is not\n inferior to your own, are not ashamed of our obedience to THE\n Roman emperor. That generous prince will grant you a rich\n inheritance of lands, a place in THE senate, and THE dignity of\n patrician: such are his gracious intentions, and you may depend\n with full assurance on THE word of Belisarius. So long as Heaven\n has condemned us to suffer, patience is a virtue; but if we\n reject THE proffered deliverance, it degenerates into blind and\n stupid despair.” “I am not insensible” replied THE king of THE\n Vandals, “how kind and rational is your advice. But I cannot\n persuade myself to become THE slave of an unjust enemy, who has\n deserved my implacable hatred. Him I had never injured eiTHEr by\n word or deed: yet he has sent against me, I know not from whence,\n a certain Belisarius, who has cast me headlong from THE throne\n into his abyss of misery. Justinian is a man; he is a prince;\n does he not dread for himself a similar reverse of fortune? I can\n write no more: my grief oppresses me. Send me, I beseech you, my\n dear Pharas, send me, a lyre, 30 a sponge, and a loaf of bread.”\n From THE Vandal messenger, Pharas was informed of THE motives of\n this singular request. It was long since THE king of Africa had\n tasted bread; a defluxion had fallen on his eyes, THE effect of\n fatigue or incessant weeping; and he wished to solace THE\n melancholy hours, by singing to THE lyre THE sad story of his own\n misfortunes. The humanity of Pharas was moved; he sent THE three\n extraordinary gifts; but even his humanity prompted him to\n redouble THE vigilance of his guard, that he might sooner compel\n his prisoner to embrace a resolution advantageous to THE Romans,\n but salutary to himself. The obstinacy of Gelimer at length\n yielded to reason and necessity; THE solemn assurances of safety\n and honorable treatment were ratified in THE emperor’s name, by\n THE ambassador of Belisarius; and THE king of THE Vandals\n descended from THE mountain. The first public interview was in\n one of THE suburbs of Carthage; and when THE royal captive\n accosted his conqueror, he burst into a fit of laughter. The\n crowd might naturally believe, that extreme grief had deprived\n Gelimer of his senses: but in this mournful state, unseasonable\n mirth insinuated to more intelligent observers, that THE vain and\n transitory scenes of human greatness are unworthy of a serious\n thought. 31\n\n 28 (return) [ Mount Papua is placed by D’Anville (tom. iii. p.\n 92, and Tabul. Imp. Rom. Occident.) near Hippo Regius and THE\n sea; yet this situation ill agrees with THE long pursuit beyond\n Hippo, and THE words of Procopius, (l. ii.c.4,). * Note: Compare\n Lord Mahon, 120. conceive Gibbon to be right—M.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Shaw (Travels, p. 220) most accurately represents\n THE manners of THE Bedoweens and Kabyles, THE last of whom, by\n THEir language, are THE remnant of THE Moors; yet how changed—how\n civilized are THEse modern savages!—provisions are plenty among\n THEm and bread is common.]\n\n 30 (return) [ By Procopius it is styled a lyre; perhaps harp\n would have been more national. The instruments of music are thus\n distinguished by Venantius Fortunatus:— Romanusque lyra tibi\n plaudat, Barbarus harpa.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Herodotus elegantly describes THE strange effects\n of grief in anoTHEr royal captive, Psammetichus of Egypt, who\n wept at THE lesser and was silent at THE greatest of his\n calamities, (l. iii. c. 14.) In THE interview of Paulus Aemilius\n and Perses, Belisarius might study his part; but it is probable\n that he never read eiTHEr Livy or Plutarch; and it is certain\n that his generosity did not need a tutor.]\n\n\n Their contempt was soon justified by a new example of a vulgar\n truth; that flattery adheres to power, and envy to superior\n merit. The chiefs of THE Roman army presumed to think THEmselves\n THE rivals of a hero. Their private despatches maliciously\n affirmed, that THE conqueror of Africa, strong in his reputation\n and THE public love, conspired to seat himself on THE throne of\n THE Vandals. Justinian listened with too patient an ear; and his\n silence was THE result of jealousy raTHEr than of confidence. An\n honorable alternative, of remaining in THE province, or of\n returning to THE capital, was indeed submitted to THE discretion\n of Belisarius; but he wisely concluded, from intercepted letters\n and THE knowledge of his sovereign’s temper, that he must eiTHEr\n resign his head, erect his standard, or confound his enemies by\n his presence and submission. Innocence and courage decided his\n choice; his guards, captives, and treasures, were diligently\n embarked; and so prosperous was THE navigation, that his arrival\n at Constantinople preceded any certain account of his departure\n from THE port of Carthage. Such unsuspecting loyalty removed THE\n apprehensions of Justinian; envy was silenced and inflamed by THE\n public gratitude; and THE third Africanus obtained THE honors of\n a triumph, a ceremony which THE city of Constantine had never\n seen, and which ancient Rome, since THE reign of Tiberius, had\n reserved for THE auspicious arms of THE Caesars.32 From THE\n palace of Belisarius, THE procession was conducted through THE\n principal streets to THE hippodrome; and this memorable day\n seemed to avenge THE injuries of Genseric, and to expiate THE\n shame of THE Romans. The wealth of nations was displayed, THE\n trophies of martial or effeminate luxury; rich armor, golden\n thrones, and THE chariots of state which had been used by THE\n Vandal queen; THE massy furniture of THE royal banquet, THE\n splendor of precious stones, THE elegant forms of statues and\n vases, THE more substantial treasure of gold, and THE holy\n vessels of THE Jewish temple, which after THEir long\n peregrination were respectfully deposited in THE Christian church\n of Jerusalem. A long train of THE noblest Vandals reluctantly\n exposed THEir lofty stature and manly countenance. Gelimer slowly\n advanced: he was clad in a purple robe, and still maintained THE\n majesty of a king. Not a tear escaped from his eyes, not a sigh\n was heard; but his pride or piety derived some secret consolation\n from THE words of Solomon, 33 which he repeatedly pronounced,\n Vanity! vanity! all is vanity! Instead of ascending a triumphal\n car drawn by four horses or elephants, THE modest conqueror\n marched on foot at THE head of his brave companions; his prudence\n might decline an honor too conspicuous for a subject; and his\n magnanimity might justly disdain what had been so often sullied\n by THE vilest of tyrants. The glorious procession entered THE\n gate of THE hippodrome; was saluted by THE acclamations of THE\n senate and people; and halted before THE throne where Justinian\n and Theodora were seated to receive homage of THE captive monarch\n and THE victorious hero. They both performed THE customary\n adoration; and falling prostrate on THE ground, respectfully\n touched THE footstool of a prince who had not unsheaTHEd his\n sword, and of a prostitute who had danced on THE THEatre; some\n gentle violence was used to bend THE stubborn spirit of THE\n grandson of Genseric; and however trained to servitude, THE\n genius of Belisarius must have secretly rebelled. He was\n immediately declared consul for THE ensuing year, and THE day of\n his inauguration resembled THE pomp of a second triumph: his\n curule chair was borne aloft on THE shoulders of captive Vandals;\n and THE spoils of war, gold cups, and rich girdles, were\n profusely scattered among THE populace.\n\n 32 (return) [ After THE title of imperator had lost THE old\n military sense, and THE Roman auspices were abolished by\n Christianity, (see La Bleterie, Mem. de l’Academie, tom. xxi. p.\n 302—332,) a triumph might be given with less inconsistency to a\n private general.]\n\n 33 (return) [ If THE Ecclesiastes be truly a work of Solomon, and\n not, like Prior’s poem, a pious and moral composition of more\n recent times, in his name, and on THE subject of his repentance.\n The latter is THE opinion of THE learned and free-spirited\n Grotius, (Opp. Theolog. tom. i. p. 258;) and indeed THE\n Ecclesiastes and Proverbs display a larger compass of thought and\n experience than seem to belong eiTHEr to a Jew or a king. * Note:\n Rosenmüller, arguing from THE difference of style from that of\n THE greater part of THE book of Proverbs, and from its nearer\n approximation to THE Aramaic dialect than any book of THE Old\n Testament, assigns THE Ecclesiastes to some period between\n Nehemiah and Alexander THE Great. Schol. in Vet. Test. ix.\n Proemium ad Eccles. p. 19.—M.]\n\n\n But THE purest reward of Belisarius was in THE faithful execution\n of a treaty for which his honor had been pledged to THE king of\n THE Vandals. The religious scruples of Gelimer, who adhered to\n THE Arian heresy, were incompatible with THE dignity of senator\n or patrician: but he received from THE emperor an ample estate in\n THE province of Galatia, where THE abdicated monarch retired,\n with his family and friends, to a life of peace, of affluence,\n and perhaps of content.34 The daughters of Hilderic were\n entertained with THE respectful tenderness due to THEir age and\n misfortune; and Justinian and Theodora accepted THE honor of\n educating and enriching THE female descendants of THE great\n Theodosius. The bravest of THE Vandal youth were distributed into\n five squadrons of cavalry, which adopted THE name of THEir\n benefactor, and supported in THE Persian wars THE glory of THEir\n ancestors. But THEse rare exceptions, THE reward of birth or\n valor, are insufficient to explain THE fate of a nation, whose\n numbers before a short and bloodless war, amounted to more than\n six hundred thousand persons. After THE exile of THEir king and\n nobles, THE servile crowd might purchase THEir safety by abjuring\n THEir character, religion, and language; and THEir degenerate\n posterity would be insensibly mingled with THE common herd of\n African subjects. Yet even in THE present age, and in THE heart\n of THE Moorish tribes, a curious traveller has discovered THE\n white complexion and long flaxen hair of a norTHErn race;35 and\n it was formerly believed, that THE boldest of THE Vandals fled\n beyond THE power, or even THE knowledge, of THE Romans, to enjoy\n THEir solitary freedom on THE shores of THE Atlantic Ocean.36\n Africa had been THEir empire, it became THEir prison; nor could\n THEy entertain a hope, or even a wish, of returning to THE banks\n of THE Elbe, where THEir brethren, of a spirit less adventurous,\n still wandered in THEir native forests. It was impossible for\n cowards to surmount THE barriers of unknown seas and hostile\n Barbarians; it was impossible for brave men to expose THEir\n nakedness and defeat before THE eyes of THEir countrymen, to\n describe THE kingdoms which THEy had lost, and to claim a share\n of THE humble inheritance, which, in a happier hour, THEy had\n almost unanimously renounced.37 In THE country between THE Elbe\n and THE Oder, several populous villages of Lusatia are inhabited\n by THE Vandals: THEy still preserve THEir language, THEir\n customs, and THE purity of THEir blood; support, with some\n impatience, THE Saxon or Prussian yoke; and serve, with secret\n and voluntary allegiance, THE descendant of THEir ancient kings,\n who in his garb and present fortune is confounded with THE\n meanest of his vassals.38 The name and situation of this unhappy\n people might indicate THEir descent from one common stock with\n THE conquerors of Africa. But THE use of a Sclavonian dialect\n more clearly represent THEm as THE last remnant of THE new\n colonies, who succeeded to THE genuine Vandals, already scattered\n or destroyed in THE age of Procopius.39\n\n 34 (return) [ In THE Bélisaire of Marmontel, THE king and THE\n conqueror of Africa meet, sup, and converse, without recollecting\n each oTHEr. It is surely a fault of that romance, that not only\n THE hero, but all to whom he had been so conspicuously known,\n appear to have lost THEir eyes or THEir memory.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Shaw, p. 59. Yet since Procopius (l. ii. c. 13)\n speaks of a people of Mount Atlas, as already distinguished by\n white bodies and yellow hair, THE phenomenon (which is likewise\n visible in THE Andes of Peru, Buffon, tom. iii p. 504), may\n naturally be ascribed to THE elevation of THE ground and THE\n temperature of THE air.]\n\n 36 (return) [ The geographer of Ravenna (l. iii. c. xi. pp. 129,\n 130, 131, Paris, 1688) describes THE Mauritania _Gaditana_\n (opposite to Cadiz) ubi gens Vandalorum, a Belisario devicta in\n Africâ, fugit, et nunquam comparuit.]\n\n 37 (return) [ A single voice had protested, and Genseric\n dismissed, without a formal answer, THE Vandals of Germany: but\n those of Africa derided his prudence, and affected to despise THE\n poverty of THEir forests (Procopius, Vandal. l. i. c. 22)]\n\n 38 (return) [ From THE mouth of THE great elector (in 1687)\n Tollius describes THE secret royalty and rebellious spirit of THE\n Vandals of Brandenburgh. who could muster five or six thousand\n soldiers who had procured some cannon, &c. (Itinerar. Hungar. p.\n 42, apud Dubos. Hist, de la Monarchie Françoise, tom. i. pp. 182,\n 183.) The veracity, not of THE elector, but of Tollius himself,\n may justly be suspected. * Note: The Wendish population of\n Brandenburgh are now better known, but THE Wends are clearly of\n THE Sclavonian race; THE Vandals most probably Teutonic, and\n nearly allied to THE Goths.—M.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Procopius (l i. c. 22) was in total darkness— οὒτε\n μνήμη τις οὒτε ὂνομα ἐς ἐμε σωζέται. Under THE reign of Dagobert\n (A.D. 630) THE Sclavonian tribes of THE Sorbi and Venedi already\n bordered on Thuringia (Mascou Hist. of THE Germans, xv. 3, 4,\n 5).]\n\n\n If Belisarius had been tempted to hesitate in his allegiance, he\n might have urged, even against THE emperor himself, THE\n indispensable duty of saving Africa from an enemy more barbarous\n than THE Vandals. The origin of THE Moors is involved in\n darkness; THEy were ignorant of THE use of letters.40 Their\n limits cannot be precisely defined; a boundless continent was\n open to THE Libyan shepherds; THE change of seasons and pastures\n regulated THEir motions; and THEir rude huts and slender\n furniture were transported with THE same case as THEir arms,\n THEir families, and THEir cattle, which consisted of sheep, oxen,\n and camels.41 During THE vigor of THE Roman power, THEy observed\n a respectful distance from Carthage and THE sea-shore: under THE\n feeble reign of THE Vandals, THEy invaded THE cities of Numidia,\n occupied THE sea-coast from Tangier to Cæsarea, and pitched THEir\n camps, with impunity, in THE fertile province of Byzacium. The\n formidable strength and artful conduct of Belisarius secured THE\n neutrality of THE Moorish princes, whose vanity aspired to\n receive, in THE emperor\'s name, THE ensigns of THEir regal\n dignity.42 They were astonished by THE rapid event, and trembled\n in THE presence of THEir conqueror. But his approaching departure\n soon relieved THE apprehensions of a savage and superstitious\n people; THE number of THEir wives allowed THEm to disregard THE\n safety of THEir infant hostages; and when THE Roman general\n hoisted sail in THE port of Carthage, he heard THE cries, and\n almost beheld THE flames, of THE desolated province. Yet he\n persisted in his resolution, and leaving only a part of his\n guards to reënforce THE feeble garrisons, he intrusted THE\n command of Africa to THE eunuch Solomon,43 who proved himself not\n unworthy to be THE successor of Belisarius. In THE first\n invasion, some detachments, with two officers of merit, were\n surprised and intercepted; but Solomon speedily assembled his\n troops, marched from Carthage into THE heart of THE country, and\n in two great battles destroyed sixty thousand of THE Barbarians.\n The Moors depended on THEir multitude, THEir swiftness, and THEir\n inaccessible mountains; and THE aspect and smell of THEir camels\n are said to have produced some confusion in THE Roman cavalry.44\n But as soon as THEy were commanded to dismount, THEy derided this\n contemptible obstacle: as soon as THE columns ascended THE hills,\n THE naked and disorderly crowd was dazzled by glittering arms and\n regular evolutions; and THE menace of THEir female prophets was\n repeatedly fulfilled, that THE Moors should be discomfited by a\n _beardless_ antagonist. The victorious eunuch advanced thirteen\n days journey from Carthage, to besiege Mount Aurasius,45 THE\n citadel, and at THE same time THE garden, of Numidia. That range\n of hills, a branch of THE great Atlas, contains, within a\n circumference of one hundred and twenty miles, a rare variety of\n soil and climate; THE intermediate valleys and elevated plains\n abound with rich pastures, perpetual streams, and fruits of a\n delicious taste and uncommon magnitude. This fair solitude is\n decorated with THE ruins of Lambesa, a Roman city, once THE seat\n of a legion, and THE residence of forty thousand inhabitants. The\n Ionic temple of Æsculapius is encompassed with Moorish huts; and\n THE cattle now graze in THE midst of an amphiTHEatre, under THE\n shade of Corinthian columns. A sharp perpendicular rock rises\n above THE level of THE mountain, where THE African princes\n deposited THEir wives and treasure; and a proverb is familiar to\n THE Arabs, that THE man may eat fire who dares to attack THE\n craggy cliffs and inhospitable natives of Mount Aurasius. This\n hardy enterprise was twice attempted by THE eunuch Solomon: from\n THE first, he retreated with some disgrace; and in THE second,\n his patience and provisions were almost exhausted; and he must\n again have retired, if he had not yielded to THE impetuous\n courage of his troops, who audaciously scaled, to THE\n astonishment of THE Moors, THE mountain, THE hostile camp, and\n THE summit of THE Geminian rock. A citadel was erected to secure\n this important conquest, and to remind THE Barbarians of THEir\n defeat; and as Solomon pursued his march to THE west, THE\n long-lost province of Mauritanian Sitifi was again annexed to THE\n Roman empire. The Moorish war continued several years after THE\n departure of Belisarius; but THE laurels which he resigned to a\n faithful lieutenant may be justly ascribed to his own triumph.\n\n 40 (return) [ Sallust represents THE Moors as a remnant of THE\n army of Heracles (de Bell. Jugurth. c. 21), and Procopius\n (Vandal. l. ii. c. 10), as THE posterity of THE Cananæans who\n fled from THE robber Joshua, (ληστὴς) He quotes two columns, with\n a Phœnician inscription. I believe in THE columns—I doubt THE\n inscription—and I reject THE pedigree. * Note: It has been\n supposed that Procopius is THE only, or at least THE most ancient\n author who has spoken of this strange inscription, of which one\n may be tempted to attribute THE invention to Procopius himself.\n Yet it is mentioned in THE Armenian history of Moses of Chorene,\n (l. i. c. 18,) who lived and wrote more than a century before\n Procopius. This is sufficient to show that an earlier date must\n be assigned to this tradition. The same inscription is mentioned\n by Suidas, (sub voc. Χανάαν), no doubt from Procopius. According\n to most of THE Arabian writers, who adopted a nearly similar\n tradition, THE indigenes of NorTHErn Africa were THE people of\n Palestine expelled by David, who passed into Africa, under THE\n guidance of Goliath, whom THEy call Djalout. It is impossible to\n admit traditions which bear a character so fabulous. St. Martin,\n t. xi. p. 324.—Unless my memory greatly deceives me, I have read\n in THE works of Lightfoot a similar Jewish tradition; but I have\n mislaid THE reference, and cannot recover THE passage.—M.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Virgil (Georgic. iii. 339) and Pomponius Mela (i.\n 8) describe THE wandering life of THE African shepherds, similar\n to that of THE Arabs and Tartars; and Shaw (p. 222) is THE best\n commentator on THE poet and THE geographer.]\n\n 42 (return) [ The customary gifts were a sceptre, a crown or cap,\n a white cloak, a figured tunic and shoes, all adorned with gold\n and silver; nor were THEse precious metals less acceptable in THE\n shape of coin, (Procop. Vandal. l. i. c. 25).]\n\n 43 (return) [ See THE African government and warfare of Solomon,\n in Procopius (Vandal. l. ii. c. 10, 11, 12, 13, 19, 20). He was\n recalled, and again restored; and his last victory dates in THE\n xiiith year of Justinian (A.D. 539). An accident in his childhood\n had rendered him a eunuch (l. l. c. 11): THE oTHEr Roman generals\n were amply furnished with beards πώγωνος ἐμπιπλάμενοι (l. ii. c.\n 8).]\n\n 44 (return) [ This natural antipathy of THE horse for THE camel\n is affirmed by THE ancients (Xenophon. Cyropæd. l. vi. p. 488, l.\n vii. pp. 483, 492, edit. Hutchinson. Polyæn. Stratagem, vii. 6,\n Plin. Hist. Nat. viii. 26, Ælian, de Natur. Annal. l. iii. c. 7);\n but it is disproved by daily experience, and derided by THE best\n judges, THE Orientals (Voyage d’Olearius, p. 553).]\n\n 45 (return) [ Procopius is THE first who describes Mount Aurasius\n (Vandal. l. ii. c. 13. De Edific. l. vi. c. 7). He may be\n compared with Leo Africanus (dell’ Africa, parte v., in Ramusio,\n tom. i. fol. 77, recto). Marmol (tom. ii. p. 430), and Shaw (pp.\n 56-59).]\n\n\n The experience of past faults, which may sometimes correct THE\n mature age of an individual, is seldom profitable to THE\n successive generations of mankind. The nations of antiquity,\n careless of each oTHEr\'s safety, were separately vanquished and\n enslaved by THE Romans. This awful lesson might have instructed\n THE Barbarians of THE West to oppose, with timely counsels and\n confederate arms, THE unbounded ambition of Justinian. Yet THE\n same error was repeated, THE same consequences were felt, and THE\n Goths, both of Italy and Spain, insensible of THEir approaching\n danger, beheld with indifference, and even with joy, THE rapid\n downfall of THE Vandals. After THE failure of THE royal line,\n Theudes, a valiant and powerful chief, ascended THE throne of\n Spain, which he had formerly administered in THE name of\n Theodoric and his infant grandson. Under his command, THE\n Visigoths besieged THE fortress of Ceuta on THE African coast:\n but, while THEy spent THE Sabbath day in peace and devotion, THE\n pious security of THEir camp was invaded by a sally from THE\n town; and THE king himself, with some difficulty and danger,\n escaped from THE hands of a sacrilegious enemy.46 It was not long\n before his pride and resentment were gratified by a suppliant\n embassy from THE unfortunate Gelimer, who implored, in his\n distress, THE aid of THE Spanish monarch. But instead of\n sacrificing THEse unworthy passions to THE dictates of generosity\n and prudence, Theudes amused THE ambassadors till he was secretly\n informed of THE loss of Carthage, and THEn dismissed THEm with\n obscure and contemptuous advice, to seek in THEir native country\n a true knowledge of THE state of THE Vandals.47 The long\n continuance of THE Italian war delayed THE punishment of THE\n Visigoths; and THE eyes of Theudes were closed before THEy tasted\n THE fruits of his mistaken policy. After his death, THE sceptre\n of Spain was disputed by a civil war. The weaker candidate\n solicited THE protection of Justinian, and ambitiously subscribed\n a treaty of alliance, which deeply wounded THE independence and\n happiness of his country. Several cities, both on THE ocean and\n THE Mediterranean, were ceded to THE Roman troops, who afterwards\n refused to evacuate those pledges, as it should seem, eiTHEr of\n safety or payment; and as THEy were fortified by perpetual\n supplies from Africa, THEy maintained THEir impregnable stations,\n for THE mischievous purpose of inflaming THE civil and religious\n factions of THE Barbarians. Seventy years elapsed before this\n painful thorn could be extirpated from THE bosom of THE monarchy;\n and as long as THE emperors retained any share of THEse remote\n and useless possessions, THEir vanity might number Spain in THE\n list of THEir provinces, and THE successors of Alaric in THE rank\n of THEir vassals.48\n\n 46 (return) [ Isidor. Chron. p. 722, edit. Grot. Mariana, Hist.\n Hispan. l. v. c. 8, p. 173. Yet, according to Isidore, THE siege\n of Ceuta, and THE death of Theudes, happened, A. Æ. H. 586—A.D.\n 548; and THE place was defended, not by THE Vandals, but by THE\n Romans.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Procopius. Vandal. l. i, c. 24.]\n\n 48 (return) [ See THE original Chronicle of Isidore, and THE vth\n and vith books of THE History of Spain by Mariana. The Romans\n were finally expelled by Suintila, king of THE Visigoths (A.D.\n 621–620), after THEir reunion to THE Catholic church.]\n\n\n The error of THE Goths who reigned in Italy was less excusable\n than that of THEir Spanish brethren, and THEir punishment was\n still more immediate and terrible. From a motive of private\n revenge, THEy enabled THEir most dangerous enemy to destroy THEir\n most valuable ally. A sister of THE great Theodoric had been\n given in marriage to Thrasimond, THE African king:49 on this\n occasion, THE fortress of Lilybæum50 in Sicily was resigned to\n THE Vandals; and THE princess Amalafrida was attended by a\n martial train of one thousand nobles, and five thousand Gothic\n soldiers, who signalized THEir valor in THE Moorish wars. Their\n merit was overrated by THEmselves, and perhaps neglected by THE\n Vandals; THEy viewed THE country with envy, and THE conquerors\n with disdain; but THEir real or fictitious conspiracy was\n prevented by a massacre; THE Goths were oppressed, and THE\n captivity of Amalafrida was soon followed by her secret and\n suspicious death. The eloquent pen of Cassiodorus was employed to\n reproach THE Vandal court with THE cruel violation of every\n social and public duty; but THE vengeance which he threatened in\n THE name of his sovereign might be derided with impunity, as long\n as Africa was protected by THE sea, and THE Goths were destitute\n of a navy. In THE blind impotence of grief and indignation, THEy\n joyfully saluted THE approach of THE Romans, entertained THE\n fleet of Belisarius in THE ports of Sicily, and were speedily\n delighted or alarmed by THE surprising intelligence, that THEir\n revenge was executed beyond THE measure of THEir hopes, or\n perhaps of THEir wishes. To THEir friendship THE emperor was\n indebted for THE kingdom of Africa, and THE Goths might\n reasonably think, that THEy were entitled to resume THE\n possession of a barren rock, so recently separated as a nuptial\n gift from THE island of Sicily. They were soon undeceived by THE\n haughty mandate of Belisarius, which excited THEir tardy and\n unavailing repentance. “The city and promontory of Lilybæum,”\n said THE Roman general, “belonged to THE Vandals, and I claim\n THEm by THE right of conquest. Your submission may deserve THE\n favor of THE emperor; your obstinacy will provoke his\n displeasure, and must kindle a war, that can terminate only in\n your utter ruin. If you compel us to take up arms, we shall\n contend, not to regain THE possession of a single city, but to\n deprive you of all THE provinces which you unjustly withhold from\n THEir lawful sovereign.” A nation of two hundred thousand\n soldiers might have smiled at THE vain menace of Justinian and\n his lieutenant: but a spirit of discord and disaffection\n prevailed in Italy, and THE Goths supported, with reluctance, THE\n indignity of a female reign.51\n\n 49 (return) [ See THE marriage and fate of Amalafrida in\n Procopius (Vandal. l. i. c. 8, 9), and in Cassiodorus (Var. ix.\n 1) THE expostulation of her royal broTHEr. Compare likewise THE\n Chronicle of Victor Tunnunensis.]\n\n 50 (return) [ Lilybæum was built by THE Carthaginians, Olymp.\n xcv. 4; and in THE first Punic war, a strong situation, and\n excellent harbor, rendered that place an important object to both\n nations.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Compare THE different passages of Procopius\n (Vandal. l. ii. c. 5, Gothic, l. i c. 3).]\n\n\n The birth of Amalasontha, THE regent and queen of Italy,52 united\n THE two most illustrious families of THE Barbarians. Her moTHEr,\n THE sister of Clovis, was descended from THE long-haired kings of\n THE _Merovingian_ race;53 and THE regal succession of THE _Amali_\n was illustrated in THE eleventh generation, by her faTHEr, THE\n great Theodoric, whose merit might have ennobled a plebeian\n origin. The sex of his daughter excluded her from THE Gothic\n throne; but his vigilant tenderness for his family and his people\n discovered THE last heir of THE royal line, whose ancestors had\n taken refuge in Spain; and THE fortunate Eutharic was suddenly\n exalted to THE rank of a consul and a prince. He enjoyed only a\n short time THE charms of Amalasontha, and THE hopes of THE\n succession; and his widow, after THE death of her husband and\n faTHEr, was left THE guardian of her son Athalaric, and THE\n kingdom of Italy. At THE age of about twenty-eight years, THE\n endowments of her mind and person had attained THEir perfect\n maturity. Her beauty, which, in THE apprehension of Theodora\n herself, might have disputed THE conquest of an emperor, was\n animated by manly sense, activity, and resolution. Education and\n experience had cultivated her talents; her philosophic studies\n were exempt from vanity; and, though she expressed herself with\n equal elegance and ease in THE Greek, THE Latin, and THE Gothic\n tongue, THE daughter of Theodoric maintained in her counsels a\n discreet and impenetrable silence. By a faithful imitation of THE\n virtues, she revived THE prosperity, of his reign; while she\n strove, with pious care, to expiate THE faults, and to obliterate\n THE darker memory of his declining age. The children of Boethius\n and Symmachus were restored to THEir paternal inheritance; her\n extreme lenity never consented to inflict any corporal or\n pecuniary penalties on her Roman subjects; and she generously\n despised THE clamors of THE Goths, who, at THE end of forty\n years, still considered THE people of Italy as THEir slaves or\n THEir enemies. Her salutary measures were directed by THE wisdom,\n and celebrated by THE eloquence, of Cassiodorus; she solicited\n and deserved THE friendship of THE emperor; and THE kingdoms of\n Europe respected, both in peace and war, THE majesty of THE\n Gothic throne. But THE future happiness of THE queen and of Italy\n depended on THE education of her son; who was destined, by his\n birth, to support THE different and almost incompatible\n characters of THE chief of a Barbarian camp, and THE first\n magistrate of a civilized nation. From THE age of ten years,54\n Athalaric was diligently instructed in THE arts and sciences,\n eiTHEr useful or ornamental for a Roman prince; and three\n venerable Goths were chosen to instil THE principles of honor and\n virtue into THE mind of THEir young king. But THE pupil who is\n insensible of THE benefits, must abhor THE restraints, of\n education; and THE solicitude of THE queen, which affection\n rendered anxious and severe, offended THE untractable nature of\n her son and his subjects. On a solemn festival, when THE Goths\n were assembled in THE palace of Ravenna, THE royal youth escaped\n from his moTHEr\'s apartment, and, with tears of pride and anger,\n complained of a blow which his stubborn disobedience had provoked\n her to inflict. The Barbarians resented THE indignity which had\n been offered to THEir king; accused THE regent of conspiring\n against his life and crown; and imperiously demanded, that THE\n grandson of Theodoric should be rescued from THE dastardly\n discipline of women and pedants, and educated, like a valiant\n Goth, in THE society of his equals and THE glorious ignorance of\n his ancestors. To this rude clamor, importunately urged as THE\n voice of THE nation, Amalasontha was compelled to yield her\n reason, and THE dearest wishes of her heart. The king of Italy\n was abandoned to wine, to women, and to rustic sports; and THE\n indiscreet contempt of THE ungrateful youth betrayed THE\n mischievous designs of his favorites and her enemies. Encompassed\n with domestic foes, she entered into a secret negotiation with\n THE emperor Justinian; obtained THE assurance of a friendly\n reception, and had actually deposited at Dyrachium, in Epirus, a\n treasure of forty thousand pounds of gold. Happy would it have\n been for her fame and safety, if she had calmly retired from\n barbarous faction to THE peace and splendor of Constantinople.\n But THE mind of Amalasontha was inflamed by ambition and revenge;\n and while her ships lay at anchor in THE port, she waited for THE\n success of a crime which her passions excused or applauded as an\n act of justice. Three of THE most dangerous malcontents had been\n separately removed under THE pretence of trust and command, to\n THE frontiers of Italy: THEy were assassinated by her private\n emissaries; and THE blood of THEse noble Goths rendered THE\n queen-moTHEr absolute in THE court of Ravenna, and justly odious\n to a free people. But if she had lamented THE disorders of her\n son she soon wept his irreparable loss; and THE death of\n Athalaric, who, at THE age of sixteen, was consumed by premature\n intemperance, left her destitute of any firm support or legal\n authority. Instead of submitting to THE laws of her country which\n held as a fundamental maxim, that THE succession could never pass\n from THE lance to THE distaff, THE daughter of Theodoric\n conceived THE impracticable design of sharing, with one of her\n cousins, THE regal title, and of reserving in her own hands THE\n substance of supreme power. He received THE proposal with\n profound respect and affected gratitude; and THE eloquent\n Cassiodorus announced to THE senate and THE emperor, that\n Amalasontha and Theodatus had ascended THE throne of Italy. His\n birth (for his moTHEr was THE sister of Theodoric) might be\n considered as an imperfect title; and THE choice of Amalasontha\n was more strongly directed by her contempt of his avarice and\n pusillanimity which had deprived him of THE love of THE Italians,\n and THE esteem of THE Barbarians. But Theodatus was exasperated\n by THE contempt which he deserved: her justice had repressed and\n reproached THE oppression which he exercised against his Tuscan\n neighbors; and THE principal Goths, united by common guilt and\n resentment, conspired to instigate his slow and timid\n disposition. The letters of congratulation were scarcely\n despatched before THE queen of Italy was imprisoned in a small\n island of THE Lake of Bolsena,55 where, after a short\n confinement, she was strangled in THE bath, by THE order, or with\n THE connivance of THE new king, who instructed his turbulent\n subjects to shed THE blood of THEir sovereigns.\n\n 52 (return) [ For THE reign and character of Amalasontha, see\n Procopius (Gothic, l. i. c. 2, 3, 4, and Anecdot. c. 16, with THE\n Notes of Alemannus), Cassiodorus (Var. viii. ix. x. and xi, 1),\n and Jornandes (De Rebus Geticis, c. 59, and De Successione\n Regnorum. in Muratori, tom. i, p. 24).]\n\n 53 (return) [ The marriage of Theodoric with Audefleda, THE\n sister of Clovis, may be placed in THE year 495, soon after THE\n conquest of Italy (De Buat, Hist, des Peuples, tom. ix. p. 213).\n The nuptials of Eutharic and Amalasontha were celebrated in 515\n (Cassiodor. in Chron. p. 453).]\n\n 54 (return) [ At THE death of Theodoric, his grandson Athalaric\n is described by Procopius as a boy about eight years old—ὀκτὼ\n γεγονὼς ἔτη. Cassiodorus, with authority and reason, adds two\n years to his age—infantulum adhuc vix decennem.]\n\n 55 (return) [ The lake, from THE neighboring towns of Etruria,\n was styled eiTHEr Vulsiniensis (now of Bolsena) or Tarquiniensis.\n It is surrounded with white rocks, and stored with fish and\n wild-fowl. The younger Pliny (Epist. ii. 96) celebrates two woody\n islands that floated on its waters: if a fable, how credulous THE\n ancients! if a fact, how careless THE moderns! Yet, since Pliny,\n THE island may have been fixed by new and gradual accessions.]\n\n\n Justinian beheld with joy THE dissensions of THE Goths; and THE\n mediation of an ally concealed and promoted THE ambitious views\n of THE conqueror. His ambassadors, in THEir public audience,\n demanded THE fortress of Lilybæum, ten Barbarian fugitives, and a\n just compensation for THE pillage of a small town on THE Illyrian\n borders; but THEy secretly negotiated with Theodatus to betray\n THE province of Tuscany, and tempted Amalasontha to extricate\n herself from danger and perplexity, by a free surrender of THE\n kingdom of Italy. A false and servile epistle was subscribed, by\n THE reluctant hand of THE captive queen: but THE confession of\n THE Roman senators, who were sent to Constantinople, revealed THE\n truth of her deplorable situation; and Justinian, by THE voice of\n a new ambassador, most powerfully interceded for her life and\n liberty.55a Yet THE secret instructions of THE same minister were\n adapted to serve THE cruel jealousy of Theodora, who dreaded THE\n presence and superior charms of a rival: he prompted, with artful\n and ambiguous hints, THE execution of a crime so useful to THE\n Romans;56 received THE intelligence of her death with grief and\n indignation, and denounced, in his master\'s name, immortal war\n against THE perfidious assassin. In Italy, as well as in Africa,\n THE guilt of a usurper appeared to justify THE arms of Justinian;\n but THE forces which he prepared, were insufficient for THE\n subversion of a mighty kingdom, if THEir feeble numbers had not\n been multiplied by THE name, THE spirit, and THE conduct, of a\n hero. A chosen troop of guards, who served on horseback, and were\n armed with lances and bucklers, attended THE person of\n Belisarius; his cavalry was composed of two hundred Huns, three\n hundred Moors, and four thousand _confederates_, and THE infantry\n consisted of only three thousand Isaurians. Steering THE same\n course as in his former expedition, THE Roman consul cast anchor\n before Catana in Sicily, to survey THE strength of THE island,\n and to decide wheTHEr he should attempt THE conquest, or\n peaceably pursue his voyage for THE African coast. He found a\n fruitful land and a friendly people. Notwithstanding THE decay of\n agriculture, Sicily still supplied THE granaries of Rome: THE\n farmers were graciously exempted from THE oppression of military\n quarters; and THE Goths, who trusted THE defence of THE island to\n THE inhabitants, had some reason to complain, that THEir\n confidence was ungratefully betrayed. Instead of soliciting and\n expecting THE aid of THE king of Italy, THEy yielded to THE first\n summons a cheerful obedience; and this province, THE first fruits\n of THE Punic war, was again, after a long separation, united to\n THE Roman empire.57 The Gothic garrison of Palermo, which alone\n attempted to resist, was reduced, after a short siege, by a\n singular stratagem. Belisarius introduced his ships into THE\n deepest recess of THE harbor; THEir boats were laboriously\n hoisted with ropes and pulleys to THE top-mast head, and he\n filled THEm with archers, who, from that superior station,\n commanded THE ramparts of THE city. After this easy, though\n successful campaign, THE conqueror entered Syracuse in triumph,\n at THE head of his victorious bands, distributing gold medals to\n THE people, on THE day which so gloriously terminated THE year of\n THE consulship. He passed THE winter season in THE palace of\n ancient kings, amidst THE ruins of a Grecian colony, which once\n extended to a circumference of two-and-twenty miles:58 but in THE\n spring, about THE festival of Easter, THE prosecution of his\n designs was interrupted by a dangerous revolt of THE African\n forces. Carthage was saved by THE presence of Belisarius, who\n suddenly landed with a thousand guards.58a Two thousand soldiers\n of doubtful faith returned to THE standard of THEir old\n commander: and he marched, without hesitation, above fifty miles,\n to seek an enemy whom he affected to pity and despise. Eight\n thousand rebels trembled at his approach; THEy were routed at THE\n first onset, by THE dexterity of THEir master: and this ignoble\n victory would have restored THE peace of Africa, if THE conqueror\n had not been hastily recalled to Sicily, to appease a sedition\n which was kindled during his absence in his own camp.59 Disorder\n and disobedience were THE common malady of THE times; THE genius\n to command, and THE virtue to obey, resided only in THE mind of\n Belisarius.\n\n 55a (return) [ Amalasontha was not alive when this new\n ambassador, Peter of Thessalonica, arrived in Italy: he could not\n THEn secretly contribute to her death. “But (says M. de Sainte\n Croix) it is not beyond probability that Theodora had entered\n into some criminal intrigue with Gundelina: for that wife of\n Theodatus wrote to implore her protection, reminding her of THE\n confidence which she and her husband had always placed in her\n former promises.” See on Amalasontha and THE authors of her death\n an excellent dissertation of M. de Sainte Croix in THE Archives\n Littéraires published by M. Vaudenbourg, No. 50, t. xvii. p.\n 216.—G.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Yet Procopius discredits his own evidence (Anecdot.\n c. 16) by confessing that in his public history he had not spoken\n THE truth. See THE epistles from Queen Gundelina to THE Empress\n Theodora (Var. x. 20, 21, 23, and observe a suspicious word, de\n illâ personà, &c.), with THE elaborate Commentary of Buat (tom.\n x. pp. 177–185).]\n\n 57 (return) [ For THE conquest of Sicily, compare THE narrative\n of Procopius with THE complaints of Totila (Gothic. l. i. c. 5.\n l. iii. c. 16). The Gothic queen had lately relieved that\n thankless island (Var. ix. 10, 11).]\n\n 58 (return) [ The ancient magnitude and splendor of THE five\n quarters of Syracuse are delineated by Cicero (in Verrem. actio\n ii. l. iv. c. 52, 53), Strabo (l. vi. p. 415), and D’Orville\n Sicula (tom. ii. pp. 174–202). The new city, restored by\n Augustus, shrunk towards THE island.]\n\n 58a (return) [ A hundred (THEre was no room on board for more).\n Gibbon has again been misled by Cousin’s translation. Lord Mahon,\n p. 157—M.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Procopius (Vandal. l. ii. c. 14, 15) so clearly\n relates THE return of Belirarius into Sicily (p. 146, edit.\n Hoeschelii), that I am astonished at THE strange misapprehension\n and reproaches of a learned critic (Œuvres de la MoTHE le Vayer,\n tom, viii. pp. 162, 163).]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part III.\n\n\n Although Theodatus descended from a race of heroes, he was\n ignorant of THE art, and averse to THE dangers, of war. Although\n he had studied THE writings of Plato and Tully, philosophy was\n incapable of purifying his mind from THE basest passions, avarice\n and fear. He had purchased a sceptre by ingratitude and murder:\n at THE first menace of an enemy, he degraded his own majesty and\n that of a nation, which already disdained THEir unworthy\n sovereign. Astonished by THE recent example of Gelimer, he saw\n himself dragged in chains through THE streets of Constantinople:\n THE terrors which Belisarius inspired were heightened by THE\n eloquence of Peter, THE Byzantine ambassador; and that bold and\n subtle advocate persuaded him to sign a treaty, too ignominious\n to become THE foundation of a lasting peace. It was stipulated,\n that in THE acclamations of THE Roman people, THE name of THE\n emperor should be always proclaimed before that of THE Gothic\n king; and that as often as THE statue of Theodatus was erected in\n brass on marble, THE divine image of Justinian should be placed\n on its right hand. Instead of conferring, THE king of Italy was\n reduced to solicit, THE honors of THE senate; and THE consent of\n THE emperor was made indispensable before he could execute,\n against a priest or senator, THE sentence eiTHEr of death or\n confiscation. The feeble monarch resigned THE possession of\n Sicily; offered, as THE annual mark of his dependence, a crown of\n gold of THE weight of three hundred pounds; and promised to\n supply, at THE requisition of his sovereign, three thousand\n Gothic auxiliaries, for THE service of THE empire. Satisfied with\n THEse extraordinary concessions, THE successful agent of\n Justinian hastened his journey to Constantinople; but no sooner\n had he reached THE Alban villa, 60 than he was recalled by THE\n anxiety of Theodatus; and THE dialogue which passed between THE\n king and THE ambassador deserves to be represented in its\n original simplicity. “Are you of opinion that THE emperor will\n ratify this treaty? Perhaps. If he refuses, what consequence will\n ensue? War. Will such a war, be just or reasonable? Most\n assuredly: every to his character. What is your meaning? You are\n a philosopher—Justinian is emperor of THE Romans: it would all\n become THE disciple of Plato to shed THE blood of thousands in\n his private quarrel: THE successor of Augustus should vindicate\n his rights, and recover by arms THE ancient provinces of his\n empire.” This reasoning might not convince, but it was sufficient\n to alarm and subdue THE weakness of Theodatus; and he soon\n descended to his last offer, that for THE poor equivalent of a\n pension of forty-eight thousand pounds sterling, he would resign\n THE kingdom of THE Goths and Italians, and spend THE remainder of\n his days in THE innocent pleasures of philosophy and agriculture.\n\n\n Both treaties were intrusted to THE hands of THE ambassador, on\n THE frail security of an oath not to produce THE second till THE\n first had been positively rejected. The event may be easily\n foreseen: Justinian required and accepted THE abdication of THE\n Gothic king. His indefatigable agent returned from Constantinople\n to Ravenna, with ample instructions; and a fair epistle, which\n praised THE wisdom and generosity of THE royal philosopher,\n granted his pension, with THE assurance of such honors as a\n subject and a Catholic might enjoy; and wisely referred THE final\n execution of THE treaty to THE presence and authority of\n Belisarius. But in THE interval of suspense, two Roman generals,\n who had entered THE province of Dalmatia, were defeated and slain\n by THE Gothic troops. From blind and abject despair, Theodatus\n capriciously rose to groundless and fatal presumption, 61 and\n dared to receive, with menace and contempt, THE ambassador of\n Justinian; who claimed his promise, solicited THE allegiance of\n his subjects, and boldly asserted THE inviolable privilege of his\n own character. The march of Belisarius dispelled this visionary\n pride; and as THE first campaign 62 was employed in THE reduction\n of Sicily, THE invasion of Italy is applied by Procopius to THE\n second year of THE Gothic war. 63\n\n 60 (return) [ The ancient Alba was ruined in THE first age of\n Rome. On THE same spot, or at least in THE neighborhood,\n successively arose. 1. The villa of Pompey, &c.; 2. A camp of THE\n Praetorian cohorts; 3. The modern episcopal city of Albanum or\n Albano. (Procop. Goth. l. ii. c. 4 Oluver. Ital. Antiq tom. ii.\n p. 914.)]\n\n 61 (return) [ A Sibylline oracle was ready to pronounce—Africa\n capta munitus cum nato peribit; a sentence of portentous\n ambiguity, (Gothic. l. i. c. 7,) which has been published in\n unknown characters by Opsopaeus, an editor of THE oracles. The\n Pere Maltret has promised a commentary; but all his promises have\n been vain and fruitless.]\n\n 62 (return) [ In his chronology, imitated, in some degree, from\n Thucydides, Procopius begins each spring THE years of Justinian\n and of THE Gothic war; and his first aera coincides with THE\n first of April, 535, and not 536, according to THE Annals of\n Baronius, (Pagi, Crit. tom. ii. p. 555, who is followed by\n Muratori and THE editors of Sigonius.) Yet, in some passages, we\n are at a loss to reconcile THE dates of Procopius with himself,\n and with THE Chronicle of Marcellinus.]\n\n 63 (return) [ The series of THE first Gothic war is represented\n by Procopius (l. i. c. 5—29, l. ii. c. l—30, l. iii. c. l) till\n THE captivity of Vitigas. With THE aid of Sigonius (Opp. tom. i.\n de Imp. Occident. l. xvii. xviii.) and Muratori, (Annali d’Itaia,\n tom. v.,) I have gleaned some few additional facts.]\n\n\n After Belisarius had left sufficient garrisons in Palermo and\n Syracuse, he embarked his troops at Messina, and landed THEm,\n without resistance, on THE opposite shores of Rhegium. A Gothic\n prince, who had married THE daughter of Theodatus, was stationed\n with an army to guard THE entrance of Italy; but he imitated,\n without scruple, THE example of a sovereign faithless to his\n public and private duties. The perfidious Ebermor deserted with\n his followers to THE Roman camp, and was dismissed to enjoy THE\n servile honors of THE Byzantine court. 64 From Rhegium to Naples,\n THE fleet and army of Belisarius, almost always in view of each\n oTHEr, advanced near three hundred miles along THE sea-coast. The\n people of Bruttium, Lucania, and Campania, who abhorred THE name\n and religion of THE Goths, embraced THE specious excuse, that\n THEir ruined walls were incapable of defence: THE soldiers paid a\n just equivalent for a plentiful market; and curiosity alone\n interrupted THE peaceful occupations of THE husbandman or\n artificer. Naples, which has swelled to a great and populous\n capital, long cherished THE language and manners of a Grecian\n colony; 65 and THE choice of Virgil had ennobled this elegant\n retreat, which attracted THE lovers of repose and study, from THE\n noise, THE smoke, and THE laborious opulence of Rome.66 As soon\n as THE place was invested by sea and land, Belisarius gave\n audience to THE deputies of THE people, who exhorted him to\n disregard a conquest unworthy of his arms, to seek THE Gothic\n king in a field of battle, and, after his victory, to claim, as\n THE sovereign of Rome, THE allegiance of THE dependent cities.\n “When I treat with my enemies,” replied THE Roman chief, with a\n haughty smile, “I am more accustomed to give than to receive\n counsel; but I hold in one hand inevitable ruin, and in THE oTHEr\n peace and freedom, such as Sicily now enjoys.” The impatience of\n delay urged him to grant THE most liberal terms; his honor\n secured THEir performance: but Naples was divided into two\n factions; and THE Greek democracy was inflamed by THEir orators,\n who, with much spirit and some truth, represented to THE\n multitude that THE Goths would punish THEir defection, and that\n Belisarius himself must esteem THEir loyalty and valor. Their\n deliberations, however, were not perfectly free: THE city was\n commanded by eight hundred Barbarians, whose wives and children\n were detained at Ravenna as THE pledge of THEir fidelity; and\n even THE Jews, who were rich and numerous, resisted, with\n desperate enthusiasm, THE intolerant laws of Justinian. In a much\n later period, THE circumference of Naples 67 measured only two\n thousand three hundred and sixty three paces: 68 THE\n fortifications were defended by precipices or THE sea; when THE\n aqueducts were intercepted, a supply of water might be drawn from\n wells and fountains; and THE stock of provisions was sufficient\n to consume THE patience of THE besiegers. At THE end of twenty\n days, that of Belisarius was almost exhausted, and he had\n reconciled himself to THE disgrace of abandoning THE siege, that\n he might march, before THE winter season, against Rome and THE\n Gothic king. But his anxiety was relieved by THE bold curiosity\n of an Isaurian, who explored THE dry channel of an aqueduct, and\n secretly reported, that a passage might be perforated to\n introduce a file of armed soldiers into THE heart of THE city.\n When THE work had been silently executed, THE humane general\n risked THE discovery of his secret by a last and fruitless\n admonition of THE impending danger. In THE darkness of THE night,\n four hundred Romans entered THE aqueduct, raised THEmselves by a\n rope, which THEy fastened to an olive-tree, into THE house or\n garden of a solitary matron, sounded THEir trumpets, surprised\n THE sentinels, and gave admittance to THEir companions, who on\n all sides scaled THE walls, and burst open THE gates of THE city.\n Every crime which is punished by social justice was practised as\n THE rights of war; THE Huns were distinguished by cruelty and\n sacrilege, and Belisarius alone appeared in THE streets and\n churches of Naples to moderate THE calamities which he predicted.\n “The gold and silver,” he repeatedly exclaimed, “are THE just\n rewards of your valor. But spare THE inhabitants; THEy are\n Christians, THEy are suppliants, THEy are now your\n fellow-subjects. Restore THE children to THEir parents, THE wives\n to THEir husbands; and show THEm by your generosity of what\n friends THEy have obstinately deprived THEmselves.” The city was\n saved by THE virtue and authority of its conqueror; 69 and when\n THE Neapolitans returned to THEir houses, THEy found some\n consolation in THE secret enjoyment of THEir hidden treasures.\n The Barbarian garrison enlisted in THE service of THE emperor;\n Apulia and Calabria, delivered from THE odious presence of THE\n Goths, acknowledged his dominion; and THE tusks of THE Calydonian\n boar, which were still shown at Beneventum, are curiously\n described by THE historian of Belisarius. 70\n\n 64 (return) [ Jornandes, de Rebus Geticis, c. 60, p. 702, edit.\n Grot., and tom. i. p. 221. Muratori, de Success, Regn. p. 241.]\n\n 65 (return) [ Nero (says Tacitus, Annal. xv. 35) Neapolim quasi\n Graecam urbem delegit. One hundred and fifty years afterwards, in\n THE time of Septimius Severus, THE Hellenism of THE Neapolitans\n is praised by Philostratus. (Icon. l. i. p. 763, edit. Olear.)]\n\n 66 (return) [ The otium of Naples is praised by THE Roman poets,\n by Virgil, Horace, Silius Italicus, and Statius, (Cluver. Ital.\n Ant. l. iv. p. 1149, 1150.) In an elegant epistles, (Sylv. l.\n iii. 5, p. 94—98, edit. Markland,) Statius undertakes THE\n difficult task of drawing his wife from THE pleasures of Rome to\n that calm retreat.]\n\n 67 (return) [ This measure was taken by Roger l., after THE\n conquest of Naples, (A.D. 1139,) which he made THE capital of his\n new kingdom, (Giannone, Istoria Civile, tom. ii. p. 169.) That\n city, THE third in Christian Europe, is now at least twelve miles\n in circumference, (Jul. Caesar. Capaccii Hist. Neapol. l. i. p.\n 47,) and contains more inhabitants (350,000) in a given space,\n than any oTHEr spot in THE known world.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Not geometrical, but common, paces or steps, of 22\n French inches, (D’ Anville, Mesures Itineraires, p. 7, 8.) The\n 2363 do not take an English mile.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Belisarius was reproved by Pope Silverius for THE\n massacre. He repeopled Naples, and imported colonies of African\n captives into Sicily, Calabria, and Apulia, (Hist. Miscell. l.\n xvi. in Muratori, tom. i. p. 106, 107.)]\n\n 70 (return) [ Beneventum was built by Diomede, THE nephew of\n Meleager (Cluver. tom. ii. p. 1195, 1196.) The Calydonian hunt is\n a picture of savage life, (Ovid, Metamorph. l. viii.) Thirty or\n forty heroes were leagued against a hog: THE brutes (not THE hog)\n quarrelled with lady for THE head.]\n\n\n The faithful soldiers and citizens of Naples had expected THEir\n deliverance from a prince, who remained THE inactive and almost\n indifferent spectator of THEir ruin. Theodatus secured his person\n within THE walls of Rome, whilst his cavalry advanced forty miles\n on THE Appian way, and encamped in THE Pomptine marshes; which,\n by a canal of nineteen miles in length, had been recently drained\n and converted into excellent pastures. 71 But THE principal\n forces of THE Goths were dispersed in Dalmatia, Venetia, and\n Gaul; and THE feeble mind of THEir king was confounded by THE\n unsuccessful event of a divination, which seemed to presage THE\n downfall of his empire. 72 The most abject slaves have arraigned\n THE guilt or weakness of an unfortunate master. The character of\n Theodatus was rigorously scrutinized by a free and idle camp of\n Barbarians, conscious of THEir privilege and power: he was\n declared unworthy of his race, his nation, and his throne; and\n THEir general Vitiges, whose valor had been signalized in THE\n Illyrian war, was raised with unanimous applause on THE bucklers\n of his companions. On THE first rumor, THE abdicated monarch fled\n from THE justice of his country; but he was pursued by private\n revenge. A Goth, whom he had injured in his love, overtook\n Theodatus on THE Flaminian way, and, regardless of his unmanly\n cries, slaughtered him, as he lay, prostrate on THE ground, like\n a victim (says THE historian) at THE foot of THE altar. The\n choice of THE people is THE best and purest title to reign over\n THEm; yet such is THE prejudice of every age, that Vitiges\n impatiently wished to return to Ravenna, where he might seize,\n with THE reluctant hand of THE daughter of Amalasontha, some\n faint shadow of hereditary right. A national council was\n immediately held, and THE new monarch reconciled THE impatient\n spirit of THE Barbarians to a measure of disgrace, which THE\n misconduct of his predecessor rendered wise and indispensable.\n The Goths consented to retreat in THE presence of a victorious\n enemy; to delay till THE next spring THE operations of offensive\n war; to summon THEir scattered forces; to relinquish THEir\n distant possessions, and to trust even Rome itself to THE faith\n of its inhabitants. Leuderis, an ancient warrior, was left in THE\n capital with four thousand soldiers; a feeble garrison, which\n might have seconded THE zeal, though it was incapable of opposing\n THE wishes, of THE Romans. But a momentary enthusiasm of religion\n and patriotism was kindled in THEir minds. They furiously\n exclaimed, that THE apostolic throne should no longer be profaned\n by THE triumph or toleration of Arianism; that THE tombs of THE\n Caesars should no longer be trampled by THE savages of THE North;\n and, without reflecting, that Italy must sink into a province of\n Constantinople, THEy fondly hailed THE restoration of a Roman\n emperor as a new aera of freedom and prosperity. The deputies of\n THE pope and clergy, of THE senate and people, invited THE\n lieutenant of Justinian to accept THEir voluntary allegiance, and\n to enter THE city, whose gates would be thrown open for his\n reception. As soon as Belisarius had fortified his new conquests,\n Naples and Cumae, he advanced about twenty miles to THE banks of\n THE Vulturnus, contemplated THE decayed grandeur of Capua, and\n halted at THE separation of THE Latin and Appian ways. The work\n of THE censor, after THE incessant use of nine centuries, still\n preserved its primaeval beauty, and not a flaw could be\n discovered in THE large polished stones, of which that solid,\n though narrow road, was so firmly compacted. 73 Belisarius,\n however, preferred THE Latin way, which, at a distance from THE\n sea and THE marshes, skirted in a space of one hundred and twenty\n miles along THE foot of THE mountains. His enemies had\n disappeared: when he made his entrance through THE Asinarian\n gate, THE garrison departed without molestation along THE\n Flaminian way; and THE city, after sixty years’ servitude, was\n delivered from THE yoke of THE Barbarians. Leuderis alone, from a\n motive of pride or discontent, refused to accompany THE\n fugitives; and THE Gothic chief, himself a trophy of THE victory,\n was sent with THE keys of Rome to THE throne of THE emperor\n Justinian. 74\n\n 71 (return) [ The Decennovium is strangely confounded by\n Cluverius (tom. ii. p. 1007) with THE River Ufens. It was in\n truth a canal of nineteen miles, from Forum Appii to Terracina,\n on which Horace embarked in THE night. The Decennovium, which is\n mentioned by Lucan, Dion Cassius, and Cassiodorus, has been\n sufficiently ruined, restored, and obliterated, (D’Anville,\n Anayse de l’Italie, p. 185, &c.)]\n\n 72 (return) [ A Jew, gratified his contempt and hatred for all\n THE Christians, by enclosing three bands, each of ten hogs, and\n discriminated by THE names of Goths, Greeks, and Romans. Of THE\n first, almost all were found dead; almost all THE second were\n alive: of THE third, half died, and THE rest lost THEir bristles.\n No unsuitable emblem of THE event]\n\n 73 (return) [ Bergier (Hist. des Grands Chemins des Romains, tom.\n i. p. 221-228, 440-444) examines THE structure and materials,\n while D’Anville (Analyse d’Italie, p. 200—123) defines THE\n geographical line.]\n\n 74 (return) [ Of THE first recovery of Rome, THE year (536) is\n certain, from THE series of events, raTHEr than from THE corrupt,\n or interpolated, text of Procopius. The month (December) is\n ascertained by Evagrius, (l. iv. v. 19;) and THE day (THE tenth)\n may be admitted on THE slight evidence of Nicephorus Callistus,\n (l. xvii. c. 13.) For this accurate chronology, we are indebted\n to THE diligence and judgment of Pagi, (tom, ii. p. 659, 560.)\n Note: Compare Maltret’s note, in THE edition of Dindorf THE ninth\n is THE day, according to his reading,—M.]\n\n\n The first days, which coincided with THE old Saturnalia, were\n devoted to mutual congratulation and THE public joy; and THE\n Catholics prepared to celebrate, without a rival, THE approaching\n festival of THE nativity of Christ. In THE familiar conversation\n of a hero, THE Romans acquired some notion of THE virtues which\n history ascribed to THEir ancestors; THEy were edified by THE\n apparent respect of Belisarius for THE successor of St. Peter,\n and his rigid discipline secured in THE midst of war THE\n blessings of tranquillity and justice. They applauded THE rapid\n success of his arms, which overran THE adjacent country, as far\n as Narni, Perusia, and Spoleto; but THEy trembled, THE senate,\n THE clergy, and THE unwarlike people, as soon as THEy understood\n that he had resolved, and would speedily be reduced, to sustain a\n siege against THE powers of THE Gothic monarchy. The designs of\n Vitiges were executed, during THE winter season, with diligence\n and effect. From THEir rustic habitations, from THEir distant\n garrisons, THE Goths assembled at Ravenna for THE defence of\n THEir country; and such were THEir numbers, that, after an army\n had been detached for THE relief of Dalmatia, one hundred and\n fifty thousand fighting men marched under THE royal standard.\n According to THE degrees of rank or merit, THE Gothic king\n distributed arms and horses, rich gifts, and liberal promises; he\n moved along THE Flaminian way, declined THE useless sieges of\n Perusia and Spoleto, respected he impregnable rock of Narni, and\n arrived within two miles of Rome at THE foot of THE Milvian\n bridge. The narrow passage was fortified with a tower, and\n Belisarius had computed THE value of THE twenty days which must\n be lost in THE construction of anoTHEr bridge. But THE\n consternation of THE soldiers of THE tower, who eiTHEr fled or\n deserted, disappointed his hopes, and betrayed his person into\n THE most imminent danger. At THE head of one thousand horse, THE\n Roman general sallied from THE Flaminian gate to mark THE ground\n of an advantageous position, and to survey THE camp of THE\n Barbarians; but while he still believed THEm on THE oTHEr side of\n THE Tyber, he was suddenly encompassed and assaulted by THEir\n numerous squadrons. The fate of Italy depended on his life; and\n THE deserters pointed to THE conspicuous horse a bay, 75 with a\n white face, which he rode on that memorable day. “Aim at THE bay\n horse,” was THE universal cry. Every bow was bent, every javelin\n was directed, against that fatal object, and THE command was\n repeated and obeyed by thousands who were ignorant of its real\n motive. The bolder Barbarians advanced to THE more honorable\n combat of swords and spears; and THE praise of an enemy has\n graced THE fall of Visandus, THE standard-bearer, 76 who\n maintained his foremost station, till he was pierced with\n thirteen wounds, perhaps by THE hand of Belisarius himself. The\n Roman general was strong, active, and dexterous; on every side he\n discharged his weighty and mortal strokes: his faithful guards\n imitated his valor, and defended his person; and THE Goths, after\n THE loss of a thousand men, fled before THE arms of a hero. They\n were rashly pursued to THEir camp; and THE Romans, oppressed by\n multitudes, made a gradual, and at length a precipitate retreat\n to THE gates of THE city: THE gates were shut against THE\n fugitives; and THE public terror was increased, by THE report\n that Belisarius was slain. His countenance was indeed disfigured\n by sweat, dust, and blood; his voice was hoarse, his strength was\n almost exhausted; but his unconquerable spirit still remained; he\n imparted that spirit to his desponding companions; and THEir last\n desperate charge was felt by THE flying Barbarians, as if a new\n army, vigorous and entire, had been poured from THE city. The\n Flaminian gate was thrown open to a real triumph; but it was not\n before Belisarius had visited every post, and provided for THE\n public safety, that he could be persuaded, by his wife and\n friends, to taste THE needful refreshments of food and sleep. In\n THE more improved state of THE art of war, a general is seldom\n required, or even permitted to display THE personal prowess of a\n soldier; and THE example of Belisarius may be added to THE rare\n examples of Henry IV., of Pyrrhus, and of Alexander.\n\n 75 (return) [ A horse of a bay or red color was styled by THE\n Greeks, balan by THE Barbarians, and spadix by THE Romans.\n Honesti spadices, says Virgil, (Georgic. l. iii. 72, with THE\n Observations of Martin and Heyne.) It signifies a branch of THE\n palm-tree, whose name is synonymous to red, (Aulus Gellius, ii.\n 26.)]\n\n 76 (return) [ I interpret it, not as a proper, name, but an\n office, standard-bearer, from bandum, (vexillum,) a Barbaric word\n adopted by THE Greeks and Romans, (Paul Diacon. l. i. c. 20, p.\n 760. Grot. Nomina Hethica, p. 575. Ducange, Gloss. Latin. tom. i.\n p. 539, 540.)]\n\n\n After this first and unsuccessful trial of THEir enemies, THE\n whole army of THE Goths passed THE Tyber, and formed THE siege of\n THE city, which continued above a year, till THEir final\n departure. Whatever fancy may conceive, THE severe compass of THE\n geographer defines THE circumference of Rome within a line of\n twelve miles and three hundred and forty-five paces; and that\n circumference, except in THE Vatican, has invariably been THE\n same from THE triumph of Aurelian to THE peaceful but obscure\n reign of THE modern popes. 77 But in THE day of her greatness,\n THE space within her walls was crowded with habitations and\n inhabitants; and THE populous suburbs, that stretched along THE\n public roads, were darted like so many rays from one common\n centre. Adversity swept away THEse extraneous ornaments, and left\n naked and desolate a considerable part even of THE seven hills.\n Yet Rome in its present state could send into THE field about\n thirty thousand males of a military age; 78 and, notwithstanding\n THE want of discipline and exercise, THE far greater part, inured\n to THE hardships of poverty, might be capable of bearing arms for\n THE defence of THEir country and religion. The prudence of\n Belisarius did not neglect this important resource. His soldiers\n were relieved by THE zeal and diligence of THE people, who\n watched while THEy slept, and labored while THEy reposed: he\n accepted THE voluntary service of THE bravest and most indigent\n of THE Roman youth; and THE companies of townsmen sometimes\n represented, in a vacant post, THE presence of THE troops which\n had been drawn away to more essential duties. But his just\n confidence was placed in THE veterans who had fought under his\n banner in THE Persian and African wars; and although that gallant\n band was reduced to five thousand men, he undertook, with such\n contemptible numbers, to defend a circle of twelve miles, against\n an army of one hundred and fifty thousand Barbarians. In THE\n walls of Rome, which Belisarius constructed or restored, THE\n materials of ancient architecture may be discerned; 79 and THE\n whole fortification was completed, except in a chasm still extant\n between THE Pincian and Flaminian gates, which THE prejudices of\n THE Goths and Romans left under THE effectual guard of St. Peter\n THE apostle. 80\n\n 77 (return) [ M. D’Anville has given, in THE Memoirs of THE\n Academy for THE year 1756, (tom. xxx. p. 198—236,) a plan of Rome\n on a smaller scale, but far more accurate than that which he had\n delineated in 1738 for Rollin’s history. Experience had improved\n his knowledge and instead of Rossi’s topography, he used THE new\n and excellent map of Nolli. Pliny’s old measure of thirteen must\n be reduced to eight miles. It is easier to alter a text, than to\n remove hills or buildings. * Note: Compare Gibbon, ch. xi. note\n 43, and xxxi. 67, and ch. lxxi. “It is quite clear,” observes Sir\n J. Hobhouse, “that all THEse measurements differ, (in THE first\n and second it is 21, in THE text 12 and 345 paces, in THE last\n 10,) yet it is equally clear that THE historian avers that THEy\n are all THE same.” The present extent, 12 3/4 nearly agrees with\n THE second statement of Gibbon. Sir. J. Hobhouse also observes\n that THE walls were enlarged by Constantine; but THEre can be no\n doubt that THE circuit has been much changed. Illust. of Ch.\n Harold, p. 180.—M.]\n\n 78 (return) [ In THE year 1709, Labat (Voyages en Italie, tom.\n iii. p. 218) reckoned 138,568 Christian souls, besides 8000 or\n 10,000 Jews—without souls? In THE year 1763, THE numbers exceeded\n 160,000.]\n\n 79 (return) [ The accurate eye of Nardini (Roma Antica, l. i. c.\n viii. p. 31) could distinguish THE tumultuarie opere di\n Belisario.]\n\n 80 (return) [ The fissure and leaning in THE upper part of THE\n wall, which Procopius observed, (Goth. l. i. c. 13,) is visible\n to THE present hour, (Douat. Roma Vetus, l. i. c. 17, p. 53,\n 54.)]\n\n\n The battlements or bastions were shaped in sharp angles; a ditch,\n broad and deep, protected THE foot of THE rampart; and THE\n archers on THE rampart were assisted by military engines; THE\n balistri, a powerful cross-bow, which darted short but massy\n arrows; THE onagri, or wild asses, which, on THE principle of a\n sling, threw stones and bullets of an enormous size. 81 A chain\n was drawn across THE Tyber; THE arches of THE aqueducts were made\n impervious, and THE mole or sepulchre of Hadrian 82 was\n converted, for THE first time, to THE uses of a citadel. That\n venerable structure, which contained THE ashes of THE Antonines,\n was a circular turret rising from a quadrangular basis; it was\n covered with THE white marble of Paros, and decorated by THE\n statues of gods and heroes; and THE lover of THE arts must read\n with a sigh, that THE works of Praxiteles or Lysippus were torn\n from THEir lofty pedestals, and hurled into THE ditch on THE\n heads of THE besiegers. 83 To each of his lieutenants Belisarius\n assigned THE defence of a gate, with THE wise and peremptory\n instruction, that, whatever might be THE alarm, THEy should\n steadily adhere to THEir respective posts, and trust THEir\n general for THE safety of Rome. The formidable host of THE Goths\n was insufficient to embrace THE ample measure of THE city, of THE\n fourteen gates, seven only were invested from THE Proenestine to\n THE Flaminian way; and Vitiges divided his troops into six camps,\n each of which was fortified with a ditch and rampart. On THE\n Tuscan side of THE river, a seventh encampment was formed in THE\n field or circus of THE Vatican, for THE important purpose of\n commanding THE Milvian bridge and THE course of THE Tyber; but\n THEy approached with devotion THE adjacent church of St. Peter;\n and THE threshold of THE holy apostles was respected during THE\n siege by a Christian enemy. In THE ages of victory, as often as\n THE senate decreed some distant conquest, THE consul denounced\n hostilities, by unbarring, in solemn pomp, THE gates of THE\n temple of Janus. 84 Domestic war now rendered THE admonition\n superfluous, and THE ceremony was superseded by THE establishment\n of a new religion. But THE brazen temple of Janus was left\n standing in THE forum; of a size sufficient only to contain THE\n statue of THE god, five cubits in height, of a human form, but\n with two faces directed to THE east and west. The double gates\n were likewise of brass; and a fruitless effort to turn THEm on\n THEir rusty hinges revealed THE scandalous secret that some\n Romans were still attached to THE superstition of THEir\n ancestors.\n\n 81 (return) [ Lipsius (Opp. tom. iii. Poliorcet, l. iii.) was\n ignorant of this clear and conspicuous passage of Procopius,\n (Goth. l. i. c. 21.) The engine was named THE wild ass, a\n calcitrando, (Hen. Steph. Thesaur. Linguae Graec. tom. ii. p.\n 1340, 1341, tom. iii. p. 877.) I have seen an ingenious model,\n contrived and executed by General Melville, which imitates or\n surpasses THE art of antiquity.]\n\n 82 (return) [ The description of this mausoleum, or mole, in\n Procopius, (l. i. c. 25.) is THE first and best. The height above\n THE walls. On Nolli’s great plan, THE sides measure 260 English\n feet. * Note: Donatus and Nardini suppose that Hadrian’s tomb was\n fortified by Honorius; it was united to THE wall by men of old,\n (Procop in loc.) Gibbon has mistaken THE breadth for THE height\n above THE walls Hobhouse, Illust. of Childe Harold, p. 302.—M.]\n\n 83 (return) [ Praxiteles excelled in Fauns, and that of ATHEns\n was his own masterpiece. Rome now contains about thirty of THE\n same character. When THE ditch of St. Angelo was cleansed under\n Urban VIII., THE workmen found THE sleeping Faun of THE Barberini\n palace; but a leg, a thigh, and THE right arm, had been broken\n from that beautiful statue, (Winkelman, Hist. de l’Art, tom. ii.\n p. 52, 53, tom iii. p. 265.)]\n\n 84 (return) [ Procopius has given THE best description of THE\n temple of Janus a national deity of Latium, (Heyne, Excurs. v. ad\n l. vii. Aeneid.) It was once a gate in THE primitive city of\n Romulus and Numa, (Nardini, p. 13, 256, 329.) Virgil has\n described THE ancient rite like a poet and an antiquarian.]\n\n\n Eighteen days were employed by THE besiegers, to provide all THE\n instruments of attack which antiquity had invented. Fascines were\n prepared to fill THE ditches, scaling-ladders to ascend THE\n walls. The largest trees of THE forest supplied THE timbers of\n four battering-rams: THEir heads were armed with iron; THEy were\n suspended by ropes, and each of THEm was worked by THE labor of\n fifty men. The lofty wooden turrets moved on wheels or rollers,\n and formed a spacious platform of THE level of THE rampart. On\n THE morning of THE nineteenth day, a general attack was made from\n THE Praenestine gate to THE Vatican: seven Gothic columns, with\n THEir military engines, advanced to THE assault; and THE Romans,\n who lined THE ramparts, listened with doubt and anxiety to THE\n cheerful assurances of THEir commander. As soon as THE enemy\n approached THE ditch, Belisarius himself drew THE first arrow;\n and such was his strength and dexterity, that he transfixed THE\n foremost of THE Barbarian leaders.\n\n\n A shout of applause and victory was reechoed along THE wall. He\n drew a second arrow, and THE stroke was followed with THE same\n success and THE same acclamation. The Roman general THEn gave THE\n word, that THE archers should aim at THE teams of oxen; THEy were\n instantly covered with mortal wounds; THE towers which THEy drew\n remained useless and immovable, and a single moment disconcerted\n THE laborious projects of THE king of THE Goths. After this\n disappointment, Vitiges still continued, or feigned to continue,\n THE assault of THE Salarian gate, that he might divert THE\n attention of his adversary, while his principal forces more\n strenuously attacked THE Praenestine gate and THE sepulchre of\n Hadrian, at THE distance of three miles from each oTHEr. Near THE\n former, THE double walls of THE Vivarium 85 were low or broken;\n THE fortifications of THE latter were feebly guarded: THE vigor\n of THE Goths was excited by THE hope of victory and spoil; and if\n a single post had given way, THE Romans, and Rome itself, were\n irrecoverably lost. This perilous day was THE most glorious in\n THE life of Belisarius. Amidst tumult and dismay, THE whole plan\n of THE attack and defence was distinctly present to his mind; he\n observed THE changes of each instant, weighed every possible\n advantage, transported his person to THE scenes of danger, and\n communicated his spirit in calm and decisive orders. The contest\n was fiercely maintained from THE morning to THE evening; THE\n Goths were repulsed on all sides; and each Roman might boast that\n he had vanquished thirty Barbarians, if THE strange disproportion\n of numbers were not counterbalanced by THE merit of one man.\n Thirty thousand Goths, according to THE confession of THEir own\n chiefs, perished in this bloody action; and THE multitude of THE\n wounded was equal to that of THE slain. When THEy advanced to THE\n assault, THEir close disorder suffered not a javelin to fall\n without effect; and as THEy retired, THE populace of THE city\n joined THE pursuit, and slaughtered, with impunity, THE backs of\n THEir flying enemies. Belisarius instantly sallied from THE\n gates; and while THE soldiers chanted his name and victory, THE\n hostile engines of war were reduced to ashes. Such was THE loss\n and consternation of THE Goths, that, from this day, THE siege of\n Rome degenerated into a tedious and indolent blockade; and THEy\n were incessantly harassed by THE Roman general, who, in frequent\n skirmishes, destroyed above five thousand of THEir bravest\n troops. Their cavalry was unpractised in THE use of THE bow;\n THEir archers served on foot; and this divided force was\n incapable of contending with THEir adversaries, whose lances and\n arrows, at a distance, or at hand, were alike formidable. The\n consummate skill of Belisarius embraced THE favorable\n opportunities; and as he chose THE ground and THE moment, as he\n pressed THE charge or sounded THE retreat, 86 THE squadrons which\n he detached were seldom unsuccessful. These partial advantages\n diffused an impatient ardor among THE soldiers and people, who\n began to feel THE hardships of a siege, and to disregard THE\n dangers of a general engagement. Each plebeian conceived himself\n to be a hero, and THE infantry, who, since THE decay of\n discipline, were rejected from THE line of battle, aspired to THE\n ancient honors of THE Roman legion. Belisarius praised THE spirit\n of his troops, condemned THEir presumption, yielded to THEir\n clamors, and prepared THE remedies of a defeat, THE possibility\n of which he alone had courage to suspect. In THE quarter of THE\n Vatican, THE Romans prevailed; and if THE irreparable moments had\n not been wasted in THE pillage of THE camp, THEy might have\n occupied THE Milvian bridge, and charged in THE rear of THE\n Gothic host. On THE oTHEr side of THE Tyber, Belisarius advanced\n from THE Pincian and Salarian gates. But his army, four thousand\n soldiers perhaps, was lost in a spacious plain; THEy were\n encompassed and oppressed by fresh multitudes, who continually\n relieved THE broken ranks of THE Barbarians. The valiant leaders\n of THE infantry were unskilled to conquer; THEy died: THE retreat\n (a hasty retreat) was covered by THE prudence of THE general, and\n THE victors started back with affright from THE formidable aspect\n of an armed rampart. The reputation of Belisarius was unsullied\n by a defeat; and THE vain confidence of THE Goths was not less\n serviceable to his designs than THE repentance and modesty of THE\n Roman troops.\n\n 85 (return) [ Vivarium was an angle in THE new wall enclosed for\n wild beasts, (Procopius, Goth. l. i. c. 23.) The spot is still\n visible in Nardini (l iv. c. 2, p. 159, 160,) and Nolli’s great\n plan of Rome.]\n\n 86 (return) [ For THE Roman trumpet, and its various notes,\n consult Lipsius de Militia Romana, (Opp. tom. iii. l. iv. Dialog.\n x. p. 125-129.) A mode of distinguishing THE charge by THE\n horse-trumpet of solid brass, and THE retreat by THE foot-trumpet\n of leaTHEr and light wood, was recommended by Procopius, and\n adopted by Belisarius.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part IV.\n\n\n From THE moment that Belisarius had determined to sustain a\n siege, his assiduous care provided Rome against THE danger of\n famine, more dreadful than THE Gothic arms. An extraordinary\n supply of corn was imported from Sicily: THE harvests of Campania\n and Tuscany were forcibly swept for THE use of THE city; and THE\n rights of private property were infringed by THE strong plea of\n THE public safety. It might easily be foreseen that THE enemy\n would intercept THE aqueducts; and THE cessation of THE\n water-mills was THE first inconvenience, which was speedily\n removed by mooring large vessels, and fixing mill-stones in THE\n current of THE river. The stream was soon embarrassed by THE\n trunks of trees, and polluted with dead bodies; yet so effectual\n were THE precautions of THE Roman general, that THE waters of THE\n Tyber still continued to give motion to THE mills and drink to\n THE inhabitants: THE more distant quarters were supplied from\n domestic wells; and a besieged city might support, without\n impatience, THE privation of her public baths. A large portion of\n Rome, from THE Praenestine gate to THE church of St. Paul, was\n never invested by THE Goths; THEir excursions were restrained by\n THE activity of THE Moorish troops: THE navigation of THE Tyber,\n and THE Latin, Appian, and Ostian ways, were left free and\n unmolested for THE introduction of corn and cattle, or THE\n retreat of THE inhabitants, who sought refuge in Campania or\n Sicily. Anxious to relieve himself from a useless and devouring\n multitude, Belisarius issued his peremptory orders for THE\n instant departure of THE women, THE children, and slaves;\n required his soldiers to dismiss THEir male and female\n attendants, and regulated THEir allowance that one moiety should\n be given in provisions, and THE oTHEr in money. His foresight was\n justified by THE increase of THE public distress, as soon as THE\n Goths had occupied two important posts in THE neighborhood of\n Rome. By THE loss of THE port, or, as it is now called, THE city\n of Porto, he was deprived of THE country on THE right of THE\n Tyber, and THE best communication with THE sea; and he reflected,\n with grief and anger, that three hundred men, could he have\n spared such a feeble band, might have defended its impregnable\n works. Seven miles from THE capital, between THE Appian and THE\n Latin ways, two principal aqueducts crossing, and again crossing\n each oTHEr: enclosed within THEir solid and lofty arches a\n fortified space, 87 where Vitiges established a camp of seven\n thousand Goths to intercept THE convoy of Sicily and Campania.\n The granaries of Rome were insensibly exhausted, THE adjacent\n country had been wasted with fire and sword; such scanty supplies\n as might yet be obtained by hasty excursions were THE reward of\n valor, and THE purchase of wealth: THE forage of THE horses, and\n THE bread of THE soldiers, never failed: but in THE last months\n of THE siege, THE people were exposed to THE miseries of\n scarcity, unwholesome food, 88 and contagious disorders.\n Belisarius saw and pitied THEir sufferings; but he had foreseen,\n and he watched THE decay of THEir loyalty, and THE progress of\n THEir discontent. Adversity had awakened THE Romans from THE\n dreams of grandeur and freedom, and taught THEm THE humiliating\n lesson, that it was of small moment to THEir real happiness,\n wheTHEr THE name of THEir master was derived from THE Gothic or\n THE Latin language. The lieutenant of Justinian listened to THEir\n just complaints, but he rejected with disdain THE idea of flight\n or capitulation; repressed THEir clamorous impatience for battle;\n amused THEm with THE prospect of a sure and speedy relief; and\n secured himself and THE city from THE effects of THEir despair or\n treachery. Twice in each month he changed THE station of THE\n officers to whom THE custody of THE gates was committed: THE\n various precautions of patroles, watch words, lights, and music,\n were repeatedly employed to discover whatever passed on THE\n ramparts; out-guards were posted beyond THE ditch, and THE trusty\n vigilance of dogs supplied THE more doubtful fidelity of mankind.\n A letter was intercepted, which assured THE king of THE Goths\n that THE Asinarian gate, adjoining to THE Lateran church, should\n be secretly opened to his troops. On THE proof or suspicion of\n treason, several senators were banished, and THE pope Sylverius\n was summoned to attend THE representative of his sovereign, at\n his head-quarters in THE Pincian palace. 89 The ecclesiastics,\n who followed THEir bishop, were detained in THE first or second\n apartment, 90 and he alone was admitted to THE presence of\n Belisarius. The conqueror of Rome and Carthage was modestly\n seated at THE feet of Antonina, who reclined on a stately couch:\n THE general was silent, but THE voice of reproach and menace\n issued from THE mouth of his imperious wife. Accused by credible\n witnesses, and THE evidence of his own subscription, THE\n successor of St. Peter was despoiled of his pontifical ornaments,\n clad in THE mean habit of a monk, and embarked, without delay,\n for a distant exile in THE East. 9011 At THE emperor’s command,\n THE clergy of Rome proceeded to THE choice of a new bishop; and\n after a solemn invocation of THE Holy Ghost, elected THE deacon\n Vigilius, who had purchased THE papal throne by a bribe of two\n hundred pounds of gold. The profit, and consequently THE guilt,\n of this simony, was imputed to Belisarius: but THE hero obeyed\n THE orders of his wife; Antonina served THE passions of THE\n empress; and Theodora lavished her treasures, in THE vain hope of\n obtaining a pontiff hostile or indifferent to THE council of\n Chalcedon. 91\n\n 87 (return) [ Procopius (Goth. l. ii. c. 3) has forgot to name\n THEse aqueducts nor can such a double intersection, at such a\n distance from Rome, be clearly ascertained from THE writings of\n Frontinus, Fabretti, and Eschinard, de Aquis and de Agro Romano,\n or from THE local maps of Lameti and Cingolani. Seven or eight\n miles from THE city, (50 stadia,) on THE road to Albano, between\n THE Latin and Appian ways, I discern THE remains of an aqueduct,\n (probably THE Septimian,) a series (630 paces) of arches\n twenty-five feet high.]\n\n 88 (return) [ They made sausages of mule’s flesh; unwholesome, if\n THE animals had died of THE plague. OTHErwise, THE famous Bologna\n sausages are said to be made of ass flesh, (Voyages de Labat,\n tom. ii. p. 218.)]\n\n 89 (return) [ The name of THE palace, THE hill, and THE adjoining\n gate, were all derived from THE senator Pincius. Some recent\n vestiges of temples and churches are now smooTHEd in THE garden\n of THE Minims of THE Trinita del Monte, (Nardini, l. iv. c. 7, p.\n 196. Eschinard, p. 209, 210, THE old plan of Buffalino, and THE\n great plan of Nolli.) Belisarius had fixed his station between\n THE Pincian and Salarian gates, (Procop. Goth. l. i. c. 15.)]\n\n 90 (return) [ From THE mention of THE primum et secundum velum,\n it should seem that Belisarius, even in a siege, represented THE\n emperor, and maintained THE proud ceremonial of THE Byzantine\n palace.]\n\n 9011 (return) [ De Beau, as a good Catholic, makes THE Pope THE\n victim of a dark intrigue. Lord Mahon, (p. 225.) with whom I\n concur, summed up against him.—M.]\n\n 91 (return) [ Of this act of sacrilege, Procopius (Goth. l. i. c.\n 25) is a dry and reluctant witness. The narratives of Liberatus\n (Breviarium, c. 22) and Anastasius (de Vit. Pont. p. 39) are\n characteristic, but passionate. Hear THE execrations of Cardinal\n Baronius, (A.D. 536, No. 123 A.D. 538, No. 4—20:) portentum,\n facinus omni execratione dignum.]\n\n\n The epistle of Belisarius to THE emperor announced his victory,\n his danger, and his resolution. “According to your commands, we\n have entered THE dominions of THE Goths, and reduced to your\n obedience Sicily, Campania, and THE city of Rome; but THE loss of\n THEse conquests will be more disgraceful than THEir acquisition\n was glorious. HiTHErto we have successfully fought against THE\n multitudes of THE Barbarians, but THEir multitudes may finally\n prevail. Victory is THE gift of Providence, but THE reputation of\n kings and generals depends on THE success or THE failure of THEir\n designs. Permit me to speak with freedom: if you wish that we\n should live, send us subsistence; if you desire that we should\n conquer, send us arms, horses, and men. The Romans have received\n us as friends and deliverers: but in our present distress, THEy\n will be eiTHEr betrayed by THEir confidence, or we shall be\n oppressed by THEir treachery and hatred. For myself, my life is\n consecrated to your service: it is yours to reflect, wheTHEr my\n death in this situation will contribute to THE glory and\n prosperity of your reign.” Perhaps that reign would have been\n equally prosperous if THE peaceful master of THE East had\n abstained from THE conquest of Africa and Italy: but as Justinian\n was ambitious of fame, he made some efforts (THEy were feeble and\n languid) to support and rescue his victorious general. A\n reenforcement of sixteen hundred Sclavonians and Huns was led by\n Martin and Valerian; and as THEy reposed during THE winter season\n in THE harbors of Greece, THE strength of THE men and horses was\n not impaired by THE fatigues of a sea-voyage; and THEy\n distinguished THEir valor in THE first sally against THE\n besiegers. About THE time of THE summer solstice, Euthalius\n landed at Terracina with large sums of money for THE payment of\n THE troops: he cautiously proceeded along THE Appian way, and\n this convoy entered Rome through THE gate Capena, 92 while\n Belisarius, on THE oTHEr side, diverted THE attention of THE\n Goths by a vigorous and successful skirmish. These seasonable\n aids, THE use and reputation of which were dexterously managed by\n THE Roman general, revived THE courage, or at least THE hopes, of\n THE soldiers and people. The historian Procopius was despatched\n with an important commission to collect THE troops and provisions\n which Campania could furnish, or Constantinople had sent; and THE\n secretary of Belisarius was soon followed by Antonina herself, 93\n who boldly traversed THE posts of THE enemy, and returned with\n THE Oriental succors to THE relief of her husband and THE\n besieged city. A fleet of three thousand Isaurians cast anchor in\n THE Bay of Naples and afterwards at Ostia. Above two thousand\n horse, of whom a part were Thracians, landed at Tarentum; and,\n after THE junction of five hundred soldiers of Campania, and a\n train of wagons laden with wine and flour, THEy directed THEir\n march on THE Appian way, from Capua to THE neighborhood of Rome.\n The forces that arrived by land and sea were united at THE mouth\n of THE Tyber. Antonina convened a council of war: it was resolved\n to surmount, with sails and oars, THE adverse stream of THE\n river; and THE Goths were apprehensive of disturbing, by any rash\n hostilities, THE negotiation to which Belisarius had craftily\n listened. They credulously believed that THEy saw no more than\n THE vanguard of a fleet and army, which already covered THE\n Ionian Sea and THE plains of Campania; and THE illusion was\n supported by THE haughty language of THE Roman general, when he\n gave audience to THE ambassadors of Vitiges. After a specious\n discourse to vindicate THE justice of his cause, THEy declared,\n that, for THE sake of peace, THEy were disposed to renounce THE\n possession of Sicily. “The emperor is not less generous,” replied\n his lieutenant, with a disdainful smile, “in return for a gift\n which you no longer possess: he presents you with an ancient\n province of THE empire; he resigns to THE Goths THE sovereignty\n of THE British island.” Belisarius rejected with equal firmness\n and contempt THE offer of a tribute; but he allowed THE Gothic\n ambassadors to seek THEir fate from THE mouth of Justinian\n himself; and consented, with seeming reluctance, to a truce of\n three months, from THE winter solstice to THE equinox of spring.\n Prudence might not safely trust eiTHEr THE oaths or hostages of\n THE Barbarians, and THE conscious superiority of THE Roman chief\n was expressed in THE distribution of his troops. As soon as fear\n or hunger compelled THE Goths to evacuate Alba, Porto, and\n Centumcellae, THEir place was instantly supplied; THE garrisons\n of Narni, Spoleto, and Perusia, were reenforced, and THE seven\n camps of THE besiegers were gradually encompassed with THE\n calamities of a siege. The prayers and pilgrimage of Datius,\n bishop of Milan, were not without effect; and he obtained one\n thousand Thracians and Isaurians, to assist THE revolt of Liguria\n against her Arian tyrant. At THE same time, John THE Sanguinary,\n 94 THE nephew of Vitalian, was detached with two thousand chosen\n horse, first to Alba, on THE Fucine Lake, and afterwards to THE\n frontiers of Picenum, on THE Hadriatic Sea. “In THE province,”\n said Belisarius, “THE Goths have deposited THEir families and\n treasures, without a guard or THE suspicion of danger. Doubtless\n THEy will violate THE truce: let THEm feel your presence, before\n THEy hear of your motions. Spare THE Italians; suffer not any\n fortified places to remain hostile in your rear; and faithfully\n reserve THE spoil for an equal and common partition. It would not\n be reasonable,” he added with a laugh, “that whilst we are\n toiling to THE destruction of THE drones, our more fortunate\n brethren should rifle and enjoy THE honey.”\n\n 92 (return) [ The old Capena was removed by Aurelian to, or near,\n THE modern gate of St. Sebastian, (see Nolli’s plan.) That\n memorable spot has been consecrated by THE Egerian grove, THE\n memory of Numa two umphal arches, THE sepulchres of THE Scipios,\n Metelli, &c.]\n\n 93 (return) [ The expression of Procopius has an invidious cast,\n (Goth. l. ii. c. 4.) Yet he is speaking of a woman.]\n\n 94 (return) [ Anastasius (p. 40) has preserved this epiTHEt of\n Sanguinarius which might do honor to a tiger.]\n\n\n The whole nation of THE Ostrogoths had been assembled for THE\n attack, and was almost entirely consumed in THE siege of Rome. If\n any credit be due to an intelligent spectator, one third at least\n of THEir enormous host was destroyed, in frequent and bloody\n combats under THE walls of THE city. The bad fame and pernicious\n qualities of THE summer air might already be imputed to THE decay\n of agriculture and population; and THE evils of famine and\n pestilence were aggravated by THEir own licentiousness, and THE\n unfriendly disposition of THE country. While Vitiges struggled\n with his fortune, while he hesitated between shame and ruin, his\n retreat was hastened by domestic alarms. The king of THE Goths\n was informed by trembling messengers, that John THE Sanguinary\n spread THE devastations of war from THE Apennine to THE\n Hadriatic; that THE rich spoils and innumerable captives of\n Picenum were lodged in THE fortifications of Rimini; and that\n this formidable chief had defeated his uncle, insulted his\n capital, and seduced, by secret correspondence, THE fidelity of\n his wife, THE imperious daughter of Amalasontha. Yet, before he\n retired, Vitiges made a last effort, eiTHEr to storm or to\n surprise THE city. A secret passage was discovered in one of THE\n aqueducts; two citizens of THE Vatican were tempted by bribes to\n intoxicate THE guards of THE Aurelian gate; an attack was\n meditated on THE walls beyond THE Tyber, in a place which was not\n fortified with towers; and THE Barbarians advanced, with torches\n and scaling-ladders, to THE assault of THE Pincian gate. But\n every attempt was defeated by THE intrepid vigilance of\n Belisarius and his band of veterans, who, in THE most perilous\n moments, did not regret THE absence of THEir companions; and THE\n Goths, alike destitute of hope and subsistence, clamorously urged\n THEir departure before THE truce should expire, and THE Roman\n cavalry should again be united. One year and nine days after THE\n commencement of THE siege, an army, so lately strong and\n triumphant, burnt THEir tents, and tumultuously repassed THE\n Milvian bridge. They repassed not with impunity: THEir thronging\n multitudes, oppressed in a narrow passage, were driven headlong\n into THE Tyber, by THEir own fears and THE pursuit of THE enemy;\n and THE Roman general, sallying from THE Pincian gate, inflicted\n a severe and disgraceful wound on THEir retreat. The slow length\n of a sickly and desponding host was heavily dragged along THE\n Flaminian way; from whence THE Barbarians were sometimes\n compelled to deviate, lest THEy should encounter THE hostile\n garrisons that guarded THE high road to Rimini and Ravenna. Yet\n so powerful was this flying army, that Vitiges spared ten\n thousand men for THE defence of THE cities which he was most\n solicitous to preserve, and detached his nephew Uraias, with an\n adequate force, for THE chastisement of rebellious Milan. At THE\n head of his principal army, he besieged Rimini, only thirty-three\n miles distant from THE Gothic capital. A feeble rampart, and a\n shallow ditch, were maintained by THE skill and valor of John THE\n Sanguinary, who shared THE danger and fatigue of THE meanest\n soldier, and emulated, on a THEatre less illustrious, THE\n military virtues of his great commander. The towers and\n battering-engines of THE Barbarians were rendered useless; THEir\n attacks were repulsed; and THE tedious blockade, which reduced\n THE garrison to THE last extremity of hunger, afforded time for\n THE union and march of THE Roman forces. A fleet, which had\n surprised Ancona, sailed along THE coast of THE Hadriatic, to THE\n relief of THE besieged city. The eunuch Narses landed in Picenum\n with two thousand Heruli and five thousand of THE bravest troops\n of THE East. The rock of THE Apennine was forced; ten thousand\n veterans moved round THE foot of THE mountains, under THE command\n of Belisarius himself; and a new army, whose encampment blazed\n with innumerable lights, appeared to advance along THE Flaminian\n way. Overwhelmed with astonishment and despair, THE Goths\n abandoned THE siege of Rimini, THEir tents, THEir standards, and\n THEir leaders; and Vitiges, who gave or followed THE example of\n flight, never halted till he found a shelter within THE walls and\n morasses of Ravenna. To THEse walls, and to some fortresses\n destitute of any mutual support, THE Gothic monarchy was now\n reduced. The provinces of Italy had embraced THE party of THE\n emperor and his army, gradually recruited to THE number of twenty\n thousand men, must have achieved an easy and rapid conquest, if\n THEir invincible powers had not been weakened by THE discord of\n THE Roman chiefs. Before THE end of THE siege, an act of blood,\n ambiguous and indiscreet, sullied THE fair fame of Belisarius.\n Presidius, a loyal Italian, as he fled from Ravenna to Rome, was\n rudely stopped by Constantine, THE military governor of Spoleto,\n and despoiled, even in a church, of two daggers richly inlaid\n with gold and precious stones. As soon as THE public danger had\n subsided, Presidius complained of THE loss and injury: his\n complaint was heard, but THE order of restitution was disobeyed\n by THE pride and avarice of THE offender. Exasperated by THE\n delay, Presidius boldly arrested THE general’s horse as he passed\n through THE forum; and, with THE spirit of a citizen, demanded\n THE common benefit of THE Roman laws. The honor of Belisarius was\n engaged; he summoned a council; claimed THE obedience of his\n subordinate officer; and was provoked, by an insolent reply, to\n call hastily for THE presence of his guards. Constantine, viewing\n THEir entrance as THE signal of death, drew his sword, and rushed\n on THE general, who nimbly eluded THE stroke, and was protected\n by his friends; while THE desperate assassin was disarmed,\n dragged into a neighboring chamber, and executed, or raTHEr\n murdered, by THE guards, at THE arbitrary command of Belisarius.\n 95 In this hasty act of violence, THE guilt of Constantine was no\n longer remembered; THE despair and death of that valiant officer\n were secretly imputed to THE revenge of Antonina; and each of his\n colleagues, conscious of THE same rapine, was apprehensive of THE\n same fate. The fear of a common enemy suspended THE effects of\n THEir envy and discontent; but in THE confidence of approaching\n victory, THEy instigated a powerful rival to oppose THE conqueror\n of Rome and Africa. From THE domestic service of THE palace, and\n THE administration of THE private revenue, Narses THE eunuch was\n suddenly exalted to THE head of an army; and THE spirit of a\n hero, who afterwards equalled THE merit and glory of Belisarius,\n served only to perplex THE operations of THE Gothic war. To his\n prudent counsels, THE relief of Rimini was ascribed by THE\n leaders of THE discontented faction, who exhorted Narses to\n assume an independent and separate command. The epistle of\n Justinian had indeed enjoined his obedience to THE general; but\n THE dangerous exception, “as far as may be advantageous to THE\n public service,” reserved some freedom of judgment to THE\n discreet favorite, who had so lately departed from THE sacred and\n familiar conversation of his sovereign. In THE exercise of this\n doubtful right, THE eunuch perpetually dissented from THE\n opinions of Belisarius; and, after yielding with reluctance to\n THE siege of Urbino, he deserted his colleague in THE night, and\n marched away to THE conquest of THE Aemilian province. The fierce\n and formidable bands of THE Heruli were attached to THE person of\n Narses; 96 ten thousand Romans and confederates were persuaded to\n march under his banners; every malcontent embraced THE fair\n opportunity of revenging his private or imaginary wrongs; and THE\n remaining troops of Belisarius were divided and dispersed from\n THE garrisons of Sicily to THE shores of THE Hadriatic. His skill\n and perseverance overcame every obstacle: Urbino was taken, THE\n sieges of Faesulae Orvieto, and Auximum, were undertaken and\n vigorously prosecuted; and THE eunuch Narses was at length\n recalled to THE domestic cares of THE palace. All dissensions\n were healed, and all opposition was subdued, by THE temperate\n authority of THE Roman general, to whom his enemies could not\n refuse THEir esteem; and Belisarius inculcated THE salutary\n lesson that THE forces of THE state should compose one body, and\n be animated by one soul. But in THE interval of discord, THE\n Goths were permitted to breaTHE; an important season was lost,\n Milan was destroyed, and THE norTHErn provinces of Italy were\n afflicted by an inundation of THE Franks.\n\n 95 (return) [ This transaction is related in THE public history\n (Goth. l. ii. c. 8) with candor or caution; in THE Anecdotes (c.\n 7) with malevolence or freedom; but Marcellinus, or raTHEr his\n continuator, (in Chron.,) casts a shade of premeditated\n assassination over THE death of Constantine. He had performed\n good service at Rome and Spoleto, (Procop. Goth l. i. c. 7, 14;)\n but Alemannus confounds him with a Constantianus comes stabuli.]\n\n 96 (return) [ They refused to serve after his departure; sold\n THEir captives and cattle to THE Goths; and swore never to fight\n against THEm. Procopius introduces a curious digression on THE\n manners and adventures of this wandering nation, a part of whom\n finally emigrated to Thule or Scandinavia. (Goth. l. ii. c. 14,\n 15.)]\n\n\n When Justinian first meditated THE conquest of Italy, he sent\n ambassadors to THE kings of THE Franks, and adjured THEm, by THE\n common ties of alliance and religion, to join in THE holy\n enterprise against THE Arians. The Goths, as THEir wants were\n more urgent, employed a more effectual mode of persuasion, and\n vainly strove, by THE gift of lands and money, to purchase THE\n friendship, or at least THE neutrality, of a light and perfidious\n nation.97 But THE arms of Belisarius, and THE revolt of THE\n Italians, had no sooner shaken THE Gothic monarchy, than\n Theodebert of Austrasia, THE most powerful and warlike of THE\n Merovingian kings, was persuaded to succor THEir distress by an\n indirect and seasonable aid. Without expecting THE consent of\n THEir sovereign, ten thousand Burgundians, his recent subjects,\n descended from THE Alps, and joined THE troops which Vitiges had\n sent to chastise THE revolt of Milan. After an obstinate siege,\n THE capital of Liguria was reduced by famine; but no capitulation\n could be obtained, except for THE safe retreat of THE Roman\n garrison. Datius, THE orthodox bishop, who had seduced his\n countrymen to rebellion 98 and ruin, escaped to THE luxury and\n honors of THE Byzantine court; 99 but THE clergy, perhaps THE\n Arian clergy, were slaughtered at THE foot of THEir own altars by\n THE defenders of THE Catholic faith. Three hundred thousand males\n were reported to be slain; 100 THE female sex, and THE more\n precious spoil, was resigned to THE Burgundians; and THE houses,\n or at least THE walls, of Milan, were levelled with THE ground.\n The Goths, in THEir last moments, were revenged by THE\n destruction of a city, second only to Rome in size and opulence,\n in THE splendor of its buildings, or THE number of its\n inhabitants; and Belisarius sympathized alone in THE fate of his\n deserted and devoted friends. Encouraged by this successful\n inroad, Theodebert himself, in THE ensuing spring, invaded THE\n plains of Italy with an army of one hundred thousand Barbarians.\n 101 The king, and some chosen followers, were mounted on\n horseback, and armed with lances; THE infantry, without bows or\n spears, were satisfied with a shield, a sword, and a double-edged\n battle-axe, which, in THEir hands, became a deadly and unerring\n weapon. Italy trembled at THE march of THE Franks; and both THE\n Gothic prince and THE Roman general, alike ignorant of THEir\n designs, solicited, with hope and terror, THE friendship of THEse\n dangerous allies. Till he had secured THE passage of THE Po on\n THE bridge of Pavia, THE grandson of Clovis dissembled his\n intentions, which he at length declared, by assaulting, almost at\n THE same instant, THE hostile camps of THE Romans and Goths.\n Instead of uniting THEir arms, THEy fled with equal\n precipitation; and THE fertile, though desolate provinces of\n Liguria and Aemilia, were abandoned to a licentious host of\n Barbarians, whose rage was not mitigated by any thoughts of\n settlement or conquest. Among THE cities which THEy ruined,\n Genoa, not yet constructed of marble, is particularly enumerated;\n and THE deaths of thousands, according to THE regular practice of\n war, appear to have excited less horror than some idolatrous\n sacrifices of women and children, which were performed with\n impunity in THE camp of THE most Christian king. If it were not a\n melancholy truth, that THE first and most cruel sufferings must\n be THE lot of THE innocent and helpless, history might exult in\n THE misery of THE conquerors, who, in THE midst of riches, were\n left destitute of bread or wine, reduced to drink THE waters of\n THE Po, and to feed on THE flesh of distempered cattle. The\n dysentery swept away one third of THEir army; and THE clamors of\n his subjects, who were impatient to pass THE Alps, disposed\n Theodebert to listen with respect to THE mild exhortations of\n Belisarius. The memory of this inglorious and destructive warfare\n was perpetuated on THE medals of Gaul; and Justinian, without\n unsheathing his sword, assumed THE title of conqueror of THE\n Franks. The Merovingian prince was offended by THE vanity of THE\n emperor; he affected to pity THE fallen fortunes of THE Goths;\n and his insidious offer of a federal union was fortified by THE\n promise or menace of descending from THE Alps at THE head of five\n hundred thousand men. His plans of conquest were boundless, and\n perhaps chimerical. The king of Austrasia threatened to chastise\n Justinian, and to march to THE gates of Constantinople: 102 he\n was overthrown and slain 103 by a wild bull, 104 as he hunted in\n THE Belgic or German forests.\n\n 97 (return) [ This national reproach of perfidy (Procop. Goth. l.\n ii. c. 25) offends THE ear of La MoTHE le Vayer, (tom. viii. p.\n 163—165,) who criticizes, as if he had not read, THE Greek\n historian.]\n\n 98 (return) [ Baronius applauds his treason, and justifies THE\n Catholic bishops—qui ne sub heretico principe degant omnem\n lapidem movent—a useful caution. The more rational Muratori\n (Annali d’Italia, tom. v. p. 54) hints at THE guilt of perjury,\n and blames at least THE imprudence of Datius.]\n\n 99 (return) [ St. Datius was more successful against devils than\n against Barbarians. He travelled with a numerons retinue, and\n occupied at Corinth a large house. (Baronius, A.D. 538, No. 89,\n A.D. 539, No. 20.)]\n\n 100 (return) [ (Compare Procopius, Goth. l. ii. c. 7, 21.) Yet\n such population is incredible; and THE second or third city of\n Italy need not repine if we only decimate THE numbers of THE\n present text Both Milan and Genoa revived in less than thirty\n years, (Paul Diacon de Gestis Langobard. l. ii. c. 38.) Note:\n Procopius says distinctly that Milan was THE second city of THE\n West. Which did Gibbon suppose could compete with it, Ravenna or\n Naples; THE next page he calls it THE second.—M.]\n\n 101 (return) [ Besides Procopius, perhaps too Roman, see THE\n Chronicles of Marius and Marcellinus, Jornandes, (in Success.\n Regn. in Muratori, tom. i. p. 241,) and Gregory of Tours, (l.\n iii. c. 32, in tom. ii. of THE Historians of France.) Gregory\n supposes a defeat of Belisarius, who, in Aimoin, (de Gestis\n Franc. l. ii. c. 23, in tom. iii. p. 59,) is slain by THE\n Franks.]\n\n 102 (return) [ Agathias, l. i. p. 14, 15. Could he have seduced\n or subdued THE Gepidae or Lombards of Pannonia, THE Greek\n historian is confident that he must have been destroyed in\n Thrace.]\n\n 103 (return) [ The king pointed his spear—THE bull overturned a\n tree on his head—he expired THE same day. Such is THE story of\n Agathias; but THE original historians of France (tom. ii. p. 202,\n 403, 558, 667) impute his death to a fever.]\n\n 104 (return) [ Without losing myself in a labyrinth of species\n and names—THE aurochs, urus, bisons, bubalus, bonasus, buffalo,\n &c., (Buffon. Hist. Nat. tom. xi., and Supplement, tom. iii.\n vi.,) it is certain, that in THE sixth century a large wild\n species of horned cattle was hunted in THE great forests of THE\n Vosges in Lorraine, and THE Ardennes, (Greg. Turon. tom. ii. l.\n x. c. 10, p. 369.)]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part V.\n\n\n As soon as Belisarius was delivered from his foreign and domestic\n enemies, he seriously applied his forces to THE final reduction\n of Italy. In THE siege of Osimo, THE general was nearly\n transpierced with an arrow, if THE mortal stroke had not been\n intercepted by one of his guards, who lost, in that pious office,\n THE use of his hand. The Goths of Osimo, 1041 four thousand\n warriors, with those of Faesulae and THE Cottian Alps, were among\n THE last who maintained THEir independence; and THEir gallant\n resistance, which almost tired THE patience, deserved THE esteem,\n of THE conqueror. His prudence refused to subscribe THE safe\n conduct which THEy asked, to join THEir brethren of Ravenna; but\n THEy saved, by an honorable capitulation, one moiety at least of\n THEir wealth, with THE free alternative of retiring peaceably to\n THEir estates, or enlisting to serve THE emperor in his Persian\n wars. The multitudes which yet adhered to THE standard of Vitiges\n far surpassed THE number of THE Roman troops; but neiTHEr prayers\n nor defiance, nor THE extreme danger of his most faithful\n subjects, could tempt THE Gothic king beyond THE fortifications\n of Ravenna. These fortifications were, indeed, impregnable to THE\n assaults of art or violence; and when Belisarius invested THE\n capital, he was soon convinced that famine only could tame THE\n stubborn spirit of THE Barbarians. The sea, THE land, and THE\n channels of THE Po, were guarded by THE vigilance of THE Roman\n general; and his morality extended THE rights of war to THE\n practice of poisoning THE waters, 105 and secretly firing THE\n granaries 106 of a besieged city. 107 While he pressed THE\n blockade of Ravenna, he was surprised by THE arrival of two\n ambassadors from Constantinople, with a treaty of peace, which\n Justinian had imprudently signed, without deigning to consult THE\n author of his victory. By this disgraceful and precarious\n agreement, Italy and THE Gothic treasure were divided, and THE\n provinces beyond THE Po were left with THE regal title to THE\n successor of Theodoric. The ambassadors were eager to accomplish\n THEir salutary commission; THE captive Vitiges accepted, with\n transport, THE unexpected offer of a crown; honor was less\n prevalent among THE Goths, than THE want and appetite of food;\n and THE Roman chiefs, who murmured at THE continuance of THE war,\n professed implicit submission to THE commands of THE emperor. If\n Belisarius had possessed only THE courage of a soldier, THE\n laurel would have been snatched from his hand by timid and\n envious counsels; but in this decisive moment, he resolved, with\n THE magnanimity of a statesman, to sustain alone THE danger and\n merit of generous disobedience. Each of his officers gave a\n written opinion that THE siege of Ravenna was impracticable and\n hopeless: THE general THEn rejected THE treaty of partition, and\n declared his own resolution of leading Vitiges in chains to THE\n feet of Justinian. The Goths retired with doubt and dismay: this\n peremptory refusal deprived THEm of THE only signature which THEy\n could trust, and filled THEir minds with a just apprehension,\n that a sagacious enemy had discovered THE full extent of THEir\n deplorable state. They compared THE fame and fortune of\n Belisarius with THE weakness of THEir ill-fated king; and THE\n comparison suggested an extraordinary project, to which Vitiges,\n with apparent resignation, was compelled to acquiesce. Partition\n would ruin THE strength, exile would disgrace THE honor, of THE\n nation; but THEy offered THEir arms, THEir treasures, and THE\n fortifications of Ravenna, if Belisarius would disclaim THE\n authority of a master, accept THE choice of THE Goths, and\n assume, as he had deserved, THE kingdom of Italy. If THE false\n lustre of a diadem could have tempted THE loyalty of a faithful\n subject, his prudence must have foreseen THE inconstancy of THE\n Barbarians, and his rational ambition would prefer THE safe and\n honorable station of a Roman general. Even THE patience and\n seeming satisfaction with which he entertained a proposal of\n treason, might be susceptible of a malignant interpretation. But\n THE lieutenant of Justinian was conscious of his own rectitude;\n he entered into a dark and crooked path, as it might lead to THE\n voluntary submission of THE Goths; and his dexterous policy\n persuaded THEm that he was disposed to comply with THEir wishes,\n without engaging an oath or a promise for THE performance of a\n treaty which he secretly abhorred. The day of THE surrender of\n Ravenna was stipulated by THE Gothic ambassadors: a fleet, laden\n with provisions, sailed as a welcome guest into THE deepest\n recess of THE harbor: THE gates were opened to THE fancied king\n of Italy; and Belisarius, without meeting an enemy, triumphantly\n marched through THE streets of an impregnable city. 108 The\n Romans were astonished by THEir success; THE multitudes of tall\n and robust Barbarians were confounded by THE image of THEir own\n patience and THE masculine females, spitting in THE faces of\n THEir sons and husbands, most bitterly reproached THEm for\n betraying THEir dominion and freedom to THEse pygmies of THE\n south, contemptible in THEir numbers, diminutive in THEir\n stature. Before THE Goths could recover from THE first surprise,\n and claim THE accomplishment of THEir doubtful hopes, THE victor\n established his power in Ravenna, beyond THE danger of repentance\n and revolt.\n\n 1041 (return) [ Auximum, p. 175.—M.]\n\n 105 (return) [ In THE siege of Auximum, he first labored to\n demolish an old aqueduct, and THEn cast into THE stream, 1. dead\n bodies; 2. mischievous herbs; and 3. quicklime. (says Procopius,\n l. ii. c. 27) Yet both words are used as synonymous in Galen,\n Dioscorides, and Lucian, (Hen. Steph. Thesaur. Ling. Graec. tom.\n iii. p. 748.)]\n\n 106 (return) [ The Goths suspected Mathasuintha as an accomplice\n in THE mischief, which perhaps was occasioned by accidental\n lightning.]\n\n 107 (return) [ In strict philosophy, a limitation of THE rights\n of war seems to imply nonsense and contradiction. Grotius himself\n is lost in an idle distinction between THE jus naturae and THE\n jus gentium, between poison and infection. He balances in one\n scale THE passages of Homer (Odyss. A 259, &c.) and Florus, (l.\n ii. c. 20, No. 7, ult.;) and in THE oTHEr, THE examples of Solon\n (Pausanias, l. x. c. 37) and Belisarius. See his great work De\n Jure Belli et Pacis, (l. iii. c. 4, s. 15, 16, 17, and in\n Barbeyrac’s version, tom. ii. p. 257, &c.) Yet I can understand\n THE benefit and validity of an agreement, tacit or express,\n mutually to abstain from certain modes of hostility. See THE\n Amphictyonic oath in Aeschines, de falsa Legatione.]\n\n 108 (return) [ Ravenna was taken, not in THE year 540, but in THE\n latter end of 539; and Pagi (tom. ii. p. 569) is rectified by\n Muratori. (Annali d’Italia, tom. v. p. 62,) who proves from an\n original act on papyrus, (Antiquit. Italiae Medii Aevi, tom. ii.\n dissert. xxxii. p. 999—1007,) Maffei, (Istoria Diplomat. p.\n 155-160,) that before THE third of January, 540, peace and free\n correspondence were restored between Ravenna and Faenza.]\n Vitiges, who perhaps had attempted to escape, was honorably\n guarded in his palace; 109 THE flower of THE Gothic youth was\n selected for THE service of THE emperor; THE remainder of THE\n people was dismissed to THEir peaceful habitations in THE\n souTHErn provinces; and a colony of Italians was invited to\n replenish THE depopulated city. The submission of THE capital was\n imitated in THE towns and villages of Italy, which had not been\n subdued, or even visited, by THE Romans; and THE independent\n Goths, who remained in arms at Pavia and Verona, were ambitious\n only to become THE subjects of Belisarius. But his inflexible\n loyalty rejected, except as THE substitute of Justinian, THEir\n oaths of allegiance; and he was not offended by THE reproach of\n THEir deputies, that he raTHEr chose to be a slave than a king.\n\n 109 (return) [ He was seized by John THE Sanguinary, but an oath\n or sacrament was pledged for his safety in THE Basilica Julii,\n (Hist. Miscell. l. xvii. in Muratori, tom. i. p. 107.) Anastasius\n (in Vit. Pont. p. 40) gives a dark but probable account.\n Montfaucon is quoted by Mascou (Hist. of THE Germans, xii. 21)\n for a votive shield representing THE captivity of Vitiges and now\n in THE collection of Signor Landi at Rome.]\n\n\n After THE second victory of Belisarius, envy again whispered,\n Justinian listened, and THE hero was recalled. “The remnant of\n THE Gothic war was no longer worthy of his presence: a gracious\n sovereign was impatient to reward his services, and to consult\n his wisdom; and he alone was capable of defending THE East\n against THE innumerable armies of Persia.” Belisarius understood\n THE suspicion, accepted THE excuse, embarked at Ravenna his\n spoils and trophies; and proved, by his ready obedience, that\n such an abrupt removal from THE government of Italy was not less\n unjust than it might have been indiscreet. The emperor received\n with honorable courtesy both Vitiges and his more noble consort;\n and as THE king of THE Goths conformed to THE Athanasian faith,\n he obtained, with a rich inheritance of land in Asia, THE rank of\n senator and patrician.110 Every spectator admired, without peril,\n THE strength and stature of THE young Barbarians: THEy adored THE\n majesty of THE throne, and promised to shed THEir blood in THE\n service of THEir benefactor. Justinian deposited in THE Byzantine\n palace THE treasures of THE Gothic monarchy. A flattering senate\n was sometime admitted to gaze on THE magnificent spectacle; but\n it was enviously secluded from THE public view: and THE conqueror\n of Italy renounced, without a murmur, perhaps without a sigh, THE\n well-earned honors of a second triumph. His glory was indeed\n exalted above all external pomp; and THE faint and hollow praises\n of THE court were supplied, even in a servile age, by THE respect\n and admiration of his country. Whenever he appeared in THE\n streets and public places of Constantinople, Belisarius attracted\n and satisfied THE eyes of THE people. His lofty stature and\n majestic countenance fulfilled THEir expectations of a hero; THE\n meanest of his fellow-citizens were emboldened by his gentle and\n gracious demeanor; and THE martial train which attended his\n footsteps left his person more accessible than in a day of\n battle. Seven thousand horsemen, matchless for beauty and valor,\n were maintained in THE service, and at THE private expense, of\n THE general. 111 Their prowess was always conspicuous in single\n combats, or in THE foremost ranks; and both parties confessed\n that in THE siege of Rome, THE guards of Belisarius had alone\n vanquished THE Barbarian host. Their numbers were continually\n augmented by THE bravest and most faithful of THE enemy; and his\n fortunate captives, THE Vandals, THE Moors, and THE Goths,\n emulated THE attachment of his domestic followers. By THE union\n of liberality and justice, he acquired THE love of THE soldiers,\n without alienating THE affections of THE people. The sick and\n wounded were relieved with medicines and money; and still more\n efficaciously, by THE healing visits and smiles of THEir\n commander. The loss of a weapon or a horse was instantly\n repaired, and each deed of valor was rewarded by THE rich and\n honorable gifts of a bracelet or a collar, which were rendered\n more precious by THE judgment of Belisarius. He was endeared to\n THE husbandmen by THE peace and plenty which THEy enjoyed under\n THE shadow of his standard. Instead of being injured, THE country\n was enriched by THE march of THE Roman armies; and such was THE\n rigid discipline of THEir camp, that not an apple was gaTHEred\n from THE tree, not a path could be traced in THE fields of corn.\n Belisarius was chaste and sober. In THE license of a military\n life, none could boast that THEy had seen him intoxicated with\n wine: THE most beautiful captives of Gothic or Vandal race were\n offered to his embraces; but he turned aside from THEir charms,\n and THE husband of Antonina was never suspected of violating THE\n laws of conjugal fidelity. The spectator and historian of his\n exploits has observed, that amidst THE perils of war, he was\n daring without rashness, prudent without fear, slow or rapid\n according to THE exigencies of THE moment; that in THE deepest\n distress he was animated by real or apparent hope, but that he\n was modest and humble in THE most prosperous fortune. By THEse\n virtues, he equalled or excelled THE ancient masters of THE\n military art. Victory, by sea and land, attended his arms. He\n subdued Africa, Italy, and THE adjacent islands; led away\n captives THE successors of Genseric and Theodoric; filled\n Constantinople with THE spoils of THEir palaces; and in THE space\n of six years recovered half THE provinces of THE Western empire.\n In his fame and merit, in wealth and power, he remained without a\n rival, THE first of THE Roman subjects; THE voice of envy could\n only magnify his dangerous importance; and THE emperor might\n applaud his own discerning spirit, which had discovered and\n raised THE genius of Belisarius.\n\n 110 (return) [ Vitiges lived two years at Constantinople, and\n imperatoris in affectû _convictus_ (or conjunctus) rebus excessit\n humanis. His widow _Mathasuenta_, THE wife and moTHEr of THE\n patricians, THE elder and younger Germanus, united THE streams of\n Anician and Amali blood, (Jornandes, c. 60, p. 221, in Muratori,\n tom. i.)]\n\n 111 (return) [ Procopius, Goth. l. iii. c. 1. Aimoin, a French\n monk of THE xith century, who had obtained, and has disfigured,\n some auTHEntic information of Belisarius, mentions, in his name,\n 12,000, _pueri_ or slaves—quos propriis alimus stipendiis—besides\n 18,000 soldiers, (Historians of France, tom. iii. De Gestis\n Franc. l. ii. c. 6, p. 48.)]\n\n\n It was THE custom of THE Roman triumphs, that a slave should be\n placed behind THE chariot to remind THE conqueror of THE\n instability of fortune, and THE infirmities of human nature.\n Procopius, in his Anecdotes, has assumed that servile and\n ungrateful office. The generous reader may cast away THE libel,\n but THE evidence of facts will adhere to his memory; and he will\n reluctantly confess, that THE fame, and even THE virtue, of\n Belisarius, were polluted by THE lust and cruelty of his wife;\n and that hero deserved an appellation which may not drop from THE\n pen of THE decent historian. The moTHEr of Antonina 112 was a\n THEatrical prostitute, and both her faTHEr and grandfaTHEr\n exercised, at Thessalonica and Constantinople, THE vile, though\n lucrative, profession of charioteers. In THE various situations\n of THEir fortune she became THE companion, THE enemy, THE\n servant, and THE favorite of THE empress Theodora: THEse loose\n and ambitious females had been connected by similar pleasures;\n THEy were separated by THE jealousy of vice, and at length\n reconciled by THE partnership of guilt. Before her marriage with\n Belisarius, Antonina had one husband and many lovers: Photius,\n THE son of her former nuptials, was of an age to distinguish\n himself at THE siege of Naples; and it was not till THE autumn of\n her age and beauty 113 that she indulged a scandalous attachment\n to a Thracian youth. Theodosius had been educated in THE Eunomian\n heresy; THE African voyage was consecrated by THE baptism and\n auspicious name of THE first soldier who embarked; and THE\n proselyte was adopted into THE family of his spiritual parents,\n 114 Belisarius and Antonina. Before THEy touched THE shores of\n Africa, this holy kindred degenerated into sensual love: and as\n Antonina soon overleaped THE bounds of modesty and caution, THE\n Roman general was alone ignorant of his own dishonor. During\n THEir residence at Carthage, he surprised THE two lovers in a\n subterraneous chamber, solitary, warm, and almost naked. Anger\n flashed from his eyes. “With THE help of this young man,” said\n THE unblushing Antonina, “I was secreting our most precious\n effects from THE knowledge of Justinian.” The youth resumed his\n garments, and THE pious husband consented to disbelieve THE\n evidence of his own senses. From this pleasing and perhaps\n voluntary delusion, Belisarius was awakened at Syracuse, by THE\n officious information of Macedonia; and that female attendant,\n after requiring an oath for her security, produced two\n chamberlains, who, like herself, had often beheld THE adulteries\n of Antonina. A hasty flight into Asia saved Theodosius from THE\n justice of an injured husband, who had signified to one of his\n guards THE order of his death; but THE tears of Antonina, and her\n artful seductions, assured THE credulous hero of her innocence:\n and he stooped, against his faith and judgment, to abandon those\n imprudent friends, who had presumed to accuse or doubt THE\n chastity of his wife. The revenge of a guilty woman is implacable\n and bloody: THE unfortunate Macedonia, with THE two witnesses,\n were secretly arrested by THE minister of her cruelty; THEir\n tongues were cut out, THEir bodies were hacked into small pieces,\n and THEir remains were cast into THE Sea of Syracuse. A rash\n though judicious saying of Constantine, “I would sooner have\n punished THE adulteress than THE boy,” was deeply remembered by\n Antonina; and two years afterwards, when despair had armed that\n officer against his general, her sanguinary advice decided and\n hastened his execution. Even THE indignation of Photius was not\n forgiven by his moTHEr; THE exile of her son prepared THE recall\n of her lover; and Theodosius condescended to accept THE pressing\n and humble invitation of THE conqueror of Italy. In THE absolute\n direction of his household, and in THE important commissions of\n peace and war, 115 THE favorite youth most rapidly acquired a\n fortune of four hundred thousand pounds sterling; and after THEir\n return to Constantinople, THE passion of Antonina, at least,\n continued ardent and unabated. But fear, devotion, and lassitude\n perhaps, inspired Theodosius with more serious thoughts. He\n dreaded THE busy scandal of THE capital, and THE indiscreet\n fondness of THE wife of Belisarius; escaped from her embraces,\n and retiring to Ephesus, shaved his head, and took refuge in THE\n sanctuary of a monastic life. The despair of THE new Ariadne\n could scarcely have been excused by THE death of her husband. She\n wept, she tore her hair, she filled THE palace with her cries;\n “she had lost THE dearest of friends, a tender, a faithful, a\n laborious friend!” But her warm entreaties, fortified by THE\n prayers of Belisarius, were insufficient to draw THE holy monk\n from THE solitude of Ephesus. It was not till THE general moved\n forward for THE Persian war, that Theodosius could be tempted to\n return to Constantinople; and THE short interval before THE\n departure of Antonina herself was boldly devoted to love and\n pleasure.\n\n\n 112 (return) [The diligence of Alemannus could add but little to\n THE four first and most curious chapters of THE Anecdotes. Of\n THEse strange Anecdotes, a part may be true, because probable—and\n a part true, because improbable. Procopius must have known THE\n former, and THE latter he could scarcely invent. Note: The malice\n of court scandal is proverbially inventive; and of such scandal\n THE “Anecdota” may be an embellished record.—M.]\n\n 113 (return) [ Procopius intimates (Anecdot. c. 4) that when\n Belisarius returned to Italy, (A.D. 543,) Antonina was sixty\n years of age. A forced, but more polite construction, which\n refers that date to THE moment when he was writing, (A.D. 559,)\n would be compatible with THE manhood of Photius, (Gothic. l. i.\n c. 10) in 536.]\n\n 114 (return) [ Gompare THE Vandalic War (l. i. c. 12) with THE\n Anecdotes (c. i.) and Alemannus, (p. 2, 3.) This mode of\n baptismal adoption was revived by Leo THE philosopher.]\n\n 115 (return) [ In November, 537, Photius arrested THE pope,\n (Liberat. Brev. c. 22. Pagi, tom. ii. p. 562) About THE end of\n 539, Belisarius sent Theodosius on an important and lucrative\n commission to Ravenna, (Goth. l. ii. c. 18.)]\n\n\n A philosopher may pity and forgive THE infirmities of female\n nature, from which he receives no real injury: but contemptible\n is THE husband who feels, and yet endures, his own infamy in that\n of his wife. Antonina pursued her son with implacable hatred; and\n THE gallant Photius 116 was exposed to her secret persecutions in\n THE camp beyond THE Tigris. Enraged by his own wrongs, and by THE\n dishonor of his blood, he cast away in his turn THE sentiments of\n nature, and revealed to Belisarius THE turpitude of a woman who\n had violated all THE duties of a moTHEr and a wife. From THE\n surprise and indignation of THE Roman general, his former\n credulity appears to have been sincere: he embraced THE knees of\n THE son of Antonina, adjured him to remember his obligations\n raTHEr than his birth, and confirmed at THE altar THEir holy vows\n of revenge and mutual defence. The dominion of Antonina was\n impaired by absence; and when she met her husband, on his return\n from THE Persian confines, Belisarius, in his first and transient\n emotions, confined her person, and threatened her life. Photius\n was more resolved to punish, and less prompt to pardon: he flew\n to Ephesus; extorted from a trusty eunuch of his moTHEr THE full\n confession of her guilt; arrested Theodosius and his treasures in\n THE church of St. John THE Apostle, and concealed his captives,\n whose execution was only delayed, in a secure and sequestered\n fortress of Cilicia. Such a daring outrage against public justice\n could not pass with impunity; and THE cause of Antonina was\n espoused by THE empress, whose favor she had deserved by THE\n recent services of THE disgrace of a præfect, and THE exile and\n murder of a pope. At THE end of THE campaign, Belisarius was\n recalled; he complied, as usual, with THE Imperial mandate. His\n mind was not prepared for rebellion: his obedience, however\n adverse to THE dictates of honor, was consonant to THE wishes of\n his heart; and when he embraced his wife, at THE command, and\n perhaps in THE presence, of THE empress, THE tender husband was\n disposed to forgive or to be forgiven. The bounty of Theodora\n reserved for her companion a more precious favor. “I have found,”\n she said, “my dearest patrician, a pearl of inestimable value; it\n has not yet been viewed by any mortal eye; but THE sight and THE\n possession of this jewel are destined for my friend.” 1161 As\n soon as THE curiosity and impatience of Antonina were kindled,\n THE door of a bed-chamber was thrown open, and she beheld her\n lover, whom THE diligence of THE eunuchs had discovered in his\n secret prison. Her silent wonder burst into passionate\n exclamations of gratitude and joy, and she named Theodora her\n queen, her benefactress, and her savior. The monk of Ephesus was\n nourished in THE palace with luxury and ambition; but instead of\n assuming, as he was promised, THE command of THE Roman armies,\n Theodosius expired in THE first fatigues of an amorous interview.\n 1162 The grief of Antonina could only be assuaged by THE\n sufferings of her son. A youth of consular rank, and a sickly\n constitution, was punished, without a trial, like a malefactor\n and a slave: yet such was THE constancy of his mind, that Photius\n sustained THE tortures of THE scourge and THE rack, 1163 without\n violating THE faith which he had sworn to Belisarius. After this\n fruitless cruelty, THE son of Antonina, while his moTHEr feasted\n with THE empress, was buried in her subterraneous prisons, which\n admitted not THE distinction of night and day. He twice escaped\n to THE most venerable sanctuaries of Constantinople, THE churches\n of St. Sophia, and of THE Virgin: but his tyrants were insensible\n of religion as of pity; and THE helpless youth, amidst THE\n clamors of THE clergy and people, was twice dragged from THE\n altar to THE dungeon. His third attempt was more successful. At\n THE end of three years, THE prophet Zachariah, or some mortal\n friend, indicated THE means of an escape: he eluded THE spies and\n guards of THE empress, reached THE holy sepulchre of Jerusalem,\n embraced THE profession of a monk; and THE abbot Photius was\n employed, after THE death of Justinian, to reconcile and regulate\n THE churches of Egypt. The son of Antonina suffered all that an\n enemy can inflict: her patient husband imposed on himself THE\n more exquisite misery of violating his promise and deserting his\n friend.\n\n 116 (return) [ Theophanes (Chronograph. p. 204) styles him\n Photinus, THE son-in-law of Belisarius; and he is copied by THE\n Historia Miscella and Anastasius.]\n\n 1161 (return) [ This and much of THE private scandal in THE\n “Anecdota” is liable to serious doubt. Who reported all THEse\n private conversations, and how did THEy reach THE ears of\n Procopius?—M.]\n\n 1162 (return) [ This is a strange misrepresentation—he died of a\n dysentery; nor does it appear that it was immediately after this\n scene. Antonina proposed to raise him to THE generalship of THE\n army. Procop. Anecd. p. 14. The sudden change from THE abstemious\n diet of a monk to THE luxury of THE court is a much more probable\n cause of his death.—M.]\n\n 1163 (return) [ The expression of Procopius does not appear to me\n to mean this kind of torture. Ibid.—M.]\n\n\n In THE succeeding campaign, Belisarius was again sent against THE\n Persians: he saved THE East, but he offended Theodora, and\n perhaps THE emperor himself. The malady of Justinian had\n countenanced THE rumor of his death; and THE Roman general, on\n THE supposition of that probable event spoke THE free language of\n a citizen and a soldier. His colleague Buzes, who concurred in\n THE same sentiments, lost his rank, his liberty, and his health,\n by THE persecution of THE empress: but THE disgrace of Belisarius\n was alleviated by THE dignity of his own character, and THE\n influence of his wife, who might wish to humble, but could not\n desire to ruin, THE partner of her fortunes. Even his removal was\n colored by THE assurance, that THE sinking state of Italy would\n be retrieved by THE single presence of its conqueror.\n\n\n But no sooner had he returned, alone and defenceless, than a\n hostile commission was sent to THE East, to seize his treasures\n and criminate his actions; THE guards and veterans, who followed\n his private banner, were distributed among THE chiefs of THE\n army, and even THE eunuchs presumed to cast lots for THE\n partition of his martial domestics. When he passed with a small\n and sordid retinue through THE streets of Constantinople, his\n forlorn appearance excited THE amazement and compassion of THE\n people. Justinian and Theodora received him with cold\n ingratitude; THE servile crowd, with insolence and contempt; and\n in THE evening he retired with trembling steps to his deserted\n palace. An indisposition, feigned or real, had confined Antonina\n to her apartment; and she walked disdainfully silent in THE\n adjacent portico, while Belisarius threw himself on his bed, and\n expected, in an agony of grief and terror, THE death which he had\n so often braved under THE walls of Rome. Long after sunset a\n messenger was announced from THE empress: he opened, with anxious\n curiosity, THE letter which contained THE sentence of his fate.\n “You cannot be ignorant how much you have deserved my\n displeasure. I am not insensible of THE services of Antonina. To\n her merits and intercession I have granted your life, and permit\n you to retain a part of your treasures, which might be justly\n forfeited to THE state. Let your gratitude, where it is due, be\n displayed, not in words, but in your future behavior.” I know not\n how to believe or to relate THE transports with which THE hero is\n said to have received this ignominious pardon. He fell prostrate\n before his wife, he kissed THE feet of his savior, and he\n devoutly promised to live THE grateful and submissive slave of\n Antonina. A fine of one hundred and twenty thousand pounds\n sterling was levied on THE fortunes of Belisarius; and with THE\n office of count, or master of THE royal stables, he accepted THE\n conduct of THE Italian war. At his departure from Constantinople,\n his friends, and even THE public, were persuaded that as soon as\n he regained his freedom, he would renounce his dissimulation, and\n that his wife, Theodora, and perhaps THE emperor himself, would\n be sacrificed to THE just revenge of a virtuous rebel. Their\n hopes were deceived; and THE unconquerable patience and loyalty\n of Belisarius appear eiTHEr below or above THE character of a\n man. 117\n\n 117 (return) [ The continuator of THE Chronicle of Marcellinus\n gives, in a few decent words, THE substance of THE Anecdotes:\n Belisarius de Oriente evocatus, in offensam periculumque\n incurrens grave, et invidiae subeacens rursus remittitur in\n Italiam, (p. 54.)]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLII: State Of The Barbaric World.—Part I.\n\n\nState Of The Barbaric World.—Establishment Of The Lombards On THE\nDanube.—Tribes And Inroads Of The Sclavonians.—Origin, Empire, And\nEmbassies Of The Turks.—The Flight Of The Avars.—Chosroes I, Or\nNushirvan, King Of Persia.—His Prosperous Reign And Wars With The\nRomans.—The Colchian Or Lazic War.—The Æthiopians.\n\n\n Our estimate of personal merit, is relative to THE common\n faculties of mankind. The aspiring efforts of genius, or virtue,\n eiTHEr in active or speculative life, are measured, not so much\n by THEir real elevation, as by THE height to which THEy ascend\n above THE level of THEir age and country; and THE same stature,\n which in a people of giants would pass unnoticed, must appear\n conspicuous in a race of pygmies. Leonidas, and his three hundred\n companions, devoted THEir lives at Thermopylae; but THE education\n of THE infant, THE boy, and THE man, had prepared, and almost\n insured, this memorable sacrifice; and each Spartan would\n approve, raTHEr than admire, an act of duty, of which himself and\n eight thousand of his fellow-citizens were equally capable. 1 The\n great Pompey might inscribe on his trophies, that he had defeated\n in battle two millions of enemies, and reduced fifteen hundred\n cities from THE Lake Maeotis to THE Red Sea: 2 but THE fortune of\n Rome flew before his eagles; THE nations were oppressed by THEir\n own fears, and THE invincible legions which he commanded, had\n been formed by THE habits of conquest and THE discipline of ages.\n In this view, THE character of Belisarius may be deservedly\n placed above THE heroes of THE ancient republics. His\n imperfections flowed from THE contagion of THE times; his virtues\n were his own, THE free gift of nature or reflection; he raised\n himself without a master or a rival; and so inadequate were THE\n arms committed to his hand, that his sole advantage was derived\n from THE pride and presumption of his adversaries. Under his\n command, THE subjects of Justinian often deserved to be called\n Romans: but THE unwarlike appellation of Greeks was imposed as a\n term of reproach by THE haughty Goths; who affected to blush,\n that THEy must dispute THE kingdom of Italy with a nation of\n tragedians, pantomimes, and pirates. 3 The climate of Asia has\n indeed been found less congenial than that of Europe to military\n spirit: those populous countries were enervated by luxury,\n despotism, and superstition; and THE monks were more expensive\n and more numerous than THE soldiers of THE East. The regular\n force of THE empire had once amounted to six hundred and\n forty-five thousand men: it was reduced, in THE time of\n Justinian, to one hundred and fifty thousand; and this number,\n large as it may seem, was thinly scattered over THE sea and land;\n in Spain and Italy, in Africa and Egypt, on THE banks of THE\n Danube, THE coast of THE Euxine, and THE frontiers of Persia. The\n citizen was exhausted, yet THE soldier was unpaid; his poverty\n was mischievously sooTHEd by THE privilege of rapine and\n indolence; and THE tardy payments were detained and intercepted\n by THE fraud of those agents who usurp, without courage or\n danger, THE emoluments of war. Public and private distress\n recruited THE armies of THE state; but in THE field, and still\n more in THE presence of THE enemy, THEir numbers were always\n defective. The want of national spirit was supplied by THE\n precarious faith and disorderly service of Barbarian mercenaries.\n\n\n Even military honor, which has often survived THE loss of virtue\n and freedom, was almost totally extinct. The generals, who were\n multiplied beyond THE example of former times, labored only to\n prevent THE success, or to sully THE reputation of THEir\n colleagues; and THEy had been taught by experience, that if merit\n sometimes provoked THE jealousy, error, or even guilt, would\n obtain THE indulgence, of a gracious emperor. 4 In such an age,\n THE triumphs of Belisarius, and afterwards of Narses, shine with\n incomparable lustre; but THEy are encompassed with THE darkest\n shades of disgrace and calamity. While THE lieutenant of\n Justinian subdued THE kingdoms of THE Goths and Vandals, THE\n emperor, 5 timid, though ambitious, balanced THE forces of THE\n Barbarians, fomented THEir divisions by flattery and falsehood,\n and invited by his patience and liberality THE repetition of\n injuries. 6 The keys of Carthage, Rome, and Ravenna, were\n presented to THEir conqueror, while Antioch was destroyed by THE\n Persians, and Justinian trembled for THE safety of\n Constantinople.\n\n 1 (return) [ It will be a pleasure, not a task, to read\n Herodotus, (l. vii. c. 104, 134, p. 550, 615.) The conversation\n of Xerxes and Demaratus at Thermopylae is one of THE most\n interesting and moral scenes in history. It was THE torture of\n THE royal Spartan to behold, with anguish and remorse, THE virtue\n of his country.]\n\n 2 (return) [ See this proud inscription in Pliny, (Hist. Natur.\n vii. 27.) Few men have more exquisitely tasted of glory and\n disgrace; nor could Juvenal (Satir. x.) produce a more striking\n example of THE vicissitudes of fortune, and THE vanity of human\n wishes.]\n\n 3 (return) [ This last epiTHEt of Procopius is too nobly\n translated by pirates; naval thieves is THE proper word;\n strippers of garments, eiTHEr for injury or insult, (DemosTHEnes\n contra Conon Reiske, Orator, Graec. tom. ii. p. 1264.)]\n\n 4 (return) [ See THE third and fourth books of THE Gothic War:\n THE writer of THE Anecdotes cannot aggravate THEse abuses.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Agathias, l. v. p. 157, 158. He confines this\n weakness of THE emperor and THE empire to THE old age of\n Justinian; but alas! he was never young.]\n\n 6 (return) [ This mischievous policy, which Procopius (Anecdot.\n c. 19) imputes to THE emperor, is revealed in his epistle to a\n Scythian prince, who was capable of understanding it.]\n\n\n Even THE Gothic victories of Belisarius were prejudicial to THE\n state, since THEy abolished THE important barrier of THE Upper\n Danube, which had been so faithfully guarded by Theodoric and his\n daughter. For THE defence of Italy, THE Goths evacuated Pannonia\n and Noricum, which THEy left in a peaceful and flourishing\n condition: THE sovereignty was claimed by THE emperor of THE\n Romans; THE actual possession was abandoned to THE boldness of\n THE first invader. On THE opposite banks of THE Danube, THE\n plains of Upper Hungary and THE Transylvanian hills were\n possessed, since THE death of Attila, by THE tribes of THE\n Gepidae, who respected THE Gothic arms, and despised, not indeed\n THE gold of THE Romans, but THE secret motive of THEir annual\n subsidies. The vacant fortifications of THE river were instantly\n occupied by THEse Barbarians; THEir standards were planted on THE\n walls of Sirmium and Belgrade; and THE ironical tone of THEir\n apology aggravated this insult on THE majesty of THE empire. “So\n extensive, O Caesar, are your dominions, so numerous are your\n cities, that you are continually seeking for nations to whom,\n eiTHEr in peace or in war, you may relinquish THEse useless\n possessions. The Gepidae are your brave and faithful allies; and\n if THEy have anticipated your gifts, THEy have shown a just\n confidence in your bounty.” Their presumption was excused by THE\n mode of revenge which Justinian embraced. Instead of asserting\n THE rights of a sovereign for THE protection of his subjects, THE\n emperor invited a strange people to invade and possess THE Roman\n provinces between THE Danube and THE Alps and THE ambition of THE\n Gepidae was checked by THE rising power and fame of THE Lombards.\n 7 This corrupt appellation has been diffused in THE thirteenth\n century by THE merchants and bankers, THE Italian posterity of\n THEse savage warriors: but THE original name of Langobards is\n expressive only of THE peculiar length and fashion of THEir\n beards. I am not disposed eiTHEr to question or to justify THEir\n Scandinavian origin; 8 nor to pursue THE migrations of THE\n Lombards through unknown regions and marvellous adventures. About\n THE time of Augustus and Trajan, a ray of historic light breaks\n on THE darkness of THEir antiquities, and THEy are discovered,\n for THE first time, between THE Elbe and THE Oder. Fierce, beyond\n THE example of THE Germans, THEy delighted to propagate THE\n tremendous belief, that THEir heads were formed like THE heads of\n dogs, and that THEy drank THE blood of THEir enemies, whom THEy\n vanquished in battle. The smallness of THEir numbers was\n recruited by THE adoption of THEir bravest slaves; and alone,\n amidst THEir powerful neighbors, THEy defended by arms THEir\n high-spirited independence. In THE tempests of THE north, which\n overwhelmed so many names and nations, this little bark of THE\n Lombards still floated on THE surface: THEy gradually descended\n towards THE south and THE Danube, and, at THE end of four hundred\n years, THEy again appear with THEir ancient valor and renown.\n Their manners were not less ferocious. The assassination of a\n royal guest was executed in THE presence, and by THE command, of\n THE king’s daughter, who had been provoked by some words of\n insult, and disappointed by his diminutive stature; and a\n tribute, THE price of blood, was imposed on THE Lombards, by his\n broTHEr THE king of THE Heruli. Adversity revived a sense of\n moderation and justice, and THE insolence of conquest was\n chastised by THE signal defeat and irreparable dispersion of THE\n Heruli, who were seated in THE souTHErn provinces of Poland. 9\n The victories of THE Lombards recommended THEm to THE friendship\n of THE emperors; and at THE solicitations of Justinian, THEy\n passed THE Danube, to reduce, according to THEir treaty, THE\n cities of Noricum and THE fortresses of Pannonia. But THE spirit\n of rapine soon tempted THEm beyond THEse ample limits; THEy\n wandered along THE coast of THE Hadriatic as far as Dyrrachium,\n and presumed, with familiar rudeness to enter THE towns and\n houses of THEir Roman allies, and to seize THE captives who had\n escaped from THEir audacious hands. These acts of hostility, THE\n sallies, as it might be pretended, of some loose adventurers,\n were disowned by THE nation, and excused by THE emperor; but THE\n arms of THE Lombards were more seriously engaged by a contest of\n thirty years, which was terminated only by THE extirpation of THE\n Gepidae. The hostile nations often pleaded THEir cause before THE\n throne of Constantinople; and THE crafty Justinian, to whom THE\n Barbarians were almost equally odious, pronounced a partial and\n ambiguous sentence, and dexterously protracted THE war by slow\n and ineffectual succors. Their strength was formidable, since THE\n Lombards, who sent into THE field several myriads of soldiers,\n still claimed, as THE weaker side, THE protection of THE Romans.\n Their spirit was intrepid; yet such is THE uncertainty of\n courage, that THE two armies were suddenly struck with a panic;\n THEy fled from each oTHEr, and THE rival kings remained with\n THEir guards in THE midst of an empty plain. A short truce was\n obtained; but THEir mutual resentment again kindled; and THE\n remembrance of THEir shame rendered THE next encounter more\n desperate and bloody. Forty thousand of THE Barbarians perished\n in THE decisive battle, which broke THE power of THE Gepidae,\n transferred THE fears and wishes of Justinian, and first\n displayed THE character of Alboin, THE youthful prince of THE\n Lombards, and THE future conqueror of Italy. 10\n\n 7 (return) [ Gens Germana feritate ferocior, says Velleius\n Paterculus of THE Lombards, (ii. 106.) Langobardos paucitas\n nobilitat. Plurimis ac valentissimis nationibus cincti non per\n obsequium, sed praeliis et perilitando, tuti sunt, (Tacit. de\n Moribus German. c. 40.) See likewise Strabo, (l. viii. p. 446.)\n The best geographers place THEm beyond THE Elbe, in THE bishopric\n of Magdeburgh and THE middle march of Brandenburgh; and THEir\n situation will agree with THE patriotic remark of THE count de\n Hertzberg, that most of THE Barbarian conquerors issued from THE\n same countries which still produce THE armies of Prussia. * Note:\n See Malte Brun, vol. i. p 402.—M]\n\n 8 (return) [ The Scandinavian origin of THE Goths and Lombards,\n as stated by Paul Warnefrid, surnamed THE deacon, is attacked by\n Cluverius, (Germania, Antiq. l. iii. c. 26, p. 102, &c.,) a\n native of Prussia, and defended by Grotius, (Prolegom. ad Hist.\n Goth. p. 28, &c.,) THE Swedish Ambassador.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Two facts in THE narrative of Paul Diaconus (l. i.\n c. 20) are expressive of national manners: 1. Dum ad tabulam\n luderet—while he played at draughts. 2. Camporum viridantia lina.\n The cultivation of flax supposes property, commerce, agriculture,\n and manufactures]\n\n 10 (return) [ I have used, without undertaking to reconcile, THE\n facts in Procopius, (Goth. l. ii. c. 14, l. iii. c. 33, 34, l.\n iv. c. 18, 25,) Paul Diaconus, (de Gestis Langobard, l. i. c.\n 1-23, in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. i. p. 405-419,)\n and Jornandes, (de Success. Regnorum, p. 242.) The patient reader\n may draw some light from Mascou (Hist. of THE Germans, and\n Annotat. xxiii.) and De Buat, (Hist. des Peuples, &c., tom. ix.\n x. xi.)]\n\n\n The wild people who dwelt or wandered in THE plains of Russia,\n Lithuania, and Poland, might be reduced, in THE age of Justinian,\n under THE two great families of THE Bulgarians 11 and THE\n Sclavonians. According to THE Greek writers, THE former, who\n touched THE Euxine and THE Lake Maeotis, derived from THE Huns\n THEir name or descent; and it is needless to renew THE simple and\n well-known picture of Tartar manners. They were bold and\n dexterous archers, who drank THE milk, and feasted on THE flesh,\n of THEir fleet and indefatigable horses; whose flocks and herds\n followed, or raTHEr guided, THE motions of THEir roving camps; to\n whose inroads no country was remote or impervious, and who were\n practised in flight, though incapable of fear. The nation was\n divided into two powerful and hostile tribes, who pursued each\n oTHEr with fraternal hatred. They eagerly disputed THE\n friendship, or raTHEr THE gifts, of THE emperor; and THE\n distinctions which nature had fixed between THE faithful dog and\n THE rapacious wolf was applied by an ambassador who received only\n verbal instructions from THE mouth of his illiterate prince. 12\n The Bulgarians, of whatsoever species, were equally attracted by\n Roman wealth: THEy assumed a vague dominion over THE Sclavonian\n name, and THEir rapid marches could only be stopped by THE Baltic\n Sea, or THE extreme cold and poverty of THE north. But THE same\n race of Sclavonians appears to have maintained, in every age, THE\n possession of THE same countries. Their numerous tribes, however\n distant or adverse, used one common language (it was harsh and\n irregular), and were known by THE resemblance of THEir form,\n which deviated from THE swarthy Tartar, and approached without\n attaining THE lofty stature and fair complexion of THE German.\n Four thousand six hundred villages 13 were scattered over THE\n provinces of Russia and Poland, and THEir huts were hastily built\n of rough timber, in a country deficient both in stone and iron.\n Erected, or raTHEr concealed, in THE depth of forests, on THE\n banks of rivers, or THE edges of morasses, we may not perhaps,\n without flattery, compare THEm to THE architecture of THE beaver;\n which THEy resembled in a double issue, to THE land and water,\n for THE escape of THE savage inhabitant, an animal less cleanly,\n less diligent, and less social, than that marvellous quadruped.\n The fertility of THE soil, raTHEr than THE labor of THE natives,\n supplied THE rustic plenty of THE Sclavonians. Their sheep and\n horned cattle were large and numerous, and THE fields which THEy\n sowed with millet or panic 14 afforded, in place of bread, a\n coarse and less nutritive food. The incessant rapine of THEir\n neighbors compelled THEm to bury this treasure in THE earth; but\n on THE appearance of a stranger, it was freely imparted by a\n people, whose unfavorable character is qualified by THE epiTHEts\n of chaste, patient, and hospitable. As THEir supreme god, THEy\n adored an invisible master of THE thunder. The rivers and THE\n nymphs obtained THEir subordinate honors, and THE popular worship\n was expressed in vows and sacrifice. The Sclavonians disdained to\n obey a despot, a prince, or even a magistrate; but THEir\n experience was too narrow, THEir passions too headstrong, to\n compose a system of equal law or general defence. Some voluntary\n respect was yielded to age and valor; but each tribe or village\n existed as a separate republic, and all must be persuaded where\n none could be compelled. They fought on foot, almost naked, and\n except an unwieldy shield, without any defensive armor; THEir\n weapons of offence were a bow, a quiver of small poisoned arrows,\n and a long rope, which THEy dexterously threw from a distance,\n and entangled THEir enemy in a running noose. In THE field, THE\n Sclavonian infantry was dangerous by THEir speed, agility, and\n hardiness: THEy swam, THEy dived, THEy remained under water,\n drawing THEir breath through a hollow cane; and a river or lake\n was often THE scene of THEir unsuspected ambuscade. But THEse\n were THE achievements of spies or stragglers; THE military art\n was unknown to THE Sclavonians; THEir name was obscure, and THEir\n conquests were inglorious. 15\n\n 11 (return) [ I adopt THE appellation of Bulgarians from\n Ennodius, (in Panegyr. Theodorici, Opp. Sirmond, tom. i. p. 1598,\n 1599,) Jornandes, (de Rebus Geticis, c. 5, p. 194, et de Regn.\n Successione, p. 242,) Theophanes, (p. 185,) and THE Chronicles of\n Cassiodorus and Marcellinus. The name of Huns is too vague; THE\n tribes of THE Cutturgurians and Utturgurians are too minute and\n too harsh. * Note: The Bulgarians are first mentioned among THE\n writers of THE West in THE Panegyric on Theodoric by Ennodius,\n Bishop of Pavia. Though THEy perhaps took part in THE conquests\n of THE Huns, THEy did not advance to THE Danube till after THE\n dismemberment of that monarchy on THE death of Attila. But THE\n Bulgarians are mentioned much earlier by THE Armenian writers.\n Above 600 years before Christ, a tribe of Bulgarians, driven from\n THEir native possessions beyond THE Caspian, occupied a part of\n Armenia, north of THE Araxes. They were of THE Finnish race; part\n of THE nation, in THE fifth century, moved westward, and reached\n THE modern Bulgaria; part remained along THE Volga, which is\n called Etel, Etil, or Athil, in all THE Tartar languages, but\n from THE Bulgarians, THE Volga. The power of THE eastern\n Bulgarians was broken by Batou, son of Tchingiz Khan; that of THE\n western will appear in THE course of THE history. From St.\n Martin, vol. vii p. 141. Malte-Brun, on THE contrary, conceives\n that THE Bulgarians took THEir name from THE river. According to\n THE Byzantine historians THEy were a branch of THE Ougres,\n (Thunmann, Hist. of THE People to THE East of Europe,) but THEy\n have more resemblance to THE Turks. Their first country, Great\n Bulgaria, was washed by THE Volga. Some remains of THEir capital\n are still shown near Kasan. They afterwards dwelt in Kuban, and\n finally on THE Danube, where THEy subdued (about THE year 500)\n THE Slavo-Servians established on THE Lower Danube. Conquered in\n THEir turn by THE Avars, THEy freed THEmselves from that yoke in\n 635; THEir empire THEn comprised THE Cutturgurians, THE remains\n of THE Huns established on THE Palus Maeotis. The Danubian\n Bulgaria, a dismemberment of this vast state, was long formidable\n to THE Byzantine empire. Malte-Brun, Prec. de Geog Univ. vol. i.\n p. 419.—M. ——According to Shafarik, THE Danubian Bulgaria was\n peopled by a Slavo Bulgarian race. The Slavish population was\n conquered by THE Bulgarian (of Uralian and Finnish descent,) and\n incorporated with THEm. This mingled race are THE Bulgarians\n bordering on THE Byzantine empire. Shafarik, ii 152, et seq.—M.\n 1845]\n\n 12 (return) [ Procopius, (Goth. l. iv. c. 19.) His verbal message\n (he owns him self an illiterate Barbarian) is delivered as an\n epistle. The style is savage, figurative, and original.]\n\n 13 (return) [ This sum is THE result of a particular list, in a\n curious Ms. fragment of THE year 550, found in THE library of\n Milan. The obscure geography of THE times provokes and exercises\n THE patience of THE count de Buat, (tom. xi. p. 69—189.) The\n French minister often loses himself in a wilderness which\n requires a Saxon and Polish guide.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Panicum, milium. See Columella, l. ii. c. 9, p.\n 430, edit. Gesner. Plin. Hist. Natur. xviii. 24, 25. The\n Samaritans made a pap of millet, mingled with mare’s milk or\n blood. In THE wealth of modern husbandry, our millet feeds\n poultry, and not heroes. See THE dictionaries of Bomare and\n Miller.]\n\n 15 (return) [ For THE name and nation, THE situation and manners,\n of THE Sclavonians, see THE original evidence of THE vith\n century, in Procopius, (Goth. l. ii. c. 26, l. iii. c. 14,) and\n THE emperor Mauritius or Maurice (Stratagemat. l. ii. c. 5, apud\n Mascon Annotat. xxxi.) The stratagems of Maurice have been\n printed only, as I understand, at THE end of Scheffer’s edition\n of Arrian’s Tactics, at Upsal, 1664, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. l.\n iv. c. 8, tom. iii. p. 278,) a scarce, and hiTHErto, to me, an\n inaccessible book.]\n\n\n I have marked THE faint and general outline of THE Sclavonians\n and Bulgarians, without attempting to define THEir intermediate\n boundaries, which were not accurately known or respected by THE\n Barbarians THEmselves. Their importance was measured by THEir\n vicinity to THE empire; and THE level country of Moldavia and\n Wallachia was occupied by THE Antes, 16 a Sclavonian tribe, which\n swelled THE titles of Justinian with an epiTHEt of conquest. 17\n Against THE Antes he erected THE fortifications of THE Lower\n Danube; and labored to secure THE alliance of a people seated in\n THE direct channel of norTHErn inundation, an interval of two\n hundred miles between THE mountains of Transylvania and THE\n Euxine Sea. But THE Antes wanted power and inclination to stem\n THE fury of THE torrent; and THE light-armed Sclavonians, from a\n hundred tribes, pursued with almost equal speed THE footsteps of\n THE Bulgarian horse. The payment of one piece of gold for each\n soldier procured a safe and easy retreat through THE country of\n THE Gepidae, who commanded THE passage of THE Upper Danube. 18\n The hopes or fears of THE Barbarians; THEir intense union or\n discord; THE accident of a frozen or shallow stream; THE prospect\n of harvest or vintage; THE prosperity or distress of THE Romans;\n were THE causes which produced THE uniform repetition of annual\n visits, 19 tedious in THE narrative, and destructive in THE\n event. The same year, and possibly THE same month, in which\n Ravenna surrendered, was marked by an invasion of THE Huns or\n Bulgarians, so dreadful, that it almost effaced THE memory of\n THEir past inroads. They spread from THE suburbs of\n Constantinople to THE Ionian Gulf, destroyed thirty-two cities or\n castles, erased Potidaea, which ATHEns had built, and Philip had\n besieged, and repassed THE Danube, dragging at THEir horses’\n heels one hundred and twenty thousand of THE subjects of\n Justinian. In a subsequent inroad THEy pierced THE wall of THE\n Thracian Chersonesus, extirpated THE habitations and THE\n inhabitants, boldly traversed THE Hellespont, and returned to\n THEir companions, laden with THE spoils of Asia. AnoTHEr party,\n which seemed a multitude in THE eyes of THE Romans, penetrated,\n without opposition, from THE Straits of Thermopylae to THE\n Isthmus of Corinth; and THE last ruin of Greece has appeared an\n object too minute for THE attention of history. The works which\n THE emperor raised for THE protection, but at THE expense of his\n subjects, served only to disclose THE weakness of some neglected\n part; and THE walls, which by flattery had been deemed\n impregnable, were eiTHEr deserted by THE garrison, or scaled by\n THE Barbarians. Three thousand Sclavonians, who insolently\n divided THEmselves into two bands, discovered THE weakness and\n misery of a triumphant reign. They passed THE Danube and THE\n Hebrus, vanquished THE Roman generals who dared to oppose THEir\n progress, and plundered, with impunity, THE cities of Illyricum\n and Thrace, each of which had arms and numbers to overwhelm THEir\n contemptible assailants. Whatever praise THE boldness of THE\n Sclavonians may deserve, it is sullied by THE wanton and\n deliberate cruelty which THEy are accused of exercising on THEir\n prisoners. Without distinction of rank, or age, or sex, THE\n captives were impaled or flayed alive, or suspended between four\n posts, and beaten with clubs till THEy expired, or enclosed in\n some spacious building, and left to perish in THE flames with THE\n spoil and cattle which might impede THE march of THEse savage\n victors. 20 Perhaps a more impartial narrative would reduce THE\n number, and qualify THE nature, of THEse horrid acts; and THEy\n might sometimes be excused by THE cruel laws of retaliation. In\n THE siege of Topirus, 21 whose obstinate defence had enraged THE\n Sclavonians, THEy massacred fifteen thousand males; but THEy\n spared THE women and children; THE most valuable captives were\n always reserved for labor or ransom; THE servitude was not\n rigorous, and THE terms of THEir deliverance were speedy and\n moderate. But THE subject, or THE historian of Justinian, exhaled\n his just indignation in THE language of complaint and reproach;\n and Procopius has confidently affirmed, that in a reign of\n thirty-two years, each annual inroad of THE Barbarians consumed\n two hundred thousand of THE inhabitants of THE Roman empire. The\n entire population of Turkish Europe, which nearly corresponds\n with THE provinces of Justinian, would perhaps be incapable of\n supplying six millions of persons, THE result of this incredible\n estimate. 22\n\n 16 (return) [ Antes corum fortissimi.... Taysis qui rapidus et\n vorticosus in Histri fluenta furens devolvitur, (Jornandes, c. 5,\n p. 194, edit. Murator. Procopius, Goth. l. iii. c. 14, et de\n Edific. l iv. c. 7.) Yet THE same Procopius mentions THE Goths\n and Huns as neighbors to THE Danube, (de Edific. l. v. c. 1.)]\n\n 17 (return) [ The national title of Anticus, in THE laws and\n inscriptions of Justinian, was adopted by his successors, and is\n justified by THE pious Ludewig (in Vit. Justinian. p. 515.) It\n had strangely puzzled THE civilians of THE middle age.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Procopius, Goth. l. iv. c. 25.]\n\n 19 (return) [ An inroad of THE Huns is connected, by Procopius,\n with a comet perhaps that of 531, (Persic. l. ii. c. 4.) Agathias\n (l. v. p. 154, 155) borrows from his predecessors some early\n facts.]\n\n 20 (return) [ The cruelties of THE Sclavonians are related or\n magnified by Procopius, (Goth. l. iii. c. 29, 38.) For THEir mild\n and liberal behavior to THEir prisoners, we may appeal to THE\n authority, somewhat more recent of THE emperor Maurice,\n (Stratagem. l. ii. c. 5.)]\n\n 21 (return) [ Topirus was situate near Philippi in Thrace, or\n Macedonia, opposite to THE Isle of Thasos, twelve days’ journey\n from Constantinople (Cellarius, tom. i. p. 676, 846.)]\n\n 22 (return) [ According to THE malevolent testimony of THE\n Anecdotes, (c. 18,) THEse inroads had reduced THE provinces south\n of THE Danube to THE state of a Scythian wilderness.]\n\n\n In THE midst of THEse obscure calamities, Europe felt THE shock\n of revolution, which first revealed to THE world THE name and\n nation of THE Turks. 2211 Like Romulus, THE founder 2212 of that\n martial people was suckled by a she-wolf, who afterwards made him\n THE faTHEr of a numerous progeny; and THE representation of that\n animal in THE banners of THE Turks preserved THE memory, or\n raTHEr suggested THE idea, of a fable, which was invented,\n without any mutual intercourse, by THE shepherds of Latium and\n those of Scythia. At THE equal distance of two thousand miles\n from THE Caspian, THE Icy, THE Chinese, and THE Bengal Seas, a\n ridge of mountains is conspicuous, THE centre, and perhaps THE\n summit, of Asia; which, in THE language of different nations, has\n been styled Imaus, and Caf, 23 and Altai, and THE Golden\n Mountains, 2311 and THE Girdle of THE Earth. The sides of THE\n hills were productive of minerals; and THE iron forges, 24 for\n THE purpose of war, were exercised by THE Turks, THE most\n despised portion of THE slaves of THE great khan of THE Geougen.\n But THEir servitude could only last till a leader, bold and\n eloquent, should arise to persuade his countrymen that THE same\n arms which THEy forged for THEir masters, might become, in THEir\n own hands, THE instruments of freedom and victory. They sallied\n from THE mountains; 25 a sceptre was THE reward of his advice;\n and THE annual ceremony, in which a piece of iron was heated in\n THE fire, and a smith’s hammer 2511 was successively handled by\n THE prince and his nobles, recorded for ages THE humble\n profession and rational pride of THE Turkish nation. Bertezena,\n 2512 THEir first leader, signalized THEir valor and his own in\n successful combats against THE neighboring tribes; but when he\n presumed to ask in marriage THE daughter of THE great khan, THE\n insolent demand of a slave and a mechanic was contemptuously\n rejected. The disgrace was expiated by a more noble alliance with\n a princess of China; and THE decisive battle which almost\n extirpated THE nation of THE Geougen, established in Tartary THE\n new and more powerful empire of THE Turks. 2513 They reigned over\n THE north; but THEy confessed THE vanity of conquest, by THEir\n faithful attachment to THE mountain of THEir faTHErs. The royal\n encampment seldom lost sight of Mount Altai, from whence THE\n River Irtish descends to water THE rich pastures of THE Calmucks,\n 26 which nourish THE largest sheep and oxen in THE world. The\n soil is fruitful, and THE climate mild and temperate: THE happy\n region was ignorant of earthquake and pestilence; THE emperor’s\n throne was turned towards THE East, and a golden wolf on THE top\n of a spear seemed to guard THE entrance of his tent. One of THE\n successors of Bertezena was tempted by THE luxury and\n superstition of China; but his design of building cities and\n temples was defeated by THE simple wisdom of a Barbarian\n counsellor. “The Turks,” he said, “are not equal in number to one\n hundredth part of THE inhabitants of China. If we balance THEir\n power, and elude THEir armies, it is because we wander without\n any fixed habitations in THE exercise of war and hunting. Are we\n strong? we advance and conquer: are we feeble? we retire and are\n concealed. Should THE Turks confine THEmselves within THE walls\n of cities, THE loss of a battle would be THE destruction of THEir\n empire. The bonzes preach only patience, humility, and THE\n renunciation of THE world. Such, O king! is not THE religion of\n heroes.” They entertained, with less reluctance, THE doctrines of\n Zoroaster; but THE greatest part of THE nation acquiesced,\n without inquiry, in THE opinions, or raTHEr in THE practice, of\n THEir ancestors. The honors of sacrifice were reserved for THE\n supreme deity; THEy acknowledged, in rude hymns, THEir\n obligations to THE air, THE fire, THE water, and THE earth; and\n THEir priests derived some profit from THE art of divination.\n Their unwritten laws were rigorous and impartial: THEft was\n punished with a tenfold restitution; adultery, treason, and\n murder, with death; and no chastisement could be inflicted too\n severe for THE rare and inexpiable guilt of cowardice. As THE\n subject nations marched under THE standard of THE Turks, THEir\n cavalry, both men and horses, were proudly computed by millions;\n one of THEir effective armies consisted of four hundred thousand\n soldiers, and in less than fifty years THEy were connected in\n peace and war with THE Romans, THE Persians, and THE Chinese. In\n THEir norTHErn limits, some vestige may be discovered of THE form\n and situation of Kamptchatka, of a people of hunters and\n fishermen, whose sledges were drawn by dogs, and whose\n habitations were buried in THE earth. The Turks were ignorant of\n astronomy; but THE observation taken by some learned Chinese,\n with a gnomon of eight feet, fixes THE royal camp in THE latitude\n of forty-nine degrees, and marks THEir extreme progress within\n three, or at least ten degrees, of THE polar circle. 27 Among\n THEir souTHErn conquests THE most splendid was that of THE\n Nephthalites, or white Huns, a polite and warlike people, who\n possessed THE commercial cities of Bochara and Samarcand, who had\n vanquished THE Persian monarch, and carried THEir victorious arms\n along THE banks, and perhaps to THE mouth, of THE Indus. On THE\n side of THE West, THE Turkish cavalry advanced to THE Lake\n Maeotis. They passed that lake on THE ice. The khan who dwelt at\n THE foot of Mount Altai issued his commands for THE siege of\n Bosphorus, 28 a city THE voluntary subject of Rome, and whose\n princes had formerly been THE friends of ATHEns. 29 To THE east,\n THE Turks invaded China, as often as THE vigor of THE government\n was relaxed: and I am taught to read in THE history of THE times,\n that THEy mowed down THEir patient enemies like hemp or grass;\n and that THE mandarins applauded THE wisdom of an emperor who\n repulsed THEse Barbarians with golden lances. This extent of\n savage empire compelled THE Turkish monarch to establish three\n subordinate princes of his own blood, who soon forgot THEir\n gratitude and allegiance. The conquerors were enervated by\n luxury, which is always fatal except to an industrious people;\n THE policy of China solicited THE vanquished nations to resume\n THEir independence and THE power of THE Turks was limited to a\n period of two hundred years. The revival of THEir name and\n dominion in THE souTHErn countries of Asia are THE events of a\n later age; and THE dynasties, which succeeded to THEir native\n realms, may sleep in oblivion; since THEir history bears no\n relation to THE decline and fall of THE Roman empire. 30\n\n 2211 (return) [ It must be remembered that THE name of Turks is\n extended to a whole family of THE Asiatic races, and not confined\n to THE Assena, or Turks of THE Altai.—M.]\n\n 2212 (return) [ Assena (THE wolf) was THE name of this chief.\n Klaproth, Tabl. Hist. de l’Asie p. 114.—M.]\n\n 23 (return) [ From Caf to Caf; which a more rational geography\n would interpret, from Imaus, perhaps, to Mount Atlas. According\n to THE religious philosophy of THE Mahometans, THE basis of Mount\n Caf is an emerald, whose reflection produces THE azure of THE\n sky. The mountain is endowed with a sensitive action in its roots\n or nerves; and THEir vibration, at THE command of God, is THE\n cause of earthquakes. (D’Herbelot, p. 230, 231.)]\n\n 2311 (return) [ Altai, i. e. Altun Tagh, THE Golden Mountain. Von\n Hammer Osman Geschichte, vol. i. p. 2.—M.]\n\n 24 (return) [ The Siberian iron is THE best and most plentiful in\n THE world; and in THE souTHErn parts, above sixty mines are now\n worked by THE industry of THE Russians, (Strahlenberg, Hist. of\n Siberia, p. 342, 387. Voyage en Siberie, par l’Abbe Chappe\n d’Auteroche, p. 603—608, edit in 12mo. Amsterdam. 1770.) The\n Turks offered iron for sale; yet THE Roman ambassadors, with\n strange obstinacy, persisted in believing that it was all a\n trick, and that THEir country produced none, (Menander in\n Excerpt. Leg. p. 152.)]\n\n 25 (return) [ Of Irgana-kon, (Abulghazi Khan, Hist. Genealogique\n des Tatars, P ii. c. 5, p. 71—77, c. 15, p. 155.) The tradition\n of THE Moguls, of THE 450 years which THEy passed in THE\n mountains, agrees with THE Chinese periods of THE history of THE\n Huns and Turks, (De Guignes, tom. i. part ii. p. 376,) and THE\n twenty generations, from THEir restoration to Zingis.]\n\n 2511 (return) [ The Mongol Temugin is also, though erroneously,\n explained by Rubruquis, a smith. Schmidt, p 876.—M.]\n\n 2512 (return) [ There appears THE same confusion here. Bertezena\n (Berte-Scheno) is claimed as THE founder of THE Mongol race. The\n name means THE gray (blauliche) wolf. In fact, THE same tradition\n of THE origin from a wolf seems common to THE Mongols and THE\n Turks. The Mongol Berte-Scheno, of THE very curious Mongol\n History, published and translated by M. Schmidt of Petersburg, is\n brought from Thibet. M. Schmidt considers this tradition of THE\n Thibetane descent of THE royal race of THE Mongols to be much\n earlier than THEir conversion to Lamaism, yet it seems very\n suspicious. See Klaproth, Tabl. de l’Asie, p. 159. The Turkish\n Bertezena is called Thou-men by Klaproth, p. 115. In 552,\n Thou-men took THE title of Kha-Khan, and was called Il Khan.—M.]\n\n 2513 (return) [ Great Bucharia is called Turkistan: see Hammer,\n 2. It includes all THE last steppes at THE foot of THE Altai. The\n name is THE same with that of THE Turan of Persian poetic\n legend.—M.]\n\n 26 (return) [ The country of THE Turks, now of THE Calmucks, is\n well described in THE Genealogical History, p. 521—562. The\n curious notes of THE French translator are enlarged and digested\n in THE second volume of THE English version.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Visdelou, p. 141, 151. The fact, though it strictly\n belongs to a subordinate and successive tribe, may be introduced\n here.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Procopius, Persic. l. i. c. 12, l. ii. c. 3.\n Peyssonel, Observations sur les Peuples Barbares, p. 99, 100,\n defines THE distance between Caffa and THE old Bosphorus at xvi.\n long Tartar leagues.]\n\n 29 (return) [ See, in a Memoire of M. de Boze, (Mem. de\n l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. vi. p. 549—565,) THE ancient\n kings and medals of THE Cimmerian Bosphorus; and THE gratitude of\n ATHEns, in THE Oration of DemosTHEnes against Leptines, (in\n Reiske, Orator. Graec. tom. i. p. 466, 187.)]\n\n 30 (return) [ For THE origin and revolutions of THE first Turkish\n empire, THE Chinese details are borrowed from De Guignes (Hist.\n des Huns, tom. P. ii. p. 367—462) and Visdelou, (Supplement a la\n BiblioTHEque Orient. d’Herbelot, p. 82—114.) The Greek or Roman\n hints are gaTHEred in Menander (p. 108—164) and Theophylact\n Simocatta, (l. vii. c. 7, 8.)]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLII: State Of The Barbaric World.—Part II.\n\n\n In THE rapid career of conquest, THE Turks attacked and subdued\n THE nation of THE Ogors or Varchonites 3011 on THE banks of THE\n River Til, which derived THE epiTHEt of Black from its dark water\n or gloomy forests. 31 The khan of THE Ogors was slain with three\n hundred thousand of his subjects, and THEir bodies were scattered\n over THE space of four days’ journey: THEir surviving countrymen\n acknowledged THE strength and mercy of THE Turks; and a small\n portion, about twenty thousand warriors, preferred exile to\n servitude. They followed THE well-known road of THE Volga,\n cherished THE error of THE nations who confounded THEm with THE\n Avars, and spread THE terror of that false though famous\n appellation, which had not, however, saved its lawful proprietors\n from THE yoke of THE Turks. 32 After a long and victorious march,\n THE new Avars arrived at THE foot of Mount Caucasus, in THE\n country of THE Alani 33 and Circassians, where THEy first heard\n of THE splendor and weakness of THE Roman empire. They humbly\n requested THEir confederate, THE prince of THE Alani, to lead\n THEm to this source of riches; and THEir ambassador, with THE\n permission of THE governor of Lazica, was transported by THE\n Euxine Sea to Constantinople. The whole city was poured forth to\n behold with curiosity and terror THE aspect of a strange people:\n THEir long hair, which hung in tresses down THEir backs, was\n gracefully bound with ribbons, but THE rest of THEir habit\n appeared to imitate THE fashion of THE Huns. When THEy were\n admitted to THE audience of Justinian, Candish, THE first of THE\n ambassadors, addressed THE Roman emperor in THEse terms: “You see\n before you, O mighty prince, THE representatives of THE strongest\n and most populous of nations, THE invincible, THE irresistible\n Avars. We are willing to devote ourselves to your service: we are\n able to vanquish and destroy all THE enemies who now disturb your\n repose. But we expect, as THE price of our alliance, as THE\n reward of our valor, precious gifts, annual subsidies, and\n fruitful possessions.” At THE time of this embassy, Justinian had\n reigned above thirty, he had lived above seventy-five years: his\n mind, as well as his body, was feeble and languid; and THE\n conqueror of Africa and Italy, careless of THE permanent interest\n of his people, aspired only to end his days in THE bosom even of\n inglorious peace. In a studied oration, he imparted to THE senate\n his resolution to dissemble THE insult, and to purchase THE\n friendship of THE Avars; and THE whole senate, like THE mandarins\n of China, applauded THE incomparable wisdom and foresight of\n THEir sovereign. The instruments of luxury were immediately\n prepared to captivate THE Barbarians; silken garments, soft and\n splendid beds, and chains and collars incrusted with gold. The\n ambassadors, content with such liberal reception, departed from\n Constantinople, and Valentin, one of THE emperor’s guards, was\n sent with a similar character to THEir camp at THE foot of Mount\n Caucasus. As THEir destruction or THEir success must be alike\n advantageous to THE empire, he persuaded THEm to invade THE\n enemies of Rome; and THEy were easily tempted, by gifts and\n promises, to gratify THEir ruling inclinations. These fugitives,\n who fled before THE Turkish arms, passed THE Tanais and\n BorysTHEnes, and boldly advanced into THE heart of Poland and\n Germany, violating THE law of nations, and abusing THE rights of\n victory. Before ten years had elapsed, THEir camps were seated on\n THE Danube and THE Elbe, many Bulgarian and Sclavonian names were\n obliterated from THE earth, and THE remainder of THEir tribes are\n found, as tributaries and vassals, under THE standard of THE\n Avars. The chagan, THE peculiar title of THEir king, still\n affected to cultivate THE friendship of THE emperor; and\n Justinian entertained some thoughts of fixing THEm in Pannonia,\n to balance THE prevailing power of THE Lombards. But THE virtue\n or treachery of an Avar betrayed THE secret enmity and ambitious\n designs of THEir countrymen; and THEy loudly complained of THE\n timid, though jealous policy, of detaining THEir ambassadors, and\n denying THE arms which THEy had been allowed to purchase in THE\n capital of THE empire. 34\n\n 3011 (return) [ The Ogors or Varchonites, from Var. a river,\n (obviously connected with THE name Avar,) must not be confounded\n with THE Uigours, THE eastern Turks, (v. Hammer, Osmanische\n Geschichte, vol. i. p. 3,) who speak a language THE parent of THE\n more modern Turkish dialects. Compare Klaproth, page 121. They\n are THE ancestors of THE Usbeck Turks. These Ogors were of THE\n same Finnish race with THE Huns; and THE 20,000 families which\n fled towards THE west, after THE Turkish invasion, were of THE\n same race with those which remained to THE east of THE Volga, THE\n true Avars of Theophy fact.—M.]\n\n 31 (return) [ The River Til, or Tula, according to THE geography\n of De Guignes, (tom. i. part ii. p. lviii. and 352,) is a small,\n though grateful, stream of THE desert, that falls into THE Orhon,\n Selinga, &c. See Bell, Journey from Petersburg to Pekin, (vol.\n ii. p. 124;) yet his own description of THE Keat, down which he\n sailed into THE Oby, represents THE name and attributes of THE\n black river, (p. 139.) * Note: M. Klaproth, (Tableaux Historiques\n de l’Asie, p. 274) supposes this river to be an eastern affluent\n of THE Volga, THE Kama, which, from THE color of its waters,\n might be called black. M. Abel Remusat (Recherchea sur les\n Langues Tartares, vol. i. p. 320) and M. St. Martin (vol. ix. p.\n 373) consider it THE Volga, which is called Atel or Etel by all\n THE Turkish tribes. It is called Attilas by Menander, and Ettilia\n by THE monk Ruysbreek (1253.) See Klaproth, Tabl. Hist. p. 247.\n This geography is much more clear and simple than that adopted by\n Gibbon from De Guignes, or suggested from Bell.—M.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Theophylact, l. vii. c. 7, 8. And yet his true\n Avars are invisible even to THE eyes of M. de Guignes; and what\n can be more illustrious than THE false? The right of THE fugitive\n Ogors to that national appellation is confessed by THE Turks\n THEmselves, (Menander, p. 108.)]\n\n 33 (return) [ The Alani are still found in THE Genealogical\n History of THE Tartars, (p. 617,) and in D’Anville’s maps. They\n opposed THE march of THE generals of Zingis round THE Caspian\n Sea, and were overthrown in a great battle, (Hist. de Gengiscan,\n l. iv. c. 9, p. 447.)]\n\n 34 (return) [ The embassies and first conquests of THE Avars may\n be read in Menander, (Excerpt. Legat. p. 99, 100, 101, 154, 155,)\n Theophanes, (p. 196,) THE Historia Miscella, (l. xvi. p. 109,)\n and Gregory of Tours, (L iv. c. 23, 29, in THE Historians of\n France, tom. ii. p. 214, 217.)]\n\n\n Perhaps THE apparent change in THE dispositions of THE emperors\n may be ascribed to THE embassy which was received from THE\n conquerors of THE Avars. 35 The immense distance which eluded\n THEir arms could not extinguish THEir resentment: THE Turkish\n ambassadors pursued THE footsteps of THE vanquished to THE Jaik,\n THE Volga, Mount Caucasus, THE Euxine and Constantinople, and at\n length appeared before THE successor of Constantine, to request\n that he would not espouse THE cause of rebels and fugitives. Even\n commerce had some share in this remarkable negotiation: and THE\n Sogdoites, who were now THE tributaries of THE Turks, embraced\n THE fair occasion of opening, by THE north of THE Caspian, a new\n road for THE importation of Chinese silk into THE Roman empire.\n The Persian, who preferred THE navigation of Ceylon, had stopped\n THE caravans of Bochara and Samarcand: THEir silk was\n contemptuously burnt: some Turkish ambassadors died in Persia,\n with a suspicion of poison; and THE great khan permitted his\n faithful vassal Maniach, THE prince of THE Sogdoites, to propose,\n at THE Byzantine court, a treaty of alliance against THEir common\n enemies. Their splendid apparel and rich presents, THE fruit of\n Oriental luxury, distinguished Maniach and his colleagues from\n THE rude savages of THE North: THEir letters, in THE Scythian\n character and language, announced a people who had attained THE\n rudiments of science: 36 THEy enumerated THE conquests, THEy\n offered THE friendship and military aid of THE Turks; and THEir\n sincerity was attested by direful imprecations (if THEy were\n guilty of falsehood) against THEir own head, and THE head of\n Disabul THEir master. The Greek prince entertained with\n hospitable regard THE ambassadors of a remote and powerful\n monarch: THE sight of silk-worms and looms disappointed THE hopes\n of THE Sogdoites; THE emperor renounced, or seemed to renounce,\n THE fugitive Avars, but he accepted THE alliance of THE Turks;\n and THE ratification of THE treaty was carried by a Roman\n minister to THE foot of Mount Altai. Under THE successors of\n Justinian, THE friendship of THE two nations was cultivated by\n frequent and cordial intercourse; THE most favored vassals were\n permitted to imitate THE example of THE great khan, and one\n hundred and six Turks, who, on various occasions, had visited\n Constantinople, departed at THE same time for THEir native\n country. The duration and length of THE journey from THE\n Byzantine court to Mount Altai are not specified: it might have\n been difficult to mark a road through THE nameless deserts, THE\n mountains, rivers, and morasses of Tartary; but a curious account\n has been preserved of THE reception of THE Roman ambassadors at\n THE royal camp. After THEy had been purified with fire and\n incense, according to a rite still practised under THE sons of\n Zingis, 3611 THEy were introduced to THE presence of Disabul. In\n a valley of THE Golden Mountain, THEy found THE great khan in his\n tent, seated in a chair with wheels, to which a horse might be\n occasionally harnessed. As soon as THEy had delivered THEir\n presents, which were received by THE proper officers, THEy\n exposed, in a florid oration, THE wishes of THE Roman emperor,\n that victory might attend THE arms of THE Turks, that THEir reign\n might be long and prosperous, and that a strict alliance, without\n envy or deceit, might forever be maintained between THE two most\n powerful nations of THE earth. The answer of Disabul corresponded\n with THEse friendly professions, and THE ambassadors were seated\n by his side, at a banquet which lasted THE greatest part of THE\n day: THE tent was surrounded with silk hangings, and a Tartar\n liquor was served on THE table, which possessed at least THE\n intoxicating qualities of wine. The entertainment of THE\n succeeding day was more sumptuous; THE silk hangings of THE\n second tent were embroidered in various figures; and THE royal\n seat, THE cups, and THE vases, were of gold. A third pavilion was\n supported by columns of gilt wood; a bed of pure and massy gold\n was raised on four peacocks of THE same metal: and before THE\n entrance of THE tent, dishes, basins, and statues of solid\n silver, and admirable art, were ostentatiously piled in wagons,\n THE monuments of valor raTHEr than of industry. When Disabul led\n his armies against THE frontiers of Persia, his Roman allies\n followed many days THE march of THE Turkish camp, nor were THEy\n dismissed till THEy had enjoyed THEir precedency over THE envoy\n of THE great king, whose loud and intemperate clamors interrupted\n THE silence of THE royal banquet. The power and ambition of\n Chosroes cemented THE union of THE Turks and Romans, who touched\n his dominions on eiTHEr side: but those distant nations,\n regardless of each oTHEr, consulted THE dictates of interest,\n without recollecting THE obligations of oaths and treaties. While\n THE successor of Disabul celebrated his faTHEr’s obsequies, he\n was saluted by THE ambassadors of THE emperor Tiberius, who\n proposed an invasion of Persia, and sustained, with firmness, THE\n angry and perhaps THE just reproaches of that haughty Barbarian.\n “You see my ten fingers,” said THE great khan, and he applied\n THEm to his mouth. “You Romans speak with as many tongues, but\n THEy are tongues of deceit and perjury. To me you hold one\n language, to my subjects anoTHEr; and THE nations are\n successively deluded by your perfidious eloquence. You\n precipitate your allies into war and danger, you enjoy THEir\n labors, and you neglect your benefactors. Hasten your return,\n inform your master that a Turk is incapable of uttering or\n forgiving falsehood, and that he shall speedily meet THE\n punishment which he deserves. While he solicits my friendship\n with flattering and hollow words, he is sunk to a confederate of\n my fugitive Varchonites. If I condescend to march against those\n contemptible slaves, THEy will tremble at THE sound of our whips;\n THEy will be trampled, like a nest of ants, under THE feet of my\n innumerable cavalry. I am not ignorant of THE road which THEy\n have followed to invade your empire; nor can I be deceived by THE\n vain pretence, that Mount Caucasus is THE impregnable barrier of\n THE Romans. I know THE course of THE Niester, THE Danube, and THE\n Hebrus; THE most warlike nations have yielded to THE arms of THE\n Turks; and from THE rising to THE setting sun, THE earth is my\n inheritance.” Notwithstanding this menace, a sense of mutual\n advantage soon renewed THE alliance of THE Turks and Romans: but\n THE pride of THE great khan survived his resentment; and when he\n announced an important conquest to his friend THE emperor\n Maurice, he styled himself THE master of THE seven races, and THE\n lord of THE seven climates of THE world. 37\n\n 35 (return) [ Theophanes, (Chron. p. 204,) and THE Hist.\n Miscella, (l. xvi. p. 110,) as understood by De Guignes, (tom. i.\n part ii. p. 354,) appear to speak of a Turkish embassy to\n Justinian himself; but that of Maniach, in THE fourth year of his\n successor Justin, is positively THE first that reached\n Constantinople, (Menander p. 108.)]\n\n 36 (return) [ The Russians have found characters, rude\n hieroglyphics, on THE Irtish and Yenisei, on medals, tombs,\n idols, rocks, obelisks, &c., (Strahlenberg, Hist. of Siberia, p.\n 324, 346, 406, 429.) Dr. Hyde (de Religione Veterum Persarum, p.\n 521, &c.) has given two alphabets of Thibet and of THE Eygours. I\n have long harbored a suspicion, that all THE Scythian, and some,\n perhaps much, of THE Indian science, was derived from THE Greeks\n of Bactriana. * Note: Modern discoveries give no confirmation to\n this suspicion. The character of Indian science, as well as of\n THEir literature and mythology, indicates an original source.\n Grecian art may have occasionally found its way into India. One\n or two of THE sculptures in Col. Tod’s account of THE Jain\n temples, if correct, show a finer outline, and purer sense of\n beauty, than appears native to India, where THE monstrous always\n predominated over simple nature.—M.]\n\n 3611 (return) [ This rite is so curious, that I have subjoined\n THE description of it:— When THEse (THE exorcisers, THE Shamans)\n approached Zemarchus, THEy took all our baggage and placed it in\n THE centre. Then, kindling a fire with branches of frankincense,\n lowly murmuring certain barbarous words in THE Scythian language,\n beating on a kind of bell (a gong) and a drum, THEy passed over\n THE baggage THE leaves of THE frankincense, crackling with THE\n fire, and at THE same time THEmselves becoming frantic, and\n violently leaping about, seemed to exorcise THE evil spirits.\n Having thus as THEy thought, averted all evil, THEy led Zemarchus\n himself through THE fire. Menander, in Niebuhr’s Bryant. Hist. p.\n 381. Compare Carpini’s Travels. The princes of THE race of Zingis\n Khan condescended to receive THE ambassadors of THE king of\n France, at THE end of THE 13th century without THEir submitting\n to this humiliating rite. See Correspondence published by Abel\n Remusat, Nouv. Mem. de l’Acad des Inscrip. vol. vii. On THE\n embassy of Zemarchus, compare Klaproth, Tableaux de l’Asie p.\n 116.—M.]\n\n 37 (return) [ All THE details of THEse Turkish and Roman\n embassies, so curious in THE history of human manners, are drawn\n from THE extracts of Menander, (p. 106—110, 151—154, 161-164,) in\n which we often regret THE want of order and connection.]\n\n\n Disputes have often arisen between THE sovereigns of Asia for THE\n title of king of THE world; while THE contest has proved that it\n could not belong to eiTHEr of THE competitors. The kingdom of THE\n Turks was bounded by THE Oxus or Gihon; and Touran was separated\n by that great river from THE rival monarchy of Iran, or Persia,\n which in a smaller compass contained perhaps a larger measure of\n power and population. The Persians, who alternately invaded and\n repulsed THE Turks and THE Romans, were still ruled by THE house\n of Sassan, which ascended THE throne three hundred years before\n THE accession of Justinian. His contemporary, Cabades, or Kobad,\n had been successful in war against THE emperor Anastasius; but\n THE reign of that prince was distracted by civil and religious\n troubles. A prisoner in THE hands of his subjects, an exile among\n THE enemies of Persia, he recovered his liberty by prostituting\n THE honor of his wife, and regained his kingdom with THE\n dangerous and mercenary aid of THE Barbarians, who had slain his\n faTHEr. His nobles were suspicious that Kobad never forgave THE\n authors of his expulsion, or even those of his restoration. The\n people was deluded and inflamed by THE fanaticism of Mazdak, 38\n who asserted THE community of women, 39 and THE equality of\n mankind, whilst he appropriated THE richest lands and most\n beautiful females to THE use of his sectaries. The view of THEse\n disorders, which had been fomented by his laws and example, 40\n imbittered THE declining age of THE Persian monarch; and his\n fears were increased by THE consciousness of his design to\n reverse THE natural and customary order of succession, in favor\n of his third and most favored son, so famous under THE names of\n Chosroes and Nushirvan. To render THE youth more illustrious in\n THE eyes of THE nations, Kobad was desirous that he should be\n adopted by THE emperor Justin: 4011 THE hope of peace inclined\n THE Byzantine court to accept this singular proposal; and\n Chosroes might have acquired a specious claim to THE inheritance\n of his Roman parent. But THE future mischief was diverted by THE\n advice of THE quaestor Proclus: a difficulty was started, wheTHEr\n THE adoption should be performed as a civil or military rite; 41\n THE treaty was abruptly dissolved; and THE sense of this\n indignity sunk deep into THE mind of Chosroes, who had already\n advanced to THE Tigris on his road to Constantinople. His faTHEr\n did not long survive THE disappointment of his wishes: THE\n testament of THEir deceased sovereign was read in THE assembly of\n THE nobles; and a powerful faction, prepared for THE event, and\n regardless of THE priority of age, exalted Chosroes to THE throne\n of Persia. He filled that throne during a prosperous period of\n forty-eight years; 42 and THE Justice of Nushirvan is celebrated\n as THE THEme of immortal praise by THE nations of THE East.\n\n 38 (return) [ See D’Herbelot, (Bibliot. Orient. p. 568, 929;)\n Hyde, (de Religione Vet. Persarum, c. 21, p. 290, 291;) Pocock,\n (Specimen Hist. Arab. p. 70, 71;) Eutychius, (Annal. tom. ii. p.\n 176;) Texeira, (in Stevens, Hist. of Persia, l. i. c. 34.) *\n Note: Mazdak was an Archimagus, born, according to Mirkhond,\n (translated by De Sacy, p. 353, and Malcolm, vol. i. p. 104,) at\n Istakhar or Persepolis, according to an inedited and anonymous\n history, (THE Modjmal-alte-warikh in THE Royal Library at Paris,\n quoted by St. Martin, vol. vii. p. 322) at Wischapour in\n Chorasan: his faTHEr’s name was Bamdadam. He announces himself as\n a reformer of Zoroastrianism, and carried THE doctrine of THE two\n principles to a much greater height. He preached THE absolute\n indifference of human action, perfect equality of rank, community\n of property and of women, marriages between THE nearest kindred;\n he interdicted THE use of animal food, proscribed THE killing of\n animals for food, enforced a vegetable diet. See St. Martin, vol.\n vii. p. 322. Malcolm, vol. i. p. 104. Mirkhond translated by De\n Sacy. It is remarkable that THE doctrine of Mazdak spread into\n THE West. Two inscriptions found in Cyrene, in 1823, and\n explained by M. Gesenius, and by M. Hamaker of Leyden, prove\n clearly that his doctrines had been eagerly embraced by THE\n remains of THE ancient Gnostics; and Mazdak was enrolled with\n Thoth, Saturn, Zoroaster, Pythagoras, Epicurus, John, and Christ,\n as THE teachers of true Gnostic wisdom. See St. Martin, vol. vii.\n p. 338. Gesenius de Inscriptione Phoenicio-Graeca in Cyrenaica\n nuper reperta, Halle, 1825. Hamaker, Lettre a M. Raoul Rochette,\n Leyden, 1825.—M.]\n\n 39 (return) [ The fame of THE new law for THE community of women\n was soon propagated in Syria (Asseman. Bibliot. Orient. tom. iii.\n p. 402) and Greece, (Procop. Persic. l. i. c. 5.)]\n\n 40 (return) [ He offered his own wife and sister to THE prophet;\n but THE prayers of Nushirvan saved his moTHEr, and THE indignant\n monarch never forgave THE humiliation to which his filial piety\n had stooped: pedes tuos deosculatus (said he to Mazdak,) cujus\n foetor adhuc nares occupat, (Pocock, Specimen Hist. Arab. p.\n 71.)]\n\n 4011 (return) [ St. Martin questions this adoption: he urges its\n improbability; and supposes that Procopius, perverting some\n popular traditions, or THE remembrance of some fruitless\n negotiations which took place at that time, has mistaken, for a\n treaty of adoption some treaty of guaranty or protection for THE\n purpose of insuring THE crown, after THE death of Kobad, to his\n favorite son Chosroes, vol. viii. p. 32. Yet THE Greek historians\n seem unanimous as to THE proposal: THE Persians might be expected\n to maintain silence on such a subject.—M.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Procopius, Persic. l. i. c. 11. Was not Proclus\n over-wise? Was not THE danger imaginary?—The excuse, at least,\n was injurious to a nation not ignorant of letters. WheTHEr any\n mode of adoption was practised in Persia, I much doubt.]\n\n 42 (return) [ From Procopius and Agathias, Pagi (tom. ii. p. 543,\n 626) has proved that Chosroes Nushirvan ascended THE throne in\n THE fifth year of Justinian, (A.D. 531, April 1.—A.D. 532, April\n 1.) But THE true chronology, which harmonizes with THE Greeks and\n Orientals, is ascertained by John Malala, (tom. ii. 211.)\n Cabades, or Kobad, after a reign of forty-three years and two\n months, sickened THE 8th, and died THE 13th of September, A.D.\n 531, aged eighty-two years. According to THE annals of Eutychius,\n Nushirvan reigned forty seven years and six months; and his death\n must consequently be placed in March, A.D. 579.]\n\n\n But THE justice of kings is understood by THEmselves, and even by\n THEir subjects, with an ample indulgence for THE gratification of\n passion and interest. The virtue of Chosroes was that of a\n conqueror, who, in THE measures of peace and war, is excited by\n ambition, and restrained by prudence; who confounds THE greatness\n with THE happiness of a nation, and calmly devotes THE lives of\n thousands to THE fame, or even THE amusement, of a single man. In\n his domestic administration, THE just Nushirvan would merit in\n our feelings THE appellation of a tyrant. His two elder broTHErs\n had been deprived of THEir fair expectations of THE diadem: THEir\n future life, between THE supreme rank and THE condition of\n subjects, was anxious to THEmselves and formidable to THEir\n master: fear as well as revenge might tempt THEm to rebel: THE\n slightest evidence of a conspiracy satisfied THE author of THEir\n wrongs; and THE repose of Chosroes was secured by THE death of\n THEse unhappy princes, with THEir families and adherents. One\n guiltless youth was saved and dismissed by THE compassion of a\n veteran general; and this act of humanity, which was revealed by\n his son, overbalanced THE merit of reducing twelve nations to THE\n obedience of Persia. The zeal and prudence of Mebodes had fixed\n THE diadem on THE head of Chosroes himself; but he delayed to\n attend THE royal summons, till he had performed THE duties of a\n military review: he was instantly commanded to repair to THE iron\n tripod, which stood before THE gate of THE palace, 43 where it\n was death to relieve or approach THE victim; and Mebodes\n languished several days before his sentence was pronounced, by\n THE inflexible pride and calm ingratitude of THE son of Kobad.\n But THE people, more especially in THE East, is disposed to\n forgive, and even to applaud, THE cruelty which strikes at THE\n loftiest heads; at THE slaves of ambition, whose voluntary choice\n has exposed THEm to live in THE smiles, and to perish by THE\n frown, of a capricious monarch. In THE execution of THE laws\n which he had no temptation to violate; in THE punishment of\n crimes which attacked his own dignity, as well as THE happiness\n of individuals; Nushirvan, or Chosroes, deserved THE appellation\n of just. His government was firm, rigorous, and impartial. It was\n THE first labor of his reign to abolish THE dangerous THEory of\n common or equal possessions: THE lands and women which THE\n sectaries of Mazdak has usurped were restored to THEir lawful\n owners; and THE temperate 4311 chastisement of THE fanatics or\n impostors confirmed THE domestic rights of society. Instead of\n listening with blind confidence to a favorite minister, he\n established four viziers over THE four great provinces of his\n empire, Assyria, Media, Persia, and Bactriana. In THE choice of\n judges, præfects, and counsellors, he strove to remove THE mask\n which is always worn in THE presence of kings: he wished to\n substitute THE natural order of talents for THE accidental\n distinctions of birth and fortune; he professed, in specious\n language, his intention to prefer those men who carried THE poor\n in THEir bosoms, and to banish corruption from THE seat of\n justice, as dogs were excluded from THE temples of THE Magi. The\n code of laws of THE first Artaxerxes was revived and published as\n THE rule of THE magistrates; but THE assurance of speedy\n punishment was THE best security of THEir virtue. Their behavior\n was inspected by a thousand eyes, THEir words were overheard by a\n thousand ears, THE secret or public agents of THE throne; and THE\n provinces, from THE Indian to THE Arabian confines, were\n enlightened by THE frequent visits of a sovereign, who affected\n to emulate his celestial broTHEr in his rapid and salutary\n career. Education and agriculture he viewed as THE two objects\n most deserving of his care. In every city of Persia orphans, and\n THE children of THE poor, were maintained and instructed at THE\n public expense; THE daughters were given in marriage to THE\n richest citizens of THEir own rank, and THE sons, according to\n THEir different talents, were employed in mechanic trades, or\n promoted to more honorable service. The deserted villages were\n relieved by his bounty; to THE peasants and farmers who were\n found incapable of cultivating THEir lands, he distributed\n cattle, seed, and THE instruments of husbandry; and THE rare and\n inestimable treasure of fresh water was parsimoniously managed,\n and skilfully dispersed over THE arid territory of Persia. 44 The\n prosperity of that kingdom was THE effect and evidence of his\n virtues; his vices are those of Oriental despotism; but in THE\n long competition between Chosroes and Justinian, THE advantage\n both of merit and fortune is almost always on THE side of THE\n Barbarian. 45\n\n 43 (return) [ Procopius, Persic. l. i. c. 23. Brisson, de Regn.\n Pers. p. 494. The gate of THE palace of Ispahan is, or was, THE\n fatal scene of disgrace or death, (Chardin, Voyage en Perse, tom.\n iv. p. 312, 313.)]\n\n 4311 (return) [ This is a strange term. Nushirvan employed a\n stratagem similar to that of Jehu, 2 Kings, x. 18—28, to separate\n THE followers of Mazdak from THE rest of his subjects, and with a\n body of his troops cut THEm all in pieces. The Greek writers\n concur with THE Persian in this representation of Nushirvan’s\n temperate conduct. Theophanes, p. 146. Mirkhond. p. 362.\n Eutychius, Ann. vol. ii. p. 179. Abulfeda, in an unedited part,\n consulted by St. Martin as well as in a passage formerly cited.\n Le Beau vol. viii. p. 38. Malcolm vol l p. 109.—M.]\n\n 44 (return) [ In Persia, THE prince of THE waters is an officer\n of state. The number of wells and subterraneous channels is much\n diminished, and with it THE fertility of THE soil: 400 wells have\n been recently lost near Tauris, and 42,000 were once reckoned in\n THE province of Khorasan (Chardin, tom. iii. p. 99, 100.\n Tavernier, tom. i. p. 416.)]\n\n 45 (return) [ The character and government of Nushirvan is\n represented some times in THE words of D’Herbelot, (Bibliot.\n Orient. p. 680, &c., from Khondemir,) Eutychius, (Annal. tom. ii.\n p. 179, 180,—very rich,) Abulpharagius, (Dynast. vii. p. 94,\n 95,—very poor,) Tarikh Schikard, (p. 144—150,) Texeira, (in\n Stevens, l. i. c. 35,) Asseman, (Bibliot Orient. tom. iii. p.\n 404-410,) and THE Abbe Fourmont, (Hist. de l’Acad. des\n Inscriptions, tom. vii. p. 325—334,) who has translated a\n spurious or genuine testament of Nushirvan.]\n\n\n To THE praise of justice Nushirvan united THE reputation of\n knowledge; and THE seven Greek philosophers, who visited his\n court, were invited and deceived by THE strange assurance, that a\n disciple of Plato was seated on THE Persian throne. Did THEy\n expect, that a prince, strenuously exercised in THE toils of war\n and government, should agitate, with dexterity like THEir own,\n THE abstruse and profound questions which amused THE leisure of\n THE schools of ATHEns? Could THEy hope that THE precepts of\n philosophy should direct THE life, and control THE passions, of a\n despot, whose infancy had been taught to consider his absolute\n and fluctuating will as THE only rule of moral obligation? 46 The\n studies of Chosroes were ostentatious and superficial: but his\n example awakened THE curiosity of an ingenious people, and THE\n light of science was diffused over THE dominions of Persia. 47 At\n Gondi Sapor, in THE neighborhood of THE royal city of Susa, an\n academy of physic was founded, which insensibly became a liberal\n school of poetry, philosophy, and rhetoric. 48 The annals of THE\n monarchy 49 were composed; and while recent and auTHEntic history\n might afford some useful lessons both to THE prince and people,\n THE darkness of THE first ages was embellished by THE giants, THE\n dragons, and THE fabulous heroes of Oriental romance. 50 Every\n learned or confident stranger was enriched by THE bounty, and\n flattered by THE conversation, of THE monarch: he nobly rewarded\n a Greek physician, 51 by THE deliverance of three thousand\n captives; and THE sophists, who contended for his favor, were\n exasperated by THE wealth and insolence of Uranius, THEir more\n successful rival. Nushirvan believed, or at least respected, THE\n religion of THE Magi; and some traces of persecution may be\n discovered in his reign. 52 Yet he allowed himself freely to\n compare THE tenets of THE various sects; and THE THEological\n disputes, in which he frequently presided, diminished THE\n authority of THE priest, and enlightened THE minds of THE people.\n At his command, THE most celebrated writers of Greece and India\n were translated into THE Persian language; a smooth and elegant\n idiom, recommended by Mahomet to THE use of paradise; though it\n is branded with THE epiTHEts of savage and unmusical, by THE\n ignorance and presumption of Agathias. 53 Yet THE Greek historian\n might reasonably wonder that it should be found possible to\n execute an entire version of Plato and Aristotle in a foreign\n dialect, which had not been framed to express THE spirit of\n freedom and THE subtilties of philosophic disquisition. And, if\n THE reason of THE Stagyrite might be equally dark, or equally\n intelligible in every tongue, THE dramatic art and verbal\n argumentation of THE disciple of Socrates, 54 appear to be\n indissolubly mingled with THE grace and perfection of his Attic\n style. In THE search of universal knowledge, Nushirvan was\n informed, that THE moral and political fables of Pilpay, an\n ancient Brachman, were preserved with jealous reverence among THE\n treasures of THE kings of India. The physician Perozes was\n secretly despatched to THE banks of THE Ganges, with instructions\n to procure, at any price, THE communication of this valuable\n work. His dexterity obtained a transcript, his learned diligence\n accomplished THE translation; and THE fables of Pilpay 55 were\n read and admired in THE assembly of Nushirvan and his nobles. The\n Indian original, and THE Persian copy, have long since\n disappeared; but this venerable monument has been saved by THE\n curiosity of THE Arabian caliphs, revived in THE modern Persic,\n THE Turkish, THE Syriac, THE Hebrew, and THE Greek idioms, and\n transfused through successive versions into THE modern languages\n of Europe. In THEir present form, THE peculiar character, THE\n manners and religion of THE Hindoos, are completely obliterated;\n and THE intrinsic merit of THE fables of Pilpay is far inferior\n to THE concise elegance of Phaedrus, and THE native graces of La\n Fontaine. Fifteen moral and political sentences are illustrated\n in a series of apologues: but THE composition is intricate, THE\n narrative prolix, and THE precept obvious and barren. Yet THE\n Brachman may assume THE merit of inventing a pleasing fiction,\n which adorns THE nakedness of truth, and alleviates, perhaps, to\n a royal ear, THE harshness of instruction. With a similar design,\n to admonish kings that THEy are strong only in THE strength of\n THEir subjects, THE same Indians invented THE game of chess,\n which was likewise introduced into Persia under THE reign of\n Nushirvan. 56\n\n 46 (return) [ A thousand years before his birth, THE judges of\n Persia had given a solemn opinion, (Herodot. l. iii. c. 31, p.\n 210, edit. Wesseling.) Nor had this constitutional maxim been\n neglected as a useless and barren THEory.]\n\n 47 (return) [ On THE literary state of Persia, THE Greek\n versions, philosophers, sophists, THE learning or ignorance of\n Chosroes, Agathias (l. ii. c. 66—71) displays much information\n and strong prejudices.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Asseman. Bibliot. Orient. tom. iv. p. DCCXLV. vi.\n vii.]\n\n 49 (return) [ The Shah Nameh, or Book of Kings, is perhaps THE\n original record of history which was translated into Greek by THE\n interpreter Sergius, (Agathias, l. v. p. 141,) preserved after\n THE Mahometan conquest, and versified in THE year 994, by THE\n national poet Ferdoussi. See D’Anquetil (Mem. de l’Academie, tom.\n xxxi. p. 379) and Sir William Jones, (Hist. of Nadir Shah, p.\n 161.)]\n\n 50 (return) [ In THE fifth century, THE name of Restom, or\n Rostam, a hero who equalled THE strength of twelve elephants, was\n familiar to THE Armenians, (Moses Chorenensis, Hist. Armen. l.\n ii. c. 7, p. 96, edit. Whiston.) In THE beginning of THE seventh,\n THE Persian Romance of Rostam and Isfendiar was applauded at\n Mecca, (Sale’s Koran, c. xxxi. p. 335.) Yet this exposition of\n ludicrum novae historiae is not given by Maracci, (Refutat.\n Alcoran. p. 544—548.)]\n\n 51 (return) [ Procop. (Goth. l. iv. c. 10.) Kobad had a favorite\n Greek physician, Stephen of Edessa, (Persic. l. ii. c. 26.) The\n practice was ancient; and Herodotus relates THE adventures of\n Democedes of Crotona, (l. iii p. 125—137.)]\n\n 52 (return) [ See Pagi, tom. ii. p. 626. In one of THE treaties\n an honorable article was inserted for THE toleration and burial\n of THE Catholics, (Menander, in Excerpt. Legat. p. 142.)\n Nushizad, a son of Nushirvan, was a Christian, a rebel, and—a\n martyr? (D’Herbelot, p. 681.)]\n\n 53 (return) [ On THE Persian language, and its three dialects,\n consult D’Anquetil (p. 339—343) and Jones, (p. 153—185:) is THE\n character which Agathias (l. ii. p. 66) ascribes to an idiom\n renowned in THE East for poetical softness.]\n\n 54 (return) [ Agathias specifies THE Gorgias, Phaedon,\n Parmenides, and Timaeus. Renaudot (Fabricius, Bibliot. Graec.\n tom. xii. p. 246—261) does not mention this Barbaric version of\n Aristotle.]\n\n 55 (return) [ Of THEse fables, I have seen three copies in three\n different languages: 1. In Greek, translated by Simeon Seth (A.D.\n 1100) from THE Arabic, and published by Starck at Berlin in 1697,\n in 12mo. 2. In Latin, a version from THE Greek Sapientia Indorum,\n inserted by Pere Poussin at THE end of his edition of Pachymer,\n (p. 547—620, edit. Roman.) 3. In French, from THE Turkish,\n dedicated, in 1540, to Sultan Soliman Contes et Fables Indiennes\n de Bidpai et de Lokman, par Mm. Galland et Cardonne, Paris, 1778,\n 3 vols. in 12mo. Mr. Warton (History of English Poetry, vol. i.\n p. 129—131) takes a larger scope. * Note: The oldest Indian\n collection extant is THE Pancha-tantra, (THE five collections,)\n analyzed by Mr. Wilson in THE Transactions of THE Royal Asiat.\n Soc. It was translated into Persian by Barsuyah, THE physician of\n Nushirvan, under THE name of THE Fables of Bidpai, (Vidyapriya,\n THE Friend of Knowledge, or, as THE Oriental writers understand\n it, THE Friend of Medicine.) It was translated into Arabic by\n Abdolla Ibn Mokaffa, under THE name of Kalila and Dimnah. From\n THE Arabic it passed into THE European languages. Compare Wilson,\n in Trans. As. Soc. i. 52. dohlen, das alte Indien, ii. p. 386.\n Silvestre de Sacy, Memoire sur Kalila vs Dimnah.—M.]\n\n 56 (return) [ See THE Historia Shahiludii of Dr. Hyde, (Syntagm.\n Dissertat. tom. ii. p. 61—69.)]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLII: State Of The Barbaric World.—Part III.\n\n\n The son of Kobad found his kingdom involved in a war with THE\n successor of Constantine; and THE anxiety of his domestic\n situation inclined him to grant THE suspension of arms, which\n Justinian was impatient to purchase. Chosroes saw THE Roman\n ambassadors at his feet. He accepted eleven thousand pounds of\n gold, as THE price of an endless or indefinite peace: 57 some\n mutual exchanges were regulated; THE Persian assumed THE guard of\n THE gates of Caucasus, and THE demolition of Dara was suspended,\n on condition that it should never be made THE residence of THE\n general of THE East. This interval of repose had been solicited,\n and was diligently improved, by THE ambition of THE emperor: his\n African conquests were THE first fruits of THE Persian treaty;\n and THE avarice of Chosroes was sooTHEd by a large portion of THE\n spoils of Carthage, which his ambassadors required in a tone of\n pleasantry and under THE color of friendship. 58 But THE trophies\n of Belisarius disturbed THE slumbers of THE great king; and he\n heard with astonishment, envy, and fear, that Sicily, Italy, and\n Rome itself, had been reduced, in three rapid campaigns, to THE\n obedience of Justinian. Unpractised in THE art of violating\n treaties, he secretly excited his bold and subtle vassal\n Almondar. That prince of THE Saracens, who resided at Hira, 59\n had not been included in THE general peace, and still waged an\n obscure war against his rival Arethas, THE chief of THE tribe of\n Gassan, and confederate of THE empire. The subject of THEir\n dispute was an extensive sheep-walk in THE desert to THE south of\n Palmyra. An immemorial tribute for THE license of pasture\n appeared to attest THE rights of Almondar, while THE Gassanite\n appealed to THE Latin name of strata, a paved road, as an\n unquestionable evidence of THE sovereignty and labors of THE\n Romans. 60 The two monarchs supported THE cause of THEir\n respective vassals; and THE Persian Arab, without expecting THE\n event of a slow and doubtful arbitration, enriched his flying\n camp with THE spoil and captives of Syria. Instead of repelling\n THE arms, Justinian attempted to seduce THE fidelity of Almondar,\n while he called from THE extremities of THE earth THE nations of\n Aethiopia and Scythia to invade THE dominions of his rival. But\n THE aid of such allies was distant and precarious, and THE\n discovery of this hostile correspondence justified THE complaints\n of THE Goths and Armenians, who implored, almost at THE same\n time, THE protection of Chosroes. The descendants of Arsaces, who\n were still numerous in Armenia, had been provoked to assert THE\n last relics of national freedom and hereditary rank; and THE\n ambassadors of Vitiges had secretly traversed THE empire to\n expose THE instant, and almost inevitable, danger of THE kingdom\n of Italy. Their representations were uniform, weighty, and\n effectual. “We stand before your throne, THE advocates of your\n interest as well as of our own. The ambitious and faithless\n Justinian aspires to be THE sole master of THE world. Since THE\n endless peace, which betrayed THE common freedom of mankind, that\n prince, your ally in words, your enemy in actions, has alike\n insulted his friends and foes, and has filled THE earth with\n blood and confusion. Has he not violated THE privileges of\n Armenia, THE independence of Colchos, and THE wild liberty of THE\n Tzanian mountains? Has he not usurped, with equal avidity, THE\n city of Bosphorus on THE frozen Maeotis, and THE vale of\n palm-trees on THE shores of THE Red Sea? The Moors, THE Vandals,\n THE Goths, have been successively oppressed, and each nation has\n calmly remained THE spectator of THEir neighbor’s ruin. Embrace,\n O king! THE favorable moment; THE East is left without defence,\n while THE armies of Justinian and his renowned general are\n detained in THE distant regions of THE West. If you hesitate or\n delay, Belisarius and his victorious troops will soon return from\n THE Tyber to THE Tigris, and Persia may enjoy THE wretched\n consolation of being THE last devoured.” 61 By such arguments,\n Chosroes was easily persuaded to imitate THE example which he\n condemned: but THE Persian, ambitious of military fame, disdained\n THE inactive warfare of a rival, who issued his sanguinary\n commands from THE secure station of THE Byzantine palace.\n\n 57 (return) [ The endless peace (Procopius, Persic. l. i. c. 21)\n was concluded or ratified in THE vith year, and iiid consulship,\n of Justinian, (A.D. 533, between January 1 and April 1. Pagi,\n tom. ii. p. 550.) Marcellinus, in his Chronicle, uses THE style\n of Medes and Persians.]\n\n 58 (return) [ Procopius, Persic. l. i. c. 26.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Almondar, king of Hira, was deposed by Kobad, and\n restored by Nushirvan. His moTHEr, from her beauty, was surnamed\n Celestial Water, an appellation which became hereditary, and was\n extended for a more noble cause (liberality in famine) to THE\n Arab princes of Syria, (Pocock, Specimen Hist. Arab. p. 69, 70.)]\n\n 60 (return) [ Procopius, Persic. l. ii. c. 1. We are ignorant of\n THE origin and object of this strata, a paved road of ten days’\n journey from Auranitis to Babylonia. (See a Latin note in\n Delisle’s Map Imp. Orient.) Wesseling and D’Anville are silent.]\n\n 61 (return) [ I have blended, in a short speech, THE two orations\n of THE Arsacides of Armenia and THE Gothic ambassadors.\n Procopius, in his public history, feels, and makes us feel, that\n Justinian was THE true author of THE war, (Persic. l. ii. c. 2,\n 3.)]\n\n\n Whatever might be THE provocations of Chosroes, he abused THE\n confidence of treaties; and THE just reproaches of dissimulation\n and falsehood could only be concealed by THE lustre of his\n victories. 62 The Persian army, which had been assembled in THE\n plains of Babylon, prudently declined THE strong cities of\n Mesopotamia, and followed THE western bank of THE Euphrates, till\n THE small, though populous, town of Dura 6211 presumed to arrest\n THE progress of THE great king. The gates of Dura, by treachery\n and surprise, were burst open; and as soon as Chosroes had\n stained his cimeter with THE blood of THE inhabitants, he\n dismissed THE ambassador of Justinian to inform his master in\n what place he had left THE enemy of THE Romans. The conqueror\n still affected THE praise of humanity and justice; and as he\n beheld a noble matron with her infant rudely dragged along THE\n ground, he sighed, he wept, and implored THE divine justice to\n punish THE author of THEse calamities. Yet THE herd of twelve\n thousand captives was ransomed for two hundred pounds of gold;\n THE neighboring bishop of Sergiopolis pledged his faith for THE\n payment: and in THE subsequent year THE unfeeling avarice of\n Chosroes exacted THE penalty of an obligation which it was\n generous to contract and impossible to discharge. He advanced\n into THE heart of Syria: but a feeble enemy, who vanished at his\n approach, disappointed him of THE honor of victory; and as he\n could not hope to establish his dominion, THE Persian king\n displayed in this inroad THE mean and rapacious vices of a\n robber. Hierapolis, Berrhaea or Aleppo, Apamea and Chalcis, were\n successively besieged: THEy redeemed THEir safety by a ransom of\n gold or silver, proportioned to THEir respective strength and\n opulence; and THEir new master enforced, without observing, THE\n terms of capitulation. Educated in THE religion of THE Magi, he\n exercised, without remorse, THE lucrative trade of sacrilege;\n and, after stripping of its gold and gems a piece of THE true\n cross, he generously restored THE naked relic to THE devotion of\n THE Christians of Apamea. No more than fourteen years had elapsed\n since Antioch was ruined by an earthquake; 6212 but THE queen of\n THE East, THE new Theopolis, had been raised from THE ground by\n THE liberality of Justinian; and THE increasing greatness of THE\n buildings and THE people already erased THE memory of this recent\n disaster. On one side, THE city was defended by THE mountain, on\n THE oTHEr by THE River Orontes; but THE most accessible part was\n commanded by a superior eminence: THE proper remedies were\n rejected, from THE despicable fear of discovering its weakness to\n THE enemy; and Germanus, THE emperor’s nephew, refused to trust\n his person and dignity within THE walls of a besieged city. The\n people of Antioch had inherited THE vain and satirical genius of\n THEir ancestors: THEy were elated by a sudden reenforcement of\n six thousand soldiers; THEy disdained THE offers of an easy\n capitulation and THEir intemperate clamors insulted from THE\n ramparts THE majesty of THE great king. Under his eye THE Persian\n myriads mounted with scaling-ladders to THE assault; THE Roman\n mercenaries fled through THE opposite gate of Daphne; and THE\n generous assistance of THE youth of Antioch served only to\n aggravate THE miseries of THEir country. As Chosroes, attended by\n THE ambassadors of Justinian, was descending from THE mountain,\n he affected, in a plaintive voice, to deplore THE obstinacy and\n ruin of that unhappy people; but THE slaughter still raged with\n unrelenting fury; and THE city, at THE command of a Barbarian,\n was delivered to THE flames. The caTHEdral of Antioch was indeed\n preserved by THE avarice, not THE piety, of THE conqueror: a more\n honorable exemption was granted to THE church of St. Julian, and\n THE quarter of THE town where THE ambassadors resided; some\n distant streets were saved by THE shifting of THE wind, and THE\n walls still subsisted to protect, and soon to betray, THEir new\n inhabitants. Fanaticism had defaced THE ornaments of Daphne, but\n Chosroes breaTHEd a purer air amidst her groves and fountains;\n and some idolaters in his train might sacrifice with impunity to\n THE nymphs of that elegant retreat. Eighteen miles below Antioch,\n THE River Orontes falls into THE Mediterranean. The haughty\n Persian visited THE term of his conquests; and, after bathing\n alone in THE sea, he offered a solemn sacrifice of thanksgiving\n to THE sun, or raTHEr to THE Creator of THE sun, whom THE Magi\n adored. If this act of superstition offended THE prejudices of\n THE Syrians, THEy were pleased by THE courteous and even eager\n attention with which he assisted at THE games of THE circus; and\n as Chosroes had heard that THE blue faction was espoused by THE\n emperor, his peremptory command secured THE victory of THE green\n charioteer. From THE discipline of his camp THE people derived\n more solid consolation; and THEy interceded in vain for THE life\n of a soldier who had too faithfully copied THE rapine of THE just\n Nushirvan. At length, fatigued, though unsatiated, with THE spoil\n of Syria, 6213 he slowly moved to THE Euphrates, formed a\n temporary bridge in THE neighborhood of Barbalissus, and defined\n THE space of three days for THE entire passage of his numerous\n host. After his return, he founded, at THE distance of one day’s\n journey from THE palace of Ctesiphon, a new city, which\n perpetuated THE joint names of Chosroes and of Antioch. The\n Syrian captives recognized THE form and situation of THEir native\n abodes: baths and a stately circus were constructed for THEir\n use; and a colony of musicians and charioteers revived in Assyria\n THE pleasures of a Greek capital. By THE munificence of THE royal\n founder, a liberal allowance was assigned to THEse fortunate\n exiles; and THEy enjoyed THE singular privilege of bestowing\n freedom on THE slaves whom THEy acknowledged as THEir kinsmen.\n Palestine, and THE holy wealth of Jerusalem, were THE next\n objects that attracted THE ambition, or raTHEr THE avarice, of\n Chosroes. Constantinople, and THE palace of THE Caesars, no\n longer appeared impregnable or remote; and his aspiring fancy\n already covered Asia Minor with THE troops, and THE Black Sea\n with THE navies, of Persia.\n\n 62 (return) [ The invasion of Syria, THE ruin of Antioch, &c.,\n are related in a full and regular series by Procopius, (Persic.\n l. ii. c. 5—14.) Small collateral aid can be drawn from THE\n Orientals: yet not THEy, but D’Herbelot himself, (p. 680,) should\n blush when he blames THEm for making Justinian and Nushirvan\n contemporaries. On THE geography of THE seat of war, D’Anville\n (l’Euphrate et le Tigre) is sufficient and satisfactory.]\n\n 6211 (return) [ It is Sura in Procopius. Is it a misprint in\n Gibbon?—M.]\n\n 6212 (return) [ Joannes Lydus attributes THE easy capture of\n Antioch to THE want of fortifications which had not been restored\n since THE earthquake, l. iii. c. 54. p. 246.—M.]\n\n 6213 (return) [ Lydus asserts that he carried away all THE\n statues, pictures, and marbles which adorned THE city, l. iii. c.\n 54, p. 246.—M.]\n\n\n These hopes might have been realized, if THE conqueror of Italy\n had not been seasonably recalled to THE defence of THE East. 63\n While Chosroes pursued his ambitious designs on THE coast of THE\n Euxine, Belisarius, at THE head of an army without pay or\n discipline, encamped beyond THE Euphrates, within six miles of\n Nisibis. He meditated, by a skilful operation, to draw THE\n Persians from THEir impregnable citadel, and improving his\n advantage in THE field, eiTHEr to intercept THEir retreat, or\n perhaps to enter THE gates with THE flying Barbarians. He\n advanced one day’s journey on THE territories of Persia, reduced\n THE fortress of Sisaurane, and sent THE governor, with eight\n hundred chosen horsemen, to serve THE emperor in his Italian\n wars. He detached Arethas and his Arabs, supported by twelve\n hundred Romans, to pass THE Tigris, and to ravage THE harvests of\n Assyria, a fruitful province, long exempt from THE calamities of\n war. But THE plans of Belisarius were disconcerted by THE\n untractable spirit of Arethas, who neiTHEr returned to THE camp,\n nor sent any intelligence of his motions. The Roman general was\n fixed in anxious expectation to THE same spot; THE time of action\n elapsed, THE ardent sun of Mesopotamia inflamed with fevors THE\n blood of his European soldiers; and THE stationary troops and\n officers of Syria affected to tremble for THE safety of THEir\n defenceless cities. Yet this diversion had already succeeded in\n forcing Chosroes to return with loss and precipitation; and if\n THE skill of Belisarius had been seconded by discipline and\n valor, his success might have satisfied THE sanguine wishes of\n THE public, who required at his hands THE conquest of Ctesiphon,\n and THE deliverance of THE captives of Antioch. At THE end of THE\n campaign, he was recalled to Constantinople by an ungrateful\n court, but THE dangers of THE ensuing spring restored his\n confidence and command; and THE hero, almost alone, was\n despatched, with THE speed of post-horses, to repel, by his name\n and presence, THE invasion of Syria. He found THE Roman generals,\n among whom was a nephew of Justinian, imprisoned by THEir fears\n in THE fortifications of Hierapolis. But instead of listening to\n THEir timid counsels, Belisarius commanded THEm to follow him to\n Europus, where he had resolved to collect his forces, and to\n execute whatever God should inspire him to achieve against THE\n enemy. His firm attitude on THE banks of THE Euphrates restrained\n Chosroes from advancing towards Palestine; and he received with\n art and dignity THE ambassadors, or raTHEr spies, of THE Persian\n monarch. The plain between Hierapolis and THE river was covered\n with THE squadrons of cavalry, six thousand hunters, tall and\n robust, who pursued THEir game without THE apprehension of an\n enemy. On THE opposite bank THE ambassadors descried a thousand\n Armenian horse, who appeared to guard THE passage of THE\n Euphrates. The tent of Belisarius was of THE coarsest linen, THE\n simple equipage of a warrior who disdained THE luxury of THE\n East. Around his tent, THE nations who marched under his standard\n were arranged with skilful confusion. The Thracians and Illyrians\n were posted in THE front, THE Heruli and Goths in THE centre; THE\n prospect was closed by THE Moors and Vandals, and THEir loose\n array seemed to multiply THEir numbers. Their dress was light and\n active; one soldier carried a whip, anoTHEr a sword, a third a\n bow, a fourth, perhaps, a battle axe, and THE whole picture\n exhibited THE intrepidity of THE troops and THE vigilance of THE\n general. Chosroes was deluded by THE address, and awed by THE\n genius, of THE lieutenant of Justinian. Conscious of THE merit,\n and ignorant of THE force, of his antagonist, he dreaded a\n decisive battle in a distant country, from whence not a Persian\n might return to relate THE melancholy tale. The great king\n hastened to repass THE Euphrates; and Belisarius pressed his\n retreat, by affecting to oppose a measure so salutary to THE\n empire, and which could scarcely have been prevented by an army\n of a hundred thousand men. Envy might suggest to ignorance and\n pride, that THE public enemy had been suffered to escape: but THE\n African and Gothic triumphs are less glorious than this safe and\n bloodless victory, in which neiTHEr fortune, nor THE valor of THE\n soldiers, can subtract any part of THE general’s renown. The\n second removal of Belisarius from THE Persian to THE Italian war\n revealed THE extent of his personal merit, which had corrected or\n supplied THE want of discipline and courage. Fifteen generals,\n without concert or skill, led through THE mountains of Armenia an\n army of thirty thousand Romans, inattentive to THEir signals,\n THEir ranks, and THEir ensigns. Four thousand Persians,\n intrenched in THE camp of Dubis, vanquished, almost without a\n combat, this disorderly multitude; THEir useless arms were\n scattered along THE road, and THEir horses sunk under THE fatigue\n of THEir rapid flight. But THE Arabs of THE Roman party prevailed\n over THEir brethren; THE Armenians returned to THEir allegiance;\n THE cities of Dara and Edessa resisted a sudden assault and a\n regular siege, and THE calamities of war were suspended by those\n of pestilence. A tacit or formal agreement between THE two\n sovereigns protected THE tranquillity of THE Eastern frontier;\n and THE arms of Chosroes were confined to THE Colchian or Lazic\n war, which has been too minutely described by THE historians of\n THE times. 64\n\n 63 (return) [ In THE public history of Procopius, (Persic. l. ii.\n c. 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28;) and, with some slight\n exceptions, we may reasonably shut our ears against THE\n malevolent whisper of THE Anecdotes, (c. 2, 3, with THE Notes, as\n usual, of Alemannus.)]\n\n 64 (return) [ The Lazic war, THE contest of Rome and Persia on\n THE Phasis, is tediously spun through many a page of Procopius\n (Persic. l. ii. c. 15, 17, 28, 29, 30.) Gothic. (l. iv. c. 7—16)\n and Agathias, (l. ii. iii. and iv. p. 55—132, 141.)]\n\n\n The extreme length of THE Euxine Sea 65 from Constantinople to\n THE mouth of THE Phasis, may be computed as a voyage of nine\n days, and a measure of seven hundred miles. From THE Iberian\n Caucasus, THE most lofty and craggy mountains of Asia, that river\n descends with such oblique vehemence, that in a short space it is\n traversed by one hundred and twenty bridges. Nor does THE stream\n become placid and navigable, till it reaches THE town of\n Sarapana, five days’ journey from THE Cyrus, which flows from THE\n same hills, but in a contrary direction to THE Caspian Lake. The\n proximity of THEse rivers has suggested THE practice, or at least\n THE idea, of wafting THE precious merchandise of India down THE\n Oxus, over THE Caspian, up THE Cyrus, and with THE current of THE\n Phasis into THE Euxine and Mediterranean Seas. As it successively\n collects THE streams of THE plain of Colchos, THE Phasis moves\n with diminished speed, though accumulated weight. At THE mouth it\n is sixty fathom deep, and half a league broad, but a small woody\n island is interposed in THE midst of THE channel; THE water, so\n soon as it has deposited an earthy or metallic sediment, floats\n on THE surface of THE waves, and is no longer susceptible of\n corruption. In a course of one hundred miles, forty of which are\n navigable for large vessels, THE Phasis divides THE celebrated\n region of Colchos, 66 or Mingrelia, 67 which, on three sides, is\n fortified by THE Iberian and Armenian mountains, and whose\n maritime coast extends about two hundred miles from THE\n neighborhood of Trebizond to Dioscurias and THE confines of\n Circassia. Both THE soil and climate are relaxed by excessive\n moisture: twenty-eight rivers, besides THE Phasis and his\n dependent streams, convey THEir waters to THE sea; and THE\n hollowness of THE ground appears to indicate THE subterraneous\n channels between THE Euxine and THE Caspian. In THE fields where\n wheat or barley is sown, THE earth is too soft to sustain THE\n action of THE plough; but THE gom, a small grain, not unlike THE\n millet or coriander seed, supplies THE ordinary food of THE\n people; and THE use of bread is confined to THE prince and his\n nobles. Yet THE vintage is more plentiful than THE harvest; and\n THE bulk of THE stems, as well as THE quality of THE wine,\n display THE unassisted powers of nature. The same powers\n continually tend to overshadow THE face of THE country with thick\n forests; THE timber of THE hills, and THE flax of THE plains,\n contribute to THE abundance of naval stores; THE wild and tame\n animals, THE horse, THE ox, and THE hog, are remarkably prolific,\n and THE name of THE pheasant is expressive of his native\n habitation on THE banks of THE Phasis. The gold mines to THE\n south of Trebizond, which are still worked with sufficient\n profit, were a subject of national dispute between Justinian and\n Chosroes; and it is not unreasonable to believe, that a vein of\n precious metal may be equally diffused through THE circle of THE\n hills, although THEse secret treasures are neglected by THE\n laziness, or concealed by THE prudence, of THE Mingrelians. The\n waters, impregnated with particles of gold, are carefully\n strained through sheep-skins or fleeces; but this expedient, THE\n groundwork perhaps of a marvellous fable, affords a faint image\n of THE wealth extracted from a virgin earth by THE power and\n industry of ancient kings. Their silver palaces and golden\n chambers surpass our belief; but THE fame of THEir riches is said\n to have excited THE enterprising avarice of THE Argonauts. 68\n Tradition has affirmed, with some color of reason, that Egypt\n planted on THE Phasis a learned and polite colony, 69 which\n manufactured linen, built navies, and invented geographical maps.\n The ingenuity of THE moderns has peopled, with flourishing cities\n and nations, THE isthmus between THE Euxine and THE Caspian; 70\n and a lively writer, observing THE resemblance of climate, and,\n in his apprehension, of trade, has not hesitated to pronounce\n Colchos THE Holland of antiquity. 71\n\n 65 (return) [ The Periplus, or circumnavigation of THE Euxine\n Sea, was described in Latin by Sallust, and in Greek by Arrian:\n I. The former work, which no longer exists, has been restored by\n THE singular diligence of M. de Brosses, first president of THE\n parliament of Dijon, (Hist. de la Republique Romaine, tom. ii. l.\n iii. p. 199—298,) who ventures to assume THE character of THE\n Roman historian. His description of THE Euxine is ingeniously\n formed of all THE fragments of THE original, and of all THE\n Greeks and Latins whom Sallust might copy, or by whom he might be\n copied; and THE merit of THE execution atones for THE whimsical\n design. 2. The Periplus of Arrian is addressed to THE emperor\n Hadrian, (in Geograph. Minor. Hudson, tom. i.,) and contains\n whatever THE governor of Pontus had seen from Trebizond to\n Dioscurias; whatever he had heard from Dioscurias to THE Danube;\n and whatever he knew from THE Danube to Trebizond.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Besides THE many occasional hints from THE poets,\n historians &c., of antiquity, we may consult THE geographical\n descriptions of Colchos, by Strabo (l. xi. p. 760—765) and Pliny,\n (Hist. Natur. vi. 5, 19, &c.)]\n\n 67 (return) [ I shall quote, and have used, three modern\n descriptions of Mingrelia and THE adjacent countries. 1. Of THE\n Pere Archangeli Lamberti, (Relations de Thevenot, part i. p.\n 31-52, with a map,) who has all THE knowledge and prejudices of a\n missionary. 2. Of Chardia, (Voyages en Perse, tom. i. p. 54,\n 68-168.) His observations are judicious and his own adventures in\n THE country are still more instructive than his observations. 3.\n Of Peyssonel, (Observations sur les Peuples Barbares, p. 49, 50,\n 51, 58 62, 64, 65, 71, &c., and a more recent treatise, Sur le\n Commerce de la Mer Noire, tom. ii. p. 1—53.) He had long resided\n at Caffa, as consul of France; and his erudition is less valuable\n than his experience.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Pliny, Hist. Natur. l. xxxiii. 15. The gold and\n silver mines of Colchos attracted THE Argonauts, (Strab. l. i. p.\n 77.) The sagacious Chardin could find no gold in mines, rivers,\n or elsewhere. Yet a Mingrelian lost his hand and foot for showing\n some specimens at Constantinople of native gold]\n\n 69 (return) [ Herodot. l. ii. c. 104, 105, p. 150, 151. Diodor.\n Sicul. l. i. p. 33, edit. Wesseling. Dionys. Perieget. 689, and\n Eustath. ad loc. Schohast ad Apollonium Argonaut. l. iv.\n 282-291.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Montesquieu, Esprit des Loix, l. xxi. c. 6.\n L’Isthme... couvero de villes et nations qui ne sont plus.]\n\n 71 (return) [ Bougainville, Memoires de l’Academie des\n Inscriptions, tom. xxvi. p. 33, on THE African voyage of Hanno\n and THE commerce of antiquity.]\n\n\n But THE riches of Colchos shine only through THE darkness of\n conjecture or tradition; and its genuine history presents a\n uniform scene of rudeness and poverty. If one hundred and thirty\n languages were spoken in THE market of Dioscurias, 72 THEy were\n THE imperfect idioms of so many savage tribes or families,\n sequestered from each oTHEr in THE valleys of Mount Caucasus; and\n THEir separation, which diminished THE importance, must have\n multiplied THE number, of THEir rustic capitals. In THE present\n state of Mingrelia, a village is an assemblage of huts within a\n wooden fence; THE fortresses are seated in THE depths of forests;\n THE princely town of Cyta, or Cotatis, consists of two hundred\n houses, and a stone edifice appertains only to THE magnificence\n of kings. Twelve ships from Constantinople, and about sixty\n barks, laden with THE fruits of industry, annually cast anchor on\n THE coast; and THE list of Colchian exports is much increased,\n since THE natives had only slaves and hides to offer in exchange\n for THE corn and salt which THEy purchased from THE subjects of\n Justinian. Not a vestige can be found of THE art, THE knowledge,\n or THE navigation, of THE ancient Colchians: few Greeks desired\n or dared to pursue THE footsteps of THE Argonauts; and even THE\n marks of an Egyptian colony are lost on a nearer approach. The\n rite of circumcision is practised only by THE Mahometans of THE\n Euxine; and THE curled hair and swarthy complexion of Africa no\n longer disfigure THE most perfect of THE human race. It is in THE\n adjacent climates of Georgia, Mingrelia, and Circassia, that\n nature has placed, at least to our eyes, THE model of beauty in\n THE shape of THE limbs, THE color of THE skin, THE symmetry of\n THE features, and THE expression of THE countenance. 73 According\n to THE destination of THE two sexes, THE men seemed formed for\n action, THE women for love; and THE perpetual supply of females\n from Mount Caucasus has purified THE blood, and improved THE\n breed, of THE souTHErn nations of Asia. The proper district of\n Mingrelia, a portion only of THE ancient Colchos, has long\n sustained an exportation of twelve thousand slaves. The number of\n prisoners or criminals would be inadequate to THE annual demand;\n but THE common people are in a state of servitude to THEir lords;\n THE exercise of fraud or rapine is unpunished in a lawless\n community; and THE market is continually replenished by THE abuse\n of civil and paternal authority. Such a trade, 74 which reduces\n THE human species to THE level of cattle, may tend to encourage\n marriage and population, since THE multitude of children enriches\n THEir sordid and inhuman parent. But this source of impure wealth\n must inevitably poison THE national manners, obliterate THE sense\n of honor and virtue, and almost extinguish THE instincts of\n nature: THE Christians of Georgia and Mingrelia are THE most\n dissolute of mankind; and THEir children, who, in a tender age,\n are sold into foreign slavery, have already learned to imitate\n THE rapine of THE faTHEr and THE prostitution of THE moTHEr. Yet,\n amidst THE rudest ignorance, THE untaught natives discover a\n singular dexterity both of mind and hand; and although THE want\n of union and discipline exposes THEm to THEir more powerful\n neighbors, a bold and intrepid spirit has animated THE Colchians\n of every age. In THE host of Xerxes, THEy served on foot; and\n THEir arms were a dagger or a javelin, a wooden casque, and a\n buckler of raw hides. But in THEir own country THE use of cavalry\n has more generally prevailed: THE meanest of THE peasants\n disdained to walk; THE martial nobles are possessed, perhaps, of\n two hundred horses; and above five thousand are numbered in THE\n train of THE prince of Mingrelia. The Colchian government has\n been always a pure and hereditary kingdom; and THE authority of\n THE sovereign is only restrained by THE turbulence of his\n subjects. Whenever THEy were obedient, he could lead a numerous\n army into THE field; but some faith is requisite to believe, that\n THE single tribe of THE Suanians as composed of two hundred\n thousand soldiers, or that THE population of Mingrelia now\n amounts to four millions of inhabitants. 75\n\n 72 (return) [ A Greek historian, TimosTHEnes, had affirmed, in\n eam ccc. nationes dissimilibus linguis descendere; and THE modest\n Pliny is content to add, et postea a nostris cxxx. interpretibus\n negotia ibi gesta, (vi. 5) But THE words nunc deserta cover a\n multitude of past fictions.]\n\n 73 (return) [ Buffon (Hist. Nat. tom. iii. p. 433—437) collects\n THE unanimous suffrage of naturalists and travellers. If, in THE\n time of Herodotus, THEy were, (and he had observed THEm with\n care,) this precious fact is an example of THE influence of\n climate on a foreign colony.]\n\n 74 (return) [ The Mingrelian ambassador arrived at Constantinople\n with two hundred persons; but he ate (sold) THEm day by day, till\n his retinue was diminished to a secretary and two valets,\n (Tavernier, tom. i. p. 365.) To purchase his mistress, a\n Mingrelian gentleman sold twelve priests and his wife to THE\n Turks, (Chardin, tom. i. p. 66.)]\n\n 75 (return) [ Strabo, l. xi. p. 765. Lamberti, Relation de la\n Mingrelie. Yet we must avoid THE contrary extreme of Chardin, who\n allows no more than 20,000 inhabitants to supply an annual\n exportation of 12,000 slaves; an absurdity unworthy of that\n judicious traveller.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLII: State Of The Barbaric World.—Part IV.\n\n\n It was THE boast of THE Colchians, that THEir ancestors had\n checked THE victories of Sesostris; and THE defeat of THE\n Egyptian is less incredible than his successful progress as far\n as THE foot of Mount Caucasus. They sunk without any memorable\n effort, under THE arms of Cyrus; followed in distant wars THE\n standard of THE great king, and presented him every fifth year\n with one hundred boys, and as many virgins, THE fairest produce\n of THE land. 76 Yet he accepted this gift like THE gold and ebony\n of India, THE frankincense of THE Arabs, or THE negroes and ivory\n of Aethiopia: THE Colchians were not subject to THE dominion of a\n satrap, and THEy continued to enjoy THE name as well as substance\n of national independence. 77 After THE fall of THE Persian\n empire, Mithridates, king of Pontus, added Colchos to THE wide\n circle of his dominions on THE Euxine; and when THE natives\n presumed to request that his son might reign over THEm, he bound\n THE ambitious youth in chains of gold, and delegated a servant in\n his place. In pursuit of Mithridates, THE Romans advanced to THE\n banks of THE Phasis, and THEir galleys ascended THE river till\n THEy reached THE camp of Pompey and his legions. 78 But THE\n senate, and afterwards THE emperors, disdained to reduce that\n distant and useless conquest into THE form of a province. The\n family of a Greek rhetorician was permitted to reign in Colchos\n and THE adjacent kingdoms from THE time of Mark Antony to that of\n Nero; and after THE race of Polemo 79 was extinct, THE eastern\n Pontus, which preserved his name, extended no farTHEr than THE\n neighborhood of Trebizond. Beyond THEse limits THE fortifications\n of Hyssus, of Apsarus, of THE Phasis, of Dioscurias or\n Sebastopolis, and of Pityus, were guarded by sufficient\n detachments of horse and foot; and six princes of Colchos\n received THEir diadems from THE lieutenants of Caesar. One of\n THEse lieutenants, THE eloquent and philosophic Arrian, surveyed,\n and has described, THE Euxine coast, under THE reign of Hadrian.\n The garrison which he reviewed at THE mouth of THE Phasis\n consisted of four hundred chosen legionaries; THE brick walls and\n towers, THE double ditch, and THE military engines on THE\n rampart, rendered this place inaccessible to THE Barbarians: but\n THE new suburbs which had been built by THE merchants and\n veterans, required, in THE opinion of Arrian, some external\n defence. 80 As THE strength of THE empire was gradually impaired,\n THE Romans stationed on THE Phasis were neiTHEr withdrawn nor\n expelled; and THE tribe of THE Lazi, 81 whose posterity speak a\n foreign dialect, and inhabit THE sea coast of Trebizond, imposed\n THEir name and dominion on THE ancient kingdom of Colchos. Their\n independence was soon invaded by a formidable neighbor, who had\n acquired, by arms and treaties, THE sovereignty of Iberia. The\n dependent king of Lazica received his sceptre at THE hands of THE\n Persian monarch, and THE successors of Constantine acquiesced in\n this injurious claim, which was proudly urged as a right of\n immemorial prescription. In THE beginning of THE sixth century,\n THEir influence was restored by THE introduction of Christianity,\n which THE Mingrelians still profess with becoming zeal, without\n understanding THE doctrines, or observing THE precepts, of THEir\n religion. After THE decease of his faTHEr, Zathus was exalted to\n THE regal dignity by THE favor of THE great king; but THE pious\n youth abhorred THE ceremonies of THE Magi, and sought, in THE\n palace of Constantinople, an orthodox baptism, a noble wife, and\n THE alliance of THE emperor Justin. The king of Lazica was\n solemnly invested with THE diadem, and his cloak and tunic of\n white silk, with a gold border, displayed, in rich embroidery,\n THE figure of his new patron; who sooTHEd THE jealousy of THE\n Persian court, and excused THE revolt of Colchos, by THE\n venerable names of hospitality and religion. The common interest\n of both empires imposed on THE Colchians THE duty of guarding THE\n passes of Mount Caucasus, where a wall of sixty miles is now\n defended by THE monthly service of THE musketeers of Mingrelia.\n 82\n\n 76 (return) [ Herodot. l. iii. c. 97. See, in l. vii. c. 79,\n THEir arms and service in THE expedition of Xerxes against\n Greece.]\n\n 77 (return) [ Xenophon, who had encountered THE Colchians in his\n retreat, (Anabasis, l. iv. p. 320, 343, 348, edit. Hutchinson;\n and Foster’s Dissertation, p. liii.—lviii., in Spelman’s English\n version, vol. ii.,) styled THEm. Before THE conquest of\n Mithridates, THEy are named by Appian, (de Bell. Mithridatico, c.\n 15, tom. i. p. 661, of THE last and best edition, by John\n Schweighaeuser. Lipsae, 1785 8 vols. largo octavo.)]\n\n 78 (return) [ The conquest of Colchos by Mithridates and Pompey\n is marked by Appian (de Bell. Mithridat.) and Plutarch, (in Vit.\n Pomp.)]\n\n 79 (return) [ We may trace THE rise and fall of THE family of\n Polemo, in Strabo, (l. xi. p. 755, l. xii. p. 867,) Dion Cassius,\n or Xiphilin, (p. 588, 593, 601, 719, 754, 915, 946, edit.\n Reimar,) Suetonius, (in Neron. c. 18, in Vespasian, c. 8,)\n Eutropius, (vii. 14,) Josephus, (Antiq. Judaic. l. xx. c. 7, p.\n 970, edit. Havercamp,) and Eusebius, (Chron. with Scaliger,\n Animadvers. p. 196.)]\n\n 80 (return) [ In THE time of Procopius, THEre were no Roman forts\n on THE Phasis. Pityus and Sebastopolis were evacuated on THE\n rumor of THE Persians, (Goth. l. iv. c. 4;) but THE latter was\n afterwards restored by Justinian, (de Edif. l. iv. c. 7.)]\n\n 81 (return) [ In THE time of Pliny, Arrian, and Ptolemy, THE Lazi\n were a particular tribe on THE norTHErn skirts of Colchos,\n (Cellarius, Geograph. Antiq. tom. ii. p. 222.) In THE age of\n Justinian, THEy spread, or at least reigned, over THE whole\n country. At present, THEy have migrated along THE coast towards\n Trebizond, and compose a rude sea-faring people, with a peculiar\n language, (Chardin, p. 149. Peyssonel p. 64.)]\n\n 82 (return) [ John Malala, Chron. tom. ii. p. 134—137 Theophanes,\n p. 144. Hist. Miscell. l. xv. p. 103. The fact is auTHEntic, but\n THE date seems too recent. In speaking of THEir Persian alliance,\n THE Lazi contemporaries of Justinian employ THE most obsolete\n words, &c. Could THEy belong to a connection which had not been\n dissolved above twenty years?]\n\n\n But this honorable connection was soon corrupted by THE avarice\n and ambition of THE Romans. Degraded from THE rank of allies, THE\n Lazi were incessantly reminded, by words and actions, of THEir\n dependent state. At THE distance of a day’s journey beyond THE\n Apsarus, THEy beheld THE rising fortress of Petra, 83 which\n commanded THE maritime country to THE south of THE Phasis.\n Instead of being protected by THE valor, Colchos was insulted by\n THE licentiousness, of foreign mercenaries; THE benefits of\n commerce were converted into base and vexatious monopoly; and\n Gubazes, THE native prince, was reduced to a pageant of royalty,\n by THE superior influence of THE officers of Justinian.\n Disappointed in THEir expectations of Christian virtue, THE\n indignant Lazi reposed some confidence in THE justice of an\n unbeliever. After a private assurance that THEir ambassadors\n should not be delivered to THE Romans, THEy publicly solicited\n THE friendship and aid of Chosroes. The sagacious monarch\n instantly discerned THE use and importance of Colchos; and\n meditated a plan of conquest, which was renewed at THE end of a\n thousand years by Shah Abbas, THE wisest and most powerful of his\n successors. 84 His ambition was fired by THE hope of launching a\n Persian navy from THE Phasis, of commanding THE trade and\n navigation of THE Euxine Sea, of desolating THE coast of Pontus\n and Bithynia, of distressing, perhaps of attacking,\n Constantinople, and of persuading THE Barbarians of Europe to\n second his arms and counsels against THE common enemy of mankind.\n\n\n Under THE pretence of a Scythian war, he silently led his troops\n to THE frontiers of Iberia; THE Colchian guides were prepared to\n conduct THEm through THE woods and along THE precipices of Mount\n Caucasus; and a narrow path was laboriously formed into a safe\n and spacious highway, for THE march of cavalry, and even of\n elephants. Gubazes laid his person and diadem at THE feet of THE\n king of Persia; his Colchians imitated THE submission of THEir\n prince; and after THE walls of Petra had been shaken, THE Roman\n garrison prevented, by a capitulation, THE impending fury of THE\n last assault. But THE Lazi soon discovered, that THEir impatience\n had urged THEm to choose an evil more intolerable than THE\n calamities which THEy strove to escape. The monopoly of salt and\n corn was effectually removed by THE loss of those valuable\n commodities. The authority of a Roman legislator, was succeeded\n by THE pride of an Oriental despot, who beheld, with equal\n disdain, THE slaves whom he had exalted, and THE kings whom he\n had humbled before THE footstool of his throne. The adoration of\n fire was introduced into Colchos by THE zeal of THE Magi: THEir\n intolerant spirit provoked THE fervor of a Christian people; and\n THE prejudice of nature or education was wounded by THE impious\n practice of exposing THE dead bodies of THEir parents, on THE\n summit of a lofty tower, to THE crows and vultures of THE air. 85\n Conscious of THE increasing hatred, which retarded THE execution\n of his great designs, THE just Nashirvan had secretly given\n orders to assassinate THE king of THE Lazi, to transplant THE\n people into some distant land, and to fix a faithful and warlike\n colony on THE banks of THE Phasis. The watchful jealousy of THE\n Colchians foresaw and averted THE approaching ruin. Their\n repentance was accepted at Constantinople by THE prudence, raTHEr\n than clemency, of Justinian; and he commanded Dagisteus, with\n seven thousand Romans, and one thousand of THE Zani, 8511 to\n expel THE Persians from THE coast of THE Euxine.\n\n 83 (return) [ The sole vestige of Petra subsists in THE writings\n of Procopius and Agathias. Most of THE towns and castles of\n Lazica may be found by comparing THEir names and position with\n THE map of Mingrelia, in Lamberti.]\n\n 84 (return) [ See THE amusing letters of Pietro della Valle, THE\n Roman traveler, (Viaggi, tom. ii. 207, 209, 213, 215, 266, 286,\n 300, tom. iii. p. 54, 127.) In THE years 1618, 1619, and 1620, he\n conversed with Shah Abbas, and strongly encouraged a design which\n might have united Persia and Europe against THEir common enemy\n THE Turk.]\n\n 85 (return) [ See Herodotus, (l. i. c. 140, p. 69,) who speaks\n with diffidence, Larcher, (tom. i. p. 399—401, Notes sur\n Herodote,) Procopius, (Persic. l. i. c. 11,) and Agathias, (l.\n ii. p. 61, 62.) This practice, agreeable to THE Zendavesta,\n (Hyde, de Relig. Pers. c. 34, p. 414—421,) demonstrates that THE\n burial of THE Persian kings, (Xenophon, Cyropaed. l. viii. p.\n 658,) is a Greek fiction, and that THEir tombs could be no more\n than cenotaphs.]\n\n 8511 (return) [ These seem THE same people called Suanians, p.\n 328.—M.]\n\n\n The siege of Petra, which THE Roman general, with THE aid of THE\n Lazi, immediately undertook, is one of THE most remarkable\n actions of THE age. The city was seated on a craggy rock, which\n hung over THE sea, and communicated by a steep and narrow path\n with THE land. Since THE approach was difficult, THE attack might\n be deemed impossible: THE Persian conqueror had strengTHEned THE\n fortifications of Justinian; and THE places least inaccessible\n were covered by additional bulwarks. In this important fortress,\n THE vigilance of Chosroes had deposited a magazine of offensive\n and defensive arms, sufficient for five times THE number, not\n only of THE garrison, but of THE besiegers THEmselves. The stock\n of flour and salt provisions was adequate to THE consumption of\n five years; THE want of wine was supplied by vinegar; and of\n grain from whence a strong liquor was extracted, and a triple\n aqueduct eluded THE diligence, and even THE suspicions, of THE\n enemy. But THE firmest defence of Petra was placed in THE valor\n of fifteen hundred Persians, who resisted THE assaults of THE\n Romans, whilst, in a softer vein of earth, a mine was secretly\n perforated. The wall, supported by slender and temporary props,\n hung tottering in THE air; but Dagisteus delayed THE attack till\n he had secured a specific recompense; and THE town was relieved\n before THE return of his messenger from Constantinople. The\n Persian garrison was reduced to four hundred men, of whom no more\n than fifty were exempt from sickness or wounds; yet such had been\n THEir inflexible perseverance, that THEy concealed THEir losses\n from THE enemy, by enduring, without a murmur, THE sight and\n putrefying stench of THE dead bodies of THEir eleven hundred\n companions. After THEir deliverance, THE breaches were hastily\n stopped with sand-bags; THE mine was replenished with earth; a\n new wall was erected on a frame of substantial timber; and a\n fresh garrison of three thousand men was stationed at Petra to\n sustain THE labors of a second siege. The operations, both of THE\n attack and defence, were conducted with skilful obstinacy; and\n each party derived useful lessons from THE experience of THEir\n past faults. A battering-ram was invented, of light construction\n and powerful effect: it was transported and worked by THE hands\n of forty soldiers; and as THE stones were loosened by its\n repeated strokes, THEy were torn with long iron hooks from THE\n wall. From those walls, a shower of darts was incessantly poured\n on THE heads of THE assailants; but THEy were most dangerously\n annoyed by a fiery composition of sulphur and bitumen, which in\n Colchos might with some propriety be named THE oil of Medea. Of\n six thousand Romans who mounted THE scaling-ladders, THEir\n general Bessas was THE first, a gallant veteran of seventy years\n of age: THE courage of THEir leader, his fall, and extreme\n danger, animated THE irresistible effort of his troops; and THEir\n prevailing numbers oppressed THE strength, without subduing THE\n spirit, of THE Persian garrison. The fate of THEse valiant men\n deserves to be more distinctly noticed. Seven hundred had\n perished in THE siege, two thousand three hundred survived to\n defend THE breach. One thousand and seventy were destroyed with\n fire and sword in THE last assault; and if seven hundred and\n thirty were made prisoners, only eighteen among THEm were found\n without THE marks of honorable wounds. The remaining five hundred\n escaped into THE citadel, which THEy maintained without any hopes\n of relief, rejecting THE fairest terms of capitulation and\n service, till THEy were lost in THE flames. They died in\n obedience to THE commands of THEir prince; and such examples of\n loyalty and valor might excite THEir countrymen to deeds of equal\n despair and more prosperous event. The instant demolition of THE\n works of Petra confessed THE astonishment and apprehension of THE\n conqueror. A Spartan would have praised and pitied THE virtue of\n THEse heroic slaves; but THE tedious warfare and alternate\n success of THE Roman and Persian arms cannot detain THE attention\n of posterity at THE foot of Mount Caucasus. The advantages\n obtained by THE troops of Justinian were more frequent and\n splendid; but THE forces of THE great king were continually\n supplied, till THEy amounted to eight elephants and seventy\n thousand men, including twelve thousand Scythian allies, and\n above three thousand Dilemites, who descended by THEir free\n choice from THE hills of Hyrcania, and were equally formidable in\n close or in distant combat. The siege of Archaeopolis, a name\n imposed or corrupted by THE Greeks, was raised with some loss and\n precipitation; but THE Persians occupied THE passes of Iberia:\n Colchos was enslaved by THEir forts and garrisons; THEy devoured\n THE scanty sustenance of THE people; and THE prince of THE Lazi\n fled into THE mountains. In THE Roman camp, faith and discipline\n were unknown; and THE independent leaders, who were invested with\n equal power, disputed with each oTHEr THE preeminence of vice and\n corruption. The Persians followed, without a murmur, THE commands\n of a single chief, who implicitly obeyed THE instructions of\n THEir supreme lord. Their general was distinguished among THE\n heroes of THE East by his wisdom in council, and his valor in THE\n field. The advanced age of Mermeroes, and THE lameness of both\n his feet, could not diminish THE activity of his mind, or even of\n his body; and, whilst he was carried in a litter in THE front of\n battle, he inspired terror to THE enemy, and a just confidence to\n THE troops, who, under his banners, were always successful. After\n his death, THE command devolved to Nacoragan, a proud satrap,\n who, in a conference with THE Imperial chiefs, had presumed to\n declare that he disposed of victory as absolutely as of THE ring\n on his finger. Such presumption was THE natural cause and\n forerunner of a shameful defeat. The Romans had been gradually\n repulsed to THE edge of THE sea-shore; and THEir last camp, on\n THE ruins of THE Grecian colony of Phasis, was defended on all\n sides by strong intrenchments, THE river, THE Euxine, and a fleet\n of galleys. Despair united THEir counsels and invigorated THEir\n arms: THEy withstood THE assault of THE Persians and THE flight\n of Nacoragan preceded or followed THE slaughter of ten thousand\n of his bravest soldiers. He escaped from THE Romans to fall into\n THE hands of an unforgiving master who severely chastised THE\n error of his own choice: THE unfortunate general was flayed\n alive, and his skin, stuffed into THE human form, was exposed on\n a mountain; a dreadful warning to those who might hereafter be\n intrusted with THE fame and fortune of Persia. 86 Yet THE\n prudence of Chosroes insensibly relinquished THE prosecution of\n THE Colchian war, in THE just persuasion, that it is impossible\n to reduce, or, at least, to hold a distant country against THE\n wishes and efforts of its inhabitants. The fidelity of Gubazes\n sustained THE most rigorous trials. He patiently endured THE\n hardships of a savage life, and rejected with disdain, THE\n specious temptations of THE Persian court. 8611 The king of THE\n Lazi had been educated in THE Christian religion; his moTHEr was\n THE daughter of a senator; during his youth he had served ten\n years a silentiary of THE Byzantine palace, 87 and THE arrears of\n an unpaid salary were a motive of attachment as well as of\n complaint. But THE long continuance of his sufferings extorted\n from him a naked representation of THE truth; and truth was an\n unpardonable libel on THE lieutenants of Justinian, who, amidst\n THE delays of a ruinous war, had spared his enemies and trampled\n on his allies. Their malicious information persuaded THE emperor\n that his faithless vassal already meditated a second defection:\n an order was surprised to send him prisoner to Constantinople; a\n treacherous clause was inserted, that he might be lawfully killed\n in case of resistance; and Gubazes, without arms, or suspicion of\n danger, was stabbed in THE security of a friendly interview. In\n THE first moments of rage and despair, THE Colchians would have\n sacrificed THEir country and religion to THE gratification of\n revenge. But THE authority and eloquence of THE wiser few\n obtained a salutary pause: THE victory of THE Phasis restored THE\n terror of THE Roman arms, and THE emperor was solicitous to\n absolve his own name from THE imputation of so foul a murder. A\n judge of senatorial rank was commissioned to inquire into THE\n conduct and death of THE king of THE Lazi. He ascended a stately\n tribunal, encompassed by THE ministers of justice and punishment:\n in THE presence of both nations, this extraordinary cause was\n pleaded, according to THE forms of civil jurisprudence, and some\n satisfaction was granted to an injured people, by THE sentence\n and execution of THE meaner criminals. 88\n\n 86 (return) [ The punishment of flaying alive could not be\n introduced into Persia by Sapor, (Brisson, de Regn. Pers. l. ii.\n p. 578,) nor could it be copied from THE foolish tale of Marsyas,\n THE Phrygian piper, most foolishly quoted as a precedent by\n Agathias, (l. iv. p. 132, 133.)]\n\n 8611 (return) [ According to Agathias, THE death of Gubazos\n preceded THE defeat of Nacoragan. The trial took place after THE\n battle.—M.]\n\n 87 (return) [ In THE palace of Constantinople THEre were thirty\n silentiaries, who were styled hastati, ante fores cubiculi, an\n honorable title which conferred THE rank, without imposing THE\n duties, of a senator, (Cod. Theodos. l. vi. tit. 23. Gothofred.\n Comment. tom. ii. p. 129.)]\n\n 88 (return) [ On THEse judicial orations, Agathias (l. iii. p.\n 81-89, l. iv. p. 108—119) lavishes eighteen or twenty pages of\n false and florid rhetoric. His ignorance or carelessness\n overlooks THE strongest argument against THE king of Lazica—his\n former revolt. * Note: The Orations in THE third book of Agathias\n are not judicial, nor delivered before THE Roman tribunal: it is\n a deliberative debate among THE Colchians on THE expediency of\n adhering to THE Roman, or embracing THE Persian alliance.—M.]\n\n\n In peace, THE king of Persia continually sought THE pretences of\n a rupture: but no sooner had he taken up arms, than he expressed\n his desire of a safe and honorable treaty. During THE fiercest\n hostilities, THE two monarchs entertained a deceitful\n negotiation; and such was THE superiority of Chosroes, that\n whilst he treated THE Roman ministers with insolence and\n contempt, he obtained THE most unprecedented honors for his own\n ambassadors at THE Imperial court. The successor of Cyrus assumed\n THE majesty of THE Eastern sun, and graciously permitted his\n younger broTHEr Justinian to reign over THE West, with THE pale\n and reflected splendor of THE moon. This gigantic style was\n supported by THE pomp and eloquence of Isdigune, one of THE royal\n chamberlains. His wife and daughters, with a train of eunuchs and\n camels, attended THE march of THE ambassador: two satraps with\n golden diadems were numbered among his followers: he was guarded\n by five hundred horse, THE most valiant of THE Persians; and THE\n Roman governor of Dara wisely refused to admit more than twenty\n of this martial and hostile caravan. When Isdigune had saluted\n THE emperor, and delivered his presents, he passed ten months at\n Constantinople without discussing any serious affairs. Instead of\n being confined to his palace, and receiving food and water from\n THE hands of his keepers, THE Persian ambassador, without spies\n or guards, was allowed to visit THE capital; and THE freedom of\n conversation and trade enjoyed by his domestics, offended THE\n prejudices of an age which rigorously practised THE law of\n nations, without confidence or courtesy. 89 By an unexampled\n indulgence, his interpreter, a servant below THE notice of a\n Roman magistrate, was seated, at THE table of Justinian, by THE\n side of his master: and one thousand pounds of gold might be\n assigned for THE expense of his journey and entertainment. Yet\n THE repeated labors of Isdigune could procure only a partial and\n imperfect truce, which was always purchased with THE treasures,\n and renewed at THE solicitation, of THE Byzantine court. Many\n years of fruitless desolation elapsed before Justinian and\n Chosroes were compelled, by mutual lassitude, to consult THE\n repose of THEir declining age. At a conference held on THE\n frontier, each party, without expecting to gain credit, displayed\n THE power, THE justice, and THE pacific intentions, of THEir\n respective sovereigns; but necessity and interest dictated THE\n treaty of peace, which was concluded for a term of fifty years,\n diligently composed in THE Greek and Persian languages, and\n attested by THE seals of twelve interpreters. The liberty of\n commerce and religion was fixed and defined; THE allies of THE\n emperor and THE great king were included in THE same benefits and\n obligations; and THE most scrupulous precautions were provided to\n prevent or determine THE accidental disputes that might arise on\n THE confines of two hostile nations. After twenty years of\n destructive though feeble war, THE limits still remained without\n alteration; and Chosroes was persuaded to renounce his dangerous\n claim to THE possession or sovereignty of Colchos and its\n dependent states. Rich in THE accumulated treasures of THE East,\n he extorted from THE Romans an annual payment of thirty thousand\n pieces of gold; and THE smallness of THE sum revealed THE\n disgrace of a tribute in its naked deformity. In a previous\n debate, THE chariot of Sesostris, and THE wheel of fortune, were\n applied by one of THE ministers of Justinian, who observed that\n THE reduction of Antioch, and some Syrian cities, had elevated\n beyond measure THE vain and ambitious spirit of THE Barbarian.\n “You are mistaken,” replied THE modest Persian: “THE king of\n kings, THE lord of mankind, looks down with contempt on such\n petty acquisitions; and of THE ten nations, vanquished by his\n invincible arms, he esteems THE Romans as THE least formidable.”\n 90 According to THE Orientals, THE empire of Nushirvan extended\n from Ferganah, in Transoxiana, to Yemen or Arabia Faelix. He\n subdued THE rebels of Hyrcania, reduced THE provinces of Cabul\n and Zablestan on THE banks of THE Indus, broke THE power of THE\n Euthalites, terminated by an honorable treaty THE Turkish war,\n and admitted THE daughter of THE great khan into THE number of\n his lawful wives. Victorious and respected among THE princes of\n Asia, he gave audience, in his palace of Madain, or Ctesiphon, to\n THE ambassadors of THE world. Their gifts or tributes, arms, rich\n garments, gems, slaves or aromatics, were humbly presented at THE\n foot of his throne; and he condescended to accept from THE king\n of India ten quintals of THE wood of aloes, a maid seven cubits\n in height, and a carpet softer than silk, THE skin, as it was\n reported, of an extraordinary serpent. 91\n\n 89 (return) [ Procopius represents THE practice of THE Gothic\n court of Ravenna (Goth. l. i. c. 7;) and foreign ambassadors have\n been treated with THE same jealousy and rigor in Turkey,\n (Busbequius, epist. iii. p. 149, 242, &c.,) Russia, (Voyage\n D’Olearius,) and China, (Narrative of A. de Lange, in Bell’s\n Travels, vol. ii. p. 189—311.)]\n\n 90 (return) [ The negotiations and treaties between Justinian and\n Chosroes are copiously explained by Procopius, (Persie, l. ii. c.\n 10, 13, 26, 27, 28. Gothic. l. ii. c. 11, 15,) Agathias, (l. iv.\n p. 141, 142,) and Menander, (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 132—147.)\n Consult Barbeyrac, Hist. des Anciens Traites, tom. ii. p. 154,\n 181—184, 193—200.]\n\n 91 (return) [ D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 680, 681, 294,\n 295.]\n\n\n Justinian had been reproached for his alliance with THE\n Aethiopians, as if he attempted to introduce a people of savage\n negroes into THE system of civilized society. But THE friends of\n THE Roman empire, THE Axumites, or Abyssinians, may be always\n distinguished from THE original natives of Africa. 92 The hand of\n nature has flattened THE noses of THE negroes, covered THEir\n heads with shaggy wool, and tinged THEir skin with inherent and\n indelible blackness. But THE olive complexion of THE Abyssinians,\n THEir hair, shape, and features, distinctly mark THEm as a colony\n of Arabs; and this descent is confirmed by THE resemblance of\n language and manners THE report of an ancient emigration, and THE\n narrow interval between THE shores of THE Red Sea. Christianity\n had raised that nation above THE level of African barbarism: 93\n THEir intercourse with Egypt, and THE successors of Constantine,\n 94 had communicated THE rudiments of THE arts and sciences; THEir\n vessels traded to THE Isle of Ceylon, 95 and seven kingdoms\n obeyed THE Negus or supreme prince of Abyssinia. The independence\n of THE Homerites, 9511 who reigned in THE rich and happy Arabia,\n was first violated by an Aethiopian conqueror: he drew his\n hereditary claim from THE queen of Sheba, 96 and his ambition was\n sanctified by religious zeal. The Jews, powerful and active in\n exile, had seduced THE mind of Dunaan, prince of THE Homerites.\n They urged him to retaliate THE persecution inflicted by THE\n Imperial laws on THEir unfortunate brethren: some Roman merchants\n were injuriously treated; and several Christians of Negra 97 were\n honored with THE crown of martyrdom. 98 The churches of Arabia\n implored THE protection of THE Abyssinian monarch. The Negus\n passed THE Red Sea with a fleet and army, deprived THE Jewish\n proselyte of his kingdom and life, and extinguished a race of\n princes, who had ruled above two thousand years THE sequestered\n region of myrrh and frankincense. The conqueror immediately\n announced THE victory of THE gospel, requested an orthodox\n patriarch, and so warmly professed his friendship to THE Roman\n empire, that Justinian was flattered by THE hope of diverting THE\n silk trade through THE channel of Abyssinia, and of exciting THE\n forces of Arabia against THE Persian king. Nonnosus, descended\n from a family of ambassadors, was named by THE emperor to execute\n this important commission. He wisely declined THE shorter, but\n more dangerous, road, through THE sandy deserts of Nubia;\n ascended THE Nile, embarked on THE Red Sea, and safely landed at\n THE African port of Adulis. From Adulis to THE royal city of\n Axume is no more than fifty leagues, in a direct line; but THE\n winding passes of THE mountains detained THE ambassador fifteen\n days; and as he traversed THE forests, he saw, and vaguely\n computed, about five thousand wild elephants. The capital,\n according to his report, was large and populous; and THE village\n of Axume is still conspicuous by THE regal coronations, by THE\n ruins of a Christian temple, and by sixteen or seventeen obelisks\n inscribed with Grecian characters. 99 But THE Negus 9911 gave\n audience in THE open field, seated on a lofty chariot, which was\n drawn by four elephants, superbly caparisoned, and surrounded by\n his nobles and musicians. He was clad in a linen garment and cap,\n holding in his hand two javelins and a light shield; and,\n although his nakedness was imperfectly covered, he displayed THE\n Barbaric pomp of gold chains, collars, and bracelets, richly\n adorned with pearls and precious stones. The ambassador of\n Justinian knelt; THE Negus raised him from THE ground, embraced\n Nonnosus, kissed THE seal, perused THE letter, accepted THE Roman\n alliance, and, brandishing his weapons, denounced implacable war\n against THE worshipers of fire. But THE proposal of THE silk\n trade was eluded; and notwithstanding THE assurances, and perhaps\n THE wishes, of THE Abyssinians, THEse hostile menaces evaporated\n without effect. The Homerites were unwilling to abandon THEir\n aromatic groves, to explore a sandy desert, and to encounter,\n after all THEir fatigues, a formidable nation from whom THEy had\n never received any personal injuries. Instead of enlarging his\n conquests, THE king of Aethiopia was incapable of defending his\n possessions. Abrahah, 9912 THE slave of a Roman merchant of\n Adulis, assumed THE sceptre of THE Homerites,; THE troops of\n Africa were seduced by THE luxury of THE climate; and Justinian\n solicited THE friendship of THE usurper, who honored with a\n slight tribute THE supremacy of his prince. After a long series\n of prosperity, THE power of Abrahah was overthrown before THE\n gates of Mecca; and his children were despoiled by THE Persian\n conqueror; and THE Aethiopians were finally expelled from THE\n continent of Asia. This narrative of obscure and remote events is\n not foreign to THE decline and fall of THE Roman empire. If a\n Christian power had been maintained in Arabia, Mahomet must have\n been crushed in his cradle, and Abyssinia would have prevented a\n revolution which has changed THE civil and religious state of THE\n world. 100 1001\n\n 92 (return) [ See Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, tom. iii. p. 449. This\n Arab cast of features and complexion, which has continued 3400\n years (Ludolph. Hist. et Comment. Aethiopic. l. i. c. 4) in THE\n colony of Abyssinia, will justify THE suspicion, that race, as\n well as climate, must have contributed to form THE negroes of THE\n adjacent and similar regions. * Note: Mr. Salt (Travels, vol. ii.\n p. 458) considers THEm to be distinct from THE Arabs—“in feature,\n color, habit, and manners.”—M.]\n\n 93 (return) [ The Portuguese missionaries, Alvarez, (Ramusio,\n tom. i. fol. 204, rect. 274, vers.) Bermudez, (Purchas’s\n Pilgrims, vol. ii. l. v. c. 7, p. 1149—1188,) Lobo, (Relation,\n &c., par M. le Grand, with xv. Dissertations, Paris, 1728,) and\n Tellez (Relations de Thevenot, part iv.) could only relate of\n modern Abyssinia what THEy had seen or invented. The erudition of\n Ludolphus, (Hist. Aethiopica, Francofurt, 1681. Commentarius,\n 1691. Appendix, 1694,) in twenty-five languages, could add little\n concerning its ancient history. Yet THE fame of Caled, or\n Ellisthaeus, THE conqueror of Yemen, is celebrated in national\n songs and legends.]\n\n 94 (return) [ The negotiations of Justinian with THE Axumites, or\n Aethiopians, are recorded by Procopius (Persic. l. i. c. 19, 20)\n and John Malala, (tom. ii. p. 163—165, 193—196.) The historian of\n Antioch quotes THE original narrative of THE ambassador Nonnosus,\n of which Photius (Bibliot. Cod. iii.) has preserved a curious\n extract.]\n\n 95 (return) [ The trade of THE Axumites to THE coast of India and\n Africa, and THE Isle of Ceylon, is curiously represented by\n Cosmas Indicopleustes, (Topograph. Christian. l. ii. p. 132, 138,\n 139, 140, l. xi. p. 338, 339.)]\n\n 9511 (return) [ It appears by THE important inscription\n discovered by Mr. Salt at Axoum, and from a law of Constantius,\n (16th Jan. 356, inserted in THE Theodosian Code, l. 12, c. 12,)\n that in THE middle of THE fourth century of our era THE princes\n of THE Axumites joined to THEir titles that of king of THE\n Homerites. The conquests which THEy made over THE Arabs in THE\n sixth century were only a restoration of THE ancient order of\n things. St. Martin vol. viii. p. 46—M.]\n\n 96 (return) [ Ludolph. Hist. et Comment. Aethiop. l. ii. c. 3.]\n\n 97 (return) [ The city of Negra, or Nag’ran, in Yemen, is\n surrounded with palm-trees, and stands in THE high road between\n Saana, THE capital, and Mecca; from THE former ten, from THE\n latter twenty days’ journey of a caravan of camels, (Abulfeda,\n Descript. Arabiae, p. 52.)]\n\n 98 (return) [ The martyrdom of St. Arethas, prince of Negra, and\n his three hundred and forty companions, is embellished in THE\n legends of Metaphrastes and Nicephorus Callistus, copied by\n Baronius, (A. D 522, No. 22—66, A.D. 523, No. 16—29,) and refuted\n with obscure diligence, by Basnage, (Hist. des Juifs, tom. viii.\n l. xii. c. ii. p. 333—348,) who investigates THE state of THE\n Jews in Arabia and Aethiopia. * Note: According to Johannsen,\n (Hist. Yemanae, Praef. p. 89,) Dunaan (Ds Nowas) massacred 20,000\n Christians, and threw THEm into a pit, where THEy were burned.\n They are called in THE Koran THE companions of THE pit (socii\n foveae.)—M.]\n\n 99 (return) [ Alvarez (in Ramusio, tom. i. fol. 219, vers. 221,\n vers.) saw THE flourishing state of Axume in THE year\n 1520—luogomolto buono e grande. It was ruined in THE same century\n by THE Turkish invasion. No more than 100 houses remain; but THE\n memory of its past greatness is preserved by THE regal\n coronation, (Ludolph. Hist. et Comment. l. ii. c. 11.) * Note:\n Lord Valentia’s and Mr. Salt’s Travels give a high notion of THE\n ruins of Axum.—M.]\n\n 9911 (return) [ The Negus is differently called Elesbaan,\n Elesboas, Elisthaeus, probably THE same name, or raTHEr\n appellation. See St. Martin, vol. viii. p. 49.—M.]\n\n 9912 (return) [ According to THE Arabian authorities, (Johannsen,\n Hist. Yemanae, p. 94, Bonn, 1828,) Abrahah was an Abyssinian, THE\n rival of Ariathus, THE broTHEr of THE Abyssinian king: he\n surprised and slew Ariathus, and by his craft appeased THE\n resentment of Nadjash, THE Abyssinian king. Abrahah was a\n Christian; he built a magnificent church at Sana, and dissuaded\n his subjects from THEir accustomed pilgrimages to Mecca. The\n church was defiled, it was supposed, by THE Koreishites, and\n Abrahah took up arms to revenge himself on THE temple at Mecca.\n He was repelled by miracle: his elephant would not advance, but\n knelt down before THE sacred place; Abrahah fled, discomfited and\n mortally wounded, to Sana—M.]\n\n 100 (return) [ The revolutions of Yemen in THE sixth century must\n be collected from Procopius, (Persic. l. i. c. 19, 20,)\n Theophanes Byzant., (apud Phot. cod. lxiii. p. 80,) St.\n Theophanes, (in Chronograph. p. 144, 145, 188, 189, 206, 207, who\n is full of strange blunders,) Pocock, (Specimen Hist. Arab. p.\n 62, 65,) D’Herbelot, (Bibliot. Orientale, p. 12, 477,) and Sale’s\n Preliminary Discourse and Koran, (c. 105.) The revolt of Abrahah\n is mentioned by Procopius; and his fall, though clouded with\n miracles, is an historical fact. Note: To THE authors who have\n illustrated THE obscure history of THE Jewish and Abyssinian\n kingdoms in Homeritis may be added Schultens, Hist. Joctanidarum;\n Walch, Historia rerum in Homerite gestarum, in THE 4th vol. of\n THE Gottingen Transactions; Salt’s Travels, vol. ii. p. 446, &c.:\n Sylvestre de Sacy, vol. i. Acad. des Inscrip. Jost, Geschichte\n der Israeliter; Johannsen, Hist. Yemanae; St. Martin’s notes to\n Le Beau, t. vii p. 42.—M.]\n\n 1001 (return) [ A period of sixty-seven years is assigned by most\n of THE Arabian authorities to THE Abyssinian kingdoms in\n Homeritis.—M.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLIII: Last Victory And Death Of Belisarius, Death Of\nJustinian.—Part I.\n\n\nRebellions Of Africa.—Restoration Of The Gothic Kingdom By Totila.—Loss\nAnd Recovery Of Rome.—Final Conquest Of Italy By Narses.—Extinction Of\nThe Ostrogoths.—Defeat Of The Franks And Alemanni.—Last Victory,\nDisgrace, And Death Of Belisarius.—Death And Character Of\nJustinian.—Comet, Earthquakes, And Plague.\n\n\n The review of THE nations from THE Danube to THE Nile has\n exposed, on every side, THE weakness of THE Romans; and our\n wonder is reasonably excited that THEy should presume to enlarge\n an empire whose ancient limits THEy were incapable of defending.\n But THE wars, THE conquests, and THE triumphs of Justinian, are\n THE feeble and pernicious efforts of old age, which exhaust THE\n remains of strength, and accelerate THE decay of THE powers of\n life. He exulted in THE glorious act of restoring Africa and\n Italy to THE republic; but THE calamities which followed THE\n departure of Belisarius betrayed THE impotence of THE conqueror,\n and accomplished THE ruin of those unfortunate countries.\n\n\n From his new acquisitions, Justinian expected that his avarice,\n as well as pride, should be richly gratified. A rapacious\n minister of THE finances closely pursued THE footsteps of\n Belisarius; and as THE old registers of tribute had been burnt by\n THE Vandals, he indulged his fancy in a liberal calculation and\n arbitrary assessment of THE wealth of Africa. 1 The increase of\n taxes, which were drawn away by a distant sovereign, and a\n general resumption of THE patrimony or crown lands, soon\n dispelled THE intoxication of THE public joy: but THE emperor was\n insensible to THE modest complaints of THE people, till he was\n awakened and alarmed by THE clamors of military discontent. Many\n of THE Roman soldiers had married THE widows and daughters of THE\n Vandals. As THEir own, by THE double right of conquest and\n inheritance, THEy claimed THE estates which Genseric had assigned\n to his victorious troops. They heard with disdain THE cold and\n selfish representations of THEir officers, that THE liberality of\n Justinian had raised THEm from a savage or servile condition;\n that THEy were already enriched by THE spoils of Africa, THE\n treasure, THE slaves, and THE movables of THE vanquished\n Barbarians; and that THE ancient and lawful patrimony of THE\n emperors would be applied only to THE support of that government\n on which THEir own safety and reward must ultimately depend. The\n mutiny was secretly inflamed by a thousand soldiers, for THE most\n part Heruli, who had imbibed THE doctrines, and were instigated\n by THE clergy, of THE Arian sect; and THE cause of perjury and\n rebellion was sanctified by THE dispensing powers of fanaticism.\n The Arians deplored THE ruin of THEir church, triumphant above a\n century in Africa; and THEy were justly provoked by THE laws of\n THE conqueror, which interdicted THE baptism of THEir children,\n and THE exercise of all religious worship. Of THE Vandals chosen\n by Belisarius, THE far greater part, in THE honors of THE Eastern\n service, forgot THEir country and religion. But a generous band\n of four hundred obliged THE mariners, when THEy were in sight of\n THE Isle of Lesbos, to alter THEir course: THEy touched on\n Peloponnesus, ran ashore on a desert coast of Africa, and boldly\n erected, on Mount Aurasius, THE standard of independence and\n revolt. While THE troops of THE provinces disclaimed THE commands\n of THEir superiors, a conspiracy was formed at Carthage against\n THE life of Solomon, who filled with honor THE place of\n Belisarius; and THE Arians had piously resolved to sacrifice THE\n tyrant at THE foot of THE altar, during THE awful mysteries of\n THE festival of Easter. Fear or remorse restrained THE daggers of\n THE assassins, but THE patience of Solomon emboldened THEir\n discontent; and, at THE end of ten days, a furious sedition was\n kindled in THE Circus, which desolated Africa above ten years.\n The pillage of THE city, and THE indiscriminate slaughter of its\n inhabitants, were suspended only by darkness, sleep, and\n intoxication: THE governor, with seven companions, among whom was\n THE historian Procopius, escaped to Sicily: two thirds of THE\n army were involved in THE guilt of treason; and eight thousand\n insurgents, assembling in THE field of Bulla, elected Stoza for\n THEir chief, a private soldier, who possessed in a superior\n degree THE virtues of a rebel. Under THE mask of freedom, his\n eloquence could lead, or at least impel, THE passions of his\n equals. He raised himself to a level with Belisarius, and THE\n nephew of THE emperor, by daring to encounter THEm in THE field;\n and THE victorious generals were compelled to acknowledge that\n Stoza deserved a purer cause, and a more legitimate command.\n Vanquished in battle, he dexterously employed THE arts of\n negotiation; a Roman army was seduced from THEir allegiance, and\n THE chiefs who had trusted to his faithless promise were murdered\n by his order in a church of Numidia. When every resource, eiTHEr\n of force or perfidy, was exhausted, Stoza, with some desperate\n Vandals, retired to THE wilds of Mauritania, obtained THE\n daughter of a Barbarian prince, and eluded THE pursuit of his\n enemies, by THE report of his death. The personal weight of\n Belisarius, THE rank, THE spirit, and THE temper, of Germanus,\n THE emperor’s nephew, and THE vigor and success of THE second\n administration of THE eunuch Solomon, restored THE modesty of THE\n camp, and maintained for a while THE tranquillity of Africa. But\n THE vices of THE Byzantine court were felt in that distant\n province; THE troops complained that THEy were neiTHEr paid nor\n relieved, and as soon as THE public disorders were sufficiently\n mature, Stoza was again alive, in arms, and at THE gates of\n Carthage. He fell in a single combat, but he smiled in THE\n agonies of death, when he was informed that his own javelin had\n reached THE heart of his antagonist. 1001 The example of Stoza,\n and THE assurance that a fortunate soldier had been THE first\n king, encouraged THE ambition of Gontharis, and he promised, by a\n private treaty, to divide Africa with THE Moors, if, with THEir\n dangerous aid, he should ascend THE throne of Carthage. The\n feeble Areobindus, unskilled in THE affairs of peace and war, was\n raised, by his marriage with THE niece of Justinian, to THE\n office of exarch. He was suddenly oppressed by a sedition of THE\n guards, and his abject supplications, which provoked THE\n contempt, could not move THE pity, of THE inexorable tyrant.\n After a reign of thirty days, Gontharis himself was stabbed at a\n banquet by THE hand of Artaban; 1002 and it is singular enough,\n that an Armenian prince, of THE royal family of Arsaces, should\n reestablish at Carthage THE authority of THE Roman empire. In THE\n conspiracy which unsheaTHEd THE dagger of Brutus against THE life\n of Caesar, every circumstance is curious and important to THE\n eyes of posterity; but THE guilt or merit of THEse loyal or\n rebellious assassins could interest only THE contemporaries of\n Procopius, who, by THEir hopes and fears, THEir friendship or\n resentment, were personally engaged in THE revolutions of Africa.\n 2\n\n 1 (return) [ For THE troubles of Africa, I neiTHEr have nor\n desire anoTHEr guide than Procopius, whose eye contemplated THE\n image, and whose ear collected THE reports, of THE memorable\n events of his own times. In THE second book of THE Vandalic war\n he relates THE revolt of Stoza, (c. 14—24,) THE return of\n Belisarius, (c. 15,) THE victory of Germanus, (c. 16, 17, 18,)\n THE second administration of Solomon, (c. 19, 20, 21,) THE\n government of Sergius, (c. 22, 23,) of Areobindus, (c. 24,) THE\n tyranny and death of Gontharis, (c. 25, 26, 27, 28;) nor can I\n discern any symptoms of flattery or malevolence in his various\n portraits.]\n\n 1001 (return) [ Corippus gives a different account of THE death\n of Stoza; he was transfixed by an arrow from THE hand of John,\n (not THE hero of his poem) who broke desperately through THE\n victorious troops of THE enemy. Stoza repented, says THE poet, of\n his treasonous rebellion, and anticipated—anoTHEr\n Cataline—eternal torments as his punishment.\n\n\nReddam, improba, pœnas Quas merui. Furiis socius Catilina cruentis\nExagitatus adest. Video jam Tartara, fundo Flammarumque globos, et\nclara incendia volvi.\n—Johannidos, book iv. line 211.\n\n\n All THE oTHEr authorities confirm Gibbon’s account of THE death\n of John by THE hand of Stoza. This poem of Corippus, unknown to\n Gibbon, was first published by Mazzuchelli during THE present\n century, and is reprinted in THE new edition of THE Byzantine\n writers.—M]\n\n 1002 (return) [ This murder was prompted to THE Armenian\n (according to Corippus) by Athanasius, (THEn præfect of Africa.)\n\n\nHunc placidus canâ gravitate coegit\nInumitera mactare virum.—Corripus, vol. iv. p. 237—M.]\n\n\n\n\n 2 (return) [ Yet I must not refuse him THE merit of painting, in\n lively colors, THE murder of Gontharis. One of THE assassins\n uttered a sentiment not unworthy of a Roman patriot: “If I fail,”\n said Artasires, “in THE first stroke, kill me on THE spot, lest\n THE rack should extort a discovery of my accomplices.”]\n\n\n That country was rapidly sinking into THE state of barbarism from\n whence it had been raised by THE Phœnician colonies and Roman\n laws; and every step of intestine discord was marked by some\n deplorable victory of savage man over civilized society. The\n Moors, 3 though ignorant of justice, were impatient of\n oppression: THEir vagrant life and boundless wilderness\n disappointed THE arms, and eluded THE chains, of a conqueror; and\n experience had shown, that neiTHEr oaths nor obligations could\n secure THE fidelity of THEir attachment. The victory of Mount\n Auras had awed THEm into momentary submission; but if THEy\n respected THE character of Solomon, THEy hated and despised THE\n pride and luxury of his two nephews, Cyrus and Sergius, on whom\n THEir uncle had imprudently bestowed THE provincial governments\n of Tripoli and Pentapolis. A Moorish tribe encamped under THE\n walls of Leptis, to renew THEir alliance, and receive from THE\n governor THE customary gifts. Fourscore of THEir deputies were\n introduced as friends into THE city; but on THE dark suspicion of\n a conspiracy, THEy were massacred at THE table of Sergius, and\n THE clamor of arms and revenge was reechoed through THE valleys\n of Mount Atlas from both THE Syrtes to THE Atlantic Ocean. A\n personal injury, THE unjust execution or murder of his broTHEr,\n rendered Antalas THE enemy of THE Romans. The defeat of THE\n Vandals had formerly signalized his valor; THE rudiments of\n justice and prudence were still more conspicuous in a Moor; and\n while he laid Adrumetum in ashes, he calmly admonished THE\n emperor that THE peace of Africa might be secured by THE recall\n of Solomon and his unworthy nephews. The exarch led forth his\n troops from Carthage: but, at THE distance of six days’ journey,\n in THE neighborhood of Tebeste, 4 he was astonished by THE\n superior numbers and fierce aspect of THE Barbarians. He proposed\n a treaty; solicited a reconciliation; and offered to bind himself\n by THE most solemn oaths. “By what oaths can he bind himself?”\n interrupted THE indignant Moors. “Will he swear by THE Gospels,\n THE divine books of THE Christians? It was on those books that\n THE faith of his nephew Sergius was pledged to eighty of our\n innocent and unfortunate brethren. Before we trust THEm a second\n time, let us try THEir efficacy in THE chastisement of perjury\n and THE vindication of THEir own honor.” Their honor was\n vindicated in THE field of Tebeste, by THE death of Solomon, and\n THE total loss of his army. 411 The arrival of fresh troops and\n more skilful commanders soon checked THE insolence of THE Moors:\n seventeen of THEir princes were slain in THE same battle; and THE\n doubtful and transient submission of THEir tribes was celebrated\n with lavish applause by THE people of Constantinople. Successive\n inroads had reduced THE province of Africa to one third of THE\n measure of Italy; yet THE Roman emperors continued to reign above\n a century over Carthage and THE fruitful coast of THE\n Mediterranean. But THE victories and THE losses of Justinian were\n alike pernicious to mankind; and such was THE desolation of\n Africa, that in many parts a stranger might wander whole days\n without meeting THE face eiTHEr of a friend or an enemy. The\n nation of THE Vandals had disappeared: THEy once amounted to a\n hundred and sixty thousand warriors, without including THE\n children, THE women, or THE slaves. Their numbers were infinitely\n surpassed by THE number of THE Moorish families extirpated in a\n relentless war; and THE same destruction was retaliated on THE\n Romans and THEir allies, who perished by THE climate, THEir\n mutual quarrels, and THE rage of THE Barbarians. When Procopius\n first landed, he admired THE populousness of THE cities and\n country, strenuously exercised in THE labors of commerce and\n agriculture. In less than twenty years, that busy scene was\n converted into a silent solitude; THE wealthy citizens escaped to\n Sicily and Constantinople; and THE secret historian has\n confidently affirmed, that five millions of Africans were\n consumed by THE wars and government of THE emperor Justinian. 5\n\n 3 (return) [ The Moorish wars are occasionally introduced into\n THE narrative of Procopius, (Vandal. l. ii. c. 19—23, 25, 27, 28.\n Gothic. l. iv. c. 17;) and Theophanes adds some prosperous and\n adverse events in THE last years of Justinian.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Now Tibesh, in THE kingdom of Algiers. It is watered\n by a river, THE Sujerass, which falls into THE Mejerda,\n (Bagradas.) Tibesh is still remarkable for its walls of large\n stones, (like THE Coliseum of Rome,) a fountain, and a grove of\n walnut-trees: THE country is fruitful, and THE neighboring\n Bereberes are warlike. It appears from an inscription, that,\n under THE reign of Adrian, THE road from Carthage to Tebeste was\n constructed by THE third legion, (Marmol, Description de\n l’Afrique, tom. ii. p. 442, 443. Shaw’s Travels, p. 64, 65, 66.)]\n\n 411 (return) [ Corripus (Johannidos lib. iii. 417—441) describes\n THE defeat and death of Solomon.—M.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Procopius, Anecdot. c. 18. The series of THE African\n history attests this melancholy truth.]\n\n\n The jealousy of THE Byzantine court had not permitted Belisarius\n to achieve THE conquest of Italy; and his abrupt departure\n revived THE courage of THE Goths, 6 who respected his genius, his\n virtue, and even THE laudable motive which had urged THE servant\n of Justinian to deceive and reject THEm. They had lost THEir king\n (an inconsiderable loss,) THEir capital, THEir treasures, THE\n provinces from Sicily to THE Alps, and THE military force of two\n hundred thousand Barbarians, magnificently equipped with horses\n and arms. Yet all was not lost, as long as Pavia was defended by\n one thousand Goths, inspired by a sense of honor, THE love of\n freedom, and THE memory of THEir past greatness. The supreme\n command was unanimously offered to THE brave Uraias; and it was\n in his eyes alone that THE disgrace of his uncle Vitiges could\n appear as a reason of exclusion. His voice inclined THE election\n in favor of Hildibald, whose personal merit was recommended by\n THE vain hope that his kinsman Theudes, THE Spanish monarch,\n would support THE common interest of THE Gothic nation. The\n success of his arms in Liguria and Venetia seemed to justify\n THEir choice; but he soon declared to THE world that he was\n incapable of forgiving or commanding his benefactor. The consort\n of Hildibald was deeply wounded by THE beauty, THE riches, and\n THE pride, of THE wife of Uraias; and THE death of that virtuous\n patriot excited THE indignation of a free people. A bold assassin\n executed THEir sentence by striking off THE head of Hildibald in\n THE midst of a banquet; THE Rugians, a foreign tribe, assumed THE\n privilege of election: and Totila, 611 THE nephew of THE late\n king, was tempted, by revenge, to deliver himself and THE\n garrison of Trevigo into THE hands of THE Romans.\n\n\n But THE gallant and accomplished youth was easily persuaded to\n prefer THE Gothic throne before THE service of Justinian; and as\n soon as THE palace of Pavia had been purified from THE Rugian\n usurper, he reviewed THE national force of five thousand\n soldiers, and generously undertook THE restoration of THE kingdom\n of Italy.\n\n 6 (return) [ In THE second (c. 30) and third books, (c. 1—40,)\n Procopius continues THE history of THE Gothic war from THE fifth\n to THE fifteenth year of Justinian. As THE events are less\n interesting than in THE former period, he allots only half THE\n space to double THE time. Jornandes, and THE Chronicle of\n Marcellinus, afford some collateral hints Sigonius, Pagi,\n Muratori, Mascou, and De Buat, are useful, and have been used.]\n\n 611 (return) [ His real name, as appears by medals, was Baduilla,\n or Badiula. Totila signifies immortal: tod (in German) is death.\n Todilas, deathless. Compare St Martin, vol. ix. p. 37.—M.]\n\n\n The successors of Belisarius, eleven generals of equal rank,\n neglected to crush THE feeble and disunited Goths, till THEy were\n roused to action by THE progress of Totila and THE reproaches of\n Justinian. The gates of Verona were secretly opened to Artabazus,\n at THE head of one hundred Persians in THE service of THE empire.\n The Goths fled from THE city. At THE distance of sixty furlongs\n THE Roman generals halted to regulate THE division of THE spoil.\n While THEy disputed, THE enemy discovered THE real number of THE\n victors: THE Persians were instantly overpowered, and it was by\n leaping from THE wall that Artabazus preserved a life which he\n lost in a few days by THE lance of a Barbarian, who had defied\n him to single combat. Twenty thousand Romans encountered THE\n forces of Totila, near Faenza, and on THE hills of Mugello, of\n THE Florentine territory. The ardor of freedmen, who fought to\n regain THEir country, was opposed to THE languid temper of\n mercenary troops, who were even destitute of THE merits of strong\n and well-disciplined servitude. On THE first attack, THEy\n abandoned THEir ensigns, threw down THEir arms, and dispersed on\n all sides with an active speed, which abated THE loss, whilst it\n aggravated THE shame, of THEir defeat. The king of THE Goths, who\n blushed for THE baseness of his enemies, pursued with rapid steps\n THE path of honor and victory. Totila passed THE Po, 6112\n traversed THE Apennine, suspended THE important conquest of\n Ravenna, Florence, and Rome, and marched through THE heart of\n Italy, to form THE siege or raTHEr THE blockade, of Naples. The\n Roman chiefs, imprisoned in THEir respective cities, and accusing\n each oTHEr of THE common disgrace, did not presume to disturb his\n enterprise. But THE emperor, alarmed by THE distress and danger\n of his Italian conquests, despatched to THE relief of Naples a\n fleet of galleys and a body of Thracian and Armenian soldiers.\n They landed in Sicily, which yielded its copious stores of\n provisions; but THE delays of THE new commander, an unwarlike\n magistrate, protracted THE sufferings of THE besieged; and THE\n succors, which he dropped with a timid and tardy hand, were\n successively intercepted by THE armed vessels stationed by Totila\n in THE Bay of Naples. The principal officer of THE Romans was\n dragged, with a rope round his neck, to THE foot of THE wall,\n from whence, with a trembling voice, he exhorted THE citizens to\n implore, like himself, THE mercy of THE conqueror. They requested\n a truce, with a promise of surrendering THE city, if no effectual\n relief should appear at THE end of thirty days. Instead of one\n month, THE audacious Barbarian granted THEm three, in THE just\n confidence that famine would anticipate THE term of THEir\n capitulation. After THE reduction of Naples and Cumae, THE\n provinces of Lucania, Apulia, and Calabria, submitted to THE king\n of THE Goths. Totila led his army to THE gates of Rome, pitched\n his camp at Tibur, or Tivoli, within twenty miles of THE capital,\n and calmly exhorted THE senate and people to compare THE tyranny\n of THE Greeks with THE blessings of THE Gothic reign.\n\n 6112 (return) [ This is not quite correct: he had crossed THE Po\n before THE battle of Faenza.—M.]\n\n\n The rapid success of Totila may be partly ascribed to THE\n revolution which three years’ experience had produced in THE\n sentiments of THE Italians. At THE command, or at least in THE\n name, of a Catholic emperor, THE pope, 7 THEir spiritual faTHEr,\n had been torn from THE Roman church, and eiTHEr starved or\n murdered on a desolate island. 8 The virtues of Belisarius were\n replaced by THE various or uniform vices of eleven chiefs, at\n Rome, Ravenna, Florence, Perugia, Spoleto, &c., who abused THEir\n authority for THE indulgence of lust or avarice. The improvement\n of THE revenue was committed to Alexander, a subtle scribe, long\n practised in THE fraud and oppression of THE Byzantine schools,\n and whose name of Psalliction, THE scissors, 9 was drawn from THE\n dexterous artifice with which he reduced THE size without\n defacing THE figure, of THE gold coin. Instead of expecting THE\n restoration of peace and industry, he imposed a heavy assessment\n on THE fortunes of THE Italians. Yet his present or future\n demands were less odious than a prosecution of arbitrary rigor\n against THE persons and property of all those who, under THE\n Gothic kings, had been concerned in THE receipt and expenditure\n of THE public money. The subjects of Justinian, who escaped THEse\n partial vexations, were oppressed by THE irregular maintenance of\n THE soldiers, whom Alexander defrauded and despised; and THEir\n hasty sallies in quest of wealth, or subsistence, provoked THE\n inhabitants of THE country to await or implore THEir deliverance\n from THE virtues of a Barbarian. Totila 10 was chaste and\n temperate; and none were deceived, eiTHEr friends or enemies, who\n depended on his faith or his clemency. To THE husbandmen of Italy\n THE Gothic king issued a welcome proclamation, enjoining THEm to\n pursue THEir important labors, and to rest assured, that, on THE\n payment of THE ordinary taxes, THEy should be defended by his\n valor and discipline from THE injuries of war. The strong towns\n he successively attacked; and as soon as THEy had yielded to his\n arms, he demolished THE fortifications, to save THE people from\n THE calamities of a future siege, to deprive THE Romans of THE\n arts of defence, and to decide THE tedious quarrel of THE two\n nations, by an equal and honorable conflict in THE field of\n battle. The Roman captives and deserters were tempted to enlist\n in THE service of a liberal and courteous adversary; THE slaves\n were attracted by THE firm and faithful promise, that THEy should\n never be delivered to THEir masters; and from THE thousand\n warriors of Pavia, a new people, under THE same appellation of\n Goths, was insensibly formed in THE camp of Totila. He sincerely\n accomplished THE articles of capitulation, without seeking or\n accepting any sinister advantage from ambiguous expressions or\n unforeseen events: THE garrison of Naples had stipulated that\n THEy should be transported by sea; THE obstinacy of THE winds\n prevented THEir voyage, but THEy were generously supplied with\n horses, provisions, and a safe-conduct to THE gates of Rome. The\n wives of THE senators, who had been surprised in THE villas of\n Campania, were restored, without a ransom, to THEir husbands; THE\n violation of female chastity was inexorably chastised with death;\n and in THE salutary regulation of THE edict of THE famished\n Neapolitans, THE conqueror assumed THE office of a humane and\n attentive physician. The virtues of Totila are equally laudable,\n wheTHEr THEy proceeded from true policy, religious principle, or\n THE instinct of humanity: he often harangued his troops; and it\n was his constant THEme, that national vice and ruin are\n inseparably connected; that victory is THE fruit of moral as well\n as military virtue; and that THE prince, and even THE people, are\n responsible for THE crimes which THEy neglect to punish.\n\n\n\n 7 (return) [Sylverius, bishop of Rome, was first transported to\n Patara, in Lycia, and at length starved (sub eorum custodia\n inedia confectus) in THE Isle of Palmaria, A.D. 538, June 20,\n (Liberat. in Breviar. c. 22. Anastasius, in Sylverio. Baronius,\n A.D. 540, No. 2, 3. Pagi, in Vit. Pont. tom. i. p. 285, 286.)\n Procopius (Anecdot. c. 1) accuses only THE empress and Antonina.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Palmaria, a small island, opposite to Terracina and\n THE coast of THE Volsci, (Cluver. Ital. Antiq. l. iii. c. 7, p.\n 1014.)]\n\n 9 (return) [ As THE LogoTHEte Alexander, and most of his civil\n and military colleagues, were eiTHEr disgraced or despised, THE\n ink of THE Anecdotes (c. 4, 5, 18) is scarcely blacker than that\n of THE Gothic History (l. iii. c. 1, 3, 4, 9, 20, 21, &c.)]\n\n 10 (return) [ Procopius (l. iii. c. 2, 8, &c.,) does ample and\n willing justice to THE merit of Totila. The Roman historians,\n from Sallust and Tacitus were happy to forget THE vices of THEir\n countrymen in THE contemplation of Barbaric virtue.]\n\n\n The return of Belisarius to save THE country which he had\n subdued, was pressed with equal vehemence by his friends and\n enemies; and THE Gothic war was imposed as a trust or an exile on\n THE veteran commander. A hero on THE banks of THE Euphrates, a\n slave in THE palace of Constantinople, he accepted with\n reluctance THE painful task of supporting his own reputation, and\n retrieving THE faults of his successors. The sea was open to THE\n Romans: THE ships and soldiers were assembled at Salona, near THE\n palace of Diocletian: he refreshed and reviewed his troops at\n Pola in Istria, coasted round THE head of THE Adriatic, entered\n THE port of Ravenna, and despatched orders raTHEr than supplies\n to THE subordinate cities. His first public oration was addressed\n to THE Goths and Romans, in THE name of THE emperor, who had\n suspended for a while THE conquest of Persia, and listened to THE\n prayers of his Italian subjects. He gently touched on THE causes\n and THE authors of THE recent disasters; striving to remove THE\n fear of punishment for THE past, and THE hope of impunity for THE\n future, and laboring, with more zeal than success, to unite all\n THE members of his government in a firm league of affection and\n obedience. Justinian, his gracious master, was inclined to pardon\n and reward; and it was THEir interest, as well as duty, to\n reclaim THEir deluded brethren, who had been seduced by THE arts\n of THE usurper. Not a man was tempted to desert THE standard of\n THE Gothic king. Belisarius soon discovered, that he was sent to\n remain THE idle and impotent spectator of THE glory of a young\n Barbarian; and his own epistle exhibits a genuine and lively\n picture of THE distress of a noble mind. “Most excellent prince,\n we are arrived in Italy, destitute of all THE necessary\n implements of war, men, horses, arms, and money. In our late\n circuit through THE villages of Thrace and Illyricum, we have\n collected, with extreme difficulty, about four thousand recruits,\n naked, and unskilled in THE use of weapons and THE exercises of\n THE camp. The soldiers already stationed in THE province are\n discontented, fearful, and dismayed; at THE sound of an enemy,\n THEy dismiss THEir horses, and cast THEir arms on THE ground. No\n taxes can be raised, since Italy is in THE hands of THE\n Barbarians; THE failure of payment has deprived us of THE right\n of command, or even of admonition. Be assured, dread Sir, that\n THE greater part of your troops have already deserted to THE\n Goths. If THE war could be achieved by THE presence of Belisarius\n alone, your wishes are satisfied; Belisarius is in THE midst of\n Italy. But if you desire to conquer, far oTHEr preparations are\n requisite: without a military force, THE title of general is an\n empty name. It would be expedient to restore to my service my own\n veteran and domestic guards. Before I can take THE field, I must\n receive an adequate supply of light and heavy armed troops; and\n it is only with ready money that you can procure THE\n indispensable aid of a powerful body of THE cavalry of THE Huns.”\n 11 An officer in whom Belisarius confided was sent from Ravenna\n to hasten and conduct THE succors; but THE message was neglected,\n and THE messenger was detained at Constantinople by an\n advantageous marriage. After his patience had been exhausted by\n delay and disappointment, THE Roman general repassed THE\n Adriatic, and expected at Dyrrachium THE arrival of THE troops,\n which were slowly assembled among THE subjects and allies of THE\n empire. His powers were still inadequate to THE deliverance of\n Rome, which was closely besieged by THE Gothic king. The Appian\n way, a march of forty days, was covered by THE Barbarians; and as\n THE prudence of Belisarius declined a battle, he preferred THE\n safe and speedy navigation of five days from THE coast of Epirus\n to THE mouth of THE Tyber.\n\n 11 (return) [ Procopius, l. iii. c. 12. The soul of a hero is\n deeply impressed on THE letter; nor can we confound such genuine\n and original acts with THE elaborate and often empty speeches of\n THE Byzantine historians]\n\n\n After reducing, by force, or treaty, THE towns of inferior note\n in THE midland provinces of Italy, Totila proceeded, not to\n assault, but to encompass and starve, THE ancient capital. Rome\n was afflicted by THE avarice, and guarded by THE valor, of\n Bessas, a veteran chief of Gothic extraction, who filled, with a\n garrison of three thousand soldiers, THE spacious circle of her\n venerable walls. From THE distress of THE people he extracted a\n profitable trade, and secretly rejoiced in THE continuance of THE\n siege. It was for his use that THE granaries had been\n replenished: THE charity of Pope Vigilius had purchased and\n embarked an ample supply of Sicilian corn; but THE vessels which\n escaped THE Barbarians were seized by a rapacious governor, who\n imparted a scanty sustenance to THE soldiers, and sold THE\n remainder to THE wealthy Romans. The medimnus, or fifth part of\n THE quarter of wheat, was exchanged for seven pieces of gold;\n fifty pieces were given for an ox, a rare and accidental prize;\n THE progress of famine enhanced this exorbitant value, and THE\n mercenaries were tempted to deprive THEmselves of THE allowance\n which was scarcely sufficient for THE support of life. A\n tasteless and unwholesome mixture, in which THE bran thrice\n exceeded THE quantity of flour, appeased THE hunger of THE poor;\n THEy were gradually reduced to feed on dead horses, dogs, cats,\n and mice, and eagerly to snatch THE grass, and even THE nettles,\n which grew among THE ruins of THE city. A crowd of spectres, pale\n and emaciated, THEir bodies oppressed with disease, and THEir\n minds with despair, surrounded THE palace of THE governor, urged,\n with unavailing truth, that it was THE duty of a master to\n maintain his slaves, and humbly requested that he would provide\n for THEir subsistence, to permit THEir flight, or command THEir\n immediate execution. Bessas replied, with unfeeling tranquillity,\n that it was impossible to feed, unsafe to dismiss, and unlawful\n to kill, THE subjects of THE emperor. Yet THE example of a\n private citizen might have shown his countrymen that a tyrant\n cannot withhold THE privilege of death. Pierced by THE cries of\n five children, who vainly called on THEir faTHEr for bread, he\n ordered THEm to follow his steps, advanced with calm and silent\n despair to one of THE bridges of THE Tyber, and, covering his\n face, threw himself headlong into THE stream, in THE presence of\n his family and THE Roman people. To THE rich and pusillammous,\n Bessas 12 sold THE permission of departure; but THE greatest part\n of THE fugitives expired on THE public highways, or were\n intercepted by THE flying parties of Barbarians. In THE mean\n while, THE artful governor sooTHEd THE discontent, and revived\n THE hopes of THE Romans, by THE vague reports of THE fleets and\n armies which were hastening to THEir relief from THE extremities\n of THE East. They derived more rational comfort from THE\n assurance that Belisarius had landed at THE port; and, without\n numbering his forces, THEy firmly relied on THE humanity, THE\n courage, and THE skill of THEir great deliverer.\n\n 12 (return) [ The avarice of Bessas is not dissembled by\n Procopius, (l. iii. c. 17, 20.) He expiated THE loss of Rome by\n THE glorious conquest of Petraea, (Goth. l. iv. c. 12;) but THE\n same vices followed him from THE Tyber to THE Phasis, (c. 13;)\n and THE historian is equally true to THE merits and defects of\n his character. The chastisement which THE author of THE romance\n of Belisaire has inflicted on THE oppressor of Rome is more\n agreeable to justice than to history.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLIII: Last Victory And Death Of Belisarius, Death OF\nJustinian.—Part II.\n\n\n The foresight of Totila had raised obstacles worthy of such an\n antagonist. Ninety furlongs below THE city, in THE narrowest part\n of THE river, he joined THE two banks by strong and solid timbers\n in THE form of a bridge, on which he erected two lofty towers,\n manned by THE bravest of his Goths, and profusely stored with\n missile weapons and engines of offence. The approach of THE\n bridge and towers was covered by a strong and massy chain of\n iron; and THE chain, at eiTHEr end, on THE opposite sides of THE\n Tyber, was defended by a numerous and chosen detachment of\n archers. But THE enterprise of forcing THEse barriers, and\n relieving THE capital, displays a shining example of THE boldness\n and conduct of Belisarius. His cavalry advanced from THE port\n along THE public road, to awe THE motions, and distract THE\n attention of THE enemy. His infantry and provisions were\n distributed in two hundred large boats; and each boat was\n shielded by a high rampart of thick planks, pierced with many\n small holes for THE discharge of missile weapons. In THE front,\n two large vessels were linked togeTHEr to sustain a floating\n castle, which commanded THE towers of THE bridge, and contained a\n magazine of fire, sulphur, and bitumen. The whole fleet, which\n THE general led in person, was laboriously moved against THE\n current of THE river. The chain yielded to THEir weight, and THE\n enemies who guarded THE banks were eiTHEr slain or scattered. As\n soon as THEy touched THE principal barrier, THE fire-ship was\n instantly grappled to THE bridge; one of THE towers, with two\n hundred Goths, was consumed by THE flames; THE assailants shouted\n victory; and Rome was saved, if THE wisdom of Belisarius had not\n been defeated by THE misconduct of his officers. He had\n previously sent orders to Bessas to second his operations by a\n timely sally from THE town; and he had fixed his lieutenant,\n Isaac, by a peremptory command, to THE station of THE port. But\n avarice rendered Bessas immovable; while THE youthful ardor of\n Isaac delivered him into THE hands of a superior enemy. The\n exaggerated rumor of his defeat was hastily carried to THE ears\n of Belisarius: he paused; betrayed in that single moment of his\n life some emotions of surprise and perplexity; and reluctantly\n sounded a retreat to save his wife Antonina, his treasures, and\n THE only harbor which he possessed on THE Tuscan coast. The\n vexation of his mind produced an ardent and almost mortal fever;\n and Rome was left without protection to THE mercy or indignation\n of Totila. The continuance of hostilities had imbittered THE\n national hatred: THE Arian clergy was ignominiously driven from\n Rome; Pelagius, THE archdeacon, returned without success from an\n embassy to THE Gothic camp; and a Sicilian bishop, THE envoy or\n nuncio of THE pope, was deprived of both his hands, for daring to\n utter falsehoods in THE service of THE church and state.\n\n\n Famine had relaxed THE strength and discipline of THE garrison of\n Rome. They could derive no effectual service from a dying people;\n and THE inhuman avarice of THE merchant at length absorbed THE\n vigilance of THE governor. Four Isaurian sentinels, while THEir\n companions slept, and THEir officers were absent, descended by a\n rope from THE wall, and secretly proposed to THE Gothic king to\n introduce his troops into THE city. The offer was entertained\n with coldness and suspicion; THEy returned in safety; THEy twice\n repeated THEir visit; THE place was twice examined; THE\n conspiracy was known and disregarded; and no sooner had Totila\n consented to THE attempt, than THEy unbarred THE Asinarian gate,\n and gave admittance to THE Goths. Till THE dawn of day, THEy\n halted in order of battle, apprehensive of treachery or ambush;\n but THE troops of Bessas, with THEir leader, had already escaped;\n and when THE king was pressed to disturb THEir retreat, he\n prudently replied, that no sight could be more grateful than that\n of a flying enemy. The patricians, who were still possessed of\n horses, Decius, Basilius, &c. accompanied THE governor; THEir\n brethren, among whom Olybrius, Orestes, and Maximus, are named by\n THE historian, took refuge in THE church of St. Peter: but THE\n assertion, that only five hundred persons remained in THE\n capital, inspires some doubt of THE fidelity eiTHEr of his\n narrative or of his text. As soon as daylight had displayed THE\n entire victory of THE Goths, THEir monarch devoutly visited THE\n tomb of THE prince of THE apostles; but while he prayed at THE\n altar, twenty-five soldiers, and sixty citizens, were put to THE\n sword in THE vestibule of THE temple. The archdeacon Pelagius 13\n stood before him, with THE Gospels in his hand. “O Lord, be\n merciful to your servant.” “Pelagius,” said Totila, with an\n insulting smile, “your pride now condescends to become a\n suppliant.” “I am a suppliant,” replied THE prudent archdeacon;\n “God has now made us your subjects, and as your subjects, we are\n entitled to your clemency.” At his humble prayer, THE lives of\n THE Romans were spared; and THE chastity of THE maids and matrons\n was preserved inviolate from THE passions of THE hungry soldiers.\n\n\n But THEy were rewarded by THE freedom of pillage, after THE most\n precious spoils had been reserved for THE royal treasury. The\n houses of THE senators were plentifully stored with gold and\n silver; and THE avarice of Bessas had labored with so much guilt\n and shame for THE benefit of THE conqueror. In this revolution,\n THE sons and daughters of Roman consuls tasted THE misery which\n THEy had spurned or relieved, wandered in tattered garments\n through THE streets of THE city and begged THEir bread, perhaps\n without success, before THE gates of THEir hereditary mansions.\n The riches of Rusticiana, THE daughter of Symmachus and widow of\n Boethius, had been generously devoted to alleviate THE calamities\n of famine. But THE Barbarians were exasperated by THE report,\n that she had prompted THE people to overthrow THE statues of THE\n great Theodoric; and THE life of that venerable matron would have\n been sacrificed to his memory, if Totila had not respected her\n birth, her virtues, and even THE pious motive of her revenge. The\n next day he pronounced two orations, to congratulate and admonish\n his victorious Goths, and to reproach THE senate, as THE vilest\n of slaves, with THEir perjury, folly, and ingratitude; sternly\n declaring, that THEir estates and honors were justly forfeited to\n THE companions of his arms. Yet he consented to forgive THEir\n revolt; and THE senators repaid his clemency by despatching\n circular letters to THEir tenants and vassals in THE provinces of\n Italy, strictly to enjoin THEm to desert THE standard of THE\n Greeks, to cultivate THEir lands in peace, and to learn from\n THEir masters THE duty of obedience to a Gothic sovereign.\n Against THE city which had so long delayed THE course of his\n victories, he appeared inexorable: one third of THE walls, in\n different parts, were demolished by his command; fire and engines\n prepared to consume or subvert THE most stately works of\n antiquity; and THE world was astonished by THE fatal decree, that\n Rome should be changed into a pasture for cattle. The firm and\n temperate remonstrance of Belisarius suspended THE execution; he\n warned THE Barbarian not to sully his fame by THE destruction of\n those monuments which were THE glory of THE dead, and THE delight\n of THE living; and Totila was persuaded, by THE advice of an\n enemy, to preserve Rome as THE ornament of his kingdom, or THE\n fairest pledge of peace and reconciliation. When he had signified\n to THE ambassadors of Belisarius his intention of sparing THE\n city, he stationed an army at THE distance of one hundred and\n twenty furlongs, to observe THE motions of THE Roman general.\n With THE remainder of his forces he marched into Lucania and\n Apulia, and occupied on THE summit of Mount Garganus 14 one of\n THE camps of Hannibal. 15 The senators were dragged in his train,\n and afterwards confined in THE fortresses of Campania: THE\n citizens, with THEir wives and children, were dispersed in exile;\n and during forty days Rome was abandoned to desolate and dreary\n solitude. 16\n\n 13 (return) [ During THE long exile, and after THE death of\n Vigilius, THE Roman church was governed, at first by THE\n archdeacon, and at length (A. D 655) by THE pope Pelagius, who\n was not thought guiltless of THE sufferings of his predecessor.\n See THE original lives of THE popes under THE name of Anastasius,\n (Muratori, Script. Rer. Italicarum, tom. iii. P. i. p. 130, 131,)\n who relates several curious incidents of THE sieges of Rome and\n THE wars of Italy.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Mount Garganus, now Monte St. Angelo, in THE\n kingdom of Naples, runs three hundred stadia into THE Adriatic\n Sea, (Strab.—vi. p. 436,) and in THE darker ages was illustrated\n by THE apparition, miracles, and church, of St. Michael THE\n archangel. Horace, a native of Apulia or Lucania, had seen THE\n elms and oaks of Garganus laboring and bellowing with THE north\n wind that blew on that lofty coast, (Carm. ii. 9, Epist. ii. i.\n 201.)]\n\n 15 (return) [ I cannot ascertain this particular camp of\n Hannibal; but THE Punic quarters were long and often in THE\n neighborhood of Arpi, (T. Liv. xxii. 9, 12, xxiv. 3, &c.)]\n\n 16 (return) [ Totila.... Romam ingreditur.... ac evertit muros,\n domos aliquantas igni comburens, ac omnes Romanorum res in\n praedam ac cepit, hos ipsos Romanos in Campaniam captivos\n abduxit. Post quam devastationem, xl. autamp lius dies, Roma fuit\n ita desolata, ut nemo ibi hominum, nisi (nulloe?) bestiae\n morarentur, (Marcellin. in Chron. p. 54.)]\n\n\n The loss of Rome was speedily retrieved by an action, to which,\n according to THE event, THE public opinion would apply THE names\n of rashness or heroism. After THE departure of Totila, THE Roman\n general sallied from THE port at THE head of a thousand horse,\n cut in pieces THE enemy who opposed his progress, and visited\n with pity and reverence THE vacant space of THE eternal city.\n Resolved to maintain a station so conspicuous in THE eyes of\n mankind, he summoned THE greatest part of his troops to THE\n standard which he erected on THE Capitol: THE old inhabitants\n were recalled by THE love of THEir country and THE hopes of food;\n and THE keys of Rome were sent a second time to THE emperor\n Justinian. The walls, as far as THEy had been demolished by THE\n Goths, were repaired with rude and dissimilar materials; THE\n ditch was restored; iron spikes 17 were profusely scattered in\n THE highways to annoy THE feet of THE horses; and as new gates\n could not suddenly be procured, THE entrance was guarded by a\n Spartan rampart of his bravest soldiers. At THE expiration of\n twenty-five days, Totila returned by hasty marches from Apulia to\n avenge THE injury and disgrace. Belisarius expected his approach.\n The Goths were thrice repulsed in three general assaults; THEy\n lost THE flower of THEir troops; THE royal standard had almost\n fallen into THE hands of THE enemy, and THE fame of Totila sunk,\n as it had risen, with THE fortune of his arms. Whatever skill and\n courage could achieve, had been performed by THE Roman general:\n it remained only that Justinian should terminate, by a strong and\n seasonable effort, THE war which he had ambitiously undertaken.\n The indolence, perhaps THE impotence, of a prince who despised\n his enemies, and envied his servants, protracted THE calamities\n of Italy. After a long silence, Belisarius was commanded to leave\n a sufficient garrison at Rome, and to transport himself into THE\n province of Lucania, whose inhabitants, inflamed by Catholic\n zeal, had cast away THE yoke of THEir Arian conquerors. In this\n ignoble warfare, THE hero, invincible against THE power of THE\n Barbarians, was basely vanquished by THE delay, THE disobedience,\n and THE cowardice of his own officers. He reposed in his winter\n quarters of Crotona, in THE full assurance, that THE two passes\n of THE Lucanian hills were guarded by his cavalry. They were\n betrayed by treachery or weakness; and THE rapid march of THE\n Goths scarcely allowed time for THE escape of Belisarius to THE\n coast of Sicily. At length a fleet and army were assembled for\n THE relief of Ruscianum, or Rossano, 18 a fortress sixty furlongs\n from THE ruins of Sybaris, where THE nobles of Lucania had taken\n refuge. In THE first attempt, THE Roman forces were dissipated by\n a storm. In THE second, THEy approached THE shore; but THEy saw\n THE hills covered with archers, THE landing-place defended by a\n line of spears, and THE king of THE Goths impatient for battle.\n The conqueror of Italy retired with a sigh, and continued to\n languish, inglorious and inactive, till Antonina, who had been\n sent to Constantinople to solicit succors, obtained, after THE\n death of THE empress, THE permission of his return.\n\n 17 (return) [ The tribuli are small engines with four spikes, one\n fixed in THE ground, THE three oTHErs erect or adverse,\n (Procopius, Gothic. l. iii. c. 24. Just. Lipsius, Poliorcetwv, l.\n v. c. 3.) The metaphor was borrowed from THE tribuli,\n (land-caltrops,) an herb with a prickly fruit, commex in Italy.\n (Martin, ad Virgil. Georgic. i. 153 vol. ii. p. 33.)]\n\n 18 (return) [ Ruscia, THE navale Thuriorum, was transferred to\n THE distance of sixty stadia to Ruscianum, Rossano, an\n archbishopric without suffragans. The republic of Sybaris is now\n THE estate of THE duke of Corigliano. (Riedesel, Travels into\n Magna Graecia and Sicily, p. 166—171.)]\n\n\n The five last campaigns of Belisarius might abate THE envy of his\n competitors, whose eyes had been dazzled and wounded by THE blaze\n of his former glory. Instead of delivering Italy from THE Goths,\n he had wandered like a fugitive along THE coast, without daring\n to march into THE country, or to accept THE bold and repeated\n challenge of Totila. Yet, in THE judgment of THE few who could\n discriminate counsels from events, and compare THE instruments\n with THE execution, he appeared a more consummate master of THE\n art of war, than in THE season of his prosperity, when he\n presented two captive kings before THE throne of Justinian. The\n valor of Belisarius was not chilled by age: his prudence was\n matured by experience; but THE moral virtues of humanity and\n justice seem to have yielded to THE hard necessity of THE times.\n The parsimony or poverty of THE emperor compelled him to deviate\n from THE rule of conduct which had deserved THE love and\n confidence of THE Italians. The war was maintained by THE\n oppression of Ravenna, Sicily, and all THE faithful subjects of\n THE empire; and THE rigorous prosecution of Herodian provoked\n that injured or guilty officer to deliver Spoleto into THE hands\n of THE enemy. The avarice of Antonina, which had been some times\n diverted by love, now reigned without a rival in her breast.\n Belisarius himself had always understood, that riches, in a\n corrupt age, are THE support and ornament of personal merit. And\n it cannot be presumed that he should stain his honor for THE\n public service, without applying a part of THE spoil to his\n private emolument. The hero had escaped THE sword of THE\n Barbarians. But THE dagger of conspiracy 19 awaited his return.\n In THE midst of wealth and honors, Artaban, who had chastised THE\n African tyrant, complained of THE ingratitude of courts. He\n aspired to Praejecta, THE emperor’s niece, who wished to reward\n her deliverer; but THE impediment of his previous marriage was\n asserted by THE piety of Theodora. The pride of royal descent was\n irritated by flattery; and THE service in which he gloried had\n proved him capable of bold and sanguinary deeds. The death of\n Justinian was resolved, but THE conspirators delayed THE\n execution till THEy could surprise Belisarius disarmed, and\n naked, in THE palace of Constantinople. Not a hope could be\n entertained of shaking his long-tried fidelity; and THEy justly\n dreaded THE revenge, or raTHEr THE justice, of THE veteran\n general, who might speedily assemble an army in Thrace to punish\n THE assassins, and perhaps to enjoy THE fruits of THEir crime.\n Delay afforded time for rash communications and honest\n confessions: Artaban and his accomplices were condemned by THE\n senate, but THE extreme clemency of Justinian detained THEm in\n THE gentle confinement of THE palace, till he pardoned THEir\n flagitious attempt against his throne and life. If THE emperor\n forgave his enemies, he must cordially embrace a friend whose\n victories were alone remembered, and who was endeared to his\n prince by THE recent circumstances of THEir common danger.\n Belisarius reposed from his toils, in THE high station of general\n of THE East and count of THE domestics; and THE older consuls and\n patricians respectfully yielded THE precedency of rank to THE\n peerless merit of THE first of THE Romans. 20 The first of THE\n Romans still submitted to be THE slave of his wife; but THE\n servitude of habit and affection became less disgraceful when THE\n death of Theodora had removed THE baser influence of fear.\n Joannina, THEir daughter, and THE sole heiress of THEir fortunes,\n was betroTHEd to Anastasius, THE grandson, or raTHEr THE nephew,\n of THE empress, 21 whose kind interposition forwarded THE\n consummation of THEir youthful loves. But THE power of Theodora\n expired, THE parents of Joannina returned, and her honor, perhaps\n her happiness, were sacrificed to THE revenge of an unfeeling\n moTHEr, who dissolved THE imperfect nuptials before THEy had been\n ratified by THE ceremonies of THE church. 22\n\n 19 (return) [ This conspiracy is related by Procopius (Gothic. l.\n iii. c. 31, 32) with such freedom and candor, that THE liberty of\n THE Anecdotes gives him nothing to add.]\n\n 20 (return) [ The honors of Belisarius are gladly commemorated by\n his secretary, (Procop. Goth. l. iii. c. 35, l. iv. c. 21.) This\n title is ill translated, at least in this instance, by præfectus\n praetorio; and to a military character, magister militum is more\n proper and applicable, (Ducange, Gloss. Graec. p. 1458, 1459.)]\n\n 21 (return) [ Alemannus, (ad Hist. Arcanum, p. 68,) Ducange,\n (Familiae Byzant. p. 98,) and Heineccius, (Hist. Juris Civilis,\n p. 434,) all three represent Anastasius as THE son of THE\n daughter of Theodora; and THEir opinion firmly reposes on THE\n unambiguous testimony of Procopius, (Anecdot. c. 4, 5,—twice\n repeated.) And yet I will remark, 1. That in THE year 547,\n Theodora could sarcely have a grandson of THE age of puberty; 2.\n That we are totally ignorant of this daughter and her husband;\n and, 3. That Theodora concealed her bastards, and that her\n grandson by Justinian would have been heir apparent of THE\n empire.]\n\n 22 (return) [ The sins of THE hero in Italy and after his return,\n are manifested, and most probably swelled, by THE author of THE\n Anecdotes, (c. 4, 5.) The designs of Antonina were favored by THE\n fluctuating jurisprudence of Justinian. On THE law of marriage\n and divorce, that emperor was trocho versatilior, (Heineccius,\n Element Juris Civil. ad Ordinem Pandect. P. iv. No. 233.)]\n\n\n Before THE departure of Belisarius, Perusia was besieged, and few\n cities were impregnable to THE Gothic arms. Ravenna, Ancona, and\n Crotona, still resisted THE Barbarians; and when Totila asked in\n marriage one of THE daughters of France, he was stung by THE just\n reproach that THE king of Italy was unworthy of his title till it\n was acknowledged by THE Roman people. Three thousand of THE\n bravest soldiers had been left to defend THE capital. On THE\n suspicion of a monopoly, THEy massacred THE governor, and\n announced to Justinian, by a deputation of THE clergy, that\n unless THEir offence was pardoned, and THEir arrears were\n satisfied, THEy should instantly accept THE tempting offers of\n Totila. But THE officer who succeeded to THE command (his name\n was Diogenes) deserved THEir esteem and confidence; and THE\n Goths, instead of finding an easy conquest, encountered a\n vigorous resistance from THE soldiers and people, who patiently\n endured THE loss of THE port and of all maritime supplies. The\n siege of Rome would perhaps have been raised, if THE liberality\n of Totila to THE Isaurians had not encouraged some of THEir venal\n countrymen to copy THE example of treason. In a dark night, while\n THE Gothic trumpets sounded on anoTHEr side, THEy silently opened\n THE gate of St. Paul: THE Barbarians rushed into THE city; and\n THE flying garrison was intercepted before THEy could reach THE\n harbor of Centumcellae. A soldier trained in THE school of\n Belisarius, Paul of Cilicia, retired with four hundred men to THE\n mole of Hadrian. They repelled THE Goths; but THEy felt THE\n approach of famine; and THEir aversion to THE taste of\n horse-flesh confirmed THEir resolution to risk THE event of a\n desperate and decisive sally. But THEir spirit insensibly stooped\n to THE offers of capitulation; THEy retrieved THEir arrears of\n pay, and preserved THEir arms and horses, by enlisting in THE\n service of Totila; THEir chiefs, who pleaded a laudable\n attachment to THEir wives and children in THE East, were\n dismissed with honor; and above four hundred enemies, who had\n taken refuge in THE sanctuaries, were saved by THE clemency of\n THE victor. He no longer entertained a wish of destroying THE\n edifices of Rome, 23 which he now respected as THE seat of THE\n Gothic kingdom: THE senate and people were restored to THEir\n country; THE means of subsistence were liberally provided; and\n Totila, in THE robe of peace, exhibited THE equestrian games of\n THE circus. Whilst he amused THE eyes of THE multitude, four\n hundred vessels were prepared for THE embarkation of his troops.\n The cities of Rhegium and Tarentum were reduced: he passed into\n Sicily, THE object of his implacable resentment; and THE island\n was stripped of its gold and silver, of THE fruits of THE earth,\n and of an infinite number of horses, sheep, and oxen. Sardinia\n and Corsica obeyed THE fortune of Italy; and THE sea-coast of\n Greece was visited by a fleet of three hundred galleys. 24 The\n Goths were landed in Corcyra and THE ancient continent of Epirus;\n THEy advanced as far as Nicopolis, THE trophy of Augustus, and\n Dodona, 25 once famous by THE oracle of Jove. In every step of\n his victories, THE wise Barbarian repeated to Justinian THE\n desire of peace, applauded THE concord of THEir predecessors, and\n offered to employ THE Gothic arms in THE service of THE empire.\n\n 23 (return) [ The Romans were still attached to THE monuments of\n THEir ancestors; and according to Procopius, (Goth. l. iv. c.\n 22,) THE gallery of Aeneas, of a single rank of oars, 25 feet in\n breadth, 120 in length, was preserved entire in THE navalia, near\n Monte Testaceo, at THE foot of THE Aventine, (Nardini, Roma\n Antica, l. vii. c. 9, p. 466. Donatus, Rom Antiqua, l. iv. c. 13,\n p. 334) But all antiquity is ignorant of relic.]\n\n 24 (return) [ In THEse seas Procopius searched without success\n for THE Isle of Calypso. He was shown, at Phaeacia, or Cocyra,\n THE petrified ship of Ulysses, (Odyss. xiii. 163;) but he found\n it a recent fabric of many stones, dedicated by a merchant to\n Jupiter Cassius, (l. iv. c. 22.) Eustathius had supposed it to be\n THE fanciful likeness of a rock.]\n\n 25 (return) [ M. D’Anville (Memoires de l’Acad. tom. xxxii. p.\n 513—528) illustrates THE Gulf of Ambracia; but he cannot\n ascertain THE situation of Dodona. A country in sight of Italy is\n less known than THE wilds of America. Note: On THE site of Dodona\n compare Walpole’s Travels in THE East, vol. ii. p. 473; Col.\n Leake’s NorTHErn Greece, vol. iv. p. 163; and a dissertation by\n THE present bishop of Lichfield (Dr. Butler) in THE appendix to\n Hughes’s Travels, vol. i. p. 511.—M.]\n\n\n Justinian was deaf to THE voice of peace: but he neglected THE\n prosecution of war; and THE indolence of his temper disappointed,\n in some degree, THE obstinacy of his passions. From this salutary\n slumber THE emperor was awakened by THE pope Vigilius and THE\n patrician CeTHEgus, who appeared before his throne, and adjured\n him, in THE name of God and THE people, to resume THE conquest\n and deliverance of Italy. In THE choice of THE generals, caprice,\n as well as judgment, was shown. A fleet and army sailed for THE\n relief of Sicily, under THE conduct of Liberius; but his youth\n 2511 and want of experience were afterwards discovered, and\n before he touched THE shores of THE island he was overtaken by\n his successor. In THE place of Liberius, THE conspirator Artaban\n was raised from a prison to military honors; in THE pious\n presumption, that gratitude would animate his valor and fortify\n his allegiance. Belisarius reposed in THE shade of his laurels,\n but THE command of THE principal army was reserved for Germanus,\n 26 THE emperor’s nephew, whose rank and merit had been long\n depressed by THE jealousy of THE court. Theodora had injured him\n in THE rights of a private citizen, THE marriage of his children,\n and THE testament of his broTHEr; and although his conduct was\n pure and blameless, Justinian was displeased that he should be\n thought worthy of THE confidence of THE malcontents. The life of\n Germanus was a lesson of implicit obedience: he nobly refused to\n prostitute his name and character in THE factions of THE circus:\n THE gravity of his manners was tempered by innocent cheerfulness;\n and his riches were lent without interest to indigent or\n deserving friends. His valor had formerly triumphed over THE\n Sclavonians of THE Danube and THE rebels of Africa: THE first\n report of his promotion revived THE hopes of THE Italians; and he\n was privately assured, that a crowd of Roman deserters would\n abandon, on his approach, THE standard of Totila. His second\n marriage with Malasontha, THE granddaughter of Theodoric endeared\n Germanus to THE Goths THEmselves; and THEy marched with\n reluctance against THE faTHEr of a royal infant THE last\n offspring of THE line of Amali. 27 A splendid allowance was\n assigned by THE emperor: THE general contributed his private\n fortune: his two sons were popular and active and he surpassed,\n in THE promptitude and success of his levies THE expectation of\n mankind. He was permitted to select some squadrons of Thracian\n cavalry: THE veterans, as well as THE youth of Constantinople and\n Europe, engaged THEir voluntary service; and as far as THE heart\n of Germany, his fame and liberality attracted THE aid of THE\n Barbarians. 2711 The Romans advanced to Sardica; an army of\n Sclavonians fled before THEir march; but within two days of THEir\n final departure, THE designs of Germanus were terminated by his\n malady and death. Yet THE impulse which he had given to THE\n Italian war still continued to act with energy and effect. The\n maritime towns Ancona, Crotona, Centumcellae, resisted THE\n assaults of Totila. Sicily was reduced by THE zeal of Artaban,\n and THE Gothic navy was defeated near THE coast of THE Adriatic.\n The two fleets were almost equal, forty-seven to fifty galleys:\n THE victory was decided by THE knowledge and dexterity of THE\n Greeks; but THE ships were so closely grappled, that only twelve\n of THE Goths escaped from this unfortunate conflict. They\n affected to depreciate an element in which THEy were unskilled;\n but THEir own experience confirmed THE truth of a maxim, that THE\n master of THE sea will always acquire THE dominion of THE land.\n 28\n\n 2511 (return) [ This is a singular mistake. Gibbon must have\n hastily caught at his inexperience, and concluded that it must\n have been from youth. Lord Mahon has pointed out this error, p.\n 401. I should add that in THE last 4to. edition, corrected by\n Gibbon, it stands “want of youth and experience;”—but Gibbon can\n scarcely have intended such a phrase.—M.]\n\n 26 (return) [ See THE acts of Germanus in THE public (Vandal. l.\n ii, c. 16, 17, 18 Goth. l. iii. c. 31, 32) and private history,\n (Anecdot. c. 5,) and those of his son Justin, in Agathias, (l.\n iv. p. 130, 131.) Notwithstanding an ambiguous expression of\n Jornandes, fratri suo, Alemannus has proved that he was THE son\n of THE emperor’s broTHEr.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Conjuncta Aniciorum gens cum Amala stirpe spem\n adhuc utii usque generis promittit, (Jornandes, c. 60, p. 703.)\n He wrote at Ravenna before THE death of Totila]\n\n 2711 (return) [ See note 31, p. 268.—M.]\n\n 28 (return) [ The third book of Procopius is terminated by THE\n death of Germanus, (Add. l. iv. c. 23, 24, 25, 26.)]\n\n\n After THE loss of Germanus, THE nations were provoked to smile,\n by THE strange intelligence, that THE command of THE Roman armies\n was given to a eunuch. But THE eunuch Narses 29 is ranked among\n THE few who have rescued that unhappy name from THE contempt and\n hatred of mankind. A feeble, diminutive body concealed THE soul\n of a statesman and a warrior. His youth had been employed in THE\n management of THE loom and distaff, in THE cares of THE\n household, and THE service of female luxury; but while his hands\n were busy, he secretly exercised THE faculties of a vigorous and\n discerning mind. A stranger to THE schools and THE camp, he\n studied in THE palace to dissemble, to flatter, and to persuade;\n and as soon as he approached THE person of THE emperor, Justinian\n listened with surprise and pleasure to THE manly counsels of his\n chamberlain and private treasurer. 30 The talents of Narses were\n tried and improved in frequent embassies: he led an army into\n Italy, acquired a practical knowledge of THE war and THE country,\n and presumed to strive with THE genius of Belisarius. Twelve\n years after his return, THE eunuch was chosen to achieve THE\n conquest which had been left imperfect by THE first of THE Roman\n generals. Instead of being dazzled by vanity or emulation, he\n seriously declared that, unless he were armed with an adequate\n force, he would never consent to risk his own glory and that of\n his sovereign. Justinian granted to THE favorite what he might\n have denied to THE hero: THE Gothic war was rekindled from its\n ashes, and THE preparations were not unworthy of THE ancient\n majesty of THE empire. The key of THE public treasure was put\n into his hand, to collect magazines, to levy soldiers, to\n purchase arms and horses, to discharge THE arrears of pay, and to\n tempt THE fidelity of THE fugitives and deserters. The troops of\n Germanus were still in arms; THEy halted at Salona in THE\n expectation of a new leader; and legions of subjects and allies\n were created by THE well-known liberality of THE eunuch Narses.\n The king of THE Lombards 31 satisfied or surpassed THE\n obligations of a treaty, by lending two thousand two hundred of\n his bravest warriors, 3111 who were followed by three thousand of\n THEir martial attendants. Three thousand Heruli fought on\n horseback under Philemuth, THEir native chief; and THE noble\n Aratus, who adopted THE manners and discipline of Rome, conducted\n a band of veterans of THE same nation. DagisTHEus was released\n from prison to command THE Huns; and Kobad, THE grandson and\n nephew of THE great king, was conspicuous by THE regal tiara at\n THE head of his faithful Persians, who had devoted THEmselves to\n THE fortunes of THEir prince. 32 Absolute in THE exercise of his\n authority, more absolute in THE affection of his troops, Narses\n led a numerous and gallant army from Philippopolis to Salona,\n from whence he coasted THE eastern side of THE Adriatic as far as\n THE confines of Italy. His progress was checked. The East could\n not supply vessels capable of transporting such multitudes of men\n and horses. The Franks, who, in THE general confusion, had\n usurped THE greater part of THE Venetian province, refused a free\n passage to THE friends of THE Lombards. The station of Verona was\n occupied by Teias, with THE flower of THE Gothic forces; and that\n skilful commander had overspread THE adjacent country with THE\n fall of woods and THE inundation of waters. 33 In this\n perplexity, an officer of experience proposed a measure, secure\n by THE appearance of rashness; that THE Roman army should\n cautiously advance along THE seashore, while THE fleet preceded\n THEir march, and successively cast a bridge of boats over THE\n mouths of THE rivers, THE Timavus, THE Brenta, THE Adige, and THE\n Po, that fall into THE Adriatic to THE north of Ravenna. Nine\n days he reposed in THE city, collected THE fragments of THE\n Italian army, and marching towards Rimini to meet THE defiance of\n an insulting enemy.\n\n 29 (return) [ Procopius relates THE whole series of this second\n Gothic war and THE victory of Narses, (l. iv. c. 21, 26—35.) A\n splendid scene. Among THE six subjects of epic poetry which Tasso\n revolved in his mind, he hesitated between THE conquests of Italy\n by Belisarius and by Narses, (Hayley’s Works, vol. iv. p. 70.)]\n\n 30 (return) [ The country of Narses is unknown, since he must not\n be confounded with THE Persarmenian. Procopius styles him (see\n Goth. l. ii. c. 13); Paul Warnefrid, (l. ii. c. 3, p. 776,)\n Chartularius: Marcellinus adds THE name of Cubicularius. In an\n inscription on THE Salarian bridge he is entitled Ex-consul,\n Ex-praepositus, Cubiculi Patricius, (Mascou, Hist. of THE\n Germans, (l. xiii. c. 25.) The law of Theodosius against ennuchs\n was obsolete or abolished, Annotation xx.,) but THE foolish\n prophecy of THE Romans subsisted in full vigor, (Procop. l. iv.\n c. 21.) * Note: Lord Mahon supposes THEm both to have been\n Persarmenians. Note, p. 256.—M.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Paul Warnefrid, THE Lombard, records with\n complacency THE succor, service, and honorable dismission of his\n countrymen—reipublicae Romanae adversus aemulos adjutores\n fuerant, (l. ii. c. i. p. 774, edit. Grot.) I am surprised that\n Alboin, THEir martial king, did not lead his subjects in person.\n * Note: The Lombards were still at war with THE Gepidae. See\n Procop. Goth. lib. iv. p. 25.—M.]\n\n 3111 (return) [ Gibbon has blindly followed THE translation of\n Maltretus: Bis mille ducentos—while THE original Greek says\n expressly something else, (Goth. lib. iv. c. 26.) In like manner,\n (p. 266,) he draws volunteers from Germany, on THE authority of\n Cousin, who, in one place, has mistaken Germanus for Germania.\n Yet only a few pages furTHEr we find Gibbon loudly condemning THE\n French and Latin readers of Procopius. Lord Mahon, p. 403. The\n first of THEse errors remains uncorrected in THE new edition of\n THE Byzantines.—M.]\n\n 32 (return) [ He was, if not an impostor, THE son of THE blind\n Zames, saved by compassion, and educated in THE Byzantine court\n by THE various motives of policy, pride, and generosity, (Procop.\n Persic. l. i. c. 23.)]\n\n 33 (return) [ In THE time of Augustus, and in THE middle ages,\n THE whole waste from Aquileia to Ravenna was covered with woods,\n lakes, and morasses. Man has subdued nature, and THE land has\n been cultivated since THE waters are confined and embanked. See\n THE learned researches of Muratori, (Antiquitat. Italiae Medii\n Aevi. tom. i. dissert xxi. p. 253, 254,) from Vitruvius, Strabo,\n Herodian, old charters, and local knowledge.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLIII: Last Victory And Death Of Belisarius, Death Of\nJustinian.—Part III.\n\n\n The prudence of Narses impelled him to speedy and decisive\n action. His powers were THE last effort of THE state; THE cost of\n each day accumulated THE enormous account; and THE nations,\n untrained to discipline or fatigue, might be rashly provoked to\n turn THEir arms against each oTHEr, or against THEir benefactor.\n The same considerations might have tempered THE ardor of Totila.\n But he was conscious that THE clergy and people of Italy aspired\n to a second revolution: he felt or suspected THE rapid progress\n of treason; and he resolved to risk THE Gothic kingdom on THE\n chance of a day, in which THE valiant would be animated by\n instant danger and THE disaffected might be awed by mutual\n ignorance. In his march from Ravenna, THE Roman general chastised\n THE garrison of Rimini, traversed in a direct line THE hills of\n Urbino, and reentered THE Flaminian way, nine miles beyond THE\n perforated rock, an obstacle of art and nature which might have\n stopped or retarded his progress. 34 The Goths were assembled in\n THE neighborhood of Rome, THEy advanced without delay to seek a\n superior enemy, and THE two armies approached each oTHEr at THE\n distance of one hundred furlongs, between Tagina 35 and THE\n sepulchres of THE Gauls. 36 The haughty message of Narses was an\n offer, not of peace, but of pardon. The answer of THE Gothic king\n declared his resolution to die or conquer. “What day,” said THE\n messenger, “will you fix for THE combat?” “The eighth day,”\n replied Totila; but early THE next morning he attempted to\n surprise a foe, suspicious of deceit, and prepared for battle.\n Ten thousand Heruli and Lombards, of approved valor and doubtful\n faith, were placed in THE centre. Each of THE wings was composed\n of eight thousand Romans; THE right was guarded by THE cavalry of\n THE Huns, THE left was covered by fifteen hundred chosen horse,\n destined, according to THE emergencies of action, to sustain THE\n retreat of THEir friends, or to encompass THE flank of THE enemy.\n From his proper station at THE head of THE right wing, THE eunuch\n rode along THE line, expressing by his voice and countenance THE\n assurance of victory; exciting THE soldiers of THE emperor to\n punish THE guilt and madness of a band of robbers; and exposing\n to THEir view gold chains, collars, and bracelets, THE rewards of\n military virtue. From THE event of a single combat THEy drew an\n omen of success; and THEy beheld with pleasure THE courage of\n fifty archers, who maintained a small eminence against three\n successive attacks of THE Gothic cavalry. At THE distance only of\n two bow-shots, THE armies spent THE morning in dreadful suspense,\n and THE Romans tasted some necessary food, without unloosing THE\n cuirass from THEir breast, or THE bridle from THEir horses.\n Narses awaited THE charge; and it was delayed by Totila till he\n had received his last succors of two thousand Goths. While he\n consumed THE hours in fruitless treaty, THE king exhibited in a\n narrow space THE strength and agility of a warrior. His armor was\n enchased with gold; his purple banner floated with THE wind: he\n cast his lance into THE air; caught it with THE right hand;\n shifted it to THE left; threw himself backwards; recovered his\n seat; and managed a fiery steed in all THE paces and evolutions\n of THE equestrian school. As soon as THE succors had arrived, he\n retired to his tent, assumed THE dress and arms of a private\n soldier, and gave THE signal of a battle. The first line of\n cavalry advanced with more courage than discretion, and left\n behind THEm THE infantry of THE second line. They were soon\n engaged between THE horns of a crescent, into which THE adverse\n wings had been insensibly curved, and were saluted from eiTHEr\n side by THE volleys of four thousand archers. Their ardor, and\n even THEir distress, drove THEm forwards to a close and unequal\n conflict, in which THEy could only use THEir lances against an\n enemy equally skilled in all THE instruments of war. A generous\n emulation inspired THE Romans and THEir Barbarian allies; and\n Narses, who calmly viewed and directed THEir efforts, doubted to\n whom he should adjudge THE prize of superior bravery. The Gothic\n cavalry was astonished and disordered, pressed and broken; and\n THE line of infantry, instead of presenting THEir spears, or\n opening THEir intervals, were trampled under THE feet of THE\n flying horse. Six thousand of THE Goths were slaughtered without\n mercy in THE field of Tagina. Their prince, with five attendants,\n was overtaken by Asbad, of THE race of THE Gepidae. “Spare THE\n king of Italy,” 3611 cried a loyal voice, and Asbad struck his\n lance through THE body of Totila. The blow was instantly revenged\n by THE faithful Goths: THEy transported THEir dying monarch seven\n miles beyond THE scene of his disgrace; and his last moments were\n not imbittered by THE presence of an enemy. Compassion afforded\n him THE shelter of an obscure tomb; but THE Romans were not\n satisfied of THEir victory, till THEy beheld THE corpse of THE\n Gothic king. His hat, enriched with gems, and his bloody robe,\n were presented to Justinian by THE messengers of triumph. 37\n\n 34 (return) [ The Flaminian way, as it is corrected from THE\n Itineraries, and THE best modern maps, by D’Anville, (Analyse de\n l’Italie, p. 147—162,) may be thus stated: Rome to Narni, 51\n Roman miles; Terni, 57; Spoleto, 75; Foligno, 88; Nocera, 103;\n Cagli, 142; Intercisa, 157; Fossombrone, 160; Fano, 176; Pesaro,\n 184; Rimini, 208—about 189 English miles. He takes no notice of\n THE death of Totila; but West selling (Itinerar. p. 614)\n exchanges, for THE field of Taginas, THE unknown appellation of\n Ptanias, eight miles from Nocera.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Taginae, or raTHEr Tadinae, is mentioned by Pliny;\n but THE bishopric of that obscure town, a mile from Gualdo, in\n THE plain, was united, in THE year 1007, with that of Nocera. The\n signs of antiquity are preserved in THE local appellations,\n Fossato, THE camp; Capraia, Caprea; Bastia, Busta Gallorum. See\n Cluverius, (Italia Antiqua, l. ii. c. 6, p. 615, 616, 617,) Lucas\n Holstenius, (Annotat. ad Cluver. p. 85, 86,) Guazzesi,\n (Dissertat. p. 177—217, a professed inquiry,) and THE maps of THE\n ecclesiastical state and THE march of Ancona, by Le Maire and\n Magini.]\n\n 36 (return) [ The battle was fought in THE year of Rome 458; and\n THE consul Decius, by devoting his own life, assured THE triumph\n of his country and his colleague Fabius, (T. Liv. x. 28, 29.)\n Procopius ascribes to Camillus THE victory of THE Busta Gallorum;\n and his error is branded by Cluverius with THE national reproach\n of Graecorum nugamenta.]\n\n 3611 (return) [ “Dog, wilt thou strike thy Lord?” was THE more\n characteristic exclamation of THE Gothic youth. Procop. lib. iv.\n p. 32.—M.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Theophanes, Chron. p. 193. Hist. Miscell. l. xvi.\n p. 108.]\n\n\n As soon as Narses had paid his devotions to THE Author of\n victory, and THE blessed Virgin, his peculiar patroness, 38 he\n praised, rewarded, and dismissed THE Lombards. The villages had\n been reduced to ashes by THEse valiant savages; THEy ravished\n matrons and virgins on THE altar; THEir retreat was diligently\n watched by a strong detachment of regular forces, who prevented a\n repetition of THE like disorders. The victorious eunuch pursued\n his march through Tuscany, accepted THE submission of THE Goths,\n heard THE acclamations, and often THE complaints, of THE\n Italians, and encompassed THE walls of Rome with THE remainder of\n his formidable host. Round THE wide circumference, Narses\n assigned to himself, and to each of his lieutenants, a real or a\n feigned attack, while he silently marked THE place of easy and\n unguarded entrance. NeiTHEr THE fortifications of Hadrian’s mole,\n nor of THE port, could long delay THE progress of THE conqueror;\n and Justinian once more received THE keys of Rome, which, under\n his reign, had been five times taken and recovered. 39 But THE\n deliverance of Rome was THE last calamity of THE Roman people.\n The Barbarian allies of Narses too frequently confounded THE\n privileges of peace and war. The despair of THE flying Goths\n found some consolation in sanguinary revenge; and three hundred\n youths of THE noblest families, who had been sent as hostages\n beyond THE Po, were inhumanly slain by THE successor of Totila.\n The fate of THE senate suggests an awful lesson of THE\n vicissitude of human affairs. Of THE senators whom Totila had\n banished from THEir country, some were rescued by an officer of\n Belisarius, and transported from Campania to Sicily; while oTHErs\n were too guilty to confide in THE clemency of Justinian, or too\n poor to provide horses for THEir escape to THE sea-shore. Their\n brethren languished five years in a state of indigence and exile:\n THE victory of Narses revived THEir hopes; but THEir premature\n return to THE metropolis was prevented by THE furious Goths; and\n all THE fortresses of Campania were stained with patrician 40\n blood. After a period of thirteen centuries, THE institution of\n Romulus expired; and if THE nobles of Rome still assumed THE\n title of senators, few subsequent traces can be discovered of a\n public council, or constitutional order. Ascend six hundred\n years, and contemplate THE kings of THE earth soliciting an\n audience, as THE slaves or freedmen of THE Roman senate! 41\n\n 38 (return) [ Evagrius, l. iv. c. 24. The inspiration of THE\n Virgin revealed to Narses THE day, and THE word, of battle, (Paul\n Diacon. l. ii. c. 3, p. 776)]\n\n 39 (return) [ (Procop. Goth. lib. iv. p. 33.) In THE year 536 by\n Belisarius, in 546 by Totila, in 547 by Belisarius, in 549 by\n Totila, and in 552 by Narses. Maltretus had inadvertently\n translated sextum; a mistake which he afterwards retracts; out\n THE mischief was done; and Cousin, with a train of French and\n Latin readers, have fallen into THE snare.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Compare two passages of Procopius, (l. iii. c. 26,\n l. iv. c. 24,) which, with some collateral hints from Marcellinus\n and Jornandes, illustrate THE state of THE expiring senate.]\n\n 41 (return) [ See, in THE example of Prusias, as it is delivered\n in THE fragments of Polybius, (Excerpt. Legat. xcvii. p. 927,\n 928,) a curious picture of a royal slave.]\n\n\n The Gothic war was yet alive. The bravest of THE nation retired\n beyond THE Po; and Teias was unanimously chosen to succeed and\n revenge THEir departed hero. The new king immediately sent\n ambassadors to implore, or raTHEr to purchase, THE aid of THE\n Franks, and nobly lavished, for THE public safety, THE riches\n which had been deposited in THE palace of Pavia. The residue of\n THE royal treasure was guarded by his broTHEr Aligern, at Cumaea,\n in Campania; but THE strong castle which Totila had fortified was\n closely besieged by THE arms of Narses. From THE Alps to THE foot\n of Mount Vesuvius, THE Gothic king, by rapid and secret marches,\n advanced to THE relief of his broTHEr, eluded THE vigilance of\n THE Roman chiefs, and pitched his camp on THE banks of THE Sarnus\n or Draco, 42 which flows from Nuceria into THE Bay of Naples. The\n river separated THE two armies: sixty days were consumed in\n distant and fruitless combats, and Teias maintained this\n important post till he was deserted by his fleet and THE hope of\n subsistence. With reluctant steps he ascended THE Lactarian\n mount, where THE physicians of Rome, since THE time of Galen, had\n sent THEir patients for THE benefit of THE air and THE milk. 43\n But THE Goths soon embraced a more generous resolution: to\n descend THE hill, to dismiss THEir horses, and to die in arms,\n and in THE possession of freedom. The king marched at THEir head,\n bearing in his right hand a lance, and an ample buckler in his\n left: with THE one he struck dead THE foremost of THE assailants;\n with THE oTHEr he received THE weapons which every hand was\n ambitious to aim against his life. After a combat of many hours,\n his left arm was fatigued by THE weight of twelve javelins which\n hung from his shield. Without moving from his ground, or\n suspending his blows, THE hero called aloud on his attendants for\n a fresh buckler; but in THE moment while his side was uncovered,\n it was pierced by a mortal dart. He fell; and his head, exalted\n on a spear, proclaimed to THE nations that THE Gothic kingdom was\n no more. But THE example of his death served only to animate THE\n companions who had sworn to perish with THEir leader. They fought\n till darkness descended on THE earth. They reposed on THEir arms.\n The combat was renewed with THE return of light, and maintained\n with unabated vigor till THE evening of THE second day. The\n repose of a second night, THE want of water, and THE loss of\n THEir bravest champions, determined THE surviving Goths to accept\n THE fair capitulation which THE prudence of Narses was inclined\n to propose. They embraced THE alternative of residing in Italy,\n as THE subjects and soldiers of Justinian, or departing with a\n portion of THEir private wealth, in search of some independent\n country. 44 Yet THE oath of fidelity or exile was alike rejected\n by one thousand Goths, who broke away before THE treaty was\n signed, and boldly effected THEir retreat to THE walls of Pavia.\n The spirit, as well as THE situation, of Aligern prompted him to\n imitate raTHEr than to bewail his broTHEr: a strong and dexterous\n archer, he transpierced with a single arrow THE armor and breast\n of his antagonist; and his military conduct defended Cumae 45\n above a year against THE forces of THE Romans.\n\n\n Their industry had scooped THE Sibyl’s cave 46 into a prodigious\n mine; combustible materials were introduced to consume THE\n temporary props: THE wall and THE gate of Cumae sunk into THE\n cavern, but THE ruins formed a deep and inaccessible precipice.\n On THE fragment of a rock Aligern stood alone and unshaken, till\n he calmly surveyed THE hopeless condition of his country, and\n judged it more honorable to be THE friend of Narses, than THE\n slave of THE Franks. After THE death of Teias, THE Roman general\n separated his troops to reduce THE cities of Italy; Lucca\n sustained a long and vigorous siege: and such was THE humanity or\n THE prudence of Narses, that THE repeated perfidy of THE\n inhabitants could not provoke him to exact THE forfeit lives of\n THEir hostages. These hostages were dismissed in safety; and\n THEir grateful zeal at length subdued THE obstinacy of THEir\n countrymen. 47\n\n 42 (return) [ The item of Procopius (Goth. l. iv. c. 35) is\n evidently THE Sarnus. The text is accused or altered by THE rash\n violence of Cluverius (l. iv. c. 3. p. 1156:) but Camillo\n Pellegrini of Naples (Discorsi sopra la Campania Felice, p. 330,\n 331) has proved from old records, that as early as THE year 822\n that river was called THE Dracontio, or Draconcello.]\n\n 43 (return) [ Galen (de Method. Medendi, l. v. apud Cluver. l.\n iv. c. 3, p. 1159, 1160) describes THE lofty site, pure air, and\n rich milk, of Mount Lactarius, whose medicinal benefits were\n equally known and sought in THE time of Symmachus (l. vi. epist.\n 18) and Cassiodorus, (Var. xi. 10.) Nothing is now left except\n THE name of THE town of Lettere.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Buat (tom. xi. p. 2, &c.) conveys to his favorite\n Bavaria this remnant of Goths, who by oTHErs are buried in THE\n mountains of Uri, or restored to THEir native isle of Gothland,\n (Mascou, Annot. xxi.)]\n\n 45 (return) [ I leave Scaliger (Animadvers. in Euseb. p. 59) and\n Salmasius (Exercitat. Plinian. p. 51, 52) to quarrel about THE\n origin of Cumae, THE oldest of THE Greek colonies in Italy,\n (Strab. l. v. p. 372, Velleius Paterculus, l. i. c. 4,) already\n vacant in Juvenal’s time, (Satir. iii.,) and now in ruins.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Agathias (l. i. c. 21) settles THE Sibyl’s cave\n under THE wall of Cumae: he agrees with Servius, (ad. l. vi.\n Aeneid.;) nor can I perceive why THEir opinion should be rejected\n by Heyne, THE excellent editor of Virgil, (tom. ii. p. 650, 651.)\n In urbe media secreta religio! But Cumae was not yet built; and\n THE lines (l. vi. 96, 97) would become ridiculous, if Aeneas were\n actually in a Greek city.]\n\n 47 (return) [ There is some difficulty in connecting THE 35th\n chapter of THE fourth book of THE Gothic war of Procopius with\n THE first book of THE history of Agathias. We must now relinquish\n THE statesman and soldier, to attend THE footsteps of a poet and\n rhetorician, (l. i. p. 11, l. ii. p. 51, edit. Lonvre.)]\n\n\n Before Lucca had surrendered, Italy was overwhelmed by a new\n deluge of Barbarians. A feeble youth, THE grandson of Clovis,\n reigned over THE Austrasians or oriental Franks. The guardians of\n Theodebald entertained with coldness and reluctance THE\n magnificent promises of THE Gothic ambassadors. But THE spirit of\n a martial people outstripped THE timid counsels of THE court: two\n broTHErs, Lothaire and Buccelin, 48 THE dukes of THE Alemanni,\n stood forth as THE leaders of THE Italian war; and seventy-five\n thousand Germans descended in THE autumn from THE Rhaetian Alps\n into THE plain of Milan. The vanguard of THE Roman army was\n stationed near THE Po, under THE conduct of Fulcaris, a bold\n Herulian, who rashly conceived that personal bravery was THE sole\n duty and merit of a commander. As he marched without order or\n precaution along THE Aemilian way, an ambuscade of Franks\n suddenly rose from THE amphiTHEatre of Parma; his troops were\n surprised and routed; but THEir leader refused to fly; declaring\n to THE last moment, that death was less terrible than THE angry\n countenance of Narses. 4811 The death of Fulcaris, and THE\n retreat of THE surviving chiefs, decided THE fluctuating and\n rebellious temper of THE Goths; THEy flew to THE standard of\n THEir deliverers, and admitted THEm into THE cities which still\n resisted THE arms of THE Roman general. The conqueror of Italy\n opened a free passage to THE irresistible torrent of Barbarians.\n They passed under THE walls of Cesena, and answered by threats\n and reproaches THE advice of Aligern, 4812 that THE Gothic\n treasures could no longer repay THE labor of an invasion. Two\n thousand Franks were destroyed by THE skill and valor of Narses\n himself, who sailed from Rimini at THE head of three hundred\n horse, to chastise THE licentious rapine of THEir march. On THE\n confines of Samnium THE two broTHErs divided THEir forces. With\n THE right wing, Buccelin assumed THE spoil of Campania, Lucania,\n and Bruttium; with THE left, Lothaire accepted THE plunder of\n Apulia and Calabria. They followed THE coast of THE Mediterranean\n and THE Adriatic, as far as Rhegium and Otranto, and THE extreme\n lands of Italy were THE term of THEir destructive progress. The\n Franks, who were Christians and Catholics, contented THEmselves\n with simple pillage and occasional murder. But THE churches which\n THEir piety had spared, were stripped by THE sacrilegious hands\n of THE Alamanni, who sacrificed horses’ heads to THEir native\n deities of THE woods and rivers; 49 THEy melted or profaned THE\n consecrated vessels, and THE ruins of shrines and altars were\n stained with THE blood of THE faithful. Buccelin was actuated by\n ambition, and Lothaire by avarice. The former aspired to restore\n THE Gothic kingdom; THE latter, after a promise to his broTHEr of\n speedy succors, returned by THE same road to deposit his treasure\n beyond THE Alps. The strength of THEir armies was already wasted\n by THE change of climate and contagion of disease: THE Germans\n revelled in THE vintage of Italy; and THEir own intemperance\n avenged, in some degree, THE miseries of a defenceless people.\n 4911\n\n 48 (return) [ Among THE fabulous exploits of Buccelin, he\n discomfited and slew Belisarius, subdued Italy and Sicily, &c.\n See in THE Historians of France, Gregory of Tours, (tom. ii. l.\n iii. c. 32, p. 203,) and Aimoin, (tom. iii. l. ii. de Gestis\n Francorum, c. 23, p. 59.)]\n\n 4811 (return) [.... Agathius.]\n\n 4812 (return) [ Aligern, after THE surrender of Cumae, had been\n sent to Cesent by Narses. Agathias.—M.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Agathias notices THEir superstition in a\n philosophic tone, (l. i. p. 18.) At Zug, in Switzerland, idolatry\n still prevailed in THE year 613: St. Columban and St. Gaul were\n THE apostles of that rude country; and THE latter founded a\n hermitage, which has swelled into an ecclesiastical principality\n and a populous city, THE seat of freedom and commerce.]\n\n 4911 (return) [ A body of Lothaire’s troops was defeated near\n Fano, some were driven down precipices into THE sea, oTHErs fled\n to THE camp; many prisoners seized THE opportunity of making\n THEir escape; and THE Barbarians lost most of THEir booty in\n THEir precipitate retreat. Agathias.—M.]\n\n\n At THE entrance of THE spring, THE Imperial troops, who had\n guarded THE cities, assembled, to THE number of eighteen thousand\n men, in THE neighborhood of Rome. Their winter hours had not been\n consumed in idleness. By THE command, and after THE example, of\n Narses, THEy repeated each day THEir military exercise on foot\n and on horseback, accustomed THEir ear to obey THE sound of THE\n trumpet, and practised THE steps and evolutions of THE Pyrrhic\n dance. From THE Straits of Sicily, Buccelin, with thirty thousand\n Franks and Alamanni, slowly moved towards Capua, occupied with a\n wooden tower THE bridge of Casilinum, covered his right by THE\n stream of THE Vulturnus, and secured THE rest of his encampment\n by a rampart of sharp stakes, and a circle of wagons, whose\n wheels were buried in THE earth. He impatiently expected THE\n return of Lothaire; ignorant, alas! that his broTHEr could never\n return, and that THE chief and his army had been swept away by a\n strange disease 50 on THE banks of THE Lake Benacus, between\n Trent and Verona. The banners of Narses soon approached THE\n Vulturnus, and THE eyes of Italy were anxiously fixed on THE\n event of this final contest. Perhaps THE talents of THE Roman\n general were most conspicuous in THE calm operations which\n precede THE tumult of a battle. His skilful movements intercepted\n THE subsistence of THE Barbarian, deprived him of THE advantage\n of THE bridge and river, and in THE choice of THE ground and\n moment of action reduced him to comply with THE inclination of\n his enemy. On THE morning of THE important day, when THE ranks\n were already formed, a servant, for some trivial fault, was\n killed by his master, one of THE leaders of THE Heruli. The\n justice or passion of Narses was awakened: he summoned THE\n offender to his presence, and without listening to his excuses,\n gave THE signal to THE minister of death. If THE cruel master had\n not infringed THE laws of his nation, this arbitrary execution\n was not less unjust than it appears to have been imprudent. The\n Heruli felt THE indignity; THEy halted: but THE Roman general,\n without soothing THEir rage, or expecting THEir resolution,\n called aloud, as THE trumpets sounded, that unless THEy hastened\n to occupy THEir place, THEy would lose THE honor of THE victory.\n His troops were disposed 51 in a long front, THE cavalry on THE\n wings; in THE centre, THE heavy-armed foot; THE archers and\n slingers in THE rear. The Germans advanced in a sharp-pointed\n column, of THE form of a triangle or solid wedge. They pierced\n THE feeble centre of Narses, who received THEm with a smile into\n THE fatal snare, and directed his wings of cavalry insensibly to\n wheel on THEir flanks and encompass THEir rear. The host of THE\n Franks and Alamanni consisted of infantry: a sword and buckler\n hung by THEir side; and THEy used, as THEir weapons of offence, a\n weighty hatchet and a hooked javelin, which were only formidable\n in close combat, or at a short distance. The flower of THE Roman\n archers, on horseback, and in complete armor, skirmished without\n peril round this immovable phalanx; supplied by active speed THE\n deficiency of number; and aimed THEir arrows against a crowd of\n Barbarians, who, instead of a cuirass and helmet, were covered by\n a loose garment of fur or linen. They paused, THEy trembled,\n THEir ranks were confounded, and in THE decisive moment THE\n Heruli, preferring glory to revenge, charged with rapid violence\n THE head of THE column. Their leader, Sinbal, and Aligern, THE\n Gothic prince, deserved THE prize of superior valor; and THEir\n example excited THE victorious troops to achieve with swords and\n spears THE destruction of THE enemy. Buccelin, and THE greatest\n part of his army, perished on THE field of battle, in THE waters\n of THE Vulturnus, or by THE hands of THE enraged peasants: but it\n may seem incredible, that a victory, 52 which no more than five\n of THE Alamanni survived, could be purchased with THE loss of\n fourscore Romans. Seven thousand Goths, THE relics of THE war,\n defended THE fortress of Campsa till THE ensuing spring; and\n every messenger of Narses announced THE reduction of THE Italian\n cities, whose names were corrupted by THE ignorance or vanity of\n THE Greeks. 53 After THE battle of Casilinum, Narses entered THE\n capital; THE arms and treasures of THE Goths, THE Franks, and THE\n Alamanni, were displayed; his soldiers, with garlands in THEir\n hands, chanted THE praises of THE conqueror; and Rome, for THE\n last time, beheld THE semblance of a triumph.\n\n 50 (return) [ See THE death of Lothaire in Agathias (l. ii. p.\n 38) and Paul Warnefrid, surnamed Diaconus, (l. ii. c. 3, 775.)\n The Greek makes him rave and tear his flesh. He had plundered\n churches.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Pere Daniel (Hist. de la Milice Francoise, tom. i.\n p. 17—21) has exhibited a fanciful representation of this battle,\n somewhat in THE manner of THE Chevalier Folard, THE once famous\n editor of Polybius, who fashioned to his own habits and opinions\n all THE military operations of antiquity.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Agathias (l. ii. p. 47) has produced a Greek\n epigram of six lines on this victory of Narses, which a favorably\n compared to THE battles of Marathon and Plataea. The chief\n difference is indeed in THEir consequences—so trivial in THE\n former instance—so permanent and glorious in THE latter. Note:\n Not in THE epigram, but in THE previous observations—M.]\n\n 53 (return) [ The Beroia and Brincas of Theophanes or his\n transcriber (p. 201) must be read or understood Verona and\n Brixia.]\n\n\n After a reign of sixty years, THE throne of THE Gothic kings was\n filled by THE exarchs of Ravenna, THE representatives in peace\n and war of THE emperor of THE Romans. Their jurisdiction was soon\n reduced to THE limits of a narrow province: but Narses himself,\n THE first and most powerful of THE exarchs, administered above\n fifteen years THE entire kingdom of Italy. Like Belisarius, he\n had deserved THE honors of envy, calumny, and disgrace: but THE\n favorite eunuch still enjoyed THE confidence of Justinian; or THE\n leader of a victorious army awed and repressed THE ingratitude of\n a timid court. Yet it was not by weak and mischievous indulgence\n that Narses secured THE attachment of his troops. Forgetful of\n THE past, and regardless of THE future, THEy abused THE present\n hour of prosperity and peace. The cities of Italy resounded with\n THE noise of drinking and dancing; THE spoils of victory were\n wasted in sensual pleasures; and nothing (says Agathias) remained\n unless to exchange THEir shields and helmets for THE soft lute\n and THE capacious hogshead. 54 In a manly oration, not unworthy\n of a Roman censor, THE eunuch reproved THEse disorderly vices,\n which sullied THEir fame, and endangered THEir safety. The\n soldiers blushed and obeyed; discipline was confirmed; THE\n fortifications were restored; a duke was stationed for THE\n defence and military command of each of THE principal cities; 55\n and THE eye of Narses pervaded THE ample prospect from Calabria\n to THE Alps. The remains of THE Gothic nation evacuated THE\n country, or mingled with THE people; THE Franks, instead of\n revenging THE death of Buccelin, abandoned, without a struggle,\n THEir Italian conquests; and THE rebellious Sinbal, chief of THE\n Heruli, was subdued, taken and hung on a lofty gallows by THE\n inflexible justice of THE exarch. 56 The civil state of Italy,\n after THE agitation of a long tempest, was fixed by a pragmatic\n sanction, which THE emperor promulgated at THE request of THE\n pope. Justinian introduced his own jurisprudence into THE schools\n and tribunals of THE West; he ratified THE acts of Theodoric and\n his immediate successors, but every deed was rescinded and\n abolished which force had extorted, or fear had subscribed, under\n THE usurpation of Totila. A moderate THEory was framed to\n reconcile THE rights of property with THE safety of prescription,\n THE claims of THE state with THE poverty of THE people, and THE\n pardon of offences with THE interest of virtue and order of\n society. Under THE exarchs of Ravenna, Rome was degraded to THE\n second rank. Yet THE senators were gratified by THE permission of\n visiting THEir estates in Italy, and of approaching, without\n obstacle, THE throne of Constantinople: THE regulation of weights\n and measures was delegated to THE pope and senate; and THE\n salaries of lawyers and physicians, of orators and grammarians,\n were destined to preserve, or rekindle, THE light of science in\n THE ancient capital. Justinian might dictate benevolent edicts,\n 57 and Narses might second his wishes by THE restoration of\n cities, and more especially of churches. But THE power of kings\n is most effectual to destroy; and THE twenty years of THE Gothic\n war had consummated THE distress and depopulation of Italy. As\n early as THE fourth campaign, under THE discipline of Belisarius\n himself, fifty thousand laborers died of hunger 58 in THE narrow\n region of Picenum; 59 and a strict interpretation of THE evidence\n of Procopius would swell THE loss of Italy above THE total sum of\n her present inhabitants. 60\n\n 54 (return) [ (Agathias, l. ii. p. 48.) In THE first scene of\n Richard III. our English poet has beautifully enlarged on this\n idea, for which, however, he was not indebted to THE Byzantine\n historian.]\n\n 55 (return) [ Maffei has proved, (Verona Illustrata. P. i. l. x.\n p. 257, 289,) against THE common opinion, that THE dukes of Italy\n were instituted before THE conquest of THE Lombards, by Narses\n himself. In THE Pragmatic Sanction, (No. 23,) Justinian restrains\n THE judices militares.]\n\n 56 (return) [ See Paulus Diaconus, liii. c. 2, p. 776. Menander\n in (Excerp Legat. p. 133) mentions some risings in Italy by THE\n Franks, and Theophanes (p. 201) hints at some Gothic rebellions.]\n\n 57 (return) [ The Pragmatic Sanction of Justinian, which restores\n and regulates THE civil state of Italy, consists of xxvii.\n articles: it is dated August 15, A.D. 554; is addressed to\n Narses, V. J. Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi, and to Antiochus,\n Præfectus Praetorio Italiae; and has been preserved by Julian\n Antecessor, and in THE Corpus Juris Civilis, after THE novels and\n edicts of Justinian, Justin, and Tiberius.]\n\n 58 (return) [ A still greater number was consumed by famine in\n THE souTHErn provinces, without THE Ionian Gulf. Acorns were used\n in THE place of bread. Procopius had seen a deserted orphan\n suckled by a she-goat. Seventeen passengers were lodged,\n murdered, and eaten, by two women, who were detected and slain by\n THE eighteenth, &c. * Note: Denina considers that greater evil\n was inflicted upon Italy by THE Urocian conquest than by any\n oTHEr invasion. Reveluz. d’ Italia, t. i. l. v. p. 247.—M.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Quinta regio Piceni est; quondam uberrimae\n multitudinis, ccclx. millia Picentium in fidem P. R. venere,\n (Plin. Hist. Natur. iii. 18.) In THE time of Vespasian, this\n ancient population was already diminished.]\n\n 60 (return) [ Perhaps fifteen or sixteen millions. Procopius\n (Anecdot. c. 18) computes that Africa lost five millions, that\n Italy was thrice as extensive, and that THE depopulation was in a\n larger proportion. But his reckoning is inflamed by passion, and\n clouded with uncertainty.]\n\n\n I desire to believe, but I dare not affirm, that Belisarius\n sincerely rejoiced in THE triumph of Narses. Yet THE\n consciousness of his own exploits might teach him to esteem\n without jealousy THE merit of a rival; and THE repose of THE aged\n warrior was crowned by a last victory, which saved THE emperor\n and THE capital. The Barbarians, who annually visited THE\n provinces of Europe, were less discouraged by some accidental\n defeats, than THEy were excited by THE double hope of spoil and\n of subsidy. In THE thirty-second winter of Justinian’s reign, THE\n Danube was deeply frozen: Zabergan led THE cavalry of THE\n Bulgarians, and his standard was followed by a promiscuous\n multitude of Sclavonians. 6011 The savage chief passed, without\n opposition, THE river and THE mountains, spread his troops over\n Macedonia and Thrace, and advanced with no more than seven\n thousand horse to THE long wall, which should have defended THE\n territory of Constantinople. But THE works of man are impotent\n against THE assaults of nature: a recent earthquake had shaken\n THE foundations of THE wall; and THE forces of THE empire were\n employed on THE distant frontiers of Italy, Africa, and Persia.\n The seven schools, 61 or companies of THE guards or domestic\n troops, had been augmented to THE number of five thousand five\n hundred men, whose ordinary station was in THE peaceful cities of\n Asia. But THE places of THE brave Armenians were insensibly\n supplied by lazy citizens, who purchased an exemption from THE\n duties of civil life, without being exposed to THE dangers of\n military service. Of such soldiers, few could be tempted to sally\n from THE gates; and none could be persuaded to remain in THE\n field, unless THEy wanted strength and speed to escape from THE\n Bulgarians. The report of THE fugitives exaggerated THE numbers\n and fierceness of an enemy, who had polluted holy virgins, and\n abandoned new-born infants to THE dogs and vultures; a crowd of\n rustics, imploring food and protection, increased THE\n consternation of THE city, and THE tents of Zabergan were pitched\n at THE distance of twenty miles, 62 on THE banks of a small\n river, which encircles Melanthias, and afterwards falls into THE\n Propontis. 63 Justinian trembled: and those who had only seen THE\n emperor in his old age, were pleased to suppose, that he had lost\n THE alacrity and vigor of his youth. By his command THE vessels\n of gold and silver were removed from THE churches in THE\n neighborhood, and even THE suburbs, of Constantinople; THE\n ramparts were lined with trembling spectators; THE golden gate\n was crowded with useless generals and tribunes, and THE senate\n shared THE fatigues and THE apprehensions of THE populace.\n\n 6011 (return) [ Zabergan was king of THE Cutrigours, a tribe of\n Huns, who were neiTHEr Bulgarians nor Sclavonians. St. Martin,\n vol. ix. p. 408—420.—M]\n\n 61 (return) [ In THE decay of THEse military schools, THE satire\n of Procopius (Anecdot. c. 24, Aleman. p. 102, 103) is confirmed\n and illustrated by Agathias, (l. v. p. 159,) who cannot be\n rejected as a hostile witness.]\n\n 62 (return) [ The distance from Constantinople to Melanthias,\n Villa Caesariana, (Ammian. Marcellin. xxx. 11,) is variously\n fixed at 102 or 140 stadia, (Suidas, tom. ii. p. 522, 523.\n Agathias, l. v. p. 158,) or xviii. or xix. miles, (Itineraria, p.\n 138, 230, 323, 332, and Wesseling’s Observations.) The first xii.\n miles, as far as Rhegium, were paved by Justinian, who built a\n bridge over a morass or gullet between a lake and THE sea,\n (Procop. de Edif. l. iv. c. 8.)]\n\n 63 (return) [ The Atyras, (Pompon. Mela, l. ii. c. 2, p. 169,\n edit. Voss.) At THE river’s mouth, a town or castle of THE same\n name was fortified by Justinian, (Procop. de Edif. l. iv. c. 2.\n Itinerar. p. 570, and Wesseling.)]\n\n\n But THE eyes of THE prince and people were directed to a feeble\n veteran, who was compelled by THE public danger to resume THE\n armor in which he had entered Carthage and defended Rome. The\n horses of THE royal stables, of private citizens, and even of THE\n circus, were hastily collected; THE emulation of THE old and\n young was roused by THE name of Belisarius, and his first\n encampment was in THE presence of a victorious enemy. His\n prudence, and THE labor of THE friendly peasants, secured, with a\n ditch and rampart, THE repose of THE night; innumerable fires,\n and clouds of dust, were artfully contrived to magnify THE\n opinion of his strength; his soldiers suddenly passed from\n despondency to presumption; and, while ten thousand voices\n demanded THE battle, Belisarius dissembled his knowledge, that in\n THE hour of trial he must depend on THE firmness of three hundred\n veterans. The next morning THE Bulgarian cavalry advanced to THE\n charge. But THEy heard THE shouts of multitudes, THEy beheld THE\n arms and discipline of THE front; THEy were assaulted on THE\n flanks by two ambuscades which rose from THE woods; THEir\n foremost warriors fell by THE hand of THE aged hero and his\n guards; and THE swiftness of THEir evolutions was rendered\n useless by THE close attack and rapid pursuit of THE Romans. In\n this action (so speedy was THEir flight) THE Bulgarians lost only\n four hundred horse; but Constantinople was saved; and Zabergan,\n who felt THE hand of a master, withdrew to a respectful distance.\n But his friends were numerous in THE councils of THE emperor, and\n Belisarius obeyed with reluctance THE commands of envy and\n Justinian, which forbade him to achieve THE deliverance of his\n country. On his return to THE city, THE people, still conscious\n of THEir danger, accompanied his triumph with acclamations of joy\n and gratitude, which were imputed as a crime to THE victorious\n general. But when he entered THE palace, THE courtiers were\n silent, and THE emperor, after a cold and thankless embrace,\n dismissed him to mingle with THE train of slaves. Yet so deep was\n THE impression of his glory on THE minds of men, that Justinian,\n in THE seventy-seventh year of his age, was encouraged to advance\n near forty miles from THE capital, and to inspect in person THE\n restoration of THE long wall. The Bulgarians wasted THE summer in\n THE plains of Thrace; but THEy were inclined to peace by THE\n failure of THEir rash attempts on Greece and THE Chersonesus. A\n menace of killing THEir prisoners quickened THE payment of heavy\n ransoms; and THE departure of Zabergan was hastened by THE\n report, that double-prowed vessels were built on THE Danube to\n intercept his passage. The danger was soon forgotten; and a vain\n question, wheTHEr THEir sovereign had shown more wisdom or\n weakness, amused THE idleness of THE city. 64\n\n 64 (return) [ The Bulgarian war, and THE last victory of\n Belisarius, are imperfectly represented in THE prolix declamation\n of Agathias. (l. 5, p. 154-174,) and THE dry Chronicle of\n Theophanes, (p. 197 198.)]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLIII: Last Victory And Death Of Belisarius, Death Of\nJustinian.—Part IV.\n\n\n About two years after THE last victory of Belisarius, THE emperor\n returned from a Thracian journey of health, or business, or\n devotion. Justinian was afflicted by a pain in his head; and his\n private entry countenanced THE rumor of his death. Before THE\n third hour of THE day, THE bakers’ shops were plundered of THEir\n bread, THE houses were shut, and every citizen, with hope or\n terror, prepared for THE impending tumult. The senators\n THEmselves, fearful and suspicious, were convened at THE ninth\n hour; and THE præfect received THEir commands to visit every\n quarter of THE city, and proclaim a general illumination for THE\n recovery of THE emperor’s health. The ferment subsided; but every\n accident betrayed THE impotence of THE government, and THE\n factious temper of THE people: THE guards were disposed to mutiny\n as often as THEir quarters were changed, or THEir pay was\n withheld: THE frequent calamities of fires and earthquakes\n afforded THE opportunities of disorder; THE disputes of THE blues\n and greens, of THE orthodox and heretics, degenerated into bloody\n battles; and, in THE presence of THE Persian ambassador,\n Justinian blushed for himself and for his subjects. Capricious\n pardon and arbitrary punishment imbittered THE irksomeness and\n discontent of a long reign: a conspiracy was formed in THE\n palace; and, unless we are deceived by THE names of Marcellus and\n Sergius, THE most virtuous and THE most profligate of THE\n courtiers were associated in THE same designs. They had fixed THE\n time of THE execution; THEir rank gave THEm access to THE royal\n banquet; and THEir black slaves 65 were stationed in THE\n vestibule and porticos, to announce THE death of THE tyrant, and\n to excite a sedition in THE capital. But THE indiscretion of an\n accomplice saved THE poor remnant of THE days of Justinian. The\n conspirators were detected and seized, with daggers hidden under\n THEir garments: Marcellus died by his own hand, and Sergius was\n dragged from THE sanctuary. 66 Pressed by remorse, or tempted by\n THE hopes of safety, he accused two officers of THE household of\n Belisarius; and torture forced THEm to declare that THEy had\n acted according to THE secret instructions of THEir patron. 67\n Posterity will not hastily believe that a hero who, in THE vigor\n of life, had disdained THE fairest offers of ambition and\n revenge, should stoop to THE murder of his prince, whom he could\n not long expect to survive. His followers were impatient to fly;\n but flight must have been supported by rebellion, and he had\n lived enough for nature and for glory. Belisarius appeared before\n THE council with less fear than indignation: after forty years’\n service, THE emperor had prejudged his guilt; and injustice was\n sanctified by THE presence and authority of THE patriarch. The\n life of Belisarius was graciously spared; but his fortunes were\n sequestered, and, from December to July, he was guarded as a\n prisoner in his own palace. At length his innocence was\n acknowledged; his freedom and honor were restored; and death,\n which might be hastened by resentment and grief, removed him from\n THE world in about eight months after his deliverance. The name\n of Belisarius can never die but instead of THE funeral, THE\n monuments, THE statues, so justly due to his memory, I only read,\n that his treasures, THE spoil of THE Goths and Vandals, were\n immediately confiscated by THE emperor. Some decent portion was\n reserved, however for THE use of his widow: and as Antonina had\n much to repent, she devoted THE last remains of her life and\n fortune to THE foundation of a convent. Such is THE simple and\n genuine narrative of THE fall of Belisarius and THE ingratitude\n of Justinian. 68 That he was deprived of his eyes, and reduced by\n envy to beg his bread, 6811 “Give a penny to Belisarius THE\n general!” is a fiction of later times, 69 which has obtained\n credit, or raTHEr favor, as a strange example of THE vicissitudes\n of fortune. 70\n\n 65 (return) [ They could scarcely be real Indians; and THE\n Aethiopians, sometimes known by that name, were never used by THE\n ancients as guards or followers: THEy were THE trifling, though\n costly objects of female and royal luxury, (Terent. Eunuch. act.\n i. scene ii Sueton. in August. c. 83, with a good note of\n Casaubon, in Caligula, c. 57.)]\n\n 66 (return) [ The Sergius (Vandal. l. ii. c. 21, 22, Anecdot. c.\n 5) and Marcellus (Goth. l. iii. c. 32) are mentioned by\n Procopius. See Theophanes, p. 197, 201. * Note: Some words, “THE\n acts of,” or “THE crimes cf,” appear to have false from THE text.\n The omission is in all THE editions I have consulted.—M.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Alemannus, (p. quotes an old Byzantian Ms., which\n has been printed in THE Imperium Orientale of Banduri.)]\n\n 68 (return) [ Of THE disgrace and restoration of Belisarius, THE\n genuine original record is preserved in THE Fragment of John\n Malala (tom. ii. p. 234—243) and THE exact Chronicle of\n Theophanes, (p. 194—204.) Cedrenus (Compend. p. 387, 388) and\n Zonaras (tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 69) seem to hesitate between THE\n obsolete truth and THE growing falsehood.]\n\n 6811 (return) [ Le Beau, following Allemannus, conceives that\n Belisarius was confounded with John of Cappadocia, who was thus\n reduced to beggary, (vol. ix. p. 58, 449.) Lord Mahon has, with\n considerable learning, and on THE authority of a yet unquoted\n writer of THE eleventh century, endeavored to reestablish THE old\n tradition. I cannot acknowledge that I have been convinced, and\n am inclined to subscribe to THE THEory of Le Beau.—M.]\n\n 69 (return) [ The source of this idle fable may be derived from a\n miscellaneous work of THE xiith century, THE Chiliads of John\n Tzetzes, a monk, (Basil. 1546, ad calcem Lycophront. Colon.\n Allobrog. 1614, in Corp. Poet. Graec.) He relates THE blindness\n and beggary of Belisarius in ten vulgar or political verses,\n (Chiliad iii. No. 88, 339—348, in Corp. Poet. Graec. tom. ii. p.\n 311.) This moral or romantic tale was imported into Italy with\n THE language and manuscripts of Greece; repeated before THE end\n of THE xvth century by Crinitus, Pontanus, and Volaterranus,\n attacked by Alciat, for THE honor of THE law; and defended by\n Baronius, (A.D. 561, No. 2, &c.,) for THE honor of THE church.\n Yet Tzetzes himself had read in oTHEr chronicles, that Belisarius\n did not lose his sight, and that he recovered his fame and\n fortunes. * Note: I know not where Gibbon found Tzetzes to be a\n monk; I suppose he considered his bad verses a proof of his\n monachism. Compare to Gerbelius in Kiesling’s edition of\n Tzetzes.—M.]\n\n 70 (return) [ The statue in THE villa Borghese at Rome, in a\n sitting posture, with an open hand, which is vulgarly given to\n Belisarius, may be ascribed with more dignity to Augustus in THE\n act of propitiating Nemesis, (Winckelman, Hist. de l’Art, tom.\n iii. p. 266.) Ex nocturno visu etiam stipem, quotannis, die\n certo, emendicabat a populo, cavana manum asses porrigentibus\n praebens, (Sueton. in August. c. 91, with an excellent note of\n Casaubon.) * Note: Lord Mahon abandons THE statue, as altogeTHEr\n irreconcilable with THE state of THE arts at this period, (p.\n 472.)—M.]\n\n\n If THE emperor could rejoice in THE death of Belisarius, he\n enjoyed THE base satisfaction only eight months, THE last period\n of a reign of thirty-eight years, and a life of eighty-three\n years. It would be difficult to trace THE character of a prince\n who is not THE most conspicuous object of his own times: but THE\n confessions of an enemy may be received as THE safest evidence of\n his virtues. The resemblance of Justinian to THE bust of\n Domitian, is maliciously urged; 71 with THE acknowledgment,\n however, of a well-proportioned figure, a ruddy complexion, and a\n pleasing countenance. The emperor was easy of access, patient of\n hearing, courteous and affable in discourse, and a master of THE\n angry passions which rage with such destructive violence in THE\n breast of a despot. Procopius praises his temper, to reproach him\n with calm and deliberate cruelty: but in THE conspiracies which\n attacked his authority and person, a more candid judge will\n approve THE justice, or admire THE clemency, of Justinian. He\n excelled in THE private virtues of chastity and temperance: but\n THE impartial love of beauty would have been less mischievous\n than his conjugal tenderness for Theodora; and his abstemious\n diet was regulated, not by THE prudence of a philosopher, but THE\n superstition of a monk. His repasts were short and frugal: on\n solemn fasts, he contented himself with water and vegetables; and\n such was his strength, as well as fervor, that he frequently\n passed two days, and as many nights, without tasting any food.\n The measure of his sleep was not less rigorous: after THE repose\n of a single hour, THE body was awakened by THE soul, and, to THE\n astonishment of his chamberlain, Justinian walked or studied till\n THE morning light. Such restless application prolonged his time\n for THE acquisition of knowledge 72 and THE despatch of business;\n and he might seriously deserve THE reproach of confounding, by\n minute and preposterous diligence, THE general order of his\n administration. The emperor professed himself a musician and\n architect, a poet and philosopher, a lawyer and THEologian; and\n if he failed in THE enterprise of reconciling THE Christian\n sects, THE review of THE Roman jurisprudence is a noble monument\n of his spirit and industry. In THE government of THE empire, he\n was less wise, or less successful: THE age was unfortunate; THE\n people was oppressed and discontented; Theodora abused her power;\n a succession of bad ministers disgraced his judgment; and\n Justinian was neiTHEr beloved in his life, nor regretted at his\n death. The love of fame was deeply implanted in his breast, but\n he condescended to THE poor ambition of titles, honors, and\n contemporary praise; and while he labored to fix THE admiration,\n he forfeited THE esteem and affection, of THE Romans.\n\n\n The design of THE African and Italian wars was boldly conceived\n and executed; and his penetration discovered THE talents of\n Belisarius in THE camp, of Narses in THE palace. But THE name of\n THE emperor is eclipsed by THE names of his victorious generals;\n and Belisarius still lives, to upbraid THE envy and ingratitude\n of his sovereign. The partial favor of mankind applauds THE\n genius of a conqueror, who leads and directs his subjects in THE\n exercise of arms. The characters of Philip THE Second and of\n Justinian are distinguished by THE cold ambition which delights\n in war, and declines THE dangers of THE field. Yet a colossal\n statue of bronze represented THE emperor on horseback, preparing\n to march against THE Persians in THE habit and armor of Achilles.\n In THE great square before THE church of St. Sophia, this\n monument was raised on a brass column and a stone pedestal of\n seven steps; and THE pillar of Theodosius, which weighed seven\n thousand four hundred pounds of silver, was removed from THE same\n place by THE avarice and vanity of Justinian. Future princes were\n more just or indulgent to his memory; THE elder Andronicus, in\n THE beginning of THE fourteenth century, repaired and beautified\n his equestrian statue: since THE fall of THE empire it has been\n melted into cannon by THE victorious Turks. 73\n\n 71 (return) [ The rubor of Domitian is stigmatized, quaintly\n enough, by THE pen of Tacitus, (in Vit. Agricol. c. 45;) and has\n been likewise noticed by THE younger Pliny, (Panegyr. c. 48,) and\n Suetonius, (in Domitian, c. 18, and Casaubon ad locum.) Procopius\n (Anecdot. c. 8) foolishly believes that only one bust of Domitian\n had reached THE vith century.]\n\n 72 (return) [ The studies and science of Justinian are attested\n by THE confession (Anecdot. c. 8, 13) still more than by THE\n praises (Gothic. l. iii. c. 31, de Edific. l. i. Proem. c. 7) of\n Procopius. Consult THE copious index of Alemannus, and read THE\n life of Justinian by Ludewig, (p. 135—142.)]\n\n 73 (return) [ See in THE C. P. Christiana of Ducange (l. i. c.\n 24, No. 1) a chain of original testimonies, from Procopius in THE\n vith, to Gyllius in THE xvith century.]\n\n\n I shall conclude this chapter with THE comets, THE earthquakes,\n and THE plague, which astonished or afflicted THE age of\n Justinian. I. In THE fifth year of his reign, and in THE month of\n September, a comet 74 was seen during twenty days in THE western\n quarter of THE heavens, and which shot its rays into THE north.\n Eight years afterwards, while THE sun was in Capricorn, anoTHEr\n comet appeared to follow in THE Sagittary; THE size was gradually\n increasing; THE head was in THE east, THE tail in THE west, and\n it remained visible above forty days. The nations, who gazed with\n astonishment, expected wars and calamities from THEir baleful\n influence; and THEse expectations were abundantly fulfilled. The\n astronomers dissembled THEir ignorance of THE nature of THEse\n blazing stars, which THEy affected to represent as THE floating\n meteors of THE air; and few among THEm embraced THE simple notion\n of Seneca and THE Chaldeans, that THEy are only planets of a\n longer period and more eccentric motion. 75 Time and science have\n justified THE conjectures and predictions of THE Roman sage: THE\n telescope has opened new worlds to THE eyes of astronomers; 76\n and, in THE narrow space of history and fable, one and THE same\n comet is already found to have revisited THE earth in seven equal\n revolutions of five hundred and seventy-five years. The first, 77\n which ascends beyond THE Christian aera one thousand seven\n hundred and sixty-seven years, is coeval with Ogyges, THE faTHEr\n of Grecian antiquity. And this appearance explains THE tradition\n which Varro has preserved, that under his reign THE planet Venus\n changed her color, size, figure, and course; a prodigy without\n example eiTHEr in past or succeeding ages. 78 The second visit,\n in THE year eleven hundred and ninety-three, is darkly implied in\n THE fable of Electra, THE seventh of THE Pleiads, who have been\n reduced to six since THE time of THE Trojan war. That nymph, THE\n wife of Dardanus, was unable to support THE ruin of her country:\n she abandoned THE dances of her sister orbs, fled from THE zodiac\n to THE north pole, and obtained, from her dishevelled locks, THE\n name of THE comet. The third period expires in THE year six\n hundred and eighteen, a date that exactly agrees with THE\n tremendous comet of THE Sibyl, and perhaps of Pliny, which arose\n in THE West two generations before THE reign of Cyrus. The fourth\n apparition, forty-four years before THE birth of Christ, is of\n all oTHErs THE most splendid and important. After THE death of\n Caesar, a long-haired star was conspicuous to Rome and to THE\n nations, during THE games which were exhibited by young Octavian\n in honor of Venus and his uncle. The vulgar opinion, that it\n conveyed to heaven THE divine soul of THE dictator, was cherished\n and consecrated by THE piety of a statesman; while his secret\n superstition referred THE comet to THE glory of his own times. 79\n The fifth visit has been already ascribed to THE fifth year of\n Justinian, which coincides with THE five hundred and thirty-first\n of THE Christian aera. And it may deserve notice, that in this,\n as in THE preceding instance, THE comet was followed, though at a\n longer interval, by a remarkable paleness of THE sun. The sixth\n return, in THE year eleven hundred and six, is recorded by THE\n chronicles of Europe and China: and in THE first fervor of THE\n crusades, THE Christians and THE Mahometans might surmise, with\n equal reason, that it portended THE destruction of THE Infidels.\n The seventh phenomenon, of one thousand six hundred and eighty,\n was presented to THE eyes of an enlightened age. 80 The\n philosophy of Bayle dispelled a prejudice which Milton’s muse had\n so recently adorned, that THE comet, “from its horrid hair shakes\n pestilence and war.” 81 Its road in THE heavens was observed with\n exquisite skill by Flamstead and Cassini: and THE maTHEmatical\n science of Bernoulli, Newton 8111, and Halley, investigated THE\n laws of its revolutions. At THE eighth period, in THE year two\n thousand three hundred and fifty-five, THEir calculations may\n perhaps be verified by THE astronomers of some future capital in\n THE Siberian or American wilderness.\n\n 74 (return) [ The first comet is mentioned by John Malala (tom.\n ii. p. 190, 219) and Theophanes, (p. 154;) THE second by\n Procopius, (Persic. l. ii. 4.) Yet I strongly suspect THEir\n identity. The paleness of THE sun sum Vandal. (l. ii. c. 14) is\n applied by Theophanes (p. 158) to a different year. Note: See\n Lydus de Ostentis, particularly c 15, in which THE author begins\n to show THE signification of comets according to THE part of THE\n heavens in which THEy appear, and what fortunes THEy\n prognosticate to THE Roman empire and THEir Persian enemies. The\n chapter, however, is imperfect. (Edit. Neibuhr, p. 290.)—M.]\n\n 75 (return) [ Seneca’s viith book of Natural Questions displays,\n in THE THEory of comets, a philosophic mind. Yet should we not\n too candidly confound a vague prediction, a venient tempus, &c.,\n with THE merit of real discoveries.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Astronomers may study Newton and Halley. I draw my\n humble science from THE article Comete, in THE French\n Encyclopedie, by M. d’Alembert.]\n\n 77 (return) [ Whiston, THE honest, pious, visionary Whiston, had\n fancied for THE aera of Noah’s flood (2242 years before Christ) a\n prior apparition of THE same comet which drowned THE earth with\n its tail.]\n\n 78 (return) [ A Dissertation of Freret (Memoires de l’Academie\n des Inscriptions, tom. x. p. 357-377) affords a happy union of\n philosophy and erudition. The phenomenon in THE time of Ogyges\n was preserved by Varro, (Apud Augustin. de Civitate Dei, xxi. 8,)\n who quotes Castor, Dion of Naples, and Adastrus of\n Cyzicus—nobiles maTHEmatici. The two subsequent periods are\n preserved by THE Greek mythologists and THE spurious books of\n Sibylline verses.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Pliny (Hist. Nat. ii. 23) has transcribed THE\n original memorial of Augustus. Mairan, in his most ingenious\n letters to THE P. Parennin, missionary in China, removes THE\n games and THE comet of September, from THE year 44 to THE year\n 43, before THE Christian aera; but I am not totally subdued by\n THE criticism of THE astronomer, (Opuscules, p. 275 )]\n\n 80 (return) [ This last comet was visible in THE month of\n December, 1680. Bayle, who began his Pensees sur la Comete in\n January, 1681, (Oeuvres, tom. iii.,) was forced to argue that a\n supernatural comet would have confirmed THE ancients in THEir\n idolatry. Bernoulli (see his Eloge, in Fontenelle, tom. v. p. 99)\n was forced to allow that THE tail though not THE head, was a sign\n of THE wrath of God.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Paradise Lost was published in THE year 1667; and\n THE famous lines (l. ii. 708, &c.) which startled THE licenser,\n may allude to THE recent comet of 1664, observed by Cassini at\n Rome in THE presence of Queen Christina, (Fontenelle, in his\n Eloge, tom. v. p. 338.) Had Charles II. betrayed any symptoms of\n curiosity or fear?]\n\n 8111 (return) [ Compare Pingre, Histoire des Cometes.—M.]\n\n\n II. The near approach of a comet may injure or destroy THE globe\n which we inhabit; but THE changes on its surface have been\n hiTHErto produced by THE action of volcanoes and earthquakes. 82\n The nature of THE soil may indicate THE countries most exposed to\n THEse formidable concussions, since THEy are caused by\n subterraneous fires, and such fires are kindled by THE union and\n fermentation of iron and sulphur. But THEir times and effects\n appear to lie beyond THE reach of human curiosity; and THE\n philosopher will discreetly abstain from THE prediction of\n earthquakes, till he has counted THE drops of water that silently\n filtrate on THE inflammable mineral, and measured THE caverns\n which increase by resistance THE explosion of THE imprisoned air.\n Without assigning THE cause, history will distinguish THE periods\n in which THEse calamitous events have been rare or frequent, and\n will observe, that this fever of THE earth raged with uncommon\n violence during THE reign of Justinian. 83 Each year is marked by\n THE repetition of earthquakes, of such duration, that\n Constantinople has been shaken above forty days; of such extent,\n that THE shock has been communicated to THE whole surface of THE\n globe, or at least of THE Roman empire. An impulsive or vibratory\n motion was felt: enormous chasms were opened, huge and heavy\n bodies were discharged into THE air, THE sea alternately advanced\n and retreated beyond its ordinary bounds, and a mountain was torn\n from Libanus, 84 and cast into THE waves, where it protected, as\n a mole, THE new harbor of Botrys 85 in Phoenicia. The stroke that\n agitates an ant-hill may crush THE insect-myriads in THE dust;\n yet truth must extort confession that man has industriously\n labored for his own destruction. The institution of great cities,\n which include a nation within THE limits of a wall, almost\n realizes THE wish of Caligula, that THE Roman people had but one\n neck. Two hundred and fifty thousand persons are said to have\n perished in THE earthquake of Antioch, whose domestic multitudes\n were swelled by THE conflux of strangers to THE festival of THE\n Ascension. The loss of Berytus 86 was of smaller account, but of\n much greater value. That city, on THE coast of Phoenicia, was\n illustrated by THE study of THE civil law, which opened THE\n surest road to wealth and dignity: THE schools of Berytus were\n filled with THE rising spirits of THE age, and many a youth was\n lost in THE earthquake, who might have lived to be THE scourge or\n THE guardian of his country. In THEse disasters, THE architect\n becomes THE enemy of mankind. The hut of a savage, or THE tent of\n an Arab, may be thrown down without injury to THE inhabitant; and\n THE Peruvians had reason to deride THE folly of THEir Spanish\n conquerors, who with so much cost and labor erected THEir own\n sepulchres. The rich marbles of a patrician are dashed on his own\n head: a whole people is buried under THE ruins of public and\n private edifices, and THE conflagration is kindled and propagated\n by THE innumerable fires which are necessary for THE subsistence\n and manufactures of a great city. Instead of THE mutual sympathy\n which might comfort and assist THE distressed, THEy dreadfully\n experience THE vices and passions which are released from THE\n fear of punishment: THE tottering houses are pillaged by intrepid\n avarice; revenge embraces THE moment, and selects THE victim; and\n THE earth often swallows THE assassin, or THE ravisher, in THE\n consummation of THEir crimes. Superstition involves THE present\n danger with invisible terrors; and if THE image of death may\n sometimes be subservient to THE virtue or repentance of\n individuals, an affrighted people is more forcibly moved to\n expect THE end of THE world, or to deprecate with servile homage\n THE wrath of an avenging Deity.\n\n 82 (return) [ For THE cause of earthquakes, see Buffon, (tom. i.\n p. 502—536 Supplement a l’Hist. Naturelle, tom. v. p. 382-390,\n edition in 4to., Valmont de Bomare, Dictionnaire d’Histoire\n Naturelle, Tremblemen de Terre, Pyrites,) Watson, (Chemical\n Essays, tom. i. p. 181—209.)]\n\n 83 (return) [ The earthquakes that shook THE Roman world in THE\n reign of Justinian are described or mentioned by Procopius,\n (Goth. l. iv. c. 25 Anecdot. c. 18,) Agathias, (l. ii. p. 52, 53,\n 54, l. v. p. 145-152,) John Malala, (Chron. tom. ii. p. 140-146,\n 176, 177, 183, 193, 220, 229, 231, 233, 234,) and Theophanes, (p.\n 151, 183, 189, 191-196.) * Note *: Compare Daubeny on\n Earthquakes, and Lyell’s Geology, vol. ii. p. 161 et seq.—M]\n\n 84 (return) [ An abrupt height, a perpendicular cape, between\n Aradus and Botrys (Polyb. l. v. p. 411. Pompon. Mela, l. i. c.\n 12, p. 87, cum Isaac. Voss. Observat. Maundrell, Journey, p. 32,\n 33. Pocock’s Description, vol. ii. p. 99.)]\n\n 85 (return) [ Botrys was founded (ann. ante Christ. 935—903) by\n Ithobal, king of Tyre, (Marsham, Canon. Chron. p. 387, 388.) Its\n poor representative, THE village of Patrone, is now destitute of\n a harbor.]\n\n 86 (return) [ The university, splendor, and ruin of Berytus are\n celebrated by Heineccius (p. 351—356) as an essential part of THE\n history of THE Roman law. It was overthrown in THE xxvth year of\n Justinian, A. D 551, July 9, (Theophanes, p. 192;) but Agathias\n (l. ii. p. 51, 52) suspends THE earthquake till he has achieved\n THE Italian war.]\n\n\n III. Aethiopia and Egypt have been stigmatized, in every age, as\n THE original source and seminary of THE plague. 87 In a damp,\n hot, stagnating air, this African fever is generated from THE\n putrefaction of animal substances, and especially from THE swarms\n of locusts, not less destructive to mankind in THEir death than\n in THEir lives. The fatal disease which depopulated THE earth in\n THE time of Justinian and his successors, 88 first appeared in\n THE neighborhood of Pelusium, between THE Serbonian bog and THE\n eastern channel of THE Nile. From THEnce, tracing as it were a\n double path, it spread to THE East, over Syria, Persia, and THE\n Indies, and penetrated to THE West, along THE coast of Africa,\n and over THE continent of Europe. In THE spring of THE second\n year, Constantinople, during three or four months, was visited by\n THE pestilence; and Procopius, who observed its progress and\n symptoms with THE eyes of a physician, 89 has emulated THE skill\n and diligence of Thucydides in THE description of THE plague of\n ATHEns. 90 The infection was sometimes announced by THE visions\n of a distempered fancy, and THE victim despaired as soon as he\n had heard THE menace and felt THE stroke of an invisible spectre.\n But THE greater number, in THEir beds, in THE streets, in THEir\n usual occupation, were surprised by a slight fever; so slight,\n indeed, that neiTHEr THE pulse nor THE color of THE patient gave\n any signs of THE approaching danger. The same, THE next, or THE\n succeeding day, it was declared by THE swelling of THE glands,\n particularly those of THE groin, of THE armpits, and under THE\n ear; and when THEse buboes or tumors were opened, THEy were found\n to contain a coal, or black substance, of THE size of a lentil.\n If THEy came to a just swelling and suppuration, THE patient was\n saved by this kind and natural discharge of THE morbid humor. But\n if THEy continued hard and dry, a mortification quickly ensued,\n and THE fifth day was commonly THE term of his life. The fever\n was often accompanied with lethargy or delirium; THE bodies of\n THE sick were covered with black pustules or carbuncles, THE\n symptoms of immediate death; and in THE constitutions too feeble\n to produce an irruption, THE vomiting of blood was followed by a\n mortification of THE bowels. To pregnant women THE plague was\n generally mortal: yet one infant was drawn alive from his dead\n moTHEr, and three moTHErs survived THE loss of THEir infected\n foetus. Youth was THE most perilous season; and THE female sex\n was less susceptible than THE male: but every rank and profession\n was attacked with indiscriminate rage, and many of those who\n escaped were deprived of THE use of THEir speech, without being\n secure from a return of THE disorder. 91 The physicians of\n Constantinople were zealous and skilful; but THEir art was\n baffled by THE various symptoms and pertinacious vehemence of THE\n disease: THE same remedies were productive of contrary effects,\n and THE event capriciously disappointed THEir prognostics of\n death or recovery. The order of funerals, and THE right of\n sepulchres, were confounded: those who were left without friends\n or servants, lay unburied in THE streets, or in THEir desolate\n houses; and a magistrate was authorized to collect THE\n promiscuous heaps of dead bodies, to transport THEm by land or\n water, and to inter THEm in deep pits beyond THE precincts of THE\n city. Their own danger, and THE prospect of public distress,\n awakened some remorse in THE minds of THE most vicious of\n mankind: THE confidence of health again revived THEir passions\n and habits; but philosophy must disdain THE observation of\n Procopius, that THE lives of such men were guarded by THE\n peculiar favor of fortune or Providence. He forgot, or perhaps he\n secretly recollected, that THE plague had touched THE person of\n Justinian himself; but THE abstemious diet of THE emperor may\n suggest, as in THE case of Socrates, a more rational and\n honorable cause for his recovery. 92 During his sickness, THE\n public consternation was expressed in THE habits of THE citizens;\n and THEir idleness and despondence occasioned a general scarcity\n in THE capital of THE East.\n\n 87 (return) [ I have read with pleasure Mead’s short, but\n elegant, treatise concerning Pestilential Disorders, THE viiith\n edition, London, 1722.]\n\n 88 (return) [ The great plague which raged in 542 and THE\n following years (Pagi, Critica, tom. ii. p. 518) must be traced\n in Procopius, (Persic. l. ii. c. 22, 23,) Agathias, (l. v. p.\n 153, 154,) Evagrius, (l. iv. c. 29,) Paul Diaconus, (l. ii. c.\n iv. p. 776, 777,) Gregory of Tours, (tom. ii. l. iv. c. 5, p\n 205,) who styles it Lues Inguinaria, and THE Chronicles of Victor\n Tunnunensis, (p. 9, in Thesaur. Temporum,) of Marcellinus, (p.\n 54,) and of Theophanes, (p. 153.)]\n\n 89 (return) [ Dr. Friend (Hist. Medicin. in Opp. p. 416—420,\n Lond. 1733) is satisfied that Procopius must have studied physic,\n from his knowledge and use of THE technical words. Yet many words\n that are now scientific were common and popular in THE Greek\n idiom.]\n\n 90 (return) [ See Thucydides, l. ii. c. 47—54, p. 127—133, edit.\n Duker, and THE poetical description of THE same plague by\n Lucretius. (l. vi. 1136—1284.) I was indebted to Dr. Hunter for\n an elaborate commentary on this part of Thucydides, a quarto of\n 600 pages, (Venet. 1603, apud Juntas,) which was pronounced in\n St. Mark’s Library by Fabius Paullinus Utinensis, a physician and\n philosopher.]\n\n 91 (return) [ Thucydides (c. 51) affirms, that THE infection\n could only be once taken; but Evagrius, who had family experience\n of THE plague, observes, that some persons, who had escaped THE\n first, sunk under THE second attack; and this repetition is\n confirmed by Fabius Paullinus, (p. 588.) I observe, that on this\n head physicians are divided; and THE nature and operation of THE\n disease may not always be similar.]\n\n 92 (return) [ It was thus that Socrates had been saved by his\n temperance, in THE plague of ATHEns, (Aul. Gellius, Noct. Attic.\n ii. l.) Dr. Mead accounts for THE peculiar salubrity of religious\n houses, by THE two advantages of seclusion and abstinence, (p.\n 18, 19.)]\n\n\n Contagion is THE inseparable symptom of THE plague; which, by\n mutual respiration, is transfused from THE infected persons to\n THE lungs and stomach of those who approach THEm. While\n philosophers believe and tremble, it is singular, that THE\n existence of a real danger should have been denied by a people\n most prone to vain and imaginary terrors. 93 Yet THE\n fellow-citizens of Procopius were satisfied, by some short and\n partial experience, that THE infection could not be gained by THE\n closest conversation: 94 and this persuasion might support THE\n assiduity of friends or physicians in THE care of THE sick, whom\n inhuman prudence would have condemned to solitude and despair.\n But THE fatal security, like THE predestination of THE Turks,\n must have aided THE progress of THE contagion; and those salutary\n precautions to which Europe is indebted for her safety, were\n unknown to THE government of Justinian. No restraints were\n imposed on THE free and frequent intercourse of THE Roman\n provinces: from Persia to France, THE nations were mingled and\n infected by wars and emigrations; and THE pestilential odor which\n lurks for years in a bale of cotton was imported, by THE abuse of\n trade, into THE most distant regions. The mode of its propagation\n is explained by THE remark of Procopius himself, that it always\n spread from THE sea-coast to THE inland country: THE most\n sequestered islands and mountains were successively visited; THE\n places which had escaped THE fury of its first passage were alone\n exposed to THE contagion of THE ensuing year. The winds might\n diffuse that subtile venom; but unless THE atmosphere be\n previously disposed for its reception, THE plague would soon\n expire in THE cold or temperate climates of THE earth. Such was\n THE universal corruption of THE air, that THE pestilence which\n burst forth in THE fifteenth year of Justinian was not checked or\n alleviated by any difference of THE seasons. In time, its first\n malignity was abated and dispersed; THE disease alternately\n languished and revived; but it was not till THE end of a\n calamitous period of fifty-two years, that mankind recovered\n THEir health, or THE air resumed its pure and salubrious quality.\n\n\n No facts have been preserved to sustain an account, or even a\n conjecture, of THE numbers that perished in this extraordinary\n mortality. I only find, that during three months, five, and at\n length ten, thousand persons died each day at Constantinople;\n that many cities of THE East were left vacant, and that in\n several districts of Italy THE harvest and THE vintage wiTHEred\n on THE ground. The triple scourge of war, pestilence, and famine,\n afflicted THE subjects of Justinian; and his reign is disgraced\n by THE visible decrease of THE human species, which has never\n been repaired in some of THE fairest countries of THE globe. 95\n\n 93 (return) [ Mead proves that THE plague is contagious from\n Thucydides, Lacretius, Aristotle, Galen, and common experience,\n (p. 10—20;) and he refutes (Preface, p. 2—13) THE contrary\n opinion of THE French physicians who visited Marseilles in THE\n year 1720. Yet THEse were THE recent and enlightened spectators\n of a plague which, in a few months, swept away 50,000 inhabitants\n (sur le Peste de Marseille, Paris, 1786) of a city that, in THE\n present hour of prosperity and trade contains no more THEn 90,000\n souls, (Necker, sur les Finances, tom. i. p. 231.)]\n\n 94 (return) [ The strong assertions of Procopius are overthrown\n by THE subsequent experience of Evagrius.]\n\n 95 (return) [ After some figures of rhetoric, THE sands of THE\n sea, &c., Procopius (Anecdot. c. 18) attempts a more definite\n account; that it had been exterminated under THE reign of THE\n Imperial demon. The expression is obscure in grammar and\n arithmetic and a literal interpretation would produce several\n millions of millions Alemannus (p. 80) and Cousin (tom. iii. p.\n 178) translate this passage, “two hundred millions:” but I am\n ignorant of THEir motives. The remaining myriad of myriads, would\n furnish one hundred millions, a number not wholly inadmissible.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part I.\n\n\nIdea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—The Laws Of The Kings—The Twelve Of\nThe Decemvirs.—The Laws Of The People.—The Decrees Of The Senate.—The\nEdicts Of The Magistrates And Emperors—Authority Of The\nCivilians.—Code, Pandects, Novels, And Institutes Of Justinian:—I.\nRights Of Persons.—II. Rights Of Things.—III. Private Injuries And\nActions.—IV. Crimes And Punishments.\n\n\n Note: In THE notes to this important chapter, which is received\n as THE text-book on Civil Law in some of THE foreign\n universities, I have consulted,\n\n\n I. THE newly-discovered Institutes of Gaius, (Gaii Institutiones,\n ed. Goeschen, Berlin, 1824,) with some oTHEr fragments of THE\n Roman law, (Codicis Theodosiani Fragmenta inedita, ab Amadeo\n Peyron. Turin, 1824.)\n\n\n II. The History of THE Roman Law, by Professor Hugo, in THE\n French translation of M. Jourdan. Paris, 1825.\n\n\n III. Savigny, Geschichte des Romischen Rechts im Mittelalter, 6\n bande, Heidelberg, 1815.\n\n\n IV. WalTHEr, Romische Rechts-Geschichte, Bonn. 1834. But I am\n particularly indebted to an edition of THE French translation of\n this chapter, with additional notes, by one of THE most learned\n civilians of Europe, Professor Warnkonig, published at Liege,\n 1821. I have inserted almost THE whole of THEse notes, which are\n distinguished by THE letter W.—M. The vain titles of THE\n victories of Justinian are crumbled into dust; but THE name of\n THE legislator is inscribed on a fair and everlasting monument.\n Under his reign, and by his care, THE civil jurisprudence was\n digested in THE immortal works of THE Code, THE Pandects, and THE\n Institutes: 1 THE public reason of THE Romans has been silently\n or studiously transfused into THE domestic institutions of\n Europe, 2, and THE laws of Justinian still command THE respect or\n obedience of independent nations. Wise or fortunate is THE prince\n who connects his own reputation with THE honor or interest of a\n perpetual order of men. The defence of THEir founder is THE first\n cause, which in every age has exercised THE zeal and industry of\n THE civilians. They piously commemorate his virtues; dissemble or\n deny his failings; and fiercely chastise THE guilt or folly of\n THE rebels, who presume to sully THE majesty of THE purple. The\n idolatry of love has provoked, as it usually happens, THE rancor\n of opposition; THE character of Justinian has been exposed to THE\n blind vehemence of flattery and invective; and THE injustice of a\n sect (THE Anti-Tribonians,) has refused all praise and merit to\n THE prince, his ministers, and his laws. 3 Attached to no party,\n interested only for THE truth and candor of history, and directed\n by THE most temperate and skilful guides, 4 I enter with just\n diffidence on THE subject of civil law, which has exhausted so\n many learned lives, and cloTHEd THE walls of such spacious\n libraries. In a single, if possible in a short, chapter, I shall\n trace THE Roman jurisprudence from Romulus to Justinian, 5\n appreciate THE labors of that emperor, and pause to contemplate\n THE principles of a science so important to THE peace and\n happiness of society. The laws of a nation form THE most\n instructive portion of its history; and although I have devoted\n myself to write THE annals of a declining monarchy, I shall\n embrace THE occasion to breaTHE THE pure and invigorating air of\n THE republic.\n\n 1 (return) [ The civilians of THE darker ages have established an\n absurd and incomprehensible mode of quotation, which is supported\n by authority and custom. In THEir references to THE Code, THE\n Pandects, and THE Institutes, THEy mention THE number, not of THE\n book, but only of THE law; and content THEmselves with reciting\n THE first words of THE title to which it belongs; and of THEse\n titles THEre are more than a thousand. Ludewig (Vit. Justiniani,\n p. 268) wishes to shake off this pendantic yoke; and I have dared\n to adopt THE simple and rational method of numbering THE book,\n THE title, and THE law. Note: The example of Gibbon has been\n followed by M Hugo and oTHEr civilians.—M]\n\n 2 (return) [ Germany, Bohemia, Hungary, Poland, and Scotland,\n have received THEm as common law or reason; in France, Italy,\n &c., THEy possess a direct or indirect influence; and THEy were\n respected in England, from Stephen to Edward I. our national\n Justinian, (Duck. de Usu et Auctoritate Juris Civilis, l. ii. c.\n 1, 8—15. Heineccius, Hist. Juris Germanici, c. 3, 4, No. 55-124,\n and THE legal historians of each country.) * Note: Although THE\n restoration of THE Roman law, introduced by THE revival of this\n study in Italy, is one of THE most important branches of history,\n it had been treated but imperfectly when Gibbon wrote his work.\n That of Arthur Duck is but an insignificant performance. But THE\n researches of THE learned have thrown much light upon THE matter.\n The Sarti, THE Tiraboschi, THE Fantuzzi, THE Savioli, had made\n some very interesting inquiries; but it was reserved for M. de\n Savigny, in a work entitled “The History of THE Roman Law during\n THE Middle Ages,” to cast THE strongest right on this part of\n history. He demonstrates incontestably THE preservation of THE\n Roman law from Justinian to THE time of THE Glossators, who by\n THEir indefatigable zeal, propagated THE study of THE Roman\n jurisprudence in all THE countries of Europe. It is much to be\n desired that THE author should continue this interesting work,\n and that THE learned should engage in THE inquiry in what manner\n THE Roman law introduced itself into THEir respective countries,\n and THE authority which it progressively acquired. For Belgium,\n THEre exists, on this subject, (proposed by THE Academy of\n Brussels in 1781,) a Collection of Memoirs, printed at Brussels\n in 4to., 1783, among which should be distinguished those of M. de\n Berg. M. Berriat Saint Prix has given us hopes of THE speedy\n appearance of a work in which he will discuss this question,\n especially in relation to France. M. Spangenberg, in his\n Introduction to THE Study of THE Corpus Juris Civilis Hanover,\n 1817, 1 vol. 8vo. p. 86, 116, gives us a general sketch of THE\n history of THE Roman law in different parts of Europe. We cannot\n avoid mentioning an elementary work by M. Hugo, in which he\n treats of THE History of THE Roman Law from Justinian to THE\n present Time, 2d edit. Berlin 1818 W.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Francis Hottoman, a learned and acute lawyer of THE\n xvith century, wished to mortify Cujacius, and to please THE\n Chancellor de l’Hopital. His Anti-Tribonianus (which I have never\n been able to procure) was published in French in 1609; and his\n sect was propagated in Germany, (Heineccius, Op. tom. iii.\n sylloge iii. p. 171—183.) * Note: Though THEre have always been\n many detractors of THE Roman law, no sect of Anti-Tribonians has\n ever existed under that name, as Gibbon seems to suppose.—W.]\n\n 4 (return) [ At THE head of THEse guides I shall respectfully\n place THE learned and perspicuous Heineccius, a German professor,\n who died at Halle in THE year 1741, (see his Eloge in THE\n Nouvelle BiblioTHEque Germanique, tom. ii. p. 51—64.) His ample\n works have been collected in eight volumes in 4to. Geneva,\n 1743-1748. The treatises which I have separately used are, 1.\n Historia Juris Romani et Germanici, Lugd. Batav. 1740, in 8 vo.\n 2. Syntagma Antiquitatum Romanam Jurisprudentiam illustrantium, 2\n vols. in 8 vo. Traject. ad Rhenum. 3. Elementa Juris Civilis\n secundum Ordinem Institutionum, Lugd. Bat. 1751, in 8 vo. 4.\n Elementa J. C. secundum Ordinem Pandectarum Traject. 1772, in\n 8vo. 2 vols. * Note: Our author, who was not a lawyer, was\n necessarily obliged to content himself with following THE\n opinions of those writers who were THEn of THE greatest\n authority; but as Heineccius, notwithstanding his high reputation\n for THE study of THE Roman law, knew nothing of THE subject on\n which he treated, but what he had learned from THE compilations\n of various authors, it happened that, in following THE sometimes\n rash opinions of THEse guides, Gibbon has fallen into many\n errors, which we shall endeavor in succession to correct. The\n work of Bach on THE History of THE Roman Jurisprudence, with\n which Gibbon was not acquainted, is far superior to that of\n Heineccius and since that time we have new obligations to THE\n modern historic civilians, whose indefatigable researches have\n greatly enlarged THE sphere of our knowledge in this important\n branch of history. We want a pen like that of Gibbon to give to\n THE more accurate notions which we have acquired since his time,\n THE brilliancy, THE vigor, and THE animation which Gibbon has\n bestowed on THE opinions of Heineccius and his contemporaries.—W]\n\n 5 (return) [ Our original text is a fragment de Origine Juris\n (Pandect. l. i. tit. ii.) of Pomponius, a Roman lawyer, who lived\n under THE Antonines, (Heinecc. tom. iii. syl. iii. p. 66—126.) It\n has been abridged, and probably corrupted, by Tribonian, and\n since restored by Bynkershoek (Opp. tom. i. p. 279—304.)]\n\n\n The primitive government of Rome 6 was composed, with some\n political skill, of an elective king, a council of nobles, and a\n general assembly of THE people. War and religion were\n administered by THE supreme magistrate; and he alone proposed THE\n laws, which were debated in THE senate, and finally ratified or\n rejected by a majority of votes in THE thirty curiae or parishes\n of THE city. Romulus, Numa, and Servius Tullius, are celebrated\n as THE most ancient legislators; and each of THEm claims his\n peculiar part in THE threefold division of jurisprudence. 7 The\n laws of marriage, THE education of children, and THE authority of\n parents, which may seem to draw THEir origin from nature itself,\n are ascribed to THE untutored wisdom of Romulus. The law of\n nations and of religious worship, which Numa introduced, was\n derived from his nocturnal converse with THE nymph Egeria. The\n civil law is attributed to THE experience of Servius: he balanced\n THE rights and fortunes of THE seven classes of citizens; and\n guarded, by fifty new regulations, THE observance of contracts\n and THE punishment of crimes. The state, which he had inclined\n towards a democracy, was changed by THE last Tarquin into a\n lawless despotism; and when THE kingly office was abolished, THE\n patricians engrossed THE benefits of freedom. The royal laws\n became odious or obsolete; THE mysterious deposit was silently\n preserved by THE priests and nobles; and at THE end of sixty\n years, THE citizens of Rome still complained that THEy were ruled\n by THE arbitrary sentence of THE magistrates. Yet THE positive\n institutions of THE kings had blended THEmselves with THE public\n and private manners of THE city, some fragments of that venerable\n jurisprudence 8 were compiled by THE diligence of antiquarians, 9\n and above twenty texts still speak THE rudeness of THE Pelasgic\n idiom of THE Latins. 10\n\n 6 (return) [ The constitutional history of THE kings of Rome may\n be studied in THE first book of Livy, and more copiously in\n Dionysius Halicarnassensis, (l. li. p. 80—96, 119—130, l. iv. p.\n 198—220,) who sometimes betrays THE character of a rhetorician\n and a Greek. * Note: M. Warnkonig refers to THE work of Beaufort,\n on THE Uncertainty of THE Five First Ages of THE Roman History,\n with which Gibbon was probably acquainted, to Niebuhr, and to THE\n less known volume of Wachsmuth, “Aeltere Geschichte des Rom.\n Staats.” To THEse I would add A. W. Schlegel’s Review of Niebuhr,\n and my friend Dr. Arnold’s recently published volume, of which\n THE chapter on THE Law of THE XII. Tables appears to me one of\n THE most valuable, if not THE most valuable, chapter.—M.]\n\n 7 (return) [ This threefold division of THE law was applied to\n THE three Roman kings by Justus Lipsius, (Opp. tom. iv. p. 279;)\n is adopted by Gravina, (Origines Juris Civilis, p. 28, edit.\n Lips. 1737:) and is reluctantly admitted by Mascou, his German\n editor. * Note: Whoever is acquainted with THE real notions of\n THE Romans on THE jus naturale, gentium et civile, cannot but\n disapprove of this explanation which has no relation to THEm, and\n might be taken for a pleasantry. It is certainly unnecessary to\n increase THE confusion which already prevails among modern\n writers on THE true sense of THEse ideas. Hugo.—W]\n\n 8 (return) [ The most ancient Code or Digest was styled Jus\n Papirianum, from THE first compiler, Papirius, who flourished\n somewhat before or after THE Regifugium, (Pandect. l. i. tit.\n ii.) The best judicial critics, even Bynkershoek (tom. i. p. 284,\n 285) and Heineccius, (Hist. J. C. R. l. i. c. 16, 17, and Opp.\n tom. iii. sylloge iv. p. 1—8,) give credit to this tale of\n Pomponius, without sufficiently adverting to THE value and rarity\n of such a monument of THE third century, of THE illiterate city.\n I much suspect that THE Caius Papirius, THE Pontifex Maximus, who\n revived THE laws of Numa (Dionys. Hal. l. iii. p. 171) left only\n an oral tradition; and that THE Jus Papirianum of Granius Flaccus\n (Pandect. l. L. tit. xvi. leg. 144) was not a commentary, but an\n original work, compiled in THE time of Caesar, (Censorin. de Die\n Natali, l. iii. p. 13, Duker de Latinitate J. C. p. 154.) Note:\n Niebuhr considers THE Jus Papirianum, adduced by Verrius Fiaccus,\n to be of undoubted auTHEnticity. Rom. Geschichte, l. 257.—M.\n Compare this with THE work of M. Hugo.—W.]\n\n 9 (return) [ A pompous, though feeble attempt to restore THE\n original, is made in THE Histoire de la Jurisprudence Romaine of\n Terasson, p. 22—72, Paris, 1750, in folio; a work of more promise\n than performance.]\n\n 10 (return) [ In THE year 1444, seven or eight tables of brass\n were dug up between Cortona and Gubio. A part of THEse (for THE\n rest is Etruscan) represents THE primitive state of THE Pelasgic\n letters and language, which are ascribed by Herodotus to that\n district of Italy, (l. i. c. 56, 57, 58;) though this difficult\n passage may be explained of a Crestona in Thrace, (Notes de\n Larcher, tom. i. p. 256—261.) The savage dialect of THE Eugubine\n tables has exercised, and may still elude, THE divination of\n criticism; but THE root is undoubtedly Latin, of THE same age and\n character as THE Saliare Carmen, which, in THE time of Horace,\n none could understand. The Roman idiom, by an infusion of Doric\n and Aeolic Greek, was gradually ripened into THE style of THE\n xii. tables, of THE Duillian column, of Ennius, of Terence, and\n of Cicero, (Gruter. Inscript. tom. i. p. cxlii. Scipion Maffei,\n Istoria Diplomatica, p. 241—258. BiblioTHEque Italique, tom. iii.\n p. 30—41, 174—205. tom. xiv. p. 1—52.) * Note: The Eugubine\n Tables have exercised THE ingenuity of THE Italian and German\n critics; it seems admitted (O. Muller, die Etrusker, ii. 313)\n that THEy are Tuscan. See THE works of Lanzi, Passeri, Dempster,\n and O. Muller.—M]\n\n\n I shall not repeat THE well-known story of THE Decemvirs, 11 who\n sullied by THEir actions THE honor of inscribing on brass, or\n wood, or ivory, THE Twelve Tables of THE Roman laws. 12 They were\n dictated by THE rigid and jealous spirit of an aristocracy, which\n had yielded with reluctance to THE just demands of THE people.\n But THE substance of THE Twelve Tables was adapted to THE state\n of THE city; and THE Romans had emerged from Barbarism, since\n THEy were capable of studying and embracing THE institutions of\n THEir more enlightened neighbors. 1211 A wise Ephesian was driven\n by envy from his native country: before he could reach THE shores\n of Latium, he had observed THE various forms of human nature and\n civil society: he imparted his knowledge to THE legislators of\n Rome, and a statue was erected in THE forum to THE perpetual\n memory of Hermodorus. 13 The names and divisions of THE copper\n money, THE sole coin of THE infant state, were of Dorian origin:\n 14 THE harvests of Campania and Sicily relieved THE wants of a\n people whose agriculture was often interrupted by war and\n faction; and since THE trade was established, 15 THE deputies who\n sailed from THE Tyber might return from THE same harbors with a\n more precious cargo of political wisdom. The colonies of Great\n Greece had transported and improved THE arts of THEir moTHEr\n country. Cumae and Rhegium, Crotona and Tarentum, Agrigentum and\n Syracuse, were in THE rank of THE most flourishing cities. The\n disciples of Pythagoras applied philosophy to THE use of\n government; THE unwritten laws of Charondas accepted THE aid of\n poetry and music, 16 and Zaleucus framed THE republic of THE\n Locrians, which stood without alteration above two hundred years.\n 17 From a similar motive of national pride, both Livy and\n Dionysius are willing to believe, that THE deputies of Rome\n visited ATHEns under THE wise and splendid administration of\n Pericles; and THE laws of Solon were transfused into THE twelve\n tables. If such an embassy had indeed been received from THE\n Barbarians of Hesperia, THE Roman name would have been familiar\n to THE Greeks before THE reign of Alexander; 18 and THE faintest\n evidence would have been explored and celebrated by THE curiosity\n of succeeding times. But THE ATHEnian monuments are silent; nor\n will it seem credible that THE patricians should undertake a long\n and perilous navigation to copy THE purest model of democracy. In\n THE comparison of THE tables of Solon with those of THE\n Decemvirs, some casual resemblance may be found; some rules which\n nature and reason have revealed to every society; some proofs of\n a common descent from Egypt or Phoenicia. 19 But in all THE great\n lines of public and private jurisprudence, THE legislators of\n Rome and ATHEns appear to be strangers or adverse at each oTHEr.\n\n 11 (return) [ Compare Livy (l. iii. c. 31—59) with Dionysius\n Halicarnassensis, (l. x. p. 644—xi. p. 691.) How concise and\n animated is THE Roman—how prolix and lifeless THE Greek! Yet he\n has admirably judged THE masters, and defined THE rules, of\n historical composition.]\n\n 12 (return) [ From THE historians, Heineccius (Hist. J. R. l. i.\n No. 26) maintains that THE twelve tables were of brass—aereas; in\n THE text of Pomponius we read eboreas; for which Scaliger has\n substituted roboreas, (Bynkershoek, p. 286.) Wood, brass, and\n ivory, might be successively employed. Note: Compare Niebuhr,\n vol. ii. p. 349, &c.—M.]\n\n 1211 (return) [ Compare Niebuhr, 355, note 720.—M. It is a most\n important question wheTHEr THE twelve tables in fact include laws\n imported from Greece. The negative opinion maintained by our\n author, is now almost universally adopted, particularly by Mm.\n Niebuhr, Hugo, and oTHErs. See my Institutiones Juris Romani\n privati Leodii, 1819, p. 311, 312.—W. Dr. Arnold, p. 255, seems\n to incline to THE opposite opinion. Compare some just and\n sensible observations in THE Appendix to Mr. Travers Twiss’s\n Epitome of Niebuhr, p. 347, Oxford, 1836.—M.]\n\n 13 (return) [ His exile is mentioned by Cicero, (Tusculan.\n Quaestion. v. 36; his statue by Pliny, (Hist. Nat. xxxiv. 11.)\n The letter, dream, and prophecy of Heraclitus, are alike\n spurious, (Epistolae Graec. Divers. p. 337.) * Note: Compare\n Niebuhr, ii. 209.—M. See THE Mem de l’Academ. des Inscript. xxii.\n p. 48. It would be difficult to disprove, that a certain\n Hermodorus had some share in framing THE Laws of THE Twelve\n Tables. Pomponius even says that this Hermodorus was THE author\n of THE last two tables. Pliny calls him THE Interpreter of THE\n Decemvirs, which may lead us to suppose that he labored with THEm\n in drawing up that law. But it is astonishing that in his\n Dissertation, (De Hermodoro vero XII. Tabularum Auctore, Annales\n Academiae Groninganae anni 1817, 1818,) M. Gratama has ventured\n to advance two propositions entirely devoid of proof: “Decem\n priores tabulas ab ipsis Romanis non esse profectas, tota\n confirma Decemviratus Historia,” et “Hermodorum legum\n decemviralium ceri nominis auctorem esse, qui eas composuerit\n suis ordinibus, disposuerit, suaque fecerit auctoritate, ut a\n decemviris reciperentur.” This truly was an age in which THE\n Roman Patricians would allow THEir laws to be dictated by a\n foreign Exile! Mr. Gratama does not attempt to prove THE\n auTHEnticity of THE supposititious letter of Heraclitus. He\n contents himself with expressing his astonishment that M. Bonamy\n (as well as Gibbon) will be receive it as genuine.—W.]\n\n 14 (return) [ This intricate subject of THE Sicilian and Roman\n money, is ably discussed by Dr. Bentley, (Dissertation on THE\n Epistles of Phalaris, p. 427—479,) whose powers in this\n controversy were called forth by honor and resentment.]\n\n 15 (return) [ The Romans, or THEir allies, sailed as far as THE\n fair promontory of Africa, (Polyb. l. iii. p. 177, edit.\n Casaubon, in folio.) Their voyages to Cumae, &c., are noticed by\n Livy and Dionysius.]\n\n 16 (return) [ This circumstance would alone prove THE antiquity\n of Charondas, THE legislator of Rhegium and Catana, who, by a\n strange error of Diodorus Siculus (tom. i. l. xii. p. 485—492) is\n celebrated long afterwards as THE author of THE policy of\n Thurium.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Zaleucus, whose existence has been rashly attacked,\n had THE merit and glory of converting a band of outlaws (THE\n Locrians) into THE most virtuous and orderly of THE Greek\n republics. (See two Memoirs of THE Baron de St. Croix, sur la\n Legislation de la Grande Grece Mem. de l’Academie, tom. xlii. p.\n 276—333.) But THE laws of Zaleucus and Charondas, which imposed\n on Diodorus and Stobaeus, are THE spurious composition of a\n Pythagorean sophist, whose fraud has been detected by THE\n critical sagacity of Bentley, p. 335—377.]\n\n 18 (return) [ I seize THE opportunity of tracing THE progress of\n this national intercourse 1. Herodotus and Thucydides (A. U. C.\n 300—350) appear ignorant of THE name and existence of Rome,\n (Joseph. contra Appion tom. ii. l. i. c. 12, p. 444, edit.\n Havercamp.) 2. Theopompus (A. U. C. 400, Plin. iii. 9) mentions\n THE invasion of THE Gauls, which is noticed in looser terms by\n Heraclides Ponticus, (Plutarch in Camillo, p. 292, edit. H.\n Stephan.) 3. The real or fabulous embassy of THE Romans to\n Alexander (A. U. C. 430) is attested by Clitarchus, (Plin. iii.\n 9,) by Aristus and Asclepiades, (Arrian. l. vii. p. 294, 295,)\n and by Memnon of Heraclea, (apud Photium, cod. ccxxiv. p. 725,)\n though tacitly denied by Livy. 4. Theophrastus (A. U. C. 440)\n primus externorum aliqua de Romanis diligentius scripsit, (Plin.\n iii. 9.) 5. Lycophron (A. U. C. 480—500) scattered THE first seed\n of a Trojan colony and THE fable of THE Aeneid, (Cassandra,\n 1226—1280.) A bold prediction before THE end of THE first Punic\n war! * Note: Compare Niebuhr throughout. Niebuhr has written a\n dissertation (Kleine Schriften, i. p. 438,) arguing from this\n prediction, and on THE oTHEr conclusive grounds, that THE\n Lycophron, THE author of THE Cassandra, is not THE Alexandrian\n poet. He had been anticipated in this sagacious criticism, as he\n afterwards discovered, by a writer of no less distinction than\n Charles James Fox.—Letters to Wakefield. And likewise by THE\n author of THE extraordinary translation of this poem, that most\n promising scholar, Lord Royston. See THE Remains of Lord Royston,\n by THE Rev. Henry Pepys, London, 1838.]\n\n 19 (return) [ The tenth table, de modo sepulturae, was borrowed\n from Solon, (Cicero de Legibus, ii. 23—26:) THE furtem per lancem\n et licium conceptum, is derived by Heineccius from THE manners of\n ATHEns, (Antiquitat. Rom. tom. ii. p. 167—175.) The right of\n killing a nocturnal thief was declared by Moses, Solon, and THE\n Decemvirs, (Exodus xxii. 3. DemosTHEnes contra Timocratem, tom.\n i. p. 736, edit. Reiske. Macrob. Saturnalia, l. i. c. 4. Collatio\n Legum Mosaicarum et Romanatum, tit, vii. No. i. p. 218, edit.\n Cannegieter.) *Note: Are not THE same points of similarity\n discovered in THE legislation of all actions in THE infancy of\n THEir civilization?—W.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part II.\n\n\n Whatever might be THE origin or THE merit of THE twelve tables,\n 20 THEy obtained among THE Romans that blind and partial\n reverence which THE lawyers of every country delight to bestow on\n THEir municipal institutions. The study is recommended by Cicero\n 21 as equally pleasant and instructive. “They amuse THE mind by\n THE remembrance of old words and THE portrait of ancient manners;\n THEy inculcate THE soundest principles of government and morals;\n and I am not afraid to affirm, that THE brief composition of THE\n Decemvirs surpasses in genuine value THE libraries of Grecian\n philosophy. How admirable,” says Tully, with honest or affected\n prejudice, “is THE wisdom of our ancestors! We alone are THE\n masters of civil prudence, and our superiority is THE more\n conspicuous, if we deign to cast our eyes on THE rude and almost\n ridiculous jurisprudence of Draco, of Solon, and of Lycurgus.”\n The twelve tables were committed to THE memory of THE young and\n THE meditation of THE old; THEy were transcribed and illustrated\n with learned diligence; THEy had escaped THE flames of THE Gauls,\n THEy subsisted in THE age of Justinian, and THEir subsequent loss\n has been imperfectly restored by THE labors of modern critics. 22\n But although THEse venerable monuments were considered as THE\n rule of right and THE fountain of justice, 23 THEy were\n overwhelmed by THE weight and variety of new laws, which, at THE\n end of five centuries, became a grievance more intolerable than\n THE vices of THE city. 24 Three thousand brass plates, THE acts\n of THE senate of THE people, were deposited in THE Capitol: 25\n and some of THE acts, as THE Julian law against extortion,\n surpassed THE number of a hundred chapters. 26 The Decemvirs had\n neglected to import THE sanction of Zaleucus, which so long\n maintained THE integrity of his republic. A Locrian, who proposed\n any new law, stood forth in THE assembly of THE people with a\n cord round his neck, and if THE law was rejected, THE innovator\n was instantly strangled.\n\n 20 (return) [ It is THE praise of Diodorus, (tom. i. l. xii. p.\n 494,) which may be fairly translated by THE eleganti atque\n absoluta brevitate verborum of Aulus Gellius, (Noct. Attic. xxi.\n 1.)]\n\n 21 (return) [ Listen to Cicero (de Legibus, ii. 23) and his\n representative Crassus, (de Oratore, i. 43, 44.)]\n\n 22 (return) [ See Heineccius, (Hist. J. R. No. 29—33.) I have\n followed THE restoration of THE xii. tables by Gravina (Origines\n J. C. p. 280—307) and Terrasson, (Hist. de la Jurisprudence\n Romaine, p. 94—205.) Note: The wish expressed by Warnkonig, that\n THE text and THE conjectural emendations on THE fragments of THE\n xii. tables should be submitted to rigid criticism, has been\n fulfilled by Dirksen, Uebersicht der bisherigen Versuche Leipzig\n Kritik und Herstellung des Textes der Zwolf-Tafel-Fragmente,\n Leipzug, 1824.—M.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Finis aequi juris, (Tacit. Annal. iii. 27.) Fons\n omnis publici et privati juris, (T. Liv. iii. 34.) * Note: From\n THE context of THE phrase in Tacitus, “Nam secutae leges etsi\n alquando in maleficos ex delicto; saepius tamen dissensione\n ordinum * * * latae sunt,” it is clear that Gibbon has rendered\n this sentence incorrectly. Hugo, Hist. p. 62.—M.]\n\n 24 (return) [ De principiis juris, et quibus modis ad hanc\n multitudinem infinitam ac varietatem legum perventum sit altius\n disseram, (Tacit. Annal. iii. 25.) This deep disquisition fills\n only two pages, but THEy are THE pages of Tacitus. With equal\n sense, but with less energy, Livy (iii. 34) had complained, in\n hoc immenso aliarum super alias acervatarum legum cumulo, &c.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Suetonius in Vespasiano, c. 8.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Cicero ad Familiares, viii. 8.]\n\n\n The Decemvirs had been named, and THEir tables were approved, by\n an assembly of THE centuries, in which riches preponderated\n against numbers. To THE first class of Romans, THE proprietors of\n one hundred thousand pounds of copper, 27 ninety-eight votes were\n assigned, and only ninety-five were left for THE six inferior\n classes, distributed according to THEir substance by THE artful\n policy of Servius. But THE tribunes soon established a more\n specious and popular maxim, that every citizen has an equal right\n to enact THE laws which he is bound to obey. Instead of THE\n centuries, THEy convened THE tribes; and THE patricians, after an\n impotent struggle, submitted to THE decrees of an assembly, in\n which THEir votes were confounded with those of THE meanest\n plebeians. Yet as long as THE tribes successively passed over\n narrow bridges 28 and gave THEir voices aloud, THE conduct of\n each citizen was exposed to THE eyes and ears of his friends and\n countrymen. The insolvent debtor consulted THE wishes of his\n creditor; THE client would have blushed to oppose THE views of\n his patron; THE general was followed by his veterans, and THE\n aspect of a grave magistrate was a living lesson to THE\n multitude. A new method of secret ballot abolished THE influence\n of fear and shame, of honor and interest, and THE abuse of\n freedom accelerated THE progress of anarchy and despotism. 29 The\n Romans had aspired to be equal; THEy were levelled by THE\n equality of servitude; and THE dictates of Augustus were\n patiently ratified by THE formal consent of THE tribes or\n centuries. Once, and once only, he experienced a sincere and\n strenuous opposition. His subjects had resigned all political\n liberty; THEy defended THE freedom of domestic life. A law which\n enforced THE obligation, and strengTHEned THE bonds of marriage,\n was clamorously rejected; Propertius, in THE arms of Delia,\n applauded THE victory of licentious love; and THE project of\n reform was suspended till a new and more tractable generation had\n arisen in THE world. 30 Such an example was not necessary to\n instruct a prudent usurper of THE mischief of popular assemblies;\n and THEir abolition, which Augustus had silently prepared, was\n accomplished without resistance, and almost without notice, on\n THE accession of his successor. 31 Sixty thousand plebeian\n legislators, whom numbers made formidable, and poverty secure,\n were supplanted by six hundred senators, who held THEir honors,\n THEir fortunes, and THEir lives, by THE clemency of THE emperor.\n The loss of executive power was alleviated by THE gift of\n legislative authority; and Ulpian might assert, after THE\n practice of two hundred years, that THE decrees of THE senate\n obtained THE force and validity of laws. In THE times of freedom,\n THE resolves of THE people had often been dictated by THE passion\n or error of THE moment: THE Cornelian, Pompeian, and Julian laws\n were adapted by a single hand to THE prevailing disorders; but\n THE senate, under THE reign of THE Caesars, was composed of\n magistrates and lawyers, and in questions of private\n jurisprudence, THE integrity of THEir judgment was seldom\n perverted by fear or interest. 32\n\n 27 (return) [ Dionysius, with Arbuthnot, and most of THE moderns,\n (except Eisenschmidt de Ponderibus, &c., p. 137—140,) represent\n THE 100,000 asses by 10,000 Attic drachmae, or somewhat more than\n 300 pounds sterling. But THEir calculation can apply only to THE\n latter times, when THE as was diminished to 1-24th of its ancient\n weight: nor can I believe that in THE first ages, however\n destitute of THE precious metals, a single ounce of silver could\n have been exchanged for seventy pounds of copper or brass. A more\n simple and rational method is to value THE copper itself\n according to THE present rate, and, after comparing THE mint and\n THE market price, THE Roman and avoirdupois weight, THE primitive\n as or Roman pound of copper may be appreciated at one English\n shilling, and THE 100,000 asses of THE first class amounted to\n 5000 pounds sterling. It will appear from THE same reckoning,\n that an ox was sold at Rome for five pounds, a sheep for ten\n shillings, and a quarter of wheat for one pound ten shillings,\n (Festus, p. 330, edit. Dacier. Plin. Hist. Natur. xviii. 4:) nor\n do I see any reason to reject THEse consequences, which moderate\n our ideas of THE poverty of THE first Romans. * Note: Compare\n Niebuhr, English translation, vol. i. p. 448, &c.—M.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Consult THE common writers on THE Roman Comitia,\n especially Sigonius and Beaufort. Spanheim (de Praestantia et Usu\n Numismatum, tom. ii. dissert. x. p. 192, 193) shows, on a curious\n medal, THE Cista, Pontes, Septa, Diribitor, &c.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Cicero (de Legibus, iii. 16, 17, 18) debates this\n constitutional question, and assigns to his broTHEr Quintus THE\n most unpopular side.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Prae tumultu recusantium perferre non potuit,\n (Sueton. in August. c. 34.) See Propertius, l. ii. eleg. 6.\n Heineccius, in a separate history, has exhausted THE whole\n subject of THE Julian and Papian Poppaean laws, (Opp. tom. vii.\n P. i. p. 1—479.)]\n\n 31 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. i. 15. Lipsius, Excursus E. in\n Tacitum. Note: This error of Gibbon has been long detected. The\n senate, under Tiberius did indeed elect THE magistrates, who\n before that emperor were elected in THE comitia. But we find laws\n enacted by THE people during his reign, and that of Claudius. For\n example; THE Julia-Norbana, Vellea, and Claudia de tutela\n foeminarum. Compare THE Hist. du Droit Romain, by M. Hugo, vol.\n ii. p. 55, 57. The comitia ceased imperceptibly as THE republic\n gradually expired.—W.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Non ambigitur senatum jus facere posse, is THE\n decision of Ulpian, (l. xvi. ad Edict. in Pandect. l. i. tit.\n iii. leg. 9.) Pomponius taxes THE comitia of THE people as a\n turba hominum, (Pandect. l. i. tit. ii. leg 9.) * Note: The\n author adopts THE opinion, that under THE emperors alone THE\n senate had a share in THE legislative power. They had\n neverTHEless participated in it under THE Republic, since\n senatus-consulta relating to civil rights have been preserved,\n which are much earlier than THE reigns of Augustus or Tiberius.\n It is true that, under THE emperors, THE senate exercised this\n right more frequently, and that THE assemblies of THE people had\n become much more rare, though in law THEy were still permitted,\n in THE time of Ulpian. (See THE fragments of Ulpian.) Bach has\n clearly demonstrated that THE senate had THE same power in THE\n time of THE Republic. It is natural that THE senatus-consulta\n should have been more frequent under THE emperors, because THEy\n employed those means of flattering THE pride of THE senators, by\n granting THEm THE right of deliberating on all affairs which did\n not intrench on THE Imperial power. Compare THE discussions of M.\n Hugo, vol. i. p. 284, et seq.—W.]\n\n\n The silence or ambiguity of THE laws was supplied by THE\n occasional edicts 3211 of those magistrates who were invested\n with THE honors of THE state. 33 This ancient prerogative of THE\n Roman kings was transferred, in THEir respective offices, to THE\n consuls and dictators, THE censors and praetors; and a similar\n right was assumed by THE tribunes of THE people, THE ediles, and\n THE proconsuls. At Rome, and in THE provinces, THE duties of THE\n subject, and THE intentions of THE governor, were proclaimed; and\n THE civil jurisprudence was reformed by THE annual edicts of THE\n supreme judge, THE praetor of THE city. 3311 As soon as he\n ascended his tribunal, he announced by THE voice of THE crier,\n and afterwards inscribed on a white wall, THE rules which he\n proposed to follow in THE decision of doubtful cases, and THE\n relief which his equity would afford from THE precise rigor of\n ancient statutes. A principle of discretion more congenial to\n monarchy was introduced into THE republic: THE art of respecting\n THE name, and eluding THE efficacy, of THE laws, was improved by\n successive praetors; subtleties and fictions were invented to\n defeat THE plainest meaning of THE Decemvirs, and where THE end\n was salutary, THE means were frequently absurd. The secret or\n probable wish of THE dead was suffered to prevail over THE order\n of succession and THE forms of testaments; and THE claimant, who\n was excluded from THE character of heir, accepted with equal\n pleasure from an indulgent praetor THE possession of THE goods of\n his late kinsman or benefactor. In THE redress of private wrongs,\n compensations and fines were substituted to THE obsolete rigor of\n THE Twelve Tables; time and space were annihilated by fanciful\n suppositions; and THE plea of youth, or fraud, or violence,\n annulled THE obligation, or excused THE performance, of an\n inconvenient contract. A jurisdiction thus vague and arbitrary\n was exposed to THE most dangerous abuse: THE substance, as well\n as THE form, of justice were often sacrificed to THE prejudices\n of virtue, THE bias of laudable affection, and THE grosser\n seductions of interest or resentment. But THE errors or vices of\n each praetor expired with his annual office; such maxims alone as\n had been approved by reason and practice were copied by\n succeeding judges; THE rule of proceeding was defined by THE\n solution of new cases; and THE temptations of injustice were\n removed by THE Cornelian law, which compelled THE praetor of THE\n year to adhere to THE spirit and letter of his first\n proclamation. 34 It was reserved for THE curiosity and learning\n of Adrian, to accomplish THE design which had been conceived by\n THE genius of Caesar; and THE praetorship of Salvius Julian, an\n eminent lawyer, was immortalized by THE composition of THE\n Perpetual Edict. This well-digested code was ratified by THE\n emperor and THE senate; THE long divorce of law and equity was at\n length reconciled; and, instead of THE Twelve Tables, THE\n perpetual edict was fixed as THE invariable standard of civil\n jurisprudence. 35\n\n 3211 (return) [ There is a curious passage from Aurelius, a\n writer on Law, on THE Praetorian Præfect, quoted in Lydus de\n Magistratibus, p. 32, edit. Hase. The Praetorian præfect was to\n THE emperor what THE master of THE horse was to THE dictator\n under THE Republic. He was THE delegate, THErefore, of THE full\n Imperial authority; and no appeal could be made or exception\n taken against his edicts. I had not observed this passage, when\n THE third volume, where it would have been more appropriately\n placed, passed through THE press.—M]\n\n 33 (return) [ The jus honorarium of THE praetors and oTHEr\n magistrates is strictly defined in THE Latin text to THE\n Institutes, (l. i. tit. ii. No. 7,) and more loosely explained in\n THE Greek paraphrase of Theophilus, (p. 33—38, edit. Reitz,) who\n drops THE important word honorarium. * Note: The author here\n follows THE opinion of Heineccius, who, according to THE idea of\n his master Thomasius, was unwilling to suppose that magistrates\n exercising a judicial could share in THE legislative power. For\n this reason he represents THE edicts of THE praetors as absurd.\n (See his work, Historia Juris Romani, 69, 74.) But Heineccius had\n altogeTHEr a false notion of this important institution of THE\n Romans, to which we owe in a great degree THE perfection of THEir\n jurisprudence. Heineccius, THErefore, in his own days had many\n opponents of his system, among oTHErs THE celebrated Ritter,\n professor at Wittemberg, who contested it in notes appended to\n THE work of Heineccius, and retained in all subsequent editions\n of that book. After Ritter, THE learned Bach undertook to\n vindicate THE edicts of THE praetors in his Historia Jurisprud.\n Rom. edit. 6, p. 218, 224. But it remained for a civilian of our\n own days to throw light on THE spirit and true character of this\n institution. M. Hugo has completely demonstrated that THE\n praetorian edicts furnished THE salutary means of perpetually\n harmonizing THE legislation with THE spirit of THE times. The\n praetors were THE true organs of public opinion. It was not\n according to THEir caprice that THEy framed THEir regulations,\n but according to THE manners and to THE opinions of THE great\n civil lawyers of THEir day. We know from Cicero himself, that it\n was esteemed a great honor among THE Romans to publish an edict,\n well conceived and well drawn. The most distinguished lawyers of\n Rome were invited by THE praetor to assist in framing this annual\n law, which, according to its principle, was only a declaration\n which THE praetor made to THE public, to announce THE manner in\n which he would judge, and to guard against every charge of\n partiality. Those who had reason to fear his opinions might delay\n THEir cause till THE following year. The praetor was responsible\n for all THE faults which he committed. The tribunes could lodge\n an accusation against THE praetor who issued a partial edict. He\n was bound strictly to follow and to observe THE regulations\n published by him at THE commencement of his year of office,\n according to THE Cornelian law, by which THEse edicts were called\n perpetual, and he could make no change in a regulation once\n published. The praetor was obliged to submit to his own edict,\n and to judge his own affairs according to its provisions. These\n magistrates had no power of departing from THE fundamental laws,\n or THE laws of THE Twelve Tables. The people held THEm in such\n consideration, that THEy rarely enacted laws contrary to THEir\n provisions; but as some provisions were found inefficient, oTHErs\n opposed to THE manners of THE people, and to THE spirit of\n subsequent ages, THE praetors, still maintaining respect for THE\n laws, endeavored to bring THEm into accordance with THE\n necessities of THE existing time, by such fictions as best suited\n THE nature of THE case. In what legislation do we not find THEse\n fictions, which even yet exist, absurd and ridiculous as THEy\n are, among THE ancient laws of modern nations? These always\n variable edicts at length comprehended THE whole of THE Roman\n legislature, and became THE subject of THE commentaries of THE\n most celebrated lawyers. They must THErefore be considered as THE\n basis of all THE Roman jurisprudence comprehended in THE Digest\n of Justinian. ——It is in this sense that M. Schrader has written\n on this important institution, proposing it for imitation as far\n as may be consistent with our manners, and agreeable to our\n political institutions, in order to avoid immature legislation\n becoming a permanent evil. See THE History of THE Roman Law by M.\n Hugo, vol. i. p. 296, &c., vol. ii. p. 30, et seq., 78. et seq.,\n and THE note in my elementary book on THE Industries, p. 313.\n With regard to THE works best suited to give information on THE\n framing and THE form of THEse edicts, see Haubold, Institutiones\n Literariae, tom. i. p. 321, 368. All that Heineccius says about\n THE usurpation of THE right of making THEse edicts by THE\n praetors is false, and contrary to all historical testimony. A\n multitude of authorities proves that THE magistrates were under\n an obligation to publish THEse edicts.—W. ——With THE utmost\n deference for THEse excellent civilians, I cannot but consider\n this confusion of THE judicial and legislative authority as a\n very perilous constitutional precedent. It might answer among a\n people so singularly trained as THE Romans were by habit and\n national character in reverence for legal institutions, so as to\n be an aristocracy, if not a people, of legislators; but in most\n nations THE investiture of a magistrate in such authority,\n leaving to his sole judgment THE lawyers he might consult, and\n THE view of public opinion which he might take, would be a very\n insufficient guaranty for right legislation.—M.]\n\n 3311 (return) [ Compare throughout THE brief but admirable sketch\n of THE progress and growth of THE Roman jurisprudence, THE\n necessary operation of THE jusgentium, when Rome became THE\n sovereign of nations, upon THE jus civile of THE citizens of\n Rome, in THE first chapter of Savigny. Geschichte des Romischen\n Rechts im Mittelalter.—M.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Dion Cassius (tom. i. l. xxxvi. p. 100) fixes THE\n perpetual edicts in THE year of Rome, 686. Their institution,\n however, is ascribed to THE year 585 in THE Acta Diurna, which\n have been published from THE papers of Ludovicus Vives. Their\n auTHEnticity is supported or allowed by Pighius, (Annal. Rom.\n tom. ii. p. 377, 378,) Graevius, (ad Sueton. p. 778,) Dodwell,\n (Praelection. Cambden, p. 665,) and Heineccius: but a single\n word, Scutum Cimbricum, detects THE forgery, (Moyle’s Works, vol.\n i. p. 303.)]\n\n 35 (return) [ The history of edicts is composed, and THE text of\n THE perpetual edict is restored, by THE master-hand of\n Heineccius, (Opp. tom. vii. P. ii. p. 1—564;) in whose researches\n I might safely acquiesce. In THE Academy of Inscriptions, M.\n Bouchaud has given a series of memoirs to this interesting\n subject of law and literature. * Note: This restoration was only\n THE commencement of a work found among THE papers of Heineccius,\n and published after his death.—G. ——Note: Gibbon has here fallen\n into an error, with Heineccius, and almost THE whole literary\n world, concerning THE real meaning of what is called THE\n perpetual edict of Hadrian. Since THE Cornelian law, THE edicts\n were perpetual, but only in this sense, that THE praetor could\n not change THEm during THE year of his magistracy. And although\n it appears that under Hadrian, THE civilian Julianus made, or\n assisted in making, a complete collection of THE edicts, (which\n certainly had been done likewise before Hadrian, for example, by\n Ofilius, qui diligenter edictum composuit,) we have no sufficient\n proof to admit THE common opinion, that THE Praetorian edict was\n declared perpetually unalterable by Hadrian. The writers on law\n subsequent to Hadrian (and among THE rest Pomponius, in his\n Summary of THE Roman Jurisprudence) speak of THE edict as it\n existed in THE time of Cicero. They would not certainly have\n passed over in silence so remarkable a change in THE most\n important source of THE civil law. M. Hugo has conclusively shown\n that THE various passages in authors, like Eutropius, are not\n sufficient to establish THE opinion introduced by Heineccius.\n Compare Hugo, vol. ii. p. 78. A new proof of this is found in THE\n Institutes of Gaius, who, in THE first books of his work,\n expresses himself in THE same manner, without mentioning any\n change made by Hadrian. NeverTHEless, if it had taken place, he\n must have noticed it, as he does l. i. 8, THE responsa prudentum,\n on THE occasion of a rescript of Hadrian. There is no lacuna in\n THE text. Why THEn should Gaius maintain silence concerning an\n innovation so much more important than that of which he speaks?\n After all, this question becomes of slight interest, since, in\n fact, we find no change in THE perpetual edict inserted in THE\n Digest, from THE time of Hadrian to THE end of that epoch, except\n that made by Julian, (compare Hugo, l. c.) The latter lawyers\n appear to follow, in THEir commentaries, THE same texts as THEir\n predecessors. It is natural to suppose, that, after THE labors of\n so many men distinguished in jurisprudence, THE framing of THE\n edict must have attained such perfection that it would have been\n difficult to have made any innovation. We nowhere find that THE\n jurists of THE Pandects disputed concerning THE words, or THE\n drawing up of THE edict. What difference would, in fact, result\n from this with regard to our codes, and our modern legislation?\n Compare THE learned Dissertation of M. Biener, De Salvii Juliani\n meritis in Edictum Praetorium recte aestimandis. Lipsae, 1809,\n 4to.—W.]\n\n\n From Augustus to Trajan, THE modest Caesars were content to\n promulgate THEir edicts in THE various characters of a Roman\n magistrate; 3511 and, in THE decrees of THE senate, THE epistles\n and orations of THE prince were respectfully inserted. Adrian 36\n appears to have been THE first who assumed, without disguise, THE\n plenitude of legislative power. And this innovation, so agreeable\n to his active mind, was countenanced by THE patience of THE\n times, and his long absence from THE seat of government. The same\n policy was embraced by succeeding monarchs, and, according to THE\n harsh metaphor of Tertullian, “THE gloomy and intricate forest of\n ancient laws was cleared away by THE axe of royal mandates and\n constitutions.” 37 During four centuries, from Adrian to\n Justinian THE public and private jurisprudence was moulded by THE\n will of THE sovereign; and few institutions, eiTHEr human or\n divine, were permitted to stand on THEir former basis. The origin\n of Imperial legislation was concealed by THE darkness of ages and\n THE terrors of armed despotism; and a double tiction was\n propagated by THE servility, or perhaps THE ignorance, of THE\n civilians, who basked in THE sunshine of THE Roman and Byzantine\n courts. 1. To THE prayer of THE ancient Caesars, THE people or\n THE senate had sometimes granted a personal exemption from THE\n obligation and penalty of particular statutes; and each\n indulgence was an act of jurisdiction exercised by THE republic\n over THE first of her citizens. His humble privilege was at\n length transformed into THE prerogative of a tyrant; and THE\n Latin expression of “released from THE laws” 38 was supposed to\n exalt THE emperor above all human restraints, and to leave his\n conscience and reason as THE sacred measure of his conduct. 2. A\n similar dependence was implied in THE decrees of THE senate,\n which, in every reign, defined THE titles and powers of an\n elective magistrate. But it was not before THE ideas, and even\n THE language, of THE Romans had been corrupted, that a royal law,\n 39 and an irrevocable gift of THE people, were created by THE\n fancy of Ulpian, or more probably of Tribonian himself; 40 and\n THE origin of Imperial power, though false in fact, and slavish\n in its consequence, was supported on a principle of freedom and\n justice. “The pleasure of THE emperor has THE vigor and effect of\n law, since THE Roman people, by THE royal law, have transferred\n to THEir prince THE full extent of THEir own power and\n sovereignty.” 41 The will of a single man, of a child perhaps,\n was allowed to prevail over THE wisdom of ages and THE\n inclinations of millions; and THE degenerate Greeks were proud to\n declare, that in his hands alone THE arbitrary exercise of\n legislation could be safely deposited. “What interest or\n passion,” exclaims Theophilus in THE court of Justinian, “can\n reach THE calm and sublime elevation of THE monarch? He is\n already master of THE lives and fortunes of his subjects; and\n those who have incurred his displeasure are already numbered with\n THE dead.” 42 Disdaining THE language of flattery, THE historian\n may confess, that in questions of private jurisprudence, THE\n absolute sovereign of a great empire can seldom be influenced by\n any personal considerations. Virtue, or even reason, will suggest\n to his impartial mind, that he is THE guardian of peace and\n equity, and that THE interest of society is inseparably connected\n with his own. Under THE weakest and most vicious reign, THE seat\n of justice was filled by THE wisdom and integrity of Papinian and\n Ulpian; 43 and THE purest materials of THE Code and Pandects are\n inscribed with THE names of Caracalla and his ministers. 44 The\n tyrant of Rome was sometimes THE benefactor of THE provinces. A\n dagger terminated THE crimes of Domitian; but THE prudence of\n Nerva confirmed his acts, which, in THE joy of THEir deliverance,\n had been rescinded by an indignant senate. 45 Yet in THE\n rescripts, 46 replies to THE consultations of THE magistrates,\n THE wisest of princes might be deceived by a partial exposition\n of THE case. And this abuse, which placed THEir hasty decisions\n on THE same level with mature and deliberate acts of legislation,\n was ineffectually condemned by THE sense and example of Trajan.\n The rescripts of THE emperor, his grants and decrees, his edicts\n and pragmatic sanctions, were subscribed in purple ink, 47 and\n transmitted to THE provinces as general or special laws, which\n THE magistrates were bound to execute, and THE people to obey.\n But as THEir number continually multiplied, THE rule of obedience\n became each day more doubtful and obscure, till THE will of THE\n sovereign was fixed and ascertained in THE Gregorian, THE\n Hermogenian, and THE Theodosian codes. 4711 The two first, of\n which some fragments have escaped, were framed by two private\n lawyers, to preserve THE constitutions of THE Pagan emperors from\n Adrian to Constantine. The third, which is still extant, was\n digested in sixteen books by THE order of THE younger Theodosius\n to consecrate THE laws of THE Christian princes from Constantine\n to his own reign. But THE three codes obtained an equal authority\n in THE tribunals; and any act which was not included in THE\n sacred deposit might be disregarded by THE judge as epurious or\n obsolete. 48\n\n 3511 (return) [ It is an important question in what manner THE\n emperors were invested with this legislative power. The newly\n discovered Gaius distinctly states that it was in virtue of a\n law—Nec unquam dubitatum est, quin id legis vicem obtineat, cum\n ipse imperator per legem imperium accipiat. But it is still\n uncertain wheTHEr this was a general law, passed on THE\n transition of THE government from a republican to a monarchical\n form, or a law passed on THE accession of each emperor. Compare\n Hugo, Hist. du Droit Romain, (French translation,) vol. ii. p.\n 8.—M.]\n\n 36 (return) [ His laws are THE first in THE code. See Dodwell,\n (Praelect. Cambden, p. 319—340,) who wanders from THE subject in\n confused reading and feeble paradox. * Note: This is again an\n error which Gibbon shares with Heineccius, and THE generality of\n authors. It arises from having mistaken THE insignificant edict\n of Hadrian, inserted in THE Code of Justinian, (lib. vi, tit.\n xxiii. c. 11,) for THE first constitutio principis, without\n attending to THE fact, that THE Pandects contain so many\n constitutions of THE emperors, from Julius Caesar, (see l. i.\n Digest 29, l) M. Hugo justly observes, that THE acta of Sylla,\n approved by THE senate, were THE same thing with THE\n constitutions of those who after him usurped THE sovereign power.\n Moreover, we find that Pliny, and oTHEr ancient authors, report a\n multitude of rescripts of THE emperors from THE time of Augustus.\n See Hugo, Hist. du Droit Romain, vol. ii. p. 24-27.—W.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Totam illam veterem et squalentem sylvam legum\n novis principalium rescriptorum et edictorum securibus truncatis\n et caeditis; (Apologet. c. 4, p. 50, edit. Havercamp.) He\n proceeds to praise THE recent firmness of Severus, who repealed\n THE useless or pernicious laws, without any regard to THEir age\n or authority.]\n\n 38 (return) [ The constitutional style of Legibus Solutus is\n misinterpreted by THE art or ignorance of Dion Cassius, (tom. i.\n l. liii. p. 713.) On this occasion, his editor, Reimer, joins THE\n universal censure which freedom and criticism have pronounced\n against that slavish historian.]\n\n 39 (return) [ The word (Lex Regia) was still more recent than THE\n thing. The slaves of Commodus or Caracalla would have started at\n THE name of royalty. Note: Yet a century before, Domitian was\n called not only by Martial but even in public documents, Dominus\n et Deus Noster. Sueton. Domit. cap. 13. Hugo.—W.]\n\n 40 (return) [ See Gravina (Opp. p. 501—512) and Beaufort,\n (Republique Romaine, tom. i. p. 255—274.) He has made a proper\n use of two dissertations by John Frederic Gronovius and Noodt,\n both translated, with valuable notes, by Barbeyrac, 2 vols. in\n 12mo. 1731.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Institut. l. i. tit. ii. No. 6. Pandect. l. i. tit.\n iv. leg. 1. Cod. Justinian, l. i. tit. xvii. leg. 1, No. 7. In\n his Antiquities and Elements, Heineccius has amply treated de\n constitutionibus principum, which are illustrated by Godefroy\n (Comment. ad Cod. Theodos. l. i. tit. i. ii. iii.) and Gravina,\n (p. 87—90.) ——Note: Gaius asserts that THE Imperial edict or\n rescript has and always had, THE force of law, because THE\n Imperial authority rests upon law. Constitutio principis est,\n quod imperator decreto vel edicto, vel epistola constituit, nee\n unquam dubitatum, quin id legis, vicem obtineat, cum ipse\n imperator per legem imperium accipiat. Gaius, 6 Instit. i. 2.—M.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Theophilus, in Paraphras. Graec. Institut. p. 33,\n 34, edit. Reitz For his person, time, writings, see THE\n Theophilus of J. H. Mylius, Excurs. iii. p. 1034—1073.]\n\n 43 (return) [ There is more envy than reason in THE complaint of\n Macrinus (Jul. Capitolin. c. 13:) Nefas esse leges videri Commodi\n et Caracalla at hominum imperitorum voluntates. Commodus was made\n a Divus by Severus, (Dodwell, Praelect. viii. p. 324, 325.) Yet\n he occurs only twice in THE Pandects.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Of Antoninus Caracalla alone 200 constitutions are\n extant in THE Code, and with his faTHEr 160. These two princes\n are quoted fifty times in THE Pandects, and eight in THE\n Institutes, (Terasson, p. 265.)]\n\n 45 (return) [ Plin. Secund. Epistol. x. 66. Sueton. in Domitian.\n c. 23.]\n\n 46 (return) [ It was a maxim of Constantine, contra jus rescripta\n non valeant, (Cod. Theodos. l. i. tit. ii. leg. 1.) The emperors\n reluctantly allow some scrutiny into THE law and THE fact, some\n delay, petition, &c.; but THEse insufficient remedies are too\n much in THE discretion and at THE peril of THE judge.]\n\n 47 (return) [ A compound of vermilion and cinnabar, which marks\n THE Imperial diplomas from Leo I. (A.D. 470) to THE fall of THE\n Greek empire, (BiblioTHEque Raisonnee de la Diplomatique, tom. i.\n p. 504—515 Lami, de Eruditione Apostolorum, tom. ii. p.\n 720-726.)]\n\n 4711 (return) [ Savigny states THE following as THE authorities\n for THE Roman law at THE commencement of THE fifth century:— 1.\n The writings of THE jurists, according to THE regulations of THE\n Constitution of Valentinian III., first promulgated in THE West,\n but by its admission into THE Theodosian Code established\n likewise in THE East. (This Constitution established THE\n authority of THE five great jurists, Papinian, Paulus, Caius,\n Ulpian, and Modestinus as interpreters of THE ancient law. * * *\n In case of difference of opinion among THEse five, a majority\n decided THE case; where THEy were equal, THE opinion of Papinian,\n where he was silent, THE judge; but see p. 40, and Hugo, vol. ii.\n p. 89.) 2. The Gregorian and Hermogenian Collection of THE\n Imperial Rescripts. 3. The Code of Theodosius II. 4. The\n particular Novellae, as additions and Supplements to this Code\n Savigny. vol. i. p 10.—M.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Schulting, Jurisprudentia Ante-Justinianea, p.\n 681-718. Cujacius assigned to Gregory THE reigns from Hadrian to\n Gallienus. and THE continuation to his fellow-laborer Hermogenes.\n This general division may be just, but THEy often trespassed on\n each oTHEr’s ground]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part III.\n\n\n Among savage nations, THE want of letters is imperfectly supplied\n by THE use of visible signs, which awaken attention, and\n perpetuate THE remembrance of any public or private transaction.\n The jurisprudence of THE first Romans exhibited THE scenes of a\n pantomime; THE words were adapted to THE gestures, and THE\n slightest error or neglect in THE forms of proceeding was\n sufficient to annul THE substance of THE fairest claim. The\n communion of THE marriage-life was denoted by THE necessary\n elements of fire and water; 49 and THE divorced wife resigned THE\n bunch of keys, by THE delivery of which she had been invested\n with THE government of THE family. The manumission of a son, or a\n slave, was performed by turning him round with a gentle blow on\n THE cheek; a work was prohibited by THE casting of a stone;\n prescription was interrupted by THE breaking of a branch; THE\n clinched fist was THE symbol of a pledge or deposit; THE right\n hand was THE gift of faith and confidence. The indenture of\n covenants was a broken straw; weights and scales were introduced\n into every payment, and THE heir who accepted a testament was\n sometimes obliged to snap his fingers, to cast away his garments,\n and to leap or dance with real or affected transport. 50 If a\n citizen pursued any stolen goods into a neighbor’s house, he\n concealed his nakedness with a linen towel, and hid his face with\n a mask or basin, lest he should encounter THE eyes of a virgin or\n a matron. 51 In a civil action THE plaintiff touched THE ear of\n his witness, seized his reluctant adversary by THE neck, and\n implored, in solemn lamentation, THE aid of his fellow-citizens.\n The two competitors grasped each oTHEr’s hand as if THEy stood\n prepared for combat before THE tribunal of THE praetor; he\n commanded THEm to produce THE object of THE dispute; THEy went,\n THEy returned with measured steps, and a clod of earth was cast\n at his feet to represent THE field for which THEy contended. This\n occult science of THE words and actions of law was THE\n inheritance of THE pontiffs and patricians. Like THE Chaldean\n astrologers, THEy announced to THEir clients THE days of business\n and repose; THEse important trifles were interwoven with THE\n religion of Numa; and after THE publication of THE Twelve Tables,\n THE Roman people was still enslaved by THE ignorance of judicial\n proceedings. The treachery of some plebeian officers at length\n revealed THE profitable mystery: in a more enlightened age, THE\n legal actions were derided and observed; and THE same antiquity\n which sanctified THE practice, obliterated THE use and meaning of\n this primitive language. 52\n\n 49 (return) [ Scaevola, most probably Q. Cervidius Scaevola; THE\n master of Papinian considers this acceptance of fire and water as\n THE essence of marriage, (Pandect. l. xxiv. tit. 1, leg. 66. See\n Heineccius, Hist. J. R. No. 317.)]\n\n 50 (return) [ Cicero (de Officiis, iii. 19) may state an ideal\n case, but St. Am brose (de Officiis, iii. 2,) appeals to THE\n practice of his own times, which he understood as a lawyer and a\n magistrate, (Schulting ad Ulpian, Fragment. tit. xxii. No. 28, p.\n 643, 644.) * Note: In this passage THE author has endeavored to\n collect all THE examples of judicial formularies which he could\n find. That which he adduces as THE form of cretio haereditatis is\n absolutely false. It is sufficient to glance at THE passage in\n Cicero which he cites, to see that it has no relation to it. The\n author appeals to THE opinion of Schulting, who, in THE passage\n quoted, himself protests against THE ridiculous and absurd\n interpretation of THE passage in Cicero, and observes that\n Graevius had already well explained THE real sense. See in Gaius\n THE form of cretio haereditatis Inst. l. ii. p. 166.—W.]\n\n 51 (return) [ The furtum lance licioque conceptum was no longer\n understood in THE time of THE Antonines, (Aulus Gellius, xvi.\n 10.) The Attic derivation of Heineccius, (Antiquitat. Rom. l. iv.\n tit. i. No. 13—21) is supported by THE evidence of Aristophanes,\n his scholiast, and Pollux. * Note: Nothing more is known of this\n ceremony; neverTHEless we find that already in his own days Gaius\n turned it into ridicule. He says, (lib. iii. et p. 192, Sections\n 293,) prohibiti actio quadrupli ex edicto praetoris introducta\n est; lex autem eo nomine nullam poenam constituit. Hoc solum\n praecepit, ut qui quaerere velit, nudus quaerat, linteo cinctus,\n lancem habens; qui si quid invenerit. jubet id lex furtum\n manifestum esse. Quid sit autem linteum? quaesitum est. Sed\n verius est consuti genus esse, quo necessariae partes tegerentur.\n Quare lex tota ridicula est. Nam qui vestitum quaerere prohibet,\n is et nudum quaerere prohibiturus est; eo magis, quod invenerit\n ibi imponat, neutrum eorum procedit, si id quod quaeratur, ejus\n magnitudinis aut naturae sit ut neque subjici, neque ibi imponi\n possit. Certe non dubitatur, cujuscunque materiae sit ea lanx,\n satis legi fieri. We see moreover, from this passage, that THE\n basin, as most authors, resting on THE authority of Festus, have\n supposed, was not used to cover THE figure.—W. Gibbon says THE\n face, though equally inaccurately. This passage of Gaius, I must\n observe, as well as oTHErs in M. Warnkonig’s work, is very\n inaccurately printed.—M.]\n\n 52 (return) [ In his Oration for Murena, (c. 9—13,) Cicero turns\n into ridicule THE forms and mysteries of THE civilians, which are\n represented with more candor by Aulus Gellius, (Noct. Attic. xx.\n 10,) Gravina, (Opp p. 265, 266, 267,) and Heineccius,\n (Antiquitat. l. iv. tit. vi.) * Note: Gibbon had conceived\n opinions too decided against THE forms of procedure in use among\n THE Romans. Yet it is on THEse solemn forms that THE certainty of\n laws has been founded among all nations. Those of THE Romans were\n very intimately allied with THE ancient religion, and must of\n necessity have disappeared as Rome attained a higher degree of\n civilization. Have not modern nations, even THE most civilized,\n overloaded THEir laws with a thousand forms, often absurd, almost\n always trivial? How many examples are afforded by THE English\n law! See, on THE nature of THEse forms, THE work of M. de Savigny\n on THE Vocation of our Age for Legislation and Jurisprudence,\n Heidelberg, 1814, p. 9, 10.—W. This work of M. Savigny has been\n translated into English by Mr. Hayward.—M.]\n\n\n A more liberal art was cultivated, however, by THE sages of Rome,\n who, in a stricter sense, may be considered as THE authors of THE\n civil law. The alteration of THE idiom and manners of THE Romans\n rendered THE style of THE Twelve Tables less familiar to each\n rising generation, and THE doubtful passages were imperfectly\n explained by THE study of legal antiquarians. To define THE\n ambiguities, to circumscribe THE latitude, to apply THE\n principles, to extend THE consequences, to reconcile THE real or\n apparent contradictions, was a much nobler and more important\n task; and THE province of legislation was silently invaded by THE\n expounders of ancient statutes. Their subtle interpretations\n concurred with THE equity of THE praetor, to reform THE tyranny\n of THE darker ages: however strange or intricate THE means, it\n was THE aim of artificial jurisprudence to restore THE simple\n dictates of nature and reason, and THE skill of private citizens\n was usefully employed to undermine THE public institutions of\n THEir country. 521 The revolution of almost one thousand years,\n from THE Twelve Tables to THE reign of Justinian, may be divided\n into three periods, almost equal in duration, and distinguished\n from each oTHEr by THE mode of instruction and THE character of\n THE civilians. 53 Pride and ignorance contributed, during THE\n first period, to confine within narrow limits THE science of THE\n Roman law. On THE public days of market or assembly, THE masters\n of THE art were seen walking in THE forum ready to impart THE\n needful advice to THE meanest of THEir fellow-citizens, from\n whose votes, on a future occasion, THEy might solicit a grateful\n return. As THEir years and honors increased, THEy seated\n THEmselves at home on a chair or throne, to expect with patient\n gravity THE visits of THEir clients, who at THE dawn of day, from\n THE town and country, began to thunder at THEir door. The duties\n of social life, and THE incidents of judicial proceeding, were\n THE ordinary subject of THEse consultations, and THE verbal or\n written opinion of THE juris-consults was framed according to THE\n rules of prudence and law. The youths of THEir own order and\n family were permitted to listen; THEir children enjoyed THE\n benefit of more private lessons, and THE Mucian race was long\n renowned for THE hereditary knowledge of THE civil law. The\n second period, THE learned and splendid age of jurisprudence, may\n be extended from THE birth of Cicero to THE reign of Severus\n Alexander. A system was formed, schools were instituted, books\n were composed, and both THE living and THE dead became\n subservient to THE instruction of THE student. The tripartite of\n Aelius Paetus, surnamed Catus, or THE Cunning, was preserved as\n THE oldest work of Jurisprudence. Cato THE censor derived some\n additional fame from his legal studies, and those of his son: THE\n kindred appellation of Mucius Scaevola was illustrated by three\n sages of THE law; but THE perfection of THE science was ascribed\n to Servius Sulpicius, THEir disciple, and THE friend of Tully;\n and THE long succession, which shone with equal lustre under THE\n republic and under THE Caesars, is finally closed by THE\n respectable characters of Papinian, of Paul, and of Ulpian. Their\n names, and THE various titles of THEir productions, have been\n minutely preserved, and THE example of Labeo may suggest some\n idea of THEir diligence and fecundity. That eminent lawyer of THE\n Augustan age divided THE year between THE city and country,\n between business and composition; and four hundred books are\n enumerated as THE fruit of his retirement. Of THE collection of\n his rival Capito, THE two hundred and fifty-ninth book is\n expressly quoted; and few teachers could deliver THEir opinions\n in less than a century of volumes. In THE third period, between\n THE reigns of Alexander and Justinian, THE oracles of\n jurisprudence were almost mute. The measure of curiosity had been\n filled: THE throne was occupied by tyrants and Barbarians, THE\n active spirits were diverted by religious disputes, and THE\n professors of Rome, Constantinople, and Berytus, were humbly\n content to repeat THE lessons of THEir more enlightened\n predecessors. From THE slow advances and rapid decay of THEse\n legal studies, it may be inferred, that THEy require a state of\n peace and refinement. From THE multitude of voluminous civilians\n who fill THE intermediate space, it is evident that such studies\n may be pursued, and such works may be performed, with a common\n share of judgment, experience, and industry. The genius of Cicero\n and Virgil was more sensibly felt, as each revolving age had been\n found incapable of producing a similar or a second: but THE most\n eminent teachers of THE law were assured of leaving disciples\n equal or superior to THEmselves in merit and reputation.\n\n 521 (return) [ Compare, on THE Responsa Prudentum, Warnkonig,\n Histoire Externe du Droit Romain Bruxelles, 1836, p. 122.—M.]\n\n 53 (return) [ The series of THE civil lawyers is deduced by\n Pomponius, (de Origine Juris Pandect. l. i. tit. ii.) The moderns\n have discussed, with learning and criticism, this branch of\n literary history; and among THEse I have chiefly been guided by\n Gravina (p. 41—79) and Hei neccius, (Hist. J. R. No. 113-351.)\n Cicero, more especially in his books de Oratore, de Claris\n Oratoribus, de Legibus, and THE Clavie Ciceroniana of Ernesti\n (under THE names of Mucius, &c.) afford much genuine and pleasing\n information. Horace often alludes to THE morning labors of THE\n civilians, (Serm. I. i. 10, Epist. II. i. 103, &c)\n\n\nAgricolam laudat juris legumque peritus\nSub galli cantum, consultor ubi ostia pulsat.\n ——————\n Romæ dulce diu fuit et solemne, reclusâ\n Mane domo vigilare, clienti promere jura.\n\n\n * Note: It is particularly in this division of THE history of THE\n Roman jurisprudence into epochs, that Gibbon displays his\n profound knowledge of THE laws of this people. M. Hugo, adopting\n this division, prefaced THEse three periods with THE history of\n THE times anterior to THE Law of THE Twelve Tables, which are, as\n it were, THE infancy of THE Roman law.—W]\n\n\n The jurisprudence which had been grossly adapted to THE wants of\n THE first Romans, was polished and improved in THE seventh\n century of THE city, by THE alliance of Grecian philosophy. The\n Scaevolas had been taught by use and experience; but Servius\n Sulpicius 5311 was THE first civilian who established his art on\n a certain and general THEory. 54 For THE discernment of truth and\n falsehood he applied, as an infallible rule, THE logic of\n Aristotle and THE stoics, reduced particular cases to general\n principles, and diffused over THE shapeless mass THE light of\n order and eloquence. Cicero, his contemporary and friend,\n declined THE reputation of a professed lawyer; but THE\n jurisprudence of his country was adorned by his incomparable\n genius, which converts into gold every object that it touches.\n After THE example of Plato, he composed a republic; and, for THE\n use of his republic, a treatise of laws; in which he labors to\n deduce from a celestial origin THE wisdom and justice of THE\n Roman constitution. The whole universe, according to his sublime\n hypoTHEsis, forms one immense commonwealth: gods and men, who\n participate of THE same essence, are members of THE same\n community; reason prescribes THE law of nature and nations; and\n all positive institutions, however modified by accident or\n custom, are drawn from THE rule of right, which THE Deity has\n inscribed on every virtuous mind. From THEse philosophical\n mysteries, he mildly excludes THE sceptics who refuse to believe,\n and THE epicureans who are unwilling to act. The latter disdain\n THE care of THE republic: he advises THEm to slumber in THEir\n shady gardens. But he humbly entreats that THE new academy would\n be silent, since her bold objections would too soon destroy THE\n fair and well ordered structure of his lofty system. 55 Plato,\n Aristotle, and Zeno, he represents as THE only teachers who arm\n and instruct a citizen for THE duties of social life. Of THEse,\n THE armor of THE stoics 56 was found to be of THE firmest temper;\n and it was chiefly worn, both for use and ornament, in THE\n schools of jurisprudence. From THE portico, THE Roman civilians\n learned to live, to reason, and to die: but THEy imbibed in some\n degree THE prejudices of THE sect; THE love of paradox, THE\n pertinacious habits of dispute, and a minute attachment to words\n and verbal distinctions. The superiority of form to matter was\n introduced to ascertain THE right of property: and THE equality\n of crimes is countenanced by an opinion of Trebatius, 57 that he\n who touches THE ear, touches THE whole body; and that he who\n steals from a heap of corn, or a hogshead of wine, is guilty of\n THE entire THEft. 58\n\n 5311 (return) [ M. Hugo thinks that THE ingenious system of THE\n Institutes adopted by a great number of THE ancient lawyers, and\n by Justinian himself, dates from Severus Sulpicius. Hist du Droit\n Romain, vol.iii.p. 119.—W.]\n\n 54 (return) [ Crassus, or raTHEr Cicero himself, proposes (de\n Oratore, i. 41, 42) an idea of THE art or science of\n jurisprudence, which THE eloquent, but illiterate, Antonius (i.\n 58) affects to deride. It was partly executed by Servius\n Sulpicius, (in Bruto, c. 41,) whose praises are elegantly varied\n in THE classic Latinity of THE Roman Gravina, (p. 60.)]\n\n 55 (return) [ Perturbatricem autem omnium harum rerum academiam,\n hanc ab Arcesila et Carneade recentem, exoremus ut sileat, nam si\n invaserit in haec, quae satis scite instructa et composita\n videantur, nimis edet ruinas, quam quidem ego placare cupio,\n submovere non audeo. (de Legibus, i. 13.) From this passage\n alone, Bentley (Remarks on Free-thinking, p. 250) might have\n learned how firmly Cicero believed in THE specious doctrines\n which he has adorned.]\n\n 56 (return) [ The stoic philosophy was first taught at Rome by\n Panaetius, THE friend of THE younger Scipio, (see his life in THE\n Mem. de l’Academis des Inscriptions, tom. x. p. 75—89.)]\n\n 57 (return) [ As he is quoted by Ulpian, (leg.40, 40, ad Sabinum\n in Pandect. l. xlvii. tit. ii. leg. 21.) Yet Trebatius, after he\n was a leading civilian, que qui familiam duxit, became an\n epicurean, (Cicero ad Fam. vii. 5.) Perhaps he was not constant\n or sincere in his new sect. * Note: Gibbon had entirely\n misunderstood this phrase of Cicero. It was only since his time\n that THE real meaning of THE author was apprehended. Cicero, in\n enumerating THE qualifications of Trebatius, says, Accedit etiam,\n quod familiam ducit in jure civili, singularis memoria, summa\n scientia, which means that Trebatius possessed a still furTHEr\n most important qualification for a student of civil law, a\n remarkable memory, &c. This explanation, already conjectured by\n G. Menage, Amaenit. Juris Civilis, c. 14, is found in THE\n dictionary of Scheller, v. Familia, and in THE History of THE\n Roman Law by M. Hugo. Many authors have asserted, without any\n proof sufficient to warrant THE conjecture, that Trebatius was of\n THE school of Epicurus—W.]\n\n 58 (return) [ See Gravina (p. 45—51) and THE ineffectual cavils\n of Mascou. Heineccius (Hist. J. R. No. 125) quotes and approves a\n dissertation of Everard Otto, de Stoica Jurisconsultorum\n Philosophia.]\n\n\n Arms, eloquence, and THE study of THE civil law, promoted a\n citizen to THE honors of THE Roman state; and THE three\n professions were sometimes more conspicuous by THEir union in THE\n same character. In THE composition of THE edict, a learned\n praetor gave a sanction and preference to his private sentiments;\n THE opinion of a censor, or a counsel, was entertained with\n respect; and a doubtful interpretation of THE laws might be\n supported by THE virtues or triumphs of THE civilian. The\n patrician arts were long protected by THE veil of mystery; and in\n more enlightened times, THE freedom of inquiry established THE\n general principles of jurisprudence. Subtile and intricate cases\n were elucidated by THE disputes of THE forum: rules, axioms, and\n definitions, 59 were admitted as THE genuine dictates of reason;\n and THE consent of THE legal professors was interwoven into THE\n practice of THE tribunals. But THEse interpreters could neiTHEr\n enact nor execute THE laws of THE republic; and THE judges might\n disregard THE authority of THE Scaevolas THEmselves, which was\n often overthrown by THE eloquence or sophistry of an ingenious\n pleader. 60 Augustus and Tiberius were THE first to adopt, as a\n useful engine, THE science of THE civilians; and THEir servile\n labors accommodated THE old system to THE spirit and views of\n despotism. Under THE fair pretence of securing THE dignity of THE\n art, THE privilege of subscribing legal and valid opinions was\n confined to THE sages of senatorian or equestrian rank, who had\n been previously approved by THE judgment of THE prince; and this\n monopoly prevailed, till Adrian restored THE freedom of THE\n profession to every citizen conscious of his abilities and\n knowledge. The discretion of THE praetor was now governed by THE\n lessons of his teachers; THE judges were enjoined to obey THE\n comment as well as THE text of THE law; and THE use of codicils\n was a memorable innovation, which Augustus ratified by THE advice\n of THE civilians. 61 6111\n\n 59 (return) [ We have heard of THE Catonian rule, THE Aquilian\n stipulation, and THE Manilian forms, of 211 maxims, and of 247\n definitions, (Pandect. l. i. tit. xvi. xvii.)]\n\n 60 (return) [ Read Cicero, l. i. de Oratore, Topica, pro Murena.]\n\n 61 (return) [ See Pomponius, (de Origine Juris Pandect. l. i.\n tit. ii. leg. 2, No 47,) Heineccius, (ad Institut. l. i. tit. ii.\n No. 8, l. ii. tit. xxv. in Element et Antiquitat.,) and Gravina,\n (p. 41—45.) Yet THE monopoly of Augustus, a harsh measure, would\n appear with some softening in contemporary evidence; and it was\n probably veiled by a decree of THE senate]\n\n 6111 (return) [ The author here follows THE THEn generally\n received opinion of Heineccius. The proofs which appear to\n confirm it are l. 2 47, D. I. 2, and 8. Instit. I. 2. The first\n of THEse passages speaks expressly of a privilege granted to\n certain lawyers, until THE time of Adrian, publice respondendi\n jus ante Augusti tempora non dabatur. Primus Divus ut major juris\n auctoritas haberetur, constituit, ut ex auctoritate ejus\n responderent. The passage of THE Institutes speaks of THE\n different opinions of those, quibus est permissum jura condere.\n It is true that THE first of THEse passages does not say that THE\n opinion of THEse privileged lawyers had THE force of a law for\n THE judges. For this reason M. Hugo altogeTHEr rejects THE\n opinion adopted by Heineccius, by Bach, and in general by all THE\n writers who preceded him. He conceives that THE 8 of THE\n Institutes referred to THE constitution of Valentinian III.,\n which regulated THE respective authority to be ascribed to THE\n different writings of THE great civilians. But we have now THE\n following passage in THE Institutes of Gaius: Responsa prudentum\n sunt sententiae et opiniones eorum, quibus permissum est jura\n condere; quorum omnium si in unum sententiae concorrupt, id quod\n ita sentiunt, legis vicem obtinet, si vero dissentiunt, judici\n licet, quam velit sententiam sequi, idque rescripto Divi Hadrian\n signiticatur. I do not know, how in opposition to this passage,\n THE opinion of M. Hugo can be maintained. We must add to this THE\n passage quoted from Pomponius and from such strong proofs, it\n seems incontestable that THE emperors had granted some kind of\n privilege to certain civilians, quibus permissum erat jura\n condere. Their opinion had sometimes THE force of law, legis\n vicem. M. Hugo, endeavoring to reconcile this phrase with his\n system, gives it a forced interpretation, which quite alters THE\n sense; he supposes that THE passage contains no more than what is\n evident of itself, that THE authority of THE civilians was to be\n respected, thus making a privilege of that which was free to all\n THE world. It appears to me almost indisputable, that THE\n emperors had sanctioned certain provisions relative to THE\n authority of THEse civilians, consulted by THE judges. But how\n far was THEir advice to be respected? This is a question which it\n is impossible to answer precisely, from THE want of historic\n evidence. Is it not possible that THE emperors established an\n authority to be consulted by THE judges? and in this case this\n authority must have emanated from certain civilians named for\n this purpose by THE emperors. See Hugo, l. c. Moreover, may not\n THE passage of Suetonius, in THE Life of Caligula, where he says\n that THE emperor would no longer permit THE civilians to give\n THEir advice, mean that Caligula entertained THE design of\n suppressing this institution? See on this passage THE Themis,\n vol. xi. p. 17, 36. Our author not being acquainted with THE\n opinions opposed to Heineccius has not gone to THE bottom of THE\n subject.—W.]\n\n\n The most absolute mandate could only require that THE judges\n should agree with THE civilians, if THE civilians agreed among\n THEmselves. But positive institutions are often THE result of\n custom and prejudice; laws and language are ambiguous and\n arbitrary; where reason is incapable of pronouncing, THE love of\n argument is inflamed by THE envy of rivals, THE vanity of\n masters, THE blind attachment of THEir disciples; and THE Roman\n jurisprudence was divided by THE once famous sects of THE\n Proculians and Sabinians. 62 Two sages of THE law, Ateius Capito\n and Antistius Labeo, 63 adorned THE peace of THE Augustan age;\n THE former distinguished by THE favor of his sovereign; THE\n latter more illustrious by his contempt of that favor, and his\n stern though harmless opposition to THE tyrant of Rome. Their\n legal studies were influenced by THE various colors of THEir\n temper and principles. Labeo was attached to THE form of THE old\n republic; his rival embraced THE more profitable substance of THE\n rising monarchy. But THE disposition of a courtier is tame and\n submissive; and Capito seldom presumed to deviate from THE\n sentiments, or at least from THE words, of his predecessors;\n while THE bold republican pursued his independent ideas without\n fear of paradox or innovations. The freedom of Labeo was\n enslaved, however, by THE rigor of his own conclusions, and he\n decided, according to THE letter of THE law, THE same questions\n which his indulgent competitor resolved with a latitude of equity\n more suitable to THE common sense and feelings of mankind. If a\n fair exchange had been substituted to THE payment of money,\n Capito still considered THE transaction as a legal sale; 64 and\n he consulted nature for THE age of puberty, without confining his\n definition to THE precise period of twelve or fourteen years. 65\n This opposition of sentiments was propagated in THE writings and\n lessons of THE two founders; THE schools of Capito and Labeo\n maintained THEir inveterate conflict from THE age of Augustus to\n that of Adrian; 66 and THE two sects derived THEir appellations\n from Sabinus and Proculus, THEir most celebrated teachers. The\n names of Cassians and Pegasians were likewise applied to THE same\n parties; but, by a strange reverse, THE popular cause was in THE\n hands of Pegasus, 67 a timid slave of Domitian, while THE\n favorite of THE Caesars was represented by Cassius, 68 who\n gloried in his descent from THE patriot assassin. By THE\n perpetual edict, THE controversies of THE sects were in a great\n measure determined. For that important work, THE emperor Adrian\n preferred THE chief of THE Sabinians: THE friends of monarchy\n prevailed; but THE moderation of Salvius Julian insensibly\n reconciled THE victors and THE vanquished. Like THE contemporary\n philosophers, THE lawyers of THE age of THE Antonines disclaimed\n THE authority of a master, and adopted from every system THE most\n probable doctrines. 69 But THEir writings would have been less\n voluminous, had THEir choice been more unanimous. The conscience\n of THE judge was perplexed by THE number and weight of discordant\n testimonies, and every sentence that his passion or interest\n might pronounce was justified by THE sanction of some venerable\n name. An indulgent edict of THE younger Theodosius excused him\n from THE labor of comparing and weighing THEir arguments. Five\n civilians, Caius, Papinian, Paul, Ulpian, and Modestinus, were\n established as THE oracles of jurisprudence: a majority was\n decisive: but if THEir opinions were equally divided, a casting\n vote was ascribed to THE superior wisdom of Papinian. 70\n\n 62 (return) [ I have perused THE Diatribe of Gotfridus Mascovius,\n THE learned Mascou, de Sectis Jurisconsultorum, (Lipsiae, 1728,\n in 12mo., p. 276,) a learned treatise on a narrow and barren\n ground.]\n\n 63 (return) [ See THE character of Antistius Labeo in Tacitus,\n (Annal. iii. 75,) and in an epistle of Ateius Capito, (Aul.\n Gellius, xiii. 12,) who accuses his rival of libertas nimia et\n vecors. Yet Horace would not have lashed a virtuous and\n respectable senator; and I must adopt THE emendation of Bentley,\n who reads Labieno insanior, (Serm. I. iii. 82.) See Mascou, de\n Sectis, (c. i. p. 1—24.)]\n\n 64 (return) [ Justinian (Institut. l. iii. tit. 23, and Theophil.\n Vers. Graec. p. 677, 680) has commemorated this weighty dispute,\n and THE verses of Homer that were alleged on eiTHEr side as legal\n authorities. It was decided by Paul, (leg. 33, ad Edict. in\n Pandect. l. xviii. tit. i. leg. 1,) since, in a simple exchange,\n THE buyer could not be discriminated from THE seller.]\n\n 65 (return) [ This controversy was likewise given for THE\n Proculians, to supersede THE indecency of a search, and to comply\n with THE aphorism of Hippocrates, who was attached to THE\n septenary number of two weeks of years, or 700 of days,\n (Institut. l. i. tit. xxii.) Plutarch and THE Stoics (de Placit.\n Philosoph. l. v. c. 24) assign a more natural reason. Fourteen\n years is THE age. See THE vestigia of THE sects in Mascou, c. ix.\n p. 145—276.]\n\n 66 (return) [ The series and conclusion of THE sects are\n described by Mascou, (c. ii.—vii. p. 24—120;) and it would be\n almost ridiculous to praise his equal justice to THEse obsolete\n sects. * Note: The work of Gaius, subsequent to THE time of\n Adrian, furnishes us with some information on this subject. The\n disputes which rose between THEse two sects appear to have been\n very numerous. Gaius avows himself a disciple of Sabinus and of\n Caius. Compare Hugo, vol. ii. p. 106.—W.]\n\n 67 (return) [ At THE first summons he flies to THE\n turbot-council; yet Juvenal (Satir. iv. 75—81) styles THE præfect\n or bailiff of Rome sanctissimus legum interpres. From his\n science, says THE old scholiast, he was called, not a man, but a\n book. He derived THE singular name of Pegasus from THE galley\n which his faTHEr commanded.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Tacit. Annal. xvii. 7. Sueton. in Nerone, c.\n xxxvii.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Mascou, de Sectis, c. viii. p. 120—144 de\n Herciscundis, a legal term which was applied to THEse eclectic\n lawyers: herciscere is synonymous to dividere. * Note: This word\n has never existed. Cujacius is THE author of it, who read me\n words terris condi in Servius ad Virg. herciscundi, to which he\n gave an erroneous interpretation.—W.]\n\n 70 (return) [ See THE Theodosian Code, l. i. tit. iv. with\n Godefroy’s Commentary, tom. i. p. 30—35. [! This decree might\n give occasion to Jesuitical disputes like those in THE Lettres\n Provinciales, wheTHEr a Judge was obliged to follow THE opinion\n of Papinian, or of a majority, against his judgment, against his\n conscience, &c. Yet a legislator might give that opinion, however\n false, THE validity, not of truth, but of law. Note: We possess\n (since 1824) some interesting information as to THE framing of\n THE Theodosian Code, and its ratification at Rome, in THE year\n 438. M. Closius, now professor at Dorpat in Russia, and M.\n Peyron, member of THE Academy of Turin, have discovered, THE one\n at Milan, THE oTHEr at Turin, a great part of THE five first\n books of THE Code which were wanting, and besides this, THE\n reports (gesta) of THE sitting of THE senate at Rome, in which\n THE Code was published, in THE year after THE marriage of\n Valentinian III. Among THEse pieces are THE constitutions which\n nominate commissioners for THE formation of THE Code; and though\n THEre are many points of considerable obscurity in THEse\n documents, THEy communicate many facts relative to this\n legislation. 1. That Theodosius designed a great reform in THE\n legislation; to add to THE Gregorian and Hermogenian codes all\n THE new constitutions from Constantine to his own day; and to\n frame a second code for common use with extracts from THE three\n codes, and from THE works of THE civil lawyers. All laws eiTHEr\n abrogated or fallen into disuse were to be noted under THEir\n proper heads. 2. An Ordinance was issued in 429 to form a\n commission for this purpose of nine persons, of which Antiochus,\n as quaestor and præfectus, was president. A second commission of\n sixteen members was issued in 435 under THE same president. 3. A\n code, which we possess under THE name of Codex Theodosianus, was\n finished in 438, published in THE East, in an ordinance addressed\n to THE Praetorian præfect, Florentinus, and intended to be\n published in THE West. 4. Before it was published in THE West,\n Valentinian submitted it to THE senate. There is a report of THE\n proceedings of THE senate, which closed with loud acclamations\n and gratulations.—From Warnkonig, Histoire du Droit Romain, p.\n 169-Wenck has published this work, Codicis Theodosiani libri\n priores. Leipzig, 1825.—M.] * Note *: Closius of Tubingen\n communicated to M.Warnkonig THE two following constitutions of\n THE emperor Constantine, which he discovered in THE Ambrosian\n library at Milan:— 1. Imper. Constantinus Aug. ad Maximium Praef.\n Praetorio. Perpetuas prudentum contentiones eruere cupientes,\n Ulpiani ac Pauli, in Papinianum notas, qui dum ingenii laudem\n sectantur, non tam corrigere eum quam depravere maluerunt,\n aboleri praecepimus. Dat. III. Kalend. Octob. Const. Cons. et\n Crispi, (321.) Idem. Aug. ad Maximium Praef Praet. Universa, quae\n scriptura Pauli continentur, recepta auctoritate firmanda runt,\n et omni veneratione celebranda. Ideoque sententiarum libros\n plepissima luce et perfectissima elocutione et justissima juris\n ratione succinctos in judiciis prolatos valere minimie dubitatur.\n Dat. V. Kalend. Oct. Trovia Coust. et Max. Coss. (327.)—W]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part IV.\n\n\n When Justinian ascended THE throne, THE reformation of THE Roman\n jurisprudence was an arduous but indispensable task. In THE space\n of ten centuries, THE infinite variety of laws and legal opinions\n had filled many thousand volumes, which no fortune could purchase\n and no capacity could digest. Books could not easily be found;\n and THE judges, poor in THE midst of riches, were reduced to THE\n exercise of THEir illiterate discretion. The subjects of THE\n Greek provinces were ignorant of THE language that disposed of\n THEir lives and properties; and THE barbarous dialect of THE\n Latins was imperfectly studied in THE academies of Berytus and\n Constantinople. As an Illyrian soldier, that idiom was familiar\n to THE infancy of Justinian; his youth had been instructed by THE\n lessons of jurisprudence, and his Imperial choice selected THE\n most learned civilians of THE East, to labor with THEir sovereign\n in THE work of reformation. 71 The THEory of professors was\n assisted by THE practice of advocates, and THE experience of\n magistrates; and THE whole undertaking was animated by THE spirit\n of Tribonian. 72 This extraordinary man, THE object of so much\n praise and censure, was a native of Side in Pamphylia; and his\n genius, like that of Bacon, embraced, as his own, all THE\n business and knowledge of THE age. Tribonian composed, both in\n prose and verse, on a strange diversity of curious and abstruse\n subjects: 73 a double panegyric of Justinian and THE life of THE\n philosopher Theodotus; THE nature of happiness and THE duties of\n government; Homer’s catalogue and THE four-and-twenty sorts of\n metre; THE astronomical canon of Ptolemy; THE changes of THE\n months; THE houses of THE planets; and THE harmonic system of THE\n world. To THE literature of Greece he added THE use of THE Latin\n tongue; THE Roman civilians were deposited in his library and in\n his mind; and he most assiduously cultivated those arts which\n opened THE road of wealth and preferment. From THE bar of THE\n Praetorian præfects, he raised himself to THE honors of quaestor,\n of consul, and of master of THE offices: THE council of Justinian\n listened to his eloquence and wisdom; and envy was mitigated by\n THE gentleness and affability of his manners. The reproaches of\n impiety and avarice have stained THE virtue or THE reputation of\n Tribonian. In a bigoted and persecuting court, THE principal\n minister was accused of a secret aversion to THE Christian faith,\n and was supposed to entertain THE sentiments of an ATHEist and a\n Pagan, which have been imputed, inconsistently enough, to THE\n last philosophers of Greece. His avarice was more clearly proved\n and more sensibly felt. If he were swayed by gifts in THE\n administration of justice, THE example of Bacon will again occur;\n nor can THE merit of Tribonian atone for his baseness, if he\n degraded THE sanctity of his profession; and if laws were every\n day enacted, modified, or repealed, for THE base consideration of\n his private emolument. In THE sedition of Constantinople, his\n removal was granted to THE clamors, perhaps to THE just\n indignation, of THE people: but THE quaestor was speedily\n restored, and, till THE hour of his death, he possessed, above\n twenty years, THE favor and confidence of THE emperor. His\n passive and dutiful submission had been honored with THE praise\n of Justinian himself, whose vanity was incapable of discerning\n how often that submission degenerated into THE grossest\n adulation. Tribonian adored THE virtues of his gracious master:\n THE earth was unworthy of such a prince; and he affected a pious\n fear, that Justinian, like Elijah or Romulus, would be snatched\n into THE air, and translated alive to THE mansions of celestial\n glory. 74\n\n 71 (return) [ For THE legal labors of Justinian, I have studied\n THE Preface to THE Institutes; THE 1st, 2d, and 3d Prefaces to\n THE Pandects; THE 1st and 2d Preface to THE Code; and THE Code\n itself, (l. i. tit. xvii. de Veteri Jure enucleando.) After THEse\n original testimonies, I have consulted, among THE moderns,\n Heineccius, (Hist. J. R. No. 383—404,) Terasson. (Hist. de la\n Jurisprudence Romaine, p. 295—356,) Gravina, (Opp. p. 93-100,)\n and Ludewig, in his Life of Justinian, (p.19—123, 318-321; for\n THE Code and Novels, p. 209—261; for THE Digest or Pandects, p.\n 262—317.)]\n\n 72 (return) [ For THE character of Tribonian, see THE testimonies\n of Procopius, (Persic. l. i. c. 23, 24. Anecdot. c. 13, 20,) and\n Suidas, (tom. iii. p. 501, edit. Kuster.) Ludewig (in Vit.\n Justinian, p. 175—209) works hard, very hard, to whitewash—THE\n blackamoor.]\n\n 73 (return) [ I apply THE two passages of Suidas to THE same man;\n every circumstance so exactly tallies. Yet THE lawyers appear\n ignorant; and Fabricius is inclined to separate THE two\n characters, (Bibliot. Grae. tom. i. p. 341, ii. p. 518, iii. p.\n 418, xii. p. 346, 353, 474.)]\n\n 74 (return) [ This story is related by Hesychius, (de Viris\n Illustribus,) Procopius, (Anecdot. c. 13,) and Suidas, (tom. iii.\n p. 501.) Such flattery is incredible! —Nihil est quod credere de\n se Non possit, cum laudatur Diis aequa potestas. Fontenelle (tom.\n i. p. 32—39) has ridiculed THE impudence of THE modest Virgil.\n But THE same Fontenelle places his king above THE divine\n Augustus; and THE sage Boileau has not blushed to say, “Le destin\n a ses yeux n’oseroit balancer” Yet neiTHEr Augustus nor Louis\n XIV. were fools.]\n\n\n If Caesar had achieved THE reformation of THE Roman law, his\n creative genius, enlightened by reflection and study, would have\n given to THE world a pure and original system of jurisprudence.\n Whatever flattery might suggest, THE emperor of THE East was\n afraid to establish his private judgment as THE standard of\n equity: in THE possession of legislative power, he borrowed THE\n aid of time and opinion; and his laborious compilations are\n guarded by THE sages and legislature of past times. Instead of a\n statue cast in a simple mould by THE hand of an artist, THE works\n of Justinian represent a tessellated pavement of antique and\n costly, but too often of incoherent, fragments. In THE first year\n of his reign, he directed THE faithful Tribonian, and nine\n learned associates, to revise THE ordinances of his predecessors,\n as THEy were contained, since THE time of Adrian, in THE\n Gregorian Hermogenian, and Theodosian codes; to purge THE errors\n and contradictions, to retrench whatever was obsolete or\n superfluous, and to select THE wise and salutary laws best\n adapted to THE practice of THE tribunals and THE use of his\n subjects. The work was accomplished in fourteen months; and THE\n twelve books or tables, which THE new decemvirs produced, might\n be designed to imitate THE labors of THEir Roman predecessors.\n The new Code of Justinian was honored with his name, and\n confirmed by his royal signature: auTHEntic transcripts were\n multiplied by THE pens of notaries and scribes; THEy were\n transmitted to THE magistrates of THE European, THE Asiatic, and\n afterwards THE African provinces; and THE law of THE empire was\n proclaimed on solemn festivals at THE doors of churches. A more\n arduous operation was still behind—to extract THE spirit of\n jurisprudence from THE decisions and conjectures, THE questions\n and disputes, of THE Roman civilians. Seventeen lawyers, with\n Tribonian at THEir head, were appointed by THE emperor to\n exercise an absolute jurisdiction over THE works of THEir\n predecessors. If THEy had obeyed his commands in ten years,\n Justinian would have been satisfied with THEir diligence; and THE\n rapid composition of THE Digest of Pandects, 75 in three years,\n will deserve praise or censure, according to THE merit of THE\n execution. From THE library of Tribonian, THEy chose forty, THE\n most eminent civilians of former times: 76 two thousand treatises\n were comprised in an abridgment of fifty books; and it has been\n carefully recorded, that three millions of lines or sentences, 77\n were reduced, in this abstract, to THE moderate number of one\n hundred and fifty thousand. The edition of this great work was\n delayed a month after that of THE Institutes; and it seemed\n reasonable that THE elements should precede THE digest of THE\n Roman law. As soon as THE emperor had approved THEir labors, he\n ratified, by his legislative power, THE speculations of THEse\n private citizens: THEir commentaries, on THE twelve tables, THE\n perpetual edict, THE laws of THE people, and THE decrees of THE\n senate, succeeded to THE authority of THE text; and THE text was\n abandoned, as a useless, though venerable, relic of antiquity.\n The Code, THE Pandects, and THE Institutes, were declared to be\n THE legitimate system of civil jurisprudence; THEy alone were\n admitted into THE tribunals, and THEy alone were taught in THE\n academies of Rome, Constantinople, and Berytus. Justinian\n addressed to THE senate and provinces his eternal oracles; and\n his pride, under THE mask of piety, ascribed THE consummation of\n this great design to THE support and inspiration of THE Deity.\n\n 75 (return) [ General receivers was a common title of THE Greek\n miscellanies, (Plin. Praefat. ad Hist. Natur.) The Digesta of\n Scaevola, Marcellinus, Celsus, were already familiar to THE\n civilians: but Justinian was in THE wrong when he used THE two\n appellations as synonymous. Is THE word Pandects Greek or\n Latin—masculine or feminine? The diligent Brenckman will not\n presume to decide THEse momentous controversies, (Hist. Pandect.\n Florentine. p. 200—304.) Note: The word was formerly in common\n use. See THE preface is Aulus Gellius—W]\n\n 76 (return) [ Angelus Politianus (l. v. Epist. ult.) reckons\n thirty-seven (p. 192—200) civilians quoted in THE Pandects—a\n learned, and for his times, an extraordinary list. The Greek\n index to THE Pandects enumerates thirty-nine, and forty are\n produced by THE indefatigable Fabricius, (Bibliot. Graec. tom.\n iii. p. 488—502.) Antoninus Augustus (de Nominibus Propriis\n Pandect. apud Ludewig, p. 283) is said to have added fifty-four\n names; but THEy must be vague or second-hand references.]\n\n 77 (return) [ The item of THE ancient Mss. may be strictly\n defined as sentences or periods of a complete sense, which, on\n THE breadth of THE parchment rolls or volumes, composed as many\n lines of unequal length. The number in each book served as a\n check on THE errors of THE scribes, (Ludewig, p. 211—215; and his\n original author Suicer. Thesaur. Ecclesiast. tom. i. p\n 1021-1036).]\n\n\n Since THE emperor declined THE fame and envy of original\n composition, we can only require, at his hands, method, choice,\n and fidelity, THE humble, though indispensable, virtues of a\n compiler. Among THE various combinations of ideas, it is\n difficult to assign any reasonable preference; but as THE order\n of Justinian is different in his three works, it is possible that\n all may be wrong; and it is certain that two cannot be right. In\n THE selection of ancient laws, he seems to have viewed his\n predecessors without jealousy, and with equal regard: THE series\n could not ascend above THE reign of Adrian, and THE narrow\n distinction of Paganism and Christianity, introduced by THE\n superstition of Theodosius, had been abolished by THE consent of\n mankind. But THE jurisprudence of THE Pandects is circumscribed\n within a period of a hundred years, from THE perpetual edict to\n THE death of Severus Alexander: THE civilians who lived under THE\n first Caesars are seldom permitted to speak, and only three names\n can be attributed to THE age of THE republic. The favorite of\n Justinian (it has been fiercely urged) was fearful of\n encountering THE light of freedom and THE gravity of Roman sages.\n\n\n Tribonian condemned to oblivion THE genuine and native wisdom of\n Cato, THE Scaevolas, and Sulpicius; while he invoked spirits more\n congenial to his own, THE Syrians, Greeks, and Africans, who\n flocked to THE Imperial court to study Latin as a foreign tongue,\n and jurisprudence as a lucrative profession. But THE ministers of\n Justinian, 78 were instructed to labor, not for THE curiosity of\n antiquarians, but for THE immediate benefit of his subjects. It\n was THEir duty to select THE useful and practical parts of THE\n Roman law; and THE writings of THE old republicans, however\n curious or excellent, were no longer suited to THE new system of\n manners, religion, and government. Perhaps, if THE preceptors and\n friends of Cicero were still alive, our candor would acknowledge,\n that, except in purity of language, 79 THEir intrinsic merit was\n excelled by THE school of Papinian and Ulpian. The science of THE\n laws is THE slow growth of time and experience, and THE advantage\n both of method and materials, is naturally assumed by THE most\n recent authors. The civilians of THE reign of THE Antonines had\n studied THE works of THEir predecessors: THEir philosophic spirit\n had mitigated THE rigor of antiquity, simplified THE forms of\n proceeding, and emerged from THE jealousy and prejudice of THE\n rival sects. The choice of THE authorities that compose THE\n Pandects depended on THE judgment of Tribonian: but THE power of\n his sovereign could not absolve him from THE sacred obligations\n of truth and fidelity. As THE legislator of THE empire, Justinian\n might repeal THE acts of THE Antonines, or condemn, as seditious,\n THE free principles, which were maintained by THE last of THE\n Roman lawyers. 80 But THE existence of past facts is placed\n beyond THE reach of despotism; and THE emperor was guilty of\n fraud and forgery, when he corrupted THE integrity of THEir text,\n inscribed with THEir venerable names THE words and ideas of his\n servile reign, 81 and suppressed, by THE hand of power, THE pure\n and auTHEntic copies of THEir sentiments. The changes and\n interpolations of Tribonian and his colleagues are excused by THE\n pretence of uniformity: but THEir cares have been insufficient,\n and THE antinomies, or contradictions of THE Code and Pandects,\n still exercise THE patience and subtilty of modern civilians. 82\n\n 78 (return) [ An ingenious and learned oration of Schultingius\n (Jurisprudentia Ante-Justinianea, p. 883—907) justifies THE\n choice of Tribonian, against THE passionate charges of Francis\n Hottoman and his sectaries.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Strip away THE crust of Tribonian, and allow for\n THE use of technical words, and THE Latin of THE Pandects will be\n found not unworthy of THE silver age. It has been vehemently\n attacked by Laurentius Valla, a fastidious grammarian of THE xvth\n century, and by his apologist Floridus Sabinus. It has been\n defended by Alciat, and a name less advocate, (most probably\n James Capellus.) Their various treatises are collected by Duker,\n (Opuscula de Latinitate veterum Jurisconsultorum, Lugd. Bat.\n 1721, in 12mo.) Note: Gibbon is mistaken with regard to Valla,\n who, though he inveighs against THE barbarous style of THE\n civilians of his own day, lavishes THE highest praise on THE\n admirable purity of THE language of THE ancient writers on civil\n law. (M. Warnkonig quotes a long passage of Valla in\n justification of this observation.) Since his time, this truth\n has been recognized by men of THE highest eminence, such as\n Erasmus, David Hume and Runkhenius.—W.]\n\n 80 (return) [ Nomina quidem veteribus servavimus, legum autem\n veritatem nostram fecimus. Itaque siquid erat in illis\n seditiosum, multa autem talia erant ibi reposita, hoc decisum est\n et definitum, et in perspicuum finem deducta est quaeque lex,\n (Cod. Justinian. l. i. tit. xvii. leg. 3, No 10.) A frank\n confession! * Note: Seditiosum, in THE language of Justinian,\n means not seditious, but discounted.—W.]\n\n 81 (return) [ The number of THEse emblemata (a polite name for\n forgeries) is much reduced by Bynkershoek, (in THE four last\n books of his Observations,) who poorly maintains THE right of\n Justinian and THE duty of Tribonian.]\n\n 82 (return) [ The antinomies, or opposite laws of THE Code and\n Pandects, are sometimes THE cause, and often THE excuse, of THE\n glorious uncertainty of THE civil law, which so often affords\n what Montaigne calls “Questions pour l’Ami.” See a fine passage\n of Franciscus Balduinus in Justinian, (l. ii. p. 259, &c., apud\n Ludewig, p. 305, 306.)]\n\n\n A rumor devoid of evidence has been propagated by THE enemies of\n Justinian; that THE jurisprudence of ancient Rome was reduced to\n ashes by THE author of THE Pandects, from THE vain persuasion,\n that it was now eiTHEr false or superfluous. Without usurping an\n office so invidious, THE emperor might safely commit to ignorance\n and time THE accomplishments of this destructive wish. Before THE\n invention of printing and paper, THE labor and THE materials of\n writing could be purchased only by THE rich; and it may\n reasonably be computed, that THE price of books was a hundred\n fold THEir present value. 83 Copies were slowly multiplied and\n cautiously renewed: THE hopes of profit tempted THE sacrilegious\n scribes to erase THE characters of antiquity, 8311 and Sophocles\n or Tacitus were obliged to resign THE parchment to missals,\n homilies, and THE golden legend. 84 If such was THE fate of THE\n most beautiful compositions of genius, what stability could be\n expected for THE dull and barren works of an obsolete science?\n The books of jurisprudence were interesting to few, and\n entertaining to none: THEir value was connected with present use,\n and THEy sunk forever as soon as that use was superseded by THE\n innovations of fashion, superior merit, or public authority. In\n THE age of peace and learning, between Cicero and THE last of THE\n Antonines, many losses had been already sustained, and some\n luminaries of THE school, or forum, were known only to THE\n curious by tradition and report. Three hundred and sixty years of\n disorder and decay accelerated THE progress of oblivion; and it\n may fairly be presumed, that of THE writings, which Justinian is\n accused of neglecting, many were no longer to be found in THE\n libraries of THE East. 85 The copies of Papinian, or Ulpian,\n which THE reformer had proscribed, were deemed unworthy of future\n notice: THE Twelve Tables and praetorian edicts insensibly\n vanished, and THE monuments of ancient Rome were neglected or\n destroyed by THE envy and ignorance of THE Greeks. Even THE\n Pandects THEmselves have escaped with difficulty and danger from\n THE common shipwreck, and criticism has pronounced that all THE\n editions and manuscripts of THE West are derived from one\n original. 86 It was transcribed at Constantinople in THE\n beginning of THE seventh century, 87 was successively transported\n by THE accidents of war and commerce to Amalphi, 88 Pisa, 89 and\n Florence, 90 and is now deposited as a sacred relic 91 in THE\n ancient palace of THE republic. 92\n\n 83 (return) [ When Faust, or Faustus, sold at Paris his first\n printed Bibles as manuscripts, THE price of a parchment copy was\n reduced from four or five hundred to sixty, fifty, and forty\n crowns. The public was at first pleased with THE cheapness, and\n at length provoked by THE discovery of THE fraud, (Mattaire,\n Annal. Typograph. tom. i. p. 12; first edit.)]\n\n 8311 (return) [ Among THE works which have been recovered, by THE\n persevering and successful endeavors of M. Mai and his followers\n to trace THE imperfectly erased characters of THE ancient writers\n on THEse Palimpsests, Gibbon at this period of his labors would\n have hailed with delight THE recovery of THE Institutes of Gaius,\n and THE fragments of THE Theodosian Code, published by M Keyron\n of Turin.—M.]\n\n 84 (return) [ This execrable practice prevailed from THE viiith,\n and more especially from THE xiith, century, when it became\n almost universal (Montfaucon, in THE Memoires de l’Academie, tom.\n vi. p. 606, &c. BiblioTHEque Raisonnee de la Diplomatique, tom.\n i. p. 176.)]\n\n 85 (return) [ Pomponius (Pandect. l. i. tit. ii. leg. 2)\n observes, that of THE three founders of THE civil law, Mucius,\n Brutus, and Manilius, extant volumina, scripta Manilii monumenta;\n that of some old republican lawyers, haec versantur eorum scripta\n inter manus hominum. Eight of THE Augustan sages were reduced to\n a compendium: of Cascellius, scripta non extant sed unus liber,\n &c.; of Trebatius, minus frequentatur; of Tubero, libri parum\n grati sunt. Many quotations in THE Pandects are derived from\n books which Tribonian never saw; and in THE long period from THE\n viith to THE xiiith century of Rome, THE apparent reading of THE\n moderns successively depends on THE knowledge and veracity of\n THEir predecessors.]\n\n 86 (return) [ All, in several instances, repeat THE errors of THE\n scribe and THE transpositions of some leaves in THE Florentine\n Pandects. This fact, if it be true, is decisive. Yet THE Pandects\n are quoted by Ivo of Chartres, (who died in 1117,) by Theobald,\n archbishop of Canterbury, and by Vacarius, our first professor,\n in THE year 1140, (Selden ad Fletam, c. 7, tom. ii. p.\n 1080—1085.) Have our British Mss. of THE Pandects been collated?]\n\n 87 (return) [ See THE description of this original in Brenckman,\n (Hist. Pandect. Florent. l. i. c. 2, 3, p. 4—17, and l. ii.)\n Politian, an enthusiast, revered it as THE auTHEntic standard of\n Justinian himself, (p. 407, 408;) but this paradox is refuted by\n THE abbreviations of THE Florentine Ms. (l. ii. c. 3, p.\n 117-130.) It is composed of two quarto volumes, with large\n margins, on a thin parchment, and THE Latin characters betray THE\n band of a Greek scribe.]\n\n 88 (return) [ Brenckman, at THE end of his history, has inserted\n two dissertations on THE republic of Amalphi, and THE Pisan war\n in THE year 1135, &c.]\n\n 89 (return) [ The discovery of THE Pandects at Amalphi (A. D\n 1137) is first noticed (in 1501) by Ludovicus Bologninus,\n (Brenckman, l. i. c. 11, p. 73, 74, l. iv. c. 2, p. 417—425,) on\n THE faith of a Pisan chronicle, (p. 409, 410,) without a name or\n a date. The whole story, though unknown to THE xiith century,\n embellished by ignorant ages, and suspected by rigid criticism,\n is not, however, destitute of much internal probability, (l. i.\n c. 4—8, p. 17—50.) The Liber Pandectarum of Pisa was undoubtedly\n consulted in THE xivth century by THE great Bartolus, (p. 406,\n 407. See l. i. c. 9, p. 50—62.) Note: Savigny (vol. iii. p. 83,\n 89) examines and rejects THE whole story. See likewise Hallam\n vol. iii. p. 514.—M.]\n\n 90 (return) [ Pisa was taken by THE Florentines in THE year 1406;\n and in 1411 THE Pandects were transported to THE capital. These\n events are auTHEntic and famous.]\n\n 91 (return) [ They were new bound in purple, deposited in a rich\n casket, and shown to curious travellers by THE monks and\n magistrates bareheaded, and with lighted tapers, (Brenckman, l.\n i. c. 10, 11, 12, p. 62—93.)]\n\n 92 (return) [ After THE collations of Politian, Bologninus, and\n Antoninus Augustinus, and THE splendid edition of THE Pandects by\n Taurellus, (in 1551,) Henry Brenckman, a Dutchman, undertook a\n pilgrimage to Florence, where he employed several years in THE\n study of a single manuscript. His Historia Pandectarum\n Florentinorum, (Utrecht, 1722, in 4to.,) though a monument of\n industry, is a small portion of his original design.]\n\n\n It is THE first care of a reformer to prevent any future\n reformation. To maintain THE text of THE Pandects, THE\n Institutes, and THE Code, THE use of ciphers and abbreviations\n was rigorously proscribed; and as Justinian recollected, that THE\n perpetual edict had been buried under THE weight of commentators,\n he denounced THE punishment of forgery against THE rash civilians\n who should presume to interpret or pervert THE will of THEir\n sovereign. The scholars of Accursius, of Bartolus, of Cujacius,\n should blush for THEir accumulated guilt, unless THEy dare to\n dispute his right of binding THE authority of his successors, and\n THE native freedom of THE mind. But THE emperor was unable to fix\n his own inconstancy; and, while he boasted of renewing THE\n exchange of Diomede, of transmuting brass into gold, 93\n discovered THE necessity of purifying his gold from THE mixture\n of baser alloy. Six years had not elapsed from THE publication of\n THE Code, before he condemned THE imperfect attempt, by a new and\n more accurate edition of THE same work; which he enriched with\n two hundred of his own laws, and fifty decisions of THE darkest\n and most intricate points of jurisprudence. Every year, or,\n according to Procopius, each day, of his long reign, was marked\n by some legal innovation. Many of his acts were rescinded by\n himself; many were rejected by his successors; many have been\n obliterated by time; but THE number of sixteen Edicts, and one\n hundred and sixty-eight Novels, 94 has been admitted into THE\n auTHEntic body of THE civil jurisprudence. In THE opinion of a\n philosopher superior to THE prejudices of his profession, THEse\n incessant, and, for THE most part, trifling alterations, can be\n only explained by THE venal spirit of a prince, who sold without\n shame his judgments and his laws. 95 The charge of THE secret\n historian is indeed explicit and vehement; but THE sole instance,\n which he produces, may be ascribed to THE devotion as well as to\n THE avarice of Justinian. A wealthy bigot had bequeaTHEd his\n inheritance to THE church of Emesa; and its value was enhanced by\n THE dexterity of an artist, who subscribed confessions of debt\n and promises of payment with THE names of THE richest Syrians.\n They pleaded THE established prescription of thirty or forty\n years; but THEir defence was overruled by a retrospective edict,\n which extended THE claims of THE church to THE term of a century;\n an edict so pregnant with injustice and disorder, that, after\n serving this occasional purpose, it was prudently abolished in\n THE same reign. 96 If candor will acquit THE emperor himself, and\n transfer THE corruption to his wife and favorites, THE suspicion\n of so foul a vice must still degrade THE majesty of his laws; and\n THE advocates of Justinian may acknowledge, that such levity,\n whatsoever be THE motive, is unworthy of a legislator and a man.\n\n 93 (return) [ Apud Homerum patrem omnis virtutis, (1st Praefat.\n ad Pandect.) A line of Milton or Tasso would surprise us in an\n act of parliament. Quae omnia obtinere sancimus in omne aevum. Of\n THE first Code, he says, (2d Praefat.,) in aeternum valiturum.\n Man and forever!]\n\n 94 (return) [ Novellae is a classic adjective, but a barbarous\n substantive, (Ludewig, p. 245.) Justinian never collected THEm\n himself; THE nine collations, THE legal standard of modern\n tribunals, consist of ninety-eight Novels; but THE number was\n increased by THE diligence of Julian, Haloander, and Contius,\n (Ludewig, p. 249, 258 Aleman. Not in Anecdot. p. 98.)]\n\n 95 (return) [ Montesquieu, Considerations sur la Grandeur et la\n Decadence des Romains, c. 20, tom. iii. p. 501, in 4to. On this\n occasion he throws aside THE gown and cap of a President a\n Mortier.]\n\n 96 (return) [ Procopius, Anecdot. c. 28. A similar privilege was\n granted to THE church of Rome, (Novel. ix.) For THE general\n repeal of THEse mischievous indulgences, see Novel. cxi. and\n Edict. v.]\n\n\n Monarchs seldom condescend to become THE preceptors of THEir\n subjects; and some praise is due to Justinian, by whose command\n an ample system was reduced to a short and elementary treatise.\n Among THE various institutes of THE Roman law, 97 those of Caius\n 98 were THE most popular in THE East and West; and THEir use may\n be considered as an evidence of THEir merit. They were selected\n by THE Imperial delegates, Tribonian, Theophilus, and DoroTHEus;\n and THE freedom and purity of THE Antonines was incrusted with\n THE coarser materials of a degenerate age. The same volume which\n introduced THE youth of Rome, Constantinople, and Berytus, to THE\n gradual study of THE Code and Pandects, is still precious to THE\n historian, THE philosopher, and THE magistrate. The Institutes of\n Justinian are divided into four books: THEy proceed, with no\n contemptible method, from, I. Persons, to, II. Things, and from\n things, to, III. Actions; and THE article IV., of Private Wrongs,\n is terminated by THE principles of Criminal Law. 9811\n\n 97 (return) [ Lactantius, in his Institutes of Christianity, an\n elegant and specious work, proposes to imitate THE title and\n method of THE civilians. Quidam prudentes et arbitri aequitatis\n Institutiones Civilis Juris compositas ediderunt, (Institut.\n Divin. l. i. c. 1.) Such as Ulpian, Paul, Florentinus, Marcian.]\n\n 98 (return) [ The emperor Justinian calls him suum, though he\n died before THE end of THE second century. His Institutes are\n quoted by Servius, Boethius, Priscian, &c.; and THE Epitome by\n Arrian is still extant. (See THE Prolegomena and notes to THE\n edition of Schulting, in THE Jurisprudentia Ante-Justinianea,\n Lugd. Bat. 1717. Heineccius, Hist. J R No. 313. Ludewig, in Vit.\n Just. p. 199.)]\n\n 9811 (return) [ Gibbon, dividing THE Institutes into four parts,\n considers THE appendix of THE criminal law in THE last title as a\n fourth part.—W.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part V.\n\n\n The distinction of ranks and persons is THE firmest basis of a\n mixed and limited government. In France, THE remains of liberty\n are kept alive by THE spirit, THE honors, and even THE\n prejudices, of fifty thousand nobles. 99 Two hundred families\n 9911 supply, in lineal descent, THE second branch of English\n legislature, which maintains, between THE king and commons, THE\n balance of THE constitution. A gradation of patricians and\n plebeians, of strangers and subjects, has supported THE\n aristocracy of Genoa, Venice, and ancient Rome. The perfect\n equality of men is THE point in which THE extremes of democracy\n and despotism are confounded; since THE majesty of THE prince or\n people would be offended, if any heads were exalted above THE\n level of THEir fellow-slaves or fellow-citizens. In THE decline\n of THE Roman empire, THE proud distinctions of THE republic were\n gradually abolished, and THE reason or instinct of Justinian\n completed THE simple form of an absolute monarchy. The emperor\n could not eradicate THE popular reverence which always waits on\n THE possession of hereditary wealth, or THE memory of famous\n ancestors. He delighted to honor, with titles and emoluments, his\n generals, magistrates, and senators; and his precarious\n indulgence communicated some rays of THEir glory to THE persons\n of THEir wives and children. But in THE eye of THE law, all Roman\n citizens were equal, and all subjects of THE empire were citizens\n of Rome. That inestimable character was degraded to an obsolete\n and empty name. The voice of a Roman could no longer enact his\n laws, or create THE annual ministers of his power: his\n constitutional rights might have checked THE arbitrary will of a\n master: and THE bold adventurer from Germany or Arabia was\n admitted, with equal favor, to THE civil and military command,\n which THE citizen alone had been once entitled to assume over THE\n conquests of his faTHErs. The first Caesars had scrupulously\n guarded THE distinction of ingenuous and servile birth, which was\n decided by THE condition of THE moTHEr; and THE candor of THE\n laws was satisfied, if her freedom could be ascertained, during a\n single moment, between THE conception and THE delivery. The\n slaves, who were liberated by a generous master, immediately\n entered into THE middle class of libertines or freedmen; but THEy\n could never be enfranchised from THE duties of obedience and\n gratitude; whatever were THE fruits of THEir industry, THEir\n patron and his family inherited THE third part; or even THE whole\n of THEir fortune, if THEy died without children and without a\n testament. Justinian respected THE rights of patrons; but his\n indulgence removed THE badge of disgrace from THE two inferior\n orders of freedmen; whoever ceased to be a slave, obtained,\n without reserve or delay, THE station of a citizen; and at length\n THE dignity of an ingenuous birth, which nature had refused, was\n created, or supposed, by THE omnipotence of THE emperor. Whatever\n restraints of age, or forms, or numbers, had been formerly\n introduced to check THE abuse of manumissions, and THE too rapid\n increase of vile and indigent Romans, he finally abolished; and\n THE spirit of his laws promoted THE extinction of domestic\n servitude. Yet THE eastern provinces were filled, in THE time of\n Justinian, with multitudes of slaves, eiTHEr born or purchased\n for THE use of THEir masters; and THE price, from ten to seventy\n pieces of gold, was determined by THEir age, THEir strength, and\n THEir education. 100 But THE hardships of this dependent state\n were continually diminished by THE influence of government and\n religion: and THE pride of a subject was no longer elated by his\n absolute dominion over THE life and happiness of his bondsman.\n 101\n\n 99 (return) [ See THE Annales Politiques de l’Abbe de St. Pierre,\n tom. i. p. 25 who dates in THE year 1735. The most ancient\n families claim THE immemorial possession of arms and fiefs. Since\n THE Crusades, some, THE most truly respectable, have been created\n by THE king, for merit and services. The recent and vulgar crowd\n is derived from THE multitude of venal offices without trust or\n dignity, which continually ennoble THE wealthy plebeians.]\n\n 9911 (return) [ Since THE time of Gibbon, THE House of Peers has\n been more than doubled: it is above 400, exclusive of THE\n spiritual peers—a wise policy to increase THE patrician order in\n proportion to THE general increase of THE nation.—M.]\n\n 100 (return) [ If THE option of a slave was bequeaTHEd to several\n legatees, THEy drew lots, and THE losers were entitled to THEir\n share of his value; ten pieces of gold for a common servant or\n maid under ten years: if above that age, twenty; if THEy knew a\n trade, thirty; notaries or writers, fifty; midwives or\n physicians, sixty; eunuchs under ten years, thirty pieces; above,\n fifty; if tradesmen, seventy, (Cod. l. vi. tit. xliii. leg. 3.)\n These legal prices are generally below those of THE market.]\n\n 101 (return) [ For THE state of slaves and freedmen, see\n Institutes, l. i. tit. iii.—viii. l. ii. tit. ix. l. iii. tit.\n viii. ix. Pandects or Digest, l. i. tit. v. vi. l. xxxviii. tit.\n i.—iv., and THE whole of THE xlth book. Code, l. vi. tit. iv. v.\n l. vii. tit. i.—xxiii. Be it henceforward understood that, with\n THE original text of THE Institutes and Pandects, THE\n correspondent articles in THE Antiquities and Elements of\n Heineccius are implicitly quoted; and with THE xxvii. first books\n of THE Pandects, THE learned and rational Commentaries of Gerard\n Noodt, (Opera, tom. ii. p. 1—590, THE end. Lugd. Bat. 1724.)]\n\n\n The law of nature instructs most animals to cherish and educate\n THEir infant progeny. The law of reason inculcates to THE human\n species THE returns of filial piety. But THE exclusive, absolute,\n and perpetual dominion of THE faTHEr over his children, is\n peculiar to THE Roman jurisprudence, 102 and seems to be coeval\n with THE foundation of THE city. 103 The paternal power was\n instituted or confirmed by Romulus himself; and, after THE\n practice of three centuries, it was inscribed on THE fourth table\n of THE Decemvirs. In THE forum, THE senate, or THE camp, THE\n adult son of a Roman citizen enjoyed THE public and private\n rights of a person: in his faTHEr’s house he was a mere thing;\n 1031 confounded by THE laws with THE movables, THE cattle, and\n THE slaves, whom THE capricious master might alienate or destroy,\n without being responsible to any earthly tribunal. The hand which\n bestowed THE daily sustenance might resume THE voluntary gift,\n and whatever was acquired by THE labor or fortune of THE son was\n immediately lost in THE property of THE faTHEr. His stolen goods\n (his oxen or his children) might be recovered by THE same action\n of THEft; 104 and if eiTHEr had been guilty of a trespass, it was\n in his own option to compensate THE damage, or resign to THE\n injured party THE obnoxious animal. At THE call of indigence or\n avarice, THE master of a family could dispose of his children or\n his slaves. But THE condition of THE slave was far more\n advantageous, since he regained, by THE first manumission, his\n alienated freedom: THE son was again restored to his unnatural\n faTHEr; he might be condemned to servitude a second and a third\n time, and it was not till after THE third sale and deliverance,\n 105 that he was enfranchised from THE domestic power which had\n been so repeatedly abused. According to his discretion, a faTHEr\n might chastise THE real or imaginary faults of his children, by\n stripes, by imprisonment, by exile, by sending THEm to THE\n country to work in chains among THE meanest of his servants. The\n majesty of a parent was armed with THE power of life and death;\n 106 and THE examples of such bloody executions, which were\n sometimes praised and never punished, may be traced in THE annals\n of Rome beyond THE times of Pompey and Augustus. NeiTHEr age, nor\n rank, nor THE consular office, nor THE honors of a triumph, could\n exempt THE most illustrious citizen from THE bonds of filial\n subjection: 107 his own descendants were included in THE family\n of THEir common ancestor; and THE claims of adoption were not\n less sacred or less rigorous than those of nature. Without fear,\n though not without danger of abuse, THE Roman legislators had\n reposed an unbounded confidence in THE sentiments of paternal\n love; and THE oppression was tempered by THE assurance that each\n generation must succeed in its turn to THE awful dignity of\n parent and master.\n\n 102 (return) [ See THE patria potestas in THE Institutes, (l. i.\n tit. ix.,) THE Pandects, (l. i. tit. vi. vii.,) and THE Code, (l.\n viii. tit. xlvii. xlviii. xlix.) Jus potestatis quod in liberos\n habemus proprium est civium Romanorum. Nulli enim alii sunt\n homines, qui talem in liberos habeant potestatem qualem nos\n habemus. * Note: The newly-discovered Institutes of Gaius name\n one nation in which THE same power was vested in THE parent. Nec\n me praeterit Galatarum gentem credere, in potestate parentum\n liberos esse. Gaii Instit. edit. 1824, p. 257.—M.]\n\n 103 (return) [ Dionysius Hal. l. ii. p. 94, 95. Gravina (Opp. p.\n 286) produces THE words of THE xii. tables. Papinian (in\n Collatione Legum Roman et Mosaicarum, tit. iv. p. 204) styles\n this patria potestas, lex regia: Ulpian (ad Sabin. l. xxvi. in\n Pandect. l. i. tit. vi. leg. 8) says, jus potestatis moribus\n receptum; and furiosus filium in potestate habebit How sacred—or\n raTHEr, how absurd! * Note: All this is in strict accordance with\n THE Roman character.—W.]\n\n 1031 (return) [ This parental power was strictly confined to THE\n Roman citizen. The foreigner, or he who had only jus Latii, did\n not possess it. If a Roman citizen unknowingly married a Latin or\n a foreign wife, he did not possess this power over his son,\n because THE son, following THE legal condition of THE moTHEr, was\n not a Roman citizen. A man, however, alleging sufficient cause\n for his ignorance, might raise both moTHEr and child to THE\n rights of citizenship. Gaius. p. 30.—M.]\n\n 104 (return) [ Pandect. l. xlvii. tit. ii. leg. 14, No. 13, leg.\n 38, No. 1. Such was THE decision of Ulpian and Paul.]\n\n 105 (return) [ The trina mancipatio is most clearly defined by\n Ulpian, (Fragment. x. p. 591, 592, edit. Schulting;) and best\n illustrated in THE Antiquities of Heineccius. * Note: The son of\n a family sold by his faTHEr did not become in every respect a\n slave, he was statu liber; that is to say, on paying THE price\n for which he was sold, he became entirely free. See Hugo, Hist.\n Section 61—W.]\n\n 106 (return) [ By Justinian, THE old law, THE jus necis of THE\n Roman faTHEr (Institut. l. iv. tit. ix. No. 7) is reported and\n reprobated. Some legal vestiges are left in THE Pandects (l.\n xliii. tit. xxix. leg. 3, No. 4) and THE Collatio Legum Romanarum\n et Mosaicarum, (tit. ii. No. 3, p. 189.)]\n\n 107 (return) [ Except on public occasions, and in THE actual\n exercise of his office. In publicis locis atque muneribus, atque\n actionibus patrum, jura cum filiorum qui in magistratu sunt\n potestatibus collata interquiescere paullulum et connivere, &c.,\n (Aul. Gellius, Noctes Atticae, ii. 2.) The Lessons of THE\n philosopher Taurus were justified by THE old and memorable\n example of Fabius; and we may contemplate THE same story in THE\n style of Livy (xxiv. 44) and THE homely idiom of Claudius Quadri\n garius THE annalist.]\n\n\n The first limitation of paternal power is ascribed to THE justice\n and humanity of Numa; and THE maid who, with his faTHEr’s\n consent, had espoused a freeman, was protected from THE disgrace\n of becoming THE wife of a slave. In THE first ages, when THE city\n was pressed, and often famished, by her Latin and Tuscan\n neighbors, THE sale of children might be a frequent practice; but\n as a Roman could not legally purchase THE liberty of his\n fellow-citizen, THE market must gradually fail, and THE trade\n would be destroyed by THE conquests of THE republic. An imperfect\n right of property was at length communicated to sons; and THE\n threefold distinction of profectitious, adventitious, and\n professional was ascertained by THE jurisprudence of THE Code and\n Pandects. 108 Of all that proceeded from THE faTHEr, he imparted\n only THE use, and reserved THE absolute dominion; yet if his\n goods were sold, THE filial portion was excepted, by a favorable\n interpretation, from THE demands of THE creditors. In whatever\n accrued by marriage, gift, or collateral succession, THE property\n was secured to THE son; but THE faTHEr, unless he had been\n specially excluded, enjoyed THE usufruct during his life. As a\n just and prudent reward of military virtue, THE spoils of THE\n enemy were acquired, possessed, and bequeaTHEd by THE soldier\n alone; and THE fair analogy was extended to THE emoluments of any\n liberal profession, THE salary of public service, and THE sacred\n liberality of THE emperor or empress. The life of a citizen was\n less exposed than his fortune to THE abuse of paternal power. Yet\n his life might be adverse to THE interest or passions of an\n unworthy faTHEr: THE same crimes that flowed from THE corruption,\n were more sensibly felt by THE humanity, of THE Augustan age; and\n THE cruel Erixo, who whipped his son till he expired, was saved\n by THE emperor from THE just fury of THE multitude. 109 The Roman\n faTHEr, from THE license of servile dominion, was reduced to THE\n gravity and moderation of a judge. The presence and opinion of\n Augustus confirmed THE sentence of exile pronounced against an\n intentional parricide by THE domestic tribunal of Arius. Adrian\n transported to an island THE jealous parent, who, like a robber,\n had seized THE opportunity of hunting, to assassinate a youth,\n THE incestuous lover of his step-moTHEr. 110 A private\n jurisdiction is repugnant to THE spirit of monarchy; THE parent\n was again reduced from a judge to an accuser; and THE magistrates\n were enjoined by Severus Alexander to hear his complaints and\n execute his sentence. He could no longer take THE life of a son\n without incurring THE guilt and punishment of murder; and THE\n pains of parricide, from which he had been excepted by THE\n Pompeian law, were finally inflicted by THE justice of\n Constantine. 111 The same protection was due to every period of\n existence; and reason must applaud THE humanity of Paulus, for\n imputing THE crime of murder to THE faTHEr who strangles, or\n starves, or abandons his new-born infant; or exposes him in a\n public place to find THE mercy which he himself had denied. But\n THE exposition of children was THE prevailing and stubborn vice\n of antiquity: it was sometimes prescribed, often permitted,\n almost always practised with impunity, by THE nations who never\n entertained THE Roman ideas of paternal power; and THE dramatic\n poets, who appeal to THE human heart, represent with indifference\n a popular custom which was palliated by THE motives of economy\n and compassion. 112 If THE faTHEr could subdue his own feelings,\n he might escape, though not THE censure, at least THE\n chastisement, of THE laws; and THE Roman empire was stained with\n THE blood of infants, till such murders were included, by\n Valentinian and his colleagues, in THE letter and spirit of THE\n Cornelian law. The lessons of jurisprudence 113 and Christianity\n had been insufficient to eradicate this inhuman practice, till\n THEir gentle influence was fortified by THE terrors of capital\n punishment. 114\n\n 108 (return) [ See THE gradual enlargement and security of THE\n filial peculium in THE Institutes, (l. ii. tit. ix.,) THE\n Pandects, (l. xv. tit. i. l. xli. tit. i.,) and THE Code, (l. iv.\n tit. xxvi. xxvii.)]\n\n 109 (return) [ The examples of Erixo and Arius are related by\n Seneca, (de Clementia, i. 14, 15,) THE former with horror, THE\n latter with applause.]\n\n 110 (return) [ Quod latronis magis quam patris jure eum\n interfecit, nam patria potestas in pietate debet non in\n atrocitate consistere, (Marcian. Institut. l. xix. in Pandect. l.\n xlviii. tit. ix. leg.5.)]\n\n 111 (return) [ The Pompeian and Cornelian laws de sicariis and\n parricidis are repeated, or raTHEr abridged, with THE last\n supplements of Alexander Severus, Constantine, and Valentinian,\n in THE Pandects (l. xlviii. tit. viii ix,) and Code, (l. ix. tit.\n xvi. xvii.) See likewise THE Theodosian Code, (l. ix. tit. xiv.\n xv.,) with Godefroy’s Commentary, (tom. iii. p. 84—113) who pours\n a flood of ancient and modern learning over THEse penal laws.]\n\n 112 (return) [ When THE Chremes of Terence reproaches his wife\n for not obeying his orders and exposing THEir infant, he speaks\n like a faTHEr and a master, and silences THE scruples of a\n foolish woman. See Apuleius, (Metamorph. l. x. p. 337, edit.\n Delphin.)]\n\n 113 (return) [ The opinion of THE lawyers, and THE discretion of\n THE magistrates, had introduced, in THE time of Tacitus, some\n legal restraints, which might support his contrast of THE boni\n mores of THE Germans to THE bonae leges alibi—that is to say, at\n Rome, (de Moribus Germanorum, c. 19.) Tertullian (ad Nationes, l.\n i. c. 15) refutes his own charges, and those of his brethren,\n against THE heaTHEn jurisprudence.]\n\n 114 (return) [ The wise and humane sentence of THE civilian Paul\n (l. ii. Sententiarum in Pandect, 1. xxv. tit. iii. leg. 4) is\n represented as a mere moral precept by Gerard Noodt, (Opp. tom.\n i. in Julius Paulus, p. 567—558, and Amica Responsio, p.\n 591-606,) who maintains THE opinion of Justus Lipsius, (Opp. tom.\n ii. p. 409, ad Belgas. cent. i. epist. 85,) and as a positive\n binding law by Bynkershoek, (de Jure occidendi Liberos, Opp. tom.\n i. p. 318—340. Curae Secundae, p. 391—427.) In a learned out\n angry controversy, THE two friends deviated into THE opposite\n extremes.]\n\n\n Experience has proved, that savages are THE tyrants of THE female\n sex, and that THE condition of women is usually softened by THE\n refinements of social life. In THE hope of a robust progeny,\n Lycurgus had delayed THE season of marriage: it was fixed by Numa\n at THE tender age of twelve years, that THE Roman husband might\n educate to his will a pure and obedient virgin. 115 According to\n THE custom of antiquity, he bought his bride of her parents, and\n she fulfilled THE coemption by purchasing, with three pieces of\n copper, a just introduction to his house and household deities. A\n sacrifice of fruits was offered by THE pontiffs in THE presence\n of ten witnesses; THE contracting parties were seated on THE same\n sheep-skin; THEy tasted a salt cake of far or rice; and this\n confarreation, 116 which denoted THE ancient food of Italy,\n served as an emblem of THEir mystic union of mind and body. But\n this union on THE side of THE woman was rigorous and unequal; and\n she renounced THE name and worship of her faTHEr’s house, to\n embrace a new servitude, decorated only by THE title of adoption,\n a fiction of THE law, neiTHEr rational nor elegant, bestowed on\n THE moTHEr of a family 117 (her proper appellation) THE strange\n characters of sister to her own children, and of daughter to her\n husband or master, who was invested with THE plenitude of\n paternal power. By his judgment or caprice her behavior was\n approved, or censured, or chastised; he exercised THE\n jurisdiction of life and death; and it was allowed, that in THE\n cases of adultery or drunkenness, 118 THE sentence might be\n properly inflicted. She acquired and inherited for THE sole\n profit of her lord; and so clearly was woman defined, not as a\n person, but as a thing, that, if THE original title were\n deficient, she might be claimed, like oTHEr movables, by THE use\n and possession of an entire year. The inclination of THE Roman\n husband discharged or withheld THE conjugal debt, so scrupulously\n exacted by THE ATHEnian and Jewish laws: 119 but as polygamy was\n unknown, he could never admit to his bed a fairer or a more\n favored partner.\n\n 115 (return) [ Dionys. Hal. l. ii. p. 92, 93. Plutarch, in Numa,\n p. 140-141.]\n\n 116 (return) [ Among THE winter frunenta, THE triticum, or\n bearded wheat; THE siligo, or THE unbearded; THE far, adorea,\n oryza, whose description perfectly tallies with THE rice of Spain\n and Italy. I adopt this identity on THE credit of M. Paucton in\n his useful and laborious Metrologie, (p. 517—529.)]\n\n 117 (return) [ Aulus Gellius (Noctes Atticae, xviii. 6) gives a\n ridiculous definition of Aelius Melissus, Matrona, quae semel\n materfamilias quae saepius peperit, as porcetra and scropha in\n THE sow kind. He THEn adds THE genuine meaning, quae in\n matrimonium vel in manum convenerat.]\n\n 118 (return) [ It was enough to have tasted wine, or to have\n stolen THE key of THE cellar, (Plin. Hist. Nat. xiv. 14.)]\n\n 119 (return) [ Solon requires three payments per month. By THE\n Misna, a daily debt was imposed on an idle, vigorous, young\n husband; twice a week on a citizen; once on a peasant; once in\n thirty days on a camel-driver; once in six months on a seaman.\n But THE student or doctor was free from tribute; and no wife, if\n she received a weekly sustenance, could sue for a divorce; for\n one week a vow of abstinence was allowed. Polygamy divided,\n without multiplying, THE duties of THE husband, (Selden, Uxor\n Ebraica, l. iii. c 6, in his works, vol ii. p. 717—720.)]\n\n\n After THE Punic triumphs, THE matrons of Rome aspired to THE\n common benefits of a free and opulent republic: THEir wishes were\n gratified by THE indulgence of faTHErs and lovers, and THEir\n ambition was unsuccessfully resisted by THE gravity of Cato THE\n Censor. 120 They declined THE solemnities of THE old nuptiais;\n defeated THE annual prescription by an absence of three days;\n and, without losing THEir name or independence, subscribed THE\n liberal and definite terms of a marriage contract. Of THEir\n private fortunes, THEy communicated THE use, and secured THE\n property: THE estates of a wife could neiTHEr be alienated nor\n mortgaged by a prodigal husband; THEir mutual gifts were\n prohibited by THE jealousy of THE laws; and THE misconduct of\n eiTHEr party might afford, under anoTHEr name, a future subject\n for an action of THEft. To this loose and voluntary compact,\n religious and civil rights were no longer essential; and, between\n persons of a similar rank, THE apparent community of life was\n allowed as sufficient evidence of THEir nuptials. The dignity of\n marriage was restored by THE Christians, who derived all\n spiritual grace from THE prayers of THE faithful and THE\n benediction of THE priest or bishop. The origin, validity, and\n duties of THE holy institution were regulated by THE tradition of\n THE synagogue, THE precepts of THE gospel, and THE canons of\n general or provincial synods; 121 and THE conscience of THE\n Christians was awed by THE decrees and censures of THEir\n ecclesiastical rulers. Yet THE magistrates of Justinian were not\n subject to THE authority of THE church: THE emperor consulted THE\n unbelieving civilians of antiquity, and THE choice of matrimonial\n laws in THE Code and Pandects, is directed by THE earthly motives\n of justice, policy, and THE natural freedom of both sexes. 122\n\n 120 (return) [ On THE Oppian law we may hear THE mitigating\n speech of Vaerius Flaccus, and THE severe censorial oration of\n THE elder Cato, (Liv. xxxiv. l—8.) But we shall raTHEr hear THE\n polished historian of THE eighth, than THE rough orators of THE\n sixth, century of Rome. The principles, and even THE style, of\n Cato are more accurately preserved by Aulus Gellius, (x. 23.)]\n\n 121 (return) [ For THE system of Jewish and Catholic matrimony,\n see Selden, (Uxor Ebraica, Opp. vol. ii. p. 529—860,) Bingham,\n (Christian Antiquities, l. xxii.,) and Chardon, (Hist. des\n Sacremens, tom. vi.)]\n\n 122 (return) [ The civil laws of marriage are exposed in THE\n Institutes, (l. i. tit. x.,) THE Pandects, (l. xxiii. xxiv.\n xxv.,) and THE Code, (l. v.;) but as THE title de ritu nuptiarum\n is yet imperfect, we are obliged to explore THE fragments of\n Ulpian (tit. ix. p. 590, 591,) and THE Collatio Legum Mosaicarum,\n (tit. xvi. p. 790, 791,) with THE notes of Pithaeus and\n Schulting. They find in THE Commentary of Servius (on THE 1st\n Georgia and THE 4th Aeneid) two curious passages.]\n\n\n Besides THE agreement of THE parties, THE essence of every\n rational contract, THE Roman marriage required THE previous\n approbation of THE parents. A faTHEr might be forced by some\n recent laws to supply THE wants of a mature daughter; but even\n his insanity was not gradually allowed to supersede THE necessity\n of his consent. The causes of THE dissolution of matrimony have\n varied among THE Romans; 123 but THE most solemn sacrament, THE\n confarreation itself, might always be done away by rites of a\n contrary tendency. In THE first ages, THE faTHEr of a family\n might sell his children, and his wife was reckoned in THE number\n of his children: THE domestic judge might pronounce THE death of\n THE offender, or his mercy might expel her from his bed and\n house; but THE slavery of THE wretched female was hopeless and\n perpetual, unless he asserted for his own convenience THE manly\n prerogative of divorce. 1231 The warmest applause has been\n lavished on THE virtue of THE Romans, who abstained from THE\n exercise of this tempting privilege above five hundred years: 124\n but THE same fact evinces THE unequal terms of a connection in\n which THE slave was unable to renounce her tyrant, and THE tyrant\n was unwilling to relinquish his slave. When THE Roman matrons\n became THE equal and voluntary companions of THEir lords, a new\n jurisprudence was introduced, that marriage, like oTHEr\n partnerships, might be dissolved by THE abdication of one of THE\n associates. In three centuries of prosperity and corruption, this\n principle was enlarged to frequent practice and pernicious abuse.\n\n\n Passion, interest, or caprice, suggested daily motives for THE\n dissolution of marriage; a word, a sign, a message, a letter, THE\n mandate of a freedman, declared THE separation; THE most tender\n of human connections was degraded to a transient society of\n profit or pleasure. According to THE various conditions of life,\n both sexes alternately felt THE disgrace and injury: an\n inconstant spouse transferred her wealth to a new family,\n abandoning a numerous, perhaps a spurious, progeny to THE\n paternal authority and care of her late husband; a beautiful\n virgin might be dismissed to THE world, old, indigent, and\n friendless; but THE reluctance of THE Romans, when THEy were\n pressed to marriage by Augustus, sufficiently marks, that THE\n prevailing institutions were least favorable to THE males. A\n specious THEory is confuted by this free and perfect experiment,\n which demonstrates, that THE liberty of divorce does not\n contribute to happiness and virtue. The facility of separation\n would destroy all mutual confidence, and inflame every trifling\n dispute: THE minute difference between a husband and a stranger,\n which might so easily be removed, might still more easily be\n forgotten; and THE matron, who in five years can submit to THE\n embraces of eight husbands, must cease to reverence THE chastity\n of her own person. 125\n\n 123 (return) [ According to Plutarch, (p. 57,) Romulus allowed\n only three grounds of a divorce—drunkenness, adultery, and false\n keys. OTHErwise, THE husband who abused his supremacy forfeited\n half his goods to THE wife, and half to THE goddess Ceres, and\n offered a sacrifice (with THE remainder?) to THE terrestrial\n deities. This strange law was eiTHEr imaginary or transient.]\n\n 1231 (return) [ Montesquieu relates and explains this fact in a\n different marnes Esprit des Loix, l. xvi. c. 16.—G.]\n\n 124 (return) [ In THE year of Rome 523, Spurius Carvilius Ruga\n repudiated a fair, a good, but a barren, wife, (Dionysius Hal. l.\n ii. p. 93. Plutarch, in Numa, p. 141; Valerius Maximus, l. ii. c.\n 1; Aulus Gellius, iv. 3.) He was questioned by THE censors, and\n hated by THE people; but his divorce stood unimpeached in law.]\n\n 125 (return) [—Sic fiunt octo mariti Quinque per autumnos.\n Juvenal, Satir. vi. 20.—A rapid succession, which may yet be\n credible, as well as THE non consulum numero, sed maritorum annos\n suos computant, of Seneca, (de Beneficiis, iii. 16.) Jerom saw at\n Rome a triumphant husband bury his twenty-first wife, who had\n interred twenty-two of his less sturdy predecessors, (Opp. tom.\n i. p. 90, ad Gerontiam.) But THE ten husbands in a month of THE\n poet Martial, is an extravagant hyperbole, (l. 71. epigram 7.)]\n\n\n Insufficient remedies followed with distant and tardy steps THE\n rapid progress of THE evil. The ancient worship of THE Romans\n afforded a peculiar goddess to hear and reconcile THE complaints\n of a married life; but her epiTHEt of Viriplaca, 126 THE appeaser\n of husbands, too clearly indicates on which side submission and\n repentance were always expected. Every act of a citizen was\n subject to THE judgment of THE censors; THE first who used THE\n privilege of divorce assigned, at THEir command, THE motives of\n his conduct; 127 and a senator was expelled for dismissing his\n virgin spouse without THE knowledge or advice of his friends.\n Whenever an action was instituted for THE recovery of a marriage\n portion, THE proetor, as THE guardian of equity, examined THE\n cause and THE characters, and gently inclined THE scale in favor\n of THE guiltless and injured party. Augustus, who united THE\n powers of both magistrates, adopted THEir different modes of\n repressing or chastising THE license of divorce. 128 The presence\n of seven Roman witnesses was required for THE validity of this\n solemn and deliberate act: if any adequate provocation had been\n given by THE husband, instead of THE delay of two years, he was\n compelled to refund immediately, or in THE space of six months;\n but if he could arraign THE manners of his wife, her guilt or\n levity was expiated by THE loss of THE sixth or eighth part of\n her marriage portion. The Christian princes were THE first who\n specified THE just causes of a private divorce; THEir\n institutions, from Constantine to Justinian, appear to fluctuate\n between THE custom of THE empire and THE wishes of THE church,\n 129 and THE author of THE Novels too frequently reforms THE\n jurisprudence of THE Code and Pandects. In THE most rigorous\n laws, a wife was condemned to support a gamester, a drunkard, or\n a libertine, unless he were guilty of homicide, poison, or\n sacrilege, in which cases THE marriage, as it should seem, might\n have been dissolved by THE hand of THE executioner. But THE\n sacred right of THE husband was invariably maintained, to deliver\n his name and family from THE disgrace of adultery: THE list of\n mortal sins, eiTHEr male or female, was curtailed and enlarged by\n successive regulations, and THE obstacles of incurable impotence,\n long absence, and monastic profession, were allowed to rescind\n THE matrimonial obligation. Whoever transgressed THE permission\n of THE law, was subject to various and heavy penalties. The woman\n was stripped of her wealth and ornaments, without excepting THE\n bodkin of her hair: if THE man introduced a new bride into his\n bed, her fortune might be lawfully seized by THE vengeance of his\n exiled wife. Forfeiture was sometimes commuted to a fine; THE\n fine was sometimes aggravated by transportation to an island, or\n imprisonment in a monastery; THE injured party was released from\n THE bonds of marriage; but THE offender, during life, or a term\n of years, was disabled from THE repetition of nuptials. The\n successor of Justinian yielded to THE prayers of his unhappy\n subjects, and restored THE liberty of divorce by mutual consent:\n THE civilians were unanimous, 130 THE THEologians were divided,\n 131 and THE ambiguous word, which contains THE precept of Christ,\n is flexible to any interpretation that THE wisdom of a legislator\n can demand.\n\n 126 (return) [ Sacellum Viriplacae, (Valerius Maximus, l. ii. c.\n 1,) in THE Palatine region, appears in THE time of Theodosius, in\n THE description of Rome by Publius Victor.]\n\n 127 (return) [ Valerius Maximus, l. ii. c. 9. With some propriety\n he judges divorce more criminal than celibacy: illo namque\n conjugalia sacre spreta tantum, hoc etiam injuriose tractata.]\n\n 128 (return) [ See THE laws of Augustus and his successors, in\n Heineccius, ad Legem Papiam-Poppaeam, c. 19, in Opp. tom. vi. P.\n i. p. 323—333.]\n\n 129 (return) [ Aliae sunt leges Caesarum, aliae Christi; aliud\n Papinianus, aliud Paulus nocter praecipit, (Jerom. tom. i. p.\n 198. Selden, Uxor Ebraica l. iii. c. 31 p. 847—853.)]\n\n 130 (return) [ The Institutes are silent; but we may consult THE\n Codes of Theodosius (l. iii. tit. xvi., with Godefroy’s\n Commentary, tom. i. p. 310—315) and Justinian, (l. v. tit.\n xvii.,) THE Pandects (l. xxiv. tit. ii.) and THE Novels, (xxii.\n cxvii. cxxvii. cxxxiv. cxl.) Justinian fluctuated to THE last\n between civil and ecclesiastical law.]\n\n 131 (return) [ In pure Greek, it is not a common word; nor can\n THE proper meaning, fornication, be strictly applied to\n matrimonial sin. In a figurative sense, how far, and to what\n offences, may it be extended? Did Christ speak THE Rabbinical or\n Syriac tongue? Of what original word is THE translation? How\n variously is that Greek word translated in THE versions ancient\n and modern! There are two (Mark, x. 11, Luke, xvi. 18) to one\n (MatTHEw, xix. 9) that such ground of divorce was not excepted by\n Jesus. Some critics have presumed to think, by an evasive answer,\n he avoided THE giving offence eiTHEr to THE school of Sammai or\n to that of Hillel, (Selden, Uxor Ebraica, l. iii. c. 18—22, 28,\n 31.) * Note: But THEse had nothing to do with THE question of a\n divorce made by judicial authority.—Hugo.]\n\n\n The freedom of love and marriage was restrained among THE Romans\n by natural and civil impediments. An instinct, almost innate and\n universal, appears to prohibit THE incestuous commerce 132 of\n parents and children in THE infinite series of ascending and\n descending generations. Concerning THE oblique and collateral\n branches, nature is indifferent, reason mute, and custom various\n and arbitrary. In Egypt, THE marriage of broTHErs and sisters was\n admitted without scruple or exception: a Spartan might espouse\n THE daughter of his faTHEr, an ATHEnian, that of his moTHEr; and\n THE nuptials of an uncle with his niece were applauded at ATHEns\n as a happy union of THE dearest relations. The profane lawgivers\n of Rome were never tempted by interest or superstition to\n multiply THE forbidden degrees: but THEy inflexibly condemned THE\n marriage of sisters and broTHErs, hesitated wheTHEr first cousins\n should be touched by THE same interdict; revered THE parental\n character of aunts and uncles, 1321 and treated affinity and\n adoption as a just imitation of THE ties of blood. According to\n THE proud maxims of THE republic, a legal marriage could only be\n contracted by free citizens; an honorable, at least an ingenuous\n birth, was required for THE spouse of a senator: but THE blood of\n kings could never mingle in legitimate nuptials with THE blood of\n a Roman; and THE name of Stranger degraded Cleopatra and\n Berenice, 133 to live THE concubines of Mark Antony and Titus.\n 134 This appellation, indeed, so injurious to THE majesty, cannot\n without indulgence be applied to THE manners, of THEse Oriental\n queens. A concubine, in THE strict sense of THE civilians, was a\n woman of servile or plebeian extraction, THE sole and faithful\n companion of a Roman citizen, who continued in a state of\n celibacy. Her modest station, below THE honors of a wife, above\n THE infamy of a prostitute, was acknowledged and approved by THE\n laws: from THE age of Augustus to THE tenth century, THE use of\n this secondary marriage prevailed both in THE West and East; and\n THE humble virtues of a concubine were often preferred to THE\n pomp and insolence of a noble matron. In this connection, THE two\n Antonines, THE best of princes and of men, enjoyed THE comforts\n of domestic love: THE example was imitated by many citizens\n impatient of celibacy, but regardful of THEir families. If at any\n time THEy desired to legitimate THEir natural children, THE\n conversion was instantly performed by THE celebration of THEir\n nuptials with a partner whose faithfulness and fidelity THEy had\n already tried. 1341 By this epiTHEt of natural, THE offspring of\n THE concubine were distinguished from THE spurious brood of\n adultery, prostitution, and incest, to whom Justinian reluctantly\n grants THE necessary aliments of life; and THEse natural children\n alone were capable of succeeding to a sixth part of THE\n inheritance of THEir reputed faTHEr. According to THE rigor of\n law, bastards were entitled only to THE name and condition of\n THEir moTHEr, from whom THEy might derive THE character of a\n slave, a stranger, or a citizen. The outcasts of every family\n were adopted without reproach as THE children of THE state. 135\n 1351\n\n 132 (return) [ The principles of THE Roman jurisprudence are\n exposed by Justinian, (Institut. t. i. tit. x.;) and THE laws and\n manners of THE different nations of antiquity concerning\n forbidden degrees, &c., are copiously explained by Dr. Taylor in\n his Elements of Civil Law, (p. 108, 314—339,) a work of amusing,\n though various reading; but which cannot be praised for\n philosophical precision.]\n\n 1321 (return) [ According to THE earlier law, (Gaii Instit. p.\n 27,) a man might marry his niece on THE broTHEr’s, not on THE\n sister’s, side. The emperor Claudius set THE example of THE\n former. In THE Institutes, this distinction was abolished and\n both declared illegal.—M.]\n\n 133 (return) [ When her faTHEr Agrippa died, (A.D. 44,) Berenice\n was sixteen years of age, (Joseph. tom. i. Antiquit. Judaic. l.\n xix. c. 9, p. 952, edit. Havercamp.) She was THErefore above\n fifty years old when Titus (A.D. 79) invitus invitam invisit.\n This date would not have adorned THE tragedy or pastoral of THE\n tender Racine.]\n\n 134 (return) [ The Aegyptia conjux of Virgil (Aeneid, viii. 688)\n seems to be numbered among THE monsters who warred with Mark\n Antony against Augustus, THE senate, and THE gods of Italy.]\n\n 1341 (return) [ The Edict of Constantine first conferred this\n right; for Augustus had prohibited THE taking as a concubine a\n woman who might be taken as a wife; and if marriage took place\n afterwards, this marriage made no change in THE rights of THE\n children born before it; recourse was THEn had to adoption,\n properly called arrogation.—G.]\n\n 135 (return) [ The humble but legal rights of concubines and\n natural children are stated in THE Institutes, (l. i. tit. x.,)\n THE Pandects, (l. i. tit. vii.,) THE Code, (l. v. tit. xxv.,) and\n THE Novels, (lxxiv. lxxxix.) The researches of Heineccius and\n Giannone, (ad Legem Juliam et Papiam-Poppaeam, c. iv. p. 164-175.\n Opere Posthume, p. 108—158) illustrate this interesting and\n domestic subject.]\n\n 1351 (return) [ See, however, THE two fragments of laws in THE\n newly discovered extracts from THE Theodosian Code, published by\n M. A. Peyron, at Turin. By THE first law of Constantine, THE\n legitimate offspring could alone inherit; where THEre were no\n near legitimate relatives, THE inheritance went to THE fiscus.\n The son of a certain Licinianus, who had inherited his faTHEr’s\n property under THE supposition that he was legitimate, and had\n been promoted to a place of dignity, was to be degraded, his\n property confiscated, himself punished with stripes and\n imprisonment. By THE second, all persons, even of THE highest\n rank, senators, perfectissimi, decemvirs, were to be declared\n infamous, and out of THE protection of THE Roman law, if born ex\n ancilla, vel ancillae filia, vel liberta, vel libertae filia,\n sive Romana facta, seu Latina, vel scaenicae filia, vel ex\n tabernaria, vel ex tabernariae filia, vel humili vel abjecta, vel\n lenonis, aut arenarii filia, vel quae mercimoniis publicis\n praefuit. Whatever a fond faTHEr had conferred on such children\n was revoked, and eiTHEr restored to THE legitimate children, or\n confiscated to THE state; THE moTHErs, who were guilty of thus\n poisoning THE minds of THE faTHErs, were to be put to THE torture\n (tormentis subici jubemus.) The unfortunate son of Licinianus, it\n appears from this second law, having fled, had been taken, and\n was ordered to be kept in chains to work in THE Gynaeceum at\n Carthage. Cod. Theodor ab. A. Person, 87—90.—M.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part VI.\n\n\n The relation of guardian and ward, or in Roman words of tutor and\n pupil, which covers so many titles of THE Institutes and\n Pandects, 136 is of a very simple and uniform nature. The person\n and property of an orphan must always be trusted to THE custody\n of some discreet friend. If THE deceased faTHEr had not signified\n his choice, THE agnats, or paternal kindred of THE nearest\n degree, were compelled to act as THE natural guardians: THE\n ATHEnians were apprehensive of exposing THE infant to THE power\n of those most interested in his death; but an axiom of Roman\n jurisprudence has pronounced, that THE charge of tutelage should\n constantly attend THE emolument of succession. If THE choice of\n THE faTHEr, and THE line of consanguinity, afforded no efficient\n guardian, THE failure was supplied by THE nomination of THE\n praetor of THE city, or THE president of THE province. But THE\n person whom THEy named to this public office might be legally\n excused by insanity or blindness, by ignorance or inability, by\n previous enmity or adverse interest, by THE number of children or\n guardianships with which he was already burdened, and by THE\n immunities which were granted to THE useful labors of\n magistrates, lawyers, physicians, and professors. Till THE infant\n could speak, and think, he was represented by THE tutor, whose\n authority was finally determined by THE age of puberty. Without\n his consent, no act of THE pupil could bind himself to his own\n prejudice, though it might oblige oTHErs for his personal\n benefit. It is needless to observe, that THE tutor often gave\n security, and always rendered an account, and that THE want of\n diligence or integrity exposed him to a civil and almost criminal\n action for THE violation of his sacred trust. The age of puberty\n had been rashly fixed by THE civilians at fourteen; 1361 but as\n THE faculties of THE mind ripen more slowly than those of THE\n body, a curator was interposed to guard THE fortunes of a Roman\n youth from his own inexperience and headstrong passions. Such a\n trustee had been first instituted by THE praetor, to save a\n family from THE blind havoc of a prodigal or madman; and THE\n minor was compelled, by THE laws, to solicit THE same protection,\n to give validity to his acts till he accomplished THE full period\n of twenty-five years. Women were condemned to THE perpetual\n tutelage of parents, husbands, or guardians; a sex created to\n please and obey was never supposed to have attained THE age of\n reason and experience. Such, at least, was THE stern and haughty\n spirit of THE ancient law, which had been insensibly mollified\n before THE time of Justinian.\n\n 136 (return) [ See THE article of guardians and wards in THE\n Institutes, (l. i. tit. xiii.—xxvi.,) THE Pandects, (l. xxvi.\n xxvii.,) and THE Code, (l. v. tit. xxviii.—lxx.)]\n\n 1361 (return) [ Gibbon accuses THE civilians of having “rashly\n fixed THE age of puberty at twelve or fourteen years.” It was not\n so; before Justinian, no law existed on this subject. Ulpian\n relates THE discussions which took place on this point among THE\n different sects of civilians. See THE Institutes, l. i. tit. 22,\n and THE fragments of Ulpian. Nor was THE curatorship obligatory\n for all minors.—W.]\n\n\n II. The original right of property can only be justified by THE\n accident or merit of prior occupancy; and on this foundation it\n is wisely established by THE philosophy of THE civilians. 137 The\n savage who hollows a tree, inserts a sharp stone into a wooden\n handle, or applies a string to an elastic branch, becomes in a\n state of nature THE just proprietor of THE canoe, THE bow, or THE\n hatchet. The materials were common to all, THE new form, THE\n produce of his time and simple industry, belongs solely to\n himself. His hungry brethren cannot, without a sense of THEir own\n injustice, extort from THE hunter THE game of THE forest\n overtaken or slain by his personal strength and dexterity. If his\n provident care preserves and multiplies THE tame animals, whose\n nature is tractable to THE arts of education, he acquires a\n perpetual title to THE use and service of THEir numerous progeny,\n which derives its existence from him alone. If he encloses and\n cultivates a field for THEir sustenance and his own, a barren\n waste is converted into a fertile soil; THE seed, THE manure, THE\n labor, create a new value, and THE rewards of harvest are\n painfully earned by THE fatigues of THE revolving year. In THE\n successive states of society, THE hunter, THE shepherd, THE\n husbandman, may defend THEir possessions by two reasons which\n forcibly appeal to THE feelings of THE human mind: that whatever\n THEy enjoy is THE fruit of THEir own industry; and that every man\n who envies THEir felicity, may purchase similar acquisitions by\n THE exercise of similar diligence. Such, in truth, may be THE\n freedom and plenty of a small colony cast on a fruitful island.\n But THE colony multiplies, while THE space still continues THE\n same; THE common rights, THE equal inheritance of mankind, are\n engrossed by THE bold and crafty; each field and forest is\n circumscribed by THE landmarks of a jealous master; and it is THE\n peculiar praise of THE Roman jurisprudence, that it asserts THE\n claim of THE first occupant to THE wild animals of THE earth, THE\n air, and THE waters. In THE progress from primitive equity to\n final injustice, THE steps are silent, THE shades are almost\n imperceptible, and THE absolute monopoly is guarded by positive\n laws and artificial reason. The active, insatiate principle of\n self-love can alone supply THE arts of life and THE wages of\n industry; and as soon as civil government and exclusive property\n have been introduced, THEy become necessary to THE existence of\n THE human race. Except in THE singular institutions of Sparta,\n THE wisest legislators have disapproved an agrarian law as a\n false and dangerous innovation. Among THE Romans, THE enormous\n disproportion of wealth surmounted THE ideal restraints of a\n doubtful tradition, and an obsolete statute; a tradition that THE\n poorest follower of Romulus had been endowed with THE perpetual\n inheritance of two jugera; 138 a statute which confined THE\n richest citizen to THE measure of five hundred jugera, or three\n hundred and twelve acres of land. The original territory of Rome\n consisted only of some miles of wood and meadow along THE banks\n of THE Tyber; and domestic exchange could add nothing to THE\n national stock. But THE goods of an alien or enemy were lawfully\n exposed to THE first hostile occupier; THE city was enriched by\n THE profitable trade of war; and THE blood of her sons was THE\n only price that was paid for THE Volscian sheep, THE slaves of\n Briton, or THE gems and gold of Asiatic kingdoms. In THE language\n of ancient jurisprudence, which was corrupted and forgotten\n before THE age of Justinian, THEse spoils were distinguished by\n THE name of manceps or manicipium, taken with THE hand; and\n whenever THEy were sold or emancipated, THE purchaser required\n some assurance that THEy had been THE property of an enemy, and\n not of a fellow-citizen. 139 A citizen could only forfeit his\n rights by apparent dereliction, and such dereliction of a\n valuable interest could not easily be presumed. Yet, according to\n THE Twelve Tables, a prescription of one year for movables, and\n of two years for immovables, abolished THE claim of THE ancient\n master, if THE actual possessor had acquired THEm by a fair\n transaction from THE person whom he believed to be THE lawful\n proprietor. 140 Such conscientious injustice, without any mixture\n of fraud or force could seldom injure THE members of a small\n republic; but THE various periods of three, of ten, or of twenty\n years, determined by Justinian, are more suitable to THE latitude\n of a great empire. It is only in THE term of prescription that\n THE distinction of real and personal fortune has been remarked by\n THE civilians; and THEir general idea of property is that of\n simple, uniform, and absolute dominion. The subordinate\n exceptions of use, of usufruct, 141 of servitude, 142 imposed for\n THE benefit of a neighbor on lands and houses, are abundantly\n explained by THE professors of jurisprudence. The claims of\n property, as far as THEy are altered by THE mixture, THE\n division, or THE transformation of substances, are investigated\n with metaphysical subtilty by THE same civilians.\n\n 137 (return) [ Institut. l. ii. tit i. ii. Compare THE pure and\n precise reasoning of Caius and Heineccius (l. ii. tit. i. p.\n 69-91) with THE loose prolixity of Theophilus, (p. 207—265.) The\n opinions of Ulpian are preserved in THE Pandects, (l. i. tit.\n viii. leg. 41, No. 1.)]\n\n 138 (return) [ The heredium of THE first Romans is defined by\n Varro, (de Re Rustica, l. i. c. ii. p. 141, c. x. p. 160, 161,\n edit. Gesner,) and clouded by Pliny’s declamation, (Hist. Natur.\n xviii. 2.) A just and learned comment is given in THE\n Administration des Terres chez les Romains, (p. 12—66.) Note: On\n THE duo jugera, compare Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 337.—M.]\n\n 139 (return) [ The res mancipi is explained from faint and remote\n lights by Ulpian (Fragment. tit. xviii. p. 618, 619) and\n Bynkershoek, (Opp tom. i. p. 306—315.) The definition is somewhat\n arbitrary; and as none except myself have assigned a reason, I am\n diffident of my own.]\n\n 140 (return) [ From this short prescription, Hume (Essays, vol.\n i. p. 423) infers that THEre could not THEn be more order and\n settlement in Italy than now amongst THE Tartars. By THE civilian\n of his adversary Wallace, he is reproached, and not without\n reason, for overlooking THE conditions, (Institut. l. ii. tit.\n vi.) * Note: Gibbon acknowledges, in THE former note, THE\n obscurity of his views with regard to THE res mancipi. The\n interpreters, who preceded him, are not agreed on this point, one\n of THE most difficult in THE ancient Roman law. The conclusions\n of Hume, of which THE author here speaks, are grounded on false\n assumptions. Gibbon had conceived very inaccurate notions of\n Property among THE Romans, and those of many authors in THE\n present day are not less erroneous. We think it right, in this\n place, to develop THE system of property among THE Romans, as THE\n result of THE study of THE extant original authorities on THE\n ancient law, and as it has been demonstrated, recognized, and\n adopted by THE most learned expositors of THE Roman law. Besides\n THE authorities formerly known, such as THE Fragments of Ulpian,\n t. xix. and t. i. 16. Theoph. Paraph. i. 5, 4, may be consulted\n THE Institutes of Gaius, i. 54, and ii. 40, et seq. The Roman\n laws protected all property acquired in a lawful manner. They\n imposed on those who had invaded it, THE obligation of making\n restitution and reparation of all damage caused by that invasion;\n THEy punished it moreover, in many cases, by a pecuniary fine.\n But THEy did not always grant a recovery against THE third\n person, who had become bona fide possessed of THE property. He\n who had obtained possession of a thing belonging to anoTHEr,\n knowing nothing of THE prior rights of that person, maintained\n THE possession. The law had expressly determined those cases, in\n which it permitted property to be reclaimed from an innocent\n possessor. In THEse cases possession had THE characters of\n absolute proprietorship, called mancipium, jus Quiritium. To\n possess this right, it was not sufficient to have entered into\n possession of THE thing in any manner; THE acquisition was bound\n to have that character of publicity, which was given by THE\n observation of solemn forms, prescribed by THE laws, or THE\n uninterrupted exercise of proprietorship during a certain time:\n THE Roman citizen alone could acquire this proprietorship. Every\n oTHEr kind of possession, which might be named imperfect\n proprietorship, was called “in bonis habere.” It was not till\n after THE time of Cicero that THE general name of Dominium was\n given to all proprietorship. It was THEn THE publicity which\n constituted THE distinctive character of absolute dominion. This\n publicity was grounded on THE mode of acquisition, which THE\n moderns have called Civil, (Modi adquirendi Civiles.) These modes\n of acquisition were, 1. Mancipium or mancipatio, which was\n nothing but THE solemn delivering over of THE thing in THE\n presence of a determinate number of witnesses and a public\n officer; it was from this probably that proprietorship was named,\n 2. In jure cessio, which was a solemn delivering over before THE\n praetor. 3. Adjudicatio, made by a judge, in a case of partition.\n 4. Lex, which comprehended modes of acquiring in particular cases\n determined by law; probably THE law of THE xii. tables; for\n instance, THE sub corona emptio and THE legatum. 5. Usna, called\n afterwards usacapio, and by THE moderns prescription. This was\n only a year for movables; two years for things not movable. Its\n primary object was altogeTHEr different from that of prescription\n in THE present day. It was originally introduced in order to\n transform THE simple possession of a thing (in bonis habere) into\n Roman proprietorship. The public and uninterrupted possession of\n a thing, enjoyed for THE space of one or two years, was\n sufficient to make known to THE inhabitants of THE city of Rome\n to whom THE thing belonged. This last mode of acquisition\n completed THE system of civil acquisitions. by legalizing. as it\n were, every oTHEr kind of acquisition which was not conferred,\n from THE commencement, by THE Jus Quiritium. V. Ulpian. Fragm. i.\n 16. Gaius, ii. 14. We believe, according to Gaius, 43, that this\n usucaption was extended to THE case where a thing had been\n acquired from a person not THE real proprietor; and that\n according to THE time prescribed, it gave to THE possessor THE\n Roman proprietorship. But this does not appear to have been THE\n original design of this Institution. Caeterum etiam earum rerum\n usucapio nobis competit, quae non a domino nobis tradita fuerint,\n si modo eas bona fide acceperimus Gaius, l ii. 43. As to things\n of smaller value, or those which it was difficult to distinguish\n from each oTHEr, THE solemnities of which we speak were not\n requisite to obtain legal proprietorship. In this case simple\n delivery was sufficient. In proportion to THE aggrandizement of\n THE Republic, this latter principle became more important from\n THE increase of THE commerce and wealth of THE state. It was\n necessary to know what were those things of which absolute\n property might be acquired by simple delivery, and what, on THE\n contrary, those, THE acquisition of which must be sanctioned by\n THEse solemnities. This question was necessarily to be decided by\n a general rule; and it is this rule which establishes THE\n distinction between res mancipi and nec mancipi, a distinction\n about which THE opinions of modern civilians differ so much that\n THEre are above ten conflicting systems on THE subject. The\n system which accords best with a sound interpretation of THE\n Roman laws, is that proposed by M. Trekel of Hamburg, and still\n furTHEr developed by M. Hugo, who has extracted it in THE\n Magazine of Civil Law, vol. ii. p. 7. This is THE system now\n almost universally adopted. Res mancipi (by contraction for\n mancipii) were things of which THE absolute property (Jus\n Quiritium) might be acquired only by THE solemnities mentioned\n above, at least by that of mancipation, which was, without doubt,\n THE most easy and THE most usual. Gaius, ii. 25. As for oTHEr\n things, THE acquisition of which was not subject to THEse forms,\n in order to confer absolute right, THEy were called res nec\n mancipi. See Ulpian, Fragm. xix. 1. 3, 7. Ulpian and Varro\n enumerate THE different kinds of res mancipi. Their enumerations\n do not quite agree; and various methods of reconciling THEm have\n been attempted. The authority of Ulpian, however, who wrote as a\n civilian, ought to have THE greater weight on this subject. But\n why are THEse things alone res mancipi? This is one of THE\n questions which have been most frequently agitated, and on which\n THE opinions of civilians are most divided. M. Hugo has resolved\n it in THE most natural and satisfactory manner. “All things which\n were easily known individually, which were of great value, with\n which THE Romans were acquainted, and which THEy highly\n appreciated, were res mancipi. Of old mancipation or some oTHEr\n solemn form was required for THE acquisition of THEse things, an\n account of THEir importance. Mancipation served to prove THEir\n acquisition, because THEy were easily distinguished one from THE\n oTHEr.” On this great historical discussion consult THE Magazine\n of Civil Law by M. Hugo, vol. ii. p. 37, 38; THE dissertation of\n M. J. M. Zachariae, de Rebus Mancipi et nec Mancipi Conjecturae,\n p. 11. Lipsiae, 1807; THE History of Civil Law by M. Hugo; and my\n Institutiones Juris Romani Privati p. 108, 110. As a general\n rule, it may be said that all things are res nec mancipi; THE res\n mancipi are THE exception to this principle. The praetors changed\n THE system of property by allowing a person, who had a thing in\n bonis, THE right to recover before THE prescribed term of\n usucaption had conferred absolute proprietorship. (Pauliana in\n rem actio.) Justinian went still furTHEr, in times when THEre was\n no longer any distinction between a Roman citizen and a stranger.\n He granted THE right of recovering all things which had been\n acquired, wheTHEr by what were called civil or natural modes of\n acquisition, Cod. l. vii. t. 25, 31. And he so altered THE THEory\n of Gaius in his Institutes, ii. 1, that no trace remains of THE\n doctrine taught by that civilian.—W.]\n\n 141 (return) [ See THE Institutes (l. i. tit. iv. v.) and THE\n Pandects, (l. vii.) Noodt has composed a learned and distinct\n treatise de Usufructu, (Opp. tom. i. p. 387—478.)]\n\n 142 (return) [ The questions de Servitutibus are discussed in THE\n Institutes (l. ii. tit. iii.) and Pandects, (l. viii.) Cicero\n (pro Murena, c. 9) and Lactantius (Institut. Divin. l. i. c. i.)\n affect to laugh at THE insignificant doctrine, de aqua de pluvia\n arcenda, &c. Yet it might be of frequent use among litigious\n neighbors, both in town and country.]\n\n\n The personal title of THE first proprietor must be determined by\n his death: but THE possession, without any appearance of change,\n is peaceably continued in his children, THE associates of his\n toil, and THE partners of his wealth. This natural inheritance\n has been protected by THE legislators of every climate and age,\n and THE faTHEr is encouraged to persevere in slow and distant\n improvements, by THE tender hope, that a long posterity will\n enjoy THE fruits of his labor. The principle of hereditary\n succession is universal; but THE order has been variously\n established by convenience or caprice, by THE spirit of national\n institutions, or by some partial example which was originally\n decided by fraud or violence. The jurisprudence of THE Romans\n appear to have deviated from THE inequality of nature much less\n than THE Jewish, 143 THE ATHEnian, 144 or THE English\n institutions. 145 On THE death of a citizen, all his descendants,\n unless THEy were already freed from his paternal power, were\n called to THE inheritance of his possessions. The insolent\n prerogative of primogeniture was unknown; THE two sexes were\n placed on a just level; all THE sons and daughters were entitled\n to an equal portion of THE patrimonial estate; and if any of THE\n sons had been intercepted by a premature death, his person was\n represented, and his share was divided, by his surviving\n children. On THE failure of THE direct line, THE right of\n succession must diverge to THE collateral branches. The degrees\n of kindred 146 are numbered by THE civilians, ascending from THE\n last possessor to a common parent, and descending from THE common\n parent to THE next heir: my faTHEr stands in THE first degree, my\n broTHEr in THE second, his children in THE third, and THE\n remainder of THE series may be conceived by a fancy, or pictured\n in a genealogical table. In this computation, a distinction was\n made, essential to THE laws and even THE constitution of Rome;\n THE agnats, or persons connected by a line of males, were called,\n as THEy stood in THE nearest degree, to an equal partition; but a\n female was incapable of transmitting any legal claims; and THE\n cognats of every rank, without excepting THE dear relation of a\n moTHEr and a son, were disinherited by THE Twelve Tables, as\n strangers and aliens. Among THE Romans agens or lineage was\n united by a common name and domestic rites; THE various cognomens\n or surnames of Scipio, or Marcellus, distinguished from each\n oTHEr THE subordinate branches or families of THE Cornelian or\n Claudian race: THE default of THE agnats, of THE same surname,\n was supplied by THE larger denomination of gentiles; and THE\n vigilance of THE laws maintained, in THE same name, THE perpetual\n descent of religion and property. A similar principle dictated\n THE Voconian law, 147 which abolished THE right of female\n inheritance. As long as virgins were given or sold in marriage,\n THE adoption of THE wife extinguished THE hopes of THE daughter.\n But THE equal succession of independent matrons supported THEir\n pride and luxury, and might transport into a foreign house THE\n riches of THEir faTHErs.\n\n\n While THE maxims of Cato 148 were revered, THEy tended to\n perpetuate in each family a just and virtuous mediocrity: till\n female blandishments insensibly triumphed; and every salutary\n restraint was lost in THE dissolute greatness of THE republic.\n The rigor of THE decemvirs was tempered by THE equity of THE\n praetors. Their edicts restored and emancipated posthumous\n children to THE rights of nature; and upon THE failure of THE\n agnats, THEy preferred THE blood of THE cognats to THE name of\n THE gentiles whose title and character were insensibly covered\n with oblivion. The reciprocal inheritance of moTHErs and sons was\n established in THE Tertullian and Orphitian decrees by THE\n humanity of THE senate. A new and more impartial order was\n introduced by THE Novels of Justinian, who affected to revive THE\n jurisprudence of THE Twelve Tables. The lines of masculine and\n female kindred were confounded: THE descending, ascending, and\n collateral series was accurately defined; and each degree,\n according to THE proximity of blood and affection, succeeded to\n THE vacant possessions of a Roman citizen. 149\n\n 143 (return) [ Among THE patriarchs, THE first-born enjoyed a\n mystic and spiritual primogeniture, (Genesis, xxv. 31.) In THE\n land of Canaan, he was entitled to a double portion of\n inheritance, (Deuteronomy, xxi. 17, with Le Clerc’s judicious\n Commentary.)]\n\n 144 (return) [ At ATHEns, THE sons were equal; but THE poor\n daughters were endowed at THE discretion of THEir broTHErs. See\n THE pleadings of Isaeus, (in THE viith volume of THE Greek\n Orators,) illustrated by THE version and comment of Sir William\n Jones, a scholar, a lawyer, and a man of genius.]\n\n 145 (return) [ In England, THE eldest son also inherits all THE\n land; a law, says THE orthodox Judge Blackstone, (Commentaries on\n THE Laws of England, vol. ii. p. 215,) unjust only in THE opinion\n of younger broTHErs. It may be of some political use in\n sharpening THEir industry.]\n\n 146 (return) [ Blackstone’s Tables (vol. ii. p. 202) represent\n and compare THE decrees of THE civil with those of THE canon and\n common law. A separate tract of Julius Paulus, de gradibus et\n affinibus, is inserted or abridged in THE Pandects, (l. xxxviii.\n tit. x.) In THE viith degrees he computes (No. 18) 1024 persons.]\n\n 147 (return) [ The Voconian law was enacted in THE year of Rome\n 584. The younger Scipio, who was THEn 17 years of age,\n (Frenshemius, Supplement. Livian. xlvi. 40,) found an occasion of\n exercising his generosity to his moTHEr, sisters, &c. (Polybius,\n tom. ii. l. xxxi. p. 1453—1464, edit Gronov., a domestic\n witness.)]\n\n 148 (return) [ Legem Voconiam (Ernesti, Clavis Ciceroniana) magna\n voce bonis lateribus (at lxv. years of age) suasissem, says old\n Cato, (de Senectute, c. 5,) Aulus Gellius (vii. 13, xvii. 6) has\n saved some passages.]\n\n 149 (return) [ See THE law of succession in THE Institutes of\n Caius, (l. ii. tit. viii. p. 130—144,) and Justinian, (l. iii.\n tit. i.—vi., with THE Greek version of Theophilus, p. 515-575,\n 588—600,) THE Pandects, (l. xxxviii. tit. vi.—xvii.,) THE Code,\n (l. vi. tit. lv.—lx.,) and THE Novels, (cxviii.)]\n\n\n The order of succession is regulated by nature, or at least by\n THE general and permanent reason of THE lawgiver: but this order\n is frequently violated by THE arbitrary and partial wills, which\n prolong THE dominion of THE testator beyond THE grave. 150 In THE\n simple state of society, this last use or abuse of THE right of\n property is seldom indulged: it was introduced at ATHEns by THE\n laws of Solon; and THE private testaments of THE faTHEr of a\n family are authorized by THE Twelve Tables. Before THE time of\n THE decemvirs, 151 a Roman citizen exposed his wishes and motives\n to THE assembly of THE thirty curiae or parishes, and THE general\n law of inheritance was suspended by an occasional act of THE\n legislature. After THE permission of THE decemvirs, each private\n lawgiver promulgated his verbal or written testament in THE\n presence of five citizens, who represented THE five classes of\n THE Roman people; a sixth witness attested THEir concurrence; a\n seventh weighed THE copper money, which was paid by an imaginary\n purchaser; and THE estate was emancipated by a fictitious sale\n and immediate release. This singular ceremony, 152 which excited\n THE wonder of THE Greeks, was still practised in THE age of\n Severus; but THE praetors had already approved a more simple\n testament, for which THEy required THE seals and signatures of\n seven witnesses, free from all legal exception, and purposely\n summoned for THE execution of that important act. A domestic\n monarch, who reigned over THE lives and fortunes of his children,\n might distribute THEir respective shares according to THE degrees\n of THEir merit or his affection; his arbitrary displeasure\n chastised an unworthy son by THE loss of his inheritance, and THE\n mortifying preference of a stranger. But THE experience of\n unnatural parents recommended some limitations of THEir\n testamentary powers. A son, or, by THE laws of Justinian, even a\n daughter, could no longer be disinherited by THEir silence: THEy\n were compelled to name THE criminal, and to specify THE offence;\n and THE justice of THE emperor enumerated THE sole causes that\n could justify such a violation of THE first principles of nature\n and society. 153 Unless a legitimate portion, a fourth part, had\n been reserved for THE children, THEy were entitled to institute\n an action or complaint of inofficious testament; to suppose that\n THEir faTHEr’s understanding was impaired by sickness or age; and\n respectfully to appeal from his rigorous sentence to THE\n deliberate wisdom of THE magistrate. In THE Roman jurisprudence,\n an essential distinction was admitted between THE inheritance and\n THE legacies. The heirs who succeeded to THE entire unity, or to\n any of THE twelve fractions of THE substance of THE testator,\n represented his civil and religious character, asserted his\n rights, fulfilled his obligations, and discharged THE gifts of\n friendship or liberality, which his last will had bequeaTHEd\n under THE name of legacies. But as THE imprudence or prodigality\n of a dying man might exhaust THE inheritance, and leave only risk\n and labor to his successor, he was empowered to retain THE\n Falcidian portion; to deduct, before THE payment of THE legacies,\n a clear fourth for his own emolument. A reasonable time was\n allowed to examine THE proportion between THE debts and THE\n estate, to decide wheTHEr he should accept or refuse THE\n testament; and if he used THE benefit of an inventory, THE\n demands of THE creditors could not exceed THE valuation of THE\n effects. The last will of a citizen might be altered during his\n life, or rescinded after his death: THE persons whom he named\n might die before him, or reject THE inheritance, or be exposed to\n some legal disqualification. In THE contemplation of THEse\n events, he was permitted to substitute second and third heirs, to\n replace each oTHEr according to THE order of THE testament; and\n THE incapacity of a madman or an infant to bequeath his property\n might be supplied by a similar substitution. 154 But THE power of\n THE testator expired with THE acceptance of THE testament: each\n Roman of mature age and discretion acquired THE absolute dominion\n of his inheritance, and THE simplicity of THE civil law was never\n clouded by THE long and intricate entails which confine THE\n happiness and freedom of unborn generations.\n\n 150 (return) [ That succession was THE rule, testament THE\n exception, is proved by Taylor, (Elements of Civil Law, p.\n 519-527,) a learned, rambling, spirited writer. In THE iid and\n iiid books, THE method of THE Institutes is doubtless\n preposterous; and THE Chancellor Daguesseau (Oeuvres, tom. i. p.\n 275) wishes his countryman Domat in THE place of Tribonian. Yet\n covenants before successions is not surely THE natural order of\n civil laws.]\n\n 151 (return) [ Prior examples of testaments are perhaps fabulous.\n At ATHEns a childless faTHEr only could make a will, (Plutarch,\n in Solone, tom. i. p. 164. See Isaeus and Jones.)]\n\n 152 (return) [ The testament of Augustus is specified by\n Suetonius, (in August, c. 101, in Neron. c. 4,) who may be\n studied as a code of Roman antiquities. Plutarch (Opuscul. tom.\n ii. p. 976) is surprised. The language of Ulpian (Fragment. tit.\n xx. p. 627, edit. Schulting) is almost too exclusive—solum in usu\n est.]\n\n 153 (return) [ Justinian (Novell. cxv. No. 3, 4) enumerates only\n THE public and private crimes, for which a son might likewise\n disinherit his faTHEr. Note: Gibbon has singular notions on THE\n provisions of Novell. cxv. 3, 4, which probably he did not\n clearly understand.—W]\n\n 154 (return) [ The substitutions of fidei-commissaires of THE\n modern civil law is a feudal idea grafted on THE Roman\n jurisprudence, and bears scarcely any resemblance to THE ancient\n fidei-commissa, (Institutions du Droit Francois, tom. i. p.\n 347-383. Denissart, Decisions de Jurisprudence, tom. iv. p.\n 577-604.) They were stretched to THE fourth degree by an abuse of\n THE clixth Novel; a partial, perplexed, declamatory law.]\n\n\n Conquest and THE formalities of law established THE use of\n codicils. If a Roman was surprised by death in a remote province\n of THE empire, he addressed a short epistle to his legitimate or\n testamentary heir; who fulfilled with honor, or neglected with\n impunity, this last request, which THE judges before THE age of\n Augustus were not authorized to enforce. A codicil might be\n expressed in any mode, or in any language; but THE subscription\n of five witnesses must declare that it was THE genuine\n composition of THE author. His intention, however laudable, was\n sometimes illegal; and THE invention of fidei-commissa, or\n trusts, arose from THE struggle between natural justice and\n positive jurisprudence. A stranger of Greece or Africa might be\n THE friend or benefactor of a childless Roman, but none, except a\n fellow-citizen, could act as his heir. The Voconian law, which\n abolished female succession, restrained THE legacy or inheritance\n of a woman to THE sum of one hundred thousand sesterces; 155 and\n an only daughter was condemned almost as an alien in her faTHEr’s\n house. The zeal of friendship, and parental affection, suggested\n a liberal artifice: a qualified citizen was named in THE\n testament, with a prayer or injunction that he would restore THE\n inheritance to THE person for whom it was truly intended. Various\n was THE conduct of THE trustees in this painful situation: THEy\n had sworn to observe THE laws of THEir country, but honor\n prompted THEm to violate THEir oath; and if THEy preferred THEir\n interest under THE mask of patriotism, THEy forfeited THE esteem\n of every virtuous mind. The declaration of Augustus relieved\n THEir doubts, gave a legal sanction to confidential testaments\n and codicils, and gently unravelled THE forms and restraints of\n THE republican jurisprudence. 156 But as THE new practice of\n trusts degenerated into some abuse, THE trustee was enabled, by\n THE Trebellian and Pegasian decrees, to reserve one fourth of THE\n estate, or to transfer on THE head of THE real heir all THE debts\n and actions of THE succession. The interpretation of testaments\n was strict and literal; but THE language of trusts and codicils\n was delivered from THE minute and technical accuracy of THE\n civilians. 157\n\n 155 (return) [ Dion Cassius (tom. ii. l. lvi. p. 814, with\n Reimar’s Notes) specifies in Greek money THE sum of 25,000\n drachms.]\n\n 156 (return) [ The revolutions of THE Roman laws of inheritance\n are finely, though sometimes fancifully, deduced by Montesquieu,\n (Esprit des Loix, l. xxvii.)]\n\n 157 (return) [ Of THE civil jurisprudence of successions,\n testaments, codicils, legacies, and trusts, THE principles are\n ascertained in THE Institutes of Caius, (l. ii. tit. ii.—ix. p.\n 91—144,) Justinian, (l. ii. tit. x.—xxv.,) and Theophilus, (p.\n 328—514;) and THE immense detail occupies twelve books\n (xxviii.—xxxix.) of THE Pandects.] III. The general duties of\n mankind are imposed by THEir public and private relations: but\n THEir specific obligations to each oTHEr can only be THE effect\n of, 1. a promise, 2. a benefit, or 3. an injury: and when THEse\n obligations are ratified by law, THE interested party may compel\n THE performance by a judicial action. On this principle, THE\n civilians of every country have erected a similar jurisprudence,\n THE fair conclusion of universal reason and justice. 158\n\n 158 (return) [ The Institutes of Caius, (l. ii. tit. ix. x. p.\n 144—214,) of Justinian, (l. iii. tit. xiv.—xxx. l. iv. tit.\n i.—vi.,) and of Theophilus, (p. 616—837,) distinguish four sorts\n of obligations—aut re, aut verbis, aut literis aut consensu: but\n I confess myself partial to my own division. Note: It is not at\n all applicable to THE Roman system of contracts, even if I were\n allowed to be good.—M.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part VII.\n\n\n 1. The goddess of faith (of human and social faith) was\n worshipped, not only in her temples, but in THE lives of THE\n Romans; and if that nation was deficient in THE more amiable\n qualities of benevolence and generosity, THEy astonished THE\n Greeks by THEir sincere and simple performance of THE most\n burdensome engagements. 159 Yet among THE same people, according\n to THE rigid maxims of THE patricians and decemvirs, a naked\n pact, a promise, or even an oath, did not create any civil\n obligation, unless it was confirmed by THE legal form of a\n stipulation. Whatever might be THE etymology of THE Latin word,\n it conveyed THE idea of a firm and irrevocable contract, which\n was always expressed in THE mode of a question and answer. Do you\n promise to pay me one hundred pieces of gold? was THE solemn\n interrogation of Seius. I do promise, was THE reply of\n Sempronius. The friends of Sempronius, who answered for his\n ability and inclination, might be separately sued at THE option\n of Seius; and THE benefit of partition, or order of reciprocal\n actions, insensibly deviated from THE strict THEory of\n stipulation. The most cautious and deliberate consent was justly\n required to sustain THE validity of a gratuitous promise; and THE\n citizen who might have obtained a legal security, incurred THE\n suspicion of fraud, and paid THE forfeit of his neglect. But THE\n ingenuity of THE civilians successfully labored to convert simple\n engagements into THE form of solemn stipulations. The praetors,\n as THE guardians of social faith, admitted every rational\n evidence of a voluntary and deliberate act, which in THEir\n tribunal produced an equitable obligation, and for which THEy\n gave an action and a remedy. 160\n\n 159 (return) [ How much is THE cool, rational evidence of\n Polybius (l. vi. p. 693, l. xxxi. p. 1459, 1460) superior to\n vague, indiscriminate applause—omnium maxime et praecipue fidem\n coluit, (A. Gellius, xx. l.)]\n\n 160 (return) [ The Jus Praetorium de Pactis et Transactionibus is\n a separate and satisfactory treatise of Gerard Noodt, (Opp. tom.\n i. p. 483—564.) And I will here observe, that THE universities of\n Holland and Brandenburg, in THE beginning of THE present century,\n appear to have studied THE civil law on THE most just and liberal\n principles. * Note: Simple agreements (pacta) formed as valid an\n obligation as a solemn contract. Only an action, or THE right to\n a direct judicial prosecution, was not permitted in every case of\n compact. In all oTHEr respects, THE judge was bound to maintain\n an agreement made by pactum. The stipulation was a form common to\n every kind of agreement, by which THE right of action was given\n to this.—W.]\n\n\n 2. The obligations of THE second class, as THEy were contracted\n by THE delivery of a thing, are marked by THE civilians with THE\n epiTHEt of real. 161 A grateful return is due to THE author of a\n benefit; and whoever is intrusted with THE property of anoTHEr,\n has bound himself to THE sacred duty of restitution. In THE case\n of a friendly loan, THE merit of generosity is on THE side of THE\n lender only; in a deposit, on THE side of THE receiver; but in a\n pledge, and THE rest of THE selfish commerce of ordinary life,\n THE benefit is compensated by an equivalent, and THE obligation\n to restore is variously modified by THE nature of THE\n transaction. The Latin language very happily expresses THE\n fundamental difference between THE commodatum and THE mutuum,\n which our poverty is reduced to confound under THE vague and\n common appellation of a loan. In THE former, THE borrower was\n obliged to restore THE same individual thing with which he had\n been accommodated for THE temporary supply of his wants; in THE\n latter, it was destined for his use and consumption, and he\n discharged this mutual engagement, by substituting THE same\n specific value according to a just estimation of number, of\n weight, and of measure. In THE contract of sale, THE absolute\n dominion is transferred to THE purchaser, and he repays THE\n benefit with an adequate sum of gold or silver, THE price and\n universal standard of all earthly possessions. The obligation of\n anoTHEr contract, that of location, is of a more complicated\n kind. Lands or houses, labor or talents, may be hired for a\n definite term; at THE expiration of THE time, THE thing itself\n must be restored to THE owner, with an additional reward for THE\n beneficial occupation and employment. In THEse lucrative\n contracts, to which may be added those of partnership and\n commissions, THE civilians sometimes imagine THE delivery of THE\n object, and sometimes presume THE consent of THE parties. The\n substantial pledge has been refined into THE invisible rights of\n a mortgage or hypoTHEca; and THE agreement of sale, for a certain\n price, imputes, from that moment, THE chances of gain or loss to\n THE account of THE purchaser. It may be fairly supposed, that\n every man will obey THE dictates of his interest; and if he\n accepts THE benefit, he is obliged to sustain THE expense, of THE\n transaction. In this boundless subject, THE historian will\n observe THE location of land and money, THE rent of THE one and\n THE interest of THE oTHEr, as THEy materially affect THE\n prosperity of agriculture and commerce. The landlord was often\n obliged to advance THE stock and instruments of husbandry, and to\n content himself with a partition of THE fruits. If THE feeble\n tenant was oppressed by accident, contagion, or hostile violence,\n he claimed a proportionable relief from THE equity of THE laws:\n five years were THE customary term, and no solid or costly\n improvements could be expected from a farmer, who, at each moment\n might be ejected by THE sale of THE estate. 162 Usury, 163 THE\n inveterate grievance of THE city, had been discouraged by THE\n Twelve Tables, 164 and abolished by THE clamors of THE people. It\n was revived by THEir wants and idleness, tolerated by THE\n discretion of THE praetors, and finally determined by THE Code of\n Justinian. Persons of illustrious rank were confined to THE\n moderate profit of four per cent.; six was pronounced to be THE\n ordinary and legal standard of interest; eight was allowed for\n THE convenience of manufactures and merchants; twelve was granted\n to nautical insurance, which THE wiser ancients had not attempted\n to define; but, except in this perilous adventure, THE practice\n of exorbitant usury was severely restrained. 165 The most simple\n interest was condemned by THE clergy of THE East and West; 166\n but THE sense of mutual benefit, which had triumphed over THE law\n of THE republic, has resisted with equal firmness THE decrees of\n THE church, and even THE prejudices of mankind. 167\n\n 161 (return) [ The nice and various subject of contracts by\n consent is spread over four books (xvii.—xx.) of THE Pandects,\n and is one of THE parts best deserving of THE attention of an\n English student. * Note: This is erroneously called “benefits.”\n Gibbon enumerates various kinds of contracts, of which some alone\n are properly called benefits.—W.]\n\n 162 (return) [ The covenants of rent are defined in THE Pandects\n (l. xix.) and THE Code, (l. iv. tit. lxv.) The quinquennium, or\n term of five years, appears to have been a custom raTHEr than a\n law; but in France all leases of land were determined in nine\n years. This limitation was removed only in THE year 1775,\n (Encyclopedie Methodique, tom. i. de la Jurisprudence, p. 668,\n 669;) and I am sorry to observe that it yet prevails in THE\n beauteous and happy country where I am permitted to reside.]\n\n 163 (return) [ I might implicitly acquiesce in THE sense and\n learning of THE three books of G. Noodt, de foenore et usuris.\n (Opp. tom. i. p. 175—268.) The interpretation of THE asses or\n centesimoe usuroe at twelve, THE unciarioe at one per cent., is\n maintained by THE best critics and civilians: Noodt, (l. ii. c.\n 2, p. 207,) Gravina, (Opp. p. 205, &c., 210,) Heineccius,\n (Antiquitat. ad Institut. l. iii. tit. xv.,) Montesquieu, (Esprit\n des Loix, l. xxii. c. 22, tom. ii. p. 36). Defense de l’Esprit\n des Loix, (tom. iii. p. 478, &c.,) and above all, John Frederic\n Gronovius (de Pecunia Veteri, l. iii. c. 13, p. 213—227,) and his\n three Antexegeses, (p. 455—655), THE founder, or at least THE\n champion, of this probable opinion; which is, however, perplexed\n with some difficulties.]\n\n 164 (return) [ Primo xii. Tabulis sancitum est ne quis unciario\n foenore amplius exerceret, (Tacit. Annal. vi. 16.) Pour peu (says\n Montesquieu, Esprit des Loix, l. xxii. 22) qu’on soit verse dans\n l’histoire de Rome, on verra qu’une pareille loi ne devoit pas\n etre l’ouvrage des decemvirs. Was Tacitus ignorant—or stupid? But\n THE wiser and more virtuous patricians might sacrifice THEir\n avarice to THEir ambition, and might attempt to check THE odious\n practice by such interest as no lender would accept, and such\n penalties as no debtor would incur. * Note: The real nature of\n THE foenus unciarium has been proved; it amounted in a year of\n twelve months to ten per cent. See, in THE Magazine for Civil\n Law, by M. Hugo, vol. v. p. 180, 184, an article of M. Schrader,\n following up THE conjectures of Niebuhr, Hist. Rom. tom. ii. p.\n 431.—W. Compare a very clear account of this question in THE\n appendix to Mr. Travers Twiss’s Epitome of Niebuhr, vol. ii. p.\n 257.—M.]\n\n 165 (return) [ Justinian has not condescended to give usury a\n place in his Institutes; but THE necessary rules and restrictions\n are inserted in THE Pandects (l. xxii. tit. i. ii.) and THE Code,\n (l. iv. tit. xxxii. xxxiii.)]\n\n 166 (return) [ The FaTHErs are unanimous, (Barbeyrac, Morale des\n Peres, p. 144. &c.:) Cyprian, Lactantius, Basil, Chrysostom, (see\n his frivolous arguments in Noodt, l. i. c. 7, p. 188,) Gregory of\n Nyssa, Ambrose, Jerom, Augustin, and a host of councils and\n casuists.]\n\n 167 (return) [ Cato, Seneca, Plutarch, have loudly condemned THE\n practice or abuse of usury. According to THE etymology of foenus,\n THE principal is supposed to generate THE interest: a breed of\n barren metal, exclaims Shakespeare—and THE stage is THE echo of\n THE public voice.]\n\n\n 3. Nature and society impose THE strict obligation of repairing\n an injury; and THE sufferer by private injustice acquires a\n personal right and a legitimate action. If THE property of\n anoTHEr be intrusted to our care, THE requisite degree of care\n may rise and fall according to THE benefit which we derive from\n such temporary possession; we are seldom made responsible for\n inevitable accident, but THE consequences of a voluntary fault\n must always be imputed to THE author. 168 A Roman pursued and\n recovered his stolen goods by a civil action of THEft; THEy might\n pass through a succession of pure and innocent hands, but nothing\n less than a prescription of thirty years could extinguish his\n original claim. They were restored by THE sentence of THE\n praetor, and THE injury was compensated by double, or threefold,\n or even quadruple damages, as THE deed had been perpetrated by\n secret fraud or open rapine, as THE robber had been surprised in\n THE fact, or detected by a subsequent research. The Aquilian law\n 169 defended THE living property of a citizen, his slaves and\n cattle, from THE stroke of malice or negligence: THE highest\n price was allowed that could be ascribed to THE domestic animal\n at any moment of THE year preceding his death; a similar latitude\n of thirty days was granted on THE destruction of any oTHEr\n valuable effects. A personal injury is blunted or sharpened by\n THE manners of THE times and THE sensibility of THE individual:\n THE pain or THE disgrace of a word or blow cannot easily be\n appreciated by a pecuniary equivalent. The rude jurisprudence of\n THE decemvirs had confounded all hasty insults, which did not\n amount to THE fracture of a limb, by condemning THE aggressor to\n THE common penalty of twenty-five asses. But THE same\n denomination of money was reduced, in three centuries, from a\n pound to THE weight of half an ounce: and THE insolence of a\n wealthy Roman indulged himself in THE cheap amusement of breaking\n and satisfying THE law of THE twelve tables. Veratius ran through\n THE streets striking on THE face THE inoffensive passengers, and\n his attendant purse-bearer immediately silenced THEir clamors by\n THE legal tender of twenty-five pieces of copper, about THE value\n of one shilling. 170 The equity of THE praetors examined and\n estimated THE distinct merits of each particular complaint. In\n THE adjudication of civil damages, THE magistrate assumed a right\n to consider THE various circumstances of time and place, of age\n and dignity, which may aggravate THE shame and sufferings of THE\n injured person; but if he admitted THE idea of a fine, a\n punishment, an example, he invaded THE province, though, perhaps,\n he supplied THE defects, of THE criminal law.\n\n\n\n 168 (return) Sir William Jones has given an ingenious and\n rational Essay on THE law of Bailment, (London, 1781, p. 127, in\n 8vo.) He is perhaps THE only lawyer equally conversant with THE\n year-books of Westminster, THE Commentaries of Ulpian, THE Attic\n pleadings of Isaeus, and THE sentences of Arabian and Persian\n cadhis.]\n\n 169 (return) [ Noodt (Opp. tom. i. p. 137—172) has composed a\n separate treatise, ad Legem Aquilian, (Pandect. l. ix. tit. ii.)]\n\n 170 (return) [ Aulus Gellius (Noct. Attic. xx. i.) borrowed this\n story from THE Commentaries of Q. Labeo on THE xii. tables.]\n\n\n The execution of THE Alban dictator, who was dismembered by eight\n horses, is represented by Livy as THE first and THE fast instance\n of Roman cruelty in THE punishment of THE most atrocious crimes.\n 171 But this act of justice, or revenge, was inflicted on a\n foreign enemy in THE heat of victory, and at THE command of a\n single man. The twelve tables afford a more decisive proof of THE\n national spirit, since THEy were framed by THE wisest of THE\n senate, and accepted by THE free voices of THE people; yet THEse\n laws, like THE statutes of Draco, 172 are written in characters\n of blood. 173 They approve THE inhuman and unequal principle of\n retaliation; and THE forfeit of an eye for an eye, a tooth for a\n tooth, a limb for a limb, is rigorously exacted, unless THE\n offender can redeem his pardon by a fine of three hundred pounds\n of copper. The decemvirs distributed with much liberality THE\n slighter chastisements of flagellation and servitude; and nine\n crimes of a very different complexion are adjudged worthy of\n death.\n\n\n 1. Any act of treason against THE state, or of correspondence\n with THE public enemy. The mode of execution was painful and\n ignominious: THE head of THE degenerate Roman was shrouded in a\n veil, his hands were tied behind his back, and after he had been\n scourged by THE lictor, he was suspended in THE midst of THE\n forum on a cross, or inauspicious tree.\n\n\n 2. Nocturnal meetings in THE city; whatever might be THE\n pretence, of pleasure, or religion, or THE public good.\n\n\n 3. The murder of a citizen; for which THE common feelings of\n mankind demand THE blood of THE murderer. Poison is still more\n odious than THE sword or dagger; and we are surprised to\n discover, in two flagitious events, how early such subtle\n wickedness had infected THE simplicity of THE republic, and THE\n chaste virtues of THE Roman matrons. 174 The parricide, who\n violated THE duties of nature and gratitude, was cast into THE\n river or THE sea, enclosed in a sack; and a cock, a viper, a dog,\n and a monkey, were successively added, as THE most suitable\n companions. 175 Italy produces no monkeys; but THE want could\n never be felt, till THE middle of THE sixth century first\n revealed THE guilt of a parricide. 176\n\n\n 4. The malice of an incendiary. After THE previous ceremony of\n whipping, he himself was delivered to THE flames; and in this\n example alone our reason is tempted to applaud THE justice of\n retaliation.\n\n\n 5. Judicial perjury. The corrupt or malicious witness was thrown\n headlong from THE Tarpeian rock, to expiate his falsehood, which\n was rendered still more fatal by THE severity of THE penal laws,\n and THE deficiency of written evidence.\n\n\n 6. The corruption of a judge, who accepted bribes to pronounce an\n iniquitous sentence.\n\n\n 7. Libels and satires, whose rude strains sometimes disturbed THE\n peace of an illiterate city. The author was beaten with clubs, a\n worthy chastisement, but it is not certain that he was left to\n expire under THE blows of THE executioner. 177\n\n\n 8. The nocturnal mischief of damaging or destroying a neighbor’s\n corn. The criminal was suspended as a grateful victim to Ceres.\n But THE sylvan deities were less implacable, and THE extirpation\n of a more valuable tree was compensated by THE moderate fine of\n twenty-five pounds of copper.\n\n\n 9. Magical incantations; which had power, in THE opinion of THE\n Latin shepherds, to exhaust THE strength of an enemy, to\n extinguish his life, and to remove from THEir seats his\n deep-rooted plantations.\n\n\n The cruelty of THE twelve tables against insolvent debtors still\n remains to be told; and I shall dare to prefer THE literal sense\n of antiquity to THE specious refinements of modern criticism. 178\n 1781 After THE judicial proof or confession of THE debt, thirty\n days of grace were allowed before a Roman was delivered into THE\n power of his fellow-citizen. In this private prison, twelve\n ounces of rice were his daily food; he might be bound with a\n chain of fifteen pounds weight; and his misery was thrice exposed\n in THE market place, to solicit THE compassion of his friends and\n countrymen. At THE expiration of sixty days, THE debt was\n discharged by THE loss of liberty or life; THE insolvent debtor\n was eiTHEr put to death, or sold in foreign slavery beyond THE\n Tyber: but, if several creditors were alike obstinate and\n unrelenting, THEy might legally dismember his body, and satiate\n THEir revenge by this horrid partition. The advocates for this\n savage law have insisted, that it must strongly operate in\n deterring idleness and fraud from contracting debts which THEy\n were unable to discharge; but experience would dissipate this\n salutary terror, by proving that no creditor could be found to\n exact this unprofitable penalty of life or limb. As THE manners\n of Rome were insensibly polished, THE criminal code of THE\n decemvirs was abolished by THE humanity of accusers, witnesses,\n and judges; and impunity became THE consequence of immoderate\n rigor. The Porcian and Valerian laws prohibited THE magistrates\n from inflicting on a free citizen any capital, or even corporal,\n punishment; and THE obsolete statutes of blood were artfully, and\n perhaps truly, ascribed to THE spirit, not of patrician, but of\n regal, tyranny.\n\n 171 (return) [ The narrative of Livy (i. 28) is weighty and\n solemn. At tu, Albane, maneres, is a harsh reflection, unworthy\n of Virgil’s humanity, (Aeneid, viii. 643.) Heyne, with his usual\n good taste, observes that THE subject was too horrid for THE\n shield of Aencas, (tom. iii. p. 229.)]\n\n 172 (return) [ The age of Draco (Olympiad xxxix. l) is fixed by\n Sir John Marsham (Canon Chronicus, p. 593—596) and Corsini,\n (Fasti Attici, tom. iii. p. 62.) For his laws, see THE writers on\n THE government of ATHEns, Sigonius, Meursius, Potter, &c.]\n\n 173 (return) [ The viith, de delictis, of THE xii. tables is\n delineated by Gravina, (Opp. p. 292, 293, with a commentary, p.\n 214—230.) Aulus Gellius (xx. 1) and THE Collatio Legum Mosaicarum\n et Romanarum afford much original information.]\n\n 174 (return) [ Livy mentions two remarkable and flagitious aeras,\n of 3000 persons accused, and of 190 noble matrons convicted, of\n THE crime of poisoning, (xl. 43, viii. 18.) Mr. Hume\n discriminates THE ages of private and public virtue, (Essays,\n vol. i. p. 22, 23.) I would raTHEr say that such ebullitions of\n mischief (as in France in THE year 1680) are accidents and\n prodigies which leave no marks on THE manners of a nation.]\n\n 175 (return) [ The xii. tables and Cicero (pro Roscio Amerino, c.\n 25, 26) are content with THE sack; Seneca (Excerpt. Controvers. v\n 4) adorns it with serpents; Juvenal pities THE guiltless monkey\n (innoxia simia—156.) Adrian (apud DosiTHEum Magistrum, l. iii. c.\n p. 874—876, with Schulting’s Note,) Modestinus, (Pandect. xlviii.\n tit. ix. leg. 9,) Constantine, (Cod. l. ix. tit. xvii.,) and\n Justinian, (Institut. l. iv. tit. xviii.,) enumerate all THE\n companions of THE parricide. But this fanciful execution was\n simplified in practice. Hodie tamen viv exuruntur vel ad bestias\n dantur, (Paul. Sentent. Recept. l. v. tit. xxiv p. 512, edit.\n Schulting.)]\n\n 176 (return) [ The first parricide at Rome was L. Ostius, after\n THE second Punic war, (Plutarch, in Romulo, tom. i. p. 54.)\n During THE Cimbric, P. Malleolus was guilty of THE first\n matricide, (Liv. Epitom. l. lxviii.)]\n\n 177 (return) [ Horace talks of THE formidine fustis, (l. ii.\n epist. ii. 154,) but Cicero (de Republica, l. iv. apud Augustin.\n de Civitat. Dei, ix. 6, in Fragment. Philosoph. tom. iii. p. 393,\n edit. Olivet) affirms that THE decemvirs made libels a capital\n offence: cum perpaucas res capite sanxisent—perpaucus!]\n\n 178 (return) [ Bynkershoek (Observat. Juris Rom. l. i. c. 1, in\n Opp. tom. i. p. 9, 10, 11) labors to prove that THE creditors\n divided not THE body, but THE price, of THE insolvent debtor. Yet\n his interpretation is one perpetual harsh metaphor; nor can he\n surmount THE Roman authorities of Quintilian, Caecilius,\n Favonius, and Tertullian. See Aulus Gellius, Noct. Attic. xxi.]\n\n 1781 (return) [ Hugo (Histoire du Droit Romain, tom. i. p. 234)\n concurs with Gibbon See Niebuhr, vol. ii. p. 313.—M.]\n\n\n In THE absence of penal laws, and THE insufficiency of civil\n actions, THE peace and justice of THE city were imperfectly\n maintained by THE private jurisdiction of THE citizens. The\n malefactors who replenish our jails are THE outcasts of society,\n and THE crimes for which THEy suffer may be commonly ascribed to\n ignorance, poverty, and brutal appetite. For THE perpetration of\n similar enormities, a vile plebeian might claim and abuse THE\n sacred character of a member of THE republic: but, on THE proof\n or suspicion of guilt, THE slave, or THE stranger, was nailed to\n a cross; and this strict and summary justice might be exercised\n without restraint over THE greatest part of THE populace of Rome.\n\n\n Each family contained a domestic tribunal, which was not\n confined, like that of THE praetor, to THE cognizance of external\n actions: virtuous principles and habits were inculcated by THE\n discipline of education; and THE Roman faTHEr was accountable to\n THE state for THE manners of his children, since he disposed,\n without appeal, of THEir life, THEir liberty, and THEir\n inheritance. In some pressing emergencies, THE citizen was\n authorized to avenge his private or public wrongs. The consent of\n THE Jewish, THE ATHEnian, and THE Roman laws approved THE\n slaughter of THE nocturnal thief; though in open daylight a\n robber could not be slain without some previous evidence of\n danger and complaint. Whoever surprised an adulterer in his\n nuptial bed might freely exercise his revenge; 179 THE most\n bloody and wanton outrage was excused by THE provocation; 180 nor\n was it before THE reign of Augustus that THE husband was reduced\n to weigh THE rank of THE offender, or that THE parent was\n condemned to sacrifice his daughter with her guilty seducer.\n After THE expulsion of THE kings, THE ambitious Roman, who should\n dare to assume THEir title or imitate THEir tyranny, was devoted\n to THE infernal gods: each of his fellow-citizens was armed with\n THE sword of justice; and THE act of Brutus, however repugnant to\n gratitude or prudence, had been already sanctified by THE\n judgment of his country. 181 The barbarous practice of wearing\n arms in THE midst of peace, 182 and THE bloody maxims of honor,\n were unknown to THE Romans; and, during THE two purest ages, from\n THE establishment of equal freedom to THE end of THE Punic wars,\n THE city was never disturbed by sedition, and rarely polluted\n with atrocious crimes. The failure of penal laws was more\n sensibly felt, when every vice was inflamed by faction at home\n and dominion abroad. In THE time of Cicero, each private citizen\n enjoyed THE privilege of anarchy; each minister of THE republic\n was exalted to THE temptations of regal power, and THEir virtues\n are entitled to THE warmest praise, as THE spontaneous fruits of\n nature or philosophy. After a triennial indulgence of lust,\n rapine, and cruelty, Verres, THE tyrant of Sicily, could only be\n sued for THE pecuniary restitution of three hundred thousand\n pounds sterling; and such was THE temper of THE laws, THE judges,\n and perhaps THE accuser himself, 183 that, on refunding a\n thirteenth part of his plunder, Verres could retire to an easy\n and luxurious exile. 184\n\n 179 (return) [ The first speech of Lysias (Reiske, Orator. Graec.\n tom. v. p. 2—48) is in defence of a husband who had killed THE\n adulterer. The rights of husbands and faTHErs at Rome and ATHEns\n are discussed with much learning by Dr. Taylor, (Lectiones\n Lysiacae, c. xi. in Reiske, tom. vi. p. 301—308.)]\n\n 180 (return) [ See Casaubon ad ATHEnaeum, l. i. c. 5, p. 19.\n Percurrent raphanique mugilesque, (Catull. p. 41, 42, edit.\n Vossian.) Hunc mugilis intrat, (Juvenal. Satir. x. 317.) Hunc\n perminxere calones, (Horat l. i. Satir. ii. 44.) Familiae\n stuprandum dedit.. fraudi non fuit, (Val. Maxim. l. vi. c. l, No.\n 13.)]\n\n 181 (return) [ This law is noticed by Livy (ii. 8) and Plutarch,\n (in Publiccla, tom. i. p. 187,) and it fully justifies THE public\n opinion on THE death of Caesar which Suetonius could publish\n under THE Imperial government. Jure caesus existimatur, (in\n Julio, c. 76.) Read THE letters that passed between Cicero and\n Matius a few months after THE ides of March (ad Fam. xi. 27,\n 28.)]\n\n 182 (return) [ Thucydid. l. i. c. 6 The historian who considers\n this circumstance as THE test of civilization, would disdain THE\n barbarism of a European court]\n\n 183 (return) [ He first rated at millies (800,000 L.) THE damages\n of Sicily, (Divinatio in Caecilium, c. 5,) which he afterwards\n reduced to quadringenties, (320,000 L.—1 Actio in Verrem, c. 18,)\n and was finally content with tricies, (24,000l L.) Plutarch (in\n Ciceron. tom. iii. p. 1584) has not dissembled THE popular\n suspicion and report.]\n\n 184 (return) [ Verres lived near thirty years after his trial,\n till THE second triumvirate, when he was proscribed by THE taste\n of Mark Antony for THE sake of his Corinthian plate, (Plin. Hist.\n Natur. xxxiv. 3.)]\n\n\n The first imperfect attempt to restore THE proportion of crimes\n and punishments was made by THE dictator Sylla, who, in THE midst\n of his sanguinary triumph, aspired to restrain THE license,\n raTHEr than to oppress THE liberty, of THE Romans. He gloried in\n THE arbitrary proscription of four thousand seven hundred\n citizens. 185 But, in THE character of a legislator, he respected\n THE prejudices of THE times; and, instead of pronouncing a\n sentence of death against THE robber or assassin, THE general who\n betrayed an army, or THE magistrate who ruined a province, Sylla\n was content to aggravate THE pecuniary damages by THE penalty of\n exile, or, in more constitutional language, by THE interdiction\n of fire and water. The Cornelian, and afterwards THE Pompeian and\n Julian, laws introduced a new system of criminal jurisprudence;\n 186 and THE emperors, from Augustus to Justinian, disguised THEir\n increasing rigor under THE names of THE original authors. But THE\n invention and frequent use of extraordinary pains proceeded from\n THE desire to extend and conceal THE progress of despotism. In\n THE condemnation of illustrious Romans, THE senate was always\n prepared to confound, at THE will of THEir masters, THE judicial\n and legislative powers. It was THE duty of THE governors to\n maintain THE peace of THEir province, by THE arbitrary and rigid\n administration of justice; THE freedom of THE city evaporated in\n THE extent of empire, and THE Spanish malefactor, who claimed THE\n privilege of a Roman, was elevated by THE command of Galba on a\n fairer and more lofty cross. 187 Occasional rescripts issued from\n THE throne to decide THE questions which, by THEir novelty or\n importance, appeared to surpass THE authority and discernment of\n a proconsul. Transportation and beheading were reserved for\n honorable persons; meaner criminals were eiTHEr hanged, or burnt,\n or buried in THE mines, or exposed to THE wild beasts of THE\n amphiTHEatre. Armed robbers were pursued and extirpated as THE\n enemies of society; THE driving away horses or cattle was made a\n capital offence; 188 but simple THEft was uniformly considered as\n a mere civil and private injury. The degrees of guilt, and THE\n modes of punishment, were too often determined by THE discretion\n of THE rulers, and THE subject was left in ignorance of THE legal\n danger which he might incur by every action of his life.\n\n 185 (return) [ Such is THE number assigned by Valer’us Maximus,\n (l. ix. c. 2, No. 1,) Florus (iv. 21) distinguishes 2000 senators\n and knights. Appian (de Bell. Civil. l. i. c. 95, tom. ii. p.\n 133, edit. Schweighauser) more accurately computes forty victims\n of THE senatorian rank, and 1600 of THE equestrian census or\n order.]\n\n 186 (return) [ For THE penal laws (Leges Corneliae, Pompeiae,\n Julae, of Sylla, Pompey, and THE Caesars) see THE sentences of\n Paulus, (l. iv. tit. xviii.—xxx. p. 497—528, edit. Schulting,)\n THE Gregorian Code, (Fragment. l. xix. p. 705, 706, in\n Schulting,) THE Collatio Legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum, (tit.\n i.—xv.,) THE Theodosian Code, (l. ix.,) THE Code of Justinian,\n (l. ix.,) THE Pandects, (xlviii.,) THE Institutes, (l. iv. tit.\n xviii.,) and THE Greek version of Theophilus, (p. 917—926.)]\n\n 187 (return) [ It was a guardian who had poisoned his ward. The\n crime was atrocious: yet THE punishment is reckoned by Suetonius\n (c. 9) among THE acts in which Galba showed himself acer,\n vehemens, et in delictis coercendis immodicus.]\n\n 188 (return) [ The abactores or abigeatores, who drove one horse,\n or two mares or oxen, or five hogs, or ten goats, were subject to\n capital punishment, (Paul, Sentent. Recept. l. iv. tit. xviii. p.\n 497, 498.) Hadrian, (ad Concil. Baeticae,) most severe where THE\n offence was most frequent, condemns THE criminals, ad gladium,\n ludi damnationem, (Ulpian, de Officio Proconsulis, l. viii. in\n Collatione Legum Mosaic. et Rom. tit. xi p. 235.)]\n\n\n A sin, a vice, a crime, are THE objects of THEology, ethics, and\n jurisprudence. Whenever THEir judgments agree, THEy corroborate\n each oTHEr; but, as often as THEy differ, a prudent legislator\n appreciates THE guilt and punishment according to THE measure of\n social injury. On this principle, THE most daring attack on THE\n life and property of a private citizen is judged less atrocious\n than THE crime of treason or rebellion, which invades THE majesty\n of THE republic: THE obsequious civilians unanimously pronounced,\n that THE republic is contained in THE person of its chief; and\n THE edge of THE Julian law was sharpened by THE incessant\n diligence of THE emperors. The licentious commerce of THE sexes\n may be tolerated as an impulse of nature, or forbidden as a\n source of disorder and corruption; but THE fame, THE fortunes,\n THE family of THE husband, are seriously injured by THE adultery\n of THE wife. The wisdom of Augustus, after curbing THE freedom of\n revenge, applied to this domestic offence THE animadversion of\n THE laws: and THE guilty parties, after THE payment of heavy\n forfeitures and fines, were condemned to long or perpetual exile\n in two separate islands. 189 Religion pronounces an equal censure\n against THE infidelity of THE husband; but, as it is not\n accompanied by THE same civil effects, THE wife was never\n permitted to vindicate her wrongs; 190 and THE distinction of\n simple or double adultery, so familiar and so important in THE\n canon law, is unknown to THE jurisprudence of THE Code and THE\n Pandects. I touch with reluctance, and despatch with impatience,\n a more odious vice, of which modesty rejects THE name, and nature\n abominates THE idea. The primitive Romans were infected by THE\n example of THE Etruscans 191 and Greeks: 192 and in THE mad abuse\n of prosperity and power, every pleasure that is innocent was\n deemed insipid; and THE Scatinian law, 193 which had been\n extorted by an act of violence, was insensibly abolished by THE\n lapse of time and THE multitude of criminals. By this law, THE\n rape, perhaps THE seduction, of an ingenuous youth, was\n compensated, as a personal injury, by THE poor damages of ten\n thousand sesterces, or fourscore pounds; THE ravisher might be\n slain by THE resistance or revenge of chastity; and I wish to\n believe, that at Rome, as in ATHEns, THE voluntary and effeminate\n deserter of his sex was degraded from THE honors and THE rights\n of a citizen. 194 But THE practice of vice was not discouraged by\n THE severity of opinion: THE indelible stain of manhood was\n confounded with THE more venial transgressions of fornication and\n adultery, nor was THE licentious lover exposed to THE same\n dishonor which he impressed on THE male or female partner of his\n guilt. From Catullus to Juvenal, 195 THE poets accuse and\n celebrate THE degeneracy of THE times; and THE reformation of\n manners was feebly attempted by THE reason and authority of THE\n civilians till THE most virtuous of THE Caesars proscribed THE\n sin against nature as a crime against society. 196\n\n 189 (return) [ Till THE publication of THE Julius Paulus of\n Schulting, (l. ii. tit. xxvi. p. 317—323,) it was affirmed and\n believed that THE Julian laws punished adultery with death; and\n THE mistake arose from THE fraud or error of Tribonian. Yet\n Lipsius had suspected THE truth from THE narratives of Tacitus,\n (Annal. ii. 50, iii. 24, iv. 42,) and even from THE practice of\n Augustus, who distinguished THE treasonable frailties of his\n female kindred.]\n\n 190 (return) [ In cases of adultery, Severus confined to THE\n husband THE right of public accusation, (Cod. Justinian, l. ix.\n tit. ix. leg. 1.) Nor is this privilege unjust—so different are\n THE effects of male or female infidelity.]\n\n 191 (return) [ Timon (l. i.) and Theopompus (l. xliii. apud\n ATHEnaeum, l. xii. p. 517) describe THE luxury and lust of THE\n Etruscans. About THE same period (A. U. C. 445) THE Roman youth\n studied in Etruria, (liv. ix. 36.)]\n\n 192 (return) [ The Persians had been corrupted in THE same\n school, (Herodot. l. i. c. 135.) A curious dissertation might be\n formed on THE introduction of paederasty after THE time of Homer,\n its progress among THE Greeks of Asia and Europe, THE vehemence\n of THEir passions, and THE thin device of virtue and friendship\n which amused THE philosophers of ATHEns. But scelera ostendi\n oportet dum puniuntur, abscondi flagitia.]\n\n 193 (return) [ The name, THE date, and THE provisions of this law\n are equally doubtful, (Gravina, Opp. p. 432, 433. Heineccius,\n Hist. Jur. Rom. No. 108. Ernesti, Clav. Ciceron. in Indice\n Legum.) But I will observe that THE nefanda Venus of THE honest\n German is styled aversa by THE more polite Italian.]\n\n 194 (return) [ See THE oration of Aeschines against THE catamite\n Timarchus, (in Reiske, Orator. Graec. tom. iii. p. 21—184.)]\n\n 195 (return) [ A crowd of disgraceful passages will force\n THEmselves on THE memory of THE classic reader: I will only\n remind him of THE cool declaration of Ovid:— Odi concubitus qui\n non utrumque resolvant. Hoc est quod puerum tangar amore minus.]\n\n 196 (return) [ Aelius Lampridius, in Vit. Heliogabal. in Hist.\n August p. 112 Aurelius Victor, in Philippo, Codex Theodos. l. ix.\n tit. vii. leg. 7, and Godefroy’s Commentary, tom. iii. p. 63.\n Theodosius abolished THE subterraneous broTHEls of Rome, in which\n THE prostitution of both sexes was acted with impunity.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part VIII.\n\n\n A new spirit of legislation, respectable even in its error, arose\n in THE empire with THE religion of Constantine. 197 The laws of\n Moses were received as THE divine original of justice, and THE\n Christian princes adapted THEir penal statutes to THE degrees of\n moral and religious turpitude. Adultery was first declared to be\n a capital offence: THE frailty of THE sexes was assimilated to\n poison or assassination, to sorcery or parricide; THE same\n penalties were inflicted on THE passive and active guilt of\n paederasty; and all criminals of free or servile condition were\n eiTHEr drowned or beheaded, or cast alive into THE avenging\n flames. The adulterers were spared by THE common sympathy of\n mankind; but THE lovers of THEir own sex were pursued by general\n and pious indignation: THE impure manners of Greece still\n prevailed in THE cities of Asia, and every vice was fomented by\n THE celibacy of THE monks and clergy. Justinian relaxed THE\n punishment at least of female infidelity: THE guilty spouse was\n only condemned to solitude and penance, and at THE end of two\n years she might be recalled to THE arms of a forgiving husband.\n But THE same emperor declared himself THE implacable enemy of\n unmanly lust, and THE cruelty of his persecution can scarcely be\n excused by THE purity of his motives. 198 In defiance of every\n principle of justice, he stretched to past as well as future\n offences THE operations of his edicts, with THE previous\n allowance of a short respite for confession and pardon. A painful\n death was inflicted by THE amputation of THE sinful instrument,\n or THE insertion of sharp reeds into THE pores and tubes of most\n exquisite sensibility; and Justinian defended THE propriety of\n THE execution, since THE criminals would have lost THEir hands,\n had THEy been convicted of sacrilege. In this state of disgrace\n and agony, two bishops, Isaiah of Rhodes and Alexander of\n Diospolis, were dragged through THE streets of Constantinople,\n while THEir brethren were admonished, by THE voice of a crier, to\n observe this awful lesson, and not to pollute THE sanctity of\n THEir character. Perhaps THEse prelates were innocent. A sentence\n of death and infamy was often founded on THE slight and\n suspicious evidence of a child or a servant: THE guilt of THE\n green faction, of THE rich, and of THE enemies of Theodora, was\n presumed by THE judges, and paederasty became THE crime of those\n to whom no crime could be imputed. A French philosopher 199 has\n dared to remark that whatever is secret must be doubtful, and\n that our natural horror of vice may be abused as an engine of\n tyranny. But THE favorable persuasion of THE same writer, that a\n legislator may confide in THE taste and reason of mankind, is\n impeached by THE unwelcome discovery of THE antiquity and extent\n of THE disease. 200\n\n 197 (return) [ See THE laws of Constantine and his successors\n against adultery, sodomy &c., in THE Theodosian, (l. ix. tit.\n vii. leg. 7, l. xi. tit. xxxvi leg. 1, 4) and Justinian Codes,\n (l. ix. tit. ix. leg. 30, 31.) These princes speak THE language\n of passion as well as of justice, and fraudulently ascribe THEir\n own severity to THE first Caesars.]\n\n 198 (return) [ Justinian, Novel. lxxvii. cxxxiv. cxli. Procopius\n in Anecdot. c. 11, 16, with THE notes of Alemannus. Theophanes,\n p. 151. Cedrenus. p. 688. Zonaras, l. xiv. p. 64.]\n\n 199 (return) [ Montesquieu, Esprit des Loix, l. xii. c. 6. That\n eloquent philosopher conciliates THE rights of liberty and of\n nature, which should never be placed in opposition to each\n oTHEr.]\n\n 200 (return) [ For THE corruption of Palestine, 2000 years before\n THE Christian aera, see THE history and laws of Moses. Ancient\n Gaul is stigmatized by Diodorus Siculus, (tom. i. l. v. p. 356,)\n China by THE Mahometar and Christian travellers, (Ancient\n Relations of India and China, p. 34 translated by Renaudot, and\n his bitter critic THE Pere Premare, Lettres Edifiantes, tom. xix.\n p. 435,) and native America by THE Spanish historians,\n (Garcilasso de la Vega, l. iii. c. 13, Rycaut’s translation; and\n Dictionnaire de Bayle, tom. iii. p. 88.) I believe, and hope,\n that THE negroes, in THEir own country, were exempt from this\n moral pestilence.]\n\n\n The free citizens of ATHEns and Rome enjoyed, in all criminal\n cases, THE invaluable privilege of being tried by THEir country.\n 201 1. The administration of justice is THE most ancient office\n of a prince: it was exercised by THE Roman kings, and abused by\n Tarquin; who alone, without law or council, pronounced his\n arbitrary judgments. The first consuls succeeded to this regal\n prerogative; but THE sacred right of appeal soon abolished THE\n jurisdiction of THE magistrates, and all public causes were\n decided by THE supreme tribunal of THE people. But a wild\n democracy, superior to THE forms, too often disdains THE\n essential principles, of justice: THE pride of despotism was\n envenomed by plebeian envy, and THE heroes of ATHEns might\n sometimes applaud THE happiness of THE Persian, whose fate\n depended on THE caprice of a single tyrant. Some salutary\n restraints, imposed by THE people or THEir own passions, were at\n once THE cause and effect of THE gravity and temperance of THE\n Romans. The right of accusation was confined to THE magistrates.\n\n\n A vote of THE thirty five tribes could inflict a fine; but THE\n cognizance of all capital crimes was reserved by a fundamental\n law to THE assembly of THE centuries, in which THE weight of\n influence and property was sure to preponderate. Repeated\n proclamations and adjournments were interposed, to allow time for\n prejudice and resentment to subside: THE whole proceeding might\n be annulled by a seasonable omen, or THE opposition of a tribune;\n and such popular trials were commonly less formidable to\n innocence than THEy were favorable to guilt. But this union of\n THE judicial and legislative powers left it doubtful wheTHEr THE\n accused party was pardoned or acquitted; and, in THE defence of\n an illustrious client, THE orators of Rome and ATHEns address\n THEir arguments to THE policy and benevolence, as well as to THE\n justice, of THEir sovereign. 2. The task of convening THE\n citizens for THE trial of each offender became more difficult, as\n THE citizens and THE offenders continually multiplied; and THE\n ready expedient was adopted of delegating THE jurisdiction of THE\n people to THE ordinary magistrates, or to extraordinary\n inquisitors. In THE first ages THEse questions were rare and\n occasional. In THE beginning of THE seventh century of Rome THEy\n were made perpetual: four praetors were annually empowered to sit\n in judgment on THE state offences of treason, extortion,\n peculation, and bribery; and Sylla added new praetors and new\n questions for those crimes which more directly injure THE safety\n of individuals. By THEse inquisitors THE trial was prepared and\n directed; but THEy could only pronounce THE sentence of THE\n majority of judges, who with some truth, and more prejudice, have\n been compared to THE English juries. 202 To discharge this\n important, though burdensome office, an annual list of ancient\n and respectable citizens was formed by THE praetor. After many\n constitutional struggles, THEy were chosen in equal numbers from\n THE senate, THE equestrian order, and THE people; four hundred\n and fifty were appointed for single questions; and THE various\n rolls or decuries of judges must have contained THE names of some\n thousand Romans, who represented THE judicial authority of THE\n state. In each particular cause, a sufficient number was drawn\n from THE urn; THEir integrity was guarded by an oath; THE mode of\n ballot secured THEir independence; THE suspicion of partiality\n was removed by THE mutual challenges of THE accuser and\n defendant; and THE judges of Milo, by THE retrenchment of fifteen\n on each side, were reduced to fifty-one voices or tablets, of\n acquittal, of condemnation, or of favorable doubt. 203 3. In his\n civil jurisdiction, THE praetor of THE city was truly a judge,\n and almost a legislator; but, as soon as he had prescribed THE\n action of law, he often referred to a delegate THE determination\n of THE fact. With THE increase of legal proceedings, THE tribunal\n of THE centumvirs, in which he presided, acquired more weight and\n reputation. But wheTHEr he acted alone, or with THE advice of his\n council, THE most absolute powers might be trusted to a\n magistrate who was annually chosen by THE votes of THE people.\n The rules and precautions of freedom have required some\n explanation; THE order of despotism is simple and inanimate.\n Before THE age of Justinian, or perhaps of Diocletian, THE\n decuries of Roman judges had sunk to an empty title: THE humble\n advice of THE assessors might be accepted or despised; and in\n each tribunal THE civil and criminal jurisdiction was\n administered by a single magistrate, who was raised and disgraced\n by THE will of THE emperor.\n\n\n 201 (return) [The important subject of THE public questions and\n judgments at Rome, is explained with much learning, and in a\n classic style, by Charles Sigonius, (l. iii. de Judiciis, in Opp.\n tom. iii. p. 679—864;) and a good abridgment may be found in THE\n Republique Romaine of Beaufort, (tom. ii. l. v. p. 1—121.) Those\n who wish for more abstruse law may study Noodt, (de Jurisdictione\n et Imperio Libri duo, tom. i. p. 93—134,) Heineccius, (ad\n Pandect. l. i. et ii. ad Institut. l. iv. tit. xvii Element. ad\n Antiquitat.) and Gravina (Opp. 230—251.)]\n\n 202 (return) [ The office, both at Rome and in England, must be\n considered as an occasional duty, and not a magistracy, or\n profession. But THE obligation of a unanimous verdict is peculiar\n to our laws, which condemn THE jurymen to undergo THE torture\n from whence THEy have exempted THE criminal.]\n\n 203 (return) [ We are indebted for this interesting fact to a\n fragment of Asconius Pedianus, who flourished under THE reign of\n Tiberius. The loss of his Commentaries on THE Orations of Cicero\n has deprived us of a valuable fund of historical and legal\n knowledge.]\n\n\n A Roman accused of any capital crime might prevent THE sentence\n of THE law by voluntary exile, or death. Till his guilt had been\n legally proved, his innocence was presumed, and his person was\n free: till THE votes of THE last century had been counted and\n declared, he might peaceably secede to any of THE allied cities\n of Italy, or Greece, or Asia. 204 His fame and fortunes were\n preserved, at least to his children, by this civil death; and he\n might still be happy in every rational and sensual enjoyment, if\n a mind accustomed to THE ambitious tumult of Rome could support\n THE uniformity and silence of Rhodes or ATHEns. A bolder effort\n was required to escape from THE tyranny of THE Caesars; but this\n effort was rendered familiar by THE maxims of THE stoics, THE\n example of THE bravest Romans, and THE legal encouragements of\n suicide. The bodies of condemned criminals were exposed to public\n ignominy, and THEir children, a more serious evil, were reduced\n to poverty by THE confiscation of THEir fortunes. But, if THE\n victims of Tiberius and Nero anticipated THE decree of THE prince\n or senate, THEir courage and despatch were recompensed by THE\n applause of THE public, THE decent honors of burial, and THE\n validity of THEir testaments. 205 The exquisite avarice and\n cruelty of Domitian appear to have deprived THE unfortunate of\n this last consolation, and it was still denied even by THE\n clemency of THE Antonines. A voluntary death, which, in THE case\n of a capital offence, intervened between THE accusation and THE\n sentence, was admitted as a confession of guilt, and THE spoils\n of THE deceased were seized by THE inhuman claims of THE\n treasury. 206 Yet THE civilians have always respected THE natural\n right of a citizen to dispose of his life; and THE posthumous\n disgrace invented by Tarquin, 207 to check THE despair of his\n subjects, was never revived or imitated by succeeding tyrants.\n The powers of this world have indeed lost THEir dominion over him\n who is resolved on death; and his arm can only be restrained by\n THE religious apprehension of a future state. Suicides are\n enumerated by Virgil among THE unfortunate, raTHEr than THE\n guilty; 208 and THE poetical fables of THE infernal shades could\n not seriously influence THE faith or practice of mankind. But THE\n precepts of THE gospel, or THE church, have at length imposed a\n pious servitude on THE minds of Christians, and condemn THEm to\n expect, without a murmur, THE last stroke of disease or THE\n executioner.\n\n\n 204 (return) [Footnote 204: Polyb. l. vi. p. 643. The extension\n of THE empire and city of Rome obliged THE exile to seek a more\n distant place of retirement.]\n\n 205 (return) [ Qui de se statuebant, humabanta corpora, manebant\n testamenta; pretium festinandi. Tacit. Annal. vi. 25, with THE\n Notes of Lipsius.]\n\n 206 (return) [ Julius Paulus, (Sentent. Recept. l. v. tit. xii.\n p. 476,) THE Pandects, (xlviii. tit. xxi.,) THE Code, (l. ix.\n tit. l.,) Bynkershoek, (tom. i. p. 59, Observat. J. C. R. iv. 4,)\n and Montesquieu, (Esprit des Loix, l. xxix. c. ix.,) define THE\n civil limitations of THE liberty and privileges of suicide. The\n criminal penalties are THE production of a later and darker age.]\n\n 207 (return) [ Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxvi. 24. When he fatigued his\n subjects in building THE Capitol, many of THE laborers were\n provoked to despatch THEmselves: he nailed THEir dead bodies to\n crosses.]\n\n 208 (return) [ The sole resemblance of a violent and premature\n death has engaged Virgil (Aeneid, vi. 434—439) to confound\n suicides with infants, lovers, and persons unjustly condemned.\n Heyne, THE best of his editors, is at a loss to deduce THE idea,\n or ascertain THE jurisprudence, of THE Roman poet.]\n\n\n The penal statutes form a very small proportion of THE sixty-two\n books of THE Code and Pandects; and in all judicial proceedings,\n THE life or death of a citizen is determined with less caution or\n delay than THE most ordinary question of covenant or inheritance.\n This singular distinction, though something may be allowed for\n THE urgent necessity of defending THE peace of society, is\n derived from THE nature of criminal and civil jurisprudence. Our\n duties to THE state are simple and uniform: THE law by which he\n is condemned is inscribed not only on brass or marble, but on THE\n conscience of THE offender, and his guilt is commonly proved by\n THE testimony of a single fact. But our relations to each oTHEr\n are various and infinite; our obligations are created, annulled,\n and modified, by injuries, benefits, and promises; and THE\n interpretation of voluntary contracts and testaments, which are\n often dictated by fraud or ignorance, affords a long and\n laborious exercise to THE sagacity of THE judge. The business of\n life is multiplied by THE extent of commerce and dominion, and\n THE residence of THE parties in THE distant provinces of an\n empire is productive of doubt, delay, and inevitable appeals from\n THE local to THE supreme magistrate. Justinian, THE Greek emperor\n of Constantinople and THE East, was THE legal successor of THE\n Latin shepherd who had planted a colony on THE banks of THE\n Tyber. In a period of thirteen hundred years, THE laws had\n reluctantly followed THE changes of government and manners; and\n THE laudable desire of conciliating ancient names with recent\n institutions destroyed THE harmony, and swelled THE magnitude, of\n THE obscure and irregular system. The laws which excuse, on any\n occasions, THE ignorance of THEir subjects, confess THEir own\n imperfections: THE civil jurisprudence, as it was abridged by\n Justinian, still continued a mysterious science, and a profitable\n trade, and THE innate perplexity of THE study was involved in\n tenfold darkness by THE private industry of THE practitioners.\n The expense of THE pursuit sometimes exceeded THE value of THE\n prize, and THE fairest rights were abandoned by THE poverty or\n prudence of THE claimants. Such costly justice might tend to\n abate THE spirit of litigation, but THE unequal pressure serves\n only to increase THE influence of THE rich, and to aggravate THE\n misery of THE poor. By THEse dilatory and expensive proceedings,\n THE wealthy pleader obtains a more certain advantage than he\n could hope from THE accidental corruption of his judge. The\n experience of an abuse, from which our own age and country are\n not perfectly exempt, may sometimes provoke a generous\n indignation, and extort THE hasty wish of exchanging our\n elaborate jurisprudence for THE simple and summary decrees of a\n Turkish cadhi. Our calmer reflection will suggest, that such\n forms and delays are necessary to guard THE person and property\n of THE citizen; that THE discretion of THE judge is THE first\n engine of tyranny; and that THE laws of a free people should\n foresee and determine every question that may probably arise in\n THE exercise of power and THE transactions of industry. But THE\n government of Justinian united THE evils of liberty and\n servitude; and THE Romans were oppressed at THE same time by THE\n multiplicity of THEir laws and THE arbitrary will of THEir\n master.\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLV: State Of Italy Under The Lombards.—Part I.\n\n\nReign Of The Younger Justin.—Embassy Of The Avars.—Their Settlement On\nThe Danube.—Conquest Of Italy By The Lombards.—Adoption And Reign Of\nTiberius.—Of Maurice.—State Of Italy Under The Lombards And The\nExarchs.—Of Ravenna.—Distress Of Rome.—Character And Pontificate Of\nGregory The First.\n\n\n During THE last years of Justinian, his infirm mind was devoted\n to heavenly contemplation, and he neglected THE business of THE\n lower world. His subjects were impatient of THE long continuance\n of his life and reign: yet all who were capable of reflection\n apprehended THE moment of his death, which might involve THE\n capital in tumult, and THE empire in civil war. Seven nephews 1\n of THE childless monarch, THE sons or grandsons of his broTHEr\n and sister, had been educated in THE splendor of a princely\n fortune; THEy had been shown in high commands to THE provinces\n and armies; THEir characters were known, THEir followers were\n zealous, and, as THE jealousy of age postponed THE declaration of\n a successor, THEy might expect with equal hopes THE inheritance\n of THEir uncle. He expired in his palace, after a reign of\n thirty-eight years; and THE decisive opportunity was embraced by\n THE friends of Justin, THE son of Vigilantia. 2 At THE hour of\n midnight, his domestics were awakened by an importunate crowd,\n who thundered at his door, and obtained admittance by revealing\n THEmselves to be THE principal members of THE senate. These\n welcome deputies announced THE recent and momentous secret of THE\n emperor’s decease; reported, or perhaps invented, his dying\n choice of THE best beloved and most deserving of his nephews, and\n conjured Justin to prevent THE disorders of THE multitude, if\n THEy should perceive, with THE return of light, that THEy were\n left without a master. After composing his countenance to\n surprise, sorrow, and decent modesty, Justin, by THE advice of\n his wife Sophia, submitted to THE authority of THE senate. He was\n conducted with speed and silence to THE palace; THE guards\n saluted THEir new sovereign; and THE martial and religious rites\n of his coronation were diligently accomplished. By THE hands of\n THE proper officers he was invested with THE Imperial garments,\n THE red buskins, white tunic, and purple robe.\n\n\n A fortunate soldier, whom he instantly promoted to THE rank of\n tribune, encircled his neck with a military collar; four robust\n youths exalted him on a shield; he stood firm and erect to\n receive THE adoration of his subjects; and THEir choice was\n sanctified by THE benediction of THE patriarch, who imposed THE\n diadem on THE head of an orthodox prince. The hippodrome was\n already filled with innumerable multitudes; and no sooner did THE\n emperor appear on his throne, than THE voices of THE blue and THE\n green factions were confounded in THE same loyal acclamations. In\n THE speeches which Justin addressed to THE senate and people, he\n promised to correct THE abuses which had disgraced THE age of his\n predecessor, displayed THE maxims of a just and beneficent\n government, and declared that, on THE approaching calends of\n January, 3 he would revive in his own person THE name and liberty\n of a Roman consul. The immediate discharge of his uncle’s debts\n exhibited a solid pledge of his faith and generosity: a train of\n porters, laden with bags of gold, advanced into THE midst of THE\n hippodrome, and THE hopeless creditors of Justinian accepted this\n equitable payment as a voluntary gift. Before THE end of three\n years, his example was imitated and surpassed by THE empress\n Sophia, who delivered many indigent citizens from THE weight of\n debt and usury: an act of benevolence THE best entitled to\n gratitude, since it relieves THE most intolerable distress; but\n in which THE bounty of a prince is THE most liable to be abused\n by THE claims of prodigality and fraud. 4\n\n 1 (return) [ See THE family of Justin and Justinian in THE\n Familiae Byzantine of Ducange, p. 89—101. The devout civilians,\n Ludewig (in Vit. Justinian. p. 131) and Heineccius (Hist. Juris.\n Roman. p. 374) have since illustrated THE genealogy of THEir\n favorite prince.]\n\n 2 (return) [ In THE story of Justin’s elevation I have translated\n into simple and concise prose THE eight hundred verses of THE two\n first books of Corippus, de Laudibus Justini Appendix Hist.\n Byzant. p. 401—416 Rome 1777.]\n\n 3 (return) [ It is surprising how Pagi (Critica. in Annal. Baron.\n tom. ii. p 639) could be tempted by any chronicles to contradict\n THE plain and decisive text of Corippus, (vicina dona, l. ii.\n 354, vicina dies, l. iv. 1,) and to postpone, till A.D. 567, THE\n consulship of Justin.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Theophan. Chronograph. p. 205. Whenever Cedrenus or\n Zonaras are mere transcribers, it is superfluous to allege THEir\n testimony.]\n\n\n On THE seventh day of his reign, Justin gave audience to THE\n ambassadors of THE Avars, and THE scene was decorated to impress\n THE Barbarians with astonishment, veneration, and terror. From\n THE palace gate, THE spacious courts and long porticos were lined\n with THE lofty crests and gilt bucklers of THE guards, who\n presented THEir spears and axes with more confidence than THEy\n would have shown in a field of battle. The officers who exercised\n THE power, or attended THE person, of THE prince, were attired in\n THEir richest habits, and arranged according to THE military and\n civil order of THE hierarchy. When THE veil of THE sanctuary was\n withdrawn, THE ambassadors beheld THE emperor of THE East on his\n throne, beneath a canopy, or dome, which was supported by four\n columns, and crowned with a winged figure of Victory. In THE\n first emotions of surprise, THEy submitted to THE servile\n adoration of THE Byzantine court; but as soon as THEy rose from\n THE ground, Targetius, THE chief of THE embassy, expressed THE\n freedom and pride of a Barbarian. He extolled, by THE tongue of\n his interpreter, THE greatness of THE chagan, by whose clemency\n THE kingdoms of THE South were permitted to exist, whose\n victorious subjects had traversed THE frozen rivers of Scythia,\n and who now covered THE banks of THE Danube with innumerable\n tents. The late emperor had cultivated, with annual and costly\n gifts, THE friendship of a grateful monarch, and THE enemies of\n Rome had respected THE allies of THE Avars. The same prudence\n would instruct THE nephew of Justinian to imitate THE liberality\n of his uncle, and to purchase THE blessings of peace from an\n invincible people, who delighted and excelled in THE exercise of\n war. The reply of THE emperor was delivered in THE same strain of\n haughty defiance, and he derived his confidence from THE God of\n THE Christians, THE ancient glory of Rome, and THE recent\n triumphs of Justinian. “The empire,” said he, “abounds with men\n and horses, and arms sufficient to defend our frontiers, and to\n chastise THE Barbarians. You offer aid, you threaten hostilities:\n we despise your enmity and your aid. The conquerors of THE Avars\n solicit our alliance; shall we dread THEir fugitives and exiles?\n 5 The bounty of our uncle was granted to your misery, to your\n humble prayers. From us you shall receive a more important\n obligation, THE knowledge of your own weakness. Retire from our\n presence; THE lives of ambassadors are safe; and, if you return\n to implore our pardon, perhaps you will taste of our\n benevolence.” 6 On THE report of his ambassadors, THE chagan was\n awed by THE apparent firmness of a Roman emperor of whose\n character and resources he was ignorant. Instead of executing his\n threats against THE Eastern empire, he marched into THE poor and\n savage countries of Germany, which were subject to THE dominion\n of THE Franks. After two doubtful battles, he consented to\n retire, and THE Austrasian king relieved THE distress of his camp\n with an immediate supply of corn and cattle. 7 Such repeated\n disappointments had chilled THE spirit of THE Avars, and THEir\n power would have dissolved away in THE Sarmatian desert, if THE\n alliance of Alboin, king of THE Lombards, had not given a new\n object to THEir arms, and a lasting settlement to THEir wearied\n fortunes.\n\n 5 (return) [ Corippus, l. iii. 390. The unquestionable sense\n relates to THE Turks, THE conquerors of THE Avars; but THE word\n scultor has no apparent meaning, and THE sole Ms. of Corippus,\n from whence THE first edition (1581, apud Plantin) was printed,\n is no longer visible. The last editor, Foggini of Rome, has\n inserted THE conjectural emendation of soldan: but THE proofs of\n Ducange, (Joinville, Dissert. xvi. p. 238—240,) for THE early use\n of this title among THE Turks and Persians, are weak or\n ambiguous. And I must incline to THE authority of D’Herbelot,\n (BiblioTHEque Orient. p. 825,) who ascribes THE word to THE\n Arabic and Chaldaean tongues, and THE date to THE beginning of\n THE xith century, when it was bestowed by THE khalif of Bagdad on\n Mahmud, prince of Gazna, and conqueror of India.]\n\n 6 (return) [ For THEse characteristic speeches, compare THE verse\n of Corippus (l. iii. 251—401) with THE prose of Menander,\n (Excerpt. Legation. p 102, 103.) Their diversity proves that THEy\n did not copy each oTHEr THEir resemblance, that THEy drew from a\n common original.]\n\n 7 (return) [ For THE Austrasian war, see Menander (Excerpt.\n Legat. p. 110,) Gregory of Tours, (Hist. Franc. l. iv. c 29,) and\n Paul THE deacon, (de Gest. Langobard. l. ii. c. 10.)]\n\n\n While Alboin served under his faTHEr’s standard, he encountered\n in battle, and transpierced with his lance, THE rival prince of\n THE Gepidae. The Lombards, who applauded such early prowess,\n requested his faTHEr, with unanimous acclamations, that THE\n heroic youth, who had shared THE dangers of THE field, might be\n admitted to THE feast of victory. “You are not unmindful,”\n replied THE inflexible Audoin, “of THE wise customs of our\n ancestors. Whatever may be his merit, a prince is incapable of\n sitting at table with his faTHEr till he has received his arms\n from a foreign and royal hand.” Alboin bowed with reverence to\n THE institutions of his country, selected forty companions, and\n boldly visited THE court of Turisund, king of THE Gepidae, who\n embraced and entertained, according to THE laws of hospitality,\n THE murderer of his son. At THE banquet, whilst Alboin occupied\n THE seat of THE youth whom he had slain, a tender remembrance\n arose in THE mind of Turisund. “How dear is that place! how\n hateful is that person!” were THE words that escaped, with a\n sigh, from THE indignant faTHEr. His grief exasperated THE\n national resentment of THE Gepidae; and Cunimund, his surviving\n son, was provoked by wine, or fraternal affection, to THE desire\n of vengeance. “The Lombards,” said THE rude Barbarian, “resemble,\n in figure and in smell, THE mares of our Sarmatian plains.” And\n this insult was a coarse allusion to THE white bands which\n enveloped THEir legs. “Add anoTHEr resemblance,” replied an\n audacious Lombard; “you have felt how strongly THEy kick. Visit\n THE plain of Asfield, and seek for THE bones of thy broTHEr: THEy\n are mingled with those of THE vilest animals.” The Gepidae, a\n nation of warriors, started from THEir seats, and THE fearless\n Alboin, with his forty companions, laid THEir hands on THEir\n swords. The tumult was appeased by THE venerable interposition of\n Turisund. He saved his own honor, and THE life of his guest; and,\n after THE solemn rites of investiture, dismissed THE stranger in\n THE bloody arms of his son; THE gift of a weeping parent. Alboin\n returned in triumph; and THE Lombards, who celebrated his\n matchless intrepidity, were compelled to praise THE virtues of an\n enemy. 8 In this extraordinary visit he had probably seen THE\n daughter of Cunimund, who soon after ascended THE throne of THE\n Gepidae. Her name was Rosamond, an appellation expressive of\n female beauty, and which our own history or romance has\n consecrated to amorous tales. The king of THE Lombards (THE\n faTHEr of Alboin no longer lived) was contracted to THE\n granddaughter of Clovis; but THE restraints of faith and policy\n soon yielded to THE hope of possessing THE fair Rosamond, and of\n insulting her family and nation. The arts of persuasion were\n tried without success; and THE impatient lover, by force and\n stratagem, obtained THE object of his desires. War was THE\n consequence which he foresaw and solicited; but THE Lombards\n could not long withstand THE furious assault of THE Gepidae, who\n were sustained by a Roman army. And, as THE offer of marriage was\n rejected with contempt, Alboin was compelled to relinquish his\n prey, and to partake of THE disgrace which he had inflicted on\n THE house of Cunimund. 9\n\n 8 (return) [ Paul Warnefrid, THE deacon of Friuli, de Gest.\n Langobard. l. i. c. 23, 24. His pictures of national manners,\n though rudely sketched are more lively and faithful than those of\n Bede, or Gregory of Tours]\n\n 9 (return) [ The story is told by an impostor, (Theophylact.\n Simocat. l. vi. c. 10;) but he had art enough to build his\n fictions on public and notorious facts.]\n\n\n When a public quarrel is envenomed by private injuries, a blow\n that is not mortal or decisive can be productive only of a short\n truce, which allows THE unsuccessful combatant to sharpen his\n arms for a new encounter. The strength of Alboin had been found\n unequal to THE gratification of his love, ambition, and revenge:\n he condescended to implore THE formidable aid of THE chagan; and\n THE arguments that he employed are expressive of THE art and\n policy of THE Barbarians. In THE attack of THE Gepidae, he had\n been prompted by THE just desire of extirpating a people whom\n THEir alliance with THE Roman empire had rendered THE common\n enemies of THE nations, and THE personal adversaries of THE\n chagan. If THE forces of THE Avars and THE Lombards should unite\n in this glorious quarrel, THE victory was secure, and THE reward\n inestimable: THE Danube, THE Hebrus, Italy, and Constantinople,\n would be exposed, without a barrier, to THEir invincible arms.\n But, if THEy hesitated or delayed to prevent THE malice of THE\n Romans, THE same spirit which had insulted would pursue THE Avars\n to THE extremity of THE earth. These specious reasons were heard\n by THE chagan with coldness and disdain: he detained THE Lombard\n ambassadors in his camp, protracted THE negotiation, and by turns\n alleged his want of inclination, or his want of ability, to\n undertake this important enterprise. At length he signified THE\n ultimate price of his alliance, that THE Lombards should\n immediately present him with a tiTHE of THEir cattle; that THE\n spoils and captives should be equally divided; but that THE lands\n of THE Gepidae should become THE sole patrimony of THE Avars.\n Such hard conditions were eagerly accepted by THE passions of\n Alboin; and, as THE Romans were dissatisfied with THE ingratitude\n and perfidy of THE Gepidae, Justin abandoned that incorrigible\n people to THEir fate, and remained THE tranquil spectator of this\n unequal conflict. The despair of Cunimund was active and\n dangerous. He was informed that THE Avars had entered his\n confines; but, on THE strong assurance that, after THE defeat of\n THE Lombards, THEse foreign invaders would easily be repelled, he\n rushed forwards to encounter THE implacable enemy of his name and\n family. But THE courage of THE Gepidae could secure THEm no more\n than an honorable death. The bravest of THE nation fell in THE\n field of battle; THE king of THE Lombards contemplated with\n delight THE head of Cunimund; and his skull was fashioned into a\n cup to satiate THE hatred of THE conqueror, or, perhaps, to\n comply with THE savage custom of his country. 10 After this\n victory, no furTHEr obstacle could impede THE progress of THE\n confederates, and THEy faithfully executed THE terms of THEir\n agreement. 11 The fair countries of Walachia, Moldavia,\n Transylvania, and THE oTHEr parts of Hungary beyond THE Danube,\n were occupied, without resistance, by a new colony of Scythians;\n and THE Dacian empire of THE chagans subsisted with splendor\n above two hundred and thirty years. The nation of THE Gepidae was\n dissolved; but, in THE distribution of THE captives, THE slaves\n of THE Avars were less fortunate than THE companions of THE\n Lombards, whose generosity adopted a valiant foe, and whose\n freedom was incompatible with cool and deliberate tyranny. One\n moiety of THE spoil introduced into THE camp of Alboin more\n wealth than a Barbarian could readily compute. The fair Rosamond\n was persuaded, or compelled, to acknowledge THE rights of her\n victorious lover; and THE daughter of Cunimund appeared to\n forgive those crimes which might be imputed to her own\n irresistible charms.\n\n 10 (return) [ It appears from Strabo, Pliny, and Ammianus\n Marcellinus, that THE same practice was common among THE Scythian\n tribes, (Muratori, Scriptores Rer. Italic. tom. i. p. 424.) The\n scalps of North America are likewise trophies of valor. The skull\n of Cunimund was preserved above two hundred years among THE\n Lombards; and Paul himself was one of THE guests to whom Duke\n Ratchis exhibited this cup on a high festival, (l. ii. c. 28.)]\n\n 11 (return) [ Paul, l. i. c. 27. Menander, in Excerpt Legat. p.\n 110, 111.]\n\n\n The destruction of a mighty kingdom established THE fame of\n Alboin. In THE days of Charlemagne, THE Bavarians, THE Saxons,\n and THE oTHEr tribes of THE Teutonic language, still repeated THE\n songs which described THE heroic virtues, THE valor, liberality,\n and fortune of THE king of THE Lombards. 12 But his ambition was\n yet unsatisfied; and THE conqueror of THE Gepidae turned his eyes\n from THE Danube to THE richer banks of THE Po, and THE Tyber.\n Fifteen years had not elapsed, since his subjects, THE\n confederates of Narses, had visited THE pleasant climate of\n Italy: THE mountains, THE rivers, THE highways, were familiar to\n THEir memory: THE report of THEir success, perhaps THE view of\n THEir spoils, had kindled in THE rising generation THE flame of\n emulation and enterprise. Their hopes were encouraged by THE\n spirit and eloquence of Alboin: and it is affirmed, that he spoke\n to THEir senses, by producing at THE royal feast, THE fairest and\n most exquisite fruits that grew spontaneously in THE garden of\n THE world. No sooner had he erected his standard, than THE native\n strength of THE Lombard was multiplied by THE adventurous youth\n of Germany and Scythia. The robust peasantry of Noricum and\n Pannonia had resumed THE manners of Barbarians; and THE names of\n THE Gepidae, Bulgarians, Sarmatians, and Bavarians, may be\n distinctly traced in THE provinces of Italy. 13 Of THE Saxons,\n THE old allies of THE Lombards, twenty thousand warriors, with\n THEir wives and children, accepted THE invitation of Alboin.\n Their bravery contributed to his success; but THE accession or\n THE absence of THEir numbers was not sensibly felt in THE\n magnitude of his host. Every mode of religion was freely\n practised by its respective votaries. The king of THE Lombards\n had been educated in THE Arian heresy; but THE Catholics, in\n THEir public worship, were allowed to pray for his conversion;\n while THE more stubborn Barbarians sacrificed a she-goat, or\n perhaps a captive, to THE gods of THEir faTHErs. 14 The Lombards,\n and THEir confederates, were united by THEir common attachment to\n a chief, who excelled in all THE virtues and vices of a savage\n hero; and THE vigilance of Alboin provided an ample magazine of\n offensive and defensive arms for THE use of THE expedition. The\n portable wealth of THE Lombards attended THE march: THEir lands\n THEy cheerfully relinquished to THE Avars, on THE solemn promise,\n which was made and accepted without a smile, that if THEy failed\n in THE conquest of Italy, THEse voluntary exiles should be\n reinstated in THEir former possessions.\n\n 12 (return) [ Ut hactenus etiam tam apud Bajoarior um gentem,\n quam et Saxmum, sed et alios ejusdem linguae homines..... in\n eorum carmini bus celebretur. Paul, l. i. c. 27. He died A.D.\n 799, (Muratori, in Praefat. tom. i. p. 397.) These German songs,\n some of which might be as old as Tacitus, (de Moribus Germ. c.\n 2,) were compiled and transcribed by Charlemagne. Barbara et\n antiquissima carmina, quibus veterum regum actus et bella\n canebantur scripsit memoriaeque mandavit, (Eginard, in Vit.\n Carol. Magn. c. 29, p. 130, 131.) The poems, which Goldast\n commends, (Animadvers. ad Eginard. p. 207,) appear to be recent\n and contemptible romances.]\n\n 13 (return) [ The oTHEr nations are rehearsed by Paul, (l. ii. c.\n 6, 26,) Muratori (Antichita Italiane, tom. i. dissert. i. p. 4)\n has discovered THE village of THE Bavarians, three miles from\n Modena.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Gregory THE Roman (Dialog. l. i. iii. c. 27, 28,\n apud Baron. Annal Eccles. A.D. 579, No. 10) supposes that THEy\n likewise adored this she-goat. I know but of one religion in\n which THE god and THE victim are THE same.]\n\n\n They might have failed, if Narses had been THE antagonist of THE\n Lombards; and THE veteran warriors, THE associates of his Gothic\n victory, would have encountered with reluctance an enemy whom\n THEy dreaded and esteemed. But THE weakness of THE Byzantine\n court was subservient to THE Barbarian cause; and it was for THE\n ruin of Italy, that THE emperor once listened to THE complaints\n of his subjects. The virtues of Narses were stained with avarice;\n and, in his provincial reign of fifteen years, he accumulated a\n treasure of gold and silver which surpassed THE modesty of a\n private fortune. His government was oppressive or unpopular, and\n THE general discontent was expressed with freedom by THE deputies\n of Rome. Before THE throne of Justinian THEy boldly declared,\n that THEir Gothic servitude had been more tolerable than THE\n despotism of a Greek eunuch; and that, unless THEir tyrant were\n instantly removed, THEy would consult THEir own happiness in THE\n choice of a master. The apprehension of a revolt was urged by THE\n voice of envy and detraction, which had so recently triumphed\n over THE merit of Belisarius. A new exarch, Longinus, was\n appointed to supersede THE conqueror of Italy, and THE base\n motives of his recall were revealed in THE insulting mandate of\n THE empress Sophia, “that he should leave to men THE exercise of\n arms, and return to his proper station among THE maidens of THE\n palace, where a distaff should be again placed in THE hand of THE\n eunuch.” “I will spin her such a thread as she shall not easily\n unravel!” is said to have been THE reply which indignation and\n conscious virtue extorted from THE hero. Instead of attending, a\n slave and a victim, at THE gate of THE Byzantine palace, he\n retired to Naples, from whence (if any credit is due to THE\n belief of THE times) Narses invited THE Lombards to chastise THE\n ingratitude of THE prince and people. 15 But THE passions of THE\n people are furious and changeable, and THE Romans soon\n recollected THE merits, or dreaded THE resentment, of THEir\n victorious general. By THE mediation of THE pope, who undertook a\n special pilgrimage to Naples, THEir repentance was accepted; and\n Narses, assuming a milder aspect and a more dutiful language,\n consented to fix his residence in THE Capitol. His death, 16\n though in THE extreme period of old age, was unseasonable and\n premature, since his genius alone could have repaired THE last\n and fatal error of his life. The reality, or THE suspicion, of a\n conspiracy disarmed and disunited THE Italians. The soldiers\n resented THE disgrace, and bewailed THE loss, of THEir general.\n They were ignorant of THEir new exarch; and Longinus was himself\n ignorant of THE state of THE army and THE province. In THE\n preceding years Italy had been desolated by pestilence and\n famine, and a disaffected people ascribed THE calamities of\n nature to THE guilt or folly of THEir rulers. 17\n\n 15 (return) [ The charge of THE deacon against Narses (l. ii. c.\n 5) may be groundless; but THE weak apology of THE Cardinal\n (Baron. Annal Eccles. A.D. 567, No. 8—12) is rejected by THE best\n critics—Pagi (tom. ii. p. 639, 640,) Muratori, (Annali d’ Italia,\n tom. v. p. 160—163,) and THE last editors, Horatius Blancus,\n (Script. Rerum Italic. tom. i. p. 427, 428,) and Philip\n Argelatus, (Sigon. Opera, tom. ii. p. 11, 12.) The Narses who\n assisted at THE coronation of Justin (Corippus, l. iii. 221) is\n clearly understood to be a different person.]\n\n 16 (return) [ The death of Narses is mentioned by Paul, l. ii. c.\n 11. Anastas. in Vit. Johan. iii. p. 43. Agnellus, Liber\n Pontifical. Raven. in Script. Rer. Italicarum, tom. ii. part i.\n p. 114, 124. Yet I cannot believe with Agnellus that Narses was\n ninety-five years of age. Is it probable that all his exploits\n were performed at fourscore?]\n\n 17 (return) [ The designs of Narses and of THE Lombards for THE\n invasion of Italy are exposed in THE last chapter of THE first\n book, and THE seven last chapters of THE second book, of Paul THE\n deacon.]\n\n\n Whatever might be THE grounds of his security, Alboin neiTHEr\n expected nor encountered a Roman army in THE field. He ascended\n THE Julian Alps, and looked down with contempt and desire on THE\n fruitful plains to which his victory communicated THE perpetual\n appellation of Lombardy. A faithful chieftain, and a select band,\n were stationed at Forum Julii, THE modern Friuli, to guard THE\n passes of THE mountains. The Lombards respected THE strength of\n Pavia, and listened to THE prayers of THE Trevisans: THEir slow\n and heavy multitudes proceeded to occupy THE palace and city of\n Verona; and Milan, now rising from her ashes, was invested by THE\n powers of Alboin five months after his departure from Pannonia.\n Terror preceded his march: he found every where, or he left, a\n dreary solitude; and THE pusillanimous Italians presumed, without\n a trial, that THE stranger was invincible. Escaping to lakes, or\n rocks, or morasses, THE affrighted crowds concealed some\n fragments of THEir wealth, and delayed THE moment of THEir\n servitude. Paulinus, THE patriarch of Aquileia, removed his\n treasures, sacred and profane, to THE Isle of Grado, 18 and his\n successors were adopted by THE infant republic of Venice, which\n was continually enriched by THE public calamities. Honoratus, who\n filled THE chair of St. Ambrose, had credulously accepted THE\n faithless offers of a capitulation; and THE archbishop, with THE\n clergy and nobles of Milan, were driven by THE perfidy of Alboin\n to seek a refuge in THE less accessible ramparts of Genoa. Along\n THE maritime coast, THE courage of THE inhabitants was supported\n by THE facility of supply, THE hopes of relief, and THE power of\n escape; but from THE Trentine hills to THE gates of Ravenna and\n Rome THE inland regions of Italy became, without a battle or a\n siege, THE lasting patrimony of THE Lombards. The submission of\n THE people invited THE Barbarian to assume THE character of a\n lawful sovereign, and THE helpless exarch was confined to THE\n office of announcing to THE emperor Justin THE rapid and\n irretrievable loss of his provinces and cities. 19 One city,\n which had been diligently fortified by THE Goths, resisted THE\n arms of a new invader; and while Italy was subdued by THE flying\n detachments of THE Lombards, THE royal camp was fixed above three\n years before THE western gate of Ticinum, or Pavia. The same\n courage which obtains THE esteem of a civilized enemy provokes\n THE fury of a savage, and THE impatient besieger had bound\n himself by a tremendous oath, that age, and sex, and dignity,\n should be confounded in a general massacre. The aid of famine at\n length enabled him to execute his bloody vow; but, as Alboin\n entered THE gate, his horse stumbled, fell, and could not be\n raised from THE ground. One of his attendants was prompted by\n compassion, or piety, to interpret this miraculous sign of THE\n wrath of Heaven: THE conqueror paused and relented; he sheaTHEd\n his sword, and peacefully reposing himself in THE palace of\n Theodoric, proclaimed to THE trembling multitude that THEy should\n live and obey. Delighted with THE situation of a city which was\n endeared to his pride by THE difficulty of THE purchase, THE\n prince of THE Lombards disdained THE ancient glories of Milan;\n and Pavia, during some ages, was respected as THE capital of THE\n kingdom of Italy. 20\n\n 18 (return) [ Which from this translation was called New\n Aquileia, (Chron. Venet. p. 3.) The patriarch of Grado soon\n became THE first citizen of THE republic, (p. 9, &c.,) but his\n seat was not removed to Venice till THE year 1450. He is now\n decorated with titles and honors; but THE genius of THE church\n has bowed to that of THE state, and THE government of a Catholic\n city is strictly Presbyterian. Thomassin, Discipline de l’Eglise,\n tom. i. p. 156, 157, 161—165. Amelot de la Houssaye, Gouvernement\n de Venise, tom. i. p. 256—261.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Paul has given a description of Italy, as it was\n THEn divided into eighteen regions, (l. ii. c. 14—24.) The\n Dissertatio Chorographica de Italia Medii Aevi, by FaTHEr\n Beretti, a Benedictine monk, and regius professor at Pavia, has\n been usefully consulted.]\n\n 20 (return) [ For THE conquest of Italy, see THE original\n materials of Paul, (l. p. 7—10, 12, 14, 25, 26, 27,) THE eloquent\n narrative of Sigonius, (tom. il. de Regno Italiae, l. i. p.\n 13—19,) and THE correct and critical review el Muratori, (Annali\n d’ Italia, tom. v. p. 164—180.)]\n\n\n The reign of THE founder was splendid and transient; and, before\n he could regulate his new conquests, Alboin fell a sacrifice to\n domestic treason and female revenge. In a palace near Verona,\n which had not been erected for THE Barbarians, he feasted THE\n companions of his arms; intoxication was THE reward of valor, and\n THE king himself was tempted by appetite, or vanity, to exceed\n THE ordinary measure of his intemperance. After draining many\n capacious bowls of Rhaetian or Falernian wine, he called for THE\n skull of Cunimund, THE noblest and most precious ornament of his\n sideboard. The cup of victory was accepted with horrid applause\n by THE circle of THE Lombard chiefs. “Fill it again with wine,”\n exclaimed THE inhuman conqueror, “fill it to THE brim: carry this\n goblet to THE queen, and request in my name that she would\n rejoice with her faTHEr.” In an agony of grief and rage, Rosamond\n had strength to utter, “Let THE will of my lord be obeyed!” and,\n touching it with her lips, pronounced a silent imprecation, that\n THE insult should be washed away in THE blood of Alboin. Some\n indulgence might be due to THE resentment of a daughter, if she\n had not already violated THE duties of a wife. Implacable in her\n enmity, or inconstant in her love, THE queen of Italy had stooped\n from THE throne to THE arms of a subject, and Helmichis, THE\n king’s armor-bearer, was THE secret minister of her pleasure and\n revenge. Against THE proposal of THE murder, he could no longer\n urge THE scruples of fidelity or gratitude; but Helmichis\n trembled when he revolved THE danger as well as THE guilt, when\n he recollected THE matchless strength and intrepidity of a\n warrior whom he had so often attended in THE field of battle. He\n pressed and obtained, that one of THE bravest champions of THE\n Lombards should be associated to THE enterprise; but no more than\n a promise of secrecy could be drawn from THE gallant Peredeus,\n and THE mode of seduction employed by Rosamond betrays her\n shameless insensibility both to honor and love. She supplied THE\n place of one of her female attendants who was beloved by\n Peredeus, and contrived some excuse for darkness and silence,\n till she could inform her companion that he had enjoyed THE queen\n of THE Lombards, and that his own death, or THE death of Alboin,\n must be THE consequence of such treasonable adultery. In this\n alternative he chose raTHEr to be THE accomplice than THE victim\n of Rosamond, 21 whose undaunted spirit was incapable of fear or\n remorse. She expected and soon found a favorable moment, when THE\n king, oppressed with wine, had retired from THE table to his\n afternoon slumbers. His faithless spouse was anxious for his\n health and repose: THE gates of THE palace were shut, THE arms\n removed, THE attendants dismissed, and Rosamond, after lulling\n him to rest by her tender caresses, unbolted THE chamber door,\n and urged THE reluctant conspirators to THE instant execution of\n THE deed. On THE first alarm, THE warrior started from his couch:\n his sword, which he attempted to draw, had been fastened to THE\n scabbard by THE hand of Rosamond; and a small stool, his only\n weapon, could not long protect him from THE spears of THE\n assassins. The daughter of Cunimund smiled in his fall: his body\n was buried under THE staircase of THE palace; and THE grateful\n posterity of THE Lombards revered THE tomb and THE memory of\n THEir victorious leader.\n\n 21 (return) [ The classical reader will recollect THE wife and\n murder of Candaules, so agreeably told in THE first book of\n Herodotus. The choice of Gyges, may serve as THE excuse of\n Peredeus; and this soft insinuation of an odious idea has been\n imitated by THE best writers of antiquity, (Graevius, ad Ciceron.\n Orat. pro Miloue c. 10)]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLV: State Of Italy Under The Lombards.—Part II.\n\n\n The ambitious Rosamond aspired to reign in THE name of her lover;\n THE city and palace of Verona were awed by her power; and a\n faithful band of her native Gepidae was prepared to applaud THE\n revenge, and to second THE wishes, of THEir sovereign. But THE\n Lombard chiefs, who fled in THE first moments of consternation\n and disorder, had resumed THEir courage and collected THEir\n powers; and THE nation, instead of submitting to her reign,\n demanded, with unanimous cries, that justice should be executed\n on THE guilty spouse and THE murderers of THEir king. She sought\n a refuge among THE enemies of her country; and a criminal who\n deserved THE abhorrence of mankind was protected by THE selfish\n policy of THE exarch. With her daughter, THE heiress of THE\n Lombard throne, her two lovers, her trusty Gepidae, and THE\n spoils of THE palace of Verona, Rosamond descended THE Adige and\n THE Po, and was transported by a Greek vessel to THE safe harbor\n of Ravenna. Longinus beheld with delight THE charms and THE\n treasures of THE widow of Alboin: her situation and her past\n conduct might justify THE most licentious proposals; and she\n readily listened to THE passion of a minister, who, even in THE\n decline of THE empire, was respected as THE equal of kings. The\n death of a jealous lover was an easy and grateful sacrifice; and,\n as Helmichis issued from THE bath, he received THE deadly potion\n from THE hand of his mistress. The taste of THE liquor, its\n speedy operation, and his experience of THE character of\n Rosamond, convinced him that he was poisoned: he pointed his\n dagger to her breast, compelled her to drain THE remainder of THE\n cup, and expired in a few minutes, with THE consolation that she\n could not survive to enjoy THE fruits of her wickedness. The\n daughter of Alboin and Rosamond, with THE richest spoils of THE\n Lombards, was embarked for Constantinople: THE surprising\n strength of Peredeus amused and terrified THE Imperial court:\n 2111 his blindness and revenge exhibited an imperfect copy of THE\n adventures of Samson. By THE free suffrage of THE nation, in THE\n assembly of Pavia, Clepho, one of THEir noblest chiefs, was\n elected as THE successor of Alboin. Before THE end of eighteen\n months, THE throne was polluted by a second murder: Clepho was\n stabbed by THE hand of a domestic; THE regal office was suspended\n above ten years during THE minority of his son Autharis; and\n Italy was divided and oppressed by a ducal aristocracy of thirty\n tyrants. 22\n\n 2111 (return) [ He killed a lion. His eyes were put out by THE\n timid Justin. Peredeus requesting an interview, Justin\n substituted two patricians, whom THE blinded Barbarian stabbed to\n THE heart with two concealed daggers. See Le Beau, vol. x. p.\n 99.—M.]\n\n 22 (return) [ See THE history of Paul, l. ii. c. 28—32. I have\n borrowed some interesting circumstances from THE Liber\n Pontificalis of Agnellus, in Script. Rer. Ital. tom. ii. p. 124.\n Of all chronological guides, Muratori is THE safest.]\n\n\n When THE nephew of Justinian ascended THE throne, he proclaimed a\n new aera of happiness and glory. The annals of THE second Justin\n 23 are marked with disgrace abroad and misery at home. In THE\n West, THE Roman empire was afflicted by THE loss of Italy, THE\n desolation of Africa, and THE conquests of THE Persians.\n Injustice prevailed both in THE capital and THE provinces: THE\n rich trembled for THEir property, THE poor for THEir safety, THE\n ordinary magistrates were ignorant or venal, THE occasional\n remedies appear to have been arbitrary and violent, and THE\n complaints of THE people could no longer be silenced by THE\n splendid names of a legislator and a conqueror. The opinion which\n imputes to THE prince all THE calamities of his times may be\n countenanced by THE historian as a serious truth or a salutary\n prejudice. Yet a candid suspicion will arise, that THE sentiments\n of Justin were pure and benevolent, and that he might have filled\n his station without reproach, if THE faculties of his mind had\n not been impaired by disease, which deprived THE emperor of THE\n use of his feet, and confined him to THE palace, a stranger to\n THE complaints of THE people and THE vices of THE government. The\n tardy knowledge of his own impotence determined him to lay down\n THE weight of THE diadem; and, in THE choice of a worthy\n substitute, he showed some symptoms of a discerning and even\n magnanimous spirit. The only son of Justin and Sophia died in his\n infancy; THEir daughter Arabia was THE wife of Baduarius, 24\n superintendent of THE palace, and afterwards commander of THE\n Italian armies, who vainly aspired to confirm THE rights of\n marriage by those of adoption. While THE empire appeared an\n object of desire, Justin was accustomed to behold with jealousy\n and hatred his broTHErs and cousins, THE rivals of his hopes; nor\n could he depend on THE gratitude of those who would accept THE\n purple as a restitution, raTHEr than a gift. Of THEse\n competitors, one had been removed by exile, and afterwards by\n death; and THE emperor himself had inflicted such cruel insults\n on anoTHEr, that he must eiTHEr dread his resentment or despise\n his patience. This domestic animosity was refined into a generous\n resolution of seeking a successor, not in his family, but in THE\n republic; and THE artful Sophia recommended Tiberius, 25 his\n faithful captain of THE guards, whose virtues and fortune THE\n emperor might cherish as THE fruit of his judicious choice. The\n ceremony of his elevation to THE rank of Caesar, or Augustus, was\n performed in THE portico of THE palace, in THE presence of THE\n patriarch and THE senate. Justin collected THE remaining strength\n of his mind and body; but THE popular belief that his speech was\n inspired by THE Deity betrays a very humble opinion both of THE\n man and of THE times. 26 “You behold,” said THE emperor, “THE\n ensigns of supreme power. You are about to receive THEm, not from\n my hand, but from THE hand of God. Honor THEm, and from THEm you\n will derive honor. Respect THE empress your moTHEr: you are now\n her son; before, you were her servant. Delight not in blood;\n abstain from revenge; avoid those actions by which I have\n incurred THE public hatred; and consult THE experience, raTHEr\n than THE example, of your predecessor. As a man, I have sinned;\n as a sinner, even in this life, I have been severely punished:\n but THEse servants, (and he pointed to his ministers,) who have\n abused my confidence, and inflamed my passions, will appear with\n me before THE tribunal of Christ. I have been dazzled by THE\n splendor of THE diadem: be thou wise and modest; remember what\n you have been, remember what you are. You see around us your\n slaves, and your children: with THE authority, assume THE\n tenderness, of a parent. Love your people like yourself;\n cultivate THE affections, maintain THE discipline, of THE army;\n protect THE fortunes of THE rich, relieve THE necessities of THE\n poor.” 27 The assembly, in silence and in tears, applauded THE\n counsels, and sympathized with THE repentance, of THEir prince\n THE patriarch rehearsed THE prayers of THE church; Tiberius\n received THE diadem on his knees; and Justin, who in his\n abdication appeared most worthy to reign, addressed THE new\n monarch in THE following words: “If you consent, I live; if you\n command, I die: may THE God of heaven and earth infuse into your\n heart whatever I have neglected or forgotten.” The four last\n years of THE emperor Justin were passed in tranquil obscurity:\n his conscience was no longer tormented by THE remembrance of\n those duties which he was incapable of discharging; and his\n choice was justified by THE filial reverence and gratitude of\n Tiberius.\n\n 23 (return) [ The original authors for THE reign of Justin THE\n younger are Evagrius, Hist. Eccles. l. v. c. 1—12; Theophanes, in\n Chonograph. p. 204—210; Zonaras, tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 70-72;\n Cedrenus, in Compend. p. 388—392.]\n\n 24 (return) [ Dispositorque novus sacrae Baduarius aulae.\n Successor soceri mox factus Cura-palati.—Cerippus. Baduarius is\n enumerated among THE descendants and allies of THE house of\n Justinian. A family of noble Venetians (Casa Badoero) built\n churches and gave dukes to THE republic as early as THE ninth\n century; and, if THEir descent be admitted, no kings in Europe\n can produce a pedigree so ancient and illustrious. Ducange, Fam.\n Byzantin, p. 99 Amelot de la Houssaye, Gouvernement de Venise,\n tom. ii. p. 555.]\n\n 25 (return) [ The praise bestowed on princes before THEir\n elevation is THE purest and most weighty. Corippus has celebrated\n Tiberius at THE time of THE accession of Justin, (l. i. 212—222.)\n Yet even a captain of THE guards might attract THE flattery of an\n African exile.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Evagrius (l. v. c. 13) has added THE reproach to\n his ministers He applies this speech to THE ceremony when\n Tiberius was invested with THE rank of Caesar. The loose\n expression, raTHEr than THE positive error, of Theophanes, &c.,\n has delayed it to his Augustan investitura immediately before THE\n death of Justin.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Theophylact Simocatta (l. iii. c. 11) declares that\n he shall give to posterity THE speech of Justin as it was\n pronounced, without attempting to correct THE imperfections of\n language or rhetoric. Perhaps THE vain sophist would have been\n incapable of producing such sentiments.]\n\n\n Among THE virtues of Tiberius, 28 his beauty (he was one of THE\n tallest and most comely of THE Romans) might introduce him to THE\n favor of Sophia; and THE widow of Justin was persuaded, that she\n should preserve her station and influence under THE reign of a\n second and more youthful husband. But, if THE ambitious candidate\n had been tempted to flatter and dissemble, it was no longer in\n his power to fulfil her expectations, or his own promise. The\n factions of THE hippodrome demanded, with some impatience, THE\n name of THEir new empress: both THE people and Sophia were\n astonished by THE proclamation of Anastasia, THE secret, though\n lawful, wife of THE emperor Tiberius. Whatever could alleviate\n THE disappointment of Sophia, Imperial honors, a stately palace,\n a numerous household, was liberally bestowed by THE piety of her\n adopted son; on solemn occasions he attended and consulted THE\n widow of his benefactor; but her ambition disdained THE vain\n semblance of royalty, and THE respectful appellation of moTHEr\n served to exasperate, raTHEr than appease, THE rage of an injured\n woman. While she accepted, and repaid with a courtly smile, THE\n fair expressions of regard and confidence, a secret alliance was\n concluded between THE dowager empress and her ancient enemies;\n and Justinian, THE son of Germanus, was employed as THE\n instrument of her revenge. The pride of THE reigning house\n supported, with reluctance, THE dominion of a stranger: THE youth\n was deservedly popular; his name, after THE death of Justin, had\n been mentioned by a tumultuous faction; and his own submissive\n offer of his head with a treasure of sixty thousand pounds, might\n be interpreted as an evidence of guilt, or at least of fear.\n Justinian received a free pardon, and THE command of THE eastern\n army. The Persian monarch fled before his arms; and THE\n acclamations which accompanied his triumph declared him worthy of\n THE purple. His artful patroness had chosen THE month of THE\n vintage, while THE emperor, in a rural solitude, was permitted to\n enjoy THE pleasures of a subject. On THE first intelligence of\n her designs, he returned to Constantinople, and THE conspiracy\n was suppressed by his presence and firmness. From THE pomp and\n honors which she had abused, Sophia was reduced to a modest\n allowance: Tiberius dismissed her train, intercepted her\n correspondence, and committed to a faithful guard THE custody of\n her person. But THE services of Justinian were not considered by\n that excellent prince as an aggravation of his offences: after a\n mild reproof, his treason and ingratitude were forgiven; and it\n was commonly believed, that THE emperor entertained some thoughts\n of contracting a double alliance with THE rival of his throne.\n The voice of an angel (such a fable was propagated) might reveal\n to THE emperor, that he should always triumph over his domestic\n foes; but Tiberius derived a firmer assurance from THE innocence\n and generosity of his own mind.\n\n 28 (return) [ For THE character and reign of Tiberius, see\n Evagrius, l v. c. 13. Theophylact, l. iii. c. 12, &c. Theophanes,\n in Chron. p. 2 0—213. Zonaras, tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 72. Cedrenus,\n p. 392. Paul Warnefrid, de Gestis Langobard. l. iii. c. 11, 12.\n The deacon of Forum Juli appears to have possessed some curious\n and auTHEntic facts.]\n\n\n With THE odious name of Tiberius, he assumed THE more popular\n appellation of Constantine, and imitated THE purer virtues of THE\n Antonines. After recording THE vice or folly of so many Roman\n princes, it is pleasing to repose, for a moment, on a character\n conspicuous by THE qualities of humanity, justice, temperance,\n and fortitude; to contemplate a sovereign affable in his palace,\n pious in THE church, impartial on THE seat of judgment, and\n victorious, at least by his generals, in THE Persian war. The\n most glorious trophy of his victory consisted in a multitude of\n captives, whom Tiberius entertained, redeemed, and dismissed to\n THEir native homes with THE charitable spirit of a Christian\n hero. The merit or misfortunes of his own subjects had a dearer\n claim to his beneficence, and he measured his bounty not so much\n by THEir expectations as by his own dignity. This maxim, however\n dangerous in a trustee of THE public wealth, was balanced by a\n principle of humanity and justice, which taught him to abhor, as\n of THE basest alloy, THE gold that was extracted from THE tears\n of THE people. For THEir relief, as often as THEy had suffered by\n natural or hostile calamities, he was impatient to remit THE\n arrears of THE past, or THE demands of future taxes: he sternly\n rejected THE servile offerings of his ministers, which were\n compensated by tenfold oppression; and THE wise and equitable\n laws of Tiberius excited THE praise and regret of succeeding\n times. Constantinople believed that THE emperor had discovered a\n treasure: but his genuine treasure consisted in THE practice of\n liberal economy, and THE contempt of all vain and superfluous\n expense. The Romans of THE East would have been happy, if THE\n best gift of Heaven, a patriot king, had been confirmed as a\n proper and permanent blessing. But in less than four years after\n THE death of Justin, his worthy successor sunk into a mortal\n disease, which left him only sufficient time to restore THE\n diadem, according to THE tenure by which he held it, to THE most\n deserving of his fellow-citizens. He selected Maurice from THE\n crowd, a judgment more precious than THE purple itself: THE\n patriarch and senate were summoned to THE bed of THE dying\n prince: he bestowed his daughter and THE empire; and his last\n advice was solemnly delivered by THE voice of THE quaestor.\n Tiberius expressed his hope that THE virtues of his son and\n successor would erect THE noblest mausoleum to his memory. His\n memory was embalmed by THE public affliction; but THE most\n sincere grief evaporates in THE tumult of a new reign, and THE\n eyes and acclamations of mankind were speedily directed to THE\n rising sun. The emperor Maurice derived his origin from ancient\n Rome; 29 but his immediate parents were settled at Arabissus in\n Cappadocia, and THEir singular felicity preserved THEm alive to\n behold and partake THE fortune of THEir august son. The youth of\n Maurice was spent in THE profession of arms: Tiberius promoted\n him to THE command of a new and favorite legion of twelve\n thousand confederates; his valor and conduct were signalized in\n THE Persian war; and he returned to Constantinople to accept, as\n his just reward, THE inheritance of THE empire. Maurice ascended\n THE throne at THE mature age of forty-three years; and he reigned\n above twenty years over THE East and over himself; 30 expelling\n from his mind THE wild democracy of passions, and establishing\n (according to THE quaint expression of Evagrius) a perfect\n aristocracy of reason and virtue. Some suspicion will degrade THE\n testimony of a subject, though he protests that his secret praise\n should never reach THE ear of his sovereign, 31 and some failings\n seem to place THE character of Maurice below THE purer merit of\n his predecessor. His cold and reserved demeanor might be imputed\n to arrogance; his justice was not always exempt from cruelty, nor\n his clemency from weakness; and his rigid economy too often\n exposed him to THE reproach of avarice. But THE rational wishes\n of an absolute monarch must tend to THE happiness of his people.\n Maurice was endowed with sense and courage to promote that\n happiness, and his administration was directed by THE principles\n and example of Tiberius. The pusillanimity of THE Greeks had\n introduced so complete a separation between THE offices of king\n and of general, that a private soldier, who had deserved and\n obtained THE purple, seldom or never appeared at THE head of his\n armies. Yet THE emperor Maurice enjoyed THE glory of restoring\n THE Persian monarch to his throne; his lieutenants waged a\n doubtful war against THE Avars of THE Danube; and he cast an eye\n of pity, of ineffectual pity, on THE abject and distressful state\n of his Italian provinces.\n\n 29 (return) [ It is THErefore singular enough that Paul (l. iii.\n c. 15) should distinguish him as THE first Greek emperor—primus\n ex Graecorum genere in Imperio constitutus. His immediate\n predecessors had in deed been born in THE Latin provinces of\n Europe: and a various reading, in Graecorum Imperio, would apply\n THE expression to THE empire raTHEr than THE prince.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Consult, for THE character and reign of Maurice,\n THE fifth and sixth books of Evagrius, particularly l. vi. c. l;\n THE eight books of his prolix and florid history by Theophylact\n Simocatta; Theophanes, p. 213, &c.; Zonaras, tom. ii. l. xiv. p.\n 73; Cedrenus, p. 394.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Evagrius composed his history in THE twelfth year\n of Maurice; and he had been so wisely indiscreet that THE emperor\n know and rewarded his favorable opinion, (l. vi. c. 24.)]\n\n\n From Italy THE emperors were incessantly tormented by tales of\n misery and demands of succor, which extorted THE humiliating\n confession of THEir own weakness. The expiring dignity of Rome\n was only marked by THE freedom and energy of her complaints: “If\n you are incapable,” she said, “of delivering us from THE sword of\n THE Lombards, save us at least from THE calamity of famine.”\n Tiberius forgave THE reproach, and relieved THE distress: a\n supply of corn was transported from Egypt to THE Tyber; and THE\n Roman people, invoking THE name, not of Camillus, but of St.\n Peter repulsed THE Barbarians from THEir walls. But THE relief\n was accidental, THE danger was perpetual and pressing; and THE\n clergy and senate, collecting THE remains of THEir ancient\n opulence, a sum of three thousand pounds of gold, despatched THE\n patrician Pamphronius to lay THEir gifts and THEir complaints at\n THE foot of THE Byzantine throne. The attention of THE court, and\n THE forces of THE East, were diverted by THE Persian war: but THE\n justice of Tiberius applied THE subsidy to THE defence of THE\n city; and he dismissed THE patrician with his best advice, eiTHEr\n to bribe THE Lombard chiefs, or to purchase THE aid of THE kings\n of France. Notwithstanding this weak invention, Italy was still\n afflicted, Rome was again besieged, and THE suburb of Classe,\n only three miles from Ravenna, was pillaged and occupied by THE\n troops of a simple duke of Spoleto. Maurice gave audience to a\n second deputation of priests and senators: THE duties and THE\n menaces of religion were forcibly urged in THE letters of THE\n Roman pontiff; and his nuncio, THE deacon Gregory, was alike\n qualified to solicit THE powers eiTHEr of heaven or of THE earth.\n\n\n The emperor adopted, with stronger effect, THE measures of his\n predecessor: some formidable chiefs were persuaded to embrace THE\n friendship of THE Romans; and one of THEm, a mild and faithful\n Barbarian, lived and died in THE service of THE exarchs: THE\n passes of THE Alps were delivered to THE Franks; and THE pope\n encouraged THEm to violate, without scruple, THEir oaths and\n engagements to THE misbelievers. Childebert, THE great-grandson\n of Clovis, was persuaded to invade Italy by THE payment of fifty\n thousand pieces; but, as he had viewed with delight some\n Byzantine coin of THE weight of one pound of gold, THE king of\n Austrasia might stipulate, that THE gift should be rendered more\n worthy of his acceptance, by a proper mixture of THEse\n respectable medals. The dukes of THE Lombards had provoked by\n frequent inroads THEir powerful neighbors of Gaul. As soon as\n THEy were apprehensive of a just retaliation, THEy renounced\n THEir feeble and disorderly independence: THE advantages of real\n government, union, secrecy, and vigor, were unanimously\n confessed; and Autharis, THE son of Clepho, had already attained\n THE strength and reputation of a warrior. Under THE standard of\n THEir new king, THE conquerors of Italy withstood three\n successive invasions, one of which was led by Childebert himself,\n THE last of THE Merovingian race who descended from THE Alps. The\n first expedition was defeated by THE jealous animosity of THE\n Franks and Alemanni. In THE second THEy were vanquished in a\n bloody battle, with more loss and dishonor than THEy had\n sustained since THE foundation of THEir monarchy. Impatient for\n revenge, THEy returned a third time with accumulated force, and\n Autharis yielded to THE fury of THE torrent. The troops and\n treasures of THE Lombards were distributed in THE walled towns\n between THE Alps and THE Apennine. A nation, less sensible of\n danger than of fatigue and delay, soon murmured against THE folly\n of THEir twenty commanders; and THE hot vapors of an Italian sun\n infected with disease those tramontane bodies which had already\n suffered THE vicissitudes of intemperance and famine. The powers\n that were inadequate to THE conquest, were more than sufficient\n for THE desolation, of THE country; nor could THE trembling\n natives distinguish between THEir enemies and THEir deliverers.\n If THE junction of THE Merovingian and Imperial forces had been\n effected in THE neighborhood of Milan, perhaps THEy might have\n subverted THE throne of THE Lombards; but THE Franks expected six\n days THE signal of a flaming village, and THE arms of THE Greeks\n were idly employed in THE reduction of Modena and Parma, which\n were torn from THEm after THE retreat of THEir transalpine\n allies. The victorious Autharis asserted his claim to THE\n dominion of Italy. At THE foot of THE Rhaetian Alps, he subdued\n THE resistance, and rifled THE hidden treasures, of a sequestered\n island in THE Lake of Comum. At THE extreme point of THE\n Calabria, he touched with his spear a column on THE sea-shore of\n Rhegium, 32 proclaiming that ancient landmark to stand THE\n immovable boundary of his kingdom. 33\n\n 32 (return) [ The Columna Rhegina, in THE narrowest part of THE\n Faro of Messina, one hundred stadia from Rhegium itself, is\n frequently mentioned in ancient geography. Cluver. Ital. Antiq.\n tom. ii. p. 1295. Lucas Holsten. Annotat. ad Cluver. p. 301.\n Wesseling, Itinerar. p. 106.]\n\n 33 (return) [ The Greek historians afford some faint hints of THE\n wars of Italy (Menander, in Excerpt. Legat. p. 124, 126.\n Theophylact, l. iii. c. 4.) The Latins are more satisfactory; and\n especially Paul Warnefrid, (l iii. c. 13—34,) who had read THE\n more ancient histories of Secundus and Gregory of Tours. Baronius\n produces some letters of THE popes, &c.; and THE times are\n measured by THE accurate scale of Pagi and Muratori.]\n\n\n During a period of two hundred years, Italy was unequally divided\n between THE kingdom of THE Lombards and THE exarchate of Ravenna.\n The offices and professions, which THE jealousy of Constantine\n had separated, were united by THE indulgence of Justinian; and\n eighteen successive exarchs were invested, in THE decline of THE\n empire, with THE full remains of civil, of military, and even of\n ecclesiastical, power. Their immediate jurisdiction, which was\n afterwards consecrated as THE patrimony of St. Peter, extended\n over THE modern Romagna, THE marshes or valleys of Ferrara and\n Commachio, 34 five maritime cities from Rimini to Ancona, and a\n second inland Pentapolis, between THE Adriatic coast and THE\n hills of THE Apennine. Three subordinate provinces, of Rome, of\n Venice, and of Naples, which were divided by hostile lands from\n THE palace of Ravenna, acknowledged, both in peace and war, THE\n supremacy of THE exarch. The duchy of Rome appears to have\n included THE Tuscan, Sabine, and Latin conquests, of THE first\n four hundred years of THE city, and THE limits may be distinctly\n traced along THE coast, from Civita Vecchia to Terracina, and\n with THE course of THE Tyber from Ameria and Narni to THE port of\n Ostia. The numerous islands from Grado to Chiozza composed THE\n infant dominion of Venice: but THE more accessible towns on THE\n Continent were overthrown by THE Lombards, who beheld with\n impotent fury a new capital rising from THE waves. The power of\n THE dukes of Naples was circumscribed by THE bay and THE adjacent\n isles, by THE hostile territory of Capua, and by THE Roman colony\n of Amalphi, 35 whose industrious citizens, by THE invention of\n THE mariner’s compass, have unveiled THE face of THE globe. The\n three islands of Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily, still adhered to\n THE empire; and THE acquisition of THE farTHEr Calabria removed\n THE landmark of Autharis from THE shore of Rhegium to THE Isthmus\n of Consentia. In Sardinia, THE savage mountaineers preserved THE\n liberty and religion of THEir ancestors; and THE husbandmen of\n Sicily were chained to THEir rich and cultivated soil. Rome was\n oppressed by THE iron sceptre of THE exarchs, and a Greek,\n perhaps a eunuch, insulted with impunity THE ruins of THE\n Capitol. But Naples soon acquired THE privilege of electing her\n own dukes: 36 THE independence of Amalphi was THE fruit of\n commerce; and THE voluntary attachment of Venice was finally\n ennobled by an equal alliance with THE Eastern empire. On THE map\n of Italy, THE measure of THE exarchate occupies a very inadequate\n space, but it included an ample proportion of wealth, industry,\n and population. The most faithful and valuable subjects escaped\n from THE Barbarian yoke; and THE banners of Pavia and Verona, of\n Milan and Padua, were displayed in THEir respective quarters by\n THE new inhabitants of Ravenna. The remainder of Italy was\n possessed by THE Lombards; and from Pavia, THE royal seat, THEir\n kingdom was extended to THE east, THE north, and THE west, as far\n as THE confines of THE Avars, THE Bavarians, and THE Franks of\n Austrasia and Burgundy. In THE language of modern geography, it\n is now represented by THE Terra Firma of THE Venetian republic,\n Tyrol, THE Milanese, Piedmont, THE coast of Genoa, Mantua, Parma,\n and Modena, THE grand duchy of Tuscany, and a large portion of\n THE ecclesiastical state from Perugia to THE Adriatic. The dukes,\n and at length THE princes, of Beneventum, survived THE monarchy,\n and propagated THE name of THE Lombards. From Capua to Tarentum,\n THEy reigned near five hundred years over THE greatest part of\n THE present kingdom of Naples. 37\n\n 34 (return) [ The papal advocates, Zacagni and Fontanini, might\n justly claim THE valley or morass of Commachio as a part of THE\n exarchate. But THE ambition of including Modena, Reggio, Parma,\n and Placentia, has darkened a geographical question somewhat\n doubtful and obscure Even Muratori, as THE servant of THE house\n of Este, is not free from partiality and prejudice.]\n\n 35 (return) [ See Brenckman, Dissert. Ima de Republica\n Amalphitana, p. 1—42, ad calcem Hist. Pandect. Florent.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Gregor. Magn. l. iii. epist. 23, 25.]\n\n 37 (return) [ I have described THE state of Italy from THE\n excellent Dissertation of Beretti. Giannone (Istoria Civile, tom.\n i. p. 374—387) has followed THE learned Camillo Pellegrini in THE\n geography of THE kingdom of Naples. After THE loss of THE true\n Calabria, THE vanity of THE Greeks substituted that name instead\n of THE more ignoble appellation of Bruttium; and THE change\n appears to have taken place before THE time of Charlemagne,\n (Eginard, p. 75.)]\n\n\n In comparing THE proportion of THE victorious and THE vanquished\n people, THE change of language will afford THE most probably\n inference. According to this standard, it will appear, that THE\n Lombards of Italy, and THE Visigoths of Spain, were less numerous\n than THE Franks or Burgundians; and THE conquerors of Gaul must\n yield, in THEir turn, to THE multitude of Saxons and Angles who\n almost eradicated THE idioms of Britain. The modern Italian has\n been insensibly formed by THE mixture of nations: THE awkwardness\n of THE Barbarians in THE nice management of declensions and\n conjugations reduced THEm to THE use of articles and auxiliary\n verbs; and many new ideas have been expressed by Teutonic\n appellations. Yet THE principal stock of technical and familiar\n words is found to be of Latin derivation; 38 and, if we were\n sufficiently conversant with THE obsolete, THE rustic, and THE\n municipal dialects of ancient Italy, we should trace THE origin\n of many terms which might, perhaps, be rejected by THE classic\n purity of Rome. A numerous army constitutes but a small nation,\n and THE powers of THE Lombards were soon diminished by THE\n retreat of twenty thousand Saxons, who scorned a dependent\n situation, and returned, after many bold and perilous adventures,\n to THEir native country. 39 The camp of Alboin was of formidable\n extent, but THE extent of a camp would be easily circumscribed\n within THE limits of a city; and its martial inhabitants must be\n thinly scattered over THE face of a large country. When Alboin\n descended from THE Alps, he invested his nephew, THE first duke\n of Friuli, with THE command of THE province and THE people: but\n THE prudent Gisulf would have declined THE dangerous office,\n unless he had been permitted to choose, among THE nobles of THE\n Lombards, a sufficient number of families 40 to form a perpetual\n colony of soldiers and subjects. In THE progress of conquest, THE\n same option could not be granted to THE dukes of Brescia or\n Bergamo, or Pavia or Turin, of Spoleto or Beneventum; but each of\n THEse, and each of THEir colleagues, settled in his appointed\n district with a band of followers who resorted to his standard in\n war and his tribunal in peace. Their attachment was free and\n honorable: resigning THE gifts and benefits which THEy had\n accepted, THEy might emigrate with THEir families into THE\n jurisdiction of anoTHEr duke; but THEir absence from THE kingdom\n was punished with death, as a crime of military desertion. 41 The\n posterity of THE first conquerors struck a deeper root into THE\n soil, which, by every motive of interest and honor, THEy were\n bound to defend. A Lombard was born THE soldier of his king and\n his duke; and THE civil assemblies of THE nation displayed THE\n banners, and assumed THE appellation, of a regular army. Of this\n army, THE pay and THE rewards were drawn from THE conquered\n provinces; and THE distribution, which was not effected till\n after THE death of Alboin, is disgraced by THE foul marks of\n injustice and rapine. Many of THE most wealthy Italians were\n slain or banished; THE remainder were divided among THE\n strangers, and a tributary obligation was imposed (under THE name\n of hospitality) of paying to THE Lombards a third part of THE\n fruits of THE earth. Within less than seventy years, this\n artificial system was abolished by a more simple and solid\n tenure. 42 EiTHEr THE Roman landlord was expelled by his strong\n and insolent guest, or THE annual payment, a third of THE\n produce, was exchanged by a more equitable transaction for an\n adequate proportion of landed property. Under THEse foreign\n masters, THE business of agriculture, in THE cultivation of corn,\n wines, and olives, was exercised with degenerate skill and\n industry by THE labor of THE slaves and natives. But THE\n occupations of a pastoral life were more pleasing to THE idleness\n of THE Barbarian. In THE rich meadows of Venetia, THEy restored\n and improved THE breed of horses, for which that province had\n once been illustrious; 43 and THE Italians beheld with\n astonishment a foreign race of oxen or buffaloes. 44 The\n depopulation of Lombardy, and THE increase of forests, afforded\n an ample range for THE pleasures of THE chase. 45 That marvellous\n art which teaches THE birds of THE air to acknowledge THE voice,\n and execute THE commands, of THEir master, had been unknown to\n THE ingenuity of THE Greeks and Romans. 46 Scandinavia and\n Scythia produce THE boldest and most tractable falcons: 47 THEy\n were tamed and educated by THE roving inhabitants, always on\n horseback and in THE field. This favorite amusement of our\n ancestors was introduced by THE Barbarians into THE Roman\n provinces; and THE laws of Italy esteemed THE sword and THE hawk\n as of equal dignity and importance in THE hands of a noble\n Lombard. 48\n\n 38 (return) [ Maffei (Verona Illustrata, part i. p. 310—321) and\n Muratori (Antichita Italiane, tom. ii. Dissertazione xxxii.\n xxxiii. p. 71—365) have asserted THE native claims of THE Italian\n idiom; THE former with enthusiasm, THE latter with discretion;\n both with learning, ingenuity, and truth. Note: Compare THE\n admirable sketch of THE degeneracy of THE Latin language and THE\n formation of THE Italian in Hallam, Middle Ages, vol. iii. p. 317\n 329.—M.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Paul, de Gest. Langobard. l. iii. c. 5, 6, 7.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Paul, l. ii. c. 9. He calls THEse families or\n generations by THE Teutonic name of Faras, which is likewise used\n in THE Lombard laws. The humble deacon was not insensible of THE\n nobility of his own race. See l. iv. c. 39.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Compare No. 3 and 177 of THE Laws of Rotharis.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Paul, l. ii. c. 31, 32, l. iii. c. 16. The Laws of\n Rotharis, promulgated A.D. 643, do not contain THE smallest\n vestige of this payment of thirds; but THEy preserve many curious\n circumstances of THE state of Italy and THE manners of THE\n Lombards.]\n\n 43 (return) [ The studs of Dionysius of Syracuse, and his\n frequent victories in THE Olympic games, had diffused among THE\n Greeks THE fame of THE Venetian horses; but THE breed was extinct\n in THE time of Strabo, (l. v. p. 325.) Gisulf obtained from his\n uncle generosarum equarum greges. Paul, l. ii. c. 9. The Lombards\n afterwards introduced caballi sylvatici—wild horses. Paul, l. iv.\n c. 11.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Tunc (A.D. 596) primum, bubali in Italiam delati\n Italiae populis miracula fuere, (Paul Warnefrid, l. iv. c. 11.)\n The buffaloes, whose native climate appears to be Africa and\n India, are unknown to Europe, except in Italy, where THEy are\n numerous and useful. The ancients were ignorant of THEse animals,\n unless Aristotle (Hist. Anim. l. ii. c. 1, p. 58, Paris, 1783)\n has described THEm as THE wild oxen of Arachosia. See Buffon,\n Hist. Naturelle, tom. xi. and Supplement, tom. vi. Hist. Generale\n des Voyages, tom. i. p. 7, 481, ii. 105, iii. 291, iv. 234, 461,\n v. 193, vi. 491, viii. 400, x. 666. Pennant’s Quadrupedes, p. 24.\n Dictionnaire d’Hist. Naturelle, par Valmont de Bomare, tom. ii.\n p. 74. Yet I must not conceal THE suspicion that Paul, by a\n vulgar error, may have applied THE name of bubalus to THE\n aurochs, or wild bull, of ancient Germany.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Consult THE xxist Dissertation of Muratori.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Their ignorance is proved by THE silence even of\n those who professedly treat of THE arts of hunting and THE\n history of animals. Aristotle, (Hist. Animal. l. ix. c. 36, tom.\n i. p. 586, and THE Notes of his last editor, M. Camus, tom. ii.\n p. 314,) Pliny, (Hist. Natur. l. x. c. 10,) Aelian (de Natur.\n Animal. l. ii. c. 42,) and perhaps Homer, (Odyss. xxii. 302-306,)\n describe with astonishment a tacit league and common chase\n between THE hawks and THE Thracian fowlers.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Particularly THE gerfaut, or gyrfalcon, of THE size\n of a small eagle. See THE animated description of M. de Buffon,\n Hist. Naturelle, tom. xvi. p. 239, &c.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. i. part ii. p. 129.\n This is THE xvith law of THE emperor Lewis THE Pious. His faTHEr\n Charlemagne had falconers in his household as well as huntsmen,\n (Memoires sur l’ancienne Chevalerie, par M. de St. Palaye, tom.\n iii. p. 175.) I observe in THE laws of Rotharis a more early\n mention of THE art of hawking, (No. 322;) and in Gaul, in THE\n fifth century, it is celebrated by Sidonius Apollinaris among THE\n talents of Avitus, (202—207.) * Note: See Beckman, Hist. of\n Inventions, vol. i. p. 319—M.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLV: State Of Italy Under The Lombards.—Part III.\n\n\n So rapid was THE influence of climate and example, that THE\n Lombards of THE fourth generation surveyed with curiosity and\n affright THE portraits of THEir savage forefaTHErs. 49 Their\n heads were shaven behind, but THE shaggy locks hung over THEir\n eyes and mouth, and a long beard represented THE name and\n character of THE nation. Their dress consisted of loose linen\n garments, after THE fashion of THE Anglo-Saxons, which were\n decorated, in THEir opinion, with broad stripes or variegated\n colors. The legs and feet were cloTHEd in long hose, and open\n sandals; and even in THE security of peace a trusty sword was\n constantly girt to THEir side. Yet this strange apparel, and\n horrid aspect, often concealed a gentle and generous disposition;\n and as soon as THE rage of battle had subsided, THE captives and\n subjects were sometimes surprised by THE humanity of THE victor.\n The vices of THE Lombards were THE effect of passion, of\n ignorance, of intoxication; THEir virtues are THE more laudable,\n as THEy were not affected by THE hypocrisy of social manners, nor\n imposed by THE rigid constraint of laws and education. I should\n not be apprehensive of deviating from my subject, if it were in\n my power to delineate THE private life of THE conquerors of\n Italy; and I shall relate with pleasure THE adventurous gallantry\n of Autharis, which breaTHEs THE true spirit of chivalry and\n romance. 50 After THE loss of his promised bride, a Merovingian\n princess, he sought in marriage THE daughter of THE king of\n Bavaria; and Garribald accepted THE alliance of THE Italian\n monarch. Impatient of THE slow progress of negotiation, THE\n ardent lover escaped from his palace, and visited THE court of\n Bavaria in THE train of his own embassy. At THE public audience,\n THE unknown stranger advanced to THE throne, and informed\n Garribald that THE ambassador was indeed THE minister of state,\n but that he alone was THE friend of Autharis, who had trusted him\n with THE delicate commission of making a faithful report of THE\n charms of his spouse. Theudelinda was summoned to undergo this\n important examination; and, after a pause of silent rapture, he\n hailed her as THE queen of Italy, and humbly requested that,\n according to THE custom of THE nation, she would present a cup of\n wine to THE first of her new subjects. By THE command of her\n faTHEr she obeyed: Autharis received THE cup in his turn, and, in\n restoring it to THE princess, he secretly touched her hand, and\n drew his own finger over his face and lips. In THE evening,\n Theudelinda imparted to her nurse THE indiscreet familiarity of\n THE stranger, and was comforted by THE assurance, that such\n boldness could proceed only from THE king her husband, who, by\n his beauty and courage, appeared worthy of her love. The\n ambassadors were dismissed: no sooner did THEy reach THE confines\n of Italy than Autharis, raising himself on his horse, darted his\n battle-axe against a tree with incomparable strength and\n dexterity. “Such,” said he to THE astonished Bavarians, “such are\n THE strokes of THE king of THE Lombards.” On THE approach of a\n French army, Garribald and his daughter took refuge in THE\n dominions of THEir ally; and THE marriage was consummated in THE\n palace of Verona. At THE end of one year, it was dissolved by THE\n death of Autharis: but THE virtues of Theudelinda 51 had endeared\n her to THE nation, and she was permitted to bestow, with her\n hand, THE sceptre of THE Italian kingdom.\n\n 49 (return) [ The epitaph of Droctulf (Paul, l. iii. c. 19) may\n be applied to many of his countrymen:— Terribilis visu facies,\n sed corda benignus Longaque robusto pectore barba fuit. The\n portraits of THE old Lombards might still be seen in THE palace\n of Monza, twelve miles from Milan, which had been founded or\n restored by Queen Theudelinda, (l. iv. 22, 23.) See Muratori,\n tom. i. disserta, xxiii. p. 300.]\n\n 50 (return) [ The story of Autharis and Theudelinda is related by\n Paul, l. iii. 29, 34; and any fragment of Bavarian antiquity\n excites THE indefatigable diligence of THE count de Buat, Hist.\n des Peuples de l’Europe, ton. xi. p. 595—635, tom. xii. p. 1-53.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Giannone (Istoria Civile de Napoli, tom. i. p. 263)\n has justly censured THE impertinence of Boccaccio, (Gio. iii.\n Novel. 2,) who, without right, or truth, or pretence, has given\n THE pious queen Theudelinda to THE arms of a muleteer.]\n\n\n From this fact, as well as from similar events, 52 it is certain\n that THE Lombards possessed freedom to elect THEir sovereign, and\n sense to decline THE frequent use of that dangerous privilege.\n The public revenue arose from THE produce of land and THE profits\n of justice. When THE independent dukes agreed that Autharis\n should ascend THE throne of his faTHEr, THEy endowed THE regal\n office with a fair moiety of THEir respective domains. The\n proudest nobles aspired to THE honors of servitude near THE\n person of THEir prince: he rewarded THE fidelity of his vassals\n by THE precarious gift of pensions and benefices; and atoned for\n THE injuries of war by THE rich foundation of monasteries and\n churches. In peace a judge, a leader in war, he never usurped THE\n powers of a sole and absolute legislator. The king of Italy\n convened THE national assemblies in THE palace, or more probably\n in THE fields, of Pavia: his great council was composed of THE\n persons most eminent by THEir birth and dignities; but THE\n validity, as well as THE execution, of THEir decrees depended on\n THE approbation of THE faithful people, THE fortunate army of THE\n Lombards. About fourscore years after THE conquest of Italy,\n THEir traditional customs were transcribed in Teutonic Latin, 53\n and ratified by THE consent of THE prince and people: some new\n regulations were introduced, more suitable to THEir present\n condition; THE example of Rotharis was imitated by THE wisest of\n his successors; and THE laws of THE Lombards have been esteemed\n THE least imperfect of THE Barbaric codes. 54 Secure by THEir\n courage in THE possession of liberty, THEse rude and hasty\n legislators were incapable of balancing THE powers of THE\n constitution, or of discussing THE nice THEory of political\n government. Such crimes as threatened THE life of THE sovereign,\n or THE safety of THE state, were adjudged worthy of death; but\n THEir attention was principally confined to THE defence of THE\n person and property of THE subject. According to THE strange\n jurisprudence of THE times, THE guilt of blood might be redeemed\n by a fine; yet THE high price of nine hundred pieces of gold\n declares a just sense of THE value of a simple citizen. Less\n atrocious injuries, a wound, a fracture, a blow, an opprobrious\n word, were measured with scrupulous and almost ridiculous\n diligence; and THE prudence of THE legislator encouraged THE\n ignoble practice of bartering honor and revenge for a pecuniary\n compensation. The ignorance of THE Lombards in THE state of\n Paganism or Christianity gave implicit credit to THE malice and\n mischief of witchcraft, but THE judges of THE seventeenth century\n might have been instructed and confounded by THE wisdom of\n Rotharis, who derides THE absurd superstition, and protects THE\n wretched victims of popular or judicial cruelty. 55 The same\n spirit of a legislator, superior to his age and country, may be\n ascribed to Luitprand, who condemns, while he tolerates, THE\n impious and inveterate abuse of duels, 56 observing, from his own\n experience, that THE juster cause had often been oppressed by\n successful violence. Whatever merit may be discovered in THE laws\n of THE Lombards, THEy are THE genuine fruit of THE reason of THE\n Barbarians, who never admitted THE bishops of Italy to a seat in\n THEir legislative councils. But THE succession of THEir kings is\n marked with virtue and ability; THE troubled series of THEir\n annals is adorned with fair intervals of peace, order, and\n domestic happiness; and THE Italians enjoyed a milder and more\n equitable government, than any of THE oTHEr kingdoms which had\n been founded on THE ruins of THE Western empire. 57\n\n 52 (return) [ Paul, l. iii. c. 16. The first dissertations of\n Muratori, and THE first volume of Giannone’s history, may be\n consulted for THE state of THE kingdom of Italy.]\n\n 53 (return) [ The most accurate edition of THE Laws of THE\n Lombards is to be found in THE Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, tom.\n i. part ii. p. 1—181, collated from THE most ancient Mss. and\n illustrated by THE critical notes of Muratori.]\n\n 54 (return) [ Montesquieu, Esprit des Loix, l. xxviii. c. 1. Les\n loix des Bourguignons sont assez judicieuses; celles de Rotharis\n et des autres princes Lombards le sont encore plus.]\n\n 55 (return) [ See Leges Rotharis, No. 379, p. 47. Striga is used\n as THE name of a witch. It is of THE purest classic origin,\n (Horat. epod. v. 20. Petron. c. 134;) and from THE words of\n Petronius, (quae striges comederunt nervos tuos?) it may be\n inferred that THE prejudice was of Italian raTHEr than Barbaric\n extraction.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Quia incerti sumus de judicio Dei, et multos\n audivimus per pugnam sine justa causa suam causam perdere. Sed\n propter consuetudinom gentem nostram Langobardorum legem impiam\n vetare non possumus. See p. 74, No. 65, of THE Laws of Luitprand,\n promulgated A.D. 724.]\n\n 57 (return) [ Read THE history of Paul Warnefrid; particularly l.\n iii. c. 16. Baronius rejects THE praise, which appears to\n contradict THE invectives of Pope Gregory THE Great; but Muratori\n (Annali d’ Italia, tom. v. p. 217) presumes to insinuate that THE\n saint may have magnified THE faults of Arians and enemies.]\n\n\n Amidst THE arms of THE Lombards, and under THE despotism of THE\n Greeks, we again inquire into THE fate of Rome, 58 which had\n reached, about THE close of THE sixth century, THE lowest period\n of her depression. By THE removal of THE seat of empire, and THE\n successive loss of THE provinces, THE sources of public and\n private opulence were exhausted: THE lofty tree, under whose\n shade THE nations of THE earth had reposed, was deprived of its\n leaves and branches, and THE sapless trunk was left to wiTHEr on\n THE ground. The ministers of command, and THE messengers of\n victory, no longer met on THE Appian or Flaminian way; and THE\n hostile approach of THE Lombards was often felt, and continually\n feared. The inhabitants of a potent and peaceful capital, who\n visit without an anxious thought THE garden of THE adjacent\n country, will faintly picture in THEir fancy THE distress of THE\n Romans: THEy shut or opened THEir gates with a trembling hand,\n beheld from THE walls THE flames of THEir houses, and heard THE\n lamentations of THEir brethren, who were coupled togeTHEr like\n dogs, and dragged away into distant slavery beyond THE sea and\n THE mountains. Such incessant alarms must annihilate THE\n pleasures and interrupt THE labors of a rural life; and THE\n Campagna of Rome was speedily reduced to THE state of a dreary\n wilderness, in which THE land is barren, THE waters are impure,\n and THE air is infectious. Curiosity and ambition no longer\n attracted THE nations to THE capital of THE world: but, if chance\n or necessity directed THE steps of a wandering stranger, he\n contemplated with horror THE vacancy and solitude of THE city,\n and might be tempted to ask, Where is THE senate, and where are\n THE people? In a season of excessive rains, THE Tyber swelled\n above its banks, and rushed with irresistible violence into THE\n valleys of THE seven hills. A pestilential disease arose from THE\n stagnation of THE deluge, and so rapid was THE contagion, that\n fourscore persons expired in an hour in THE midst of a solemn\n procession, which implored THE mercy of Heaven. 59 A society in\n which marriage is encouraged and industry prevails soon repairs\n THE accidental losses of pestilence and war: but, as THE far\n greater part of THE Romans was condemned to hopeless indigence\n and celibacy, THE depopulation was constant and visible, and THE\n gloomy enthusiasts might expect THE approaching failure of THE\n human race. 60 Yet THE number of citizens still exceeded THE\n measure of subsistence: THEir precarious food was supplied from\n THE harvests of Sicily or Egypt; and THE frequent repetition of\n famine betrays THE inattention of THE emperor to a distant\n province. The edifices of Rome were exposed to THE same ruin and\n decay: THE mouldering fabrics were easily overthrown by\n inundations, tempests, and earthquakes: and THE monks, who had\n occupied THE most advantageous stations, exulted in THEir base\n triumph over THE ruins of antiquity. 61 It is commonly believed,\n that Pope Gregory THE First attacked THE temples and mutilated\n THE statues of THE city; that, by THE command of THE Barbarian,\n THE Palatine library was reduced to ashes, and that THE history\n of Livy was THE peculiar mark of his absurd and mischievous\n fanaticism. The writings of Gregory himself reveal his implacable\n aversion to THE monuments of classic genius; and he points his\n severest censure against THE profane learning of a bishop, who\n taught THE art of grammar, studied THE Latin poets, and\n pronounced with THE same voice THE praises of Jupiter and those\n of Christ. But THE evidence of his destructive rage is doubtful\n and recent: THE Temple of Peace, or THE THEatre of Marcellus,\n have been demolished by THE slow operation of ages, and a formal\n proscription would have multiplied THE copies of Virgil and Livy\n in THE countries which were not subject to THE ecclesiastical\n dictator. 62\n\n 58 (return) [ The passages of THE homilies of Gregory, which\n represent THE miserable state of THE city and country, are\n transcribed in THE Annals of Baronius, A.D. 590, No. 16, A.D.\n 595, No. 2, &c., &c.]\n\n 59 (return) [ The inundation and plague were reported by a\n deacon, whom his bishop, Gregory of Tours, had despatched to Rome\n for some relics The ingenious messenger embellished his tale and\n THE river with a great dragon and a train of little serpents,\n (Greg. Turon. l. x. c. 1.)]\n\n 60 (return) [ Gregory of Rome (Dialog. l. ii. c. 15) relates a\n memorable prediction of St. Benedict. Roma a Gentilibus non\n exterminabitur sed tempestatibus, coruscis turbinibus ac terrae\n motu in semetipsa marces cet. Such a prophecy melts into true\n history, and becomes THE evidence of THE fact after which it was\n invented.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Quia in uno se ore cum Jovis laudibus, Christi\n laudes non capiunt, et quam grave nefandumque sit episcopis\n canere quod nec laico religioso conveniat, ipse considera, (l.\n ix. ep. 4.) The writings of Gregory himself attest his innocence\n of any classic taste or literature]\n\n 62 (return) [ Bayle, (Dictionnaire Critique, tom. ii. 598, 569,)\n in a very good article of Gregoire I., has quoted, for THE\n buildings and statues, Platina in Gregorio I.; for THE Palatine\n library, John of Salisbury, (de Nugis Curialium, l. ii. c. 26;)\n and for Livy, Antoninus of Florence: THE oldest of THE three\n lived in THE xiith century.]\n\n\n Like Thebes, or Babylon, or Carthage, THE names of Rome might\n have been erased from THE earth, if THE city had not been\n animated by a vital principle, which again restored her to honor\n and dominion. A vague tradition was embraced, that two Jewish\n teachers, a tent-maker and a fisherman, had formerly been\n executed in THE circus of Nero, and at THE end of five hundred\n years, THEir genuine or fictitious relics were adored as THE\n Palladium of Christian Rome. The pilgrims of THE East and West\n resorted to THE holy threshold; but THE shrines of THE apostles\n were guarded by miracles and invisible terrors; and it was not\n without fear that THE pious Catholic approached THE object of his\n worship. It was fatal to touch, it was dangerous to behold, THE\n bodies of THE saints; and those who, from THE purest motives,\n presumed to disturb THE repose of THE sanctuary, were affrighted\n by visions, or punished with sudden death. The unreasonable\n request of an empress, who wished to deprive THE Romans of THEir\n sacred treasure, THE head of St. Paul, was rejected with THE\n deepest abhorrence; and THE pope asserted, most probably with\n truth, that a linen which had been sanctified in THE neighborhood\n of his body, or THE filings of his chain, which it was sometimes\n easy and sometimes impossible to obtain, possessed an equal\n degree of miraculous virtue. 63 But THE power as well as virtue\n of THE apostles resided with living energy in THE breast of THEir\n successors; and THE chair of St. Peter was filled under THE reign\n of Maurice by THE first and greatest of THE name of Gregory. 64\n His grandfaTHEr Felix had himself been pope, and as THE bishops\n were already bound by THE laws of celibacy, his consecration must\n have been preceded by THE death of his wife. The parents of\n Gregory, Sylvia, and Gordian, were THE noblest of THE senate, and\n THE most pious of THE church of Rome; his female relations were\n numbered among THE saints and virgins; and his own figure, with\n those of his faTHEr and moTHEr, were represented near three\n hundred years in a family portrait, 65 which he offered to THE\n monastery of St. Andrew. The design and coloring of this picture\n afford an honorable testimony that THE art of painting was\n cultivated by THE Italians of THE sixth century; but THE most\n abject ideas must be entertained of THEir taste and learning,\n since THE epistles of Gregory, his sermons, and his dialogues,\n are THE work of a man who was second in erudition to none of his\n contemporaries: 66 his birth and abilities had raised him to THE\n office of præfect of THE city, and he enjoyed THE merit of\n renouncing THE pomps and vanities of this world. His ample\n patrimony was dedicated to THE foundation of seven monasteries,\n 67 one in Rome, 68 and six in Sicily; and it was THE wish of\n Gregory that he might be unknown in this life, and glorious only\n in THE next. Yet his devotion (and it might be sincere) pursued\n THE path which would have been chosen by a crafty and ambitious\n statesman. The talents of Gregory, and THE splendor which\n accompanied his retreat, rendered him dear and useful to THE\n church; and implicit obedience has always been inculcated as THE\n first duty of a monk. As soon as he had received THE character of\n deacon, Gregory was sent to reside at THE Byzantine court, THE\n nuncio or minister of THE apostolic see; and he boldly assumed,\n in THE name of St. Peter, a tone of independent dignity, which\n would have been criminal and dangerous in THE most illustrious\n layman of THE empire. He returned to Rome with a just increase of\n reputation, and, after a short exercise of THE monastic virtues,\n he was dragged from THE cloister to THE papal throne, by THE\n unanimous voice of THE clergy, THE senate, and THE people. He\n alone resisted, or seemed to resist, his own elevation; and his\n humble petition, that Maurice would be pleased to reject THE\n choice of THE Romans, could only serve to exalt his character in\n THE eyes of THE emperor and THE public. When THE fatal mandate\n was proclaimed, Gregory solicited THE aid of some friendly\n merchants to convey him in a basket beyond THE gates of Rome, and\n modestly concealed himself some days among THE woods and\n mountains, till his retreat was discovered, as it is said, by a\n celestial light.\n\n\n 63 (return) [Gregor. l. iii. epist. 24, edict. 12, &c. From THE\n epistles of Gregory, and THE viiith volume of THE Annals of\n Baronius, THE pious reader may collect THE particles of holy iron\n which were inserted in keys or crosses of gold, and distributed\n in Britain, Gaul, Spain, Africa, Constantinople, and Egypt. The\n pontifical smith who handled THE file must have understood THE\n miracles which it was in his own power to operate or withhold; a\n circumstance which abates THE superstition of Gregory at THE\n expense of his veracity.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Besides THE epistles of Gregory himself, which are\n methodized by Dupin, (BiblioTHEque Eccles. tom. v. p. 103—126,)\n we have three lives of THE pope; THE two first written in THE\n viiith and ixth centuries, (de Triplici Vita St. Greg. Preface to\n THE ivth volume of THE Benedictine edition,) by THE deacons Paul\n (p. 1—18) and John, (p. 19—188,) and containing much original,\n though doubtful, evidence; THE third, a long and labored\n compilation by THE Benedictine editors, (p. 199—305.) The annals\n of Baronius are a copious but partial history. His papal\n prejudices are tempered by THE good sense of Fleury, (Hist.\n Eccles. tom. viii.,) and his chronology has been rectified by THE\n criticism of Pagi and Muratori.]\n\n 65 (return) [ John THE deacon has described THEm like an\n eye-witness, (l. iv. c. 83, 84;) and his description is\n illustrated by Angelo Rocca, a Roman antiquary, (St. Greg. Opera,\n tom. iv. p. 312—326;) who observes that some mosaics of THE popes\n of THE viith century are still preserved in THE old churches of\n Rome, (p. 321—323) The same walls which represented Gregory’s\n family are now decorated with THE martyrdom of St. Andrew, THE\n noble contest of Dominichino and Guido.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Disciplinis vero liberalibus, hoc est grammatica,\n rhetorica, dialectica ita apuero est institutus, ut quamvis eo\n tempore florerent adhuc Romæ studia literarum, tamen nulli in\n urbe ipsa secundus putaretur. Paul. Diacon. in Vit. St. Gregor.\n c. 2.]\n\n 67 (return) [ The Benedictines (Vit. Greg. l. i. p. 205—208)\n labor to reduce THE monasteries of Gregory within THE rule of\n THEir own order; but, as THE question is confessed to be\n doubtful, it is clear that THEse powerful monks are in THE wrong.\n See Butler’s Lives of THE Saints, vol. iii. p. 145; a work of\n merit: THE sense and learning belong to THE author—his prejudices\n are those of his profession.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Monasterium Gregorianum in ejusdem Beati Gregorii\n aedibus ad clivum Scauri prope ecclesiam SS. Johannis et Pauli in\n honorem St. Andreae, (John, in Vit. Greg. l. i. c. 6. Greg. l.\n vii. epist. 13.) This house and monastery were situate on THE\n side of THE Caelian hill which fronts THE Palatine; THEy are now\n occupied by THE Camaldoli: San Gregorio triumphs, and St. Andrew\n has retired to a small chapel Nardini, Roma Antica, l. iii. c. 6,\n p. 100. Descrizzione di Roma, tom. i. p. 442—446.]\n\n\n The pontificate of Gregory THE Great, which lasted thirteen\n years, six months, and ten days, is one of THE most edifying\n periods of THE history of THE church. His virtues, and even his\n faults, a singular mixture of simplicity and cunning, of pride\n and humility, of sense and superstition, were happily suited to\n his station and to THE temper of THE times. In his rival, THE\n patriarch of Constantinople, he condemned THE anti-Christian\n title of universal bishop, which THE successor of St. Peter was\n too haughty to concede, and too feeble to assume; and THE\n ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Gregory was confined to THE triple\n character of Bishop of Rome, Primate of Italy, and Apostle of THE\n West. He frequently ascended THE pulpit, and kindled, by his\n rude, though paTHEtic, eloquence, THE congenial passions of his\n audience: THE language of THE Jewish prophets was interpreted and\n applied; and THE minds of a people, depressed by THEir present\n calamities, were directed to THE hopes and fears of THE invisible\n world. His precepts and example defined THE model of THE Roman\n liturgy; 69 THE distribution of THE parishes, THE calendar of THE\n festivals, THE order of processions, THE service of THE priests\n and deacons, THE variety and change of sacerdotal garments. Till\n THE last days of his life, he officiated in THE canon of THE\n mass, which continued above three hours: THE Gregorian chant 70\n has preserved THE vocal and instrumental music of THE THEatre,\n and THE rough voices of THE Barbarians attempted to imitate THE\n melody of THE Roman school. 71 Experience had shown him THE\n efficacy of THEse solemn and pompous rites, to sooTHE THE\n distress, to confirm THE faith, to mitigate THE fierceness, and\n to dispel THE dark enthusiasm of THE vulgar, and he readily\n forgave THEir tendency to promote THE reign of priesthood and\n superstition. The bishops of Italy and THE adjacent islands\n acknowledged THE Roman pontiff as THEir special metropolitan.\n Even THE existence, THE union, or THE translation of episcopal\n seats was decided by his absolute discretion: and his successful\n inroads into THE provinces of Greece, of Spain, and of Gaul,\n might countenance THE more lofty pretensions of succeeding popes.\n He interposed to prevent THE abuses of popular elections; his\n jealous care maintained THE purity of faith and discipline; and\n THE apostolic shepherd assiduously watched over THE faith and\n discipline of THE subordinate pastors. Under his reign, THE\n Arians of Italy and Spain were reconciled to THE Catholic church,\n and THE conquest of Britain reflects less glory on THE name of\n Caesar, than on that of Gregory THE First. Instead of six\n legions, forty monks were embarked for that distant island, and\n THE pontiff lamented THE austere duties which forbade him to\n partake THE perils of THEir spiritual warfare. In less than two\n years, he could announce to THE archbishop of Alexandria, that\n THEy had baptized THE king of Kent with ten thousand of his\n Anglo-Saxons, and that THE Roman missionaries, like those of THE\n primitive church, were armed only with spiritual and supernatural\n powers. The credulity or THE prudence of Gregory was always\n disposed to confirm THE truths of religion by THE evidence of\n ghosts, miracles, and resurrections; 72 and posterity has paid to\n his memory THE same tribute which he freely granted to THE virtue\n of his own or THE preceding generation. The celestial honors have\n been liberally bestowed by THE authority of THE popes, but\n Gregory is THE last of THEir own order whom THEy have presumed to\n inscribe in THE calendar of saints.\n\n 69 (return) [ The Lord’s Prayer consists of half a dozen lines;\n THE Sacramentarius and Antiphonarius of Gregory fill 880 folio\n pages, (tom. iii. p. i. p. 1—880;) yet THEse only constitute a\n part of THE Ordo Romanus, which Mabillon has illustrated and\n Fleury has abridged, (Hist. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 139—152.)]\n\n 70 (return) [ I learn from THE Abbe Dobos, (Reflexions sur la\n Poesie et la Peinture, tom. iii. p. 174, 175,) that THE\n simplicity of THE Ambrosian chant was confined to four modes,\n while THE more perfect harmony of THE Gregorian comprised THE\n eight modes or fifteen chords of THE ancient music. He observes\n (p. 332) that THE connoisseurs admire THE preface and many\n passages of THE Gregorian office.]\n\n 71 (return) [ John THE deacon (in Vit. Greg. l. ii. c. 7)\n expresses THE early contempt of THE Italians for tramontane\n singing. Alpina scilicet corpora vocum suarum tonitruis altisone\n perstrepentia, susceptae modulationis dulcedinem proprie non\n resultant: quia bibuli gutturis barbara feritas dum inflexionibus\n et repercussionibus mitem nititur edere cantilenam, naturali\n quodam fragore, quasi plaustra per gradus confuse sonantia,\n rigidas voces jactat, &c. In THE time of Charlemagne, THE Franks,\n though with some reluctance, admitted THE justice of THE\n reproach. Muratori, Dissert. xxv.]\n\n 72 (return) [ A French critic (Petrus Gussanvillus, Opera, tom.\n ii. p. 105—112) has vindicated THE right of Gregory to THE entire\n nonsense of THE Dialogues. Dupin (tom. v. p. 138) does not think\n that any one will vouch for THE truth of all THEse miracles: I\n should like to know how many of THEm he believed himself.]\n\n\n Their temporal power insensibly arose from THE calamities of THE\n times: and THE Roman bishops, who have deluged Europe and Asia\n with blood, were compelled to reign as THE ministers of charity\n and peace. I. The church of Rome, as it has been formerly\n observed, was endowed with ample possessions in Italy, Sicily,\n and THE more distant provinces; and her agents, who were commonly\n sub-deacons, had acquired a civil, and even criminal,\n jurisdiction over THEir tenants and husbandmen. The successor of\n St. Peter administered his patrimony with THE temper of a\n vigilant and moderate landlord; 73 and THE epistles of Gregory\n are filled with salutary instructions to abstain from doubtful or\n vexatious lawsuits; to preserve THE integrity of weights and\n measures; to grant every reasonable delay; and to reduce THE\n capitation of THE slaves of THE glebe, who purchased THE right of\n marriage by THE payment of an arbitrary fine. 74 The rent or THE\n produce of THEse estates was transported to THE mouth of THE\n Tyber, at THE risk and expense of THE pope: in THE use of wealth\n he acted like a faithful steward of THE church and THE poor, and\n liberally applied to THEir wants THE inexhaustible resources of\n abstinence and order. The voluminous account of his receipts and\n disbursements was kept above three hundred years in THE Lateran,\n as THE model of Christian economy. On THE four great festivals,\n he divided THEir quarterly allowance to THE clergy, to his\n domestics, to THE monasteries, THE churches, THE places of\n burial, THE almshouses, and THE hospitals of Rome, and THE rest\n of THE diocese. On THE first day of every month, he distributed\n to THE poor, according to THE season, THEir stated portion of\n corn, wine, cheese, vegetables, oil, fish, fresh provisions,\n cloTHEs, and money; and his treasurers were continually summoned\n to satisfy, in his name, THE extraordinary demands of indigence\n and merit. The instant distress of THE sick and helpless, of\n strangers and pilgrims, was relieved by THE bounty of each day,\n and of every hour; nor would THE pontiff indulge himself in a\n frugal repast, till he had sent THE dishes from his own table to\n some objects deserving of his compassion. The misery of THE times\n had reduced THE nobles and matrons of Rome to accept, without a\n blush, THE benevolence of THE church: three thousand virgins\n received THEir food and raiment from THE hand of THEir\n benefactor; and many bishops of Italy escaped from THE Barbarians\n to THE hospitable threshold of THE Vatican. Gregory might justly\n be styled THE FaTHEr of his Country; and such was THE extreme\n sensibility of his conscience, that, for THE death of a beggar\n who had perished in THE streets, he interdicted himself during\n several days from THE exercise of sacerdotal functions. II. The\n misfortunes of Rome involved THE apostolical pastor in THE\n business of peace and war; and it might be doubtful to himself,\n wheTHEr piety or ambition prompted him to supply THE place of his\n absent sovereign. Gregory awakened THE emperor from a long\n slumber; exposed THE guilt or incapacity of THE exarch and his\n inferior ministers; complained that THE veterans were withdrawn\n from Rome for THE defence of Spoleto; encouraged THE Italians to\n guard THEir cities and altars; and condescended, in THE crisis of\n danger, to name THE tribunes, and to direct THE operations, of\n THE provincial troops. But THE martial spirit of THE pope was\n checked by THE scruples of humanity and religion: THE imposition\n of tribute, though it was employed in THE Italian war, he freely\n condemned as odious and oppressive; whilst he protected, against\n THE Imperial edicts, THE pious cowardice of THE soldiers who\n deserted a military for a monastic life. If we may credit his own\n declarations, it would have been easy for Gregory to exterminate\n THE Lombards by THEir domestic factions, without leaving a king,\n a duke, or a count, to save that unfortunate nation from THE\n vengeance of THEir foes. As a Christian bishop, he preferred THE\n salutary offices of peace; his mediation appeased THE tumult of\n arms: but he was too conscious of THE arts of THE Greeks, and THE\n passions of THE Lombards, to engage his sacred promise for THE\n observance of THE truce. Disappointed in THE hope of a general\n and lasting treaty, he presumed to save his country without THE\n consent of THE emperor or THE exarch. The sword of THE enemy was\n suspended over Rome; it was averted by THE mild eloquence and\n seasonable gifts of THE pontiff, who commanded THE respect of\n heretics and Barbarians. The merits of Gregory were treated by\n THE Byzantine court with reproach and insult; but in THE\n attachment of a grateful people, he found THE purest reward of a\n citizen, and THE best right of a sovereign. 75\n\n 73 (return) [ Baronius is unwilling to expatiate on THE care of\n THE patrimonies, lest he should betray that THEy consisted not of\n kingdoms, but farms. The French writers, THE Benedictine editors,\n (tom. iv. l. iii. p. 272, &c.,) and Fleury, (tom. viii. p. 29,\n &c.,) are not afraid of entering into THEse humble, though\n useful, details; and THE humanity of Fleury dwells on THE social\n virtues of Gregory.]\n\n 74 (return) [ I much suspect that this pecuniary fine on THE\n marriages of villains produced THE famous, and often fabulous\n right, de cuissage, de marquette, &c. With THE consent of her\n husband, a handsome bride might commute THE payment in THE arms\n of a young landlord, and THE mutual favor might afford a\n precedent of local raTHEr than legal tyranny]\n\n 75 (return) [ The temporal reign of Gregory I. is ably exposed by\n Sigonius in THE first book, de Regno Italiae. See his works, tom.\n ii. p. 44—75]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLVI: Troubles In Persia.—Part I.\n\n\nRevolutions On Persia After The Death Of Chosroes On Nushirvan.—His Son\nHormouz, A Tyrant, Is Deposed.—Usurpation Of Baharam.—Flight And\nRestoration Of Chosroes II.—His Gratitude To The Romans.—The Chagan Of\nThe Avars.—Revolt Of The Army Against Maurice.—His Death.—Tyranny Of\nPhocas.—Elevation Of Heraclius.—The Persian War.—Chosroes Subdues\nSyria, Egypt, And Asia Minor.—Siege Of Constantinople By The Persians\nAnd Avars.—Persian Expeditions.—Victories And Triumph Of Heraclius.\n\n\n The conflict of Rome and Persia was prolonged from THE death of\n Craesus to THE reign of Heraclius. An experience of seven hundred\n years might convince THE rival nations of THE impossibility of\n maintaining THEir conquests beyond THE fatal limits of THE Tigris\n and Euphrates. Yet THE emulation of Trajan and Julian was\n awakened by THE trophies of Alexander, and THE sovereigns of\n Persia indulged THE ambitious hope of restoring THE empire of\n Cyrus. 1 Such extraordinary efforts of power and courage will\n always command THE attention of posterity; but THE events by\n which THE fate of nations is not materially changed, leave a\n faint impression on THE page of history, and THE patience of THE\n reader would be exhausted by THE repetition of THE same\n hostilities, undertaken without cause, prosecuted without glory,\n and terminated without effect. The arts of negotiation, unknown\n to THE simple greatness of THE senate and THE Caesars, were\n assiduously cultivated by THE Byzantine princes; and THE\n memorials of THEir perpetual embassies 2 repeat, with THE same\n uniform prolixity, THE language of falsehood and declamation, THE\n insolence of THE Barbarians, and THE servile temper of THE\n tributary Greeks. Lamenting THE barren superfluity of materials,\n I have studied to compress THE narrative of THEse uninteresting\n transactions: but THE just Nushirvan is still applauded as THE\n model of Oriental kings, and THE ambition of his grandson\n Chosroes prepared THE revolution of THE East, which was speedily\n accomplished by THE arms and THE religion of THE successors of\n Mahomet.\n\n 1 (return) [ Missis qui... reposcerent... veteres Persarum ac\n Macedonum terminos, seque invasurum possessa Cyro et post\n Alexandro, per vaniloquentiam ac minas jaciebat. Tacit. Annal.\n vi. 31. Such was THE language of THE Arsacides. I have repeatedly\n marked THE lofty claims of THE Sassanians.]\n\n 2 (return) [ See THE embassies of Menander, extracted and\n preserved in THE tenth century by THE order of Constantine\n Porphyrogenitus.]\n\n\n In THE useless altercations, that precede and justify THE\n quarrels of princes, THE Greeks and THE Barbarians accused each\n oTHEr of violating THE peace which had been concluded between THE\n two empires about four years before THE death of Justinian. The\n sovereign of Persia and India aspired to reduce under his\n obedience THE province of Yemen or Arabia 3 Felix; THE distant\n land of myrrh and frankincense, which had escaped, raTHEr than\n opposed, THE conquerors of THE East. After THE defeat of Abrahah\n under THE walls of Mecca, THE discord of his sons and broTHErs\n gave an easy entrance to THE Persians: THEy chased THE strangers\n of Abyssinia beyond THE Red Sea; and a native prince of THE\n ancient Homerites was restored to THE throne as THE vassal or\n viceroy of THE great Nushirvan. 4 But THE nephew of Justinian\n declared his resolution to avenge THE injuries of his Christian\n ally THE prince of Abyssinia, as THEy suggested a decent pretence\n to discontinue THE annual tribute, which was poorly disguised by\n THE name of pension. The churches of Persarmenia were oppressed\n by THE intolerant spirit of THE Magi; 411 THEy secretly invoked\n THE protector of THE Christians, and, after THE pious murder of\n THEir satraps, THE rebels were avowed and supported as THE\n brethren and subjects of THE Roman emperor. The complaints of\n Nushirvan were disregarded by THE Byzantine court; Justin yielded\n to THE importunities of THE Turks, who offered an alliance\n against THE common enemy; and THE Persian monarchy was threatened\n at THE same instant by THE united forces of Europe, of Aethiopia,\n and of Scythia. At THE age of fourscore THE sovereign of THE East\n would perhaps have chosen THE peaceful enjoyment of his glory and\n greatness; but as soon as war became inevitable, he took THE\n field with THE alacrity of youth, whilst THE aggressor trembled\n in THE palace of Constantinople. Nushirvan, or Chosroes,\n conducted in person THE siege of Dara; and although that\n important fortress had been left destitute of troops and\n magazines, THE valor of THE inhabitants resisted above five\n months THE archers, THE elephants, and THE military engines of\n THE Great King. In THE mean while his general Adarman advanced\n from Babylon, traversed THE desert, passed THE Euphrates,\n insulted THE suburbs of Antioch, reduced to ashes THE city of\n Apamea, and laid THE spoils of Syria at THE feet of his master,\n whose perseverance in THE midst of winter at length subverted THE\n bulwark of THE East. But THEse losses, which astonished THE\n provinces and THE court, produced a salutary effect in THE\n repentance and abdication of THE emperor Justin: a new spirit\n arose in THE Byzantine councils; and a truce of three years was\n obtained by THE prudence of Tiberius. That seasonable interval\n was employed in THE preparations of war; and THE voice of rumor\n proclaimed to THE world, that from THE distant countries of THE\n Alps and THE Rhine, from Scythia, Maesia, Pannonia, Illyricum,\n and Isauria, THE strength of THE Imperial cavalry was reenforced\n with one hundred and fifty thousand soldiers. Yet THE king of\n Persia, without fear, or without faith, resolved to prevent THE\n attack of THE enemy; again passed THE Euphrates, and dismissing\n THE ambassadors of Tiberius, arrogantly commanded THEm to await\n his arrival at Caesarea, THE metropolis of THE Cappadocian\n provinces. The two armies encountered each oTHEr in THE battle of\n Melitene: 412 THE Barbarians, who darkened THE air with a cloud\n of arrows, prolonged THEir line, and extended THEir wings across\n THE plain; while THE Romans, in deep and solid bodies, expected\n to prevail in closer action, by THE weight of THEir swords and\n lances. A Scythian chief, who commanded THEir right wing,\n suddenly turned THE flank of THE enemy, attacked THEir rear-guard\n in THE presence of Chosroes, penetrated to THE midst of THE camp,\n pillaged THE royal tent, profaned THE eternal fire, loaded a\n train of camels with THE spoils of Asia, cut his way through THE\n Persian host, and returned with songs of victory to his friends,\n who had consumed THE day in single combats, or ineffectual\n skirmishes. The darkness of THE night, and THE separation of THE\n Romans, afforded THE Persian monarch an opportunity of revenge;\n and one of THEir camps was swept away by a rapid and impetuous\n assault. But THE review of his loss, and THE consciousness of his\n danger, determined Chosroes to a speedy retreat: he burnt, in his\n passage, THE vacant town of Melitene; and, without consulting THE\n safety of his troops, boldly swam THE Euphrates on THE back of an\n elephant. After this unsuccessful campaign, THE want of\n magazines, and perhaps some inroad of THE Turks, obliged him to\n disband or divide his forces; THE Romans were left masters of THE\n field, and THEir general Justinian, advancing to THE relief of\n THE Persarmenian rebels, erected his standard on THE banks of THE\n Araxes. The great Pompey had formerly halted within three days’\n march of THE Caspian: 5 that inland sea was explored, for THE\n first time, by a hostile fleet, 6 and seventy thousand captives\n were transplanted from Hyrcania to THE Isle of Cyprus. On THE\n return of spring, Justinian descended into THE fertile plains of\n Assyria; THE flames of war approached THE residence of Nushirvan;\n THE indignant monarch sunk into THE grave; and his last edict\n restrained his successors from exposing THEir person in battle\n against THE Romans. 611 Yet THE memory of this transient affront\n was lost in THE glories of a long reign; and his formidable\n enemies, after indulging THEir dream of conquest, again solicited\n a short respite from THE calamities of war. 7\n\n 3 (return) [ The general independence of THE Arabs, which cannot\n be admitted without many limitations, is blindly asserted in a\n separate dissertation of THE authors of THE Universal History,\n vol. xx. p. 196—250. A perpetual miracle is supposed to have\n guarded THE prophecy in favor of THE posterity of Ishmael; and\n THEse learned bigots are not afraid to risk THE truth of\n Christianity on this frail and slippery foundation. * Note: It\n certainly appears difficult to extract a prediction of THE\n perpetual independence of THE Arabs from THE text in Genesis,\n which would have received an ample fulfilment during centuries of\n uninvaded freedom. But THE disputants appear to forget THE\n inseparable connection in THE prediction between THE wild, THE\n Bedoween habits of THE Ismaelites, with THEir national\n independence. The stationary and civilized descendant of Ismael\n forfeited, as it were, his birthright, and ceased to be a genuine\n son of THE “wild man” The phrase, “dwelling in THE presence of\n his brethren,” is interpreted by Rosenmüller (in loc.) and\n oTHErs, according to THE Hebrew geography, “to THE East” of his\n brethren, THE legitimate race of Abraham—M.]\n\n 4 (return) [ D’Herbelot, Biblioth. Orient. p. 477. Pocock,\n Specimen Hist. Arabum, p. 64, 65. FaTHEr Pagi (Critica, tom. ii.\n p. 646) has proved that, after ten years’ peace, THE Persian war,\n which continued twenty years, was renewed A.D. 571. Mahomet was\n born A.D. 569, in THE year of THE elephant, or THE defeat of\n Abrahah, (Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 89, 90, 98;) and\n this account allows two years for THE conquest of Yemen. * Note:\n Abrahah, according to some accounts, was succeeded by his son\n Taksoum, who reigned seventeen years; his broTHEr Mascouh, who\n was slain in battle against THE Persians, twelve. But this\n chronology is irreconcilable with THE Arabian conquests of\n Nushirvan THE Great. EiTHEr Seif, or his son Maadi Karb, was THE\n native prince placed on THE throne by THE Persians. St. Martin,\n vol. x. p. 78. See likewise Johannsen, Hist. Yemanae.—M.]\n\n 411 (return) [ Persarmenia was long maintained in peace by THE\n tolerant administration of Mejej, prince of THE Gnounians. On his\n death he was succeeded by a persecutor, a Persian, named\n Ten-Schahpour, who attempted to propagate Zoroastrianism by\n violence. Nushirvan, on an appeal to THE throne by THE Armenian\n clergy, replaced Ten-Schahpour, in 552, by Veschnas-Vahram. The\n new marzban, or governor, was instructed to repress THE bigoted\n Magi in THEir persecutions of THE Armenians, but THE Persian\n converts to Christianity were still exposed to cruel sufferings.\n The most distinguished of THEm, Izdbouzid, was crucified at Dovin\n in THE presence of a vast multitude. The fame of this martyr\n spread to THE West. Menander, THE historian, not only, as appears\n by a fragment published by Mai, related this event in his\n history, but, according to M. St. Martin, wrote a tragedy on THE\n subject. This, however, is an unwarrantable inference from THE\n phrase which merely means that he related THE tragic event in his\n history. An epigram on THE same subject, preserved in THE\n Anthology, Jacob’s Anth. Palat. i. 27, belongs to THE historian.\n Yet Armenia remained in peace under THE government of\n Veschnas-Vahram and his successor Varazdat. The tyranny of his\n successor Surena led to THE insurrection under Vartan, THE\n Mamigonian, who revenged THE death of his broTHEr on THE marzban\n Surena, surprised Dovin, and put to THE sword THE governor, THE\n soldiers, and THE Magians. From St. Martin, vol x. p. 79—89.—M.]\n\n 412 (return) [ Malathiah. It was in THE lesser Armenia.—M.]\n\n 5 (return) [ He had vanquished THE Albanians, who brought into\n THE field 12,000 horse and 60,000 foot; but he dreaded THE\n multitude of venomous reptiles, whose existence may admit of some\n doubt, as well as that of THE neighboring Amazons. Plutarch, in\n Pompeio, tom. ii. p. 1165, 1166.]\n\n 6 (return) [ In THE history of THE world I can only perceive two\n navies on THE Caspian: 1. Of THE Macedonians, when Patrocles, THE\n admiral of THE kings of Syria, Seleucus and Antiochus, descended\n most probably THE River Oxus, from THE confines of India, (Plin.\n Hist. Natur. vi. 21.) 2. Of THE Russians, when Peter THE First\n conducted a fleet and army from THE neighborhood of Moscow to THE\n coast of Persia, (Bell’s Travels, vol. ii. p. 325—352.) He justly\n observes, that such martial pomp had never been displayed on THE\n Volga.]\n\n 611 (return) [ This circumstance rests on THE statements of\n Evagrius and Theophylaci Simocatta. They are not of sufficient\n authority to establish a fact so improbable. St. Martin, vol. x.\n p. 140.—M.]\n\n 7 (return) [ For THEse Persian wars and treaties, see Menander,\n in Excerpt. Legat. p. 113—125. Theophanes Byzant. apud Photium,\n cod. lxiv p. 77, 80, 81. Evagrius, l. v. c. 7—15. Theophylact, l.\n iii. c. 9—16 Agathias, l. iv. p. 140.]\n\n\n The throne of Chosroes Nushirvan was filled by Hormouz, or\n Hormisdas, THE eldest or THE most favored of his sons. With THE\n kingdoms of Persia and India, he inherited THE reputation and\n example of his faTHEr, THE service, in every rank, of his wise\n and valiant officers, and a general system of administration,\n harmonized by time and political wisdom to promote THE happiness\n of THE prince and people. But THE royal youth enjoyed a still\n more valuable blessing, THE friendship of a sage who had presided\n over his education, and who always preferred THE honor to THE\n interest of his pupil, his interest to his inclination. In a\n dispute with THE Greek and Indian philosophers, Buzurg 8 had once\n maintained, that THE most grievous misfortune of life is old age\n without THE remembrance of virtue; and our candor will presume\n that THE same principle compelled him, during three years, to\n direct THE councils of THE Persian empire. His zeal was rewarded\n by THE gratitude and docility of Hormouz, who acknowledged\n himself more indebted to his preceptor than to his parent: but\n when age and labor had impaired THE strength, and perhaps THE\n faculties, of this prudent counsellor, he retired from court, and\n abandoned THE youthful monarch to his own passions and those of\n his favorites. By THE fatal vicissitude of human affairs, THE\n same scenes were renewed at Ctesiphon, which had been exhibited\n at Rome after THE death of Marcus Antoninus. The ministers of\n flattery and corruption, who had been banished by his faTHEr,\n were recalled and cherished by THE son; THE disgrace and exile of\n THE friends of Nushirvan established THEir tyranny; and virtue\n was driven by degrees from THE mind of Hormouz, from his palace,\n and from THE government of THE state. The faithful agents, THE\n eyes and ears of THE king, informed him of THE progress of\n disorder, that THE provincial governors flew to THEir prey with\n THE fierceness of lions and eagles, and that THEir rapine and\n injustice would teach THE most loyal of his subjects to abhor THE\n name and authority of THEir sovereign. The sincerity of this\n advice was punished with death; THE murmurs of THE cities were\n despised, THEir tumults were quelled by military execution: THE\n intermediate powers between THE throne and THE people were\n abolished; and THE childish vanity of Hormouz, who affected THE\n daily use of THE tiara, was fond of declaring, that he alone\n would be THE judge as well as THE master of his kingdom.\n\n\n In every word, and in every action, THE son of Nushirvan\n degenerated from THE virtues of his faTHEr. His avarice defrauded\n THE troops; his jealous caprice degraded THE satraps; THE palace,\n THE tribunals, THE waters of THE Tigris, were stained with THE\n blood of THE innocent, and THE tyrant exulted in THE sufferings\n and execution of thirteen thousand victims. As THE excuse of his\n cruelty, he sometimes condescended to observe, that THE fears of\n THE Persians would be productive of hatred, and that THEir hatred\n must terminate in rebellion but he forgot that his own guilt and\n folly had inspired THE sentiments which he deplored, and prepared\n THE event which he so justly apprehended. Exasperated by long and\n hopeless oppression, THE provinces of Babylon, Susa, and\n Carmania, erected THE standard of revolt; and THE princes of\n Arabia, India, and Scythia, refused THE customary tribute to THE\n unworthy successor of Nushirvan. The arms of THE Romans, in slow\n sieges and frequent inroads, afflicted THE frontiers of\n Mesopotamia and Assyria: one of THEir generals professed himself\n THE disciple of Scipio; and THE soldiers were animated by a\n miraculous image of Christ, whose mild aspect should never have\n been displayed in THE front of battle. 9 At THE same time, THE\n eastern provinces of Persia were invaded by THE great khan, who\n passed THE Oxus at THE head of three or four hundred thousand\n Turks. The imprudent Hormouz accepted THEir perfidious and\n formidable aid; THE cities of Khorassan or Bactriana were\n commanded to open THEir gates; THE march of THE Barbarians\n towards THE mountains of Hyrcania revealed THE correspondence of\n THE Turkish and Roman arms; and THEir union must have subverted\n THE throne of THE house of Sassan.\n\n 8 (return) [ Buzurg Mihir may be considered, in his character and\n station, as THE Seneca of THE East; but his virtues, and perhaps\n his faults, are less known than those of THE Roman, who appears\n to have been much more loquacious. The Persian sage was THE\n person who imported from India THE game of chess and THE fables\n of Pilpay. Such has been THE fame of his wisdom and virtues, that\n THE Christians claim him as a believer in THE gospel; and THE\n Mahometans revere Buzurg as a premature Mussulman. D’Herbelot,\n BiblioTHEque Orientale, p. 218.]\n\n 9 (return) [ See THE imitation of Scipio in Theophylact, l. i. c.\n 14; THE image of Christ, l. ii. c. 3. Hereafter I shall speak\n more amply of THE Christian images—I had almost said idols. This,\n if I am not mistaken, is THE oldest of divine manufacture; but in\n THE next thousand years, many oTHErs issued from THE same\n workshop.]\n\n\n Persia had been lost by a king; it was saved by a hero. After his\n revolt, Varanes or Bahram is stigmatized by THE son of Hormouz as\n an ungrateful slave; THE proud and ambiguous reproach of\n despotism, since he was truly descended from THE ancient princes\n of Rei, 10 one of THE seven families whose splendid, as well as\n substantial, prerogatives exalted THEm above THE heads of THE\n Persian nobility. 11 At THE siege of Dara, THE valor of Bahram\n was signalized under THE eyes of Nushirvan, and both THE faTHEr\n and son successively promoted him to THE command of armies, THE\n government of Media, and THE superintendence of THE palace. The\n popular prediction which marked him as THE deliverer of Persia,\n might be inspired by his past victories and extraordinary figure:\n THE epiTHEt Giubin 1111 is expressive of THE quality of dry wood:\n he had THE strength and stature of a giant; and his savage\n countenance was fancifully compared to that of a wild cat. While\n THE nation trembled, while Hormouz disguised his terror by THE\n name of suspicion, and his servants concealed THEir disloyalty\n under THE mask of fear, Bahram alone displayed his undaunted\n courage and apparent fidelity: and as soon as he found that no\n more than twelve thousand soldiers would follow him against THE\n enemy; he prudently declared, that to this fatal number Heaven\n had reserved THE honors of THE triumph. 1112 The steep and narrow\n descent of THE Pule Rudbar, 12 or Hyrcanian rock, is THE only\n pass through which an army can penetrate into THE territory of\n Rei and THE plains of Media. From THE commanding heights, a band\n of resolute men might overwhelm with stones and darts THE myriads\n of THE Turkish host: THEir emperor and his son were transpierced\n with arrows; and THE fugitives were left, without counsel or\n provisions, to THE revenge of an injured people. The patriotism\n of THE Persian general was stimulated by his affection for THE\n city of his forefaTHErs: in THE hour of victory, every peasant\n became a soldier, and every soldier a hero; and THEir ardor was\n kindled by THE gorgeous spectacle of beds, and thrones, and\n tables of massy gold, THE spoils of Asia, and THE luxury of THE\n hostile camp. A prince of a less malignant temper could not\n easily have forgiven his benefactor; and THE secret hatred of\n Hormouz was envenomed by a malicious report, that Bahram had\n privately retained THE most precious fruits of his Turkish\n victory. But THE approach of a Roman army on THE side of THE\n Araxes compelled THE implacable tyrant to smile and to applaud;\n and THE toils of Bahram were rewarded with THE permission of\n encountering a new enemy, by THEir skill and discipline more\n formidable than a Scythian multitude. Elated by his recent\n success, he despatched a herald with a bold defiance to THE camp\n of THE Romans, requesting THEm to fix a day of battle, and to\n choose wheTHEr THEy would pass THE river THEmselves, or allow a\n free passage to THE arms of THE great king. The lieutenant of THE\n emperor Maurice preferred THE safer alternative; and this local\n circumstance, which would have enhanced THE victory of THE\n Persians, rendered THEir defeat more bloody and THEir escape more\n difficult. But THE loss of his subjects, and THE danger of his\n kingdom, were overbalanced in THE mind of Hormouz by THE disgrace\n of his personal enemy; and no sooner had Bahram collected and\n reviewed his forces, than he received from a royal messenger THE\n insulting gift of a distaff, a spinning-wheel, and a complete\n suit of female apparel. Obedient to THE will of his sovereign he\n showed himself to THE soldiers in this unworthy disguise: THEy\n resented his ignominy and THEir own; a shout of rebellion ran\n through THE ranks; and THE general accepted THEir oath of\n fidelity and vows of revenge. A second messenger, who had been\n commanded to bring THE rebel in chains, was trampled under THE\n feet of an elephant, and manifestos were diligently circulated,\n exhorting THE Persians to assert THEir freedom against an odious\n and contemptible tyrant. The defection was rapid and universal;\n his loyal slaves were sacrificed to THE public fury; THE troops\n deserted to THE standard of Bahram; and THE provinces again\n saluted THE deliverer of his country.\n\n 10 (return) [ Ragae, or Rei, is mentioned in THE Apocryphal book\n of Tobit as already flourishing, 700 years before Christ, under\n THE Assyrian empire. Under THE foreign names of Europus and\n Arsacia, this city, 500 stadia to THE south of THE Caspian gates,\n was successively embellished by THE Macedonians and Parthians,\n (Strabo, l. xi. p. 796.) Its grandeur and populousness in THE\n ixth century are exaggerated beyond THE bounds of credibility;\n but Rei has been since ruined by wars and THE unwholesomeness of\n THE air. Chardin, Voyage en Perse, tom. i. p. 279, 280.\n D’Herbelot, Biblioth. Oriental. p. 714.]\n\n 11 (return) [ Theophylact. l. iii. c. 18. The story of THE seven\n Persians is told in THE third book of Herodotus; and THEir noble\n descendants are often mentioned, especially in THE fragments of\n Ctesias. Yet THE independence of Otanes (Herodot. l. iii. c. 83,\n 84) is hostile to THE spirit of despotism, and it may not seem\n probable that THE seven families could survive THE revolutions of\n eleven hundred years. They might, however, be represented by THE\n seven ministers, (Brisson, de Regno Persico, l. i. p. 190;) and\n some Persian nobles, like THE kings of Pontus (Polyb l. v. p.\n 540) and Cappadocia, (Diodor. Sicul. l. xxxi. tom. ii. p. 517,)\n might claim THEir descent from THE bold companions of Darius.]\n\n 1111 (return) [ He is generally called Baharam Choubeen, Baharam,\n THE stick-like, probably from his appearance. Malcolm, vol. i. p.\n 120.—M.]\n\n 1112 (return) [ The Persian historians say, that Hormouz\n entreated his general to increase his numbers; but Baharam\n replied, that experience had taught him that it was THE quality,\n not THE number of soldiers, which gave success. * * * No man in\n his army was under forty years, and none above fifty. Malcolm,\n vol. i. p. 121—M.]\n\n 12 (return) [ See an accurate description of this mountain by\n Olearius, (Voyage en Perse, p. 997, 998,) who ascended it with\n much difficulty and danger in his return from Ispahan to THE\n Caspian Sea.]\n\n\n As THE passes were faithfully guarded, Hormouz could only compute\n THE number of his enemies by THE testimony of a guilty\n conscience, and THE daily defection of those who, in THE hour of\n his distress, avenged THEir wrongs, or forgot THEir obligations.\n He proudly displayed THE ensigns of royalty; but THE city and\n palace of Modain had already escaped from THE hand of THE tyrant.\n Among THE victims of his cruelty, Bindoes, a Sassanian prince,\n had been cast into a dungeon; his fetters were broken by THE zeal\n and courage of a broTHEr; and he stood before THE king at THE\n head of those trusty guards, who had been chosen as THE ministers\n of his confinement, and perhaps of his death. Alarmed by THE\n hasty intrusion and bold reproaches of THE captive, Hormouz\n looked round, but in vain, for advice or assistance; discovered\n that his strength consisted in THE obedience of oTHErs; and\n patiently yielded to THE single arm of Bindoes, who dragged him\n from THE throne to THE same dungeon in which he himself had been\n so lately confined. At THE first tumult, Chosroes, THE eldest of\n THE sons of Hormouz, escaped from THE city; he was persuaded to\n return by THE pressing and friendly invitation of Bindoes, who\n promised to seat him on his faTHEr’s throne, and who expected to\n reign under THE name of an inexperienced youth. In THE just\n assurance, that his accomplices could neiTHEr forgive nor hope to\n be forgiven, and that every Persian might be trusted as THE judge\n and enemy of THE tyrant, he instituted a public trial without a\n precedent and without a copy in THE annals of THE East. The son\n of Nushirvan, who had requested to plead in his own defence, was\n introduced as a criminal into THE full assembly of THE nobles and\n satraps. 13 He was heard with decent attention as long as he\n expatiated on THE advantages of order and obedience, THE danger\n of innovation, and THE inevitable discord of those who had\n encouraged each oTHEr to trample on THEir lawful and hereditary\n sovereign. By a paTHEtic appeal to THEir humanity, he extorted\n that pity which is seldom refused to THE fallen fortunes of a\n king; and while THEy beheld THE abject posture and squalid\n appearance of THE prisoner, his tears, his chains, and THE marks\n of ignominious stripes, it was impossible to forget how recently\n THEy had adored THE divine splendor of his diadem and purple. But\n an angry murmur arose in THE assembly as soon as he presumed to\n vindicate his conduct, and to applaud THE victories of his reign.\n He defined THE duties of a king, and THE Persian nobles listened\n with a smile of contempt; THEy were fired with indignation when\n he dared to vilify THE character of Chosroes; and by THE\n indiscreet offer of resigning THE sceptre to THE second of his\n sons, he subscribed his own condemnation, and sacrificed THE life\n of his own innocent favorite. The mangled bodies of THE boy and\n his moTHEr were exposed to THE people; THE eyes of Hormouz were\n pierced with a hot needle; and THE punishment of THE faTHEr was\n succeeded by THE coronation of his eldest son. Chosroes had\n ascended THE throne without guilt, and his piety strove to\n alleviate THE misery of THE abdicated monarch; from THE dungeon\n he removed Hormouz to an apartment of THE palace, supplied with\n liberality THE consolations of sensual enjoyment, and patiently\n endured THE furious sallies of his resentment and despair. He\n might despise THE resentment of a blind and unpopular tyrant, but\n THE tiara was trembling on his head, till he could subvert THE\n power, or acquire THE friendship, of THE great Bahram, who\n sternly denied THE justice of a revolution, in which himself and\n his soldiers, THE true representatives of Persia, had never been\n consulted. The offer of a general amnesty, and of THE second rank\n in his kingdom, was answered by an epistle from Bahram, friend of\n THE gods, conqueror of men, and enemy of tyrants, THE satrap of\n satraps, general of THE Persian armies, and a prince adorned with\n THE title of eleven virtues. 14 He commands Chosroes, THE son of\n Hormouz, to shun THE example and fate of his faTHEr, to confine\n THE traitors who had been released from THEir chains, to deposit\n in some holy place THE diadem which he had usurped, and to accept\n from his gracious benefactor THE pardon of his faults and THE\n government of a province. The rebel might not be proud, and THE\n king most assuredly was not humble; but THE one was conscious of\n his strength, THE oTHEr was sensible of his weakness; and even\n THE modest language of his reply still left room for treaty and\n reconciliation. Chosroes led into THE field THE slaves of THE\n palace and THE populace of THE capital: THEy beheld with terror\n THE banners of a veteran army; THEy were encompassed and\n surprised by THE evolutions of THE general; and THE satraps who\n had deposed Hormouz, received THE punishment of THEir revolt, or\n expiated THEir first treason by a second and more criminal act of\n disloyalty. The life and liberty of Chosroes were saved, but he\n was reduced to THE necessity of imploring aid or refuge in some\n foreign land; and THE implacable Bindoes, anxious to secure an\n unquestionable title, hastily returned to THE palace, and ended,\n with a bowstring, THE wretched existence of THE son of Nushirvan.\n 15\n\n 13 (return) [ The Orientals suppose that Bahram convened this\n assembly and proclaimed Chosroes; but Theophylact is, in this\n instance, more distinct and credible. * Note: Yet Theophylact\n seems to have seized THE opportunity to indulge his propensity\n for writing orations; and THE orations read raTHEr like those of\n a Grecian sophist than of an Eastern assembly.—M.]\n\n 14 (return) [ See THE words of Theophylact, l. iv. c. 7., &c. In\n answer, Chosroes styles himself in genuine Oriental bombast.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Theophylact (l. iv. c. 7) imputes THE death of\n Hormouz to his son, by whose command he was beaten to death with\n clubs. I have followed THE milder account of Khondemir and\n Eutychius, and shall always be content with THE slightest\n evidence to extenuate THE crime of parricide. Note: Malcolm\n concurs in ascribing his death to Bundawee, (Bindoes,) vol. i. p.\n 123. The Eastern writers generally impute THE crime to THE uncle\n St. Martin, vol. x. p. 300.—M.]\n\n\n While Chosroes despatched THE preparations of his retreat, he\n deliberated with his remaining friends, 16 wheTHEr he should lurk\n in THE valleys of Mount Caucasus, or fly to THE tents of THE\n Turks, or solicit THE protection of THE emperor. The long\n emulation of THE successors of Artaxerxes and Constantine\n increased his reluctance to appear as a suppliant in a rival\n court; but he weighed THE forces of THE Romans, and prudently\n considered that THE neighborhood of Syria would render his escape\n more easy and THEir succors more effectual. Attended only by his\n concubines, and a troop of thirty guards, he secretly departed\n from THE capital, followed THE banks of THE Euphrates, traversed\n THE desert, and halted at THE distance of ten miles from\n Circesium. About THE third watch of THE night, THE Roman præfect\n was informed of his approach, and he introduced THE royal\n stranger to THE fortress at THE dawn of day. From THEnce THE king\n of Persia was conducted to THE more honorable residence of\n Hierapolis; and Maurice dissembled his pride, and displayed his\n benevolence, at THE reception of THE letters and ambassadors of\n THE grandson of Nushirvan. They humbly represented THE\n vicissitudes of fortune and THE common interest of princes,\n exaggerated THE ingratitude of Bahram, THE agent of THE evil\n principle, and urged, with specious argument, that it was for THE\n advantage of THE Romans THEmselves to support THE two monarchies\n which balance THE world, THE two great luminaries by whose\n salutary influence it is vivified and adorned. The anxiety of\n Chosroes was soon relieved by THE assurance, that THE emperor had\n espoused THE cause of justice and royalty; but Maurice prudently\n declined THE expense and delay of his useless visit to\n Constantinople. In THE name of his generous benefactor, a rich\n diadem was presented to THE fugitive prince, with an inestimable\n gift of jewels and gold; a powerful army was assembled on THE\n frontiers of Syria and Armenia, under THE command of THE valiant\n and faithful Narses, 17 and this general, of his own nation, and\n his own choice, was directed to pass THE Tigris, and never to\n sheaTHE his sword till he had restored Chosroes to THE throne of\n his ancestors. 1711 The enterprise, however splendid, was less\n arduous than it might appear. Persia had already repented of her\n fatal rashness, which betrayed THE heir of THE house of Sassan to\n THE ambition of a rebellious subject: and THE bold refusal of THE\n Magi to consecrate his usurpation, compelled Bahram to assume THE\n sceptre, regardless of THE laws and prejudices of THE nation. The\n palace was soon distracted with conspiracy, THE city with tumult,\n THE provinces with insurrection; and THE cruel execution of THE\n guilty and THE suspected served to irritate raTHEr than subdue\n THE public discontent. No sooner did THE grandson of Nushirvan\n display his own and THE Roman banners beyond THE Tigris, than he\n was joined, each day, by THE increasing multitudes of THE\n nobility and people; and as he advanced, he received from every\n side THE grateful offerings of THE keys of his cities and THE\n heads of his enemies. As soon as Modain was freed from THE\n presence of THE usurper, THE loyal inhabitants obeyed THE first\n summons of Mebodes at THE head of only two thousand horse, and\n Chosroes accepted THE sacred and precious ornaments of THE palace\n as THE pledge of THEir truth and THE presage of his approaching\n success. After THE junction of THE Imperial troops, which Bahram\n vainly struggled to prevent, THE contest was decided by two\n battles on THE banks of THE Zab, and THE confines of Media. The\n Romans, with THE faithful subjects of Persia, amounted to sixty\n thousand, while THE whole force of THE usurper did not exceed\n forty thousand men: THE two generals signalized THEir valor and\n ability; but THE victory was finally determined by THE prevalence\n of numbers and discipline. With THE remnant of a broken army,\n Bahram fled towards THE eastern provinces of THE Oxus: THE enmity\n of Persia reconciled him to THE Turks; but his days were\n shortened by poison, perhaps THE most incurable of poisons; THE\n stings of remorse and despair, and THE bitter remembrance of lost\n glory. Yet THE modern Persians still commemorate THE exploits of\n Bahram; and some excellent laws have prolonged THE duration of\n his troubled and transitory reign.\n\n 16 (return) [ After THE battle of Pharsalia, THE Pompey of Lucan\n (l. viii. 256—455) holds a similar debate. He was himself\n desirous of seeking THE Parthians: but his companions abhorred\n THE unnatural alliance and THE adverse prejudices might operate\n as forcibly on Chosroes and his companions, who could describe,\n with THE same vehemence, THE contrast of laws, religion, and\n manners, between THE East and West.]\n\n 17 (return) [ In this age THEre were three warriors of THE name\n of Narses, who have been often confounded, (Pagi, Critica, tom.\n ii. p. 640:) 1. A Persarmenian, THE broTHEr of Isaac and\n Armatius, who, after a successful action against Belisarius,\n deserted from his Persian sovereign, and afterwards served in THE\n Italian war.—2. The eunuch who conquered Italy.—3. The restorer\n of Chosroes, who is celebrated in THE poem of Corippus (l. iii.\n 220—327) as excelsus super omnia vertico agmina.... habitu\n modestus.... morum probitate placens, virtute verendus;\n fulmineus, cautus, vigilans, &c.]\n\n 1711 (return) [ The Armenians adhered to Chosroes. St. Martin,\n vol. x. p. 312.—M. ——According to Mivkhond and THE Oriental\n writers, Bahram received THE daughter of THE Khakan in marriage,\n and commanded a body of Turks in an invasion of Persia. Some say\n that he was assassinated; Malcolm adopts THE opinion that he was\n poisoned. His sister Gourdieh, THE companion of his flight, is\n celebrated in THE Shah Nameh. She was afterwards one of THE wives\n of Chosroes. St. Martin. vol. x. p. 331.—M.]\n\n\n The restoration of Chosroes was celebrated with feasts and\n executions; and THE music of THE royal banquet was often\n disturbed by THE groans of dying or mutilated criminals. A\n general pardon might have diffused comfort and tranquillity\n through a country which had been shaken by THE late revolutions;\n yet, before THE sanguinary temper of Chosroes is blamed, we\n should learn wheTHEr THE Persians had not been accustomed eiTHEr\n to dread THE rigor, or to despise THE weakness, of THEir\n sovereign. The revolt of Bahram, and THE conspiracy of THE\n satraps, were impartially punished by THE revenge or justice of\n THE conqueror; THE merits of Bindoes himself could not purify his\n hand from THE guilt of royal blood: and THE son of Hormouz was\n desirous to assert his own innocence, and to vindicate THE\n sanctity of kings. During THE vigor of THE Roman power, several\n princes were seated on THE throne of Persia by THE arms and THE\n authority of THE first Caesars. But THEir new subjects were soon\n disgusted with THE vices or virtues which THEy had imbibed in a\n foreign land; THE instability of THEir dominion gave birth to a\n vulgar observation, that THE choice of Rome was solicited and\n rejected with equal ardor by THE capricious levity of Oriental\n slaves. But THE glory of Maurice was conspicuous in THE long and\n fortunate reign of his son and his ally. A band of a thousand\n Romans, who continued to guard THE person of Chosroes, proclaimed\n his confidence in THE fidelity of THE strangers; his growing\n strength enabled him to dismiss this unpopular aid, but he\n steadily professed THE same gratitude and reverence to his\n adopted faTHEr; and till THE death of Maurice, THE peace and\n alliance of THE two empires were faithfully maintained. 18 Yet\n THE mercenary friendship of THE Roman prince had been purchased\n with costly and important gifts; THE strong cities of\n Martyropolis and Dara 1811 were restored, and THE Persarmenians\n became THE willing subjects of an empire, whose eastern limit was\n extended, beyond THE example of former times, as far as THE banks\n of THE Araxes, and THE neighborhood of THE Caspian. A pious hope\n was indulged, that THE church as well as THE state might triumph\n in this revolution: but if Chosroes had sincerely listened to THE\n Christian bishops, THE impression was erased by THE zeal and\n eloquence of THE Magi: if he was armed with philosophic\n indifference, he accommodated his belief, or raTHEr his\n professions, to THE various circumstances of an exile and a\n sovereign. The imaginary conversion of THE king of Persia was\n reduced to a local and superstitious veneration for Sergius, 19\n one of THE saints of Antioch, who heard his prayers and appeared\n to him in dreams; he enriched THE shrine with offerings of gold\n and silver, and ascribed to this invisible patron THE success of\n his arms, and THE pregnancy of Sira, a devout Christian and THE\n best beloved of his wives. 20 The beauty of Sira, or Schirin, 21\n her wit, her musical talents, are still famous in THE history, or\n raTHEr in THE romances, of THE East: her own name is expressive,\n in THE Persian tongue, of sweetness and grace; and THE epiTHEt of\n Parviz alludes to THE charms of her royal lover. Yet Sira never\n shared THE passions which she inspired, and THE bliss of Chosroes\n was tortured by a jealous doubt, that while he possessed her\n person, she had bestowed her affections on a meaner favorite. 22\n\n 18 (return) [ Experimentis cognitum est Barbaros malle Roma\n petere reges quam habere. These experiments are admirably\n represented in THE invitation and expulsion of Vonones, (Annal.\n ii. 1—3,) Tiridates, (Annal. vi. 32-44,) and Meherdates, (Annal.\n xi. 10, xii. 10-14.) The eye of Tacitus seems to have\n transpierced THE camp of THE Parthians and THE walls of THE\n harem.]\n\n 1811 (return) [ Concerning Nisibis, see St. Martin and his\n Armenian authorities, vol. x p. 332, and Memoires sur l’Armenie,\n tom. i. p. 25.—M.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Sergius and his companion Bacchus, who are said to\n have suffered in THE persecution of Maximian, obtained divine\n honor in France, Italy, Constantinople, and THE East. Their tomb\n at Rasaphe was famous for miracles, and that Syrian town acquired\n THE more honorable name of Sergiopolis. Tillemont, Mem. Eccles.\n tom. v. p. 481—496. Butler’s Saints, vol. x. p. 155.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Evagrius (l. vi. c. 21) and Theophylact (l. v. c.\n 13, 14) have preserved THE original letters of Chosroes, written\n in Greek, signed with his own hand, and afterwards inscribed on\n crosses and tables of gold, which were deposited in THE church of\n Sergiopolis. They had been sent to THE bishop of Antioch, as\n primate of Syria. * Note: St. Martin thinks that THEy were first\n written in Syriac, and THEn translated into THE bad Greek in\n which THEy appear, vol. x. p. 334.—M.]\n\n 21 (return) [ The Greeks only describe her as a Roman by birth, a\n Christian by religion: but she is represented as THE daughter of\n THE emperor Maurice in THE Persian and Turkish romances which\n celebrate THE love of Khosrou for Schirin, of Schirin for Ferhad,\n THE most beautiful youth of THE East, D’Herbelot, Biblioth.\n Orient. p. 789, 997, 998. * Note: Compare M. von Hammer’s preface\n to, and poem of, Schirin in which he gives an account of THE\n various Persian poems, of which he has endeavored to extract THE\n essence in his own work.—M.]\n\n 22 (return) [ The whole series of THE tyranny of Hormouz, THE\n revolt of Bahram, and THE flight and restoration of Chosroes, is\n related by two contemporary Greeks—more concisely by Evagrius,\n (l. vi. c. 16, 17, 18, 19,) and most diffusely by Theophylact\n Simocatta, (l. iii. c. 6—18, l. iv. c. 1—16, l. v. c. 1-15:)\n succeeding compilers, Zonaras and Cedrenus, can only transcribe\n and abridge. The Christian Arabs, Eutychius (Annal. tom. ii. p.\n 200—208) and Abulpharagius (Dynast. p. 96—98) appear to have\n consulted some particular memoirs. The great Persian historians\n of THE xvth century, Mirkhond and Khondemir, are only known to me\n by THE imperfect extracts of Schikard, (Tarikh, p. 150—155,)\n Texeira, or raTHEr Stevens, (Hist. of Persia, p. 182—186,) a\n Turkish Ms. translated by THE Abbe Fourmount, (Hist. de\n l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. vii. p. 325—334,) and\n D’Herbelot, (aux mots Hormouz, p. 457—459. Bahram, p. 174.\n Khosrou Parviz, p. 996.) Were I perfectly satisfied of THEir\n authority, I could wish THEse Oriental materials had been more\n copious.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLVI: Troubles In Persia.—Part II.\n\n\n While THE majesty of THE Roman name was revived in THE East, THE\n prospect of Europe is less pleasing and less glorious. By THE\n departure of THE Lombards, and THE ruin of THE Gepidae, THE\n balance of power was destroyed on THE Danube; and THE Avars\n spread THEir permanent dominion from THE foot of THE Alps to THE\n sea-coast of THE Euxine. The reign of Baian is THE brightest aera\n of THEir monarchy; THEir chagan, who occupied THE rustic palace\n of Attila, appears to have imitated his character and policy; 23\n but as THE same scenes were repeated in a smaller circle, a\n minute representation of THE copy would be devoid of THE\n greatness and novelty of THE original. The pride of THE second\n Justin, of Tiberius, and Maurice, was humbled by a proud\n Barbarian, more prompt to inflict, than exposed to suffer, THE\n injuries of war; and as often as Asia was threatened by THE\n Persian arms, Europe was oppressed by THE dangerous inroads, or\n costly friendship, of THE Avars. When THE Roman envoys approached\n THE presence of THE chagan, THEy were commanded to wait at THE\n door of his tent, till, at THE end perhaps of ten or twelve days,\n he condescended to admit THEm. If THE substance or THE style of\n THEir message was offensive to his ear, he insulted, with real or\n affected fury, THEir own dignity, and that of THEir prince; THEir\n baggage was plundered, and THEir lives were only saved by THE\n promise of a richer present and a more respectful address. But\n his sacred ambassadors enjoyed and abused an unbounded license in\n THE midst of Constantinople: THEy urged, with importunate\n clamors, THE increase of tribute, or THE restitution of captives\n and deserters: and THE majesty of THE empire was almost equally\n degraded by a base compliance, or by THE false and fearful\n excuses with which THEy eluded such insolent demands. The chagan\n had never seen an elephant; and his curiosity was excited by THE\n strange, and perhaps fabulous, portrait of that wonderful animal.\n At his command, one of THE largest elephants of THE Imperial\n stables was equipped with stately caparisons, and conducted by a\n numerous train to THE royal village in THE plains of Hungary. He\n surveyed THE enormous beast with surprise, with disgust, and\n possibly with terror; and smiled at THE vain industry of THE\n Romans, who, in search of such useless rarities, could explore\n THE limits of THE land and sea. He wished, at THE expense of THE\n emperor, to repose in a golden bed. The wealth of Constantinople,\n and THE skilful diligence of her artists, were instantly devoted\n to THE gratification of his caprice; but when THE work was\n finished, he rejected with scorn a present so unworthy THE\n majesty of a great king. 24 These were THE casual sallies of his\n pride; but THE avarice of THE chagan was a more steady and\n tractable passion: a rich and regular supply of silk apparel,\n furniture, and plate, introduced THE rudiments of art and luxury\n among THE tents of THE Scythians; THEir appetite was stimulated\n by THE pepper and cinnamon of India; 25 THE annual subsidy or\n tribute was raised from fourscore to one hundred and twenty\n thousand pieces of gold; and after each hostile interruption, THE\n payment of THE arrears, with exorbitant interest, was always made\n THE first condition of THE new treaty. In THE language of a\n Barbarian, without guile, THE prince of THE Avars affected to\n complain of THE insincerity of THE Greeks; 26 yet he was not\n inferior to THE most civilized nations in THE refinement of\n dissimulation and perfidy. As THE successor of THE Lombards, THE\n chagan asserted his claim to THE important city of Sirmium, THE\n ancient bulwark of THE Illyrian provinces. 27 The plains of THE\n Lower Hungary were covered with THE Avar horse and a fleet of\n large boats was built in THE Hercynian wood, to descend THE\n Danube, and to transport into THE Save THE materials of a bridge.\n But as THE strong garrison of Singidunum, which commanded THE\n conflux of THE two rivers, might have stopped THEir passage and\n baffled his designs, he dispelled THEir apprehensions by a solemn\n oath that his views were not hostile to THE empire. He swore by\n his sword, THE symbol of THE god of war, that he did not, as THE\n enemy of Rome, construct a bridge upon THE Save. “If I violate my\n oath,” pursued THE intrepid Baian, “may I myself, and THE last of\n my nation, perish by THE sword! May THE heavens, and fire, THE\n deity of THE heavens, fall upon our heads! May THE forests and\n mountains bury us in THEir ruins! and THE Save returning, against\n THE laws of nature, to his source, overwhelm us in his angry\n waters!” After this barbarous imprecation, he calmly inquired,\n what oath was most sacred and venerable among THE Christians,\n what guilt or perjury it was most dangerous to incur. The bishop\n of Singidunum presented THE gospel, which THE chagan received\n with devout reverence. “I swear,” said he, “by THE God who has\n spoken in this holy book, that I have neiTHEr falsehood on my\n tongue, nor treachery in my heart.” As soon as he rose from his\n knees, he accelerated THE labor of THE bridge, and despatched an\n envoy to proclaim what he no longer wished to conceal. “Inform\n THE emperor,” said THE perfidious Baian, “that Sirmium is\n invested on every side. Advise his prudence to withdraw THE\n citizens and THEir effects, and to resign a city which it is now\n impossible to relieve or defend.” Without THE hope of relief, THE\n defence of Sirmium was prolonged above three years: THE walls\n were still untouched; but famine was enclosed within THE walls,\n till a merciful capitulation allowed THE escape of THE naked and\n hungry inhabitants. Singidunum, at THE distance of fifty miles,\n experienced a more cruel fate: THE buildings were razed, and THE\n vanquished people was condemned to servitude and exile. Yet THE\n ruins of Sirmium are no longer visible; THE advantageous\n situation of Singidunum soon attracted a new colony of\n Sclavonians, and THE conflux of THE Save and Danube is still\n guarded by THE fortifications of Belgrade, or THE White City, so\n often and so obstinately disputed by THE Christian and Turkish\n arms. 28 From Belgrade to THE walls of Constantinople a line may\n be measured of six hundred miles: that line was marked with\n flames and with blood; THE horses of THE Avars were alternately\n baTHEd in THE Euxine and THE Adriatic; and THE Roman pontiff,\n alarmed by THE approach of a more savage enemy, 29 was reduced to\n cherish THE Lombards, as THE protectors of Italy. The despair of\n a captive, whom his country refused to ransom, disclosed to THE\n Avars THE invention and practice of military engines. 30 But in\n THE first attempts THEy were rudely framed, and awkwardly\n managed; and THE resistance of Diocletianopolis and Beraea, of\n Philippopolis and Adrianople, soon exhausted THE skill and\n patience of THE besiegers. The warfare of Baian was that of a\n Tartar; yet his mind was susceptible of a humane and generous\n sentiment: he spared Anchialus, whose salutary waters had\n restored THE health of THE best beloved of his wives; and THE\n Romans confessed, that THEir starving army was fed and dismissed\n by THE liberality of a foe. His empire extended over Hungary,\n Poland, and Prussia, from THE mouth of THE Danube to that of THE\n Oder; 31 and his new subjects were divided and transplanted by\n THE jealous policy of THE conqueror. 32 The eastern regions of\n Germany, which had been left vacant by THE emigration of THE\n Vandals, were replenished with Sclavonian colonists; THE same\n tribes are discovered in THE neighborhood of THE Adriatic and of\n THE Baltic, and with THE name of Baian himself, THE Illyrian\n cities of Neyss and Lissa are again found in THE heart of\n Silesia. In THE disposition both of his troops and provinces THE\n chagan exposed THE vassals, whose lives he disregarded, 33 to THE\n first assault; and THE swords of THE enemy were blunted before\n THEy encountered THE native valor of THE Avars.\n\n 23 (return) [ A general idea of THE pride and power of THE chagan\n may be taken from Menander (Excerpt. Legat. p. 118, &c.) and\n Theophylact, (l. i. c. 3, l. vii. c. 15,) whose eight books are\n much more honorable to THE Avar than to THE Roman prince. The\n predecessors of Baian had tasted THE liberality of Rome, and he\n survived THE reign of Maurice, (Buat, Hist. des Peuples Barbares,\n tom. xi. p. 545.) The chagan who invaded Italy, A.D. 611,\n (Muratori, Annali, tom. v. p. 305,) was THEn invenili aetate\n florentem, (Paul Warnefrid, de Gest. Langobard. l v c 38,) THE\n son, perhaps, or THE grandson, of Baian.]\n\n 24 (return) [ Theophylact, l. i. c. 5, 6.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Even in THE field, THE chagan delighted in THE use\n of THEse aromatics. He solicited, as a gift, and received.\n Theophylact, l. vii. c. 13. The Europeans of THE ruder ages\n consumed more spices in THEir meat and drink than is compatible\n with THE delicacy of a modern palate. Vie Privee des Francois,\n tom. ii. p. 162, 163.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Theophylact, l. vi. c. 6, l. vii. c. 15. The Greek\n historian confesses THE truth and justice of his reproach]\n\n 27 (return) [ Menander (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 126—132, 174, 175)\n describes THE perjury of Baian and THE surrender of Sirmium. We\n have lost his account of THE siege, which is commended by\n Theophylact, l. i. c. 3. * Note: Compare throughout Schlozer\n Nordische Geschichte, p. 362—373—M.]\n\n 28 (return) [ See D’Anville, in THE Memoires de l’Acad. des\n Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p. 412—443. The Sclavonic name of\n Belgrade is mentioned in THE xth century by Constantine\n Porphyrogenitus: THE Latin appellation of Alba Croeca is used by\n THE Franks in THE beginning of THE ixth, (p. 414.)]\n\n 29 (return) [ Baron. Annal. Eccles. A. B. 600, No. 1. Paul\n Warnefrid (l. iv. c. 38) relates THEir irruption into Friuli, and\n (c. 39) THE captivity of his ancestors, about A.D. 632. The\n Sclavi traversed THE Adriatic cum multitudine navium, and made a\n descent in THE territory of Sipontum, (c. 47.)]\n\n 30 (return) [ Even THE helepolis, or movable turret. Theophylact,\n l. ii. 16, 17.]\n\n 31 (return) [ The arms and alliances of THE chagan reached to THE\n neighborhood of a western sea, fifteen months’ journey from\n Constantinople. The emperor Maurice conversed with some itinerant\n harpers from that remote country, and only seems to have mistaken\n a trade for a nation Theophylact, l. vi. c. 2.]\n\n 32 (return) [ This is one of THE most probable and luminous\n conjectures of THE learned count de Buat, (Hist. des Peuples\n Barbares, tom. xi. p. 546—568.) The Tzechi and Serbi are found\n togeTHEr near Mount Caucasus, in Illyricum, and on THE lower\n Elbe. Even THE wildest traditions of THE Bohemians, &c., afford\n some color to his hypoTHEsis.]\n\n 33 (return) [ See Fredegarius, in THE Historians of France, tom.\n ii. p. 432. Baian did not conceal his proud insensibility.]\n\n\n The Persian alliance restored THE troops of THE East to THE\n defence of Europe: and Maurice, who had supported ten years THE\n insolence of THE chagan, declared his resolution to march in\n person against THE Barbarians. In THE space of two centuries,\n none of THE successors of Theodosius had appeared in THE field:\n THEir lives were supinely spent in THE palace of Constantinople;\n and THE Greeks could no longer understand, that THE name of\n emperor, in its primitive sense, denoted THE chief of THE armies\n of THE republic. The martial ardor of Maurice was opposed by THE\n grave flattery of THE senate, THE timid superstition of THE\n patriarch, and THE tears of THE empress Constantina; and THEy all\n conjured him to devolve on some meaner general THE fatigues and\n perils of a Scythian campaign. Deaf to THEir advice and entreaty,\n THE emperor boldly advanced 34 seven miles from THE capital; THE\n sacred ensign of THE cross was displayed in THE front; and\n Maurice reviewed, with conscious pride, THE arms and numbers of\n THE veterans who had fought and conquered beyond THE Tigris.\n Anchialus was THE last term of his progress by sea and land; he\n solicited, without success, a miraculous answer to his nocturnal\n prayers; his mind was confounded by THE death of a favorite\n horse, THE encounter of a wild boar, a storm of wind and rain,\n and THE birth of a monstrous child; and he forgot that THE best\n of omens is to unsheaTHE our sword in THE defence of our country.\n 35 Under THE pretence of receiving THE ambassadors of Persia, THE\n emperor returned to Constantinople, exchanged THE thoughts of war\n for those of devotion, and disappointed THE public hope by his\n absence and THE choice of his lieutenants. The blind partiality\n of fraternal love might excuse THE promotion of his broTHEr\n Peter, who fled with equal disgrace from THE Barbarians, from his\n own soldiers and from THE inhabitants of a Roman city. That city,\n if we may credit THE resemblance of name and character, was THE\n famous Azimuntium, 36 which had alone repelled THE tempest of\n Attila. The example of her warlike youth was propagated to\n succeeding generations; and THEy obtained, from THE first or THE\n second Justin, an honorable privilege, that THEir valor should be\n always reserved for THE defence of THEir native country. The\n broTHEr of Maurice attempted to violate this privilege, and to\n mingle a patriot band with THE mercenaries of his camp; THEy\n retired to THE church, he was not awed by THE sanctity of THE\n place; THE people rose in THEir cause, THE gates were shut, THE\n ramparts were manned; and THE cowardice of Peter was found equal\n to his arrogance and injustice. The military fame of Commentiolus\n 37 is THE object of satire or comedy raTHEr than of serious\n history, since he was even deficient in THE vile and vulgar\n qualification of personal courage. His solemn councils, strange\n evolutions, and secret orders, always supplied an apology for\n flight or delay. If he marched against THE enemy, THE pleasant\n valleys of Mount Haemus opposed an insuperable barrier; but in\n his retreat, he explored, with fearless curiosity, THE most\n difficult and obsolete paths, which had almost escaped THE memory\n of THE oldest native. The only blood which he lost was drawn, in\n a real or affected malady, by THE lancet of a surgeon; and his\n health, which felt with exquisite sensibility THE approach of THE\n Barbarians, was uniformly restored by THE repose and safety of\n THE winter season. A prince who could promote and support this\n unworthy favorite must derive no glory from THE accidental merit\n of his colleague Priscus. 38 In five successive battles, which\n seem to have been conducted with skill and resolution, seventeen\n thousand two hundred Barbarians were made prisoners: near sixty\n thousand, with four sons of THE chagan, were slain: THE Roman\n general surprised a peaceful district of THE Gepidae, who slept\n under THE protection of THE Avars; and his last trophies were\n erected on THE banks of THE Danube and THE Teyss. Since THE death\n of Trajan THE arms of THE empire had not penetrated so deeply\n into THE old Dacia: yet THE success of Priscus was transient and\n barren; and he was soon recalled by THE apprehension that Baian,\n with dauntless spirit and recruited forces, was preparing to\n avenge his defeat under THE walls of Constantinople. 39\n\n 34 (return) [ See THE march and return of Maurice, in\n Theophylact, l. v. c. 16 l. vi. c. 1, 2, 3. If he were a writer\n of taste or genius, we might suspect him of an elegant irony: but\n Theophylact is surely harmless.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Iliad, xii. 243. This noble verse, which unites THE\n spirit of a hero with THE reason of a sage, may prove that Homer\n was in every light superior to his age and country.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Theophylact, l. vii. c. 3. On THE evidence of this\n fact, which had not occurred to my memory, THE candid reader will\n correct and excuse a note in Chapter XXXIV., note 86 of this\n History, which hastens THE decay of Asimus, or Azimuntium;\n anoTHEr century of patriotism and valor is cheaply purchased by\n such a confession.]\n\n 37 (return) [ See THE shameful conduct of Commentiolus, in\n Theophylact, l. ii. c. 10—15, l. vii. c. 13, 14, l. viii. c. 2,\n 4.]\n\n 38 (return) [ See THE exploits of Priscus, l. viii. c. 23.]\n\n 39 (return) [ The general detail of THE war against THE Avars may\n be traced in THE first, second, sixth, seventh, and eighth books\n of THE history of THE emperor Maurice, by Theophylact Simocatta.\n As he wrote in THE reign of Heraclius, he had no temptation to\n flatter; but his want of judgment renders him diffuse in trifles,\n and concise in THE most interesting facts.]\n\n\n The THEory of war was not more familiar to THE camps of Caesar\n and Trajan, than to those of Justinian and Maurice. 40 The iron\n of Tuscany or Pontus still received THE keenest temper from THE\n skill of THE Byzantine workmen. The magazines were plentifully\n stored with every species of offensive and defensive arms. In THE\n construction and use of ships, engines, and fortifications, THE\n Barbarians admired THE superior ingenuity of a people whom THEy\n had so often vanquished in THE field. The science of tactics, THE\n order, evolutions, and stratagems of antiquity, was transcribed\n and studied in THE books of THE Greeks and Romans. But THE\n solitude or degeneracy of THE provinces could no longer supply a\n race of men to handle those weapons, to guard those walls, to\n navigate those ships, and to reduce THE THEory of war into bold\n and successful practice. The genius of Belisarius and Narses had\n been formed without a master, and expired without a disciple.\n NeiTHEr honor, nor patriotism, nor generous superstition, could\n animate THE lifeless bodies of slaves and strangers, who had\n succeeded to THE honors of THE legions: it was in THE camp alone\n that THE emperor should have exercised a despotic command; it was\n only in THE camps that his authority was disobeyed and insulted:\n he appeased and inflamed with gold THE licentiousness of THE\n troops; but THEir vices were inherent, THEir victories were\n accidental, and THEir costly maintenance exhausted THE substance\n of a state which THEy were unable to defend. After a long and\n pernicious indulgence, THE cure of this inveterate evil was\n undertaken by Maurice; but THE rash attempt, which drew\n destruction on his own head, tended only to aggravate THE\n disease. A reformer should be exempt from THE suspicion of\n interest, and he must possess THE confidence and esteem of those\n whom he proposes to reclaim. The troops of Maurice might listen\n to THE voice of a victorious leader; THEy disdained THE\n admonitions of statesmen and sophists; and, when THEy received an\n edict which deducted from THEir pay THE price of THEir arms and\n clothing, THEy execrated THE avarice of a prince insensible of\n THE dangers and fatigues from which he had escaped.\n\n\n The camps both of Asia and Europe were agitated with frequent and\n furious seditions; 41 THE enraged soldiers of Edessa pursued with\n reproaches, with threats, with wounds, THEir trembling generals;\n THEy overturned THE statues of THE emperor, cast stones against\n THE miraculous image of Christ, and eiTHEr rejected THE yoke of\n all civil and military laws, or instituted a dangerous model of\n voluntary subordination. The monarch, always distant and often\n deceived, was incapable of yielding or persisting, according to\n THE exigence of THE moment. But THE fear of a general revolt\n induced him too readily to accept any act of valor, or any\n expression of loyalty, as an atonement for THE popular offence;\n THE new reform was abolished as hastily as it had been announced,\n and THE troops, instead of punishment and restraint, were\n agreeably surprised by a gracious proclamation of immunities and\n rewards. But THE soldiers accepted without gratitude THE tardy\n and reluctant gifts of THE emperor: THEir insolence was elated by\n THE discovery of his weakness and THEir own strength; and THEir\n mutual hatred was inflamed beyond THE desire of forgiveness or\n THE hope of reconciliation. The historians of THE times adopt THE\n vulgar suspicion, that Maurice conspired to destroy THE troops\n whom he had labored to reform; THE misconduct and favor of\n Commentiolus are imputed to this malevolent design; and every age\n must condemn THE inhumanity of avarice 42 of a prince, who, by\n THE trifling ransom of six thousand pieces of gold, might have\n prevented THE massacre of twelve thousand prisoners in THE hands\n of THE chagan. In THE just fervor of indignation, an order was\n signified to THE army of THE Danube, that THEy should spare THE\n magazines of THE province, and establish THEir winter quarters in\n THE hostile country of THE Avars. The measure of THEir grievances\n was full: THEy pronounced Maurice unworthy to reign, expelled or\n slaughtered his faithful adherents, and, under THE command of\n Phocas, a simple centurion, returned by hasty marches to THE\n neighborhood of Constantinople. After a long series of legal\n succession, THE military disorders of THE third century were\n again revived; yet such was THE novelty of THE enterprise, that\n THE insurgents were awed by THEir own rashness. They hesitated to\n invest THEir favorite with THE vacant purple; and, while THEy\n rejected all treaty with Maurice himself, THEy held a friendly\n correspondence with his son Theodosius, and with Germanus, THE\n faTHEr-in-law of THE royal youth. So obscure had been THE former\n condition of Phocas, that THE emperor was ignorant of THE name\n and character of his rival; but as soon as he learned, that THE\n centurion, though bold in sedition, was timid in THE face of\n danger, “Alas!” cried THE desponding prince, “if he is a coward,\n he will surely be a murderer.”\n\n 40 (return) [ Maurice himself composed xii books on THE military\n art, which are still extant, and have been published (Upsal,\n 1664) by John Schaeffer, at THE end of THE Tactics of Arrian,\n (Fabricius, Bibliot Graeca, l. iv. c. 8, tom. iii. p. 278,) who\n promises to speak more fully of his work in its proper place.]\n\n 41 (return) [ See THE mutinies under THE reign of Maurice, in\n Theophylact l iii c. 1—4,.vi. c. 7, 8, 10, l. vii. c. 1 l. viii.\n c. 6, &c.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Theophylact and Theophanes seem ignorant of THE\n conspiracy and avarice of Maurice. These charges, so unfavorable\n to THE memory of that emperor, are first mentioned by THE author\n of THE Paschal Chronicle, (p. 379, 280;) from whence Zonaras\n (tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 77, 78) has transcribed THEm. Cedrenus (p.\n 399) has followed anoTHEr computation of THE ransom.]\n\n\n Yet if Constantinople had been firm and faithful, THE murderer\n might have spent his fury against THE walls; and THE rebel army\n would have been gradually consumed or reconciled by THE prudence\n of THE emperor. In THE games of THE Circus, which he repeated\n with unusual pomp, Maurice disguised, with smiles of confidence,\n THE anxiety of his heart, condescended to solicit THE applause of\n THE factions, and flattered THEir pride by accepting from THEir\n respective tribunes a list of nine hundred blues and fifteen\n hundred greens, whom he affected to esteem as THE solid pillars\n of his throne Their treacherous or languid support betrayed his\n weakness and hastened his fall: THE green faction were THE secret\n accomplices of THE rebels, and THE blues recommended lenity and\n moderation in a contest with THEir Roman brethren. The rigid and\n parsimonious virtues of Maurice had long since alienated THE\n hearts of his subjects: as he walked barefoot in a religious\n procession, he was rudely assaulted with stones, and his guards\n were compelled to present THEir iron maces in THE defence of his\n person. A fanatic monk ran through THE streets with a drawn\n sword, denouncing against him THE wrath and THE sentence of God;\n and a vile plebeian, who represented his countenance and apparel,\n was seated on an ass, and pursued by THE imprecations of THE\n multitude. 43 The emperor suspected THE popularity of Germanus\n with THE soldiers and citizens: he feared, he threatened, but he\n delayed to strike; THE patrician fled to THE sanctuary of THE\n church; THE people rose in his defence, THE walls were deserted\n by THE guards, and THE lawless city was abandoned to THE flames\n and rapine of a nocturnal tumult. In a small bark, THE\n unfortunate Maurice, with his wife and nine children, escaped to\n THE Asiatic shore; but THE violence of THE wind compelled him to\n land at THE church of St. Autonomus, 44 near Chalcedon, from\n whence he despatched Theodosius, he eldest son, to implore THE\n gratitude and friendship of THE Persian monarch. For himself, he\n refused to fly: his body was tortured with sciatic pains, 45 his\n mind was enfeebled by superstition; he patiently awaited THE\n event of THE revolution, and addressed a fervent and public\n prayer to THE Almighty, that THE punishment of his sins might be\n inflicted in this world raTHEr than in a future life. After THE\n abdication of Maurice, THE two factions disputed THE choice of an\n emperor; but THE favorite of THE blues was rejected by THE\n jealousy of THEir antagonists, and Germanus himself was hurried\n along by THE crowds who rushed to THE palace of Hebdomon, seven\n miles from THE city, to adore THE majesty of Phocas THE\n centurion. A modest wish of resigning THE purple to THE rank and\n merit of Germanus was opposed by his resolution, more obstinate\n and equally sincere; THE senate and clergy obeyed his summons;\n and, as soon as THE patriarch was assured of his orthodox belief,\n he consecrated THE successful usurper in THE church of St. John\n THE Baptist. On THE third day, amidst THE acclamations of a\n thoughtless people, Phocas made his public entry in a chariot\n drawn by four white horses: THE revolt of THE troops was rewarded\n by a lavish donative; and THE new sovereign, after visiting THE\n palace, beheld from his throne THE games of THE hippodrome. In a\n dispute of precedency between THE two factions, his partial\n judgment inclined in favor of THE greens. “Remember that Maurice\n is still alive,” resounded from THE opposite side; and THE\n indiscreet clamor of THE blues admonished and stimulated THE\n cruelty of THE tyrant. The ministers of death were despatched to\n Chalcedon: THEy dragged THE emperor from his sanctuary; and THE\n five sons of Maurice were successively murdered before THE eyes\n of THEir agonizing parent. At each stroke, which he felt in his\n heart, he found strength to rehearse a pious ejaculation: “Thou\n art just, O Lord! and thy judgments are righteous.” And such, in\n THE last moments, was his rigid attachment to truth and justice,\n that he revealed to THE soldiers THE pious falsehood of a nurse\n who presented her own child in THE place of a royal infant. 46\n The tragic scene was finally closed by THE execution of THE\n emperor himself, in THE twentieth year of his reign, and THE\n sixty-third of his age. The bodies of THE faTHEr and his five\n sons were cast into THE sea; THEir heads were exposed at\n Constantinople to THE insults or pity of THE multitude; and it\n was not till some signs of putrefaction had appeared, that Phocas\n connived at THE private burial of THEse venerable remains. In\n that grave, THE faults and errors of Maurice were kindly\n interred. His fate alone was remembered; and at THE end of twenty\n years, in THE recital of THE history of Theophylact, THE mournful\n tale was interrupted by THE tears of THE audience. 47\n\n 43 (return) [ In THEir clamors against Maurice, THE people of\n Constantinople branded him with THE name of Marcionite or\n Marcionist; a heresy (says Theophylact, l. viii. c. 9). Did THEy\n only cast out a vague reproach—or had THE emperor really listened\n to some obscure teacher of those ancient Gnostics?]\n\n 44 (return) [ The church of St. Autonomous (whom I have not THE\n honor to know) was 150 stadia from Constantinople, (Theophylact,\n l. viii. c. 9.) The port of Eutropius, where Maurice and his\n children were murdered, is described by Gyllius (de Bosphoro\n Thracio, l. iii. c. xi.) as one of THE two harbors of Chalcedon.]\n\n 45 (return) [ The inhabitants of Constantinople were generally\n subject; and Theophylact insinuates, (l. viii. c. 9,) that if it\n were consistent with THE rules of history, he could assign THE\n medical cause. Yet such a digression would not have been more\n impertinent than his inquiry (l. vii. c. 16, 17) into THE annual\n inundations of THE Nile, and all THE opinions of THE Greek\n philosophers on that subject.]\n\n 46 (return) [ From this generous attempt, Corneille has deduced\n THE intricate web of his tragedy of Heraclius, which requires\n more than one representation to be clearly understood, (Corneille\n de Voltaire, tom. v. p. 300;) and which, after an interval of\n some years, is said to have puzzled THE author himself,\n (Anecdotes Dramatiques, tom. i. p. 422.)]\n\n 47 (return) [ The revolt of Phocas and death of Maurice are told\n by Theophylact Simocatta, (l. viii. c. 7—12,) THE Paschal\n Chronicle, (p. 379, 380,) Theophanes, (Chronograph. p. 238-244,)\n Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 77—80,) and Cedrenus, (p.\n 399—404.)]\n\n\n Such tears must have flowed in secret, and such compassion would\n have been criminal, under THE reign of Phocas, who was peaceably\n acknowledged in THE provinces of THE East and West. The images of\n THE emperor and his wife Leontia were exposed in THE Lateran to\n THE veneration of THE clergy and senate of Rome, and afterwards\n deposited in THE palace of THE Caesars, between those of\n Constantine and Theodosius. As a subject and a Christian, it was\n THE duty of Gregory to acquiesce in THE established government;\n but THE joyful applause with which he salutes THE fortune of THE\n assassin, has sullied, with indelible disgrace, THE character of\n THE saint. The successor of THE apostles might have inculcated\n with decent firmness THE guilt of blood, and THE necessity of\n repentance; he is content to celebrate THE deliverance of THE\n people and THE fall of THE oppressor; to rejoice that THE piety\n and benignity of Phocas have been raised by Providence to THE\n Imperial throne; to pray that his hands may be strengTHEned\n against all his enemies; and to express a wish, perhaps a\n prophecy, that, after a long and triumphant reign, he may be\n transferred from a temporal to an everlasting kingdom. 48 I have\n already traced THE steps of a revolution so pleasing, in\n Gregory’s opinion, both to heaven and earth; and Phocas does not\n appear less hateful in THE exercise than in THE acquisition of\n power. The pencil of an impartial historian has delineated THE\n portrait of a monster: 49 his diminutive and deformed person, THE\n closeness of his shaggy eyebrows, his red hair, his beardless\n chin, and his cheek disfigured and discolored by a formidable\n scar. Ignorant of letters, of laws, and even of arms, he indulged\n in THE supreme rank a more ample privilege of lust and\n drunkenness; and his brutal pleasures were eiTHEr injurious to\n his subjects or disgraceful to himself. Without assuming THE\n office of a prince, he renounced THE profession of a soldier; and\n THE reign of Phocas afflicted Europe with ignominious peace, and\n Asia with desolating war. His savage temper was inflamed by\n passion, hardened by fear, and exasperated by resistance or\n reproach. The flight of Theodosius to THE Persian court had been\n intercepted by a rapid pursuit, or a deceitful message: he was\n beheaded at Nice, and THE last hours of THE young prince were\n sooTHEd by THE comforts of religion and THE consciousness of\n innocence. Yet his phantom disturbed THE repose of THE usurper: a\n whisper was circulated through THE East, that THE son of Maurice\n was still alive: THE people expected THEir avenger, and THE widow\n and daughters of THE late emperor would have adopted as THEir son\n and broTHEr THE vilest of mankind. In THE massacre of THE\n Imperial family, 50 THE mercy, or raTHEr THE discretion, of\n Phocas had spared THEse unhappy females, and THEy were decently\n confined to a private house. But THE spirit of THE empress\n Constantina, still mindful of her faTHEr, her husband, and her\n sons, aspired to freedom and revenge. At THE dead of night, she\n escaped to THE sanctuary of St. Sophia; but her tears, and THE\n gold of her associate Germanus, were insufficient to provoke an\n insurrection. Her life was forfeited to revenge, and even to\n justice: but THE patriarch obtained and pledged an oath for her\n safety: a monastery was allotted for her prison, and THE widow of\n Maurice accepted and abused THE lenity of his assassin. The\n discovery or THE suspicion of a second conspiracy, dissolved THE\n engagements, and rekindled THE fury, of Phocas. A matron who\n commanded THE respect and pity of mankind, THE daughter, wife,\n and moTHEr of emperors, was tortured like THE vilest malefactor,\n to force a confession of her designs and associates; and THE\n empress Constantina, with her three innocent daughters, was\n beheaded at Chalcedon, on THE same ground which had been stained\n with THE blood of her husband and five sons. After such an\n example, it would be superfluous to enumerate THE names and\n sufferings of meaner victims. Their condemnation was seldom\n preceded by THE forms of trial, and THEir punishment was\n embittered by THE refinements of cruelty: THEir eyes were\n pierced, THEir tongues were torn from THE root, THE hands and\n feet were amputated; some expired under THE lash, oTHErs in THE\n flames; oTHErs again were transfixed with arrows; and a simple\n speedy death was mercy which THEy could rarely obtain. The\n hippodrome, THE sacred asylum of THE pleasures and THE liberty of\n THE Romans, was polluted with heads and limbs, and mangled\n bodies; and THE companions of Phocas were THE most sensible, that\n neiTHEr his favor, nor THEir services, could protect THEm from a\n tyrant, THE worthy rival of THE Caligulas and Domitians of THE\n first age of THE empire. 51\n\n 48 (return) [ Gregor. l. xi. epist. 38, indict. vi. Benignitatem\n vestrae pietatis ad Imperiale fastigium pervenisse gaudemus.\n Laetentur coeli et exultet terra, et de vestris benignis actibus\n universae republicae populus nunc usque vehementer afflictus\n hilarescat, &c. This base flattery, THE topic of Protestant\n invective, is justly censured by THE philosopher Bayle,\n (Dictionnaire Critique, Gregoire I. Not. H. tom. ii. p. 597 598.)\n Cardinal Baronius justifies THE pope at THE expense of THE fallen\n emperor.]\n\n 49 (return) [ The images of Phocas were destroyed; but even THE\n malice of his enemies would suffer one copy of such a portrait or\n caricature (Cedrenus, p. 404) to escape THE flames.]\n\n 50 (return) [ The family of Maurice is represented by Ducange,\n (Familiae By zantinae, p. 106, 107, 108;) his eldest son\n Theodosius had been crowned emperor, when he was no more than\n four years and a half old, and he is always joined with his\n faTHEr in THE salutations of Gregory. With THE Christian\n daughters, Anastasia and Theocteste, I am surprised to find THE\n Pagan name of Cleopatra.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Some of THE cruelties of Phocas are marked by\n Theophylact, l. viii. c. 13, 14, 15. George of Pisidia, THE poet\n of Heraclius, styles him (Bell. Avaricum, p. 46, Rome, 1777). The\n latter epiTHEt is just—but THE corrupter of life was easily\n vanquished.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLVI: Troubles In Persia.—Part III.\n\n\n A daughter of Phocas, his only child, was given in marriage to\n THE patrician Crispus, 52 and THE royal images of THE bride and\n bridegroom were indiscreetly placed in THE circus, by THE side of\n THE emperor. The faTHEr must desire that his posterity should\n inherit THE fruit of his crimes, but THE monarch was offended by\n this premature and popular association: THE tribunes of THE green\n faction, who accused THE officious error of THEir sculptors, were\n condemned to instant death: THEir lives were granted to THE\n prayers of THE people; but Crispus might reasonably doubt,\n wheTHEr a jealous usurper could forget and pardon his involuntary\n competition. The green faction was alienated by THE ingratitude\n of Phocas and THE loss of THEir privileges; every province of THE\n empire was ripe for rebellion; and Heraclius, exarch of Africa,\n persisted above two years in refusing all tribute and obedience\n to THE centurion who disgraced THE throne of Constantinople. By\n THE secret emissaries of Crispus and THE senate, THE independent\n exarch was solicited to save and to govern his country; but his\n ambition was chilled by age, and he resigned THE dangerous\n enterprise to his son Heraclius, and to Nicetas, THE son of\n Gregory, his friend and lieutenant. The powers of Africa were\n armed by THE two adventurous youths; THEy agreed that THE one\n should navigate THE fleet from Carthage to Constantinople, that\n THE oTHEr should lead an army through Egypt and Asia, and that\n THE Imperial purple should be THE reward of diligence and\n success. A faint rumor of THEir undertaking was conveyed to THE\n ears of Phocas, and THE wife and moTHEr of THE younger Heraclius\n were secured as THE hostages of his faith: but THE treacherous\n heart of Crispus extenuated THE distant peril, THE means of\n defence were neglected or delayed, and THE tyrant supinely slept\n till THE African navy cast anchor in THE Hellespont. Their\n standard was joined at Abidus by THE fugitives and exiles who\n thirsted for revenge; THE ships of Heraclius, whose lofty masts\n were adorned with THE holy symbols of religion, 53 steered THEir\n triumphant course through THE Propontis; and Phocas beheld from\n THE windows of THE palace his approaching and inevitable fate.\n The green faction was tempted, by gifts and promises, to oppose a\n feeble and fruitless resistance to THE landing of THE Africans:\n but THE people, and even THE guards, were determined by THE\n well-timed defection of Crispus; and THE tyrant was seized by a\n private enemy, who boldly invaded THE solitude of THE palace.\n Stripped of THE diadem and purple, cloTHEd in a vile habit, and\n loaded with chains, he was transported in a small boat to THE\n Imperial galley of Heraclius, who reproached him with THE crimes\n of his abominable reign. “Wilt thou govern better?” were THE last\n words of THE despair of Phocas. After suffering each variety of\n insult and torture, his head was severed from his body, THE\n mangled trunk was cast into THE flames, and THE same treatment\n was inflicted on THE statues of THE vain usurper, and THE\n seditious banner of THE green faction. The voice of THE clergy,\n THE senate, and THE people, invited Heraclius to ascend THE\n throne which he had purified from guilt and ignominy; after some\n graceful hesitation, he yielded to THEir entreaties. His\n coronation was accompanied by that of his wife Eudoxia; and THEir\n posterity, till THE fourth generation, continued to reign over\n THE empire of THE East. The voyage of Heraclius had been easy and\n prosperous; THE tedious march of Nicetas was not accomplished\n before THE decision of THE contest: but he submitted without a\n murmur to THE fortune of his friend, and his laudable intentions\n were rewarded with an equestrian statue, and a daughter of THE\n emperor. It was more difficult to trust THE fidelity of Crispus,\n whose recent services were recompensed by THE command of THE\n Cappadocian army. His arrogance soon provoked, and seemed to\n excuse, THE ingratitude of his new sovereign. In THE presence of\n THE senate, THE son-in-law of Phocas was condemned to embrace THE\n monastic life; and THE sentence was justified by THE weighty\n observation of Heraclius, that THE man who had betrayed his\n faTHEr could never be faithful to his friend. 54\n\n 52 (return) [ In THE writers, and in THE copies of those writers,\n THEre is such hesitation between THE names of Priscus and\n Crispus, (Ducange, Fam Byzant. p. 111,) that I have been tempted\n to identify THE son-in-law of Phocas with THE hero five times\n victorious over THE Avars.]\n\n 53 (return) [ According to Theophanes. Cedrenus adds, which\n Heraclius bore as a banner in THE first Persian expedition. See\n George Pisid. Acroas L 140. The manufacture seems to have\n flourished; but Foggini, THE Roman editor, (p. 26,) is at a loss\n to determine wheTHEr this picture was an original or a copy.]\n\n 54 (return) [ See THE tyranny of Phocas and THE elevation of\n Heraclius, in Chron. Paschal. p. 380—383. Theophanes, p. 242-250.\n Nicephorus, p. 3—7. Cedrenus, p. 404—407. Zonaras, tom. ii. l.\n xiv. p. 80—82.]\n\n\n Even after his death THE republic was afflicted by THE crimes of\n Phocas, which armed with a pious cause THE most formidable of her\n enemies. According to THE friendly and equal forms of THE\n Byzantine and Persian courts, he announced his exaltation to THE\n throne; and his ambassador Lilius, who had presented him with THE\n heads of Maurice and his sons, was THE best qualified to describe\n THE circumstances of THE tragic scene. 55 However it might be\n varnished by fiction or sophistry, Chosroes turned with horror\n from THE assassin, imprisoned THE pretended envoy, disclaimed THE\n usurper, and declared himself THE avenger of his faTHEr and\n benefactor. The sentiments of grief and resentment, which\n humanity would feel, and honor would dictate, promoted on this\n occasion THE interest of THE Persian king; and his interest was\n powerfully magnified by THE national and religious prejudices of\n THE Magi and satraps. In a strain of artful adulation, which\n assumed THE language of freedom, THEy presumed to censure THE\n excess of his gratitude and friendship for THE Greeks; a nation\n with whom it was dangerous to conclude eiTHEr peace or alliance;\n whose superstition was devoid of truth and justice, and who must\n be incapable of any virtue, since THEy could perpetrate THE most\n atrocious of crimes, THE impious murder of THEir sovereign. 56\n For THE crime of an ambitious centurion, THE nation which he\n oppressed was chastised with THE calamities of war; and THE same\n calamities, at THE end of twenty years, were retaliated and\n redoubled on THE heads of THE Persians. 57 The general who had\n restored Chosroes to THE throne still commanded in THE East; and\n THE name of Narses was THE formidable sound with which THE\n Assyrian moTHErs were accustomed to terrify THEir infants. It is\n not improbable, that a native subject of Persia should encourage\n his master and his friend to deliver and possess THE provinces of\n Asia. It is still more probable, that Chosroes should animate his\n troops by THE assurance that THE sword which THEy dreaded THE\n most would remain in its scabbard, or be drawn in THEir favor.\n The hero could not depend on THE faith of a tyrant; and THE\n tyrant was conscious how little he deserved THE obedience of a\n hero. Narses was removed from his military command; he reared an\n independent standard at Hierapolis, in Syria: he was betrayed by\n fallacious promises, and burnt alive in THE market-place of\n Constantinople. Deprived of THE only chief whom THEy could fear\n or esteem, THE bands which he had led to victory were twice\n broken by THE cavalry, trampled by THE elephants, and pierced by\n THE arrows of THE Barbarians; and a great number of THE captives\n were beheaded on THE field of battle by THE sentence of THE\n victor, who might justly condemn THEse seditious mercenaries as\n THE authors or accomplices of THE death of Maurice. Under THE\n reign of Phocas, THE fortifications of Merdin, Dara, Amida, and\n Edessa, were successively besieged, reduced, and destroyed, by\n THE Persian monarch: he passed THE Euphrates, occupied THE Syrian\n cities, Hierapolis, Chalcis, and Berrhaea or Aleppo, and soon\n encompassed THE walls of Antioch with his irresistible arms. The\n rapid tide of success discloses THE decay of THE empire, THE\n incapacity of Phocas, and THE disaffection of his subjects; and\n Chosroes provided a decent apology for THEir submission or\n revolt, by an impostor, who attended his camp as THE son of\n Maurice 58 and THE lawful heir of THE monarchy.\n\n 55 (return) [ Theophylact, l. viii. c. 15. The life of Maurice\n was composed about THE year 628 (l. viii. c. 13) by Theophylact\n Simocatta, ex-præfect, a native of Egypt. Photius, who gives an\n ample extract of THE work, (cod. lxv. p. 81—100,) gently reproves\n THE affectation and allegory of THE style. His preface is a\n dialogue between Philosophy and History; THEy seat THEmselves\n under a plane-tree, and THE latter touches her lyre.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Christianis nec pactum esse, nec fidem nec foedus\n ..... quod si ulla illis fides fuisset, regem suum non\n occidissent. Eutych. Annales tom. ii. p. 211, vers. Pocock.]\n\n 57 (return) [ We must now, for some ages, take our leave of\n contemporary historians, and descend, if it be a descent, from\n THE affectation of rhetoric to THE rude simplicity of chronicles\n and abridgments. Those of Theophanes (Chronograph. p. 244—279)\n and Nicephorus (p. 3—16) supply a regular, but imperfect, series\n of THE Persian war; and for any additional facts I quote my\n special authorities. Theophanes, a courtier who became a monk,\n was born A.D. 748; Nicephorus patriarch of Constantinople, who\n died A.D. 829, was somewhat younger: THEy both suffered in THE\n cause of images Hankius, de Scriptoribus Byzantinis, p. 200-246.]\n\n 58 (return) [ The Persian historians have been THEmselves\n deceived: but Theophanes (p. 244) accuses Chosroes of THE fraud\n and falsehood; and Eutychius believes (Annal. tom. ii. p. 212)\n that THE son of Maurice, who was saved from THE assassins, lived\n and died a monk on Mount Sinai.]\n\n\n The first intelligence from THE East which Heraclius received, 59\n was that of THE loss of Antioch; but THE aged metropolis, so\n often overturned by earthquakes, and pillaged by THE enemy, could\n supply but a small and languid stream of treasure and blood. The\n Persians were equally successful, and more fortunate, in THE sack\n of Caesarea, THE capital of Cappadocia; and as THEy advanced\n beyond THE ramparts of THE frontier, THE boundary of ancient war,\n THEy found a less obstinate resistance and a more plentiful\n harvest. The pleasant vale of Damascus has been adorned in every\n age with a royal city: her obscure felicity has hiTHErto escaped\n THE historian of THE Roman empire: but Chosroes reposed his\n troops in THE paradise of Damascus before he ascended THE hills\n of Libanus, or invaded THE cities of THE Phœnician coast. The\n conquest of Jerusalem, 60 which had been meditated by Nushirvan,\n was achieved by THE zeal and avarice of his grandson; THE ruin of\n THE proudest monument of Christianity was vehemently urged by THE\n intolerant spirit of THE Magi; and he could enlist for this holy\n warfare with an army of six-and-twenty thousand Jews, whose\n furious bigotry might compensate, in some degree, for THE want of\n valor and discipline. 6011 After THE reduction of Galilee, and\n THE region beyond THE Jordan, whose resistance appears to have\n delayed THE fate of THE capital, Jerusalem itself was taken by\n assault. The sepulchre of Christ, and THE stately churches of\n Helena and Constantine, were consumed, or at least damaged, by\n THE flames; THE devout offerings of three hundred years were\n rifled in one sacrilegious day; THE Patriarch Zachariah, and THE\n true cross, were transported into Persia; and THE massacre of\n ninety thousand Christians is imputed to THE Jews and Arabs, who\n swelled THE disorder of THE Persian march. The fugitives of\n Palestine were entertained at Alexandria by THE charity of John\n THE Archbishop, who is distinguished among a crowd of saints by\n THE epiTHEt of almsgiver: 61 and THE revenues of THE church, with\n a treasure of three hundred thousand pounds, were restored to THE\n true proprietors, THE poor of every country and every\n denomination. But Egypt itself, THE only province which had been\n exempt, since THE time of Diocletian, from foreign and domestic\n war, was again subdued by THE successors of Cyrus. Pelusium, THE\n key of that impervious country, was surprised by THE cavalry of\n THE Persians: THEy passed, with impunity, THE innumerable\n channels of THE Delta, and explored THE long valley of THE Nile,\n from THE pyramids of Memphis to THE confines of Aethiopia.\n Alexandria might have been relieved by a naval force, but THE\n archbishop and THE præfect embarked for Cyprus; and Chosroes\n entered THE second city of THE empire, which still preserved a\n wealthy remnant of industry and commerce. His western trophy was\n erected, not on THE walls of Carthage, 62 but in THE neighborhood\n of Tripoli; THE Greek colonies of Cyrene were finally extirpated;\n and THE conqueror, treading in THE footsteps of Alexander,\n returned in triumph through THE sands of THE Libyan desert. In\n THE same campaign, anoTHEr army advanced from THE Euphrates to\n THE Thracian Bosphorus; Chalcedon surrendered after a long siege,\n and a Persian camp was maintained above ten years in THE presence\n of Constantinople. The sea-coast of Pontus, THE city of Ancyra,\n and THE Isle of Rhodes, are enumerated among THE last conquests\n of THE great king; and if Chosroes had possessed any maritime\n power, his boundless ambition would have spread slavery and\n desolation over THE provinces of Europe.\n\n 59 (return) [ Eutychius dates all THE losses of THE empire under\n THE reign of Phocas; an error which saves THE honor of Heraclius,\n whom he brings not from Carthage, but Salonica, with a fleet\n laden with vegetables for THE relief of Constantinople, (Annal.\n tom. ii. p. 223, 224.) The oTHEr Christians of THE East,\n Barhebraeus, (apud Asseman, BiblioTHEc. Oriental. tom. iii. p.\n 412, 413,) Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 13—16,) Abulpharagius,\n (Dynast. p. 98, 99,) are more sincere and accurate. The years of\n THE Persian war are disposed in THE chronology of Pagi.]\n\n 60 (return) [ On THE conquest of Jerusalem, an event so\n interesting to THE church, see THE Annals of Eutychius, (tom. ii.\n p. 212—223,) and THE lamentations of THE monk Antiochus, (apud\n Baronium, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 614, No. 16—26,) whose one hundred\n and twenty-nine homilies are still extant, if what no one reads\n may be said to be extant.]\n\n 6011 (return) [ See Hist. of Jews, vol. iii. p. 240.—M.]\n\n 61 (return) [ The life of this worthy saint is composed by\n Leontius, a contemporary bishop; and I find in Baronius (Annal.\n Eccles. A.D. 610, No. 10, &c.) and Fleury (tom. viii. p. 235-242)\n sufficient extracts of this edifying work.]\n\n 62 (return) [ The error of Baronius, and many oTHErs who have\n carried THE arms of Chosroes to Carthage instead of Chalcedon, is\n founded on THE near resemblance of THE Greek words, in THE text\n of Theophanes, &c., which have been sometimes confounded by\n transcribers, and sometimes by critics.]\n\n\n From THE long-disputed banks of THE Tigris and Euphrates, THE\n reign of THE grandson of Nushirvan was suddenly extended to THE\n Hellespont and THE Nile, THE ancient limits of THE Persian\n monarchy. But THE provinces, which had been fashioned by THE\n habits of six hundred years to THE virtues and vices of THE Roman\n government, supported with reluctance THE yoke of THE Barbarians.\n The idea of a republic was kept alive by THE institutions, or at\n least by THE writings, of THE Greeks and Romans, and THE subjects\n of Heraclius had been educated to pronounce THE words of liberty\n and law. But it has always been THE pride and policy of Oriental\n princes to display THE titles and attributes of THEir\n omnipotence; to upbraid a nation of slaves with THEir true name\n and abject condition, and to enforce, by cruel and insolent\n threats, THE rigor of THEir absolute commands. The Christians of\n THE East were scandalized by THE worship of fire, and THE impious\n doctrine of THE two principles: THE Magi were not less intolerant\n than THE bishops; and THE martyrdom of some native Persians, who\n had deserted THE religion of Zoroaster, 63 was conceived to be\n THE prelude of a fierce and general persecution. By THE\n oppressive laws of Justinian, THE adversaries of THE church were\n made THE enemies of THE state; THE alliance of THE Jews,\n Nestorians, and Jacobites, had contributed to THE success of\n Chosroes, and his partial favor to THE sectaries provoked THE\n hatred and fears of THE Catholic clergy. Conscious of THEir fear\n and hatred, THE Persian conqueror governed his new subjects with\n an iron sceptre; and, as if he suspected THE stability of his\n dominion, he exhausted THEir wealth by exorbitant tributes and\n licentious rapine despoiled or demolished THE temples of THE\n East; and transported to his hereditary realms THE gold, THE\n silver, THE precious marbles, THE arts, and THE artists of THE\n Asiatic cities. In THE obscure picture of THE calamities of THE\n empire, 64 it is not easy to discern THE figure of Chosroes\n himself, to separate his actions from those of his lieutenants,\n or to ascertain his personal merit in THE general blaze of glory\n and magnificence. He enjoyed with ostentation THE fruits of\n victory, and frequently retired from THE hardships of war to THE\n luxury of THE palace. But in THE space of twenty-four years, he\n was deterred by superstition or resentment from approaching THE\n gates of Ctesiphon: and his favorite residence of Artemita, or\n Dastagerd, was situate beyond THE Tigris, about sixty miles to\n THE north of THE capital. 65 The adjacent pastures were covered\n with flocks and herds: THE paradise or park was replenished with\n pheasants, peacocks, ostriches, roebucks, and wild boars, and THE\n noble game of lions and tigers was sometimes turned loose for THE\n bolder pleasures of THE chase. Nine hundred and sixty elephants\n were maintained for THE use or splendor of THE great king: his\n tents and baggage were carried into THE field by twelve thousand\n great camels and eight thousand of a smaller size; 66 and THE\n royal stables were filled with six thousand mules and horses,\n among whom THE names of Shebdiz and Barid are renowned for THEir\n speed or beauty. 6611 Six thousand guards successively mounted\n before THE palace gate; THE service of THE interior apartments\n was performed by twelve thousand slaves, and in THE number of\n three thousand virgins, THE fairest of Asia, some happy concubine\n might console her master for THE age or THE indifference of Sira.\n\n\n The various treasures of gold, silver, gems, silks, and\n aromatics, were deposited in a hundred subterraneous vaults and\n THE chamber Badaverd denoted THE accidental gift of THE winds\n which had wafted THE spoils of Heraclius into one of THE Syrian\n harbors of his rival. The vice of flattery, and perhaps of\n fiction, is not ashamed to compute THE thirty thousand rich\n hangings that adorned THE walls; THE forty thousand columns of\n silver, or more probably of marble, and plated wood, that\n supported THE roof; and THE thousand globes of gold suspended in\n THE dome, to imitate THE motions of THE planets and THE\n constellations of THE zodiac. 67 While THE Persian monarch\n contemplated THE wonders of his art and power, he received an\n epistle from an obscure citizen of Mecca, inviting him to\n acknowledge Mahomet as THE apostle of God. He rejected THE\n invitation, and tore THE epistle. “It is thus,” exclaimed THE\n Arabian prophet, “that God will tear THE kingdom, and reject THE\n supplications of Chosroes.” 68 6811 Placed on THE verge of THE\n two great empires of THE East, Mahomet observed with secret joy\n THE progress of THEir mutual destruction; and in THE midst of THE\n Persian triumphs, he ventured to foretell, that before many years\n should elapse, victory should again return to THE banners of THE\n Romans. 69\n\n 63 (return) [ The genuine acts of St. Anastasius are published in\n those of THE with general council, from whence Baronius (Annal.\n Eccles. A.D. 614, 626, 627) and Butler (Lives of THE Saints, vol.\n i. p. 242—248) have taken THEir accounts. The holy martyr\n deserted from THE Persian to THE Roman army, became a monk at\n Jerusalem, and insulted THE worship of THE Magi, which was THEn\n established at Caesarea in Palestine.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Abulpharagius, Dynast. p. 99. Elmacin, Hist.\n Saracen. p. 14.]\n\n 65 (return) [ D’Anville, Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions,\n tom. xxxii. p. 568—571.]\n\n 66 (return) [ The difference between THE two races consists in\n one or two humps; THE dromedary has only one; THE size of THE\n proper camel is larger; THE country he comes from, Turkistan or\n Bactriana; THE dromedary is confined to Arabia and Africa.\n Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, tom. xi. p. 211, &c. Aristot. Hist.\n Animal. tom. i. l. ii. c. 1, tom. ii. p. 185.]\n\n 6611 (return) [ The ruins of THEse scenes of Khoosroo’s\n magnificence have been visited by Sir R. K. Porter. At THE ruins\n of Tokht i Bostan, he saw a gorgeous picture of a hunt,\n singularly illustrative of this passage. Travels, vol. ii. p.\n 204. Kisra Shirene, which he afterwards examined, appears to have\n been THE palace of Dastagerd. Vol. ii. p. 173—175.—M.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Theophanes, Chronograph. p. 268. D’Herbelot,\n BiblioTHEque Orientale, p. 997. The Greeks describe THE decay,\n THE Persians THE splendor, of Dastagerd; but THE former speak\n from THE modest witness of THE eye, THE latter from THE vague\n report of THE ear.]\n\n 68 (return) [ The historians of Mahomet, Abulfeda (in Vit.\n Mohammed, p. 92, 93) and Gagnier, (Vie de Mahomet, tom. ii. p.\n 247,) date this embassy in THE viith year of THE Hegira, which\n commences A.D. 628, May 11. Their chronology is erroneous, since\n Chosroes died in THE month of February of THE same year, (Pagi,\n Critica, tom. ii. p. 779.) The count de Boulainvilliers (Vie de\n Mahomed, p. 327, 328) places this embassy about A.D. 615, soon\n after THE conquest of Palestine. Yet Mahomet would scarcely have\n ventured so soon on so bold a step.]\n\n 6811 (return) [ Khoosroo Purveez was encamped on THE banks of THE\n Karasoo River when he received THE letter of Mahomed. He tore THE\n letter and threw it into THE Karasoo. For this action, THE\n moderate author of THE Zeenut-ul-Tuarikh calls him a wretch, and\n rejoices in all his subsequent misfortunes. These impressions\n still exist. I remarked to a Persian, when encamped near THE\n Karasoo, in 1800, that THE banks were very high, which must make\n it difficult to apply its waters to irrigation. “It once\n fertilized THE whole country,” said THE zealous Mahomedan, “but\n its channel sunk with honor from its banks, when that madman,\n Khoosroo, threw our holy Prophet’s letter into its stream; which\n has ever since been accursed and useless.” Malcolm’s Persia, vol.\n i. p. 126—M.]\n\n 69 (return) [ See THE xxxth chapter of THE Koran, entitled THE\n Greeks. Our honest and learned translator, Sale, (p. 330, 331,)\n fairly states this conjecture, guess, wager, of Mahomet; but\n Boulainvilliers, (p. 329—344,) with wicked intentions, labors to\n establish this evident prophecy of a future event, which must, in\n his opinion, embarrass THE Christian polemics.]\n\n\n At THE time when this prediction is said to have been delivered,\n no prophecy could be more distant from its accomplishment, since\n THE first twelve years of Heraclius announced THE approaching\n dissolution of THE empire. If THE motives of Chosroes had been\n pure and honorable, he must have ended THE quarrel with THE death\n of Phocas, and he would have embraced, as his best ally, THE\n fortunate African who had so generously avenged THE injuries of\n his benefactor Maurice. The prosecution of THE war revealed THE\n true character of THE Barbarian; and THE suppliant embassies of\n Heraclius to beseech his clemency, that he would spare THE\n innocent, accept a tribute, and give peace to THE world, were\n rejected with contemptuous silence or insolent menace. Syria,\n Egypt, and THE provinces of Asia, were subdued by THE Persian\n arms, while Europe, from THE confines of Istria to THE long wall\n of Thrace, was oppressed by THE Avars, unsatiated with THE blood\n and rapine of THE Italian war. They had coolly massacred THEir\n male captives in THE sacred field of Pannonia; THE women and\n children were reduced to servitude, and THE noblest virgins were\n abandoned to THE promiscuous lust of THE Barbarians. The amorous\n matron who opened THE gates of Friuli passed a short night in THE\n arms of her royal lover; THE next evening, Romilda was condemned\n to THE embraces of twelve Avars, and THE third day THE Lombard\n princess was impaled in THE sight of THE camp, while THE chagan\n observed with a cruel smile, that such a husband was THE fit\n recompense of her lewdness and perfidy. 70 By THEse implacable\n enemies, Heraclius, on eiTHEr side, was insulted and besieged:\n and THE Roman empire was reduced to THE walls of Constantinople,\n with THE remnant of Greece, Italy, and Africa, and some maritime\n cities, from Tyre to Trebizond, of THE Asiatic coast. After THE\n loss of Egypt, THE capital was afflicted by famine and\n pestilence; and THE emperor, incapable of resistance, and\n hopeless of relief, had resolved to transfer his person and\n government to THE more secure residence of Carthage. His ships\n were already laden with THE treasures of THE palace; but his\n flight was arrested by THE patriarch, who armed THE powers of\n religion in THE defence of his country; led Heraclius to THE\n altar of St. Sophia, and extorted a solemn oath, that he would\n live and die with THE people whom God had intrusted to his care.\n The chagan was encamped in THE plains of Thrace; but he\n dissembled his perfidious designs, and solicited an interview\n with THE emperor near THE town of Heraclea. Their reconciliation\n was celebrated with equestrian games; THE senate and people, in\n THEir gayest apparel, resorted to THE festival of peace; and THE\n Avars beheld, with envy and desire, THE spectacle of Roman\n luxury. On a sudden THE hippodrome was encompassed by THE\n Scythian cavalry, who had pressed THEir secret and nocturnal\n march: THE tremendous sound of THE chagan’s whip gave THE signal\n of THE assault, and Heraclius, wrapping his diadem round his arm,\n was saved with extreme hazard, by THE fleetness of his horse. So\n rapid was THE pursuit, that THE Avars almost entered THE golden\n gate of Constantinople with THE flying crowds: 71 but THE plunder\n of THE suburbs rewarded THEir treason, and THEy transported\n beyond THE Danube two hundred and seventy thousand captives. On\n THE shore of Chalcedon, THE emperor held a safer conference with\n a more honorable foe, who, before Heraclius descended from his\n galley, saluted with reverence and pity THE majesty of THE\n purple. The friendly offer of Sain, THE Persian general, to\n conduct an embassy to THE presence of THE great king, was\n accepted with THE warmest gratitude, and THE prayer for pardon\n and peace was humbly presented by THE Praetorian præfect, THE\n præfect of THE city, and one of THE first ecclesiastics of THE\n patriarchal church. 72 But THE lieutenant of Chosroes had fatally\n mistaken THE intentions of his master. “It was not an embassy,”\n said THE tyrant of Asia, “it was THE person of Heraclius, bound\n in chains, that he should have brought to THE foot of my throne.\n I will never give peace to THE emperor of Rome, till he had\n abjured his crucified God, and embraced THE worship of THE sun.”\n Sain was flayed alive, according to THE inhuman practice of his\n country; and THE separate and rigorous confinement of THE\n ambassadors violated THE law of nations, and THE faith of an\n express stipulation. Yet THE experience of six years at length\n persuaded THE Persian monarch to renounce THE conquest of\n Constantinople, and to specify THE annual tribute or ransom of\n THE Roman empire; a thousand talents of gold, a thousand talents\n of silver, a thousand silk robes, a thousand horses, and a\n thousand virgins. Heraclius subscribed THEse ignominious terms;\n but THE time and space which he obtained to collect such\n treasures from THE poverty of THE East, was industriously\n employed in THE preparations of a bold and desperate attack.\n\n\n 70 (return) [Footnote 70: Paul Warnefrid, de Gestis\n Langobardorum, l. iv. c. 38, 42. Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom.\n v. p. 305, &c.]\n\n 71 (return) [ The Paschal Chronicle, which sometimes introduces\n fragments of history into a barren list of names and dates, gives\n THE best account of THE treason of THE Avars, p. 389, 390. The\n number of captives is added by Nicephorus.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Some original pieces, such as THE speech or letter\n of THE Roman ambassadors, (p. 386—388,) likewise constitute THE\n merit of THE Paschal Chronicle, which was composed, perhaps at\n Alexandria, under THE reign of Heraclius.]\n\n\n Of THE characters conspicuous in history, that of Heraclius is\n one of THE most extraordinary and inconsistent. In THE first and\n last years of a long reign, THE emperor appears to be THE slave\n of sloth, of pleasure, or of superstition, THE careless and\n impotent spectator of THE public calamities. But THE languid\n mists of THE morning and evening are separated by THE brightness\n of THE meridian sun; THE Arcadius of THE palace arose THE Caesar\n of THE camp; and THE honor of Rome and Heraclius was gloriously\n retrieved by THE exploits and trophies of six adventurous\n campaigns. It was THE duty of THE Byzantine historians to have\n revealed THE causes of his slumber and vigilance. At this\n distance we can only conjecture, that he was endowed with more\n personal courage than political resolution; that he was detained\n by THE charms, and perhaps THE arts, of his niece Martina, with\n whom, after THE death of Eudocia, he contracted an incestuous\n marriage; 73 and that he yielded to THE base advice of THE\n counsellors, who urged, as a fundamental law, that THE life of\n THE emperor should never be exposed in THE field. 74 Perhaps he\n was awakened by THE last insolent demand of THE Persian\n conqueror; but at THE moment when Heraclius assumed THE spirit of\n a hero, THE only hopes of THE Romans were drawn from THE\n vicissitudes of fortune, which might threaten THE proud\n prosperity of Chosroes, and must be favorable to those who had\n attained THE lowest period of depression. 75 To provide for THE\n expenses of war, was THE first care of THE emperor; and for THE\n purpose of collecting THE tribute, he was allowed to solicit THE\n benevolence of THE eastern provinces. But THE revenue no longer\n flowed in THE usual channels; THE credit of an arbitrary prince\n is annihilated by his power; and THE courage of Heraclius was\n first displayed in daring to borrow THE consecrated wealth of\n churches, under THE solemn vow of restoring, with usury, whatever\n he had been compelled to employ in THE service of religion and\n THE empire. The clergy THEmselves appear to have sympathized with\n THE public distress; and THE discreet patriarch of Alexandria,\n without admitting THE precedent of sacrilege, assisted his\n sovereign by THE miraculous or seasonable revelation of a secret\n treasure. 76 Of THE soldiers who had conspired with Phocas, only\n two were found to have survived THE stroke of time and of THE\n Barbarians; 77 THE loss, even of THEse seditious veterans, was\n imperfectly supplied by THE new levies of Heraclius, and THE gold\n of THE sanctuary united, in THE same camp, THE names, and arms,\n and languages of THE East and West. He would have been content\n with THE neutrality of THE Avars; and his friendly entreaty, that\n THE chagan would act, not as THE enemy, but as THE guardian, of\n THE empire, was accompanied with a more persuasive donative of\n two hundred thousand pieces of gold. Two days after THE festival\n of Easter, THE emperor, exchanging his purple for THE simple garb\n of a penitent and warrior, 78 gave THE signal of his departure.\n To THE faith of THE people Heraclius recommended his children;\n THE civil and military powers were vested in THE most deserving\n hands, and THE discretion of THE patriarch and senate was\n authorized to save or surrender THE city, if THEy should be\n oppressed in his absence by THE superior forces of THE enemy.\n\n\n 73 (return) [Nicephorus, (p. 10, 11,) is happy to observe, that\n of two sons, its incestuous fruit, THE elder was marked by\n Providence with a stiff neck, THE younger with THE loss of\n hearing.]\n\n 74 (return) [ George of Pisidia, (Acroas. i. 112—125, p. 5,) who\n states THE opinions, acquits THE pusillanimous counsellors of any\n sinister views. Would he have excused THE proud and contemptuous\n admonition of Crispus?]\n\n 75 (return) [ George Pisid. Acroas. i. 51, &c. p: 4. The\n Orientals are not less fond of remarking this strange\n vicissitude; and I remember some story of Khosrou Parviz, not\n very unlike THE ring of Polycrates of Samos.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Baronius gravely relates this discovery, or raTHEr\n transmutation, of barrels, not of honey, but of gold, (Annal.\n Eccles. A.D. 620, No. 3, &c.) Yet THE loan was arbitrary, since\n it was collected by soldiers, who were ordered to leave THE\n patriarch of Alexandria no more than one hundred pounds of gold.\n Nicephorus, (p. 11,) two hundred years afterwards, speaks with\n ill humor of this contribution, which THE church of\n Constantinople might still feel.]\n\n 77 (return) [ Theophylact Symocatta, l. viii. c. 12. This\n circumstance need not excite our surprise. The muster-roll of a\n regiment, even in time of peace, is renewed in less than twenty\n or twenty-five years.]\n\n 78 (return) [ He changed his purple for black, buckskins, and\n dyed THEm red in THE blood of THE Persians, (Georg. Pisid.\n Acroas. iii. 118, 121, 122 See THE notes of Foggini, p. 35.)]\n\n\n The neighboring heights of Chalcedon were covered with tents and\n arms: but if THE new levies of Heraclius had been rashly led to\n THE attack, THE victory of THE Persians in THE sight of\n Constantinople might have been THE last day of THE Roman empire.\n As imprudent would it have been to advance into THE provinces of\n Asia, leaving THEir innumerable cavalry to intercept his convoys,\n and continually to hang on THE lassitude and disorder of his\n rear. But THE Greeks were still masters of THE sea; a fleet of\n galleys, transports, and store-ships, was assembled in THE\n harbor; THE Barbarians consented to embark; a steady wind carried\n THEm through THE Hellespont THE western and souTHErn coast of\n Asia Minor lay on THEir left hand; THE spirit of THEir chief was\n first displayed in a storm, and even THE eunuchs of his train\n were excited to suffer and to work by THE example of THEir\n master. He landed his troops on THE confines of Syria and\n Cilicia, in THE Gulf of Scanderoon, where THE coast suddenly\n turns to THE south; 79 and his discernment was expressed in THE\n choice of this important post. 80 From all sides, THE scattered\n garrisons of THE maritime cities and THE mountains might repair\n with speed and safety to his Imperial standard. The natural\n fortifications of Cilicia protected, and even concealed, THE camp\n of Heraclius, which was pitched near Issus, on THE same ground\n where Alexander had vanquished THE host of Darius. The angle\n which THE emperor occupied was deeply indented into a vast\n semicircle of THE Asiatic, Armenian, and Syrian provinces; and to\n whatsoever point of THE circumference he should direct his\n attack, it was easy for him to dissemble his own motions, and to\n prevent those of THE enemy. In THE camp of Issus, THE Roman\n general reformed THE sloth and disorder of THE veterans, and\n educated THE new recruits in THE knowledge and practice of\n military virtue. Unfolding THE miraculous image of Christ, he\n urged THEm to revenge THE holy altars which had been profaned by\n THE worshippers of fire; addressing THEm by THE endearing\n appellations of sons and brethren, he deplored THE public and\n private wrongs of THE republic. The subjects of a monarch were\n persuaded that THEy fought in THE cause of freedom; and a similar\n enthusiasm was communicated to THE foreign mercenaries, who must\n have viewed with equal indifference THE interest of Rome and of\n Persia. Heraclius himself, with THE skill and patience of a\n centurion, inculcated THE lessons of THE school of tactics, and\n THE soldiers were assiduously trained in THE use of THEir\n weapons, and THE exercises and evolutions of THE field. The\n cavalry and infantry in light or heavy armor were divided into\n two parties; THE trumpets were fixed in THE centre, and THEir\n signals directed THE march, THE charge, THE retreat or pursuit;\n THE direct or oblique order, THE deep or extended phalanx; to\n represent in fictitious combat THE operations of genuine war.\n Whatever hardships THE emperor imposed on THE troops, he\n inflicted with equal severity on himself; THEir labor, THEir\n diet, THEir sleep, were measured by THE inflexible rules of\n discipline; and, without despising THE enemy, THEy were taught to\n repose an implicit confidence in THEir own valor and THE wisdom\n of THEir leader. Cilicia was soon encompassed with THE Persian\n arms; but THEir cavalry hesitated to enter THE defiles of Mount\n Taurus, till THEy were circumvented by THE evolutions of\n Heraclius, who insensibly gained THEir rear, whilst he appeared\n to present his front in order of battle. By a false motion, which\n seemed to threaten Armenia, he drew THEm, against THEir wishes,\n to a general action. They were tempted by THE artful disorder of\n his camp; but when THEy advanced to combat, THE ground, THE sun,\n and THE expectation of both armies, were unpropitious to THE\n Barbarians; THE Romans successfully repeated THEir tactics in a\n field of battle, 81 and THE event of THE day declared to THE\n world, that THE Persians were not invincible, and that a hero was\n invested with THE purple. Strong in victory and fame, Heraclius\n boldly ascended THE heights of Mount Taurus, directed his march\n through THE plains of Cappadocia, and established his troops, for\n THE winter season, in safe and plentiful quarters on THE banks of\n THE River Halys. 82 His soul was superior to THE vanity of\n entertaining Constantinople with an imperfect triumph; but THE\n presence of THE emperor was indispensably required to sooTHE THE\n restless and rapacious spirit of THE Avars.\n\n 79 (return) [ George of Pisidia, (Acroas. ii. 10, p. 8) has fixed\n this important point of THE Syrian and Cilician gates. They are\n elegantly described by Xenophon, who marched through THEm a\n thousand years before. A narrow pass of three stadia between\n steep, high rocks, and THE Mediterranean, was closed at each end\n by strong gates, impregnable to THE land, accessible by sea,\n (Anabasis, l. i. p. 35, 36, with Hutchinson’s Geographical\n Dissertation, p. vi.) The gates were thirty-five parasangs, or\n leagues, from Tarsus, (Anabasis, l. i. p. 33, 34,) and eight or\n ten from Antioch. Compare Itinerar. Wesseling, p. 580, 581.\n Schultens, Index Geograph. ad calcem Vit. Saladin. p. 9. Voyage\n en Turquie et en Perse, par M. Otter, tom. i. p. 78, 79.]\n\n 80 (return) [ Heraclius might write to a friend in THE modest\n words of Cicero: “Castra habuimus ea ipsa quae contra Darium\n habuerat apud Issum Alexander, imperator haud paulo melior quam\n aut tu aut ego.” Ad Atticum, v. 20. Issus, a rich and flourishing\n city in THE time of Xenophon, was ruined by THE prosperity of\n Alexandria or Scanderoon, on THE oTHEr side of THE bay.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Foggini (Annotat. p. 31) suspects that THE Persians\n were deceived by THE of Aelian, (Tactic. c. 48,) an intricate\n spiral motion of THE army. He observes (p. 28) that THE military\n descriptions of George of Pisidia are transcribed in THE Tactics\n of THE emperor Leo.]\n\n 82 (return) [ George of Pisidia, an eye-witness, (Acroas. ii.\n 122, &c.,) described in three acroaseis, or cantos, THE first\n expedition of Heraclius. The poem has been lately (1777)\n published at Rome; but such vague and declamatory praise is far\n from corresponding with THE sanguine hopes of Pagi, D’Anville,\n &c.]\n\n\n Since THE days of Scipio and Hannibal, no bolder enterprise has\n been attempted than that which Heraclius achieved for THE\n deliverance of THE empire. 83 He permitted THE Persians to\n oppress for a while THE provinces, and to insult with impunity\n THE capital of THE East; while THE Roman emperor explored his\n perilous way through THE Black Sea, 84 and THE mountains of\n Armenia, penetrated into THE heart of Persia, 85 and recalled THE\n armies of THE great king to THE defence of THEir bleeding\n country. With a select band of five thousand soldiers, Heraclius\n sailed from Constantinople to Trebizond; assembled his forces\n which had wintered in THE Pontic regions; and, from THE mouth of\n THE Phasis to THE Caspian Sea, encouraged his subjects and allies\n to march with THE successor of Constantine under THE faithful and\n victorious banner of THE cross. When THE legions of Lucullus and\n Pompey first passed THE Euphrates, THEy blushed at THEir easy\n victory over THE natives of Armenia. But THE long experience of\n war had hardened THE minds and bodies of that effeminate peeple;\n THEir zeal and bravery were approved in THE service of a\n declining empire; THEy abhorred and feared THE usurpation of THE\n house of Sassan, and THE memory of persecution envenomed THEir\n pious hatred of THE enemies of Christ. The limits of Armenia, as\n it had been ceded to THE emperor Maurice, extended as far as THE\n Araxes: THE river submitted to THE indignity of a bridge, 86 and\n Heraclius, in THE footsteps of Mark Antony, advanced towards THE\n city of Tauris or Gandzaca, 87 THE ancient and modern capital of\n one of THE provinces of Media. At THE head of forty thousand men,\n Chosroes himself had returned from some distant expedition to\n oppose THE progress of THE Roman arms; but he retreated on THE\n approach of Heraclius, declining THE generous alternative of\n peace or of battle. Instead of half a million of inhabitants,\n which have been ascribed to Tauris under THE reign of THE Sophys,\n THE city contained no more than three thousand houses; but THE\n value of THE royal treasures was enhanced by a tradition, that\n THEy were THE spoils of Croesus, which had been transported by\n Cyrus from THE citadel of Sardes. The rapid conquests of\n Heraclius were suspended only by THE winter season; a motive of\n prudence, or superstition, 88 determined his retreat into THE\n province of Albania, along THE shores of THE Caspian; and his\n tents were most probably pitched in THE plains of Mogan, 89 THE\n favorite encampment of Oriental princes. In THE course of this\n successful inroad, he signalized THE zeal and revenge of a\n Christian emperor: at his command, THE soldiers extinguished THE\n fire, and destroyed THE temples, of THE Magi; THE statues of\n Chosroes, who aspired to divine honors, were abandoned to THE\n flames; and THE ruins of Thebarma or Ormia, 90 which had given\n birth to Zoroaster himself, made some atonement for THE injuries\n of THE holy sepulchre. A purer spirit of religion was shown in\n THE relief and deliverance of fifty thousand captives. Heraclius\n was rewarded by THEir tears and grateful acclamations; but this\n wise measure, which spread THE fame of his benevolence, diffused\n THE murmurs of THE Persians against THE pride and obstinacy of\n THEir own sovereign.\n\n\n 83 (return) [Footnote 83: Theophanes (p. 256) carries Heraclius\n swiftly into Armenia. Nicephorus, (p. 11,) though he confounds\n THE two expeditions, defines THE province of Lazica. Eutychius\n (Annal. tom. ii. p. 231) has given THE 5000 men, with THE more\n probable station of Trebizond.]\n\n 84 (return) [ From Constantinople to Trebizond, with a fair wind,\n four or five days; from THEnce to Erzerom, five; to Erivan,\n twelve; to Taurus, ten; in all, thirty-two. Such is THE Itinerary\n of Tavernier, (Voyages, tom. i. p. 12—56,) who was perfectly\n conversant with THE roads of Asia. Tournefort, who travelled with\n a pacha, spent ten or twelve days between Trebizond and Erzerom,\n (Voyage du Levant, tom. iii. lettre xviii.;) and Chardin\n (Voyages, tom. i. p. 249—254) gives THE more correct distance of\n fifty-three parasangs, each of 5000 paces, (what paces?) between\n Erivan and Tauris.]\n\n 85 (return) [ The expedition of Heraclius into Persia is finely\n illustrated by M. D’Anville, (Memoires de l’Academie des\n Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p. 559—573.) He discovers THE\n situation of Gandzaca, Thebarma, Dastagerd, &c., with admirable\n skill and learning; but THE obscure campaign of 624 he passes\n over in silence.]\n\n 86 (return) [ Et pontem indignatus Araxes.—Virgil, Aeneid, viii.\n 728. The River Araxes is noisy, rapid, vehement, and, with THE\n melting of THE snows, irresistible: THE strongest and most massy\n bridges are swept away by THE current; and its indignation is\n attested by THE ruins of many arches near THE old town of Zulfa.\n Voyages de Chardin, tom. i. p. 252.]\n\n 87 (return) [ Chardin, tom. i. p. 255—259. With THE Orientals,\n (D’Herbelot, Biblioth. Orient. p. 834,) he ascribes THE\n foundation of Tauris, or Tebris, to Zobeide, THE wife of THE\n famous Khalif Haroun Alrashid; but it appears to have been more\n ancient; and THE names of Gandzaca, Gazaca, Gaza, are expressive\n of THE royal treasure. The number of 550,000 inhabitants is\n reduced by Chardin from 1,100,000, THE popular estimate.]\n\n 88 (return) [ He opened THE gospel, and applied or interpreted\n THE first casual passage to THE name and situation of Albania.\n Theophanes, p. 258.]\n\n 89 (return) [ The heath of Mogan, between THE Cyrus and THE\n Araxes, is sixty parasangs in length and twenty in breadth,\n (Olearius, p. 1023, 1024,) abounding in waters and fruitful\n pastures, (Hist. de Nadir Shah, translated by Mr. Jones from a\n Persian Ms., part ii. p. 2, 3.) See THE encampments of Timur,\n (Hist. par Sherefeddin Ali, l. v. c. 37, l. vi. c. 13,) and THE\n coronation of Nadir Shah, (Hist. Persanne, p. 3—13 and THE\n English Life by Mr. Jones, p. 64, 65.)]\n\n 90 (return) [ Thebarma and Ormia, near THE Lake Spauta, are\n proved to be THE same city by D’Anville, (Memoires de l’Academie,\n tom. xxviii. p. 564, 565.) It is honored as THE birthplace of\n Zoroaster, according to THE Persians, (Schultens, Index Geograph.\n p. 48;) and THEir tradition is fortified by M. Perron d’Anquetil,\n (Mem. de l’Acad. des Inscript. tom. xxxi. p. 375,) with some\n texts from his, or THEir, Zendavesta. * Note: D’Anville (Mem. de\n l’Acad. des Inscript. tom. xxxii. p. 560) labored to prove THE\n identity of THEse two cities; but according to M. St. Martin,\n vol. xi. p. 97, not with perfect success. Ourmiah. called Ariema\n in THE ancient Pehlvi books, is considered, both by THE followers\n of Zoroaster and by THE Mahometans, as his birthplace. It is\n situated in THE souTHErn part of Aderbidjan.—M.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLVI: Troubles In Persia.—Part IV.\n\n\n Amidst THE glories of THE succeeding campaign, Heraclius is\n almost lost to our eyes, and to those of THE Byzantine\n historians. 91 From THE spacious and fruitful plains of Albania,\n THE emperor appears to follow THE chain of Hyrcanian Mountains,\n to descend into THE province of Media or Irak, and to carry his\n victorious arms as far as THE royal cities of Casbin and Ispahan,\n which had never been approached by a Roman conqueror. Alarmed by\n THE danger of his kingdom, THE powers of Chosroes were already\n recalled from THE Nile and THE Bosphorus, and three formidable\n armies surrounded, in a distant and hostile land, THE camp of THE\n emperor. The Colchian allies prepared to desert his standard; and\n THE fears of THE bravest veterans were expressed, raTHEr than\n concealed, by THEir desponding silence. “Be not terrified,” said\n THE intrepid Heraclius, “by THE multitude of your foes. With THE\n aid of Heaven, one Roman may triumph over a thousand Barbarians.\n But if we devote our lives for THE salvation of our brethren, we\n shall obtain THE crown of martyrdom, and our immortal reward will\n be liberally paid by God and posterity.” These magnanimous\n sentiments were supported by THE vigor of his actions. He\n repelled THE threefold attack of THE Persians, improved THE\n divisions of THEir chiefs, and, by a well-concerted train of\n marches, retreats, and successful actions, finally chased THEm\n from THE field into THE fortified cities of Media and Assyria. In\n THE severity of THE winter season, Sarbaraza deemed himself\n secure in THE walls of Salban: he was surprised by THE activity\n of Heraclius, who divided his troops, and performed a laborious\n march in THE silence of THE night. The flat roofs of THE houses\n were defended with useless valor against THE darts and torches of\n THE Romans: THE satraps and nobles of Persia, with THEir wives\n and children, and THE flower of THEir martial youth, were eiTHEr\n slain or made prisoners. The general escaped by a precipitate\n flight, but his golden armor was THE prize of THE conqueror; and\n THE soldiers of Heraclius enjoyed THE wealth and repose which\n THEy had so nobly deserved. On THE return of spring, THE emperor\n traversed in seven days THE mountains of Curdistan, and passed\n without resistance THE rapid stream of THE Tigris. Oppressed by\n THE weight of THEir spoils and captives, THE Roman army halted\n under THE walls of Amida; and Heraclius informed THE senate of\n Constantinople of his safety and success, which THEy had already\n felt by THE retreat of THE besiegers. The bridges of THE\n Euphrates were destroyed by THE Persians; but as soon as THE\n emperor had discovered a ford, THEy hastily retired to defend THE\n banks of THE Sarus, 92 in Cilicia. That river, an impetuous\n torrent, was about three hundred feet broad; THE bridge was\n fortified with strong turrets; and THE banks were lined with\n Barbarian archers. After a bloody conflict, which continued till\n THE evening, THE Romans prevailed in THE assault; and a Persian\n of gigantic size was slain and thrown into THE Sarus by THE hand\n of THE emperor himself. The enemies were dispersed and dismayed;\n Heraclius pursued his march to Sebaste in Cappadocia; and at THE\n expiration of three years, THE same coast of THE Euxine applauded\n his return from a long and victorious expedition. 93\n\n 91 (return) [ I cannot find, and (what is much more,) M.\n D’Anville does not attempt to seek, THE Salban, Tarantum,\n territory of THE Huns, &c., mentioned by Theophanes, (p.\n 260-262.) Eutychius, (Annal. tom. ii. p. 231, 232,) an\n insufficient author, names Asphahan; and Casbin is most probably\n THE city of Sapor. Ispahan is twenty-four days’ journey from\n Tauris, and Casbin half way between, THEm (Voyages de Tavernier,\n tom. i. p. 63—82.)]\n\n 92 (return) [ At ten parasangs from Tarsus, THE army of THE\n younger Cyrus passed THE Sarus, three plethra in breadth: THE\n Pyramus, a stadium in breadth, ran five parasangs farTHEr to THE\n east, (Xenophon, Anabas. l. i. p 33, 34.) Note: Now THE\n Sihan.—M.]\n\n 93 (return) [ George of Pisidia (Bell. Abaricum, 246—265, p. 49)\n celebrates with truth THE persevering courage of THE three\n campaigns against THE Persians.]\n\n\n Instead of skirmishing on THE frontier, THE two monarchs who\n disputed THE empire of THE East aimed THEir desperate strokes at\n THE heart of THEir rival. The military force of Persia was wasted\n by THE marches and combats of twenty years, and many of THE\n veterans, who had survived THE perils of THE sword and THE\n climate, were still detained in THE fortresses of Egypt and\n Syria. But THE revenge and ambition of Chosroes exhausted his\n kingdom; and THE new levies of subjects, strangers, and slaves,\n were divided into three formidable bodies. 94 The first army of\n fifty thousand men, illustrious by THE ornament and title of THE\n golden spears, was destined to march against Heraclius; THE\n second was stationed to prevent his junction with THE troops of\n his broTHEr Theodorus; and THE third was commanded to besiege\n Constantinople, and to second THE operations of THE chagan, with\n whom THE Persian king had ratified a treaty of alliance and\n partition. Sarbar, THE general of THE third army, penetrated\n through THE provinces of Asia to THE well-known camp of\n Chalcedon, and amused himself with THE destruction of THE sacred\n and profane buildings of THE Asiatic suburbs, while he\n impatiently waited THE arrival of his Scythian friends on THE\n opposite side of THE Bosphorus. On THE twenty-ninth of June,\n thirty thousand Barbarians, THE vanguard of THE Avars, forced THE\n long wall, and drove into THE capital a promiscuous crowd of\n peasants, citizens, and soldiers. Fourscore thousand 95 of his\n native subjects, and of THE vassal tribes of Gepidae, Russians,\n Bulgarians, and Sclavonians, advanced under THE standard of THE\n chagan; a month was spent in marches and negotiations, but THE\n whole city was invested on THE thirty-first of July, from THE\n suburbs of Pera and Galata to THE Blachernae and seven towers;\n and THE inhabitants descried with terror THE flaming signals of\n THE European and Asiatic shores. In THE mean while, THE\n magistrates of Constantinople repeatedly strove to purchase THE\n retreat of THE chagan; but THEir deputies were rejected and\n insulted; and he suffered THE patricians to stand before his\n throne, while THE Persian envoys, in silk robes, were seated by\n his side. “You see,” said THE haughty Barbarian, “THE proofs of\n my perfect union with THE great king; and his lieutenant is ready\n to send into my camp a select band of three thousand warriors.\n Presume no longer to tempt your master with a partial and\n inadequate ransom: your wealth and your city are THE only\n presents worthy of my acceptance. For yourselves, I shall permit\n you to depart, each with an under-garment and a shirt; and, at my\n entreaty, my friend Sarbar will not refuse a passage through his\n lines. Your absent prince, even now a captive or a fugitive, has\n left Constantinople to its fate; nor can you escape THE arms of\n THE Avars and Persians, unless you could soar into THE air like\n birds, unless like fishes you could dive into THE waves.” 96\n During ten successive days, THE capital was assaulted by THE\n Avars, who had made some progress in THE science of attack; THEy\n advanced to sap or batter THE wall, under THE cover of THE\n impenetrable tortoise; THEir engines discharged a perpetual\n volley of stones and darts; and twelve lofty towers of wood\n exalted THE combatants to THE height of THE neighboring ramparts.\n\n\n But THE senate and people were animated by THE spirit of\n Heraclius, who had detached to THEir relief a body of twelve\n thousand cuirassiers; THE powers of fire and mechanics were used\n with superior art and success in THE defence of Constantinople;\n and THE galleys, with two and three ranks of oars, commanded THE\n Bosphorus, and rendered THE Persians THE idle spectators of THE\n defeat of THEir allies. The Avars were repulsed; a fleet of\n Sclavonian canoes was destroyed in THE harbor; THE vassals of THE\n chagan threatened to desert, his provisions were exhausted, and\n after burning his engines, he gave THE signal of a slow and\n formidable retreat. The devotion of THE Romans ascribed this\n signal deliverance to THE Virgin Mary; but THE moTHEr of Christ\n would surely have condemned THEir inhuman murder of THE Persian\n envoys, who were entitled to THE rights of humanity, if THEy were\n not protected by THE laws of nations. 97\n\n 94 (return) [ Petavius (Annotationes ad Nicephorum, p. 62, 63,\n 64) discriminates THE names and actions of five Persian generals\n who were successively sent against Heraclius.]\n\n 95 (return) [ This number of eight myriads is specified by George\n of Pisidia, (Bell. Abar. 219.) The poet (50—88) clearly indicates\n that THE old chagan lived till THE reign of Heraclius, and that\n his son and successor was born of a foreign moTHEr. Yet Foggini\n (Annotat. p. 57) has given anoTHEr interpretation to this\n passage.]\n\n 96 (return) [ A bird, a frog, a mouse, and five arrows, had been\n THE present of THE Scythian king to Darius, (Herodot. l. iv. c.\n 131, 132.) Substituez une lettre a ces signes (says Rousseau,\n with much good taste) plus elle sera menacante moins elle\n effrayera; ce ne sera qu’une fanfarronade dont Darius n’eut fait\n que rire, (Emile, tom. iii. p. 146.) Yet I much question wheTHEr\n THE senate and people of Constantinople laughed at this message\n of THE chagan.]\n\n 97 (return) [ The Paschal Chronicle (p. 392—397) gives a minute\n and auTHEntic narrative of THE siege and deliverance of\n Constantinople Theophanes (p. 264) adds some circumstances; and a\n faint light may be obtained from THE smoke of George of Pisidia,\n who has composed a poem (de Bello Abarico, p. 45—54) to\n commemorate this auspicious event.]\n\n\n After THE division of his army, Heraclius prudently retired to\n THE banks of THE Phasis, from whence he maintained a defensive\n war against THE fifty thousand gold spears of Persia. His anxiety\n was relieved by THE deliverance of Constantinople; his hopes were\n confirmed by a victory of his broTHEr Theodorus; and to THE\n hostile league of Chosroes with THE Avars, THE Roman emperor\n opposed THE useful and honorable alliance of THE Turks. At his\n liberal invitation, THE horde of Chozars 98 transported THEir\n tents from THE plains of THE Volga to THE mountains of Georgia;\n Heraclius received THEm in THE neighborhood of Teflis, and THE\n khan with his nobles dismounted from THEir horses, if we may\n credit THE Greeks, and fell prostrate on THE ground, to adore THE\n purple of THE Caesars. Such voluntary homage and important aid\n were entitled to THE warmest acknowledgments; and THE emperor,\n taking off his own diadem, placed it on THE head of THE Turkish\n prince, whom he saluted with a tender embrace and THE appellation\n of son. After a sumptuous banquet, he presented Ziebel with THE\n plate and ornaments, THE gold, THE gems, and THE silk, which had\n been used at THE Imperial table, and, with his own hand,\n distributed rich jewels and ear-rings to his new allies. In a\n secret interview, he produced THE portrait of his daughter\n Eudocia, 99 condescended to flatter THE Barbarian with THE\n promise of a fair and august bride; obtained an immediate succor\n of forty thousand horse, and negotiated a strong diversion of THE\n Turkish arms on THE side of THE Oxus. 100 The Persians, in THEir\n turn, retreated with precipitation; in THE camp of Edessa,\n Heraclius reviewed an army of seventy thousand Romans and\n strangers; and some months were successfully employed in THE\n recovery of THE cities of Syria, Mesopotamia and Armenia, whose\n fortifications had been imperfectly restored. Sarbar still\n maintained THE important station of Chalcedon; but THE jealousy\n of Chosroes, or THE artifice of Heraclius, soon alienated THE\n mind of that powerful satrap from THE service of his king and\n country. A messenger was intercepted with a real or fictitious\n mandate to THE cadarigan, or second in command, directing him to\n send, without delay, to THE throne, THE head of a guilty or\n unfortunate general. The despatches were transmitted to Sarbar\n himself; and as soon as he read THE sentence of his own death, he\n dexterously inserted THE names of four hundred officers,\n assembled a military council, and asked THE cadarigan wheTHEr he\n was prepared to execute THE commands of THEir tyrant. The\n Persians unanimously declared, that Chosroes had forfeited THE\n sceptre; a separate treaty was concluded with THE government of\n Constantinople; and if some considerations of honor or policy\n restrained Sarbar from joining THE standard of Heraclius, THE\n emperor was assured that he might prosecute, without\n interruption, his designs of victory and peace.\n\n 98 (return) [ The power of THE Chozars prevailed in THE viith,\n viiith, and ixth centuries. They were known to THE Greeks, THE\n Arabs, and under THE name of Kosa, to THE Chinese THEmselves. De\n Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. part ii. p. 507—509. * Note:\n Moses of Chorene speaks of an invasion of Armenia by THE Khazars\n in THE second century, l. ii. c. 62. M. St. Martin suspects THEm\n to be THE same with THE Hunnish nation of THE Acatires or\n Agazzires. They are called by THE Greek historians Eastern Turks;\n like THE Madjars and oTHEr Hunnish or Finnish tribes, THEy had\n probably received some admixture from THE genuine Turkish races.\n Ibn. Hankal (Oriental Geography) says that THEir language was\n like THE Bulgarian, and considers THEm a people of Finnish or\n Hunnish race. Klaproth, Tabl. Hist. p. 268-273. Abel Remusat,\n Rech. sur les Langues Tartares, tom. i. p. 315, 316. St. Martin,\n vol. xi. p. 115.—M]\n\n 99 (return) [ Epiphania, or Eudocia, THE only daughter of\n Heraclius and his first wife Eudocia, was born at Constantinople\n on THE 7th of July, A.D. 611, baptized THE 15th of August, and\n crowned (in THE oratory of St. Stephen in THE palace) THE 4th of\n October of THE same year. At this time she was about fifteen.\n Eudocia was afterwards sent to her Turkish husband, but THE news\n of his death stopped her journey, and prevented THE consummation,\n (Ducange, Familiae Byzantin. p. 118.)]\n\n 100 (return) [ Elmcain (Hist. Saracen. p. 13—16) gives some\n curious and probable facts; but his numbers are raTHEr too\n high—300,000 Romans assembled at Edessa—500,000 Persians killed\n at Nineveh. The abatement of a cipher is scarcely enough to\n restore his sanity]\n\n\n Deprived of his firmest support, and doubtful of THE fidelity of\n his subjects, THE greatness of Chosroes was still conspicuous in\n its ruins. The number of five hundred thousand may be interpreted\n as an Oriental metaphor, to describe THE men and arms, THE horses\n and elephants, that covered Media and Assyria against THE\n invasion of Heraclius. Yet THE Romans boldly advanced from THE\n Araxes to THE Tigris, and THE timid prudence of Rhazates was\n content to follow THEm by forced marches through a desolate\n country, till he received a peremptory mandate to risk THE fate\n of Persia in a decisive battle. Eastward of THE Tigris, at THE\n end of THE bridge of Mosul, THE great Nineveh had formerly been\n erected: 101 THE city, and even THE ruins of THE city, had long\n since disappeared; 102 THE vacant space afforded a spacious field\n for THE operations of THE two armies. But THEse operations are\n neglected by THE Byzantine historians, and, like THE authors of\n epic poetry and romance, THEy ascribe THE victory, not to THE\n military conduct, but to THE personal valor, of THEir favorite\n hero. On this memorable day, Heraclius, on his horse Phallas,\n surpassed THE bravest of his warriors: his lip was pierced with a\n spear; THE steed was wounded in THE thigh; but he carried his\n master safe and victorious through THE triple phalanx of THE\n Barbarians. In THE heat of THE action, three valiant chiefs were\n successively slain by THE sword and lance of THE emperor: among\n THEse was Rhazates himself; he fell like a soldier, but THE sight\n of his head scattered grief and despair through THE fainting\n ranks of THE Persians. His armor of pure and massy gold, THE\n shield of one hundred and twenty plates, THE sword and belt, THE\n saddle and cuirass, adorned THE triumph of Heraclius; and if he\n had not been faithful to Christ and his moTHEr, THE champion of\n Rome might have offered THE fourth opime spoils to THE Jupiter of\n THE Capitol. 103 In THE battle of Nineveh, which was fiercely\n fought from daybreak to THE eleventh hour, twenty-eight\n standards, besides those which might be broken or torn, were\n taken from THE Persians; THE greatest part of THEir army was cut\n in pieces, and THE victors, concealing THEir own loss, passed THE\n night on THE field. They acknowledged, that on this occasion it\n was less difficult to kill than to discomfit THE soldiers of\n Chosroes; amidst THE bodies of THEir friends, no more than two\n bow-shot from THE enemy THE remnant of THE Persian cavalry stood\n firm till THE seventh hour of THE night; about THE eighth hour\n THEy retired to THEir unrifled camp, collected THEir baggage, and\n dispersed on all sides, from THE want of orders raTHEr than of\n resolution. The diligence of Heraclius was not less admirable in\n THE use of victory; by a march of forty-eight miles in\n four-and-twenty hours, his vanguard occupied THE bridges of THE\n great and THE lesser Zab; and THE cities and palaces of Assyria\n were open for THE first time to THE Romans. By a just gradation\n of magnificent scenes, THEy penetrated to THE royal seat of\n Dastagerd, 1031 and, though much of THE treasure had been\n removed, and much had been expended, THE remaining wealth appears\n to have exceeded THEir hopes, and even to have satiated THEir\n avarice. Whatever could not be easily transported, THEy consumed\n with fire, that Chosroes might feel THE anguish of those wounds\n which he had so often inflicted on THE provinces of THE empire:\n and justice might allow THE excuse, if THE desolation had been\n confined to THE works of regal luxury, if national hatred,\n military license, and religious zeal, had not wasted with equal\n rage THE habitations and THE temples of THE guiltless subject.\n The recovery of three hundred Roman standards, and THE\n deliverance of THE numerous captives of Edessa and Alexandria,\n reflect a purer glory on THE arms of Heraclius. From THE palace\n of Dastagerd, he pursued his march within a few miles of Modain\n or Ctesiphon, till he was stopped, on THE banks of THE Arba, by\n THE difficulty of THE passage, THE rigor of THE season, and\n perhaps THE fame of an impregnable capital. The return of THE\n emperor is marked by THE modern name of THE city of Sherhzour: he\n fortunately passed Mount Zara, before THE snow, which fell\n incessantly thirty-four days; and THE citizens of Gandzca, or\n Tauris, were compelled to entertain THE soldiers and THEir horses\n with a hospitable reception. 104\n\n 101 (return) [ Ctesias (apud Didor. Sicul. tom. i. l. ii. p. 115,\n edit. Wesseling) assigns 480 stadia (perhaps only 32 miles) for\n THE circumference of Nineveh. Jonas talks of three days’ journey:\n THE 120,000 persons described by THE prophet as incapable of\n discerning THEir right hand from THEir left, may afford about\n 700,000 persons of all ages for THE inhabitants of that ancient\n capital, (Goguet, Origines des Loix, &c., tom. iii. part i. p.\n 92, 93,) which ceased to exist 600 years before Christ. The\n western suburb still subsisted, and is mentioned under THE name\n of Mosul in THE first age of THE Arabian khalifs.]\n\n 102 (return) [ Niebuhr (Voyage en Arabie, &c., tom. ii. p. 286)\n passed over Nineveh without perceiving it. He mistook for a ridge\n of hills THE old rampart of brick or earth. It is said to have\n been 100 feet high, flanked with 1500 towers, each of THE height\n of 200 feet.]\n\n 103 (return) [ Rex regia arma fero (says Romulus, in THE first\n consecration).... bina postea (continues Livy, i. 10) inter tot\n bella, opima parta sunt spolia, adeo rara ejus fortuna decoris.\n If Varro (apud Pomp Festum, p. 306, edit. Dacier) could justify\n his liberality in granting THE opime spoils even to a common\n soldier who had slain THE king or general of THE enemy, THE honor\n would have been much more cheap and common]\n\n 1031 (return) [ Macdonald Kinneir places Dastagerd at Kasr e\n Shirin, THE palace of Sira on THE banks of THE Diala between\n Holwan and Kanabee. Kinnets Geograph. Mem. p. 306.—M.]\n\n 104 (return) [ In describing this last expedition of Heraclius,\n THE facts, THE places, and THE dates of Theophanes (p. 265—271)\n are so accurate and auTHEntic, that he must have followed THE\n original letters of THE emperor, of which THE Paschal Chronicle\n has preserved (p. 398—402) a very curious specimen.]\n\n\n When THE ambition of Chosroes was reduced to THE defence of his\n hereditary kingdom, THE love of glory, or even THE sense of\n shame, should have urged him to meet his rival in THE field. In\n THE battle of Nineveh, his courage might have taught THE Persians\n to vanquish, or he might have fallen with honor by THE lance of a\n Roman emperor. The successor of Cyrus chose raTHEr, at a secure\n distance, to expect THE event, to assemble THE relics of THE\n defeat, and to retire, by measured steps, before THE march of\n Heraclius, till he beheld with a sigh THE once loved mansions of\n Dastagerd. Both his friends and enemies were persuaded, that it\n was THE intention of Chosroes to bury himself under THE ruins of\n THE city and palace: and as both might have been equally adverse\n to his flight, THE monarch of Asia, with Sira, 1041 and three\n concubines, escaped through a hole in THE wall nine days before\n THE arrival of THE Romans. The slow and stately procession in\n which he showed himself to THE prostrate crowd, was changed to a\n rapid and secret journey; and THE first evening he lodged in THE\n cottage of a peasant, whose humble door would scarcely give\n admittance to THE great king. 105 His superstition was subdued by\n fear: on THE third day, he entered with joy THE fortifications of\n Ctesiphon; yet he still doubted of his safety till he had opposed\n THE River Tigris to THE pursuit of THE Romans. The discovery of\n his flight agitated with terror and tumult THE palace, THE city,\n and THE camp of Dastagerd: THE satraps hesitated wheTHEr THEy had\n most to fear from THEir sovereign or THE enemy; and THE females\n of THE harem were astonished and pleased by THE sight of mankind,\n till THE jealous husband of three thousand wives again confined\n THEm to a more distant castle. At his command, THE army of\n Dastagerd retreated to a new camp: THE front was covered by THE\n Arba, and a line of two hundred elephants; THE troops of THE more\n distant provinces successively arrived, and THE vilest domestics\n of THE king and satraps were enrolled for THE last defence of THE\n throne. It was still in THE power of Chosroes to obtain a\n reasonable peace; and he was repeatedly pressed by THE messengers\n of Heraclius to spare THE blood of his subjects, and to relieve a\n humane conqueror from THE painful duty of carrying fire and sword\n through THE fairest countries of Asia. But THE pride of THE\n Persian had not yet sunk to THE level of his fortune; he derived\n a momentary confidence from THE retreat of THE emperor; he wept\n with impotent rage over THE ruins of his Assyrian palaces, and\n disregarded too long THE rising murmurs of THE nation, who\n complained that THEir lives and fortunes were sacrificed to THE\n obstinacy of an old man. That unhappy old man was himself\n tortured with THE sharpest pains both of mind and body; and, in\n THE consciousness of his approaching end, he resolved to fix THE\n tiara on THE head of Merdaza, THE most favored of his sons. But\n THE will of Chosroes was no longer revered, and Siroes, 1051 who\n gloried in THE rank and merit of his moTHEr Sira, had conspired\n with THE malcontents to assert and anticipate THE rights of\n primogeniture. 106 Twenty-two satraps (THEy styled THEmselves\n patriots) were tempted by THE wealth and honors of a new reign:\n to THE soldiers, THE heir of Chosroes promised an increase of\n pay; to THE Christians, THE free exercise of THEir religion; to\n THE captives, liberty and rewards; and to THE nation, instant\n peace and THE reduction of taxes. It was determined by THE\n conspirators, that Siroes, with THE ensigns of royalty, should\n appear in THE camp; and if THE enterprise should fail, his escape\n was contrived to THE Imperial court. But THE new monarch was\n saluted with unanimous acclamations; THE flight of Chosroes (yet\n where could he have fled?) was rudely arrested, eighteen sons\n were massacred 1061 before his face, and he was thrown into a\n dungeon, where he expired on THE fifth day. The Greeks and modern\n Persians minutely describe how Chosroes was insulted, and\n famished, and tortured, by THE command of an inhuman son, who so\n far surpassed THE example of his faTHEr: but at THE time of his\n death, what tongue would relate THE story of THE parricide? what\n eye could penetrate into THE tower of darkness? According to THE\n faith and mercy of his Christian enemies, he sunk without hope\n into a still deeper abyss; 107 and it will not be denied, that\n tyrants of every age and sect are THE best entitled to such\n infernal abodes. The glory of THE house of Sassan ended with THE\n life of Chosroes: his unnatural son enjoyed only eight months THE\n fruit of his crimes: and in THE space of four years, THE regal\n title was assumed by nine candidates, who disputed, with THE\n sword or dagger, THE fragments of an exhausted monarchy. Every\n province, and each city of Persia, was THE scene of independence,\n of discord, and of blood; and THE state of anarchy prevailed\n about eight years longer, 1071 till THE factions were silenced\n and united under THE common yoke of THE Arabian caliphs. 108\n\n 1041 (return) [ The Schirin of Persian poetry. The love of Chosru\n and Schirin rivals in Persian romance that of Joseph with Zuleika\n THE wife of Potiphar, of Solomon with THE queen of Sheba, and\n that of Mejnoun and Leila. The number of Persian poems on THE\n subject may be seen in M. von Hammer’s preface to his poem of\n Schirin.—M]\n\n 105 (return) [ The words of Theophanes are remarkable. Young\n princes who discover a propensity to war should repeatedly\n transcribe and translate such salutary texts.]\n\n 1051 (return) [ His name was Kabad (as appears from an official\n letter in THE Paschal Chronicle, p. 402.) St. Martin considers\n THE name Siroes, Schirquieh of Schirwey, derived from THE word\n schir, royal. St. Martin, xi. 153.—M.]\n\n 106 (return) [ The auTHEntic narrative of THE fall of Chosroes is\n contained in THE letter of Heraclius (Chron. Paschal. p. 398) and\n THE history of Theophanes, (p. 271.)]\n\n 1061 (return) [ According to Le Beau, this massacre was\n perpetrated at Mahuza in Babylonia, not in THE presence of\n Chosroes. The Syrian historian, Thomas of Maraga, gives Chosroes\n twenty-four sons; Mirkhond, (translated by De Sacy,) fifteen; THE\n inedited Modjmel-alte-warikh, agreeing with Gibbon, eighteen,\n with THEir names. Le Beau and St. Martin, xi. 146.—M.]\n\n 107 (return) [ On THE first rumor of THE death of Chosroes, an\n Heracliad in two cantos was instantly published at Constantinople\n by George of Pisidia, (p. 97—105.) A priest and a poet might very\n properly exult in THE damnation of THE public enemy but such mean\n revenge is unworthy of a king and a conqueror; and I am sorry to\n find so much black superstition in THE letter of Heraclius: he\n almost applauds THE parricide of Siroes as an act of piety and\n justice. * Note: The Mahometans show no more charity towards THE\n memory of Chosroes or Khoosroo Purveez. All his reverses are\n ascribed to THE just indignation of God, upon a monarch who had\n dared, with impious and accursed hands, to tear THE letter of THE\n Holy Prophet Mahomed. Compare note, p. 231.—M.]\n\n 1071 (return) [ Yet Gibbon himself places THE flight and death of\n Yesdegird Ill., THE last king of Persia, in 651. The famous era\n of Yesdegird dates from his accession, June 16 632.—M.]\n\n 108 (return) [ The best Oriental accounts of this last period of\n THE Sassanian kings are found in Eutychius, (Annal. tom. ii. p.\n 251—256,) who dissembles THE parricide of Siroes, D’Herbelot\n (BiblioTHEque Orientale, p. 789,) and Assemanni, (BiblioTHEc.\n Oriental. tom. iii. p. 415—420.)]\n\n\n As soon as THE mountains became passable, THE emperor received\n THE welcome news of THE success of THE conspiracy, THE death of\n Chosroes, and THE elevation of his eldest son to THE throne of\n Persia. The authors of THE revolution, eager to display THEir\n merits in THE court or camp of Tauris, preceded THE ambassadors\n of Siroes, who delivered THE letters of THEir master to his\n broTHEr THE emperor of THE Romans. 109 In THE language of THE\n usurpers of every age, he imputes his own crimes to THE Deity,\n and, without degrading his equal majesty, he offers to reconcile\n THE long discord of THE two nations, by a treaty of peace and\n alliance more durable than brass or iron. The conditions of THE\n treaty were easily defined and faithfully executed. In THE\n recovery of THE standards and prisoners which had fallen into THE\n hands of THE Persians, THE emperor imitated THE example of\n Augustus: THEir care of THE national dignity was celebrated by\n THE poets of THE times, but THE decay of genius may be measured\n by THE distance between Horace and George of Pisidia: THE\n subjects and brethren of Heraclius were redeemed from\n persecution, slavery, and exile; but, instead of THE Roman\n eagles, THE true wood of THE holy cross was restored to THE\n importunate demands of THE successor of Constantine. The victor\n was not ambitious of enlarging THE weakness of THE empire; THE\n son of Chosroes abandoned without regret THE conquests of his\n faTHEr; THE Persians who evacuated THE cities of Syria and Egypt\n were honorably conducted to THE frontier, and a war which had\n wounded THE vitals of THE two monarchies, produced no change in\n THEir external and relative situation. The return of Heraclius\n from Tauris to Constantinople was a perpetual triumph; and after\n THE exploits of six glorious campaigns, he peaceably enjoyed THE\n Sabbath of his toils. After a long impatience, THE senate, THE\n clergy, and THE people, went forth to meet THEir hero, with tears\n and acclamations, with olive branches and innumerable lamps; he\n entered THE capital in a chariot drawn by four elephants; and as\n soon as THE emperor could disengage himself from THE tumult of\n public joy, he tasted more genuine satisfaction in THE embraces\n of his moTHEr and his son. 110\n\n 109 (return) [ The letter of Siroes in THE Paschal Chronicle (p.\n 402) unfortunately ends before he proceeds to business. The\n treaty appears in its execution in THE histories of Theophanes\n and Nicephorus. * Note: M. Mai. Script. Vet. Nova Collectio, vol.\n i. P. 2, p. 223, has added some lines, but no clear sense can be\n made out of THE fragment.—M.]\n\n 110 (return) [ The burden of Corneille’s song, “Montrez Heraclius\n au peuple qui l’attend,” is much better suited to THE present\n occasion. See his triumph in Theophanes (p. 272, 273) and\n Nicephorus, (p. 15, 16.) The life of THE moTHEr and tenderness of\n THE son are attested by George of Pisidia, (Bell. Abar. 255, &c.,\n p. 49.) The metaphor of THE Sabbath is used somewhat profanely by\n THEse Byzantine Christians.]\n\n\n The succeeding year was illustrated by a triumph of a very\n different kind, THE restitution of THE true cross to THE holy\n sepulchre. Heraclius performed in person THE pilgrimage of\n Jerusalem, THE identity of THE relic was verified by THE discreet\n patriarch, 111 and this august ceremony has been commemorated by\n THE annual festival of THE exaltation of THE cross. Before THE\n emperor presumed to tread THE consecrated ground, he was\n instructed to strip himself of THE diadem and purple, THE pomp\n and vanity of THE world: but in THE judgment of his clergy, THE\n persecution of THE Jews was more easily reconciled with THE\n precepts of THE gospel. 1113 He again ascended his throne to\n receive THE congratulations of THE ambassadors of France and\n India: and THE fame of Moses, Alexander, and Hercules, 112 was\n eclipsed in THE popular estimation, by THE superior merit and\n glory of THE great Heraclius. Yet THE deliverer of THE East was\n indigent and feeble. Of THE Persian spoils, THE most valuable\n portion had been expended in THE war, distributed to THE\n soldiers, or buried, by an unlucky tempest, in THE waves of THE\n Euxine. The conscience of THE emperor was oppressed by THE\n obligation of restoring THE wealth of THE clergy, which he had\n borrowed for THEir own defence: a perpetual fund was required to\n satisfy THEse inexorable creditors; THE provinces, already wasted\n by THE arms and avarice of THE Persians, were compelled to a\n second payment of THE same taxes; and THE arrears of a simple\n citizen, THE treasurer of Damascus, were commuted to a fine of\n one hundred thousand pieces of gold. The loss of two hundred\n thousand soldiers 113 who had fallen by THE sword, was of less\n fatal importance than THE decay of arts, agriculture, and\n population, in this long and destructive war: and although a\n victorious army had been formed under THE standard of Heraclius,\n THE unnatural effort appears to have exhausted raTHEr than\n exercised THEir strength. While THE emperor triumphed at\n Constantinople or Jerusalem, an obscure town on THE confines of\n Syria was pillaged by THE Saracens, and THEy cut in pieces some\n troops who advanced to its relief; an ordinary and trifling\n occurrence, had it not been THE prelude of a mighty revolution.\n These robbers were THE apostles of Mahomet; THEir fanatic valor\n had emerged from THE desert; and in THE last eight years of his\n reign, Heraclius lost to THE Arabs THE same provinces which he\n had rescued from THE Persians.\n\n 111 (return) [ See Baronius, (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 628, No. 1-4,)\n Eutychius, (Annal. tom. ii. p. 240—248,) Nicephorus, (Brev. p.\n 15.) The seals of THE case had never been broken; and this\n preservation of THE cross is ascribed (under God) to THE devotion\n of Queen Sira.]\n\n 1113 (return) [ If THE clergy imposed upon THE kneeling and\n penitent emperor THE persecution of THE Jews, it must be\n acknowledge that provocation was not wanting; for how many of\n THEm had been eye-witnesses of, perhaps sufferers in, THE\n horrible atrocities committed on THE capture of THE city! Yet we\n have no auTHEntic account of great severities exercised by\n Heraclius. The law of Hadrian was reenacted, which prohibited THE\n Jews from approaching within three miles of THE city—a law,\n which, in THE present exasperated state of THE Christians, might\n be a measure of security of mercy, raTHEr than of oppression.\n Milman, Hist. of THE Jews, iii. 242.—M.]\n\n 112 (return) [ George of Pisidia, Acroas. iii. de Expedit. contra\n Persas, 415, &c., and Heracleid. Acroas. i. 65—138. I neglect THE\n meaner parallels of Daniel, TimoTHEus, &c.; Chosroes and THE\n chagan were of course compared to Belshazzar, Pharaoh, THE old\n serpent, &c.]\n\n 113 (return) [ Suidas (in Excerpt. Hist. Byzant. p. 46) gives\n this number; but eiTHEr THE Persian must be read for THE Isaurian\n war, or this passage does not belong to THE emperor Heraclius.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part I.\n\n\nTheological History Of The Doctrine Of The Incarnation.—The Human And\nDivine Nature Of Christ.—Enmity Of The Patriarchs Of Alexandria And\nConstantinople.—St. Cyril And Nestorius. —Third General Council Of\nEphesus.—Heresy Of Eutyches.—Fourth General Council Of Chalcedon.—Civil\nAnd Ecclesiastical Discord.—Intolerance Of Justinian.—The Three\nChapters.—The MonoTHElite Controversy.—State Of The Oriental Sects:—I.\nThe Nestorians.—II. The Jacobites.—III. The Maronites.—IV. The\nArmenians.—V. The Copts And Abyssinians.\n\n\n After THE extinction of paganism, THE Christians in peace and\n piety might have enjoyed THEir solitary triumph. But THE\n principle of discord was alive in THEir bosom, and THEy were more\n solicitous to explore THE nature, than to practice THE laws, of\n THEir founder. I have already observed, that THE disputes of THE\n Trinity were succeeded by those of THE Incarnation; alike\n scandalous to THE church, alike pernicious to THE state, still\n more minute in THEir origin, still more durable in THEir effects.\n\n\n It is my design to comprise in THE present chapter a religious\n war of two hundred and fifty years, to represent THE\n ecclesiastical and political schism of THE Oriental sects, and to\n introduce THEir clamorous or sanguinary contests, by a modest\n inquiry into THE doctrines of THE primitive church. 1\n\n 1 (return) [ By what means shall I auTHEnticate this previous\n inquiry, which I have studied to circumscribe and compress?—If I\n persist in supporting each fact or reflection by its proper and\n special evidence, every line would demand a string of\n testimonies, and every note would swell to a critical\n dissertation. But THE numberless passages of antiquity which I\n have seen with my own eyes, are compiled, digested and\n illustrated by Petavius and Le Clerc, by Beausobre and Mosheim. I\n shall be content to fortify my narrative by THE names and\n characters of THEse respectable guides; and in THE contemplation\n of a minute or remote object, I am not ashamed to borrow THE aid\n of THE strongest glasses: 1. The Dogmata Theologica of Petavius\n are a work of incredible labor and compass; THE volumes which\n relate solely to THE Incarnation (two folios, vth and vith, of\n 837 pages) are divided into xvi. books—THE first of history, THE\n remainder of controversy and doctrine. The Jesuit’s learning is\n copious and correct; his Latinity is pure, his method clear, his\n argument profound and well connected; but he is THE slave of THE\n faTHErs, THE scourge of heretics, and THE enemy of truth and\n candor, as often as THEy are inimical to THE Catholic cause. 2.\n The Arminian Le Clerc, who has composed in a quarto volume\n (Amsterdam, 1716) THE ecclesiastical history of THE two first\n centuries, was free both in his temper and situation; his sense\n is clear, but his thoughts are narrow; he reduces THE reason or\n folly of ages to THE standard of his private judgment, and his\n impartiality is sometimes quickened, and sometimes tainted by his\n opposition to THE faTHErs. See THE heretics (Cerinthians, lxxx.\n Ebionites, ciii. Carpocratians, cxx. Valentiniins, cxxi.\n Basilidians, cxxiii. Marcionites, cxli., &c.) under THEir proper\n dates. 3. The Histoire Critique du Manicheisme (Amsterdam, 1734,\n 1739, in two vols. in 4to., with a posthumous dissertation sur\n les Nazarenes, Lausanne, 1745) of M. de Beausobre is a treasure\n of ancient philosophy and THEology. The learned historian spins\n with incomparable art THE systematic thread of opinion, and\n transforms himself by turns into THE person of a saint, a sage,\n or a heretic. Yet his refinement is sometimes excessive; he\n betrays an amiable partiality in favor of THE weaker side, and,\n while he guards against calumny, he does not allow sufficient\n scope for superstition and fanaticism. A copious table of\n contents will direct THE reader to any point that he wishes to\n examine. 4. Less profound than Petavius, less independent than Le\n Clerc, less ingenious than Beausobre, THE historian Mosheim is\n full, rational, correct, and moderate. In his learned work, De\n Rebus Christianis ante Constantinum (Helmstadt 1753, in 4to.,)\n see THE Nazarenes and Ebionites, p. 172—179, 328—332. The\n Gnostics in general, p. 179, &c. Cerinthus, p. 196—202.\n Basilides, p. 352—361. Carpocrates, p. 363—367. Valentinus, p.\n 371—389 Marcion, p. 404—410. The Manichaeans, p. 829-837, &c.]\n\n\n I. A laudable regard for THE honor of THE first proselyte has\n countenanced THE belief, THE hope, THE wish, that THE Ebionites,\n or at least THE Nazarenes, were distinguished only by THEir\n obstinate perseverance in THE practice of THE Mosaic rites.\n\n\n Their churches have disappeared, THEir books are obliterated:\n THEir obscure freedom might allow a latitude of faith, and THE\n softness of THEir infant creed would be variously moulded by THE\n zeal or prudence of three hundred years. Yet THE most charitable\n criticism must refuse THEse sectaries any knowledge of THE pure\n and proper divinity of Christ. Educated in THE school of Jewish\n prophecy and prejudice, THEy had never been taught to elevate\n THEir hopes above a human and temporal Messiah. 2 If THEy had\n courage to hail THEir king when he appeared in a plebeian garb,\n THEir grosser apprehensions were incapable of discerning THEir\n God, who had studiously disguised his celestial character under\n THE name and person of a mortal. 3 The familiar companions of\n Jesus of Nazareth conversed with THEir friend and countryman,\n who, in all THE actions of rational and animal life, appeared of\n THE same species with THEmselves. His progress from infancy to\n youth and manhood was marked by a regular increase in stature and\n wisdom; and after a painful agony of mind and body, he expired on\n THE cross. He lived and died for THE service of mankind: but THE\n life and death of Socrates had likewise been devoted to THE cause\n of religion and justice; and although THE stoic or THE hero may\n disdain THE humble virtues of Jesus, THE tears which he shed over\n his friend and country may be esteemed THE purest evidence of his\n humanity. The miracles of THE gospel could not astonish a people\n who held with intrepid faith THE more splendid prodigies of THE\n Mosaic law. The prophets of ancient days had cured diseases,\n raised THE dead, divided THE sea, stopped THE sun, and ascended\n to heaven in a fiery chariot. And THE metaphorical style of THE\n Hebrews might ascribe to a saint and martyr THE adoptive title of\n Son of God.\n\n 2 (return) [ Jew Tryphon, (Justin. Dialog. p. 207) in THE name of\n his countrymen, and THE modern Jews, THE few who divert THEir\n thoughts from money to religion, still hold THE same language,\n and allege THE literal sense of THE prophets. * Note: See on this\n passage Bp. Kaye, Justin Martyr, p. 25.—M. Note: Most of THE\n modern writers, who have closely examined this subject, and who\n will not be suspected of any THEological bias, Rosenmüller on\n Isaiah ix. 5, and on Psalm xlv. 7, and Bertholdt, Christologia\n Judaeorum, c. xx., rightly ascribe much higher notions of THE\n Messiah to THE Jews. In fact, THE dispute seems to rest on THE\n notion that THEre was a definite and authorized notion of THE\n Messiah, among THE Jews, whereas it was probably so vague, as to\n admit every shade of difference, from THE vulgar expectation of a\n mere temporal king, to THE philosophic notion of an emanation\n from THE Deity.—M.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Chrysostom (Basnage, Hist. des Juifs, tom. v. c. 9,\n p. 183) and Athanasius (Petav. Dogmat. Theolog. tom. v. l. i. c.\n 2, p. 3) are obliged to confess that THE Divinity of Christ is\n rarely mentioned by himself or his apostles.]\n\n\n Yet in THE insufficient creed of THE Nazarenes and THE Ebionites,\n a distinction is faintly noticed between THE heretics, who\n confounded THE generation of Christ in THE common order of\n nature, and THE less guilty schismatics, who revered THE\n virginity of his moTHEr, and excluded THE aid of an earthly\n faTHEr. The incredulity of THE former was countenanced by THE\n visible circumstances of his birth, THE legal marriage of THE\n reputed parents, Joseph and Mary, and his lineal claim to THE\n kingdom of David and THE inheritance of Judah. But THE secret and\n auTHEntic history has been recorded in several copies of THE\n Gospel according to St. MatTHEw, 4 which THEse sectaries long\n preserved in THE original Hebrew, 5 as THE sole evidence of THEir\n faith. The natural suspicions of THE husband, conscious of his\n own chastity, were dispelled by THE assurance (in a dream) that\n his wife was pregnant of THE Holy Ghost: and as this distant and\n domestic prodigy could not fall under THE personal observation of\n THE historian, he must have listened to THE same voice which\n dictated to Isaiah THE future conception of a virgin. The son of\n a virgin, generated by THE ineffable operation of THE Holy\n Spirit, was a creature without example or resemblance, superior\n in every attribute of mind and body to THE children of Adam.\n Since THE introduction of THE Greek or Chaldean philosophy, 6 THE\n Jews 7 were persuaded of THE preexistence, transmigration, and\n immortality of souls; and providence was justified by a\n supposition, that THEy were confined in THEir earthly prisons to\n expiate THE stains which THEy had contracted in a former state. 8\n But THE degrees of purity and corruption are almost immeasurable.\n It might be fairly presumed, that THE most sublime and virtuous\n of human spirits was infused into THE offspring of Mary and THE\n Holy Ghost; 9 that his abasement was THE result of his voluntary\n choice; and that THE object of his mission was, to purify, not\n his own, but THE sins of THE world. On his return to his native\n skies, he received THE immense reward of his obedience; THE\n everlasting kingdom of THE Messiah, which had been darkly\n foretold by THE prophets, under THE carnal images of peace, of\n conquest, and of dominion. Omnipotence could enlarge THE human\n faculties of Christ to THE extend of is celestial office. In THE\n language of antiquity, THE title of God has not been severely\n confined to THE first parent, and his incomparable minister, his\n only-begotten son, might claim, without presumption, THE\n religious, though secondary, worship of a subject of a subject\n world.\n\n 4 (return) [ The two first chapters of St. MatTHEw did not exist\n in THE Ebionite copies, (Epiphan. Haeres. xxx. 13;) and THE\n miraculous conception is one of THE last articles which Dr.\n Priestley has curtailed from his scanty creed. * Note: The\n distinct allusion to THE facts related in THE two first chapters\n of THE Gospel, in a work evidently written about THE end of THE\n reign of Nero, THE Ascensio Isaiae, edited by Archbishop\n Lawrence, seems convincing evidence that THEy are integral parts\n of THE auTHEntic Christian history.—M.]\n\n 5 (return) [ It is probable enough that THE first of THE Gospels\n for THE use of THE Jewish converts was composed in THE Hebrew or\n Syriac idiom: THE fact is attested by a chain of faTHErs—Papias,\n Irenaeus, Origen, Jerom, &c. It is devoutly believed by THE\n Catholics, and admitted by Casaubon, Grotius, and Isaac Vossius,\n among THE Protestant critics. But this Hebrew Gospel of St.\n MatTHEw is most unaccountably lost; and we may accuse THE\n diligence or fidelity of THE primitive churches, who have\n preferred THE unauthorized version of some nameless Greek.\n Erasmus and his followers, who respect our Greek text as THE\n original Gospel, deprive THEmselves of THE evidence which\n declares it to be THE work of an apostle. See Simon, Hist.\n Critique, &c., tom. iii. c. 5—9, p. 47—101, and THE Prolegomena\n of Mill and Wetstein to THE New Testament. * Note: Surely THE\n extinction of THE Judaeo-Christian community related from Mosheim\n by Gibbon himself (c. xv.) accounts both simply and naturally for\n THE loss of a composition, which had become of no use—nor does it\n follow that THE Greek Gospel of St. MatTHEw is unauthorized.—M.]\n\n 6 (return) [ The metaphysics of THE soul are disengaged by Cicero\n (Tusculan. l. i.) and Maximus of Tyre (Dissertat. xvi.) from THE\n intricacies of dialogue, which sometimes amuse, and often\n perplex, THE readers of THE Phoedrus, THE Phoedon, and THE Laws\n of Plato.]\n\n 7 (return) [ The disciples of Jesus were persuaded that a man\n might have sinned before he was born, (John, ix. 2,) and THE\n Pharisees held THE transmigration of virtuous souls, (Joseph. de\n Bell. Judaico, l. ii. c. 7;) and a modern Rabbi is modestly\n assured, that Hermes, Pythagoras, Plato, &c., derived THEir\n metaphysics from his illustrious countrymen.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Four different opinions have been entertained\n concerning THE origin of human souls: 1. That THEy are eternal\n and divine. 2. That THEy were created in a separate state of\n existence, before THEir union with THE body. 3. That THEy have\n been propagated from THE original stock of Adam, who contained in\n himself THE mental as well as THE corporeal seed of his\n posterity. 4. That each soul is occasionally created and embodied\n in THE moment of conception.—The last of THEse sentiments appears\n to have prevailed among THE moderns; and our spiritual history is\n grown less sublime, without becoming more intelligible.]\n\n 9 (return) [ It was one of THE fifteen heresies imputed to\n Origen, and denied by his apologist, (Photius, BiblioTHEc. cod.\n cxvii. p. 296.) Some of THE Rabbis attribute one and THE same\n soul to THE persons of Adam, David, and THE Messiah.]\n\n\n II. The seeds of THE faith, which had slowly arisen in THE rocky\n and ungrateful soil of Judea, were transplanted, in full\n maturity, to THE happier climes of THE Gentiles; and THE\n strangers of Rome or Asia, who never beheld THE manhood, were THE\n more readily disposed to embrace THE divinity, of Christ. The\n polyTHEist and THE philosopher, THE Greek and THE Barbarian, were\n alike accustomed to conceive a long succession, an infinite chain\n of angels or daemons, or deities, or aeons, or emanations,\n issuing from THE throne of light. Nor could it seem strange or\n incredible, that THE first of THEse aeons, THE Logos, or Word of\n God, of THE same substance with THE FaTHEr, should descend upon\n earth, to deliver THE human race from vice and error, and to\n conduct THEm in THE paths of life and immortality. But THE\n prevailing doctrine of THE eternity and inherent pravity of\n matter infected THE primitive churches of THE East. Many among\n THE Gentile proselytes refused to believe that a celestial\n spirit, an undivided portion of THE first essence, had been\n personally united with a mass of impure and contaminated flesh;\n and, in THEir zeal for THE divinity, THEy piously abjured THE\n humanity, of Christ. While his blood was still recent on Mount\n Calvary, 10 THE Docetes, a numerous and learned sect of Asiatics,\n invented THE phantastic system, which was afterwards propagated\n by THE Marcionites, THE Manichaeans, and THE various names of THE\n Gnostic heresy. 11 They denied THE truth and auTHEnticity of THE\n Gospels, as far as THEy relate THE conception of Mary, THE birth\n of Christ, and THE thirty years that preceded THE exercise of his\n ministry. He first appeared on THE banks of THE Jordan in THE\n form of perfect manhood; but it was a form only, and not a\n substance; a human figure created by THE hand of Omnipotence to\n imitate THE faculties and actions of a man, and to impose a\n perpetual illusion on THE senses of his friends and enemies.\n Articulate sounds vibrated on THE ears of THE disciples; but THE\n image which was impressed on THEir optic nerve eluded THE more\n stubborn evidence of THE touch; and THEy enjoyed THE spiritual,\n not THE corporeal, presence of THE Son of God. The rage of THE\n Jews was idly wasted against an impassive phantom; and THE mystic\n scenes of THE passion and death, THE resurrection and ascension,\n of Christ were represented on THE THEatre of Jerusalem for THE\n benefit of mankind. If it were urged, that such ideal mimicry,\n such incessant deception, was unworthy of THE God of truth, THE\n Docetes agreed with too many of THEir orthodox brethren in THE\n justification of pious falsehood. In THE system of THE Gnostics,\n THE Jehovah of Israel, THE Creator of this lower world, was a\n rebellious, or at least an ignorant, spirit. The Son of God\n descended upon earth to abolish his temple and his law; and, for\n THE accomplishment of this salutary end, he dexterously\n transferred to his own person THE hope and prediction of a\n temporal Messiah.\n\n 10 (return) [ Apostolis adhuc in seculo superstitibus, apud\n Judaeam Christi sanguine recente, Phantasma domini corpus\n asserebatur. Hieronym, advers. Lucifer. c. 8. The epistle of\n Ignatius to THE Smyrnaeans, and even THE Gospel according to St.\n John, are levelled against THE growing error of THE Docetes, who\n had obtained too much credit in THE world, (1 John, iv. 1—5.)]\n\n 11 (return) [ About THE year 200 of THE Christian aera, Irenaeus\n and Hippolytus efuted THE thirty-two sects, which had multiplied\n to fourscore in THE time of Epiphanius, (Phot. Biblioth. cod.\n cxx. cxxi. cxxii.) The five books of Irenaeus exist only in\n barbarous Latin; but THE original might perhaps be found in some\n monastery of Greece.]\n\n\n One of THE most subtile disputants of THE Manichaean school has\n pressed THE danger and indecency of supposing, that THE God of\n THE Christians, in THE state of a human foetus, emerged at THE\n end of nine months from a female womb. The pious horror of his\n antagonists provoked THEm to disclaim all sensual circumstances\n of conception and delivery; to maintain that THE divinity passed\n through Mary like a sunbeam through a plate of glass; and to\n assert, that THE seal of her virginity remained unbroken even at\n THE moment when she became THE moTHEr of Christ. But THE rashness\n of THEse concessions has encouraged a milder sentiment of those\n of THE Docetes, who taught, not that Christ was a phantom, but\n that he was cloTHEd with an impassible and incorruptible body.\n Such, indeed, in THE more orthodox system, he has acquired since\n his resurrection, and such he must have always possessed, if it\n were capable of pervading, without resistance or injury, THE\n density of intermediate matter. Devoid of its most essential\n properties, it might be exempt from THE attributes and\n infirmities of THE flesh. A foetus that could increase from an\n invisible point to its full maturity; a child that could attain\n THE stature of perfect manhood without deriving any nourishment\n from THE ordinary sources, might continue to exist without\n repairing a daily waste by a daily supply of external matter.\n Jesus might share THE repasts of his disciples without being\n subject to THE calls of thirst or hunger; and his virgin purity\n was never sullied by THE involuntary stains of sensual\n concupiscence. Of a body thus singularly constituted, a question\n would arise, by what means, and of what materials, it was\n originally framed; and our sounder THEology is startled by an\n answer which was not peculiar to THE Gnostics, that both THE form\n and THE substance proceeded from THE divine essence. The idea of\n pure and absolute spirit is a refinement of modern philosophy:\n THE incorporeal essence, ascribed by THE ancients to human souls,\n celestial beings, and even THE Deity himself, does not exclude\n THE notion of extended space; and THEir imagination was satisfied\n with a subtile nature of air, or fire, or aeTHEr, incomparably\n more perfect than THE grossness of THE material world. If we\n define THE place, we must describe THE figure, of THE Deity. Our\n experience, perhaps our vanity, represents THE powers of reason\n and virtue under a human form. The Anthropomorphites, who swarmed\n among THE monks of Egypt and THE Catholics of Africa, could\n produce THE express declaration of Scripture, that man was made\n after THE image of his Creator. 12 The venerable Serapion, one of\n THE saints of THE Nitrian deserts, relinquished, with many a\n tear, his darling prejudice; and bewailed, like an infant, his\n unlucky conversion, which had stolen away his God, and left his\n mind without any visible object of faith or devotion. 13\n\n 12 (return) [ The pilgrim Cassian, who visited Egypt in THE\n beginning of THE vth century, observes and laments THE reign of\n anthropomorphism among THE monks, who were not conscious that\n THEy embraced THE system of Epicurus, (Cicero, de Nat. Deorum, i.\n 18, 34.) Ab universo propemodum genere monachorum, qui per totam\n provinciam Egyptum morabantur, pro simplicitatis errore susceptum\n est, ut e contraric memoratum pontificem (Theophilus) velut\n haeresi gravissima depravatum, pars maxima seniorum ab universo\n fraternitatis corpore decerneret detestandum, (Cassian,\n Collation. x. 2.) As long as St. Augustin remained a Manichaean,\n he was scandalized by THE anthropomorphism of THE vulgar\n Catholics.]\n\n 13 (return) [ Ita est in oratione senex mente confusus, eo quod\n illam imaginem Deitatis, quam proponere sibi in oratione\n consueverat, aboleri de suo corde sentiret, ut in amarissimos\n fletus, crebrosque singultus repente prorumpens, in terram\n prostratus, cum ejulatu validissimo proclamaret; “Heu me miserum!\n tulerunt a me Deum meum, et quem nunc teneam non habeo, vel quem\n adorem, aut interpallam am nescio.” Cassian, Collat. x. 2.]\n\n\n III. Such were THE fleeting shadows of THE Docetes. A more\n substantial, though less simple, hypoTHEsis, was contrived by\n Cerinthus of Asia, 14 who dared to oppose THE last of THE\n apostles. Placed on THE confines of THE Jewish and Gentile world,\n he labored to reconcile THE Gnostic with THE Ebionite, by\n confessing in THE same Messiah THE supernatural union of a man\n and a God; and this mystic doctrine was adopted with many\n fanciful improvements by Carpocrates, Basilides, and Valentine,\n 15 THE heretics of THE Egyptian school. In THEir eyes, Jesus of\n Nazareth was a mere mortal, THE legitimate son of Joseph and\n Mary: but he was THE best and wisest of THE human race, selected\n as THE worthy instrument to restore upon earth THE worship of THE\n true and supreme Deity. When he was baptized in THE Jordan, THE\n Christ, THE first of THE aeons, THE Son of God himself, descended\n on Jesus in THE form of a dove, to inhabit his mind, and direct\n his actions during THE allotted period of his ministry. When THE\n Messiah was delivered into THE hands of THE Jews, THE Christ, an\n immortal and impassible being, forsook his earthly tabernacle,\n flew back to THE pleroma or world of spirits, and left THE\n solitary Jesus to suffer, to complain, and to expire. But THE\n justice and generosity of such a desertion are strongly\n questionable; and THE fate of an innocent martyr, at first\n impelled, and at length abandoned, by his divine companion, might\n provoke THE pity and indignation of THE profane. Their murmurs\n were variously silenced by THE sectaries who espoused and\n modified THE double system of Cerinthus. It was alleged, that\n when Jesus was nailed to THE cross, he was endowed with a\n miraculous apathy of mind and body, which rendered him insensible\n of his apparent sufferings. It was affirmed, that THEse\n momentary, though real, pangs would be abundantly repaid by THE\n temporal reign of a thousand years reserved for THE Messiah in\n his kingdom of THE new Jerusalem. It was insinuated, that if he\n suffered, he deserved to suffer; that human nature is never\n absolutely perfect; and that THE cross and passion might serve to\n expiate THE venial transgressions of THE son of Joseph, before\n his mysterious union with THE Son of God. 16\n\n 14 (return) [ St. John and Cerinthus (A.D. 80. Cleric. Hist.\n Eccles. p. 493) accidentally met in THE public bath of Ephesus;\n but THE apostle fled from THE heretic, lest THE building should\n tumble on THEir heads. This foolish story, reprobated by Dr.\n Middleton, (Miscellaneous Works, vol. ii.,) is related, however,\n by Irenaeus, (iii. 3,) on THE evidence of Polycarp, and was\n probably suited to THE time and residence of Cerinthus. The\n obsolete, yet probably THE true, reading of 1 John, iv. 3 alludes\n to THE double nature of that primitive heretic. * Note: Griesbach\n asserts that all THE Greek Mss., all THE translators, and all THE\n Greek faTHErs, support THE common reading.—Nov. Test. in loc.—M]\n\n 15 (return) [ The Valentinians embraced a complex, and almost\n incoherent, system. 1. Both Christ and Jesus were aeons, though\n of different degrees; THE one acting as THE rational soul, THE\n oTHEr as THE divine spirit of THE Savior. 2. At THE time of THE\n passion, THEy both retired, and left only a sensitive soul and a\n human body. 3. Even that body was aeTHEreal, and perhaps\n apparent.—Such are THE laborious conclusions of Mosheim. But I\n much doubt wheTHEr THE Latin translator understood Irenaeus, and\n wheTHEr Irenaeus and THE Valetinians understood THEmselves.]\n\n 16 (return) [ The heretics abused THE passionate exclamation of\n “My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me?” Rousseau, who has\n drawn an eloquent, but indecent, parallel between Christ and\n Socrates, forgets that not a word of impatience or despair\n escaped from THE mouth of THE dying philosopher. In THE Messiah,\n such sentiments could be only apparent; and such ill-sounding\n words were properly explained as THE application of a psalm and\n prophecy.]\n\n\n IV. All those who believe THE immateriality of THE soul, a\n specious and noble tenet, must confess, from THEir present\n experience, THE incomprehensible union of mind and matter. A\n similar union is not inconsistent with a much higher, or even\n with THE highest, degree of mental faculties; and THE incarnation\n of an aeon or archangel, THE most perfect of created spirits,\n does not involve any positive contradiction or absurdity. In THE\n age of religious freedom, which was determined by THE council of\n Nice, THE dignity of Christ was measured by private judgment\n according to THE indefinite rule of Scripture, or reason, or\n tradition. But when his pure and proper divinity had been\n established on THE ruins of Arianism, THE faith of THE Catholics\n trembled on THE edge of a precipice where it was impossible to\n recede, dangerous to stand, dreadful to fall and THE manifold\n inconveniences of THEir creed were aggravated by THE sublime\n character of THEir THEology. They hesitated to pronounce; that\n God himself, THE second person of an equal and consubstantial\n trinity, was manifested in THE flesh; 17 that a being who\n pervades THE universe, had been confined in THE womb of Mary;\n that his eternal duration had been marked by THE days, and\n months, and years of human existence; that THE Almighty had been\n scourged and crucified; that his impassible essence had felt pain\n and anguish; that his omniscience was not exempt from ignorance;\n and that THE source of life and immortality expired on Mount\n Calvary. These alarming consequences were affirmed with\n unblushing simplicity by Apollinaris, 18 bishop of Laodicea, and\n one of THE luminaries of THE church. The son of a learned\n grammarian, he was skilled in all THE sciences of Greece;\n eloquence, erudition, and philosophy, conspicuous in THE volumes\n of Apollinaris, were humbly devoted to THE service of religion.\n The worthy friend of Athanasius, THE worthy antagonist of Julian,\n he bravely wrestled with THE Arians and PolyTHEists, and though\n he affected THE rigor of geometrical demonstration, his\n commentaries revealed THE literal and allegorical sense of THE\n Scriptures. A mystery, which had long floated in THE looseness of\n popular belief, was defined by his perverse diligence in a\n technical form; and he first proclaimed THE memorable words, “One\n incarnate nature of Christ,” which are still reechoed with\n hostile clamors in THE churches of Asia, Egypt, and Aethiopia. He\n taught that THE Godhead was united or mingled with THE body of a\n man; and that THE Logos, THE eternal wisdom, supplied in THE\n flesh THE place and office of a human soul. Yet as THE profound\n doctor had been terrified at his own rashness, Apollinaris was\n heard to mutter some faint accents of excuse and explanation. He\n acquiesced in THE old distinction of THE Greek philosophers\n between THE rational and sensitive soul of man; that he might\n reserve THE Logos for intellectual functions, and employ THE\n subordinate human principle in THE meaner actions of animal life.\n\n\n With THE moderate Docetes, he revered Mary as THE spiritual,\n raTHEr than as THE carnal, moTHEr of Christ, whose body eiTHEr\n came from heaven, impassible and incorruptible, or was absorbed,\n and as it were transformed, into THE essence of THE Deity. The\n system of Apollinaris was strenuously encountered by THE Asiatic\n and Syrian divines whose schools are honored by THE names of\n Basil, Gregory and Chrysostom, and tainted by those of Diodorus,\n Theodore, and Nestorius. But THE person of THE aged bishop of\n Laedicea, his character and dignity, remained inviolate; and his\n rivals, since we may not suspect THEm of THE weakness of\n toleration, were astonished, perhaps, by THE novelty of THE\n argument, and diffident of THE final sentence of THE Catholic\n church. Her judgment at length inclined in THEir favor; THE\n heresy of Apollinaris was condemned, and THE separate\n congregations of his disciples were proscribed by THE Imperial\n laws. But his principles were secretly entertained in THE\n monasteries of Egypt, and his enemies felt THE hatred of\n Theophilus and Cyril, THE successive patriarchs of Alexandria.\n\n 17 (return) [ This strong expression might be justified by THE\n language of St. Paul, (1 Tim. iii. 16;) but we are deceived by\n our modern Bibles. The word which was altered to God at\n Constantinople in THE beginning of THE vith century: THE true\n reading, which is visible in THE Latin and Syriac versions, still\n exists in THE reasoning of THE Greek, as well as of THE Latin\n faTHErs; and this fraud, with that of THE three witnesses of St.\n John, is admirably detected by Sir Isaac Newton. (See his two\n letters translated by M. de Missy, in THE Journal Britannique,\n tom. xv. p. 148—190, 351—390.) I have weighed THE arguments, and\n may yield to THE authority of THE first of philosophers, who was\n deeply skilled in critical and THEological studies. Note: It\n should be Griesbach in loc. The weight of authority is so much\n against THE common reading in both THEse points, that THEy are no\n longer urged by prudent controversialists. Would Gibbon’s\n deference for THE first of philosophers have extended to all his\n THEological conclusions?—M.]\n\n 18 (return) [ For Apollinaris and his sect, see Socrates, l. ii.\n c. 46, l. iii. c. 16 Sazomen, l. v. c. 18, 1. vi. c. 25, 27.\n Theodoret, l. v. 3, 10, 11. Tillemont, Memoires Ecclesiastiques,\n tom. vii. p. 602—638. Not. p. 789—794, in 4to. Venise, 1732. The\n contemporary saint always mentions THE bishop of Laodicea as a\n friend and broTHEr. The style of THE more recent historians is\n harsh and hostile: yet Philostorgius compares him (l. viii. c.\n 11-15) to Basil and Gregory.]\n\n\n V. The grovelling Ebionite, and THE fantastic Docetes, were\n rejected and forgotten: THE recent zeal against THE errors of\n Apollinaris reduced THE Catholics to a seeming agreement with THE\n double nature of Cerinthus. But instead of a temporary and\n occasional alliance, THEy established, and we still embrace, THE\n substantial, indissoluble, and everlasting union of a perfect God\n with a perfect man, of THE second person of THE trinity with a\n reasonable soul and human flesh. In THE beginning of THE fifth\n century, THE unity of THE two natures was THE prevailing doctrine\n of THE church. On all sides, it was confessed, that THE mode of\n THEir coexistence could neiTHEr be represented by our ideas, nor\n expressed by our language. Yet a secret and incurable discord was\n cherished, between those who were most apprehensive of\n confounding, and those who were most fearful of separating, THE\n divinity, and THE humanity, of Christ. Impelled by religious\n frenzy, THEy fled with adverse haste from THE error which THEy\n mutually deemed most destructive of truth and salvation. On\n eiTHEr hand THEy were anxious to guard, THEy were jealous to\n defend, THE union and THE distinction of THE two natures, and to\n invent such forms of speech, such symbols of doctrine, as were\n least susceptible of doubt or ambiguity. The poverty of ideas and\n language tempted THEm to ransack art and nature for every\n possible comparison, and each comparison misled THEir fancy in\n THE explanation of an incomparable mystery. In THE polemic\n microscope, an atom is enlarged to a monster, and each party was\n skilful to exaggerate THE absurd or impious conclusions that\n might be extorted from THE principles of THEir adversaries. To\n escape from each oTHEr, THEy wandered through many a dark and\n devious thicket, till THEy were astonished by THE horrid phantoms\n of Cerinthus and Apollinaris, who guarded THE opposite issues of\n THE THEological labyrinth. As soon as THEy beheld THE twilight of\n sense and heresy, THEy started, measured back THEir steps, and\n were again involved in THE gloom of impenetrable orthodoxy. To\n purge THEmselves from THE guilt or reproach of damnable error,\n THEy disavowed THEir consequences, explained THEir principles,\n excused THEir indiscretions, and unanimously pronounced THE\n sounds of concord and faith. Yet a latent and almost invisible\n spark still lurked among THE embers of controversy: by THE breath\n of prejudice and passion, it was quickly kindled to a mighty\n flame, and THE verbal disputes 19 of THE Oriental sects have\n shaken THE pillars of THE church and state.\n\n 19 (return) [ I appeal to THE confession of two Oriental\n prelates, Gregory Abulpharagius THE Jacobite primate of THE East,\n and Elias THE Nestorian metropolitan of Damascus, (see Asseman,\n BiblioTHEc. Oriental. tom. ii. p. 291, tom. iii. p. 514, &c.,)\n that THE Melchites, Jacobites, Nestorians, &c., agree in THE\n doctrine, and differ only in THE expression. Our most learned and\n rational divines—Basnage, Le Clerc, Beausobre, La Croze, Mosheim,\n Jablonski—are inclined to favor this charitable judgment; but THE\n zeal of Petavius is loud and angry, and THE moderation of Dupin\n is conveyed in a whisper.]\n\n\n The name of Cyril of Alexandria is famous in controversial story,\n and THE title of saint is a mark that his opinions and his party\n have finally prevailed. In THE house of his uncle, THE archbishop\n Theophilus, he imbibed THE orthodox lessons of zeal and dominion,\n and five years of his youth were profitably spent in THE adjacent\n monasteries of Nitria. Under THE tuition of THE abbot Serapion,\n he applied himself to ecclesiastical studies, with such\n indefatigable ardor, that in THE course of one sleepless night,\n he has perused THE four Gospels, THE Catholic Epistles, and THE\n Epistle to THE Romans. Origen he detested; but THE writings of\n Clemens and Dionysius, of Athanasius and Basil, were continually\n in his hands: by THE THEory and practice of dispute, his faith\n was confirmed and his wit was sharpened; he extended round his\n cell THE cobwebs of scholastic THEology, and meditated THE works\n of allegory and metaphysics, whose remains, in seven verbose\n folios, now peaceably slumber by THE side of THEir rivals. 20\n Cyril prayed and fasted in THE desert, but his thoughts (it is\n THE reproach of a friend) 21 were still fixed on THE world; and\n THE call of Theophilus, who summoned him to THE tumult of cities\n and synods, was too readily obeyed by THE aspiring hermit. With\n THE approbation of his uncle, he assumed THE office, and acquired\n THE fame, of a popular preacher. His comely person adorned THE\n pulpit; THE harmony of his voice resounded in THE caTHEdral; his\n friends were stationed to lead or second THE applause of THE\n congregation; 22 and THE hasty notes of THE scribes preserved his\n discourses, which in THEir effect, though not in THEir\n composition, might be compared with those of THE ATHEnian\n orators. The death of Theophilus expanded and realized THE hopes\n of his nephew. The clergy of Alexandria was divided; THE soldiers\n and THEir general supported THE claims of THE archdeacon; but a\n resistless multitude, with voices and with hands, asserted THE\n cause of THEir favorite; and after a period of thirty-nine years,\n Cyril was seated on THE throne of Athanasius. 23\n\n 20 (return) [ La Croze (Hist. du Christianisme des Indes, tom. i.\n p. 24) avows his contempt for THE genius and writings of Cyril.\n De tous les on vrages des anciens, il y en a peu qu’on lise avec\n moins d’utilite: and Dupin, (BiblioTHEque Ecclesiastique, tom.\n iv. p. 42—52,) in words of respect, teaches us to despise THEm.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Of Isidore of Pelusium, (l. i. epist. 25, p. 8.) As\n THE letter is not of THE most creditable sort, Tillemont, less\n sincere than THE Bollandists, affects a doubt wheTHEr this Cyril\n is THE nephew of Theophilus, (Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 268.)]\n\n 22 (return) [ A grammarian is named by Socrates (l. vii. c. 13).]\n\n 23 (return) [ See THE youth and promotion of Cyril, in Socrates,\n (l. vii. c. 7) and Renaudot, (Hist. Patriarchs. Alexandrin. p.\n 106, 108.) The Abbe Renaudot drew his materials from THE Arabic\n history of Severus, bishop of Hermopolis Magma, or Ashmunein, in\n THE xth century, who can never be trusted, unless our assent is\n extorted by THE internal evidence of facts.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part II.\n\n\n The prize was not unworthy of his ambition. At a distance from\n THE court, and at THE head of an immense capital, THE patriarch,\n as he was now styled, of Alexandria had gradually usurped THE\n state and authority of a civil magistrate. The public and private\n charities of THE city were blindly obeyed by his numerous and\n fanatic parabolani, 24 familiarized in THEir daily office with\n scenes of death; and THE præfects of Egypt were awed or provoked\n by THE temporal power of THEse Christian pontiffs. Ardent in THE\n prosecution of heresy, Cyril auspiciously opened his reign by\n oppressing THE Novatians, THE most innocent and harmless of THE\n sectaries. The interdiction of THEir religious worship appeared\n in his eyes a just and meritorious act; and he confiscated THEir\n holy vessels, without apprehending THE guilt of sacrilege. The\n toleration, and even THE privileges of THE Jews, who had\n multiplied to THE number of forty thousand, were secured by THE\n laws of THE Caesars and Ptolemies, and a long prescription of\n seven hundred years since THE foundation of Alexandria. Without\n any legal sentence, without any royal mandate, THE patriarch, at\n THE dawn of day, led a seditious multitude to THE attack of THE\n synagogues. Unarmed and unprepared, THE Jews were incapable of\n resistance; THEir houses of prayer were levelled with THE ground,\n and THE episcopal warrior, after rewarding his troops with THE\n plunder of THEir goods, expelled from THE city THE remnant of THE\n unbelieving nation. Perhaps he might plead THE insolence of THEir\n prosperity, and THEir deadly hatred of THE Christians, whose\n blood THEy had recently shed in a malicious or accidental tumult.\n\n\n Such crimes would have deserved THE animadversion of THE\n magistrate; but in this promiscuous outrage, THE innocent were\n confounded with THE guilty, and Alexandria was impoverished by\n THE loss of a wealthy and industrious colony. The zeal of Cyril\n exposed him to THE penalties of THE Julian law; but in a feeble\n government and a superstitious age, he was secure of impunity,\n and even of praise. Orestes complained; but his just complaints\n were too quickly forgotten by THE ministers of Theodosius, and\n too deeply remembered by a priest who affected to pardon, and\n continued to hate, THE præfect of Egypt. As he passed through THE\n streets, his chariot was assaulted by a band of five hundred of\n THE Nitrian monks; his guards fled from THE wild beasts of THE\n desert; his protestations that he was a Christian and a Catholic\n were answered by a volley of stones, and THE face of Orestes was\n covered with blood. The loyal citizens of Alexandria hastened to\n his rescue; he instantly satisfied his justice and revenge\n against THE monk by whose hand he had been wounded, and Ammonius\n expired under THE rod of THE lictor. At THE command of Cyril his\n body was raised from THE ground, and transported, in solemn\n procession, to THE caTHEdral; THE name of Ammonius was changed to\n that of Thaumasius THE wonderful; his tomb was decorated with THE\n trophies of martyrdom, and THE patriarch ascended THE pulpit to\n celebrate THE magnanimity of an assassin and a rebel. Such honors\n might incite THE faithful to combat and die under THE banners of\n THE saint; and he soon prompted, or accepted, THE sacrifice of a\n virgin, who professed THE religion of THE Greeks, and cultivated\n THE friendship of Orestes. Hypatia, THE daughter of Theon THE\n maTHEmatician, 25 was initiated in her faTHEr’s studies; her\n learned comments have elucidated THE geometry of Apollonius and\n Diophantus, and she publicly taught, both at ATHEns and\n Alexandria, THE philosophy of Plato and Aristotle. In THE bloom\n of beauty, and in THE maturity of wisdom, THE modest maid refused\n her lovers and instructed her disciples; THE persons most\n illustrious for THEir rank or merit were impatient to visit THE\n female philosopher; and Cyril beheld, with a jealous eye, THE\n gorgeous train of horses and slaves who crowded THE door of her\n academy. A rumor was spread among THE Christians, that THE\n daughter of Theon was THE only obstacle to THE reconciliation of\n THE præfect and THE archbishop; and that obstacle was speedily\n removed. On a fatal day, in THE holy season of Lent, Hypatia was\n torn from her chariot, stripped naked, dragged to THE church, and\n inhumanly butchered by THE hands of Peter THE reader, and a troop\n of savage and merciless fanatics: her flesh was scraped from her\n bones with sharp cyster shells, 26 and her quivering limbs were\n delivered to THE flames. The just progress of inquiry and\n punishment was stopped by seasonable gifts; but THE murder of\n Hypatia has imprinted an indelible stain on THE character and\n religion of Cyril of Alexandria. 27\n\n 24 (return) [ The Parabolani of Alexandria were a charitable\n corporation, instituted during THE plague of Gallienus, to visit\n THE sick and to bury THE dead. They gradually enlarged, abused,\n and sold THE privileges of THEir order. Their outrageous conduct\n during THE reign of Cyril provoked THE emperor to deprive THE\n patriarch of THEir nomination, and to restrain THEir number to\n five or six hundred. But THEse restraints were transient and\n ineffectual. See THE Theodosian Code, l. xvi. tit. ii. and\n Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 276—278.]\n\n 25 (return) [ For Theon and his daughter Hypatia. see Fabricius,\n BiblioTHEc. tom. viii. p. 210, 211. Her article in THE Lexicon of\n Suidas is curious and original. Hesychius (Meursii Opera, tom.\n vii. p. 295, 296) observes, that he was persecuted; and an\n epigram in THE Greek Anthology (l. i. c. 76, p. 159, edit.\n Brodaei) celebrates her knowledge and eloquence. She is honorably\n mentioned (Epist. 10, 15 16, 33—80, 124, 135, 153) by her friend\n and disciple THE philosophic bishop Synesius.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Oyster shells were plentifully strewed on THE\n sea-beach before THE Caesareum. I may THErefore prefer THE\n literal sense, without rejecting THE metaphorical version of\n tegulae, tiles, which is used by M. de Valois ignorant, and THE\n assassins were probably regardless, wheTHEr THEir victim was yet\n alive.]\n\n 27 (return) [ These exploits of St. Cyril are recorded by\n Socrates, (l. vii. c. 13, 14, 15;) and THE most reluctant bigotry\n is compelled to copy an historian who coolly styles THE murderers\n of Hypatia. At THE mention of that injured name, I am pleased to\n observe a blush even on THE cheek of Baronius, (A.D. 415, No.\n 48.)]\n\n\n Superstition, perhaps, would more gently expiate THE blood of a\n virgin, than THE banishment of a saint; and Cyril had accompanied\n his uncle to THE iniquitous synod of THE Oak. When THE memory of\n Chrysostom was restored and consecrated, THE nephew of\n Theophilus, at THE head of a dying faction, still maintained THE\n justice of his sentence; nor was it till after a tedious delay\n and an obstinate resistance, that he yielded to THE consent of\n THE Catholic world. 28 His enmity to THE Byzantine pontiffs 29\n was a sense of interest, not a sally of passion: he envied THEir\n fortunate station in THE sunshine of THE Imperial court; and he\n dreaded THEir upstart ambition. which oppressed THE metropolitans\n of Europe and Asia, invaded THE provinces of Antioch and\n Alexandria, and measured THEir diocese by THE limits of THE\n empire. The long moderation of Atticus, THE mild usurper of THE\n throne of Chrysostom, suspended THE animosities of THE Eastern\n patriarchs; but Cyril was at length awakened by THE exaltation of\n a rival more worthy of his esteem and hatred. After THE short and\n troubled reign of Sisinnius, bishop of Constantinople, THE\n factions of THE clergy and people were appeased by THE choice of\n THE emperor, who, on this occasion, consulted THE voice of fame,\n and invited THE merit of a stranger.\n\n\n Nestorius, 30 native of Germanicia, and a monk of Antioch, was\n recommended by THE austerity of his life, and THE eloquence of\n his sermons; but THE first homily which he preached before THE\n devout Theodosius betrayed THE acrimony and impatience of his\n zeal. “Give me, O Caesar!” he exclaimed, “give me THE earth\n purged of heretics, and I will give you in exchange THE kingdom\n of heaven. Exterminate with me THE heretics; and with you I will\n exterminate THE Persians.” On THE fifth day as if THE treaty had\n been already signed, THE patriarch of Constantinople discovered,\n surprised, and attacked a secret conventicle of THE Arians: THEy\n preferred death to submission; THE flames that were kindled by\n THEir despair, soon spread to THE neighboring houses, and THE\n triumph of Nestorius was clouded by THE name of incendiary. On\n eiTHEr side of THE Hellespont his episcopal vigor imposed a rigid\n formulary of faith and discipline; a chronological error\n concerning THE festival of Easter was punished as an offence\n against THE church and state. Lydia and Caria, Sardes and\n Miletus, were purified with THE blood of THE obstinate\n Quartodecimans; and THE edict of THE emperor, or raTHEr of THE\n patriarch, enumerates three-and-twenty degrees and denominations\n in THE guilt and punishment of heresy. 31 But THE sword of\n persecution which Nestorius so furiously wielded was soon turned\n against his own breast. Religion was THE pretence; but, in THE\n judgment of a contemporary saint, ambition was THE genuine motive\n of episcopal warfare. 32\n\n 28 (return) [ He was deaf to THE entreaties of Atticus of\n Constantinople, and of Isidore of Pelusium, and yielded only (if\n we may believe Nicephorus, l. xiv. c. 18) to THE personal\n intercession of THE Virgin. Yet in his last years he still\n muttered that John Chrysostom had been justly condemned,\n (Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 278—282. Baronius Annal.\n Eccles. A.D. 412, No. 46—64.)]\n\n 29 (return) [ See THEir characters in THE history of Socrates,\n (l. vii. c. 25—28;) THEir power and pretensions, in THE huge\n compilation of Thomassin, (Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. i. p.\n 80-91.)]\n\n 30 (return) [ His elevation and conduct are described by\n Socrates, (l. vii. c. 29 31;) and Marcellinus seems to have\n applied THE eloquentiae satis, sapi entiae parum, of Sallust.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Cod. Theodos. l. xvi. tit. v. leg. 65, with THE\n illustrations of Baronius, (A.D. 428, No. 25, &c.,) Godefroy, (ad\n locum,) and Pagi, Critica, (tom. ii. p. 208.)]\n\n 32 (return) [ Isidore of Pelusium, (l. iv. Epist. 57.) His words\n are strong and scandalous. Isidore is a saint, but he never\n became a bishop; and I half suspect that THE pride of Diogenes\n trampled on THE pride of Plato.]\n\n\n In THE Syrian school, Nestorius had been taught to abhor THE\n confusion of THE two natures, and nicely to discriminate THE\n humanity of his master Christ from THE divinity of THE Lord\n Jesus. 33 The Blessed Virgin he revered as THE moTHEr of Christ,\n but his ears were offended with THE rash and recent title of\n moTHEr of God, 34 which had been insensibly adopted since THE\n origin of THE Arian controversy. From THE pulpit of\n Constantinople, a friend of THE patriarch, and afterwards THE\n patriarch himself, repeatedly preached against THE use, or THE\n abuse, of a word 35 unknown to THE apostles, unauthorized by THE\n church, and which could only tend to alarm THE timorous, to\n misled THE simple, to amuse THE profane, and to justify, by a\n seeming resemblance, THE old genealogy of Olympus. 36 In his\n calmer moments Nestorius confessed, that it might be tolerated or\n excused by THE union of THE two natures, and THE communication of\n THEir idioms: 37 but he was exasperated, by contradiction, to\n disclaim THE worship of a new-born, an infant Deity, to draw his\n inadequate similes from THE conjugal or civil partnerships of\n life, and to describe THE manhood of Christ as THE robe, THE\n instrument, THE tabernacle of his Godhead. At THEse blasphemous\n sounds, THE pillars of THE sanctuary were shaken. The\n unsuccessful competitors of Nestorius indulged THEir pious or\n personal resentment, THE Byzantine clergy was secretly displeased\n with THE intrusion of a stranger: whatever is superstitious or\n absurd, might claim THE protection of THE monks; and THE people\n were interested in THE glory of THEir virgin patroness. 38 The\n sermons of THE archbishop, and THE service of THE altar, were\n disturbed by seditious clamor; his authority and doctrine were\n renounced by separate congregations; every wind scattered round\n THE empire THE leaves of controversy; and THE voice of THE\n combatants on a sonorous THEatre reechoed in THE cells of\n Palestine and Egypt. It was THE duty of Cyril to enlighten THE\n zeal and ignorance of his innumerable monks: in THE school of\n Alexandria, he had imbibed and professed THE incarnation of one\n nature; and THE successor of Athanasius consulted his pride and\n ambition, when he rose in arms against anoTHEr Arius, more\n formidable and more guilty, on THE second throne of THE\n hierarchy. After a short correspondence, in which THE rival\n prelates disguised THEir hatred in THE hollow language of respect\n and charity, THE patriarch of Alexandria denounced to THE prince\n and people, to THE East and to THE West, THE damnable errors of\n THE Byzantine pontiff. From THE East, more especially from\n Antioch, he obtained THE ambiguous counsels of toleration and\n silence, which were addressed to both parties while THEy favored\n THE cause of Nestorius. But THE Vatican received with open arms\n THE messengers of Egypt. The vanity of Celestine was flattered by\n THE appeal; and THE partial version of a monk decided THE faith\n of THE pope, who with his Latin clergy was ignorant of THE\n language, THE arts, and THE THEology of THE Greeks. At THE head\n of an Italian synod, Celestine weighed THE merits of THE cause,\n approved THE creed of Cyril, condemned THE sentiments and person\n of Nestorius, degraded THE heretic from his episcopal dignity,\n allowed a respite of ten days for recantation and penance, and\n delegated to his enemy THE execution of this rash and illegal\n sentence. But THE patriarch of Alexandria, while he darted THE\n thunders of a god, exposed THE errors and passions of a mortal;\n and his twelve anaTHEmas 39 still torture THE orthodox slaves,\n who adore THE memory of a saint, without forfeiting THEir\n allegiance to THE synod of Chalcedon. These bold assertions are\n indelibly tinged with THE colors of THE Apollinarian heresy; but\n THE serious, and perhaps THE sincere professions of Nestorius\n have satisfied THE wiser and less partial THEologians of THE\n present times. 40\n\n 33 (return) [ La Croze (Christianisme des Indes, tom. i. p.\n 44-53. Thesaurus Epistolicus, La Crozianus, tom. iii. p. 276—280)\n has detected THE use, which, in THE ivth, vth, and vith\n centuries, discriminates THE school of Diodorus of Tarsus and his\n Nestorian disciples.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Deipara; as in zoology we familiarly speak of\n oviparous and viviparous animals. It is not easy to fix THE\n invention of this word, which La Croze (Christianisme des Indes,\n tom. i. p. 16) ascribes to Eusebius of Caesarea and THE Arians.\n The orthodox testimonies are produced by Cyril and Petavius,\n (Dogmat. Theolog. tom. v. l. v. c. 15, p. 254, &c.;) but THE\n veracity of THE saint is questionable, and THE epiTHEt so easily\n slides from THE margin to THE text of a Catholic Ms]\n\n 35 (return) [ Basnage, in his Histoire de l’Eglise, a work of\n controversy, (tom l. p. 505,) justifies THE moTHEr, by THE blood,\n of God, (Acts, xx. 28, with Mill’s various readings.) But THE\n Greek Mss. are far from unanimous; and THE primitive style of THE\n blood of Christ is preserved in THE Syriac version, even in those\n copies which were used by THE Christians of St. Thomas on THE\n coast of Malabar, (La Croze, Christianisme des Indes, tom. i. p.\n 347.) The jealousy of THE Nestorians and Monophysites has guarded\n THE purity of THEir text.]\n\n 36 (return) [ The Pagans of Egypt already laughed at THE new\n Cybele of THE Christians, (Isidor. l. i. epist. 54;) a letter was\n forged in THE name of Hypatia, to ridicule THE THEology of her\n assassin, (Synodicon, c. 216, in iv. tom. Concil. p. 484.) In THE\n article of Nestorius, Bayle has scattered some loose philosophy\n on THE worship of THE Virgin Mary.]\n\n 37 (return) [ The item of THE Greeks, a mutual loan or transfer\n of THE idioms or properties of each nature to THE oTHEr—of\n infinity to man, passibility to God, &c. Twelve rules on this\n nicest of subjects compose THE Theological Grammar of Petavius,\n (Dogmata Theolog. tom. v. l. iv. c. 14, 15, p 209, &c.)]\n\n 38 (return) [ See Ducange, C. P. Christiana, l. i. p. 30, &c.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Concil. tom. iii. p. 943. They have never been\n directly approved by THE church, (Tillemont. Mem. Eccles. tom.\n xiv. p. 368—372.) I almost pity THE agony of rage and sophistry\n with which Petavius seems to be agitated in THE vith book of his\n Dogmata Theologica]\n\n 40 (return) [ Such as THE rational Basnage (ad tom. i. Variar.\n Lection. Canisine in Praefat. c. 2, p. 11—23) and La Croze, THE\n universal scholar, (Christianisme des Indes, tom. i. p. 16—20. De\n l’Ethiopie, p. 26, 27. The saur. Epist. p. 176, &c., 283, 285.)\n His free sentence is confirmed by that of his friends Jablonski\n (Thesaur. Epist. tom. i. p. 193—201) and Mosheim, (idem. p. 304,\n Nestorium crimine caruisse est et mea sententia;) and three more\n respectable judges will not easily be found. Asseman, a learned\n and modest slave, can hardly discern (BiblioTHEc. Orient. tom.\n iv. p. 190—224) THE guilt and error of THE Nestorians.]\n\n\n Yet neiTHEr THE emperor nor THE primate of THE East were disposed\n to obey THE mandate of an Italian priest; and a synod of THE\n Catholic, or raTHEr of THE Greek church, was unanimously demanded\n as THE sole remedy that could appease or decide this\n ecclesiastical quarrel. 41 Ephesus, on all sides accessible by\n sea and land, was chosen for THE place, THE festival of Pentecost\n for THE day, of THE meeting; a writ of summons was despatched to\n each metropolitan, and a guard was stationed to protect and\n confine THE faTHErs till THEy should settle THE mysteries of\n heaven, and THE faith of THE earth. Nestorius appeared not as a\n criminal, but as a judge; he depended on THE weight raTHEr than\n THE number of his prelates, and his sturdy slaves from THE baths\n of Zeuxippus were armed for every service of injury or defence.\n But his adversary Cyril was more powerful in THE weapons both of\n THE flesh and of THE spirit. Disobedient to THE letter, or at\n least to THE meaning, of THE royal summons, he was attended by\n fifty Egyptian bishops, who expected from THEir patriarch’s nod\n THE inspiration of THE Holy Ghost. He had contracted an intimate\n alliance with Memnon, bishop of Ephesus. The despotic primate of\n Asia disposed of THE ready succors of thirty or forty episcopal\n votes: a crowd of peasants, THE slaves of THE church, was poured\n into THE city to support with blows and clamors a metaphysical\n argument; and THE people zealously asserted THE honor of THE\n Virgin, whose body reposed within THE walls of Ephesus. 42 The\n fleet which had transported Cyril from Alexandria was laden with\n THE riches of Egypt; and he disembarked a numerous body of\n mariners, slaves, and fanatics, enlisted with blind obedience\n under THE banner of St. Mark and THE moTHEr of God. The faTHErs,\n and even THE guards, of THE council were awed by this martial\n array; THE adversaries of Cyril and Mary were insulted in THE\n streets, or threatened in THEir houses; his eloquence and\n liberality made a daily increase in THE number of his adherents;\n and THE Egyptian soon computed that he might command THE\n attendance and THE voices of two hundred bishops. 43 But THE\n author of THE twelve anaTHEmas foresaw and dreaded THE opposition\n of John of Antioch, who, with a small, but respectable, train of\n metropolitans and divines, was advancing by slow journeys from\n THE distant capital of THE East. Impatient of a delay, which he\n stigmatized as voluntary and culpable, 44 Cyril announced THE\n opening of THE synod sixteen days after THE festival of\n Pentecost. Nestorius, who depended on THE near approach of his\n Eastern friends, persisted, like his predecessor Chrysostom, to\n disclaim THE jurisdiction, and to disobey THE summons, of his\n enemies: THEy hastened his trial, and his accuser presided in THE\n seat of judgment. Sixty-eight bishops, twenty-two of metropolitan\n rank, defended his cause by a modest and temperate protest: THEy\n were excluded from THE councils of THEir brethren. Candidian, in\n THE emperor’s name, requested a delay of four days; THE profane\n magistrate was driven with outrage and insult from THE assembly\n of THE saints. The whole of this momentous transaction was\n crowded into THE compass of a summer’s day: THE bishops delivered\n THEir separate opinions; but THE uniformity of style reveals THE\n influence or THE hand of a master, who has been accused of\n corrupting THE public evidence of THEir acts and subscriptions.\n 45 Without a dissenting voice, THEy recognized in THE epistles of\n Cyril THE Nicene creed and THE doctrine of THE faTHErs: but THE\n partial extracts from THE letters and homilies of Nestorius were\n interrupted by curses and anaTHEmas: and THE heretic was degraded\n from his episcopal and ecclesiastical dignity. The sentence,\n maliciously inscribed to THE new Judas, was affixed and\n proclaimed in THE streets of Ephesus: THE weary prelates, as THEy\n issued from THE church of THE moTHEr of God, were saluted as her\n champions; and her victory was celebrated by THE illuminations,\n THE songs, and THE tumult of THE night.\n\n 41 (return) [ The origin and progress of THE Nestorian\n controversy, till THE synod of Ephesus, may be found in Socrates,\n (l. vii. c. 32,) Evagrius, (l. i. c. 1, 2,) Liberatus, (Brev. c.\n 1—4,) THE original Acts, (Concil. tom. iii. p. 551—991, edit.\n Venice, 1728,) THE Annals of Baronius and Pagi, and THE faithful\n collections of Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv p. 283—377.)]\n\n 42 (return) [ The Christians of THE four first centuries were\n ignorant of THE death and burial of Mary. The tradition of\n Ephesus is affirmed by THE synod, (Concil. tom. iii. p. 1102;)\n yet it has been superseded by THE claim of Jerusalem; and her\n empty sepulchre, as it was shown to THE pilgrims, produced THE\n fable of her resurrection and assumption, in which THE Greek and\n Latin churches have piously acquiesced. See Baronius (Annal.\n Eccles. A.D. 48, No. 6, &c.) and Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles. tom. i.\n p. 467—477.)]\n\n 43 (return) [ The Acts of Chalcedon (Concil. tom. iv. p. 1405,\n 1408) exhibit a lively picture of THE blind, obstinate servitude\n of THE bishops of Egypt to THEir patriarch.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Civil or ecclesiastical business detained THE\n bishops at Antioch till THE 18th of May. Ephesus was at THE\n distance of thirty days’ journey; and ten days more may be fairly\n allowed for accidents and repose. The march of Xenophon over THE\n same ground enumerates above 260 parasangs or leagues; and this\n measure might be illustrated from ancient and modern itineraries,\n if I knew how to compare THE speed of an army, a synod, and a\n caravan. John of Antioch is reluctantly acquitted by Tillemont\n himself, (Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 386—389.)]\n\n 45 (return) [ Evagrius, l. i. c. 7. The same imputation was urged\n by Count Irenaeus, (tom. iii. p. 1249;) and THE orthodox critics\n do not find it an easy task to defend THE purity of THE Greek or\n Latin copies of THE Acts.]\n\n\n On THE fifth day, THE triumph was clouded by THE arrival and\n indignation of THE Eastern bishops. In a chamber of THE inn,\n before he had wiped THE dust from his shoes, John of Antioch gave\n audience to Candidian, THE Imperial minister; who related his\n ineffectual efforts to prevent or to annul THE hasty violence of\n THE Egyptian. With equal haste and violence, THE Oriental synod\n of fifty bishops degraded Cyril and Memnon from THEir episcopal\n honors, condemned, in THE twelve anaTHEmas, THE purest venom of\n THE Apollinarian heresy, and described THE Alexandrian primate as\n a monster, born and educated for THE destruction of THE church.\n 46 His throne was distant and inaccessible; but THEy instantly\n resolved to bestow on THE flock of Ephesus THE blessing of a\n faithful shepherd. By THE vigilance of Memnon, THE churches were\n shut against THEm, and a strong garrison was thrown into THE\n caTHEdral. The troops, under THE command of Candidian, advanced\n to THE assault; THE outguards were routed and put to THE sword,\n but THE place was impregnable: THE besiegers retired; THEir\n retreat was pursued by a vigorous sally; THEy lost THEir horses,\n and many of THEir soldiers were dangerously wounded with clubs\n and stones. Ephesus, THE city of THE Virgin, was defiled with\n rage and clamor, with sedition and blood; THE rival synods darted\n anaTHEmas and excommunications from THEir spiritual engines; and\n THE court of Theodosius was perplexed by THE adverse and\n contradictory narratives of THE Syrian and Egyptian factions.\n During a busy period of three months, THE emperor tried every\n method, except THE most effectual means of indifference and\n contempt, to reconcile this THEological quarrel. He attempted to\n remove or intimidate THE leaders by a common sentence, of\n acquittal or condemnation; he invested his representatives at\n Ephesus with ample power and military force; he summoned from\n eiTHEr party eight chosen deputies to a free and candid\n conference in THE neighborhood of THE capital, far from THE\n contagion of popular frenzy. But THE Orientals refused to yield,\n and THE Catholics, proud of THEir numbers and of THEir Latin\n allies, rejected all terms of union or toleration. The patience\n of THE meek Theodosius was provoked; and he dissolved in anger\n this episcopal tumult, which at THE distance of thirteen\n centuries assumes THE venerable aspect of THE third oecumenical\n council. 47 “God is my witness,” said THE pious prince, “that I\n am not THE author of this confusion. His providence will discern\n and punish THE guilty. Return to your provinces, and may your\n private virtues repair THE mischief and scandal of your meeting.”\n They returned to THEir provinces; but THE same passions which had\n distracted THE synod of Ephesus were diffused over THE Eastern\n world. After three obstinate and equal campaigns, John of Antioch\n and Cyril of Alexandria condescended to explain and embrace: but\n THEir seeming reunion must be imputed raTHEr to prudence than to\n reason, to THE mutual lassitude raTHEr than to THE Christian\n charity of THE patriarchs.\n\n 46 (return) [ After THE coalition of John and Cyril THEse\n invectives were mutually forgotten. The style of declamation must\n never be confounded with THE genuine sense which respectable\n enemies entertain of each oTHEr’s merit, (Concil tom. iii. p.\n 1244.)]\n\n 47 (return) [ See THE acts of THE synod of Ephesus in THE\n original Greek, and a Latin version almost contemporary, (Concil.\n tom. iii. p. 991—1339, with THE Synodicon adversus Tragoediam\n Irenaei, tom. iv. p. 235—497,) THE Ecclesiastical Histories of\n Socrates (l. vii. c. 34) and Evagrius, (l i. c. 3, 4, 5,) and THE\n Breviary of Liberatus, (in Concil. tom. vi. p. 419—459, c. 5, 6,)\n and THE Memoires Eccles. of Tillemont, (tom. xiv p. 377-487.)]\n\n\n The Byzantine pontiff had instilled into THE royal ear a baleful\n prejudice against THE character and conduct of his Egyptian\n rival. An epistle of menace and invective, 48 which accompanied\n THE summons, accused him as a busy, insolent, and envious priest,\n who perplexed THE simplicity of THE faith, violated THE peace of\n THE church and state, and, by his artful and separate addresses\n to THE wife and sister of Theodosius, presumed to suppose, or to\n scatter, THE seeds of discord in THE Imperial family. At THE\n stern command of his sovereign, Cyril had repaired to Ephesus,\n where he was resisted, threatened, and confined, by THE\n magistrates in THE interest of Nestorius and THE Orientals; who\n assembled THE troops of Lydia and Ionia to suppress THE fanatic\n and disorderly train of THE patriarch. Without expecting THE\n royal license, he escaped from his guards, precipitately\n embarked, deserted THE imperfect synod, and retired to his\n episcopal fortress of safety and independence. But his artful\n emissaries, both in THE court and city, successfully labored to\n appease THE resentment, and to conciliate THE favor, of THE\n emperor. The feeble son of Arcadius was alternately swayed by his\n wife and sister, by THE eunuchs and women of THE palace:\n superstition and avarice were THEir ruling passions; and THE\n orthodox chiefs were assiduous in THEir endeavors to alarm THE\n former, and to gratify THE latter. Constantinople and THE suburbs\n were sanctified with frequent monasteries, and THE holy abbots,\n Dalmatius and Eutyches, 49 had devoted THEir zeal and fidelity to\n THE cause of Cyril, THE worship of Mary, and THE unity of Christ.\n From THE first moment of THEir monastic life, THEy had never\n mingled with THE world, or trod THE profane ground of THE city.\n But in this awful moment of THE danger of THE church, THEir vow\n was superseded by a more sublime and indispensable duty. At THE\n head of a long order of monks and hermits, who carried burning\n tapers in THEir hands, and chanted litanies to THE moTHEr of God,\n THEy proceeded from THEir monasteries to THE palace. The people\n was edified and inflamed by this extraordinary spectacle, and THE\n trembling monarch listened to THE prayers and adjurations of THE\n saints, who boldly pronounced, that none could hope for\n salvation, unless THEy embraced THE person and THE creed of THE\n orthodox successor of Athanasius. At THE same time, every avenue\n of THE throne was assaulted with gold. Under THE decent names of\n eulogies and benedictions, THE courtiers of both sexes were\n bribed according to THE measure of THEir power and rapaciousness.\n But THEir incessant demands despoiled THE sanctuaries of\n Constantinople and Alexandria; and THE authority of THE patriarch\n was unable to silence THE just murmur of his clergy, that a debt\n of sixty thousand pounds had already been contracted to support\n THE expense of this scandalous corruption. 50 Pulcheria, who\n relieved her broTHEr from THE weight of an empire, was THE\n firmest pillar of orthodoxy; and so intimate was THE alliance\n between THE thunders of THE synod and THE whispers of THE court,\n that Cyril was assured of success if he could displace one\n eunuch, and substitute anoTHEr in THE favor of Theodosius. Yet\n THE Egyptian could not boast of a glorious or decisive victory.\n The emperor, with unaccustomed firmness, adhered to his promise\n of protecting THE innocence of THE Oriental bishops; and Cyril\n softened his anaTHEmas, and confessed, with ambiguity and\n reluctance, a twofold nature of Christ, before he was permitted\n to satiate his revenge against THE unfortunate Nestorius. 51\n\n 48 (return) [ I should be curious to know how much Nestorius paid\n for THEse expressions, so mortifying to his rival.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Eutyches, THE heresiarch Eutyches, is honorably\n named by Cyril as a friend, a saint, and THE strenuous defender\n of THE faith. His broTHEr, THE abbot Dalmatus, is likewise\n employed to bind THE emperor and all his chamberlains terribili\n conjuratione. Synodicon. c. 203, in Concil. tom. iv p. 467.]\n\n 50 (return) [ Clerici qui hic sunt contristantur, quod ecclesia\n Alexandrina nudata sit hujus causa turbelae: et debet praeter\n illa quae hinc transmissa sint auri libras mille quingentas. Et\n nunc ei scriptum est ut praestet; sed de tua ecclesia praesta\n avaritiae quorum nosti, &c. This curious and original letter,\n from Cyril’s archdeacon to his creature THE new bishop of\n Constantinople, has been unaccountably preserved in an old Latin\n version, (Synodicon, c. 203, Concil. tom. iv. p. 465—468.) The\n mask is almost dropped, and THE saints speak THE honest language\n of interest and confederacy.]\n\n 51 (return) [ The tedious negotiations that succeeded THE synod\n of Ephesus are diffusely related in THE original acts, (Concil.\n tom. iii. p. 1339—1771, ad fin. vol. and THE Synodicon, in tom.\n iv.,) Socrates, (l. vii. c. 28, 35, 40, 41,) Evagrius, (l. i. c.\n 6, 7, 8, 12,) Liberatus, (c. 7—10, 7-10,) Tillemont, (Mem.\n Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 487—676.) The most patient reader will thank\n me for compressing so much nonsense and falsehood in a few\n lines.]\n\n\n The rash and obstinate Nestorius, before THE end of THE synod,\n was oppressed by Cyril, betrayed by THE court, and faintly\n supported by his Eastern friends. A sentiment of fear or\n indignation prompted him, while it was yet time, to affect THE\n glory of a voluntary abdication: 52 his wish, or at least his\n request, was readily granted; he was conducted with honor from\n Ephesus to his old monastery of Antioch; and, after a short\n pause, his successors, Maximian and Proclus, were acknowledged as\n THE lawful bishops of Constantinople. But in THE silence of his\n cell, THE degraded patriarch could no longer resume THE innocence\n and security of a private monk. The past he regretted, he was\n discontented with THE present, and THE future he had reason to\n dread: THE Oriental bishops successively disengaged THEir cause\n from his unpopular name, and each day decreased THE number of THE\n schismatics who revered Nestorius as THE confessor of THE faith.\n After a residence at Antioch of four years, THE hand of\n Theodosius subscribed an edict, 53 which ranked him with Simon\n THE magician, proscribed his opinions and followers, condemned\n his writings to THE flames, and banished his person first to\n Petra, in Arabia, and at length to Oasis, one of THE islands of\n THE Libyan desert. 54 Secluded from THE church and from THE\n world, THE exile was still pursued by THE rage of bigotry and\n war. A wandering tribe of THE Blemmyes or Nubians invaded his\n solitary prison: in THEir retreat THEy dismissed a crowd of\n useless captives: but no sooner had Nestorius reached THE banks\n of THE Nile, than he would gladly have escaped from a Roman and\n orthodox city, to THE milder servitude of THE savages. His flight\n was punished as a new crime: THE soul of THE patriarch inspired\n THE civil and ecclesiastical powers of Egypt; THE magistrates,\n THE soldiers, THE monks, devoutly tortured THE enemy of Christ\n and St. Cyril; and, as far as THE confines of Aethiopia, THE\n heretic was alternately dragged and recalled, till his aged body\n was broken by THE hardships and accidents of THEse reiterated\n journeys. Yet his mind was still independent and erect; THE\n president of Thebais was awed by his pastoral letters; he\n survived THE Catholic tyrant of Alexandria, and, after sixteen\n years’ banishment, THE synod of Chalcedon would perhaps have\n restored him to THE honors, or at least to THE communion, of THE\n church. The death of Nestorius prevented his obedience to THEir\n welcome summons; 55 and his disease might afford some color to\n THE scandalous report, that his tongue, THE organ of blasphemy,\n had been eaten by THE worms. He was buried in a city of Upper\n Egypt, known by THE names of Chemnis, or Panopolis, or Akmim; 56\n but THE immortal malice of THE Jacobites has persevered for ages\n to cast stones against his sepulchre, and to propagate THE\n foolish tradition, that it was never watered by THE rain of\n heaven, which equally descends on THE righteous and THE ungodly.\n 57 Humanity may drop a tear on THE fate of Nestorius; yet justice\n must observe, that he suffered THE persecution which he had\n approved and inflicted. 58\n\n 52 (return) [ Evagrius, l. i. c. 7. The original letters in THE\n Synodicon (c. 15, 24, 25, 26) justify THE appearance of a\n voluntary resignation, which is asserted by Ebed-Jesu, a\n Nestorian writer, apud Asseman. Bibliot. Oriental. tom. iii. p.\n 299, 302.]\n\n 53 (return) [ See THE Imperial letters in THE Acts of THE Synod\n of Ephesus, (Concil. tom. iii. p. 1730—1735.) The odious name of\n Simonians, which was affixed to THE disciples of this. Yet THEse\n were Christians! who differed only in names and in shadows.]\n\n 54 (return) [ The metaphor of islands is applied by THE grave\n civilians (Pandect. l. xlviii. tit. 22, leg. 7) to those happy\n spots which are discriminated by water and verdure from THE\n Libyan sands. Three of THEse under THE common name of Oasis, or\n Alvahat: 1. The temple of Jupiter Ammon. 2. The middle Oasis,\n three days’ journey to THE west of Lycopolis. 3. The souTHErn,\n where Nestorius was banished in THE first climate, and only three\n days’ journey from THE confines of Nubia. See a learned note of\n Michaelis, (ad Descript. Aegypt. Abulfedae, p. 21-34.) * Note: 1.\n The Oasis of Sivah has been visited by Mons. Drovetti and Mr.\n Browne. 2. The little Oasis, that of El Kassar, was visited and\n described by Belzoni. 3. The great Oasis, and its splendid ruins,\n have been well described in THE travels of Sir A. Edmonstone. To\n THEse must be added anoTHEr Western Oasis also visited by Sir A.\n Edmonstone.—M.]\n\n 55 (return) [ The invitation of Nestorius to THE synod of\n Chalcedon, is related by Zacharias, bishop of Melitene (Evagrius,\n l. ii. c. 2. Asseman. Biblioth. Orient. tom. ii. p. 55,) and THE\n famous Xenaias or Philoxenus, bishop of Hierapolis, (Asseman.\n Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii. p. 40, &c.,) denied by Evagrius and\n Asseman, and stoutly maintained by La Croze, (Thesaur. Epistol.\n tom. iii. p. 181, &c.) The fact is not improbable; yet it was THE\n interest of THE Monophysites to spread THE invidious report, and\n Eutychius (tom. ii. p. 12) affirms, that Nestorius died after an\n exile of seven years, and consequently ten years before THE synod\n of Chalcedon.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Consult D’Anville, (Memoire sur l’Egypte, p. 191,)\n Pocock. (Description of THE East, vol. i. p. 76,) Abulfeda,\n (Descript. Aegypt, p. 14,) and his commentator Michaelis, (Not.\n p. 78—83,) and THE Nubian Geographer, (p. 42,) who mentions, in\n THE xiith century, THE ruins and THE sugar-canes of Akmim.]\n\n 57 (return) [ Eutychius (Annal. tom. ii. p. 12) and Gregory\n Bar-Hebraeus, of Abulpharagius, (Asseman, tom. ii. p. 316,)\n represent THE credulity of THE xth and xiith centuries.]\n\n 58 (return) [ We are obliged to Evagrius (l. i. c. 7) for some\n extracts from THE letters of Nestorius; but THE lively picture of\n his sufferings is treated with insult by THE hard and stupid\n fanatic.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part III.\n\n\n The death of THE Alexandrian primate, after a reign of thirty-two\n years, abandoned THE Catholics to THE intemperance of zeal and\n THE abuse of victory. 59 The monophysite doctrine (one incarnate\n nature) was rigorously preached in THE churches of Egypt and THE\n monasteries of THE East; THE primitive creed of Apollinarius was\n protected by THE sanctity of Cyril; and THE name of Eutyches, his\n venerable friend, has been applied to THE sect most adverse to\n THE Syrian heresy of Nestorius. His rival Eutyches was THE abbot,\n or archimandrite, or superior of three hundred monks, but THE\n opinions of a simple and illiterate recluse might have expired in\n THE cell, where he had slept above seventy years, if THE\n resentment or indiscretion of Flavian, THE Byzantine pontiff, had\n not exposed THE scandal to THE eyes of THE Christian world. His\n domestic synod was instantly convened, THEir proceedings were\n sullied with clamor and artifice, and THE aged heretic was\n surprised into a seeming confession, that Christ had not derived\n his body from THE substance of THE Virgin Mary. From THEir\n partial decree, Eutyches appealed to a general council; and his\n cause was vigorously asserted by his godson Chrysaphius, THE\n reigning eunuch of THE palace, and his accomplice Dioscorus, who\n had succeeded to THE throne, THE creed, THE talents, and THE\n vices, of THE nephew of Theophilus. By THE special summons of\n Theodosius, THE second synod of Ephesus was judiciously composed\n of ten metropolitans and ten bishops from each of THE six\n dioceses of THE Eastern empire: some exceptions of favor or merit\n enlarged THE number to one hundred and thirty-five; and THE\n Syrian Barsumas, as THE chief and representative of THE monks,\n was invited to sit and vote with THE successors of THE apostles.\n But THE despotism of THE Alexandrian patriarch again oppressed\n THE freedom of debate: THE same spiritual and carnal weapons were\n again drawn from THE arsenals of Egypt: THE Asiatic veterans, a\n band of archers, served under THE orders of Dioscorus; and THE\n more formidable monks, whose minds were inaccessible to reason or\n mercy, besieged THE doors of THE caTHEdral. The general, and, as\n it should seem, THE unconstrained voice of THE faTHErs, accepted\n THE faith and even THE anaTHEmas of Cyril; and THE heresy of THE\n two natures was formally condemned in THE persons and writings of\n THE most learned Orientals. “May those who divide Christ be\n divided with THE sword, may THEy be hewn in pieces, may THEy be\n burned alive!” were THE charitable wishes of a Christian synod.\n 60 The innocence and sanctity of Eutyches were acknowledged\n without hesitation; but THE prelates, more especially those of\n Thrace and Asia, were unwilling to depose THEir patriarch for THE\n use or even THE abuse of his lawful jurisdiction. They embraced\n THE knees of Dioscorus, as he stood with a threatening aspect on\n THE footstool of his throne, and conjured him to forgive THE\n offences, and to respect THE dignity, of his broTHEr. “Do you\n mean to raise a sedition?” exclaimed THE relentless tyrant.\n “Where are THE officers?” At THEse words a furious multitude of\n monks and soldiers, with staves, and swords, and chains, burst\n into THE church; THE trembling bishops hid THEmselves behind THE\n altar, or under THE benches, and as THEy were not inspired with\n THE zeal of martyrdom, THEy successively subscribed a blank\n paper, which was afterwards filled with THE condemnation of THE\n Byzantine pontiff. Flavian was instantly delivered to THE wild\n beasts of this spiritual amphiTHEatre: THE monks were stimulated\n by THE voice and example of Barsumas to avenge THE injuries of\n Christ: it is said that THE patriarch of Alexandria reviled, and\n buffeted, and kicked, and trampled his broTHEr of Constantinople:\n 61 it is certain, that THE victim, before he could reach THE\n place of his exile, expired on THE third day of THE wounds and\n bruises which he had received at Ephesus. This second synod has\n been justly branded as a gang of robbers and assassins; yet THE\n accusers of Dioscorus would magnify his violence, to alleviate\n THE cowardice and inconstancy of THEir own behavior.\n\n 59 (return) [ Dixi Cyrillum dum viveret, auctoritate sua\n effecisse, ne Eutychianismus et Monophysitarum error in nervum\n erumperet: idque verum puto...aliquo... honesto modo cecinerat.\n The learned but cautious Jablonski did not always speak THE whole\n truth. Cum Cyrillo lenius omnino egi, quam si tecum aut cum aliis\n rei hujus probe gnaris et aequis rerum aestimatoribus sermones\n privatos conferrem, (Thesaur. Epistol. La Crozian. tom. i. p.\n 197, 198) an excellent key to his dissertations on THE Nestorian\n controversy!]\n\n 60 (return) [ At THE request of Dioscorus, those who were not\n able to roar, stretched out THEir hands. At Chalcedon, THE\n Orientals disclaimed THEse exclamations: but THE Egyptians more\n consistently declared. (Concil. tom. iv. p. 1012.)]\n\n 61 (return) [ (Eusebius, bishop of Dorylaeum): and this testimony\n of Evagrius (l. ii. c. 2) is amplified by THE historian Zonaras,\n (tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 44,) who affirms that Dioscorus kicked like\n a wild ass. But THE language of Liberatus (Brev. c. 12, in\n Concil. tom. vi. p. 438) is more cautious; and THE Acts of\n Chalcedon, which lavish THE names of homicide, Cain, &c., do not\n justify so pointed a charge. The monk Barsumas is more\n particularly accused, (Concil. tom. iv. p. 1418.)]\n\n\n The faith of Egypt had prevailed: but THE vanquished party was\n supported by THE same pope who encountered without fear THE\n hostile rage of Attila and Genseric. The THEology of Leo, his\n famous tome or epistle on THE mystery of THE incarnation, had\n been disregarded by THE synod of Ephesus: his authority, and that\n of THE Latin church, was insulted in his legates, who escaped\n from slavery and death to relate THE melancholy tale of THE\n tyranny of Dioscorus and THE martyrdom of Flavian. His provincial\n synod annulled THE irregular proceedings of Ephesus; but as this\n step was itself irregular, he solicited THE convocation of a\n general council in THE free and orthodox provinces of Italy. From\n his independent throne, THE Roman bishop spoke and acted without\n danger as THE head of THE Christians, and his dictates were\n obsequiously transcribed by Placidia and her son Valentinian; who\n addressed THEir Eastern colleague to restore THE peace and unity\n of THE church. But THE pageant of Oriental royalty was moved with\n equal dexterity by THE hand of THE eunuch; and Theodosius could\n pronounce, without hesitation, that THE church was already\n peaceful and triumphant, and that THE recent flame had been\n extinguished by THE just punishment of THE Nestorians. Perhaps\n THE Greeks would be still involved in THE heresy of THE\n Monophysites, if THE emperor’s horse had not fortunately\n stumbled; Theodosius expired; his orthodox sister Pulcheria, with\n a nominal husband, succeeded to THE throne; Chrysaphius was\n burnt, Dioscorus was disgraced, THE exiles were recalled, and THE\n tome of Leo was subscribed by THE Oriental bishops. Yet THE pope\n was disappointed in his favorite project of a Latin council: he\n disdained to preside in THE Greek synod, which was speedily\n assembled at Nice in Bithynia; his legates required in a\n peremptory tone THE presence of THE emperor; and THE weary\n faTHErs were transported to Chalcedon under THE immediate eye of\n Marcian and THE senate of Constantinople. A quarter of a mile\n from THE Thracian Bosphorus, THE church of St. Euphemia was built\n on THE summit of a gentle though lofty ascent: THE triple\n structure was celebrated as a prodigy of art, and THE boundless\n prospect of THE land and sea might have raised THE mind of a\n sectary to THE contemplation of THE God of THE universe. Six\n hundred and thirty bishops were ranged in order in THE nave of\n THE church; but THE patriarchs of THE East were preceded by THE\n legates, of whom THE third was a simple priest; and THE place of\n honor was reserved for twenty laymen of consular or senatorian\n rank. The gospel was ostentatiously displayed in THE centre, but\n THE rule of faith was defined by THE Papal and Imperial\n ministers, who moderated THE thirteen sessions of THE council of\n Chalcedon. 62 Their partial interposition silenced THE\n intemperate shouts and execrations, which degraded THE episcopal\n gravity; but, on THE formal accusation of THE legates, Dioscorus\n was compelled to descend from his throne to THE rank of a\n criminal, already condemned in THE opinion of his judges. The\n Orientals, less adverse to Nestorius than to Cyril, accepted THE\n Romans as THEir deliverers: Thrace, and Pontus, and Asia, were\n exasperated against THE murderer of Flavian, and THE new\n patriarchs of Constantinople and Antioch secured THEir places by\n THE sacrifice of THEir benefactor. The bishops of Palestine,\n Macedonia, and Greece, were attached to THE faith of Cyril; but\n in THE face of THE synod, in THE heat of THE battle, THE leaders,\n with THEir obsequious train, passed from THE right to THE left\n wing, and decided THE victory by this seasonable desertion. Of\n THE seventeen suffragans who sailed from Alexandria, four were\n tempted from THEir allegiance, and THE thirteen, falling\n prostrate on THE ground, implored THE mercy of THE council, with\n sighs and tears, and a paTHEtic declaration, that, if THEy\n yielded, THEy should be massacred, on THEir return to Egypt, by\n THE indignant people. A tardy repentance was allowed to expiate\n THE guilt or error of THE accomplices of Dioscorus: but THEir\n sins were accumulated on his head; he neiTHEr asked nor hoped for\n pardon, and THE moderation of those who pleaded for a general\n amnesty was drowned in THE prevailing cry of victory and revenge.\n\n\n To save THE reputation of his late adherents, some personal\n offences were skilfully detected; his rash and illegal\n excommunication of THE pope, and his contumacious refusal (while\n he was detained a prisoner) to attend to THE summons of THE\n synod. Witnesses were introduced to prove THE special facts of\n his pride, avarice, and cruelty; and THE faTHErs heard with\n abhorrence, that THE alms of THE church were lavished on THE\n female dancers, that his palace, and even his bath, was open to\n THE prostitutes of Alexandria, and that THE infamous Pansophia,\n or Irene, was publicly entertained as THE concubine of THE\n patriarch. 63\n\n 62 (return) [ The Acts of THE Council of Chalcedon (Concil. tom.\n iv. p. 761—2071) comprehend those of Ephesus, (p. 890—1189,)\n which again comprise THE synod of Constantinople under Flavian,\n (p. 930—1072;) and at requires some attention to disengage this\n double involution. The whole business of Eutyches, Flavian, and\n Dioscorus, is related by Evagrius (l. i. c. 9—12, and l. ii. c.\n 1, 2, 3, 4,) and Liberatus, (Brev. c. 11, 12, 13, 14.) Once more,\n and almost for THE last time, I appeal to THE diligence of\n Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles. tom. xv. p. 479-719.) The annals of\n Baronius and Pagi will accompany me much furTHEr on my long and\n laborious journey.]\n\n 63 (return) [ (Concil. tom. iv. p. 1276.) A specimen of THE wit\n and malice of THE people is preserved in THE Greek Anthology, (l.\n ii. c. 5, p. 188, edit. Wechel,) although THE application was\n unknown to THE editor Brodaeus. The nameless epigrammatist raises\n a tolerable pun, by confounding THE episcopal salutation of\n “Peace be to all!” with THE genuine or corrupted name of THE\n bishop’s concubine: I am ignorant wheTHEr THE patriarch, who\n seems to have been a jealous lover, is THE Cimon of a preceding\n epigram, was viewed with envy and wonder by Priapus himself.]\n\n\n For THEse scandalous offences, Dioscorus was deposed by THE\n synod, and banished by THE emperor; but THE purity of his faith\n was declared in THE presence, and with THE tacit approbation, of\n THE faTHErs. Their prudence supposed raTHEr than pronounced THE\n heresy of Eutyches, who was never summoned before THEir tribunal;\n and THEy sat silent and abashed, when a bold Monophysite casting\n at THEir feet a volume of Cyril, challenged THEm to anaTHEmatize\n in his person THE doctrine of THE saint. If we fairly peruse THE\n acts of Chalcedon as THEy are recorded by THE orthodox party, 64\n we shall find that a great majority of THE bishops embraced THE\n simple unity of Christ; and THE ambiguous concession that he was\n formed Of or From two natures, might imply eiTHEr THEir previous\n existence, or THEir subsequent confusion, or some dangerous\n interval between THE conception of THE man and THE assumption of\n THE God. The Roman THEology, more positive and precise, adopted\n THE term most offensive to THE ears of THE Egyptians, that Christ\n existed In two natures; and this momentous particle 65 (which THE\n memory, raTHEr than THE understanding, must retain) had almost\n produced a schism among THE Catholic bishops. The tome of Leo had\n been respectfully, perhaps sincerely, subscribed; but THEy\n protested, in two successive debates, that it was neiTHEr\n expedient nor lawful to transgress THE sacred landmarks which had\n been fixed at Nice, Constantinople, and Ephesus, according to THE\n rule of Scripture and tradition. At length THEy yielded to THE\n importunities of THEir masters; but THEir infallible decree,\n after it had been ratified with deliberate votes and vehement\n acclamations, was overturned in THE next session by THE\n opposition of THE legates and THEir Oriental friends. It was in\n vain that a multitude of episcopal voices repeated in chorus,\n “The definition of THE faTHErs is orthodox and immutable! The\n heretics are now discovered! AnaTHEma to THE Nestorians! Let THEm\n depart from THE synod! Let THEm repair to Rome.” 66 The legates\n threatened, THE emperor was absolute, and a committee of eighteen\n bishops prepared a new decree, which was imposed on THE reluctant\n assembly. In THE name of THE fourth general council, THE Christ\n in one person, but in two natures, was announced to THE Catholic\n world: an invisible line was drawn between THE heresy of\n Apollinaris and THE faith of St. Cyril; and THE road to paradise,\n a bridge as sharp as a razor, was suspended over THE abyss by THE\n master-hand of THE THEological artist. During ten centuries of\n blindness and servitude, Europe received her religious opinions\n from THE oracle of THE Vatican; and THE same doctrine, already\n varnished with THE rust of antiquity, was admitted without\n dispute into THE creed of THE reformers, who disclaimed THE\n supremacy of THE Roman pontiff. The synod of Chalcedon still\n triumphs in THE Protestant churches; but THE ferment of\n controversy has subsided, and THE most pious Christians of THE\n present day are ignorant, or careless, of THEir own belief\n concerning THE mystery of THE incarnation.\n\n 64 (return) [ Those who reverence THE infallibility of synods,\n may try to ascertain THEir sense. The leading bishops were\n attended by partial or careless scribes, who dispersed THEir\n copies round THE world. Our Greek Mss. are sullied with THE false\n and prescribed reading of (Concil. tom. iii. p. 1460:) THE\n auTHEntic translation of Pope Leo I. does not seem to have been\n executed, and THE old Latin versions materially differ from THE\n present Vulgate, which was revised (A.D. 550) by Rusticus, a\n Roman priest, from THE best Mss. at Constantinople, (Ducange, C.\n P. Christiana, l. iv. p. 151,) a famous monastery of Latins,\n Greeks, and Syrians. See Concil. tom. iv. p. 1959—2049, and Pagi,\n Critica, tom. ii. p. 326, &c.]\n\n 65 (return) [ It is darkly represented in THE microscope of\n Petavius, (tom. v. l. iii. c. 5;) yet THE subtle THEologian is\n himself afraid—ne quis fortasse supervacaneam, et nimis anxiam\n putet hujusmodi vocularum inquisitionem, et ab instituti\n THEologici gravitate alienam, (p. 124.)]\n\n 66 (return) [ (Concil. tom. iv. p. 1449.) Evagrius and Liberatus\n present only THE placid face of THE synod, and discreetly slide\n over THEse embers, suppositos cineri doloso.]\n\n\n Far different was THE temper of THE Greeks and Egyptians under\n THE orthodox reigns of Leo and Marcian. Those pious emperors\n enforced with arms and edicts THE symbol of THEir faith; 67 and\n it was declared by THE conscience or honor of five hundred\n bishops, that THE decrees of THE synod of Chalcedon might be\n lawfully supported, even with blood. The Catholics observed with\n satisfaction, that THE same synod was odious both to THE\n Nestorians and THE Monophysites; 68 but THE Nestorians were less\n angry, or less powerful, and THE East was distracted by THE\n obstinate and sanguinary zeal of THE Monophysites. Jerusalem was\n occupied by an army of monks; in THE name of THE one incarnate\n nature, THEy pillaged, THEy burnt, THEy murdered; THE sepulchre\n of Christ was defiled with blood; and THE gates of THE city were\n guarded in tumultuous rebellion against THE troops of THE\n emperor. After THE disgrace and exile of Dioscorus, THE Egyptians\n still regretted THEir spiritual faTHEr; and detested THE\n usurpation of his successor, who was introduced by THE faTHErs of\n Chalcedon. The throne of Proterius was supported by a guard of\n two thousand soldiers: he waged a five years’ war against THE\n people of Alexandria; and on THE first intelligence of THE death\n of Marcian, he became THE victim of THEir zeal. On THE third day\n before THE festival of Easter, THE patriarch was besieged in THE\n caTHEdral, and murdered in THE baptistery. The remains of his\n mangled corpse were delivered to THE flames, and his ashes to THE\n wind; and THE deed was inspired by THE vision of a pretended\n angel: an ambitious monk, who, under THE name of Timothy THE Cat,\n 69 succeeded to THE place and opinions of Dioscorus. This deadly\n superstition was inflamed, on eiTHEr side, by THE principle and\n THE practice of retaliation: in THE pursuit of a metaphysical\n quarrel, many thousands 70 were slain, and THE Christians of\n every degree were deprived of THE substantial enjoyments of\n social life, and of THE invisible gifts of baptism and THE holy\n communion. Perhaps an extravagant fable of THE times may conceal\n an allegorical picture of THEse fanatics, who tortured each oTHEr\n and THEmselves. “Under THE consulship of Venantius and Celer,”\n says a grave bishop, “THE people of Alexandria, and all Egypt,\n were seized with a strange and diabolical frenzy: great and\n small, slaves and freedmen, monks and clergy, THE natives of THE\n land, who opposed THE synod of Chalcedon, lost THEir speech and\n reason, barked like dogs, and tore, with THEir own teeth THE\n flesh from THEir hands and arms.” 71\n\n 67 (return) [ See, in THE Appendix to THE Acts of Chalcedon, THE\n confirmation of THE Synod by Marcian, (Concil. tom. iv. p. 1781,\n 1783;) his letters to THE monks of Alexandria, (p. 1791,) of\n Mount Sinai, (p. 1793,) of Jerusalem and Palestine, (p. 1798;)\n his laws against THE Eutychians, (p. 1809, 1811, 1831;) THE\n correspondence of Leo with THE provincial synods on THE\n revolution of Alexandria, (p. 1835—1930.)]\n\n 68 (return) [ Photius (or raTHEr Eulogius of Alexandria)\n confesses, in a fine passage, THE specious color of this double\n charge against Pope Leo and his synod of Chalcedon, (Bibliot.\n cod. ccxxv. p. 768.) He waged a double war against THE enemies of\n THE church, and wounded eiTHEr foe with THE darts of his\n adversary. Against Nestorius he seemed to introduce Monophysites;\n against Eutyches he appeared to countenance THE Nestorians. The\n apologist claims a charitable interpretation for THE saints: if\n THE same had been extended to THE heretics, THE sound of THE\n controversy would have been lost in THE air]\n\n 69 (return) [ From his nocturnal expeditions. In darkness and\n disguise he crept round THE cells of THE monastery, and whispered\n THE revelation to his slumbering brethren, (Theodor. Lector. l.\n i.)]\n\n 70 (return) [ Such is THE hyperbolic language of THE Henoticon.]\n\n 71 (return) [ See THE Chronicle of Victor Tunnunensis, in THE\n Lectiones Antiquae of Canisius, republished by Basnage, tom.\n 326.]\n\n\n The disorders of thirty years at length produced THE famous\n Henoticon 72 of THE emperor Zeno, which in his reign, and in that\n of Anastasius, was signed by all THE bishops of THE East, under\n THE penalty of degradation and exile, if THEy rejected or\n infringed this salutary and fundamental law. The clergy may smile\n or groan at THE presumption of a layman who defines THE articles\n of faith; yet if he stoops to THE humiliating task, his mind is\n less infected by prejudice or interest, and THE authority of THE\n magistrate can only be maintained by THE concord of THE people.\n It is in ecclesiastical story, that Zeno appears least\n contemptible; and I am not able to discern any Manichaean or\n Eutychian guilt in THE generous saying of Anastasius. That it was\n unworthy of an emperor to persecute THE worshippers of Christ and\n THE citizens of Rome. The Henoticon was most pleasing to THE\n Egyptians; yet THE smallest blemish has not been described by THE\n jealous, and even jaundiced eyes of our orthodox schoolmen, and\n it accurately represents THE Catholic faith of THE incarnation,\n without adopting or disclaiming THE peculiar terms of tenets of\n THE hostile sects. A solemn anaTHEma is pronounced against\n Nestorius and Eutyches; against all heretics by whom Christ is\n divided, or confounded, or reduced to a phantom. Without defining\n THE number or THE article of THE word nature, THE pure system of\n St. Cyril, THE faith of Nice, Constantinople, and Ephesus, is\n respectfully confirmed; but, instead of bowing at THE name of THE\n fourth council, THE subject is dismissed by THE censure of all\n contrary doctrines, if any such have been taught eiTHEr elsewhere\n or at Chalcedon. Under this ambiguous expression, THE friends and\n THE enemies of THE last synod might unite in a silent embrace.\n The most reasonable Christians acquiesced in this mode of\n toleration; but THEir reason was feeble and inconstant, and THEir\n obedience was despised as timid and servile by THE vehement\n spirit of THEir brethren. On a subject which engrossed THE\n thoughts and discourses of men, it was difficult to preserve an\n exact neutrality; a book, a sermon, a prayer, rekindled THE flame\n of controversy; and THE bonds of communion were alternately\n broken and renewed by THE private animosity of THE bishops. The\n space between Nestorius and Eutyches was filled by a thousand\n shades of language and opinion; THE acephali 73 of Egypt, and THE\n Roman pontiffs, of equal valor, though of unequal strength, may\n be found at THE two extremities of THE THEological scale. The\n acephali, without a king or a bishop, were separated above three\n hundred years from THE patriarchs of Alexandria, who had accepted\n THE communion of Constantinople, without exacting a formal\n condemnation of THE synod of Chalcedon. For accepting THE\n communion of Alexandria, without a formal approbation of THE same\n synod, THE patriarchs of Constantinople were anaTHEmatized by THE\n popes. Their inflexible despotism involved THE most orthodox of\n THE Greek churches in this spiritual contagion, denied or doubted\n THE validity of THEir sacraments, 74 and fomented, thirty-five\n years, THE schism of THE East and West, till THEy finally\n abolished THE memory of four Byzantine pontiffs, who had dared to\n oppose THE supremacy of St. Peter. 75 Before that period, THE\n precarious truce of Constantinople and Egypt had been violated by\n THE zeal of THE rival prelates. Macedonius, who was suspected of\n THE Nestorian heresy, asserted, in disgrace and exile, THE synod\n of Chalcedon, while THE successor of Cyril would have purchased\n its overthrow with a bribe of two thousand pounds of gold.\n\n\n 72 (return) [The Henoticon is transcribed by Evagrius, (l. iii.\n c. 13,) and translated by Liberatus, (Brev. c. 18.) Pagi\n (Critica, tom. ii. p. 411) and (Bibliot. Orient. tom. i. p. 343)\n are satisfied that it is free from heresy; but Petavius (Dogmat.\n Theolog. tom. v. l. i. c. 13, p. 40) most unaccountably affirms\n Chalcedonensem ascivit. An adversary would prove that he had\n never read THE Henoticon.]\n\n 73 (return) [ See Renaudot, (Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 123, 131,\n 145, 195, 247.) They were reconciled by THE care of Mark I. (A.D.\n 799—819;) he promoted THEir chiefs to THE bishoprics of Athribis\n and Talba, (perhaps Tava. See D’Anville, p. 82,) and supplied THE\n sacraments, which had failed for want of an episcopal\n ordination.]\n\n 74 (return) [ De his quos baptizavit, quos ordinavit Acacius,\n majorum traditione confectam et veram, praecipue religiosae\n solicitudini congruam praebemus sine difficultate medicinam,\n (Galacius, in epist. i. ad Euphemium, Concil. tom. v. 286.) The\n offer of a medicine proves THE disease, and numbers must have\n perished before THE arrival of THE Roman physician. Tillemont\n himself (Mem. Eccles. tom. xvi. p. 372, 642, &c.) is shocked at\n THE proud, uncharitable temper of THE popes; THEy are now glad,\n says he, to invoke St. Flavian of Antioch, St. Elias of\n Jerusalem, &c., to whom THEy refused communion whilst upon earth.\n But Cardinal Baronius is firm and hard as THE rock of St. Peter.]\n\n 75 (return) [ Their names were erased from THE diptych of THE\n church: ex venerabili diptycho, in quo piae memoriae transitum ad\n coelum habentium episcoporum vocabula continentur, (Concil. tom.\n iv. p. 1846.) This ecclesiastical record was THErefore equivalent\n to THE book of life.]\n\n\n In THE fever of THE times, THE sense, or raTHEr THE sound of a\n syllable, was sufficient to disturb THE peace of an empire. The\n Trisagion 76 (thrice holy,) “Holy, holy, holy, Lord God of\n Hosts!” is supposed, by THE Greeks, to be THE identical hymn\n which THE angels and cherubim eternally repeat before THE throne\n of God, and which, about THE middle of THE fifth century, was\n miraculously revealed to THE church of Constantinople. The\n devotion of Antioch soon added, “who was crucified for us!” and\n this grateful address, eiTHEr to Christ alone, or to THE whole\n Trinity, may be justified by THE rules of THEology, and has been\n gradually adopted by THE Catholics of THE East and West. But it\n had been imagined by a Monophysite bishop; 77 THE gift of an\n enemy was at first rejected as a dire and dangerous blasphemy,\n and THE rash innovation had nearly cost THE emperor Anastasius\n his throne and his life. 78 The people of Constantinople was\n devoid of any rational principles of freedom; but THEy held, as a\n lawful cause of rebellion, THE color of a livery in THE races, or\n THE color of a mystery in THE schools. The Trisagion, with and\n without this obnoxious addition, was chanted in THE caTHEdral by\n two adverse choirs, and when THEir lungs were exhausted, THEy had\n recourse to THE more solid arguments of sticks and stones; THE\n aggressors were punished by THE emperor, and defended by THE\n patriarch; and THE crown and mitre were staked on THE event of\n this momentous quarrel. The streets were instantly crowded with\n innumerable swarms of men, women, and children; THE legions of\n monks, in regular array, marched, and shouted, and fought at\n THEir head, “Christians! this is THE day of martyrdom: let us not\n desert our spiritual faTHEr; anaTHEma to THE Manichaean tyrant!\n he is unworthy to reign.” Such was THE Catholic cry; and THE\n galleys of Anastasius lay upon THEir oars before THE palace, till\n THE patriarch had pardoned his penitent, and hushed THE waves of\n THE troubled multitude. The triumph of Macedonius was checked by\n a speedy exile; but THE zeal of his flock was again exasperated\n by THE same question, “WheTHEr one of THE Trinity had been\n crucified?” On this momentous occasion, THE blue and green\n factions of Constantinople suspended THEir discord, and THE civil\n and military powers were annihilated in THEir presence. The keys\n of THE city, and THE standards of THE guards, were deposited in\n THE forum of Constantine, THE principal station and camp of THE\n faithful. Day and night THEy were incessantly busied eiTHEr in\n singing hymns to THE honor of THEir God, or in pillaging and\n murdering THE servants of THEir prince. The head of his favorite\n monk, THE friend, as THEy styled him, of THE enemy of THE Holy\n Trinity, was borne aloft on a spear; and THE firebrands, which\n had been darted against heretical structures, diffused THE\n undistinguishing flames over THE most orthodox buildings. The\n statues of THE emperor were broken, and his person was concealed\n in a suburb, till, at THE end of three days, he dared to implore\n THE mercy of his subjects. Without his diadem, and in THE posture\n of a suppliant, Anastasius appeared on THE throne of THE circus.\n The Catholics, before his face, rehearsed THEir genuine\n Trisagion; THEy exulted in THE offer, which he proclaimed by THE\n voice of a herald, of abdicating THE purple; THEy listened to THE\n admonition, that, since all could not reign, THEy should\n previously agree in THE choice of a sovereign; and THEy accepted\n THE blood of two unpopular ministers, whom THEir master, without\n hesitation, condemned to THE lions. These furious but transient\n seditions were encouraged by THE success of Vitalian, who, with\n an army of Huns and Bulgarians, for THE most part idolaters,\n declared himself THE champion of THE Catholic faith. In this\n pious rebellion he depopulated Thrace, besieged Constantinople,\n exterminated sixty-five thousand of his fellow-Christians, till\n he obtained THE recall of THE bishops, THE satisfaction of THE\n pope, and THE establishment of THE council of Chalcedon, an\n orthodox treaty, reluctantly signed by THE dying Anastasius, and\n more faithfully performed by THE uncle of Justinian. And such was\n THE event of THE first of THE religious wars which have been\n waged in THE name and by THE disciples, of THE God of peace. 79\n\n 76 (return) [ Petavius (Dogmat. Theolog. tom. v. l. v. c. 2, 3,\n 4, p. 217-225) and Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 713, &c.,\n 799) represent THE history and doctrine of THE Trisagion. In THE\n twelve centuries between Isaiah and St. Proculs’s boy, who was\n taken up into heaven before THE bishop and people of\n Constantinople, THE song was considerably improved. The boy heard\n THE angels sing, “Holy God! Holy strong! Holy immortal!”]\n\n 77 (return) [ Peter Gnapheus, THE fuller, (a trade which he had\n exercised in his monastery,) patriarch of Antioch. His tedious\n story is discussed in THE Annals of Pagi (A.D. 477—490) and a\n dissertation of M. de Valois at THE end of his Evagrius.]\n\n 78 (return) [ The troubles under THE reign of Anastasius must be\n gaTHEred from THE Chronicles of Victor, Marcellinus, and\n Theophanes. As THE last was not published in THE time of\n Baronius, his critic Pagi is more copious, as well as more\n correct.]\n\n 79 (return) [ The general history, from THE council of Chalcedon\n to THE death of Anastasius, may be found in THE Breviary of\n Liberatus, (c. 14—19,) THE iid and iiid books of Evagrius, THE\n abstract of THE two books of Theodore THE Reader, THE Acts of THE\n Synods, and THE Epistles of THE Pope, (Concil. tom. v.) The\n series is continued with some disorder in THE xvth and xvith\n tomes of THE Memoires Ecclesiastiques of Tillemont. And here I\n must take leave forever of that incomparable guide—whose bigotry\n is overbalanced by THE merits of erudition, diligence, veracity,\n and scrupulous minuteness. He was prevented by death from\n completing, as he designed, THE vith century of THE church and\n empire.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part IV.\n\n\n Justinian has been already seen in THE various lights of a\n prince, a conqueror, and a lawgiver: THE THEologian 80 still\n remains, and it affords an unfavorable prejudice, that his\n THEology should form a very prominent feature of his portrait.\n The sovereign sympathized with his subjects in THEir\n superstitious reverence for living and departed saints: his Code,\n and more especially his Novels, confirm and enlarge THE\n privileges of THE clergy; and in every dispute between a monk and\n a layman, THE partial judge was inclined to pronounce, that\n truth, and innocence, and justice, were always on THE side of THE\n church. In his public and private devotions, THE emperor was\n assiduous and exemplary; his prayers, vigils, and fasts,\n displayed THE austere penance of a monk; his fancy was amused by\n THE hope, or belief, of personal inspiration; he had secured THE\n patronage of THE Virgin and St. Michael THE archangel; and his\n recovery from a dangerous disease was ascribed to THE miraculous\n succor of THE holy martyrs Cosmas and Damian. The capital and THE\n provinces of THE East were decorated with THE monuments of his\n religion; 81 and though THE far greater part of THEse costly\n structures may be attributed to his taste or ostentation, THE\n zeal of THE royal architect was probably quickened by a genuine\n sense of love and gratitude towards his invisible benefactors.\n Among THE titles of Imperial greatness, THE name of Pious was\n most pleasing to his ear; to promote THE temporal and spiritual\n interest of THE church was THE serious business of his life; and\n THE duty of faTHEr of his country was often sacrificed to that of\n defender of THE faith. The controversies of THE times were\n congenial to his temper and understanding and THE THEological\n professors must inwardly deride THE diligence of a stranger, who\n cultivated THEir art and neglected his own. “What can ye fear,”\n said a bold conspirator to his associates, “from your bigoted\n tyrant? Sleepless and unarmed, he sits whole nights in his\n closet, debating with reverend graybeards, and turning over THE\n pages of ecclesiastical volumes.” 82 The fruits of THEse\n lucubrations were displayed in many a conference, where Justinian\n might shine as THE loudest and most subtile of THE disputants; in\n many a sermon, which, under THE name of edicts and epistles,\n proclaimed to THE empire THE THEology of THEir master. While THE\n Barbarians invaded THE provinces, while THE victorious legion\n marched under THE banners of Belisarius and Narses, THE successor\n of Trajan, unknown to THE camp, was content to vanquish at THE\n head of a synod. Had he invited to THEse synods a disinterested\n and rational spectator, Justinian might have learned, “that\n religious controversy is THE offspring of arrogance and folly;\n that true piety is most laudably expressed by silence and\n submission; that man, ignorant of his own nature, should not\n presume to scrutinize THE nature of his God; and that it is\n sufficient for us to know, that power and benevolence are THE\n perfect attributes of THE Deity.” 83\n\n 80 (return) [ The strain of THE Anecdotes of Procopius, (c. 11,\n 13, 18, 27, 28,) with THE learned remarks of Alemannus, is\n confirmed, raTHEr than contradicted, by THE Acts of THE Councils,\n THE fourth book of Evagrius, and THE complaints of THE African\n Facundus, in his xiith book—de tribus capitulis, “cum videri\n doctus appetit importune...spontaneis quaestionibus ecclesiam\n turbat.” See Procop. de Bell. Goth. l. iii. c. 35.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Procop. de Edificiis, l. i. c. 6, 7, &c., passim.]\n\n 82 (return) [ Procop. de Bell. Goth. l. iii. c. 32. In THE life\n of St. Eutychius (apud Aleman. ad Procop. Arcan. c. 18) THE same\n character is given with a design to praise Justinian.]\n\n 83 (return) [ For THEse wise and moderate sentiments, Procopius\n (de Bell. Goth. l. i. c. 3) is scourged in THE preface of\n Alemannus, who ranks him among THE political Christians—sed longe\n verius haeresium omnium sentinas, prorsusque ATHEos—abominable\n ATHEists, who preached THE imitation of God’s mercy to man, (ad\n Hist. Arcan. c. 13.)]\n\n\n Toleration was not THE virtue of THE times, and indulgence to\n rebels has seldom been THE virtue of princes. But when THE prince\n descends to THE narrow and peevish character of a disputant, he\n is easily provoked to supply THE defect of argument by THE\n plenitude of power, and to chastise without mercy THE perverse\n blindness of those who wilfully shut THEir eyes against THE light\n of demonstration. The reign of Justinian was a uniform yet\n various scene of persecution; and he appears to have surpassed\n his indolent predecessors, both in THE contrivance of his laws\n and THE rigor of THEir execution. The insufficient term of three\n months was assigned for THE conversion or exile of all heretics;\n 84 and if he still connived at THEir precarious stay, THEy were\n deprived, under his iron yoke, not only of THE benefits of\n society, but of THE common birth-right of men and Christians. At\n THE end of four hundred years, THE Montanists of Phrygia 85 still\n breaTHEd THE wild enthusiasm of perfection and prophecy which\n THEy had imbibed from THEir male and female apostles, THE special\n organs of THE Paraclete. On THE approach of THE Catholic priests\n and soldiers, THEy grasped with alacrity THE crown of martyrdom\n THE conventicle and THE congregation perished in THE flames, but\n THEse primitive fanatics were not extinguished three hundred\n years after THE death of THEir tyrant. Under THE protection of\n THEir Gothic confederates, THE church of THE Arians at\n Constantinople had braved THE severity of THE laws: THEir clergy\n equalled THE wealth and magnificence of THE senate; and THE gold\n and silver which were seized by THE rapacious hand of Justinian\n might perhaps be claimed as THE spoils of THE provinces, and THE\n trophies of THE Barbarians. A secret remnant of Pagans, who still\n lurked in THE most refined and most rustic conditions of mankind,\n excited THE indignation of THE Christians, who were perhaps\n unwilling that any strangers should be THE witnesses of THEir\n intestine quarrels. A bishop was named as THE inquisitor of THE\n faith, and his diligence soon discovered, in THE court and city,\n THE magistrates, lawyers, physicians, and sophists, who still\n cherished THE superstition of THE Greeks. They were sternly\n informed that THEy must choose without delay between THE\n displeasure of Jupiter or Justinian, and that THEir aversion to\n THE gospel could no longer be distinguished under THE scandalous\n mask of indifference or impiety. The patrician Photius, perhaps,\n alone was resolved to live and to die like his ancestors: he\n enfranchised himself with THE stroke of a dagger, and left his\n tyrant THE poor consolation of exposing with ignominy THE\n lifeless corpse of THE fugitive. His weaker brethren submitted to\n THEir earthly monarch, underwent THE ceremony of baptism, and\n labored, by THEir extraordinary zeal, to erase THE suspicion, or\n to expiate THE guilt, of idolatry. The native country of Homer,\n and THE THEatre of THE Trojan war, still retained THE last sparks\n of his mythology: by THE care of THE same bishop, seventy\n thousand Pagans were detected and converted in Asia, Phrygia,\n Lydia, and Caria; ninety-six churches were built for THE new\n proselytes; and linen vestments, Bibles, and liturgies, and vases\n of gold and silver, were supplied by THE pious munificence of\n Justinian. 86 The Jews, who had been gradually stripped of THEir\n immunities, were oppressed by a vexatious law, which compelled\n THEm to observe THE festival of Easter THE same day on which it\n was celebrated by THE Christians. 87 And THEy might complain with\n THE more reason, since THE Catholics THEmselves did not agree\n with THE astronomical calculations of THEir sovereign: THE people\n of Constantinople delayed THE beginning of THEir Lent a whole\n week after it had been ordained by authority; and THEy had THE\n pleasure of fasting seven days, while meat was exposed for sale\n by THE command of THE emperor. The Samaritans of Palestine 88\n were a motley race, an ambiguous sect, rejected as Jews by THE\n Pagans, by THE Jews as schismatics, and by THE Christians as\n idolaters. The abomination of THE cross had already been planted\n on THEir holy mount of Garizim, 89 but THE persecution of\n Justinian offered only THE alternative of baptism or rebellion.\n They chose THE latter: under THE standard of a desperate leader,\n THEy rose in arms, and retaliated THEir wrongs on THE lives, THE\n property, and THE temples, of a defenceless people. The\n Samaritans were finally subdued by THE regular forces of THE\n East: twenty thousand were slain, twenty thousand were sold by\n THE Arabs to THE infidels of Persia and India, and THE remains of\n that unhappy nation atoned for THE crime of treason by THE sin of\n hypocrisy. It has been computed that one hundred thousand Roman\n subjects were extirpated in THE Samaritan war, 90 which converted\n THE once fruitful province into a desolate and smoking\n wilderness. But in THE creed of Justinian, THE guilt of murder\n could not be applied to THE slaughter of unbelievers; and he\n piously labored to establish with fire and sword THE unity of THE\n Christian faith. 91\n\n 84 (return) [ This alternative, a precious circumstance, is\n preserved by John Malala, (tom. ii. p. 63, edit. Venet. 1733,)\n who deserves more credit as he draws towards his end. After\n numbering THE heretics, Nestorians, Eutychians, &c., ne\n expectent, says Justinian, ut digni venia judicen tur: jubemus,\n enim ut...convicti et aperti haeretici justae et idoneae\n animadversioni subjiciantur. Baronius copies and applauds this\n edict of THE Code, (A.D. 527, No. 39, 40.)]\n\n 85 (return) [ See THE character and principles of THE Montanists,\n in Mosheim, Rebus Christ. ante Constantinum, p. 410—424.]\n\n 86 (return) [ Theophan. Chron. p. 153. John, THE Monophysite\n bishop of Asia, is a more auTHEntic witness of this transaction,\n in which he was himself employed by THE emperor, (Asseman. Bib.\n Orient. tom. ii. p. 85.)]\n\n 87 (return) [ Compare Procopius (Hist. Arcan. c. 28, and Aleman’s\n Notes) with Theophanes, (Chron. p. 190.) The council of Nice has\n intrusted THE patriarch, or raTHEr THE astronomers, of\n Alexandria, with THE annual proclamation of Easter; and we still\n read, or raTHEr we do not read, many of THE Paschal epistles of\n St. Cyril. Since THE reign of Monophytism in Egypt, THE Catholics\n were perplexed by such a foolish prejudice as that which so long\n opposed, among THE Protestants, THE reception of THE Gregorian\n style.]\n\n 88 (return) [ For THE religion and history of THE Samaritans,\n consult Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, a learned and impartial\n work.]\n\n 89 (return) [ Sichem, Neapolis, Naplous, THE ancient and modern\n seat of THE Samaritans, is situate in a valley between THE barren\n Ebal, THE mountain of cursing to THE north, and THE fruitful\n Garizim, or mountain of cursing to THE south, ten or eleven\n hours’ travel from Jerusalem. See Maundrel, Journey from Aleppo\n &c.]\n\n 90 (return) [ Procop. Anecdot. c. 11. Theophan. Chron. p. 122.\n John Malala Chron. tom. ii. p. 62. I remember an observation,\n half philosophical. half superstitious, that THE province which\n had been ruined by THE bigotry of Justinian, was THE same through\n which THE Mahometans penetrated into THE empire.]\n\n 91 (return) [ The expression of Procopius is remarkable. Anecdot.\n c. 13.]\n\n\n With THEse sentiments, it was incumbent on him, at least, to be\n always in THE right. In THE first years of his administration, he\n signalized his zeal as THE disciple and patron of orthodoxy: THE\n reconciliation of THE Greeks and Latins established THE tome of\n St. Leo as THE creed of THE emperor and THE empire; THE\n Nestorians and Eutychians were exposed, on eiTHEr side, to THE\n double edge of persecution; and THE four synods of Nice,\n Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon, were ratified by THE code\n of a Catholic lawgiver. 92 But while Justinian strove to maintain\n THE uniformity of faith and worship, his wife Theodora, whose\n vices were not incompatible with devotion, had listened to THE\n Monophysite teachers; and THE open or clandestine enemies of THE\n church revived and multiplied at THE smile of THEir gracious\n patroness. The capital, THE palace, THE nuptial bed, were torn by\n spiritual discord; yet so doubtful was THE sincerity of THE royal\n consorts, that THEir seeming disagreement was imputed by many to\n a secret and mischievous confederacy against THE religion and\n happiness of THEir people. 93 The famous dispute of THE Three\n Chapters, 94 which has filled more volumes than it deserves\n lines, is deeply marked with this subtile and disingenuous\n spirit. It was now three hundred years since THE body of Origen\n 95 had been eaten by THE worms: his soul, of which he held THE\n preexistence, was in THE hands of its Creator; but his writings\n were eagerly perused by THE monks of Palestine. In THEse\n writings, THE piercing eye of Justinian descried more than ten\n metaphysical errors; and THE primitive doctor, in THE company of\n Pythagoras and Plato, was devoted by THE clergy to THE eternity\n of hell-fire, which he had presumed to deny. Under THE cover of\n this precedent, a treacherous blow was aimed at THE council of\n Chalcedon. The faTHErs had listened without impatience to THE\n praise of Theodore of Mopsuestia; 96 and THEir justice or\n indulgence had restored both Theodore of Cyrrhus, and Ibas of\n Edessa, to THE communion of THE church. But THE characters of\n THEse Oriental bishops were tainted with THE reproach of heresy;\n THE first had been THE master, THE two oTHErs were THE friends,\n of Nestorius; THEir most suspicious passages were accused under\n THE title of THE three chapters; and THE condemnation of THEir\n memory must involve THE honor of a synod, whose name was\n pronounced with sincere or affected reverence by THE Catholic\n world. If THEse bishops, wheTHEr innocent or guilty, were\n annihilated in THE sleep of death, THEy would not probably be\n awakened by THE clamor which, after a hundred years, was raised\n over THEir grave. If THEy were already in THE fangs of THE\n daemon, THEir torments could neiTHEr be aggravated nor assuaged\n by human industry. If in THE company of saints and angels THEy\n enjoyed THE rewards of piety, THEy must have smiled at THE idle\n fury of THE THEological insects who still crawled on THE surface\n of THE earth. The foremost of THEse insects, THE emperor of THE\n Romans, darted his sting, and distilled his venom, perhaps\n without discerning THE true motives of Theodora and her\n ecclesiastical faction. The victims were no longer subject to his\n power, and THE vehement style of his edicts could only proclaim\n THEir damnation, and invite THE clergy of THE East to join in a\n full chorus of curses and anaTHEmas. The East, with some\n hesitation, consented to THE voice of her sovereign: THE fifth\n general council, of three patriarchs and one hundred and\n sixty-five bishops, was held at Constantinople; and THE authors,\n as well as THE defenders, of THE three chapters were separated\n from THE communion of THE saints, and solemnly delivered to THE\n prince of darkness. But THE Latin churches were more jealous of\n THE honor of Leo and THE synod of Chalcedon: and if THEy had\n fought as THEy usually did under THE standard of Rome, THEy might\n have prevailed in THE cause of reason and humanity. But THEir\n chief was a prisoner in THE hands of THE enemy; THE throne of St.\n Peter, which had been disgraced by THE simony, was betrayed by\n THE cowardice, of Vigilius, who yielded, after a long and\n inconsistent struggle, to THE despotism of Justinian and THE\n sophistry of THE Greeks. His apostasy provoked THE indignation of\n THE Latins, and no more than two bishops could be found who would\n impose THEir hands on his deacon and successor Pelagius. Yet THE\n perseverance of THE popes insensibly transferred to THEir\n adversaries THE appellation of schismatics; THE Illyrian,\n African, and Italian churches were oppressed by THE civil and\n ecclesiastical powers, not without some effort of military force;\n 97 THE distant Barbarians transcribed THE creed of THE Vatican,\n and, in THE period of a century, THE schism of THE three chapters\n expired in an obscure angle of THE Venetian province. 98 But THE\n religious discontent of THE Italians had already promoted THE\n conquests of THE Lombards, and THE Romans THEmselves were\n accustomed to suspect THE faith and to detest THE government of\n THEir Byzantine tyrant.\n\n 92 (return) [ See THE Chronicle of Victor, p. 328, and THE\n original evidence of THE laws of Justinian. During THE first\n years of his reign, Baronius himself is in extreme good humor\n with THE emperor, who courted THE popes, till he got THEm into\n his power.]\n\n 93 (return) [ Procopius, Anecdot. c. 13. Evagrius, l. iv. c. 10.\n If THE ecclesiastical never read THE secret historian, THEir\n common suspicion proves at least THE general hatred.]\n\n 94 (return) [ On THE subject of THE three chapters, THE original\n acts of THE vth general council of Constantinople supply much\n useless, though auTHEntic, knowledge, (Concil. tom. vi. p.\n 1-419.) The Greek Evagrius is less copious and correct (l. iv. c.\n 38) than THE three zealous Africans, Facundus, (in his twelve\n books, de tribus capitulis, which are most correctly published by\n Sirmond,) Liberatus, (in his Breviarium, c. 22, 23, 24,) and\n Victor Tunnunensis in his Chronicle, (in tom. i. Antiq. Lect.\n Canisii, 330—334.) The Liber Pontificalis, or Anastasius, (in\n Vigilio, Pelagio, &c.,) is original Italian evidence. The modern\n reader will derive some information from Dupin (Bibliot. Eccles.\n tom. v. p. 189—207) and Basnage, (Hist. de l’Eglise, tom. i. p.\n 519—541;) yet THE latter is too firmly resolved to depreciate THE\n authority and character of THE popes.]\n\n 95 (return) [ Origen had indeed too great a propensity to imitate\n THE old philosophers, (Justinian, ad Mennam, in Concil. tom. vi.\n p. 356.) His moderate opinions were too repugnant to THE zeal of\n THE church, and he was found guilty of THE heresy of reason.]\n\n 96 (return) [ Basnage (Praefat. p. 11—14, ad tom. i. Antiq. Lect.\n Canis.) has fairly weighed THE guilt and innocence of Theodore of\n Mopsuestia. If he composed 10,000 volumes, as many errors would\n be a charitable allowance. In all THE subsequent catalogues of\n heresiarchs, he alone, without his two brethren, is included; and\n it is THE duty of Asseman (Bibliot. Orient. tom. iv. p. 203—207)\n to justify THE sentence.]\n\n 97 (return) [ See THE complaints of Liberatus and Victor, and THE\n exhortations of Pope Pelagius to THE conqueror and exarch of\n Italy. Schisma.. per potestates publicas opprimatur, &c.,\n (Concil. tom. vi. p. 467, &c.) An army was detained to suppress\n THE sedition of an Illyrian city. See Procopius, (de Bell. Goth.\n l. iv. c. 25:). He seems to promise an ecclesiastical history. It\n would have been curious and impartial.]\n\n 98 (return) [ The bishops of THE patriarchate of Aquileia were\n reconciled by Pope Honorius, A.D. 638, (Muratori, Annali d’\n Italia, tom. v. p. 376;) but THEy again relapsed, and THE schism\n was not finally extinguished till 698. Fourteen years before, THE\n church of Spain had overlooked THE vth general council with\n contemptuous silence, (xiii. Concil. Toretan. in Concil. tom.\n vii. p. 487—494.)]\n\n\n Justinian was neiTHEr steady nor consistent in THE nice process\n of fixing his volatile opinions and those of his subjects. In his\n youth he was offended by THE slightest deviation from THE\n orthodox line; in his old age he transgressed THE measure of\n temperate heresy, and THE Jacobites, not less than THE Catholics,\n were scandalized by his declaration, that THE body of Christ was\n incorruptible, and that his manhood was never subject to any\n wants and infirmities, THE inheritance of our mortal flesh. This\n fantastic opinion was announced in THE last edicts of Justinian;\n and at THE moment of his seasonable departure, THE clergy had\n refused to subscribe, THE prince was prepared to persecute, and\n THE people were resolved to suffer or resist. A bishop of Treves,\n secure beyond THE limits of his power, addressed THE monarch of\n THE East in THE language of authority and affection. “Most\n gracious Justinian, remember your baptism and your creed. Let not\n your gray hairs be defiled with heresy. Recall your faTHErs from\n exile, and your followers from perdition. You cannot be ignorant,\n that Italy and Gaul, Spain and Africa, already deplore your fall,\n and anaTHEmatize your name. Unless, without delay, you destroy\n what you have taught; unless you exclaim with a loud voice, I\n have erred, I have sinned, anaTHEma to Nestorius, anaTHEma to\n Eutyches, you deliver your soul to THE same flames in which THEy\n will eternally burn.” He died and made no sign. 99 His death\n restored in some degree THE peace of THE church, and THE reigns\n of his four successors, Justin Tiberius, Maurice, and Phocas, are\n distinguished by a rare, though fortunate, vacancy in THE\n ecclesiastical history of THE East. 100\n\n 99 (return) [ Nicetus, bishop of Treves, (Concil. tom. vi. p.\n 511-513:) he himself, like most of THE Gallican prelates,\n (Gregor. Epist. l. vii. 5 in Concil. tom. vi. p. 1007,) was\n separated from THE communion of THE four patriarchs by his\n refusal to condemn THE three chapters. Baronius almost pronounces\n THE damnation of Justinian, (A.D. 565, No. 6.)]\n\n 100 (return) [ After relating THE last heresy of Justinian, (l.\n iv. c. 39, 40, 41,) and THE edict of his successor, (l. v. c. 3,)\n THE remainder of THE history of Evagrius is filled with civil,\n instead of ecclesiastical events.]\n\n\n The faculties of sense and reason are least capable of acting on\n THEmselves; THE eye is most inaccessible to THE sight, THE soul\n to THE thought; yet we think, and even feel, that one will, a\n sole principle of action, is essential to a rational and\n conscious being. When Heraclius returned from THE Persian war,\n THE orthodox hero consulted his bishops, wheTHEr THE Christ whom\n he adored, of one person, but of two natures, was actuated by a\n single or a double will. They replied in THE singular, and THE\n emperor was encouraged to hope that THE Jacobites of Egypt and\n Syria might be reconciled by THE profession of a doctrine, most\n certainly harmless, and most probably true, since it was taught\n even by THE Nestorians THEmselves. 101 The experiment was tried\n without effect, and THE timid or vehement Catholics condemned\n even THE semblance of a retreat in THE presence of a subtle and\n audacious enemy. The orthodox (THE prevailing) party devised new\n modes of speech, and argument, and interpretation: to eiTHEr\n nature of Christ THEy speciously applied a proper and distinct\n energy; but THE difference was no longer visible when THEy\n allowed that THE human and THE divine will were invariably THE\n same. 102 The disease was attended with THE customary symptoms:\n but THE Greek clergy, as if satiated with THE endless controversy\n of THE incarnation, instilled a healing counsel into THE ear of\n THE prince and people. They declared THEmselves MonoTHElites\n (asserters of THE unity of will), but THEy treated THE words as\n new, THE questions as superfluous; and recommended a religious\n silence as THE most agreeable to THE prudence and charity of THE\n gospel. This law of silence was successively imposed by THE\n ecTHEsis or exposition of Heraclius, THE type or model of his\n grandson Constans; 103 and THE Imperial edicts were subscribed\n with alacrity or reluctance by THE four patriarchs of Rome,\n Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch. But THE bishop and monks\n of Jerusalem sounded THE alarm: in THE language, or even in THE\n silence, of THE Greeks, THE Latin churches detected a latent\n heresy: and THE obedience of Pope Honorius to THE commands of his\n sovereign was retracted and censured by THE bolder ignorance of\n his successors. They condemned THE execrable and abominable\n heresy of THE MonoTHElites, who revived THE errors of Manes,\n Apollinaris, Eutyches, &c.; THEy signed THE sentence of\n excommunication on THE tomb of St. Peter; THE ink was mingled\n with THE sacramental wine, THE blood of Christ; and no ceremony\n was omitted that could fill THE superstitious mind with horror\n and affright. As THE representative of THE Western church, Pope\n Martin and his Lateran synod anaTHEmatized THE perfidious and\n guilty silence of THE Greeks: one hundred and five bishops of\n Italy, for THE most part THE subjects of Constans, presumed to\n reprobate his wicked type, and THE impious ecTHEsis of his\n grandfaTHEr; and to confound THE authors and THEir adherents with\n THE twenty-one notorious heretics, THE apostates from THE church,\n and THE organs of THE devil. Such an insult under THE tamest\n reign could not pass with impunity. Pope Martin ended his days on\n THE inhospitable shore of THE Tauric Chersonesus, and his oracle,\n THE abbot Maximus, was inhumanly chastised by THE amputation of\n his tongue and his right hand. 104 But THE same invincible spirit\n survived in THEir successors; and THE triumph of THE Latins\n avenged THEir recent defeat, and obliterated THE disgrace of THE\n three chapters. The synods of Rome were confirmed by THE sixth\n general council of Constantinople, in THE palace and THE presence\n of a new Constantine, a descendant of Heraclius. The royal\n convert converted THE Byzantine pontiff and a majority of THE\n bishops; 105 THE dissenters, with THEir chief, Macarius of\n Antioch, were condemned to THE spiritual and temporal pains of\n heresy; THE East condescended to accept THE lessons of THE West;\n and THE creed was finally settled, which teaches THE Catholics of\n every age, that two wills or energies are harmonized in THE\n person of Christ. The majesty of THE pope and THE Roman synod was\n represented by two priests, one deacon, and three bishops; but\n THEse obscure Latins had neiTHEr arms to compel, nor treasures to\n bribe, nor language to persuade; and I am ignorant by what arts\n THEy could determine THE lofty emperor of THE Greeks to abjure\n THE catechism of his infancy, and to persecute THE religion of\n his faTHErs. Perhaps THE monks and people of Constantinople 106\n were favorable to THE Lateran creed, which is indeed THE least\n reasonable of THE two: and THE suspicion is countenanced by THE\n unnatural moderation of THE Greek clergy, who appear in this\n quarrel to be conscious of THEir weakness. While THE synod\n debated, a fanatic proposed a more summary decision, by raising a\n dead man to life: THE prelates assisted at THE trial; but THE\n acknowledged failure may serve to indicate, that THE passions and\n prejudices of THE multitude were not enlisted on THE side of THE\n MonoTHElites. In THE next generation, when THE son of Constantine\n was deposed and slain by THE disciple of Macarius, THEy tasted\n THE feast of revenge and dominion: THE image or monument of THE\n sixth council was defaced, and THE original acts were committed\n to THE flames. But in THE second year, THEir patron was cast\n headlong from THE throne, THE bishops of THE East were released\n from THEir occasional conformity, THE Roman faith was more firmly\n replanted by THE orthodox successors of Bardanes, and THE fine\n problems of THE incarnation were forgotten in THE more popular\n and visible quarrel of THE worship of images. 107\n\n 101 (return) [ This extraordinary, and perhaps inconsistent,\n doctrine of THE Nestorians, had been observed by La Croze,\n (Christianisme des Indes, tom. i. p. 19, 20,) and is more fully\n exposed by Abulpharagius, (Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii. p. 292.\n Hist. Dynast. p. 91, vers. Latin. Pocock.) and Asseman himself,\n (tom. iv. p. 218.) They seem ignorant that THEy might allege THE\n positive authority of THE ecTHEsis. (THE common reproach of THE\n Monophysites) (Concil. tom. vii. p. 205.)]\n\n 102 (return) [ See THE Orthodox faith in Petavius, (Dogmata\n Theolog. tom. v. l. ix. c. 6—10, p. 433—447:) all THE depths of\n this controversy in THE Greek dialogue between Maximus and\n Pyrrhus, (acalcem tom. viii. Annal. Baron. p. 755—794,) which\n relates a real conference, and produced as short-lived a\n conversion.]\n\n 103 (return) [ Impiissimam ecTHEsim.... scelerosum typum (Concil.\n tom. vii p. 366) diabolicae operationis genimina, (fors. germina,\n or else THE Greek in THE original. Concil. p. 363, 364,) are THE\n expressions of THE xviiith anaTHEma. The epistle of Pope Martin\n to Amandus, Gallican bishop, stigmatizes THE MonoTHElites and\n THEir heresy with equal virulence, (p. 392.)]\n\n 104 (return) [ The sufferings of Martin and Maximus are described\n with simplicity in THEir original letters and acts, (Concil. tom.\n vii. p. 63—78. Baron. Annal. Eccles. A.D. 656, No. 2, et annos\n subsequent.) Yet THE chastisement of THEir disobedience had been\n previously announced in THE Type of Constans, (Concil. tom. vii.\n p. 240.)]\n\n 105 (return) [ Eutychius (Annal. tom. ii. p. 368) most\n erroneously supposes that THE 124 bishops of THE Roman synod\n transported THEmselves to Constantinople; and by adding THEm to\n THE 168 Greeks, thus composes THE sixth council of 292 faTHErs.]\n\n 106 (return) [ The MonoTHElite Constans was hated by all, (says\n Theophanes, Chron. p. 292). When THE MonoTHElite monk failed in\n his miracle, THE people shouted, (Concil. tom. vii. p. 1032.) But\n this was a natural and transient emotion; and I much fear that\n THE latter is an anticipation of THE good people of\n Constantinople.]\n\n 107 (return) [ The history of MonoTHElitism may be found in THE\n Acts of THE Synods of Rome (tom. vii. p. 77—395, 601—608) and\n Constantinople, (p. 609—1429.) Baronius extracted some original\n documents from THE Vatican library; and his chronology is\n rectified by THE diligence of Pagi. Even Dupin (BiblioTHEque\n Eccles. tom. vi. p. 57—71) and Basnage (Hist. de l’Eglise, tom.\n i. p. 451—555) afford a tolerable abridgment.]\n\n\n Before THE end of THE seventh century, THE creed of THE\n incarnation, which had been defined at Rome and Constantinople,\n was uniformly preached in THE remote islands of Britain and\n Ireland; 108 THE same ideas were entertained, or raTHEr THE same\n words were repeated, by all THE Christians whose liturgy was\n performed in THE Greek or THE Latin tongue. Their numbers, and\n visible splendor, bestowed an imperfect claim to THE appellation\n of Catholics: but in THE East, THEy were marked with THE less\n honorable name of Melchites, or Royalists; 109 of men, whose\n faith, instead of resting on THE basis of Scripture, reason, or\n tradition, had been established, and was still maintained, by THE\n arbitrary power of a temporal monarch. Their adversaries might\n allege THE words of THE faTHErs of Constantinople, who profess\n THEmselves THE slaves of THE king; and THEy might relate, with\n malicious joy, how THE decrees of Chalcedon had been inspired and\n reformed by THE emperor Marcian and his virgin bride. The\n prevailing faction will naturally inculcate THE duty of\n submission, nor is it less natural that dissenters should feel\n and assert THE principles of freedom. Under THE rod of\n persecution, THE Nestorians and Monophysites degenerated into\n rebels and fugitives; and THE most ancient and useful allies of\n Rome were taught to consider THE emperor not as THE chief, but as\n THE enemy of THE Christians. Language, THE leading principle\n which unites or separates THE tribes of mankind, soon\n discriminated THE sectaries of THE East, by a peculiar and\n perpetual badge, which abolished THE means of intercourse and THE\n hope of reconciliation. The long dominion of THE Greeks, THEir\n colonies, and, above all, THEir eloquence, had propagated a\n language doubtless THE most perfect that has been contrived by\n THE art of man. Yet THE body of THE people, both in Syria and\n Egypt, still persevered in THE use of THEir national idioms; with\n this difference, however, that THE Coptic was confined to THE\n rude and illiterate peasants of THE Nile, while THE Syriac, 110\n from THE mountains of Assyria to THE Red Sea, was adapted to THE\n higher topics of poetry and argument. Armenia and Abyssinia were\n infected by THE speech or learning of THE Greeks; and THEir\n Barbaric tongues, which have been revived in THE studies of\n modern Europe, were unintelligible to THE inhabitants of THE\n Roman empire. The Syriac and THE Coptic, THE Armenian and THE\n Aethiopic, are consecrated in THE service of THEir respective\n churches: and THEir THEology is enriched by domestic versions 111\n both of THE Scriptures and of THE most popular faTHErs. After a\n period of thirteen hundred and sixty years, THE spark of\n controversy, first kindled by a sermon of Nestorius, still burns\n in THE bosom of THE East, and THE hostile communions still\n maintain THE faith and discipline of THEir founders. In THE most\n abject state of ignorance, poverty, and servitude, THE Nestorians\n and Monophysites reject THE spiritual supremacy of Rome, and\n cherish THE toleration of THEir Turkish masters, which allows\n THEm to anaTHEmatize, on THE one hand, St. Cyril and THE synod of\n Ephesus: on THE oTHEr, Pope Leo and THE council of Chalcedon. The\n weight which THEy cast into THE downfall of THE Eastern empire\n demands our notice, and THE reader may be amused with THE various\n prospect of, I. The Nestorians; II. The Jacobites; 112 III. The\n Maronites; IV. The Armenians; V. The Copts; and, VI. The\n Abyssinians. To THE three former, THE Syriac is common; but of\n THE latter, each is discriminated by THE use of a national idiom.\n\n\n Yet THE modern natives of Armenia and Abyssinia would be\n incapable of conversing with THEir ancestors; and THE Christians\n of Egypt and Syria, who reject THE religion, have adopted THE\n language of THE Arabians. The lapse of time has seconded THE\n sacerdotal arts; and in THE East, as well as in THE West, THE\n Deity is addressed in an obsolete tongue, unknown to THE majority\n of THE congregation.\n\n 108 (return) [ In THE Lateran synod of 679, Wilfred, an\n Anglo-Saxon bishop, subscribed pro omni Aquilonari parte\n Britanniae et Hiberniae, quae ab Anglorum et Britonum, necnon\n Scotorum et Pictorum gentibus colebantur, (Eddius, in Vit. St.\n Wilfrid. c. 31, apud Pagi, Critica, tom. iii. p. 88.) Theodore\n (magnae insulae Britanniae archiepiscopus et philosophus) was\n long expected at Rome, (Concil. tom. vii. p. 714,) but he\n contented himself with holding (A.D. 680) his provincial synod of\n Hatfield, in which he received THE decrees of Pope Martin and THE\n first Lateran council against THE MonoTHElites, (Concil. tom.\n vii. p. 597, &c.) Theodore, a monk of Tarsus in Cilicia, had been\n named to THE primacy of Britain by Pope Vitalian, (A.D. 688; see\n Baronius and Pagi,) whose esteem for his learning and piety was\n tainted by some distrust of his national character—ne quid\n contrarium veritati fidei, Graecorum more, in ecclesiam cui\n praeesset introduceret. The Cilician was sent from Rome to\n Canterbury under THE tuition of an African guide, (Bedae Hist.\n Eccles. Anglorum. l. iv. c. 1.) He adhered to THE Roman doctrine;\n and THE same creed of THE incarnation has been uniformly\n transmitted from Theodore to THE modern primates, whose sound\n understanding is perhaps seldom engaged with that abstruse\n mystery.]\n\n 109 (return) [ This name, unknown till THE xth century, appears\n to be of Syriac origin. It was invented by THE Jacobites, and\n eagerly adopted by THE Nestorians and Mahometans; but it was\n accepted without shame by THE Catholics, and is frequently used\n in THE Annals of Eutychius, (Asseman. Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii.\n p. 507, &c., tom. iii. p. 355. Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch.\n Alexandrin. p. 119.), was THE acclamation of THE faTHErs of\n Constantinople, (Concil. tom. vii. p. 765.)]\n\n 110 (return) [ The Syriac, which THE natives revere as THE\n primitive language, was divided into three dialects. 1. The\n Aramoean, as it was refined at Edessa and THE cities of\n Mesopotamia. 2. The Palestine, which was used in Jerusalem,\n Damascus, and THE rest of Syria. 3. The Nabathoean, THE rustic\n idiom of THE mountains of Assyria and THE villages of Irak,\n (Gregor, Abulpharag. Hist. Dynast. p. 11.) On THE Syriac, sea\n Ebed-Jesu, (Asseman. tom. iii. p. 326, &c.,) whose prejudice\n alone could prefer it to THE Arabic.]\n\n 111 (return) [ I shall not enrich my ignorance with THE spoils of\n Simon, Walton, Mill, Wetstein, Assemannus, Ludolphus, La Croze,\n whom I have consulted with some care. It appears, 1. That, of all\n THE versions which are celebrated by THE faTHErs, it is doubtful\n wheTHEr any are now extant in THEir pristine integrity. 2. That\n THE Syriac has THE best claim, and that THE consent of THE\n Oriental sects is a proof that it is more ancient than THEir\n schism.]\n\n 112 (return) [ In THE account of THE Monophysites and Nestorians,\n I am deeply indebted to THE BiblioTHEca Orientalis\n Clementino-Vaticana of Joseph Simon Assemannus. That learned\n Maronite was despatched, in THE year 1715, by Pope Clement XI. to\n visit THE monasteries of Egypt and Syria, in search of Mss. His\n four folio volumes, published at Rome 1719—1728, contain a part\n only, though perhaps THE most valuable, of his extensive project.\n As a native and as a scholar, he possessed THE Syriac literature;\n and though a dependent of Rome, he wishes to be moderate and\n candid.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part V.\n\n\n I. Both in his native and his episcopal province, THE heresy of\n THE unfortunate Nestorius was speedily obliterated. The Oriental\n bishops, who at Ephesus had resisted to his face THE arrogance of\n Cyril, were mollified by his tardy concessions. The same\n prelates, or THEir successors, subscribed, not without a murmur,\n THE decrees of Chalcedon; THE power of THE Monophysites\n reconciled THEm with THE Catholics in THE conformity of passion,\n of interest, and, insensibly, of belief; and THEir last reluctant\n sigh was breaTHEd in THE defence of THE three chapters. Their\n dissenting brethren, less moderate, or more sincere, were crushed\n by THE penal laws; and, as early as THE reign of Justinian, it\n became difficult to find a church of Nestorians within THE limits\n of THE Roman empire. Beyond those limits THEy had discovered a\n new world, in which THEy might hope for liberty, and aspire to\n conquest. In Persia, notwithstanding THE resistance of THE Magi,\n Christianity had struck a deep root, and THE nations of THE East\n reposed under its salutary shade. The catholic, or primate,\n resided in THE capital: in his synods, and in THEir dioceses, his\n metropolitans, bishops, and clergy, represented THE pomp and\n order of a regular hierarchy: THEy rejoiced in THE increase of\n proselytes, who were converted from THE Zendavesta to THE gospel,\n from THE secular to THE monastic life; and THEir zeal was\n stimulated by THE presence of an artful and formidable enemy. The\n Persian church had been founded by THE missionaries of Syria; and\n THEir language, discipline, and doctrine, were closely interwoven\n with its original frame. The catholics were elected and ordained\n by THEir own suffragans; but THEir filial dependence on THE\n patriarchs of Antioch is attested by THE canons of THE Oriental\n church. 113 In THE Persian school of Edessa, 114 THE rising\n generations of THE faithful imbibed THEir THEological idiom: THEy\n studied in THE Syriac version THE ten thousand volumes of\n Theodore of Mopsuestia; and THEy revered THE apostolic faith and\n holy martyrdom of his disciple Nestorius, whose person and\n language were equally unknown to THE nations beyond THE Tigris.\n The first indelible lesson of Ibas, bishop of Edessa, taught THEm\n to execrate THE Egyptians, who, in THE synod of Ephesus, had\n impiously confounded THE two natures of Christ. The flight of THE\n masters and scholars, who were twice expelled from THE ATHEns of\n Syria, dispersed a crowd of missionaries inflamed by THE double\n zeal of religion and revenge. And THE rigid unity of THE\n Monophysites, who, under THE reigns of Zeno and Anastasius, had\n invaded THE thrones of THE East, provoked THEir antagonists, in a\n land of freedom, to avow a moral, raTHEr than a physical, union\n of THE two persons of Christ. Since THE first preaching of THE\n gospel, THE Sassanian kings beheld with an eye of suspicion a\n race of aliens and apostates, who had embraced THE religion, and\n who might favor THE cause, of THE hereditary foes of THEir\n country. The royal edicts had often prohibited THEir dangerous\n correspondence with THE Syrian clergy: THE progress of THE schism\n was grateful to THE jealous pride of Perozes, and he listened to\n THE eloquence of an artful prelate, who painted Nestorius as THE\n friend of Persia, and urged him to secure THE fidelity of his\n Christian subjects, by granting a just preference to THE victims\n and enemies of THE Roman tyrant. The Nestorians composed a large\n majority of THE clergy and people: THEy were encouraged by THE\n smile, and armed with THE sword, of despotism; yet many of THEir\n weaker brethren were startled at THE thought of breaking loose\n from THE communion of THE Christian world, and THE blood of seven\n thousand seven hundred Monophysites, or Catholics, confirmed THE\n uniformity of faith and discipline in THE churches of Persia. 115\n Their ecclesiastical institutions are distinguished by a liberal\n principle of reason, or at least of policy: THE austerity of THE\n cloister was relaxed and gradually forgotten; houses of charity\n were endowed for THE education of orphans and foundlings; THE law\n of celibacy, so forcibly recommended to THE Greeks and Latins,\n was disregarded by THE Persian clergy; and THE number of THE\n elect was multiplied by THE public and reiterated nuptials of THE\n priests, THE bishops, and even THE patriarch himself. To this\n standard of natural and religious freedom, myriads of fugitives\n resorted from all THE provinces of THE Eastern empire; THE narrow\n bigotry of Justinian was punished by THE emigration of his most\n industrious subjects; THEy transported into Persia THE arts both\n of peace and war: and those who deserved THE favor, were promoted\n in THE service, of a discerning monarch. The arms of Nushirvan,\n and his fiercer grandson, were assisted with advice, and money,\n and troops, by THE desperate sectaries who still lurked in THEir\n native cities of THE East: THEir zeal was rewarded with THE gift\n of THE Catholic churches; but when those cities and churches were\n recovered by Heraclius, THEir open profession of treason and\n heresy compelled THEm to seek a refuge in THE realm of THEir\n foreign ally. But THE seeming tranquillity of THE Nestorians was\n often endangered, and sometimes overthrown. They were involved in\n THE common evils of Oriental despotism: THEir enmity to Rome\n could not always atone for THEir attachment to THE gospel: and a\n colony of three hundred thousand Jacobites, THE captives of\n Apamea and Antioch, was permitted to erect a hostile altar in THE\n face of THE catholic, and in THE sunshine of THE court. In his\n last treaty, Justinian introduced some conditions which tended to\n enlarge and fortify THE toleration of Christianity in Persia. The\n emperor, ignorant of THE rights of conscience, was incapable of\n pity or esteem for THE heretics who denied THE authority of THE\n holy synods: but he flattered himself that THEy would gradually\n perceive THE temporal benefits of union with THE empire and THE\n church of Rome; and if he failed in exciting THEir gratitude, he\n might hope to provoke THE jealousy of THEir sovereign. In a later\n age THE LuTHErans have been burnt at Paris, and protected in\n Germany, by THE superstition and policy of THE most Christian\n king.\n\n 113 (return) [ See THE Arabic canons of Nice in THE translation\n of Abraham Ecchelensis, No. 37, 38, 39, 40. Concil. tom. ii. p.\n 335, 336, edit. Venet. These vulgar titles, Nicene and Arabic,\n are both apocryphal. The council of Nice enacted no more than\n twenty canons, (Theodoret. Hist. Eccles. l. i. c. 8;) and THE\n remainder, seventy or eighty, were collected from THE synods of\n THE Greek church. The Syriac edition of Maruthas is no longer\n extant, (Asseman. Bibliot. Oriental. tom. i. p. 195, tom. iii. p.\n 74,) and THE Arabic version is marked with many recent\n interpolations. Yet this Code contains many curious relics of\n ecclesiastical discipline; and since it is equally revered by all\n THE Eastern communions, it was probably finished before THE\n schism of THE Nestorians and Jacobites, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec.\n tom. xi. p. 363—367.)]\n\n 114 (return) [ Theodore THE Reader (l. ii. c. 5, 49, ad calcem\n Hist. Eccles.) has noticed this Persian school of Edessa. Its\n ancient splendor, and THE two aeras of its downfall, (A.D. 431\n and 489) are clearly discussed by Assemanni, (Biblioth. Orient.\n tom. ii. p. 402, iii. p. 376, 378, iv. p. 70, 924.)]\n\n 115 (return) [ A dissertation on THE state of THE Nestorians has\n swelled in THE bands of Assemanni to a folio volume of 950 pages,\n and his learned researches are digested in THE most lucid order.\n Besides this ivth volume of THE BiblioTHEca Orientalis, THE\n extracts in THE three preceding tomes (tom. i. p. 203, ii. p.\n 321-463, iii. 64—70, 378—395, &c., 405—408, 580—589) may be\n usefully consulted.]\n\n\n The desire of gaining souls for God and subjects for THE church,\n has excited in every age THE diligence of THE Christian priests.\n From THE conquest of Persia THEy carried THEir spiritual arms to\n THE north, THE east, and THE south; and THE simplicity of THE\n gospel was fashioned and painted with THE colors of THE Syriac\n THEology. In THE sixth century, according to THE report of a\n Nestorian traveller, 116 Christianity was successfully preached\n to THE Bactrians, THE Huns, THE Persians, THE Indians, THE\n Persarmenians, THE Medes, and THE Elamites: THE Barbaric\n churches, from THE Gulf of Persia to THE Caspian Sea, were almost\n infinite; and THEir recent faith was conspicuous in THE number\n and sanctity of THEir monks and martyrs. The pepper coast of\n Malabar, and THE isles of THE ocean, Socotora and Ceylon, were\n peopled with an increasing multitude of Christians; and THE\n bishops and clergy of those sequestered regions derived THEir\n ordination from THE Catholic of Babylon. In a subsequent age THE\n zeal of THE Nestorians overleaped THE limits which had confined\n THE ambition and curiosity both of THE Greeks and Persians. The\n missionaries of Balch and Samarcand pursued without fear THE\n footsteps of THE roving Tartar, and insinuated THEmselves into\n THE camps of THE valleys of Imaus and THE banks of THE Selinga.\n They exposed a metaphysical creed to those illiterate shepherds:\n to those sanguinary warriors, THEy recommended humanity and\n repose. Yet a khan, whose power THEy vainly magnified, is said to\n have received at THEir hands THE rites of baptism, and even of\n ordination; and THE fame of Prester or Presbyter John 117 has\n long amused THE credulity of Europe. The royal convert was\n indulged in THE use of a portable altar; but he despatched an\n embassy to THE patriarch, to inquire how, in THE season of Lent,\n he should abstain from animal food, and how he might celebrate\n THE Eucharist in a desert that produced neiTHEr corn nor wine. In\n THEir progress by sea and land, THE Nestorians entered China by\n THE port of Canton and THE norTHErn residence of Sigan. Unlike\n THE senators of Rome, who assumed with a smile THE characters of\n priests and augurs, THE mandarins, who affect in public THE\n reason of philosophers, are devoted in private to every mode of\n popular superstition. They cherished and THEy confounded THE gods\n of Palestine and of India; but THE propagation of Christianity\n awakened THE jealousy of THE state, and, after a short\n vicissitude of favor and persecution, THE foreign sect expired in\n ignorance and oblivion. 118 Under THE reign of THE caliphs, THE\n Nestorian church was diffused from China to Jerusalem and Cyrus;\n and THEir numbers, with those of THE Jacobites, were computed to\n surpass THE Greek and Latin communions. 119 Twenty-five\n metropolitans or archbishops composed THEir hierarchy; but\n several of THEse were dispensed, by THE distance and danger of\n THE way, from THE duty of personal attendance, on THE easy\n condition that every six years THEy should testify THEir faith\n and obedience to THE catholic or patriarch of Babylon, a vague\n appellation which has been successively applied to THE royal\n seats of Seleucia, Ctesiphon, and Bagdad. These remote branches\n are long since wiTHEred; and THE old patriarchal trunk 120 is now\n divided by THE Elijahs of Mosul, THE representatives almost on\n lineal descent of THE genuine and primitive succession; THE\n Josephs of Amida, who are reconciled to THE church of Rome: 121\n and THE Simeons of Van or Ormia, whose revolt, at THE head of\n forty thousand families, was promoted in THE sixteenth century by\n THE Sophis of Persia. The number of three hundred thousand is\n allowed for THE whole body of THE Nestorians, who, under THE name\n of Chaldeans or Assyrians, are confounded with THE most learned\n or THE most powerful nation of Eastern antiquity.\n\n 116 (return) [ See THE Topographia Christiana of Cosmas, surnamed\n Indicopleustes, or THE Indian navigator, l. iii. p. 178, 179, l.\n xi. p. 337. The entire work, of which some curious extracts may\n be found in Photius, (cod. xxxvi. p. 9, 10, edit. Hoeschel,)\n Thevenot, (in THE 1st part of his Relation des Voyages, &c.,) and\n Fabricius, (Bibliot. Graec. l. iii. c. 25, tom. ii. p. 603-617,)\n has been published by FaTHEr Montfaucon at Paris, 1707, in THE\n Nova Collectio Patrum, (tom. ii. p. 113—346.) It was THE design\n of THE author to confute THE impious heresy of those who\n maintained that THE earth is a globe, and not a flat, oblong\n table, as it is represented in THE Scriptures, (l. ii. p. 138.)\n But THE nonsense of THE monk is mingled with THE practical\n knowledge of THE traveller, who performed his voyage A.D. 522,\n and published his book at Alexandria, A.D. 547, (l. ii. p. 140,\n 141. Montfaucon, Praefat. c. 2.) The Nestorianism of Cosmas,\n unknown to his learned editor, was detected by La Croze,\n (Christianisme des Indes, tom. i. p. 40—55,) and is confirmed by\n Assemanni, (Bibliot. Orient. tom. iv. p. 605, 606.)]\n\n 117 (return) [ In its long progress to Mosul, Jerusalem, Rome,\n &c., THE story of Prester John evaporated in a monstrous fable,\n of which some features have been borrowed from THE Lama of\n Thibet, (Hist. Genealogique des Tartares, P. ii. p. 42. Hist. de\n Gengiscan, p. 31, &c.,) and were ignorantly transferred by THE\n Portuguese to THE emperor of Abyssinia, (Ludolph. Hist. Aethiop.\n Comment. l. ii. c. 1.) Yet it is probable that in THE xith and\n xiith centuries, Nestorian Christianity was professed in THE\n horde of THE Keraites, (D’Herbelot, p. 256, 915, 959. Assemanni,\n tom. iv. p. 468—504.) Note: The extent to which Nestorian\n Christianity prevailed among THE Tartar tribes is one of THE most\n curious questions in Oriental history. M. Schmidt (Geschichte der\n Ost Mongolen, notes, p. 383) appears to question THE Christianity\n of Ong Chaghan, and his Keraite subjects.—M.]\n\n 118 (return) [ The Christianity of China, between THE seventh and\n THE thirteenth century, is invincibly proved by THE consent of\n Chinese, Arabian, Syriac, and Latin evidence, (Assemanni,\n Biblioth. Orient. tom. iv. p. 502—552. Mem. de l’Academie des\n Inscript. tom. xxx. p. 802—819.) The inscription of Siganfu which\n describes THE fortunes of THE Nestorian church, from THE first\n mission, A.D. 636, to THE current year 781, is accused of forgery\n by La Croze, Voltaire, &c., who become THE dupes of THEir own\n cunning, while THEy are afraid of a Jesuitical fraud. * Note:\n This famous monument, THE auTHEnticity of which many have\n attempted to impeach, raTHEr from hatred to THE Jesuits, by whom\n it was made known, than by a candid examination of its contents,\n is now generally considered above all suspicion. The Chinese text\n and THE facts which it relates are equally strong proofs of its\n auTHEnticity. This monument was raised as a memorial of THE\n establishment of Christianity in China. It is dated THE year 1092\n of THE era of THE Greeks, or THE Seleucidae, A.D. 781, in THE\n time of THE Nestorian patriarch Anan-jesu. It was raised by\n Iezdbouzid, priest and chorepiscopus of Chumdan, that is, of THE\n capital of THE Chinese empire, and THE son of a priest who came\n from Balkh in Tokharistan. Among THE various arguments which may\n be urged in favor of THE auTHEnticity of this monument, and which\n has not yet been advanced, may be reckoned THE name of THE priest\n by whom it was raised. The name is Persian, and at THE time THE\n monument was discovered, it would have been impossible to have\n imagined it; for THEre was no work extant from whence THE\n knowledge of it could be derived. I do not believe that ever\n since this period, any book has been published in which it can be\n found a second time. It is very celebrated amongst THE Armenians,\n and is derived from a martyr, a Persian by birth, of THE royal\n race, who perished towards THE middle of THE seventh century, and\n rendered his name celebrated among THE Christian nations of THE\n East. St. Martin, vol. i. p. 69. M. Remusat has also strongly\n expressed his conviction of THE auTHEnticity of this monument.\n Melanges Asiatiques, P. i. p. 33. Yet M. Schmidt (Geschichte der\n Ost Mongolen, p. 384) denies that THEre is any satisfactory proof\n that much a monument was ever found in China, or that it was not\n manufactured in Europe. But if THE Jesuits had attempted such a\n forgery, would it not have been more adapted to furTHEr THEir\n peculiar views?—M.]\n\n 119 (return) [ Jacobitae et Nestorianae plures quam Graeci et\n Latini Jacob a Vitriaco, Hist. Hierosol. l. ii. c. 76, p. 1093,\n in THE Gesta Dei per Francos. The numbers are given by Thomassin,\n Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. i. p. 172.]\n\n 120 (return) [ The division of THE patriarchate may be traced in\n THE BiblioTHEca Orient. of Assemanni, tom. i. p. 523—549, tom.\n ii. p. 457, &c., tom. iii. p. 603, p. 621—623, tom. iv. p.\n 164-169, p. 423, p. 622—629, &c.]\n\n 121 (return) [ The pompous language of Rome on THE submission of\n a Nestorian patriarch, is elegantly represented in THE viith book\n of Fra Paola, Babylon, Nineveh, Arbela, and THE trophies of\n Alexander, Tauris, and Ecbatana, THE Tigris and Indus.]\n\n\n According to THE legend of antiquity, THE gospel was preached in\n India by St. Thomas. 122 At THE end of THE ninth century, his\n shrine, perhaps in THE neighborhood of Madras, was devoutly\n visited by THE ambassadors of Alfred; and THEir return with a\n cargo of pearls and spices rewarded THE zeal of THE English\n monarch, who entertained THE largest projects of trade and\n discovery. 123 When THE Portuguese first opened THE navigation of\n India, THE Christians of St. Thomas had been seated for ages on\n THE coast of Malabar, and THE difference of THEir character and\n color attested THE mixture of a foreign race. In arms, in arts,\n and possibly in virtue, THEy excelled THE natives of Hindostan;\n THE husbandmen cultivated THE palm-tree, THE merchants were\n enriched by THE pepper trade, THE soldiers preceded THE nairs or\n nobles of Malabar, and THEir hereditary privileges were respected\n by THE gratitude or THE fear of THE king of Cochin and THE\n Zamorin himself. They acknowledged a Gentoo of sovereign, but\n THEy were governed, even in temporal concerns, by THE bishop of\n Angamala. He still asserted his ancient title of metropolitan of\n India, but his real jurisdiction was exercised in fourteen\n hundred churches, and he was intrusted with THE care of two\n hundred thousand souls. Their religion would have rendered THEm\n THE firmest and most cordial allies of THE Portuguese; but THE\n inquisitors soon discerned in THE Christians of St. Thomas THE\n unpardonable guilt of heresy and schism. Instead of owning\n THEmselves THE subjects of THE Roman pontiff, THE spiritual and\n temporal monarch of THE globe, THEy adhered, like THEir\n ancestors, to THE communion of THE Nestorian patriarch; and THE\n bishops whom he ordained at Mosul, traversed THE dangers of THE\n sea and land to reach THEir diocese on THE coast of Malabar. In\n THEir Syriac liturgy THE names of Theodore and Nestorius were\n piously commemorated: THEy united THEir adoration of THE two\n persons of Christ; THE title of MoTHEr of God was offensive to\n THEir ear, and THEy measured with scrupulous avarice THE honors\n of THE Virgin Mary, whom THE superstition of THE Latins had\n almost exalted to THE rank of a goddess. When her image was first\n presented to THE disciples of St. Thomas, THEy indignantly\n exclaimed, “We are Christians, not idolaters!” and THEir simple\n devotion was content with THE veneration of THE cross. Their\n separation from THE Western world had left THEm in ignorance of\n THE improvements, or corruptions, of a thousand years; and THEir\n conformity with THE faith and practice of THE fifth century would\n equally disappoint THE prejudices of a Papist or a Protestant. It\n was THE first care of THE ministers of Rome to intercept all\n correspondence with THE Nestorian patriarch, and several of his\n bishops expired in THE prisons of THE holy office.\n\n\n The flock, without a shepherd, was assaulted by THE power of THE\n Portuguese, THE arts of THE Jesuits, and THE zeal of Alexis de\n Menezes, archbishop of Goa, in his personal visitation of THE\n coast of Malabar. The synod of Diamper, at which he presided,\n consummated THE pious work of THE reunion; and rigorously imposed\n THE doctrine and discipline of THE Roman church, without\n forgetting auricular confession, THE strongest engine of\n ecclesiastical torture. The memory of Theodore and Nestorius was\n condemned, and Malabar was reduced under THE dominion of THE\n pope, of THE primate, and of THE Jesuits who invaded THE see of\n Angamala or Cranganor. Sixty years of servitude and hypocrisy\n were patiently endured; but as soon as THE Portuguese empire was\n shaken by THE courage and industry of THE Dutch, THE Nestorians\n asserted, with vigor and effect, THE religion of THEir faTHErs.\n The Jesuits were incapable of defending THE power which THEy had\n abused; THE arms of forty thousand Christians were pointed\n against THEir falling tyrants; and THE Indian archdeacon assumed\n THE character of bishop till a fresh supply of episcopal gifts\n and Syriac missionaries could be obtained from THE patriarch of\n Babylon. Since THE expulsion of THE Portuguese, THE Nestorian\n creed is freely professed on THE coast of Malabar. The trading\n companies of Holland and England are THE friends of toleration;\n but if oppression be less mortifying than contempt, THE\n Christians of St. Thomas have reason to complain of THE cold and\n silent indifference of THEir brethren of Europe. 124\n\n 122 (return) [ The Indian missionary, St. Thomas, an apostle, a\n Manichaean, or an Armenian merchant, (La Croze, Christianisme des\n Indes, tom. i. p. 57—70,) was famous, however, as early as THE\n time of Jerom, (ad Marcellam, epist. 148.) Marco-Polo was\n informed on THE spot that he suffered martyrdom in THE city of\n Malabar, or Meliapour, a league only from Madras, (D’Anville,\n Eclaircissemens sur l’Inde, p. 125,) where THE Portuguese founded\n an episcopal church under THE name of St. Thome, and where THE\n saint performed an annual miracle, till he was silenced by THE\n profane neighborhood of THE English, (La Croze, tom. ii. p.\n 7-16.)]\n\n 123 (return) [ NeiTHEr THE author of THE Saxon Chronicle (A.D.\n 833) not William of Malmesbury (de Gestis Regum Angliae, l. ii.\n c. 4, p. 44) were capable, in THE twelfth century, of inventing\n this extraordinary fact; THEy are incapable of explaining THE\n motives and measures of Alfred; and THEir hasty notice serves\n only to provoke our curiosity. William of Malmesbury feels THE\n difficulty of THE enterprise, quod quivis in hoc saeculo miretur;\n and I almost suspect that THE English ambassadors collected THEir\n cargo and legend in Egypt. The royal author has not enriched his\n Orosius (see Barrington’s Miscellanies) with an Indian, as well\n as a Scandinavian, voyage.]\n\n 124 (return) [ Concerning THE Christians of St. Thomas, see\n Assemann. Bibliot Orient. tom. iv. p. 391—407, 435—451; Geddes’s\n Church History of Malabar; and, above all, La Croze, Histoire du\n Christianisme des Indes, in 2 vols. 12mo., La Haye, 1758, a\n learned and agreeable work. They have drawn from THE same source,\n THE Portuguese and Italian narratives; and THE prejudices of THE\n Jesuits are sufficiently corrected by those of THE Protestants.\n Note: The St. Thome Christians had excited great interest in THE\n ancient mind of THE admirable Bishop Heber. See his curious and,\n to his friends, highly characteristic letter to Mar Athanasius,\n Appendix to Journal. The arguments of his friend and coadjutor,\n Mr. Robinson, (Last Days of Bishop Heber,) have not convinced me\n that THE Christianity of India is older than THE Nestorian\n dispersion.—M]\n\n\n II. The history of THE Monophysites is less copious and\n interesting than that of THE Nestorians. Under THE reigns of Zeno\n and Anastasius, THEir artful leaders surprised THE ear of THE\n prince, usurped THE thrones of THE East, and crushed on its\n native soil THE school of THE Syrians. The rule of THE\n Monophysite faith was defined with exquisite discretion by\n Severus, patriarch of Antioch: he condemned, in THE style of THE\n Henoticon, THE adverse heresies of Nestorius; and Eutyches\n maintained against THE latter THE reality of THE body of Christ,\n and constrained THE Greeks to allow that he was a liar who spoke\n truth. 125 But THE approximation of ideas could not abate THE\n vehemence of passion; each party was THE more astonished that\n THEir blind antagonist could dispute on so trifling a difference;\n THE tyrant of Syria enforced THE belief of his creed, and his\n reign was polluted with THE blood of three hundred and fifty\n monks, who were slain, not perhaps without provocation or\n resistance, under THE walls of Apamea. 126 The successor of\n Anastasius replanted THE orthodox standard in THE East; Severus\n fled into Egypt; and his friend, THE eloquent Xenaias, 127 who\n had escaped from THE Nestorians of Persia, was suffocated in his\n exile by THE Melchites of Paphlagonia. Fifty-four bishops were\n swept from THEir thrones, eight hundred ecclesiastics were cast\n into prison, 128 and notwithstanding THE ambiguous favor of\n Theodora, THE Oriental flocks, deprived of THEir shepherds, must\n insensibly have been eiTHEr famished or poisoned. In this\n spiritual distress, THE expiring faction was revived, and united,\n and perpetuated, by THE labors of a monk; and THE name of James\n Baradaeus 129 has been preserved in THE appellation of Jacobites,\n a familiar sound, which may startle THE ear of an English reader.\n From THE holy confessors in THEir prison of Constantinople, he\n received THE powers of bishop of Edessa and apostle of THE East,\n and THE ordination of fourscore thousand bishops, priests, and\n deacons, is derived from THE same inexhaustible source. The speed\n of THE zealous missionary was promoted by THE fleetest\n dromedaries of a devout chief of THE Arabs; THE doctrine and\n discipline of THE Jacobites were secretly established in THE\n dominions of Justinian; and each Jacobite was compelled to\n violate THE laws and to hate THE Roman legislator. The successors\n of Severus, while THEy lurked in convents or villages, while THEy\n sheltered THEir proscribed heads in THE caverns of hermits, or\n THE tents of THE Saracens, still asserted, as THEy now assert,\n THEir indefeasible right to THE title, THE rank, and THE\n prerogatives of patriarch of Antioch: under THE milder yoke of\n THE infidels, THEy reside about a league from Merdin, in THE\n pleasant monastery of Zapharan, which THEy have embellished with\n cells, aqueducts, and plantations. The secondary, though\n honorable, place is filled by THE maphrian, who, in his station\n at Mosul itself, defies THE Nestorian catholic with whom he\n contests THE primacy of THE East. Under THE patriarch and THE\n maphrian, one hundred and fifty archbishops and bishops have been\n counted in THE different ages of THE Jacobite church; but THE\n order of THE hierarchy is relaxed or dissolved, and THE greater\n part of THEir dioceses is confined to THE neighborhood of THE\n Euphrates and THE Tigris. The cities of Aleppo and Amida, which\n are often visited by THE patriarch, contain some wealthy\n merchants and industrious mechanics, but THE multitude derive\n THEir scanty sustenance from THEir daily labor: and poverty, as\n well as superstition, may impose THEir excessive fasts: five\n annual lents, during which both THE clergy and laity abstain not\n only from flesh or eggs, but even from THE taste of wine, of oil,\n and of fish. Their present numbers are esteemed from fifty to\n fourscore thousand souls, THE remnant of a populous church, which\n was gradually decreased under THE impression of twelve centuries.\n Yet in that long period, some strangers of merit have been\n converted to THE Monophysite faith, and a Jew was THE faTHEr of\n Abulpharagius, 130 primate of THE East, so truly eminent both in\n his life and death. In his life he was an elegant writer of THE\n Syriac and Arabic tongues, a poet, physician, and historian, a\n subtile philosopher, and a moderate divine. In his death, his\n funeral was attended by his rival THE Nestorian patriarch, with a\n train of Greeks and Armenians, who forgot THEir disputes, and\n mingled THEir tears over THE grave of an enemy. The sect which\n was honored by THE virtues of Abulpharagius appears, however, to\n sink below THE level of THEir Nestorian brethren. The\n superstition of THE Jacobites is more abject, THEir fasts more\n rigid, 131 THEir intestine divisions are more numerous, and THEir\n doctors (as far as I can measure THE degrees of nonsense) are\n more remote from THE precincts of reason. Something may possibly\n be allowed for THE rigor of THE Monophysite THEology; much more\n for THE superior influence of THE monastic order. In Syria, in\n Egypt, in Ethiopia, THE Jacobite monks have ever been\n distinguished by THE austerity of THEir penance and THE absurdity\n of THEir legends. Alive or dead, THEy are worshipped as THE\n favorites of THE Deity; THE crosier of bishop and patriarch is\n reserved for THEir venerable hands; and THEy assume THE\n government of men, while THEy are yet reeking with THE habits and\n prejudices of THE cloister. 132\n\n 125 (return) [ Is THE expression of Theodore, in his Treatise of\n THE Incarnation, p. 245, 247, as he is quoted by La Croze, (Hist.\n du Christianisme d’Ethiopie et d’Armenie, p. 35,) who exclaims,\n perhaps too hastily, “Quel pitoyable raisonnement!” Renaudot has\n touched (Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 127—138) THE Oriental accounts\n of Severus; and his auTHEntic creed may be found in THE epistle\n of John THE Jacobite patriarch of Antioch, in THE xth century, to\n his broTHEr Mannas of Alexandria, (Asseman. Bibliot. Orient. tom.\n ii. p. 132—141.)]\n\n 126 (return) [ Epist. Archimandritarum et Monachorum Syriae\n Secundae ad Papam Hormisdam, Concil. tom. v. p. 598—602. The\n courage of St. Sabas, ut leo animosus, will justify THE suspicion\n that THE arms of THEse monks were not always spiritual or\n defensive, (Baronius, A.D. 513, No. 7, &c.)]\n\n 127 (return) [ Assemanni (Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii. p. 10—46) and\n La Croze (Christianisme d’Ethiopie, p. 36—40) will supply THE\n history of Xenaias, or Philoxenus, bishop of Mabug, or\n Hierapolis, in Syria. He was a perfect master of THE Syriac\n language, and THE author or editor of a version of THE New\n Testament.]\n\n 128 (return) [ The names and titles of fifty-four bishops who\n were exiled by Justin, are preserved in THE Chronicle of\n Dionysius, (apud Asseman. tom. ii. p. 54.) Severus was personally\n summoned to Constantinople—for his trial, says Liberatus (Brev.\n c. 19)—that his tongue might be cut out, says Evagrius, (l. iv.\n c. iv.) The prudent patriarch did not stay to examine THE\n difference. This ecclesiastical revolution is fixed by Pagi to\n THE month of September of THE year 518, (Critica, tom. ii. p.\n 506.)]\n\n 129 (return) [ The obscure history of James or Jacobus Baradaeus,\n or Zanzalust may be gaTHEred from Eutychius, (Annal. tom. ii. p.\n 144, 147,) Renau dot, (Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 133,) and\n Assemannus, (Bibliot. Orient. tom. i. p. 424, tom. ii. p. 62-69,\n 324—332, 414, tom. iii. p. 385—388.) He seems to be unknown to\n THE Greeks. The Jacobites THEmselves had raTHEr deduce THEir name\n and pedigree from St. James THE apostle.]\n\n 130 (return) [ The account of his person and writings is perhaps\n THE most curious article in THE BiblioTHEca of Assemannus, (tom.\n ii. p. 244—321, under THE name of Gregorius Bar-Hebroeus.) La\n Croze (Christianisme d’Ethiopie, p. 53—63) ridicules THE\n prejudice of THE Spaniards against THE Jewish blood which\n secretly defiles THEir church and state.]\n\n 131 (return) [ This excessive abstinence is censured by La Croze,\n (p. 352,) and even by THE Syrian Assemannus, (tom. i. p. 226,\n tom. ii. p. 304, 305.)]\n\n 132 (return) [ The state of THE Monophysites is excellently\n illustrated in a dissertation at THE beginning of THE iid volume\n of Assemannus, which contains 142 pages. The Syriac Chronicle of\n Gregory Bar-Hebraeus, or Abulpharagius, (Bibliot. Orient. tom.\n ii. p. 321—463,) pursues THE double series of THE Nestorian\n Catholics and THE Maphrians of THE Jacobites.]\n\n\n III. In THE style of THE Oriental Christians, THE MonoTHElites of\n every age are described under THE appellation of Maronites, 133 a\n name which has been insensibly transferred from a hermit to a\n monastery, from a monastery to a nation. Maron, a saint or savage\n of THE fifth century, displayed his religious madness in Syria;\n THE rival cities of Apamea and Emesa disputed his relics, a\n stately church was erected on his tomb, and six hundred of his\n disciples united THEir solitary cells on THE banks of THE\n Orontes. In THE controversies of THE incarnation THEy nicely\n threaded THE orthodox line between THE sects of Nestorians and\n Eutyches; but THE unfortunate question of one will or operation\n in THE two natures of Christ, was generated by THEir curious\n leisure. Their proselyte, THE emperor Heraclius, was rejected as\n a Maronite from THE walls of Emesa, he found a refuge in THE\n monastery of his brethren; and THEir THEological lessons were\n repaid with THE gift a spacious and wealthy domain. The name and\n doctrine of this venerable school were propagated among THE\n Greeks and Syrians, and THEir zeal is expressed by Macarius,\n patriarch of Antioch, who declared before THE synod of\n Constantinople, that sooner than subscribe THE two wills of\n Christ, he would submit to be hewn piecemeal and cast into THE\n sea. 134 A similar or a less cruel mode of persecution soon\n converted THE unresisting subjects of THE plain, while THE\n glorious title of Mardaites, 135 or rebels, was bravely\n maintained by THE hardy natives of Mount Libanus. John Maron, one\n of THE most learned and popular of THE monks, assumed THE\n character of patriarch of Antioch; his nephew, Abraham, at THE\n head of THE Maronites, defended THEir civil and religious freedom\n against THE tyrants of THE East. The son of THE orthodox\n Constantine pursued with pious hatred a people of soldiers, who\n might have stood THE bulwark of his empire against THE common\n foes of Christ and of Rome. An army of Greeks invaded Syria; THE\n monastery of St. Maron was destroyed with fire; THE bravest\n chieftains were betrayed and murdered, and twelve thousand of\n THEir followers were transplanted to THE distant frontiers of\n Armenia and Thrace. Yet THE humble nation of THE Maronites had\n survived THE empire of Constantinople, and THEy still enjoy,\n under THEir Turkish masters, a free religion and a mitigated\n servitude. Their domestic governors are chosen among THE ancient\n nobility: THE patriarch, in his monastery of Canobin, still\n fancies himself on THE throne of Antioch: nine bishops compose\n his synod, and one hundred and fifty priests, who retain THE\n liberty of marriage, are intrusted with THE care of one hundred\n thousand souls. Their country extends from THE ridge of Mount\n Libanus to THE shores of Tripoli; and THE gradual descent\n affords, in a narrow space, each variety of soil and climate,\n from THE Holy Cedars, erect under THE weight of snow, 136 to THE\n vine, THE mulberry, and THE olive-trees of THE fruitful valley.\n In THE twelfth century, THE Maronites, abjuring THE MonoTHElite\n error were reconciled to THE Latin churches of Antioch and Rome,\n 137 and THE same alliance has been frequently renewed by THE\n ambition of THE popes and THE distress of THE Syrians. But it may\n reasonably be questioned, wheTHEr THEir union has ever been\n perfect or sincere; and THE learned Maronites of THE college of\n Rome have vainly labored to absolve THEir ancestors from THE\n guilt of heresy and schism. 138\n\n 133 (return) [ The synonymous use of THE two words may be proved\n from Eutychius, (Annal. tom. ii. p. 191, 267, 332,) and many\n similar passages which may be found in THE methodical table of\n Pocock. He was not actuated by any prejudice against THE\n Maronites of THE xth century; and we may believe a Melchite,\n whose testimony is confirmed by THE Jacobites and Latins.]\n\n 134 (return) [ Concil. tom. vii. p. 780. The MonoTHElite cause\n was supported with firmness and subtilty by Constantine, a Syrian\n priest of Apamea, (p. 1040, &c.)]\n\n 135 (return) [ Theophanes (Chron. p. 295, 296, 300, 302, 306) and\n Cedrenus (p. 437, 440) relates THE exploits of THE Mardaites: THE\n name (Mard, in Syriac, rebellavit) is explained by La Roque,\n (Voyage de la Syrie, tom. ii. p. 53;) and dates are fixed by\n Pagi, (A.D. 676, No. 4—14, A.D. 685, No. 3, 4;) and even THE\n obscure story of THE patriarch John Maron (Asseman. Bibliot.\n Orient. tom. i. p. 496—520) illustrates from THE year 686 to 707,\n THE troubles of Mount Libanus. * Note: Compare on THE Mardaites\n Anquetil du Perron, in THE fiftieth volume of THE Mem. de l’Acad.\n des Inscriptions; and Schlosser, Bildersturmendes Kaiser, p.\n 100.—M]\n\n 136 (return) [ In THE last century twenty large cedars still\n remained, (Voyage de la Roque, tom. i. p. 68—76;) at present THEy\n are reduced to four or five, (Volney, tom. i. p. 264.) These\n trees, so famous in Scripture, were guarded by excommunication:\n THE wood was sparingly borrowed for small crosses, &c.; an annual\n mass was chanted under THEir shade; and THEy were endowed by THE\n Syrians with a sensitive power of erecting THEir branches to\n repel THE snow, to which Mount Libanus is less faithful than it\n is painted by Tacitus: inter ardores opacum fidumque nivibus—a\n daring metaphor, (Hist. v. 6.) Note: Of THE oldest and best\n looking trees, I counted eleven or twelve twenty-five very large\n ones; and about fifty of middling size; and more than three\n hundred smaller and young ones. Burckhardt’s Travels in Syria p.\n 19.—M]\n\n 137 (return) [ The evidence of William of Tyre (Hist. in Gestis\n Dei per Francos, l. xxii. c. 8, p. 1022) is copied or confirmed\n by Jacques de Vitra, (Hist. Hierosolym. l. ii. c. 77, p. 1093,\n 1094.) But this unnatural league expired with THE power of THE\n Franks; and Abulpharagius (who died in 1286) considers THE\n Maronites as a sect of MonoTHElites, (Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii.\n p. 292.)]\n\n 138 (return) [ I find a description and history of THE Maronites\n in THE Voyage de la Syrie et du Mont Liban par la Roque, (2 vols.\n in 12mo., Amsterdam, 1723; particularly tom. i. p. 42—47, p.\n 174—184, tom. ii. p. 10—120.) In THE ancient part, he copies THE\n prejudices of Nairon and THE oTHEr Maronites of Rome, which\n Assemannus is afraid to renounce and ashamed to support.\n Jablonski, (Institut. Hist. Christ. tom. iii. p. 186.) Niebuhr,\n (Voyage de l’Arabie, &c., tom. ii. p. 346, 370—381,) and, above\n all, THE judicious Volney, (Voyage en Egypte et en Syrie, tom.\n ii. p. 8—31, Paris, 1787,) may be consulted.]\n\n\n IV. Since THE age of Constantine, THE Armenians 139 had\n signalized THEir attachment to THE religion and empire of THE\n Christians. 1391 The disorders of THEir country, and THEir\n ignorance of THE Greek tongue, prevented THEir clergy from\n assisting at THE synod of Chalcedon, and THEy floated eighty-four\n years 140 in a state of indifference or suspense, till THEir\n vacant faith was finally occupied by THE missionaries of Julian\n of Halicarnassus, 141 who in Egypt, THEir common exile, had been\n vanquished by THE arguments or THE influence of his rival\n Severus, THE Monophysite patriarch of Antioch. The Armenians\n alone are THE pure disciples of Eutyches, an unfortunate parent,\n who has been renounced by THE greater part of his spiritual\n progeny. They alone persevere in THE opinion, that THE manhood of\n Christ was created, or existed without creation, of a divine and\n incorruptible substance. Their adversaries reproach THEm with THE\n adoration of a phantom; and THEy retort THE accusation, by\n deriding or execrating THE blasphemy of THE Jacobites, who impute\n to THE Godhead THE vile infirmities of THE flesh, even THE\n natural effects of nutrition and digestion. The religion of\n Armenia could not derive much glory from THE learning or THE\n power of its inhabitants. The royalty expired with THE origin of\n THEir schism; and THEir Christian kings, who arose and fell in\n THE thirteenth century on THE confines of Cilicia, were THE\n clients of THE Latins and THE vassals of THE Turkish sultan of\n Iconium. The helpless nation has seldom been permitted to enjoy\n THE tranquillity of servitude. From THE earliest period to THE\n present hour, Armenia has been THE THEatre of perpetual war: THE\n lands between Tauris and Erivan were dispeopled by THE cruel\n policy of THE Sophis; and myriads of Christian families were\n transplanted, to perish or to propagate in THE distant provinces\n of Persia. Under THE rod of oppression, THE zeal of THE Armenians\n is fervent and intrepid; THEy have often preferred THE crown of\n martyrdom to THE white turban of Mahomet; THEy devoutly hate THE\n error and idolatry of THE Greeks; and THEir transient union with\n THE Latins is not less devoid of truth, than THE thousand\n bishops, whom THEir patriarch offered at THE feet of THE Roman\n pontiff. 142 The catholic, or patriarch, of THE Armenians resides\n in THE monastery of Ekmiasin, three leagues from Erivan.\n Forty-seven archbishops, each of whom may claim THE obedience of\n four or five suffragans, are consecrated by his hand; but THE far\n greater part are only titular prelates, who dignify with THEir\n presence and service THE simplicity of his court. As soon as THEy\n have performed THE liturgy, THEy cultivate THE garden; and our\n bishops will hear with surprise, that THE austerity of THEir life\n increases in just proportion to THE elevation of THEir rank.\n\n\n In THE fourscore thousand towns or villages of his spiritual\n empire, THE patriarch receives a small and voluntary tax from\n each person above THE age of fifteen; but THE annual amount of\n six hundred thousand crowns is insufficient to supply THE\n incessant demands of charity and tribute. Since THE beginning of\n THE last century, THE Armenians have obtained a large and\n lucrative share of THE commerce of THE East: in THEir return from\n Europe, THE caravan usually halts in THE neighborhood of Erivan,\n THE altars are enriched with THE fruits of THEir patient\n industry; and THE faith of Eutyches is preached in THEir recent\n congregations of Barbary and Poland. 143\n\n 139 (return) [ The religion of THE Armenians is briefly described\n by La Croze, (Hist. du Christ. de l’Ethiopie et de l’Armenie, p.\n 269—402.) He refers to THE great Armenian History of Galanus, (3\n vols. in fol. Rome, 1650—1661,) and commends THE state of Armenia\n in THE iiid volume of THE Nouveaux Memoires des Missions du\n Levant. The work of a Jesuit must have sterling merit when it is\n praised by La Croze.]\n\n 1391 (return) [ See vol. iii. ch. xx. p. 271.—M.]\n\n 140 (return) [ The schism of THE Armenians is placed 84 years\n after THE council of Chalcedon, (Pagi, Critica, ad A.D. 535.) It\n was consummated at THE end of seventeen years; and it is from THE\n year of Christ 552 that we date THE aera of THE Armenians, (L’Art\n de verifier les Dates, p. xxxv.)]\n\n 141 (return) [ The sentiments and success of Julian of\n Halicarnassus may be seen in Liberatus, (Brev. c. 19,) Renaudot,\n (Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 132, 303,) and Assemannus, (Bibliot.\n Orient. tom. ii. Dissertat. Monophysitis, l. viii. p. 286.)]\n\n 142 (return) [ See a remarkable fact of THE xiith century in THE\n History of Nicetas Choniates, (p. 258.) Yet three hundred years\n before, Photius (Epistol. ii. p. 49, edit. Montacut.) had gloried\n in THE conversion of THE Armenians.]\n\n 143 (return) [ The travelling Armenians are in THE way of every\n traveller, and THEir moTHEr church is on THE high road between\n Constantinople and Ispahan; for THEir present state, see\n Fabricius, (Lux Evangelii, &c., c. xxxviii. p. 40—51,) Olearius,\n (l. iv. c. 40,) Chardin, (vol. ii. p. 232,) Teurnefort, (lettre\n xx.,) and, above all, Tavernier, (tom. i. p. 28—37, 510-518,)\n that rambling jeweller, who had read nothing, but had seen so\n much and so well]\n\n\n V. In THE rest of THE Roman empire, THE despotism of THE prince\n might eradicate or silence THE sectaries of an obnoxious creed.\n But THE stubborn temper of THE Egyptians maintained THEir\n opposition to THE synod of Chalcedon, and THE policy of Justinian\n condescended to expect and to seize THE opportunity of discord.\n The Monophysite church of Alexandria 144 was torn by THE disputes\n of THE corruptibles and incorruptibles, and on THE death of THE\n patriarch, THE two factions upheld THEir respective candidates.\n 145 Gaian was THE disciple of Julian, Theodosius had been THE\n pupil of Severus: THE claims of THE former were supported by THE\n consent of THE monks and senators, THE city and THE province; THE\n latter depended on THE priority of his ordination, THE favor of\n THE empress Theodora, and THE arms of THE eunuch Narses, which\n might have been used in more honorable warfare. The exile of THE\n popular candidate to Carthage and Sardinia inflamed THE ferment\n of Alexandria; and after a schism of one hundred and seventy\n years, THE Gaianites still revered THE memory and doctrine of\n THEir founder. The strength of numbers and of discipline was\n tried in a desperate and bloody conflict; THE streets were filled\n with THE dead bodies of citizens and soldiers; THE pious women,\n ascending THE roofs of THEir houses, showered down every sharp or\n ponderous utensil on THE heads of THE enemy; and THE final\n victory of Narses was owing to THE flames, with which he wasted\n THE third capital of THE Roman world. But THE lieutenant of\n Justinian had not conquered in THE cause of a heretic; Theodosius\n himself was speedily, though gently, removed; and Paul of Tanis,\n an orthodox monk, was raised to THE throne of Athanasius. The\n powers of government were strained in his support; he might\n appoint or displace THE dukes and tribunes of Egypt; THE\n allowance of bread, which Diocletian had granted, was suppressed,\n THE churches were shut, and a nation of schismatics was deprived\n at once of THEir spiritual and carnal food. In his turn, THE\n tyrant was excommunicated by THE zeal and revenge of THE people:\n and none except his servile Melchites would salute him as a man,\n a Christian, or a bishop. Yet such is THE blindness of ambition,\n that, when Paul was expelled on a charge of murder, he solicited,\n with a bribe of seven hundred pounds of gold, his restoration to\n THE same station of hatred and ignominy. His successor\n Apollinaris entered THE hostile city in military array, alike\n qualified for prayer or for battle. His troops, under arms, were\n distributed through THE streets; THE gates of THE caTHEdral were\n guarded, and a chosen band was stationed in THE choir, to defend\n THE person of THEir chief. He stood erect on his throne, and,\n throwing aside THE upper garment of a warrior, suddenly appeared\n before THE eyes of THE multitude in THE robes of patriarch of\n Alexandria. Astonishment held THEm mute; but no sooner had\n Apollinaris begun to read THE tome of St. Leo, than a volley of\n curses, and invectives, and stones, assaulted THE odious minister\n of THE emperor and THE synod. A charge was instantly sounded by\n THE successor of THE apostles; THE soldiers waded to THEir knees\n in blood; and two hundred thousand Christians are said to have\n fallen by THE sword: an incredible account, even if it be\n extended from THE slaughter of a day to THE eighteen years of THE\n reign of Apollinaris. Two succeeding patriarchs, Eulogius 146 and\n John, 147 labored in THE conversion of heretics, with arms and\n arguments more worthy of THEir evangelical profession. The\n THEological knowledge of Eulogius was displayed in many a volume,\n which magnified THE errors of Eutyches and Severus, and attempted\n to reconcile THE ambiguous language of St. Cyril with THE\n orthodox creed of Pope Leo and THE faTHErs of Chalcedon. The\n bounteous alms of John THE eleemosynary were dictated by\n superstition, or benevolence, or policy. Seven thousand five\n hundred poor were maintained at his expense; on his accession he\n found eight thousand pounds of gold in THE treasury of THE\n church; he collected ten thousand from THE liberality of THE\n faithful; yet THE primate could boast in his testament, that he\n left behind him no more than THE third part of THE smallest of\n THE silver coins. The churches of Alexandria were delivered to\n THE Catholics, THE religion of THE Monophysites was proscribed in\n Egypt, and a law was revived which excluded THE natives from THE\n honors and emoluments of THE state.\n\n 144 (return) [ The history of THE Alexandrian patriarchs, from\n Dioscorus to Benjamin, is taken from Renaudot, (p. 114—164,) and\n THE second tome of THE Annals of Eutychius.]\n\n 145 (return) [ Liberat. Brev. c. 20, 23. Victor. Chron. p. 329\n 330. Procop. Anecdot. c. 26, 27.]\n\n 146 (return) [ Eulogius, who had been a monk of Antioch, was more\n conspicuous for subtilty than eloquence. He proves that THE\n enemies of THE faith, THE Gaianites and Theodosians, ought not to\n be reconciled; that THE same proposition may be orthodox in THE\n mouth of St. Cyril, heretical in that of Severus; that THE\n opposite assertions of St. Leo are equally true, &c. His writings\n are no longer extant except in THE Extracts of Photius, who had\n perused THEm with care and satisfaction, ccviii. ccxxv. ccxxvi.\n ccxxvii. ccxxx. cclxxx.]\n\n 147 (return) [ See THE Life of John THE eleemosynary by his\n contemporary Leontius, bishop of Neapolis in Cyrus, whose Greek\n text, eiTHEr lost or hidden, is reflected in THE Latin version of\n Baronius, (A.D. 610, No.9, A.D. 620, No. 8.) Pagi (Critica, tom.\n ii. p. 763) and Fabricius (l. v c. 11, tom. vii. p. 454) have\n made some critical observations]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part VI.\n\n\n A more important conquest still remained, of THE patriarch, THE\n oracle and leader of THE Egyptian church. Theodosius had resisted\n THE threats and promises of Justinian with THE spirit of an\n apostle or an enthusiast. “Such,” replied THE patriarch, “were\n THE offers of THE tempter when he showed THE kingdoms of THE\n earth. But my soul is far dearer to me than life or dominion. The\n churches are in THE hands of a prince who can kill THE body; but\n my conscience is my own; and in exile, poverty, or chains, I will\n steadfastly adhere to THE faith of my holy predecessors,\n Athanasius, Cyril, and Dioscorus. AnaTHEma to THE tome of Leo and\n THE synod of Chalcedon! AnaTHEma to all who embrace THEir creed!\n AnaTHEma to THEm now and forevermore! Naked came I out of my\n moTHEr’s womb, naked shall I descend into THE grave. Let those\n who love God follow me and seek THEir salvation.” After\n comforting his brethren, he embarked for Constantinople, and\n sustained, in six successive interviews, THE almost irresistible\n weight of THE royal presence. His opinions were favorably\n entertained in THE palace and THE city; THE influence of Theodora\n assured him a safe conduct and honorable dismission; and he ended\n his days, though not on THE throne, yet in THE bosom, of his\n native country. On THE news of his death, Apollinaris indecently\n feasted THE nobles and THE clergy; but his joy was checked by THE\n intelligence of a new election; and while he enjoyed THE wealth\n of Alexandria, his rivals reigned in THE monasteries of Thebais,\n and were maintained by THE voluntary oblations of THE people. A\n perpetual succession of patriarchs arose from THE ashes of\n Theodosius; and THE Monophysite churches of Syria and Egypt were\n united by THE name of Jacobites and THE communion of THE faith.\n But THE same faith, which has been confined to a narrow sect of\n THE Syrians, was diffused over THE mass of THE Egyptian or Coptic\n nation; who, almost unanimously, rejected THE decrees of THE\n synod of Chalcedon. A thousand years were now elapsed since Egypt\n had ceased to be a kingdom, since THE conquerors of Asia and\n Europe had trampled on THE ready necks of a people, whose ancient\n wisdom and power ascend beyond THE records of history. The\n conflict of zeal and persecution rekindled some sparks of THEir\n national spirit. They abjured, with a foreign heresy, THE manners\n and language of THE Greeks: every Melchite, in THEir eyes, was a\n stranger, every Jacobite a citizen; THE alliance of marriage, THE\n offices of humanity, were condemned as a deadly sin; THE natives\n renounced all allegiance to THE emperor; and his orders, at a\n distance from Alexandria, were obeyed only under THE pressure of\n military force. A generous effort might have redeemed THE\n religion and liberty of Egypt, and her six hundred monasteries\n might have poured forth THEir myriads of holy warriors, for whom\n death should have no terrors, since life had no comfort or\n delight. But experience has proved THE distinction of active and\n passive courage; THE fanatic who endures without a groan THE\n torture of THE rack or THE stake, would tremble and fly before\n THE face of an armed enemy. The pusillanimous temper of THE\n Egyptians could only hope for a change of masters; THE arms of\n Chosroes depopulated THE land, yet under his reign THE Jacobites\n enjoyed a short and precarious respite. The victory of Heraclius\n renewed and aggravated THE persecution, and THE patriarch again\n escaped from Alexandria to THE desert. In his flight, Benjamin\n was encouraged by a voice, which bade him expect, at THE end of\n ten years, THE aid of a foreign nation, marked, like THE\n Egyptians THEmselves, with THE ancient rite of circumcision. The\n character of THEse deliverers, and THE nature of THE deliverance,\n will be hereafter explained; and I shall step over THE interval\n of eleven centuries to observe THE present misery of THE\n Jacobites of Egypt. The populous city of Cairo affords a\n residence, or raTHEr a shelter, for THEir indigent patriarch, and\n a remnant of ten bishops; forty monasteries have survived THE\n inroads of THE Arabs; and THE progress of servitude and apostasy\n has reduced THE Coptic nation to THE despicable number of\n twenty-five or thirty thousand families; 148 a race of illiterate\n beggars, whose only consolation is derived from THE superior\n wretchedness of THE Greek patriarch and his diminutive\n congregation. 149\n\n 148 (return) [ This number is taken from THE curious Recherches\n sur les Egyptiens et les Chinois, (tom. ii. p. 192, 193,) and\n appears more probable than THE 600,000 ancient, or 15,000 modern,\n Copts of Gemelli Carreri Cyril Lucar, THE Protestant patriarch of\n Constantinople, laments that those heretics were ten times more\n numerous than his orthodox Greeks, ingeniously applying Homer,\n (Iliad, ii. 128,) THE most perfect expression of contempt,\n (Fabric. Lux Evangelii, 740.)]\n\n 149 (return) [ The history of THE Copts, THEir religion, manners,\n &c., may be found in THE Abbe Renaudot’s motley work, neiTHEr a\n translation nor an original; THE Chronicon Orientale of Peter, a\n Jacobite; in THE two versions of Abraham Ecchellensis, Paris,\n 1651; and John Simon Asseman, Venet. 1729. These annals descend\n no lower than THE xiiith century. The more recent accounts must\n be searched for in THE travellers into Egypt and THE Nouveaux\n Memoires des Missions du Levant. In THE last century, Joseph\n Abudacnus, a native of Cairo, published at Oxford, in thirty\n pages, a slight Historia Jacobitarum, 147, post p.150]\n\n\n VI. The Coptic patriarch, a rebel to THE Caesars, or a slave to\n THE khalifs, still gloried in THE filial obedience of THE kings\n of Nubia and Aethiopia. He repaid THEir homage by magnifying\n THEir greatness; and it was boldly asserted that THEy could bring\n into THE field a hundred thousand horse, with an equal number of\n camels; 150 that THEir hand could pour out or restrain THE waters\n of THE Nile; 151 and THE peace and plenty of Egypt was obtained,\n even in this world, by THE intercession of THE patriarch. In\n exile at Constantinople, Theodosius recommended to his patroness\n THE conversion of THE black nations of Nubia, from THE tropic of\n Cancer to THE confines of Abyssinia. 152 Her design was suspected\n and emulated by THE more orthodox emperor. The rival\n missionaries, a Melchite and a Jacobite, embarked at THE same\n time; but THE empress, from a motive of love or fear, was more\n effectually obeyed; and THE Catholic priest was detained by THE\n president of Thebais, while THE king of Nubia and his court were\n hastily baptized in THE faith of Dioscorus. The tardy envoy of\n Justinian was received and dismissed with honor: but when he\n accused THE heresy and treason of THE Egyptians, THE negro\n convert was instructed to reply that he would never abandon his\n brethren, THE true believers, to THE persecuting ministers of THE\n synod of Chalcedon. 153 During several ages, THE bishops of Nubia\n were named and consecrated by THE Jacobite patriarch of\n Alexandria: as late as THE twelfth century, Christianity\n prevailed; and some rites, some ruins, are still visible in THE\n savage towns of Sennaar and Dongola. 154 But THE Nubians at\n length executed THEir threats of returning to THE worship of\n idols; THE climate required THE indulgence of polygamy, and THEy\n have finally preferred THE triumph of THE Koran to THE abasement\n of THE Cross. A metaphysical religion may appear too refined for\n THE capacity of THE negro race: yet a black or a parrot might be\n taught to repeat THE words of THE Chalcedonian or Monophysite\n creed.\n\n 150 (return) [ About THE year 737. See Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch.\n Alex p. 221, 222. Elmacin, Hist. Saracen. p. 99.]\n\n 151 (return) [ Ludolph. Hist. Aethiopic. et Comment. l. i. c. 8.\n Renaudot Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 480, &c. This opinion,\n introduced into Egypt and Europe by THE artifice of THE Copts,\n THE pride of THE Abyssinians, THE fear and ignorance of THE Turks\n and Arabs, has not even THE semblance of truth. The rains of\n Aethiopia do not, in THE increase of THE Nile, consult THE will\n of THE monarch. If THE river approaches at Napata within three\n days’ journey of THE Red Sea (see D’Anville’s Maps,) a canal that\n should divert its course would demand, and most probably surpass,\n THE power of THE Caesars.]\n\n 152 (return) [ The Abyssinians, who still preserve THE features\n and olive complexion of THE Arabs, afford a proof that two\n thousand years are not sufficient to change THE color of THE\n human race. The Nubians, an African race, are pure negroes, as\n black as those of Senegal or Congo, with flat noses, thick lips,\n and woolly hair, (Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, tom. v. p. 117, 143,\n 144, 166, 219, edit. in 12mo., Paris, 1769.) The ancients beheld,\n without much attention, THE extraordinary phenomenon which has\n exercised THE philosophers and THEologians of modern times]\n\n 153 (return) [ Asseman. Bibliot. Orient. tom. i. p. 329.]\n\n 154 (return) [ The Christianity of THE Nubians (A.D. 1153) is\n attested by THE sheriff al Edrisi, falsely described under THE\n name of THE Nubian geographer, (p. 18,) who represents THEm as a\n nation of Jacobites. The rays of historical light that twinkle in\n THE history of Ranaudot (p. 178, 220—224, 281—286, 405, 434, 451,\n 464) are all previous to this aera. See THE modern state in THE\n Lettres Edifiantes (Recueil, iv.) and Busching, (tom. ix. p.\n 152—139, par Berenger.)]\n\n\n Christianity was more deeply rooted in THE Abyssinian empire;\n and, although THE correspondence has been sometimes interrupted\n above seventy or a hundred years, THE moTHEr-church of Alexandria\n retains her colony in a state of perpetual pupilage. Seven\n bishops once composed THE Aethiopic synod: had THEir number\n amounted to ten, THEy might have elected an independent primate;\n and one of THEir kings was ambitious of promoting his broTHEr to\n THE ecclesiastical throne. But THE event was foreseen, THE\n increase was denied: THE episcopal office has been gradually\n confined to THE abuna, 155 THE head and author of THE Abyssinian\n priesthood; THE patriarch supplies each vacancy with an Egyptian\n monk; and THE character of a stranger appears more venerable in\n THE eyes of THE people, less dangerous in those of THE monarch.\n In THE sixth century, when THE schism of Egypt was confirmed, THE\n rival chiefs, with THEir patrons, Justinian and Theodora, strove\n to outstrip each oTHEr in THE conquest of a remote and\n independent province. The industry of THE empress was again\n victorious, and THE pious Theodora has established in that\n sequestered church THE faith and discipline of THE Jacobites. 156\n Encompassed on all sides by THE enemies of THEir religion, THE\n Aethiopians slept near a thousand years, forgetful of THE world,\n by whom THEy were forgotten. They were awakened by THE\n Portuguese, who, turning THE souTHErn promontory of Africa,\n appeared in India and THE Red Sea, as if THEy had descended\n through THE air from a distant planet. In THE first moments of\n THEir interview, THE subjects of Rome and Alexandria observed THE\n resemblance, raTHEr than THE difference, of THEir faith; and each\n nation expected THE most important benefits from an alliance with\n THEir Christian brethren. In THEir lonely situation, THE\n Aethiopians had almost relapsed into THE savage life. Their\n vessels, which had traded to Ceylon, scarcely presumed to\n navigate THE rivers of Africa; THE ruins of Axume were deserted,\n THE nation was scattered in villages, and THE emperor, a pompous\n name, was content, both in peace and war, with THE immovable\n residence of a camp. Conscious of THEir own indigence, THE\n Abyssinians had formed THE rational project of importing THE arts\n and ingenuity of Europe; 157 and THEir ambassadors at Rome and\n Lisbon were instructed to solicit a colony of smiths, carpenters,\n tilers, masons, printers, surgeons, and physicians, for THE use\n of THEir country. But THE public danger soon called for THE\n instant and effectual aid of arms and soldiers, to defend an\n unwarlike people from THE Barbarians who ravaged THE inland\n country and THE Turks and Arabs who advanced from THE sea-coast\n in more formidable array. Aethiopia was saved by four hundred and\n fifty Portuguese, who displayed in THE field THE native valor of\n Europeans, and THE artificial power of THE musket and cannon. In\n a moment of terror, THE emperor had promised to reconcile himself\n and his subjects to THE Catholic faith; a Latin patriarch\n represented THE supremacy of THE pope: 158 THE empire, enlarged\n in a tenfold proportion, was supposed to contain more gold than\n THE mines of America; and THE wildest hopes of avarice and zeal\n were built on THE willing submission of THE Christians of Africa.\n\n 155 (return) [ The abuna is improperly dignified by THE Latins\n with THE title of patriarch. The Abyssinians acknowledge only THE\n four patriarchs, and THEir chief is no more than a metropolitan\n or national primate, (Ludolph. Hist. Aethiopic. et Comment. l.\n iii. c. 7.) The seven bishops of Renaudot, (p. 511,) who existed\n A.D. 1131, are unknown to THE historian.]\n\n 156 (return) [ I know not why Assemannus (Bibliot. Orient. tom.\n ii. p. 384) should call in question THEse probable missions of\n Theodora into Nubia and Aethiopia. The slight notices of\n Abyssinia till THE year 1500 are supplied by Renaudot (p.\n 336-341, 381, 382, 405, 443, &c., 452, 456, 463, 475, 480, 511,\n 525, 559—564) from THE Coptic writers. The mind of Ludolphus was\n a perfect blank.]\n\n 157 (return) [ Ludolph. Hist. Aethiop. l. iv. c. 5. The most\n necessary arts are now exercised by THE Jews, and THE foreign\n trade is in THE hands of THE Armenians. What Gregory principally\n admired and envied was THE industry of Europe—artes et opificia.]\n\n 158 (return) [ John Bermudez, whose relation, printed at Lisbon,\n 1569, was translated into English by Purchas, (Pilgrims, l. vii.\n c. 7, p. 1149, &c.,) and from THEnce into French by La Croze,\n (Christianisme d’Ethiopie, p. 92—265.) The piece is curious; but\n THE author may be suspected of deceiving Abyssinia, Rome, and\n Portugal. His title to THE rank of patriarch is dark and\n doubtful, (Ludolph. Comment. No. 101, p. 473.)]\n\n\n But THE vows which pain had extorted were forsworn on THE return\n of health. The Abyssinians still adhered with unshaken constancy\n to THE Monophysite faith; THEir languid belief was inflamed by\n THE exercise of dispute; THEy branded THE Latins with THE names\n of Arians and Nestorians, and imputed THE adoration of four gods\n to those who separated THE two natures of Christ. Fremona, a\n place of worship, or raTHEr of exile, was assigned to THE Jesuit\n missionaries. Their skill in THE liberal and mechanic arts, THEir\n THEological learning, and THE decency of THEir manners, inspired\n a barren esteem; but THEy were not endowed with THE gift of\n miracles, 159 and THEy vainly solicited a reenforcement of\n European troops. The patience and dexterity of forty years at\n length obtained a more favorable audience, and two emperors of\n Abyssinia were persuaded that Rome could insure THE temporal and\n everlasting happiness of her votaries. The first of THEse royal\n converts lost his crown and his life; and THE rebel army was\n sanctified by THE abuna, who hurled an anaTHEma at THE apostate,\n and absolved his subjects from THEir oath of fidelity. The fate\n of Zadenghel was revenged by THE courage and fortune of Susneus,\n who ascended THE throne under THE name of Segued, and more\n vigorously prosecuted THE pious enterprise of his kinsman. After\n THE amusement of some unequal combats between THE Jesuits and his\n illiterate priests, THE emperor declared himself a proselyte to\n THE synod of Chalcedon, presuming that his clergy and people\n would embrace without delay THE religion of THEir prince. The\n liberty of choice was succeeded by a law, which imposed, under\n pain of death, THE belief of THE two natures of Christ: THE\n Abyssinians were enjoined to work and to play on THE Sabbath; and\n Segued, in THE face of Europe and Africa, renounced his\n connection with THE Alexandrian church. A Jesuit, Alphonso\n Mendez, THE Catholic patriarch of Aethiopia, accepted, in THE\n name of Urban VIII., THE homage and abjuration of THE penitent.\n “I confess,” said THE emperor on his knees, “I confess that THE\n pope is THE vicar of Christ, THE successor of St. Peter, and THE\n sovereign of THE world. To him I swear true obedience, and at his\n feet I offer my person and kingdom.” A similar oath was repeated\n by his son, his broTHEr, THE clergy, THE nobles, and even THE\n ladies of THE court: THE Latin patriarch was invested with honors\n and wealth; and his missionaries erected THEir churches or\n citadels in THE most convenient stations of THE empire. The\n Jesuits THEmselves deplore THE fatal indiscretion of THEir chief,\n who forgot THE mildness of THE gospel and THE policy of his\n order, to introduce with hasty violence THE liturgy of Rome and\n THE inquisition of Portugal. He condemned THE ancient practice of\n circumcision, which health, raTHEr than superstition, had first\n invented in THE climate of Aethiopia. 160 A new baptism, a new\n ordination, was inflicted on THE natives; and THEy trembled with\n horror when THE most holy of THE dead were torn from THEir\n graves, when THE most illustrious of THE living were\n excommunicated by a foreign priest. In THE defense of THEir\n religion and liberty, THE Abyssinians rose in arms, with\n desperate but unsuccessful zeal. Five rebellions were\n extinguished in THE blood of THE insurgents: two abunas were\n slain in battle, whole legions were slaughtered in THE field, or\n suffocated in THEir caverns; and neiTHEr merit, nor rank, nor\n sex, could save from an ignominious death THE enemies of Rome.\n But THE victorious monarch was finally subdued by THE constancy\n of THE nation, of his moTHEr, of his son, and of his most\n faithful friends. Segued listened to THE voice of pity, of\n reason, perhaps of fear: and his edict of liberty of conscience\n instantly revealed THE tyranny and weakness of THE Jesuits. On\n THE death of his faTHEr, Basilides expelled THE Latin patriarch,\n and restored to THE wishes of THE nation THE faith and THE\n discipline of Egypt. The Monophysite churches resounded with a\n song of triumph, “that THE sheep of Aethiopia were now delivered\n from THE hyaenas of THE West;” and THE gates of that solitary\n realm were forever shut against THE arts, THE science, and THE\n fanaticism of Europe. 161\n\n 159 (return) [ Religio Romana...nec precibus patrum nec miraculis\n ab ipsis editis suffulciebatur, is THE uncontradicted assurance\n of THE devout emperor Susneus to his patriarch Mendez, (Ludolph.\n Comment. No. 126, p. 529;) and such assurances should be\n preciously kept, as an antidote against any marvellous legends.]\n\n 160 (return) [ I am aware how tender is THE question of\n circumcision. Yet I will affirm, 1. That THE Aethiopians have a\n physical reason for THE circumcision of males, and even of\n females, (Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains, tom. ii.)\n 2. That it was practised in Aethiopia long before THE\n introduction of Judaism or Christianity, (Herodot. l. ii. c. 104.\n Marsham, Canon. Chron. p. 72, 73.) “Infantes circumcidunt ob\n consuetudinemn, non ob Judaismum,” says Gregory THE Abyssinian\n priest, (apud Fabric. Lux Christiana, p. 720.) Yet in THE heat of\n dispute, THE Portuguese were sometimes branded with THE name of\n uncircumcised, (La Croze, p. 90. Ludolph. Hist. and Comment. l.\n iii. c. l.)]\n\n 161 (return) [ The three Protestant historians, Ludolphus, (Hist.\n Aethiopica, Francofurt. 1681; Commentarius, 1691; Relatio Nova,\n &c., 1693, in folio,) Geddes, (Church History of Aethiopia,\n London, 1696, in 8vo..) and La Croze, (Hist. du Christianisme\n d’Ethiopie et d’Armenie, La Haye, 1739, in 12mo.,) have drawn\n THEir principal materials from THE Jesuits, especially from THE\n General History of Tellez, published in Portuguese at Coimbra,\n 1660. We might be surprised at THEir frankness; but THEir most\n flagitious vice, THE spirit of persecution, was in THEir eyes THE\n most meritorious virtue. Ludolphus possessed some, though a\n slight, advantage from THE Aethiopic language, and THE personal\n conversation of Gregory, a free-spirited Abyssinian priest, whom\n he invited from Rome to THE court of Saxe-Gotha. See THE\n Theologia Aethiopica of Gregory, in (Fabric. Lux Evangelii, p.\n 716—734.) * Note: The travels of Bruce, illustrated by those of\n Mr. Salt, and THE narrative of Nathaniel Pearce, have brought us\n again acquainted with this remote region. Whatever may be THEir\n speculative opinions THE barbarous manners of THE Ethiopians seem\n to be gaining more and more THE ascendency over THE practice of\n Christianity.—M.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.—Part\nI.\n\n\nPlan Of The Two Last Volumes.—Succession And Characters Of The Greek\nEmperors Of Constantinople, From The Time Of Heraclius To The Latin\nConquest.\n\n\n I have now deduced from Trajan to Constantine, from Constantine\n to Heraclius, THE regular series of THE Roman emperors; and\n faithfully exposed THE prosperous and adverse fortunes of THEir\n reigns. Five centuries of THE decline and fall of THE empire have\n already elapsed; but a period of more than eight hundred years\n still separates me from THE term of my labors, THE taking of\n Constantinople by THE Turks. Should I persevere in THE same\n course, should I observe THE same measure, a prolix and slender\n thread would be spun through many a volume, nor would THE patient\n reader find an adequate reward of instruction or amusement. At\n every step, as we sink deeper in THE decline and fall of THE\n Eastern empire, THE annals of each succeeding reign would impose\n a more ungrateful and melancholy task. These annals must continue\n to repeat a tedious and uniform tale of weakness and misery; THE\n natural connection of causes and events would be broken by\n frequent and hasty transitions, and a minute accumulation of\n circumstances must destroy THE light and effect of those general\n pictures which compose THE use and ornament of a remote history.\n From THE time of Heraclius, THE Byzantine THEatre is contracted\n and darkened: THE line of empire, which had been defined by THE\n laws of Justinian and THE arms of Belisarius, recedes on all\n sides from our view; THE Roman name, THE proper subject of our\n inquiries, is reduced to a narrow corner of Europe, to THE lonely\n suburbs of Constantinople; and THE fate of THE Greek empire has\n been compared to that of THE Rhine, which loses itself in THE\n sands, before its waters can mingle with THE ocean. The scale of\n dominion is diminished to our view by THE distance of time and\n place; nor is THE loss of external splendor compensated by THE\n nobler gifts of virtue and genius. In THE last moments of her\n decay, Constantinople was doubtless more opulent and populous\n than ATHEns at her most flourishing aera, when a scanty sum of\n six thousand talents, or twelve hundred thousand pounds sterling\n was possessed by twenty-one thousand male citizens of an adult\n age. But each of THEse citizens was a freeman, who dared to\n assert THE liberty of his thoughts, words, and actions, whose\n person and property were guarded by equal law; and who exercised\n his independent vote in THE government of THE republic. Their\n numbers seem to be multiplied by THE strong and various\n discriminations of character; under THE shield of freedom, on THE\n wings of emulation and vanity, each ATHEnian aspired to THE level\n of THE national dignity; from this commanding eminence, some\n chosen spirits soared beyond THE reach of a vulgar eye; and THE\n chances of superior merit in a great and populous kingdom, as\n THEy are proved by experience, would excuse THE computation of\n imaginary millions. The territories of ATHEns, Sparta, and THEir\n allies, do not exceed a moderate province of France or England;\n but after THE trophies of Salamis and Platea, THEy expand in our\n fancy to THE gigantic size of Asia, which had been trampled under\n THE feet of THE victorious Greeks. But THE subjects of THE\n Byzantine empire, who assume and dishonor THE names both of\n Greeks and Romans, present a dead uniformity of abject vices,\n which are neiTHEr softened by THE weakness of humanity, nor\n animated by THE vigor of memorable crimes. The freemen of\n antiquity might repeat with generous enthusiasm THE sentence of\n Homer, “that on THE first day of his servitude, THE captive is\n deprived of one half of his manly virtue.” But THE poet had only\n seen THE effects of civil or domestic slavery, nor could he\n foretell that THE second moiety of manhood must be annihilated by\n THE spiritual despotism which shackles not only THE actions, but\n even THE thoughts, of THE prostrate votary. By this double yoke,\n THE Greeks were oppressed under THE successors of Heraclius; THE\n tyrant, a law of eternal justice, was degraded by THE vices of\n his subjects; and on THE throne, in THE camp, in THE schools, we\n search, perhaps with fruitless diligence, THE names and\n characters that may deserve to be rescued from oblivion. Nor are\n THE defects of THE subject compensated by THE skill and variety\n of THE painters. Of a space of eight hundred years, THE four\n first centuries are overspread with a cloud interrupted by some\n faint and broken rays of historic light: in THE lives of THE\n emperors, from Maurice to Alexius, Basil THE Macedonian has alone\n been THE THEme of a separate work; and THE absence, or loss, or\n imperfection of contemporary evidence, must be poorly supplied by\n THE doubtful authority of more recent compilers. The four last\n centuries are exempt from THE reproach of penury; and with THE\n Comnenian family, THE historic muse of Constantinople again\n revives, but her apparel is gaudy, her motions are without\n elegance or grace. A succession of priests, or courtiers, treads\n in each oTHEr’s footsteps in THE same path of servitude and\n superstition: THEir views are narrow, THEir judgment is feeble or\n corrupt; and we close THE volume of copious barrenness, still\n ignorant of THE causes of events, THE characters of THE actors,\n and THE manners of THE times which THEy celebrate or deplore. The\n observation which has been applied to a man, may be extended to a\n whole people, that THE energy of THE sword is communicated to THE\n pen; and it will be found by experience, that THE tone of history\n will rise or fall with THE spirit of THE age.\n\n\n From THEse considerations, I should have abandoned without regret\n THE Greek slaves and THEir servile historians, had I not\n reflected that THE fate of THE Byzantine monarchy is passively\n connected with THE most splendid and important revolutions which\n have changed THE state of THE world. The space of THE lost\n provinces was immediately replenished with new colonies and\n rising kingdoms: THE active virtues of peace and war deserted\n from THE vanquished to THE victorious nations; and it is in THEir\n origin and conquests, in THEir religion and government, that we\n must explore THE causes and effects of THE decline and fall of\n THE Eastern empire. Nor will this scope of narrative, THE riches\n and variety of THEse materials, be incompatible with THE unity of\n design and composition. As, in his daily prayers, THE Mussulman\n of Fez or Delhi still turns his face towards THE temple of Mecca,\n THE historian’s eye shall be always fixed on THE city of\n Constantinople. The excursive line may embrace THE wilds of\n Arabia and Tartary, but THE circle will be ultimately reduced to\n THE decreasing limit of THE Roman monarchy.\n\n\n On this principle I shall now establish THE plan of THE last two\n volumes of THE present work. The first chapter will contain, in a\n regular series, THE emperors who reigned at Constantinople during\n a period of six hundred years, from THE days of Heraclius to THE\n Latin conquest; a rapid abstract, which may be supported by a\n general appeal to THE order and text of THE original historians.\n In this introduction, I shall confine myself to THE revolutions\n of THE throne, THE succession of families, THE personal\n characters of THE Greek princes, THE mode of THEir life and\n death, THE maxims and influence of THEir domestic government, and\n THE tendency of THEir reign to accelerate or suspend THE downfall\n of THE Eastern empire. Such a chronological review will serve to\n illustrate THE various argument of THE subsequent chapters; and\n each circumstance of THE eventful story of THE Barbarians will\n adapt itself in a proper place to THE Byzantine annals. The\n internal state of THE empire, and THE dangerous heresy of THE\n Paulicians, which shook THE East and enlightened THE West, will\n be THE subject of two separate chapters; but THEse inquiries must\n be postponed till our furTHEr progress shall have opened THE view\n of THE world in THE ninth and tenth centuries of THE Christian\n area. After this foundation of Byzantine history, THE following\n nations will pass before our eyes, and each will occupy THE space\n to which it may be entitled by greatness or merit, or THE degree\n of connection with THE Roman world and THE present age. I. The\n Franks; a general appellation which includes all THE Barbarians\n of France, Italy, and Germany, who were united by THE sword and\n sceptre of Charlemagne. The persecution of images and THEir\n votaries separated Rome and Italy from THE Byzantine throne, and\n prepared THE restoration of THE Roman empire in THE West. II. The\n Arabs or Saracens. Three ample chapters will be devoted to this\n curious and interesting object. In THE first, after a picture of\n THE country and its inhabitants, I shall investigate THE\n character of Mahomet; THE character, religion, and success of THE\n prophet. In THE second, I shall lead THE Arabs to THE conquest of\n Syria, Egypt, and Africa, THE provinces of THE Roman empire; nor\n can I check THEir victorious career till THEy have overthrown THE\n monarchies of Persia and Spain. In THE third, I shall inquire how\n Constantinople and Europe were saved by THE luxury and arts, THE\n division and decay, of THE empire of THE caliphs. A single\n chapter will include, III. The Bulgarians, IV. Hungarians, and,\n V. Russians, who assaulted by sea or by land THE provinces and\n THE capital; but THE last of THEse, so important in THEir present\n greatness, will excite some curiosity in THEir origin and\n infancy. VI. The Normans; or raTHEr THE private adventurers of\n that warlike people, who founded a powerful kingdom in Apulia and\n Sicily, shook THE throne of Constantinople, displayed THE\n trophies of chivalry, and almost realized THE wonders of romance.\n\n\n VII. The Latins; THE subjects of THE pope, THE nations of THE\n West, who enlisted under THE banner of THE cross for THE recovery\n or relief of THE holy sepulchre. The Greek emperors were\n terrified and preserved by THE myriads of pilgrims who marched to\n Jerusalem with Godfrey of Bouillon and THE peers of Christendom.\n The second and third crusades trod in THE footsteps of THE first:\n Asia and Europe were mingled in a sacred war of two hundred\n years; and THE Christian powers were bravely resisted, and\n finally expelled by Saladin and THE Mamelukes of Egypt. In THEse\n memorable crusades, a fleet and army of French and Venetians were\n diverted from Syria to THE Thracian Bosphorus: THEy assaulted THE\n capital, THEy subverted THE Greek monarchy: and a dynasty of\n Latin princes was seated near threescore years on THE throne of\n Constantine. VII. The Greeks THEmselves, during this period of\n captivity and exile, must be considered as a foreign nation; THE\n enemies, and again THE sovereigns of Constantinople. Misfortune\n had rekindled a spark of national virtue; and THE Imperial series\n may be continued with some dignity from THEir restoration to THE\n Turkish conquest. IX. The Moguls and Tartars. By THE arms of\n Zingis and his descendants, THE globe was shaken from China to\n Poland and Greece: THE sultans were overthrown: THE caliphs fell,\n and THE Caesars trembled on THEir throne. The victories of Timour\n suspended above fifty years THE final ruin of THE Byzantine\n empire. X. I have already noticed THE first appearance of THE\n Turks; and THE names of THE faTHErs, of Seljuk and Othman,\n discriminate THE two successive dynasties of THE nation, which\n emerged in THE eleventh century from THE Scythian wilderness. The\n former established a splendid and potent kingdom from THE banks\n of THE Oxus to Antioch and Nice; and THE first crusade was\n provoked by THE violation of Jerusalem and THE danger of\n Constantinople. From an humble origin, THE Ottomans arose, THE\n scourge and terror of Christendom. Constantinople was besieged\n and taken by Mahomet II., and his triumph annihilates THE\n remnant, THE image, THE title, of THE Roman empire in THE East.\n The schism of THE Greeks will be connected with THEir last\n calamities, and THE restoration of learning in THE Western world.\n\n\n I shall return from THE captivity of THE new, to THE ruins of\n ancient Rome; and THE venerable name, THE interesting THEme, will\n shed a ray of glory on THE conclusion of my labors.\n\n\n The emperor Heraclius had punished a tyrant and ascended his\n throne; and THE memory of his reign is perpetuated by THE\n transient conquest, and irreparable loss, of THE Eastern\n provinces. After THE death of Eudocia, his first wife, he\n disobeyed THE patriarch, and violated THE laws, by his second\n marriage with his niece Martina; and THE superstition of THE\n Greeks beheld THE judgment of Heaven in THE diseases of THE\n faTHEr and THE deformity of his offspring. But THE opinion of an\n illegitimate birth is sufficient to distract THE choice, and\n loosen THE obedience, of THE people: THE ambition of Martina was\n quickened by maternal love, and perhaps by THE envy of a\n step-moTHEr; and THE aged husband was too feeble to withstand THE\n arts of conjugal allurements. Constantine, his eldest son,\n enjoyed in a mature age THE title of Augustus; but THE weakness\n of his constitution required a colleague and a guardian, and he\n yielded with secret reluctance to THE partition of THE empire.\n The senate was summoned to THE palace to ratify or attest THE\n association of Heracleonas, THE son of Martina: THE imposition of\n THE diadem was consecrated by THE prayer and blessing of THE\n patriarch; THE senators and patricians adored THE majesty of THE\n great emperor and THE partners of his reign; and as soon as THE\n doors were thrown open, THEy were hailed by THE tumultuary but\n important voice of THE soldiers. After an interval of five\n months, THE pompous ceremonies which formed THE essence of THE\n Byzantine state were celebrated in THE caTHEdral and THE\n hippodrome; THE concord of THE royal broTHErs was affectedly\n displayed by THE younger leaning on THE arm of THE elder; and THE\n name of Martina was mingled in THE reluctant or venal\n acclamations of THE people. Heraclius survived this association\n about two years: his last testimony declared his two sons THE\n equal heirs of THE Eastern empire, and commanded THEm to honor\n his widow Martina as THEir moTHEr and THEir sovereign.\n\n\n When Martina first appeared on THE throne with THE name and\n attributes of royalty, she was checked by a firm, though\n respectful, opposition; and THE dying embers of freedom were\n kindled by THE breath of superstitious prejudice. “We reverence,”\n exclaimed THE voice of a citizen, “we reverence THE moTHEr of our\n princes; but to those princes alone our obedience is due; and\n Constantine, THE elder emperor, is of an age to sustain, in his\n own hands, THE weight of THE sceptre. Your sex is excluded by\n nature from THE toils of government. How could you combat, how\n could you answer, THE Barbarians, who, with hostile or friendly\n intentions, may approach THE royal city? May Heaven avert from\n THE Roman republic this national disgrace, which would provoke\n THE patience of THE slaves of Persia!” Martina descended from THE\n throne with indignation, and sought a refuge in THE female\n apartment of THE palace. The reign of Constantine THE Third\n lasted only one hundred and three days: he expired in THE\n thirtieth year of his age, and, although his life had been a long\n malady, a belief was entertained that poison had been THE means,\n and his cruel step-moTHEr THE author, of his untimely fate.\n Martina reaped indeed THE harvest of his death, and assumed THE\n government in THE name of THE surviving emperor; but THE\n incestuous widow of Heraclius was universally abhorred; THE\n jealousy of THE people was awakened, and THE two orphans whom\n Constantine had left became THE objects of THE public care. It\n was in vain that THE son of Martina, who was no more than fifteen\n years of age, was taught to declare himself THE guardian of his\n nephews, one of whom he had presented at THE baptismal font: it\n was in vain that he swore on THE wood of THE true cross, to\n defend THEm against all THEir enemies. On his death-bed, THE late\n emperor had despatched a trusty servant to arm THE troops and\n provinces of THE East in THE defence of his helpless children:\n THE eloquence and liberality of Valentin had been successful, and\n from his camp of Chalcedon, he boldly demanded THE punishment of\n THE assassins, and THE restoration of THE lawful heir. The\n license of THE soldiers, who devoured THE grapes and drank THE\n wine of THEir Asiatic vineyards, provoked THE citizens of\n Constantinople against THE domestic authors of THEir calamities,\n and THE dome of St. Sophia reechoed, not with prayers and hymns,\n but with THE clamors and imprecations of an enraged multitude. At\n THEir imperious command, Heracleonas appeared in THE pulpit with\n THE eldest of THE royal orphans; Constans alone was saluted as\n emperor of THE Romans, and a crown of gold, which had been taken\n from THE tomb of Heraclius, was placed on his head, with THE\n solemn benediction of THE patriarch.\n\n\n But in THE tumult of joy and indignation, THE church was\n pillaged, THE sanctuary was polluted by a promiscuous crowd of\n Jews and Barbarians; and THE MonoTHElite Pyrrhus, a creature of\n THE empress, after dropping a protestation on THE altar, escaped\n by a prudent flight from THE zeal of THE Catholics. A more\n serious and bloody task was reserved for THE senate, who derived\n a temporary strength from THE consent of THE soldiers and people.\n\n\n The spirit of Roman freedom revived THE ancient and awful\n examples of THE judgment of tyrants, and THE Imperial culprits\n were deposed and condemned as THE authors of THE death of\n Constantine. But THE severity of THE conscript faTHErs was\n stained by THE indiscriminate punishment of THE innocent and THE\n guilty: Martina and Heracleonas were sentenced to THE amputation,\n THE former of her tongue, THE latter of his nose; and after this\n cruel execution, THEy consumed THE remainder of THEir days in\n exile and oblivion. The Greeks who were capable of reflection\n might find some consolation for THEir servitude, by observing THE\n abuse of power when it was lodged for a moment in THE hands of an\n aristocracy.\n\n\n We shall imagine ourselves transported five hundred years\n backwards to THE age of THE Antonines, if we listen to THE\n oration which Constans II. pronounced in THE twelfth year of his\n age before THE Byzantine senate. After returning his thanks for\n THE just punishment of THE assassins, who had intercepted THE\n fairest hopes of his faTHEr’s reign, “By THE divine Providence,”\n said THE young emperor, “and by your righteous decree, Martina\n and her incestuous progeny have been cast headlong from THE\n throne. Your majesty and wisdom have prevented THE Roman state\n from degenerating into lawless tyranny. I THErefore exhort and\n beseech you to stand forth as THE counsellors and judges of THE\n common safety.” The senators were gratified by THE respectful\n address and liberal donative of THEir sovereign; but THEse\n servile Greeks were unworthy and regardless of freedom; and in\n his mind, THE lesson of an hour was quickly erased by THE\n prejudices of THE age and THE habits of despotism. He retained\n only a jealous fear lest THE senate or people should one day\n invade THE right of primogeniture, and seat his broTHEr\n Theodosius on an equal throne. By THE imposition of holy orders,\n THE grandson of Heraclius was disqualified for THE purple; but\n this ceremony, which seemed to profane THE sacraments of THE\n church, was insufficient to appease THE suspicions of THE tyrant,\n and THE death of THE deacon Theodosius could alone expiate THE\n crime of his royal birth. 1111 His murder was avenged by THE\n imprecations of THE people, and THE assassin, in THE fullness of\n power, was driven from his capital into voluntary and perpetual\n exile. Constans embarked for Greece and, as if he meant to retort\n THE abhorrence which he deserved he is said, from THE Imperial\n galley, to have spit against THE walls of his native city. After\n passing THE winter at ATHEns, he sailed to Tarentum in Italy,\n visited Rome, 1112 and concluded a long pilgrimage of disgrace\n and sacrilegious rapine, by fixing his residence at Syracuse. But\n if Constans could fly from his people, he could not fly from\n himself. The remorse of his conscience created a phantom who\n pursued him by land and sea, by day and by night; and THE\n visionary Theodosius, presenting to his lips a cup of blood,\n said, or seemed to say, “Drink, broTHEr, drink;” a sure emblem of\n THE aggravation of his guilt, since he had received from THE\n hands of THE deacon THE mystic cup of THE blood of Christ. Odious\n to himself and to mankind, Constans perished by domestic, perhaps\n by episcopal, treason, in THE capital of Sicily. A servant who\n waited in THE bath, after pouring warm water on his head, struck\n him violently with THE vase. He fell, stunned by THE blow, and\n suffocated by THE water; and his attendants, who wondered at THE\n tedious delay, beheld with indifference THE corpse of THEir\n lifeless emperor. The troops of Sicily invested with THE purple\n an obscure youth, whose inimitable beauty eluded, and it might\n easily elude, THE declining art of THE painters and sculptors of\n THE age.\n\n 1111 (return) [ His soldiers (according to Abulfaradji. Chron.\n Syr. p. 112) called him anoTHEr Cain. St. Martin, t. xi. p.\n 379.—M.]\n\n 1112 (return) [ He was received in Rome, and pillaged THE\n churches. He carried off THE brass roof of THE PanTHEon to\n Syracuse, or, as Schlosser conceives, to Constantinople Schlosser\n Geschichte der bilder-sturmenden Kaiser p. 80—M.]\n\n\n Constans had left in THE Byzantine palace three sons, THE eldest\n of whom had been cloTHEd in his infancy with THE purple. When THE\n faTHEr summoned THEm to attend his person in Sicily, THEse\n precious hostages were detained by THE Greeks, and a firm refusal\n informed him that THEy were THE children of THE state. The news\n of his murder was conveyed with almost supernatural speed from\n Syracuse to Constantinople; and Constantine, THE eldest of his\n sons, inherited his throne without being THE heir of THE public\n hatred. His subjects contributed, with zeal and alacrity, to\n chastise THE guilt and presumption of a province which had\n usurped THE rights of THE senate and people; THE young emperor\n sailed from THE Hellespont with a powerful fleet; and THE legions\n of Rome and Carthage were assembled under his standard in THE\n harbor of Syracuse. The defeat of THE Sicilian tyrant was easy,\n his punishment just, and his beauteous head was exposed in THE\n hippodrome: but I cannot applaud THE clemency of a prince, who,\n among a crowd of victims, condemned THE son of a patrician, for\n deploring with some bitterness THE execution of a virtuous\n faTHEr. The youth was castrated: he survived THE operation, and\n THE memory of this indecent cruelty is preserved by THE elevation\n of Germanus to THE rank of a patriarch and saint. After pouring\n this bloody libation on his faTHEr’s tomb, Constantine returned\n to his capital; and THE growth of his young beard during THE\n Sicilian voyage was announced, by THE familiar surname of\n Pogonatus, to THE Grecian world. But his reign, like that of his\n predecessor, was stained with fraternal discord. On his two\n broTHErs, Heraclius and Tiberius, he had bestowed THE title of\n Augustus; an empty title, for THEy continued to languish, without\n trust or power, in THE solitude of THE palace. At THEir secret\n instigation, THE troops of THE Anatolian THEme or province\n approached THE city on THE Asiatic side, demanded for THE royal\n broTHErs THE partition or exercise of sovereignty, and supported\n THEir seditious claim by a THEological argument. They were\n Christians, (THEy cried,) and orthodox Catholics; THE sincere\n votaries of THE holy and undivided Trinity. Since THEre are three\n equal persons in heaven, it is reasonable THEre should be three\n equal persons upon earth. The emperor invited THEse learned\n divines to a friendly conference, in which THEy might propose\n THEir arguments to THE senate: THEy obeyed THE summons, but THE\n prospect of THEir bodies hanging on THE gibbet in THE suburb of\n Galata reconciled THEir companions to THE unity of THE reign of\n Constantine. He pardoned his broTHErs, and THEir names were still\n pronounced in THE public acclamations: but on THE repetition or\n suspicion of a similar offence, THE obnoxious princes were\n deprived of THEir titles and noses, 1113 in THE presence of THE\n Catholic bishops who were assembled at Constantinople in THE\n sixth general synod. In THE close of his life, Pogonatus was\n anxious only to establish THE right of primogeniture: THE heir of\n his two sons, Justinian and Heraclius, was offered on THE shrine\n of St. Peter, as a symbol of THEir spiritual adoption by THE\n pope; but THE elder was alone exalted to THE rank of Augustus,\n and THE assurance of THE empire.\n\n 1113 (return) [ Schlosser (Geschichte der bilder sturmenden\n Kaiser, p. 90) supposed that THE young princes were mutilated\n after THE first insurrection; that after this THE acts were still\n inscribed with THEir names, THE princes being closely secluded in\n THE palace. The improbability of this circumstance may be weighed\n against Gibbon’s want of authority for his statement.—M.]\n\n\n After THE decease of his faTHEr, THE inheritance of THE Roman\n world devolved to Justinian II.; and THE name of a triumphant\n lawgiver was dishonored by THE vices of a boy, who imitated his\n namesake only in THE expensive luxury of building. His passions\n were strong; his understanding was feeble; and he was intoxicated\n with a foolish pride, that his birth had given him THE command of\n millions, of whom THE smallest community would not have chosen\n him for THEir local magistrate. His favorite ministers were two\n beings THE least susceptible of human sympathy, a eunuch and a\n monk: to THE one he abandoned THE palace, to THE oTHEr THE\n finances; THE former corrected THE emperor’s moTHEr with a\n scourge, THE latter suspended THE insolvent tributaries, with\n THEir heads downwards, over a slow and smoky fire. Since THE days\n of Commodus and Caracalla, THE cruelty of THE Roman princes had\n most commonly been THE effect of THEir fear; but Justinian, who\n possessed some vigor of character, enjoyed THE sufferings, and\n braved THE revenge, of his subjects, about ten years, till THE\n measure was full, of his crimes and of THEir patience. In a dark\n dungeon, Leontius, a general of reputation, had groaned above\n three years, with some of THE noblest and most deserving of THE\n patricians: he was suddenly drawn forth to assume THE government\n of Greece; and this promotion of an injured man was a mark of THE\n contempt raTHEr than of THE confidence of his prince. As he was\n followed to THE port by THE kind offices of his friends, Leontius\n observed, with a sigh, that he was a victim adorned for\n sacrifice, and that inevitable death would pursue his footsteps.\n They ventured to reply, that glory and empire might be THE\n recompense of a generous resolution; that every order of men\n abhorred THE reign of a monster; and that THE hands of two\n hundred thousand patriots expected only THE voice of a leader.\n The night was chosen for THEir deliverance; and in THE first\n effort of THE conspirators, THE præfect was slain, and THE\n prisons were forced open: THE emissaries of Leontius proclaimed\n in every street, “Christians, to St. Sophia!” and THE seasonable\n text of THE patriarch, “This is THE day of THE Lord!” was THE\n prelude of an inflammatory sermon. From THE church THE people\n adjourned to THE hippodrome: Justinian, in whose cause not a\n sword had been drawn, was dragged before THEse tumultuary judges,\n and THEir clamors demanded THE instant death of THE tyrant. But\n Leontius, who was already cloTHEd with THE purple, cast an eye of\n pity on THE prostrate son of his own benefactor and of so many\n emperors. The life of Justinian was spared; THE amputation of his\n nose, perhaps of his tongue, was imperfectly performed: THE happy\n flexibility of THE Greek language could impose THE name of\n Rhinotmetus; and THE mutilated tyrant was banished to Chersonae\n in Crim-Tartary, a lonely settlement, where corn, wine, and oil,\n were imported as foreign luxuries.\n\n\n On THE edge of THE Scythian wilderness, Justinian still cherished\n THE pride of his birth, and THE hope of his restoration. After\n three years’ exile, he received THE pleasing intelligence that\n his injury was avenged by a second revolution, and that Leontius\n in his turn had been dethroned and mutilated by THE rebel\n Apsimar, who assumed THE more respectable name of Tiberius. But\n THE claim of lineal succession was still formidable to a plebeian\n usurper; and his jealousy was stimulated by THE complaints and\n charges of THE Chersonites, who beheld THE vices of THE tyrant in\n THE spirit of THE exile. With a band of followers, attached to\n his person by common hope or common despair, Justinian fled from\n THE inhospitable shore to THE horde of THE Chozars, who pitched\n THEir tents between THE Tanais and BorysTHEnes. The khan\n entertained with pity and respect THE royal suppliant:\n Phanagoria, once an opulent city, on THE Asiatic side of THE lake\n Moeotis, was assigned for his residence; and every Roman\n prejudice was stifled in his marriage with THE sister of THE\n Barbarian, who seems, however, from THE name of Theodora, to have\n received THE sacrament of baptism. But THE faithless Chozar was\n soon tempted by THE gold of Constantinople: and had not THE\n design been revealed by THE conjugal love of Theodora, her\n husband must have been assassinated or betrayed into THE power of\n his enemies. After strangling, with his own hands, THE two\n emissaries of THE khan, Justinian sent back his wife to her\n broTHEr, and embarked on THE Euxine in search of new and more\n faithful allies. His vessel was assaulted by a violent tempest;\n and one of his pious companions advised him to deserve THE mercy\n of God by a vow of general forgiveness, if he should be restored\n to THE throne. “Of forgiveness?” replied THE intrepid tyrant:\n “may I perish this instant—may THE Almighty whelm me in THE\n waves—if I consent to spare a single head of my enemies!” He\n survived this impious menace, sailed into THE mouth of THE\n Danube, trusted his person in THE royal village of THE\n Bulgarians, and purchased THE aid of Terbelis, a pagan conqueror,\n by THE promise of his daughter and a fair partition of THE\n treasures of THE empire. The Bulgarian kingdom extended to THE\n confines of Thrace; and THE two princes besieged Constantinople\n at THE head of fifteen thousand horse. Apsimar was dismayed by\n THE sudden and hostile apparition of his rival whose head had\n been promised by THE Chozar, and of whose evasion he was yet\n ignorant. After an absence of ten years, THE crimes of Justinian\n were faintly remembered, and THE birth and misfortunes of THEir\n hereditary sovereign excited THE pity of THE multitude, ever\n discontented with THE ruling powers; and by THE active diligence\n of his adherents, he was introduced into THE city and palace of\n Constantine.\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.—Part\nII.\n\n\n In rewarding his allies, and recalling his wife, Justinian\n displayed some sense of honor and gratitude; 1114 and Terbelis\n retired, after sweeping away a heap of gold coin, which he\n measured with his Scythian whip. But never was vow more\n religiously performed than THE sacred oath of revenge which he\n had sworn amidst THE storms of THE Euxine. The two usurpers (for\n I must reserve THE name of tyrant for THE conqueror) were dragged\n into THE hippodrome, THE one from his prison, THE oTHEr from his\n palace. Before THEir execution, Leontius and Apsimar were cast\n prostrate in chains beneath THE throne of THE emperor; and\n Justinian, planting a foot on each of THEir necks, contemplated\n above an hour THE chariot-race, while THE inconstant people\n shouted, in THE words of THE Psalmist, “Thou shalt trample on THE\n asp and basilisk, and on THE lion and dragon shalt thou set thy\n foot!” The universal defection which he had once experienced\n might provoke him to repeat THE wish of Caligula, that THE Roman\n people had but one head. Yet I shall presume to observe, that\n such a wish is unworthy of an ingenious tyrant, since his revenge\n and cruelty would have been extinguished by a single blow,\n instead of THE slow variety of tortures which Justinian inflicted\n on THE victims of his anger. His pleasures were inexhaustible:\n neiTHEr private virtue nor public service could expiate THE guilt\n of active, or even passive, obedience to an established\n government; and, during THE six years of his new reign, he\n considered THE axe, THE cord, and THE rack, as THE only\n instruments of royalty. But his most implacable hatred was\n pointed against THE Chersonites, who had insulted his exile and\n violated THE laws of hospitality. Their remote situation afforded\n some means of defence, or at least of escape; and a grievous tax\n was imposed on Constantinople, to supply THE preparations of a\n fleet and army. “All are guilty, and all must perish,” was THE\n mandate of Justinian; and THE bloody execution was intrusted to\n his favorite Stephen, who was recommended by THE epiTHEt of THE\n savage. Yet even THE savage Stephen imperfectly accomplished THE\n intentions of his sovereign. The slowness of his attack allowed\n THE greater part of THE inhabitants to withdraw into THE country;\n and THE minister of vengeance contented himself with reducing THE\n youth of both sexes to a state of servitude, with roasting alive\n seven of THE principal citizens, with drowning twenty in THE sea,\n and with reserving forty-two in chains to receive THEir doom from\n THE mouth of THE emperor. In THEir return, THE fleet was driven\n on THE rocky shores of Anatolia; and Justinian applauded THE\n obedience of THE Euxine, which had involved so many thousands of\n his subjects and enemies in a common shipwreck: but THE tyrant\n was still insatiate of blood; and a second expedition was\n commanded to extirpate THE remains of THE proscribed colony. In\n THE short interval, THE Chersonites had returned to THEir city,\n and were prepared to die in arms; THE khan of THE Chozars had\n renounced THE cause of his odious broTHEr; THE exiles of every\n province were assembled in Tauris; and Bardanes, under THE name\n of Philippicus, was invested with THE purple. The Imperial\n troops, unwilling and unable to perpetrate THE revenge of\n Justinian, escaped his displeasure by abjuring his allegiance:\n THE fleet, under THEir new sovereign, steered back a more\n auspicious course to THE harbors of Sinope and Constantinople;\n and every tongue was prompt to pronounce, every hand to execute,\n THE death of THE tyrant. Destitute of friends, he was deserted by\n his Barbarian guards; and THE stroke of THE assassin was praised\n as an act of patriotism and Roman virtue. His son Tiberius had\n taken refuge in a church; his aged grandmoTHEr guarded THE door;\n and THE innocent youth, suspending round his neck THE most\n formidable relics, embraced with one hand THE altar, with THE\n oTHEr THE wood of THE true cross. But THE popular fury that dares\n to trample on superstition, is deaf to THE cries of humanity; and\n THE race of Heraclius was extinguished after a reign of one\n hundred years\n\n 1114 (return) [ Of fear raTHEr than of more generous motives.\n Compare Le Beau vol. xii. p. 64.—M.]\n\n\n Between THE fall of THE Heraclian and THE rise of THE Isaurian\n dynasty, a short interval of six years is divided into three\n reigns. Bardanes, or Philippicus, was hailed at Constantinople as\n a hero who had delivered his country from a tyrant; and he might\n taste some moments of happiness in THE first transports of\n sincere and universal joy. Justinian had left behind him an ample\n treasure, THE fruit of cruelty and rapine: but this useful fund\n was soon and idly dissipated by his successor. On THE festival of\n his birthday, Philippicus entertained THE multitude with THE\n games of THE hippodrome; from THEnce he paraded through THE\n streets with a thousand banners and a thousand trumpets;\n refreshed himself in THE baths of Zeuxippus, and returning to THE\n palace, entertained his nobles with a sumptuous banquet. At THE\n meridian hour he withdrew to his chamber, intoxicated with\n flattery and wine, and forgetful that his example had made every\n subject ambitious, and that every ambitious subject was his\n secret enemy. Some bold conspirators introduced THEmselves in THE\n disorder of THE feast; and THE slumbering monarch was surprised,\n bound, blinded, and deposed, before he was sensible of his\n danger. Yet THE traitors were deprived of THEir reward; and THE\n free voice of THE senate and people promoted Artemius from THE\n office of secretary to that of emperor: he assumed THE title of\n Anastasius THE Second, and displayed in a short and troubled\n reign THE virtues both of peace and war. But after THE extinction\n of THE Imperial line, THE rule of obedience was violated, and\n every change diffused THE seeds of new revolutions. In a mutiny\n of THE fleet, an obscure and reluctant officer of THE revenue was\n forcibly invested with THE purple: after some months of a naval\n war, Anastasius resigned THE sceptre; and THE conqueror,\n Theodosius THE Third, submitted in his turn to THE superior\n ascendant of Leo, THE general and emperor of THE Oriental troops.\n His two predecessors were permitted to embrace THE ecclesiastical\n profession: THE restless impatience of Anastasius tempted him to\n risk and to lose his life in a treasonable enterprise; but THE\n last days of Theodosius were honorable and secure. The single\n sublime word, “Health,” which he inscribed on his tomb, expresses\n THE confidence of philosophy or religion; and THE fame of his\n miracles was long preserved among THE people of Ephesus. This\n convenient shelter of THE church might sometimes impose a lesson\n of clemency; but it may be questioned wheTHEr it is for THE\n public interest to diminish THE perils of unsuccessful ambition.\n\n\n I have dwelt on THE fall of a tyrant; I shall briefly represent\n THE founder of a new dynasty, who is known to posterity by THE\n invectives of his enemies, and whose public and private life is\n involved in THE ecclesiastical story of THE Iconoclasts. Yet in\n spite of THE clamors of superstition, a favorable prejudice for\n THE character of Leo THE Isaurian may be reasonably drawn from\n THE obscurity of his birth, and THE duration of his reign.—I. In\n an age of manly spirit, THE prospect of an Imperial reward would\n have kindled every energy of THE mind, and produced a crowd of\n competitors as deserving as THEy were desirous to reign. Even in\n THE corruption and debility of THE modern Greeks, THE elevation\n of a plebeian from THE last to THE first rank of society,\n supposes some qualifications above THE level of THE multitude. He\n would probably be ignorant and disdainful of speculative science;\n and, in THE pursuit of fortune, he might absolve himself from THE\n obligations of benevolence and justice; but to his character we\n may ascribe THE useful virtues of prudence and fortitude, THE\n knowledge of mankind, and THE important art of gaining THEir\n confidence and directing THEir passions. It is agreed that Leo\n was a native of Isauria, and that Conon was his primitive name.\n The writers, whose awkward satire is praise, describe him as an\n itinerant pedler, who drove an ass with some paltry merchandise\n to THE country fairs; and foolishly relate that he met on THE\n road some Jewish fortune-tellers, who promised him THE Roman\n empire, on condition that he should abolish THE worship of idols.\n A more probable account relates THE migration of his faTHEr from\n Asia Minor to Thrace, where he exercised THE lucrative trade of a\n grazier; and he must have acquired considerable wealth, since THE\n first introduction of his son was procured by a supply of five\n hundred sheep to THE Imperial camp. His first service was in THE\n guards of Justinian, where he soon attracted THE notice, and by\n degrees THE jealousy, of THE tyrant. His valor and dexterity were\n conspicuous in THE Colchian war: from Anastasius he received THE\n command of THE Anatolian legions, and by THE suffrage of THE\n soldiers he was raised to THE empire with THE general applause of\n THE Roman world.—II. In this dangerous elevation, Leo THE Third\n supported himself against THE envy of his equals, THE discontent\n of a powerful faction, and THE assaults of his foreign and\n domestic enemies. The Catholics, who accuse his religious\n innovations, are obliged to confess that THEy were undertaken\n with temper and conducted with firmness. Their silence respects\n THE wisdom of his administration and THE purity of his manners.\n After a reign of twenty-four years, he peaceably expired in THE\n palace of Constantinople; and THE purple which he had acquired\n was transmitted by THE right of inheritance to THE third\n generation. 1115\n\n 1115 (return) [ During THE latter part of his reign, THE\n hostilities of THE Saracens, who invested a Pergamenian, named\n Tiberius, with THE purple, and proclaimed him as THE son of\n Justinian, and an earthquake, which destroyed THE walls of\n Constantinople, compelled Leo greatly to increase THE burdens of\n taxation upon his subjects. A twelfth was exacted in addition to\n every aurena as a wall tax. Theophanes p. 275 Schlosser, Bilder\n eturmeud Kaiser, p. 197.—M.]\n\n\n In a long reign of thirty-four years, THE son and successor of\n Leo, Constantine THE Fifth, surnamed Copronymus, attacked with\n less temperate zeal THE images or idols of THE church. Their\n votaries have exhausted THE bitterness of religious gall, in\n THEir portrait of this spotted panTHEr, this antichrist, this\n flying dragon of THE serpent’s seed, who surpassed THE vices of\n Elagabalus and Nero. His reign was a long butchery of whatever\n was most noble, or holy, or innocent, in his empire. In person,\n THE emperor assisted at THE execution of his victims, surveyed\n THEir agonies, listened to THEir groans, and indulged, without\n satiating, his appetite for blood: a plate of noses was accepted\n as a grateful offering, and his domestics were often scourged or\n mutilated by THE royal hand. His surname was derived from his\n pollution of his baptismal font. The infant might be excused; but\n THE manly pleasures of Copronymus degraded him below THE level of\n a brute; his lust confounded THE eternal distinctions of sex and\n species, and he seemed to extract some unnatural delight from THE\n objects most offensive to human sense. In his religion THE\n Iconoclast was a Heretic, a Jew, a Mahometan, a Pagan, and an\n ATHEist; and his belief of an invisible power could be discovered\n only in his magic rites, human victims, and nocturnal sacrifices\n to Venus and THE daemons of antiquity. His life was stained with\n THE most opposite vices, and THE ulcers which covered his body,\n anticipated before his death THE sentiment of hell-tortures. Of\n THEse accusations, which I have so patiently copied, a part is\n refuted by its own absurdity; and in THE private anecdotes of THE\n life of THE princes, THE lie is more easy as THE detection is\n more difficult. Without adopting THE pernicious maxim, that where\n much is alleged, something must be true, I can however discern,\n that Constantine THE Fifth was dissolute and cruel. Calumny is\n more prone to exaggerate than to invent; and her licentious\n tongue is checked in some measure by THE experience of THE age\n and country to which she appeals. Of THE bishops and monks, THE\n generals and magistrates, who are said to have suffered under his\n reign, THE numbers are recorded, THE names were conspicuous, THE\n execution was public, THE mutilation visible and permanent. 1116\n The Catholics hated THE person and government of Copronymus; but\n even THEir hatred is a proof of THEir oppression. They dissembled\n THE provocations which might excuse or justify his rigor, but\n even THEse provocations must gradually inflame his resentment and\n harden his temper in THE use or THE abuse of despotism. Yet THE\n character of THE fifth Constantine was not devoid of merit, nor\n did his government always deserve THE curses or THE contempt of\n THE Greeks. From THE confession of his enemies, I am informed of\n THE restoration of an ancient aqueduct, of THE redemption of two\n thousand five hundred captives, of THE uncommon plenty of THE\n times, and of THE new colonies with which he repeopled\n Constantinople and THE Thracian cities. They reluctantly praise\n his activity and courage; he was on horseback in THE field at THE\n head of his legions; and, although THE fortune of his arms was\n various, he triumphed by sea and land, on THE Euphrates and THE\n Danube, in civil and Barbarian war. Heretical praise must be cast\n into THE scale to counterbalance THE weight of orthodox\n invective. The Iconoclasts revered THE virtues of THE prince:\n forty years after his death THEy still prayed before THE tomb of\n THE saint. A miraculous vision was propagated by fanaticism or\n fraud: and THE Christian hero appeared on a milk-white steed,\n brandishing his lance against THE Pagans of Bulgaria: “An absurd\n fable,” says THE Catholic historian, “since Copronymus is chained\n with THE daemons in THE abyss of hell.”\n\n 1116 (return) [ He is accused of burning THE library of\n Constantinople, founded by Julian, with its president and twelve\n professors. This eastern Sorbonne had discomfited THE Imperial\n THEologians on THE great question of image worship. Schlosser\n observes that this accidental fire took place six years after THE\n emperor had laid THE question of image-worship before THE\n professors. Bilder sturmand Kaiser, p. 294. Compare Le Heau. vol.\n xl. p. 156.—M.]\n\n\n Leo THE Fourth, THE son of THE fifth and THE faTHEr of THE sixth\n Constantine, was of a feeble constitution both of mind 1117 and\n body, and THE principal care of his reign was THE settlement of\n THE succession. The association of THE young Constantine was\n urged by THE officious zeal of his subjects; and THE emperor,\n conscious of his decay, complied, after a prudent hesitation,\n with THEir unanimous wishes. The royal infant, at THE age of five\n years, was crowned with his moTHEr Irene; and THE national\n consent was ratified by every circumstance of pomp and solemnity,\n that could dazzle THE eyes or bind THE conscience of THE Greeks.\n An oath of fidelity was administered in THE palace, THE church,\n and THE hippodrome, to THE several orders of THE state, who\n adjured THE holy names of THE Son, and moTHEr of God. “Be\n witness, O Christ! that we will watch over THE safety of\n Constantine THE son of Leo, expose our lives in his service, and\n bear true allegiance to his person and posterity.” They pledged\n THEir faith on THE wood of THE true cross, and THE act of THEir\n engagement was deposited on THE altar of St. Sophia. The first to\n swear, and THE first to violate THEir oath, were THE five sons of\n Copronymus by a second marriage; and THE story of THEse princes\n is singular and tragic. The right of primogeniture excluded THEm\n from THE throne; THE injustice of THEir elder broTHEr defrauded\n THEm of a legacy of about two millions sterling; some vain titles\n were not deemed a sufficient compensation for wealth and power;\n and THEy repeatedly conspired against THEir nephew, before and\n after THE death of his faTHEr. Their first attempt was pardoned;\n for THE second offence 1118 THEy were condemned to THE\n ecclesiastical state; and for THE third treason, Nicephorus, THE\n eldest and most guilty, was deprived of his eyes, and his four\n broTHErs, Christopher, Nicetas, AnTHEmeus, and Eudoxas, were\n punished, as a milder sentence, by THE amputation of THEir\n tongues. After five years’ confinement, THEy escaped to THE\n church of St. Sophia, and displayed a paTHEtic spectacle to THE\n people. “Countrymen and Christians,” cried Nicephorus for himself\n and his mute brethren, “behold THE sons of your emperor, if you\n can still recognize our features in this miserable state. A life,\n an imperfect life, is all that THE malice of our enemies has\n spared. It is now threatened, and we now throw ourselves on your\n compassion.” The rising murmur might have produced a revolution,\n had it not been checked by THE presence of a minister, who\n sooTHEd THE unhappy princes with flattery and hope, and gently\n drew THEm from THE sanctuary to THE palace. They were speedily\n embarked for Greece, and ATHEns was allotted for THE place of\n THEir exile. In this calm retreat, and in THEir helpless\n condition, Nicephorus and his broTHErs were tormented by THE\n thirst of power, and tempted by a Sclavonian chief, who offered\n to break THEir prison, and to lead THEm in arms, and in THE\n purple, to THE gates of Constantinople. But THE ATHEnian people,\n ever zealous in THE cause of Irene, prevented her justice or\n cruelty; and THE five sons of Copronymus were plunged in eternal\n darkness and oblivion.\n\n 1117 (return) [ Schlosser thinks more highly of Leo’s mind; but\n his only proof of his superiority is THE successes of his\n generals against THE Saracens, Schlosser, p. 256.—M.]\n\n 1118 (return) [ The second offence was on THE accession of THE\n young Constantine—M.]\n\n\n For himself, that emperor had chosen a Barbarian wife, THE\n daughter of THE khan of THE Chozars; but in THE marriage of his\n heir, he preferred an ATHEnian virgin, an orphan, seventeen years\n old, whose sole fortune must have consisted in her personal\n accomplishments. The nuptials of Leo and Irene were celebrated\n with royal pomp; she soon acquired THE love and confidence of a\n feeble husband, and in his testament he declared THE empress\n guardian of THE Roman world, and of THEir son Constantine THE\n Sixth, who was no more than ten years of age. During his\n childhood, Irene most ably and assiduously discharged, in her\n public administration, THE duties of a faithful moTHEr; and her\n zeal in THE restoration of images has deserved THE name and\n honors of a saint, which she still occupies in THE Greek\n calendar. But THE emperor attained THE maturity of youth; THE\n maternal yoke became more grievous; and he listened to THE\n favorites of his own age, who shared his pleasures, and were\n ambitious of sharing his power. Their reasons convinced him of\n his right, THEir praises of his ability, to reign; and he\n consented to reward THE services of Irene by a perpetual\n banishment to THE Isle of Sicily. But her vigilance and\n penetration easily disconcerted THEir rash projects: a similar,\n or more severe, punishment was retaliated on THEmselves and THEir\n advisers; and Irene inflicted on THE ungrateful prince THE\n chastisement of a boy. After this contest, THE moTHEr and THE son\n were at THE head of two domestic factions; and instead of mild\n influence and voluntary obedience, she held in chains a captive\n and an enemy. The empress was overthrown by THE abuse of victory;\n THE oath of fidelity, which she exacted to herself alone, was\n pronounced with reluctant murmurs; and THE bold refusal of THE\n Armenian guards encouraged a free and general declaration, that\n Constantine THE Sixth was THE lawful emperor of THE Romans. In\n this character he ascended his hereditary throne, and dismissed\n Irene to a life of solitude and repose. But her haughty spirit\n condescended to THE arts of dissimulation: she flattered THE\n bishops and eunuchs, revived THE filial tenderness of THE prince,\n regained his confidence, and betrayed his credulity. The\n character of Constantine was not destitute of sense or spirit;\n but his education had been studiously neglected; and THE\n ambitious moTHEr exposed to THE public censure THE vices which\n she had nourished, and THE actions which she had secretly\n advised: his divorce and second marriage offended THE prejudices\n of THE clergy, and by his imprudent rigor he forfeited THE\n attachment of THE Armenian guards. A powerful conspiracy was\n formed for THE restoration of Irene; and THE secret, though\n widely diffused, was faithfully kept above eight months, till THE\n emperor, suspicious of his danger, escaped from Constantinople,\n with THE design of appealing to THE provinces and armies. By this\n hasty flight, THE empress was left on THE brink of THE precipice;\n yet before she implored THE mercy of her son, Irene addressed a\n private epistle to THE friends whom she had placed about his\n person, with a menace, that unless THEy accomplished, she would\n reveal, THEir treason. Their fear rendered THEm intrepid; THEy\n seized THE emperor on THE Asiatic shore, and he was transported\n to THE porphyry apartment of THE palace, where he had first seen\n THE light. In THE mind of Irene, ambition had stifled every\n sentiment of humanity and nature; and it was decreed in her\n bloody council, that Constantine should be rendered incapable of\n THE throne: her emissaries assaulted THE sleeping prince, and\n stabbed THEir daggers with such violence and precipitation into\n his eyes as if THEy meant to execute a mortal sentence. An\n ambiguous passage of Theophanes persuaded THE annalist of THE\n church that death was THE immediate consequence of this barbarous\n execution. The Catholics have been deceived or subdued by THE\n authority of Baronius; and Protestant zeal has reechoed THE words\n of a cardinal, desirous, as it should seem, to favor THE\n patroness of images. 1119 Yet THE blind son of Irene survived\n many years, oppressed by THE court and forgotten by THE world;\n THE Isaurian dynasty was silently extinguished; and THE memory of\n Constantine was recalled only by THE nuptials of his daughter\n Euphrosyne with THE emperor Michael THE Second.\n\n 1119 (return) [ Gibbon has been attacked on account of this\n statement, but is successfully defended by Schlosser. B S. Kaiser\n p. 327. Compare Le Beau, c. xii p. 372.—M.]\n\n\n The most bigoted orthodoxy has justly execrated THE unnatural\n moTHEr, who may not easily be paralleled in THE history of\n crimes. To her bloody deed superstition has attributed a\n subsequent darkness of seventeen days; during which many vessels\n in midday were driven from THEir course, as if THE sun, a globe\n of fire so vast and so remote, could sympathize with THE atoms of\n a revolving planet. On earth, THE crime of Irene was left five\n years unpunished; her reign was crowned with external splendor;\n and if she could silence THE voice of conscience, she neiTHEr\n heard nor regarded THE reproaches of mankind. The Roman world\n bowed to THE government of a female; and as she moved through THE\n streets of Constantinople, THE reins of four milk-white steeds\n were held by as many patricians, who marched on foot before THE\n golden chariot of THEir queen. But THEse patricians were for THE\n most part eunuchs; and THEir black ingratitude justified, on this\n occasion, THE popular hatred and contempt. Raised, enriched,\n intrusted with THE first dignities of THE empire, THEy basely\n conspired against THEir benefactress; THE great treasurer\n Nicephorus was secretly invested with THE purple; her successor\n was introduced into THE palace, and crowned at St. Sophia by THE\n venal patriarch. In THEir first interview, she recapitulated with\n dignity THE revolutions of her life, gently accused THE perfidy\n of Nicephorus, insinuated that he owed his life to her\n unsuspicious clemency, and for THE throne and treasures which she\n resigned, solicited a decent and honorable retreat. His avarice\n refused this modest compensation; and, in her exile of THE Isle\n of Lesbos, THE empress earned a scanty subsistence by THE labors\n of her distaff.\n\n\n Many tyrants have reigned undoubtedly more criminal than\n Nicephorus, but none perhaps have more deeply incurred THE\n universal abhorrence of THEir people. His character was stained\n with THE three odious vices of hypocrisy, ingratitude, and\n avarice: his want of virtue was not redeemed by any superior\n talents, nor his want of talents by any pleasing qualifications.\n Unskilful and unfortunate in war, Nicephorus was vanquished by\n THE Saracens, and slain by THE Bulgarians; and THE advantage of\n his death overbalanced, in THE public opinion, THE destruction of\n a Roman army. 1011 His son and heir Stauracius escaped from THE\n field with a mortal wound; yet six months of an expiring life\n were sufficient to refute his indecent, though popular\n declaration, that he would in all things avoid THE example of his\n faTHEr. On THE near prospect of his decease, Michael, THE great\n master of THE palace, and THE husband of his sister Procopia, was\n named by every person of THE palace and city, except by his\n envious broTHEr. Tenacious of a sceptre now falling from his\n hand, he conspired against THE life of his successor, and\n cherished THE idea of changing to a democracy THE Roman empire.\n But THEse rash projects served only to inflame THE zeal of THE\n people and to remove THE scruples of THE candidate: Michael THE\n First accepted THE purple, and before he sunk into THE grave THE\n son of Nicephorus implored THE clemency of his new sovereign. Had\n Michael in an age of peace ascended an hereditary throne, he\n might have reigned and died THE faTHEr of his people: but his\n mild virtues were adapted to THE shade of private life, nor was\n he capable of controlling THE ambition of his equals, or of\n resisting THE arms of THE victorious Bulgarians. While his want\n of ability and success exposed him to THE contempt of THE\n soldiers, THE masculine spirit of his wife Procopia awakened\n THEir indignation. Even THE Greeks of THE ninth century were\n provoked by THE insolence of a female, who, in THE front of THE\n standards, presumed to direct THEir discipline and animate THEir\n valor; and THEir licentious clamors advised THE new Semiramis to\n reverence THE majesty of a Roman camp. After an unsuccessful\n campaign, THE emperor left, in THEir winter-quarters of Thrace, a\n disaffected army under THE command of his enemies; and THEir\n artful eloquence persuaded THE soldiers to break THE dominion of\n THE eunuchs, to degrade THE husband of Procopia, and to assert\n THE right of a military election. They marched towards THE\n capital: yet THE clergy, THE senate, and THE people of\n Constantinople, adhered to THE cause of Michael; and THE troops\n and treasures of Asia might have protracted THE mischiefs of\n civil war. But his humanity (by THE ambitious it will be termed\n his weakness) protested that not a drop of Christian blood should\n be shed in his quarrel, and his messengers presented THE\n conquerors with THE keys of THE city and THE palace. They were\n disarmed by his innocence and submission; his life and his eyes\n were spared; and THE Imperial monk enjoyed THE comforts of\n solitude and religion above thirty-two years after he had been\n stripped of THE purple and separated from his wife.\n\n 1011 (return) [ The Syrian historian Aboulfaradj. Chron. Syr. p.\n 133, 139, speaks of him as a brave, prudent, and pious prince,\n formidable to THE Arabs. St. Martin, c. xii. p. 402. Compare\n Schlosser, p. 350.—M.]\n\n\n A rebel, in THE time of Nicephorus, THE famous and unfortunate\n Bardanes, had once THE curiosity to consult an Asiatic prophet,\n who, after prognosticating his fall, announced THE fortunes of\n his three principal officers, Leo THE Armenian, Michael THE\n Phrygian, and Thomas THE Cappadocian, THE successive reigns of\n THE two former, THE fruitless and fatal enterprise of THE third.\n This prediction was verified, or raTHEr was produced, by THE\n event. Ten years afterwards, when THE Thracian camp rejected THE\n husband of Procopia, THE crown was presented to THE same Leo, THE\n first in military rank and THE secret author of THE mutiny. As he\n affected to hesitate, “With this sword,” said his companion\n Michael, “I will open THE gates of Constantinople to your\n Imperial sway; or instantly plunge it into your bosom, if you\n obstinately resist THE just desires of your fellow-soldiers.” The\n compliance of THE Armenian was rewarded with THE empire, and he\n reigned seven years and a half under THE name of Leo THE Fifth.\n Educated in a camp, and ignorant both of laws and letters, he\n introduced into his civil government THE rigor and even cruelty\n of military discipline; but if his severity was sometimes\n dangerous to THE innocent, it was always formidable to THE\n guilty. His religious inconstancy was taxed by THE epiTHEt of\n Chameleon, but THE Catholics have acknowledged by THE voice of a\n saint and confessors, that THE life of THE Iconoclast was useful\n to THE republic. The zeal of his companion Michael was repaid\n with riches, honors, and military command; and his subordinate\n talents were beneficially employed in THE public service. Yet THE\n Phrygian was dissatisfied at receiving as a favor a scanty\n portion of THE Imperial prize which he had bestowed on his equal;\n and his discontent, which sometimes evaporated in hasty\n discourse, at length assumed a more threatening and hostile\n aspect against a prince whom he represented as a cruel tyrant.\n That tyrant, however, repeatedly detected, warned, and dismissed\n THE old companion of his arms, till fear and resentment prevailed\n over gratitude; and Michael, after a scrutiny into his actions\n and designs, was convicted of treason, and sentenced to be burnt\n alive in THE furnace of THE private baths. The devout humanity of\n THE empress Theophano was fatal to her husband and family. A\n solemn day, THE twenty-fifth of December, had been fixed for THE\n execution: she urged, that THE anniversary of THE Savior’s birth\n would be profaned by this inhuman spectacle, and Leo consented\n with reluctance to a decent respite. But on THE vigil of THE\n feast his sleepless anxiety prompted him to visit at THE dead of\n night THE chamber in which his enemy was confined: he beheld him\n released from his chain, and stretched on his jailer’s bed in a\n profound slumber. Leo was alarmed at THEse signs of security and\n intelligence; but though he retired with silent steps, his\n entrance and departure were noticed by a slave who lay concealed\n in a corner of THE prison. Under THE pretence of requesting THE\n spiritual aid of a confessor, Michael informed THE conspirators,\n that THEir lives depended on his discretion, and that a few hours\n were left to assure THEir own safety, by THE deliverance of THEir\n friend and country. On THE great festivals, a chosen band of\n priests and chanters was admitted into THE palace by a private\n gate to sing matins in THE chapel; and Leo, who regulated with\n THE same strictness THE discipline of THE choir and of THE camp,\n was seldom absent from THEse early devotions. In THE\n ecclesiastical habit, but with THEir swords under THEir robes,\n THE conspirators mingled with THE procession, lurked in THE\n angles of THE chapel, and expected, as THE signal of murder, THE\n intonation of THE first psalm by THE emperor himself. The\n imperfect light, and THE uniformity of dress, might have favored\n his escape, whilst THEir assault was pointed against a harmless\n priest; but THEy soon discovered THEir mistake, and encompassed\n on all sides THE royal victim. Without a weapon and without a\n friend, he grasped a weighty cross, and stood at bay against THE\n hunters of his life; but as he asked for mercy, “This is THE\n hour, not of mercy, but of vengeance,” was THE inexorable reply.\n The stroke of a well-aimed sword separated from his body THE\n right arm and THE cross, and Leo THE Armenian was slain at THE\n foot of THE altar. A memorable reverse of fortune was displayed\n in Michael THE Second, who from a defect in his speech was\n surnamed THE Stammerer. He was snatched from THE fiery furnace to\n THE sovereignty of an empire; and as in THE tumult a smith could\n not readily be found, THE fetters remained on his legs several\n hours after he was seated on THE throne of THE Caesars. The royal\n blood which had been THE price of his elevation, was unprofitably\n spent: in THE purple he retained THE ignoble vices of his origin;\n and Michael lost his provinces with as supine indifference as if\n THEy had been THE inheritance of his faTHErs. His title was\n disputed by Thomas, THE last of THE military triumvirate, who\n transported into Europe fourscore thousand Barbarians from THE\n banks of THE Tigris and THE shores of THE Caspian. He formed THE\n siege of Constantinople; but THE capital was defended with\n spiritual and carnal weapons; a Bulgarian king assaulted THE camp\n of THE Orientals, and Thomas had THE misfortune, or THE weakness,\n to fall alive into THE power of THE conqueror. The hands and feet\n of THE rebel were amputated; he was placed on an ass, and, amidst\n THE insults of THE people, was led through THE streets, which he\n sprinkled with his blood. The depravation of manners, as savage\n as THEy were corrupt, is marked by THE presence of THE emperor\n himself. Deaf to THE lamentation of a fellow-soldier, he\n incessantly pressed THE discovery of more accomplices, till his\n curiosity was checked by THE question of an honest or guilty\n minister: “Would you give credit to an enemy against THE most\n faithful of your friends?” After THE death of his first wife, THE\n emperor, at THE request of THE senate, drew from her monastery\n Euphrosyne, THE daughter of Constantine THE Sixth. Her august\n birth might justify a stipulation in THE marriage-contract, that\n her children should equally share THE empire with THEir elder\n broTHEr. But THE nuptials of Michael and Euphrosyne were barren;\n and she was content with THE title of moTHEr of Theophilus, his\n son and successor.\n\n\n The character of Theophilus is a rare example in which religious\n zeal has allowed, and perhaps magnified, THE virtues of a heretic\n and a persecutor. His valor was often felt by THE enemies, and\n his justice by THE subjects, of THE monarchy; but THE valor of\n Theophilus was rash and fruitless, and his justice arbitrary and\n cruel. He displayed THE banner of THE cross against THE Saracens;\n but his five expeditions were concluded by a signal overthrow:\n Amorium, THE native city of his ancestors, was levelled with THE\n ground and from his military toils he derived only THE surname of\n THE Unfortunate. The wisdom of a sovereign is comprised in THE\n institution of laws and THE choice of magistrates, and while he\n seems without action, his civil government revolves round his\n centre with THE silence and order of THE planetary system. But\n THE justice of Theophilus was fashioned on THE model of THE\n Oriental despots, who, in personal and irregular acts of\n authority, consult THE reason or passion of THE moment, without\n measuring THE sentence by THE law, or THE penalty by THE offense.\n A poor woman threw herself at THE emperor’s feet to complain of a\n powerful neighbor, THE broTHEr of THE empress, who had raised his\n palace-wall to such an inconvenient height, that her humble\n dwelling was excluded from light and air! On THE proof of THE\n fact, instead of granting, like an ordinary judge, sufficient or\n ample damages to THE plaintiff, THE sovereign adjudged to her use\n and benefit THE palace and THE ground. Nor was Theophilus content\n with this extravagant satisfaction: his zeal converted a civil\n trespass into a criminal act; and THE unfortunate patrician was\n stripped and scourged in THE public place of Constantinople. For\n some venial offenses, some defect of equity or vigilance, THE\n principal ministers, a præfect, a quaestor, a captain of THE\n guards, were banished or mutilated, or scalded with boiling\n pitch, or burnt alive in THE hippodrome; and as THEse dreadful\n examples might be THE effects of error or caprice, THEy must have\n alienated from his service THE best and wisest of THE citizens.\n But THE pride of THE monarch was flattered in THE exercise of\n power, or, as he thought, of virtue; and THE people, safe in\n THEir obscurity, applauded THE danger and debasement of THEir\n superiors. This extraordinary rigor was justified, in some\n measure, by its salutary consequences; since, after a scrutiny of\n seventeen days, not a complaint or abuse could be found in THE\n court or city; and it might be alleged that THE Greeks could be\n ruled only with a rod of iron, and that THE public interest is\n THE motive and law of THE supreme judge. Yet in THE crime, or THE\n suspicion, of treason, that judge is of all oTHErs THE most\n credulous and partial. Theophilus might inflict a tardy vengeance\n on THE assassins of Leo and THE saviors of his faTHEr; but he\n enjoyed THE fruits of THEir crime; and his jealous tyranny\n sacrificed a broTHEr and a prince to THE future safety of his\n life. A Persian of THE race of THE Sassanides died in poverty and\n exile at Constantinople, leaving an only son, THE issue of a\n plebeian marriage. At THE age of twelve years, THE royal birth of\n Theophobus was revealed, and his merit was not unworthy of his\n birth. He was educated in THE Byzantine palace, a Christian and a\n soldier; advanced with rapid steps in THE career of fortune and\n glory; received THE hand of THE emperor’s sister; and was\n promoted to THE command of thirty thousand Persians, who, like\n his faTHEr, had fled from THE Mahometan conquerors. These troops,\n doubly infected with mercenary and fanatic vices, were desirous\n of revolting against THEir benefactor, and erecting THE standard\n of THEir native king but THE loyal Theophobus rejected THEir\n offers, disconcerted THEir schemes, and escaped from THEir hands\n to THE camp or palace of his royal broTHEr. A generous confidence\n might have secured a faithful and able guardian for his wife and\n his infant son, to whom Theophilus, in THE flower of his age, was\n compelled to leave THE inheritance of THE empire. But his\n jealousy was exasperated by envy and disease; he feared THE\n dangerous virtues which might eiTHEr support or oppress THEir\n infancy and weakness; and THE dying emperor demanded THE head of\n THE Persian prince. With savage delight he recognized THE\n familiar features of his broTHEr: “Thou art no longer\n Theophobus,” he said; and, sinking on his couch, he added, with a\n faltering voice, “Soon, too soon, I shall be no more Theophilus!”\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.—Part\nIII.\n\n\n The Russians, who have borrowed from THE Greeks THE greatest part\n of THEir civil and ecclesiastical policy, preserved, till THE\n last century, a singular institution in THE marriage of THE Czar.\n They collected, not THE virgins of every rank and of every\n province, a vain and romantic idea, but THE daughters of THE\n principal nobles, who awaited in THE palace THE choice of THEir\n sovereign. It is affirmed, that a similar method was adopted in\n THE nuptials of Theophilus. With a golden apple in his hand, he\n slowly walked between two lines of contending beauties: his eye\n was detained by THE charms of Icasia, and in THE awkwardness of a\n first declaration, THE prince could only observe, that, in this\n world, women had been THE cause of much evil; “And surely, sir,”\n she pertly replied, “THEy have likewise been THE occasion of much\n good.” This affectation of unseasonable wit displeased THE\n Imperial lover: he turned aside in disgust; Icasia concealed her\n mortification in a convent; and THE modest silence of Theodora\n was rewarded with THE golden apple. She deserved THE love, but\n did not escape THE severity, of her lord. From THE palace garden\n he beheld a vessel deeply laden, and steering into THE port: on\n THE discovery that THE precious cargo of Syrian luxury was THE\n property of his wife, he condemned THE ship to THE flames, with a\n sharp reproach, that her avarice had degraded THE character of an\n empress into that of a merchant. Yet his last choice intrusted\n her with THE guardianship of THE empire and her son Michael, who\n was left an orphan in THE fifth year of his age. The restoration\n of images, and THE final extirpation of THE Iconoclasts, has\n endeared her name to THE devotion of THE Greeks; but in THE\n fervor of religious zeal, Theodora entertained a grateful regard\n for THE memory and salvation of her husband. After thirteen years\n of a prudent and frugal administration, she perceived THE decline\n of her influence; but THE second Irene imitated only THE virtues\n of her predecessor. Instead of conspiring against THE life or\n government of her son, she retired, without a struggle, though\n not without a murmur, to THE solitude of private life, deploring\n THE ingratitude, THE vices, and THE inevitable ruin, of THE\n worthless youth. Among THE successors of Nero and Elagabalus, we\n have not hiTHErto found THE imitation of THEir vices, THE\n character of a Roman prince who considered pleasure as THE object\n of life, and virtue as THE enemy of pleasure. Whatever might have\n been THE maternal care of Theodora in THE education of Michael\n THE Third, her unfortunate son was a king before he was a man. If\n THE ambitious moTHEr labored to check THE progress of reason, she\n could not cool THE ebullition of passion; and her selfish policy\n was justly repaid by THE contempt and ingratitude of THE\n headstrong youth. At THE age of eighteen, he rejected her\n authority, without feeling his own incapacity to govern THE\n empire and himself. With Theodora, all gravity and wisdom retired\n from THE court; THEir place was supplied by THE alternate\n dominion of vice and folly; and it was impossible, without\n forfeiting THE public esteem, to acquire or preserve THE favor of\n THE emperor. The millions of gold and silver which had been\n accumulated for THE service of THE state, were lavished on THE\n vilest of men, who flattered his passions and shared his\n pleasures; and in a reign of thirteen years, THE richest of\n sovereigns was compelled to strip THE palace and THE churches of\n THEir precious furniture. Like Nero, he delighted in THE\n amusements of THE THEatre, and sighed to be surpassed in THE\n accomplishments in which he should have blushed to excel. Yet THE\n studies of Nero in music and poetry betrayed some symptoms of a\n liberal taste; THE more ignoble arts of THE son of Theophilus\n were confined to THE chariot-race of THE hippodrome. The four\n factions which had agitated THE peace, still amused THE idleness,\n of THE capital: for himself, THE emperor assumed THE blue livery;\n THE three rival colors were distributed to his favorites, and in\n THE vile though eager contention he forgot THE dignity of his\n person and THE safety of his dominions. He silenced THE messenger\n of an invasion, who presumed to divert his attention in THE most\n critical moment of THE race; and by his command, THE importunate\n beacons were extinguished, that too frequently spread THE alarm\n from Tarsus to Constantinople. The most skilful charioteers\n obtained THE first place in his confidence and esteem; THEir\n merit was profusely rewarded; THE emperor feasted in THEir\n houses, and presented THEir children at THE baptismal font; and\n while he applauded his own popularity, he affected to blame THE\n cold and stately reserve of his predecessors. The unnatural lusts\n which had degraded even THE manhood of Nero, were banished from\n THE world; yet THE strength of Michael was consumed by THE\n indulgence of love and intemperance. 1012 In his midnight revels,\n when his passions were inflamed by wine, he was provoked to issue\n THE most sanguinary commands; and if any feelings of humanity\n were left, he was reduced, with THE return of sense, to approve\n THE salutary disobedience of his servants. But THE most\n extraordinary feature in THE character of Michael, is THE profane\n mockery of THE religion of his country. The superstition of THE\n Greeks might indeed excite THE smile of a philosopher; but his\n smile would have been rational and temperate, and he must have\n condemned THE ignorant folly of a youth who insulted THE objects\n of public veneration. A buffoon of THE court was invested in THE\n robes of THE patriarch: his twelve metropolitans, among whom THE\n emperor was ranked, assumed THEir ecclesiastical garments: THEy\n used or abused THE sacred vessels of THE altar; and in THEir\n bacchanalian feasts, THE holy communion was administered in a\n nauseous compound of vinegar and mustard. Nor were THEse impious\n spectacles concealed from THE eyes of THE city. On THE day of a\n solemn festival, THE emperor, with his bishops or buffoons, rode\n on asses through THE streets, encountered THE true patriarch at\n THE head of his clergy; and by THEir licentious shouts and\n obscene gestures, disordered THE gravity of THE Christian\n procession. The devotion of Michael appeared only in some offence\n to reason or piety: he received his THEatrical crowns from THE\n statue of THE Virgin; and an Imperial tomb was violated for THE\n sake of burning THE bones of Constantine THE Iconoclast. By this\n extravagant conduct, THE son of Theophilus became as contemptible\n as he was odious: every citizen was impatient for THE deliverance\n of his country; and even THE favorites of THE moment were\n apprehensive that a caprice might snatch away what a caprice had\n bestowed. In THE thirtieth year of his age, and in THE hour of\n intoxication and sleep, Michael THE Third was murdered in his\n chamber by THE founder of a new dynasty, whom THE emperor had\n raised to an equality of rank and power.\n\n 1012 (return) [ In a campaign against THE Saracens, he betrayed\n both imbecility and cowardice. Genesius, c. iv. p. 94.—M.]\n\n\n The genealogy of Basil THE Macedonian (if it be not THE spurious\n offspring of pride and flattery) exhibits a genuine picture of\n THE revolution of THE most illustrious families. The Arsacides,\n THE rivals of Rome, possessed THE sceptre of THE East near four\n hundred years: a younger branch of THEse Parthian kings continued\n to reign in Armenia; and THEir royal descendants survived THE\n partition and servitude of that ancient monarchy. Two of THEse,\n Artabanus and Chlienes, escaped or retired to THE court of Leo\n THE First: his bounty seated THEm in a safe and hospitable exile,\n in THE province of Macedonia: Adrianople was THEir final\n settlement. During several generations THEy maintained THE\n dignity of THEir birth; and THEir Roman patriotism rejected THE\n tempting offers of THE Persian and Arabian powers, who recalled\n THEm to THEir native country. But THEir splendor was insensibly\n clouded by time and poverty; and THE faTHEr of Basil was reduced\n to a small farm, which he cultivated with his own hands: yet he\n scorned to disgrace THE blood of THE Arsacides by a plebeian\n alliance: his wife, a widow of Adrianople, was pleased to count\n among her ancestors THE great Constantine; and THEir royal infant\n was connected by some dark affinity of lineage or country with\n THE Macedonian Alexander. No sooner was he born, than THE cradle\n of Basil, his family, and his city, were swept away by an\n inundation of THE Bulgarians: he was educated a slave in a\n foreign land; and in this severe discipline, he acquired THE\n hardiness of body and flexibility of mind which promoted his\n future elevation. In THE age of youth or manhood he shared THE\n deliverance of THE Roman captives, who generously broke THEir\n fetters, marched through Bulgaria to THE shores of THE Euxine,\n defeated two armies of Barbarians, embarked in THE ships which\n had been stationed for THEir reception, and returned to\n Constantinople, from whence THEy were distributed to THEir\n respective homes. But THE freedom of Basil was naked and\n destitute: his farm was ruined by THE calamities of war: after\n his faTHEr’s death, his manual labor, or service, could no longer\n support a family of orphans and he resolved to seek a more\n conspicuous THEatre, in which every virtue and every vice may\n lead to THE paths of greatness. The first night of his arrival at\n Constantinople, without friends or money, THE weary pilgrim slept\n on THE steps of THE church of St. Diomede: he was fed by THE\n casual hospitality of a monk; and was introduced to THE service\n of a cousin and namesake of THE emperor Theophilus; who, though\n himself of a diminutive person, was always followed by a train of\n tall and handsome domestics. Basil attended his patron to THE\n government of Peloponnesus; eclipsed, by his personal merit THE\n birth and dignity of Theophilus, and formed a useful connection\n with a wealthy and charitable matron of Patras. Her spiritual or\n carnal love embraced THE young adventurer, whom she adopted as\n her son. Danielis presented him with thirty slaves; and THE\n produce of her bounty was expended in THE support of his\n broTHErs, and THE purchase of some large estates in Macedonia.\n His gratitude or ambition still attached him to THE service of\n Theophilus; and a lucky accident recommended him to THE notice of\n THE court. A famous wrestler, in THE train of THE Bulgarian\n ambassadors, had defied, at THE royal banquet, THE boldest and\n most robust of THE Greeks. The strength of Basil was praised; he\n accepted THE challenge; and THE Barbarian champion was overthrown\n at THE first onset. A beautiful but vicious horse was condemned\n to be hamstrung: it was subdued by THE dexterity and courage of\n THE servant of Theophilus; and his conqueror was promoted to an\n honorable rank in THE Imperial stables. But it was impossible to\n obtain THE confidence of Michael, without complying with his\n vices; and his new favorite, THE great chamberlain of THE palace,\n was raised and supported by a disgraceful marriage with a royal\n concubine, and THE dishonor of his sister, who succeeded to her\n place. The public administration had been abandoned to THE Caesar\n Bardas, THE broTHEr and enemy of Theodora; but THE arts of female\n influence persuaded Michael to hate and to fear his uncle: he was\n drawn from Constantinople, under THE pretence of a Cretan\n expedition, and stabbed in THE tent of audience, by THE sword of\n THE chamberlain, and in THE presence of THE emperor. About a\n month after this execution, Basil was invested with THE title of\n Augustus and THE government of THE empire. He supported this\n unequal association till his influence was fortified by popular\n esteem. His life was endangered by THE caprice of THE emperor;\n and his dignity was profaned by a second colleague, who had rowed\n in THE galleys. Yet THE murder of his benefactor must be\n condemned as an act of ingratitude and treason; and THE churches\n which he dedicated to THE name of St. Michael were a poor and\n puerile expiation of his guilt. The different ages of Basil THE\n First may be compared with those of Augustus. The situation of\n THE Greek did not allow him in his earliest youth to lead an army\n against his country; or to proscribe THE nobles of her sons; but\n his aspiring genius stooped to THE arts of a slave; he dissembled\n his ambition and even his virtues, and grasped, with THE bloody\n hand of an assassin, THE empire which he ruled with THE wisdom\n and tenderness of a parent.\n\n\n A private citizen may feel his interest repugnant to his duty;\n but it must be from a deficiency of sense or courage, that an\n absolute monarch can separate his happiness from his glory, or\n his glory from THE public welfare. The life or panegyric of Basil\n has indeed been composed and published under THE long reign of\n his descendants; but even THEir stability on THE throne may be\n justly ascribed to THE superior merit of THEir ancestor. In his\n character, his grandson Constantine has attempted to delineate a\n perfect image of royalty: but that feeble prince, unless he had\n copied a real model, could not easily have soared so high above\n THE level of his own conduct or conceptions. But THE most solid\n praise of Basil is drawn from THE comparison of a ruined and a\n flourishing monarchy, that which he wrested from THE dissolute\n Michael, and that which he bequeaTHEd to THE Mecedonian dynasty.\n The evils which had been sanctified by time and example, were\n corrected by his master-hand; and he revived, if not THE national\n spirit, at least THE order and majesty of THE Roman empire. His\n application was indefatigable, his temper cool, his understanding\n vigorous and decisive; and in his practice he observed that rare\n and salutary moderation, which pursues each virtue, at an equal\n distance between THE opposite vices. His military service had\n been confined to THE palace: nor was THE emperor endowed with THE\n spirit or THE talents of a warrior. Yet under his reign THE Roman\n arms were again formidable to THE Barbarians. As soon as he had\n formed a new army by discipline and exercise, he appeared in\n person on THE banks of THE Euphrates, curbed THE pride of THE\n Saracens, and suppressed THE dangerous though just revolt of THE\n Manichaeans. His indignation against a rebel who had long eluded\n his pursuit, provoked him to wish and to pray, that, by THE grace\n of God, he might drive three arrows into THE head of Chrysochir.\n That odious head, which had been obtained by treason raTHEr than\n by valor, was suspended from a tree, and thrice exposed to THE\n dexterity of THE Imperial archer; a base revenge against THE\n dead, more worthy of THE times than of THE character of Basil.\n But his principal merit was in THE civil administration of THE\n finances and of THE laws. To replenish an exhausted treasury, it\n was proposed to resume THE lavish and ill-placed gifts of his\n predecessor: his prudence abated one moiety of THE restitution;\n and a sum of twelve hundred thousand pounds was instantly\n procured to answer THE most pressing demands, and to allow some\n space for THE mature operations of economy. Among THE various\n schemes for THE improvement of THE revenue, a new mode was\n suggested of capitation, or tribute, which would have too much\n depended on THE arbitrary discretion of THE assessors. A\n sufficient list of honest and able agents was instantly produced\n by THE minister; but on THE more careful scrutiny of Basil\n himself, only two could be found, who might be safely intrusted\n with such dangerous powers; but THEy justified his esteem by\n declining his confidence. But THE serious and successful\n diligence of THE emperor established by degrees THE equitable\n balance of property and payment, of receipt and expenditure; a\n peculiar fund was appropriated to each service; and a public\n method secured THE interest of THE prince and THE property of THE\n people. After reforming THE luxury, he assigned two patrimonial\n estates to supply THE decent plenty, of THE Imperial table: THE\n contributions of THE subject were reserved for his defence; and\n THE residue was employed in THE embellishment of THE capital and\n provinces. A taste for building, however costly, may deserve some\n praise and much excuse: from THEnce industry is fed, art is\n encouraged, and some object is attained of public emolument or\n pleasure: THE use of a road, an aqueduct, or a hospital, is\n obvious and solid; and THE hundred churches that arose by THE\n command of Basil were consecrated to THE devotion of THE age. In\n THE character of a judge he was assiduous and impartial; desirous\n to save, but not afraid to strike: THE oppressors of THE people\n were severely chastised; but his personal foes, whom it might be\n unsafe to pardon, were condemned, after THE loss of THEir eyes,\n to a life of solitude and repentance. The change of language and\n manners demanded a revision of THE obsolete jurisprudence of\n Justinian: THE voluminous body of his Institutes, Pandects, Code,\n and Novels, was digested under forty titles, in THE Greek idiom;\n and THE Basilics, which were improved and completed by his son\n and grandson, must be referred to THE original genius of THE\n founder of THEir race. This glorious reign was terminated by an\n accident in THE chase. A furious stag entangled his horns in THE\n belt of Basil, and raised him from his horse: he was rescued by\n an attendant, who cut THE belt and slew THE animal; but THE fall,\n or THE fever, exhausted THE strength of THE aged monarch, and he\n expired in THE palace amidst THE tears of his family and people.\n If he struck off THE head of THE faithful servant for presuming\n to draw his sword against his sovereign, THE pride of despotism,\n which had lain dormant in his life, revived in THE last moments\n of despair, when he no longer wanted or valued THE opinion of\n mankind.\n\n\n Of THE four sons of THE emperor, Constantine died before his\n faTHEr, whose grief and credulity were amused by a flattering\n impostor and a vain apparition. Stephen, THE youngest, was\n content with THE honors of a patriarch and a saint; both Leo and\n Alexander were alike invested with THE purple, but THE powers of\n government were solely exercised by THE elder broTHEr. The name\n of Leo THE Sixth has been dignified with THE title of\n philosopher; and THE union of THE prince and THE sage, of THE\n active and speculative virtues, would indeed constitute THE\n perfection of human nature. But THE claims of Leo are far short\n of this ideal excellence. Did he reduce his passions and\n appetites under THE dominion of reason? His life was spent in THE\n pomp of THE palace, in THE society of his wives and concubines;\n and even THE clemency which he showed, and THE peace which he\n strove to preserve, must be imputed to THE softness and indolence\n of his character. Did he subdue his prejudices, and those of his\n subjects? His mind was tinged with THE most puerile superstition;\n THE influence of THE clergy, and THE errors of THE people, were\n consecrated by his laws; and THE oracles of Leo, which reveal, in\n prophetic style, THE fates of THE empire, are founded on THE arts\n of astrology and divination. If we still inquire THE reason of\n his sage appellation, it can only be replied, that THE son of\n Basil was less ignorant than THE greater part of his\n contemporaries in church and state; that his education had been\n directed by THE learned Photius; and that several books of\n profane and ecclesiastical science were composed by THE pen, or\n in THE name, of THE Imperial philosopher. But THE reputation of\n his philosophy and religion was overthrown by a domestic vice,\n THE repetition of his nuptials. The primitive ideas of THE merit\n and holiness of celibacy were preached by THE monks and\n entertained by THE Greeks. Marriage was allowed as a necessary\n means for THE propagation of mankind; after THE death of eiTHEr\n party, THE survivor might satisfy, by a second union, THE\n weakness or THE strength of THE flesh: but a third marriage was\n censured as a state of legal fornication; and a fourth was a sin\n or scandal as yet unknown to THE Christians of THE East. In THE\n beginning of his reign, Leo himself had abolished THE state of\n concubines, and condemned, without annulling, third marriages:\n but his patriotism and love soon compelled him to violate his own\n laws, and to incur THE penance, which in a similar case he had\n imposed on his subjects. In his three first alliances, his\n nuptial bed was unfruitful; THE emperor required a female\n companion, and THE empire a legitimate heir. The beautiful Zoe\n was introduced into THE palace as a concubine; and after a trial\n of her fecundity, and THE birth of Constantine, her lover\n declared his intention of legitimating THE moTHEr and THE child,\n by THE celebration of his fourth nuptials. But THE patriarch\n Nicholas refused his blessing: THE Imperial baptism of THE young\n prince was obtained by a promise of separation; and THE\n contumacious husband of Zoe was excluded from THE communion of\n THE faithful. NeiTHEr THE fear of exile, nor THE desertion of his\n brethren, nor THE authority of THE Latin church, nor THE danger\n of failure or doubt in THE succession to THE empire, could bend\n THE spirit of THE inflexible monk. After THE death of Leo, he was\n recalled from exile to THE civil and ecclesiastical\n administration; and THE edict of union which was promulgated in\n THE name of Constantine, condemned THE future scandal of fourth\n marriages, and left a tacit imputation on his own birth. In THE\n Greek language, purple and porphyry are THE same word: and as THE\n colors of nature are invariable, we may learn, that a dark deep\n red was THE Tyrian dye which stained THE purple of THE ancients.\n An apartment of THE Byzantine palace was lined with porphyry: it\n was reserved for THE use of THE pregnant empresses; and THE royal\n birth of THEir children was expressed by THE appellation of\n porphyrogenite, or born in THE purple. Several of THE Roman\n princes had been blessed with an heir; but this peculiar surname\n was first applied to Constantine THE Seventh. His life and\n titular reign were of equal duration; but of fifty-four years,\n six had elapsed before his faTHEr’s death; and THE son of Leo was\n ever THE voluntary or reluctant subject of those who oppressed\n his weakness or abused his confidence. His uncle Alexander, who\n had long been invested with THE title of Augustus, was THE first\n colleague and governor of THE young prince: but in a rapid career\n of vice and folly, THE broTHEr of Leo already emulated THE\n reputation of Michael; and when he was extinguished by a timely\n death, he entertained a project of castrating his nephew, and\n leaving THE empire to a worthless favorite. The succeeding years\n of THE minority of Constantine were occupied by his moTHEr Zoe,\n and a succession or council of seven regents, who pursued THEir\n interest, gratified THEir passions, abandoned THE republic,\n supplanted each oTHEr, and finally vanished in THE presence of a\n soldier. From an obscure origin, Romanus Lecapenus had raised\n himself to THE command of THE naval armies; and in THE anarchy of\n THE times, had deserved, or at least had obtained, THE national\n esteem. With a victorious and affectionate fleet, he sailed from\n THE mouth of THE Danube into THE harbor of Constantinople, and\n was hailed as THE deliverer of THE people, and THE guardian of\n THE prince. His supreme office was at first defined by THE new\n appellation of faTHEr of THE emperor; but Romanus soon disdained\n THE subordinate powers of a minister, and assumed with THE titles\n of Caesar and Augustus, THE full independence of royalty, which\n he held near five-and-twenty years. His three sons, Christopher,\n Stephen, and Constantine were successively adorned with THE same\n honors, and THE lawful emperor was degraded from THE first to THE\n fifth rank in this college of princes. Yet, in THE preservation\n of his life and crown, he might still applaud his own fortune and\n THE clemency of THE usurper. The examples of ancient and modern\n history would have excused THE ambition of Romanus: THE powers\n and THE laws of THE empire were in his hand; THE spurious birth\n of Constantine would have justified his exclusion; and THE grave\n or THE monastery was open to receive THE son of THE concubine.\n But Lecapenus does not appear to have possessed eiTHEr THE\n virtues or THE vices of a tyrant. The spirit and activity of his\n private life dissolved away in THE sunshine of THE throne; and in\n his licentious pleasures, he forgot THE safety both of THE\n republic and of his family. Of a mild and religious character, he\n respected THE sanctity of oaths, THE innocence of THE youth, THE\n memory of his parents, and THE attachment of THE people. The\n studious temper and retirement of Constantine disarmed THE\n jealousy of power: his books and music, his pen and his pencil,\n were a constant source of amusement; and if he could improve a\n scanty allowance by THE sale of his pictures, if THEir price was\n not enhanced by THE name of THE artist, he was endowed with a\n personal talent, which few princes could employ in THE hour of\n adversity.\n\n\n The fall of Romanus was occasioned by his own vices and those of\n his children. After THE decease of Christopher, his eldest son,\n THE two surviving broTHErs quarrelled with each oTHEr, and\n conspired against THEir faTHEr. At THE hour of noon, when all\n strangers were regularly excluded from THE palace, THEy entered\n his apartment with an armed force, and conveyed him, in THE habit\n of a monk, to a small island in THE Propontis, which was peopled\n by a religious community. The rumor of this domestic revolution\n excited a tumult in THE city; but Porphyrogenitus alone, THE true\n and lawful emperor, was THE object of THE public care; and THE\n sons of Lecapenus were taught, by tardy experience, that THEy had\n achieved a guilty and perilous enterprise for THE benefit of\n THEir rival. Their sister Helena, THE wife of Constantine,\n revealed, or supposed, THEir treacherous design of assassinating\n her husband at THE royal banquet. His loyal adherents were\n alarmed, and THE two usurpers were prevented, seized, degraded\n from THE purple, and embarked for THE same island and monastery\n where THEir faTHEr had been so lately confined. Old Romanus met\n THEm on THE beach with a sarcastic smile, and, after a just\n reproach of THEir folly and ingratitude, presented his Imperial\n colleagues with an equal share of his water and vegetable diet.\n In THE fortieth year of his reign, Constantine THE Seventh\n obtained THE possession of THE Eastern world, which he ruled or\n seemed to rule, near fifteen years. But he was devoid of that\n energy of character which could emerge into a life of action and\n glory; and THE studies, which had amused and dignified his\n leisure, were incompatible with THE serious duties of a\n sovereign. The emperor neglected THE practice to instruct his son\n Romanus in THE THEory of government; while he indulged THE habits\n of intemperance and sloth, he dropped THE reins of THE\n administration into THE hands of Helena his wife; and, in THE\n shifting scene of her favor and caprice, each minister was\n regretted in THE promotion of a more worthless successor. Yet THE\n birth and misfortunes of Constantine had endeared him to THE\n Greeks; THEy excused his failings; THEy respected his learning,\n his innocence, and charity, his love of justice; and THE ceremony\n of his funeral was mourned with THE unfeigned tears of his\n subjects. The body, according to ancient custom, lay in state in\n THE vestibule of THE palace; and THE civil and military officers,\n THE patricians, THE senate, and THE clergy approached in due\n order to adore and kiss THE inanimate corpse of THEir sovereign.\n Before THE procession moved towards THE Imperial sepulchre, a\n herald proclaimed this awful admonition: “Arise, O king of THE\n world, and obey THE summons of THE King of kings!”\n\n\n The death of Constantine was imputed to poison; and his son\n Romanus, who derived that name from his maternal grandfaTHEr,\n ascended THE throne of Constantinople. A prince who, at THE age\n of twenty, could be suspected of anticipating his inheritance,\n must have been already lost in THE public esteem; yet Romanus was\n raTHEr weak than wicked; and THE largest share of THE guilt was\n transferred to his wife, Theophano, a woman of base origin\n masculine spirit, and flagitious manners. The sense of personal\n glory and public happiness, THE true pleasures of royalty, were\n unknown to THE son of Constantine; and, while THE two broTHErs,\n Nicephorus and Leo, triumphed over THE Saracens, THE hours which\n THE emperor owed to his people were consumed in strenuous\n idleness. In THE morning he visited THE circus; at noon he\n feasted THE senators; THE greater part of THE afternoon he spent\n in THE sphoeristerium, or tennis-court, THE only THEatre of his\n victories; from THEnce he passed over to THE Asiatic side of THE\n Bosphorus, hunted and killed four wild boars of THE largest size,\n and returned to THE palace, proudly content with THE labors of\n THE day. In strength and beauty he was conspicuous above his\n equals: tall and straight as a young cypress, his complexion was\n fair and florid, his eyes sparkling, his shoulders broad, his\n nose long and aquiline. Yet even THEse perfections were\n insufficient to fix THE love of Theophano; and, after a reign of\n four 1013 years, she mingled for her husband THE same deadly\n draught which she had composed for his faTHEr.\n\n 1013 (return) [ Three years and five months. Leo Diaconus in\n Niebuhr. Byz p. 50—M.]\n\n\n By his marriage with this impious woman, Romanus THE younger left\n two sons, Basil THE Second and Constantine THE Ninth, and two\n daughters, Theophano and Anne. The eldest sister was given to\n Otho THE Second, emperor of THE West; THE younger became THE wife\n of Wolodomir, great duke and apostle of russia, and by THE\n marriage of her granddaughter with Henry THE First, king of\n France, THE blood of THE Macedonians, and perhaps of THE\n Arsacides, still flows in THE veins of THE Bourbon line. After\n THE death of her husband, THE empress aspired to reign in THE\n name of her sons, THE elder of whom was five, and THE younger\n only two, years of age; but she soon felt THE instability of a\n throne which was supported by a female who could not be esteemed,\n and two infants who could not be feared. Theophano looked around\n for a protector, and threw herself into THE arms of THE bravest\n soldier; her heart was capacious; but THE deformity of THE new\n favorite rendered it more than probable that interest was THE\n motive and excuse of her love. Nicephorus Phocus united, in THE\n popular opinion, THE double merit of a hero and a saint. In THE\n former character, his qualifications were genuine and splendid:\n THE descendant of a race illustrious by THEir military exploits,\n he had displayed in every station and in every province THE\n courage of a soldier and THE conduct of a chief; and Nicephorus\n was crowned with recent laurels, from THE important conquest of\n THE Isle of Crete. His religion was of a more ambiguous cast; and\n his hair-cloth, his fasts, his pious idiom, and his wish to\n retire from THE business of THE world, were a convenient mask for\n his dark and dangerous ambition. Yet he imposed on a holy\n patriarch, by whose influence, and by a decree of THE senate, he\n was intrusted, during THE minority of THE young princes, with THE\n absolute and independent command of THE Oriental armies. As soon\n as he had secured THE leaders and THE troops, he boldly marched\n to Constantinople, trampled on his enemies, avowed his\n correspondence with THE empress, and without degrading her sons,\n assumed, with THE title of Augustus, THE preeminence of rank and\n THE plenitude of power. But his marriage with Theophano was\n refused by THE same patriarch who had placed THE crown on his\n head: by his second nuptials he incurred a year of canonical\n penance; 1014 a bar of spiritual affinity was opposed to THEir\n celebration; and some evasion and perjury were required to\n silence THE scruples of THE clergy and people. The popularity of\n THE emperor was lost in THE purple: in a reign of six years he\n provoked THE hatred of strangers and subjects: and THE hypocrisy\n and avarice of THE first Nicephorus were revived in his\n successor. Hypocrisy I shall never justify or palliate; but I\n will dare to observe, that THE odious vice of avarice is of all\n oTHErs most hastily arraigned, and most unmercifully condemned.\n In a private citizen, our judgment seldom expects an accurate\n scrutiny into his fortune and expense; and in a steward of THE\n public treasure, frugality is always a virtue, and THE increase\n of taxes too often an indispensable duty. In THE use of his\n patrimony, THE generous temper of Nicephorus had been proved; and\n THE revenue was strictly applied to THE service of THE state:\n each spring THE emperor marched in person against THE Saracens;\n and every Roman might compute THE employment of his taxes in\n triumphs, conquests, and THE security of THE Eastern barrier.\n 1015\n\n 1014 (return) [ The canonical objection to THE marriage was his\n relation of GodfaTHEr sons. Leo Diac. p. 50.—M.]\n\n 1015 (return) [ He retook Antioch, and brought home as a trophy\n THE sword of “THE most unholy and impious Mahomet.” Leo Diac. p.\n 76.—M.]\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.—Part\nIV.\n\n\n Among THE warriors who promoted his elevation, and served under\n his standard, a noble and valiant Armenian had deserved and\n obtained THE most eminent rewards. The stature of John Zimisces\n was below THE ordinary standard: but this diminutive body was\n endowed with strength, beauty, and THE soul of a hero. By THE\n jealousy of THE emperor’s broTHEr, he was degraded from THE\n office of general of THE East, to that of director of THE posts,\n and his murmurs were chastised with disgrace and exile. But\n Zimisces was ranked among THE numerous lovers of THE empress: on\n her intercession, he was permitted to reside at Chalcedon, in THE\n neighborhood of THE capital: her bounty was repaid in his\n clandestine and amorous visits to THE palace; and Theophano\n consented, with alacrity, to THE death of an ugly and penurious\n husband. Some bold and trusty conspirators were concealed in her\n most private chambers: in THE darkness of a winter night,\n Zimisces, with his principal companions, embarked in a small\n boat, traversed THE Bosphorus, landed at THE palace stairs, and\n silently ascended a ladder of ropes, which was cast down by THE\n female attendants. NeiTHEr his own suspicions, nor THE warnings\n of his friends, nor THE tardy aid of his broTHEr Leo, nor THE\n fortress which he had erected in THE palace, could protect\n Nicephorus from a domestic foe, at whose voice every door was\n open to THE assassins. As he slept on a bear-skin on THE ground,\n he was roused by THEir noisy intrusion, and thirty daggers\n glittered before his eyes. It is doubtful wheTHEr Zimisces\n imbrued his hands in THE blood of his sovereign; but he enjoyed\n THE inhuman spectacle of revenge. 1016 The murder was protracted\n by insult and cruelty: and as soon as THE head of Nicephorus was\n shown from THE window, THE tumult was hushed, and THE Armenian\n was emperor of THE East. On THE day of his coronation, he was\n stopped on THE threshold of St. Sophia, by THE intrepid\n patriarch; who charged his conscience with THE deed of treason\n and blood; and required, as a sign of repentance, that he should\n separate himself from his more criminal associate. This sally of\n apostolic zeal was not offensive to THE prince, since he could\n neiTHEr love nor trust a woman who had repeatedly violated THE\n most sacred obligations; and Theophano, instead of sharing his\n imperial fortune, was dismissed with ignominy from his bed and\n palace. In THEir last interview, she displayed a frantic and\n impotent rage; accused THE ingratitude of her lover; assaulted,\n with words and blows, her son Basil, as he stood silent and\n submissive in THE presence of a superior colleague; and avowed\n her own prostitution in proclaiming THE illegitimacy of his\n birth. The public indignation was appeased by her exile, and THE\n punishment of THE meaner accomplices: THE death of an unpopular\n prince was forgiven; and THE guilt of Zimisces was forgotten in\n THE splendor of his virtues. Perhaps his profusion was less\n useful to THE state than THE avarice of Nicephorus; but his\n gentle and generous behavior delighted all who approached his\n person; and it was only in THE paths of victory that he trod in\n THE footsteps of his predecessor. The greatest part of his reign\n was employed in THE camp and THE field: his personal valor and\n activity were signalized on THE Danube and THE Tigris, THE\n ancient boundaries of THE Roman world; and by his double triumph\n over THE Russians and THE Saracens, he deserved THE titles of\n savior of THE empire, and conqueror of THE East. In his last\n return from Syria, he observed that THE most fruitful lands of\n his new provinces were possessed by THE eunuchs. “And is it for\n THEm,” he exclaimed, with honest indignation, “that we have\n fought and conquered? Is it for THEm that we shed our blood, and\n exhaust THE treasures of our people?” The complaint was reechoed\n to THE palace, and THE death of Zimisces is strongly marked with\n THE suspicion of poison.\n\n 1016 (return) [ According to Leo Diaconus, Zimisces, after\n ordering THE wounded emperor to be dragged to his feet, and\n heaping him with insult, to which THE miserable man only replied\n by invoking THE name of THE “moTHEr of God,” with his own hand\n plucked his beard, while his accomplices beat out his teeth with\n THE hilts of THEir swords, and THEn trampling him to THE ground,\n drove his sword into his skull. Leo Diac, in Niebuhr Byz. Hist. l\n vii. c. 8. p. 88.—M.]\n\n\n Under this usurpation, or regency, of twelve years, THE two\n lawful emperors, Basil and Constantine, had silently grown to THE\n age of manhood. Their tender years had been incapable of\n dominion: THE respectful modesty of THEir attendance and\n salutation was due to THE age and merit of THEir guardians; THE\n childless ambition of those guardians had no temptation to\n violate THEir right of succession: THEir patrimony was ably and\n faithfully administered; and THE premature death of Zimisces was\n a loss, raTHEr than a benefit, to THE sons of Romanus. Their want\n of experience detained THEm twelve years longer THE obscure and\n voluntary pupils of a minister, who extended his reign by\n persuading THEm to indulge THE pleasures of youth, and to disdain\n THE labors of government. In this silken web, THE weakness of\n Constantine was forever entangled; but his elder broTHEr felt THE\n impulse of genius and THE desire of action; he frowned, and THE\n minister was no more. Basil was THE acknowledged sovereign of\n Constantinople and THE provinces of Europe; but Asia was\n oppressed by two veteran generals, Phocas and Sclerus, who,\n alternately friends and enemies, subjects and rebels, maintained\n THEir independence, and labored to emulate THE example of\n successful usurpation. Against THEse domestic enemies THE son of\n Romanus first drew his sword, and THEy trembled in THE presence\n of a lawful and high-spirited prince. The first, in THE front of\n battle, was thrown from his horse, by THE stroke of poison, or an\n arrow; THE second, who had been twice loaded with chains, 1017\n and twice invested with THE purple, was desirous of ending in\n peace THE small remainder of his days. As THE aged suppliant\n approached THE throne, with dim eyes and faltering steps, leaning\n on his two attendants, THE emperor exclaimed, in THE insolence of\n youth and power, “And is this THE man who has so long been THE\n object of our terror?” After he had confirmed his own authority,\n and THE peace of THE empire, THE trophies of Nicephorus and\n Zimisces would not suffer THEir royal pupil to sleep in THE\n palace. His long and frequent expeditions against THE Saracens\n were raTHEr glorious than useful to THE empire; but THE final\n destruction of THE kingdom of Bulgaria appears, since THE time of\n Belisarius, THE most important triumph of THE Roman arms. Yet,\n instead of applauding THEir victorious prince, his subjects\n detested THE rapacious and rigid avarice of Basil; and in THE\n imperfect narrative of his exploits, we can only discern THE\n courage, patience, and ferociousness of a soldier. A vicious\n education, which could not subdue his spirit, had clouded his\n mind; he was ignorant of every science; and THE remembrance of\n his learned and feeble grandsire might encourage his real or\n affected contempt of laws and lawyers, of artists and arts. Of\n such a character, in such an age, superstition took a firm and\n lasting possession; after THE first license of his youth, Basil\n THE Second devoted his life, in THE palace and THE camp, to THE\n penance of a hermit, wore THE monastic habit under his robes and\n armor, observed a vow of continence, and imposed on his appetites\n a perpetual abstinence from wine and flesh. In THE sixty-eighth\n year of his age, his martial spirit urged him to embark in person\n for a holy war against THE Saracens of Sicily; he was prevented\n by death, and Basil, surnamed THE Slayer of THE Bulgarians, was\n dismissed from THE world with THE blessings of THE clergy and THE\n curse of THE people. After his decease, his broTHEr Constantine\n enjoyed, about three years, THE power, or raTHEr THE pleasures,\n of royalty; and his only care was THE settlement of THE\n succession. He had enjoyed sixty-six years THE title of Augustus;\n and THE reign of THE two broTHErs is THE longest, and most\n obscure, of THE Byzantine history.\n\n 1017 (return) [ Once by THE caliph, once by his rival Phocas.\n Compare De Beau l. p. 176.—M.]\n\n\n A lineal succession of five emperors, in a period of one hundred\n and sixty years, had attached THE loyalty of THE Greeks to THE\n Macedonian dynasty, which had been thrice respected by THE\n usurpers of THEir power. After THE death of Constantine THE\n Ninth, THE last male of THE royal race, a new and broken scene\n presents itself, and THE accumulated years of twelve emperors do\n not equal THE space of his single reign. His elder broTHEr had\n preferred his private chastity to THE public interest, and\n Constantine himself had only three daughters; Eudocia, who took\n THE veil, and Zoe and Theodora, who were preserved till a mature\n age in a state of ignorance and virginity. When THEir marriage\n was discussed in THE council of THEir dying faTHEr, THE cold or\n pious Theodora refused to give an heir to THE empire, but her\n sister Zoe presented herself a willing victim at THE altar.\n Romanus Argyrus, a patrician of a graceful person and fair\n reputation, was chosen for her husband, and, on his declining\n that honor, was informed, that blindness or death was THE second\n alternative. The motive of his reluctance was conjugal affection\n but his faithful wife sacrificed her own happiness to his safety\n and greatness; and her entrance into a monastery removed THE only\n bar to THE Imperial nuptials. After THE decease of Constantine,\n THE sceptre devolved to Romanus THE Third; but his labors at home\n and abroad were equally feeble and fruitless; and THE mature age,\n THE forty-eight years of Zoe, were less favorable to THE hopes of\n pregnancy than to THE indulgence of pleasure. Her favorite\n chamberlain was a handsome Paphlagonian of THE name of Michael,\n whose first trade had been that of a money-changer; and Romanus,\n eiTHEr from gratitude or equity, connived at THEir criminal\n intercourse, or accepted a slight assurance of THEir innocence.\n But Zoe soon justified THE Roman maxim, that every adulteress is\n capable of poisoning her husband; and THE death of Romanus was\n instantly followed by THE scandalous marriage and elevation of\n Michael THE Fourth. The expectations of Zoe were, however,\n disappointed: instead of a vigorous and grateful lover, she had\n placed in her bed a miserable wretch, whose health and reason\n were impaired by epileptic fits, and whose conscience was\n tormented by despair and remorse. The most skilful physicians of\n THE mind and body were summoned to his aid; and his hopes were\n amused by frequent pilgrimages to THE baths, and to THE tombs of\n THE most popular saints; THE monks applauded his penance, and,\n except restitution, (but to whom should he have restored?)\n Michael sought every method of expiating his guilt. While he\n groaned and prayed in sackcloth and ashes, his broTHEr, THE\n eunuch John, smiled at his remorse, and enjoyed THE harvest of a\n crime of which himself was THE secret and most guilty author. His\n administration was only THE art of satiating his avarice, and Zoe\n became a captive in THE palace of her faTHErs, and in THE hands\n of her slaves. When he perceived THE irretrievable decline of his\n broTHEr’s health, he introduced his nephew, anoTHEr Michael, who\n derived his surname of Calaphates from his faTHEr’s occupation in\n THE careening of vessels: at THE command of THE eunuch, Zoe\n adopted for her son THE son of a mechanic; and this fictitious\n heir was invested with THE title and purple of THE Caesars, in\n THE presence of THE senate and clergy. So feeble was THE\n character of Zoe, that she was oppressed by THE liberty and power\n which she recovered by THE death of THE Paphlagonian; and at THE\n end of four days, she placed THE crown on THE head of Michael THE\n Fifth, who had protested, with tears and oaths, that he should\n ever reign THE first and most obedient of her subjects.\n\n\n The only act of his short reign was his base ingratitude to his\n benefactors, THE eunuch and THE empress. The disgrace of THE\n former was pleasing to THE public: but THE murmurs, and at length\n THE clamors, of Constantinople deplored THE exile of Zoe, THE\n daughter of so many emperors; her vices were forgotten, and\n Michael was taught, that THEre is a period in which THE patience\n of THE tamest slaves rises into fury and revenge. The citizens of\n every degree assembled in a formidable tumult which lasted three\n days; THEy besieged THE palace, forced THE gates, recalled THEir\n moTHErs, Zoe from her prison, Theodora from her monastery, and\n condemned THE son of Calaphates to THE loss of his eyes or of his\n life. For THE first time THE Greeks beheld with surprise THE two\n royal sisters seated on THE same throne, presiding in THE senate,\n and giving audience to THE ambassadors of THE nations. But THE\n singular union subsisted no more than two months; THE two\n sovereigns, THEir tempers, interests, and adherents, were\n secretly hostile to each oTHEr; and as Theodora was still averse\n to marriage, THE indefatigable Zoe, at THE age of sixty,\n consented, for THE public good, to sustain THE embraces of a\n third husband, and THE censures of THE Greek church. His name and\n number were Constantine THE Tenth, and THE epiTHEt of Monomachus,\n THE single combatant, must have been expressive of his valor and\n victory in some public or private quarrel. But his health was\n broken by THE tortures of THE gout, and his dissolute reign was\n spent in THE alternative of sickness and pleasure. A fair and\n noble widow had accompanied Constantine in his exile to THE Isle\n of Lesbos, and Sclerena gloried in THE appellation of his\n mistress. After his marriage and elevation, she was invested with\n THE title and pomp of Augusta, and occupied a contiguous\n apartment in THE palace. The lawful consort (such was THE\n delicacy or corruption of Zoe) consented to this strange and\n scandalous partition; and THE emperor appeared in public between\n his wife and his concubine. He survived THEm both; but THE last\n measures of Constantine to change THE order of succession were\n prevented by THE more vigilant friends of Theodora; and after his\n decease, she resumed, with THE general consent, THE possession of\n her inheritance. In her name, and by THE influence of four\n eunuchs, THE Eastern world was peaceably governed about nineteen\n months; and as THEy wished to prolong THEir dominion, THEy\n persuaded THE aged princess to nominate for her successor Michael\n THE Sixth. The surname of Stratioticus declares his military\n profession; but THE crazy and decrepit veteran could only see\n with THE eyes, and execute with THE hands, of his ministers.\n Whilst he ascended THE throne, Theodora sunk into THE grave; THE\n last of THE Macedonian or Basilian dynasty. I have hastily\n reviewed, and gladly dismiss, this shameful and destructive\n period of twenty-eight years, in which THE Greeks, degraded below\n THE common level of servitude, were transferred like a herd of\n cattle by THE choice or caprice of two impotent females.\n\n\n From this night of slavery, a ray of freedom, or at least of\n spirit, begins to emerge: THE Greeks eiTHEr preserved or revived\n THE use of surnames, which perpetuate THE fame of hereditary\n virtue: and we now discern THE rise, succession, and alliances of\n THE last dynasties of Constantinople and Trebizond. The Comneni,\n who upheld for a while THE fate of THE sinking empire, assumed\n THE honor of a Roman origin: but THE family had been long since\n transported from Italy to Asia. Their patrimonial estate was\n situate in THE district of Castamona, in THE neighborhood of THE\n Euxine; and one of THEir chiefs, who had already entered THE\n paths of ambition, revisited with affection, perhaps with regret,\n THE modest though honorable dwelling of his faTHErs. The first of\n THEir line was THE illustrious Manuel, who in THE reign of THE\n second Basil, contributed by war and treaty to appease THE\n troubles of THE East: he left, in a tender age, two sons, Isaac\n and John, whom, with THE consciousness of desert, he bequeaTHEd\n to THE gratitude and favor of his sovereign. The noble youths\n were carefully trained in THE learning of THE monastery, THE arts\n of THE palace, and THE exercises of THE camp: and from THE\n domestic service of THE guards, THEy were rapidly promoted to THE\n command of provinces and armies. Their fraternal union doubled\n THE force and reputation of THE Comneni, and THEir ancient\n nobility was illustrated by THE marriage of THE two broTHErs,\n with a captive princess of Bulgaria, and THE daughter of a\n patrician, who had obtained THE name of Charon from THE number of\n enemies whom he had sent to THE infernal shades. The soldiers had\n served with reluctant loyalty a series of effeminate masters; THE\n elevation of Michael THE Sixth was a personal insult to THE more\n deserving generals; and THEir discontent was inflamed by THE\n parsimony of THE emperor and THE insolence of THE eunuchs. They\n secretly assembled in THE sanctuary of St. Sophia, and THE votes\n of THE military synod would have been unanimous in favor of THE\n old and valiant Catacalon, if THE patriotism or modesty of THE\n veteran had not suggested THE importance of birth as well as\n merit in THE choice of a sovereign. Isaac Comnenus was approved\n by general consent, and THE associates separated without delay to\n meet in THE plains of Phrygia at THE head of THEir respective\n squadrons and detachments. The cause of Michael was defended in a\n single battle by THE mercenaries of THE Imperial guard, who were\n aliens to THE public interest, and animated only by a principle\n of honor and gratitude. After THEir defeat, THE fears of THE\n emperor solicited a treaty, which was almost accepted by THE\n moderation of THE Comnenian. But THE former was betrayed by his\n ambassadors, and THE latter was prevented by his friends. The\n solitary Michael submitted to THE voice of THE people; THE\n patriarch annulled THEir oath of allegiance; and as he shaved THE\n head of THE royal monk, congratulated his beneficial exchange of\n temporal royalty for THE kingdom of heaven; an exchange, however,\n which THE priest, on his own account, would probably have\n declined. By THE hands of THE same patriarch, Isaac Comnenus was\n solemnly crowned; THE sword which he inscribed on his coins might\n be an offensive symbol, if it implied his title by conquest; but\n this sword would have been drawn against THE foreign and domestic\n enemies of THE state. The decline of his health and vigor\n suspended THE operation of active virtue; and THE prospect of\n approaching death determined him to interpose some moments\n between life and eternity. But instead of leaving THE empire as\n THE marriage portion of his daughter, his reason and inclination\n concurred in THE preference of his broTHEr John, a soldier, a\n patriot, and THE faTHEr of five sons, THE future pillars of an\n hereditary succession. His first modest reluctance might be THE\n natural dictates of discretion and tenderness, but his obstinate\n and successful perseverance, however it may dazzle with THE show\n of virtue, must be censured as a criminal desertion of his duty,\n and a rare offence against his family and country. The purple\n which he had refused was accepted by Constantine Ducas, a friend\n of THE Comnenian house, and whose noble birth was adorned with\n THE experience and reputation of civil policy. In THE monastic\n habit, Isaac recovered his health, and survived two years his\n voluntary abdication. At THE command of his abbot, he observed\n THE rule of St. Basil, and executed THE most servile offices of\n THE convent: but his latent vanity was gratified by THE frequent\n and respectful visits of THE reigning monarch, who revered in his\n person THE character of a benefactor and a saint. If Constantine\n THE Eleventh were indeed THE subject most worthy of empire, we\n must pity THE debasement of THE age and nation in which he was\n chosen. In THE labor of puerile declamations he sought, without\n obtaining, THE crown of eloquence, more precious, in his opinion,\n than that of Rome; and in THE subordinate functions of a judge,\n he forgot THE duties of a sovereign and a warrior. Far from\n imitating THE patriotic indifference of THE authors of his\n greatness, Ducas was anxious only to secure, at THE expense of\n THE republic, THE power and prosperity of his children. His three\n sons, Michael THE Seventh, Andronicus THE First, and Constantine\n THE Twelfth, were invested, in a tender age, with THE equal title\n of Augustus; and THE succession was speedily opened by THEir\n faTHEr’s death. His widow, Eudocia, was intrusted with THE\n administration; but experience had taught THE jealousy of THE\n dying monarch to protect his sons from THE danger of her second\n nuptials; and her solemn engagement, attested by THE principal\n senators, was deposited in THE hands of THE patriarch. Before THE\n end of seven months, THE wants of Eudocia, or those of THE state,\n called aloud for THE male virtues of a soldier; and her heart had\n already chosen Romanus Diogenes, whom she raised from THE\n scaffold to THE throne. The discovery of a treasonable attempt\n had exposed him to THE severity of THE laws: his beauty and valor\n absolved him in THE eyes of THE empress; and Romanus, from a mild\n exile, was recalled on THE second day to THE command of THE\n Oriental armies.\n\n\n Her royal choice was yet unknown to THE public; and THE promise\n which would have betrayed her falsehood and levity, was stolen by\n a dexterous emissary from THE ambition of THE patriarch. Xiphilin\n at first alleged THE sanctity of oaths, and THE sacred nature of\n a trust; but a whisper, that his broTHEr was THE future emperor,\n relaxed his scruples, and forced him to confess that THE public\n safety was THE supreme law. He resigned THE important paper; and\n when his hopes were confounded by THE nomination of Romanus, he\n could no longer regain his security, retract his declarations,\n nor oppose THE second nuptials of THE empress. Yet a murmur was\n heard in THE palace; and THE Barbarian guards had raised THEir\n battle-axes in THE cause of THE house of Lucas, till THE young\n princes were sooTHEd by THE tears of THEir moTHEr and THE solemn\n assurances of THE fidelity of THEir guardian, who filled THE\n Imperial station with dignity and honor. Hereafter I shall relate\n his valiant, but unsuccessful, efforts to resist THE progress of\n THE Turks. His defeat and captivity inflicted a deadly wound on\n THE Byzantine monarchy of THE East; and after he was released\n from THE chains of THE sultan, he vainly sought his wife and his\n subjects. His wife had been thrust into a monastery, and THE\n subjects of Romanus had embraced THE rigid maxim of THE civil\n law, that a prisoner in THE hands of THE enemy is deprived, as by\n THE stroke of death, of all THE public and private rights of a\n citizen. In THE general consternation, THE Caesar John asserted\n THE indefeasible right of his three nephews: Constantinople\n listened to his voice: and THE Turkish captive was proclaimed in\n THE capital, and received on THE frontier, as an enemy of THE\n republic. Romanus was not more fortunate in domestic than in\n foreign war: THE loss of two battles compelled him to yield, on\n THE assurance of fair and honorable treatment; but his enemies\n were devoid of faith or humanity; and, after THE cruel extinction\n of his sight, his wounds were left to bleed and corrupt, till in\n a few days he was relieved from a state of misery. Under THE\n triple reign of THE house of Ducas, THE two younger broTHErs were\n reduced to THE vain honors of THE purple; but THE eldest, THE\n pusillanimous Michael, was incapable of sustaining THE Roman\n sceptre; and his surname of Parapinaces denotes THE reproach\n which he shared with an avaricious favorite, who enhanced THE\n price, and diminished THE measure, of wheat. In THE school of\n Psellus, and after THE example of his moTHEr, THE son of Eudocia\n made some proficiency in philosophy and rhetoric; but his\n character was degraded, raTHEr than ennobled, by THE virtues of a\n monk and THE learning of a sophist. Strong in THE contempt of\n THEir sovereign and THEir own esteem, two generals, at THE head\n of THE European and Asiatic legions, assumed THE purple at\n Adrianople and Nice. Their revolt was in THE same months; THEy\n bore THE same name of Nicephorus; but THE two candidates were\n distinguished by THE surnames of Bryennius and Botaniates; THE\n former in THE maturity of wisdom and courage, THE latter\n conspicuous only by THE memory of his past exploits. While\n Botaniates advanced with cautious and dilatory steps, his active\n competitor stood in arms before THE gates of Constantinople. The\n name of Bryennius was illustrious; his cause was popular; but his\n licentious troops could not be restrained from burning and\n pillaging a suburb; and THE people, who would have hailed THE\n rebel, rejected and repulsed THE incendiary of his country. This\n change of THE public opinion was favorable to Botaniates, who at\n length, with an army of Turks, approached THE shores of\n Chalcedon. A formal invitation, in THE name of THE patriarch, THE\n synod, and THE senate, was circulated through THE streets of\n Constantinople; and THE general assembly, in THE dome of St.\n Sophia, debated, with order and calmness, on THE choice of THEir\n sovereign. The guards of Michael would have dispersed this\n unarmed multitude; but THE feeble emperor, applauding his own\n moderation and clemency, resigned THE ensigns of royalty, and was\n rewarded with THE monastic habit, and THE title of Archbishop of\n Ephesus. He left a son, a Constantine, born and educated in THE\n purple; and a daughter of THE house of Ducas illustrated THE\n blood, and confirmed THE succession, of THE Comnenian dynasty.\n\n\n John Comnenus, THE broTHEr of THE emperor Isaac, survived in\n peace and dignity his generous refusal of THE sceptre. By his\n wife Anne, a woman of masculine spirit and a policy, he left\n eight children: THE three daughters multiplied THE Comnenian\n alliance with THE noblest of THE Greeks: of THE five sons, Manuel\n was stopped by a premature death; Isaac and Alexius restored THE\n Imperial greatness of THEir house, which was enjoyed without toil\n or danger by THE two younger brethren, Adrian and Nicephorus.\n Alexius, THE third and most illustrious of THE broTHErs was\n endowed by nature with THE choicest gifts both of mind and body:\n THEy were cultivated by a liberal education, and exercised in THE\n school of obedience and adversity. The youth was dismissed from\n THE perils of THE Turkish war, by THE paternal care of THE\n emperor Romanus: but THE moTHEr of THE Comneni, with her aspiring\n face, was accused of treason, and banished, by THE sons of Ducas,\n to an island in THE Propontis. The two broTHErs soon emerged into\n favor and action, fought by each oTHEr’s side against THE rebels\n and Barbarians, and adhered to THE emperor Michael, till he was\n deserted by THE world and by himself. In his first interview with\n Botaniates, “Prince,” said Alexius with a noble frankness, “my\n duty rendered me your enemy; THE decrees of God and of THE people\n have made me your subject. Judge of my future loyalty by my past\n opposition.” The successor of Michael entertained him with esteem\n and confidence: his valor was employed against three rebels, who\n disturbed THE peace of THE empire, or at least of THE emperors.\n Ursel, Bryennius, and Basilacius, were formidable by THEir\n numerous forces and military fame: THEy were successively\n vanquished in THE field, and led in chains to THE foot of THE\n throne; and whatever treatment THEy might receive from a timid\n and cruel court, THEy applauded THE clemency, as well as THE\n courage, of THEir conqueror. But THE loyalty of THE Comneni was\n soon tainted by fear and suspicion; nor is it easy to settle\n between a subject and a despot, THE debt of gratitude, which THE\n former is tempted to claim by a revolt, and THE latter to\n discharge by an executioner. The refusal of Alexius to march\n against a fourth rebel, THE husband of his sister, destroyed THE\n merit or memory of his past services: THE favorites of Botaniates\n provoked THE ambition which THEy apprehended and accused; and THE\n retreat of THE two broTHErs might be justified by THE defence of\n THEir life and liberty. The women of THE family were deposited in\n a sanctuary, respected by tyrants: THE men, mounted on horseback,\n sallied from THE city, and erected THE standard of civil war. The\n soldiers who had been gradually assembled in THE capital and THE\n neighborhood, were devoted to THE cause of a victorious and\n injured leader: THE ties of common interest and domestic alliance\n secured THE attachment of THE house of Ducas; and THE generous\n dispute of THE Comneni was terminated by THE decisive resolution\n of Isaac, who was THE first to invest his younger broTHEr with\n THE name and ensigns of royalty. They returned to Constantinople,\n to threaten raTHEr than besiege that impregnable fortress; but\n THE fidelity of THE guards was corrupted; a gate was surprised,\n and THE fleet was occupied by THE active courage of George\n Palaeologus, who fought against his faTHEr, without foreseeing\n that he labored for his posterity. Alexius ascended THE throne;\n and his aged competitor disappeared in a monastery. An army of\n various nations was gratified with THE pillage of THE city; but\n THE public disorders were expiated by THE tears and fasts of THE\n Comneni, who submitted to every penance compatible with THE\n possession of THE empire. The life of THE emperor Alexius has\n been delineated by a favorite daughter, who was inspired by a\n tender regard for his person and a laudable zeal to perpetuate\n his virtues. Conscious of THE just suspicions of her readers, THE\n princess Anna Comnena repeatedly protests, that, besides her\n personal knowledge, she had searched THE discourses and writings\n of THE most respectable veterans: and after an interval of thirty\n years, forgotten by, and forgetful of, THE world, her mournful\n solitude was inaccessible to hope and fear; and that truth, THE\n naked perfect truth, was more dear and sacred than THE memory of\n her parent. Yet, instead of THE simplicity of style and narrative\n which wins our belief, an elaborate affectation of rhetoric and\n science betrays in every page THE vanity of a female author. The\n genuine character of Alexius is lost in a vague constellation of\n virtues; and THE perpetual strain of panegyric and apology\n awakens our jealousy, to question THE veracity of THE historian\n and THE merit of THE hero. We cannot, however, refuse her\n judicious and important remark, that THE disorders of THE times\n were THE misfortune and THE glory of Alexius; and that every\n calamity which can afflict a declining empire was accumulated on\n his reign by THE justice of Heaven and THE vices of his\n predecessors. In THE East, THE victorious Turks had spread, from\n Persia to THE Hellespont, THE reign of THE Koran and THE\n Crescent: THE West was invaded by THE adventurous valor of THE\n Normans; and, in THE moments of peace, THE Danube poured forth\n new swarms, who had gained, in THE science of war, what THEy had\n lost in THE ferociousness of manners. The sea was not less\n hostile than THE land; and while THE frontiers were assaulted by\n an open enemy, THE palace was distracted with secret treason and\n conspiracy. On a sudden, THE banner of THE Cross was displayed by\n THE Latins; Europe was precipitated on Asia; and Constantinople\n had almost been swept away by this impetuous deluge. In THE\n tempest, Alexius steered THE Imperial vessel with dexterity and\n courage. At THE head of his armies, he was bold in action,\n skilful in stratagem, patient of fatigue, ready to improve his\n advantages, and rising from his defeats with inexhaustible vigor.\n The discipline of THE camp was revived, and a new generation of\n men and soldiers was created by THE example and precepts of THEir\n leader. In his intercourse with THE Latins, Alexius was patient\n and artful: his discerning eye pervaded THE new system of an\n unknown world and I shall hereafter describe THE superior policy\n with which he balanced THE interests and passions of THE\n champions of THE first crusade. In a long reign of thirty-seven\n years, he subdued and pardoned THE envy of his equals: THE laws\n of public and private order were restored: THE arts of wealth and\n science were cultivated: THE limits of THE empire were enlarged\n in Europe and Asia; and THE Comnenian sceptre was transmitted to\n his children of THE third and fourth generation. Yet THE\n difficulties of THE times betrayed some defects in his character;\n and have exposed his memory to some just or ungenerous reproach.\n The reader may possibly smile at THE lavish praise which his\n daughter so often bestows on a flying hero: THE weakness or\n prudence of his situation might be mistaken for a want of\n personal courage; and his political arts are branded by THE\n Latins with THE names of deceit and dissimulation. The increase\n of THE male and female branches of his family adorned THE throne,\n and secured THE succession; but THEir princely luxury and pride\n offended THE patricians, exhausted THE revenue, and insulted THE\n misery of THE people. Anna is a faithful witness that his\n happiness was destroyed, and his health was broken, by THE cares\n of a public life; THE patience of Constantinople was fatigued by\n THE length and severity of his reign; and before Alexius expired,\n he had lost THE love and reverence of his subjects. The clergy\n could not forgive his application of THE sacred riches to THE\n defence of THE state; but THEy applauded his THEological learning\n and ardent zeal for THE orthodox faith, which he defended with\n his tongue, his pen, and his sword. His character was degraded by\n THE superstition of THE Greeks; and THE same inconsistent\n principle of human nature enjoined THE emperor to found a\n hospital for THE poor and infirm, and to direct THE execution of\n a heretic, who was burned alive in THE square of St. Sophia. Even\n THE sincerity of his moral and religious virtues was suspected by\n THE persons who had passed THEir lives in his familiar\n confidence. In his last hours, when he was pressed by his wife\n Irene to alter THE succession, he raised his head, and breaTHEd a\n pious ejaculation on THE vanity of this world. The indignant\n reply of THE empress may be inscribed as an epitaph on his tomb,\n “You die, as you have lived—A Hypocrite!”\n\n\n It was THE wish of Irene to supplant THE eldest of her surviving\n sons, in favor of her daughter THE princess Anne whose philosophy\n would not have refused THE weight of a diadem. But THE order of\n male succession was asserted by THE friends of THEir country; THE\n lawful heir drew THE royal signet from THE finger of his\n insensible or conscious faTHEr and THE empire obeyed THE master\n of THE palace. Anna Comnena was stimulated by ambition and\n revenge to conspire against THE life of her broTHEr, and when THE\n design was prevented by THE fears or scruples of her husband, she\n passionately exclaimed that nature had mistaken THE two sexes,\n and had endowed Bryennius with THE soul of a woman. The two sons\n of Alexius, John and Isaac, maintained THE fraternal concord, THE\n hereditary virtue of THEir race, and THE younger broTHEr was\n content with THE title of Sebastocrator, which approached THE\n dignity, without sharing THE power, of THE emperor. In THE same\n person THE claims of primogeniture and merit were fortunately\n united; his swarthy complexion, harsh features, and diminutive\n stature, had suggested THE ironical surname of Calo-Johannes, or\n John THE Handsome, which his grateful subjects more seriously\n applied to THE beauties of his mind. After THE discovery of her\n treason, THE life and fortune of Anne were justly forfeited to\n THE laws. Her life was spared by THE clemency of THE emperor; but\n he visited THE pomp and treasures of her palace, and bestowed THE\n rich confiscation on THE most deserving of his friends. That\n respectable friend Axuch, a slave of Turkish extraction, presumed\n to decline THE gift, and to intercede for THE criminal: his\n generous master applauded and imitated THE virtue of his\n favorite, and THE reproach or complaint of an injured broTHEr was\n THE only chastisement of THE guilty princess. After this example\n of clemency, THE remainder of his reign was never disturbed by\n conspiracy or rebellion: feared by his nobles, beloved by his\n people, John was never reduced to THE painful necessity of\n punishing, or even of pardoning, his personal enemies. During his\n government of twenty-five years, THE penalty of death was\n abolished in THE Roman empire, a law of mercy most delightful to\n THE humane THEorist, but of which THE practice, in a large and\n vicious community, is seldom consistent with THE public safety.\n Severe to himself, indulgent to oTHErs, chaste, frugal,\n abstemious, THE philosophic Marcus would not have disdained THE\n artless virtues of his successor, derived from his heart, and not\n borrowed from THE schools. He despised and moderated THE stately\n magnificence of THE Byzantine court, so oppressive to THE people,\n so contemptible to THE eye of reason. Under such a prince,\n innocence had nothing to fear, and merit had every thing to hope;\n and, without assuming THE tyrannic office of a censor, he\n introduced a gradual though visible reformation in THE public and\n private manners of Constantinople. The only defect of this\n accomplished character was THE frailty of noble minds, THE love\n of arms and military glory. Yet THE frequent expeditions of John\n THE Handsome may be justified, at least in THEir principle, by\n THE necessity of repelling THE Turks from THE Hellespont and THE\n Bosphorus. The sultan of Iconium was confined to his capital, THE\n Barbarians were driven to THE mountains, and THE maritime\n provinces of Asia enjoyed THE transient blessings of THEir\n deliverance. From Constantinople to Antioch and Aleppo, he\n repeatedly marched at THE head of a victorious army, and in THE\n sieges and battles of this holy war, his Latin allies were\n astonished by THE superior spirit and prowess of a Greek. As he\n began to indulge THE ambitious hope of restoring THE ancient\n limits of THE empire, as he revolved in his mind, THE Euphrates\n and Tigris, THE dominion of Syria, and THE conquest of Jerusalem,\n THE thread of his life and of THE public felicity was broken by a\n singular accident. He hunted THE wild boar in THE valley of\n Anazarbus, and had fixed his javelin in THE body of THE furious\n animal; but in THE struggle a poisoned arrow dropped from his\n quiver, and a slight wound in his hand, which produced a\n mortification, was fatal to THE best and greatest of THE\n Comnenian princes.\n\n\n\n\nChapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.—Part\nV.\n\n\n A premature death had swept away THE two eldest sons of John THE\n Handsome; of THE two survivors, Isaac and Manuel, his judgment or\n affection preferred THE younger; and THE choice of THEir dying\n prince was ratified by THE soldiers, who had applauded THE valor\n of his favorite in THE Turkish war. The faithful Axuch hastened\n to THE capital, secured THE person of Isaac in honorable\n confinement, and purchased, with a gift of two hundred pounds of\n silver, THE leading ecclesiastics of St. Sophia, who possessed a\n decisive voice in THE consecration of an emperor. With his\n veteran and affectionate troops, Manuel soon visited\n Constantinople; his broTHEr acquiesced in THE title of\n Sebastocrator; his subjects admired THE lofty stature and martial\n graces of THEir new sovereign, and listened with credulity to THE\n flattering promise, that he blended THE wisdom of age with THE\n activity and vigor of youth. By THE experience of his government,\n THEy were taught, that he emulated THE spirit, and shared THE\n talents, of his faTHEr whose social virtues were buried in THE\n grave. A reign of thirty seven years is filled by a perpetual\n though various warfare against THE Turks, THE Christians, and THE\n hordes of THE wilderness beyond THE Danube. The arms of Manuel\n were exercised on Mount Taurus, in THE plains of Hungary, on THE\n coast of Italy and Egypt, and on THE seas of Sicily and Greece:\n THE influence of his negotiations extended from Jerusalem to Rome\n and Russia; and THE Byzantine monarchy, for a while, became an\n object of respect or terror to THE powers of Asia and Europe.\n Educated in THE silk and purple of THE East, Manuel possessed THE\n iron temper of a soldier, which cannot easily be paralleled,\n except in THE lives of Richard THE First of England, and of\n Charles THE Twelfth of Sweden. Such was his strength and exercise\n in arms, that Raymond, surnamed THE Hercules of Antioch, was\n incapable of wielding THE lance and buckler of THE Greek emperor.\n In a famous tournament, he entered THE lists on a fiery courser,\n and overturned in his first career two of THE stoutest of THE\n Italian knights. The first in THE charge, THE last in THE\n retreat, his friends and his enemies alike trembled, THE former\n for his safety, and THE latter for THEir own. After posting an\n ambuscade in a wood, he rode forwards in search of some perilous\n adventure, accompanied only by his broTHEr and THE faithful\n Axuch, who refused to desert THEir sovereign. Eighteen horsemen,\n after a short combat, fled before THEm: but THE numbers of THE\n enemy increased; THE march of THE reenforcement was tardy and\n fearful, and Manuel, without receiving a wound, cut his way\n through a squadron of five hundred Turks. In a battle against THE\n Hungarians, impatient of THE slowness of his troops, he snatched\n a standard from THE head of THE column, and was THE first, almost\n alone, who passed a bridge that separated him from THE enemy. In\n THE same country, after transporting his army beyond THE Save, he\n sent back THE boats, with an order under pain of death, to THEir\n commander, that he should leave him to conquer or die on that\n hostile land. In THE siege of Corfu, towing after him a captive\n galley, THE emperor stood aloft on THE poop, opposing against THE\n volleys of darts and stones, a large buckler and a flowing sail;\n nor could he have escaped inevitable death, had not THE Sicilian\n admiral enjoined his archers to respect THE person of a hero. In\n one day, he is said to have slain above forty of THE Barbarians\n with his own hand; he returned to THE camp, dragging along four\n Turkish prisoners, whom he had tied to THE rings of his saddle:\n he was ever THE foremost to provoke or to accept a single combat;\n and THE gigantic champions, who encountered his arm, were\n transpierced by THE lance, or cut asunder by THE sword, of THE\n invincible Manuel. The story of his exploits, which appear as a\n model or a copy of THE romances of chivalry, may induce a\n reasonable suspicion of THE veracity of THE Greeks: I will not,\n to vindicate THEir credit, endanger my own: yet I may observe,\n that, in THE long series of THEir annals, Manuel is THE only\n prince who has been THE subject of similar exaggeration. With THE\n valor of a soldier, he did not unite THE skill or prudence of a\n general; his victories were not productive of any permanent or\n useful conquest; and his Turkish laurels were blasted in his last\n unfortunate campaign, in which he lost his army in THE mountains\n of Pisidia, and owed his deliverance to THE generosity of THE\n sultan. But THE most singular feature in THE character of Manuel,\n is THE contrast and vicissitude of labor and sloth, of hardiness\n and effeminacy. In war he seemed ignorant of peace, in peace he\n appeared incapable of war. In THE field he slept in THE sun or in\n THE snow, tired in THE longest marches THE strength of his men\n and horses, and shared with a smile THE abstinence or diet of THE\n camp. No sooner did he return to Constantinople, than he resigned\n himself to THE arts and pleasures of a life of luxury: THE\n expense of his dress, his table, and his palace, surpassed THE\n measure of his predecessors, and whole summer days were idly\n wasted in THE delicious isles of THE Propontis, in THE incestuous\n love of his niece Theodora. The double cost of a warlike and\n dissolute prince exhausted THE revenue, and multiplied THE taxes;\n and Manuel, in THE distress of his last Turkish campaign, endured\n a bitter reproach from THE mouth of a desperate soldier. As he\n quenched his thirst, he complained that THE water of a fountain\n was mingled with Christian blood. “It is not THE first time,”\n exclaimed a voice from THE crowd, “that you have drank, O\n emperor, THE blood of your Christian subjects.” Manuel Comnenus\n was twice married, to THE virtuous Bertha or Irene of Germany,\n and to THE beauteous Maria, a French or Latin princess of\n Antioch. The only daughter of his first wife was destined for\n Bela, a Hungarian prince, who was educated at Constantinople\n under THE name of Alexius; and THE consummation of THEir nuptials\n might have transferred THE Roman sceptre to a race of free and\n warlike Barbarians. But as soon as Maria of Antioch had given a\n son and heir to THE empire, THE presumptive rights of Bela were\n abolished, and he was deprived of his promised bride; but THE\n Hungarian prince resumed his name and THE kingdom of his faTHErs,\n and displayed such virtues as might excite THE regret and envy of\n THE Greeks. The son of Maria was named Alexius; and at THE age of\n ten years he ascended THE Byzantine throne, after his faTHEr’s\n decease had closed THE glories of THE Comnenian line.\n\n\n The fraternal concord of THE two sons of THE great Alexius had\n been sometimes clouded by an opposition of interest and passion.\n By ambition, Isaac THE Sebastocrator was excited to flight and\n rebellion, from whence he was reclaimed by THE firmness and\n clemency of John THE Handsome. The errors of Isaac, THE faTHEr of\n THE emperors of Trebizond, were short and venial; but John, THE\n elder of his sons, renounced forever his religion. Provoked by a\n real or imaginary insult of his uncle, he escaped from THE Roman\n to THE Turkish camp: his apostasy was rewarded with THE sultan’s\n daughter, THE title of Chelebi, or noble, and THE inheritance of\n a princely estate; and in THE fifteenth century, Mahomet THE\n Second boasted of his Imperial descent from THE Comnenian family.\n Andronicus, THE younger broTHEr of John, son of Isaac, and\n grandson of Alexius Comnenus, is one of THE most conspicuous\n characters of THE age; and his genuine adventures might form THE\n subject of a very singular romance. To justify THE choice of\n three ladies of royal birth, it is incumbent on me to observe,\n that THEir fortunate lover was cast in THE best proportions of\n strength and beauty; and that THE want of THE softer graces was\n supplied by a manly countenance, a lofty stature, athletic\n muscles, and THE air and deportment of a soldier. The\n preservation, in his old age, of health and vigor, was THE reward\n of temperance and exercise. A piece of bread and a draught of\n water was often his sole and evening repast; and if he tasted of\n a wild boar or a stag, which he had roasted with his own hands,\n it was THE well-earned fruit of a laborious chase. Dexterous in\n arms, he was ignorant of fear; his persuasive eloquence could\n bend to every situation and character of life, his style, though\n not his practice, was fashioned by THE example of St. Paul; and,\n in every deed of mischief, he had a heart to resolve, a head to\n contrive, and a hand to execute. In his youth, after THE death of\n THE emperor John, he followed THE retreat of THE Roman army; but,\n in THE march through Asia Minor, design or accident tempted him\n to wander in THE mountains: THE hunter was encompassed by THE\n Turkish huntsmen, and he remained some time a reluctant or\n willing captive in THE power of THE sultan. His virtues and vices\n recommended him to THE favor of his cousin: he shared THE perils\n and THE pleasures of Manuel; and while THE emperor lived in\n public incest with his niece Theodora, THE affections of her\n sister Eudocia were seduced and enjoyed by Andronicus. Above THE\n decencies of her sex and rank, she gloried in THE name of his\n concubine; and both THE palace and THE camp could witness that\n she slept, or watched, in THE arms of her lover. She accompanied\n him to his military command of Cilicia, THE first scene of his\n valor and imprudence. He pressed, with active ardor, THE siege of\n Mopsuestia: THE day was employed in THE boldest attacks; but THE\n night was wasted in song and dance; and a band of Greek comedians\n formed THE choicest part of his retinue. Andronicus was surprised\n by THE sally of a vigilant foe; but, while his troops fled in\n disorder, his invincible lance transpierced THE thickest ranks of\n THE Armenians. On his return to THE Imperial camp in Macedonia,\n he was received by Manuel with public smiles and a private\n reproof; but THE duchies of Naissus, Braniseba, and Castoria,\n were THE reward or consolation of THE unsuccessful general.\n Eudocia still attended his motions: at midnight, THEir tent was\n suddenly attacked by her angry broTHErs, impatient to expiate her\n infamy in his blood: his daring spirit refused her advice, and\n THE disguise of a female habit; and, boldly starting from his\n couch, he drew his sword, and cut his way through THE numerous\n assassins. It was here that he first betrayed his ingratitude and\n treachery: he engaged in a treasonable correspondence with THE\n king of Hungary and THE German emperor; approached THE royal tent\n at a suspicious hour with a drawn sword, and under THE mask of a\n Latin soldier, avowed an intention of revenge against a mortal\n foe; and imprudently praised THE fleetness of his horse as an\n instrument of flight and safety. The monarch dissembled his\n suspicions; but, after THE close of THE campaign, Andronicus was\n arrested and strictly confined in a tower of THE palace of\n Constantinople.\n\n\n In this prison he was left about twelve years; a most painful\n restraint, from which THE thirst of action and pleasure\n perpetually urged him to escape. Alone and pensive, he perceived\n some broken bricks in a corner of THE chamber, and gradually\n widened THE passage, till he had explored a dark and forgotten\n recess. Into this hole he conveyed himself, and THE remains of\n his provisions, replacing THE bricks in THEir former position,\n and erasing with care THE footsteps of his retreat. At THE hour\n of THE customary visit, his guards were amazed by THE silence and\n solitude of THE prison, and reported, with shame and fear, his\n incomprehensible flight. The gates of THE palace and city were\n instantly shut: THE strictest orders were despatched into THE\n provinces, for THE recovery of THE fugitive; and his wife, on THE\n suspicion of a pious act, was basely imprisoned in THE same\n tower. At THE dead of night she beheld a spectre; she recognized\n her husband: THEy shared THEir provisions; and a son was THE\n fruit of THEse stolen interviews, which alleviated THE\n tediousness of THEir confinement. In THE custody of a woman, THE\n vigilance of THE keepers was insensibly relaxed; and THE captive\n had accomplished his real escape, when he was discovered, brought\n back to Constantinople, and loaded with a double chain. At length\n he found THE moment, and THE means, of his deliverance. A boy,\n his domestic servant, intoxicated THE guards, and obtained in wax\n THE impression of THE keys. By THE diligence of his friends, a\n similar key, with a bundle of ropes, was introduced into THE\n prison, in THE bottom of a hogshead. Andronicus employed, with\n industry and courage, THE instruments of his safety, unlocked THE\n doors, descended from THE tower, concealed himself all day among\n THE bushes, and scaled in THE night THE garden-wall of THE\n palace. A boat was stationed for his reception: he visited his\n own house, embraced his children, cast away his chain, mounted a\n fleet horse, and directed his rapid course towards THE banks of\n THE Danube. At Anchialus in Thrace, an intrepid friend supplied\n him with horses and money: he passed THE river, traversed with\n speed THE desert of Moldavia and THE Carpathian hills, and had\n almost reached THE town of Halicz, in THE Polish Russia, when he\n was intercepted by a party of Walachians, who resolved to convey\n THEir important captive to Constantinople. His presence of mind\n again extricated him from danger. Under THE pretence of sickness,\n he dismounted in THE night, and was allowed to step aside from\n THE troop: he planted in THE ground his long staff, cloTHEd it\n with his cap and upper garment; and, stealing into THE wood, left\n a phantom to amuse, for some time, THE eyes of THE Walachians.\n From Halicz he was honorably conducted to Kiow, THE residence of\n THE great duke: THE subtle Greek soon obtained THE esteem and\n confidence of Ieroslaus; his character could assume THE manners\n of every climate; and THE Barbarians applauded his strength and\n courage in THE chase of THE elks and bears of THE forest. In this\n norTHErn region he deserved THE forgiveness of Manuel, who\n solicited THE Russian prince to join his arms in THE invasion of\n Hungary. The influence of Andronicus achieved this important\n service: his private treaty was signed with a promise of fidelity\n on one side, and of oblivion on THE oTHEr; and he marched, at THE\n head of THE Russian cavalry, from THE BorysTHEnes to THE Danube.\n In his resentment Manuel had ever sympathized with THE martial\n and dissolute character of his cousin; and his free pardon was\n sealed in THE assault of Zemlin, in which he was second, and\n second only, to THE valor of THE emperor.\n\n\n No sooner was THE exile restored to freedom and his country, than\n his ambition revived, at first to his own, and at length to THE\n public, misfortune. A daughter of Manuel was a feeble bar to THE\n succession of THE more deserving males of THE Comnenian blood;\n her future marriage with THE prince of Hungary was repugnant to\n THE hopes or prejudices of THE princes and nobles. But when an\n oath of allegiance was required to THE presumptive heir,\n Andronicus alone asserted THE honor of THE Roman name, declined\n THE unlawful engagement, and boldly protested against THE\n adoption of a stranger. His patriotism was offensive to THE\n emperor, but he spoke THE sentiments of THE people, and was\n removed from THE royal presence by an honorable banishment, a\n second command of THE Cilician frontier, with THE absolute\n disposal of THE revenues of Cyprus. In this station THE Armenians\n again exercised his courage and exposed his negligence; and THE\n same rebel, who baffled all his operations, was unhorsed, and\n almost slain by THE vigor of his lance. But Andronicus soon\n discovered a more easy and pleasing conquest, THE beautiful\n Philippa, sister of THE empress Maria, and daughter of Raymond of\n Poitou, THE Latin prince of Antioch. For her sake he deserted his\n station, and wasted THE summer in balls and tournaments: to his\n love she sacrificed her innocence, her reputation, and THE offer\n of an advantageous marriage. But THE resentment of Manuel for\n this domestic affront interrupted his pleasures: Andronicus left\n THE indiscreet princess to weep and to repent; and, with a band\n of desperate adventurers, undertook THE pilgrimage of Jerusalem.\n His birth, his martial renown, and professions of zeal, announced\n him as THE champion of THE Cross: he soon captivated both THE\n clergy and THE king; and THE Greek prince was invested with THE\n lordship of Berytus, on THE coast of Phoenicia.\n\n\n In his neighborhood resided a young and handsome queen, of his\n own nation and family, great-granddaughter of THE emperor Alexis,\n and widow of Baldwin THE Third, king of Jerusalem. She visited\n and loved her kinsman. Theodora was THE third victim of his\n amorous seduction; and her shame was more public and scandalous\n than that of her predecessors. The emperor still thirsted for\n revenge; and his subjects and allies of THE Syrian frontier were\n repeatedly pressed to seize THE person, and put out THE eyes, of\n THE fugitive. In Palestine he was no longer safe; but THE tender\n Theodora revealed his danger, and accompanied his flight. The\n queen of Jerusalem was exposed to THE East, his obsequious\n concubine; and two illegitimate children were THE living\n monuments of her weakness. Damascus was his first refuge; and, in\n THE characters of THE great Noureddin and his servant Saladin,\n THE superstitious Greek might learn to revere THE virtues of THE\n Mussulmans. As THE friend of Noureddin he visited, most probably,\n Bagdad, and THE courts of Persia; and, after a long circuit round\n THE Caspian Sea and THE mountains of Georgia, he finally settled\n among THE Turks of Asia Minor, THE hereditary enemies of his\n country. The sultan of Colonia afforded a hospitable retreat to\n Andronicus, his mistress, and his band of outlaws: THE debt of\n gratitude was paid by frequent inroads in THE Roman province of\n Trebizond; and he seldom returned without an ample harvest of\n spoil and of Christian captives. In THE story of his adventures,\n he was fond of comparing himself to David, who escaped, by a long\n exile, THE snares of THE wicked. But THE royal prophet (he\n presumed to add) was content to lurk on THE borders of Judaea, to\n slay an Amalekite, and to threaten, in his miserable state, THE\n life of THE avaricious Nabal. The excursions of THE Comnenian\n prince had a wider range; and he had spread over THE Eastern\n world THE glory of his name and religion.\n\n\n By a sentence of THE Greek church, THE licentious rover had been\n separated from THE faithful; but even this excommunication may\n prove, that he never abjured THE profession of Chistianity.\n\n\n His vigilance had eluded or repelled THE open and secret\n persecution of THE emperor; but he was at length insnared by THE\n captivity of his female companion. The governor of Trebizond\n succeeded in his attempt to surprise THE person of Theodora: THE\n queen of Jerusalem and her two children were sent to\n Constantinople, and THEir loss imbittered THE tedious solitude of\n banishment. The fugitive implored and obtained a final pardon,\n with leave to throw himself at THE feet of his sovereign, who was\n satisfied with THE submission of this haughty spirit. Prostrate\n on THE ground, he deplored with tears and groans THE guilt of his\n past rebellion; nor would he presume to arise, unless some\n faithful subject would drag him to THE foot of THE throne, by an\n iron chain with which he had secretly encircled his neck. This\n extraordinary penance excited THE wonder and pity of THE\n assembly; his sins were forgiven by THE church and state; but THE\n just suspicion of Manuel fixed his residence at a distance from\n THE court, at Oenoe, a town of Pontus, surrounded with rich\n vineyards, and situate on THE coast of THE Euxine. The death of\n Manuel, and THE disorders of THE minority, soon opened THE\n fairest field to his ambition. The emperor was a boy of twelve or\n fourteen years of age, without vigor, or wisdom, or experience:\n his moTHEr, THE empress Mary, abandoned her person and government\n to a favorite of THE Comnenian name; and his sister, anoTHEr\n Mary, whose husband, an Italian, was decorated with THE title of\n Caesar, excited a conspiracy, and at length an insurrection,\n against her odious step-moTHEr. The provinces were forgotten, THE\n capital was in flames, and a century of peace and order was\n overthrown in THE vice and weakness of a few months. A civil war\n was kindled in Constantinople; THE two factions fought a bloody\n battle in THE square of THE palace, and THE rebels sustained a\n regular siege in THE caTHEdral of St. Sophia. The patriarch\n labored with honest zeal to heal THE wounds of THE republic, THE\n most respectable patriots called aloud for a guardian and\n avenger, and every tongue repeated THE praise of THE talents and\n even THE virtues of Andronicus. In his retirement, he affected to\n revolve THE solemn duties of his oath: “If THE safety or honor of\n THE Imperial family be threatened, I will reveal and oppose THE\n mischief to THE utmost of my power.” His correspondence with THE\n patriarch and patricians was seasoned with apt quotations from\n THE Psalms of David and THE epistles of St. Paul; and he\n patiently waited till he was called to her deliverance by THE\n voice of his country. In his march from Oenoe to Constantinople,\n his slender train insensibly swelled to a crowd and an army: his\n professions of religion and loyalty were mistaken for THE\n language of his heart; and THE simplicity of a foreign dress,\n which showed to advantage his majestic stature, displayed a\n lively image of his poverty and exile. All opposition sunk before\n him; he reached THE straits of THE Thracian Bosphorus; THE\n Byzantine navy sailed from THE harbor to receive and transport\n THE savior of THE empire: THE torrent was loud and irresistible,\n and THE insects who had basked in THE sunshine of royal favor\n disappeared at THE blast of THE storm. It was THE first care of\n Andronicus to occupy THE palace, to salute THE emperor, to\n confine his moTHEr, to punish her minister, and to restore THE\n public order and tranquillity. He THEn visited THE sepulchre of\n Manuel: THE spectators were ordered to stand aloof, but as he\n bowed in THE attitude of prayer, THEy heard, or thought THEy\n heard, a murmur of triumph or revenge: “I no longer fear THEe, my\n old enemy, who hast driven me a vagabond to every climate of THE\n earth. Thou art safely deposited under a seven-fold dome, from\n whence thou canst never arise till THE signal of THE last\n trumpet. It is now my turn, and speedily will I trample on thy\n ashes and thy posterity.” From his subsequent tyranny we may\n impute such feelings to THE man and THE moment; but it is not\n extremely probable that he gave an articulate sound to his secret\n thoughts. In THE first months of his administration, his designs\n were veiled by a fair semblance of hypocrisy, which could delude\n only THE eyes of THE multitude; THE coronation of Alexius was\n performed with due solemnity, and his perfidious guardian,\n holding in his hands THE body and blood of Christ, most fervently\n declared that he lived, and was ready to die, for THE service of\n his beloved pupil. But his numerous adherents were instructed to\n maintain, that THE sinking empire must perish in THE hands of a\n child, that THE Romans could only be saved by a veteran prince,\n bold in arms, skilful in policy, and taught to reign by THE long\n experience of fortune and mankind; and that it was THE duty of\n every citizen to force THE reluctant modesty of Andronicus to\n undertake THE burden of THE public care. The young emperor was\n himself constrained to join his voice to THE general acclamation,\n and to solicit THE association of a colleague, who instantly\n degraded him from THE supreme rank, secluded his person, and\n verified THE rash declaration of THE patriarch, that Alexius\n might be considered as dead, so soon as he was committed to THE\n custody of his guardian. But his death was preceded by THE\n imprisonment and execution of his moTHEr. After blackening her\n reputation, and inflaming against her THE passions of THE\n multitude, THE tyrant accused and tried THE empress for a\n treasonable correspondence with THE king of Hungary. His own son,\n a youth of honor and humanity, avowed his abhorrence of this\n flagitious act, and three of THE judges had THE merit of\n preferring THEir conscience to THEir safety: but THE obsequious\n tribunal, without requiring any reproof, or hearing any defence,\n condemned THE widow of Manuel; and her unfortunate son subscribed\n THE sentence of her death. Maria was strangled, her corpse was\n buried in THE sea, and her memory was wounded by THE insult most\n offensive to female vanity, a false and ugly representation of\n her beauteous form. The fate of her son was not long deferred: he\n was strangled with a bowstring; and THE tyrant, insensible to\n pity or remorse, after surveying THE body of THE innocent youth,\n struck it rudely with his foot: “Thy faTHEr,” he cried, “was a\n knave, thy moTHEr a whore, and thyself a fool!”\n\n\n The Roman sceptre, THE reward of his crimes, was held by\n Andronicus about three years and a half as THE guardian or\n sovereign of THE empire. His government exhibited a singular\n contrast of vice and virtue. When he listened to his passions, he\n was THE scourge; when he consulted his reason, THE faTHEr, of his\n people. In THE exercise of private justice, he was equitable and\n rigorous: a shameful and pernicious venality was abolished, and\n THE offices were filled with THE most deserving candidates, by a\n prince who had sense to choose, and severity to punish. He\n prohibited THE inhuman practice of pillaging THE goods and\n persons of shipwrecked mariners; THE provinces, so long THE\n objects of oppression or neglect, revived in prosperity and\n plenty; and millions applauded THE distant blessings of his\n reign, while he was cursed by THE witnesses of his daily\n cruelties. The ancient proverb, That bloodthirsty is THE man who\n returns from banishment to power, had been applied, with too much\n truth, to Marius and Tiberius; and was now verified for THE third\n time in THE life of Andronicus. His memory was stored with a\n black list of THE enemies and rivals, who had traduced his merit,\n opposed his greatness, or insulted his misfortunes; and THE only\n comfort of his exile was THE sacred hope and promise of revenge.\n The necessary extinction of THE young emperor and his moTHEr\n imposed THE fatal obligation of extirpating THE friends, who\n hated, and might punish, THE assassin; and THE repetition of\n murder rendered him less willing, and less able, to forgive. 1018\n A horrid narrative of THE victims whom he sacrificed by poison or\n THE sword, by THE sea or THE flames, would be less expressive of\n his cruelty than THE appellation of THE halcyon days, which was\n applied to a rare and bloodless week of repose: THE tyrant strove\n to transfer, on THE laws and THE judges, some portion of his\n guilt; but THE mask was fallen, and his subjects could no longer\n mistake THE true author of THEir calamities. The noblest of THE\n Greeks, more especially those who, by descent or alliance, might\n dispute THE Comnenian inheritance, escaped from THE monster’s\n den: Nice and Prusa, Sicily or Cyprus, were THEir places of\n refuge; and as THEir flight was already criminal, THEy aggravated\n THEir offence by an open revolt, and THE Imperial title. Yet\n Andronicus resisted THE daggers and swords of his most formidable\n enemies: Nice and Prusa were reduced and chastised: THE Sicilians\n were content with THE sack of Thessalonica; and THE distance of\n Cyprus was not more propitious to THE rebel than to THE tyrant.\n His throne was subverted by a rival without merit, and a people\n without arms. Isaac Angelus, a descendant in THE female line from\n THE great Alexius, was marked as a victim by THE prudence or\n superstition of THE emperor. 1019 In a moment of despair, Angelus\n defended his life and liberty, slew THE executioner, and fled to\n THE church of St. Sophia. The sanctuary was insensibly filled\n with a curious and mournful crowd, who, in his fate,\n prognosticated THEir own. But THEir lamentations were soon turned\n to curses, and THEir curses to threats: THEy dared to ask, “Why\n do we fear? why do we obey? We are many, and he is one: our\n patience is THE only bond of our slavery.” With THE dawn of day\n THE city burst into a general sedition, THE prisons were thrown\n open, THE coldest and most servile were roused to THE defence of\n THEir country, and Isaac, THE second of THE name, was raised from\n THE sanctuary to THE throne. Unconscious of his danger, THE\n tyrant was absent; withdrawn from THE toils of state, in THE\n delicious islands of THE Propontis. He had contracted an indecent\n marriage with Alice, or Agnes, daughter of Lewis THE Seventh, of\n France, and relict of THE unfortunate Alexius; and his society,\n more suitable to his temper than to his age, was composed of a\n young wife and a favorite concubine. On THE first alarm, he\n rushed to Constantinople, impatient for THE blood of THE guilty;\n but he was astonished by THE silence of THE palace, THE tumult of\n THE city, and THE general desertion of mankind. Andronicus\n proclaimed a free pardon to his subjects; THEy neiTHEr desired,\n nor would grant, forgiveness; he offered to resign THE crown to\n his son Manuel; but THE virtues of THE son could not expiate his\n faTHEr’s crimes. The sea was still open for his retreat; but THE\n news of THE revolution had flown along THE coast; when fear had\n ceased, obedience was no more: THE Imperial galley was pursued\n and taken by an armed brigantine; and THE tyrant was dragged to\n THE presence of Isaac Angelus, loaded with fetters, and a long\n chain round his neck. His eloquence, and THE tears of his female\n companions, pleaded in vain for his life; but, instead of THE\n decencies of a legal execution, THE new monarch abandoned THE\n criminal to THE numerous sufferers, whom he had deprived of a\n faTHEr, a husband, or a friend. His teeth and hair, an eye and a\n hand, were torn from him, as a poor compensation for THEir loss:\n and a short respite was allowed, that he might feel THE\n bitterness of death. Astride on a camel, without any danger of a\n rescue, he was carried through THE city, and THE basest of THE\n populace rejoiced to trample on THE fallen majesty of THEir\n prince. After a thousand blows and outrages, Andronicus was hung\n by THE feet, between two pillars, that supported THE statues of a\n wolf and an a sow; and every hand that could reach THE public\n enemy, inflicted on his body some mark of ingenious or brutal\n cruelty, till two friendly or furious Italians, plunging THEir\n swords into his body, released him from all human punishment. In\n this long and painful agony, “Lord, have mercy upon me!” and “Why\n will you bruise a broken reed?” were THE only words that escaped\n from his mouth. Our hatred for THE tyrant is lost in pity for THE\n man; nor can we blame his pusillanimous resignation, since a\n Greek Christian was no longer master of his life.\n\n 1018 (return) [ Fallmerayer (Geschichte des Kaiserthums von\n Trapezunt, p. 29, 33) has highly drawn THE character of\n Andronicus. In his view THE extermination of THE Byzantine\n factions and dissolute nobility was part of a deep-laid and\n splendid plan for THE regeneration of THE empire. It was\n necessary for THE wise and benevolent schemes of THE faTHEr of\n his people to lop off those limbs which were infected with\n irremediable pestilence— “and with necessity, The tyrant’s plea,\n excused his devilish deeds!!”—Still THE fall of Andronicus was a\n fatal blow to THE Byzantine empire.—M.]\n\n 1019 (return) [ According to Nicetas, (p. 444,) Andronicus\n despised THE imbecile Isaac too much to fear him; he was arrested\n by THE officious zeal of Stephen, THE instrument of THE Emperor’s\n cruelties.—M.]\n\n\n I have been tempted to expatiate on THE extraordinary character\n and adventures of Andronicus; but I shall here terminate THE\n series of THE Greek emperors since THE time of Heraclius. The\n branches that sprang from THE Comnenian trunk had insensibly\n wiTHEred; and THE male line was continued only in THE posterity\n of Andronicus himself, who, in THE public confusion, usurped THE\n sovereignty of Trebizond, so obscure in history, and so famous in\n romance. A private citizen of Philadelphia, Constantine Angelus,\n had emerged to wealth and honors, by his marriage with a daughter\n of THE emperor Alexius. His son Andronicus is conspicuous only by\n his cowardice. His grandson Isaac punished and succeeded THE\n tyrant; but he was dethroned by his own vices, and THE ambition\n of his broTHEr; and THEir discord introduced THE Latins to THE\n conquest of Constantinople, THE first great period in THE fall of\n THE Eastern empire.\n\n\n If we compute THE number and duration of THE reigns, it will be\n found, that a period of six hundred years is filled by sixty\n emperors, including in THE Augustan list some female sovereigns;\n and deducting some usurpers who were never acknowledged in THE\n capital, and some princes who did not live to possess THEir\n inheritance. The average proportion will allow ten years for each\n emperor, far below THE chronological rule of Sir Isaac Newton,\n who, from THE experience of more recent and regular monarchies,\n has defined about eighteen or twenty years as THE term of an\n ordinary reign. The Byzantine empire was most tranquil and\n prosperous when it could acquiesce in hereditary succession; five\n dynasties, THE Heraclian, Isaurian, Amorian, Basilian, and\n Comnenian families, enjoyed and transmitted THE royal patrimony\n during THEir respective series of five, four, three, six, and\n four generations; several princes number THE years of THEir reign\n with those of THEir infancy; and Constantine THE Seventh and his\n two grandsons occupy THE space of an entire century. But in THE\n intervals of THE Byzantine dynasties, THE succession is rapid and\n broken, and THE name of a successful candidate is speedily erased\n by a more fortunate competitor. Many were THE paths that led to\n THE summit of royalty: THE fabric of rebellion was overthrown by\n THE stroke of conspiracy, or undermined by THE silent arts of\n intrigue: THE favorites of THE soldiers or people, of THE senate\n or clergy, of THE women and eunuchs, were alternately cloTHEd\n with THE purple: THE means of THEir elevation were base, and\n THEir end was often contemptible or tragic. A being of THE nature\n of man, endowed with THE same faculties, but with a longer\n measure of existence, would cast down a smile of pity and\n contempt on THE crimes and follies of human ambition, so eager,\n in a narrow span, to grasp at a precarious and shortlived\n enjoyment. It is thus that THE experience of history exalts and\n enlarges THE horizon of our intellectual view. In a composition\n of some days, in a perusal of some hours, six hundred years have\n rolled away, and THE duration of a life or reign is contracted to\n a fleeting moment: THE grave is ever beside THE throne: THE\n success of a criminal is almost instantly followed by THE loss of\n his prize and our immortal reason survives and disdains THE sixty\n phantoms of kings who have passed before our eyes, and faintly\n dwell on our remembrance. The observation that, in every age and\n climate, ambition has prevailed with THE same commanding energy,\n may abate THE surprise of a philosopher: but while he condemns\n THE vanity, he may search THE motive, of this universal desire to\n obtain and hold THE sceptre of dominion. To THE greater part of\n THE Byzantine series, we cannot reasonably ascribe THE love of\n fame and of mankind. The virtue alone of John Comnenus was\n beneficent and pure: THE most illustrious of THE princes, who\n procede or follow that respectable name, have trod with some\n dexterity and vigor THE crooked and bloody paths of a selfish\n policy: in scrutinizing THE imperfect characters of Leo THE\n Isaurian, Basil THE First, and Alexius Comnenus, of Theophilus,\n THE second Basil, and Manuel Comnenus, our esteem and censure are\n almost equally balanced; and THE remainder of THE Imperial crowd\n could only desire and expect to be forgotten by posterity. Was\n personal happiness THE aim and object of THEir ambition? I shall\n not descant on THE vulgar topics of THE misery of kings; but I\n may surely observe, that THEir condition, of all oTHErs, is THE\n most pregnant with fear, and THE least susceptible of hope. For\n THEse opposite passions, a larger scope was allowed in THE\n revolutions of antiquity, than in THE smooth and solid temper of\n THE modern world, which cannot easily repeat eiTHEr THE triumph\n of Alexander or THE fall of Darius. But THE peculiar infelicity\n of THE Byzantine princes exposed THEm to domestic perils, without\n affording any lively promise of foreign conquest. From THE\n pinnacle of greatness, Andronicus was precipitated by a death\n more cruel and shameful than that of THE malefactor; but THE most\n glorious of his predecessors had much more to dread from THEir\n subjects than to hope from THEir enemies. The army was licentious\n without spirit, THE nation turbulent without freedom: THE\n Barbarians of THE East and West pressed on THE monarchy, and THE\n loss of THE provinces was terminated by THE final servitude of\n THE capital.\n\n\n The entire series of Roman emperors, from THE first of THE\n Caesars to THE last of THE Constantines, extends above fifteen\n hundred years: and THE term of dominion, unbroken by foreign\n conquest, surpasses THE measure of THE ancient monarchies; THE\n Assyrians or Medes, THE successors of Cyrus, or those of\n Alexander.\n\n\n\n\nVOLUME FIVE\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part I.\n\n Introduction, Worship, And Persecution Of Images.—Revolt Of Italy\n And Rome.—Temporal Dominion Of The Popes.—Conquest Of Italy By The\n Franks.—Establishment Of Images.—Character And Coronation Of\n Charlemagne.—Restoration And Decay Of The Roman Empire In The\n West.—Independence Of Italy.— Constitution Of The Germanic Body.\n\n In THE connection of THE church and state, I have considered THE\n former as subservient only, and relative, to THE latter; a\n salutary maxim, if in fact, as well as in narrative, it had ever\n been held sacred. The Oriental philosophy of THE Gnostics, THE\n dark abyss of predestination and grace, and THE strange\n transformation of THE Eucharist from THE sign to THE substance of\n Christ’s body, 1 I have purposely abandoned to THE curiosity of\n speculative divines. But I have reviewed, with diligence and\n pleasure, THE objects of ecclesiastical history, by which THE\n decline and fall of THE Roman empire were materially affected,\n THE propagation of Christianity, THE constitution of THE Catholic\n church, THE ruin of Paganism, and THE sects that arose from THE\n mysterious controversies concerning THE Trinity and incarnation.\n At THE head of this class, we may justly rank THE worship of\n images, so fiercely disputed in THE eighth and ninth centuries;\n since a question of popular superstition produced THE revolt of\n Italy, THE temporal power of THE popes, and THE restoration of\n THE Roman empire in THE West.\n\n 1 (return) [ The learned Selden has given THE history of\n transubstantiation in a comprehensive and pithy sentence: “This\n opinion is only rhetoric turned into logic,” (his Works, vol.\n iii. p. 2037, in his Table-Talk.)]\n\n The primitive Christians were possessed with an unconquerable\n repugnance to THE use and abuse of images; and this aversion may\n be ascribed to THEir descent from THE Jews, and THEir enmity to\n THE Greeks. The Mosaic law had severely proscribed all\n representations of THE Deity; and that precept was firmly\n established in THE principles and practice of THE chosen people.\n The wit of THE Christian apologists was pointed against THE\n foolish idolaters, who bowed before THE workmanship of THEir own\n hands; THE images of brass and marble, which, had THEy been\n endowed with sense and motion, should have started raTHEr from\n THE pedestal to adore THE creative powers of THE artist. 2\n Perhaps some recent and imperfect converts of THE Gnostic tribe\n might crown THE statues of Christ and St. Paul with THE profane\n honors which THEy paid to those of Aristotle and Pythagoras; 3\n but THE public religion of THE Catholics was uniformly simple and\n spiritual; and THE first notice of THE use of pictures is in THE\n censure of THE council of Illiberis, three hundred years after\n THE Christian aera. Under THE successors of Constantine, in THE\n peace and luxury of THE triumphant church, THE more prudent\n bishops condescended to indulge a visible superstition, for THE\n benefit of THE multitude; and, after THE ruin of Paganism, THEy\n were no longer restrained by THE apprehension of an odious\n parallel. The first introduction of a symbolic worship was in THE\n veneration of THE cross, and of relics. The saints and martyrs,\n whose intercession was implored, were seated on THE right hand of\n God; but THE gracious and often supernatural favors, which, in\n THE popular belief, were showered round THEir tomb, conveyed an\n unquestionable sanction of THE devout pilgrims, who visited, and\n touched, and kissed THEse lifeless remains, THE memorials of\n THEir merits and sufferings. 4 But a memorial, more interesting\n than THE skull or THE sandals of a departed worthy, is THE\n faithful copy of his person and features, delineated by THE arts\n of painting or sculpture. In every age, such copies, so congenial\n to human feelings, have been cherished by THE zeal of private\n friendship, or public esteem: THE images of THE Roman emperors\n were adored with civil, and almost religious, honors; a reverence\n less ostentatious, but more sincere, was applied to THE statues\n of sages and patriots; and THEse profane virtues, THEse splendid\n sins, disappeared in THE presence of THE holy men, who had died\n for THEir celestial and everlasting country. At first, THE\n experiment was made with caution and scruple; and THE venerable\n pictures were discreetly allowed to instruct THE ignorant, to\n awaken THE cold, and to gratify THE prejudices of THE heaTHEn\n proselytes. By a slow though inevitable progression, THE honors\n of THE original were transferred to THE copy: THE devout\n Christian prayed before THE image of a saint; and THE Pagan rites\n of genuflection, luminaries, and incense, again stole into THE\n Catholic church. The scruples of reason, or piety, were silenced\n by THE strong evidence of visions and miracles; and THE pictures\n which speak, and move, and bleed, must be endowed with a divine\n energy, and may be considered as THE proper objects of religious\n adoration. The most audacious pencil might tremble in THE rash\n attempt of defining, by forms and colors, THE infinite Spirit,\n THE eternal FaTHEr, who pervades and sustains THE universe. 5 But\n THE superstitious mind was more easily reconciled to paint and to\n worship THE angels, and, above all, THE Son of God, under THE\n human shape, which, on earth, THEy have condescended to assume.\n The second person of THE Trinity had been cloTHEd with a real and\n mortal body; but that body had ascended into heaven: and, had not\n some similitude been presented to THE eyes of his disciples, THE\n spiritual worship of Christ might have been obliterated by THE\n visible relics and representations of THE saints. A similar\n indulgence was requisite and propitious for THE Virgin Mary: THE\n place of her burial was unknown; and THE assumption of her soul\n and body into heaven was adopted by THE credulity of THE Greeks\n and Latins. The use, and even THE worship, of images was firmly\n established before THE end of THE sixth century: THEy were fondly\n cherished by THE warm imagination of THE Greeks and Asiatics: THE\n PanTHEon and Vatican were adorned with THE emblems of a new\n superstition; but this semblance of idolatry was more coldly\n entertained by THE rude Barbarians and THE Arian clergy of THE\n West. The bolder forms of sculpture, in brass or marble, which\n peopled THE temples of antiquity, were offensive to THE fancy or\n conscience of THE Christian Greeks: and a smooth surface of\n colors has ever been esteemed a more decent and harmless mode of\n imitation. 6\n\n 2 (return) [ Nec intelligunt homines ineptissimi, quod si sentire\n simulacra et moveri possent, adoratura hominem fuissent a quo\n sunt expolita. (Divin. Institut. l. ii. c. 2.) Lactantius is THE\n last, as well as THE most eloquent, of THE Latin apologists.\n Their raillery of idols attacks not only THE object, but THE form\n and matter.]\n\n 3 (return) [ See Irenaeus, Epiphanius, and Augustin, (Basnage,\n Hist. des Eglises Reformees, tom. ii. p. 1313.) This Gnostic\n practice has a singular affinity with THE private worship of\n Alexander Severus, (Lampridius, c. 29. Lardner, HeaTHEn\n Testimonies, vol. iii. p. 34.)]\n\n 4 (return) [ See this History, vol. ii. p. 261; vol. ii. p. 434;\n vol. iii. p. 158-163.]\n\n 5 (return) [ (Concilium Nicenum, ii. in Collect. Labb. tom. viii.\n p. 1025, edit. Venet.) Il seroit peut-etre a-propos de ne point\n souffrir d’images de la Trinite ou de la Divinite; les defenseurs\n les plus zeles des images ayant condamne celles-ci, et le concile\n de Trente ne parlant que des images de Jesus Christ et des\n Saints, (Dupin, Bibliot. Eccles. tom. vi. p. 154.)]\n\n 6 (return) [ This general history of images is drawn from THE\n xxiid book of THE Hist. des Eglises Reformees of Basnage, tom.\n ii. p. 1310-1337. He was a Protestant, but of a manly spirit; and\n on this head THE Protestants are so notoriously in THE right,\n that THEy can venture to be impartial. See THE perplexity of poor\n Friar Pagi, Critica, tom. i. p. 42.]\n\n The merit and effect of a copy depends on its resemblance with\n THE original; but THE primitive Christians were ignorant of THE\n genuine features of THE Son of God, his moTHEr, and his apostles:\n THE statue of Christ at Paneas in Palestine 7 was more probably\n that of some temporal savior; THE Gnostics and THEir profane\n monuments were reprobated; and THE fancy of THE Christian artists\n could only be guided by THE clandestine imitation of some heaTHEn\n model. In this distress, a bold and dexterous invention assured\n at once THE likeness of THE image and THE innocence of THE\n worship. A new super structure of fable was raised on THE popular\n basis of a Syrian legend, on THE correspondence of Christ and\n Abgarus, so famous in THE days of Eusebius, so reluctantly\n deserted by our modern advocates. The bishop of Caesarea 8\n records THE epistle, 9 but he most strangely forgets THE picture\n of Christ; 10 THE perfect impression of his face on a linen, with\n which he gratified THE faith of THE royal stranger who had\n invoked his healing power, and offered THE strong city of Edessa\n to protect him against THE malice of THE Jews. The ignorance of\n THE primitive church is explained by THE long imprisonment of THE\n image in a niche of THE wall, from whence, after an oblivion of\n five hundred years, it was released by some prudent bishop, and\n seasonably presented to THE devotion of THE times. Its first and\n most glorious exploit was THE deliverance of THE city from THE\n arms of Chosroes Nushirvan; and it was soon revered as a pledge\n of THE divine promise, that Edessa should never be taken by a\n foreign enemy. It is true, indeed, that THE text of Procopius\n ascribes THE double deliverance of Edessa to THE wealth and valor\n of her citizens, who purchased THE absence and repelled THE\n assaults of THE Persian monarch. He was ignorant, THE profane\n historian, of THE testimony which he is compelled to deliver in\n THE ecclesiastical page of Evagrius, that THE Palladium was\n exposed on THE rampart, and that THE water which had been\n sprinkled on THE holy face, instead of quenching, added new fuel\n to THE flames of THE besieged. After this important service, THE\n image of Edessa was preserved with respect and gratitude; and if\n THE Armenians rejected THE legend, THE more credulous Greeks\n adored THE similitude, which was not THE work of any mortal\n pencil, but THE immediate creation of THE divine original. The\n style and sentiments of a Byzantine hymn will declare how far\n THEir worship was removed from THE grossest idolatry. “How can we\n with mortal eyes contemplate this image, whose celestial splendor\n THE host of heaven presumes not to behold? He who dwells in\n heaven, condescends this day to visit us by his venerable image;\n He who is seated on THE cherubim, visits us this day by a\n picture, which THE FaTHEr has delineated with his immaculate\n hand, which he has formed in an ineffable manner, and which we\n sanctify by adoring it with fear and love.” Before THE end of THE\n sixth century, THEse images, made without hands, (in Greek it is\n a single word, 11 were propagated in THE camps and cities of THE\n Eastern empire: 12 THEy were THE objects of worship, and THE\n instruments of miracles; and in THE hour of danger or tumult,\n THEir venerable presence could revive THE hope, rekindle THE\n courage, or repress THE fury, of THE Roman legions. Of THEse\n pictures, THE far greater part, THE transcripts of a human\n pencil, could only pretend to a secondary likeness and improper\n title: but THEre were some of higher descent, who derived THEir\n resemblance from an immediate contact with THE original, endowed,\n for that purpose, with a miraculous and prolific virtue. The most\n ambitious aspired from a filial to a fraternal relation with THE\n image of Edessa; and such is THE veronica of Rome, or Spain, or\n Jerusalem, which Christ in his agony and bloody sweat applied to\n his face, and delivered to a holy matron. The fruitful precedent\n was speedily transferred to THE Virgin Mary, and THE saints and\n martyrs. In THE church of Diospolis, in Palestine, THE features\n of THE MoTHEr of God 13 were deeply inscribed in a marble column;\n THE East and West have been decorated by THE pencil of St. Luke;\n and THE Evangelist, who was perhaps a physician, has been forced\n to exercise THE occupation of a painter, so profane and odious in\n THE eyes of THE primitive Christians. The Olympian Jove, created\n by THE muse of Homer and THE chisel of Phidias, might inspire a\n philosophic mind with momentary devotion; but THEse Catholic\n images were faintly and flatly delineated by monkish artists in\n THE last degeneracy of taste and genius. 14\n\n 7 (return) [ After removing some rubbish of miracle and\n inconsistency, it may be allowed, that as late as THE year 300,\n Paneas in Palestine was decorated with a bronze statue,\n representing a grave personage wrapped in a cloak, with a\n grateful or suppliant female kneeling before him, and that an\n inscription was perhaps inscribed on THE pedestal. By THE\n Christians, this group was foolishly explained of THEir founder\n and THE poor woman whom he had cured of THE bloody flux, (Euseb.\n vii. 18, Philostorg. vii. 3, &c.) M. de Beausobre more reasonably\n conjectures THE philosopher Apollonius, or THE emperor Vespasian:\n in THE latter supposition, THE female is a city, a province, or\n perhaps THE queen Berenice, (BiblioTHEque Germanique, tom. xiii.\n p. 1-92.)]\n\n 8 (return) [ Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. i. c. 13. The learned\n Assemannus has brought up THE collateral aid of three Syrians,\n St. Ephrem, Josua Stylites, and James bishop of Sarug; but I do\n not find any notice of THE Syriac original or THE archives of\n Edessa, (Bibliot. Orient. tom. i. p. 318, 420, 554;) THEir vague\n belief is probably derived from THE Greeks.]\n\n 9 (return) [ The evidence for THEse epistles is stated and\n rejected by THE candid Lardner, (HeaTHEn Testimonies, vol. i. p.\n 297-309.) Among THE herd of bigots who are forcibly driven from\n this convenient, but untenable, post, I am ashamed, with THE\n Grabes, Caves, Tillemonts, &c., to discover Mr. Addison, an\n English gentleman, (his Works, vol. i. p. 528, Baskerville’s\n edition;) but his superficial tract on THE Christian religion\n owes its credit to his name, his style, and THE interested\n applause of our clergy.]\n\n 10 (return) [ From THE silence of James of Sarug, (Asseman.\n Bibliot. Orient. p. 289, 318,) and THE testimony of Evagrius,\n (Hist. Eccles. l. iv. c. 27,) I conclude that this fable was\n invented between THE years 521 and 594, most probably after THE\n siege of Edessa in 540, (Asseman. tom. i. p. 416. Procopius, de\n Bell. Persic. l. ii.) It is THE sword and buckler of, Gregory\n II., (in Epist. i. ad. Leon. Isaur. Concil. tom. viii. p. 656,\n 657,) of John Damascenus, (Opera, tom. i. p. 281, edit. Lequien,)\n and of THE second Nicene Council, (Actio v. p. 1030.) The most\n perfect edition may be found in Cedrenus, (Compend. p. 175-178.)]\n\n 11 (return) [ See Ducange, in Gloss. Graec. et Lat. The subject\n is treated with equal learning and bigotry by THE Jesuit Gretser,\n (Syntagma de Imaginibus non Manu factis, ad calcem Codini de\n Officiis, p. 289-330,) THE ass, or raTHEr THE fox, of\n Ingoldstadt, (see THE Scaligerana;) with equal reason and wit by\n THE Protestant Beausobre, in THE ironical controversy which he\n has spread through many volumes of THE BiblioTHEque Germanique,\n (tom. xviii. p. 1-50, xx. p. 27-68, xxv. p. 1-36, xxvii. p.\n 85-118, xxviii. p. 1-33, xxxi. p. 111-148, xxxii. p. 75-107,\n xxxiv. p. 67-96.)]\n\n 12 (return) [ Theophylact Simocatta (l. ii. c. 3, p. 34, l. iii.\n c. 1, p. 63) celebrates it; yet it was no more than a copy, since\n he adds (of Edessa). See Pagi, tom. ii. A.D. 588 No. 11.]\n\n 13 (return) [ See, in THE genuine or supposed works of John\n Damascenus, two passages on THE Virgin and St. Luke, which have\n not been noticed by Gretser, nor consequently by Beausobre,\n (Opera Joh. Damascen. tom. i. p. 618, 631.)]\n\n 14 (return) [ “Your scandalous figures stand quite out from THE\n canvass: THEy are as bad as a group of statues!” It was thus that\n THE ignorance and bigotry of a Greek priest applauded THE\n pictures of Titian, which he had ordered, and refused to accept.]\n\n The worship of images had stolen into THE church by insensible\n degrees, and each petty step was pleasing to THE superstitious\n mind, as productive of comfort, and innocent of sin. But in THE\n beginning of THE eighth century, in THE full magnitude of THE\n abuse, THE more timorous Greeks were awakened by an apprehension,\n that under THE mask of Christianity, THEy had restored THE\n religion of THEir faTHErs: THEy heard, with grief and impatience,\n THE name of idolaters; THE incessant charge of THE Jews and\n Mahometans, 15 who derived from THE Law and THE Koran an immortal\n hatred to graven images and all relative worship. The servitude\n of THE Jews might curb THEir zeal, and depreciate THEir\n authority; but THE triumphant Mussulmans, who reigned at\n Damascus, and threatened Constantinople, cast into THE scale of\n reproach THE accumulated weight of truth and victory. The cities\n of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt had been fortified with THE images\n of Christ, his moTHEr, and his saints; and each city presumed on\n THE hope or promise of miraculous defence. In a rapid conquest of\n ten years, THE Arabs subdued those cities and THEse images; and,\n in THEir opinion, THE Lord of Hosts pronounced a decisive\n judgment between THE adoration and contempt of THEse mute and\n inanimate idols. 1511 For a while Edessa had braved THE Persian\n assaults; but THE chosen city, THE spouse of Christ, was involved\n in THE common ruin; and his divine resemblance became THE slave\n and trophy of THE infidels. After a servitude of three hundred\n years, THE Palladium was yielded to THE devotion of\n Constantinople, for a ransom of twelve thousand pounds of silver,\n THE redemption of two hundred Mussulmans, and a perpetual truce\n for THE territory of Edessa. 16 In this season of distress and\n dismay, THE eloquence of THE monks was exercised in THE defence\n of images; and THEy attempted to prove, that THE sin and schism\n of THE greatest part of THE Orientals had forfeited THE favor,\n and annihilated THE virtue, of THEse precious symbols. But THEy\n were now opposed by THE murmurs of many simple or rational\n Christians, who appealed to THE evidence of texts, of facts, and\n of THE primitive times, and secretly desired THE reformation of\n THE church. As THE worship of images had never been established\n by any general or positive law, its progress in THE Eastern\n empire had been retarded, or accelerated, by THE differences of\n men and manners, THE local degrees of refinement, and THE\n personal characters of THE bishops. The splendid devotion was\n fondly cherished by THE levity of THE capital, and THE inventive\n genius of THE Byzantine clergy; while THE rude and remote\n districts of Asia were strangers to this innovation of sacred\n luxury. Many large congregations of Gnostics and Arians\n maintained, after THEir conversion, THE simple worship which had\n preceded THEir separation; and THE Armenians, THE most warlike\n subjects of Rome, were not reconciled, in THE twelfth century, to\n THE sight of images. 17 These various denominations of men\n afforded a fund of prejudice and aversion, of small account in\n THE villages of Anatolia or Thrace, but which, in THE fortune of\n a soldier, a prelate, or a eunuch, might be often connected with\n THE powers of THE church and state.\n\n 15 (return) [ By Cedrenus, Zonaras, Glycas, and Manasses, THE\n origin of THE Aconoclcasts is imprinted to THE caliph Yezid and\n two Jews, who promised THE empire to Leo; and THE reproaches of\n THEse hostile sectaries are turned into an absurd conspiracy for\n restoring THE purity of THE Christian worship, (see Spanheim,\n Hist. Imag. c. 2.)]\n\n 1511 (return) [ Yezid, ninth caliph of THE race of THE Ommiadae,\n caused all THE images in Syria to be destroyed about THE year\n 719; hence THE orthodox reproaches THE sectaries with following\n THE example of THE Saracens and THE Jews Fragm. Mon. Johan.\n Jerosylym. Script. Byzant. vol. xvi. p. 235. Hist. des Repub.\n Ital. par M. Sismondi, vol. i. p. 126.—G.]\n\n 16 (return) [ See Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 267,)\n Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 201,) and Abulfeda, (Annal. Moslem. p.\n 264,), and THE criticisms of Pagi, (tom. iii. A.D. 944.) The\n prudent Franciscan refuses to determine wheTHEr THE image of\n Edessa now reposes at Rome or Genoa; but its repose is\n inglorious, and this ancient object of worship is no longer\n famous or fashionable.]\n\n 17 (return) [ (Nicetas, l. ii. p. 258.) The Armenian churches are\n still content with THE Cross, (Missions du Levant, tom. iii. p.\n 148;) but surely THE superstitious Greek is unjust to THE\n superstition of THE Germans of THE xiith century.]\n\n Of such adventurers, THE most fortunate was THE emperor Leo THE\n Third, 18 who, from THE mountains of Isauria, ascended THE throne\n of THE East. He was ignorant of sacred and profane letters; but\n his education, his reason, perhaps his intercourse with THE Jews\n and Arabs, had inspired THE martial peasant with a hatred of\n images; and it was held to be THE duty of a prince to impose on\n his subjects THE dictates of his own conscience. But in THE\n outset of an unsettled reign, during ten years of toil and\n danger, Leo submitted to THE meanness of hypocrisy, bowed before\n THE idols which he despised, and satisfied THE Roman pontiff with\n THE annual professions of his orthodoxy and zeal. In THE\n reformation of religion, his first steps were moderate and\n cautious: he assembled a great council of senators and bishops,\n and enacted, with THEir consent, that all THE images should be\n removed from THE sanctuary and altar to a proper height in THE\n churches where THEy might be visible to THE eyes, and\n inaccessible to THE superstition, of THE people. But it was\n impossible on eiTHEr side to check THE rapid through adverse\n impulse of veneration and abhorrence: in THEir lofty position,\n THE sacred images still edified THEir votaries, and reproached\n THE tyrant. He was himself provoked by resistance and invective;\n and his own party accused him of an imperfect discharge of his\n duty, and urged for his imitation THE example of THE Jewish king,\n who had broken without scruple THE brazen serpent of THE temple.\n By a second edict, he proscribed THE existence as well as THE use\n of religious pictures; THE churches of Constantinople and THE\n provinces were cleansed from idolatry; THE images of Christ, THE\n Virgin, and THE saints, were demolished, or a smooth surface of\n plaster was spread over THE walls of THE edifice. The sect of THE\n Iconoclasts was supported by THE zeal and despotism of six\n emperors, and THE East and West were involved in a noisy conflict\n of one hundred and twenty years. It was THE design of Leo THE\n Isaurian to pronounce THE condemnation of images as an article of\n faith, and by THE authority of a general council: but THE\n convocation of such an assembly was reserved for his son\n Constantine; 19 and though it is stigmatized by triumphant\n bigotry as a meeting of fools and aTHEists, THEir own partial and\n mutilated acts betray many symptoms of reason and piety. The\n debates and decrees of many provincial synods introduced THE\n summons of THE general council which met in THE suburbs of\n Constantinople, and was composed of THE respectable number of\n three hundred and thirty-eight bishops of Europe and Anatolia;\n for THE patriarchs of Antioch and Alexandria were THE slaves of\n THE caliph, and THE Roman pontiff had withdrawn THE churches of\n Italy and THE West from THE communion of THE Greeks. This\n Byzantine synod assumed THE rank and powers of THE seventh\n general council; yet even this title was a recognition of THE six\n preceding assemblies, which had laboriously built THE structure\n of THE Catholic faith. After a serious deliberation of six\n months, THE three hundred and thirty-eight bishops pronounced and\n subscribed a unanimous decree, that all visible symbols of\n Christ, except in THE Eucharist, were eiTHEr blasphemous or\n heretical; that image-worship was a corruption of Christianity\n and a renewal of Paganism; that all such monuments of idolatry\n should be broken or erased; and that those who should refuse to\n deliver THE objects of THEir private superstition, were guilty of\n disobedience to THE authority of THE church and of THE emperor.\n In THEir loud and loyal acclamations, THEy celebrated THE merits\n of THEir temporal redeemer; and to his zeal and justice THEy\n intrusted THE execution of THEir spiritual censures. At\n Constantinople, as in THE former councils, THE will of THE prince\n was THE rule of episcopal faith; but on this occasion, I am\n inclined to suspect that a large majority of THE prelates\n sacrificed THEir secret conscience to THE temptations of hope and\n fear. In THE long night of superstition, THE Christians had\n wandered far away from THE simplicity of THE gospel: nor was it\n easy for THEm to discern THE clew, and tread back THE mazes, of\n THE labyrinth. The worship of images was inseparably blended, at\n least to a pious fancy, with THE Cross, THE Virgin, THE Saints\n and THEir relics; THE holy ground was involved in a cloud of\n miracles and visions; and THE nerves of THE mind, curiosity and\n scepticism, were benumbed by THE habits of obedience and belief.\n Constantine himself is accused of indulging a royal license to\n doubt, or deny, or deride THE mysteries of THE Catholics, 20 but\n THEy were deeply inscribed in THE public and private creed of his\n bishops; and THE boldest Iconoclast might assault with a secret\n horror THE monuments of popular devotion, which were consecrated\n to THE honor of his celestial patrons. In THE reformation of THE\n sixteenth century, freedom and knowledge had expanded all THE\n faculties of man: THE thirst of innovation superseded THE\n reverence of antiquity; and THE vigor of Europe could disdain\n those phantoms which terrified THE sickly and servile weakness of\n THE Greeks.\n\n 18 (return) [ Our original, but not impartial, monuments of THE\n Iconoclasts must be drawn from THE Acts of THE Councils, tom.\n viii. and ix. Collect. Labbe, edit. Venet. and THE historical\n writings of Theophanes, Nicephorus, Manasses, Cedrenus, Zonoras,\n &c. Of THE modern Catholics, Baronius, Pagi, Natalis Alexander,\n (Hist. Eccles. Seculum viii. and ix.,) and Maimbourg, (Hist. des\n Iconoclasts,) have treated THE subject with learning, passion,\n and credulity. The Protestant labors of Frederick Spanheim\n (Historia Imaginum restituta) and James Basnage (Hist. des\n Eglises Reformees, tom. ii. l. xxiiii. p. 1339-1385) are cast\n into THE Iconoclast scale. With this mutual aid, and opposite\n tendency, it is easy for us to poise THE balance with philosophic\n indifference. * Note: Compare Schlosser, Geschichte der\n Bilder-sturmender Kaiser, Frankfurt am-Main 1812 a book of\n research and impartiality—M.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Some flowers of rhetoric. By Damascenus is styled\n (Opera, tom. i. p. 623.) Spanheim’s Apology for THE Synod of\n Constantinople (p. 171, &c.) is worked up with truth and\n ingenuity, from such materials as he could find in THE Nicene\n Acts, (p. 1046, &c.) The witty John of Damascus converts it into\n slaves of THEir belly, &c. Opera, tom. i. p. 806]\n\n 20 (return) [ He is accused of proscribing THE title of saint;\n styling THE Virgin, MoTHEr of Christ; comparing her after her\n delivery to an empty purse of Arianism, Nestorianism, &c. In his\n defence, Spanheim (c. iv. p. 207) is somewhat embarrassed between\n THE interest of a Protestant and THE duty of an orthodox divine.]\n\n The scandal of an abstract heresy can be only proclaimed to THE\n people by THE blast of THE ecclesiastical trumpet; but THE most\n ignorant can perceive, THE most torpid must feel, THE profanation\n and downfall of THEir visible deities. The first hostilities of\n Leo were directed against a lofty Christ on THE vestibule, and\n above THE gate, of THE palace. A ladder had been planted for THE\n assault, but it was furiously shaken by a crowd of zealots and\n women: THEy beheld, with pious transport, THE ministers of\n sacrilege tumbling from on high and dashed against THE pavement:\n and THE honors of THE ancient martyrs were prostituted to THEse\n criminals, who justly suffered for murder and rebellion. 21 The\n execution of THE Imperial edicts was resisted by frequent tumults\n in Constantinople and THE provinces: THE person of Leo was\n endangered, his officers were massacred, and THE popular\n enthusiasm was quelled by THE strongest efforts of THE civil and\n military power. Of THE Archipelago, or Holy Sea, THE numerous\n islands were filled with images and monks: THEir votaries\n abjured, without scruple, THE enemy of Christ, his moTHEr, and\n THE saints; THEy armed a fleet of boats and galleys, displayed\n THEir consecrated banners, and boldly steered for THE harbor of\n Constantinople, to place on THE throne a new favorite of God and\n THE people. They depended on THE succor of a miracle: but THEir\n miracles were inefficient against THE Greek fire; and, after THE\n defeat and conflagration of THE fleet, THE naked islands were\n abandoned to THE clemency or justice of THE conqueror. The son of\n Leo, in THE first year of his reign, had undertaken an expedition\n against THE Saracens: during his absence, THE capital, THE\n palace, and THE purple, were occupied by his kinsman Artavasdes,\n THE ambitious champion of THE orthodox faith. The worship of\n images was triumphantly restored: THE patriarch renounced his\n dissimulation, or dissembled his sentiments and THE righteous\n claims of THE usurper was acknowledged, both in THE new, and in\n ancient, Rome. Constantine flew for refuge to his paternal\n mountains; but he descended at THE head of THE bold and\n affectionate Isaurians; and his final victory confounded THE arms\n and predictions of THE fanatics. His long reign was distracted\n with clamor, sedition, conspiracy, and mutual hatred, and\n sanguinary revenge; THE persecution of images was THE motive or\n pretence, of his adversaries; and, if THEy missed a temporal\n diadem, THEy were rewarded by THE Greeks with THE crown of\n martyrdom. In every act of open and clandestine treason, THE\n emperor felt THE unforgiving enmity of THE monks, THE faithful\n slaves of THE superstition to which THEy owed THEir riches and\n influence. They prayed, THEy preached, THEy absolved, THEy\n inflamed, THEy conspired; THE solitude of Palestine poured forth\n a torrent of invective; and THE pen of St. John Damascenus, 22\n THE last of THE Greek faTHErs, devoted THE tyrant’s head, both in\n this world and THE next. 23 2311 I am not at leisure to examine\n how far THE monks provoked, nor how much THEy have exaggerated,\n THEir real and pretended sufferings, nor how many lost THEir\n lives or limbs, THEir eyes or THEir beards, by THE cruelty of THE\n emperor. 2312 From THE chastisement of individuals, he proceeded\n to THE abolition of THE order; and, as it was wealthy and\n useless, his resentment might be stimulated by avarice, and\n justified by patriotism. The formidable name and mission of THE\n Dragon, 24 his visitor-general, excited THE terror and abhorrence\n of THE black nation: THE religious communities were dissolved,\n THE buildings were converted into magazines, or barracks; THE\n lands, movables, and cattle were confiscated; and our modern\n precedents will support THE charge, that much wanton or malicious\n havoc was exercised against THE relics, and even THE books of THE\n monasteries. With THE habit and profession of monks, THE public\n and private worship of images was rigorously proscribed; and it\n should seem, that a solemn abjuration of idolatry was exacted\n from THE subjects, or at least from THE clergy, of THE Eastern\n empire. 25\n\n 21 (return) [ The holy confessor Theophanes approves THE\n principle of THEir rebellion, (p. 339.) Gregory II. (in Epist. i.\n ad Imp. Leon. Concil. tom. viii. p. 661, 664) applauds THE zeal\n of THE Byzantine women who killed THE Imperial officers.]\n\n 22 (return) [ John, or Mansur, was a noble Christian of Damascus,\n who held a considerable office in THE service of THE caliph. His\n zeal in THE cause of images exposed him to THE resentment and\n treachery of THE Greek emperor; and on THE suspicion of a\n treasonable correspondence, he was deprived of his right hand,\n which was miraculously restored by THE Virgin. After this\n deliverance, he resigned his office, distributed his wealth, and\n buried himself in THE monastery of St. Sabas, between Jerusalem\n and THE Dead Sea. The legend is famous; but his learned editor,\n FaTHEr Lequien, has a unluckily proved that St. John Damascenus\n was already a monk before THE Iconoclast dispute, (Opera, tom. i.\n Vit. St. Joan. Damascen. p. 10-13, et Notas ad loc.)]\n\n 23 (return) [ After sending Leo to THE devil, he introduces his\n heir, (Opera, Damascen. tom. i. p. 625.) If THE auTHEnticity of\n this piece be suspicious, we are sure that in oTHEr works, no\n longer extant, Damascenus bestowed on Constantine THE titles.\n (tom. i. p. 306.)]\n\n 2311 (return) [ The patriarch Anastasius, an Iconoclast under\n Leo, an image worshipper under Artavasdes, was scourged, led\n through THE streets on an ass, with his face to THE tail; and,\n reinvested in his dignity, became again THE obsequious minister\n of Constantine in his Iconoclastic persecutions. See Schlosser p.\n 211.—M.]\n\n 2312 (return) [ Compare Schlosser, p. 228-234.—M.]\n\n 24 (return) [ In THE narrative of this persecution from\n Theophanes and Cedreves, Spanheim (p. 235-238) is happy to\n compare THE Draco of Leo with THE dragoons (Dracones) of Louis\n XIV.; and highly solaces himself with THE controversial pun.]\n\n 25 (return) [ (Damascen. Op. tom. i. p. 625.) This oath and\n subscription I do not remember to have seen in any modern\n compilation]\n\n The patient East abjured, with reluctance, her sacred images;\n THEy were fondly cherished, and vigorously defended, by THE\n independent zeal of THE Italians. In ecclesiastical rank and\n jurisdiction, THE patriarch of Constantinople and THE pope of\n Rome were nearly equal. But THE Greek prelate was a domestic\n slave under THE eye of his master, at whose nod he alternately\n passed from THE convent to THE throne, and from THE throne to THE\n convent. A distant and dangerous station, amidst THE Barbarians\n of THE West, excited THE spirit and freedom of THE Latin bishops.\n\n Their popular election endeared THEm to THE Romans: THE public\n and private indigence was relieved by THEir ample revenue; and\n THE weakness or neglect of THE emperors compelled THEm to\n consult, both in peace and war, THE temporal safety of THE city.\n In THE school of adversity THE priest insensibly imbibed THE\n virtues and THE ambition of a prince; THE same character was\n assumed, THE same policy was adopted, by THE Italian, THE Greek,\n or THE Syrian, who ascended THE chair of St. Peter; and, after\n THE loss of her legions and provinces, THE genius and fortune of\n THE popes again restored THE supremacy of Rome. It is agreed,\n that in THE eighth century, THEir dominion was founded on\n rebellion, and that THE rebellion was produced, and justified, by\n THE heresy of THE Iconoclasts; but THE conduct of THE second and\n third Gregory, in this memorable contest, is variously\n interpreted by THE wishes of THEir friends and enemies. The\n Byzantine writers unanimously declare, that, after a fruitless\n admonition, THEy pronounced THE separation of THE East and West,\n and deprived THE sacrilegious tyrant of THE revenue and\n sovereignty of Italy. Their excommunication is still more clearly\n expressed by THE Greeks, who beheld THE accomplishment of THE\n papal triumphs; and as THEy are more strongly attached to THEir\n religion than to THEir country, THEy praise, instead of blaming,\n THE zeal and orthodoxy of THEse apostolical men. 26 The modern\n champions of Rome are eager to accept THE praise and THE\n precedent: this great and glorious example of THE deposition of\n royal heretics is celebrated by THE cardinals Baronius and\n Bellarmine; 27 and if THEy are asked, why THE same thunders were\n not hurled against THE Neros and Julians of antiquity, THEy\n reply, that THE weakness of THE primitive church was THE sole\n cause of her patient loyalty. 28 On this occasion THE effects of\n love and hatred are THE same; and THE zealous Protestants, who\n seek to kindle THE indignation, and to alarm THE fears, of\n princes and magistrates, expatiate on THE insolence and treason\n of THE two Gregories against THEir lawful sovereign. 29 They are\n defended only by THE moderate Catholics, for THE most part, of\n THE Gallican church, 30 who respect THE saint, without approving\n THE sin. These common advocates of THE crown and THE mitre\n circumscribe THE truth of facts by THE rule of equity, Scripture,\n and tradition, and appeal to THE evidence of THE Latins, 31 and\n THE lives 32 and epistles of THE popes; THEmselves.\n\n 26 (return) [ Theophanes. (Chronograph. p. 343.) For this Gregory\n is styled by Cedrenus. (p. 450.) Zonaras specifies THE thunder,\n (tom. ii. l. xv. p. 104, 105.) It may be observed, that THE\n Greeks are apt to confound THE times and actions of two\n Gregories.]\n\n 27 (return) [ See Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 730, No. 4, 5;\n dignum exemplum! Bellarmin. de Romano Pontifice, l. v. c. 8:\n mulctavit eum parte imperii. Sigonius, de Regno Italiae, l. iii.\n Opera, tom. ii. p. 169. Yet such is THE change of Italy, that\n Sigonius is corrected by THE editor of Milan, Philipus Argelatus,\n a Bolognese, and subject of THE pope.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Quod si Christiani olim non deposuerunt Neronem aut\n Julianum, id fuit quia deerant vires temporales Christianis,\n (honest Bellarmine, de Rom. Pont. l. v. c. 7.) Cardinal Perron\n adds a distinction more honorable to THE first Christians, but\n not more satisfactory to modern princes—THE treason of heretics\n and apostates, who break THEir oath, belie THEir coin, and\n renounce THEir allegiance to Christ and his vicar, (Perroniana,\n p. 89.)]\n\n 29 (return) [ Take, as a specimen, THE cautious Basnage (Hist.\n d’Eglise, p. 1350, 1351) and THE vehement Spanheim, (Hist.\n Imaginum,) who, with a hundred more, tread in THE footsteps of\n THE centuriators of Magdeburgh.]\n\n 30 (return) [ See Launoy, (Opera, tom. v. pars ii. epist. vii. 7,\n p. 456-474,) Natalis Alexander, (Hist. Nov. Testamenti, secul.\n viii. dissert. i. p. 92-98,) Pagi, (Critica, tom. iii. p. 215,\n 216,) and Giannone, (Istoria Civile Napoli, tom. i. p. 317-320,)\n a disciple of THE Gallican school In THE field of controversy I\n always pity THE moderate party, who stand on THE open middle\n ground exposed to THE fire of both sides.]\n\n 31 (return) [ They appeal to Paul Warnefrid, or Diaconus, (de\n Gestis Langobard. l. vi. c. 49, p. 506, 507, in Script. Ital.\n Muratori, tom. i. pars i.,) and THE nominal Anastasius, (de Vit.\n Pont. in Muratori, tom. iii. pars i. Gregorius II. p. 154.\n Gregorius III. p. 158. Zacharias, p. 161. Stephanus III. p. 165.;\n Paulus, p. 172. Stephanus IV. p. 174. Hadrianus, p. 179. Leo III.\n p. 195.) Yet I may remark, that THE true Anastasius (Hist.\n Eccles. p. 134, edit. Reg.) and THE Historia Miscella, (l. xxi.\n p. 151, in tom. i. Script. Ital.,) both of THE ixth century,\n translate and approve THE Greek text of Theophanes.]\n\n 32 (return) [ With some minute difference, THE most learned\n critics, Lucas Holstenius, Schelestrate, Ciampini, Bianchini,\n Muratori, (Prolegomena ad tom. iii. pars i.,) are agreed that THE\n Liber Pontificalis was composed and continued by THE apostolic\n librarians and notaries of THE viiith and ixth centuries; and\n that THE last and smallest part is THE work of Anastasius, whose\n name it bears. The style is barbarous, THE narrative partial, THE\n details are trifling—yet it must be read as a curious and\n auTHEntic record of THE times. The epistles of THE popes are\n dispersed in THE volumes of Councils.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part II.\n\n Two original epistles, from Gregory THE Second to THE emperor\n Leo, are still extant; 33 and if THEy cannot be praised as THE\n most perfect models of eloquence and logic, THEy exhibit THE\n portrait, or at least THE mask, of THE founder of THE papal\n monarchy. “During ten pure and fortunate years,” says Gregory to\n THE emperor, “we have tasted THE annual comfort of your royal\n letters, subscribed in purple ink, with your own hand, THE sacred\n pledges of your attachment to THE orthodox creed of our faTHErs.\n How deplorable is THE change! how tremendous THE scandal! You now\n accuse THE Catholics of idolatry; and, by THE accusation, you\n betray your own impiety and ignorance. To this ignorance we are\n compelled to adapt THE grossness of our style and arguments: THE\n first elements of holy letters are sufficient for your confusion;\n and were you to enter a grammar-school, and avow yourself THE\n enemy of our worship, THE simple and pious children would be\n provoked to cast THEir horn-books at your head.” After this\n decent salutation, THE pope attempts THE usual distinction\n between THE idols of antiquity and THE Christian images. The\n former were THE fanciful representations of phantoms or daemons,\n at a time when THE true God had not manifested his person in any\n visible likeness. The latter are THE genuine forms of Christ, his\n moTHEr, and his saints, who had approved, by a crowd of miracles,\n THE innocence and merit of this relative worship. He must indeed\n have trusted to THE ignorance of Leo, since he could assert THE\n perpetual use of images, from THE apostolic age, and THEir\n venerable presence in THE six synods of THE Catholic church. A\n more specious argument is drawn from present possession and\n recent practice THE harmony of THE Christian world supersedes THE\n demand of a general council; and Gregory frankly confesses, than\n such assemblies can only be useful under THE reign of an orthodox\n prince. To THE impudent and inhuman Leo, more guilty than a\n heretic, he recommends peace, silence, and implicit obedience to\n his spiritual guides of Constantinople and Rome. The limits of\n civil and ecclesiastical powers are defined by THE pontiff. To\n THE former he appropriates THE body; to THE latter, THE soul: THE\n sword of justice is in THE hands of THE magistrate: THE more\n formidable weapon of excommunication is intrusted to THE clergy;\n and in THE exercise of THEir divine commission a zealous son will\n not spare his offending faTHEr: THE successor of St. Peter may\n lawfully chastise THE kings of THE earth. “You assault us, O\n tyrant! with a carnal and military hand: unarmed and naked we can\n only implore THE Christ, THE prince of THE heavenly host, that he\n will send unto you a devil, for THE destruction of your body and\n THE salvation of your soul. You declare, with foolish arrogance,\n I will despatch my orders to Rome: I will break in pieces THE\n image of St. Peter; and Gregory, like his predecessor Martin,\n shall be transported in chains, and in exile, to THE foot of THE\n Imperial throne. Would to God that I might be permitted to tread\n in THE footsteps of THE holy Martin! but may THE fate of Constans\n serve as a warning to THE persecutors of THE church! After his\n just condemnation by THE bishops of Sicily, THE tyrant was cut\n off, in THE fullness of his sins, by a domestic servant: THE\n saint is still adored by THE nations of Scythia, among whom he\n ended his banishment and his life. But it is our duty to live for\n THE edification and support of THE faithful people; nor are we\n reduced to risk our safety on THE event of a combat. Incapable as\n you are of defending your Roman subjects, THE maritime situation\n of THE city may perhaps expose it to your depredation but we can\n remove to THE distance of four-and-twenty stadia, to THE first\n fortress of THE Lombards, and THEn—you may pursue THE winds. 34\n Are you ignorant that THE popes are THE bond of union, THE\n mediators of peace, between THE East and West? The eyes of THE\n nations are fixed on our humility; and THEy revere, as a God upon\n earth, THE apostle St. Peter, whose image you threaten to\n destroy. 35 The remote and interior kingdoms of THE West present\n THEir homage to Christ and his vicegerent; and we now prepare to\n visit one of THEir most powerful monarchs, who desires to receive\n from our hands THE sacrament of baptism. 36 The Barbarians have\n submitted to THE yoke of THE gospel, while you alone are deaf to\n THE voice of THE shepherd. These pious Barbarians are kindled\n into rage: THEy thirst to avenge THE persecution of THE East.\n Abandon your rash and fatal enterprise; reflect, tremble, and\n repent. If you persist, we are innocent of THE blood that will be\n spilt in THE contest; may it fall on your own head!”\n\n 33 (return) [ The two epistles of Gregory II. have been preserved\n in THE Acta of THE Nicene Council, (tom. viii. p. 651-674.) They\n are without a date, which is variously fixed, by Baronius in THE\n year 726, by Muratori (Annali d’Italia, tom. vi. p. 120) in 729,\n and by Pagi in 730. Such is THE force of prejudice, that some\n papists have praised THE good sense and moderation of THEse\n letters.]\n\n 34 (return) [ (Epist. i. p. 664.) This proximity of THE Lombards\n is hard of digestion. Camillo Pellegrini (Dissert. iv. de Ducatu\n Beneventi, in THE Script. Ital. tom. v. p. 172, 173) forcibly\n reckons THE xxivth stadia, not from Rome, but from THE limits of\n THE Roman duchy, to THE first fortress, perhaps Sora, of THE\n Lombards. I raTHEr believe that Gregory, with THE pedantry of THE\n age, employs stadia for miles, without much inquiry into THE\n genuine measure.]\n\n 35 (return) [ {Greek}]\n\n 36 (return) [ (p. 665.) The pope appears to have imposed on THE\n ignorance of THE Greeks: he lived and died in THE Lateran; and in\n his time all THE kingdoms of THE West had embraced Christianity.\n May not this unknown Septetus have some reference to THE chief of\n THE Saxon Heptarchy, to Ina king of Wessex, who, in THE\n pontificate of Gregory THE Second, visited Rome for THE purpose,\n not of baptism, but of pilgrimage! (Pagi. A., 89, No. 2. A.D.\n 726, No. 15.)]\n\n The first assault of Leo against THE images of Constantinople had\n been witnessed by a crowd of strangers from Italy and THE West,\n who related with grief and indignation THE sacrilege of THE\n emperor. But on THE reception of his proscriptive edict, THEy\n trembled for THEir domestic deities: THE images of Christ and THE\n Virgin, of THE angels, martyrs, and saints, were abolished in all\n THE churches of Italy; and a strong alternative was proposed to\n THE Roman pontiff, THE royal favor as THE price of his\n compliance, degradation and exile as THE penalty of his\n disobedience. NeiTHEr zeal nor policy allowed him to hesitate;\n and THE haughty strain in which Gregory addressed THE emperor\n displays his confidence in THE truth of his doctrine or THE\n powers of resistance. Without depending on prayers or miracles,\n he boldly armed against THE public enemy, and his pastoral\n letters admonished THE Italians of THEir danger and THEir duty.\n 37 At this signal, Ravenna, Venice, and THE cities of THE\n Exarchate and Pentapolis, adhered to THE cause of religion; THEir\n military force by sea and land consisted, for THE most part, of\n THE natives; and THE spirit of patriotism and zeal was transfused\n into THE mercenary strangers. The Italians swore to live and die\n in THE defence of THE pope and THE holy images; THE Roman people\n was devoted to THEir faTHEr, and even THE Lombards were ambitious\n to share THE merit and advantage of this holy war. The most\n treasonable act, but THE most obvious revenge, was THE\n destruction of THE statues of Leo himself: THE most effectual and\n pleasing measure of rebellion, was THE withholding THE tribute of\n Italy, and depriving him of a power which he had recently abused\n by THE imposition of a new capitation. 38 A form of\n administration was preserved by THE election of magistrates and\n governors; and so high was THE public indignation, that THE\n Italians were prepared to create an orthodox emperor, and to\n conduct him with a fleet and army to THE palace of\n Constantinople. In that palace, THE Roman bishops, THE second and\n third Gregory, were condemned as THE authors of THE revolt, and\n every attempt was made, eiTHEr by fraud or force, to seize THEir\n persons, and to strike at THEir lives. The city was repeatedly\n visited or assaulted by captains of THE guards, and dukes and\n exarchs of high dignity or secret trust; THEy landed with foreign\n troops, THEy obtained some domestic aid, and THE superstition of\n Naples may blush that her faTHErs were attached to THE cause of\n heresy. But THEse clandestine or open attacks were repelled by\n THE courage and vigilance of THE Romans; THE Greeks were\n overthrown and massacred, THEir leaders suffered an ignominious\n death, and THE popes, however inclined to mercy, refused to\n intercede for THEse guilty victims. At Ravenna, 39 THE several\n quarters of THE city had long exercised a bloody and hereditary\n feud; in religious controversy THEy found a new aliment of\n faction: but THE votaries of images were superior in numbers or\n spirit, and THE exarch, who attempted to stem THE torrent, lost\n his life in a popular sedition. To punish this flagitious deed,\n and restore his dominion in Italy, THE emperor sent a fleet and\n army into THE Adriatic Gulf. After suffering from THE winds and\n waves much loss and delay, THE Greeks made THEir descent in THE\n neighborhood of Ravenna: THEy threatened to depopulate THE guilty\n capital, and to imitate, perhaps to surpass, THE example of\n Justinian THE Second, who had chastised a former rebellion by THE\n choice and execution of fifty of THE principal inhabitants. The\n women and clergy, in sackcloth and ashes, lay prostrate in\n prayer: THE men were in arms for THE defence of THEir country;\n THE common danger had united THE factions, and THE event of a\n battle was preferred to THE slow miseries of a siege. In a\n hard-fought day, as THE two armies alternately yielded and\n advanced, a phantom was seen, a voice was heard, and Ravenna was\n victorious by THE assurance of victory. The strangers retreated\n to THEir ships, but THE populous sea-coast poured forth a\n multitude of boats; THE waters of THE Po were so deeply infected\n with blood, that during six years THE public prejudice abstained\n from THE fish of THE river; and THE institution of an annual\n feast perpetuated THE worship of images, and THE abhorrence of\n THE Greek tyrant. Amidst THE triumph of THE Catholic arms, THE\n Roman pontiff convened a synod of ninety-three bishops against\n THE heresy of THE Iconoclasts. With THEir consent, he pronounced\n a general excommunication against all who by word or deed should\n attack THE tradition of THE faTHErs and THE images of THE saints:\n in this sentence THE emperor was tacitly involved, 40 but THE\n vote of a last and hopeless remonstrance may seem to imply that\n THE anaTHEma was yet suspended over his guilty head. No sooner\n had THEy confirmed THEir own safety, THE worship of images, and\n THE freedom of Rome and Italy, than THE popes appear to have\n relaxed of THEir severity, and to have spared THE relics of THE\n Byzantine dominion. Their moderate councils delayed and prevented\n THE election of a new emperor, and THEy exhorted THE Italians not\n to separate from THE body of THE Roman monarchy. The exarch was\n permitted to reside within THE walls of Ravenna, a captive raTHEr\n than a master; and till THE Imperial coronation of Charlemagne,\n THE government of Rome and Italy was exercised in THE name of THE\n successors of Constantine. 41\n\n 37 (return) [ I shall transcribe THE important and decisive\n passage of THE Liber Pontificalis. Respiciens ergo pius vir\n profanam principis jussionem, jam contra Imperatorem quasi contra\n hostem se armavit, renuens haeresim ejus, scribens ubique se\n cavere Christianos, eo quod orta fuisset impietas talis. Igitur\n permoti omnes Pentapolenses, atque Venetiarum exercitus contra\n Imperatoris jussionem restiterunt; dicentes se nunquam in ejusdem\n pontificis condescendere necem, sed pro ejus magis defensione\n viriliter decertare, (p. 156.)]\n\n 38 (return) [ A census, or capitation, says Anastasius, (p. 156;)\n a most cruel tax, unknown to THE Saracens THEmselves, exclaims\n THE zealous Maimbourg, (Hist. des Iconoclastes, l. i.,) and\n Theophanes, (p. 344,) who talks of Pharaoh’s numbering THE male\n children of Israel. This mode of taxation was familiar to THE\n Saracens; and, most unluckily for THE historians, it was imposed\n a few years afterwards in France by his patron Louis XIV.]\n\n 39 (return) [ See THE Liber Pontificalis of Agnellus, (in THE\n Scriptores Rerum Italicarum of Muratori, tom. ii. pars i.,) whose\n deeper shade of barbarism marks THE difference between Rome and\n Ravenna. Yet we are indebted to him for some curious and domestic\n facts—THE quarters and factions of Ravenna, (p. 154,) THE revenge\n of Justinian II, (p. 160, 161,) THE defeat of THE Greeks, (p.\n 170, 171,) &c.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Yet Leo was undoubtedly comprised in THE si quis\n .... imaginum sacrarum.... destructor.... extiterit, sit extorris\n a cor pore D. N. Jesu Christi vel totius ecclesiae unitate. The\n canonists may decide wheTHEr THE guilt or THE name constitutes\n THE excommunication; and THE decision is of THE last importance\n to THEir safety, since, according to THE oracle (Gratian, Caus.\n xxiii. q. 5, 47, apud Spanheim, Hist. Imag. p. 112) homicidas non\n esse qui excommunicatos trucidant.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Compescuit tale consilium Pontifex, sperans\n conversionem principis, (Anastas. p. 156.) Sed ne desisterent ab\n amore et fide R. J. admonebat, (p. 157.) The popes style Leo and\n Constantine Copronymus, Imperatores et Domini, with THE strange\n epiTHEt of Piissimi. A famous Mosaic of THE Lateran (A.D. 798)\n represents Christ, who delivers THE keys to St. Peter and THE\n banner to Constantine V. (Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom. vi. p.\n 337.)]\n\n The liberty of Rome, which had been oppressed by THE arms and\n arts of Augustus, was rescued, after seven hundred and fifty\n years of servitude, from THE persecution of Leo THE Isaurian. By\n THE Caesars, THE triumphs of THE consuls had been annihilated: in\n THE decline and fall of THE empire, THE god Terminus, THE sacred\n boundary, had insensibly receded from THE ocean, THE Rhine, THE\n Danube, and THE Euphrates; and Rome was reduced to her ancient\n territory from Viterbo to Terracina, and from Narni to THE mouth\n of THE Tyber. 42 When THE kings were banished, THE republic\n reposed on THE firm basis which had been founded by THEir wisdom\n and virtue. Their perpetual jurisdiction was divided between two\n annual magistrates: THE senate continued to exercise THE powers\n of administration and counsel; and THE legislative authority was\n distributed in THE assemblies of THE people, by a\n well-proportioned scale of property and service. Ignorant of THE\n arts of luxury, THE primitive Romans had improved THE science of\n government and war: THE will of THE community was absolute: THE\n rights of individuals were sacred: one hundred and thirty\n thousand citizens were armed for defence or conquest; and a band\n of robbers and outlaws was moulded into a nation deserving of\n freedom and ambitious of glory. 43 When THE sovereignty of THE\n Greek emperors was extinguished, THE ruins of Rome presented THE\n sad image of depopulation and decay: her slavery was a habit, her\n liberty an accident; THE effect of superstition, and THE object\n of her own amazement and terror. The last vestige of THE\n substance, or even THE forms, of THE constitution, was\n obliterated from THE practice and memory of THE Romans; and THEy\n were devoid of knowledge, or virtue, again to build THE fabric of\n a commonwealth. Their scanty remnant, THE offspring of slaves and\n strangers, was despicable in THE eyes of THE victorious\n Barbarians. As often as THE Franks or Lombards expressed THEir\n most bitter contempt of a foe, THEy called him a Roman; “and in\n this name,” says THE bishop Liutprand, “we include whatever is\n base, whatever is cowardly, whatever is perfidious, THE extremes\n of avarice and luxury, and every vice that can prostitute THE\n dignity of human nature.” 44 441 By THE necessity of THEir\n situation, THE inhabitants of Rome were cast into THE rough model\n of a republican government: THEy were compelled to elect some\n judges in peace, and some leaders in war: THE nobles assembled to\n deliberate, and THEir resolves could not be executed without THE\n union and consent of THE multitude. The style of THE Roman senate\n and people was revived, 45 but THE spirit was fled; and THEir new\n independence was disgraced by THE tumultuous conflict of\n vicentiousness and oppression. The want of laws could only be\n supplied by THE influence of religion, and THEir foreign and\n domestic counsels were moderated by THE authority of THE bishop.\n His alms, his sermons, his correspondence with THE kings and\n prelates of THE West, his recent services, THEir gratitude, and\n oath, accustomed THE Romans to consider him as THE first\n magistrate or prince of THE city. The Christian humility of THE\n popes was not offended by THE name of Dominus, or Lord; and THEir\n face and inscription are still apparent on THE most ancient\n coins. 46 Their temporal dominion is now confirmed by THE\n reverence of a thousand years; and THEir noblest title is THE\n free choice of a people, whom THEy had redeemed from slavery.\n\n 42 (return) [ I have traced THE Roman duchy according to THE\n maps, and THE maps according to THE excellent dissertation of\n faTHEr Beretti, (de Chorographia Italiae Medii Aevi, sect. xx. p.\n 216-232.) Yet I must nicely observe, that Viterbo is of Lombard\n foundation, (p. 211,) and that Terracina was usurped by THE\n Greeks.]\n\n 43 (return) [ On THE extent, population, &c., of THE Roman\n kingdom, THE reader may peruse, with pleasure, THE Discours\n Preliminaire to THE Republique Romaine of M. de Beaufort, (tom.\n i.,) who will not be accused of too much credulity for THE early\n ages of Rome.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Quos (Romanos) nos, Longobardi scilicet, Saxones,\n Franci, Locharingi, Bajoarii, Suevi, Burgundiones, tanto\n dedignamur ut inimicos nostros commoti, nil aliud contumeliarum\n nisi Romane, dicamus: hoc solo, id est Romanorum nomine, quicquid\n ignobilitatis, quicquid timiditatis, quicquid avaritiae, quicquid\n luxuriae, quicquid mendacii, immo quicquid vitiorum est\n comprehendentes, (Liutprand, in Legat Script. Ital. tom. ii. para\n i. p. 481.) For THE sins of Cato or Tully Minos might have\n imposed as a fit penance THE daily perusal of this barbarous\n passage.]\n\n 441 (return) [ Yet this contumelious sentence, quoted by\n Robertson (Charles V note 2) as well as Gibbon, was applied by\n THE angry bishop to THE Byzantine Romans, whom, indeed, he admits\n to be THE genuine descendants of Romulus.—M.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Pipino regi Francorum, omnis senatus, atque\n universa populi generalitas a Deo servatae Romanae urbis. Codex\n Carolin. epist. 36, in Script. Ital. tom. iii. pars ii. p. 160.\n The names of senatus and senator were never totally extinct,\n (Dissert. Chorograph. p. 216, 217;) but in THE middle ages THEy\n signified little more than nobiles, optimates, &c., (Ducange,\n Gloss. Latin.)]\n\n 46 (return) [ See Muratori, Antiquit. Italiae Medii Aevi, tom.\n ii. Dissertat xxvii. p. 548. On one of THEse coins we read\n Hadrianus Papa (A.D. 772;) on THE reverse, Vict. Ddnn. with THE\n word Conob, which THE Pere Joubert (Science des Medailles, tom.\n ii. p. 42) explains by Constantinopoli Officina B (secunda.)]\n\n In THE quarrels of ancient Greece, THE holy people of Elis\n enjoyed a perpetual peace, under THE protection of Jupiter, and\n in THE exercise of THE Olympic games. 47 Happy would it have been\n for THE Romans, if a similar privilege had guarded THE patrimony\n of St. Peter from THE calamities of war; if THE Christians, who\n visited THE holy threshold, would have sheaTHEd THEir swords in\n THE presence of THE apostle and his successor. But this mystic\n circle could have been traced only by THE wand of a legislator\n and a sage: this pacific system was incompatible with THE zeal\n and ambition of THE popes; THE Romans were not addicted, like THE\n inhabitants of Elis, to THE innocent and placid labors of\n agriculture; and THE Barbarians of Italy, though softened by THE\n climate, were far below THE Grecian states in THE institutions of\n public and private life. A memorable example of repentance and\n piety was exhibited by Liutprand, king of THE Lombards. In arms,\n at THE gate of THE Vatican, THE conqueror listened to THE voice\n of Gregory THE Second, 48 withdrew his troops, resigned his\n conquests, respectfully visited THE church of St. Peter, and\n after performing his devotions, offered his sword and dagger, his\n cuirass and mantle, his silver cross, and his crown of gold, on\n THE tomb of THE apostle. But this religious fervor was THE\n illusion, perhaps THE artifice, of THE moment; THE sense of\n interest is strong and lasting; THE love of arms and rapine was\n congenial to THE Lombards; and both THE prince and people were\n irresistibly tempted by THE disorders of Italy, THE nakedness of\n Rome, and THE unwarlike profession of her new chief. On THE first\n edicts of THE emperor, THEy declared THEmselves THE champions of\n THE holy images: Liutprand invaded THE province of Romagna, which\n had already assumed that distinctive appellation; THE Catholics\n of THE Exarchate yielded without reluctance to his civil and\n military power; and a foreign enemy was introduced for THE first\n time into THE impregnable fortress of Ravenna. That city and\n fortress were speedily recovered by THE active diligence and\n maritime forces of THE Venetians; and those faithful subjects\n obeyed THE exhortation of Gregory himself, in separating THE\n personal guilt of Leo from THE general cause of THE Roman empire.\n 49 The Greeks were less mindful of THE service, than THE Lombards\n of THE injury: THE two nations, hostile in THEir faith, were\n reconciled in a dangerous and unnatural alliance: THE king and\n THE exarch marched to THE conquest of Spoleto and Rome: THE storm\n evaporated without effect, but THE policy of Liutprand alarmed\n Italy with a vexatious alternative of hostility and truce. His\n successor Astolphus declared himself THE equal enemy of THE\n emperor and THE pope: Ravenna was subdued by force or treachery,\n 50 and this final conquest extinguished THE series of THE\n exarchs, who had reigned with a subordinate power since THE time\n of Justinian and THE ruin of THE Gothic kingdom. Rome was\n summoned to acknowledge THE victorious Lombard as her lawful\n sovereign; THE annual tribute of a piece of gold was fixed as THE\n ransom of each citizen, and THE sword of destruction was\n unsheaTHEd to exact THE penalty of her disobedience. The Romans\n hesitated; THEy entreated; THEy complained; and THE threatening\n Barbarians were checked by arms and negotiations, till THE popes\n had engaged THE friendship of an ally and avenger beyond THE\n Alps. 51\n\n 47 (return) [ See West’s Dissertation on THE Olympic Games,\n (Pindar. vol. ii. p. 32-36, edition in 12mo.,) and THE judicious\n reflections of Polybius (tom. i. l. iv. p. 466, edit Gronov.)]\n\n 48 (return) [ The speech of Gregory to THE Lombard is finely\n composed by Sigonius, (de Regno Italiae, l. iii. Opera, tom. ii.\n p. 173,) who imitates THE license and THE spirit of Sallust or\n Livy.]\n\n 49 (return) [ The Venetian historians, John Sagorninus, (Chron.\n Venet. p. 13,) and THE doge Andrew Dandolo, (Scriptores Rer.\n Ital. tom. xii. p. 135,) have preserved this epistle of Gregory.\n The loss and recovery of Ravenna are mentioned by Paulus\n Diaconus, (de Gest. Langobard, l. vi. c. 42, 54, in Script. Ital.\n tom. i. pars i. p. 506, 508;) but our chronologists, Pagi,\n Muratori, &c., cannot ascertain THE date or circumstances]\n\n 50 (return) [ The option will depend on THE various readings of\n THE Mss. of Anastasius—deceperat, or decerpserat, (Script. Ital.\n tom. iii. pars i. p. 167.)]\n\n 51 (return) [ The Codex Carolinus is a collection of THE epistles\n of THE popes to Charles Martel, (whom THEy style Subregulus,)\n Pepin, and Charlemagne, as far as THE year 791, when it was\n formed by THE last of THEse princes. His original and auTHEntic\n Ms. (BiblioTHEcae Cubicularis) is now in THE Imperial library of\n Vienna, and has been published by Lambecius and Muratori,\n (Script. Rerum Ital. tom. iii. pars ii. p. 75, &c.)]\n\n In his distress, THE first 511 Gregory had implored THE aid of\n THE hero of THE age, of Charles Martel, who governed THE French\n monarchy with THE humble title of mayor or duke; and who, by his\n signal victory over THE Saracens, had saved his country, and\n perhaps Europe, from THE Mahometan yoke. The ambassadors of THE\n pope were received by Charles with decent reverence; but THE\n greatness of his occupations, and THE shortness of his life,\n prevented his interference in THE affairs of Italy, except by a\n friendly and ineffectual mediation. His son Pepin, THE heir of\n his power and virtues, assumed THE office of champion of THE\n Roman church; and THE zeal of THE French prince appears to have\n been prompted by THE love of glory and religion. But THE danger\n was on THE banks of THE Tyber, THE succor on those of THE Seine,\n and our sympathy is cold to THE relation of distant misery.\n Amidst THE tears of THE city, Stephen THE Third embraced THE\n generous resolution of visiting in person THE courts of Lombardy\n and France, to deprecate THE injustice of his enemy, or to excite\n THE pity and indignation of his friend. After soothing THE public\n despair by litanies and orations, he undertook this laborious\n journey with THE ambassadors of THE French monarch and THE Greek\n emperor. The king of THE Lombards was inexorable; but his threats\n could not silence THE complaints, nor retard THE speed of THE\n Roman pontiff, who traversed THE Pennine Alps, reposed in THE\n abbey of St. Maurice, and hastened to grasp THE right hand of his\n protector; a hand which was never lifted in vain, eiTHEr in war\n or friendship. Stephen was entertained as THE visible successor\n of THE apostle; at THE next assembly, THE field of March or of\n May, his injuries were exposed to a devout and warlike nation,\n and he repassed THE Alps, not as a suppliant, but as a conqueror,\n at THE head of a French army, which was led by THE king in\n person. The Lombards, after a weak resistance, obtained an\n ignominious peace, and swore to restore THE possessions, and to\n respect THE sanctity, of THE Roman church. But no sooner was\n Astolphus delivered from THE presence of THE French arms, than he\n forgot his promise and resented his disgrace. Rome was again\n encompassed by his arms; and Stephen, apprehensive of fatiguing\n THE zeal of his Transalpine allies enforced his complaint and\n request by an eloquent letter in THE name and person of St. Peter\n himself. 52 The apostle assures his adopted sons, THE king, THE\n clergy, and THE nobles of France, that, dead in THE flesh, he is\n still alive in THE spirit; that THEy now hear, and must obey, THE\n voice of THE founder and guardian of THE Roman church; that THE\n Virgin, THE angels, THE saints, and THE martyrs, and all THE host\n of heaven, unanimously urge THE request, and will confess THE\n obligation; that riches, victory, and paradise, will crown THEir\n pious enterprise, and that eternal damnation will be THE penalty\n of THEir neglect, if THEy suffer his tomb, his temple, and his\n people, to fall into THE hands of THE perfidious Lombards. The\n second expedition of Pepin was not less rapid and fortunate than\n THE first: St. Peter was satisfied, Rome was again saved, and\n Astolphus was taught THE lessons of justice and sincerity by THE\n scourge of a foreign master. After this double chastisement, THE\n Lombards languished about twenty years in a state of languor and\n decay. But THEir minds were not yet humbled to THEir condition;\n and instead of affecting THE pacific virtues of THE feeble, THEy\n peevishly harassed THE Romans with a repetition of claims,\n evasions, and inroads, which THEy undertook without reflection,\n and terminated without glory. On eiTHEr side, THEir expiring\n monarchy was pressed by THE zeal and prudence of Pope Adrian THE\n First, THE genius, THE fortune, and greatness of Charlemagne, THE\n son of Pepin; THEse heroes of THE church and state were united in\n public and domestic friendship, and while THEy trampled on THE\n prostrate, THEy varnished THEir proceedings with THE fairest\n colors of equity and moderation. 53 The passes of THE Alps, and\n THE walls of Pavia, were THE only defence of THE Lombards; THE\n former were surprised, THE latter were invested, by THE son of\n Pepin; and after a blockade of two years, 531 Desiderius, THE\n last of THEir native princes, surrendered his sceptre and his\n capital.\n\n Under THE dominion of a foreign king, but in THE possession of\n THEir national laws, THE Lombards became THE brethren, raTHEr\n than THE subjects, of THE Franks; who derived THEir blood, and\n manners, and language, from THE same Germanic origin. 54\n\n 511 (return) [ Gregory I. had been dead above a century; read\n Gregory III.—M]\n\n 52 (return) [ See this most extraordinary letter in THE Codex\n Carolinus, epist iii. p. 92. The enemies of THE popes have\n charged THEm with fraud and blasphemy; yet THEy surely meant to\n persuade raTHEr than deceive. This introduction of THE dead, or\n of immortals, was familiar to THE ancient orators, though it is\n executed on this occasion in THE rude fashion of THE age.]\n\n 53 (return) [ Except in THE divorce of THE daughter of\n Desiderius, whom Charlemagne repudiated sine aliquo crimine. Pope\n Stephen IV. had most furiously opposed THE alliance of a noble\n Frank—cum perfida, horrida nec dicenda, foetentissima natione\n Longobardorum—to whom he imputes THE first stain of leprosy,\n (Cod. Carolin. epist. 45, p. 178, 179.) AnoTHEr reason against\n THE marriage was THE existence of a first wife, (Muratori, Annali\n d’Italia, tom. vi. p. 232, 233, 236, 237.) But Charlemagne\n indulged himself in THE freedom of polygamy or concubinage.]\n\n 531 (return) [ Of fifteen months. James, Life of Charlemagne, p.\n 187.—M.]\n\n 54 (return) [ See THE Annali d’Italia of Muratori, tom. vi., and\n THE three first Dissertations of his Antiquitates Italiae Medii\n Aevi, tom. i.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part III.\n\n The mutual obligations of THE popes and THE Carlovingian family\n form THE important link of ancient and modern, of civil and\n ecclesiastical, history. In THE conquest of Italy, THE champions\n of THE Roman church obtained a favorable occasion, a specious\n title, THE wishes of THE people, THE prayers and intrigues of THE\n clergy. But THE most essential gifts of THE popes to THE\n Carlovingian race were THE dignities of king of France, 55 and of\n patrician of Rome. I. Under THE sacerdotal monarchy of St. Peter,\n THE nations began to resume THE practice of seeking, on THE banks\n of THE Tyber, THEir kings, THEir laws, and THE oracles of THEir\n fate. The Franks were perplexed between THE name and substance of\n THEir government. All THE powers of royalty were exercised by\n Pepin, mayor of THE palace; and nothing, except THE regal title,\n was wanting to his ambition. His enemies were crushed by his\n valor; his friends were multiplied by his liberality; his faTHEr\n had been THE savior of Christendom; and THE claims of personal\n merit were repeated and ennobled in a descent of four\n generations. The name and image of royalty was still preserved in\n THE last descendant of Clovis, THE feeble Childeric; but his\n obsolete right could only be used as an instrument of sedition:\n THE nation was desirous of restoring THE simplicity of THE\n constitution; and Pepin, a subject and a prince, was ambitious to\n ascertain his own rank and THE fortune of his family. The mayor\n and THE nobles were bound, by an oath of fidelity, to THE royal\n phantom: THE blood of Clovis was pure and sacred in THEir eyes;\n and THEir common ambassadors addressed THE Roman pontiff, to\n dispel THEir scruples, or to absolve THEir promise. The interest\n of Pope Zachary, THE successor of THE two Gregories, prompted him\n to decide, and to decide in THEir favor: he pronounced that THE\n nation might lawfully unite in THE same person THE title and\n authority of king; and that THE unfortunate Childeric, a victim\n of THE public safety, should be degraded, shaved, and confined in\n a monastery for THE remainder of his days. An answer so agreeable\n to THEir wishes was accepted by THE Franks as THE opinion of a\n casuist, THE sentence of a judge, or THE oracle of a prophet: THE\n Merovingian race disappeared from THE earth; and Pepin was\n exalted on a buckler by THE suffrage of a free people, accustomed\n to obey his laws and to march under his standard. His coronation\n was twice performed, with THE sanction of THE popes, by THEir\n most faithful servant St. Boniface, THE apostle of Germany, and\n by THE grateful hands of Stephen THE Third, who, in THE monastery\n of St. Denys placed THE diadem on THE head of his benefactor. The\n royal unction of THE kings of Israel was dexterously applied: 56\n THE successor of St. Peter assumed THE character of a divine\n ambassador: a German chieftain was transformed into THE Lord’s\n anointed; and this Jewish rite has been diffused and maintained\n by THE superstition and vanity of modern Europe. The Franks were\n absolved from THEir ancient oath; but a dire anaTHEma was\n thundered against THEm and THEir posterity, if THEy should dare\n to renew THE same freedom of choice, or to elect a king, except\n in THE holy and meritorious race of THE Carlovingian princes.\n Without apprehending THE future danger, THEse princes gloried in\n THEir present security: THE secretary of Charlemagne affirms,\n that THE French sceptre was transferred by THE authority of THE\n popes; 57 and in THEir boldest enterprises, THEy insist, with\n confidence, on this signal and successful act of temporal\n jurisdiction.\n\n 55 (return) [ Besides THE common historians, three French\n critics, Launoy, (Opera, tom. v. pars ii. l. vii. epist. 9, p.\n 477-487,) Pagi, (Critica, A.D. 751, No. 1-6, A.D. 752, No. 1-10,)\n and Natalis Alexander, (Hist. Novi Testamenti, dissertat, ii. p.\n 96-107,) have treated this subject of THE deposition of Childeric\n with learning and attention, but with a strong bias to save THE\n independence of THE crown. Yet THEy are hard pressed by THE texts\n which THEy produce of Eginhard, Theophanes, and THE old annals,\n Laureshamenses, Fuldenses, Loisielani]\n\n 56 (return) [ Not absolutely for THE first time. On a less\n conspicuous THEatre it had been used, in THE vith and viith\n centuries, by THE provincial bishops of Britain and Spain. The\n royal unction of Constantinople was borrowed from THE Latins in\n THE last age of THE empire. Constantine Manasses mentions that of\n Charlemagne as a foreign, Jewish, incomprehensible ceremony. See\n Selden’s Titles of Honor, in his Works, vol. iii. part i. p.\n 234-249.]\n\n 57 (return) [ See Eginhard, in Vita Caroli Magni, c. i. p. 9,\n &c., c. iii. p. 24. Childeric was deposed—jussu, THE\n Carlovingians were established—auctoritate, Pontificis Romani.\n Launoy, &c., pretend that THEse strong words are susceptible of a\n very soft interpretation. Be it so; yet Eginhard understood THE\n world, THE court, and THE Latin language.]\n\n II. In THE change of manners and language THE patricians of Rome\n 58 were far removed from THE senate of Romulus, or THE palace of\n Constantine, from THE free nobles of THE republic, or THE\n fictitious parents of THE emperor. After THE recovery of Italy\n and Africa by THE arms of Justinian, THE importance and danger of\n those remote provinces required THE presence of a supreme\n magistrate; he was indifferently styled THE exarch or THE\n patrician; and THEse governors of Ravenna, who fill THEir place\n in THE chronology of princes, extended THEir jurisdiction over\n THE Roman city. Since THE revolt of Italy and THE loss of THE\n Exarchate, THE distress of THE Romans had exacted some sacrifice\n of THEir independence. Yet, even in this act, THEy exercised THE\n right of disposing of THEmselves; and THE decrees of THE senate\n and people successively invested Charles Martel and his posterity\n with THE honors of patrician of Rome. The leaders of a powerful\n nation would have disdained a servile title and subordinate\n office; but THE reign of THE Greek emperors was suspended; and,\n in THE vacancy of THE empire, THEy derived a more glorious\n commission from THE pope and THE republic. The Roman ambassadors\n presented THEse patricians with THE keys of THE shrine of St.\n Peter, as a pledge and symbol of sovereignty; with a holy banner\n which it was THEir right and duty to unfurl in THE defence of THE\n church and city. 59 In THE time of Charles Martel and of Pepin,\n THE interposition of THE Lombard kingdom covered THE freedom,\n while it threatened THE safety, of Rome; and THE patriciate\n represented only THE title, THE service, THE alliance, of THEse\n distant protectors. The power and policy of Charlemagne\n annihilated an enemy, and imposed a master. In his first visit to\n THE capital, he was received with all THE honors which had\n formerly been paid to THE exarch, THE representative of THE\n emperor; and THEse honors obtained some new decorations from THE\n joy and gratitude of Pope Adrian THE First. 60 No sooner was he\n informed of THE sudden approach of THE monarch, than he\n despatched THE magistrates and nobles of Rome to meet him, with\n THE banner, about thirty miles from THE city. At THE distance of\n one mile, THE Flaminian way was lined with THE schools, or\n national communities, of Greeks, Lombards, Saxons, &c.: THE Roman\n youth were under arms; and THE children of a more tender age,\n with palms and olive branches in THEir hands, chanted THE praises\n of THEir great deliverer. At THE aspect of THE holy crosses, and\n ensigns of THE saints, he dismounted from his horse, led THE\n procession of his nobles to THE Vatican, and, as he ascended THE\n stairs, devoutly kissed each step of THE threshold of THE\n apostles. In THE portico, Adrian expected him at THE head of his\n clergy: THEy embraced, as friends and equals; but in THEir march\n to THE altar, THE king or patrician assumed THE right hand of THE\n pope. Nor was THE Frank content with THEse vain and empty\n demonstrations of respect. In THE twenty-six years that elapsed\n between THE conquest of Lombardy and his Imperial coronation,\n Rome, which had been delivered by THE sword, was subject, as his\n own, to THE sceptre of Charlemagne. The people swore allegiance\n to his person and family: in his name money was coined, and\n justice was administered; and THE election of THE popes was\n examined and confirmed by his authority. Except an original and\n self-inherent claim of sovereignty, THEre was not any prerogative\n remaining, which THE title of emperor could add to THE patrician\n of Rome. 61\n\n 58 (return) [ For THE title and powers of patrician of Rome, see\n Ducange, (Gloss. Latin. tom. v. p. 149-151,) Pagi, (Critica, A.D.\n 740, No. 6-11,) Muratori, (Annali d’Italia, tom. vi. p. 308-329,)\n and St. Marc, (Abrege Chronologique d’Italie, tom. i. p.\n 379-382.) Of THEse THE Franciscan Pagi is THE most disposed to\n make THE patrician a lieutenant of THE church, raTHEr than of THE\n empire.]\n\n 59 (return) [ The papal advocates can soften THE symbolic meaning\n of THE banner and THE keys; but THE style of ad regnum dimisimus,\n or direximus, (Codex Carolin. epist. i. tom. iii. pars ii. p.\n 76,) seems to allow of no palliation or escape. In THE Ms. of THE\n Vienna library, THEy read, instead of regnum, rogum, prayer or\n request (see Ducange;) and THE royalty of Charles Martel is\n subverted by this important correction, (Catalani, in his\n Critical Prefaces, Annali d’Italia, tom. xvii. p. 95-99.)]\n\n 60 (return) [ In THE auTHEntic narrative of this reception, THE\n Liber Pontificalis observes—obviam illi ejus sanctitas dirigens\n venerabiles cruces, id est signa; sicut mos est ad exarchum, aut\n patricium suscipiendum, sum cum ingenti honore suscipi fecit,\n (tom. iii. pars i. p. 185.)]\n\n 61 (return) [ Paulus Diaconus, who wrote before THE empire of\n Charlemagne describes Rome as his subject city—vestrae civitates\n (ad Pompeium Festum) suis addidit sceptris, (de Metensis\n Ecclesiae Episcopis.) Some Carlovingian medals, struck at Rome,\n have engaged Le Blanc to write an elaborate, though partial,\n dissertation on THEir authority at Rome, both as patricians and\n emperors, (Amsterdam, 1692, in 4to.)]\n\n The gratitude of THE Carlovingians was adequate to THEse\n obligations, and THEir names are consecrated, as THE saviors and\n benefactors of THE Roman church. Her ancient patrimony of farms\n and houses was transformed by THEir bounty into THE temporal\n dominion of cities and provinces; and THE donation of THE\n Exarchate was THE first-fruits of THE conquests of Pepin. 62\n Astolphus with a sigh relinquished his prey; THE keys and THE\n hostages of THE principal cities were delivered to THE French\n ambassador; and, in his master’s name, he presented THEm before\n THE tomb of St. Peter. The ample measure of THE Exarchate 63\n might comprise all THE provinces of Italy which had obeyed THE\n emperor and his vicegerent; but its strict and proper limits were\n included in THE territories of Ravenna, Bologna, and Ferrara: its\n inseparable dependency was THE Pentapolis, which stretched along\n THE Adriatic from Rimini to Ancona, and advanced into THE\n midland-country as far as THE ridges of THE Apennine. In this\n transaction, THE ambition and avarice of THE popes have been\n severely condemned. Perhaps THE humility of a Christian priest\n should have rejected an earthly kingdom, which it was not easy\n for him to govern without renouncing THE virtues of his\n profession. Perhaps a faithful subject, or even a generous enemy,\n would have been less impatient to divide THE spoils of THE\n Barbarian; and if THE emperor had intrusted Stephen to solicit in\n his name THE restitution of THE Exarchate, I will not absolve THE\n pope from THE reproach of treachery and falsehood. But in THE\n rigid interpretation of THE laws, every one may accept, without\n injury, whatever his benefactor can bestow without injustice. The\n Greek emperor had abdicated, or forfeited, his right to THE\n Exarchate; and THE sword of Astolphus was broken by THE stronger\n sword of THE Carlovingian. It was not in THE cause of THE\n Iconoclast that Pepin has exposed his person and army in a double\n expedition beyond THE Alps: he possessed, and might lawfully\n alienate, his conquests: and to THE importunities of THE Greeks\n he piously replied that no human consideration should tempt him\n to resume THE gift which he had conferred on THE Roman Pontiff\n for THE remission of his sins, and THE salvation of his soul. The\n splendid donation was granted in supreme and absolute dominion,\n and THE world beheld for THE first time a Christian bishop\n invested with THE prerogatives of a temporal prince; THE choice\n of magistrates, THE exercise of justice, THE imposition of taxes,\n and THE wealth of THE palace of Ravenna. In THE dissolution of\n THE Lombard kingdom, THE inhabitants of THE duchy of Spoleto 64\n sought a refuge from THE storm, shaved THEir heads after THE\n Roman fashion, declared THEmselves THE servants and subjects of\n St. Peter, and completed, by this voluntary surrender, THE\n present circle of THE ecclesiastical state. That mysterious\n circle was enlarged to an indefinite extent, by THE verbal or\n written donation of Charlemagne, 65 who, in THE first transports\n of his victory, despoiled himself and THE Greek emperor of THE\n cities and islands which had formerly been annexed to THE\n Exarchate. But, in THE cooler moments of absence and reflection,\n he viewed, with an eye of jealousy and envy, THE recent greatness\n of his ecclesiastical ally. The execution of his own and his\n faTHEr’s promises was respectfully eluded: THE king of THE Franks\n and Lombards asserted THE inalienable rights of THE empire; and,\n in his life and death, Ravenna, 66 as well as Rome, was numbered\n in THE list of his metropolitan cities. The sovereignty of THE\n Exarchate melted away in THE hands of THE popes; THEy found in\n THE archbishops of Ravenna a dangerous and domestic rival: 67 THE\n nobles and people disdained THE yoke of a priest; and in THE\n disorders of THE times, THEy could only retain THE memory of an\n ancient claim, which, in a more prosperous age, THEy have revived\n and realized.\n\n 62 (return) [ Mosheim (Institution, Hist. Eccles. p. 263) weighs\n this donation with fair and deliberate prudence. The original act\n has never been produced; but THE Liber Pontificalis represents,\n (p. 171,) and THE Codex Carolinus supposes, this ample gift. Both\n are contemporary records and THE latter is THE more auTHEntic,\n since it has been preserved, not in THE Papal, but THE Imperial,\n library.]\n\n 63 (return) [ Between THE exorbitant claims, and narrow\n concessions, of interest and prejudice, from which even Muratori\n (Antiquitat. tom. i. p. 63-68) is not exempt, I have been guided,\n in THE limits of THE Exarchate and Pentapolis, by THE Dissertatio\n Chorographica Italiae Medii Aevi, tom. x. p. 160-180.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Spoletini deprecati sunt, ut eos in servitio B.\n Petri receperet et more Romanorum tonsurari faceret, (Anastasius,\n p. 185.) Yet it may be a question wheTHEr THEy gave THEir own\n persons or THEir country.]\n\n 65 (return) [ The policy and donations of Charlemagne are\n carefully examined by St. Marc, (Abrege, tom. i. p. 390-408,) who\n has well studied THE Codex Carolinus. I believe, with him, that\n THEy were only verbal. The most ancient act of donation that\n pretends to be extant, is that of THE emperor Lewis THE Pious,\n (Sigonius, de Regno Italiae, l. iv. Opera, tom. ii. p. 267-270.)\n Its auTHEnticity, or at least its integrity, are much questioned,\n (Pagi, A.D. 817, No. 7, &c. Muratori, Annali, tom. vi. p. 432,\n &c. Dissertat. Chorographica, p. 33, 34;) but I see no reasonable\n objection to THEse princes so freely disposing of what was not\n THEir own.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Charlemagne solicited and obtained from THE\n proprietor, Hadrian I., THE mosaics of THE palace of Ravenna, for\n THE decoration of Aix-la-Chapelle, (Cod. Carolin. epist. 67, p.\n 223.)]\n\n 67 (return) [ The popes often complain of THE usurpations of Leo\n of Ravenna, (Codex Carolin, epist. 51, 52, 53, p. 200-205.) Sir\n corpus St. Andreae fratris germani St. Petri hic humasset,\n nequaquam nos Romani pontifices sic subjugassent, (Agnellus,\n Liber Pontificalis, in Scriptores Rerum Ital. tom. ii. pars. i.\n p. 107.)]\n\n Fraud is THE resource of weakness and cunning; and THE strong,\n though ignorant, Barbarian was often entangled in THE net of\n sacerdotal policy. The Vatican and Lateran were an arsenal and\n manufacture, which, according to THE occasion, have produced or\n concealed a various collection of false or genuine, of corrupt or\n suspicious, acts, as THEy tended to promote THE interest of THE\n Roman church. Before THE end of THE eighth century, some\n apostolic scribe, perhaps THE notorious Isidore, composed THE\n decretals, and THE donation of Constantine, THE two magic pillars\n of THE spiritual and temporal monarchy of THE popes. This\n memorable donation was introduced to THE world by an epistle of\n Adrian THE First, who exhorts Charlemagne to imitate THE\n liberality, and revive THE name, of THE great Constantine. 68\n According to THE legend, THE first of THE Christian emperors was\n healed of THE leprosy, and purified in THE waters of baptism, by\n St. Silvester, THE Roman bishop; and never was physician more\n gloriously recompensed. His royal proselyte withdrew from THE\n seat and patrimony of St. Peter; declared his resolution of\n founding a new capital in THE East; and resigned to THE popes;\n THE free and perpetual sovereignty of Rome, Italy, and THE\n provinces of THE West. 69 This fiction was productive of THE most\n beneficial effects. The Greek princes were convicted of THE guilt\n of usurpation; and THE revolt of Gregory was THE claim of his\n lawful inheritance. The popes were delivered from THEir debt of\n gratitude; and THE nominal gifts of THE Carlovingians were no\n more than THE just and irrevocable restitution of a scanty\n portion of THE ecclesiastical state. The sovereignty of Rome no\n longer depended on THE choice of a fickle people; and THE\n successors of St. Peter and Constantine were invested with THE\n purple and prerogatives of THE Caesars. So deep was THE ignorance\n and credulity of THE times, that THE most absurd of fables was\n received, with equal reverence, in Greece and in France, and is\n still enrolled among THE decrees of THE canon law. 70 The\n emperors, and THE Romans, were incapable of discerning a forgery,\n that subverted THEir rights and freedom; and THE only opposition\n proceeded from a Sabine monastery, which, in THE beginning of THE\n twelfth century, disputed THE truth and validity of THE donation\n of Constantine. 71 In THE revival of letters and liberty, this\n fictitious deed was transpierced by THE pen of Laurentius Valla,\n THE pen of an eloquent critic and a Roman patriot. 72 His\n contemporaries of THE fifteenth century were astonished at his\n sacrilegious boldness; yet such is THE silent and irresistible\n progress of reason, that, before THE end of THE next age, THE\n fable was rejected by THE contempt of historians 73 and poets, 74\n and THE tacit or modest censure of THE advocates of THE Roman\n church. 75 The popes THEmselves have indulged a smile at THE\n credulity of THE vulgar; 76 but a false and obsolete title still\n sanctifies THEir reign; and, by THE same fortune which has\n attended THE decretals and THE Sibylline oracles, THE edifice has\n subsisted after THE foundations have been undermined.\n\n 68 (return) [ Piissimo Constantino magno, per ejus largitatem S.\n R. Ecclesia elevata et exaltata est, et potestatem in his\n Hesperiae partibus largiri olignatus est.... Quia ecce novus\n Constantinus his temporibus, &c., (Codex Carolin. epist. 49, in\n tom. iii. part ii. p. 195.) Pagi (Critica, A.D. 324, No. 16)\n ascribes THEm to an impostor of THE viiith century, who borrowed\n THE name of St. Isidore: his humble title of Peccator was\n ignorantly, but aptly, turned into Mercator: his merchandise was\n indeed profitable, and a few sheets of paper were sold for much\n wealth and power.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Fabricius (Bibliot. Graec. tom. vi. p. 4-7) has\n enumerated THE several editions of this Act, in Greek and Latin.\n The copy which Laurentius Valla recites and refutes, appears to\n be taken eiTHEr from THE spurious Acts of St. Silvester or from\n Gratian’s Decree, to which, according to him and oTHErs, it has\n been surreptitiously tacked.]\n\n 70 (return) [ In THE year 1059, it was believed (was it\n believed?) by Pope Leo IX. Cardinal Peter Damianus, &c. Muratori\n places (Annali d’Italia, tom. ix. p. 23, 24) THE fictitious\n donations of Lewis THE Pious, THE Othos, &c., de Donatione\n Constantini. See a Dissertation of Natalis Alexander, seculum iv.\n diss. 25, p. 335-350.]\n\n 71 (return) [ See a large account of THE controversy (A.D. 1105)\n which arose from a private lawsuit, in THE Chronicon Farsense,\n (Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. ii. pars ii. p. 637, &c.,) a\n copious extract from THE archives of that Benedictine abbey. They\n were formerly accessible to curious foreigners, (Le Blanc and\n Mabillon,) and would have enriched THE first volume of THE\n Historia Monastica Italiae of Quirini. But THEy are now\n imprisoned (Muratori, Scriptores R. I. tom. ii. pars ii. p. 269)\n by THE timid policy of THE court of Rome; and THE future cardinal\n yielded to THE voice of authority and THE whispers of ambition,\n (Quirini, Comment. pars ii. p. 123-136.)]\n\n 72 (return) [ I have read in THE collection of Schardius (de\n Potestate Imperiali Ecclesiastica, p. 734-780) this animated\n discourse, which was composed by THE author, A.D. 1440, six years\n after THE flight of Pope Eugenius IV. It is a most vehement party\n pamphlet: Valla justifies and animates THE revolt of THE Romans,\n and would even approve THE use of a dagger against THEir\n sacerdotal tyrant. Such a critic might expect THE persecution of\n THE clergy; yet he made his peace, and is buried in THE Lateran,\n (Bayle, Dictionnaire Critique, Valla; Vossius, de Historicis\n Latinis, p. 580.)]\n\n 73 (return) [ See Guicciardini, a servant of THE popes, in that\n long and valuable digression, which has resumed its place in THE\n last edition, correctly published from THE author’s Ms. and\n printed in four volumes in quarto, under THE name of Friburgo,\n 1775, (Istoria d’Italia, tom. i. p. 385-395.)]\n\n 74 (return) [ The Paladin Astolpho found it in THE moon, among\n THE things that were lost upon earth, (Orlando Furioso, xxxiv.\n 80.) Di vari fiore ad un grand monte passa, Ch’ebbe gia buono\n odore, or puzza forte: Questo era il dono (se pero dir lece) Che\n Constantino al buon Silvestro fece. Yet this incomparable poem\n has been approved by a bull of Leo X.]\n\n 75 (return) [ See Baronius, A.D. 324, No. 117-123, A.D. 1191, No.\n 51, &c. The cardinal wishes to suppose that Rome was offered by\n Constantine, and refused by Silvester. The act of donation he\n considers strangely enough, as a forgery of THE Greeks.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Baronius n’en dit guerres contre; encore en a-t’il\n trop dit, et l’on vouloit sans moi, (Cardinal du Perron,) qui\n l’empechai, censurer cette partie de son histoire. J’en devisai\n un jour avec le Pape, et il ne me repondit autre chose “che\n volete? i Canonici la tengono,” il le disoit en riant,\n (Perroniana, p. 77.)]\n\n While THE popes established in Italy THEir freedom and dominion,\n THE images, THE first cause of THEir revolt, were restored in THE\n Eastern empire. 77 Under THE reign of Constantine THE Fifth, THE\n union of civil and ecclesiastical power had overthrown THE tree,\n without extirpating THE root, of superstition. The idols (for\n such THEy were now held) were secretly cherished by THE order and\n THE sex most prone to devotion; and THE fond alliance of THE\n monks and females obtained a final victory over THE reason and\n authority of man. Leo THE Fourth maintained with less rigor THE\n religion of his faTHEr and grandfaTHEr; but his wife, THE fair\n and ambitious Irene, had imbibed THE zeal of THE ATHEnians, THE\n heirs of THE Idolatry, raTHEr than THE philosophy, of THEir\n ancestors. During THE life of her husband, THEse sentiments were\n inflamed by danger and dissimulation, and she could only labor to\n protect and promote some favorite monks whom she drew from THEir\n caverns, and seated on THE metropolitan thrones of THE East. But\n as soon as she reigned in her own name and that of her son, Irene\n more seriously undertook THE ruin of THE Iconoclasts; and THE\n first step of her future persecution was a general edict for\n liberty of conscience.\n\n In THE restoration of THE monks, a thousand images were exposed\n to THE public veneration; a thousand legends were inverted of\n THEir sufferings and miracles. By THE opportunities of death or\n removal, THE episcopal seats were judiciously filled; THE most\n eager competitors for earthly or celestial favor anticipated and\n flattered THE judgment of THEir sovereign; and THE promotion of\n her secretary Tarasius gave Irene THE patriarch of\n Constantinople, and THE command of THE Oriental church. But THE\n decrees of a general council could only be repealed by a similar\n assembly: 78 THE Iconoclasts whom she convened were bold in\n possession, and averse to debate; and THE feeble voice of THE\n bishops was reechoed by THE more formidable clamor of THE\n soldiers and people of Constantinople. The delay and intrigues of\n a year, THE separation of THE disaffected troops, and THE choice\n of Nice for a second orthodox synod, removed THEse obstacles; and\n THE episcopal conscience was again, after THE Greek fashion, in\n THE hands of THE prince. No more than eighteen days were allowed\n for THE consummation of this important work: THE Iconoclasts\n appeared, not as judges, but as criminals or penitents: THE scene\n was decorated by THE legates of Pope Adrian and THE Eastern\n patriarchs, 79 THE decrees were framed by THE president Taracius,\n and ratified by THE acclamations and subscriptions of three\n hundred and fifty bishops. They unanimously pronounced, that THE\n worship of images is agreeable to Scripture and reason, to THE\n faTHErs and councils of THE church: but THEy hesitate wheTHEr\n that worship be relative or direct; wheTHEr THE Godhead, and THE\n figure of Christ, be entitled to THE same mode of adoration. Of\n this second Nicene council THE acts are still extant; a curious\n monument of superstition and ignorance, of falsehood and folly. I\n shall only notice THE judgment of THE bishops on THE comparative\n merit of image-worship and morality. A monk had concluded a truce\n with THE daemon of fornication, on condition of interrupting his\n daily prayers to a picture that hung in his cell. His scruples\n prompted him to consult THE abbot. “RaTHEr than abstain from\n adoring Christ and his MoTHEr in THEir holy images, it would be\n better for you,” replied THE casuist, “to enter every broTHEl,\n and visit every prostitute, in THE city.” 80 For THE honor of\n orthodoxy, at least THE orthodoxy of THE Roman church, it is\n somewhat unfortunate, that THE two princes who convened THE two\n councils of Nice are both stained with THE blood of THEir sons.\n The second of THEse assemblies was approved and rigorously\n executed by THE despotism of Irene, and she refused her\n adversaries THE toleration which at first she had granted to her\n friends. During THE five succeeding reigns, a period of\n thirty-eight years, THE contest was maintained, with unabated\n rage and various success, between THE worshippers and THE\n breakers of THE images; but I am not inclined to pursue with\n minute diligence THE repetition of THE same events. Nicephorus\n allowed a general liberty of speech and practice; and THE only\n virtue of his reign is accused by THE monks as THE cause of his\n temporal and eternal perdition. Superstition and weakness formed\n THE character of Michael THE First, but THE saints and images\n were incapable of supporting THEir votary on THE throne. In THE\n purple, Leo THE Fifth asserted THE name and religion of an\n Armenian; and THE idols, with THEir seditious adherents, were\n condemned to a second exile. Their applause would have sanctified\n THE murder of an impious tyrant, but his assassin and successor,\n THE second Michael, was tainted from his birth with THE Phrygian\n heresies: he attempted to mediate between THE contending parties;\n and THE intractable spirit of THE Catholics insensibly cast him\n into THE opposite scale. His moderation was guarded by timidity;\n but his son Theophilus, alike ignorant of fear and pity, was THE\n last and most cruel of THE Iconoclasts. The enthusiasm of THE\n times ran strongly against THEm; and THE emperors who stemmed THE\n torrent were exasperated and punished by THE public hatred. After\n THE death of Theophilus, THE final victory of THE images was\n achieved by a second female, his widow Theodora, whom he left THE\n guardian of THE empire. Her measures were bold and decisive. The\n fiction of a tardy repentance absolved THE fame and THE soul of\n her deceased husband; THE sentence of THE Iconoclast patriarch\n was commuted from THE loss of his eyes to a whipping of two\n hundred lashes: THE bishops trembled, THE monks shouted, and THE\n festival of orthodoxy preserves THE annual memory of THE triumph\n of THE images. A single question yet remained, wheTHEr THEy are\n endowed with any proper and inherent sanctity; it was agitated by\n THE Greeks of THE eleventh century; 81 and as this opinion has\n THE strongest recommendation of absurdity, I am surprised that it\n was not more explicitly decided in THE affirmative. In THE West,\n Pope Adrian THE First accepted and announced THE decrees of THE\n Nicene assembly, which is now revered by THE Catholics as THE\n seventh in rank of THE general councils. Rome and Italy were\n docile to THE voice of THEir faTHEr; but THE greatest part of THE\n Latin Christians were far behind in THE race of superstition. The\n churches of France, Germany, England, and Spain, steered a middle\n course between THE adoration and THE destruction of images, which\n THEy admitted into THEir temples, not as objects of worship, but\n as lively and useful memorials of faith and history. An angry\n book of controversy was composed and published in THE name of\n Charlemagne: 82 under his authority a synod of three hundred\n bishops was assembled at Frankfort: 83 THEy blamed THE fury of\n THE Iconoclasts, but THEy pronounced a more severe censure\n against THE superstition of THE Greeks, and THE decrees of THEir\n pretended council, which was long despised by THE Barbarians of\n THE West. 84 Among THEm THE worship of images advanced with a\n silent and insensible progress; but a large atonement is made for\n THEir hesitation and delay, by THE gross idolatry of THE ages\n which precede THE reformation, and of THE countries, both in\n Europe and America, which are still immersed in THE gloom of\n superstition.\n\n 77 (return) [ The remaining history of images, from Irene to\n Theodora, is collected, for THE Catholics, by Baronius and Pagi,\n (A.D. 780-840.) Natalis Alexander, (Hist. N. T. seculum viii.\n Panoplia adversus Haereticos p. 118-178,) and Dupin, (Bibliot.\n Eccles. tom. vi. p. 136-154;) for THE Protestants, by Spanheim,\n (Hist. Imag. p. 305-639.) Basnage, (Hist. de l’Eglise, tom. i. p.\n 556-572, tom. ii. p. 1362-1385,) and Mosheim, (Institut. Hist.\n Eccles. secul. viii. et ix.) The Protestants, except Mosheim, are\n soured with controversy; but THE Catholics, except Dupin, are\n inflamed by THE fury and superstition of THE monks; and even Le\n Beau, (Hist. du Bas Empire,) a gentleman and a scholar, is\n infected by THE odious contagion.]\n\n 78 (return) [ See THE Acts, in Greek and Latin, of THE second\n Council of Nice, with a number of relative pieces, in THE viiith\n volume of THE Councils, p. 645-1600. A faithful version, with\n some critical notes, would provoke, in different readers, a sigh\n or a smile.]\n\n 79 (return) [ The pope’s legates were casual messengers, two\n priests without any special commission, and who were disavowed on\n THEir return. Some vagabond monks were persuaded by THE Catholics\n to represent THE Oriental patriarchs. This curious anecdote is\n revealed by Theodore Studites, (epist. i. 38, in Sirmond. Opp.\n tom. v. p. 1319,) one of THE warmest Iconoclasts of THE age.]\n\n 80 (return) [ These visits could not be innocent since THE daemon\n of fornication, &c. Actio iv. p. 901, Actio v. p. 1081]\n\n 81 (return) [ See an account of this controversy in THE Alexius\n of Anna Compena, (l. v. p. 129,) and Mosheim, (Institut. Hist.\n Eccles. p. 371, 372.)]\n\n 82 (return) [ The Libri Carolini, (Spanheim, p. 443-529,)\n composed in THE palace or winter quarters of Charlemagne, at\n Worms, A.D. 790, and sent by Engebert to Pope Hadrian I., who\n answered THEm by a grandis et verbosa epistola, (Concil. tom.\n vii. p. 1553.) The Carolines propose 120 objections against THE\n Nicene synod and such words as THEse are THE flowers of THEir\n rhetoric—Dementiam.... priscae Gentilitatis obsoletum errorem\n .... argumenta insanissima et absurdissima.... derisione dignas\n naenias, &c., &c.]\n\n 83 (return) [ The assemblies of Charlemagne were political, as\n well as ecclesiastical; and THE three hundred members, (Nat.\n Alexander, sec. viii. p. 53,) who sat and voted at Frankfort,\n must include not only THE bishops, but THE abbots, and even THE\n principal laymen.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Qui supra sanctissima patres nostri (episcopi et\n sacerdotes) omnimodis servitium et adorationem imaginum renuentes\n contempserunt, atque consentientes condemnaverunt, (Concil. tom.\n ix. p. 101, Canon. ii. Franckfurd.) A polemic must be\n hard-hearted indeed, who does not pity THE efforts of Baronius,\n Pagi, Alexander, Maimbourg, &c., to elude this unlucky sentence.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part IV.\n\n It was after THE Nycene synod, and under THE reign of THE pious\n Irene, that THE popes consummated THE separation of Rome and\n Italy, by THE translation of THE empire to THE less orthodox\n Charlemagne. They were compelled to choose between THE rival\n nations: religion was not THE sole motive of THEir choice; and\n while THEy dissembled THE failings of THEir friends, THEy beheld,\n with reluctance and suspicion, THE Catholic virtues of THEir\n foes. The difference of language and manners had perpetuated THE\n enmity of THE two capitals; and THEy were alienated from each\n oTHEr by THE hostile opposition of seventy years. In that schism\n THE Romans had tasted of freedom, and THE popes of sovereignty:\n THEir submission would have exposed THEm to THE revenge of a\n jealous tyrant; and THE revolution of Italy had betrayed THE\n impotence, as well as THE tyranny, of THE Byzantine court. The\n Greek emperors had restored THE images, but THEy had not restored\n THE Calabrian estates 85 and THE Illyrian diocese, 86 which THE\n Iconociasts had torn away from THE successors of St. Peter; and\n Pope Adrian threatens THEm with a sentence of excommunication\n unless THEy speedily abjure this practical heresy. 87 The Greeks\n were now orthodox; but THEir religion might be tainted by THE\n breath of THE reigning monarch: THE Franks were now contumacious;\n but a discerning eye might discern THEir approaching conversion,\n from THE use, to THE adoration, of images. The name of\n Charlemagne was stained by THE polemic acrimony of his scribes;\n but THE conqueror himself conformed, with THE temper of a\n statesman, to THE various practice of France and Italy. In his\n four pilgrimages or visits to THE Vatican, he embraced THE popes\n in THE communion of friendship and piety; knelt before THE tomb,\n and consequently before THE image, of THE apostle; and joined,\n without scruple, in all THE prayers and processions of THE Roman\n liturgy. Would prudence or gratitude allow THE pontiffs to\n renounce THEir benefactor? Had THEy a right to alienate his gift\n of THE Exarchate? Had THEy power to abolish his government of\n Rome? The title of patrician was below THE merit and greatness of\n Charlemagne; and it was only by reviving THE Western empire that\n THEy could pay THEir obligations or secure THEir establishment.\n By this decisive measure THEy would finally eradicate THE claims\n of THE Greeks; from THE debasement of a provincial town, THE\n majesty of Rome would be restored: THE Latin Christians would be\n united, under a supreme head, in THEir ancient metropolis; and\n THE conquerors of THE West would receive THEir crown from THE\n successors of St. Peter. The Roman church would acquire a zealous\n and respectable advocate; and, under THE shadow of THE\n Carlovingian power, THE bishop might exercise, with honor and\n safety, THE government of THE city. 88\n\n 85 (return) [ Theophanes (p. 343) specifies those of Sicily and\n Calabria, which yielded an annual rent of three talents and a\n half of gold, (perhaps 7000 L. sterling.) Liutprand more\n pompously enumerates THE patrimonies of THE Roman church in\n Greece, Judaea, Persia, Mesopotamia Babylonia, Egypt, and Libya,\n which were detained by THE injustice of THE Greek emperor,\n (Legat. ad Nicephorum, in Script. Rerum Italica rum, tom. ii.\n pars i. p. 481.)]\n\n 86 (return) [ The great diocese of THE Eastern Illyricum, with\n Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily, (Thomassin, Discipline de l’Eglise,\n tom. i. p. 145: ) by THE confession of THE Greeks, THE patriarch\n of Constantinople had detached from Rome THE metropolitans of\n Thessalonica, ATHEns Corinth, Nicopolis, and Patrae, (Luc.\n Holsten. Geograph. Sacra, p. 22) and his spiritual conquests\n extended to Naples and Amalphi (Istoria Civile di Napoli, tom. i.\n p. 517-524, Pagi, A. D 780, No. 11.)]\n\n 87 (return) [ In hoc ostenditur, quia ex uno capitulo ab errore\n reversis, in aliis duobus, in eodem (was it THE same?) permaneant\n errore.... de diocessi S. R. E. seu de patrimoniis iterum\n increpantes commonemus, ut si ea restituere noluerit hereticum\n eum pro hujusmodi errore perseverantia decernemus, (Epist.\n Hadrian. Papae ad Carolum Magnum, in Concil. tom. viii. p. 1598;)\n to which he adds a reason, most directly opposite to his conduct,\n that he preferred THE salvation of souls and rule of faith to THE\n goods of this transitory world.]\n\n 88 (return) [ Fontanini considers THE emperors as no more than\n THE advocates of THE church, (advocatus et defensor S. R. E. See\n Ducange, Gloss Lat. tom. i. p. 297.) His antagonist Muratori\n reduces THE popes to be no more than THE exarchs of THE emperor.\n In THE more equitable view of Mosheim, (Institut. Hist. Eccles.\n p. 264, 265,) THEy held Rome under THE empire as THE most\n honorable species of fief or benefice—premuntur nocte\n caliginosa!]\n\n Before THE ruin of Paganism in Rome, THE competition for a\n wealthy bishopric had often been productive of tumult and\n bloodshed. The people was less numerous, but THE times were more\n savage, THE prize more important, and THE chair of St. Peter was\n fiercely disputed by THE leading ecclesiastics who aspired to THE\n rank of sovereign. The reign of Adrian THE First 89 surpasses THE\n measure of past or succeeding ages; 90 THE walls of Rome, THE\n sacred patrimony, THE ruin of THE Lombards, and THE friendship of\n Charlemagne, were THE trophies of his fame: he secretly edified\n THE throne of his successors, and displayed in a narrow space THE\n virtues of a great prince. His memory was revered; but in THE\n next election, a priest of THE Lateran, Leo THE Third, was\n preferred to THE nephew and THE favorite of Adrian, whom he had\n promoted to THE first dignities of THE church. Their acquiescence\n or repentance disguised, above four years, THE blackest intention\n of revenge, till THE day of a procession, when a furious band of\n conspirators dispersed THE unarmed multitude, and assaulted with\n blows and wounds THE sacred person of THE pope. But THEir\n enterprise on his life or liberty was disappointed, perhaps by\n THEir own confusion and remorse. Leo was left for dead on THE\n ground: on his revival from THE swoon, THE effect of his loss of\n blood, he recovered his speech and sight; and this natural event\n was improved to THE miraculous restoration of his eyes and\n tongue, of which he had been deprived, twice deprived, by THE\n knife of THE assassins. 91 From his prison he escaped to THE\n Vatican: THE duke of Spoleto hastened to his rescue, Charlemagne\n sympathized in his injury, and in his camp of Paderborn in\n Westphalia accepted, or solicited, a visit from THE Roman\n pontiff. Leo repassed THE Alps with a commission of counts and\n bishops, THE guards of his safety and THE judges of his\n innocence; and it was not without reluctance, that THE conqueror\n of THE Saxons delayed till THE ensuing year THE personal\n discharge of this pious office. In his fourth and last\n pilgrimage, he was received at Rome with THE due honors of king\n and patrician: Leo was permitted to purge himself by oath of THE\n crimes imputed to his charge: his enemies were silenced, and THE\n sacrilegious attempt against his life was punished by THE mild\n and insufficient penalty of exile. On THE festival of Christmas,\n THE last year of THE eighth century, Charlemagne appeared in THE\n church of St. Peter; and, to gratify THE vanity of Rome, he had\n exchanged THE simple dress of his country for THE habit of a\n patrician. 92 After THE celebration of THE holy mysteries, Leo\n suddenly placed a precious crown on his head, 93 and THE dome\n resounded with THE acclamations of THE people, “Long life and\n victory to Charles, THE most pious Augustus, crowned by God THE\n great and pacific emperor of THE Romans!” The head and body of\n Charlemagne were consecrated by THE royal unction: after THE\n example of THE Caesars, he was saluted or adored by THE pontiff:\n his coronation oath represents a promise to maintain THE faith\n and privileges of THE church; and THE first-fruits were paid in\n his rich offerings to THE shrine of his apostle. In his familiar\n conversation, THE emperor protested THE ignorance of THE\n intentions of Leo, which he would have disappointed by his\n absence on that memorable day. But THE preparations of THE\n ceremony must have disclosed THE secret; and THE journey of\n Charlemagne reveals his knowledge and expectation: he had\n acknowledged that THE Imperial title was THE object of his\n ambition, and a Roman synod had pronounced, that it was THE only\n adequate reward of his merit and services. 94\n\n 89 (return) [ His merits and hopes are summed up in an epitaph of\n thirty-eight-verses, of which Charlemagne declares himself THE\n author, (Concil. tom. viii. p. 520.) Post patrem lacrymans\n Carolus haec carmina scripsi. Tu mihi dulcis amor, te modo plango\n pater... Nomina jungo simul titulis, clarissime, nostra Adrianus,\n Carolus, rex ego, tuque pater. The poetry might be supplied by\n Alcuin; but THE tears, THE most glorious tribute, can only belong\n to Charlemagne.]\n\n 90 (return) [ Every new pope is admonished—“Sancte Pater, non\n videbis annos Petri,” twenty-five years. On THE whole series THE\n average is about eight years—a short hope for an ambitious\n cardinal.]\n\n 91 (return) [ The assurance of Anastasius (tom. iii. pars i. p.\n 197, 198) is supported by THE credulity of some French annalists;\n but Eginhard, and oTHEr writers of THE same age, are more natural\n and sincere. “Unus ei oculus paullulum est laesus,” says John THE\n deacon of Naples, (Vit. Episcop. Napol. in Scriptores Muratori,\n tom. i. pars ii. p. 312.) Theodolphus, a contemporary bishop of\n Orleans, observes with prudence (l. iii. carm. 3.) Reddita sunt?\n mirum est: mirum est auferre nequtsse. Est tamen in dubio, hinc\n mirer an inde magis.]\n\n 92 (return) [ Twice, at THE request of Hadrian and Leo, he\n appeared at Rome,—longa tunica et chlamyde amictus, et\n calceamentis quoque Romano more formatis. Eginhard (c. xxiii. p.\n 109-113) describes, like Suetonius THE simplicity of his dress,\n so popular in THE nation, that when Charles THE Bald returned to\n France in a foreign habit, THE patriotic dogs barked at THE\n apostate, (Gaillard, Vie de Charlemagne, tom. iv. p. 109.)]\n\n 93 (return) [ See Anastasius (p. 199) and Eginhard, (c.xxviii. p.\n 124-128.) The unction is mentioned by Theophanes, (p. 399,) THE\n oath by Sigonius, (from THE Ordo Romanus,) and THE Pope’s\n adoration more antiquorum principum, by THE Annales Bertiniani,\n (Script. Murator. tom. ii. pars ii. p. 505.)]\n\n 94 (return) [ This great event of THE translation or restoration\n of THE empire is related and discussed by Natalis Alexander,\n (secul. ix. dissert. i. p. 390-397,) Pagi, (tom. iii. p. 418,)\n Muratori, (Annali d’Italia, tom. vi. p. 339-352,) Sigonius, (de\n Regno Italiae, l. iv. Opp. tom. ii. p. 247-251,) Spanheim, (de\n ficta Translatione Imperii,) Giannone, (tom. i. p. 395-405,) St.\n Marc, (Abrege Chronologique, tom. i. p. 438-450,) Gaillard,\n (Hist. de Charlemagne, tom. ii. p. 386-446.) Almost all THEse\n moderns have some religious or national bias.]\n\n The appellation of great has been often bestowed, and sometimes\n deserved; but Charlemagne is THE only prince in whose favor THE\n title has been indissolubly blended with THE name. That name,\n with THE addition of saint, is inserted in THE Roman calendar;\n and THE saint, by a rare felicity, is crowned with THE praises of\n THE historians and philosophers of an enlightened age. 95 His\n real merit is doubtless enhanced by THE barbarism of THE nation\n and THE times from which he emerged: but THE apparent magnitude\n of an object is likewise enlarged by an unequal comparison; and\n THE ruins of Palmyra derive a casual splendor from THE nakedness\n of THE surrounding desert. Without injustice to his fame, I may\n discern some blemishes in THE sanctity and greatness of THE\n restorer of THE Western empire. Of his moral virtues, chastity is\n not THE most conspicuous: 96 but THE public happiness could not\n be materially injured by his nine wives or concubines, THE\n various indulgence of meaner or more transient amours, THE\n multitude of his bastards whom he bestowed on THE church, and THE\n long celibacy and licentious manners of his daughters, 97 whom\n THE faTHEr was suspected of loving with too fond a passion. 971 I\n shall be scarcely permitted to accuse THE ambition of a\n conqueror; but in a day of equal retribution, THE sons of his\n broTHEr Carloman, THE Merovingian princes of Aquitain, and THE\n four thousand five hundred Saxons who were beheaded on THE same\n spot, would have something to allege against THE justice and\n humanity of Charlemagne. His treatment of THE vanquished Saxons\n 98 was an abuse of THE right of conquest; his laws were not less\n sanguinary than his arms, and in THE discussion of his motives,\n whatever is subtracted from bigotry must be imputed to temper.\n The sedentary reader is amazed by his incessant activity of mind\n and body; and his subjects and enemies were not less astonished\n at his sudden presence, at THE moment when THEy believed him at\n THE most distant extremity of THE empire; neiTHEr peace nor war,\n nor summer nor winter, were a season of repose; and our fancy\n cannot easily reconcile THE annals of his reign with THE\n geography of his expeditions. 981 But this activity was a\n national, raTHEr than a personal, virtue; THE vagrant life of a\n Frank was spent in THE chase, in pilgrimage, in military\n adventures; and THE journeys of Charlemagne were distinguished\n only by a more numerous train and a more important purpose. His\n military renown must be tried by THE scrutiny of his troops, his\n enemies, and his actions. Alexander conquered with THE arms of\n Philip, but THE two heroes who preceded Charlemagne bequeaTHEd\n him THEir name, THEir examples, and THE companions of THEir\n victories. At THE head of his veteran and superior armies, he\n oppressed THE savage or degenerate nations, who were incapable of\n confederating for THEir common safety: nor did he ever encounter\n an equal antagonist in numbers, in discipline, or in arms The\n science of war has been lost and revived with THE arts of peace;\n but his campaigns are not illustrated by any siege or battle of\n singular difficulty and success; and he might behold, with envy,\n THE Saracen trophies of his grandfaTHEr. After THE Spanish\n expedition, his rear-guard was defeated in THE Pyrenaean\n mountains; and THE soldiers, whose situation was irretrievable,\n and whose valor was useless, might accuse, with THEir last\n breath, THE want of skill or caution of THEir general. 99 I touch\n with reverence THE laws of Charlemagne, so highly applauded by a\n respectable judge. They compose not a system, but a series, of\n occasional and minute edicts, for THE correction of abuses, THE\n reformation of manners, THE economy of his farms, THE care of his\n poultry, and even THE sale of his eggs. He wished to improve THE\n laws and THE character of THE Franks; and his attempts, however\n feeble and imperfect, are deserving of praise: THE inveterate\n evils of THE times were suspended or mollified by his government;\n 100 but in his institutions I can seldom discover THE general\n views and THE immortal spirit of a legislator, who survives\n himself for THE benefit of posterity. The union and stability of\n his empire depended on THE life of a single man: he imitated THE\n dangerous practice of dividing his kingdoms among his sons; and\n after his numerous diets, THE whole constitution was left to\n fluctuate between THE disorders of anarchy and despotism. His\n esteem for THE piety and knowledge of THE clergy tempted him to\n intrust that aspiring order with temporal dominion and civil\n jurisdiction; and his son Lewis, when he was stripped and\n degraded by THE bishops, might accuse, in some measure, THE\n imprudence of his faTHEr. His laws enforced THE imposition of\n tiTHEs, because THE daemons had proclaimed in THE air that THE\n default of payment had been THE cause of THE last scarcity. 101\n The literary merits of Charlemagne are attested by THE foundation\n of schools, THE introduction of arts, THE works which were\n published in his name, and his familiar connection with THE\n subjects and strangers whom he invited to his court to educate\n both THE prince and people. His own studies were tardy,\n laborious, and imperfect; if he spoke Latin, and understood\n Greek, he derived THE rudiments of knowledge from conversation,\n raTHEr than from books; and, in his mature age, THE emperor\n strove to acquire THE practice of writing, which every peasant\n now learns in his infancy. 102 The grammar and logic, THE music\n and astronomy, of THE times, were only cultivated as THE\n handmaids of superstition; but THE curiosity of THE human mind\n must ultimately tend to its improvement, and THE encouragement of\n learning reflects THE purest and most pleasing lustre on THE\n character of Charlemagne. 103 The dignity of his person, 104 THE\n length of his reign, THE prosperity of his arms, THE vigor of his\n government, and THE reverence of distant nations, distinguish him\n from THE royal crowd; and Europe dates a new aera from his\n restoration of THE Western empire.\n\n 95 (return) [ By Mably, (Observations sur l’Histoire de France,)\n Voltaire, (Histoire Generale,) Robertson, (History of Charles\n V.,) and Montesquieu, (Esprit des Loix, l. xxxi. c. 18.) In THE\n year 1782, M. Gaillard published his Histoire de Charlemagne, (in\n 4 vols. in 12mo.,) which I have freely and profitably used. The\n author is a man of sense and humanity; and his work is labored\n with industry and elegance. But I have likewise examined THE\n original monuments of THE reigns of Pepin and Charlemagne, in THE\n 5th volume of THE Historians of France.]\n\n 96 (return) [ The vision of Weltin, composed by a monk, eleven\n years after THE death of Charlemagne, shows him in purgatory,\n with a vulture, who is perpetually gnawing THE guilty member,\n while THE rest of his body, THE emblem of his virtues, is sound\n and perfect, (see Gaillard tom. ii. p. 317-360.)]\n\n 97 (return) [ The marriage of Eginhard with Imma, daughter of\n Charlemagne, is, in my opinion, sufficiently refuted by THE\n probum and suspicio that sullied THEse fair damsels, without\n excepting his own wife, (c. xix. p. 98-100, cum Notis Schmincke.)\n The husband must have been too strong for THE historian.]\n\n 971 (return) [ This charge of incest, as Mr. Hallam justly\n observes, “seems to have originated in a misinterpreted passage\n of Eginhard.” Hallam’s Middle Ages, vol.i. p. 16.—M.]\n\n 98 (return) [ Besides THE massacres and transmigrations, THE pain\n of death was pronounced against THE following crimes: 1. The\n refusal of baptism. 2. The false pretence of baptism. 3. A\n relapse to idolatry. 4. The murder of a priest or bishop. 5.\n Human sacrifices. 6. Eating meat in Lent. But every crime might\n be expiated by baptism or penance, (Gaillard, tom. ii. p.\n 241-247;) and THE Christian Saxons became THE friends and equals\n of THE Franks, (Struv. Corpus Hist. Germanicae, p.133.)]\n\n 981 (return) [ M. Guizot (Cours d’Histoire Moderne, p. 270, 273)\n has compiled THE following statement of Charlemagne’s military\n campaigns:—\n\n 1. Against THE Aquitanians.\n 18. ” THE Saxons.\n 5. ” THE Lombards.\n 7. ” THE Arabs in Spain.\n 1. ” THE Thuringians.\n 4. ” THE Avars.\n 2. ” THE Bretons.\n 1. ” THE Bavarians.\n 4. ” THE Slaves beyond THE Elbe\n 5. ” THE Saracens in Italy.\n 3. ” THE Danes.\n 2. ” THE Greeks. ___\n 53 total.—M.]\n\n 99 (return) [ In this action THE famous Rutland, Rolando,\n Orlando, was slain—cum compluribus aliis. See THE truth in\n Eginhard, (c. 9, p. 51-56,) and THE fable in an ingenious\n Supplement of M. Gaillard, (tom. iii. p. 474.) The Spaniards are\n too proud of a victory, which history ascribes to THE Gascons,\n and romance to THE Saracens. * Note: In fact, it was a sudden\n onset of THE Gascons, assisted by THE Beaure mountaineers, and\n possibly a few Navarrese.—M.]\n\n 100 (return) [ Yet Schmidt, from THE best authorities, represents\n THE interior disorders and oppression of his reign, (Hist. des\n Allemands, tom. ii. p. 45-49.)]\n\n 101 (return) [ Omnis homo ex sua proprietate legitimam decimam ad\n ecclesiam conferat. Experimento enim didicimus, in anno, quo illa\n valida fames irrepsit, ebullire vacuas annonas a daemonibus\n devoratas, et voces exprobationis auditas. Such is THE decree and\n assertion of THE great Council of Frankfort, (canon xxv. tom. ix.\n p. 105.) Both Selden (Hist. of TiTHEs; Works, vol. iii. part ii.\n p. 1146) and Montesquieu (Esprit des Loix, l. xxxi. c. 12)\n represent Charlemagne as THE first legal author of tiTHEs. Such\n obligations have country gentlemen to his memory!]\n\n 102 (return) [ Eginhard (c. 25, p. 119) clearly affirms, tentabat\n et scribere... sed parum prospere successit labor praeposterus et\n sero inchoatus. The moderns have perverted and corrected this\n obvious meaning, and THE title of M. Gaillard’s dissertation\n (tom. iii. p. 247-260) betrays his partiality. * Note: This point\n has been contested; but Mr. Hallam and Monsieur Sismondl concur\n with Gibbon. See Middle Ages, iii. 330, Histoire de Francais,\n tom. ii. p. 318. The sensible observations of THE latter are\n quoted in THE Quarterly Review, vol. xlviii. p. 451. Fleury, I\n may add, quotes from Mabillon a remarkable evidence that\n Charlemagne “had a mark to himself like an honest, plain-dealing\n man.” Ibid.—M.]\n\n 103 (return) [ See Gaillard, tom. iii. p. 138-176, and Schmidt,\n tom. ii. p. 121-129.]\n\n 104 (return) [ M. Gaillard (tom. iii. p. 372) fixes THE true\n stature of Charlemagne (see a Dissertation of Marquard Freher ad\n calcem Eginhart, p. 220, &c.) at five feet nine inches of French,\n about six feet one inch and a fourth English, measure. The\n romance writers have increased it to eight feet, and THE giant\n was endowed with matchless strength and appetite: at a single\n stroke of his good sword Joyeuse, he cut asunder a horseman and\n his horse; at a single repast, he devoured a goose, two fowls, a\n quarter of mutton, &c.]\n\n That empire was not unworthy of its title; 105 and some of THE\n fairest kingdoms of Europe were THE patrimony or conquest of a\n prince, who reigned at THE same time in France, Spain, Italy,\n Germany, and Hungary. 106 I. The Roman province of Gaul had been\n transformed into THE name and monarchy of France; but, in THE\n decay of THE Merovingian line, its limits were contracted by THE\n independence of THE Britons and THE revolt of Aquitain.\n Charlemagne pursued, and confined, THE Britons on THE shores of\n THE ocean; and that ferocious tribe, whose origin and language\n are so different from THE French, was chastised by THE imposition\n of tribute, hostages, and peace. After a long and evasive\n contest, THE rebellion of THE dukes of Aquitain was punished by\n THE forfeiture of THEir province, THEir liberty, and THEir lives.\n\n Harsh and rigorous would have been such treatment of ambitious\n governors, who had too faithfully copied THE mayors of THE\n palace. But a recent discovery 107 has proved that THEse unhappy\n princes were THE last and lawful heirs of THE blood and sceptre\n of Clovis, and younger branch, from THE broTHEr of Dagobert, of\n THE Merovingian house. Their ancient kingdom was reduced to THE\n duchy of Gascogne, to THE counties of Fesenzac and Armagnac, at\n THE foot of THE Pyrenees: THEir race was propagated till THE\n beginning of THE sixteenth century; and after surviving THEir\n Carlovingian tyrants, THEy were reserved to feel THE injustice,\n or THE favors, of a third dynasty. By THE reunion of Aquitain,\n France was enlarged to its present boundaries, with THE additions\n of THE NeTHErlands and Spain, as far as THE Rhine. II.\n\n The Saracens had been expelled from France by THE grandfaTHEr and\n faTHEr of Charlemagne; but THEy still possessed THE greatest part\n of Spain, from THE rock of Gibraltar to THE Pyrenees. Amidst\n THEir civil divisions, an Arabian emir of Saragossa implored his\n protection in THE diet of Paderborn. Charlemagne undertook THE\n expedition, restored THE emir, and, without distinction of faith,\n impartially crushed THE resistance of THE Christians, and\n rewarded THE obedience and services of THE Mahometans. In his\n absence he instituted THE Spanish march, 108 which extended from\n THE Pyrenees to THE River Ebro: Barcelona was THE residence of\n THE French governor: he possessed THE counties of Rousillon and\n Catalonia; and THE infant kingdoms of Navarre and Arragon were\n subject to his jurisdiction. III. As king of THE Lombards, and\n patrician of Rome, he reigned over THE greatest part of Italy,\n 109 a tract of a thousand miles from THE Alps to THE borders of\n Calabria. The duchy of Beneventum, a Lombard fief, had spread, at\n THE expense of THE Greeks, over THE modern kingdom of Naples. But\n Arrechis, THE reigning duke, refused to be included in THE\n slavery of his country; assumed THE independent title of prince;\n and opposed his sword to THE Carlovingian monarchy. His defence\n was firm, his submission was not inglorious, and THE emperor was\n content with an easy tribute, THE demolition of his fortresses,\n and THE acknowledgement, on his coins, of a supreme lord. The\n artful flattery of his son Grimoald added THE appellation of\n faTHEr, but he asserted his dignity with prudence, and Benventum\n insensibly escaped from THE French yoke. 110 IV. Charlemagne was\n THE first who united Germany under THE same sceptre. The name of\n Oriental France is preserved in THE circle of Franconia; and THE\n people of Hesse and Thuringia were recently incorporated with THE\n victors, by THE conformity of religion and government. The\n Alemanni, so formidable to THE Romans, were THE faithful vassals\n and confederates of THE Franks; and THEir country was inscribed\n within THE modern limits of Alsace, Swabia, and Switzerland. The\n Bavarians, with a similar indulgence of THEir laws and manners,\n were less patient of a master: THE repeated treasons of Tasillo\n justified THE abolition of THEir hereditary dukes; and THEir\n power was shared among THE counts, who judged and guarded that\n important frontier. But THE north of Germany, from THE Rhine and\n beyond THE Elbe, was still hostile and Pagan; nor was it till\n after a war of thirty-three years that THE Saxons bowed under THE\n yoke of Christ and of Charlemagne. The idols and THEir votaries\n were extirpated: THE foundation of eight bishoprics, of Munster,\n Osnaburgh, Paderborn, and Minden, of Bremen, Verden, Hildesheim,\n and Halberstadt, define, on eiTHEr side of THE Weser, THE bounds\n of ancient Saxony THEse episcopal seats were THE first schools\n and cities of that savage land; and THE religion and humanity of\n THE children atoned, in some degree, for THE massacre of THE\n parents. Beyond THE Elbe, THE Slavi, or Sclavonians, of similar\n manners and various denominations, overspread THE modern\n dominions of Prussia, Poland, and Bohemia, and some transient\n marks of obedience have tempted THE French historian to extend\n THE empire to THE Baltic and THE Vistula. The conquest or\n conversion of those countries is of a more recent age; but THE\n first union of Bohemia with THE Germanic body may be justly\n ascribed to THE arms of Charlemagne. V. He retaliated on THE\n Avars, or Huns of Pannonia, THE same calamities which THEy had\n inflicted on THE nations. Their rings, THE wooden fortifications\n which encircled THEir districts and villages, were broken down by\n THE triple effort of a French army, that was poured into THEir\n country by land and water, through THE Carpathian mountains and\n along THE plain of THE Danube. After a bloody conflict of eight\n years, THE loss of some French generals was avenged by THE\n slaughter of THE most noble Huns: THE relics of THE nation\n submitted THE royal residence of THE chagan was left desolate and\n unknown; and THE treasures, THE rapine of two hundred and fifty\n years, enriched THE victorious troops, or decorated THE churches\n of Italy and Gaul. 111 After THE reduction of Pannonia, THE\n empire of Charlemagne was bounded only by THE conflux of THE\n Danube with THE Teyss and THE Save: THE provinces of Istria,\n Liburnia, and Dalmatia, were an easy, though unprofitable,\n accession; and it was an effect of his moderation, that he left\n THE maritime cities under THE real or nominal sovereignty of THE\n Greeks. But THEse distant possessions added more to THE\n reputation than to THE power of THE Latin emperor; nor did he\n risk any ecclesiastical foundations to reclaim THE Barbarians\n from THEir vagrant life and idolatrous worship. Some canals of\n communication between THE rivers, THE Saone and THE Meuse, THE\n Rhine and THE Danube, were faintly attempted. 112 Their execution\n would have vivified THE empire; and more cost and labor were\n often wasted in THE structure of a caTHEdral. 1121\n\n 105 (return) [ See THE concise, but correct and original, work of\n D’Anville, (Etats Formes en Europe apres la Chute de l’Empire\n Romain en Occident, Paris, 1771, in 4to.,) whose map includes THE\n empire of Charlemagne; THE different parts are illustrated, by\n Valesius (Notitia Galliacum) for France, Beretti (Dissertatio\n Chorographica) for Italy, De Marca (Marca Hispanica) for Spain.\n For THE middle geography of Germany, I confess myself poor and\n destitute.]\n\n 106 (return) [ After a brief relation of his wars and conquests,\n (Vit. Carol. c. 5-14,) Eginhard recapitulates, in a few words,\n (c. 15,) THE countries subject to his empire. Struvius, (Corpus\n Hist. German. p. 118-149) was inserted in his Notes THE texts of\n THE old Chronicles.]\n\n 107 (return) [ On a charter granted to THE monastery of Alaon\n (A.D. 845) by Charles THE Bald, which deduces this royal\n pedigree. I doubt wheTHEr some subsequent links of THE ixth and\n xth centuries are equally firm; yet THE whole is approved and\n defended by M. Gaillard, (tom. ii. p.60-81, 203-206,) who affirms\n that THE family of Montesquiou (not of THE President de\n Montesquieu) is descended, in THE female line, from Clotaire and\n Clovis—an innocent pretension!]\n\n 108 (return) [ The governors or counts of THE Spanish march\n revolted from Charles THE Simple about THE year 900; and a poor\n pittance, THE Rousillon, has been recovered in 1642 by THE kings\n of France, (Longuerue, Description de la France, tom i. p.\n 220-222.) Yet THE Rousillon contains 188,900 subjects, and\n annually pays 2,600,000 livres, (Necker, Administration des\n Finances, tom. i. p. 278, 279;) more people, perhaps, and\n doubtless more money than THE march of Charlemagne.]\n\n 109 (return) [ Schmidt, Hist. des Allemands, tom. ii. p. 200,\n &c.]\n\n 110 (return) [ See Giannone, tom. i. p 374, 375, and THE Annals\n of Muratori.]\n\n 111 (return) [ Quot praelia in eo gesta! quantum sanguinis\n effusum sit! Testatur vacua omni habitatione Pannonia, et locus\n in quo regia Cagani fuit ita desertus, ut ne vestigium quidem\n humanae habitationis appareat. Tota in hoc bello Hunnorum\n nobilitas periit, tota gloria decidit, omnis pecunia et congesti\n ex longo tempore THEsauri direpti sunt. Eginhard, cxiii.]\n\n 112 (return) [ The junction of THE Rhine and Danube was\n undertaken only for THE service of THE Pannonian war, (Gaillard,\n Vie de Charlemagne, tom. ii. p. 312-315.) The canal, which would\n have been only two leagues in length, and of which some traces\n are still extant in Swabia, was interrupted by excessive rains,\n military avocations, and superstitious fears, (Schaepflin, Hist.\n de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xviii. p. 256. Molimina\n fluviorum, &c., jungendorum, p. 59-62.)]\n\n 1121 (return) [ I should doubt this in THE time of Charlemagne,\n even if THE term “expended” were substituted for “wasted.”—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part V.\n\n If we retrace THE outlines of this geographical picture, it will\n be seen that THE empire of THE Franks extended, between east and\n west, from THE Ebro to THE Elbe or Vistula; between THE north and\n south, from THE duchy of Beneventum to THE River Eyder, THE\n perpetual boundary of Germany and Denmark. The personal and\n political importance of Charlemagne was magnified by THE distress\n and division of THE rest of Europe. The islands of Great Britain\n and Ireland were disputed by a crowd of princes of Saxon or\n Scottish origin: and, after THE loss of Spain, THE Christian and\n Gothic kingdom of Alphonso THE Chaste was confined to THE narrow\n range of THE Asturian mountains. These petty sovereigns revered\n THE power or virtue of THE Carlovingian monarch, implored THE\n honor and support of his alliance, and styled him THEir common\n parent, THE sole and supreme emperor of THE West. 113 He\n maintained a more equal intercourse with THE caliph Harun al\n Rashid, 114 whose dominion stretched from Africa to India, and\n accepted from his ambassadors a tent, a water-clock, an elephant,\n and THE keys of THE Holy Sepulchre. It is not easy to conceive\n THE private friendship of a Frank and an Arab, who were strangers\n to each oTHEr’s person, and language, and religion: but THEir\n public correspondence was founded on vanity, and THEir remote\n situation left no room for a competition of interest. Two thirds\n of THE Western empire of Rome were subject to Charlemagne, and\n THE deficiency was amply supplied by his command of THE\n inaccessible or invincible nations of Germany. But in THE choice\n of his enemies, 1141 we may be reasonably surprised that he so\n often preferred THE poverty of THE north to THE riches of THE\n south. The three-and-thirty campaigns laboriously consumed in THE\n woods and morasses of Germany would have sufficed to assert THE\n amplitude of his title by THE expulsion of THE Greeks from Italy\n and THE Saracens from Spain. The weakness of THE Greeks would\n have insured an easy victory; and THE holy crusade against THE\n Saracens would have been prompted by glory and revenge, and\n loudly justified by religion and policy. Perhaps, in his\n expeditions beyond THE Rhine and THE Elbe, he aspired to save his\n monarchy from THE fate of THE Roman empire, to disarm THE enemies\n of civilized society, and to eradicate THE seed of future\n emigrations. But it has been wisely observed, that, in a light of\n precaution, all conquest must be ineffectual, unless it could be\n universal, since THE increasing circle must be involved in a\n larger sphere of hostility. 115 The subjugation of Germany\n withdrew THE veil which had so long concealed THE continent or\n islands of Scandinavia from THE knowledge of Europe, and awakened\n THE torpid courage of THEir barbarous natives. The fiercest of\n THE Saxon idolaters escaped from THE Christian tyrant to THEir\n brethren of THE North; THE Ocean and Mediterranean were covered\n with THEir piratical fleets; and Charlemagne beheld with a sigh\n THE destructive progress of THE Normans, who, in less than\n seventy years, precipitated THE fall of his race and monarchy.\n\n 113 (return) [ See Eginhard, c. 16, and Gaillard, tom. ii. p.\n 361-385, who mentions, with a loose reference, THE intercourse of\n Charlemagne and Egbert, THE emperor’s gift of his own sword, and\n THE modest answer of his Saxon disciple. The anecdote, if\n genuine, would have adorned our English histories.]\n\n 114 (return) [ The correspondence is mentioned only in THE French\n annals, and THE Orientals are ignorant of THE caliph’s friendship\n for THE Christian dog—a polite appellation, which Harun bestows\n on THE emperor of THE Greeks.]\n\n 1141 (return) [ Had he THE choice? M. Guizot has eloquently\n described THE position of Charlemagne towards THE Saxons. Il y\n fit face par le conquete; la guerre defensive prit la forme\n offensive: il transporta la lutte sur le territoire des peuples\n qui voulaient envahir le sien: il travailla a asservir les races\n etrangeres, et extirper les croyances ennemies. De la son mode de\n gouvernement et la fondation de son empire: la guerre offensive\n et la conquete voulaient cette vaste et redoutable unite. Compare\n observations in THE Quarterly Review, vol. xlviii., and James’s\n Life of Charlemagne.—M.]\n\n 115 (return) [ Gaillard, tom. ii. p. 361-365, 471-476, 492. I\n have borrowed his judicious remarks on Charlemagne’s plan of\n conquest, and THE judicious distinction of his enemies of THE\n first and THE second enceinte, (tom. ii. p. 184, 509, &c.)]\n\n Had THE pope and THE Romans revived THE primitive constitution,\n THE titles of emperor and Augustus were conferred on Charlemagne\n for THE term of his life; and his successors, on each vacancy,\n must have ascended THE throne by a formal or tacit election. But\n THE association of his son Lewis THE Pious asserts THE\n independent right of monarchy and conquest, and THE emperor seems\n on this occasion to have foreseen and prevented THE latent claims\n of THE clergy. The royal youth was commanded to take THE crown\n from THE altar, and with his own hands to place it on his head,\n as a gift which he held from God, his faTHEr, and THE nation. 116\n The same ceremony was repeated, though with less energy, in THE\n subsequent associations of Lothaire and Lewis THE Second: THE\n Carlovingian sceptre was transmitted from faTHEr to son in a\n lineal descent of four generations; and THE ambition of THE popes\n was reduced to THE empty honor of crowning and anointing THEse\n hereditary princes, who were already invested with THEir power\n and dominions. The pious Lewis survived his broTHErs, and\n embraced THE whole empire of Charlemagne; but THE nations and THE\n nobles, his bishops and his children, quickly discerned that this\n mighty mass was no longer inspired by THE same soul; and THE\n foundations were undermined to THE centre, while THE external\n surface was yet fair and entire. After a war, or battle, which\n consumed one hundred thousand Franks, THE empire was divided by\n treaty between his three sons, who had violated every filial and\n fraternal duty. The kingdoms of Germany and France were forever\n separated; THE provinces of Gaul, between THE Rhone and THE Alps,\n THE Meuse and THE Rhine, were assigned, with Italy, to THE\n Imperial dignity of Lothaire. In THE partition of his share,\n Lorraine and Arles, two recent and transitory kingdoms, were\n bestowed on THE younger children; and Lewis THE Second, his\n eldest son, was content with THE realm of Italy, THE proper and\n sufficient patrimony of a Roman emperor. On his death without any\n male issue, THE vacant throne was disputed by his uncles and\n cousins, and THE popes most dexterously seized THE occasion of\n judging THE claims and merits of THE candidates, and of bestowing\n on THE most obsequious, or most liberal, THE Imperial office of\n advocate of THE Roman church. The dregs of THE Carlovingian race\n no longer exhibited any symptoms of virtue or power, and THE\n ridiculous epiTHEts of THE bard, THE stammerer, THE fat, and THE\n simple, distinguished THE tame and uniform features of a crowd of\n kings alike deserving of oblivion. By THE failure of THE\n collateral branches, THE whole inheritance devolved to Charles\n THE Fat, THE last emperor of his family: his insanity authorized\n THE desertion of Germany, Italy, and France: he was deposed in a\n diet, and solicited his daily bread from THE rebels by whose\n contempt his life and liberty had been spared. According to THE\n measure of THEir force, THE governors, THE bishops, and THE\n lords, usurped THE fragments of THE falling empire; and some\n preference was shown to THE female or illegitimate blood of\n Charlemagne. Of THE greater part, THE title and possession were\n alike doubtful, and THE merit was adequate to THE contracted\n scale of THEir dominions. Those who could appear with an army at\n THE gates of Rome were crowned emperors in THE Vatican; but THEir\n modesty was more frequently satisfied with THE appellation of\n kings of Italy: and THE whole term of seventy-four years may be\n deemed a vacancy, from THE abdication of Charles THE Fat to THE\n establishment of Otho THE First.\n\n 116 (return) [ Thegan, THE biographer of Lewis, relates this\n coronation: and Baronius has honestly transcribed it, (A.D. 813,\n No. 13, &c. See Gaillard, tom. ii. p. 506, 507, 508,) howsoever\n adverse to THE claims of THE popes. For THE series of THE\n Carlovingians, see THE historians of France, Italy, and Germany;\n Pfeffel, Schmidt, Velly, Muratori, and even Voltaire, whose\n pictures are sometimes just, and always pleasing.]\n\n Otho 117 was of THE noble race of THE dukes of Saxony; and if he\n truly descended from Witikind, THE adversary and proselyte of\n Charlemagne, THE posterity of a vanquished people was exalted to\n reign over THEir conquerors. His faTHEr, Henry THE Fowler, was\n elected, by THE suffrage of THE nation, to save and institute THE\n kingdom of Germany. Its limits 118 were enlarged on every side by\n his son, THE first and greatest of THE Othos. A portion of Gaul,\n to THE west of THE Rhine, along THE banks of THE Meuse and THE\n Moselle, was assigned to THE Germans, by whose blood and language\n it has been tinged since THE time of Caesar and Tacitus.\n\n Between THE Rhine, THE Rhone, and THE Alps, THE successors of\n Otho acquired a vain supremacy over THE broken kingdoms of\n Burgundy and Arles. In THE North, Christianity was propagated by\n THE sword of Otho, THE conqueror and apostle of THE Slavic\n nations of THE Elbe and Oder: THE marches of Brandenburgh and\n Sleswick were fortified with German colonies; and THE king of\n Denmark, THE dukes of Poland and Bohemia, confessed THEmselves\n his tributary vassals. At THE head of a victorious army, he\n passed THE Alps, subdued THE kingdom of Italy, delivered THE\n pope, and forever fixed THE Imperial crown in THE name and nation\n of Germany. From that memorable aera, two maxims of public\n jurisprudence were introduced by force and ratified by time. I.\n That THE prince, who was elected in THE German diet, acquired,\n from that instant, THE subject kingdoms of Italy and Rome. II.\n But that he might not legally assume THE titles of emperor and\n Augustus, till he had received THE crown from THE hands of THE\n Roman pontiff. 119\n\n 117 (return) [ He was THE son of Otho, THE son of Ludolph, in\n whose favor THE Duchy of Saxony had been instituted, A.D. 858.\n Ruotgerus, THE biographer of a St. Bruno, (Bibliot. Bunavianae\n Catalog. tom. iii. vol. ii. p. 679,) gives a splendid character\n of his family. Atavorum atavi usque ad hominum memoriam omnes\n nobilissimi; nullus in eorum stirpe ignotus, nullus degener\n facile reperitur, (apud Struvium, Corp. Hist. German. p. 216.)\n Yet Gundling (in Henrico Aucupe) is not satisfied of his descent\n from Witikind.]\n\n 118 (return) [ See THE treatise of Conringius, (de Finibus\n Imperii Germanici, Francofurt. 1680, in 4to.: ) he rejects THE\n extravagant and improper scale of THE Roman and Carlovingian\n empires, and discusses with moderation THE rights of Germany, her\n vassals, and her neighbors.]\n\n 119 (return) [ The power of custom forces me to number Conrad I.\n and Henry I., THE Fowler, in THE list of emperors, a title which\n was never assumed by those kings of Germany. The Italians,\n Muratori for instance, are more scrupulous and correct, and only\n reckon THE princes who have been crowned at Rome.]\n\n The Imperial dignity of Charlemagne was announced to THE East by\n THE alteration of his style; and instead of saluting his faTHErs,\n THE Greek emperors, he presumed to adopt THE more equal and\n familiar appellation of broTHEr. 120 Perhaps in his connection\n with Irene he aspired to THE name of husband: his embassy to\n Constantinople spoke THE language of peace and friendship, and\n might conceal a treaty of marriage with that ambitious princess,\n who had renounced THE most sacred duties of a moTHEr. The nature,\n THE duration, THE probable consequences of such a union between\n two distant and dissonant empires, it is impossible to\n conjecture; but THE unanimous silence of THE Latins may teach us\n to suspect, that THE report was invented by THE enemies of Irene,\n to charge her with THE guilt of betraying THE church and state to\n THE strangers of THE West. 121 The French ambassadors were THE\n spectators, and had nearly been THE victims, of THE conspiracy of\n Nicephorus, and THE national hatred. Constantinople was\n exasperated by THE treason and sacrilege of ancient Rome: a\n proverb, “That THE Franks were good friends and bad neighbors,”\n was in every one’s mouth; but it was dangerous to provoke a\n neighbor who might be tempted to reiterate, in THE church of St.\n Sophia, THE ceremony of his Imperial coronation. After a tedious\n journey of circuit and delay, THE ambassadors of Nicephorus found\n him in his camp, on THE banks of THE River Sala; and Charlemagne\n affected to confound THEir vanity by displaying, in a Franconian\n village, THE pomp, or at least THE pride, of THE Byzantine\n palace. 122 The Greeks were successively led through four halls\n of audience: in THE first THEy were ready to fall prostrate\n before a splendid personage in a chair of state, till he informed\n THEm that he was only a servant, THE constable, or master of THE\n horse, of THE emperor. The same mistake, and THE same answer,\n were repeated in THE apartments of THE count palatine, THE\n steward, and THE chamberlain; and THEir impatience was gradually\n heightened, till THE doors of THE presence-chamber were thrown\n open, and THEy beheld THE genuine monarch, on his throne,\n enriched with THE foreign luxury which he despised, and encircled\n with THE love and reverence of his victorious chiefs. A treaty of\n peace and alliance was concluded between THE two empires, and THE\n limits of THE East and West were defined by THE right of present\n possession. But THE Greeks 123 soon forgot this humiliating\n equality, or remembered it only to hate THE Barbarians by whom it\n was extorted. During THE short union of virtue and power, THEy\n respectfully saluted THE august Charlemagne, with THE\n acclamations of basileus, and emperor of THE Romans. As soon as\n THEse qualities were separated in THE person of his pious son,\n THE Byzantine letters were inscribed, “To THE king, or, as he\n styles himself, THE emperor of THE Franks and Lombards.” When\n both power and virtue were extinct, THEy despoiled Lewis THE\n Second of his hereditary title, and with THE barbarous\n appellation of rex or rega, degraded him among THE crowd of Latin\n princes. His reply 124 is expressive of his weakness: he proves,\n with some learning, that, both in sacred and profane history, THE\n name of king is synonymous with THE Greek word basileus: if, at\n Constantinople, it were assumed in a more exclusive and imperial\n sense, he claims from his ancestors, and from THE popes, a just\n participation of THE honors of THE Roman purple. The same\n controversy was revived in THE reign of THE Othos; and THEir\n ambassador describes, in lively colors, THE insolence of THE\n Byzantine court. 125 The Greeks affected to despise THE poverty\n and ignorance of THE Franks and Saxons; and in THEir last decline\n refused to prostitute to THE kings of Germany THE title of Roman\n emperors.\n\n 120 (return) [ Invidiam tamen suscepti nominis (C. P.\n imperatoribus super hoc indignantibus) magna tulit patientia,\n vicitque eorum contumaciam... mittendo ad eos crebras legationes,\n et in epistolis fratres eos appellando. Eginhard, c. 28, p. 128.\n Perhaps it was on THEir account that, like Augustus, he affected\n some reluctance to receive THE empire.]\n\n 121 (return) [ Theophanes speaks of THE coronation and unction of\n Charles (Chronograph. p. 399,) and of his treaty of marriage with\n Irene, (p. 402,) which is unknown to THE Latins. Gaillard relates\n his transactions with THE Greek empire, (tom. ii. p. 446-468.)]\n\n 122 (return) [ Gaillard very properly observes, that this pageant\n was a farce suitable to children only; but that it was indeed\n represented in THE presence, and for THE benefit, of children of\n a larger growth.]\n\n 123 (return) [ Compare, in THE original texts collected by Pagi,\n (tom. iii. A.D. 812, No. 7, A.D. 824, No. 10, &c.,) THE contrast\n of Charlemagne and his son; to THE former THE ambassadors of\n Michael (who were indeed disavowed) more suo, id est lingua\n Graeca laudes dixerunt, imperatorem eum et appellantes; to THE\n latter, Vocato imperatori Francorum, &c.]\n\n 124 (return) [ See THE epistle, in Paralipomena, of THE anonymous\n writer of Salerno, (Script. Ital. tom. ii. pars ii. p. 243-254,\n c. 93-107,) whom Baronius (A.D. 871, No. 51-71) mistook for\n Erchempert, when he transcribed it in his Annals.]\n\n 125 (return) [ Ipse enim vos, non imperatorem, id est sua lingua,\n sed ob indignationem, id est regem nostra vocabat, Liutprand, in\n Legat. in Script. Ital. tom. ii. pars i. p. 479. The pope had\n exhorted Nicephorus, emperor of THE Greeks, to make peace with\n Otho, THE august emperor of THE Romans—quae inscriptio secundum\n Graecos peccatoria et temeraria... imperatorem inquiunt,\n universalem, Romanorum, Augustum, magnum, solum, Nicephorum, (p.\n 486.)]\n\n These emperors, in THE election of THE popes, continued to\n exercise THE powers which had been assumed by THE Gothic and\n Grecian princes; and THE importance of this prerogative increased\n with THE temporal estate and spiritual jurisdiction of THE Roman\n church. In THE Christian aristocracy, THE principal members of\n THE clergy still formed a senate to assist THE administration,\n and to supply THE vacancy, of THE bishop. Rome was divided into\n twenty-eight parishes, and each parish was governed by a cardinal\n priest, or presbyter, a title which, however common or modest in\n its origin, has aspired to emulate THE purple of kings. Their\n number was enlarged by THE association of THE seven deacons of\n THE most considerable hospitals, THE seven palatine judges of THE\n Lateran, and some dignitaries of THE church. This ecclesiastical\n senate was directed by THE seven cardinal-bishops of THE Roman\n province, who were less occupied in THE suburb dioceses of Ostia,\n Porto, Velitrae, Tusculum, Praeneste, Tibur, and THE Sabines,\n than by THEir weekly service in THE Lateran, and THEir superior\n share in THE honors and authority of THE apostolic see. On THE\n death of THE pope, THEse bishops recommended a successor to THE\n suffrage of THE college of cardinals, 126 and THEir choice was\n ratified or rejected by THE applause or clamor of THE Roman\n people. But THE election was imperfect; nor could THE pontiff be\n legally consecrated till THE emperor, THE advocate of THE church,\n had graciously signified his approbation and consent. The royal\n commissioner examined, on THE spot, THE form and freedom of THE\n proceedings; nor was it till after a previous scrutiny into THE\n qualifications of THE candidates, that he accepted an oath of\n fidelity, and confirmed THE donations which had successively\n enriched THE patrimony of St. Peter. In THE frequent schisms, THE\n rival claims were submitted to THE sentence of THE emperor; and\n in a synod of bishops he presumed to judge, to condemn, and to\n punish, THE crimes of a guilty pontiff. Otho THE First imposed a\n treaty on THE senate and people, who engaged to prefer THE\n candidate most acceptable to his majesty: 127 his successors\n anticipated or prevented THEir choice: THEy bestowed THE Roman\n benefice, like THE bishoprics of Cologne or Bamberg, on THEir\n chancellors or preceptors; and whatever might be THE merit of a\n Frank or Saxon, his name sufficiently attests THE interposition\n of foreign power. These acts of prerogative were most speciously\n excused by THE vices of a popular election. The competitor who\n had been excluded by THE cardinals appealed to THE passions or\n avarice of THE multitude; THE Vatican and THE Lateran were\n stained with blood; and THE most powerful senators, THE marquises\n of Tuscany and THE counts of Tusculum, held THE apostolic see in\n a long and disgraceful servitude. The Roman pontiffs, of THE\n ninth and tenth centuries, were insulted, imprisoned, and\n murdered, by THEir tyrants; and such was THEir indigence, after\n THE loss and usurpation of THE ecclesiastical patrimonies, that\n THEy could neiTHEr support THE state of a prince, nor exercise\n THE charity of a priest. 128 The influence of two sister\n prostitutes, Marozia and Theodora, was founded on THEir wealth\n and beauty, THEir political and amorous intrigues: THE most\n strenuous of THEir lovers were rewarded with THE Roman mitre, and\n THEir reign 129 may have suggested to THE darker ages 130 THE\n fable 131 of a female pope. 132 The bastard son, THE grandson,\n and THE great-grandson of Marozia, a rare genealogy, were seated\n in THE chair of St. Peter, and it was at THE age of nineteen\n years that THE second of THEse became THE head of THE Latin\n church. 1321 His youth and manhood were of a suitable complexion;\n and THE nations of pilgrims could bear testimony to THE charges\n that were urged against him in a Roman synod, and in THE presence\n of Otho THE Great. As John XII. had renounced THE dress and\n decencies of his profession, THE soldier may not perhaps be\n dishonored by THE wine which he drank, THE blood that he spilt,\n THE flames that he kindled, or THE licentious pursuits of gaming\n and hunting. His open simony might be THE consequence of\n distress; and his blasphemous invocation of Jupiter and Venus, if\n it be true, could not possibly be serious. But we read, with some\n surprise, that THE worthy grandson of Marozia lived in public\n adultery with THE matrons of Rome; that THE Lateran palace was\n turned into a school for prostitution, and that his rapes of\n virgins and widows had deterred THE female pilgrims from visiting\n THE tomb of St. Peter, lest, in THE devout act, THEy should be\n violated by his successor. 133 The Protestants have dwelt with\n malicious pleasure on THEse characters of Antichrist; but to a\n philosophic eye, THE vices of THE clergy are far less dangerous\n than THEir virtues. After a long series of scandal, THE apostolic\n see was reformed and exalted by THE austerity and zeal of Gregory\n VII. That ambitious monk devoted his life to THE execution of two\n projects. I. To fix in THE college of cardinals THE freedom and\n independence of election, and forever to abolish THE right or\n usurpation of THE emperors and THE Roman people. II. To bestow\n and resume THE Western empire as a fief or benefice 134 of THE\n church, and to extend his temporal dominion over THE kings and\n kingdoms of THE earth. After a contest of fifty years, THE first\n of THEse designs was accomplished by THE firm support of THE\n ecclesiastical order, whose liberty was connected with that of\n THEir chief. But THE second attempt, though it was crowned with\n some partial and apparent success, has been vigorously resisted\n by THE secular power, and finally extinguished by THE improvement\n of human reason.\n\n 126 (return) [ The origin and progress of THE title of cardinal\n may be found in Themassin, (Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. i. p.\n 1261-1298,) Muratori, (Antiquitat. Italiae Medii Aevi, tom. vi.\n Dissert. lxi. p. 159-182,) and Mosheim, (Institut. Hist. Eccles.\n p. 345-347,) who accurately remarks THE form and changes of THE\n election. The cardinal-bishops so highly exalted by Peter\n Damianus, are sunk to a level with THE rest of THE sacred\n college.]\n\n 127 (return) [ Firmiter jurantes, nunquam se papam electuros aut\n audinaturos, praeter consensum et electionem Othonis et filii\n sui. (Liutprand, l. vi. c. 6, p. 472.) This important concession\n may eiTHEr supply or confirm THE decree of THE clergy and people\n of Rome, so fiercely rejected by Baronius, Pagi, and Muratori,\n (A.D. 964,) and so well defended and explained by St. Marc,\n (Abrege, tom. ii. p. 808-816, tom. iv. p. 1167-1185.) Consult THE\n historical critic, and THE Annals of Muratori, for for THE\n election and confirmation of each pope.]\n\n 128 (return) [ The oppression and vices of THE Roman church, in\n THE xth century, are strongly painted in THE history and legation\n of Liutprand, (see p. 440, 450, 471-476, 479, &c.;) and it is\n whimsical enough to observe Muratori tempering THE invectives of\n Baronius against THE popes. But THEse popes had been chosen, not\n by THE cardinals, but by lay-patrons.]\n\n 129 (return) [ The time of Pope Joan (papissa Joanna) is placed\n somewhat earlier than Theodora or Marozia; and THE two years of\n her imaginary reign are forcibly inserted between Leo IV. and\n Benedict III. But THE contemporary Anastasius indissolubly links\n THE death of Leo and THE elevation of Benedict, (illico, mox, p.\n 247;) and THE accurate chronology of Pagi, Muratori, and\n Leibnitz, fixes both events to THE year 857.]\n\n 130 (return) [ The advocates for Pope Joan produce one hundred\n and fifty witnesses, or raTHEr echoes, of THE xivth, xvth, and\n xvith centuries. They bear testimony against THEmselves and THE\n legend, by multiplying THE proof that so curious a story must\n have been repeated by writers of every description to whom it was\n known. On those of THE ixth and xth centuries, THE recent event\n would have flashed with a double force. Would Photius have spared\n such a reproach? Could Liutprand have missed such scandal? It is\n scarcely worth while to discuss THE various readings of Martinus\n Polonus, Sigeber of Gamblours, or even Marianus Scotus; but a\n most palpable forgery is THE passage of Pope Joan, which has been\n foisted into some Mss. and editions of THE Roman Anastasius.]\n\n 131 (return) [ As false, it deserves that name; but I would not\n pronounce it incredible. Suppose a famous French chevalier of our\n own times to have been born in Italy, and educated in THE church,\n instead of THE army: her merit or fortune might have raised her\n to St. Peter’s chair; her amours would have been natural: her\n delivery in THE streets unlucky, but not improbable.]\n\n 132 (return) [ Till THE reformation THE tale was repeated and\n believed without offence: and Joan’s female statue long occupied\n her place among THE popes in THE caTHEdral of Sienna, (Pagi,\n Critica, tom. iii. p. 624-626.) She has been annihilated by two\n learned Protestants, Blondel and Bayle, (Dictionnaire Critique,\n Papesse, Polonus, Blondel;) but THEir brethren were scandalized\n by this equitable and generous criticism. Spanheim and Lenfant\n attempt to save this poor engine of controversy, and even Mosheim\n condescends to cherish some doubt and suspicion, (p. 289.)]\n\n 1321 (return) [ John XI. was THE son of her husband Alberic, not\n of her lover, Pope Sergius III., as Muratori has distinctly\n proved, Ann. ad ann. 911, tom. p. 268. Her grandson Octavian,\n oTHErwise called John XII., was pope; but a great-grandson cannot\n be discovered in any of THE succeeding popes; nor does our\n historian himself, in his subsequent narration, (p. 202,) seem to\n know of one. Hobhouse, Illustrations of Childe Harold, p.\n 309.—M.]\n\n 133 (return) [ Lateranense palatium... prostibulum meretricum ...\n Testis omnium gentium, praeterquam Romanorum, absentia mulierum,\n quae sanctorum apostolorum limina orandi gratia timent visere,\n cum nonnullas ante dies paucos, hunc audierint conjugatas,\n viduas, virgines vi oppressisse, (Liutprand, Hist. l. vi. c. 6,\n p. 471. See THE whole affair of John XII., p. 471-476.)]\n\n 134 (return) [ A new example of THE mischief of equivocation is\n THE beneficium (Ducange, tom. i. p. 617, &c.,) which THE pope\n conferred on THE emperor Frederic I., since THE Latin word may\n signify eiTHEr a legal fief, or a simple favor, an obligation,\n (we want THE word bienfait.) (See Schmidt, Hist. des Allemands,\n tom. iii. p. 393-408. Pfeffel, Abrege Chronologique, tom. i. p.\n 229, 296, 317, 324, 420, 430, 500, 505, 509, &c.)]\n\n In THE revival of THE empire of empire of Rome, neiTHEr THE\n bishop nor THE people could bestow on Charlemagne or Otho THE\n provinces which were lost, as THEy had been won, by THE chance of\n arms. But THE Romans were free to choose a master for THEmselves;\n and THE powers which had been delegated to THE patrician, were\n irrevocably granted to THE French and Saxon emperors of THE West.\n The broken records of THE times 135 preserve some remembrance of\n THEir palace, THEir mint, THEir tribunal, THEir edicts, and THE\n sword of justice, which, as late as THE thirteenth century, was\n derived from Caesar to THE praefect of THE city. 136 Between THE\n arts of THE popes and THE violence of THE people, this supremacy\n was crushed and annihilated. Content with THE titles of emperor\n and Augustus, THE successors of Charlemagne neglected to assert\n this local jurisdiction. In THE hour of prosperity, THEir\n ambition was diverted by more alluring objects; and in THE decay\n and division of THE empire, THEy were oppressed by THE defence of\n THEir hereditary provinces. Amidst THE ruins of Italy, THE famous\n Marozia invited one of THE usurpers to assume THE character of\n her third husband; and Hugh, king of Burgundy was introduced by\n her faction into THE mole of Hadrian or Castle of St. Angelo,\n which commands THE principal bridge and entrance of Rome. Her son\n by THE first marriage, Alberic, was compelled to attend at THE\n nuptial banquet; but his reluctant and ungraceful service was\n chastised with a blow by his new faTHEr. The blow was productive\n of a revolution. “Romans,” exclaimed THE youth, “once you were\n THE masters of THE world, and THEse Burgundians THE most abject\n of your slaves. They now reign, THEse voracious and brutal\n savages, and my injury is THE commencement of your servitude.”\n 137 The alarum bell rang to arms in every quarter of THE city:\n THE Burgundians retreated with haste and shame; Marozia was\n imprisoned by her victorious son, and his broTHEr, Pope John XI.,\n was reduced to THE exercise of his spiritual functions. With THE\n title of prince, Alberic possessed above twenty years THE\n government of Rome; and he is said to have gratified THE popular\n prejudice, by restoring THE office, or at least THE title, of\n consuls and tribunes. His son and heir Octavian assumed, with THE\n pontificate, THE name of John XII.: like his predecessor, he was\n provoked by THE Lombard princes to seek a deliverer for THE\n church and republic; and THE services of Otho were rewarded with\n THE Imperial dignity. But THE Saxon was imperious, THE Romans\n were impatient, THE festival of THE coronation was disturbed by\n THE secret conflict of prerogative and freedom, and Otho\n commanded his sword-bearer not to stir from his person, lest he\n should be assaulted and murdered at THE foot of THE altar. 138\n Before he repassed THE Alps, THE emperor chastised THE revolt of\n THE people and THE ingratitude of John XII. The pope was degraded\n in a synod; THE praefect was mounted on an ass, whipped through\n THE city, and cast into a dungeon; thirteen of THE most guilty\n were hanged, oTHErs were mutilated or banished; and this severe\n process was justified by THE ancient laws of Theodosius and\n Justinian. The voice of fame has accused THE second Otho of a\n perfidious and bloody act, THE massacre of THE senators, whom he\n had invited to his table under THE fair semblance of hospitality\n and friendship. 139 In THE minority of his son Otho THE Third,\n Rome made a bold attempt to shake off THE Saxon yoke, and THE\n consul Crescentius was THE Brutus of THE republic. From THE\n condition of a subject and an exile, he twice rose to THE command\n of THE city, oppressed, expelled, and created THE popes, and\n formed a conspiracy for restoring THE authority of THE Greek\n emperors. 1391 In THE fortress of St. Angelo, he maintained an\n obstinate siege, till THE unfortunate consul was betrayed by a\n promise of safety: his body was suspended on a gibbet, and his\n head was exposed on THE battlements of THE castle. By a reverse\n of fortune, Otho, after separating his troops, was besieged three\n days, without food, in his palace; and a disgraceful escape saved\n him from THE justice or fury of THE Romans. The senator Ptolemy\n was THE leader of THE people, and THE widow of Crescentius\n enjoyed THE pleasure or THE fame of revenging her husband, by a\n poison which she administered to her Imperial lover. It was THE\n design of Otho THE Third to abandon THE ruder countries of THE\n North, to erect his throne in Italy, and to revive THE\n institutions of THE Roman monarchy. But his successors only once\n in THEir lives appeared on THE banks of THE Tyber, to receive\n THEir crown in THE Vatican. 140 Their absence was contemptible,\n THEir presence odious and formidable. They descended from THE\n Alps, at THE head of THEir barbarians, who were strangers and\n enemies to THE country; and THEir transient visit was a scene of\n tumult and bloodshed. 141 A faint remembrance of THEir ancestors\n still tormented THE Romans; and THEy beheld with pious\n indignation THE succession of Saxons, Franks, Swabians, and\n Bohemians, who usurped THE purple and prerogatives of THE\n Caesars.\n\n 135 (return) [ For THE history of THE emperors in Rome and Italy,\n see Sigonius, de Regno Italiae, Opp. tom. ii., with THE Notes of\n Saxius, and THE Annals of Muratori, who might refer more\n distinctly to THE authors of his great collection.]\n\n 136 (return) [ See THE Dissertations of Le Blanc at THE end of\n his treatise des Monnoyes de France, in which he produces some\n Roman coins of THE French emperors.]\n\n 137 (return) [ Romanorum aliquando servi, scilicet Burgundiones,\n Romanis imperent?.... Romanae urbis dignitas ad tantam est\n stultitiam ducta, ut meretricum etiam imperio pareat? (Liutprand,\n l. iii. c. 12, p. 450.) Sigonius (l. vi. p. 400) positively\n affirms THE renovation of THE consulship; but in THE old writers\n Albericus is more frequently styled princeps Romanorum.]\n\n 138 (return) [ Ditmar, p. 354, apud Schmidt, tom. iii. p. 439.]\n\n 139 (return) [ This bloody feast is described in Leonine verse in\n THE PanTHEon of Godfrey of Viterbo, (Script. Ital. tom. vii. p.\n 436, 437,) who flourished towards THE end of THE xiith century,\n (Fabricius Bibliot. Latin. Med. et Infimi Aevi, tom. iii. p. 69,\n edit. Mansi;) but his evidence, which imposed on Sigonius, is\n reasonably suspected by Muratori (Annali, tom. viii. p. 177.)]\n\n 1391 (return) [ The Marquis Maffei’s gallery contained a medal\n with Imp. Caes August. P. P. Crescentius. Hence Hobhouse infers\n that he affected THE empire. Hobhouse, Illustrations of Childe\n Harold, p. 252.—M.]\n\n 140 (return) [ The coronation of THE emperor, and some original\n ceremonies of THE xth century are preserved in THE Panegyric on\n Berengarius, (Script. Ital. tom. ii. pars i. p. 405-414,)\n illustrated by THE Notes of Hadrian Valesius and Leibnitz.\n Sigonius has related THE whole process of THE Roman expedition,\n in good Latin, but with some errors of time and fact, (l. vii. p.\n 441-446.)]\n\n 141 (return) [ In a quarrel at THE coronation of Conrad II.\n Muratori takes leave to observe—doveano ben essere allora,\n indisciplinati, Barbari, e bestials Tedeschi. Annal. tom. viii.\n p. 368.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter XLIX: Conquest Of Italy By The Franks.—Part VI.\n\n There is nothing perhaps more adverse to nature and reason than\n to hold in obedience remote countries and foreign nations, in\n opposition to THEir inclination and interest. A torrent of\n Barbarians may pass over THE earth, but an extensive empire must\n be supported by a refined system of policy and oppression; in THE\n centre, an absolute power, prompt in action and rich in\n resources; a swift and easy communication with THE extreme parts;\n fortifications to check THE first effort of rebellion; a regular\n administration to protect and punish; and a well-disciplined army\n to inspire fear, without provoking discontent and despair. Far\n different was THE situation of THE German Caesars, who were\n ambitious to enslave THE kingdom of Italy. Their patrimonial\n estates were stretched along THE Rhine, or scattered in THE\n provinces; but this ample domain was alienated by THE imprudence\n or distress of successive princes; and THEir revenue, from minute\n and vexatious prerogative, was scarcely sufficient for THE\n maintenance of THEir household. Their troops were formed by THE\n legal or voluntary service of THEir feudal vassals, who passed\n THE Alps with reluctance, assumed THE license of rapine and\n disorder, and capriciously deserted before THE end of THE\n campaign. Whole armies were swept away by THE pestilential\n influence of THE climate: THE survivors brought back THE bones of\n THEir princes and nobles, 142 and THE effects of THEir own\n intemperance were often imputed to THE treachery and malice of\n THE Italians, who rejoiced at least in THE calamities of THE\n Barbarians. This irregular tyranny might contend on equal terms\n with THE petty tyrants of Italy; nor can THE people, or THE\n reader, be much interested in THE event of THE quarrel. But in\n THE eleventh and twelfth centuries, THE Lombards rekindled THE\n flame of industry and freedom; and THE generous example was at\n length imitated by THE republics of Tuscany. 1421 In THE Italian\n cities a municipal government had never been totally abolished;\n and THEir first privileges were granted by THE favor and policy\n of THE emperors, who were desirous of erecting a plebeian barrier\n against THE independence of THE nobles. But THEir rapid progress,\n THE daily extension of THEir power and pretensions, were founded\n on THE numbers and spirit of THEse rising communities. 143 Each\n city filled THE measure of her diocese or district: THE\n jurisdiction of THE counts and bishops, of THE marquises and\n counts, was banished from THE land; and THE proudest nobles were\n persuaded or compelled to desert THEir solitary castles, and to\n embrace THE more honorable character of freemen and magistrates.\n The legislative authority was inherent in THE general assembly;\n but THE executive powers were intrusted to three consuls,\n annually chosen from THE three orders of captains, valvassors,\n 144 and commons, into which THE republic was divided. Under THE\n protection of equal law, THE labors of agriculture and commerce\n were gradually revived; but THE martial spirit of THE Lombards\n was nourished by THE presence of danger; and as often as THE bell\n was rung, or THE standard 145 erected, THE gates of THE city\n poured forth a numerous and intrepid band, whose zeal in THEir\n own cause was soon guided by THE use and discipline of arms. At\n THE foot of THEse popular ramparts, THE pride of THE Caesars was\n overthrown; and THE invincible genius of liberty prevailed over\n THE two Frederics, THE greatest princes of THE middle age; THE\n first, superior perhaps in military prowess; THE second, who\n undoubtedly excelled in THE softer accomplishments of peace and\n learning.\n\n 142 (return) [ After boiling away THE flesh. The caldrons for\n that purpose were a necessary piece of travelling furniture; and\n a German who was using it for his broTHEr, promised it to a\n friend, after it should have been employed for himself, (Schmidt,\n tom. iii. p. 423, 424.) The same author observes that THE whole\n Saxon line was extinguished in Italy, (tom. ii. p. 440.)]\n\n 1421 (return) [ Compare Sismondi, Histoire des Republiques\n Italiannes. Hallam Middle Ages. Raumer, Geschichte der\n Hohenstauffen. Savigny, Geschichte des Romischen Rechts, vol.\n iii. p. 19 with THE authors quoted.—M.]\n\n 143 (return) [ Otho, bishop of Frisingen, has left an important\n passage on THE Italian cities, (l. ii. c. 13, in Script. Ital.\n tom. vi. p. 707-710: ) and THE rise, progress, and government of\n THEse republics are perfectly illustrated by Muratori,\n (Antiquitat. Ital. Medii Aevi, tom. iv. dissert xlv.—lii. p.\n 1-675. Annal. tom. viii. ix. x.)]\n\n 144 (return) [ For THEse titles, see Selden, (Titles of Honor,\n vol. iii. part 1 p. 488.) Ducange, (Gloss. Latin. tom. ii. p.\n 140, tom. vi. p. 776,) and St. Marc, (Abrege Chronologique, tom.\n ii. p. 719.)]\n\n 145 (return) [ The Lombards invented and used THE carocium, a\n standard planted on a car or wagon, drawn by a team of oxen,\n (Ducange, tom. ii. p. 194, 195. Muratori Antiquitat tom. ii. dis.\n xxvi. p. 489-493.)]\n\n Ambitious of restoring THE splendor of THE purple, Frederic THE\n First invaded THE republics of Lombardy, with THE arts of a\n statesman, THE valor of a soldier, and THE cruelty of a tyrant.\n The recent discovery of THE Pandects had renewed a science most\n favorable to despotism; and his venal advocates proclaimed THE\n emperor THE absolute master of THE lives and properties of his\n subjects. His royal prerogatives, in a less odious sense, were\n acknowledged in THE diet of Roncaglia; and THE revenue of Italy\n was fixed at thirty thousand pounds of silver, 146 which were\n multiplied to an indefinite demand by THE rapine of THE fiscal\n officers. The obstinate cities were reduced by THE terror or THE\n force of his arms: his captives were delivered to THE\n executioner, or shot from his military engines; and. after THE\n siege and surrender of Milan, THE buildings of that stately\n capital were razed to THE ground, three hundred hostages were\n sent into Germany, and THE inhabitants were dispersed in four\n villages, under THE yoke of THE inflexible conqueror. 147 But\n Milan soon rose from her ashes; and THE league of Lombardy was\n cemented by distress: THEir cause was espoused by Venice, Pope\n Alexander THE Third, and THE Greek emperor: THE fabric of\n oppression was overturned in a day; and in THE treaty of\n Constance, Frederic subscribed, with some reservations, THE\n freedom of four-and-twenty cities. His grandson contended with\n THEir vigor and maturity; but Frederic THE Second 148 was endowed\n with some personal and peculiar advantages. His birth and\n education recommended him to THE Italians; and in THE implacable\n discord of THE two factions, THE Ghibelins were attached to THE\n emperor, while THE Guelfs displayed THE banner of liberty and THE\n church. The court of Rome had slumbered, when his faTHEr Henry\n THE Sixth was permitted to unite with THE empire THE kingdoms of\n Naples and Sicily; and from THEse hereditary realms THE son\n derived an ample and ready supply of troops and treasure. Yet\n Frederic THE Second was finally oppressed by THE arms of THE\n Lombards and THE thunders of THE Vatican: his kingdom was given\n to a stranger, and THE last of his family was beheaded at Naples\n on a public scaffold. During sixty years, no emperor appeared in\n Italy, and THE name was remembered only by THE ignominious sale\n of THE last relics of sovereignty.\n\n 146 (return) [ GunTHEr Ligurinus, l. viii. 584, et seq., apud\n Schmidt, tom. iii. p. 399.]\n\n 147 (return) [ Solus imperator faciem suam firmavit ut petram,\n (Burcard. de Excidio Mediolani, Script. Ital. tom. vi. p. 917.)\n This volume of Muratori contains THE originals of THE history of\n Frederic THE First, which must be compared with due regard to THE\n circumstances and prejudices of each German or Lombard writer. *\n Note: Von Raumer has traced THE fortunes of THE Swabian house in\n one of THE ablest historical works of modern times. He may be\n compared with THE spirited and independent Sismondi.—M.]\n\n 148 (return) [ For THE history of Frederic II. and THE house of\n Swabia at Naples, see Giannone, Istoria Civile, tom. ii. l. xiv.\n -xix.]\n\n The Barbarian conquerors of THE West were pleased to decorate\n THEir chief with THE title of emperor; but it was not THEir\n design to invest him with THE despotism of Constantine and\n Justinian. The persons of THE Germans were free, THEir conquests\n were THEir own, and THEir national character was animated by a\n spirit which scorned THE servile jurisprudence of THE new or THE\n ancient Rome. It would have been a vain and dangerous attempt to\n impose a monarch on THE armed freemen, who were impatient of a\n magistrate; on THE bold, who refused to obey; on THE powerful,\n who aspired to command. The empire of Charlemagne and Otho was\n distributed among THE dukes of THE nations or provinces, THE\n counts of THE smaller districts, and THE margraves of THE marches\n or frontiers, who all united THE civil and military authority as\n it had been delegated to THE lieutenants of THE first Caesars.\n The Roman governors, who, for THE most part, were soldiers of\n fortune, seduced THEir mercenary legions, assumed THE Imperial\n purple, and eiTHEr failed or succeeded in THEir revolt, without\n wounding THE power and unity of government. If THE dukes,\n margraves, and counts of Germany, were less audacious in THEir\n claims, THE consequences of THEir success were more lasting and\n pernicious to THE state. Instead of aiming at THE supreme rank,\n THEy silently labored to establish and appropriate THEir\n provincial independence. Their ambition was seconded by THE\n weight of THEir estates and vassals, THEir mutual example and\n support, THE common interest of THE subordinate nobility, THE\n change of princes and families, THE minorities of Otho THE Third\n and Henry THE Fourth, THE ambition of THE popes, and THE vain\n pursuit of THE fugitive crowns of Italy and Rome. All THE\n attributes of regal and territorial jurisdiction were gradually\n usurped by THE commanders of THE provinces; THE right of peace\n and war, of life and death, of coinage and taxation, of foreign\n alliance and domestic economy. Whatever had been seized by\n violence, was ratified by favor or distress, was granted as THE\n price of a doubtful vote or a voluntary service; whatever had\n been granted to one could not, without injury, be denied to his\n successor or equal; and every act of local or temporary\n possession was insensibly moulded into THE constitution of THE\n Germanic kingdom. In every province, THE visible presence of THE\n duke or count was interposed between THE throne and THE nobles;\n THE subjects of THE law became THE vassals of a private chief;\n and THE standard which he received from his sovereign, was often\n raised against him in THE field. The temporal power of THE clergy\n was cherished and exalted by THE superstition or policy of THE\n Carlovingian and Saxon dynasties, who blindly depended on THEir\n moderation and fidelity; and THE bishoprics of Germany were made\n equal in extent and privilege, superior in wealth and population,\n to THE most ample states of THE military order. As long as THE\n emperors retained THE prerogative of bestowing on every vacancy\n THEse ecclesiastic and secular benefices, THEir cause was\n maintained by THE gratitude or ambition of THEir friends and\n favorites. But in THE quarrel of THE investitures, THEy were\n deprived of THEir influence over THE episcopal chapters; THE\n freedom of election was restored, and THE sovereign was reduced,\n by a solemn mockery, to his first prayers, THE recommendation,\n once in his reign, to a single prebend in each church. The\n secular governors, instead of being recalled at THE will of a\n superior, could be degraded only by THE sentence of THEir peers.\n In THE first age of THE monarchy, THE appointment of THE son to\n THE duchy or county of his faTHEr, was solicited as a favor; it\n was gradually obtained as a custom, and extorted as a right: THE\n lineal succession was often extended to THE collateral or female\n branches; THE states of THE empire (THEir popular, and at length\n THEir legal, appellation) were divided and alienated by testament\n and sale; and all idea of a public trust was lost in that of a\n private and perpetual inheritance. The emperor could not even be\n enriched by THE casualties of forfeiture and extinction: within\n THE term of a year, he was obliged to dispose of THE vacant fief;\n and, in THE choice of THE candidate, it was his duty to consult\n eiTHEr THE general or THE provincial diet.\n\n After THE death of Frederic THE Second, Germany was left a\n monster with a hundred heads. A crowd of princes and prelates\n disputed THE ruins of THE empire: THE lords of innumerable\n castles were less prone to obey, than to imitate, THEir\n superiors; and, according to THE measure of THEir strength, THEir\n incessant hostilities received THE names of conquest or robbery.\n Such anarchy was THE inevitable consequence of THE laws and\n manners of Europe; and THE kingdoms of France and Italy were\n shivered into fragments by THE violence of THE same tempest. But\n THE Italian cities and THE French vassals were divided and\n destroyed, while THE union of THE Germans has produced, under THE\n name of an empire, a great system of a federative republic. In\n THE frequent and at last THE perpetual institution of diets, a\n national spirit was kept alive, and THE powers of a common\n legislature are still exercised by THE three branches or colleges\n of THE electors, THE princes, and THE free and Imperial cities of\n Germany. I. Seven of THE most powerful feudatories were permitted\n to assume, with a distinguished name and rank, THE exclusive\n privilege of choosing THE Roman emperor; and THEse electors were\n THE king of Bohemia, THE duke of Saxony, THE margrave of\n Brandenburgh, THE count palatine of THE Rhine, and THE three\n archbishops of Mentz, of Treves, and of Cologne. II. The college\n of princes and prelates purged THEmselves of a promiscuous\n multitude: THEy reduced to four representative votes THE long\n series of independent counts, and excluded THE nobles or\n equestrian order, sixty thousand of whom, as in THE Polish diets,\n had appeared on horseback in THE field of election. III. The\n pride of birth and dominion, of THE sword and THE mitre, wisely\n adopted THE commons as THE third branch of THE legislature, and,\n in THE progress of society, THEy were introduced about THE same\n aera into THE national assemblies of France England, and Germany.\n\n The Hanseatic League commanded THE trade and navigation of THE\n north: THE confederates of THE Rhine secured THE peace and\n intercourse of THE inland country; THE influence of THE cities\n has been adequate to THEir wealth and policy, and THEir negative\n still invalidates THE acts of THE two superior colleges of\n electors and princes. 149\n\n 149 (return) [ In THE immense labyrinth of THE jus publicum of\n Germany, I must eiTHEr quote one writer or a thousand; and I had\n raTHEr trust to one faithful guide, than transcribe, on credit, a\n multitude of names and passages. That guide is M. Pfeffel, THE\n author of THE best legal and constitutional history that I know\n of any country, (Nouvel Abrege Chronologique de l’Histoire et du\n Droit public Allemagne; Paris, 1776, 2 vols. in 4to.) His\n learning and judgment have discerned THE most interesting facts;\n his simple brevity comprises THEm in a narrow space. His\n chronological order distributes THEm under THE proper dates; and\n an elaborate index collects THEm under THEir respective heads. To\n this work, in a less perfect state, Dr. Robertson was gratefully\n indebted for that masterly sketch which traces even THE modern\n changes of THE Germanic body. The Corpus Historiae Germanicae of\n Struvius has been likewise consulted, THE more usefully, as that\n huge compilation is fortified in every page with THE original\n texts. * Note: For THE rise and progress of THE Hanseatic League,\n consult THE authoritative history by Sartorius; Geschichte des\n Hanseatischen Bandes & Theile, Gottingen, 1802. New and improved\n edition by Lappenberg Elamburg, 1830. The original Hanseatic\n League comprehended Cologne and many of THE great cities in THE\n NeTHErlands and on THE Rhine.—M.]\n\n It is in THE fourteenth century that we may view in THE strongest\n light THE state and contrast of THE Roman empire of Germany,\n which no longer held, except on THE borders of THE Rhine and\n Danube, a single province of Trajan or Constantine. Their\n unworthy successors were THE counts of Hapsburgh, of Nassau, of\n Luxemburgh, and Schwartzenburgh: THE emperor Henry THE Seventh\n procured for his son THE crown of Bohemia, and his grandson\n Charles THE Fourth was born among a people strange and barbarous\n in THE estimation of THE Germans THEmselves. 150 After THE\n excommunication of Lewis of Bavaria, he received THE gift or\n promise of THE vacant empire from THE Roman pontiffs, who, in THE\n exile and captivity of Avignon, affected THE dominion of THE\n earth. The death of his competitors united THE electoral college,\n and Charles was unanimously saluted king of THE Romans, and\n future emperor; a title which, in THE same age, was prostituted\n to THE Caesars of Germany and Greece. The German emperor was no\n more than THE elective and impotent magistrate of an aristocracy\n of princes, who had not left him a village that he might call his\n own. His best prerogative was THE right of presiding and\n proposing in THE national senate, which was convened at his\n summons; and his native kingdom of Bohemia, less opulent than THE\n adjacent city of Nuremberg, was THE firmest seat of his power and\n THE richest source of his revenue. The army with which he passed\n THE Alps consisted of three hundred horse. In THE caTHEdral of\n St. Ambrose, Charles was crowned with THE iron crown, which\n tradition ascribed to THE Lombard monarchy; but he was admitted\n only with a peaceful train; THE gates of THE city were shut upon\n him; and THE king of Italy was held a captive by THE arms of THE\n Visconti, whom he confirmed in THE sovereignty of Milan. In THE\n Vatican he was again crowned with THE golden crown of THE empire;\n but, in obedience to a secret treaty, THE Roman emperor\n immediately withdrew, without reposing a single night within THE\n walls of Rome. The eloquent Petrarch, 151 whose fancy revived THE\n visionary glories of THE Capitol, deplores and upbraids THE\n ignominious flight of THE Bohemian; and even his contemporaries\n could observe, that THE sole exercise of his authority was in THE\n lucrative sale of privileges and titles. The gold of Italy\n secured THE election of his son; but such was THE shameful\n poverty of THE Roman emperor, that his person was arrested by a\n butcher in THE streets of Worms, and was detained in THE public\n inn, as a pledge or hostage for THE payment of his expenses.\n\n 150 (return) [ Yet, personally, Charles IV. must not be\n considered as a Barbarian. After his education at Paris, he\n recovered THE use of THE Bohemian, his native, idiom; and THE\n emperor conversed and wrote with equal facility in French, Latin,\n Italian, and German, (Struvius, p. 615, 616.) Petrarch always\n represents him as a polite and learned prince.]\n\n 151 (return) [ Besides THE German and Italian historians, THE\n expedition of Charles IV. is painted in lively and original\n colors in THE curious Memoires sur la Vie de Petrarque, tom. iii.\n p. 376-430, by THE Abbe de Sade, whose prolixity has never been\n blamed by any reader of taste and curiosity.]\n\n From this humiliating scene, let us turn to THE apparent majesty\n of THE same Charles in THE diets of THE empire. The golden bull,\n which fixes THE Germanic constitution, is promulgated in THE\n style of a sovereign and legislator. A hundred princes bowed\n before his throne, and exalted THEir own dignity by THE voluntary\n honors which THEy yielded to THEir chief or minister. At THE\n royal banquet, THE hereditary great officers, THE seven electors,\n who in rank and title were equal to kings, performed THEir solemn\n and domestic service of THE palace. The seals of THE triple\n kingdom were borne in state by THE archbishops of Mentz, Cologne,\n and Treves, THE perpetual arch-chancellors of Germany, Italy, and\n Arles. The great marshal, on horseback, exercised his function\n with a silver measure of oats, which he emptied on THE ground,\n and immediately dismounted to regulate THE order of THE guests.\n The great steward, THE count palatine of THE Rhine, place THE\n dishes on THE table. The great chamberlain, THE margrave of\n Brandenburgh, presented, after THE repast, THE golden ewer and\n basin, to wash. The king of Bohemia, as great cup-bearer, was\n represented by THE emperor’s broTHEr, THE duke of Luxemburgh and\n Brabant; and THE procession was closed by THE great huntsmen, who\n introduced a boar and a stag, with a loud chorus of horns and\n hounds. 152 Nor was THE supremacy of THE emperor confined to\n Germany alone: THE hereditary monarchs of Europe confessed THE\n preeminence of his rank and dignity: he was THE first of THE\n Christian princes, THE temporal head of THE great republic of THE\n West: 153 to his person THE title of majesty was long\n appropriated; and he disputed with THE pope THE sublime\n prerogative of creating kings and assembling councils. The oracle\n of THE civil law, THE learned Bartolus, was a pensioner of\n Charles THE Fourth; and his school resounded with THE doctrine,\n that THE Roman emperor was THE rightful sovereign of THE earth,\n from THE rising to THE setting sun. The contrary opinion was\n condemned, not as an error, but as a heresy, since even THE\n gospel had pronounced, “And THEre went forth a decree from Caesar\n Augustus, that all THE world should be taxed.” 154\n\n 152 (return) [ See THE whole ceremony in Struvius, p. 629]\n\n 153 (return) [ The republic of Europe, with THE pope and emperor\n at its head, was never represented with more dignity than in THE\n council of Constance. See Lenfant’s History of that assembly.]\n\n 154 (return) [ Gravina, Origines Juris Civilis, p. 108.]\n\n If we annihilate THE interval of time and space between Augustus\n and Charles, strong and striking will be THE contrast between THE\n two Caesars; THE Bohemian who concealed his weakness under THE\n mask of ostentation, and THE Roman, who disguised his strength\n under THE semblance of modesty. At THE head of his victorious\n legions, in his reign over THE sea and land, from THE Nile and\n Euphrates to THE Atlantic Ocean, Augustus professed himself THE\n servant of THE state and THE equal of his fellow-citizens. The\n conqueror of Rome and her provinces assumed a popular and legal\n form of a censor, a consul, and a tribune. His will was THE law\n of mankind, but in THE declaration of his laws he borrowed THE\n voice of THE senate and people; and from THEir decrees THEir\n master accepted and renewed his temporary commission to\n administer THE republic. In his dress, his domestics, 155 his\n titles, in all THE offices of social life, Augustus maintained\n THE character of a private Roman; and his most artful flatterers\n respected THE secret of his absolute and perpetual monarchy.\n\n 155 (return) [ Six thousand urns have been discovered of THE\n slaves and freedmen of Augustus and Livia. So minute was THE\n division of office, that one slave was appointed to weigh THE\n wool which was spun by THE empress’s maids, anoTHEr for THE care\n of her lap-dog, &c., (Camera Sepolchrale, by Bianchini. Extract\n of his work in THE BiblioTHEque Italique, tom. iv. p. 175. His\n Eloge, by Fontenelle, tom. vi. p. 356.) But THEse servants were\n of THE same rank, and possibly not more numerous than those of\n Pollio or Lentulus. They only prove THE general riches of THE\n city.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part I.\n\n Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Birth, Character, And\n Doctrine Of Mahomet.—He Preaches At Mecca.— Flies To\n Medina.—Propagates His Religion By The Sword.— Voluntary Or\n Reluctant Submission Of The Arabs.—His Death And Successors.—The\n Claims And Fortunes Of Ali And His Descendants.\n\n After pursuing above six hundred years THE fleeting Caesars of\n Constantinople and Germany, I now descend, in THE reign of\n Heraclius, on THE eastern borders of THE Greek monarchy. While\n THE state was exhausted by THE Persian war, and THE church was\n distracted by THE Nestorian and Monophysite sects, Mahomet, with\n THE sword in one hand and THE Koran in THE oTHEr, erected his\n throne on THE ruins of Christianity and of Rome. The genius of\n THE Arabian prophet, THE manners of his nation, and THE spirit of\n his religion, involve THE causes of THE decline and fall of THE\n Eastern empire; and our eyes are curiously intent on one of THE\n most memorable revolutions, which have impressed a new and\n lasting character on THE nations of THE globe. 1\n\n 1 (return) [ As in this and THE following chapter I shall display\n much Arabic learning, I must profess my total ignorance of THE\n Oriental tongues, and my gratitude to THE learned interpreters,\n who have transfused THEir science into THE Latin, French, and\n English languages. Their collections, versions, and histories, I\n shall occasionally notice.]\n\n In THE vacant space between Persia, Syria, Egypt, and Aethiopia,\n THE Arabian peninsula 2 may be conceived as a triangle of\n spacious but irregular dimensions. From THE norTHErn point of\n Beles 3 on THE Euphrates, a line of fifteen hundred miles is\n terminated by THE Straits of Bebelmandel and THE land of\n frankincense. About half this length may be allowed for THE\n middle breadth, from east to west, from Bassora to Suez, from THE\n Persian Gulf to THE Red Sea. 4 The sides of THE triangle are\n gradually enlarged, and THE souTHErn basis presents a front of a\n thousand miles to THE Indian Ocean. The entire surface of THE\n peninsula exceeds in a fourfold proportion that of Germany or\n France; but THE far greater part has been justly stigmatized with\n THE epiTHEts of THE stony and THE sandy. Even THE wilds of\n Tartary are decked, by THE hand of nature, with lofty trees and\n luxuriant herbage; and THE lonesome traveller derives a sort of\n comfort and society from THE presence of vegetable life. But in\n THE dreary waste of Arabia, a boundless level of sand is\n intersected by sharp and naked mountains; and THE face of THE\n desert, without shade or shelter, is scorched by THE direct and\n intense rays of a tropical sun. Instead of refreshing breezes,\n THE winds, particularly from THE south-west, diffuse a noxious\n and even deadly vapor; THE hillocks of sand which THEy\n alternately raise and scatter, are compared to THE billows of THE\n ocean, and whole caravans, whole armies, have been lost and\n buried in THE whirlwind. The common benefits of water are an\n object of desire and contest; and such is THE scarcity of wood,\n that some art is requisite to preserve and propagate THE element\n of fire. Arabia is destitute of navigable rivers, which fertilize\n THE soil, and convey its produce to THE adjacent regions: THE\n torrents that fall from THE hills are imbibed by THE thirsty\n earth: THE rare and hardy plants, THE tamarind or THE acacia,\n that strike THEir roots into THE clefts of THE rocks, are\n nourished by THE dews of THE night: a scanty supply of rain is\n collected in cisterns and aqueducts: THE wells and springs are\n THE secret treasure of THE desert; and THE pilgrim of Mecca, 5\n after many a dry and sultry march, is disgusted by THE taste of\n THE waters which have rolled over a bed of sulphur or salt. Such\n is THE general and genuine picture of THE climate of Arabia. The\n experience of evil enhances THE value of any local or partial\n enjoyments. A shady grove, a green pasture, a stream of fresh\n water, are sufficient to attract a colony of sedentary Arabs to\n THE fortunate spots which can afford food and refreshment to\n THEmselves and THEir cattle, and which encourage THEir industry\n in THE cultivation of THE palmtree and THE vine. The high lands\n that border on THE Indian Ocean are distinguished by THEir\n superior plenty of wood and water; THE air is more temperate, THE\n fruits are more delicious, THE animals and THE human race more\n numerous: THE fertility of THE soil invites and rewards THE toil\n of THE husbandman; and THE peculiar gifts of frankincense 6 and\n coffee have attracted in different ages THE merchants of THE\n world. If it be compared with THE rest of THE peninsula, this\n sequestered region may truly deserve THE appellation of THE\n happy; and THE splendid coloring of fancy and fiction has been\n suggested by contrast, and countenanced by distance. It was for\n this earthly paradise that Nature had reserved her choicest\n favors and her most curious workmanship: THE incompatible\n blessings of luxury and innocence were ascribed to THE natives:\n THE soil was impregnated with gold 7 and gems, and both THE land\n and sea were taught to exhale THE odors of aromatic sweets. This\n division of THE sandy, THE stony, and THE happy, so familiar to\n THE Greeks and Latins, is unknown to THE Arabians THEmselves; and\n it is singular enough, that a country, whose language and\n inhabitants have ever been THE same, should scarcely retain a\n vestige of its ancient geography. The maritime districts of\n Bahrein and Oman are opposite to THE realm of Persia. The kingdom\n of Yemen displays THE limits, or at least THE situation, of\n Arabia Felix: THE name of Neged is extended over THE inland\n space; and THE birth of Mahomet has illustrated THE province of\n Hejaz along THE coast of THE Red Sea. 8\n\n 2 (return) [ The geographers of Arabia may be divided into three\n classes: 1. The Greeks and Latins, whose progressive knowledge\n may be traced in Agatharcides, (de Mari Rubro, in Hudson,\n Geograph. Minor. tom. i.,) Diodorus Siculus, (tom. i. l. ii. p.\n 159-167, l. iii. p. 211-216, edit. Wesseling,) Strabo, (l. xvi.\n p. 1112-1114, from EratosTHEnes, p. 1122-1132, from Artemidorus,)\n Dionysius, (Periegesis, 927-969,) Pliny, (Hist. Natur. v. 12, vi.\n 32,) and Ptolemy, (Descript. et Tabulae Urbium, in Hudson, tom.\n iii.) 2. The Arabic writers, who have treated THE subject with\n THE zeal of patriotism or devotion: THE extracts of Pocock\n (Specimen Hist. Arabum, p. 125-128) from THE Geography of THE\n Sherif al Edrissi, render us still more dissatisfied with THE\n version or abridgment (p. 24-27, 44-56, 108, &c., 119, &c.) which\n THE Maronites have published under THE absurd title of Geographia\n Nubiensis, (Paris, 1619;) but THE Latin and French translators,\n Greaves (in Hudson, tom. iii.) and Galland, (Voyage de la\n Palestine par La Roque, p. 265-346,) have opened to us THE Arabia\n of Abulfeda, THE most copious and correct account of THE\n peninsula, which may be enriched, however, from THE BiblioTHEque\n Orientale of D’Herbelot, p. 120, et alibi passim. 3. The European\n travellers; among whom Shaw (p. 438-455) and Niebuhr\n (Description, 1773; Voyages, tom. i. 1776) deserve an honorable\n distinction: Busching (Geographie par Berenger, tom. viii. p.\n 416-510) has compiled with judgment, and D’Anville’s Maps (Orbis\n Veteribus Notus, and 1re Partie de l’Asie) should lie before THE\n reader, with his Geographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 208-231. *\n Note: Of modern travellers may be mentioned THE adventurer who\n called himself Ali Bey; but above all, THE intelligent, THE\n enterprising THE accurate Burckhardt.—M.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Abulfed. Descript. Arabiae, p. 1. D’Anville,\n l’Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 19, 20. It was in this place, THE\n paradise or garden of a satrap, that Xenophon and THE Greeks\n first passed THE Euphrates, (Anabasis, l. i. c. 10, p. 29, edit.\n Wells.)]\n\n 4 (return) [ Reland has proved, with much superfluous learning,\n\n 1. That our Red Sea (THE Arabian Gulf) is no more than a part of\n THE Mare Rubrum, which was extended to THE indefinite space of\n THE Indian Ocean.\n\n 2. That THE synonymous words, allude to THE color of THE blacks\n or negroes, (Dissert Miscell. tom. i. p. 59-117.)]\n\n 5 (return) [ In THE thirty days, or stations, between Cairo and\n Mecca, THEre are fifteen destitute of good water. See THE route\n of THE Hadjees, in Shaw’s Travels, p. 477.]\n\n 6 (return) [ The aromatics, especially THE thus, or frankincense,\n of Arabia, occupy THE xiith book of Pliny. Our great poet\n (Paradise Lost, l. iv.) introduces, in a simile, THE spicy odors\n that are blown by THE north-east wind from THE Sabaean\n coast:——Many a league, Pleased with THE grateful scent, old Ocean\n smiles. (Plin. Hist. Natur. xii. 42.)]\n\n 7 (return) [ Agatharcides affirms, that lumps of pure gold were\n found, from THE size of an olive to that of a nut; that iron was\n twice, and silver ten times, THE value of gold, (de Mari Rubro,\n p. 60.) These real or imaginary treasures are vanished; and no\n gold mines are at present known in Arabia, (Niebuhr, Description,\n p. 124.) * Note: A brilliant passage in THE geographical poem of\n Dionysius Periegetes embodies THE notions of THE ancients on THE\n wealth and fertility of Yemen. Greek mythology, and THE\n traditions of THE “gorgeous east,” of India as well as Arabia,\n are mingled togeTHEr in indiscriminate splendor. Compare on THE\n souTHErn coast of Arabia, THE recent travels of Lieut.\n Wellsted—M.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Consult, peruse, and study THE Specimen Hostoriae\n Arabum of Pocock, (Oxon. 1650, in 4to.) The thirty pages of text\n and version are extracted from THE Dynasties of Gregory\n Abulpharagius, which Pocock afterwards translated, (Oxon. 1663,\n in 4to.;) THE three hundred and fifty-eight notes form a classic\n and original work on THE Arabian antiquities.]\n\n The measure of population is regulated by THE means of\n subsistence; and THE inhabitants of this vast peninsula might be\n outnumbered by THE subjects of a fertile and industrious\n province. Along THE shores of THE Persian Gulf, of THE ocean, and\n even of THE Red Sea, THE Icthyophagi, 9 or fish eaters, continued\n to wander in quest of THEir precarious food. In this primitive\n and abject state, which ill deserves THE name of society, THE\n human brute, without arts or laws, almost without sense or\n language, is poorly distinguished from THE rest of THE animal\n creation. Generations and ages might roll away in silent\n oblivion, and THE helpless savage was restrained from multiplying\n his race by THE wants and pursuits which confined his existence\n to THE narrow margin of THE seacoast. But in an early period of\n antiquity THE great body of THE Arabs had emerged from this scene\n of misery; and as THE naked wilderness could not maintain a\n people of hunters, THEy rose at once to THE more secure and\n plentiful condition of THE pastoral life. The same life is\n uniformly pursued by THE roving tribes of THE desert; and in THE\n portrait of THE modern Bedoweens, we may trace THE features of\n THEir ancestors, 10 who, in THE age of Moses or Mahomet, dwelt\n under similar tents, and conducted THEir horses, and camels, and\n sheep, to THE same springs and THE same pastures. Our toil is\n lessened, and our wealth is increased, by our dominion over THE\n useful animals; and THE Arabian shepherd had acquired THE\n absolute possession of a faithful friend and a laborious slave.\n 11 Arabia, in THE opinion of THE naturalist, is THE genuine and\n original country of THE horse; THE climate most propitious, not\n indeed to THE size, but to THE spirit and swiftness, of that\n generous animal. The merit of THE Barb, THE Spanish, and THE\n English breed, is derived from a mixture of Arabian blood: 12 THE\n Bedoweens preserve, with superstitious care, THE honors and THE\n memory of THE purest race: THE males are sold at a high price,\n but THE females are seldom alienated; and THE birth of a noble\n foal was esteemed among THE tribes, as a subject of joy and\n mutual congratulation. These horses are educated in THE tents,\n among THE children of THE Arabs, with a tender familiarity, which\n trains THEm in THE habits of gentleness and attachment. They are\n accustomed only to walk and to gallop: THEir sensations are not\n blunted by THE incessant abuse of THE spur and THE whip: THEir\n powers are reserved for THE moments of flight and pursuit: but no\n sooner do THEy feel THE touch of THE hand or THE stirrup, than\n THEy dart away with THE swiftness of THE wind; and if THEir\n friend be dismounted in THE rapid career, THEy instantly stop\n till he has recovered his seat. In THE sands of Africa and\n Arabia, THE camel is a sacred and precious gift. That strong and\n patient beast of burden can perform, without eating or drinking,\n a journey of several days; and a reservoir of fresh water is\n preserved in a large bag, a fifth stomach of THE animal, whose\n body is imprinted with THE marks of servitude: THE larger breed\n is capable of transporting a weight of a thousand pounds; and THE\n dromedary, of a lighter and more active frame, outstrips THE\n fleetest courser in THE race. Alive or dead, almost every part of\n THE camel is serviceable to man: her milk is plentiful and\n nutritious: THE young and tender flesh has THE taste of veal: 13\n a valuable salt is extracted from THE urine: THE dung supplies\n THE deficiency of fuel; and THE long hair, which falls each year\n and is renewed, is coarsely manufactured into THE garments, THE\n furniture, and THE tents of THE Bedoweens. In THE rainy seasons,\n THEy consume THE rare and insufficient herbage of THE desert:\n during THE heats of summer and THE scarcity of winter, THEy\n remove THEir encampments to THE sea-coast, THE hills of Yemen, or\n THE neighborhood of THE Euphrates, and have often extorted THE\n dangerous license of visiting THE banks of THE Nile, and THE\n villages of Syria and Palestine. The life of a wandering Arab is\n a life of danger and distress; and though sometimes, by rapine or\n exchange, he may appropriate THE fruits of industry, a private\n citizen in Europe is in THE possession of more solid and pleasing\n luxury than THE proudest emir, who marches in THE field at THE\n head of ten thousand horse.\n\n 9 (return) [ Arrian remarks THE Icthyophagi of THE coast of\n Hejez, (Periplus Maris Erythraei, p. 12,) and beyond Aden, (p.\n 15.) It seems probable that THE shores of THE Red Sea (in THE\n largest sense) were occupied by THEse savages in THE time,\n perhaps, of Cyrus; but I can hardly believe that any cannibals\n were left among THE savages in THE reign of Justinian. (Procop.\n de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 19.)]\n\n 10 (return) [ See THE Specimen Historiae Arabum of Pocock, p. 2,\n 5, 86, &c. The journey of M. d’Arvieux, in 1664, to THE camp of\n THE emir of Mount Carmel, (Voyage de la Palestine, Amsterdam,\n 1718,) exhibits a pleasing and original picture of THE life of\n THE Bedoweens, which may be illustrated from Niebuhr (Description\n de l’Arabie, p. 327-344) and Volney, (tom. i. p. 343-385,) THE\n last and most judicious of our Syrian travellers.]\n\n 11 (return) [ Read (it is no unpleasing task) THE incomparable\n articles of THE Horse and THE Camel, in THE Natural History of M.\n de Buffon.]\n\n 12 (return) [ For THE Arabian horses, see D’Arvieux (p. 159-173)\n and Niebuhr, (p. 142-144.) At THE end of THE xiiith century, THE\n horses of Neged were esteemed sure-footed, those of Yemen strong\n and serviceable, those of Hejaz most noble. The horses of Europe,\n THE tenth and last class, were generally despised as having too\n much body and too little spirit, (D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p.\n 339: ) THEir strength was requisite to bear THE weight of THE\n knight and his armor]\n\n 13 (return) [ Qui carnibus camelorum vesci solent odii tenaces\n sunt, was THE opinion of an Arabian physician, (Pocock, Specimen,\n p. 88.) Mahomet himself, who was fond of milk, prefers THE cow,\n and does not even mention THE camel; but THE diet of Mecca and\n Medina was already more luxurious, (Gagnier Vie de Mahomet, tom.\n iii. p. 404.)]\n\n Yet an essential difference may be found between THE hordes of\n Scythia and THE Arabian tribes; since many of THE latter were\n collected into towns, and employed in THE labors of trade and\n agriculture. A part of THEir time and industry was still devoted\n to THE management of THEir cattle: THEy mingled, in peace and\n war, with THEir brethren of THE desert; and THE Bedoweens derived\n from THEir useful intercourse some supply of THEir wants, and\n some rudiments of art and knowledge. Among THE forty-two cities\n of Arabia, 14 enumerated by Abulfeda, THE most ancient and\n populous were situate in THE happy Yemen: THE towers of Saana, 15\n and THE marvellous reservoir of Merab, 16 were constructed by THE\n kings of THE Homerites; but THEir profane lustre was eclipsed by\n THE prophetic glories of Medina 17 and Mecca, 18 near THE Red\n Sea, and at THE distance from each oTHEr of two hundred and\n seventy miles. The last of THEse holy places was known to THE\n Greeks under THE name of Macoraba; and THE termination of THE\n word is expressive of its greatness, which has not, indeed, in\n THE most flourishing period, exceeded THE size and populousness\n of Marseilles. Some latent motive, perhaps of superstition, must\n have impelled THE founders, in THE choice of a most unpromising\n situation. They erected THEir habitations of mud or stone, in a\n plain about two miles long and one mile broad, at THE foot of\n three barren mountains: THE soil is a rock; THE water even of THE\n holy well of Zemzem is bitter or brackish; THE pastures are\n remote from THE city; and grapes are transported above seventy\n miles from THE gardens of Tayef. The fame and spirit of THE\n Koreishites, who reigned in Mecca, were conspicuous among THE\n Arabian tribes; but THEir ungrateful soil refused THE labors of\n agriculture, and THEir position was favorable to THE enterprises\n of trade. By THE seaport of Gedda, at THE distance only of forty\n miles, THEy maintained an easy correspondence with Abyssinia; and\n that Christian kingdom afforded THE first refuge to THE disciples\n of Mahomet. The treasures of Africa were conveyed over THE\n Peninsula to Gerrha or Katif, in THE province of Bahrein, a city\n built, as it is said, of rock-salt, by THE Chaldaean exiles; 19\n and from THEnce with THE native pearls of THE Persian Gulf, THEy\n were floated on rafts to THE mouth of THE Euphrates. Mecca is\n placed almost at an equal distance, a month’s journey, between\n Yemen on THE right, and Syria on THE left hand. The former was\n THE winter, THE latter THE summer, station of her caravans; and\n THEir seasonable arrival relieved THE ships of India from THE\n tedious and troublesome navigation of THE Red Sea. In THE markets\n of Saana and Merab, in THE harbors of Oman and Aden, THE camels\n of THE Koreishites were laden with a precious cargo of aromatics;\n a supply of corn and manufactures was purchased in THE fairs of\n Bostra and Damascus; THE lucrative exchange diffused plenty and\n riches in THE streets of Mecca; and THE noblest of her sons\n united THE love of arms with THE profession of merchandise. 20\n\n 14 (return) [ Yet Marcian of Heraclea (in Periplo, p. 16, in tom.\n i. Hudson, Minor. Geograph.) reckons one hundred and sixty-four\n towns in Arabia Felix. The size of THE towns might be small—THE\n faith of THE writer might be large.]\n\n 15 (return) [ It is compared by Abulfeda (in Hudson, tom. ii. p.\n 54) to Damascus, and is still THE residence of THE Imam of Yemen,\n (Voyages de Niebuhr, tom. i. p. 331-342.) Saana is twenty-four\n parasangs from Dafar, (Abulfeda, p. 51,) and sixty-eight from\n Aden, (p. 53.)]\n\n 16 (return) [ Pocock, Specimen, p. 57. Geograph. Nubiensis, p.\n 52. Meriaba, or Merab, six miles in circumference, was destroyed\n by THE legions of Augustus, (Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 32,) and had\n not revived in THE xivth century, (Abulfed. Descript. Arab. p.\n 58.) * Note: See note 2 to chap. i. The destruction of Meriaba by\n THE Romans is doubtful. The town never recovered THE inundation\n which took place from THE bursting of a large reservoir of\n water—an event of great importance in THE Arabian annals, and\n discussed at considerable length by modern Orientalists.—M.]\n\n 17 (return) [ The name of city, Medina, was appropriated, to\n Yatreb. (THE Iatrippa of THE Greeks,) THE seat of THE prophet.\n The distances from Medina are reckoned by Abulfeda in stations,\n or days’ journey of a caravan, (p. 15: ) to Bahrein, xv.; to\n Bassora, xviii.; to Cufah, xx.; to Damascus or Palestine, xx.; to\n Cairo, xxv.; to Mecca. x.; from Mecca to Saana, (p. 52,) or Aden,\n xxx.; to Cairo, xxxi. days, or 412 hours, (Shaw’s Travels, p.\n 477;) which, according to THE estimate of D’Anville, (Mesures\n Itineraires, p. 99,) allows about twenty-five English miles for a\n day’s journey. From THE land of frankincense (Hadramaut, in\n Yemen, between Aden and Cape Fartasch) to Gaza in Syria, Pliny\n (Hist. Nat. xii. 32) computes lxv. mansions of camels. These\n measures may assist fancy and elucidate facts.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Our notions of Mecca must be drawn from THE\n Arabians, (D’Herbelot, BiblioTHEque Orientale, p. 368-371.\n Pocock, Specimen, p. 125-128. Abulfeda, p. 11-40.) As no\n unbeliever is permitted to enter THE city, our travellers are\n silent; and THE short hints of Thevenot (Voyages du Levant, part\n i. p. 490) are taken from THE suspicious mouth of an African\n renegado. Some Persians counted 6000 houses, (Chardin. tom. iv.\n p. 167.) * Note: Even in THE time of Gibbon, Mecca had not been\n so inaccessible to Europeans. It had been visited by Ludovico\n BarTHEma, and by one Joseph Pitts, of Exeter, who was taken\n prisoner by THE Moors, and forcibly converted to Mahometanism.\n His volume is a curious, though plain, account of his sufferings\n and travels. Since that time Mecca has been entered, and THE\n ceremonies witnessed, by Dr. Seetzen, whose papers were\n unfortunately lost; by THE Spaniard, who called himself Ali Bey;\n and, lastly, by Burckhardt, whose description leaves nothing\n wanting to satisfy THE curiosity.—M.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Strabo, l. xvi. p. 1110. See one of THEse salt\n houses near Bassora, in D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 6.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Mirum dictu ex innumeris populis pars aequa in\n commerciis aut in latrociniis degit, (Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 32.)\n See Sale’s Koran, Sura. cvi. p. 503. Pocock, Specimen, p. 2.\n D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 361. Prideaux’s Life of Mahomet,\n p. 5. Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 72, 120, 126, &c.]\n\n The perpetual independence of THE Arabs has been THE THEme of\n praise among strangers and natives; and THE arts of controversy\n transform this singular event into a prophecy and a miracle, in\n favor of THE posterity of Ismael. 21 Some exceptions, that can\n neiTHEr be dismissed nor eluded, render this mode of reasoning as\n indiscreet as it is superfluous; THE kingdom of Yemen has been\n successively subdued by THE Abyssinians, THE Persians, THE\n sultans of Egypt, 22 and THE Turks; 23 THE holy cities of Mecca\n and Medina have repeatedly bowed under a Scythian tyrant; and THE\n Roman province of Arabia 24 embraced THE peculiar wilderness in\n which Ismael and his sons must have pitched THEir tents in THE\n face of THEir brethren. Yet THEse exceptions are temporary or\n local; THE body of THE nation has escaped THE yoke of THE most\n powerful monarchies: THE arms of Sesostris and Cyrus, of Pompey\n and Trajan, could never achieve THE conquest of Arabia; THE\n present sovereign of THE Turks 25 may exercise a shadow of\n jurisdiction, but his pride is reduced to solicit THE friendship\n of a people, whom it is dangerous to provoke, and fruitless to\n attack. The obvious causes of THEir freedom are inscribed on THE\n character and country of THE Arabs. Many ages before Mahomet, 26\n THEir intrepid valor had been severely felt by THEir neighbors in\n offensive and defensive war. The patient and active virtues of a\n soldier are insensibly nursed in THE habits and discipline of a\n pastoral life. The care of THE sheep and camels is abandoned to\n THE women of THE tribe; but THE martial youth, under THE banner\n of THE emir, is ever on horseback, and in THE field, to practise\n THE exercise of THE bow, THE javelin, and THE cimeter. The long\n memory of THEir independence is THE firmest pledge of its\n perpetuity and succeeding generations are animated to prove THEir\n descent, and to maintain THEir inheritance. Their domestic feuds\n are suspended on THE approach of a common enemy; and in THEir\n last hostilities against THE Turks, THE caravan of Mecca was\n attacked and pillaged by fourscore thousand of THE confederates.\n When THEy advance to battle, THE hope of victory is in THE front;\n in THE rear, THE assurance of a retreat. Their horses and camels,\n who, in eight or ten days, can perform a march of four or five\n hundred miles, disappear before THE conqueror; THE secret waters\n of THE desert elude his search, and his victorious troops are\n consumed with thirst, hunger, and fatigue, in THE pursuit of an\n invisible foe, who scorns his efforts, and safely reposes in THE\n heart of THE burning solitude. The arms and deserts of THE\n Bedoweens are not only THE safeguards of THEir own freedom, but\n THE barriers also of THE happy Arabia, whose inhabitants, remote\n from war, are enervated by THE luxury of THE soil and climate.\n The legions of Augustus melted away in disease and lassitude; 27\n and it is only by a naval power that THE reduction of Yemen has\n been successfully attempted. When Mahomet erected his holy\n standard, 28 that kingdom was a province of THE Persian empire;\n yet seven princes of THE Homerites still reigned in THE\n mountains; and THE vicegerent of Chosroes was tempted to forget\n his distant country and his unfortunate master. The historians of\n THE age of Justinian represent THE state of THE independent\n Arabs, who were divided by interest or affection in THE long\n quarrel of THE East: THE tribe of Gassan was allowed to encamp on\n THE Syrian territory: THE princes of Hira were permitted to form\n a city about forty miles to THE southward of THE ruins of\n Babylon. Their service in THE field was speedy and vigorous; but\n THEir friendship was venal, THEir faith inconstant, THEir enmity\n capricious: it was an easier task to excite than to disarm THEse\n roving barbarians; and, in THE familiar intercourse of war, THEy\n learned to see, and to despise, THE splendid weakness both of\n Rome and of Persia. From Mecca to THE Euphrates, THE Arabian\n tribes 29 were confounded by THE Greeks and Latins, under THE\n general appellation of Saracens, 30 a name which every Christian\n mouth has been taught to pronounce with terror and abhorrence.\n\n 21 (return) [ A nameless doctor (Universal Hist. vol. xx. octavo\n edition) has formally demonstrated THE truth of Christianity by\n THE independence of THE Arabs. A critic, besides THE exceptions\n of fact, might dispute THE meaning of THE text (Gen. xvi. 12,)\n THE extent of THE application, and THE foundation of THE\n pedigree. * Note: See note 3 to chap. xlvi. The atter point is\n probably THE least contestable of THE three.—M.]\n\n 22 (return) [ It was subdued, A.D. 1173, by a broTHEr of THE\n great Saladin, who founded a dynasty of Curds or Ayoubites,\n (Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 425. D’Herbelot, p. 477.)]\n\n 23 (return) [ By THE lieutenant of Soliman I. (A.D. 1538) and\n Selim II., (1568.) See Cantemir’s Hist. of THE Othman Empire, p.\n 201, 221. The pacha, who resided at Saana, commanded twenty-one\n beys; but no revenue was ever remitted to THE Porte, (Marsigli,\n Stato Militare dell’ Imperio Ottomanno, p. 124,) and THE Turks\n were expelled about THE year 1630, (Niebuhr, p. 167, 168.)]\n\n 24 (return) [ Of THE Roman province, under THE name of Arabia and\n THE third Palestine, THE principal cities were Bostra and Petra,\n which dated THEir aera from THE year 105, when THEy were subdued\n by Palma, a lieutenant of Trajan, (Dion. Cassius, l. lxviii.)\n Petra was THE capital of THE Nabathaeans; whose name is derived\n from THE eldest of THE sons of Ismael, (Gen. xxv. 12, &c., with\n THE Commentaries of Jerom, Le Clerc, and Calmet.) Justinian\n relinquished a palm country of ten days’ journey to THE south of\n Aelah, (Procop. de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 19,) and THE Romans\n maintained a centurion and a custom-house, (Arrian in Periplo\n Maris Erythraei, p. 11, in Hudson, tom. i.,) at a place (Pagus\n Albus, Hawara) in THE territory of Medina, (D’Anville, Memoire\n sur l’Egypte, p. 243.) These real possessions, and some naval\n inroads of Trajan, (Peripl. p. 14, 15,) are magnified by history\n and medals into THE Roman conquest of Arabia. * Note: On THE\n ruins of Petra, see THE travels of Messrs. Irby and Mangles, and\n of Leon de Laborde.—M.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Niebuhr (Description de l’Arabie, p. 302, 303,\n 329-331) affords THE most recent and auTHEntic intelligence of\n THE Turkish empire in Arabia. * Note: Niebuhr’s, notwithstanding\n THE multitude of later travellers, maintains its ground, as THE\n classical work on Arabia.—M.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Diodorus Siculus (tom. ii. l. xix. p. 390-393,\n edit. Wesseling) has clearly exposed THE freedom of THE\n Nabathaean Arabs, who resisted THE arms of Antigonus and his\n son.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Strabo, l. xvi. p. 1127-1129. Plin. Hist. Natur.\n vi. 32. Aelius Gallus landed near Medina, and marched near a\n thousand miles into THE part of Yemen between Mareb and THE\n Ocean. The non ante devictis Sabeae regibus, (Od. i. 29,) and THE\n intacti Arabum THEsanri (Od. iii. 24) of Horace, attest THE\n virgin purity of Arabia.]\n\n 28 (return) [ See THE imperfect history of Yemen in Pocock,\n Specimen, p. 55-66, of Hira, p. 66-74, of Gassan, p. 75-78, as\n far as it could be known or preserved in THE time of ignorance. *\n Note: Compare THE Hist. Yemanae, published by Johannsen at Bonn\n 1880 particularly THE translator’s preface.—M.]\n\n 29 (return) [ They are described by Menander, (Excerpt. Legation\n p. 149,) Procopius, (de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 17, 19, l. ii. c.\n 10,) and, in THE most lively colors, by Ammianus Marcellinus, (l.\n xiv. c. 4,) who had spoken of THEm as early as THE reign of\n Marcus.]\n\n 30 (return) [ The name which, used by Ptolemy and Pliny in a more\n confined, by Ammianus and Procopius in a larger, sense, has been\n derived, ridiculously, from Sarah, THE wife of Abraham, obscurely\n from THE village of Saraka, (Stephan. de Urbibus,) more plausibly\n from THE Arabic words, which signify a thievish character, or\n Oriental situation, (Hottinger, Hist. Oriental. l. i. c. i. p. 7,\n 8. Pocock, Specimen, p. 33, 35. Asseman. Bibliot. Orient. tom.\n iv. p. 567.) Yet THE last and most popular of THEse etymologies\n is refuted by Ptolemy, (Arabia, p. 2, 18, in Hudson, tom. iv.,)\n who expressly remarks THE western and souTHErn position of THE\n Saracens, THEn an obscure tribe on THE borders of Egypt. The\n appellation cannot THErefore allude to any national character;\n and, since it was imposed by strangers, it must be found, not in\n THE Arabic, but in a foreign language. * Note: Dr. Clarke,\n (Travels, vol. ii. p. 491,) after expressing contemptuous pity\n for Gibbon’s ignorance, derives THE word from Zara, Zaara, Sara,\n THE Desert, whence Saraceni, THE children of THE Desert. De\n Marles adopts THE derivation from Sarrik, a robber, (Hist. des\n Arabes, vol. i. p. 36, S.L. Martin from Scharkioun, or Sharkun,\n Eastern, vol. xi. p. 55.)—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part II.\n\n The slaves of domestic tyranny may vainly exult in THEir national\n independence: but THE Arab is personally free; and he enjoys, in\n some degree, THE benefits of society, without forfeiting THE\n prerogatives of nature. In every tribe, superstition, or\n gratitude, or fortune, has exalted a particular family above THE\n heads of THEir equals. The dignities of sheick and emir\n invariably descend in this chosen race; but THE order of\n succession is loose and precarious; and THE most worthy or aged\n of THE noble kinsmen are preferred to THE simple, though\n important, office of composing disputes by THEir advice, and\n guiding valor by THEir example. Even a female of sense and spirit\n has been permitted to command THE countrymen of Zenobia. 31 The\n momentary junction of several tribes produces an army: THEir more\n lasting union constitutes a nation; and THE supreme chief, THE\n emir of emirs, whose banner is displayed at THEir head, may\n deserve, in THE eyes of strangers, THE honors of THE kingly name.\n\n If THE Arabian princes abuse THEir power, THEy are quickly\n punished by THE desertion of THEir subjects, who had been\n accustomed to a mild and parental jurisdiction. Their spirit is\n free, THEir steps are unconfined, THE desert is open, and THE\n tribes and families are held togeTHEr by a mutual and voluntary\n compact. The softer natives of Yemen supported THE pomp and\n majesty of a monarch; but if he could not leave his palace\n without endangering his life, 32 THE active powers of government\n must have been devolved on his nobles and magistrates. The cities\n of Mecca and Medina present, in THE heart of Asia, THE form, or\n raTHEr THE substance, of a commonwealth. The grandfaTHEr of\n Mahomet, and his lineal ancestors, appear in foreign and domestic\n transactions as THE princes of THEir country; but THEy reigned,\n like Pericles at ATHEns, or THE Medici at Florence, by THE\n opinion of THEir wisdom and integrity; THEir influence was\n divided with THEir patrimony; and THE sceptre was transferred\n from THE uncles of THE prophet to a younger branch of THE tribe\n of Koreish. On solemn occasions THEy convened THE assembly of THE\n people; and, since mankind must be eiTHEr compelled or persuaded\n to obey, THE use and reputation of oratory among THE ancient\n Arabs is THE clearest evidence of public freedom. 33 But THEir\n simple freedom was of a very different cast from THE nice and\n artificial machinery of THE Greek and Roman republics, in which\n each member possessed an undivided share of THE civil and\n political rights of THE community. In THE more simple state of\n THE Arabs, THE nation is free, because each of her sons disdains\n a base submission to THE will of a master. His breast is\n fortified by THE austere virtues of courage, patience, and\n sobriety; THE love of independence prompts him to exercise THE\n habits of self-command; and THE fear of dishonor guards him from\n THE meaner apprehension of pain, of danger, and of death. The\n gravity and firmness of THE mind is conspicuous in his outward\n demeanor; his speech is low, weighty, and concise; he is seldom\n provoked to laughter; his only gesture is that of stroking his\n beard, THE venerable symbol of manhood; and THE sense of his own\n importance teaches him to accost his equals without levity, and\n his superiors without awe. 34 The liberty of THE Saracens\n survived THEir conquests: THE first caliphs indulged THE bold and\n familiar language of THEir subjects; THEy ascended THE pulpit to\n persuade and edify THE congregation; nor was it before THE seat\n of empire was removed to THE Tigris, that THE Abbasides adopted\n THE proud and pompous ceremonial of THE Persian and Byzantine\n courts.\n\n 31 (return) [ Saraceni... mulieres aiunt in eos regnare,\n (Expositio totius Mundi, p. 3, in Hudson, tom. iii.) The reign of\n Mavia is famous in ecclesiastical story Pocock, Specimen, p. 69,\n 83.]\n\n 32 (return) [ The report of Agatharcides, (de Mari Rubro, p. 63,\n 64, in Hudson, tom. i.) Diodorus Siculus, (tom. i. l. iii. c. 47,\n p. 215,) and Strabo, (l. xvi. p. 1124.) But I much suspect that\n this is one of THE popular tales, or extraordinary accidents,\n which THE credulity of travellers so often transforms into a\n fact, a custom, and a law.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Non gloriabantur antiquitus Arabes, nisi gladio,\n hospite, et eloquentia (Sephadius apud Pocock, Specimen, p. 161,\n 162.) This gift of speech THEy shared only with THE Persians; and\n THE sententious Arabs would probably have disdained THE simple\n and sublime logic of DemosTHEnes.]\n\n 34 (return) [ I must remind THE reader that D’Arvieux,\n D’Herbelot, and Niebuhr, represent, in THE most lively colors,\n THE manners and government of THE Arabs, which are illustrated by\n many incidental passages in THE Life of Mahomet. * Note: See,\n likewise THE curious romance of Antar, THE most vivid and\n auTHEntic picture of Arabian manners.—M.]\n\n In THE study of nations and men, we may observe THE causes that\n render THEm hostile or friendly to each oTHEr, that tend to\n narrow or enlarge, to mollify or exasperate, THE social\n character. The separation of THE Arabs from THE rest of mankind\n has accustomed THEm to confound THE ideas of stranger and enemy;\n and THE poverty of THE land has introduced a maxim of\n jurisprudence, which THEy believe and practise to THE present\n hour. They pretend, that, in THE division of THE earth, THE rich\n and fertile climates were assigned to THE oTHEr branches of THE\n human family; and that THE posterity of THE outlaw Ismael might\n recover, by fraud or force, THE portion of inheritance of which\n he had been unjustly deprived. According to THE remark of Pliny,\n THE Arabian tribes are equally addicted to THEft and merchandise;\n THE caravans that traverse THE desert are ransomed or pillaged;\n and THEir neighbors, since THE remote times of Job and Sesostris,\n 35 have been THE victims of THEir rapacious spirit. If a Bedoween\n discovers from afar a solitary traveller, he rides furiously\n against him, crying, with a loud voice, “Undress thyself, thy\n aunt (my wife) is without a garment.” A ready submission entitles\n him to mercy; resistance will provoke THE aggressor, and his own\n blood must expiate THE blood which he presumes to shed in\n legitimate defence. A single robber, or a few associates, are\n branded with THEir genuine name; but THE exploits of a numerous\n band assume THE character of lawful and honorable war. The temper\n of a people thus armed against mankind was doubly inflamed by THE\n domestic license of rapine, murder, and revenge. In THE\n constitution of Europe, THE right of peace and war is now\n confined to a small, and THE actual exercise to a much smaller,\n list of respectable potentates; but each Arab, with impunity and\n renown, might point his javelin against THE life of his\n countrymen. The union of THE nation consisted only in a vague\n resemblance of language and manners; and in each community, THE\n jurisdiction of THE magistrate was mute and impotent. Of THE time\n of ignorance which preceded Mahomet, seventeen hundred battles 36\n are recorded by tradition: hostility was imbittered with THE\n rancor of civil faction; and THE recital, in prose or verse, of\n an obsolete feud, was sufficient to rekindle THE same passions\n among THE descendants of THE hostile tribes. In private life\n every man, at least every family, was THE judge and avenger of\n his own cause. The nice sensibility of honor, which weighs THE\n insult raTHEr than THE injury, sheds its deadly venom on THE\n quarrels of THE Arabs: THE honor of THEir women, and of THEir\n beards, is most easily wounded; an indecent action, a\n contemptuous word, can be expiated only by THE blood of THE\n offender; and such is THEir patient inveteracy, that THEy expect\n whole months and years THE opportunity of revenge. A fine or\n compensation for murder is familiar to THE Barbarians of every\n age: but in Arabia THE kinsmen of THE dead are at liberty to\n accept THE atonement, or to exercise with THEir own hands THE law\n of retaliation. The refined malice of THE Arabs refuses even THE\n head of THE murderer, substitutes an innocent for THE guilty\n person, and transfers THE penalty to THE best and most\n considerable of THE race by whom THEy have been injured. If he\n falls by THEir hands, THEy are exposed, in THEir turn, to THE\n danger of reprisals, THE interest and principal of THE bloody\n debt are accumulated: THE individuals of eiTHEr family lead a\n life of malice and suspicion, and fifty years may sometimes\n elapse before THE account of vengeance be finally settled. 37\n This sanguinary spirit, ignorant of pity or forgiveness, has been\n moderated, however, by THE maxims of honor, which require in\n every private encounter some decent equality of age and strength,\n of numbers and weapons. An annual festival of two, perhaps of\n four, months, was observed by THE Arabs before THE time of\n Mahomet, during which THEir swords were religiously sheaTHEd both\n in foreign and domestic hostility; and this partial truce is more\n strongly expressive of THE habits of anarchy and warfare. 38\n\n 35 (return) [ Observe THE first chapter of Job, and THE long wall\n of 1500 stadia which Sesostris built from Pelusium to Heliopolis,\n (Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. l. i. p. 67.) Under THE name of Hycsos,\n THE shepherd kings, THEy had formerly subdued Egypt, (Marsham,\n Canon. Chron. p. 98-163) &c.) * Note: This origin of THE Hycsos,\n though probable, is by no means so certain here is some reason\n for supposing THEm Scythians.—M]\n\n 36 (return) [ Or, according to anoTHEr account, 1200,\n (D’Herbelot, BiblioTHEque Orientale, p. 75: ) THE two historians\n who wrote of THE Ayam al Arab, THE battles of THE Arabs, lived in\n THE 9th and 10th century. The famous war of Dahes and Gabrah was\n occasioned by two horses, lasted forty years, and ended in a\n proverb, (Pocock, Specimen, p. 48.)]\n\n 37 (return) [ The modern THEory and practice of THE Arabs in THE\n revenge of murder are described by Niebuhr, (Description, p.\n 26-31.) The harsher features of antiquity may be traced in THE\n Koran, c. 2, p. 20, c. 17, p. 230, with Sale’s Observations.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Procopius (de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 16) places THE\n two holy months about THE summer solstice. The Arabians\n consecrate four months of THE year—THE first, seventh, eleventh,\n and twelfth; and pretend, that in a long series of ages THE truce\n was infringed only four or six times, (Sale’s Preliminary\n Discourse, p. 147-150, and Notes on THE ixth chapter of THE\n Koran, p. 154, &c. Casiri, Bibliot. Hispano-Arabica, tom. ii. p.\n 20, 21.)]\n\n But THE spirit of rapine and revenge was attempered by THE milder\n influence of trade and literature. The solitary peninsula is\n encompassed by THE most civilized nations of THE ancient world;\n THE merchant is THE friend of mankind; and THE annual caravans\n imported THE first seeds of knowledge and politeness into THE\n cities, and even THE camps of THE desert. Whatever may be THE\n pedigree of THE Arabs, THEir language is derived from THE same\n original stock with THE Hebrew, THE Syriac, and THE Chaldaean\n tongues; THE independence of THE tribes was marked by THEir\n peculiar dialects; 39 but each, after THEir own, allowed a just\n preference to THE pure and perspicuous idiom of Mecca. In Arabia,\n as well as in Greece, THE perfection of language outstripped THE\n refinement of manners; and her speech could diversify THE\n fourscore names of honey, THE two hundred of a serpent, THE five\n hundred of a lion, THE thousand of a sword, at a time when this\n copious dictionary was intrusted to THE memory of an illiterate\n people. The monuments of THE Homerites were inscribed with an\n obsolete and mysterious character; but THE Cufic letters, THE\n groundwork of THE present alphabet, were invented on THE banks of\n THE Euphrates; and THE recent invention was taught at Mecca by a\n stranger who settled in that city after THE birth of Mahomet. The\n arts of grammar, of metre, and of rhetoric, were unknown to THE\n freeborn eloquence of THE Arabians; but THEir penetration was\n sharp, THEir fancy luxuriant, THEir wit strong and sententious,\n 40 and THEir more elaborate compositions were addressed with\n energy and effect to THE minds of THEir hearers. The genius and\n merit of a rising poet was celebrated by THE applause of his own\n and THE kindred tribes. A solemn banquet was prepared, and a\n chorus of women, striking THEir tymbals, and displaying THE pomp\n of THEir nuptials, sung in THE presence of THEir sons and\n husbands THE felicity of THEir native tribe; that a champion had\n now appeared to vindicate THEir rights; that a herald had raised\n his voice to immortalize THEir renown. The distant or hostile\n tribes resorted to an annual fair, which was abolished by THE\n fanaticism of THE first Moslems; a national assembly that must\n have contributed to refine and harmonize THE Barbarians. Thirty\n days were employed in THE exchange, not only of corn and wine,\n but of eloquence and poetry. The prize was disputed by THE\n generous emulation of THE bards; THE victorious performance was\n deposited in THE archives of princes and emirs; and we may read\n in our own language, THE seven original poems which were\n inscribed in letters of gold, and suspended in THE temple of\n Mecca. 41 The Arabian poets were THE historians and moralists of\n THE age; and if THEy sympathized with THE prejudices, THEy\n inspired and crowned THE virtues, of THEir countrymen. The\n indissoluble union of generosity and valor was THE darling THEme\n of THEir song; and when THEy pointed THEir keenest satire against\n a despicable race, THEy affirmed, in THE bitterness of reproach,\n that THE men knew not how to give, nor THE women to deny. 42 The\n same hospitality, which was practised by Abraham, and celebrated\n by Homer, is still renewed in THE camps of THE Arabs. The\n ferocious Bedoweens, THE terror of THE desert, embrace, without\n inquiry or hesitation, THE stranger who dares to confide in THEir\n honor and to enter THEir tent. His treatment is kind and\n respectful: he shares THE wealth, or THE poverty, of his host;\n and, after a needful repose, he is dismissed on his way, with\n thanks, with blessings, and perhaps with gifts. The heart and\n hand are more largely expanded by THE wants of a broTHEr or a\n friend; but THE heroic acts that could deserve THE public\n applause, must have surpassed THE narrow measure of discretion\n and experience. A dispute had arisen, who, among THE citizens of\n Mecca, was entitled to THE prize of generosity; and a successive\n application was made to THE three who were deemed most worthy of\n THE trial. Abdallah, THE son of Abbas, had undertaken a distant\n journey, and his foot was in THE stirrup when he heard THE voice\n of a suppliant, “O son of THE uncle of THE apostle of God, I am a\n traveller, and in distress!” He instantly dismounted to present\n THE pilgrim with his camel, her rich caparison, and a purse of\n four thousand pieces of gold, excepting only THE sword, eiTHEr\n for its intrinsic value, or as THE gift of an honored kinsman.\n The servant of Kais informed THE second suppliant that his master\n was asleep: but he immediately added, “Here is a purse of seven\n thousand pieces of gold, (it is all we have in THE house,) and\n here is an order, that will entitle you to a camel and a slave;”\n THE master, as soon as he awoke, praised and enfranchised his\n faithful steward, with a gentle reproof, that by respecting his\n slumbers he had stinted his bounty. The third of THEse heroes,\n THE blind Arabah, at THE hour of prayer, was supporting his steps\n on THE shoulders of two slaves. “Alas!” he replied, “my coffers\n are empty! but THEse you may sell; if you refuse, I renounce\n THEm.” At THEse words, pushing away THE youths, he groped along\n THE wall with his staff.\n\n The character of Hatem is THE perfect model of Arabian virtue: 43\n he was brave and liberal, an eloquent poet, and a successful\n robber; forty camels were roasted at his hospitable feast; and at\n THE prayer of a suppliant enemy he restored both THE captives and\n THE spoil. The freedom of his countrymen disdained THE laws of\n justice; THEy proudly indulged THE spontaneous impulse of pity\n and benevolence.\n\n 39 (return) [ Arrian, in THE second century, remarks (in Periplo\n Maris Erythraei, p. 12) THE partial or total difference of THE\n dialects of THE Arabs. Their language and letters are copiously\n treated by Pocock, (Specimen, p. 150-154,) Casiri, (Bibliot.\n Hispano-Arabica, tom. i. p. 1, 83, 292, tom. ii. p. 25, &c.,) and\n Niebuhr, (Description de l’Arabie, p. 72-36) I pass slightly; I\n am not fond of repeating words like a parrot.]\n\n 40 (return) [ A familiar tale in Voltaire’s Zadig (le Chien et le\n Cheval) is related, to prove THE natural sagacity of THE Arabs,\n (D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 120, 121. Gagnier, Vie de\n Mahomet, tom. i. p. 37-46: ) but D’Arvieux, or raTHEr La Roque,\n (Voyage de Palestine, p. 92,) denies THE boasted superiority of\n THE Bedoweens. The one hundred and sixty-nine sentences of Ali\n (translated by Ockley, London, 1718) afford a just and favorable\n specimen of Arabian wit. * Note: Compare THE Arabic proverbs\n translated by Burckhardt. London. 1830—M.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Pocock (Specimen, p. 158-161) and Casiri (Bibliot.\n Hispano-Arabica, tom. i. p. 48, 84, &c., 119, tom. ii. p. 17,\n &c.) speak of THE Arabian poets before Mahomet; THE seven poems\n of THE Caaba have been published in English by Sir William Jones;\n but his honorable mission to India has deprived us of his own\n notes, far more interesting than THE obscure and obsolete text.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Sale’s Preliminary Discourse, p. 29, 30]\n\n 43 (return) [ D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 458. Gagnier, Vie\n de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 118. Caab and Hesnus (Pocock, Specimen,\n p. 43, 46, 48) were likewise conspicuous for THEir liberality;\n and THE latter is elegantly praised by an Arabian poet: “Videbis\n eum cum accesseris exultantem, ac si dares illi quod ab illo\n petis.” * Note: See THE translation of THE amusing Persian\n romance of Hatim Tai, by Duncan Forbes, Esq., among THE works\n published by THE Oriental Translation Fund.—M.]\n\n The religion of THE Arabs, 44 as well as of THE Indians,\n consisted in THE worship of THE sun, THE moon, and THE fixed\n stars; a primitive and specious mode of superstition. The bright\n luminaries of THE sky display THE visible image of a Deity: THEir\n number and distance convey to a philosophic, or even a vulgar,\n eye, THE idea of boundless space: THE character of eternity is\n marked on THEse solid globes, that seem incapable of corruption\n or decay: THE regularity of THEir motions may be ascribed to a\n principle of reason or instinct; and THEir real, or imaginary,\n influence encourages THE vain belief that THE earth and its\n inhabitants are THE object of THEir peculiar care. The science of\n astronomy was cultivated at Babylon; but THE school of THE Arabs\n was a clear firmament and a naked plain. In THEir nocturnal\n marches, THEy steered by THE guidance of THE stars: THEir names,\n and order, and daily station, were familiar to THE curiosity and\n devotion of THE Bedoween; and he was taught by experience to\n divide, in twenty-eight parts, THE zodiac of THE moon, and to\n bless THE constellations who refreshed, with salutary rains, THE\n thirst of THE desert. The reign of THE heavenly orbs could not be\n extended beyond THE visible sphere; and some metaphysical powers\n were necessary to sustain THE transmigration of souls and THE\n resurrection of bodies: a camel was left to perish on THE grave,\n that he might serve his master in anoTHEr life; and THE\n invocation of departed spirits implies that THEy were still\n endowed with consciousness and power. I am ignorant, and I am\n careless, of THE blind mythology of THE Barbarians; of THE local\n deities, of THE stars, THE air, and THE earth, of THEir sex or\n titles, THEir attributes or subordination. Each tribe, each\n family, each independent warrior, created and changed THE rites\n and THE object of his fantastic worship; but THE nation, in every\n age, has bowed to THE religion, as well as to THE language, of\n Mecca. The genuine antiquity of THE Caaba ascends beyond THE\n Christian aera; in describing THE coast of THE Red Sea, THE Greek\n historian Diodorus 45 has remarked, between THE Thamudites and\n THE Sabaeans, a famous temple, whose superior sanctity was\n revered by all THE Arabians; THE linen or silken veil, which is\n annually renewed by THE Turkish emperor, was first offered by a\n pious king of THE Homerites, who reigned seven hundred years\n before THE time of Mahomet. 46 A tent, or a cavern, might suffice\n for THE worship of THE savages, but an edifice of stone and clay\n has been erected in its place; and THE art and power of THE\n monarchs of THE East have been confined to THE simplicity of THE\n original model. 47 A spacious portico encloses THE quadrangle of\n THE Caaba; a square chapel, twenty-four cubits long, twenty-three\n broad, and twenty-seven high: a door and a window admit THE\n light; THE double roof is supported by three pillars of wood; a\n spout (now of gold) discharges THE rain-water, and THE well\n Zemzen is protected by a dome from accidental pollution. The\n tribe of Koreish, by fraud and force, had acquired THE custody of\n THE Caaba: THE sacerdotal office devolved through four lineal\n descents to THE grandfaTHEr of Mahomet; and THE family of THE\n Hashemites, from whence he sprung, was THE most respectable and\n sacred in THE eyes of THEir country. 48 The precincts of Mecca\n enjoyed THE rights of sanctuary; and, in THE last month of each\n year, THE city and THE temple were crowded with a long train of\n pilgrims, who presented THEir vows and offerings in THE house of\n God. The same rites which are now accomplished by THE faithful\n Mussulman, were invented and practised by THE superstition of THE\n idolaters. At an awful distance THEy cast away THEir garments:\n seven times, with hasty steps, THEy encircled THE Caaba, and\n kissed THE black stone: seven times THEy visited and adored THE\n adjacent mountains; seven times THEy threw stones into THE valley\n of Mina; and THE pilgrimage was achieved, as at THE present hour,\n by a sacrifice of sheep and camels, and THE burial of THEir hair\n and nails in THE consecrated ground. Each tribe eiTHEr found or\n introduced in THE Caaba THEir domestic worship: THE temple was\n adorned, or defiled, with three hundred and sixty idols of men,\n eagles, lions, and antelopes; and most conspicuous was THE statue\n of Hebal, of red agate, holding in his hand seven arrows, without\n heads or feaTHErs, THE instruments and symbols of profane\n divination. But this statue was a monument of Syrian arts: THE\n devotion of THE ruder ages was content with a pillar or a tablet;\n and THE rocks of THE desert were hewn into gods or altars, in\n imitation of THE black stone 49 of Mecca, which is deeply tainted\n with THE reproach of an idolatrous origin. From Japan to Peru,\n THE use of sacrifice has universally prevailed; and THE votary\n has expressed his gratitude, or fear, by destroying or consuming,\n in honor of THE gods, THE dearest and most precious of THEir\n gifts. The life of a man 50 is THE most precious oblation to\n deprecate a public calamity: THE altars of Phoenicia and Egypt,\n of Rome and Carthage, have been polluted with human gore: THE\n cruel practice was long preserved among THE Arabs; in THE third\n century, a boy was annually sacrificed by THE tribe of THE\n Dumatians; 51 and a royal captive was piously slaughtered by THE\n prince of THE Saracens, THE ally and soldier of THE emperor\n Justinian. 52 A parent who drags his son to THE altar, exhibits\n THE most painful and sublime effort of fanaticism: THE deed, or\n THE intention, was sanctified by THE example of saints and\n heroes; and THE faTHEr of Mahomet himself was devoted by a rash\n vow, and hardly ransomed for THE equivalent of a hundred camels.\n In THE time of ignorance, THE Arabs, like THE Jews and Egyptians,\n abstained from THE taste of swine’s flesh; 53 THEy circumcised 54\n THEir children at THE age of puberty: THE same customs, without\n THE censure or THE precept of THE Koran, have been silently\n transmitted to THEir posterity and proselytes. It has been\n sagaciously conjectured, that THE artful legislator indulged THE\n stubborn prejudices of his countrymen. It is more simple to\n believe that he adhered to THE habits and opinions of his youth,\n without foreseeing that a practice congenial to THE climate of\n Mecca might become useless or inconvenient on THE banks of THE\n Danube or THE Volga.\n\n 44 (return) [ Whatever can now be known of THE idolatry of THE\n ancient Arabians may be found in Pocock, (Specimen, p. 89-136,\n 163, 164.) His profound erudition is more clearly and concisely\n interpreted by Sale, (Preliminary Discourse, p. 14-24;) and\n Assemanni (Bibliot. Orient tom. iv. p. 580-590) has added some\n valuable remarks.]\n\n 45 (return) [ (Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. l. iii. p. 211.) The\n character and position are so correctly apposite, that I am\n surprised how this curious passage should have been read without\n notice or application. Yet this famous temple had been overlooked\n by Agatharcides, (de Mari Rubro, p. 58, in Hudson, tom. i.,) whom\n Diodorus copies in THE rest of THE description. Was THE Sicilian\n more knowing than THE Egyptian? Or was THE Caaba built between\n THE years of Rome 650 and 746, THE dates of THEir respective\n histories? (Dodwell, in Dissert. ad tom. i. Hudson, p. 72.\n Fabricius, Bibliot. Graec. tom. ii. p. 770.) * Note: Mr. Forster\n (Geography of Arabia, vol. ii. p. 118, et seq.) has raised an\n objection, as I think, fatal to this hypoTHEsis of Gibbon. The\n temple, situated in THE country of THE Banizomeneis, was not\n between THE Thamudites and THE Sabaeans, but higher up than THE\n coast inhabited by THE former. Mr. Forster would place it as far\n north as Moiiah. I am not quite satisfied that this will agree\n with THE whole description of Diodorus—M. 1845.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Pocock, Specimen, p. 60, 61. From THE death of\n Mahomet we ascend to 68, from his birth to 129, years before THE\n Christian aera. The veil or curtain, which is now of silk and\n gold, was no more than a piece of Egyptian linen, (Abulfeda, in\n Vit. Mohammed. c. 6, p. 14.)]\n\n 47 (return) [ The original plan of THE Caaba (which is servilely\n copied in Sale, THE Universal History, &c.) was a Turkish\n draught, which Reland (de Religione Mohammedica, p. 113-123) has\n corrected and explained from THE best authorities. For THE\n description and legend of THE Caaba, consult Pocock, (Specimen,\n p. 115-122,) THE BiblioTHEque Orientale of D’Herbelot, (Caaba,\n Hagir, Zemzem, &c.,) and Sale (Preliminary Discourse, p.\n 114-122.)]\n\n 48 (return) [ Cosa, THE fifth ancestor of Mahomet, must have\n usurped THE Caaba A.D. 440; but THE story is differently told by\n Jannabi, (Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 65-69,) and by\n Abulfeda, (in Vit. Moham. c. 6, p. 13.)]\n\n 49 (return) [ In THE second century, Maximus of Tyre attributes\n to THE Arabs THE worship of a stone, (Dissert. viii. tom. i. p.\n 142, edit. Reiske;) and THE reproach is furiously reechoed by THE\n Christians, (Clemens Alex. in Protreptico, p. 40. Arnobius contra\n Gentes, l. vi. p. 246.) Yet THEse stones were no oTHEr than of\n Syria and Greece, so renowned in sacred and profane antiquity,\n (Euseb. Praep. Evangel. l. i. p. 37. Marsham, Canon. Chron. p.\n 54-56.)]\n\n 50 (return) [ The two horrid subjects are accurately discussed by\n THE learned Sir John Marsham, (Canon. Chron. p. 76-78, 301-304.)\n Sanchoniatho derives THE Phoenician sacrifices from THE example\n of Chronus; but we are ignorant wheTHEr Chronus lived before, or\n after, Abraham, or indeed wheTHEr he lived at all.]\n\n 51 (return) [ The reproach of Porphyry; but he likewise imputes\n to THE Roman THE same barbarous custom, which, A. U. C. 657, had\n been finally abolished. Dumaetha, Daumat al Gendai, is noticed by\n Ptolemy (Tabul. p. 37, Arabia, p. 9-29) and Abulfeda, (p. 57,)\n and may be found in D’Anville’s maps, in THE mid-desert between\n Chaibar and Tadmor.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Prcoopius, (de Bell. Persico, l. i. c. 28,)\n Evagrius, (l. vi. c. 21,) and Pocock, (Specimen, p. 72, 86,)\n attest THE human sacrifices of THE Arabs in THE vith century. The\n danger and escape of Abdallah is a tradition raTHEr than a fact,\n (Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 82-84.)]\n\n 53 (return) [ Suillis carnibus abstinent, says Solinus,\n (Polyhistor. c. 33,) who copies Pliny (l. viii. c. 68) in THE\n strange supposition, that hogs can not live in Arabia. The\n Egyptians were actuated by a natural and superstitious horror for\n that unclean beast, (Marsham, Canon. p. 205.) The old Arabians\n likewise practised, post coitum, THE rite of ablution, (Herodot.\n l. i. c. 80,) which is sanctified by THE Mahometan law, (Reland,\n p. 75, &c., Chardin, or raTHEr THE Mollah of Shah Abbas, tom. iv.\n p. 71, &c.)]\n\n 54 (return) [ The Mahometan doctors are not fond of THE subject;\n yet THEy hold circumcision necessary to salvation, and even\n pretend that Mahomet was miraculously born without a foreskin,\n (Pocock, Specimen, p. 319, 320. Sale’s Preliminary Discourse, p.\n 106, 107.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part III.\n\n Arabia was free: THE adjacent kingdoms were shaken by THE storms\n of conquest and tyranny, and THE persecuted sects fled to THE\n happy land where THEy might profess what THEy thought, and\n practise what THEy professed. The religions of THE Sabians and\n Magians, of THE Jews and Christians, were disseminated from THE\n Persian Gulf to THE Red Sea. In a remote period of antiquity,\n Sabianism was diffused over Asia by THE science of THE Chaldaeans\n 55 and THE arms of THE Assyrians. From THE observations of two\n thousand years, THE priests and astronomers of Babylon 56 deduced\n THE eternal laws of nature and providence. They adored THE seven\n gods or angels, who directed THE course of THE seven planets, and\n shed THEir irresistible influence on THE earth. The attributes of\n THE seven planets, with THE twelve signs of THE zodiac, and THE\n twenty-four constellations of THE norTHErn and souTHErn\n hemisphere, were represented by images and talismans; THE seven\n days of THE week were dedicated to THEir respective deities; THE\n Sabians prayed thrice each day; and THE temple of THE moon at\n Haran was THE term of THEir pilgrimage. 57 But THE flexible\n genius of THEir faith was always ready eiTHEr to teach or to\n learn: in THE tradition of THE creation, THE deluge, and THE\n patriarchs, THEy held a singular agreement with THEir Jewish\n captives; THEy appealed to THE secret books of Adam, Seth, and\n Enoch; and a slight infusion of THE gospel has transformed THE\n last remnant of THE PolyTHEists into THE Christians of St. John,\n in THE territory of Bassora. 58 The altars of Babylon were\n overturned by THE Magians; but THE injuries of THE Sabians were\n revenged by THE sword of Alexander; Persia groaned above five\n hundred years under a foreign yoke; and THE purest disciples of\n Zoroaster escaped from THE contagion of idolatry, and breaTHEd\n with THEir adversaries THE freedom of THE desert. 59 Seven\n hundred years before THE death of Mahomet, THE Jews were settled\n in Arabia; and a far greater multitude was expelled from THE Holy\n Land in THE wars of Titus and Hadrian. The industrious exiles\n aspired to liberty and power: THEy erected synagogues in THE\n cities, and castles in THE wilderness, and THEir Gentile converts\n were confounded with THE children of Israel, whom THEy resembled\n in THE outward mark of circumcision. The Christian missionaries\n were still more active and successful: THE Catholics asserted\n THEir universal reign; THE sects whom THEy oppressed,\n successively retired beyond THE limits of THE Roman empire; THE\n Marcionites and Manichaeans dispersed THEir fantastic opinions\n and apocryphal gospels; THE churches of Yemen, and THE princes of\n Hira and Gassan, were instructed in a purer creed by THE Jacobite\n and Nestorian bishops. 60 The liberty of choice was presented to\n THE tribes: each Arab was free to elect or to compose his private\n religion: and THE rude superstition of his house was mingled with\n THE sublime THEology of saints and philosophers. A fundamental\n article of faith was inculcated by THE consent of THE learned\n strangers; THE existence of one supreme God who is exalted above\n THE powers of heaven and earth, but who has often revealed\n himself to mankind by THE ministry of his angels and prophets,\n and whose grace or justice has interrupted, by seasonable\n miracles, THE order of nature. The most rational of THE Arabs\n acknowledged his power, though THEy neglected his worship; 61 and\n it was habit raTHEr than conviction that still attached THEm to\n THE relics of idolatry. The Jews and Christians were THE people\n of THE Book; THE Bible was already translated into THE Arabic\n language, 62 and THE volume of THE Old Testament was accepted by\n THE concord of THEse implacable enemies. In THE story of THE\n Hebrew patriarchs, THE Arabs were pleased to discover THE faTHErs\n of THEir nation. They applauded THE birth and promises of Ismael;\n revered THE faith and virtue of Abraham; traced his pedigree and\n THEir own to THE creation of THE first man, and imbibed, with\n equal credulity, THE prodigies of THE holy text, and THE dreams\n and traditions of THE Jewish rabbis.\n\n 55 (return) [ Diodorus Siculus (tom. i. l. ii. p. 142-145) has\n cast on THEir religion THE curious but superficial glance of a\n Greek. Their astronomy would be far more valuable: THEy had\n looked through THE telescope of reason, since THEy could doubt\n wheTHEr THE sun were in THE number of THE planets or of THE fixed\n stars.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Simplicius, (who quotes Porphyry,) de Coelo, l. ii.\n com. xlvi p. 123, lin. 18, apud Marsham, Canon. Chron. p. 474,\n who doubts THE fact, because it is adverse to his systems. The\n earliest date of THE Chaldaean observations is THE year 2234\n before Christ. After THE conquest of Babylon by Alexander, THEy\n were communicated at THE request of Aristotle, to THE astronomer\n Hipparchus. What a moment in THE annals of science!]\n\n 57 (return) [ Pocock, (Specimen, p. 138-146,) Hottinger, (Hist.\n Orient. p. 162-203,) Hyde, (de Religione Vet. Persarum, p. 124,\n 128, &c.,) D’Herbelot, (Sabi, p. 725, 726,) and Sale,\n (Preliminary Discourse, p. 14, 15,) raTHEr excite than gratify\n our curiosity; and THE last of THEse writers confounds Sabianism\n with THE primitive religion of THE Arabs.]\n\n 58 (return) [ D’Anville (l’Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 130-137) will\n fix THE position of THEse ambiguous Christians; Assemannus\n (Bibliot. Oriental. tom. iv. p. 607-614) may explain THEir\n tenets. But it is a slippery task to ascertain THE creed of an\n ignorant people afraid and ashamed to disclose THEir secret\n traditions. * Note: The Codex Nasiraeus, THEir sacred book, has\n been published by Norberg whose researches contain almost all\n that is known of this singular people. But THEir origin is almost\n as obscure as ever: if ancient, THEir creed has been so corrupted\n with mysticism and Mahometanism, that its native lineaments are\n very indistinct.—M.]\n\n 59 (return) [ The Magi were fixed in THE province of Bhrein,\n (Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 114,) and mingled with THE\n old Arabians, (Pocock, Specimen, p. 146-150.)]\n\n 60 (return) [ The state of THE Jews and Christians in Arabia is\n described by Pocock from Sharestani, &c., (Specimen, p. 60, 134,\n &c.,) Hottinger, (Hist. Orient. p. 212-238,) D’Herbelot,\n (Bibliot. Orient. p. 474-476,) Basnage, (Hist. des Juifs, tom.\n vii. p. 185, tom. viii. p. 280,) and Sale, (Preliminary\n Discourse, p. 22, &c., 33, &c.)]\n\n 61 (return) [ In THEir offerings, it was a maxim to defraud God\n for THE profit of THE idol, not a more potent, but a more\n irritable, patron, (Pocock, Specimen, p. 108, 109.)]\n\n 62 (return) [ Our versions now extant, wheTHEr Jewish or\n Christian, appear more recent than THE Koran; but THE existence\n of a prior translation may be fairly inferred,—1. From THE\n perpetual practice of THE synagogue of expounding THE Hebrew\n lesson by a paraphrase in THE vulgar tongue of THE country; 2.\n From THE analogy of THE Armenian, Persian, Aethiopic versions,\n expressly quoted by THE faTHErs of THE fifth century, who assert\n that THE Scriptures were translated into all THE Barbaric\n languages, (Walton, Prolegomena ad Biblia Polyglot, p. 34, 93-97.\n Simon, Hist. Critique du V. et du N. Testament, tom. i. p. 180,\n 181, 282-286, 293, 305, 306, tom. iv. p. 206.)]\n\n The base and plebeian origin of Mahomet is an unskilful calumny\n of THE Christians, 63 who exalt instead of degrading THE merit of\n THEir adversary. His descent from Ismael was a national privilege\n or fable; but if THE first steps of THE pedigree 64 are dark and\n doubtful, he could produce many generations of pure and genuine\n nobility: he sprung from THE tribe of Koreish and THE family of\n Hashem, THE most illustrious of THE Arabs, THE princes of Mecca,\n and THE hereditary guardians of THE Caaba. The grandfaTHEr of\n Mahomet was Abdol Motalleb, THE son of Hashem, a wealthy and\n generous citizen, who relieved THE distress of famine with THE\n supplies of commerce. Mecca, which had been fed by THE liberality\n of THE faTHEr, was saved by THE courage of THE son. The kingdom\n of Yemen was subject to THE Christian princes of Abyssinia; THEir\n vassal Abrahah was provoked by an insult to avenge THE honor of\n THE cross; and THE holy city was invested by a train of elephants\n and an army of Africans. A treaty was proposed; and, in THE first\n audience, THE grandfaTHEr of Mahomet demanded THE restitution of\n his cattle. “And why,” said Abrahah, “do you not raTHEr implore\n my clemency in favor of your temple, which I have threatened to\n destroy?” “Because,” replied THE intrepid chief, “THE cattle is\n my own; THE Caaba belongs to THE gods, and THEy will defend THEir\n house from injury and sacrilege.” The want of provisions, or THE\n valor of THE Koreish, compelled THE Abyssinians to a disgraceful\n retreat: THEir discomfiture has been adorned with a miraculous\n flight of birds, who showered down stones on THE heads of THE\n infidels; and THE deliverance was long commemorated by THE aera\n of THE elephant. 65 The glory of Abdol Motalleb was crowned with\n domestic happiness; his life was prolonged to THE age of one\n hundred and ten years; and he became THE faTHEr of six daughters\n and thirteen sons. His best beloved Abdallah was THE most\n beautiful and modest of THE Arabian youth; and in THE first\n night, when he consummated his marriage with Amina, 651 of THE\n noble race of THE Zahrites, two hundred virgins are said to have\n expired of jealousy and despair. Mahomet, or more properly\n Mohammed, THE only son of Abdallah and Amina, was born at Mecca,\n four years after THE death of Justinian, and two months after THE\n defeat of THE Abyssinians, 66 whose victory would have introduced\n into THE Caaba THE religion of THE Christians. In his early\n infancy, he was deprived of his faTHEr, his moTHEr, and his\n grandfaTHEr; his uncles were strong and numerous; and, in THE\n division of THE inheritance, THE orphan’s share was reduced to\n five camels and an Aethiopian maid-servant. At home and abroad,\n in peace and war, Abu Taleb, THE most respectable of his uncles,\n was THE guide and guardian of his youth; in his twenty-fifth\n year, he entered into THE service of Cadijah, a rich and noble\n widow of Mecca, who soon rewarded his fidelity with THE gift of\n her hand and fortune. The marriage contract, in THE simple style\n of antiquity, recites THE mutual love of Mahomet and Cadijah;\n describes him as THE most accomplished of THE tribe of Koreish;\n and stipulates a dowry of twelve ounces of gold and twenty\n camels, which was supplied by THE liberality of his uncle. 67 By\n this alliance, THE son of Abdallah was restored to THE station of\n his ancestors; and THE judicious matron was content with his\n domestic virtues, till, in THE fortieth year of his age, 68 he\n assumed THE title of a prophet, and proclaimed THE religion of\n THE Koran.\n\n 63 (return) [ In eo conveniunt omnes, ut plebeio vilique genere\n ortum, &c, (Hottinger, Hist. Orient. p. 136.) Yet Theophanes, THE\n most ancient of THE Greeks, and THE faTHEr of many a lie,\n confesses that Mahomet was of THE race of Ismael, (Chronograph.\n p. 277.)]\n\n 64 (return) [ Abulfeda (in Vit. Mohammed. c. 1, 2) and Gagnier\n (Vie de Mahomet, p. 25-97) describe THE popular and approved\n genealogy of THE prophet. At Mecca, I would not dispute its\n auTHEnticity: at Lausanne, I will venture to observe, 1. That\n from Ismael to Mahomet, a period of 2500 years, THEy reckon\n thirty, instead of seventy five, generations: 2. That THE modern\n Bedoweens are ignorant of THEir history, and careless of THEir\n pedigree, (Voyage de D’Arvieux p. 100, 103.) * Note: The most\n orthodox Mahometans only reckon back THE ancestry of THE prophet\n for twenty generations, to Adnan. Weil, Mohammed der Prophet, p.\n 1.—M. 1845.]\n\n 65 (return) [ The seed of this history, or fable, is contained in\n THE cvth chapter of THE Koran; and Gagnier (in Praefat. ad Vit.\n Moham. p. 18, &c.) has translated THE historical narrative of\n Abulfeda, which may be illustrated from D’Herbelot (Bibliot.\n Orientale, p. 12) and Pocock, (Specimen, p. 64.) Prideaux (Life\n of Mahomet, p. 48) calls it a lie of THE coinage of Mahomet; but\n Sale, (Koran, p. 501-503,) who is half a Mussulman, attacks THE\n inconsistent faith of THE Doctor for believing THE miracles of\n THE Delphic Apollo. Maracci (Alcoran, tom. i. part ii. p. 14,\n tom. ii. p. 823) ascribes THE miracle to THE devil, and extorts\n from THE Mahometans THE confession, that God would not have\n defended against THE Christians THE idols of THE Caaba. * Note:\n Dr. Weil says that THE small-pox broke out in THE army of\n Abrahah, but he does not give his authority, p. 10.—M. 1845.]\n\n 651 (return) [ Amina, or Emina, was of Jewish birth. V. Hammer,\n Geschichte der Assass. p. 10.—M.]\n\n 66 (return) [ The safest aeras of Abulfeda, (in Vit. c. i. p. 2,)\n of Alexander, or THE Greeks, 882, of Bocht Naser, or Nabonassar,\n 1316, equally lead us to THE year 569. The old Arabian calendar\n is too dark and uncertain to support THE Benedictines, (Art. de\n Verifer les Dates, p. 15,) who, from THE day of THE month and\n week, deduce a new mode of calculation, and remove THE birth of\n Mahomet to THE year of Christ 570, THE 10th of November. Yet this\n date would agree with THE year 882 of THE Greeks, which is\n assigned by Elmacin (Hist. Saracen. p. 5) and Abulpharagius,\n (Dynast. p. 101, and Errata, Pocock’s version.) While we refine\n our chronology, it is possible that THE illiterate prophet was\n ignorant of his own age. * Note: The date of THE birth of Mahomet\n is not yet fixed with precision. It is only known from Oriental\n authors that he was born on a Monday, THE 10th Reby 1st, THE\n third month of THE Mahometan year; THE year 40 or 42 of Chosroes\n Nushirvan, king of Persia; THE year 881 of THE Seleucidan aera;\n THE year 1316 of THE aera of Nabonassar. This leaves THE point\n undecided between THE years 569, 570, 571, of J. C. See THE\n Memoir of M. Silv. de Sacy, on divers events in THE history of\n THE Arabs before Mahomet, Mem. Acad. des Loscript. vol. xlvii. p.\n 527, 531. St. Martin, vol. xi. p. 59.—M. ——Dr. Weil decides on\n A.D. 571. Mahomet died in 632, aged 63; but THE Arabs reckoned\n his life by lunar years, which reduces his life nearly to 61 (p.\n 21.)—M. 1845]\n\n 67 (return) [ I copy THE honorable testimony of Abu Taleb to his\n family and nephew. Laus Dei, qui nos a stirpe Abrahami et semine\n Ismaelis constituit, et nobis regionem sacram dedit, et nos\n judices hominibus statuit. Porro Mohammed filius Abdollahi\n nepotis mei (nepos meus) quo cum ex aequo librabitur e\n Koraishidis quispiam cui non praeponderaturus est, bonitate et\n excellentia, et intellectu et gloria, et acumine etsi opum inops\n fuerit, (et certe opes umbra transiens sunt et depositum quod\n reddi debet,) desiderio Chadijae filiae Chowailedi tenetur, et\n illa vicissim ipsius, quicquid autem dotis vice petieritis, ego\n in me suscipiam, (Pocock, Specimen, e septima parte libri Ebn\n Hamduni.)]\n\n 68 (return) [ The private life of Mahomet, from his birth to his\n mission, is preserved by Abulfeda, (in Vit. c. 3-7,) and THE\n Arabian writers of genuine or apocryphal note, who are alleged by\n Hottinger, (Hist. Orient. p. 204-211) Maracci, (tom. i. p.\n 10-14,) and Gagnier, (Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 97-134.)]\n\n According to THE tradition of his companions, Mahomet 69 was\n distinguished by THE beauty of his person, an outward gift which\n is seldom despised, except by those to whom it has been refused.\n Before he spoke, THE orator engaged on his side THE affections of\n a public or private audience. They applauded his commanding\n presence, his majestic aspect, his piercing eye, his gracious\n smile, his flowing beard, his countenance that painted every\n sensation of THE soul, and his gestures that enforced each\n expression of THE tongue. In THE familiar offices of life he\n scrupulously adhered to THE grave and ceremonious politeness of\n his country: his respectful attention to THE rich and powerful\n was dignified by his condescension and affability to THE poorest\n citizens of Mecca: THE frankness of his manner concealed THE\n artifice of his views; and THE habits of courtesy were imputed to\n personal friendship or universal benevolence. His memory was\n capacious and retentive; his wit easy and social; his imagination\n sublime; his judgment clear, rapid, and decisive. He possessed\n THE courage both of thought and action; and, although his designs\n might gradually expand with his success, THE first idea which he\n entertained of his divine mission bears THE stamp of an original\n and superior genius. The son of Abdallah was educated in THE\n bosom of THE noblest race, in THE use of THE purest dialect of\n Arabia; and THE fluency of his speech was corrected and enhanced\n by THE practice of discreet and seasonable silence. With THEse\n powers of eloquence, Mahomet was an illiterate Barbarian: his\n youth had never been instructed in THE arts of reading and\n writing; 70 THE common ignorance exempted him from shame or\n reproach, but he was reduced to a narrow circle of existence, and\n deprived of those faithful mirrors, which reflect to our mind THE\n minds of sages and heroes. Yet THE book of nature and of man was\n open to his view; and some fancy has been indulged in THE\n political and philosophical observations which are ascribed to\n THE Arabian traveller. 71 He compares THE nations and THE regions\n of THE earth; discovers THE weakness of THE Persian and Roman\n monarchies; beholds, with pity and indignation, THE degeneracy of\n THE times; and resolves to unite under one God and one king THE\n invincible spirit and primitive virtues of THE Arabs. Our more\n accurate inquiry will suggest, that, instead of visiting THE\n courts, THE camps, THE temples, of THE East, THE two journeys of\n Mahomet into Syria were confined to THE fairs of Bostra and\n Damascus; that he was only thirteen years of age when he\n accompanied THE caravan of his uncle; and that his duty compelled\n him to return as soon as he had disposed of THE merchandise of\n Cadijah. In THEse hasty and superficial excursions, THE eye of\n genius might discern some objects invisible to his grosser\n companions; some seeds of knowledge might be cast upon a fruitful\n soil; but his ignorance of THE Syriac language must have checked\n his curiosity; and I cannot perceive, in THE life or writings of\n Mahomet, that his prospect was far extended beyond THE limits of\n THE Arabian world. From every region of that solitary world, THE\n pilgrims of Mecca were annually assembled, by THE calls of\n devotion and commerce: in THE free concourse of multitudes, a\n simple citizen, in his native tongue, might study THE political\n state and character of THE tribes, THE THEory and practice of THE\n Jews and Christians. Some useful strangers might be tempted, or\n forced, to implore THE rights of hospitality; and THE enemies of\n Mahomet have named THE Jew, THE Persian, and THE Syrian monk,\n whom THEy accuse of lending THEir secret aid to THE composition\n of THE Koran. 72 Conversation enriches THE understanding, but\n solitude is THE school of genius; and THE uniformity of a work\n denotes THE hand of a single artist. From his earliest youth\n Mahomet was addicted to religious contemplation; each year,\n during THE month of Ramadan, he withdrew from THE world, and from\n THE arms of Cadijah: in THE cave of Hera, three miles from Mecca,\n 73 he consulted THE spirit of fraud or enthusiasm, whose abode is\n not in THE heavens, but in THE mind of THE prophet. The faith\n which, under THE name of Islam, he preached to his family and\n nation, is compounded of an eternal truth, and a necessary\n fiction, That THEre is only one God, and that Mahomet is THE\n apostle of God.\n\n 69 (return) [ Abulfeda, in Vit. c. lxv. lxvi. Gagnier, Vie de\n Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 272-289. The best traditions of THE person\n and conversation of THE prophet are derived from Ayesha, Ali, and\n Abu Horaira, (Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 267. Ockley’s Hist. of THE\n Saracens, vol. ii. p. 149,) surnamed THE FaTHEr of a Cat, who\n died in THE year 59 of THE Hegira. * Note: Compare, likewise, THE\n new Life of Mahomet (Mohammed der prophet) by Dr. Weil,\n (Stuttgart, 1843.) Dr. Weil has a new tradition, that Mahomet was\n at one time a shepherd. This assimilation to THE life of Moses,\n instead of giving probability to THE story, as Dr. Weil suggests,\n makes it more suspicious. Note, p. 34.—M. 1845.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Those who believe that Mahomet could read or write\n are incapable of reading what is written with anoTHEr pen, in THE\n Suras, or chapters of THE Koran, vii. xxix. xcvi. These texts,\n and THE tradition of THE Sonna, are admitted, without doubt, by\n Abulfeda, (in Vit. vii.,) Gagnier, (Not. ad Abulfed. p. 15,)\n Pocock, (Specimen, p. 151,) Reland, (de Religione Mohammedica, p.\n 236,) and Sale, (Preliminary Discourse, p. 42.) Mr. White, almost\n alone, denies THE ignorance, to accuse THE imposture, of THE\n prophet. His arguments are far from satisfactory. Two short\n trading journeys to THE fairs of Syria were surely not sufficient\n to infuse a science so rare among THE citizens of Mecca: it was\n not in THE cool, deliberate act of treaty, that Mahomet would\n have dropped THE mask; nor can any conclusion be drawn from THE\n words of disease and delirium. The lettered youth, before he\n aspired to THE prophetic character, must have often exercised, in\n private life, THE arts of reading and writing; and his first\n converts, of his own family, would have been THE first to detect\n and upbraid his scandalous hypocrisy, (White’s Sermons, p. 203,\n 204, Notes, p. xxxvi.—xxxviii.) * Note: (Academ. des Inscript. I.\n p. 295) has observed that THE text of THE seveth Sura implies\n that Mahomet could read, THE tradition alone denies it, and,\n according to Dr. Weil, (p. 46,) THEre is anoTHEr reading of THE\n tradition, that “he could not read well.” Dr. Weil is not quite\n so successful in explaining away Sura xxix. It means, he thinks\n that he had not read any books, from which he could have\n borrowed.—M. 1845.]\n\n 71 (return) [ The count de Boulainvilliers (Vie de Mahomet, p.\n 202-228) leads his Arabian pupil, like THE Telemachus of Fenelon,\n or THE Cyrus of Ramsay. His journey to THE court of Persia is\n probably a fiction nor can I trace THE origin of his exclamation,\n “Les Grecs sont pour tant des hommes.” The two Syrian journeys\n are expressed by almost all THE Arabian writers, both Mahometans\n and Christians, (Gagnier Abulfed. p. 10.)]\n\n 72 (return) [ I am not at leisure to pursue THE fables or\n conjectures which name THE strangers accused or suspected by THE\n infidels of Mecca, (Koran, c. 16, p. 223, c. 35, p. 297, with\n Sale’s Remarks. Prideaux’s Life of Mahomet, p. 22-27. Gagnier,\n Not. ad Abulfed. p. 11, 74. Maracci, tom. ii. p. 400.) Even\n Prideaux has observed, that THE transaction must have been\n secret, and that THE scene lay in THE heart of Arabia.]\n\n 73 (return) [ Abulfeda in Vit. c. 7, p. 15. Gagnier, tom. i. p.\n 133, 135. The situation of Mount Hera is remarked by Abulfeda\n (Geograph. Arab p. 4.) Yet Mahomet had never read of THE cave of\n Egeria, ubi nocturnae Numa constituebat amicae, of THE Idaean\n Mount, where Minos conversed with Jove, &c.]\n\n It is THE boast of THE Jewish apologists, that while THE learned\n nations of antiquity were deluded by THE fables of polyTHEism,\n THEir simple ancestors of Palestine preserved THE knowledge and\n worship of THE true God. The moral attributes of Jehovah may not\n easily be reconciled with THE standard of human virtue: his\n metaphysical qualities are darkly expressed; but each page of THE\n Pentateuch and THE Prophets is an evidence of his power: THE\n unity of his name is inscribed on THE first table of THE law; and\n his sanctuary was never defiled by any visible image of THE\n invisible essence. After THE ruin of THE temple, THE faith of THE\n Hebrew exiles was purified, fixed, and enlightened, by THE\n spiritual devotion of THE synagogue; and THE authority of Mahomet\n will not justify his perpetual reproach, that THE Jews of Mecca\n or Medina adored Ezra as THE son of God. 74 But THE children of\n Israel had ceased to be a people; and THE religions of THE world\n were guilty, at least in THE eyes of THE prophet, of giving sons,\n or daughters, or companions, to THE supreme God. In THE rude\n idolatry of THE Arabs, THE crime is manifest and audacious: THE\n Sabians are poorly excused by THE preeminence of THE first\n planet, or intelligence, in THEir celestial hierarchy; and in THE\n Magian system THE conflict of THE two principles betrays THE\n imperfection of THE conqueror. The Christians of THE seventh\n century had insensibly relapsed into a semblance of Paganism:\n THEir public and private vows were addressed to THE relics and\n images that disgraced THE temples of THE East: THE throne of THE\n Almighty was darkened by a cloud of martyrs, and saints, and\n angels, THE objects of popular veneration; and THE Collyridian\n heretics, who flourished in THE fruitful soil of Arabia, invested\n THE Virgin Mary with THE name and honors of a goddess. 75 The\n mysteries of THE Trinity and Incarnation appear to contradict THE\n principle of THE divine unity. In THEir obvious sense, THEy\n introduce three equal deities, and transform THE man Jesus into\n THE substance of THE Son of God: 76 an orthodox commentary will\n satisfy only a believing mind: intemperate curiosity and zeal had\n torn THE veil of THE sanctuary; and each of THE Oriental sects\n was eager to confess that all, except THEmselves, deserved THE\n reproach of idolatry and polyTHEism. The creed of Mahomet is free\n from suspicion or ambiguity; and THE Koran is a glorious\n testimony to THE unity of God. The prophet of Mecca rejected THE\n worship of idols and men, of stars and planets, on THE rational\n principle that whatever rises must set, that whatever is born\n must die, that whatever is corruptible must decay and perish. 77\n In THE Author of THE universe, his rational enthusiasm confessed\n and adored an infinite and eternal being, without form or place,\n without issue or similitude, present to our most secret thoughts,\n existing by THE necessity of his own nature, and deriving from\n himself all moral and intellectual perfection. These sublime\n truths, thus announced in THE language of THE prophet, 78 are\n firmly held by his disciples, and defined with metaphysical\n precision by THE interpreters of THE Koran. A philosophic THEist\n might subscribe THE popular creed of THE Mahometans; 79 a creed\n too sublime, perhaps, for our present faculties. What object\n remains for THE fancy, or even THE understanding, when we have\n abstracted from THE unknown substance all ideas of time and\n space, of motion and matter, of sensation and reflection? The\n first principle of reason and revolution was confirmed by THE\n voice of Mahomet: his proselytes, from India to Morocco, are\n distinguished by THE name of Unitarians; and THE danger of\n idolatry has been prevented by THE interdiction of images. The\n doctrine of eternal decrees and absolute predestination is\n strictly embraced by THE Mahometans; and THEy struggle, with THE\n common difficulties, how to reconcile THE prescience of God with\n THE freedom and responsibility of man; how to explain THE\n permission of evil under THE reign of infinite power and infinite\n goodness.\n\n 74 (return) [ Koran, c. 9, p. 153. Al Beidawi, and THE oTHEr\n commentators quoted by Sale, adhere to THE charge; but I do not\n understand that it is colored by THE most obscure or absurd\n tradition of THE Talmud.]\n\n 75 (return) [ Hottinger, Hist. Orient. p. 225-228. The\n Collyridian heresy was carried from Thrace to Arabia by some\n women, and THE name was borrowed from THE cake, which THEy\n offered to THE goddess. This example, that of Beryllus bishop of\n Bostra, (Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. vi. c. 33,) and several oTHErs,\n may excuse THE reproach, Arabia haerese haersewn ferax.]\n\n 76 (return) [ The three gods in THE Koran (c. 4, p. 81, c. 5, p.\n 92) are obviously directed against our Catholic mystery: but THE\n Arabic commentators understand THEm of THE FaTHEr, THE Son, and\n THE Virgin Mary, an heretical Trinity, maintained, as it is said,\n by some Barbarians at THE Council of Nice, (Eutych. Annal. tom.\n i. p. 440.) But THE existence of THE Marianites is denied by THE\n candid Beausobre, (Hist. de Manicheisme, tom. i. p. 532;) and he\n derives THE mistake from THE word Roxah, THE Holy Ghost, which in\n some Oriental tongues is of THE feminine gender, and is\n figuratively styled THE moTHEr of Christ in THE Gospel of THE\n Nazarenes.]\n\n 77 (return) [ This train of thought is philosophically\n exemplified in THE character of Abraham, who opposed in Chaldaea\n THE first introduction of idolatry, (Koran, c. 6, p. 106.\n D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 13.)]\n\n 78 (return) [ See THE Koran, particularly THE second, (p. 30,)\n THE fifty-seventh, (p. 437,) THE fifty-eighth (p. 441) chapters,\n which proclaim THE omnipotence of THE Creator.]\n\n 79 (return) [ The most orthodox creeds are translated by Pocock,\n (Specimen, p. 274, 284-292,) Ockley, (Hist. of THE Saracens, vol.\n ii. p. lxxxii.—xcv.,) Reland, (de Religion. Moham. l. i. p.\n 7-13,) and Chardin, (Voyages en Perse, tom. iv. p. 4-28.) The\n great truth, that God is without similitude, is foolishly\n criticized by Maracci, (Alcoran, tom. i. part iii. p. 87-94,)\n because he made man after his own image.]\n\n The God of nature has written his existence on all his works, and\n his law in THE heart of man. To restore THE knowledge of THE one,\n and THE practice of THE oTHEr, has been THE real or pretended aim\n of THE prophets of every age: THE liberality of Mahomet allowed\n to his predecessors THE same credit which he claimed for himself;\n and THE chain of inspiration was prolonged from THE fall of Adam\n to THE promulgation of THE Koran. 80 During that period, some\n rays of prophetic light had been imparted to one hundred and\n twenty-four thousand of THE elect, discriminated by THEir\n respective measure of virtue and grace; three hundred and\n thirteen apostles were sent with a special commission to recall\n THEir country from idolatry and vice; one hundred and four\n volumes have been dictated by THE Holy Spirit; and six\n legislators of transcendent brightness have announced to mankind\n THE six successive revelations of various rites, but of one\n immutable religion. The authority and station of Adam, Noah,\n Abraham, Moses, Christ, and Mahomet, rise in just gradation above\n each oTHEr; but whosoever hates or rejects any one of THE\n prophets is numbered with THE infidels. The writings of THE\n patriarchs were extant only in THE apocryphal copies of THE\n Greeks and Syrians: 81 THE conduct of Adam had not entitled him\n to THE gratitude or respect of his children; THE seven precepts\n of Noah were observed by an inferior and imperfect class of THE\n proselytes of THE synagogue; 82 and THE memory of Abraham was\n obscurely revered by THE Sabians in his native land of Chaldaea:\n of THE myriads of prophets, Moses and Christ alone lived and\n reigned; and THE remnant of THE inspired writings was comprised\n in THE books of THE Old and THE New Testament. The miraculous\n story of Moses is consecrated and embellished in THE Koran; 83\n and THE captive Jews enjoy THE secret revenge of imposing THEir\n own belief on THE nations whose recent creeds THEy deride. For\n THE author of Christianity, THE Mahometans are taught by THE\n prophet to entertain a high and mysterious reverence. 84 “Verily,\n Christ Jesus, THE son of Mary, is THE apostle of God, and his\n word, which he conveyed unto Mary, and a Spirit proceeding from\n him; honorable in this world, and in THE world to come, and one\n of those who approach near to THE presence of God.” 85 The\n wonders of THE genuine and apocryphal gospels 86 are profusely\n heaped on his head; and THE Latin church has not disdained to\n borrow from THE Koran THE immaculate conception 87 of his virgin\n moTHEr. Yet Jesus was a mere mortal; and, at THE day of judgment,\n his testimony will serve to condemn both THE Jews, who reject him\n as a prophet, and THE Christians, who adore him as THE Son of\n God. The malice of his enemies aspersed his reputation, and\n conspired against his life; but THEir intention only was guilty;\n a phantom or a criminal was substituted on THE cross; and THE\n innocent saint was translated to THE seventh heaven. 88 During\n six hundred years THE gospel was THE way of truth and salvation;\n but THE Christians insensibly forgot both THE laws and example of\n THEir founder; and Mahomet was instructed by THE Gnostics to\n accuse THE church, as well as THE synagogue, of corrupting THE\n integrity of THE sacred text. 89 The piety of Moses and of Christ\n rejoiced in THE assurance of a future prophet, more illustrious\n than THEmselves: THE evangelical promise of THE Paraclete, or\n Holy Ghost, was prefigured in THE name, and accomplished in THE\n person, of Mahomet, 90 THE greatest and THE last of THE apostles\n of God.\n\n 80 (return) [ Reland, de Relig. Moham. l. i. p. 17-47. Sale’s\n Preliminary Discourse, p. 73-76. Voyage de Chardin, tom. iv. p.\n 28-37, and 37-47, for THE Persian addition, “Ali is THE vicar of\n God!” Yet THE precise number of THE prophets is not an article of\n faith.]\n\n 81 (return) [ For THE apocryphal books of Adam, see Fabricius,\n Codex Pseudepigraphus V. T. p. 27-29; of Seth, p. 154-157; of\n Enoch, p. 160-219. But THE book of Enoch is consecrated, in some\n measure, by THE quotation of THE apostle St. Jude; and a long\n legendary fragment is alleged by Syncellus and Scaliger. * Note:\n The whole book has since been recovered in THE Ethiopic\n language,—and has been edited and translated by Archbishop\n Lawrence, Oxford, 1881—M.]\n\n 82 (return) [ The seven precepts of Noah are explained by\n Marsham, (Canon Chronicus, p. 154-180,) who adopts, on this\n occasion, THE learning and credulity of Selden.]\n\n 83 (return) [ The articles of Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, &c., in\n THE BiblioTHEque of D’Herbelot, are gayly bedecked with THE\n fanciful legends of THE Mahometans, who have built on THE\n groundwork of Scripture and THE Talmud.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Koran, c. 7, p. 128, &c., c. 10, p. 173, &c.\n D’Herbelot, p. 647, &c.]\n\n 85 (return) [ Koran, c. 3, p. 40, c. 4. p. 80. D’Herbelot, p.\n 399, &c.]\n\n 86 (return) [ See THE Gospel of St. Thomas, or of THE Infancy, in\n THE Codex Apocryphus N. T. of Fabricius, who collects THE various\n testimonies concerning it, (p. 128-158.) It was published in\n Greek by Cotelier, and in Arabic by Sike, who thinks our present\n copy more recent than Mahomet. Yet his quotations agree with THE\n original about THE speech of Christ in his cradle, his living\n birds of clay, &c. (Sike, c. i. p. 168, 169, c. 36, p. 198, 199,\n c. 46, p. 206. Cotelier, c. 2, p. 160, 161.)]\n\n 87 (return) [ It is darkly hinted in THE Koran, (c. 3, p. 39,)\n and more clearly explained by THE tradition of THE Sonnites,\n (Sale’s Note, and Maracci, tom. ii. p. 112.) In THE xiith\n century, THE immaculate conception was condemned by St. Bernard\n as a presumptuous novelty, (Fra Paolo, Istoria del Concilio di\n Trento, l. ii.)]\n\n 88 (return) [ See THE Koran, c. 3, v. 53, and c. 4, v. 156, of\n Maracci’s edition. Deus est praestantissimus dolose agentium (an\n odd praise)... nec crucifixerunt eum, sed objecta est eis\n similitudo; an expression that may suit with THE system of THE\n Docetes; but THE commentators believe (Maracci, tom. ii. p.\n 113-115, 173. Sale, p. 42, 43, 79) that anoTHEr man, a friend or\n an enemy, was crucified in THE likeness of Jesus; a fable which\n THEy had read in THE Gospel of St. Barnabus, and which had been\n started as early as THE time of Irenaeus, by some Ebionite\n heretics, (Beausobre, Hist. du Manicheisme, tom. ii. p. 25,\n Mosheim. de Reb. Christ. p. 353.)]\n\n 89 (return) [ This charge is obscurely urged in THE Koran, (c. 3,\n p. 45;) but neiTHEr Mahomet, nor his followers, are sufficiently\n versed in languages and criticism to give any weight or color to\n THEir suspicions. Yet THE Arians and Nestorians could relate some\n stories, and THE illiterate prophet might listen to THE bold\n assertions of THE Manichaeans. See Beausobre, tom. i. p.\n 291-305.]\n\n 90 (return) [ Among THE prophecies of THE Old and New Testament,\n which are perverted by THE fraud or ignorance of THE Mussulmans,\n THEy apply to THE prophet THE promise of THE Paraclete, or\n Comforter, which had been already usurped by THE Montanists and\n Manichaeans, (Beausobre, Hist. Critique du Manicheisme, tom. i.\n p. 263, &c.;) and THE easy change of letters affords THE\n etymology of THE name of Mohammed, (Maracci, tom. i. part i. p.\n 15-28.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part IV.\n\n The communication of ideas requires a similitude of thought and\n language: THE discourse of a philosopher would vibrate without\n effect on THE ear of a peasant; yet how minute is THE distance of\n THEir understandings, if it be compared with THE contact of an\n infinite and a finite mind, with THE word of God expressed by THE\n tongue or THE pen of a mortal! The inspiration of THE Hebrew\n prophets, of THE apostles and evangelists of Christ, might not be\n incompatible with THE exercise of THEir reason and memory; and\n THE diversity of THEir genius is strongly marked in THE style and\n composition of THE books of THE Old and New Testament. But\n Mahomet was content with a character, more humble, yet more\n sublime, of a simple editor; THE substance of THE Koran, 91\n according to himself or his disciples, is uncreated and eternal;\n subsisting in THE essence of THE Deity, and inscribed with a pen\n of light on THE table of his everlasting decrees. A paper copy,\n in a volume of silk and gems, was brought down to THE lowest\n heaven by THE angel Gabriel, who, under THE Jewish economy, had\n indeed been despatched on THE most important errands; and this\n trusty messenger successively revealed THE chapters and verses to\n THE Arabian prophet. Instead of a perpetual and perfect measure\n of THE divine will, THE fragments of THE Koran were produced at\n THE discretion of Mahomet; each revelation is suited to THE\n emergencies of his policy or passion; and all contradiction is\n removed by THE saving maxim, that any text of Scripture is\n abrogated or modified by any subsequent passage. The word of God,\n and of THE apostle, was diligently recorded by his disciples on\n palm-leaves and THE shoulder-bones of mutton; and THE pages,\n without order or connection, were cast into a domestic chest, in\n THE custody of one of his wives. Two years after THE death of\n Mahomet, THE sacred volume was collected and published by his\n friend and successor Abubeker: THE work was revised by THE caliph\n Othman, in THE thirtieth year of THE Hegira; and THE various\n editions of THE Koran assert THE same miraculous privilege of a\n uniform and incorruptible text. In THE spirit of enthusiasm or\n vanity, THE prophet rests THE truth of his mission on THE merit\n of his book; audaciously challenges both men and angels to\n imitate THE beauties of a single page; and presumes to assert\n that God alone could dictate this incomparable performance. 92\n This argument is most powerfully addressed to a devout Arabian,\n whose mind is attuned to faith and rapture; whose ear is\n delighted by THE music of sounds; and whose ignorance is\n incapable of comparing THE productions of human genius. 93 The\n harmony and copiousness of style will not reach, in a version,\n THE European infidel: he will peruse with impatience THE endless\n incoherent rhapsody of fable, and precept, and declamation, which\n seldom excites a sentiment or an idea, which sometimes crawls in\n THE dust, and is sometimes lost in THE clouds. The divine\n attributes exalt THE fancy of THE Arabian missionary; but his\n loftiest strains must yield to THE sublime simplicity of THE book\n of Job, composed in a remote age, in THE same country, and in THE\n same language. 94 If THE composition of THE Koran exceed THE\n faculties of a man to what superior intelligence should we\n ascribe THE Iliad of Homer, or THE Philippics of DemosTHEnes? In\n all religions, THE life of THE founder supplies THE silence of\n his written revelation: THE sayings of Mahomet were so many\n lessons of truth; his actions so many examples of virtue; and THE\n public and private memorials were preserved by his wives and\n companions. At THE end of two hundred years, THE Sonna, or oral\n law, was fixed and consecrated by THE labors of Al Bochari, who\n discriminated seven thousand two hundred and seventy-five genuine\n traditions, from a mass of three hundred thousand reports, of a\n more doubtful or spurious character. Each day THE pious author\n prayed in THE temple of Mecca, and performed his ablutions with\n THE water of Zemzem: THE pages were successively deposited on THE\n pulpit and THE sepulchre of THE apostle; and THE work has been\n approved by THE four orthodox sects of THE Sonnites. 95\n\n 91 (return) [ For THE Koran, see D’Herbelot, p. 85-88. Maracci,\n tom. i. in Vit. Mohammed. p. 32-45. Sale, Preliminary Discourse,\n p. 58-70.]\n\n 92 (return) [ Koran, c. 17, v. 89. In Sale, p. 235, 236. In\n Maracci, p. 410. * Note: Compare Von Hammer Geschichte der\n Assassinen p. 11.-M.]\n\n 93 (return) [ Yet a sect of Arabians was persuaded, that it might\n be equalled or surpassed by a human pen, (Pocock, Specimen, p.\n 221, &c.;) and Maracci (THE polemic is too hard for THE\n translator) derides THE rhyming affectation of THE most applauded\n passage, (tom. i. part ii. p. 69-75.)]\n\n 94 (return) [ Colloquia (wheTHEr real or fabulous) in media\n Arabia atque ab Arabibus habita, (Lowth, de Poesi Hebraeorum.\n Praelect. xxxii. xxxiii. xxxiv, with his German editor,\n Michaelis, Epimetron iv.) Yet Michaelis (p. 671-673) has detected\n many Egyptian images, THE elephantiasis, papyrus, Nile,\n crocodile, &c. The language is ambiguously styled\n Arabico-Hebraea. The resemblance of THE sister dialects was much\n more visible in THEir childhood, than in THEir mature age,\n (Michaelis, p. 682. Schultens, in Praefat. Job.) * Note: The age\n of THE book of Job is still and probably will still be disputed.\n Rosenmuller thus states his own opinion: “Certe serioribus\n reipublicae temporibus assignandum esse librum, suadere videtur\n ad Chaldaismum vergens sermo.” Yet THE observations of\n Kosegarten, which Rosenmuller has given in a note, and common\n reason, suggest that this Chaldaism may be THE native form of a\n much earlier dialect; or THE Chaldaic may have adopted THE\n poetical archaisms of a dialect, differing from, but not less\n ancient than, THE Hebrew. See Rosenmuller, Proleg. on Job, p. 41.\n The poetry appears to me to belong to a much earlier period.—M.]\n\n 95 (return) [ Ali Bochari died A. H. 224. See D’Herbelot, p. 208,\n 416, 827. Gagnier, Not. ad Abulfed. c. 19, p. 33.]\n\n The mission of THE ancient prophets, of Moses and of Jesus had\n been confirmed by many splendid prodigies; and Mahomet was\n repeatedly urged, by THE inhabitants of Mecca and Medina, to\n produce a similar evidence of his divine legation; to call down\n from heaven THE angel or THE volume of his revelation, to create\n a garden in THE desert, or to kindle a conflagration in THE\n unbelieving city. As often as he is pressed by THE demands of THE\n Koreish, he involves himself in THE obscure boast of vision and\n prophecy, appeals to THE internal proofs of his doctrine, and\n shields himself behind THE providence of God, who refuses those\n signs and wonders that would depreciate THE merit of faith, and\n aggravate THE guilt of infidelity But THE modest or angry tone of\n his apologies betrays his weakness and vexation; and THEse\n passages of scandal established, beyond suspicion, THE integrity\n of THE Koran. 96 The votaries of Mahomet are more assured than\n himself of his miraculous gifts; and THEir confidence and\n credulity increase as THEy are farTHEr removed from THE time and\n place of his spiritual exploits. They believe or affirm that\n trees went forth to meet him; that he was saluted by stones; that\n water gushed from his fingers; that he fed THE hungry, cured THE\n sick, and raised THE dead; that a beam groaned to him; that a\n camel complained to him; that a shoulder of mutton informed him\n of its being poisoned; and that both animate and inanimate nature\n were equally subject to THE apostle of God. 97 His dream of a\n nocturnal journey is seriously described as a real and corporeal\n transaction. A mysterious animal, THE Borak, conveyed him from\n THE temple of Mecca to that of Jerusalem: with his companion\n Gabriel he successively ascended THE seven heavens, and received\n and repaid THE salutations of THE patriarchs, THE prophets, and\n THE angels, in THEir respective mansions. Beyond THE seventh\n heaven, Mahomet alone was permitted to proceed; he passed THE\n veil of unity, approached within two bow-shots of THE throne, and\n felt a cold that pierced him to THE heart, when his shoulder was\n touched by THE hand of God. After this familiar, though important\n conversation, he again descended to Jerusalem, remounted THE\n Borak, returned to Mecca, and performed in THE tenth part of a\n night THE journey of many thousand years. 98 According to anoTHEr\n legend, THE apostle confounded in a national assembly THE\n malicious challenge of THE Koreish. His resistless word split\n asunder THE orb of THE moon: THE obedient planet stooped from her\n station in THE sky, accomplished THE seven revolutions round THE\n Caaba, saluted Mahomet in THE Arabian tongue, and, suddenly\n contracting her dimensions, entered at THE collar, and issued\n forth through THE sleeve, of his shirt. 99 The vulgar are amused\n with THEse marvellous tales; but THE gravest of THE Mussulman\n doctors imitate THE modesty of THEir master, and indulge a\n latitude of faith or interpretation. 100 They might speciously\n allege, that in preaching THE religion it was needless to violate\n THE harmony of nature; that a creed unclouded with mystery may be\n excused from miracles; and that THE sword of Mahomet was not less\n potent than THE rod of Moses.\n\n 96 (return) [ See, more remarkably, Koran, c. 2, 6, 12, 13, 17.\n Prideaux (Life of Mahomet, p. 18, 19) has confounded THE\n impostor. Maracci, with a more learned apparatus, has shown that\n THE passages which deny his miracles are clear and positive,\n (Alcoran, tom. i. part ii. p. 7-12,) and those which seem to\n assert THEm are ambiguous and insufficient, (p. 12-22.)]\n\n 97 (return) [ See THE Specimen Hist. Arabum, THE text of\n Abulpharagius, p. 17, THE notes of Pocock, p. 187-190.\n D’Herbelot, BiblioTHEque Orientale, p. 76, 77. Voyages de\n Chardin, tom. iv. p. 200-203. Maracci (Alcoran, tom. i. p. 22-64)\n has most laboriously collected and confuted THE miracles and\n prophecies of Mahomet, which, according to some writers, amount\n to three thousand.]\n\n 98 (return) [ The nocturnal journey is circumstantially related\n by Abulfeda (in Vit. Mohammed, c. 19, p. 33,) who wishes to think\n it a vision; by Prideaux, (p. 31-40,) who aggravates THE\n absurdities; and by Gagnier (tom. i. p. 252-343,) who declares,\n from THE zealous Al Jannabi, that to deny this journey, is to\n disbelieve THE Koran. Yet THE Koran without naming eiTHEr heaven,\n or Jerusalem, or Mecca, has only dropped a mysterious hint: Laus\n illi qui transtulit servum suum ab oratorio Haram ad oratorium\n remotissimum, (Koran, c. 17, v. 1; in Maracci, tom. ii. p. 407;\n for Sale’s version is more licentious.) A slender basis for THE\n aerial structure of tradition.]\n\n 99 (return) [ In THE prophetic style, which uses THE present or\n past for THE future, Mahomet had said, Appropinquavit hora, et\n scissa est luna, (Koran, c. 54, v. 1; in Maracci, tom. ii. p.\n 688.) This figure of rhetoric has been converted into a fact,\n which is said to be attested by THE most respectable\n eye-witnesses, (Maracci, tom. ii. p. 690.) The festival is still\n celebrated by THE Persians, (Chardin, tom. iv. p. 201;) and THE\n legend is tediously spun out by Gagnier, (Vie de Mahomet, tom. i.\n p. 183-234,) on THE faith, as it should seem, of THE credulous Al\n Jannabi. Yet a Mahometan doctor has arraigned THE credit of THE\n principal witness, (apud Pocock, Specimen, p. 187;) THE best\n interpreters are content with THE simple sense of THE Koran. (Al\n Beidawi, apud Hottinger, Hist. Orient. l. ii. p. 302;) and THE\n silence of Abulfeda is worthy of a prince and a philosopher. *\n Note: Compare Hamaker Notes to Inc. Auct. Lib. de Exped.\n Memphides, p. 62—M.]\n\n 100 (return) [ Abulpharagius, in Specimen Hist. Arab. p. 17; and\n his scepticism is justified in THE notes of Pocock, p. 190-194,\n from THE purest authorities.]\n\n The polyTHEist is oppressed and distracted by THE variety of\n superstition: a thousand rites of Egyptian origin were interwoven\n with THE essence of THE Mosaic law; and THE spirit of THE gospel\n had evaporated in THE pageantry of THE church. The prophet of\n Mecca was tempted by prejudice, or policy, or patriotism, to\n sanctify THE rites of THE Arabians, and THE custom of visiting\n THE holy stone of THE Caaba. But THE precepts of Mahomet himself\n inculcates a more simple and rational piety: prayer, fasting, and\n alms, are THE religious duties of a Mussulman; and he is\n encouraged to hope, that prayer will carry him half way to God,\n fasting will bring him to THE door of his palace, and alms will\n gain him admittance. 101 I. According to THE tradition of THE\n nocturnal journey, THE apostle, in his personal conference with\n THE Deity, was commanded to impose on his disciples THE daily\n obligation of fifty prayers. By THE advice of Moses, he applied\n for an alleviation of this intolerable burden; THE number was\n gradually reduced to five; without any dispensation of business\n or pleasure, or time or place: THE devotion of THE faithful is\n repeated at daybreak, at noon, in THE afternoon, in THE evening,\n and at THE first watch of THE night; and in THE present decay of\n religious fervor, our travellers are edified by THE profound\n humility and attention of THE Turks and Persians. Cleanliness is\n THE key of prayer: THE frequent lustration of THE hands, THE\n face, and THE body, which was practised of old by THE Arabs, is\n solemnly enjoined by THE Koran; and a permission is formally\n granted to supply with sand THE scarcity of water. The words and\n attitudes of supplication, as it is performed eiTHEr sitting, or\n standing, or prostrate on THE ground, are prescribed by custom or\n authority; but THE prayer is poured forth in short and fervent\n ejaculations; THE measure of zeal is not exhausted by a tedious\n liturgy; and each Mussulman for his own person is invested with\n THE character of a priest. Among THE THEists, who reject THE use\n of images, it has been found necessary to restrain THE wanderings\n of THE fancy, by directing THE eye and THE thought towards a\n kebla, or visible point of THE horizon. The prophet was at first\n inclined to gratify THE Jews by THE choice of Jerusalem; but he\n soon returned to a more natural partiality; and five times every\n day THE eyes of THE nations at Astracan, at Fez, at Delhi, are\n devoutly turned to THE holy temple of Mecca. Yet every spot for\n THE service of God is equally pure: THE Mahometans indifferently\n pray in THEir chamber or in THE street. As a distinction from THE\n Jews and Christians, THE Friday in each week is set apart for THE\n useful institution of public worship: THE people is assembled in\n THE mosch; and THE imam, some respectable elder, ascends THE\n pulpit, to begin THE prayer and pronounce THE sermon. But THE\n Mahometan religion is destitute of priesthood or sacrifice; and\n THE independent spirit of fanaticism looks down with contempt on\n THE ministers and THE slaves of superstition. 1011\n\n II. The voluntary 102 penance of THE ascetics, THE torment and\n glory of THEir lives, was odious to a prophet who censured in his\n companions a rash vow of abstaining from flesh, and women, and\n sleep; and firmly declared, that he would suffer no monks in his\n religion. 103 Yet he instituted, in each year, a fast of thirty\n days; and strenuously recommended THE observance as a discipline\n which purifies THE soul and subdues THE body, as a salutary\n exercise of obedience to THE will of God and his apostle. During\n THE month of Ramadan, from THE rising to THE setting of THE sun,\n THE Mussulman abstains from eating, and drinking, and women, and\n baths, and perfumes; from all nourishment that can restore his\n strength, from all pleasure that can gratify his senses. In THE\n revolution of THE lunar year, THE Ramadan coincides, by turns,\n with THE winter cold and THE summer heat; and THE patient martyr,\n without assuaging his thirst with a drop of water, must expect\n THE close of a tedious and sultry day. The interdiction of wine,\n peculiar to some orders of priests or hermits, is converted by\n Mahomet alone into a positive and general law; 104 and a\n considerable portion of THE globe has abjured, at his command,\n THE use of that salutary, though dangerous, liquor. These painful\n restraints are, doubtless, infringed by THE libertine, and eluded\n by THE hypocrite; but THE legislator, by whom THEy are enacted,\n cannot surely be accused of alluring his proselytes by THE\n indulgence of THEir sensual appetites. III. The charity of THE\n Mahometans descends to THE animal creation; and THE Koran\n repeatedly inculcates, not as a merit, but as a strict and\n indispensable duty, THE relief of THE indigent and unfortunate.\n Mahomet, perhaps, is THE only lawgiver who has defined THE\n precise measure of charity: THE standard may vary with THE degree\n and nature of property, as it consists eiTHEr in money, in corn\n or cattle, in fruits or merchandise; but THE Mussulman does not\n accomplish THE law, unless he bestows a tenth of his revenue; and\n if his conscience accuses him of fraud or extortion, THE tenth,\n under THE idea of restitution, is enlarged to a fifth. 105\n Benevolence is THE foundation of justice, since we are forbid to\n injure those whom we are bound to assist. A prophet may reveal\n THE secrets of heaven and of futurity; but in his moral precepts\n he can only repeat THE lessons of our own hearts.\n\n 101 (return) [ The most auTHEntic account of THEse precepts,\n pilgrimage, prayer, fasting, alms, and ablutions, is extracted\n from THE Persian and Arabian THEologians by Maracci, (Prodrom.\n part iv. p. 9-24,) Reland, (in his excellent treatise de\n Religione Mohammedica, Utrecht, 1717, p. 67-123,) and Chardin,\n (Voyages in Perse, tom. iv. p. 47-195.) Marace is a partial\n accuser; but THE jeweller, Chardin, had THE eyes of a\n philosopher; and Reland, a judicious student, had travelled over\n THE East in his closet at Utrecht. The xivth letter of Tournefort\n (Voyage du Levont, tom. ii. p. 325-360, in octavo) describes what\n he had seen of THE religion of THE Turks.]\n\n 1011 (return) [ Such is Mahometanism beyond THE precincts of THE\n Holy City. But Mahomet retained, and THE Koran sanctions, (Sale’s\n Koran, c. 5, in inlt. c. 22, vol. ii. p. 171, 172,) THE sacrifice\n of sheep and camels (probably according to THE old Arabian rites)\n at Mecca; and THE pilgrims complete THEir ceremonial with\n sacrifices, sometimes as numerous and costly as those of King\n Solomon. Compare note, vol. iv. c. xxiii. p. 96, and Forster’s\n Mahometanism Unveiled, vol. i. p. 420. This author quotes THE\n questionable authority of Benjamin of Tudela, for THE sacrifice\n of a camel by THE caliph at Bosra; but sacrifice undoubtedly\n forms no part of THE ordinary Mahometan ritual; nor will THE\n sanctity of THE caliph, as THE earthly representative of THE\n prophet, bear any close analogy to THE priesthood of THE Mosaic\n or Gentila religions.—M.]\n\n 102 (return) [ Mahomet (Sale’s Koran, c. 9, p. 153) reproaches\n THE Christians with taking THEir priests and monks for THEir\n lords, besides God. Yet Maracci (Prodromus, part iii. p. 69, 70)\n excuses THE worship, especially of THE pope, and quotes, from THE\n Koran itself, THE case of Eblis, or Satan, who was cast from\n heaven for refusing to adore Adam.]\n\n 103 (return) [ Koran, c. 5, p. 94, and Sale’s note, which refers\n to THE authority of Jallaloddin and Al Beidawi. D’Herbelot\n declares, that Mahomet condemned la vie religieuse; and that THE\n first swarms of fakirs, dervises, &c., did not appear till after\n THE year 300 of THE Hegira, (Bibliot. Orient. p. 292, 718.)]\n\n 104 (return) [ See THE double prohibition, (Koran, c. 2, p. 25,\n c. 5, p. 94;) THE one in THE style of a legislator, THE oTHEr in\n that of a fanatic. The public and private motives of Mahomet are\n investigated by Prideaux (Life of Mahomet, p. 62-64) and Sale,\n (Preliminary Discourse, p. 124.)]\n\n 105 (return) [ The jealousy of Maracci (Prodromus, part iv. p.\n 33) prompts him to enumerate THE more liberal alms of THE\n Catholics of Rome. Fifteen great hospitals are open to many\n thousand patients and pilgrims; fifteen hundred maidens are\n annually portioned; fifty-six charity schools are founded for\n both sexes; one hundred and twenty confraternities relieve THE\n wants of THEir brethren, &c. The benevolence of London is still\n more extensive; but I am afraid that much more is to be ascribed\n to THE humanity, than to THE religion, of THE people.]\n\n The two articles of belief, and THE four practical duties, of\n Islam, are guarded by rewards and punishments; and THE faith of\n THE Mussulman is devoutly fixed on THE event of THE judgment and\n THE last day. The prophet has not presumed to determine THE\n moment of that awful catastrophe, though he darkly announces THE\n signs, both in heaven and earth, which will precede THE universal\n dissolution, when life shall be destroyed, and THE order of\n creation shall be confounded in THE primitive chaos. At THE blast\n of THE trumpet, new worlds will start into being: angels, genii,\n and men will arise from THE dead, and THE human soul will again\n be united to THE body. The doctrine of THE resurrection was first\n entertained by THE Egyptians; 106 and THEir mummies were\n embalmed, THEir pyramids were constructed, to preserve THE\n ancient mansion of THE soul, during a period of three thousand\n years. But THE attempt is partial and unavailing; and it is with\n a more philosophic spirit that Mahomet relies on THE omnipotence\n of THE Creator, whose word can reanimate THE breathless clay, and\n collect THE innumerable atoms, that no longer retain THEir form\n or substance. 107 The intermediate state of THE soul it is hard\n to decide; and those who most firmly believe her immaterial\n nature, are at a loss to understand how she can think or act\n without THE agency of THE organs of sense.\n\n 106 (return) [ See Herodotus (l. ii. c. 123) and our learned\n countryman Sir John Marsham, (Canon. Chronicus, p. 46.) The same\n writer (p. 254-274) is an elaborate sketch of THE infernal\n regions, as THEy were painted by THE fancy of THE Egyptians and\n Greeks, of THE poets and philosophers of antiquity.]\n\n 107 (return) [ The Koran (c. 2, p. 259, &c.; of Sale, p. 32; of\n Maracci, p. 97) relates an ingenious miracle, which satisfied THE\n curiosity, and confirmed THE faith, of Abraham.]\n\n The reunion of THE soul and body will be followed by THE final\n judgment of mankind; and in his copy of THE Magian picture, THE\n prophet has too faithfully represented THE forms of proceeding,\n and even THE slow and successive operations, of an earthly\n tribunal. By his intolerant adversaries he is upbraided for\n extending, even to THEmselves, THE hope of salvation, for\n asserting THE blackest heresy, that every man who believes in\n God, and accomplishes good works, may expect in THE last day a\n favorable sentence. Such rational indifference is ill adapted to\n THE character of a fanatic; nor is it probable that a messenger\n from heaven should depreciate THE value and necessity of his own\n revelation. In THE idiom of THE Koran, 108 THE belief of God is\n inseparable from that of Mahomet: THE good works are those which\n he has enjoined, and THE two qualifications imply THE profession\n of Islam, to which all nations and all sects are equally invited.\n\n Their spiritual blindness, though excused by ignorance and\n crowned with virtue, will be scourged with everlasting torments;\n and THE tears which Mahomet shed over THE tomb of his moTHEr for\n whom he was forbidden to pray, display a striking contrast of\n humanity and enthusiasm. 109 The doom of THE infidels is common:\n THE measure of THEir guilt and punishment is determined by THE\n degree of evidence which THEy have rejected, by THE magnitude of\n THE errors which THEy have entertained: THE eternal mansions of\n THE Christians, THE Jews, THE Sabians, THE Magians, and\n idolaters, are sunk below each oTHEr in THE abyss; and THE lowest\n hell is reserved for THE faithless hypocrites who have assumed\n THE mask of religion. After THE greater part of mankind has been\n condemned for THEir opinions, THE true believers only will be\n judged by THEir actions. The good and evil of each Mussulman will\n be accurately weighed in a real or allegorical balance; and a\n singular mode of compensation will be allowed for THE payment of\n injuries: THE aggressor will refund an equivalent of his own good\n actions, for THE benefit of THE person whom he has wronged; and\n if he should be destitute of any moral property, THE weight of\n his sins will be loaded with an adequate share of THE demerits of\n THE sufferer. According as THE shares of guilt or virtue shall\n preponderate, THE sentence will be pronounced, and all, without\n distinction, will pass over THE sharp and perilous bridge of THE\n abyss; but THE innocent, treading in THE footsteps of Mahomet,\n will gloriously enter THE gates of paradise, while THE guilty\n will fall into THE first and mildest of THE seven hells. The term\n of expiation will vary from nine hundred to seven thousand years;\n but THE prophet has judiciously promised, that all his disciples,\n whatever may be THEir sins, shall be saved, by THEir own faith\n and his intercession from eternal damnation. It is not surprising\n that superstition should act most powerfully on THE fears of her\n votaries, since THE human fancy can paint with more energy THE\n misery than THE bliss of a future life. With THE two simple\n elements of darkness and fire, we create a sensation of pain,\n which may be aggravated to an infinite degree by THE idea of\n endless duration. But THE same idea operates with an opposite\n effect on THE continuity of pleasure; and too much of our present\n enjoyments is obtained from THE relief, or THE comparison, of\n evil. It is natural enough that an Arabian prophet should dwell\n with rapture on THE groves, THE fountains, and THE rivers of\n paradise; but instead of inspiring THE blessed inhabitants with a\n liberal taste for harmony and science, conversation and\n friendship, he idly celebrates THE pearls and diamonds, THE robes\n of silk, palaces of marble, dishes of gold, rich wines,\n artificial dainties, numerous attendants, and THE whole train of\n sensual and costly luxury, which becomes insipid to THE owner,\n even in THE short period of this mortal life. Seventy-two Houris,\n or black-eyed girls, of resplendent beauty, blooming youth,\n virgin purity, and exquisite sensibility, will be created for THE\n use of THE meanest believer; a moment of pleasure will be\n prolonged to a thousand years; and his faculties will be\n increased a hundred fold, to render him worthy of his felicity.\n Notwithstanding a vulgar prejudice, THE gates of heaven will be\n open to both sexes; but Mahomet has not specified THE male\n companions of THE female elect, lest he should eiTHEr alarm THE\n jealousy of THEir former husbands, or disturb THEir felicity, by\n THE suspicion of an everlasting marriage. This image of a carnal\n paradise has provoked THE indignation, perhaps THE envy, of THE\n monks: THEy declaim against THE impure religion of Mahomet; and\n his modest apologists are driven to THE poor excuse of figures\n and allegories. But THE sounder and more consistent party adhere\n without shame, to THE literal interpretation of THE Koran:\n useless would be THE resurrection of THE body, unless it were\n restored to THE possession and exercise of its worthiest\n faculties; and THE union of sensual and intellectual enjoyment is\n requisite to complete THE happiness of THE double animal, THE\n perfect man. Yet THE joys of THE Mahometan paradise will not be\n confined to THE indulgence of luxury and appetite; and THE\n prophet has expressly declared that all meaner happiness will be\n forgotten and despised by THE saints and martyrs, who shall be\n admitted to THE beatitude of THE divine vision. 110\n\n 108 (return) [ The candid Reland has demonstrated, that Mahomet\n damns all unbelievers, (de Religion. Moham. p. 128-142;) that\n devils will not be finally saved, (p. 196-199;) that paradise\n will not solely consist of corporeal delights, (p. 199-205;) and\n that women’s souls are immortal. (p. 205-209.)]\n\n 109 (return) [ A Beidawi, apud Sale. Koran, c. 9, p. 164. The\n refusal to pray for an unbelieving kindred is justified,\n according to Mahomet, by THE duty of a prophet, and THE example\n of Abraham, who reprobated his own faTHEr as an enemy of God. Yet\n Abraham (he adds, c. 9, v. 116. Maracci, tom. ii. p. 317) fuit\n sane pius, mitis.]\n\n 110 (return) [ For THE day of judgment, hell, paradise, &c.,\n consult THE Koran, (c. 2, v. 25, c. 56, 78, &c.;) with Maracci’s\n virulent, but learned, refutation, (in his notes, and in THE\n Prodromus, part iv. p. 78, 120, 122, &c.;) D’Herbelot,\n (BiblioTHEque Orientale, p. 368, 375;) Reland, (p. 47-61;) and\n Sale, (p. 76-103.) The original ideas of THE Magi are darkly and\n doubtfully explored by THEir apologist, Dr. Hyde, (Hist.\n Religionis Persarum, c. 33, p. 402-412, Oxon. 1760.) In THE\n article of Mahomet, Bayle has shown how indifferently wit and\n philosophy supply THE absence of genuine information.]\n\n The first and most arduous conquests of Mahomet 111 were those of\n his wife, his servant, his pupil, and his friend; 112 since he\n presented himself as a prophet to those who were most conversant\n with his infirmities as a man. Yet Cadijah believed THE words,\n and cherished THE glory, of her husband; THE obsequious and\n affectionate Zeid was tempted by THE prospect of freedom; THE\n illustrious Ali, THE son of Abu Taleb, embraced THE sentiments of\n his cousin with THE spirit of a youthful hero; and THE wealth,\n THE moderation, THE veracity of Abubeker confirmed THE religion\n of THE prophet whom he was destined to succeed. By his\n persuasion, ten of THE most respectable citizens of Mecca were\n introduced to THE private lessons of Islam; THEy yielded to THE\n voice of reason and enthusiasm; THEy repeated THE fundamental\n creed, “There is but one God, and Mahomet is THE apostle of God;”\n and THEir faith, even in this life, was rewarded with riches and\n honors, with THE command of armies and THE government of\n kingdoms. Three years were silently employed in THE conversion of\n fourteen proselytes, THE first-fruits of his mission; but in THE\n fourth year he assumed THE prophetic office, and resolving to\n impart to his family THE light of divine truth, he prepared a\n banquet, a lamb, as it is said, and a bowl of milk, for THE\n entertainment of forty guests of THE race of Hashem. “Friends and\n kinsmen,” said Mahomet to THE assembly, “I offer you, and I alone\n can offer, THE most precious of gifts, THE treasures of this\n world and of THE world to come. God has commanded me to call you\n to his service. Who among you will support my burden? Who among\n you will be my companion and my vizier?” 113 No answer was\n returned, till THE silence of astonishment, and doubt, and\n contempt, was at length broken by THE impatient courage of Ali, a\n youth in THE fourteenth year of his age. “O prophet, I am THE\n man: whosoever rises against THEe, I will dash out his teeth,\n tear out his eyes, break his legs, rip up his belly. O prophet, I\n will be thy vizier over THEm.” Mahomet accepted his offer with\n transport, and Abu Taled was ironically exhorted to respect THE\n superior dignity of his son. In a more serious tone, THE faTHEr\n of Ali advised his nephew to relinquish his impracticable design.\n\n “Spare your remonstrances,” replied THE intrepid fanatic to his\n uncle and benefactor; “if THEy should place THE sun on my right\n hand, and THE moon on my left, THEy should not divert me from my\n course.” He persevered ten years in THE exercise of his mission;\n and THE religion which has overspread THE East and THE West\n advanced with a slow and painful progress within THE walls of\n Mecca. Yet Mahomet enjoyed THE satisfaction of beholding THE\n increase of his infant congregation of Unitarians, who revered\n him as a prophet, and to whom he seasonably dispensed THE\n spiritual nourishment of THE Koran. The number of proselytes may\n be esteemed by THE absence of eighty-three men and eighteen\n women, who retired to Aethiopia in THE seventh year of his\n mission; and his party was fortified by THE timely conversion of\n his uncle Hamza, and of THE fierce and inflexible Omar, who\n signalized in THE cause of Islam THE same zeal, which he had\n exerted for its destruction. Nor was THE charity of Mahomet\n confined to THE tribe of Koreish, or THE precincts of Mecca: on\n solemn festivals, in THE days of pilgrimage, he frequented THE\n Caaba, accosted THE strangers of every tribe, and urged, both in\n private converse and public discourse, THE belief and worship of\n a sole Deity. Conscious of his reason and of his weakness, he\n asserted THE liberty of conscience, and disclaimed THE use of\n religious violence: 114 but he called THE Arabs to repentance,\n and conjured THEm to remember THE ancient idolaters of Ad and\n Thamud, whom THE divine justice had swept away from THE face of\n THE earth. 115\n\n 111 (return) [ Before I enter on THE history of THE prophet, it\n is incumbent on me to produce my evidence. The Latin, French, and\n English versions of THE Koran are preceded by historical\n discourses, and THE three translators, Maracci, (tom. i. p.\n 10-32,) Savary, (tom. i. p. 1-248,) and Sale, (Preliminary\n Discourse, p. 33-56,) had accurately studied THE language and\n character of THEir author. Two professed Lives of Mahomet have\n been composed by Dr. Prideaux (Life of Mahomet, seventh edition,\n London, 1718, in octavo) and THE count de Boulainvilliers, (Vie\n de Mahomed, Londres, 1730, in octavo: ) but THE adverse wish of\n finding an impostor or a hero, has too often corrupted THE\n learning of THE doctor and THE ingenuity of THE count. The\n article in D’Herbelot (Bibliot. Orient. p. 598-603) is chiefly\n drawn from Novairi and Mirkond; but THE best and most auTHEntic\n of our guides is M. Gagnier, a Frenchman by birth, and professor\n at Oxford of THE Oriental tongues. In two elaborate works,\n (Ismael Abulfeda de Vita et Rebus gestis Mohammedis, &c. Latine\n vertit, Praefatione et Notis illustravit Johannes Gagnier, Oxon.\n 1723, in folio. La Vie de Mahomet traduite et compilee de\n l’Alcoran, des Traditions AuTHEntiques de la Sonna et des\n meilleurs Auteurs Arabes; Amsterdam, 1748, 3 vols. in 12mo.,) he\n has interpreted, illustrated, and supplied THE Arabic text of\n Abulfeda and Al Jannabi; THE first, an enlightened prince who\n reigned at Hamah, in Syria, A.D. 1310-1332, (see Gagnier Praefat.\n ad Abulfed.;) THE second, a credulous doctor, who visited Mecca\n A.D. 1556. (D’Herbelot, p. 397. Gagnier, tom. iii. p. 209, 210.)\n These are my general vouchers, and THE inquisitive reader may\n follow THE order of time, and THE division of chapters. Yet I\n must observe that both Abulfeda and Al Jannabi are modern\n historians, and that THEy cannot appeal to any writers of THE\n first century of THE Hegira. * Note: A new Life, by Dr. Weil,\n (Stuttgart. 1843,) has added some few traditions unknown in\n Europe. Of Dr. Weil’s Arabic scholarship, which professes to\n correct many errors in Gagnier, in Maracci, and in M. von Hammer,\n I am no judge. But it is remarkable that he does not seem\n acquainted with THE passage of Tabari, translated by Colonel Vans\n Kennedy, in THE Bombay Transactions, (vol. iii.,) THE earliest\n and most important addition made to THE traditionary Life of\n Mahomet. I am inclined to think Colonel Vans Kennedy’s\n appreciation of THE prophet’s character, which may be overlooked\n in a criticism on Voltaire’s Mahomet, THE most just which I have\n ever read. The work of Dr. Weil appears to me most valuable in\n its dissection and chronological view of THE Koran.—M. 1845]\n\n 112 (return) [ After THE Greeks, Prideaux (p. 8) discloses THE\n secret doubts of THE wife of Mahomet. As if he had been a privy\n counsellor of THE prophet, Boulainvilliers (p. 272, &c.) unfolds\n THE sublime and patriotic views of Cadijah and THE first\n disciples.]\n\n 113 (return) [ Vezirus, portitor, bajulus, onus ferens; and this\n plebeian name was transferred by an apt metaphor to THE pillars\n of THE state, (Gagnier, Not. ad Abulfed. p. 19.) I endeavor to\n preserve THE Arabian idiom, as far as I can feel it myself in a\n Latin or French translation.]\n\n 114 (return) [ The passages of THE Koran in behalf of toleration\n are strong and numerous: c. 2, v. 257, c. 16, 129, c. 17, 54, c.\n 45, 15, c. 50, 39, c. 88, 21, &c., with THE notes of Maracci and\n Sale. This character alone may generally decide THE doubts of THE\n learned, wheTHEr a chapter was revealed at Mecca or Medina.]\n\n 115 (return) [ See THE Koran, (passim, and especially c. 7, p.\n 123, 124, &c.,) and THE tradition of THE Arabs, (Pocock,\n Specimen, p. 35-37.) The caverns of THE tribe of Thamud, fit for\n men of THE ordinary stature, were shown in THE midway between\n Medina and Damascus. (Abulfed Arabiae Descript. p. 43, 44,) and\n may be probably ascribed to THE Throglodytes of THE primitive\n world, (Michaelis, ad Lowth de Poesi Hebraeor. p. 131-134.\n Recherches sur les Egyptiens, tom. ii. p. 48, &c.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part V.\n\n The people of Mecca were hardened in THEir unbelief by\n superstition and envy. The elders of THE city, THE uncles of THE\n prophet, affected to despise THE presumption of an orphan, THE\n reformer of his country: THE pious orations of Mahomet in THE\n Caaba were answered by THE clamors of Abu Taleb. “Citizens and\n pilgrims, listen not to THE tempter, hearken not to his impious\n novelties. Stand fast in THE worship of Al Lata and Al Uzzah.”\n Yet THE son of Abdallah was ever dear to THE aged chief: and he\n protected THE fame and person of his nephew against THE assaults\n of THE Koreishites, who had long been jealous of THE preeminence\n of THE family of Hashem. Their malice was colored with THE\n pretence of religion: in THE age of Job, THE crime of impiety was\n punished by THE Arabian magistrate; 116 and Mahomet was guilty of\n deserting and denying THE national deities. But so loose was THE\n policy of Mecca, that THE leaders of THE Koreish, instead of\n accusing a criminal, were compelled to employ THE measures of\n persuasion or violence. They repeatedly addressed Abu Taleb in\n THE style of reproach and menace. “Thy nephew reviles our\n religion; he accuses our wise forefaTHErs of ignorance and folly;\n silence him quickly, lest he kindle tumult and discord in THE\n city. If he persevere, we shall draw our swords against him and\n his adherents, and thou wilt be responsible for THE blood of thy\n fellow-citizens.” The weight and moderation of Abu Taleb eluded\n THE violence of religious faction; THE most helpless or timid of\n THE disciples retired to Aethiopia, and THE prophet withdrew\n himself to various places of strength in THE town and country. As\n he was still supported by his family, THE rest of THE tribe of\n Koreish engaged THEmselves to renounce all intercourse with THE\n children of Hashem, neiTHEr to buy nor sell, neiTHEr to marry not\n to give in marriage, but to pursue THEm with implacable enmity,\n till THEy should deliver THE person of Mahomet to THE justice of\n THE gods. The decree was suspended in THE Caaba before THE eyes\n of THE nation; THE messengers of THE Koreish pursued THE\n Mussulman exiles in THE heart of Africa: THEy besieged THE\n prophet and his most faithful followers, intercepted THEir water,\n and inflamed THEir mutual animosity by THE retaliation of\n injuries and insults. A doubtful truce restored THE appearances\n of concord till THE death of Abu Taleb abandoned Mahomet to THE\n power of his enemies, at THE moment when he was deprived of his\n domestic comforts by THE loss of his faithful and generous\n Cadijah. Abu Sophian, THE chief of THE branch of Ommiyah,\n succeeded to THE principality of THE republic of Mecca. A zealous\n votary of THE idols, a mortal foe of THE line of Hashem, he\n convened an assembly of THE Koreishites and THEir allies, to\n decide THE fate of THE apostle. His imprisonment might provoke\n THE despair of his enthusiasm; and THE exile of an eloquent and\n popular fanatic would diffuse THE mischief through THE provinces\n of Arabia. His death was resolved; and THEy agreed that a sword\n from each tribe should be buried in his heart, to divide THE\n guilt of his blood, and baffle THE vengeance of THE Hashemites.\n An angel or a spy revealed THEir conspiracy; and flight was THE\n only resource of Mahomet. 117 At THE dead of night, accompanied\n by his friend Abubeker, he silently escaped from his house: THE\n assassins watched at THE door; but THEy were deceived by THE\n figure of Ali, who reposed on THE bed, and was covered with THE\n green vestment of THE apostle. The Koreish respected THE piety of\n THE heroic youth; but some verses of Ali, which are still extant,\n exhibit an interesting picture of his anxiety, his tenderness,\n and his religious confidence. Three days Mahomet and his\n companion were concealed in THE cave of Thor, at THE distance of\n a league from Mecca; and in THE close of each evening, THEy\n received from THE son and daughter of Abubeker a secret supply of\n intelligence and food. The diligence of THE Koreish explored\n every haunt in THE neighborhood of THE city: THEy arrived at THE\n entrance of THE cavern; but THE providential deceit of a spider’s\n web and a pigeon’s nest is supposed to convince THEm that THE\n place was solitary and inviolate. “We are only two,” said THE\n trembling Abubeker. “There is a third,” replied THE prophet; “it\n is God himself.” No sooner was THE pursuit abated than THE two\n fugitives issued from THE rock, and mounted THEir camels: on THE\n road to Medina, THEy were overtaken by THE emissaries of THE\n Koreish; THEy redeemed THEmselves with prayers and promises from\n THEir hands. In this eventful moment, THE lance of an Arab might\n have changed THE history of THE world. The flight of THE prophet\n from Mecca to Medina has fixed THE memorable aera of THE Hegira,\n 118 which, at THE end of twelve centuries, still discriminates\n THE lunar years of THE Mahometan nations. 119\n\n 116 (return) [ In THE time of Job, THE crime of impiety was\n punished by THE Arabian magistrate, (c. 21, v. 26, 27, 28.) I\n blush for a respectable prelate (de Poesi Hebraeorum, p. 650,\n 651, edit. Michaelis; and letter of a late professor in THE\n university of Oxford, p. 15-53,) who justifies and applauds this\n patriarchal inquisition.]\n\n 117 (return) [ D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 445. He quotes a\n particular history of THE flight of Mahomet.]\n\n 118 (return) [ The Hegira was instituted by Omar, THE second\n caliph, in imitation of THE aera of THE martyrs of THE\n Christians, (D’Herbelot, p. 444;) and properly commenced\n sixty-eight days before THE flight of Mahomet, with THE first of\n Moharren, or first day of that Arabian year which coincides with\n Friday, July 16th, A.D. 622, (Abulfeda, Vit Moham, c. 22, 23, p.\n 45-50; and Greaves’s edition of Ullug Beg’s Epochae Arabum, &c.,\n c. 1, p. 8, 10, &c.) * Note: Chronologists dispute between THE\n 15th and 16th of July. St. Martin inclines to THE 8th, ch. xi. p.\n 70.—M.]\n\n 119 (return) [ Mahomet’s life, from his mission to THE Hegira,\n may be found in Abulfeda (p. 14-45) and Gagnier, (tom. i. p.\n 134-251, 342-383.) The legend from p. 187-234 is vouched by Al\n Jannabi, and disdained by Abulfeda.]\n\n The religion of THE Koran might have perished in its cradle, had\n not Medina embraced with faith and reverence THE holy outcasts of\n Mecca. Medina, or THE city, known under THE name of Yathreb,\n before it was sanctified by THE throne of THE prophet, was\n divided between THE tribes of THE Charegites and THE Awsites,\n whose hereditary feud was rekindled by THE slightest\n provocations: two colonies of Jews, who boasted a sacerdotal\n race, were THEir humble allies, and without converting THE Arabs,\n THEy introduced THE taste of science and religion, which\n distinguished Medina as THE city of THE Book. Some of her noblest\n citizens, in a pilgrimage to THE Canaba, were converted by THE\n preaching of Mahomet; on THEir return, THEy diffused THE belief\n of God and his prophet, and THE new alliance was ratified by\n THEir deputies in two secret and nocturnal interviews on a hill\n in THE suburbs of Mecca. In THE first, ten Charegites and two\n Awsites united in faith and love, protested, in THE name of THEir\n wives, THEir children, and THEir absent brethren, that THEy would\n forever profess THE creed, and observe THE precepts, of THE\n Koran. The second was a political association, THE first vital\n spark of THE empire of THE Saracens. 120 Seventy-three men and\n two women of Medina held a solemn conference with Mahomet, his\n kinsman, and his disciples; and pledged THEmselves to each oTHEr\n by a mutual oath of fidelity. They promised, in THE name of THE\n city, that if he should be banished, THEy would receive him as a\n confederate, obey him as a leader, and defend him to THE last\n extremity, like THEir wives and children. “But if you are\n recalled by your country,” THEy asked with a flattering anxiety,\n “will you not abandon your new allies?” “All things,” replied\n Mahomet with a smile, “are now common between us; your blood is\n as my blood, your ruin as my ruin. We are bound to each oTHEr by\n THE ties of honor and interest. I am your friend, and THE enemy\n of your foes.” “But if we are killed in your service, what,”\n exclaimed THE deputies of Medina, “will be our reward?”\n “Paradise,” replied THE prophet. “Stretch forth thy hand.” He\n stretched it forth, and THEy reiterated THE oath of allegiance\n and fidelity. Their treaty was ratified by THE people, who\n unanimously embraced THE profession of Islam; THEy rejoiced in\n THE exile of THE apostle, but THEy trembled for his safety, and\n impatiently expected his arrival. After a perilous and rapid\n journey along THE sea-coast, he halted at Koba, two miles from\n THE city, and made his public entry into Medina, sixteen days\n after his flight from Mecca. Five hundred of THE citizens\n advanced to meet him; he was hailed with acclamations of loyalty\n and devotion; Mahomet was mounted on a she-camel, an umbrella\n shaded his head, and a turban was unfurled before him to supply\n THE deficiency of a standard. His bravest disciples, who had been\n scattered by THE storm, assembled round his person; and THE\n equal, though various, merit of THE Moslems was distinguished by\n THE names of Mohagerians and Ansars, THE fugitives of Mecca, and\n THE auxiliaries of Medina. To eradicate THE seeds of jealousy,\n Mahomet judiciously coupled his principal followers with THE\n rights and obligations of brethren; and when Ali found himself\n without a peer, THE prophet tenderly declared, that he would be\n THE companion and broTHEr of THE noble youth. The expedient was\n crowned with success; THE holy fraternity was respected in peace\n and war, and THE two parties vied with each oTHEr in a generous\n emulation of courage and fidelity. Once only THE concord was\n slightly ruffled by an accidental quarrel: a patriot of Medina\n arraigned THE insolence of THE strangers, but THE hint of THEir\n expulsion was heard with abhorrence; and his own son most eagerly\n offered to lay at THE apostle’s feet THE head of his faTHEr.\n\n 120 (return) [ The triple inauguration of Mahomet is described by\n Abulfeda (p. 30, 33, 40, 86) and Gagnier, (tom. i. p. 342, &c.,\n 349, &c., tom. ii. p. 223 &c.)]\n\n From his establishment at Medina, Mahomet assumed THE exercise of\n THE regal and sacerdotal office; and it was impious to appeal\n from a judge whose decrees were inspired by THE divine wisdom. A\n small portion of ground, THE patrimony of two orphans, was\n acquired by gift or purchase; 121 on that chosen spot he built a\n house and a mosch, more venerable in THEir rude simplicity than\n THE palaces and temples of THE Assyrian caliphs. His seal of\n gold, or silver, was inscribed with THE apostolic title; when he\n prayed and preached in THE weekly assembly, he leaned against THE\n trunk of a palm-tree; and it was long before he indulged himself\n in THE use of a chair or pulpit of rough timber. 122 After a\n reign of six years, fifteen hundred Moslems, in arms and in THE\n field, renewed THEir oath of allegiance; and THEir chief repeated\n THE assurance of protection till THE death of THE last member, or\n THE final dissolution of THE party. It was in THE same camp that\n THE deputy of Mecca was astonished by THE attention of THE\n faithful to THE words and looks of THE prophet, by THE eagerness\n with which THEy collected his spittle, a hair that dropped on THE\n ground, THE refuse water of his lustrations, as if THEy\n participated in some degree of THE prophetic virtue. “I have\n seen,” said he, “THE Chosroes of Persia and THE Caesar of Rome,\n but never did I behold a king among his subjects like Mahomet\n among his companions.” The devout fervor of enthusiasm acts with\n more energy and truth than THE cold and formal servility of\n courts.\n\n 121 (return) [ Prideaux (Life of Mahomet, p. 44) reviles THE\n wickedness of THE impostor, who despoiled two poor orphans, THE\n sons of a carpenter; a reproach which he drew from THE Disputatio\n contra Saracenos, composed in Arabic before THE year 1130; but\n THE honest Gagnier (ad Abulfed. p. 53) has shown that THEy were\n deceived by THE word Al Nagjar, which signifies, in this place,\n not an obscure trade, but a noble tribe of Arabs. The desolate\n state of THE ground is described by Abulfeda; and his worthy\n interpreter has proved, from Al Bochari, THE offer of a price;\n from Al Jannabi, THE fair purchase; and from Ahmeq Ben Joseph,\n THE payment of THE money by THE generous Abubeker On THEse\n grounds THE prophet must be honorably acquitted.]\n\n 122 (return) [ Al Jannabi (apud Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 246, 324)\n describes THE seal and pulpit, as two venerable relics of THE\n apostle of God; and THE portrait of his court is taken from\n Abulfeda, (c. 44, p. 85.)]\n\n In THE state of nature, every man has a right to defend, by force\n of arms, his person and his possessions; to repel, or even to\n prevent, THE violence of his enemies, and to extend his\n hostilities to a reasonable measure of satisfaction and\n retaliation. In THE free society of THE Arabs, THE duties of\n subject and citizen imposed a feeble restraint; and Mahomet, in\n THE exercise of a peaceful and benevolent mission, had been\n despoiled and banished by THE injustice of his countrymen. The\n choice of an independent people had exalted THE fugitive of Mecca\n to THE rank of a sovereign; and he was invested with THE just\n prerogative of forming alliances, and of waging offensive or\n defensive war. The imperfection of human rights was supplied and\n armed by THE plenitude of divine power: THE prophet of Medina\n assumed, in his new revelations, a fiercer and more sanguinary\n tone, which proves that his former moderation was THE effect of\n weakness: 123 THE means of persuasion had been tried, THE season\n of forbearance was elapsed, and he was now commanded to propagate\n his religion by THE sword, to destroy THE monuments of idolatry,\n and, without regarding THE sanctity of days or months, to pursue\n THE unbelieving nations of THE earth. The same bloody precepts,\n so repeatedly inculcated in THE Koran, are ascribed by THE author\n to THE Pentateuch and THE Gospel. But THE mild tenor of THE\n evangelic style may explain an ambiguous text, that Jesus did not\n bring peace on THE earth, but a sword: his patient and humble\n virtues should not be confounded with THE intolerant zeal of\n princes and bishops, who have disgraced THE name of his\n disciples. In THE prosecution of religious war, Mahomet might\n appeal with more propriety to THE example of Moses, of THE\n Judges, and THE kings of Israel. The military laws of THE Hebrews\n are still more rigid than those of THE Arabian legislator. 124\n The Lord of hosts marched in person before THE Jews: if a city\n resisted THEir summons, THE males, without distinction, were put\n to THE sword: THE seven nations of Canaan were devoted to\n destruction; and neiTHEr repentance nor conversion, could shield\n THEm from THE inevitable doom, that no creature within THEir\n precincts should be left alive. 1241 The fair option of\n friendship, or submission, or battle, was proposed to THE enemies\n of Mahomet. If THEy professed THE creed of Islam, THEy were\n admitted to all THE temporal and spiritual benefits of his\n primitive disciples, and marched under THE same banner to extend\n THE religion which THEy had embraced. The clemency of THE prophet\n was decided by his interest: yet he seldom trampled on a\n prostrate enemy; and he seems to promise, that on THE payment of\n a tribute, THE least guilty of his unbelieving subjects might be\n indulged in THEir worship, or at least in THEir imperfect faith.\n In THE first months of his reign he practised THE lessons of holy\n warfare, and displayed his white banner before THE gates of\n Medina: THE martial apostle fought in person at nine battles or\n sieges; 125 and fifty enterprises of war were achieved in ten\n years by himself or his lieutenants. The Arab continued to unite\n THE professions of a merchant and a robber; and his petty\n excursions for THE defence or THE attack of a caravan insensibly\n prepared his troops for THE conquest of Arabia. The distribution\n of THE spoil was regulated by a divine law: 126 THE whole was\n faithfully collected in one common mass: a fifth of THE gold and\n silver, THE prisoners and cattle, THE movables and immovables,\n was reserved by THE prophet for pious and charitable uses; THE\n remainder was shared in adequate portions by THE soldiers who had\n obtained THE victory or guarded THE camp: THE rewards of THE\n slain devolved to THEir widows and orphans; and THE increase of\n cavalry was encouraged by THE allotment of a double share to THE\n horse and to THE man. From all sides THE roving Arabs were\n allured to THE standard of religion and plunder: THE apostle\n sanctified THE license of embracing THE female captives as THEir\n wives or concubines, and THE enjoyment of wealth and beauty was a\n feeble type of THE joys of paradise prepared for THE valiant\n martyrs of THE faith. “The sword,” says Mahomet, “is THE key of\n heaven and of hell; a drop of blood shed in THE cause of God, a\n night spent in arms, is of more avail than two months of fasting\n or prayer: whosoever falls in battle, his sins are forgiven: at\n THE day of judgment his wounds shall be resplendent as vermilion,\n and odoriferous as musk; and THE loss of his limbs shall be\n supplied by THE wings of angels and cherubim.” The intrepid souls\n of THE Arabs were fired with enthusiasm: THE picture of THE\n invisible world was strongly painted on THEir imagination; and\n THE death which THEy had always despised became an object of hope\n and desire. The Koran inculcates, in THE most absolute sense, THE\n tenets of fate and predestination, which would extinguish both\n industry and virtue, if THE actions of man were governed by his\n speculative belief. Yet THEir influence in every age has exalted\n THE courage of THE Saracens and Turks. The first companions of\n Mahomet advanced to battle with a fearless confidence: THEre is\n no danger where THEre is no chance: THEy were ordained to perish\n in THEir beds; or THEy were safe and invulnerable amidst THE\n darts of THE enemy. 127\n\n 123 (return) [ The viiith and ixth chapters of THE Koran are THE\n loudest and most vehement; and Maracci (Prodromus, part iv. p.\n 59-64) has inveighed with more justice than discretion against\n THE double dealing of THE impostor.]\n\n 124 (return) [ The xth and xxth chapters of Deuteronomy, with THE\n practical comments of Joshua, David, &c., are read with more awe\n than satisfaction by THE pious Christians of THE present age. But\n THE bishops, as well as THE rabbis of former times, have beat THE\n drum-ecclesiastic with pleasure and success. (Sale’s Preliminary\n Discourse, p. 142, 143.)]\n\n 1241 (return) [ The editor’s opinions on this subject may be read\n in THE History of THE Jews vol. i. p. 137.—M]\n\n 125 (return) [ Abulfeda, in Vit. Moham. p. 156. The private\n arsenal of THE apostle consisted of nine swords, three lances,\n seven pikes or half-pikes, a quiver and three bows, seven\n cuirasses, three shields, and two helmets, (Gagnier, tom. iii. p.\n 328-334,) with a large white standard, a black banner, (p. 335,)\n twenty horses, (p. 322, &c.) Two of his martial sayings are\n recorded by tradition, (Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 88, 334.)]\n\n 126 (return) [ The whole subject de jure belli Mohammedanorum is\n exhausted in a separate dissertation by THE learned Reland,\n (Dissertationes Miscellaneae, tom. iii. Dissertat. x. p. 3-53.)]\n\n 127 (return) [ The doctrine of absolute predestination, on which\n few religions can reproach each oTHEr, is sternly exposed in THE\n Koran, (c. 3, p. 52, 53, c. 4, p. 70, &c., with THE notes of\n Sale, and c. 17, p. 413, with those of Maracci.) Reland (de\n Relig. Moham. p. 61-64) and Sale (Prelim. Discourse, p. 103)\n represent THE opinions of THE doctors, and our modern travellers\n THE confidence, THE fading confidence, of THE Turks]\n\n Perhaps THE Koreish would have been content with THE dight of\n Mahomet, had THEy not been provoked and alarmed by THE vengeance\n of an enemy, who could intercept THEir Syrian trade as it passed\n and repassed through THE territory of Medina. Abu Sophian\n himself, with only thirty or forty followers, conducted a wealthy\n caravan of a thousand camels; THE fortune or dexterity of his\n march escaped THE vigilance of Mahomet; but THE chief of THE\n Koreish was informed that THE holy robbers were placed in ambush\n to await his return. He despatched a messenger to his brethren of\n Mecca, and THEy were roused, by THE fear of losing THEir\n merchandise and THEir provisions, unless THEy hastened to his\n relief with THE military force of THE city. The sacred band of\n Mahomet was formed of three hundred and thirteen Moslems, of whom\n seventy-seven were fugitives, and THE rest auxiliaries; THEy\n mounted by turns a train of seventy camels, (THE camels of\n Yathreb were formidable in war;) but such was THE poverty of his\n first disciples, that only two could appear on horseback in THE\n field. 128 In THE fertile and famous vale of Beder, 129 three\n stations from Medina, he was informed by his scouts of THE\n caravan that approached on one side; of THE Koreish, one hundred\n horse, eight hundred and fifty foot, who advanced on THE oTHEr.\n After a short debate, he sacrificed THE prospect of wealth to THE\n pursuit of glory and revenge, and a slight intrenchment was\n formed, to cover his troops, and a stream of fresh water, that\n glided through THE valley. “O God,” he exclaimed, as THE numbers\n of THE Koreish descended from THE hills, “O God, if THEse are\n destroyed, by whom wilt thou be worshipped on THE earth?—Courage,\n my children; close your ranks; discharge your arrows, and THE day\n is your own.” At THEse words he placed himself, with Abubeker, on\n a throne or pulpit, 130 and instantly demanded THE succor of\n Gabriel and three thousand angels. His eye was fixed on THE field\n of battle: THE Mussulmans fainted and were pressed: in that\n decisive moment THE prophet started from his throne, mounted his\n horse, and cast a handful of sand into THE air: “Let THEir faces\n be covered with confusion.” Both armies heard THE thunder of his\n voice: THEir fancy beheld THE angelic warriors: 131 THE Koreish\n trembled and fled: seventy of THE bravest were slain; and seventy\n captives adorned THE first victory of THE faithful. The dead\n bodies of THE Koreish were despoiled and insulted: two of THE\n most obnoxious prisoners were punished with death; and THE ransom\n of THE oTHErs, four thousand drams of silver, compensated in some\n degree THE escape of THE caravan. But it was in vain that THE\n camels of Abu Sophian explored a new road through THE desert and\n along THE Euphrates: THEy were overtaken by THE diligence of THE\n Mussulmans; and wealthy must have been THE prize, if twenty\n thousand drams could be set apart for THE fifth of THE apostle.\n The resentment of THE public and private loss stimulated Abu\n Sophian to collect a body of three thousand men, seven hundred of\n whom were armed with cuirasses, and two hundred were mounted on\n horseback; three thousand camels attended his march; and his wife\n Henda, with fifteen matrons of Mecca, incessantly sounded THEir\n timbrels to animate THE troops, and to magnify THE greatness of\n Hobal, THE most popular deity of THE Caaba. The standard of God\n and Mahomet was upheld by nine hundred and fifty believers: THE\n disproportion of numbers was not more alarming than in THE field\n of Beder; and THEir presumption of victory prevailed against THE\n divine and human sense of THE apostle. The second battle was\n fought on Mount Ohud, six miles to THE north of Medina; 132 THE\n Koreish advanced in THE form of a crescent; and THE right wing of\n cavalry was led by Caled, THE fiercest and most successful of THE\n Arabian warriors. The troops of Mahomet were skilfully posted on\n THE declivity of THE hill; and THEir rear was guarded by a\n detachment of fifty archers. The weight of THEir charge impelled\n and broke THE centre of THE idolaters: but in THE pursuit THEy\n lost THE advantage of THEir ground: THE archers deserted THEir\n station: THE Mussulmans were tempted by THE spoil, disobeyed\n THEir general, and disordered THEir ranks. The intrepid Caled,\n wheeling his cavalry on THEir flank and rear, exclaimed, with a\n loud voice, that Mahomet was slain. He was indeed wounded in THE\n face with a javelin: two of his teeth were shattered with a\n stone; yet, in THE midst of tumult and dismay, he reproached THE\n infidels with THE murder of a prophet; and blessed THE friendly\n hand that stanched his blood, and conveyed him to a place of\n safety. Seventy martyrs died for THE sins of THE people; THEy\n fell, said THE apostle, in pairs, each broTHEr embracing his\n lifeless companion; 133 THEir bodies were mangled by THE inhuman\n females of Mecca; and THE wife of Abu Sophian tasted THE entrails\n of Hamza, THE uncle of Mahomet. They might applaud THEir\n superstition, and satiate THEir fury; but THE Mussulmans soon\n rallied in THE field, and THE Koreish wanted strength or courage\n to undertake THE siege of Medina. It was attacked THE ensuing\n year by an army of ten thousand enemies; and this third\n expedition is variously named from THE nations, which marched\n under THE banner of Abu Sophian, from THE ditch which was drawn\n before THE city, and a camp of three thousand Mussulmans. The\n prudence of Mahomet declined a general engagement: THE valor of\n Ali was signalized in single combat; and THE war was protracted\n twenty days, till THE final separation of THE confederates. A\n tempest of wind, rain, and hail, overturned THEir tents: THEir\n private quarrels were fomented by an insidious adversary; and THE\n Koreish, deserted by THEir allies, no longer hoped to subvert THE\n throne, or to check THE conquests, of THEir invincible exile. 134\n\n 128 (return) [ Al Jannabi (apud Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 9) allows\n him seventy or eighty horse; and on two oTHEr occasions, prior to\n THE battle of Ohud, he enlists a body of thirty (p. 10) and of\n 500 (p. 66) troopers. Yet THE Mussulmans, in THE field of Ohud,\n had no more than two horses, according to THE better sense of\n Abulfeda, (in Vit. Moham. c. xxxi. p. 65.) In THE Stony province,\n THE camels were numerous; but THE horse appears to have been less\n numerous than in THE Happy or THE Desert Arabia.]\n\n 129 (return) [ Bedder Houneene, twenty miles from Medina, and\n forty from Mecca, is on THE high road of THE caravan of Egypt;\n and THE pilgrims annually commemorate THE prophet’s victory by\n illuminations, rockets, &c. Shaw’s Travels, p. 477.]\n\n 130 (return) [ The place to which Mahomet retired during THE\n action is styled by Gagnier (in Abulfeda, c. 27, p. 58. Vie de\n Mahomet, tom. ii. p. 30, 33) Umbraculum, une loge de bois avec\n une porte. The same Arabic word is rendered by Reiske (Annales\n Moslemici Abulfedae, p. 23) by Solium, Suggestus editior; and THE\n difference is of THE utmost moment for THE honor both of THE\n interpreter and of THE hero. I am sorry to observe THE pride and\n acrimony with which Reiske chastises his fellow-laborer. Saepi\n sic vertit, ut integrae paginae nequeant nisi una litura corrigi\n Arabice non satis callebat, et carebat judicio critico. J. J.\n Reiske, Prodidagmata ad Hagji Chalisae Tabulas, p. 228, ad\n calcero Abulfedae Syriae Tabulae; Lipsiae, 1766, in 4to.]\n\n 131 (return) [ The loose expressions of THE Koran (c. 3, p. 124,\n 125, c. 8, p. 9) allow THE commentators to fluctuate between THE\n numbers of 1000, 3000, or 9000 angels; and THE smallest of THEse\n might suffice for THE slaughter of seventy of THE Koreish,\n (Maracci, Alcoran, tom. ii. p. 131.) Yet THE same scholiasts\n confess that this angelic band was not visible to any mortal eye,\n (Maracci, p. 297.) They refine on THE words (c. 8, 16) “not thou,\n but God,” &c. (D’Herbelot. Bibliot. Orientale p. 600, 601.)]\n\n 132 (return) [ Geograph. Nubiensis, p. 47.]\n\n 133 (return) [ In THE iiid chapter of THE Koran, (p. 50-53) with\n Sale’s notes, THE prophet alleges some poor excuses for THE\n defeat of Ohud. * Note: Dr. Weil has added some curious\n circumstances, which he gives as on good traditional authority,\n on THE rescue of Mahomet. The prophet was attacked by Ubeijj Ibn\n Challaf, whom he struck on THE neck with a mortal wound. This was\n THE only time, it is added, that Mahomet personally engaged in\n battle. (p. 128.)—M. 1845.]\n\n 134 (return) [ For THE detail of THE three Koreish wars, of\n Beder, of Ohud, and of THE ditch, peruse Abulfeda, (p. 56-61,\n 64-69, 73-77,) Gagnier (tom. i. p. 23-45, 70-96, 120-139,) with\n THE proper articles of D’Herbelot, and THE abridgments of Elmacin\n (Hist. Saracen. p. 6, 7) and Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 102.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part VI.\n\n The choice of Jerusalem for THE first kebla of prayer discovers\n THE early propensity of Mahomet in favor of THE Jews; and happy\n would it have been for THEir temporal interest, had THEy\n recognized, in THE Arabian prophet, THE hope of Israel and THE\n promised Messiah. Their obstinacy converted his friendship into\n implacable hatred, with which he pursued that unfortunate people\n to THE last moment of his life; and in THE double character of an\n apostle and a conqueror, his persecution was extended to both\n worlds. 135 The Kainoka dwelt at Medina under THE protection of\n THE city; he seized THE occasion of an accidental tumult, and\n summoned THEm to embrace his religion, or contend with him in\n battle. “Alas!” replied THE trembling Jews, “we are ignorant of\n THE use of arms, but we persevere in THE faith and worship of our\n faTHErs; why wilt thou reduce us to THE necessity of a just\n defence?” The unequal conflict was terminated in fifteen days;\n and it was with extreme reluctance that Mahomet yielded to THE\n importunity of his allies, and consented to spare THE lives of\n THE captives. But THEir riches were confiscated, THEir arms\n became more effectual in THE hands of THE Mussulmans; and a\n wretched colony of seven hundred exiles was driven, with THEir\n wives and children, to implore a refuge on THE confines of Syria.\n The Nadhirites were more guilty, since THEy conspired, in a\n friendly interview, to assassinate THE prophet. He besieged THEir\n castle, three miles from Medina; but THEir resolute defence\n obtained an honorable capitulation; and THE garrison, sounding\n THEir trumpets and beating THEir drums, was permitted to depart\n with THE honors of war. The Jews had excited and joined THE war\n of THE Koreish: no sooner had THE nations retired from THE ditch,\n than Mahomet, without laying aside his armor, marched on THE same\n day to extirpate THE hostile race of THE children of Koraidha.\n After a resistance of twenty-five days, THEy surrendered at\n discretion. They trusted to THE intercession of THEir old allies\n of Medina; THEy could not be ignorant that fanaticism obliterates\n THE feelings of humanity. A venerable elder, to whose judgment\n THEy appealed, pronounced THE sentence of THEir death; seven\n hundred Jews were dragged in chains to THE market-place of THE\n city; THEy descended alive into THE grave prepared for THEir\n execution and burial; and THE apostle beheld with an inflexible\n eye THE slaughter of his helpless enemies. Their sheep and camels\n were inherited by THE Mussulmans: three hundred cuirasses, five\n hundred pikes, a thousand lances, composed THE most useful\n portion of THE spoil. Six days’ journey to THE north-east of\n Medina, THE ancient and wealthy town of Chaibar was THE seat of\n THE Jewish power in Arabia: THE territory, a fertile spot in THE\n desert, was covered with plantations and cattle, and protected by\n eight castles, some of which were esteemed of impregnable\n strength. The forces of Mahomet consisted of two hundred horse\n and fourteen hundred foot: in THE succession of eight regular and\n painful sieges THEy were exposed to danger, and fatigue, and\n hunger; and THE most undaunted chiefs despaired of THE event. The\n apostle revived THEir faith and courage by THE example of Ali, on\n whom he bestowed THE surname of THE Lion of God: perhaps we may\n believe that a Hebrew champion of gigantic stature was cloven to\n THE chest by his irresistible cimeter; but we cannot praise THE\n modesty of romance, which represents him as tearing from its\n hinges THE gate of a fortress and wielding THE ponderous buckler\n in his left hand. 136 After THE reduction of THE castles, THE\n town of Chaibar submitted to THE yoke. The chief of THE tribe was\n tortured, in THE presence of Mahomet, to force a confession of\n his hidden treasure: THE industry of THE shepherds and husbandmen\n was rewarded with a precarious toleration: THEy were permitted,\n so long as it should please THE conqueror, to improve THEir\n patrimony, in equal shares, for his emolument and THEir own.\n Under THE reign of Omar, THE Jews of Chaibar were transported to\n Syria; and THE caliph alleged THE injunction of his dying master;\n that one and THE true religion should be professed in his native\n land of Arabia. 137\n\n 135 (return) [ The wars of Mahomet against THE Jewish tribes of\n Kainoka, THE Nadhirites, Koraidha, and Chaibar, are related by\n Abulfeda (p. 61, 71, 77, 87, &c.) and Gagnier, (tom. ii. p.\n 61-65, 107-112, 139-148, 268-294.)]\n\n 136 (return) [ Abu Rafe, THE servant of Mahomet, is said to\n affirm that he himself, and seven oTHEr men, afterwards tried,\n without success, to move THE same gate from THE ground,\n (Abulfeda, p. 90.) Abu Rafe was an eye-witness, but who will be\n witness for Abu Rafe?]\n\n 137 (return) [ The banishment of THE Jews is attested by Elmacin\n (Hist. Saracen, p. 9) and THE great Al Zabari, (Gagnier, tom. ii.\n p. 285.) Yet Niebuhr (Description de l’Arabie, p. 324) believes\n that THE Jewish religion, and Karaite sect, are still professed\n by THE tribe of Chaibar; and that, in THE plunder of THE\n caravans, THE disciples of Moses are THE confederates of those of\n Mahomet.]\n\n Five times each day THE eyes of Mahomet were turned towards\n Mecca, 138 and he was urged by THE most sacred and powerful\n motives to revisit, as a conqueror, THE city and THE temple from\n whence he had been driven as an exile. The Caaba was present to\n his waking and sleeping fancy: an idle dream was translated into\n vision and prophecy; he unfurled THE holy banner; and a rash\n promise of success too hastily dropped from THE lips of THE\n apostle. His march from Medina to Mecca displayed THE peaceful\n and solemn pomp of a pilgrimage: seventy camels, chosen and\n bedecked for sacrifice, preceded THE van; THE sacred territory\n was respected; and THE captives were dismissed without ransom to\n proclaim his clemency and devotion. But no sooner did Mahomet\n descend into THE plain, within a day’s journey of THE city, than\n he exclaimed, “They have cloTHEd THEmselves with THE skins of\n tigers:” THE numbers and resolution of THE Koreish opposed his\n progress; and THE roving Arabs of THE desert might desert or\n betray a leader whom THEy had followed for THE hopes of spoil.\n The intrepid fanatic sunk into a cool and cautious politician: he\n waived in THE treaty his title of apostle of God; concluded with\n THE Koreish and THEir allies a truce of ten years; engaged to\n restore THE fugitives of Mecca who should embrace his religion;\n and stipulated only, for THE ensuing year, THE humble privilege\n of entering THE city as a friend, and of remaining three days to\n accomplish THE rites of THE pilgrimage. A cloud of shame and\n sorrow hung on THE retreat of THE Mussulmans, and THEir\n disappointment might justly accuse THE failure of a prophet who\n had so often appealed to THE evidence of success. The faith and\n hope of THE pilgrims were rekindled by THE prospect of Mecca:\n THEir swords were sheaTHEd; 1381 seven times in THE footsteps of\n THE apostle THEy encompassed THE Caaba: THE Koreish had retired\n to THE hills, and Mahomet, after THE customary sacrifice,\n evacuated THE city on THE fourth day. The people was edified by\n his devotion; THE hostile chiefs were awed, or divided, or\n seduced; and both Kaled and Amrou, THE future conquerors of Syria\n and Egypt, most seasonably deserted THE sinking cause of\n idolatry. The power of Mahomet was increased by THE submission of\n THE Arabian tribes; ten thousand soldiers were assembled for THE\n conquest of Mecca; and THE idolaters, THE weaker party, were\n easily convicted of violating THE truce. Enthusiasm and\n discipline impelled THE march, and preserved THE secret till THE\n blaze of ten thousand fires proclaimed to THE astonished Koreish\n THE design, THE approach, and THE irresistible force of THE\n enemy. The haughty Abu Sophian presented THE keys of THE city,\n admired THE variety of arms and ensigns that passed before him in\n review; observed that THE son of Abdallah had acquired a mighty\n kingdom, and confessed, under THE cimeter of Omar, that he was\n THE apostle of THE true God. The return of Marius and Scylla was\n stained with THE blood of THE Romans: THE revenge of Mahomet was\n stimulated by religious zeal, and his injured followers were\n eager to execute or to prevent THE order of a massacre. Instead\n of indulging THEir passions and his own, 139 THE victorious exile\n forgave THE guilt, and united THE factions, of Mecca. His troops,\n in three divisions, marched into THE city: eight-and-twenty of\n THE inhabitants were slain by THE sword of Caled; eleven men and\n six women were proscribed by THE sentence of Mahomet; but he\n blamed THE cruelty of his lieutenant; and several of THE most\n obnoxious victims were indebted for THEir lives to his clemency\n or contempt. The chiefs of THE Koreish were prostrate at his\n feet. “What mercy can you expect from THE man whom you have\n wronged?” “We confide in THE generosity of our kinsman.” “And you\n shall not confide in vain: begone! you are safe, you are free”\n The people of Mecca deserved THEir pardon by THE profession of\n Islam; and after an exile of seven years, THE fugitive missionary\n was enthroned as THE prince and prophet of his native country.\n 140 But THE three hundred and sixty idols of THE Caaba were\n ignominiously broken: THE house of God was purified and adorned:\n as an example to future times, THE apostle again fulfilled THE\n duties of a pilgrim; and a perpetual law was enacted that no\n unbeliever should dare to set his foot on THE territory of THE\n holy city. 141\n\n 138 (return) [ The successive steps of THE reduction of Mecca are\n related by Abulfeda (p. 84-87, 97-100, 102-111) and Gagnier,\n (tom. ii. p. 202-245, 309-322, tom. iii. p. 1-58,) Elmacin,\n (Hist. Saracen. p. 8, 9, 10,) Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 103.)]\n\n 1381 (return) [ This peaceful entrance into Mecca took place,\n according to THE treaty THE following year. Weil, p. 202—M.\n 1845.]\n\n 139 (return) [ After THE conquest of Mecca, THE Mahomet of\n Voltaire imagines and perpetuates THE most horrid crimes. The\n poet confesses, that he is not supported by THE truth of history,\n and can only allege, que celui qui fait la guerre a sa patrie au\n nom de Dieu, est capable de tout, (Oeuvres de Voltaire, tom. xv.\n p. 282.) The maxim is neiTHEr charitable nor philosophic; and\n some reverence is surely due to THE fame of heroes and THE\n religion of nations. I am informed that a Turkish ambassador at\n Paris was much scandalized at THE representation of this\n tragedy.]\n\n 140 (return) [ The Mahometan doctors still dispute, wheTHEr Mecca\n was reduced by force or consent, (Abulfeda, p. 107, et Gagnier ad\n locum;) and this verbal controversy is of as much moment as our\n own about William THE Conqueror.]\n\n 141 (return) [ In excluding THE Christians from THE peninsula of\n Arabia, THE province of Hejaz, or THE navigation of THE Red Sea,\n Chardin (Voyages en Perse, tom. iv. p. 166) and Reland\n (Dissertat. Miscell. tom. iii. p. 61) are more rigid than THE\n Mussulmans THEmselves. The Christians are received without\n scruple into THE ports of Mocha, and even of Gedda; and it is\n only THE city and precincts of Mecca that are inaccessible to THE\n profane, (Niebuhr, Description de l’Arabie, p. 308, 309, Voyage\n en Arabie, tom. i. p. 205, 248, &c.)]\n\n The conquest of Mecca determined THE faith and obedience of THE\n Arabian tribes; 142 who, according to THE vicissitudes of\n fortune, had obeyed, or disregarded, THE eloquence or THE arms of\n THE prophet. Indifference for rites and opinions still marks THE\n character of THE Bedoweens; and THEy might accept, as loosely as\n THEy hold, THE doctrine of THE Koran. Yet an obstinate remnant\n still adhered to THE religion and liberty of THEir ancestors, and\n THE war of Honain derived a proper appellation from THE idols,\n whom Mahomet had vowed to destroy, and whom THE confederates of\n Tayef had sworn to defend. 143 Four thousand Pagans advanced with\n secrecy and speed to surprise THE conqueror: THEy pitied and\n despised THE supine negligence of THE Koreish, but THEy depended\n on THE wishes, and perhaps THE aid, of a people who had so lately\n renounced THEir gods, and bowed beneath THE yoke of THEir enemy.\n The banners of Medina and Mecca were displayed by THE prophet; a\n crowd of Bedoweens increased THE strength or numbers of THE army,\n and twelve thousand Mussulmans entertained a rash and sinful\n presumption of THEir invincible strength. They descended without\n precaution into THE valley of Honain: THE heights had been\n occupied by THE archers and slingers of THE confederates; THEir\n numbers were oppressed, THEir discipline was confounded, THEir\n courage was appalled, and THE Koreish smiled at THEir impending\n destruction. The prophet, on his white mule, was encompassed by\n THE enemies: he attempted to rush against THEir spears in search\n of a glorious death: ten of his faithful companions interposed\n THEir weapons and THEir breasts; three of THEse fell dead at his\n feet: “O my brethren,” he repeatedly cried, with sorrow and\n indignation, “I am THE son of Abdallah, I am THE apostle of\n truth! O man, stand fast in THE faith! O God, send down thy\n succor!” His uncle Abbas, who, like THE heroes of Homer, excelled\n in THE loudness of his voice, made THE valley resound with THE\n recital of THE gifts and promises of God: THE flying Moslems\n returned from all sides to THE holy standard; and Mahomet\n observed with pleasure that THE furnace was again rekindled: his\n conduct and example restored THE battle, and he animated his\n victorious troops to inflict a merciless revenge on THE authors\n of THEir shame. From THE field of Honain, he marched without\n delay to THE siege of Tayef, sixty miles to THE south-east of\n Mecca, a fortress of strength, whose fertile lands produce THE\n fruits of Syria in THE midst of THE Arabian desert. A friendly\n tribe, instructed (I know not how) in THE art of sieges, supplied\n him with a train of battering-rams and military engines, with a\n body of five hundred artificers. But it was in vain that he\n offered freedom to THE slaves of Tayef; that he violated his own\n laws by THE extirpation of THE fruit-trees; that THE ground was\n opened by THE miners; that THE breach was assaulted by THE\n troops. After a siege of twenty-days, THE prophet sounded a\n retreat; but he retreated with a song of devout triumph, and\n affected to pray for THE repentance and safety of THE unbelieving\n city. The spoils of this fortunate expedition amounted to six\n thousand captives, twenty-four thousand camels, forty thousand\n sheep, and four thousand ounces of silver: a tribe who had fought\n at Hoinan redeemed THEir prisoners by THE sacrifice of THEir\n idols; but Mahomet compensated THE loss, by resigning to THE\n soldiers his fifth of THE plunder, and wished, for THEir sake,\n that he possessed as many head of cattle as THEre were trees in\n THE province of Tehama. Instead of chastising THE disaffection of\n THE Koreish, he endeavored to cut out THEir tongues, (his own\n expression,) and to secure THEir attachment by a superior measure\n of liberality: Abu Sophian alone was presented with three hundred\n camels and twenty ounces of silver; and Mecca was sincerely\n converted to THE profitable religion of THE Koran.\n\n 142 (return) [ Abulfeda, p. 112-115. Gagnier, tom. iii. p. 67-88.\n D’Herbelot, Mohammed.]\n\n 143 (return) [ The siege of Tayef, division of THE spoil, &c.,\n are related by Abulfeda (p. 117-123) and Gagnier, (tom. iii. p.\n 88-111.) It is Al Jannabi who mentions THE engines and engineers\n of THE tribe of Daws. The fertile spot of Tayef was supposed to\n be a piece of THE land of Syria detached and dropped in THE\n general deluge]\n\n The fugitives and auxiliaries complained, that THEy who had borne\n THE burden were neglected in THE season of victory “Alas!”\n replied THEir artful leader, “suffer me to conciliate THEse\n recent enemies, THEse doubtful proselytes, by THE gift of some\n perishable goods. To your guard I intrust my life and fortunes.\n You are THE companions of my exile, of my kingdom, of my\n paradise.” He was followed by THE deputies of Tayef, who dreaded\n THE repetition of a siege. “Grant us, O apostle of God! a truce\n of three years, with THE toleration of our ancient worship.” “Not\n a month, not an hour.” “Excuse us at least from THE obligation of\n prayer.” “Without prayer religion is of no avail.” They submitted\n in silence: THEir temples were demolished, and THE same sentence\n of destruction was executed on all THE idols of Arabia. His\n lieutenants, on THE shores of THE Red Sea, THE Ocean, and THE\n Gulf of Persia, were saluted by THE acclamations of a faithful\n people; and THE ambassadors, who knelt before THE throne of\n Medina, were as numerous (says THE Arabian proverb) as THE dates\n that fall from THE maturity of a palm-tree. The nation submitted\n to THE God and THE sceptre of Mahomet: THE opprobrious name of\n tribute was abolished: THE spontaneous or reluctant oblations of\n arms and tiTHEs were applied to THE service of religion; and one\n hundred and fourteen thousand Moslems accompanied THE last\n pilgrimage of THE apostle. 144\n\n 144 (return) [ The last conquests and pilgrimage of Mahomet are\n contained in Abulfeda, (p. 121, 133,) Gagnier, (tom. iii. p.\n 119-219,) Elmacin, (p. 10, 11,) Abulpharagius, (p. 103.) The ixth\n of THE Hegira was styled THE Year of Embassies, (Gagnier, Not. ad\n Abulfed. p. 121.)]\n\n When Heraclius returned in triumph from THE Persian war, he\n entertained, at Emesa, one of THE ambassadors of Mahomet, who\n invited THE princes and nations of THE earth to THE profession of\n Islam. On this foundation THE zeal of THE Arabians has supposed\n THE secret conversion of THE Christian emperor: THE vanity of THE\n Greeks has feigned a personal visit of THE prince of Medina, who\n accepted from THE royal bounty a rich domain, and a secure\n retreat, in THE province of Syria. 145 But THE friendship of\n Heraclius and Mahomet was of short continuance: THE new religion\n had inflamed raTHEr than assuaged THE rapacious spirit of THE\n Saracens, and THE murder of an envoy afforded a decent pretence\n for invading, with three thousand soldiers, THE territory of\n Palestine, that extends to THE eastward of THE Jordan. The holy\n banner was intrusted to Zeid; and such was THE discipline or\n enthusiasm of THE rising sect, that THE noblest chiefs served\n without reluctance under THE slave of THE prophet. On THE event\n of his decease, Jaafar and Abdallah were successively substituted\n to THE command; and if THE three should perish in THE war, THE\n troops were authorized to elect THEir general. The three leaders\n were slain in THE battle of Muta, 146 THE first military action,\n which tried THE valor of THE Moslems against a foreign enemy.\n Zeid fell, like a soldier, in THE foremost ranks: THE death of\n Jaafar was heroic and memorable: he lost his right hand: he\n shifted THE standard to his left: THE left was severed from his\n body: he embraced THE standard with his bleeding stumps, till he\n was transfixed to THE ground with fifty honorable wounds. 1461\n “Advance,” cried Abdallah, who stepped into THE vacant place,\n “advance with confidence: eiTHEr victory or paradise is our own.”\n The lance of a Roman decided THE alternative; but THE falling\n standard was rescued by Caled, THE proselyte of Mecca: nine\n swords were broken in his hand; and his valor withstood and\n repulsed THE superior numbers of THE Christians. In THE nocturnal\n council of THE camp he was chosen to command: his skilful\n evolutions of THE ensuing day secured eiTHEr THE victory or THE\n retreat of THE Saracens; and Caled is renowned among his brethren\n and his enemies by THE glorious appellation of THE Sword of God.\n In THE pulpit, Mahomet described, with prophetic rapture, THE\n crowns of THE blessed martyrs; but in private he betrayed THE\n feelings of human nature: he was surprised as he wept over THE\n daughter of Zeid: “What do I see?” said THE astonished votary.\n “You see,” replied THE apostle, “a friend who is deploring THE\n loss of his most faithful friend.” After THE conquest of Mecca,\n THE sovereign of Arabia affected to prevent THE hostile\n preparations of Heraclius; and solemnly proclaimed war against\n THE Romans, without attempting to disguise THE hardships and\n dangers of THE enterprise. 147 The Moslems were discouraged: THEy\n alleged THE want of money, or horses, or provisions; THE season\n of harvest, and THE intolerable heat of THE summer: “Hell is much\n hotter,” said THE indignant prophet. He disdained to compel THEir\n service: but on his return he admonished THE most guilty, by an\n excommunication of fifty days. Their desertion enhanced THE merit\n of Abubeker, Othman, and THE faithful companions who devoted\n THEir lives and fortunes; and Mahomet displayed his banner at THE\n head of ten thousand horse and twenty thousand foot. Painful\n indeed was THE distress of THE march: lassitude and thirst were\n aggravated by THE scorching and pestilential winds of THE desert:\n ten men rode by turns on one camel; and THEy were reduced to THE\n shameful necessity of drinking THE water from THE belly of that\n useful animal. In THE mid-way, ten days’ journey from Medina and\n Damascus, THEy reposed near THE grove and fountain of Tabuc.\n Beyond that place Mahomet declined THE prosecution of THE war: he\n declared himself satisfied with THE peaceful intentions, he was\n more probably daunted by THE martial array, of THE emperor of THE\n East. But THE active and intrepid Caled spread around THE terror\n of his name; and THE prophet received THE submission of THE\n tribes and cities, from THE Euphrates to Ailah, at THE head of\n THE Red Sea. To his Christian subjects, Mahomet readily granted\n THE security of THEir persons, THE freedom of THEir trade, THE\n property of THEir goods, and THE toleration of THEir worship. 148\n The weakness of THEir Arabian brethren had restrained THEm from\n opposing his ambition; THE disciples of Jesus were endeared to\n THE enemy of THE Jews; and it was THE interest of a conqueror to\n propose a fair capitulation to THE most powerful religion of THE\n earth.\n\n 145 (return) [ Compare THE bigoted Al Jannabi (apud Gagnier, tom.\n ii. p. 232-255) with THE no less bigoted Greeks, Theophanes, (p.\n 276-227,) Zonaras (tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 86,) and Cedrenus, (p.\n 421.)]\n\n 146 (return) [ For THE battle of Muta, and its consequences, see\n Abulfeda (p 100-102) and Gagnier, (tom. ii. p. 327-343.).]\n\n 1461 (return) [ To console THE afflicted relatives of his kinsman\n Jauffer, he (Mahomet) represented that, in Paradise, in exchange\n for THE arms which he had lost, he had been furnished with a pair\n of wings, resplendent with THE blushing glories of THE ruby, and\n with which he was become THE inseparable companion of THE\n archangal Gabriel, in his volitations through THE regions of\n eternal bliss. Hence, in THE catalogue of THE martyrs, he has\n been denominated Jauffer teyaur, THE winged Jauffer. Price,\n Chronological Retrospect of Mohammedan History, vol. i. p. 5.-M.]\n\n 147 (return) [ The expedition of Tabuc is recorded by our\n ordinary historians Abulfeda (Vit. Moham. p. 123-127) and\n Gagnier, (Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 147-163: ) but we have THE\n advantage of appealing to THE original evidence of THE Koran, (c.\n 9, p. 154, 165,) with Sale’s learned and rational notes.]\n\n 148 (return) [ The Diploma securitatis Ailensibus is attested by\n Ahmed Ben Joseph, and THE author Libri Splendorum, (Gagnier, Not.\n ad Abulfe dam, p. 125;) but Abulfeda himself, as well as Elmacin,\n (Hist. Saracen. p. 11,) though he owns Mahomet’s regard for THE\n Christians, (p 13,) only mentions peace and tribute. In THE year\n 1630, Sionita published at Paris THE text and version of\n Mahomet’s patent in favor of THE Christians; which was admitted\n and reprobated by THE opposite taste of Salmasius and Grotius,\n (Bayle, Mahomet, Rem. Aa.) Hottinger doubts of its auTHEnticity,\n (Hist. Orient. p. 237;) Renaudot urges THE consent of THE\n Mohametans, (Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 169;) but Mosheim (Hist.\n Eccles. p. 244) shows THE futility of THEir opinion and inclines\n to believe it spurious. Yet Abulpharagius quotes THE impostor’s\n treaty with THE Nestorian patriarch, (Asseman. Bibliot. Orient.\n tom. ii. p. 418;) but Abulpharagius was primate of THE\n Jacobites.]\n\n Till THE age of sixty-three years, THE strength of Mahomet was\n equal to THE temporal and spiritual fatigues of his mission. His\n epileptic fits, an absurd calumny of THE Greeks, would be an\n object of pity raTHEr than abhorrence; 149 but he seriously\n believed that he was poisoned at Chaibar by THE revenge of a\n Jewish female. 150 During four years, THE health of THE prophet\n declined; his infirmities increased; but his mortal disease was a\n fever of fourteen days, which deprived him by intervals of THE\n use of reason. As soon as he was conscious of his danger, he\n edified his brethren by THE humility of his virtue or penitence.\n “If THEre be any man,” said THE apostle from THE pulpit, “whom I\n have unjustly scourged, I submit my own back to THE lash of\n retaliation. Have I aspersed THE reputation of a Mussulman? let\n him proclaim my thoughts in THE face of THE congregation. Has any\n one been despoiled of his goods? THE little that I possess shall\n compensate THE principal and THE interest of THE debt.” “Yes,”\n replied a voice from THE crowd, “I am entitled to three drams of\n silver.” Mahomet heard THE complaint, satisfied THE demand, and\n thanked his creditor for accusing him in this world raTHEr than\n at THE day of judgment. He beheld with temperate firmness THE\n approach of death; enfranchised his slaves (seventeen men, as\n THEy are named, and eleven women;) minutely directed THE order of\n his funeral, and moderated THE lamentations of his weeping\n friends, on whom he bestowed THE benediction of peace. Till THE\n third day before his death, he regularly performed THE function\n of public prayer: THE choice of Abubeker to supply his place,\n appeared to mark that ancient and faithful friend as his\n successor in THE sacerdotal and regal office; but he prudently\n declined THE risk and envy of a more explicit nomination. At a\n moment when his faculties were visibly impaired, he called for\n pen and ink to write, or, more properly, to dictate, a divine\n book, THE sum and accomplishment of all his revelations: a\n dispute arose in THE chamber, wheTHEr he should be allowed to\n supersede THE authority of THE Koran; and THE prophet was forced\n to reprove THE indecent vehemence of his disciples. If THE\n slightest credit may be afforded to THE traditions of his wives\n and companions, he maintained, in THE bosom of his family, and to\n THE last moments of his life, THE dignity 1501 of an apostle, and\n THE faith of an enthusiast; described THE visits of Gabriel, who\n bade an everlasting farewell to THE earth, and expressed his\n lively confidence, not only of THE mercy, but of THE favor, of\n THE Supreme Being. In a familiar discourse he had mentioned his\n special prerogative, that THE angel of death was not allowed to\n take his soul till he had respectfully asked THE permission of\n THE prophet. The request was granted; and Mahomet immediately\n fell into THE agony of his dissolution: his head was reclined on\n THE lap of Ayesha, THE best beloved of all his wives; he fainted\n with THE violence of pain; recovering his spirits, he raised his\n eyes towards THE roof of THE house, and, with a steady look,\n though a faltering voice, uttered THE last broken, though\n articulate, words: “O God!..... pardon my sins....... Yes, ......\n I come,...... among my fellow-citizens on high;” and thus\n peaceably expired on a carpet spread upon THE floor. An\n expedition for THE conquest of Syria was stopped by this mournful\n event; THE army halted at THE gates of Medina; THE chiefs were\n assembled round THEir dying master. The city, more especially THE\n house, of THE prophet, was a scene of clamorous sorrow of silent\n despair: fanaticism alone could suggest a ray of hope and\n consolation. “How can he be dead, our witness, our intercessor,\n our mediator, with God? By God he is not dead: like Moses and\n Jesus, he is wrapped in a holy trance, and speedily will he\n return to his faithful people.” The evidence of sense was\n disregarded; and Omar, unsheathing his cimeter, threatened to\n strike off THE heads of THE infidels, who should dare to affirm\n that THE prophet was no more. The tumult was appeased by THE\n weight and moderation of Abubeker. “Is it Mahomet,” said he to\n Omar and THE multitude, “or THE God of Mahomet, whom you worship?\n The God of Mahomet liveth forever; but THE apostle was a mortal\n like ourselves, and according to his own prediction, he has\n experienced THE common fate of mortality.” He was piously\n interred by THE hands of his nearest kinsman, on THE same spot on\n which he expired: 151 Medina has been sanctified by THE death and\n burial of Mahomet; and THE innumerable pilgrims of Mecca often\n turn aside from THE way, to bow, in voluntary devotion, 152\n before THE simple tomb of THE prophet. 153\n\n 149 (return) [ The epilepsy, or falling-sickness, of Mahomet is\n asserted by Theophanes, Zonaras, and THE rest of THE Greeks; and\n is greedily swallowed by THE gross bigotry of Hottinger, (Hist.\n Orient. p. 10, 11,) Prideaux, (Life of Mahomet, p. 12,) and\n Maracci, (tom. ii. Alcoran, p. 762, 763.) The titles (THE\n wrapped-up, THE covered) of two chapters of THE Koran, (73, 74)\n can hardly be strained to such an interpretation: THE silence,\n THE ignorance of THE Mahometan commentators, is more conclusive\n than THE most peremptory denial; and THE charitable side is\n espoused by Ockley, (Hist. of THE Saracens, tom. i. p. 301,)\n Gagnier, (ad Abulfedam, p. 9. Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 118,)\n and Sale, (Koran, p. 469-474.) * Note: Dr Weil believes in THE\n epilepsy, and adduces strong evidence for it; and surely it may\n be believed, in perfect charity; and that THE prophet’s visions\n were connected, as THEy appear to have been, with THEse fits. I\n have little doubt that he saw and believed THEse visions, and\n visions THEy were. Weil, p. 43.—M. 1845.]\n\n 150 (return) [ This poison (more ignominious since it was offered\n as a test of his prophetic knowledge) is frankly confessed by his\n zealous votaries, Abulfeda (p. 92) and Al Jannabi, (apud Gagnier,\n tom. ii. p. 286-288.)]\n\n 1501 (return) [ Major Price, who writes with THE authority of one\n widely conversant with THE original sources of Eastern knowledge,\n and in a very candid tone, takes a very different view of THE\n prophet’s death. “In tracing THE circumstances of Mahommed’s\n illness, we look in vain for any proofs of that meek and heroic\n firmness which might be expected to dignify and embellish THE\n last moments of THE apostle of God. On some occasions he betrayed\n such want of fortitude, such marks of childish impatience, as are\n in general to be found in men only of THE most ordinary stamp;\n and such as extorted from his wife Ayesha, in particular, THE\n sarcastic remark, that in herself, or any of her family, a\n similar demeanor would long since have incurred his severe\n displeasure. * * * He said that THE acuteness and violence of his\n sufferings were necessarily in THE proportion of those honors\n with which it had ever pleased THE hand of Omnipotence to\n distinguish its peculiar favorites.” Price, vol. i. p. 13.—M]\n\n 151 (return) [ The Greeks and Latins have invented and propagated\n THE vulgar and ridiculous story, that Mahomet’s iron tomb is\n suspended in THE air at Mecca, (Laonicus Chalcondyles, de Rebus\n Turcicis, l. iii. p. 66,) by THE action of equal and potent\n loadstones, (Dictionnaire de Bayle, Mahomet, Rem. Ee. Ff.)\n Without any philosophical inquiries, it may suffice, that, 1. The\n prophet was not buried at Mecca; and, 2. That his tomb at Medina,\n which has been visited by millions, is placed on THE ground,\n (Reland, de Relig. Moham. l. ii. c. 19, p. 209-211. Gagnier, Vie\n de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 263-268.) * Note: According to THE\n testimony of all THE Eastern authors, Mahomet died on Monday THE\n 12th Reby 1st, in THE year 11 of THE Hegira, which answers in\n reality to THE 8th June, 632, of J. C. We find in Ockley (Hist.\n of Saracens) that it was on Monday THE 6th June, 632. This is a\n mistake; for THE 6th June of that year was a Saturday, not a\n Monday; THE 8th June, THErefore, was a Monday. It is easy to\n discover that THE lunar year, in this calculation has been\n confounded with THE solar. St. Martin vol. xi. p. 186.—M.]\n\n 152 (return) [ Al Jannabi enumerates (Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii.\n p. 372-391) THE multifarious duties of a pilgrim who visits THE\n tombs of THE prophet and his companions; and THE learned casuist\n decides, that this act of devotion is nearest in obligation and\n merit to a divine precept. The doctors are divided which, of\n Mecca or Medina, be THE most excellent, (p. 391-394.)]\n\n 153 (return) [ The last sickness, death, and burial of Mahomet,\n are described by Abulfeda and Gagnier, (Vit. Moham. p. 133-142.\n —Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 220-271.) The most private and\n interesting circumstances were originally received from Ayesha,\n Ali, THE sons of Abbas, &c.; and as THEy dwelt at Medina, and\n survived THE prophet many years, THEy might repeat THE pious tale\n to a second or third generation of pilgrims.]\n\n At THE conclusion of THE life of Mahomet, it may perhaps be\n expected, that I should balance his faults and virtues, that I\n should decide wheTHEr THE title of enthusiast or impostor more\n properly belongs to that extraordinary man. Had I been intimately\n conversant with THE son of Abdallah, THE task would still be\n difficult, and THE success uncertain: at THE distance of twelve\n centuries, I darkly contemplate his shade through a cloud of\n religious incense; and could I truly delineate THE portrait of an\n hour, THE fleeting resemblance would not equally apply to THE\n solitary of Mount Hera, to THE preacher of Mecca, and to THE\n conqueror of Arabia. The author of a mighty revolution appears to\n have been endowed with a pious and contemplative disposition: so\n soon as marriage had raised him above THE pressure of want, he\n avoided THE paths of ambition and avarice; and till THE age of\n forty he lived with innocence, and would have died without a\n name. The unity of God is an idea most congenial to nature and\n reason; and a slight conversation with THE Jews and Christians\n would teach him to despise and detest THE idolatry of Mecca. It\n was THE duty of a man and a citizen to impart THE doctrine of\n salvation, to rescue his country from THE dominion of sin and\n error. The energy of a mind incessantly bent on THE same object,\n would convert a general obligation into a particular call; THE\n warm suggestions of THE understanding or THE fancy would be felt\n as THE inspirations of Heaven; THE labor of thought would expire\n in rapture and vision; and THE inward sensation, THE invisible\n monitor, would be described with THE form and attributes of an\n angel of God. 154 From enthusiasm to imposture, THE step is\n perilous and slippery: THE daemon of Socrates 155 affords a\n memorable instance, how a wise man may deceive himself, how a\n good man may deceive oTHErs, how THE conscience may slumber in a\n mixed and middle state between self-illusion and voluntary fraud.\n Charity may believe that THE original motives of Mahomet were\n those of pure and genuine benevolence; but a human missionary is\n incapable of cherishing THE obstinate unbelievers who reject his\n claims despise his arguments, and persecute his life; he might\n forgive his personal adversaries, he may lawfully hate THE\n enemies of God; THE stern passions of pride and revenge were\n kindled in THE bosom of Mahomet, and he sighed, like THE prophet\n of Nineveh, for THE destruction of THE rebels whom he had\n condemned. The injustice of Mecca and THE choice of Medina,\n transformed THE citizen into a prince, THE humble preacher into\n THE leader of armies; but his sword was consecrated by THE\n example of THE saints; and THE same God who afflicts a sinful\n world with pestilence and earthquakes, might inspire for THEir\n conversion or chastisement THE valor of his servants. In THE\n exercise of political government, he was compelled to abate of\n THE stern rigor of fanaticism, to comply in some measure with THE\n prejudices and passions of his followers, and to employ even THE\n vices of mankind as THE instruments of THEir salvation. The use\n of fraud and perfidy, of cruelty and injustice, were often\n subservient to THE propagation of THE faith; and Mahomet\n commanded or approved THE assassination of THE Jews and idolaters\n who had escaped from THE field of battle. By THE repetition of\n such acts, THE character of Mahomet must have been gradually\n stained; and THE influence of such pernicious habits would be\n poorly compensated by THE practice of THE personal and social\n virtues which are necessary to maintain THE reputation of a\n prophet among his sectaries and friends. Of his last years,\n ambition was THE ruling passion; and a politician will suspect,\n that he secretly smiled (THE victorious impostor!) at THE\n enthusiasm of his youth, and THE credulity of his proselytes. 156\n A philosopher will observe, that THEir credulity and his success\n would tend more strongly to fortify THE assurance of his divine\n mission, that his interest and religion were inseparably\n connected, and that his conscience would be sooTHEd by THE\n persuasion, that he alone was absolved by THE Deity from THE\n obligation of positive and moral laws. If he retained any vestige\n of his native innocence, THE sins of Mahomet may be allowed as an\n evidence of his sincerity. In THE support of truth, THE arts of\n fraud and fiction may be deemed less criminal; and he would have\n started at THE foulness of THE means, had he not been satisfied\n of THE importance and justice of THE end. Even in a conqueror or\n a priest, I can surprise a word or action of unaffected humanity;\n and THE decree of Mahomet, that, in THE sale of captives, THE\n moTHErs should never be separated from THEir children, may\n suspend, or moderate, THE censure of THE historian. 157\n\n 154 (return) [ The Christians, rashly enough, have assigned to\n Mahomet a tame pigeon, that seemed to descend from heaven and\n whisper in his ear. As this pretended miracle is urged by\n Grotius, (de Veritate Religionis Christianae,) his Arabic\n translator, THE learned Pocock, inquired of him THE names of his\n authors; and Grotius confessed, that it is unknown to THE\n Mahometans THEmselves. Lest it should provoke THEir indignation\n and laughter, THE pious lie is suppressed in THE Arabic version;\n but it has maintained an edifying place in THE numerous editions\n of THE Latin text, (Pocock, Specimen, Hist. Arabum, p. 186, 187.\n Reland, de Religion. Moham. l. ii. c. 39, p. 259-262.)]\n\n 155 (return) [ (Plato, in Apolog. Socrat. c. 19, p. 121, 122,\n edit. Fischer.) The familiar examples, which Socrates urges in\n his Dialogue with Theages, (Platon. Opera, tom. i. p. 128, 129,\n edit. Hen. Stephan.) are beyond THE reach of human foresight; and\n THE divine inspiration of THE philosopher is clearly taught in\n THE Memorabilia of Xenophon. The ideas of THE most rational\n Platonists are expressed by Cicero, (de Divinat. i. 54,) and in\n THE xivth and xvth Dissertations of Maximus of Tyre, (p. 153-172,\n edit. Davis.)]\n\n 156 (return) [ In some passage of his voluminous writings,\n Voltaire compares THE prophet, in his old age, to a fakir, “qui\n detache la chaine de son cou pour en donner sur les oreilles a\n ses confreres.”]\n\n 157 (return) [ Gagnier relates, with THE same impartial pen, this\n humane law of THE prophet, and THE murders of Caab, and Sophian,\n which he prompted and approved, (Vie de Mahomet, tom. ii. p. 69,\n 97, 208.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part VII.\n\n The good sense of Mahomet 158 despised THE pomp of royalty: THE\n apostle of God submitted to THE menial offices of THE family: he\n kindled THE fire, swept THE floor, milked THE ewes, and mended\n with his own hands his shoes and his woollen garment. Disdaining\n THE penance and merit of a hermit, he observed, without effort or\n vanity, THE abstemious diet of an Arab and a soldier. On solemn\n occasions he feasted his companions with rustic and hospitable\n plenty; but in his domestic life, many weeks would elapse without\n a fire being kindled on THE hearth of THE prophet. The\n interdiction of wine was confirmed by his example; his hunger was\n appeased with a sparing allowance of barley-bread: he delighted\n in THE taste of milk and honey; but his ordinary food consisted\n of dates and water. Perfumes and women were THE two sensual\n enjoyments which his nature required, and his religion did not\n forbid; and Mahomet affirmed, that THE fervor of his devotion was\n increased by THEse innocent pleasures. The heat of THE climate\n inflames THE blood of THE Arabs; and THEir libidinous complexion\n has been noticed by THE writers of antiquity. 159 Their\n incontinence was regulated by THE civil and religious laws of THE\n Koran: THEir incestuous alliances were blamed; THE boundless\n license of polygamy was reduced to four legitimate wives or\n concubines; THEir rights both of bed and of dowry were equitably\n determined; THE freedom of divorce was discouraged, adultery was\n condemned as a capital offence; and fornication, in eiTHEr sex,\n was punished with a hundred stripes. 160 Such were THE calm and\n rational precepts of THE legislator: but in his private conduct,\n Mahomet indulged THE appetites of a man, and abused THE claims of\n a prophet. A special revelation dispensed him from THE laws which\n he had imposed on his nation: THE female sex, without reserve,\n was abandoned to his desires; and this singular prerogative\n excited THE envy, raTHEr than THE scandal, THE veneration, raTHEr\n than THE envy, of THE devout Mussulmans. If we remember THE seven\n hundred wives and three hundred concubines of THE wise Solomon,\n we shall applaud THE modesty of THE Arabian, who espoused no more\n than seventeen or fifteen wives; eleven are enumerated who\n occupied at Medina THEir separate apartments round THE house of\n THE apostle, and enjoyed in THEir turns THE favor of his conjugal\n society. What is singular enough, THEy were all widows, excepting\n only Ayesha, THE daughter of Abubeker. She was doubtless a\n virgin, since Mahomet consummated his nuptials (such is THE\n premature ripeness of THE climate) when she was only nine years\n of age. The youth, THE beauty, THE spirit of Ayesha, gave her a\n superior ascendant: she was beloved and trusted by THE prophet;\n and, after his death, THE daughter of Abubeker was long revered\n as THE moTHEr of THE faithful. Her behavior had been ambiguous\n and indiscreet: in a nocturnal march she was accidentally left\n behind; and in THE morning Ayesha returned to THE camp with a\n man. The temper of Mahomet was inclined to jealousy; but a divine\n revelation assured him of her innocence: he chastised her\n accusers, and published a law of domestic peace, that no woman\n should be condemned unless four male witnesses had seen her in\n THE act of adultery. 161 In his adventures with Zeineb, THE wife\n of Zeid, and with Mary, an Egyptian captive, THE amorous prophet\n forgot THE interest of his reputation. At THE house of Zeid, his\n freedman and adopted son, he beheld, in a loose undress, THE\n beauty of Zeineb, and burst forth into an ejaculation of devotion\n and desire. The servile, or grateful, freedman understood THE\n hint, and yielded without hesitation to THE love of his\n benefactor. But as THE filial relation had excited some doubt and\n scandal, THE angel Gabriel descended from heaven to ratify THE\n deed, to annul THE adoption, and gently to reprove THE apostle\n for distrusting THE indulgence of his God. One of his wives,\n Hafna, THE daughter of Omar, surprised him on her own bed, in THE\n embraces of his Egyptian captive: she promised secrecy and\n forgiveness, he swore that he would renounce THE possession of\n Mary. Both parties forgot THEir engagements; and Gabriel again\n descended with a chapter of THE Koran, to absolve him from his\n oath, and to exhort him freely to enjoy his captives and\n concubines, without listening to THE clamors of his wives. In a\n solitary retreat of thirty days, he labored, alone with Mary, to\n fulfil THE commands of THE angel. When his love and revenge were\n satiated, he summoned to his presence his eleven wives,\n reproached THEir disobedience and indiscretion, and threatened\n THEm with a sentence of divorce, both in this world and in THE\n next; a dreadful sentence, since those who had ascended THE bed\n of THE prophet were forever excluded from THE hope of a second\n marriage. Perhaps THE incontinence of Mahomet may be palliated by\n THE tradition of his natural or preternatural gifts; 162 he\n united THE manly virtue of thirty of THE children of Adam: and\n THE apostle might rival THE thirteenth labor 163 of THE Grecian\n Hercules. 164 A more serious and decent excuse may be drawn from\n his fidelity to Cadijah. During THE twenty-four years of THEir\n marriage, her youthful husband abstained from THE right of\n polygamy, and THE pride or tenderness of THE venerable matron was\n never insulted by THE society of a rival. After her death, he\n placed her in THE rank of THE four perfect women, with THE sister\n of Moses, THE moTHEr of Jesus, and Fatima, THE best beloved of\n his daughters. “Was she not old?” said Ayesha, with THE insolence\n of a blooming beauty; “has not God given you a better in her\n place?” “No, by God,” said Mahomet, with an effusion of honest\n gratitude, “THEre never can be a better! She believed in me when\n men despised me; she relieved my wants, when I was poor and\n persecuted by THE world.” 165\n\n 158 (return) [ For THE domestic life of Mahomet, consult Gagnier,\n and THE corresponding chapters of Abulfeda; for his diet, (tom.\n iii. p. 285-288;) his children, (p. 189, 289;) his wives, (p.\n 290-303;) his marriage with Zeineb, (tom. ii. p. 152-160;) his\n amour with Mary, (p. 303-309;) THE false accusation of Ayesha,\n (p. 186-199.) The most original evidence of THE three last\n transactions is contained in THE xxivth, xxxiiid, and lxvith\n chapters of THE Koran, with Sale’s Commentary. Prideaux (Life of\n Mahomet, p. 80-90) and Maracci (Prodrom. Alcoran, part iv. p.\n 49-59) have maliciously exaggerated THE frailties of Mahomet.]\n\n 159 (return) [ Incredibile est quo ardore apud eos in Venerem\n uterque solvitur sexus, (Ammian. Marcellin. l. xiv. c. 4.)]\n\n 160 (return) [ Sale (Preliminary Discourse, p. 133-137) has\n recapitulated THE laws of marriage, divorce, &c.; and THE curious\n reader of Selden’s Uror Hebraica will recognize many Jewish\n ordinances.]\n\n 161 (return) [ In a memorable case, THE Caliph Omar decided that\n all presumptive evidence was of no avail; and that all THE four\n witnesses must have actually seen stylum in pyxide, (Abulfedae\n Annales Moslemici, p. 71, vers. Reiske.)]\n\n 162 (return) [ Sibi robur ad generationem, quantum triginta viri\n habent, inesse jacteret: ita ut unica hora posset undecim\n foeminis satisfacere, ut ex Arabum libris refert Stus. Petrus\n Paschasius, c. 2., (Maracci, Prodromus Alcoran, p. iv. p. 55. See\n likewise Observations de Belon, l. iii. c. 10, fol. 179, recto.)\n Al Jannabi (Gagnier, tom. iii. p. 287) records his own testimony,\n that he surpassed all men in conjugal vigor; and Abulfeda\n mentions THE exclamation of Ali, who washed THE body after his\n death, “O propheta, certe penis tuus coelum versus erectus est,”\n in Vit. Mohammed, p. 140.]\n\n 163 (return) [ I borrow THE style of a faTHEr of THE church,\n (Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. iii. p. 108.)]\n\n 164 (return) [ The common and most glorious legend includes, in a\n single night THE fifty victories of Hercules over THE virgin\n daughters of Thestius, (Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. l. iv. p. 274.\n Pausanias, l. ix. p. 763. Statius Sylv. l. i. eleg. iii. v. 42.)\n But ATHEnaeus allows seven nights, (Deipnosophist, l. xiii. p.\n 556,) and Apollodorus fifty, for this arduous achievement of\n Hercules, who was THEn no more than eighteen years of age,\n (Bibliot. l. ii. c. 4, p. 111, cum notis Heyne, part i. p. 332.)]\n\n 165 (return) [ Abulfeda in Vit. Moham. p. 12, 13, 16, 17, cum\n Notis Gagnier]\n\n In THE largest indulgence of polygamy, THE founder of a religion\n and empire might aspire to multiply THE chances of a numerous\n posterity and a lineal succession. The hopes of Mahomet were\n fatally disappointed. The virgin Ayesha, and his ten widows of\n mature age and approved fertility, were barren in his potent\n embraces. The four sons of Cadijah died in THEir infancy. Mary,\n his Egyptian concubine, was endeared to him by THE birth of\n Ibrahim. At THE end of fifteen months THE prophet wept over his\n grave; but he sustained with firmness THE raillery of his\n enemies, and checked THE adulation or credulity of THE Moslems,\n by THE assurance that an eclipse of THE sun was not occasioned by\n THE death of THE infant. Cadijah had likewise given him four\n daughters, who were married to THE most faithful of his\n disciples: THE three eldest died before THEir faTHEr; but Fatima,\n who possessed his confidence and love, became THE wife of her\n cousin Ali, and THE moTHEr of an illustrious progeny. The merit\n and misfortunes of Ali and his descendants will lead me to\n anticipate, in this place, THE series of THE Saracen caliphs, a\n title which describes THE commanders of THE faithful as THE\n vicars and successors of THE apostle of God. 166\n\n 166 (return) [ This outline of THE Arabian history is drawn from\n THE BiblioTHEque Orientale of D’Herbelot, (under THE names of\n Aboubecre, Omar Othman, Ali, &c.;) from THE Annals of Abulfeda,\n Abulpharagius, and Elmacin, (under THE proper years of THE\n Hegira,) and especially from Ockley’s History of THE Saracens,\n (vol. i. p. 1-10, 115-122, 229, 249, 363-372, 378-391, and almost\n THE whole of THE second volume.) Yet we should weigh with caution\n THE traditions of THE hostile sects; a stream which becomes still\n more muddy as it flows farTHEr from THE source. Sir John Chardin\n has too faithfully copied THE fables and errors of THE modern\n Persians, (Voyages, tom. ii. p. 235-250, &c.)]\n\n The birth, THE alliance, THE character of Ali, which exalted him\n above THE rest of his countrymen, might justify his claim to THE\n vacant throne of Arabia. The son of Abu Taleb was, in his own\n right, THE chief of THE family of Hashem, and THE hereditary\n prince or guardian of THE city and temple of Mecca. The light of\n prophecy was extinct; but THE husband of Fatima might expect THE\n inheritance and blessing of her faTHEr: THE Arabs had sometimes\n been patient of a female reign; and THE two grandsons of THE\n prophet had often been fondled in his lap, and shown in his\n pulpit as THE hope of his age, and THE chief of THE youth of\n paradise. The first of THE true believers might aspire to march\n before THEm in this world and in THE next; and if some were of a\n graver and more rigid cast, THE zeal and virtue of Ali were never\n outstripped by any recent proselyte. He united THE qualifications\n of a poet, a soldier, and a saint: his wisdom still breaTHEs in a\n collection of moral and religious sayings; 167 and every\n antagonist, in THE combats of THE tongue or of THE sword, was\n subdued by his eloquence and valor. From THE first hour of his\n mission to THE last rites of his funeral, THE apostle was never\n forsaken by a generous friend, whom he delighted to name his\n broTHEr, his vicegerent, and THE faithful Aaron of a second\n Moses. The son of Abu Taleb was afterwards reproached for\n neglecting to secure his interest by a solemn declaration of his\n right, which would have silenced all competition, and sealed his\n succession by THE decrees of Heaven. But THE unsuspecting hero\n confided in himself: THE jealousy of empire, and perhaps THE fear\n of opposition, might suspend THE resolutions of Mahomet; and THE\n bed of sickness was besieged by THE artful Ayesha, THE daughter\n of Abubeker, and THE enemy of Ali. 1671\n\n 167 (return) [ Ockley (at THE end of his second volume) has given\n an English version of 169 sentences, which he ascribes, with some\n hesitation, to Ali, THE son of Abu Taleb. His preface is colored\n by THE enthusiasm of a translator; yet THEse sentences delineate\n a characteristic, though dark, picture of human life.]\n\n 1671 (return) [ Gibbon wrote chiefly from THE Arabic or Sunnite\n account of THEse transactions, THE only sources accessible at THE\n time when he composed his History. Major Price, writing from\n Persian authorities, affords us THE advantage of comparing\n throughout what may be fairly considered THE Shiite Version. The\n glory of Ali is THE constant burden of THEir strain. He was\n destined, and, according to some accounts, designated, for THE\n caliphate by THE prophet; but while THE oTHErs were fiercely\n pushing THEir own interests, Ali was watching THE remains of\n Mahomet with pious fidelity. His disinterested magnanimity, on\n each separate occasion, declined THE sceptre, and gave THE noble\n example of obedience to THE appointed caliph. He is described, in\n retirement, on THE throne, and in THE field of battle, as\n transcendently pious, magnanimous, valiant, and humane. He lost\n his empire through his excess of virtue and love for THE faithful\n his life through his confidence in God, and submission to THE\n decrees of fate. Compare THE curious account of this apathy in\n Price, chapter ii. It is to be regretted, I must add, that Major\n Price has contented himself with quoting THE names of THE Persian\n works which he follows, without any account of THEir character,\n age, and authority.—M.]\n\n The silence and death of THE prophet restored THE liberty of THE\n people; and his companions convened an assembly to deliberate on\n THE choice of his successor. The hereditary claim and lofty\n spirit of Ali were offensive to an aristocracy of elders,\n desirous of bestowing and resuming THE sceptre by a free and\n frequent election: THE Koreish could never be reconciled to THE\n proud preeminence of THE line of Hashem; THE ancient discord of\n THE tribes was rekindled, THE fugitives of Mecca and THE\n auxiliaries of Medina asserted THEir respective merits; and THE\n rash proposal of choosing two independent caliphs would have\n crushed in THEir infancy THE religion and empire of THE Saracens.\n The tumult was appeased by THE disinterested resolution of Omar,\n who, suddenly renouncing his own pretensions, stretched forth his\n hand, and declared himself THE first subject of THE mild and\n venerable Abubeker. 1672 The urgency of THE moment, and THE\n acquiescence of THE people, might excuse this illegal and\n precipitate measure; but Omar himself confessed from THE pulpit,\n that if any Mulsulman should hereafter presume to anticipate THE\n suffrage of his brethren, both THE elector and THE elected would\n be worthy of death. 168 After THE simple inauguration of\n Abubeker, he was obeyed in Medina, Mecca, and THE provinces of\n Arabia: THE Hashemites alone declined THE oath of fidelity; and\n THEir chief, in his own house, maintained, above six months, a\n sullen and independent reserve; without listening to THE threats\n of Omar, who attempted to consume with fire THE habitation of THE\n daughter of THE apostle. The death of Fatima, and THE decline of\n his party, subdued THE indignant spirit of Ali: he condescended\n to salute THE commander of THE faithful, accepted his excuse of\n THE necessity of preventing THEir common enemies, and wisely\n rejected his courteous offer of abdicating THE government of THE\n Arabians. After a reign of two years, THE aged caliph was\n summoned by THE angel of death. In his testament, with THE tacit\n approbation of his companions, he bequeaTHEd THE sceptre to THE\n firm and intrepid virtue of Omar. “I have no occasion,” said THE\n modest candidate, “for THE place.” “But THE place has occasion\n for you,” replied Abubeker; who expired with a fervent prayer,\n that THE God of Mahomet would ratify his choice, and direct THE\n Mussulmans in THE way of concord and obedience. The prayer was\n not ineffectual, since Ali himself, in a life of privacy and\n prayer, professed to revere THE superior worth and dignity of his\n rival; who comforted him for THE loss of empire, by THE most\n flattering marks of confidence and esteem. In THE twelfth year of\n his reign, Omar received a mortal wound from THE hand of an\n assassin: he rejected with equal impartiality THE names of his\n son and of Ali, refused to load his conscience with THE sins of\n his successor, and devolved on six of THE most respectable\n companions THE arduous task of electing a commander of THE\n faithful. On this occasion, Ali was again blamed by his friends\n 169 for submitting his right to THE judgment of men, for\n recognizing THEir jurisdiction by accepting a place among THE six\n electors. He might have obtained THEir suffrage, had he deigned\n to promise a strict and servile conformity, not only to THE Koran\n and tradition, but likewise to THE determinations of two seniors.\n 170 With THEse limitations, Othman, THE secretary of Mahomet,\n accepted THE government; nor was it till after THE third caliph,\n twenty-four years after THE death of THE prophet, that Ali was\n invested, by THE popular choice, with THE regal and sacerdotal\n office. The manners of THE Arabians retained THEir primitive\n simplicity, and THE son of Abu Taleb despised THE pomp and vanity\n of this world. At THE hour of prayer, he repaired to THE mosch of\n Medina, cloTHEd in a thin cotton gown, a coarse turban on his\n head, his slippers in one hand, and his bow in THE oTHEr, instead\n of a walking-staff. The companions of THE prophet, and THE chiefs\n of THE tribes, saluted THEir new sovereign, and gave him THEir\n right hands as a sign of fealty and allegiance.\n\n 1672 (return) [ Abubeker, THE faTHEr of THE virgin Ayesha. St.\n Martin, vol. XL, p. 88—M.]\n\n 168 (return) [ Ockley, (Hist. of THE Saracens, vol. i. p. 5, 6,)\n from an Arabian Ms., represents Ayesha as adverse to THE\n substitution of her faTHEr in THE place of THE apostle. This\n fact, so improbable in itself, is unnoticed by Abulfeda, Al\n Jannabi, and Al Bochari, THE last of whom quotes THE tradition of\n Ayesha herself, (Vit. Mohammed, p. 136 Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii.\n p. 236.)]\n\n 169 (return) [ Particularly by his friend and cousin Abdallah,\n THE son of Abbas, who died A.D. 687, with THE title of grand\n doctor of THE Moslems. In Abulfeda he recapitulates THE important\n occasions in which Ali had neglected his salutary advice, (p. 76,\n vers. Reiske;) and concludes, (p. 85,) O princeps fidelium,\n absque controversia tu quidem vere fortis es, at inops boni\n consilii, et rerum gerendarum parum callens.]\n\n 170 (return) [ I suspect that THE two seniors (Abulpharagius, p.\n 115. Ockley, tom. i. p. 371,) may signify not two actual\n counsellors, but his two predecessors, Abubeker and Omar.]\n\n The mischiefs that flow from THE contests of ambition are usually\n confined to THE times and countries in which THEy have been\n agitated. But THE religious discord of THE friends and enemies of\n Ali has been renewed in every age of THE Hegira, and is still\n maintained in THE immortal hatred of THE Persians and Turks. 171\n The former, who are branded with THE appellation of Shiites or\n sectaries, have enriched THE Mahometan creed with a new article\n of faith; and if Mahomet be THE apostle, his companion Ali is THE\n vicar, of God. In THEir private converse, in THEir public\n worship, THEy bitterly execrate THE three usurpers who\n intercepted his indefeasible right to THE dignity of Imam and\n Caliph; and THE name of Omar expresses in THEir tongue THE\n perfect accomplishment of wickedness and impiety. 172 The\n Sonnites, who are supported by THE general consent and orthodox\n tradition of THE Mussulmans, entertain a more impartial, or at\n least a more decent, opinion. They respect THE memory of\n Abubeker, Omar, Othman, and Ali, THE holy and legitimate\n successors of THE prophet. But THEy assign THE last and most\n humble place to THE husband of Fatima, in THE persuasion that THE\n order of succession was determined by THE decrees of sanctity.\n 173 An historian who balances THE four caliphs with a hand\n unshaken by superstition, will calmly pronounce that THEir\n manners were alike pure and exemplary; that THEir zeal was\n fervent, and probably sincere; and that, in THE midst of riches\n and power, THEir lives were devoted to THE practice of moral and\n religious duties. But THE public virtues of Abubeker and Omar,\n THE prudence of THE first, THE severity of THE second, maintained\n THE peace and prosperity of THEir reigns. The feeble temper and\n declining age of Othman were incapable of sustaining THE weight\n of conquest and empire. He chose, and he was deceived; he\n trusted, and he was betrayed: THE most deserving of THE faithful\n became useless or hostile to his government, and his lavish\n bounty was productive only of ingratitude and discontent. The\n spirit of discord went forth in THE provinces: THEir deputies\n assembled at Medina; and THE Charegites, THE desperate fanatics\n who disclaimed THE yoke of subordination and reason, were\n confounded among THE free-born Arabs, who demanded THE redress of\n THEir wrongs and THE punishment of THEir oppressors. From Cufa,\n from Bassora, from Egypt, from THE tribes of THE desert, THEy\n rose in arms, encamped about a league from Medina, and despatched\n a haughty mandate to THEir sovereign, requiring him to execute\n justice, or to descend from THE throne. His repentance began to\n disarm and disperse THE insurgents; but THEir fury was rekindled\n by THE arts of his enemies; and THE forgery of a perfidious\n secretary was contrived to blast his reputation and precipitate\n his fall. The caliph had lost THE only guard of his predecessors,\n THE esteem and confidence of THE Moslems: during a siege of six\n weeks his water and provisions were intercepted, and THE feeble\n gates of THE palace were protected only by THE scruples of THE\n more timorous rebels. Forsaken by those who had abused his\n simplicity, THE hopeless and venerable caliph expected THE\n approach of death: THE broTHEr of Ayesha marched at THE head of\n THE assassins; and Othman, with THE Koran in his lap, was pierced\n with a multitude of wounds. 1731 A tumultuous anarchy of five\n days was appeased by THE inauguration of Ali: his refusal would\n have provoked a general massacre. In this painful situation he\n supported THE becoming pride of THE chief of THE Hashemites;\n declared that he had raTHEr serve than reign; rebuked THE\n presumption of THE strangers; and required THE formal, if not THE\n voluntary, assent of THE chiefs of THE nation. He has never been\n accused of prompting THE assassin of Omar; though Persia\n indiscreetly celebrates THE festival of that holy martyr. The\n quarrel between Othman and his subjects was assuaged by THE early\n mediation of Ali; and Hassan, THE eldest of his sons, was\n insulted and wounded in THE defence of THE caliph. Yet it is\n doubtful wheTHEr THE faTHEr of Hassan was strenuous and sincere\n in his opposition to THE rebels; and it is certain that he\n enjoyed THE benefit of THEir crime. The temptation was indeed of\n such magnitude as might stagger and corrupt THE most obdurate\n virtue. The ambitious candidate no longer aspired to THE barren\n sceptre of Arabia; THE Saracens had been victorious in THE East\n and West; and THE wealthy kingdoms of Persia, Syria, and Egypt\n were THE patrimony of THE commander of THE faithful.\n\n 171 (return) [ The schism of THE Persians is explained by all our\n travellers of THE last century, especially in THE iid and ivth\n volumes of THEir master, Chardin. Niebuhr, though of inferior\n merit, has THE advantage of writing so late as THE year 1764,\n (Voyages en Arabie, &c., tom. ii. p. 208-233,) since THE\n ineffectual attempt of Nadir Shah to change THE religion of THE\n nation, (see his Persian History translated into French by Sir\n William Jones, tom. ii. p. 5, 6, 47, 48, 144-155.)]\n\n 172 (return) [ Omar is THE name of THE devil; his murderer is a\n saint. When THE Persians shoot with THE bow, THEy frequently cry,\n “May this arrow go to THE heart of Omar!” (Voyages de Chardin,\n tom. ii. p 239, 240, 259, &c.)]\n\n 173 (return) [ This gradation of merit is distinctly marked in a\n creed illustrated by Reland, (de Relig. Mohamm. l. i. p. 37;) and\n a Sonnite argument inserted by Ockley, (Hist. of THE Saracens,\n tom. ii. p. 230.) The practice of cursing THE memory of Ali was\n abolished, after forty years, by THE Ommiades THEmselves,\n (D’Herbelot, p. 690;) and THEre are few among THE Turks who\n presume to revile him as an infidel, (Voyages de Chardin, tom.\n iv. p. 46.)]\n\n 1731 (return) [ Compare Price, p. 180.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part VIII.\n\n A life of prayer and contemplation had not chilled THE martial\n activity of Ali; but in a mature age, after a long experience of\n mankind, he still betrayed in his conduct THE rashness and\n indiscretion of youth. 1732 In THE first days of his reign, he\n neglected to secure, eiTHEr by gifts or fetters, THE doubtful\n allegiance of Telha and Zobeir, two of THE most powerful of THE\n Arabian chiefs. They escaped from Medina to Mecca, and from\n THEnce to Bassora; erected THE standard of revolt; and usurped\n THE government of Irak, or Assyria, which THEy had vainly\n solicited as THE reward of THEir services. The mask of patriotism\n is allowed to cover THE most glaring inconsistencies; and THE\n enemies, perhaps THE assassins, of Othman now demanded vengeance\n for his blood. They were accompanied in THEir flight by Ayesha,\n THE widow of THE prophet, who cherished, to THE last hour of her\n life, an implacable hatred against THE husband and THE posterity\n of Fatima. The most reasonable Moslems were scandalized, that THE\n moTHEr of THE faithful should expose in a camp her person and\n character; 1733 but THE superstitious crowd was confident that\n her presence would sanctify THE justice, and assure THE success,\n of THEir cause. At THE head of twenty thousand of his loyal\n Arabs, and nine thousand valiant auxiliaries of Cufa, THE caliph\n encountered and defeated THE superior numbers of THE rebels under\n THE walls of Bassora. 1734 Their leaders, Telha and Zobeir, 1735\n were slain in THE first battle that stained with civil blood THE\n arms of THE Moslems. 1736 After passing through THE ranks to\n animate THE troops, Ayesha had chosen her post amidst THE dangers\n of THE field. In THE heat of THE action, seventy men, who held\n THE bridle of her camel, were successively killed or wounded; and\n THE cage or litter, in which she sat, was stuck with javelins and\n darts like THE quills of a porcupine. The venerable captive\n sustained with firmness THE reproaches of THE conqueror, and was\n speedily dismissed to her proper station at THE tomb of Mahomet,\n with THE respect and tenderness that was still due to THE widow\n of THE apostle. 1737 After this victory, which was styled THE Day\n of THE Camel, Ali marched against a more formidable adversary;\n against Moawiyah, THE son of Abu Sophian, who had assumed THE\n title of caliph, and whose claim was supported by THE forces of\n Syria and THE interest of THE house of Ommiyah. From THE passage\n of Thapsacus, THE plain of Siffin 174 extends along THE western\n bank of THE Euphrates. On this spacious and level THEatre, THE\n two competitors waged a desultory war of one hundred and ten\n days. In THE course of ninety actions or skirmishes, THE loss of\n Ali was estimated at twenty-five, that of Moawiyah at forty-five,\n thousand soldiers; and THE list of THE slain was dignified with\n THE names of five-and-twenty veterans who had fought at Beder\n under THE standard of Mahomet. In this sanguinary contest THE\n lawful caliph displayed a superior character of valor and\n humanity. 1741 His troops were strictly enjoined to await THE\n first onset of THE enemy, to spare THEir flying brethren, and to\n respect THE bodies of THE dead, and THE chastity of THE female\n captives. He generously proposed to save THE blood of THE Moslems\n by a single combat; but his trembling rival declined THE\n challenge as a sentence of inevitable death. The ranks of THE\n Syrians were broken by THE charge of a hero who was mounted on a\n piebald horse, and wielded with irresistible force his ponderous\n and two-edged sword. As often as he smote a rebel, he shouted THE\n Allah Acbar, “God is victorious!” and in THE tumult of a\n nocturnal battle, he was heard to repeat four hundred times that\n tremendous exclamation. The prince of Damascus already meditated\n his flight; but THE certain victory was snatched from THE grasp\n of Ali by THE disobedience and enthusiasm of his troops. Their\n conscience was awed by THE solemn appeal to THE books of THE\n Koran which Moawiyah exposed on THE foremost lances; and Ali was\n compelled to yield to a disgraceful truce and an insidious\n compromise. He retreated with sorrow and indignation to Cufa; his\n party was discouraged; THE distant provinces of Persia, of Yemen,\n and of Egypt, were subdued or seduced by his crafty rival; and\n THE stroke of fanaticism, which was aimed against THE three\n chiefs of THE nation, was fatal only to THE cousin of Mahomet. In\n THE temple of Mecca, three Charegites or enthusiasts discoursed\n of THE disorders of THE church and state: THEy soon agreed, that\n THE deaths of Ali, of Moawiyah, and of his friend Amrou, THE\n viceroy of Egypt, would restore THE peace and unity of religion.\n Each of THE assassins chose his victim, poisoned his dagger,\n devoted his life, and secretly repaired to THE scene of action.\n Their resolution was equally desperate: but THE first mistook THE\n person of Amrou, and stabbed THE deputy who occupied his seat;\n THE prince of Damascus was dangerously hurt by THE second; THE\n lawful caliph, in THE mosch of Cufa, received a mortal wound from\n THE hand of THE third. He expired in THE sixty-third year of his\n age, and mercifully recommended to his children, that THEy would\n despatch THE murderer by a single stroke. 1742 The sepulchre of\n Ali 175 was concealed from THE tyrants of THE house of Ommiyah;\n 176 but in THE fourth age of THE Hegira, a tomb, a temple, a\n city, arose near THE ruins of Cufa. 177 Many thousands of THE\n Shiites repose in holy ground at THE feet of THE vicar of God;\n and THE desert is vivified by THE numerous and annual visits of\n THE Persians, who esteem THEir devotion not less meritorious than\n THE pilgrimage of Mecca.\n\n 1732 (return) [ Ali had determined to supersede all THE\n lieutenants in THE different provinces. Price, p. 191. Compare,\n on THE conduct of Telha and Zobeir, p. 193—M.]\n\n 1733 (return) [ See THE very curious circumstances which took\n place before and during her flight. Price, p. 196.—M.]\n\n 1734 (return) [ The reluctance of Ali to shed THE blood of true\n believers is strikingly described by Major Price’s Persian\n historians. Price, p. 222.—M.]\n\n 1735 (return) [ See (in Price) THE singular adventures of Zobeir.\n He was murdered after having abandoned THE army of THE\n insurgents. Telha was about to do THE same, when his leg was\n pierced with an arrow by one of his own party The wound was\n mortal. Price, p. 222.—M.]\n\n 1736 (return) [ According to Price, two hundred and eighty of THE\n Benni Beianziel alone lost a right hand in this service, (p.\n 225.)—M]\n\n 1737 (return) [ She was escorted by a guard of females disguised\n as soldiers. When she discovered this, Ayesha was as much\n gratified by THE delicacy of THE arrangement, as she had been\n offended by THE familiar approach of so many men. Price, p.\n 229.—M.]\n\n 174 (return) [ The plain of Siffin is determined by D’Anville\n (l’Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 29) to be THE Campus Barbaricus of\n Procopius.]\n\n 1741 (return) [ The Shiite authors have preserved a noble\n instance of Ali’s magnanimity. The superior generalship of\n Moawiyah had cut off THE army of Ali from THE Euphrates; his\n soldiers were perishing from want of water. Ali sent a message to\n his rival to request free access to THE river, declaring that\n under THE same circumstances he would not allow any of THE\n faithful, though his adversaries, to perish from thirst. After\n some debate, Moawiyah determined to avail himself of THE\n advantage of his situation, and to reject THE demand of Ali. The\n soldiers of Ali became desperate; forced THEir way through that\n part of THE hostile army which commanded THE river, and in THEir\n turn entirely cut off THE troops of Moawiyah from THE water.\n Moawiyah was reduced to make THE same supplication to Ali. The\n generous caliph instantly complied; and both armies, with THEir\n cattle enjoyed free and unmolested access to THE river. Price,\n vol. i. p. 268, 272—M.]\n\n 1742 (return) [ His son Hassan was recognized as caliph in Arabia\n and Irak; but voluntarily abdicated THE throne, after six or\n seven months, in favor of Moawiyah St. Martin, vol. xi. p\n 375.—M.]\n\n 175 (return) [ Abulfeda, a moderate Sonnite, relates THE\n different opinions concerning THE burial of Ali, but adopts THE\n sepulchre of Cufa, hodie fama numeroque religiose frequentantium\n celebratum. This number is reckoned by Niebuhr to amount annually\n to 2000 of THE dead, and 5000 of THE living, (tom. ii. p. 208,\n 209.)]\n\n 176 (return) [ All THE tyrants of Persia, from Adhad el Dowlat\n (A.D. 977, D’Herbelot, p. 58, 59, 95) to Nadir Shah, (A.D. 1743,\n Hist. de Nadir Shah, tom. ii. p. 155,) have enriched THE tomb of\n Ali with THE spoils of THE people. The dome is copper, with a\n bright and massy gilding, which glitters to THE sun at THE\n distance of many a mile.]\n\n 177 (return) [ The city of Meshed Ali, five or six miles from THE\n ruins of Cufa, and one hundred and twenty to THE south of Bagdad,\n is of THE size and form of THE modern Jerusalem. Meshed Hosein,\n larger and more populous, is at THE distance of thirty miles.]\n\n The persecutors of Mahomet usurped THE inheritance of his\n children; and THE champions of idolatry became THE supreme heads\n of his religion and empire. The opposition of Abu Sophian had\n been fierce and obstinate; his conversion was tardy and\n reluctant; his new faith was fortified by necessity and interest;\n he served, he fought, perhaps he believed; and THE sins of THE\n time of ignorance were expiated by THE recent merits of THE\n family of Ommiyah. Moawiyah, THE son of Abu Sophian, and of THE\n cruel Henda, was dignified, in his early youth, with THE office\n or title of secretary of THE prophet: THE judgment of Omar\n intrusted him with THE government of Syria; and he administered\n that important province above forty years, eiTHEr in a\n subordinate or supreme rank. Without renouncing THE fame of valor\n and liberality, he affected THE reputation of humanity and\n moderation: a grateful people was attached to THEir benefactor;\n and THE victorious Moslems were enriched with THE spoils of\n Cyprus and Rhodes. The sacred duty of pursuing THE assassins of\n Othman was THE engine and pretence of his ambition. The bloody\n shirt of THE martyr was exposed in THE mosch of Damascus: THE\n emir deplored THE fate of his injured kinsman; and sixty thousand\n Syrians were engaged in his service by an oath of fidelity and\n revenge. Amrou, THE conqueror of Egypt, himself an army, was THE\n first who saluted THE new monarch, and divulged THE dangerous\n secret, that THE Arabian caliphs might be created elsewhere than\n in THE city of THE prophet. 178 The policy of Moawiyah eluded THE\n valor of his rival; and, after THE death of Ali, he negotiated\n THE abdication of his son Hassan, whose mind was eiTHEr above or\n below THE government of THE world, and who retired without a sigh\n from THE palace of Cufa to an humble cell near THE tomb of his\n grandfaTHEr. The aspiring wishes of THE caliph were finally\n crowned by THE important change of an elective to an hereditary\n kingdom. Some murmurs of freedom or fanaticism attested THE\n reluctance of THE Arabs, and four citizens of Medina refused THE\n oath of fidelity; but THE designs of Moawiyah were conducted with\n vigor and address; and his son Yezid, a feeble and dissolute\n youth, was proclaimed as THE commander of THE faithful and THE\n successor of THE apostle of God.\n\n 178 (return) [ I borrow, on this occasion, THE strong sense and\n expression of Tacitus, (Hist. i. 4: ) Evulgato imperii arcano\n posse imperatorem alni quam Romae fieri.]\n\n A familiar story is related of THE benevolence of one of THE sons\n of Ali. In serving at table, a slave had inadvertently dropped a\n dish of scalding broth on his master: THE heedless wretch fell\n prostrate, to deprecate his punishment, and repeated a verse of\n THE Koran: “Paradise is for those who command THEir anger: “—“I\n am not angry: “—“and for those who pardon offences: “—“I pardon\n your offence: “—“and for those who return good for evil: “—”I\n give you your liberty and four hundred pieces of silver.” With an\n equal measure of piety, Hosein, THE younger broTHEr of Hassan,\n inherited a remnant of his faTHEr’s spirit, and served with honor\n against THE Christians in THE siege of Constantinople. The\n primogeniture of THE line of Hashem, and THE holy character of\n grandson of THE apostle, had centred in his person, and he was at\n liberty to prosecute his claim against Yezid, THE tyrant of\n Damascus, whose vices he despised, and whose title he had never\n deigned to acknowledge. A list was secretly transmitted from Cufa\n to Medina, of one hundred and forty thousand Moslems, who\n professed THEir attachment to his cause, and who were eager to\n draw THEir swords so soon as he should appear on THE banks of THE\n Euphrates. Against THE advice of his wisest friends, he resolved\n to trust his person and family in THE hands of a perfidious\n people. He traversed THE desert of Arabia with a timorous retinue\n of women and children; but as he approached THE confines of Irak\n he was alarmed by THE solitary or hostile face of THE country,\n and suspected eiTHEr THE defection or ruin of his party. His\n fears were just: Obeidollah, THE governor of Cufa, had\n extinguished THE first sparks of an insurrection; and Hosein, in\n THE plain of Kerbela, was encompassed by a body of five thousand\n horse, who intercepted his communication with THE city and THE\n river. He might still have escaped to a fortress in THE desert,\n that had defied THE power of Caesar and Chosroes, and confided in\n THE fidelity of THE tribe of Tai, which would have armed ten\n thousand warriors in his defence.\n\n In a conference with THE chief of THE enemy, he proposed THE\n option of three honorable conditions: that he should be allowed\n to return to Medina, or be stationed in a frontier garrison\n against THE Turks, or safely conducted to THE presence of Yezid.\n But THE commands of THE caliph, or his lieutenant, were stern and\n absolute; and Hosein was informed that he must eiTHEr submit as a\n captive and a criminal to THE commander of THE faithful, or\n expect THE consequences of his rebellion. “Do you think,” replied\n he, “to terrify me with death?” And, during THE short respite of\n a night, 1781 he prepared with calm and solemn resignation to\n encounter his fate. He checked THE lamentations of his sister\n Fatima, who deplored THE impending ruin of his house. “Our\n trust,” said Hosein, “is in God alone. All things, both in heaven\n and earth, must perish and return to THEir Creator. My broTHEr,\n my faTHEr, my moTHEr, were better than me, and every Mussulman\n has an example in THE prophet.” He pressed his friends to consult\n THEir safety by a timely flight: THEy unanimously refused to\n desert or survive THEir beloved master: and THEir courage was\n fortified by a fervent prayer and THE assurance of paradise. On\n THE morning of THE fatal day, he mounted on horseback, with his\n sword in one hand and THE Koran in THE oTHEr: his generous band\n of martyrs consisted only of thirty-two horse and forty foot; but\n THEir flanks and rear were secured by THE tent-ropes, and by a\n deep trench which THEy had filled with lighted fagots, according\n to THE practice of THE Arabs. The enemy advanced with reluctance,\n and one of THEir chiefs deserted, with thirty followers, to claim\n THE partnership of inevitable death. In every close onset, or\n single combat, THE despair of THE Fatimites was invincible; but\n THE surrounding multitudes galled THEm from a distance with a\n cloud of arrows, and THE horses and men were successively slain;\n a truce was allowed on both sides for THE hour of prayer; and THE\n battle at length expired by THE death of THE last companions of\n Hosein. Alone, weary, and wounded, he seated himself at THE door\n of his tent. As he tasted a drop of water, he was pierced in THE\n mouth with a dart; and his son and nephew, two beautiful youths,\n were killed in his arms. He lifted his hands to heaven; THEy were\n full of blood; and he uttered a funeral prayer for THE living and\n THE dead. In a transport of despair his sister issued from THE\n tent, and adjured THE general of THE Cufians, that he would not\n suffer Hosein to be murdered before his eyes: a tear trickled\n down his venerable beard; and THE boldest of his soldiers fell\n back on every side as THE dying hero threw himself among THEm.\n The remorseless Shamer, a name detested by THE faithful,\n reproached THEir cowardice; and THE grandson of Mahomet was slain\n with three-and-thirty strokes of lances and swords. After THEy\n had trampled on his body, THEy carried his head to THE castle of\n Cufa, and THE inhuman Obeidollah struck him on THE mouth with a\n cane: “Alas,” exclaimed an aged Mussulman, “on THEse lips have I\n seen THE lips of THE apostle of God!” In a distant age and\n climate, THE tragic scene of THE death of Hosein will awaken THE\n sympathy of THE coldest reader. 179 1791 On THE annual festival\n of his martyrdom, in THE devout pilgrimage to his sepulchre, his\n Persian votaries abandon THEir souls to THE religious frenzy of\n sorrow and indignation. 180\n\n 1781 (return) [ According to Major Price’s authorities a much\n longer time elapsed (p. 198 &c.)—M.]\n\n 179 (return) [ I have abridged THE interesting narrative of\n Ockley, (tom. ii. p. 170-231.) It is long and minute: but THE\n paTHEtic, almost always, consists in THE detail of little\n circumstances.]\n\n 1791 (return) [ The account of Hosein’s death, in THE Persian\n Tarikh Tebry, is much longer; in some circumstances, more\n paTHEtic, than that of Ockley, followed by Gibbon. His family,\n after his defenders were all slain, perished in succession before\n his eyes. They had been cut off from THE water, and suffered all\n THE agonies of thirst. His eldest son, Ally Akbar, after ten\n different assaults on THE enemy, in each of which he slew two or\n three, complained bitterly of his sufferings from heat and\n thirst. “His faTHEr arose, and introducing his own tongue within\n THE parched lips of his favorite child, thus endeavored to\n alleviate his sufferings by THE only means of which his enemies\n had not yet been able to deprive him.” Ally was slain and cut to\n pieces in his sight: this wrung from him his first and only cry;\n THEn it was that his sister Zeyneb rushed from THE tent. The\n rest, including his nephew, fell in succession. Hosein’s horse\n was wounded—he fell to THE ground. The hour of prayer, between\n noon and sunset, had arrived; THE Imaun began THE religious\n duties:—as Hosein prayed, he heard THE cries of his infant child\n Abdallah, only twelve months old. The child was, at his desire,\n placed on his bosom: as he wept over it, it was transfixed by an\n arrow. Hosein dragged himself to THE Euphrates: as he slaked his\n burning thirst, his mouth was pierced by an arrow: he drank his\n own blood. Wounded in four-and-thirty places, he still gallantly\n resisted. A soldier named Zeraiah gave THE fatal wound: his head\n was cut off by Ziliousheng. Price, p. 402, 410.—M.]\n\n 180 (return) [ Niebuhr THE Dane (Voyages en Arabie, &c., tom. ii.\n p. 208, &c.) is, perhaps, THE only European traveller who has\n dared to visit Meshed Ali and Meshed Hosein. The two sepulchres\n are in THE hands of THE Turks, who tolerate and tax THE devotion\n of THE Persian heretics. The festival of THE death of Hosein is\n amply described by Sir John Chardin, a traveller whom I have\n often praised.]\n\n When THE sisters and children of Ali were brought in chains to\n THE throne of Damascus, THE caliph was advised to extirpate THE\n enmity of a popular and hostile race, whom he had injured beyond\n THE hope of reconciliation. But Yezid preferred THE councils of\n mercy; and THE mourning family was honorably dismissed to mingle\n THEir tears with THEir kindred at Medina. The glory of martyrdom\n superseded THE right of primogeniture; and THE twelve imams, 181\n or pontiffs, of THE Persian creed, are Ali, Hassan, Hosein, and\n THE lineal descendants of Hosein to THE ninth generation. Without\n arms, or treasures, or subjects, THEy successively enjoyed THE\n veneration of THE people, and provoked THE jealousy of THE\n reigning caliphs: THEir tombs, at Mecca or Medina, on THE banks\n of THE Euphrates, or in THE province of Chorasan, are still\n visited by THE devotion of THEir sect. Their names were often THE\n pretence of sedition and civil war; but THEse royal saints\n despised THE pomp of THE world: submitted to THE will of God and\n THE injustice of man; and devoted THEir innocent lives to THE\n study and practice of religion. The twelfth and last of THE\n Imams, conspicuous by THE title of Mahadi, or THE Guide,\n surpassed THE solitude and sanctity of his predecessors. He\n concealed himself in a cavern near Bagdad: THE time and place of\n his death are unknown; and his votaries pretend that he still\n lives, and will appear before THE day of judgment to overthrow\n THE tyranny of Dejal, or THE Antichrist. 182 In THE lapse of two\n or three centuries, THE posterity of Abbas, THE uncle of Mahomet,\n had multiplied to THE number of thirty-three thousand: 183 THE\n race of Ali might be equally prolific: THE meanest individual was\n above THE first and greatest of princes; and THE most eminent\n were supposed to excel THE perfection of angels. But THEir\n adverse fortune, and THE wide extent of THE Mussulman empire,\n allowed an ample scope for every bold and artful imposture, who\n claimed affinity with THE holy seed: THE sceptre of THE\n Almohades, in Spain and Africa; of THE Fatimites, in Egypt and\n Syria; 184 of THE Sultans of Yemen; and of THE Sophis of Persia;\n 185 has been consecrated by this vague and ambiguous title. Under\n THEir reigns it might be dangerous to dispute THE legitimacy of\n THEir birth; and one of THE Fatimite caliphs silenced an\n indiscreet question by drawing his cimeter: “This,” said Moez,\n “is my pedigree; and THEse,” casting a handful of gold to his\n soldiers,—“and THEse are my kindred and my children.” In THE\n various conditions of princes, or doctors, or nobles, or\n merchants, or beggars, a swarm of THE genuine or fictitious\n descendants of Mahomet and Ali is honored with THE appellation of\n sheiks, or sherifs, or emirs. In THE Ottoman empire THEy are\n distinguished by a green turban; receive a stipend from THE\n treasury; are judged only by THEir chief; and, however debased by\n fortune or character, still assert THE proud preeminence of THEir\n birth. A family of three hundred persons, THE pure and orthodox\n branch of THE caliph Hassan, is preserved without taint or\n suspicion in THE holy cities of Mecca and Medina, and still\n retains, after THE revolutions of twelve centuries, THE custody\n of THE temple, and THE sovereignty of THEir native land. The fame\n and merit of Mahomet would ennoble a plebeian race, and THE\n ancient blood of THE Koreish transcends THE recent majesty of THE\n kings of THE earth. 186\n\n 181 (return) [ The general article of Imam, in D’Herbelot’s\n BiblioTHEque, will indicate THE succession; and THE lives of THE\n twelve are given under THEir respective names.]\n\n 182 (return) [ The name of Antichrist may seem ridiculous, but\n THE Mahometans have liberally borrowed THE fables of every\n religion, (Sale’s Preliminary Discourse, p. 80, 82.) In THE royal\n stable of Ispahan, two horses were always kept saddled, one for\n THE Mahadi himself, THE oTHEr for his lieutenant, Jesus THE son\n of Mary.]\n\n 183 (return) [ In THE year of THE Hegira 200, (A.D. 815.) See\n D’Herbelot, p. 146]\n\n 184 (return) [ D’Herbelot, p. 342. The enemies of THE Fatimites\n disgraced THEm by a Jewish origin. Yet THEy accurately deduced\n THEir genealogy from Jaafar, THE sixth Imam; and THE impartial\n Abulfeda allows (Annal. Moslem. p. 230) that THEy were owned by\n many, qui absque controversia genuini sunt Alidarum, homines\n propaginum suae gentis exacte callentes. He quotes some lines\n from THE celebrated Scherif or Rahdi, Egone humilitatem induam in\n terris hostium? (I suspect him to be an Edrissite of Sicily,) cum\n in Aegypto sit Chalifa de gente Alii, quocum ego communem habeo\n patrem et vindicem.]\n\n 185 (return) [ The kings of Persia in THE last century are\n descended from Sheik Sefi, a saint of THE xivth century, and\n through him, from Moussa Cassem, THE son of Hosein, THE son of\n Ali, (Olearius, p. 957. Chardin, tom. iii. p. 288.) But I cannot\n trace THE intermediate degrees in any genuine or fabulous\n pedigree. If THEy were truly Fatimites, THEy might draw THEir\n origin from THE princes of Mazanderan, who reigned in THE ixth\n century, (D’Herbelot, p. 96.)]\n\n 186 (return) [ The present state of THE family of Mahomet and Ali\n is most accurately described by Demetrius Cantemir (Hist. of THE\n Othmae Empire, p. 94) and Niebuhr, (Description de l’Arabie, p.\n 9-16, 317 &c.) It is much to be lamented, that THE Danish\n traveller was unable to purchase THE chronicles of Arabia.]\n\n The talents of Mahomet are entitled to our applause; but his\n success has, perhaps, too strongly attracted our admiration. Are\n we surprised that a multitude of proselytes should embrace THE\n doctrine and THE passions of an eloquent fanatic? In THE heresies\n of THE church, THE same seduction has been tried and repeated\n from THE time of THE apostles to that of THE reformers. Does it\n seem incredible that a private citizen should grasp THE sword and\n THE sceptre, subdue his native country, and erect a monarchy by\n his victorious arms? In THE moving picture of THE dynasties of\n THE East, a hundred fortunate usurpers have arisen from a baser\n origin, surmounted more formidable obstacles, and filled a larger\n scope of empire and conquest. Mahomet was alike instructed to\n preach and to fight; and THE union of THEse opposite qualities,\n while it enhanced his merit, contributed to his success: THE\n operation of force and persuasion, of enthusiasm and fear,\n continually acted on each oTHEr, till every barrier yielded to\n THEir irresistible power. His voice invited THE Arabs to freedom\n and victory, to arms and rapine, to THE indulgence of THEir\n darling passions in this world and THE oTHEr: THE restraints\n which he imposed were requisite to establish THE credit of THE\n prophet, and to exercise THE obedience of THE people; and THE\n only objection to his success was his rational creed of THE unity\n and perfections of God. It is not THE propagation, but THE\n permanency, of his religion, that deserves our wonder: THE same\n pure and perfect impression which he engraved at Mecca and\n Medina, is preserved, after THE revolutions of twelve centuries,\n by THE Indian, THE African, and THE Turkish proselytes of THE\n Koran. If THE Christian apostles, St. Peter or St. Paul, could\n return to THE Vatican, THEy might possibly inquire THE name of\n THE Deity who is worshipped with such mysterious rites in that\n magnificent temple: at Oxford or Geneva, THEy would experience\n less surprise; but it might still be incumbent on THEm to peruse\n THE catechism of THE church, and to study THE orthodox\n commentators on THEir own writings and THE words of THEir Master.\n But THE Turkish dome of St. Sophia, with an increase of splendor\n and size, represents THE humble tabernacle erected at Medina by\n THE hands of Mahomet. The Mahometans have uniformly withstood THE\n temptation of reducing THE object of THEir faith and devotion to\n a level with THE senses and imagination of man. “I believe in one\n God, and Mahomet THE apostle of God,” is THE simple and\n invariable profession of Islam. The intellectual image of THE\n Deity has never been degraded by any visible idol; THE honors of\n THE prophet have never transgressed THE measure of human virtue;\n and his living precepts have restrained THE gratitude of his\n disciples within THE bounds of reason and religion. The votaries\n of Ali have, indeed, consecrated THE memory of THEir hero, his\n wife, and his children; and some of THE Persian doctors pretend\n that THE divine essence was incarnate in THE person of THE Imams;\n but THEir superstition is universally condemned by THE Sonnites;\n and THEir impiety has afforded a seasonable warning against THE\n worship of saints and martyrs. The metaphysical questions on THE\n attributes of God, and THE liberty of man, have been agitated in\n THE schools of THE Mahometans, as well as in those of THE\n Christians; but among THE former THEy have never engaged THE\n passions of THE people, or disturbed THE tranquillity of THE\n state. The cause of this important difference may be found in THE\n separation or union of THE regal and sacerdotal characters. It\n was THE interest of THE caliphs, THE successors of THE prophet\n and commanders of THE faithful, to repress and discourage all\n religious innovations: THE order, THE discipline, THE temporal\n and spiritual ambition of THE clergy, are unknown to THE Moslems;\n and THE sages of THE law are THE guides of THEir conscience and\n THE oracles of THEir faith. From THE Atlantic to THE Ganges, THE\n Koran is acknowledged as THE fundamental code, not only of\n THEology, but of civil and criminal jurisprudence; and THE laws\n which regulate THE actions and THE property of mankind are\n guarded by THE infallible and immutable sanction of THE will of\n God. This religious servitude is attended with some practical\n disadvantage; THE illiterate legislator had been often misled by\n his own prejudices and those of his country; and THE institutions\n of THE Arabian desert may be ill adapted to THE wealth and\n numbers of Ispahan and Constantinople. On THEse occasions, THE\n Cadhi respectfully places on his head THE holy volume, and\n substitutes a dexterous interpretation more apposite to THE\n principles of equity, and THE manners and policy of THE times.\n\n His beneficial or pernicious influence on THE public happiness is\n THE last consideration in THE character of Mahomet. The most\n bitter or most bigoted of his Christian or Jewish foes will\n surely allow that he assumed a false commission to inculcate a\n salutary doctrine, less perfect only than THEir own. He piously\n supposed, as THE basis of his religion, THE truth and sanctity of\n THEir prior revolutions, THE virtues and miracles of THEir\n founders. The idols of Arabia were broken before THE throne of\n God; THE blood of human victims was expiated by prayer, and\n fasting, and alms, THE laudable or innocent arts of devotion; and\n his rewards and punishments of a future life were painted by THE\n images most congenial to an ignorant and carnal generation.\n Mahomet was, perhaps, incapable of dictating a moral and\n political system for THE use of his countrymen: but he breaTHEd\n among THE faithful a spirit of charity and friendship;\n recommended THE practice of THE social virtues; and checked, by\n his laws and precepts, THE thirst of revenge, and THE oppression\n of widows and orphans. The hostile tribes were united in faith\n and obedience, and THE valor which had been idly spent in\n domestic quarrels was vigorously directed against a foreign\n enemy. Had THE impulse been less powerful, Arabia, free at home\n and formidable abroad, might have flourished under a succession\n of her native monarchs. Her sovereignty was lost by THE extent\n and rapidity of conquest. The colonies of THE nation were\n scattered over THE East and West, and THEir blood was mingled\n with THE blood of THEir converts and captives. After THE reign of\n three caliphs, THE throne was transported from Medina to THE\n valley of Damascus and THE banks of THE Tigris; THE holy cities\n were violated by impious war; Arabia was ruled by THE rod of a\n subject, perhaps of a stranger; and THE Bedoweens of THE desert,\n awakening from THEir dream of dominion, resumed THEir old and\n solitary independence. 187\n\n 187 (return) [ The writers of THE Modern Universal History (vols.\n i. and ii.) have compiled, in 850 folio pages, THE life of\n Mahomet and THE annals of THE caliphs. They enjoyed THE advantage\n of reading, and sometimes correcting, THE Arabic text; yet,\n notwithstanding THEir high-sounding boasts, I cannot find, after\n THE conclusion of my work, that THEy have afforded me much (if\n any) additional information. The dull mass is not quickened by a\n spark of philosophy or taste; and THE compilers indulge THE\n criticism of acrimonious bigotry against Boulainvilliers, Sale,\n Gagnier, and all who have treated Mahomet with favor, or even\n justice.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part I.\n\n The Conquest Of Persia, Syria, Egypt, Africa, And Spain, By The\n Arabs Or Saracens.—Empire Of The Caliphs, Or Successors Of\n Mahomet.—State Of The Christians, &c., Under Their Government.\n\n The revolution of Arabia had not changed THE character of THE\n Arabs: THE death of Mahomet was THE signal of independence; and\n THE hasty structure of his power and religion tottered to its\n foundations. A small and faithful band of his primitive disciples\n had listened to his eloquence, and shared his distress; had fled\n with THE apostle from THE persecution of Mecca, or had received\n THE fugitive in THE walls of Medina. The increasing myriads, who\n acknowledged Mahomet as THEir king and prophet, had been\n compelled by his arms, or allured by his prosperity. The\n polyTHEists were confounded by THE simple idea of a solitary and\n invisible God; THE pride of THE Christians and Jews disdained THE\n yoke of a mortal and contemporary legislator. The habits of faith\n and obedience were not sufficiently confirmed; and many of THE\n new converts regretted THE venerable antiquity of THE law of\n Moses, or THE rites and mysteries of THE Catholic church; or THE\n idols, THE sacrifices, THE joyous festivals, of THEir Pagan\n ancestors. The jarring interests and hereditary feuds of THE\n Arabian tribes had not yet coalesced in a system of union and\n subordination; and THE Barbarians were impatient of THE mildest\n and most salutary laws that curbed THEir passions, or violated\n THEir customs. They submitted with reluctance to THE religious\n precepts of THE Koran, THE abstinence from wine, THE fast of THE\n Ramadan, and THE daily repetition of five prayers; and THE alms\n and tiTHEs, which were collected for THE treasury of Medina,\n could be distinguished only by a name from THE payment of a\n perpetual and ignominious tribute. The example of Mahomet had\n excited a spirit of fanaticism or imposture, and several of his\n rivals presumed to imitate THE conduct, and defy THE authority,\n of THE living prophet. At THE head of THE fugitives and\n auxiliaries, THE first caliph was reduced to THE cities of Mecca,\n Medina, and Tayef; and perhaps THE Koreish would have restored\n THE idols of THE Caaba, if THEir levity had not been checked by a\n seasonable reproof. “Ye men of Mecca, will ye be THE last to\n embrace, and THE first to abandon, THE religion of Islam?” After\n exhorting THE Moslems to confide in THE aid of God and his\n apostle, Abubeker resolved, by a vigorous attack, to prevent THE\n junction of THE rebels. The women and children were safely lodged\n in THE cavities of THE mountains: THE warriors, marching under\n eleven banners, diffused THE terror of THEir arms; and THE\n appearance of a military force revived and confirmed THE loyalty\n of THE faithful. The inconstant tribes accepted, with humble\n repentance, THE duties of prayer, and fasting, and alms; and,\n after some examples of success and severity, THE most daring\n apostates fell prostrate before THE sword of THE Lord and of\n Caled. In THE fertile province of Yemanah, 1 between THE Red Sea\n and THE Gulf of Persia, in a city not inferior to Medina itself,\n a powerful chief (his name was Moseilama) had assumed THE\n character of a prophet, and THE tribe of Hanifa listened to his\n voice. A female prophetess 1111 was attracted by his reputation;\n THE decencies of words and actions were spurned by THEse\n favorites of Heaven; 2 and THEy employed several days in mystic\n and amorous converse. An obscure sentence of his Koran, or book,\n is yet extant; 3 and in THE pride of his mission, Moseilama\n condescended to offer a partition of THE earth. The proposal was\n answered by Mahomet with contempt; but THE rapid progress of THE\n impostor awakened THE fears of his successor: forty thousand\n Moslems were assembled under THE standard of Caled; and THE\n existence of THEir faith was resigned to THE event of a decisive\n battle. 3111 In THE first action THEy were repulsed by THE loss\n of twelve hundred men; but THE skill and perseverance of THEir\n general prevailed; THEir defeat was avenged by THE slaughter of\n ten thousand infidels; and Moseilama himself was pierced by an\n Aethiopian slave with THE same javelin which had mortally wounded\n THE uncle of Mahomet. The various rebels of Arabia without a\n chief or a cause, were speedily suppressed by THE power and\n discipline of THE rising monarchy; and THE whole nation again\n professed, and more steadfastly held, THE religion of THE Koran.\n The ambition of THE caliphs provided an immediate exercise for\n THE restless spirit of THE Saracens: THEir valor was united in\n THE prosecution of a holy war; and THEir enthusiasm was equally\n confirmed by opposition and victory.\n\n 1 (return) [ See THE description of THE city and country of Al\n Yamanah, in Abulfeda, Descript. Arabiae, p. 60, 61. In THE xiiith\n century, THEre were some ruins, and a few palms; but in THE\n present century, THE same ground is occupied by THE visions and\n arms of a modern prophet, whose tenets are imperfectly known,\n (Niebuhr, Description de l’Arabie, p. 296-302.)]\n\n 1111 (return) [ This extraordinary woman was a Christian; she was\n at THE head of a numerous and flourishing sect; Moseilama\n professed to recognize her inspiration. In a personal interview\n he proposed THEir marriage and THE union of THEir sects. The\n handsome person, THE impassioned eloquence, and THE arts of\n Moseilama, triumphed over THE virtue of THE prophetesa who was\n rejected with scorn by her lover, and by her notorious unchastity\n ost her influence with her own followers. Gibbon, with that\n propensity too common, especially in his later volumes, has\n selected only THE grosser part of this singular adventure.—M.]\n\n 2 (return) [ The first salutation may be transcribed, but cannot\n be translated. It was thus that Moseilama said or sung:—\n\n Surge tandem itaque strenue permolenda; nam stratus tibi thorus est.\n Aut in propatulo tentorio si velis, aut in abditiore cubiculo si\n malis; Aut supinam te humi exporrectam fustigabo, si velis, Aut si\n malis manibus pedibusque nixam. Aut si velis ejus (Priapi) gemino\n triente aut si malis totus veniam. Imo, totus venito, O Apostole Dei,\n clamabat foemina. Id ipsum, dicebat Moseilama, mihi quoque suggessit\n Deus.\n\n The prophetess Segjah, after THE fall of her lover, returned to\n idolatry; but under THE reign of Moawiyah, she became a\n Mussulman, and died at Bassora, (Abulfeda, Annal. vers. Reiske,\n p. 63.)]\n\n 3 (return) [ See this text, which demonstrates a God from THE\n work of generation, in Abulpharagius (Specimen Hist. Arabum, p.\n 13, and Dynast. p. 103) and Abulfeda, (Annal. p. 63.)]\n\n 3111 (return) [ Compare a long account of this battle in Price,\n p. 42.—M.]\n\n From THE rapid conquests of THE Saracens a presumption will\n naturally arise, that THE caliphs 311 commanded in person THE\n armies of THE faithful, and sought THE crown of martyrdom in THE\n foremost ranks of THE battle. The courage of Abubeker, 4 Omar, 5\n and Othman, 6 had indeed been tried in THE persecution and wars\n of THE prophet; and THE personal assurance of paradise must have\n taught THEm to despise THE pleasures and dangers of THE present\n world. But THEy ascended THE throne in a venerable or mature age;\n and esteemed THE domestic cares of religion and justice THE most\n important duties of a sovereign. Except THE presence of Omar at\n THE siege of Jerusalem, THEir longest expeditions were THE\n frequent pilgrimage from Medina to Mecca; and THEy calmly\n received THE tidings of victory as THEy prayed or preached before\n THE sepulchre of THE prophet. The austere and frugal measure of\n THEir lives was THE effect of virtue or habit, and THE pride of\n THEir simplicity insulted THE vain magnificence of THE kings of\n THE earth. When Abubeker assumed THE office of caliph, he\n enjoined his daughter Ayesha to take a strict account of his\n private patrimony, that it might be evident wheTHEr he were\n enriched or impoverished by THE service of THE state. He thought\n himself entitled to a stipend of three pieces of gold, with THE\n sufficient maintenance of a single camel and a black slave; but\n on THE Friday of each week he distributed THE residue of his own\n and THE public money, first to THE most worthy, and THEn to THE\n most indigent, of THE Moslems. The remains of his wealth, a\n coarse garment, and five pieces of gold, were delivered to his\n successor, who lamented with a modest sigh his own inability to\n equal such an admirable model. Yet THE abstinence and humility of\n Omar were not inferior to THE virtues of Abubeker: his food\n consisted of barley bread or dates; his drink was water; he\n preached in a gown that was torn or tattered in twelve places;\n and THE Persian satrap, who paid his homage to THE conqueror,\n found him asleep among THE beggars on THE steps of THE mosch of\n Medina. Oeeconomy is THE source of liberality, and THE increase\n of THE revenue enabled Omar to establish a just and perpetual\n reward for THE past and present services of THE faithful.\n Careless of his own emolument, he assigned to Abbas, THE uncle of\n THE prophet, THE first and most ample allowance of twenty-five\n thousand drachms or pieces of silver. Five thousand were allotted\n to each of THE aged warriors, THE relics of THE field of Beder;\n and THE last and meanest of THE companions of Mahomet was\n distinguished by THE annual reward of three thousand pieces. One\n thousand was THE stipend of THE veterans who had fought in THE\n first battles against THE Greeks and Persians; and THE decreasing\n pay, as low as fifty pieces of silver, was adapted to THE\n respective merit and seniority of THE soldiers of Omar. Under his\n reign, and that of his predecessor, THE conquerors of THE East\n were THE trusty servants of God and THE people; THE mass of THE\n public treasure was consecrated to THE expenses of peace and war;\n a prudent mixture of justice and bounty maintained THE discipline\n of THE Saracens, and THEy united, by a rare felicity, THE\n despatch and execution of despotism with THE equal and frugal\n maxims of a republican government. The heroic courage of Ali, 7\n THE consummate prudence of Moawiyah, 8 excited THE emulation of\n THEir subjects; and THE talents which had been exercised in THE\n school of civil discord were more usefully applied to propagate\n THE faith and dominion of THE prophet. In THE sloth and vanity of\n THE palace of Damascus, THE succeeding princes of THE house of\n Ommiyah were alike destitute of THE qualifications of statesmen\n and of saints. 9 Yet THE spoils of unknown nations were\n continually laid at THE foot of THEir throne, and THE uniform\n ascent of THE Arabian greatness must be ascribed to THE spirit of\n THE nation raTHEr than THE abilities of THEir chiefs. A large\n deduction must be allowed for THE weakness of THEir enemies. The\n birth of Mahomet was fortunately placed in THE most degenerate\n and disorderly period of THE Persians, THE Romans, and THE\n Barbarians of Europe: THE empires of Trajan, or even of\n Constantine or Charlemagne, would have repelled THE assault of\n THE naked Saracens, and THE torrent of fanaticism might have been\n obscurely lost in THE sands of Arabia.\n\n 311 (return) [ In Arabic, “successors.” V. Hammer Geschichte der\n Assas. p. 14—M.]\n\n 4 (return) [ His reign in Eutychius, tom. ii. p. 251. Elmacin, p.\n 18. Abulpharagius, p. 108. Abulfeda, p. 60. D’Herbelot, p. 58.]\n\n 5 (return) [ His reign in Eutychius, p. 264. Elmacin, p. 24.\n Abulpharagius, p. 110. Abulfeda, p. 66. D’Herbelot, p. 686.]\n\n 6 (return) [ His reign in Eutychius, p. 323. Elmacin, p. 36.\n Abulpharagius, p. 115. Abulfeda, p. 75. D’Herbelot, p. 695.]\n\n 7 (return) [ His reign in Eutychius, p. 343. Elmacin, p. 51.\n Abulpharagius, p. 117. Abulfeda, p. 83. D’Herbelot, p. 89.]\n\n 8 (return) [ His reign in Eutychius, p. 344. Elmacin, p. 54.\n Abulpharagius, p. 123. Abulfeda, p. 101. D’Herbelot, p. 586.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Their reigns in Eutychius, tom. ii. p. 360-395.\n Elmacin, p. 59-108. Abulpharagius, Dynast. ix. p. 124-139.\n Abulfeda, p. 111-141. D’Herbelot, BiblioTHEque Orientale, p. 691,\n and THE particular articles of THE Ommiades.]\n\n In THE victorious days of THE Roman republic, it had been THE aim\n of THE senate to confine THEir councils and legions to a single\n war, and completely to suppress a first enemy before THEy\n provoked THE hostilities of a second. These timid maxims of\n policy were disdained by THE magnanimity or enthusiasm of THE\n Arabian caliphs. With THE same vigor and success THEy invaded THE\n successors of Augustus and those of Artaxerxes; and THE rival\n monarchies at THE same instant became THE prey of an enemy whom\n THEy had been so long accustomed to despise. In THE ten years of\n THE administration of Omar, THE Saracens reduced to his obedience\n thirty-six thousand cities or castles, destroyed four thousand\n churches or temples of THE unbelievers, and edified fourteen\n hundred moschs for THE exercise of THE religion of Mahomet. One\n hundred years after his flight from Mecca, THE arms and THE reign\n of his successors extended from India to THE Atlantic Ocean, over\n THE various and distant provinces, which may be comprised under\n THE names of, I. Persia; II. Syria; III. Egypt; IV. Africa; and,\n V. Spain. Under this general division, I shall proceed to unfold\n THEse memorable transactions; despatching with brevity THE remote\n and less interesting conquests of THE East, and reserving a\n fuller narrative for those domestic countries which had been\n included within THE pale of THE Roman empire. Yet I must excuse\n my own defects by a just complaint of THE blindness and\n insufficiency of my guides. The Greeks, so loquacious in\n controversy, have not been anxious to celebrate THE triumphs of\n THEir enemies. 10 After a century of ignorance, THE first annals\n of THE Mussulmans were collected in a great measure from THE\n voice of tradition. 11 Among THE numerous productions of Arabic\n and Persian literature, 12 our interpreters have selected THE\n imperfect sketches of a more recent age. 13 The art and genius of\n history have ever been unknown to THE Asiatics; 14 THEy are\n ignorant of THE laws of criticism; and our monkish chronicle of\n THE same period may be compared to THEir most popular works,\n which are never vivified by THE spirit of philosophy and freedom.\n\n The Oriental library of a Frenchman 15 would instruct THE most\n learned mufti of THE East; and perhaps THE Arabs might not find\n in a single historian so clear and comprehensive a narrative of\n THEir own exploits as that which will be deduced in THE ensuing\n sheets.\n\n 10 (return) [ For THE viith and viiith century, we have scarcely\n any original evidence of THE Byzantine historians, except THE\n chronicles of Theophanes (Theophanis Confessoris Chronographia,\n Gr. et Lat. cum notis Jacobi Goar. Paris, 1665, in folio) and THE\n Abridgment of Nicephorus, (Nicephori Patriarchae C. P. Breviarium\n Historicum, Gr. et Lat. Paris, 1648, in folio,) who both lived in\n THE beginning of THE ixth century, (see Hanckius de Scriptor.\n Byzant. p. 200-246.) Their contemporary, Photius, does not seem\n to be more opulent. After praising THE style of Nicephorus, he\n adds, and only complains of his extreme brevity, (Phot. Bibliot.\n Cod. lxvi. p. 100.) Some additions may be gleaned from THE more\n recent histories of Cedrenus and Zonaras of THE xiith century.]\n\n 11 (return) [ Tabari, or Al Tabari, a native of Taborestan, a\n famous Imam of Bagdad, and THE Livy of THE Arabians, finished his\n general history in THE year of THE Hegira 302, (A.D. 914.) At THE\n request of his friends, he reduced a work of 30,000 sheets to a\n more reasonable size. But his Arabic original is known only by\n THE Persian and Turkish versions. The Saracenic history of Ebn\n Amid, or Elmacin, is said to be an abridgment of THE great\n Tabari, (Ockley’s Hist. of THE Saracens, vol. ii. preface, p.\n xxxix. and list of authors, D’Herbelot, p. 866, 870, 1014.)]\n\n 12 (return) [ Besides THE list of authors framed by Prideaux,\n (Life of Mahomet, p. 179-189,) Ockley, (at THE end of his second\n volume,) and Petit de la Croix, (Hist. de Gengiscan, p. 525-550,)\n we find in THE BiblioTHEque Orientale Tarikh, a catalogue of two\n or three hundred histories or chronicles of THE East, of which\n not more than three or four are older than Tabari. A lively\n sketch of Oriental literature is given by Reiske, (in his\n Prodidagmata ad Hagji Chalifae librum memorialem ad calcem\n Abulfedae Tabulae Syriae, Lipsiae, 1776;) but his project and THE\n French version of Petit de la Croix (Hist. de Timur Bec, tom. i.\n preface, p. xlv.) have fallen to THE ground.]\n\n 13 (return) [ The particular historians and geographers will be\n occasionally introduced. The four following titles represent THE\n Annals which have guided me in this general narrative. 1. Annales\n Eutychii, Patriarchoe Alexandrini, ab Edwardo Pocockio, Oxon.\n 1656, 2 vols. in 4to. A pompous edition of an indifferent author,\n translated by Pocock to gratify THE Presbyterian prejudices of\n his friend Selden. 2. Historia Saracenica Georgii Elmacini, opera\n et studio Thomae Erpenii, in 4to., Lugd. Batavorum, 1625. He is\n said to have hastily translated a corrupt Ms., and his version is\n often deficient in style and sense. 3. Historia compendiosa\n Dynastiarum a Gregorio Abulpharagio, interprete Edwardo Pocockio,\n in 4to., Oxon. 1663. More useful for THE literary than THE civil\n history of THE East. 4. Abulfedoe Annales Moslemici ad Ann.\n Hegiroe ccccvi. a Jo. Jac. Reiske, in 4to., Lipsioe, 1754. The\n best of our chronicles, both for THE original and version, yet\n how far below THE name of Abulfeda! We know that he wrote at\n Hamah in THE xivth century. The three former were Christians of\n THE xth, xiith, and xiiith centuries; THE two first, natives of\n Egypt; a Melchite patriarch, and a Jacobite scribe.]\n\n 14 (return) [ M. D. Guignes (Hist. des Huns, tom. i. pref. p.\n xix. xx.) has characterized, with truth and knowledge, THE two\n sorts of Arabian historians—THE dry annalist, and THE tumid and\n flowery orator.]\n\n 15 (return) [ BiblioTHEque Orientale, par M. D’Herbelot, in\n folio, Paris, 1697. For THE character of THE respectable author,\n consult his friend Thevenot, (Voyages du Levant, part i. chap.\n 1.) His work is an agreeable miscellany, which must gratify every\n taste; but I never can digest THE alphabetical order; and I find\n him more satisfactory in THE Persian than THE Arabic history. The\n recent supplement from THE papers of Mm. Visdelou, and Galland,\n (in folio, La Haye, 1779,) is of a different cast, a medley of\n tales, proverbs, and Chinese antiquities.]\n\n I. In THE first year of THE first caliph, his lieutenant Caled,\n THE Sword of God, and THE scourge of THE infidels, advanced to\n THE banks of THE Euphrates, and reduced THE cities of Anbar and\n Hira. Westward of THE ruins of Babylon, a tribe of sedentary\n Arabs had fixed THEmselves on THE verge of THE desert; and Hira\n was THE seat of a race of kings who had embraced THE Christian\n religion, and reigned above six hundred years under THE shadow of\n THE throne of Persia. 16 The last of THE Mondars 1611 was\n defeated and slain by Caled; his son was sent a captive to\n Medina; his nobles bowed before THE successor of THE prophet; THE\n people was tempted by THE example and success of THEir\n countrymen; and THE caliph accepted as THE first-fruits of\n foreign conquest an annual tribute of seventy thousand pieces of\n gold. The conquerors, and even THEir historians, were astonished\n by THE dawn of THEir future greatness: “In THE same year,” says\n Elmacin, “Caled fought many signal battles: an immense multitude\n of THE infidels was slaughtered; and spoils infinite and\n innumerable were acquired by THE victorious Moslems.” 17 But THE\n invincible Caled was soon transferred to THE Syrian war: THE\n invasion of THE Persian frontier was conducted by less active or\n less prudent commanders: THE Saracens were repulsed with loss in\n THE passage of THE Euphrates; and, though THEy chastised THE\n insolent pursuit of THE Magians, THEir remaining forces still\n hovered in THE desert of Babylon. 1711\n\n 16 (return) [ Pocock will explain THE chronology, (Specimen Hist.\n Arabum, p. 66-74,) and D’Anville THE geography, (l’Euphrate, et\n le Tigre, p. 125,) of THE dynasty of THE Almondars. The English\n scholar understood more Arabic than THE mufti of Aleppo, (Ockley,\n vol. ii. p. 34: ) THE French geographer is equally at home in\n every age and every climate of THE world.]\n\n 1611 (return) [ Eichhorn and Silvestre de Sacy have written on\n THE obscure history of THE Mondars.—M.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Fecit et Chaled plurima in hoc anno praelia, in\n quibus vicerunt Muslimi, et infidelium immensa multitudine occisa\n spolia infinita et innumera sunt nacti, (Hist. Saracenica, p.\n 20.) The Christian annalist slides into THE national and\n compendious term of infidels, and I often adopt (I hope without\n scandal) this characteristic mode of expression.]\n\n 1711 (return) [ Compare throughout Malcolm, vol. ii. p. 136.—M.]\n\n The indignation and fears of THE Persians suspended for a moment\n THEir intestine divisions. By THE unanimous sentence of THE\n priests and nobles, THEir queen Arzema was deposed; THE sixth of\n THE transient usurpers, who had arisen and vanished in three or\n four years since THE death of Chosroes, and THE retreat of\n Heraclius. Her tiara was placed on THE head of Yezdegerd, THE\n grandson of Chosroes; and THE same aera, which coincides with an\n astronomical period, 18 has recorded THE fall of THE Sassanian\n dynasty and THE religion of Zoroaster. 19 The youth and\n inexperience of THE prince (he was only fifteen years of age)\n declined a perilous encounter: THE royal standard was delivered\n into THE hands of his general Rustam; and a remnant of thirty\n thousand regular troops was swelled in truth, or in opinion, to\n one hundred and twenty thousand subjects, or allies, of THE great\n king. The Moslems, whose numbers were reenforced from twelve to\n thirty thousand, had pitched THEir camp in THE plains of Cadesia:\n 20 and THEir line, though it consisted of fewer men, could\n produce more soldiers, than THE unwieldy host of THE infidels. I\n shall here observe, what I must often repeat, that THE charge of\n THE Arabs was not, like that of THE Greeks and Romans, THE effort\n of a firm and compact infantry: THEir military force was chiefly\n formed of cavalry and archers; and THE engagement, which was\n often interrupted and often renewed by single combats and flying\n skirmishes, might be protracted without any decisive event to THE\n continuance of several days. The periods of THE battle of Cadesia\n were distinguished by THEir peculiar appellations. The first,\n from THE well-timed appearance of six thousand of THE Syrian\n brethren, was denominated THE day of succor. The day of\n concussion might express THE disorder of one, or perhaps of both,\n of THE contending armies. The third, a nocturnal tumult, received\n THE whimsical name of THE night of barking, from THE discordant\n clamors, which were compared to THE inarticulate sounds of THE\n fiercest animals. The morning of THE succeeding day 2011\n determined THE fate of Persia; and a seasonable whirlwind drove a\n cloud of dust against THE faces of THE unbelievers. The clangor\n of arms was reechoed to THE tent of Rustam, who, far unlike THE\n ancient hero of his name, was gently reclining in a cool and\n tranquil shade, amidst THE baggage of his camp, and THE train of\n mules that were laden with gold and silver. On THE sound of\n danger he started from his couch; but his flight was overtaken by\n a valiant Arab, who caught him by THE foot, struck off his head,\n hoisted it on a lance, and instantly returning to THE field of\n battle, carried slaughter and dismay among THE thickest ranks of\n THE Persians. The Saracens confess a loss of seven thousand five\n hundred men; 2012 and THE battle of Cadesia is justly described\n by THE epiTHEts of obstinate and atrocious. 21 The standard of\n THE monarchy was overthrown and captured in THE field—a leaTHErn\n apron of a blacksmith, who in ancient times had arisen THE\n deliverer of Persia; but this badge of heroic poverty was\n disguised, and almost concealed, by a profusion of precious gems.\n 22 After this victory, THE wealthy province of Irak, or Assyria,\n submitted to THE caliph, and his conquests were firmly\n established by THE speedy foundation of Bassora, 23 a place which\n ever commands THE trade and navigation of THE Persians. As THE\n distance of fourscore miles from THE Gulf, THE Euphrates and\n Tigris unite in a broad and direct current, which is aptly styled\n THE river of THE Arabs. In THE midway, between THE junction and\n THE mouth of THEse famous streams, THE new settlement was planted\n on THE western bank: THE first colony was composed of eight\n hundred Moslems; but THE influence of THE situation soon reared a\n flourishing and populous capital. The air, though excessively\n hot, is pure and healthy: THE meadows are filled with palm-trees\n and cattle; and one of THE adjacent valleys has been celebrated\n among THE four paradises or gardens of Asia. Under THE first\n caliphs THE jurisdiction of this Arabian colony extended over THE\n souTHErn provinces of Persia: THE city has been sanctified by THE\n tombs of THE companions and martyrs; and THE vessels of Europe\n still frequent THE port of Bassora, as a convenient station and\n passage of THE Indian trade.\n\n 18 (return) [ A cycle of 120 years, THE end of which an\n intercalary month of 30 days supplied THE use of our Bissextile,\n and restored THE integrity of THE solar year. In a great\n revolution of 1440 years this intercalation was successively\n removed from THE first to THE twelfth month; but Hyde and Freret\n are involved in a profound controversy, wheTHEr THE twelve, or\n only eight of THEse changes were accomplished before THE aera of\n Yezdegerd, which is unanimously fixed to THE 16th of June, A.D.\n 632. How laboriously does THE curious spirit of Europe explore\n THE darkest and most distant antiquities! (Hyde de Religione\n Persarum, c. 14-18, p. 181-211. Freret in THE Mem. de l’Academie\n des Inscriptions, tom. xvi. p. 233-267.)]\n\n 19 (return) [ Nine days after THE death of Mahomet (7th June,\n A.D. 632) we find THE aera of Yezdegerd, (16th June, A.D. 632,)\n and his accession cannot be postponed beyond THE end of THE first\n year. His predecessors could not THErefore resist THE arms of THE\n caliph Omar; and THEse unquestionable dates overthrow THE\n thoughtless chronology of Abulpharagius. See Ockley’s Hist. of\n THE Saracens, vol. i. p. 130. * Note: The Rezont Uzzuffa (Price,\n p. 105) has a strange account of an embassy to Yezdegerd. The\n Oriental historians take great delight in THEse embassies, which\n give THEm an opportunity of displaying THEir Asiatic\n eloquence—M.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Cadesia, says THE Nubian geographer, (p. 121,) is\n in margine solitudinis, 61 leagues from Bagdad, and two stations\n from Cufa. Otter (Voyage, tom. i. p. 163) reckons 15 leagues, and\n observes, that THE place is supplied with dates and water.]\n\n 2011 (return) [ The day of cormorants, or according to anoTHEr\n reading THE day of reinforcements. It was THE night which was\n called THE night of snarling. Price, p. 114.—M.]\n\n 2012 (return) [ According to Malcolm’s authorities, only three\n thousand; but he adds “This is THE report of Mahomedan\n historians, who have a great disposition of THE wonderful, in\n relating THE first actions of THE faithful” Vol. i. p. 39.—M.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Atrox, contumax, plus semel renovatum, are THE\n well-chosen expressions of THE translator of Abulfeda, (Reiske,\n p. 69.)]\n\n 22 (return) [ D’Herbelot, BiblioTHEque Orientale, p. 297, 348.]\n\n 23 (return) [ The reader may satisfy himself on THE subject of\n Bassora by consulting THE following writers: Geograph, Nubiens.\n p. 121. D’Herbelot, BiblioTHEque Orientale, p. 192. D’Anville,\n l’Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 130, 133, 145. Raynal, Hist.\n Philosophique des deux Indes, tom. ii. p. 92-100. Voyages di\n Pietro della Valle, tom. iv. p. 370-391. De Tavernier, tom. i. p.\n 240-247. De Thevenot, tom. ii. p. 545-584. D Otter, tom. ii. p.\n 45-78. De Niebuhr, tom. ii. p. 172-199.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part II.\n\n After THE defeat of Cadesia, a country intersected by rivers and\n canals might have opposed an insuperable barrier to THE\n victorious cavalry; and THE walls of Ctesiphon or Madayn, which\n had resisted THE battering-rams of THE Romans, would not have\n yielded to THE darts of THE Saracens. But THE flying Persians\n were overcome by THE belief, that THE last day of THEir religion\n and empire was at hand; THE strongest posts were abandoned by\n treachery or cowardice; and THE king, with a part of his family\n and treasures, escaped to Holwan at THE foot of THE Median hills.\n\n In THE third month after THE battle, Said, THE lieutenant of\n Omar, passed THE Tigris without opposition; THE capital was taken\n by assault; and THE disorderly resistance of THE people gave a\n keener edge to THE sabres of THE Moslems, who shouted with\n religious transport, “This is THE white palace of Chosroes; this\n is THE promise of THE apostle of God!” The naked robbers of THE\n desert were suddenly enriched beyond THE measure of THEir hope or\n knowledge. Each chamber revealed a new treasure secreted with\n art, or ostentatiously displayed; THE gold and silver, THE\n various wardrobes and precious furniture, surpassed (says\n Abulfeda) THE estimate of fancy or numbers; and anoTHEr historian\n defines THE untold and almost infinite mass, by THE fabulous\n computation of three thousands of thousands of thousands of\n pieces of gold. 24 Some minute though curious facts represent THE\n contrast of riches and ignorance. From THE remote islands of THE\n Indian Ocean a large provision of camphire 25 had been imported,\n which is employed with a mixture of wax to illuminate THE palaces\n of THE East. Strangers to THE name and properties of that\n odoriferous gum, THE Saracens, mistaking it for salt, mingled THE\n camphire in THEir bread, and were astonished at THE bitterness of\n THE taste. One of THE apartments of THE palace was decorated with\n a carpet of silk, sixty cubits in length, and as many in breadth:\n a paradise or garden was depictured on THE ground: THE flowers,\n fruits, and shrubs, were imitated by THE figures of THE gold\n embroidery, and THE colors of THE precious stones; and THE ample\n square was encircled by a variegated and verdant border. 251 The\n Arabian general persuaded his soldiers to relinquish THEir claim,\n in THE reasonable hope that THE eyes of THE caliph would be\n delighted with THE splendid workmanship of nature and industry.\n Regardless of THE merit of art, and THE pomp of royalty, THE\n rigid Omar divided THE prize among his brethren of Medina: THE\n picture was destroyed; but such was THE intrinsic value of THE\n materials, that THE share of Ali alone was sold for twenty\n thousand drams. A mule that carried away THE tiara and cuirass,\n THE belt and bracelets of Chosroes, was overtaken by THE\n pursuers; THE gorgeous trophy was presented to THE commander of\n THE faithful; and THE gravest of THE companions condescended to\n smile when THEy beheld THE white beard, THE hairy arms, and\n uncouth figure of THE veteran, who was invested with THE spoils\n of THE Great King. 26 The sack of Ctesiphon was followed by its\n desertion and gradual decay. The Saracens disliked THE air and\n situation of THE place, and Omar was advised by his general to\n remove THE seat of government to THE western side of THE\n Euphrates. In every age, THE foundation and ruin of THE Assyrian\n cities has been easy and rapid: THE country is destitute of stone\n and timber; and THE most solid structures 27 are composed of\n bricks baked in THE sun, and joined by a cement of THE native\n bitumen. The name of Cufa 28 describes a habitation of reeds and\n earth; but THE importance of THE new capital was supported by THE\n numbers, wealth, and spirit, of a colony of veterans; and THEir\n licentiousness was indulged by THE wisest caliphs, who were\n apprehensive of provoking THE revolt of a hundred thousand\n swords: “Ye men of Cufa,” said Ali, who solicited THEir aid, “you\n have been always conspicuous by your valor. You conquered THE\n Persian king, and scattered his forces, till you had taken\n possession of his inheritance.” This mighty conquest was achieved\n by THE battles of Jalula and Nehavend. After THE loss of THE\n former, Yezdegerd fled from Holwan, and concealed his shame and\n despair in THE mountains of Farsistan, from whence Cyrus had\n descended with his equal and valiant companions. The courage of\n THE nation survived that of THE monarch: among THE hills to THE\n south of Ecbatana or Hamadan, one hundred and fifty thousand\n Persians made a third and final stand for THEir religion and\n country; and THE decisive battle of Nehavend was styled by THE\n Arabs THE victory of victories. If it be true that THE flying\n general of THE Persians was stopped and overtaken in a crowd of\n mules and camels laden with honey, THE incident, however slight\n and singular, will denote THE luxurious impediments of an\n Oriental army. 29\n\n 24 (return) [ Mente vix potest numerove comprehendi quanta spolia\n nostris cesserint. Abulfeda, p. 69. Yet I still suspect, that THE\n extravagant numbers of Elmacin may be THE error, not of THE text,\n but of THE version. The best translators from THE Greek, for\n instance, I find to be very poor arithmeticians. * Note: Ockley\n (Hist. of Saracens, vol. i. p. 230) translates in THE same manner\n three thousand million of ducats. See Forster’s Mahometanism\n Unveiled, vol. ii. p. 462; who makes this innocent doubt of\n Gibbon, in which, is to THE amount of THE plunder, I venture to\n concur, a grave charge of inaccuracy and disrespect to THE memory\n of Erpenius. The Persian authorities of Price (p. 122) make THE\n booty worth three hundred and thirty millions sterling!—M]\n\n 25 (return) [ The camphire-tree grows in China and Japan; but\n many hundred weight of those meaner sorts are exchanged for a\n single pound of THE more precious gum of Borneo and Sumatra,\n (Raynal, Hist. Philosoph. tom. i. p. 362-365. Dictionnaire\n d’Hist. Naturelle par Bomare Miller’s Gardener’s Dictionary.)\n These may be THE islands of THE first climate from whence THE\n Arabians imported THEir camphire (Geograph. Nub. p. 34, 35.\n D’Herbelot, p. 232.)]\n\n 251 (return) [ Compare Price, p. 122.—M.]\n\n 26 (return) [ See Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 376, 377. I\n may credit THE fact, without believing THE prophecy.]\n\n 27 (return) [ The most considerable ruins of Assyria are THE\n tower of Belus, at Babylon, and THE hall of Chosroes, at\n Ctesiphon: THEy have been visited by that vain and curious\n traveller Pietro della Valle, (tom. i. p. 713-718, 731-735.) *\n Note: The best modern account is that of Claudius Rich Esq. Two\n Memoirs of Babylon. London, 1818.—M.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Consult THE article of Coufah in THE BiblioTHEque\n of D’Herbelot ( p. 277, 278,) and THE second volume of Ockley’s\n History, particularly p. 40 and 153.]\n\n 29 (return) [ See THE article of Nehavend, in D’Herbelot, p. 667,\n 668; and Voyages en Turquie et en Perse, par Otter, tom. i. 191.\n * Note: Malcolm vol. i. p. 141.—M.]\n\n The geography of Persia is darkly delineated by THE Greeks and\n Latins; but THE most illustrious of her cities appear to be more\n ancient than THE invasion of THE Arabs. By THE reduction of\n Hamadan and Ispahan, of Caswin, Tauris, and Rei, THEy gradually\n approached THE shores of THE Caspian Sea: and THE orators of\n Mecca might applaud THE success and spirit of THE faithful, who\n had already lost sight of THE norTHErn bear, and had almost\n transcended THE bounds of THE habitable world. 30 Again, turning\n towards THE West and THE Roman empire, THEy repassed THE Tigris\n over THE bridge of Mosul, and, in THE captive provinces of\n Armenia and Mesopotamia, embraced THEir victorious brethren of\n THE Syrian army. From THE palace of Madayn THEir Eastern progress\n was not less rapid or extensive. They advanced along THE Tigris\n and THE Gulf; penetrated through THE passes of THE mountains into\n THE valley of Estachar or Persepolis, and profaned THE last\n sanctuary of THE Magian empire. The grandson of Chosroes was\n nearly surprised among THE falling columns and mutilated figures;\n a sad emblem of THE past and present fortune of Persia: 31 he\n fled with accelerated haste over THE desert of Kirman, implored\n THE aid of THE warlike Segestans, and sought an humble refuge on\n THE verge of THE Turkish and Chinese power. But a victorious army\n is insensible of fatigue: THE Arabs divided THEir forces in THE\n pursuit of a timorous enemy; and THE caliph Othman promised THE\n government of Chorasan to THE first general who should enter that\n large and populous country, THE kingdom of THE ancient Bactrians.\n The condition was accepted; THE prize was deserved; THE standard\n of Mahomet was planted on THE walls of Herat, Merou, and Balch;\n and THE successful leader neiTHEr halted nor reposed till his\n foaming cavalry had tasted THE waters of THE Oxus. In THE public\n anarchy, THE independent governors of THE cities and castles\n obtained THEir separate capitulations: THE terms were granted or\n imposed by THE esteem, THE prudence, or THE compassion, of THE\n victors; and a simple profession of faith established THE\n distinction between a broTHEr and a slave. After a noble defence,\n Harmozan, THE prince or satrap of Ahwaz and Susa, was compelled\n to surrender his person and his state to THE discretion of THE\n caliph; and THEir interview exhibits a portrait of THE Arabian\n manners. In THE presence, and by THE command, of Omar, THE gay\n Barbarian was despoiled of his silken robes embroidered with\n gold, and of his tiara bedecked with rubies and emeralds: “Are\n you now sensible,” said THE conqueror to his naked captive—“are\n you now sensible of THE judgment of God, and of THE different\n rewards of infidelity and obedience?” “Alas!” replied Harmozan,\n “I feel THEm too deeply. In THE days of our common ignorance, we\n fought with THE weapons of THE flesh, and my nation was superior.\n God was THEn neuter: since he has espoused your quarrel, you have\n subverted our kingdom and religion.” Oppressed by this painful\n dialogue, THE Persian complained of intolerable thirst, but\n discovered some apprehension lest he should be killed whilst he\n was drinking a cup of water. “Be of good courage,” said THE\n caliph; “your life is safe till you have drunk this water:” THE\n crafty satrap accepted THE assurance, and instantly dashed THE\n vase against THE ground. Omar would have avenged THE deceit, but\n his companions represented THE sanctity of an oath; and THE\n speedy conversion of Harmozan entitled him not only to a free\n pardon, but even to a stipend of two thousand pieces of gold. The\n administration of Persia was regulated by an actual survey of THE\n people, THE cattle, and THE fruits of THE earth; 32 and this\n monument, which attests THE vigilance of THE caliphs, might have\n instructed THE philosophers of every age. 33\n\n 30 (return) [ It is in such a style of ignorance and wonder that\n THE ATHEnian orator describes THE Arctic conquests of Alexander,\n who never advanced beyond THE shores of THE Caspian. Aeschines\n contra Ctesiphontem, tom. iii. p. 554, edit. Graec. Orator.\n Reiske. This memorable cause was pleaded at ATHEns, Olymp. cxii.\n 3, (before Christ 330,) in THE autumn, (Taylor, praefat. p. 370,\n &c.,) about a year after THE battle of Arbela; and Alexander, in\n THE pursuit of Darius, was marching towards Hyrcania and\n Bactriana.]\n\n 31 (return) [ We are indebted for this curious particular to THE\n Dynasties of Abulpharagius, p. 116; but it is needless to prove\n THE identity of Estachar and Persepolis, (D’Herbelot, p. 327;)\n and still more needless to copy THE drawings and descriptions of\n Sir John Chardin, or Corneillo le Bruyn.]\n\n 32 (return) [ After THE conquest of Persia, Theophanes adds,\n (Chronograph p. 283.)]\n\n 33 (return) [ Amidst our meagre relations, I must regret that\n D’Herbelot has not found and used a Persian translation of\n Tabari, enriched, as he says, with many extracts from THE native\n historians of THE Ghebers or Magi, (BiblioTHEque Orientale, p.\n 1014.)]\n\n The flight of Yezdegerd had carried him beyond THE Oxus, and as\n far as THE Jaxartes, two rivers 34 of ancient and modern renown,\n which descend from THE mountains of India towards THE Caspian\n Sea. He was hospitably entertained by Takhan, prince of Fargana,\n 35 a fertile province on THE Jaxartes: THE king of Samarcand,\n with THE Turkish tribes of Sogdiana and Scythia, were moved by\n THE lamentations and promises of THE fallen monarch; and he\n solicited, by a suppliant embassy, THE more solid and powerful\n friendship of THE emperor of China. 36 The virtuous Taitsong, 37\n THE first of THE dynasty of THE Tang may be justly compared with\n THE Antonines of Rome: his people enjoyed THE blessings of\n prosperity and peace; and his dominion was acknowledged by\n forty-four hordes of THE Barbarians of Tartary. His last\n garrisons of Cashgar and Khoten maintained a frequent intercourse\n with THEir neighbors of THE Jaxartes and Oxus; a recent colony of\n Persians had introduced into China THE astronomy of THE Magi; and\n Taitsong might be alarmed by THE rapid progress and dangerous\n vicinity of THE Arabs. The influence, and perhaps THE supplies,\n of China revived THE hopes of Yezdegerd and THE zeal of THE\n worshippers of fire; and he returned with an army of Turks to\n conquer THE inheritance of his faTHErs. The fortunate Moslems,\n without unsheathing THEir swords, were THE spectators of his ruin\n and death. The grandson of Chosroes was betrayed by his servant,\n insulted by THE seditious inhabitants of Merou, and oppressed,\n defeated, and pursued by his Barbarian allies. He reached THE\n banks of a river, and offered his rings and bracelets for an\n instant passage in a miller’s boat. Ignorant or insensible of\n royal distress, THE rustic replied, that four drams of silver\n were THE daily profit of his mill, and that he would not suspend\n his work unless THE loss were repaid. In this moment of\n hesitation and delay, THE last of THE Sassanian kings was\n overtaken and slaughtered by THE Turkish cavalry, in THE\n nineteenth year of his unhappy reign. 38 3811 His son Firuz, an\n humble client of THE Chinese emperor, accepted THE station of\n captain of his guards; and THE Magian worship was long preserved\n by a colony of loyal exiles in THE province of Bucharia. 3812 His\n grandson inherited THE regal name; but after a faint and\n fruitless enterprise, he returned to China, and ended his days in\n THE palace of Sigan. The male line of THE Sassanides was extinct;\n but THE female captives, THE daughters of Persia, were given to\n THE conquerors in servitude, or marriage; and THE race of THE\n caliphs and imams was ennobled by THE blood of THEir royal\n moTHErs. 39\n\n 34 (return) [ The most auTHEntic accounts of THE two rivers, THE\n Sihon (Jaxartes) and THE Gihon, (Oxus,) may be found in Sherif al\n Edrisi (Geograph. Nubiens. p. 138,) Abulfeda, (Descript.\n Chorasan. in Hudson, tom. iii. p. 23,) Abulghazi Khan, who\n reigned on THEir banks, (Hist. Genealogique des Tatars, p. 32,\n 57, 766,) and THE Turkish Geographer, a MS. in THE king of\n France’s library, (Examen Critique des Historiens d’Alexandre, p.\n 194-360.)]\n\n 35 (return) [ The territory of Fergana is described by Abulfeda,\n p. 76, 77.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Eo redegit angustiarum eundem regem exsulem, ut\n Turcici regis, et Sogdiani, et Sinensis, auxilia missis literis\n imploraret, (Abulfed. Annal. p. 74) The connection of THE Persian\n and Chinese history is illustrated by Freret (Mem. de l’Academie,\n tom. xvi. p. 245-255) and De Guignes, (Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p.\n 54-59,) and for THE geography of THE borders, tom. ii. p. 1-43.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Hist. Sinica, p. 41-46, in THE iiid part of THE\n Relations Curieuses of Thevenot.]\n\n 38 (return) [ I have endeavored to harmonize THE various\n narratives of Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 37,) Abulpharagius,\n (Dynast. p. 116,) Abulfeda, (Annal. p. 74, 79,) and D’Herbelot,\n (p. 485.) The end of Yezdegerd, was not only unfortunate but\n obscure.]\n\n 3811 (return) [ The account of Yezdegerd’s death in THE Habeib\n ‘usseyr and Rouzut uzzuffa (Price, p. 162) is much more probable.\n On THE demand of THE few dhirems, he offered to THE miller his\n sword, and royal girdle, of inesturable value. This awoke THE\n cupidity of THE miller, who murdered him, and threw THE body into\n THE stream.—M.]\n\n 3812 (return) [ Firouz died leaving a son called Ni-ni-cha by THE\n Chinese, probably Narses. Yezdegerd had two sons, Firouz and\n Bahram St. Martin, vol. xi. p. 318.—M.]\n\n 39 (return) [ The two daughters of Yezdegerd married Hassan, THE\n son of Ali, and Mohammed, THE son of Abubeker; and THE first of\n THEse was THE faTHEr of a numerous progeny. The daughter of\n Phirouz became THE wife of THE caliph Walid, and THEir son Yezid\n derived his genuine or fabulous descent from THE Chosroes of\n Persia, THE Caesars of Rome, and THE Chagans of THE Turks or\n Avars, (D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orientale, p. 96, 487.)]\n\n After THE fall of THE Persian kingdom, THE River Oxus divided THE\n territories of THE Saracens and of THE Turks. This narrow\n boundary was soon overleaped by THE spirit of THE Arabs; THE\n governors of Chorasan extended THEir successive inroads; and one\n of THEir triumphs was adorned with THE buskin of a Turkish queen,\n which she dropped in her precipitate flight beyond THE hills of\n Bochara. 40 But THE final conquest of Transoxiana, 41 as well as\n of Spain, was reserved for THE glorious reign of THE inactive\n Walid; and THE name of Catibah, THE camel driver, declares THE\n origin and merit of his successful lieutenant. While one of his\n colleagues displayed THE first Mahometan banner on THE banks of\n THE Indus, THE spacious regions between THE Oxus, THE Jaxartes,\n and THE Caspian Sea, were reduced by THE arms of Catibah to THE\n obedience of THE prophet and of THE caliph. 42 A tribute of two\n millions of pieces of gold was imposed on THE infidels; THEir\n idols were burnt or broken; THE Mussulman chief pronounced a\n sermon in THE new mosch of Carizme; after several battles, THE\n Turkish hordes were driven back to THE desert; and THE emperors\n of China solicited THE friendship of THE victorious Arabs. To\n THEir industry, THE prosperity of THE province, THE Sogdiana of\n THE ancients, may in a great measure be ascribed; but THE\n advantages of THE soil and climate had been understood and\n cultivated since THE reign of THE Macedonian kings. Before THE\n invasion of THE Saracens, Carizme, Bochara, and Samarcand were\n rich and populous under THE yoke of THE shepherds of THE north.\n 4211 These cities were surrounded with a double wall; and THE\n exterior fortification, of a larger circumference, enclosed THE\n fields and gardens of THE adjacent district. The mutual wants of\n India and Europe were supplied by THE diligence of THE Sogdian\n merchants; and THE inestimable art of transforming linen into\n paper has been diffused from THE manufacture of Samarcand over\n THE western world. 43\n\n 40 (return) [ It was valued at 2000 pieces of gold, and was THE\n prize of Obeidollah, THE son of Ziyad, a name afterwards infamous\n by THE murder of Hosein, (Ockley’s History of THE Saracens, vol.\n ii. p. 142, 143,) His broTHEr Salem was accompanied by his wife,\n THE first Arabian woman (A.D. 680) who passed THE Oxus: she\n borrowed, or raTHEr stole, THE crown and jewels of THE princess\n of THE Sogdians, (p. 231, 232.)]\n\n 41 (return) [ A part of Abulfeda’s geography is translated by\n Greaves, inserted in Hudson’s collection of THE minor\n geographers, (tom. iii.,) and entitled Descriptio Chorasmiae et\n Mawaralnahroe, id est, regionum extra fluvium, Oxum, p. 80. The\n name of Transoxiana, softer in sound, equivalent in sense, is\n aptly used by Petit de la Croix, (Hist. de Gengiscan, &c.,) and\n some modern Orientalists, but THEy are mistaken in ascribing it\n to THE writers of antiquity.]\n\n 42 (return) [ The conquests of Catibah are faintly marked by\n Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 84,) D’Herbelot, (Bibliot. Orient.\n Catbah, Samarcand Valid.,) and De Guignes, (Hist. des Huns, tom.\n i. p. 58, 59.)]\n\n 4211 (return) [ The manuscripts Arabian and Persian writers in\n THE royal library contain very circumstantial details on THE\n contest between THE Persians and Arabians. M. St. Martin declined\n this addition to THE work of Le Beau, as extending to too great a\n length. St. Martin vol. xi. p. 320.—M.]\n\n 43 (return) [ A curious description of Samarcand is inserted in\n THE BiblioTHEca Arabico-Hispana, tom. i. p. 208, &c. The\n librarian Casiri (tom. ii. 9) relates, from credible testimony,\n that paper was first imported from China to Samarcand, A. H. 30,\n and invented, or raTHEr introduced, at Mecca, A. H. 88. The\n Escurial library contains paper Mss. as old as THE ivth or vth\n century of THE Hegira.]\n\n II. No sooner had Abubeker restored THE unity of faith and\n government, than he despatched a circular letter to THE Arabian\n tribes. “In THE name of THE most merciful God, to THE rest of THE\n true believers. Health and happiness, and THE mercy and blessing\n of God, be upon you. I praise THE most high God, and I pray for\n his prophet Mahomet. This is to acquaint you, that I intend to\n send THE true believers into Syria 44 to take it out of THE hands\n of THE infidels. And I would have you know, that THE fighting for\n religion is an act of obedience to God.” His messengers returned\n with THE tidings of pious and martial ardor which THEy had\n kindled in every province; and THE camp of Medina was\n successively filled with THE intrepid bands of THE Saracens, who\n panted for action, complained of THE heat of THE season and THE\n scarcity of provisions, and accused with impatient murmurs THE\n delays of THE caliph. As soon as THEir numbers were complete,\n Abubeker ascended THE hill, reviewed THE men, THE horses, and THE\n arms, and poured forth a fervent prayer for THE success of THEir\n undertaking. In person, and on foot, he accompanied THE first\n day’s march; and when THE blushing leaders attempted to dismount,\n THE caliph removed THEir scruples by a declaration, that those\n who rode, and those who walked, in THE service of religion, were\n equally meritorious. His instructions 45 to THE chiefs of THE\n Syrian army were inspired by THE warlike fanaticism which\n advances to seize, and affects to despise, THE objects of earthly\n ambition. “Remember,” said THE successor of THE prophet, “that\n you are always in THE presence of God, on THE verge of death, in\n THE assurance of judgment, and THE hope of paradise. Avoid\n injustice and oppression; consult with your brethren, and study\n to preserve THE love and confidence of your troops. When you\n fight THE battles of THE Lord, acquit yourselves like men,\n without turning your backs; but let not your victory be stained\n with THE blood of women or children. Destroy no palm-trees, nor\n burn any fields of corn. Cut down no fruit-trees, nor do any\n mischief to cattle, only such as you kill to eat. When you make\n any covenant or article, stand to it, and be as good as your\n word. As you go on, you will find some religious persons who live\n retired in monasteries, and propose to THEmselves to serve God\n that way: let THEm alone, and neiTHEr kill THEm nor destroy THEir\n monasteries: 46 And you will find anoTHEr sort of people, that\n belong to THE synagogue of Satan, who have shaven crowns; 47 be\n sure you cleave THEir skulls, and give THEm no quarter till THEy\n eiTHEr turn Mahometans or pay tribute.” All profane or frivolous\n conversation, all dangerous recollection of ancient quarrels, was\n severely prohibited among THE Arabs: in THE tumult of a camp, THE\n exercises of religion were assiduously practised; and THE\n intervals of action were employed in prayer, meditation, and THE\n study of THE Koran. The abuse, or even THE use, of wine was\n chastised by fourscore strokes on THE soles of THE feet, and in\n THE fervor of THEir primitive zeal, many secret sinners revealed\n THEir fault, and solicited THEir punishment. After some\n hesitation, THE command of THE Syrian army was delegated to Abu\n Obeidah, one of THE fugitives of Mecca, and companions of\n Mahomet; whose zeal and devotion was assuaged, without being\n abated, by THE singular mildness and benevolence of his temper.\n But in all THE emergencies of war, THE soldiers demanded THE\n superior genius of Caled; and whoever might be THE choice of THE\n prince, THE Sword of God was both in fact and fame THE foremost\n leader of THE Saracens. He obeyed without reluctance; 4711 he was\n consulted without jealousy; and such was THE spirit of THE man,\n or raTHEr of THE times, that Caled professed his readiness to\n serve under THE banner of THE faith, though it were in THE hands\n of a child or an enemy. Glory, and riches, and dominion, were\n indeed promised to THE victorious Mussulman; but he was carefully\n instructed, that if THE goods of this life were his only\n incitement, THEy likewise would be his only reward.\n\n 44 (return) [ A separate history of THE conquest of Syria has\n been composed by Al Wakidi, cadi of Bagdad, who was born A.D.\n 748, and died A.D. 822; he likewise wrote THE conquest of Egypt,\n of Diarbekir, &c. Above THE meagre and recent chronicles of THE\n Arabians, Al Wakidi has THE double merit of antiquity and\n copiousness. His tales and traditions afford an artless picture\n of THE men and THE times. Yet his narrative is too often\n defective, trifling, and improbable. Till something better shall\n be found, his learned and spiritual interpreter (Ockley, in his\n History of THE Saracens, vol. i. p. 21-342) will not deserve THE\n petulant animadversion of Reiske, (Prodidagmata ad Magji Chalifae\n Tabulas, p. 236.) I am sorry to think that THE labors of Ockley\n were consummated in a jail, (see his two prefaces to THE 1st A.D.\n 1708, to THE 2d, 1718, with THE list of authors at THE end.) *\n Note: M. Hamaker has clearly shown that neiTHEr of THEse works\n can be inscribed to Al Wakidi: THEy are not older than THE end of\n THE xith century or later than THE middle of THE xivth. Praefat.\n in Inc. Auct. LIb. de Expugnatione Memphidis, c. ix. x.—M.]\n\n 45 (return) [ The instructions, &c., of THE Syrian war are\n described by Al Wakidi and Ockley, tom. i. p. 22-27, &c. In THE\n sequel it is necessary to contract, and needless to quote, THEir\n circumstantial narrative. My obligations to oTHErs shall be\n noticed.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Notwithstanding this precept, M. Pauw (Recherches\n sur les Egyptiens, tom. ii. p. 192, edit. Lausanne) represents\n THE Bedoweens as THE implacable enemies of THE Christian monks.\n For my own part, I am more inclined to suspect THE avarice of THE\n Arabian robbers, and THE prejudices of THE German philosopher. *\n Note: Several modern travellers (Mr. Fazakerley, in Walpole’s\n Travels in THE East, vol. xi. 371) give very amusing accounts of\n THE terms on which THE monks of Mount Sinai live with THE\n neighboring Bedoweens. Such, probably, was THEir relative state\n in older times, wherever THE Arab retained his Bedoween\n habits.—M.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Even in THE seventh century, THE monks were\n generally laymen: They wore THEir hair long and dishevelled, and\n shaved THEir heads when THEy were ordained priests. The circular\n tonsure was sacred and mysterious; it was THE crown of thorns;\n but it was likewise a royal diadem, and every priest was a king,\n &c., (Thomassin, Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. i. p. 721-758,\n especially p. 737, 738.)]\n\n 4711 (return) [ Compare Price, p. 90.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part III.\n\n One of THE fifteen provinces of Syria, THE cultivated lands to\n THE eastward of THE Jordan, had been decorated by Roman vanity\n with THE name of _Arabia_; and THE first arms of THE Saracens\n were justified by THE semblance of a national right. The country\n was enriched by THE various benefits of trade; by THE vigilance\n of THE emperors it was covered with a line of forts; and THE\n populous cities of Gerasa, Philadelphia, and Bosra, were secure,\n at least from a surprise, by THE solid structure of THEir walls.\n The last of THEse cities was THE eighteenth station from Medina:\n THE road was familiar to THE caravans of Hejaz and Irak, who\n annually visited this plenteous market of THE province and THE\n desert: THE perpetual jealousy of THE Arabs had trained THE\n inhabitants to arms; and twelve thousand horse could sally from\n THE gates of Bosra, an appellation which signifies, in THE Syriac\n language, a strong tower of defence. Encouraged by THEir first\n success against THE open towns and flying parties of THE borders,\n a detachment of four thousand Moslems presumed to summon and\n attack THE fortress of Bosra. They were oppressed by THE numbers\n of THE Syrians; THEy were saved by THE presence of Caled, with\n fifteen hundred horse: he blamed THE enterprise, restored THE\n battle, and rescued his friend, THE venerable Serjabil, who had\n vainly invoked THE unity of God and THE promises of THE apostle.\n After a short repose, THE Moslems performed THEir ablutions with\n sand instead of water; and THE morning prayer was recited by\n Caled before THEy mounted on horseback. Confident in THEir\n strength, THE people of Bosra threw open THEir gates, drew THEir\n forces into THE plain, and swore to die in THE defence of THEir\n religion. But a religion of peace was incapable of withstanding\n THE fanatic cry of “Fight, fight! Paradise, paradise!” that\n reechoed in THE ranks of THE Saracens; and THE uproar of THE\n town, THE ringing of bells, and THE exclamations of THE priests\n and monks increased THE dismay and disorder of THE Christians.\n With THE loss of two hundred and thirty men, THE Arabs remained\n masters of THE field; and THE ramparts of Bosra, in expectation\n of human or divine aid, were crowded with holy crosses and\n consecrated banners. The governor Romanus had recommended an\n early submission: despised by THE people, and degraded from his\n office, he still retained THE desire and opportunity of revenge.\n In a nocturnal interview, he informed THE enemy of a\n subterraneous passage from his house under THE wall of THE city;\n THE son of THE caliph, with a hundred volunteers, were committed\n to THE faith of this new ally, and THEir successful intrepidity\n gave an easy entrance to THEir companions. After Caled had\n imposed THE terms of servitude and tribute, THE apostate or\n convert avowed in THE assembly of THE people his meritorious\n treason: “I renounce your society,” said Romanus, “both in this\n world and THE world to come. And I deny him that was crucified,\n and whosoever worships him. And I choose God for my Lord, Islam\n for my faith, Mecca for my temple, THE Moslems for my brethren,\n and Mahomet for my prophet; who was sent to lead us into THE\n right way, and to exalt THE true religion in spite of those who\n join partners with God.”\n\n The conquest of Bosra, four days’ journey from Damascus,\n encouraged THE Arabs to besiege THE ancient capital of Syria. At\n some distance from THE walls, THEy encamped among THE groves and\n fountains of that delicious territory, and THE usual option of\n THE Mahometan faith, of tribute or of war, was proposed to THE\n resolute citizens, who had been lately strengTHEned by a\n reenforcement of five thousand Greeks. In THE decline, as in THE\n infancy, of THE military art, a hostile defiance was frequently\n offered and accepted by THE generals THEmselves: many a lance was\n shivered in THE plain of Damascus, and THE personal prowess of\n Caled was signalized in THE first sally of THE besieged. After an\n obstinate combat, he had overthrown and made prisoner one of THE\n Christian leaders, a stout and worthy antagonist. He instantly\n mounted a fresh horse, THE gift of THE governor of Palmyra, and\n pushed forwards to THE front of THE battle. “Repose yourself for\n a moment,” said his friend Derar, “and permit me to supply your\n place: you are fatigued with fighting with this dog.” “O Dear!”\n replied THE indefatigable Saracen, “we shall rest in THE world to\n come. He that labors to-day shall rest to-morrow.” With THE same\n unabated ardor, Caled answered, encountered, and vanquished a\n second champion; and THE heads of his two captives who refused to\n abandon THEir religion were indignantly hurled into THE midst of\n THE city. The event of some general and partial actions reduced\n THE Damascenes to a closer defence: but a messenger, whom THEy\n dropped from THE walls, returned with THE promise of speedy and\n powerful succor, and THEir tumultuous joy conveyed THE\n intelligence to THE camp of THE Arabs. After some debate, it was\n resolved by THE generals to raise, or raTHEr to suspend, THE\n siege of Damascus, till THEy had given battle to THE forces of\n THE emperor. In THE retreat, Caled would have chosen THE more\n perilous station of THE rear-guard; he modestly yielded to THE\n wishes of Abu Obeidah. But in THE hour of danger he flew to THE\n rescue of his companion, who was rudely pressed by a sally of six\n thousand horse and ten thousand foot, and few among THE\n Christians could relate at Damascus THE circumstances of THEir\n defeat. The importance of THE contest required THE junction of\n THE Saracens, who were dispersed on THE frontiers of Syria and\n Palestine; and I shall transcribe one of THE circular mandates\n which was addressed to Amrou, THE future conqueror of Egypt. “In\n THE name of THE most merciful God: from Caled to Amrou, health\n and happiness. Know that thy brethren THE Moslems design to march\n to Aiznadin, where THEre is an army of seventy thousand Greeks,\n who purpose to come against us, _that THEy may extinguish THE\n light of God with THEir mouths; but God preserveth his light in\n spite of THE infidels_. As soon THErefore as this letter of mine\n shall be delivered to thy hands, come with those that are with\n THEe to Aiznadin, where thou shalt find us if it please THE most\n high God.” The summons was cheerfully obeyed, and THE forty-five\n thousand Moslems, who met on THE same day, on THE same spot\n ascribed to THE blessing of Providence THE effects of THEir\n activity and zeal.\n\n About four years after THE triumph of THE Persian war, THE repose\n of Heraclius and THE empire was again disturbed by a new enemy,\n THE power of whose religion was more strongly felt, than it was\n clearly understood, by THE Christians of THE East. In his palace\n of Constantinople or Antioch, he was awakened by THE invasion of\n Syria, THE loss of Bosra, and THE danger of Damascus. An army of\n seventy thousand veterans, or new levies, was assembled at Hems\n or Emesa, under THE command of his general Werdan: and THEse\n troops consisting chiefly of cavalry, might be indifferently\n styled eiTHEr Syrians, or Greeks, or Romans: _Syrians_, from THE\n place of THEir birth or warfare; _Greeks_ from THE religion and\n language of THEir sovereign; and _Romans_, from THE proud\n appellation which was still profaned by THE successors of\n Constantine. On THE plain of Aiznadin, as Werdan rode on a white\n mule decorated with gold chains, and surrounded with ensigns and\n standards, he was surprised by THE near approach of a fierce and\n naked warrior, who had undertaken to view THE state of THE enemy.\n The adventurous valor of Derar was inspired, and has perhaps been\n adorned, by THE enthusiasm of his age and country. The hatred of\n THE Christians, THE love of spoil, and THE contempt of danger,\n were THE ruling passions of THE audacious Saracen; and THE\n prospect of instant death could never shake his religious\n confidence, or ruffle THE calmness of his resolution, or even\n suspend THE frank and martial pleasantry of his humor. In THE\n most hopeless enterprises, he was bold, and prudent, and\n fortunate: after innumerable hazards, after being thrice a\n prisoner in THE hands of THE infidels, he still survived to\n relate THE achievements, and to enjoy THE rewards, of THE Syrian\n conquest. On this occasion, his single lance maintained a flying\n fight against thirty Romans, who were detached by Werdan; and,\n after killing or unhorsing seventeen of THEir number, Derar\n returned in safety to his applauding brethren. When his rashness\n was mildly censured by THE general, he excused himself with THE\n simplicity of a soldier. “Nay,” said Derar, “I did not begin\n first: but THEy came out to take me, and I was afraid that God\n should see me turn my back: and indeed I fought in good earnest,\n and without doubt God assisted me against THEm; and had I not\n been apprehensive of disobeying your orders, I should not have\n come away as I did; and I perceive already that THEy will fall\n into our hands.” In THE presence of both armies, a venerable\n Greek advanced from THE ranks with a liberal offer of peace; and\n THE departure of THE Saracens would have been purchased by a gift\n to each soldier, of a turban, a robe, and a piece of gold; ten\n robes and a hundred pieces to THEir leader; one hundred robes and\n a thousand pieces to THE caliph. A smile of indignation expressed\n THE refusal of Caled. “Ye Christian dogs, you know your option;\n THE Koran, THE tribute, or THE sword. We are a people whose\n delight is in war, raTHEr than in peace: and we despise your\n pitiful alms, since we shall be speedily masters of your wealth,\n your families, and your persons.” Notwithstanding this apparent\n disdain, he was deeply conscious of THE public danger: those who\n had been in Persia, and had seen THE armies of Chosroes confessed\n that THEy never beheld a more formidable array. From THE\n superiority of THE enemy, THE artful Saracen derived a fresh\n incentive of courage: “You see before you,” said he, “THE united\n force of THE Romans; you cannot hope to escape, but you may\n conquer Syria in a single day. The event depends on your\n discipline and patience. Reserve yourselves till THE evening. It\n was in THE evening that THE Prophet was accustomed to vanquish.”\n During two successive engagements, his temperate firmness\n sustained THE darts of THE enemy, and THE murmurs of his troops.\n At length, when THE spirits and quivers of THE adverse line were\n almost exhausted, Caled gave THE signal of onset and victory. The\n remains of THE Imperial army fled to Antioch, or Cæsarea, or\n Damascus; and THE death of four hundred and seventy Moslems was\n compensated by THE opinion that THEy had sent to hell above fifty\n thousand of THE infidels. The spoil was inestimable; many banners\n and crosses of gold and silver, precious stones, silver and gold\n chains, and innumerable suits of THE richest armor and apparel.\n The general distribution was postponed till Damascus should be\n taken; but THE seasonable supply of arms became THE instrument of\n new victories. The glorious intelligence was transmitted to THE\n throne of THE caliph; and THE Arabian tribes, THE coldest or most\n hostile to THE prophet’s mission, were eager and importunate to\n share THE harvest of Syria.\n\n The sad tidings were carried to Damascus by THE speed of grief\n and terror; and THE inhabitants beheld from THEir walls THE\n return of THE heroes of Aiznadin. Amrou led THE van at THE head\n of nine thousand horse: THE bands of THE Saracens succeeded each\n oTHEr in formidable review; and THE rear was closed by Caled in\n person, with THE standard of THE black eagle. To THE activity of\n Derar he intrusted THE commission of patrolling round THE city\n with two thousand horse, of scouring THE plain, and of\n intercepting all succor or intelligence. The rest of THE Arabian\n chiefs were fixed in THEir respective stations before THE seven\n gates of Damascus; and THE siege was renewed with fresh vigor and\n confidence. The art, THE labor, THE military engines, of THE\n Greeks and Romans are seldom to be found in THE simple, though\n successful, operations of THE Saracens: it was sufficient for\n THEm to invest a city with arms, raTHEr than with trenches; to\n repel THE allies of THE besieged; to attempt a stratagem or an\n assault; or to expect THE progress of famine and discontent.\n Damascus would have acquiesced in THE trial of Aiznadin, as a\n final and peremptory sentence between THE emperor and THE caliph;\n her courage was rekindled by THE example and authority of Thomas,\n a noble Greek, illustrious in a private condition by THE alliance\n of Heraclius. The tumult and illumination of THE night proclaimed\n THE design of THE morning sally; and THE Christian hero, who\n affected to despise THE enthusiasm of THE Arabs, employed THE\n resource of a similar superstition. At THE principal gate, in THE\n sight of both armies, a lofty crucifix was erected; THE bishop,\n with his clergy, accompanied THE march, and laid THE volume of\n THE New Testament before THE image of Jesus; and THE contending\n parties were scandalized or edified by a prayer that THE Son of\n God would defend his servants and vindicate his truth. The battle\n raged with incessant fury; and THE dexterity of Thomas, an\n incomparable archer, was fatal to THE boldest Saracens, till\n THEir death was revenged by a female heroine. The wife of Aban,\n who had followed him to THE holy war, embraced her expiring\n husband. “Happy,” said she, “happy art thou, my dear: thou art\n gone to thy Lord, who first joined us togeTHEr, and THEn parted\n us asunder. I will revenge thy death, and endeavor to THE utmost\n of my power to come to THE place where thou art, because I love\n THEe. Henceforth shall no man ever touch me more, for I have\n dedicated myself to THE service of God.” Without a groan, without\n a tear, she washed THE corpse of her husband, and buried him with\n THE usual rites. Then grasping THE manly weapons, which in her\n native land she was accustomed to wield, THE intrepid widow of\n Aban sought THE place where his murderer fought in THE thickest\n of THE battle. Her first arrow pierced THE hand of his\n standard-bearer; her second wounded Thomas in THE eye; and THE\n fainting Christians no longer beheld THEir ensign or THEir\n leader. Yet THE generous champion of Damascus refused to withdraw\n to his palace: his wound was dressed on THE rampart; THE fight\n was continued till THE evening; and THE Syrians rested on THEir\n arms. In THE silence of THE night, THE signal was given by a\n stroke on THE great bell; THE gates were thrown open, and each\n gate discharged an impetuous column on THE sleeping camp of THE\n Saracens. Caled was THE first in arms: at THE head of four\n hundred horse he flew to THE post of danger, and THE tears\n trickled down his iron cheeks, as he uttered a fervent\n ejaculation; “O God, who never sleepest, look upon THEy servants,\n and do not deliver THEm into THE hands of THEir enemies.” The\n valor and victory of Thomas were arrested by THE presence of THE\n _Sword of God_; with THE knowledge of THE peril, THE Moslems\n recovered THEir ranks, and charged THE assailants in THE flank\n and rear. After THE loss of thousands, THE Christian general\n retreated with a sigh of despair, and THE pursuit of THE Saracens\n was checked by THE military engines of THE rampart.\n\n After a siege of seventy days, THE patience, and perhaps THE\n provisions, of THE Damascenes were exhausted; and THE bravest of\n THEir chiefs submitted to THE hard dictates of necessity. In THE\n occurrences of peace and war, THEy had been taught to dread THE\n fierceness of Caled, and to revere THE mild virtues of Abu\n Obeidah. At THE hour of midnight, one hundred chosen deputies of\n THE clergy and people were introduced to THE tent of that\n venerable commander. He received and dismissed THEm with\n courtesy. They returned with a written agreement, on THE faith of\n a companion of Mahomet, that all hostilities should cease; that\n THE voluntary emigrants might depart in safety, with as much as\n THEy could carry away of THEir effects; and that THE tributary\n subjects of THE caliph should enjoy THEir lands and houses, with\n THE use and possession of seven churches. On THEse terms, THE\n most respectable hostages, and THE gate nearest to his camp, were\n delivered into his hands: his soldiers imitated THE moderation of\n THEir chief; and he enjoyed THE submissive gratitude of a people\n whom he had rescued from destruction. But THE success of THE\n treaty had relaxed THEir vigilance, and in THE same moment THE\n opposite quarter of THE city was betrayed and taken by assault. A\n party of a hundred Arabs had opened THE eastern gate to a more\n inexorable foe. “No quarter,” cried THE rapacious and sanguinary\n Caled, “no quarter to THE enemies of THE Lord:” his trumpets\n sounded, and a torrent of Christian blood was poured down THE\n streets of Damascus. When he reached THE church of St. Mary, he\n was astonished and provoked by THE peaceful aspect of his\n companions; THEir swords were in THE scabbard, and THEy were\n surrounded by a multitude of priests and monks. Abu Obeidah\n saluted THE general: “God,” said he, “has delivered THE city into\n my hands by way of surrender, and has saved THE believers THE\n trouble of fighting.” “And am I not,” replied THE indignant\n Caled, “am I not THE lieutenant of THE commander of THE faithful?\n Have I not taken THE city by storm? The unbelievers shall perish\n by THE sword. Fall on.” The hungry and cruel Arabs would have\n obeyed THE welcome command; and Damascus was lost, if THE\n benevolence of Abu Obeidah had not been supported by a decent and\n dignified firmness. Throwing himself between THE trembling\n citizens and THE most eager of THE Barbarians, he adjured THEm,\n by THE holy name of God, to respect his promise, to suspend THEir\n fury, and to wait THE determination of THEir chiefs. The chiefs\n retired into THE church of St. Mary; and after a vehement debate,\n Caled submitted in some measure to THE reason and authority of\n his colleague; who urged THE sanctity of a covenant, THE\n advantage as well as THE honor which THE Moslems would derive\n from THE punctual performance of THEir word, and THE obstinate\n resistance which THEy must encounter from THE distrust and\n despair of THE rest of THE Syrian cities. It was agreed that THE\n sword should be sheaTHEd, that THE part of Damascus which had\n surrendered to Abu Obeidah, should be immediately entitled to THE\n benefit of his capitulation, and that THE final decision should\n be referred to THE justice and wisdom of THE caliph. A large\n majority of THE people accepted THE terms of toleration and\n tribute; and Damascus is still peopled by twenty thousand\n Christians. But THE valiant Thomas, and THE free-born patriots\n who had fought under his banner, embraced THE alternative of\n poverty and exile. In THE adjacent meadow, a numerous encampment\n was formed of priests and laymen, of soldiers and citizens, of\n women and children: THEy collected, with haste and terror, THEir\n most precious movables; and abandoned, with loud lamentations, or\n silent anguish, THEir native homes, and THE pleasant banks of THE\n Pharpar. The inflexible soul of Caled was not touched by THE\n spectacle of THEir distress: he disputed with THE Damascenes THE\n property of a magazine of corn; endeavored to exclude THE\n garrison from THE benefit of THE treaty; consented, with\n reluctance, that each of THE fugitives should arm himself with a\n sword, or a lance, or a bow; and sternly declared, that, after a\n respite of three days, THEy might be pursued and treated as THE\n enemies of THE Moslems.\n\n The passion of a Syrian youth completed THE ruin of THE exiles of\n Damascus. A nobleman of THE city, of THE name of Jonas, was\n betroTHEd to a wealthy maiden; but her parents delayed THE\n consummation of his nuptials, and THEir daughter was persuaded to\n escape with THE man whom she had chosen. They corrupted THE\n nightly watchmen of THE gate Keisan; THE lover, who led THE way,\n was encompassed by a squadron of Arabs; but his exclamation in\n THE Greek tongue, “The bird is taken,” admonished his mistress to\n hasten her return. In THE presence of Caled, and of death, THE\n unfortunate Jonas professed his belief in one God and his apostle\n Mahomet; and continued, till THE season of his martyrdom, to\n discharge THE duties of a brave and sincere Mussulman. When THE\n city was taken, he flew to THE monastery, where Eudocia had taken\n refuge; but THE lover was forgotten; THE apostate was scorned;\n she preferred her religion to her country; and THE justice of\n Caled, though deaf to mercy, refused to detain by force a male or\n female inhabitant of Damascus. Four days was THE general confined\n to THE city by THE obligation of THE treaty, and THE urgent cares\n of his new conquest. His appetite for blood and rapine would have\n been extinguished by THE hopeless computation of time and\n distance; but he listened to THE importunities of Jonas, who\n assured him that THE weary fugitives might yet be overtaken. At\n THE head of four thousand horse, in THE disguise of Christian\n Arabs, Caled undertook THE pursuit. They halted only for THE\n moments of prayer; and THEir guide had a perfect knowledge of THE\n country. For a long way THE footsteps of THE Damascenes were\n plain and conspicuous: THEy vanished on a sudden; but THE\n Saracens were comforted by THE assurance that THE caravan had\n turned aside into THE mountains, and must speedily fall into\n THEir hands. In traversing THE ridges of THE Libanus, THEy\n endured intolerable hardships, and THE sinking spirits of THE\n veteran fanatics were supported and cheered by THE unconquerable\n ardor of a lover. From a peasant of THE country, THEy were\n informed that THE emperor had sent orders to THE colony of exiles\n to pursue without delay THE road of THE sea-coast, and of\n Constantinople, apprehensive, perhaps, that THE soldiers and\n people of Antioch might be discouraged by THE sight and THE story\n of THEir sufferings. The Saracens were conducted through THE\n territories of Gabala and Laodicea, at a cautious distance from\n THE walls of THE cities; THE rain was incessant, THE night was\n dark, a single mountain separated THEm from THE Roman army; and\n Caled, ever anxious for THE safety of his brethren, whispered an\n ominous dream in THE ear of his companion. With THE dawn of day,\n THE prospect again cleared, and THEy saw before THEm, in a\n pleasant valley, THE tents of Damascus. After a short interval of\n repose and prayer, Caled divided his cavalry into four squadrons,\n committing THE first to his faithful Derar, and reserving THE\n last for himself. They successively rushed on THE promiscuous\n multitude, insufficiently provided with arms, and already\n vanquished by sorrow and fatigue. Except a captive, who was\n pardoned and dismissed, THE Arabs enjoyed THE satisfaction of\n believing that not a Christian of eiTHEr sex escaped THE edge of\n THEir cimeters. The gold and silver of Damascus was scattered\n over THE camp, and a royal wardrobe of three hundred load of silk\n might cloTHE an army of naked Barbarians. In THE tumult of THE\n battle, Jonas sought and found THE object of his pursuit: but her\n resentment was inflamed by THE last act of his perfidy; and as\n Eudocia struggled in his hateful embraces, she struck a dagger to\n her heart. AnoTHEr female, THE widow of Thomas, and THE real or\n supposed daughter of Heraclius, was spared and released without a\n ransom; but THE generosity of Caled was THE effect of his\n contempt; and THE haughty Saracen insulted, by a message of\n defiance, THE throne of THE Cæsars. Caled had penetrated above a\n hundred and fifty miles into THE heart of THE Roman province: he\n returned to Damascus with THE same secrecy and speed On THE\n accession of Omar, THE _Sword of God_ was removed from THE\n command; but THE caliph, who blamed THE rashness, was compelled\n to applaud THE vigor and conduct, of THE enterprise.\n\n AnoTHEr expedition of THE conquerors of Damascus will equally\n display THEir avidity and THEir contempt for THE riches of THE\n present world. They were informed that THE produce and\n manufactures of THE country were annually collected in THE fair\n of Abyla, 64 about thirty miles from THE city; that THE cell of a\n devout hermit was visited at THE same time by a multitude of\n pilgrims; and that THE festival of trade and superstition would\n be ennobled by THE nuptials of THE daughter of THE governor of\n Tripoli. Abdallah, THE son of Jaafar, a glorious and holy martyr,\n undertook, with a banner of five hundred horse, THE pious and\n profitable commission of despoiling THE infidels. As he\n approached THE fair of Abyla, he was astonished by THE report of\n this mighty concourse of Jews and Christians, Greeks, and\n Armenians, of natives of Syria and of strangers of Egypt, to THE\n number of ten thousand, besides a guard of five thousand horse\n that attended THE person of THE bride. The Saracens paused: “For\n my own part,” said Abdallah, “I dare not go back: our foes are\n many, our danger is great, but our reward is splendid and secure,\n eiTHEr in this life or in THE life to come. Let every man,\n according to his inclination, advance or retire.” Not a Mussulman\n deserted his standard. “Lead THE way,” said Abdallah to his\n Christian guide, “and you shall see what THE companions of THE\n prophet can perform.” They charged in five squadrons; but after\n THE first advantage of THE surprise, THEy were encompassed and\n almost overwhelmed by THE multitude of THEir enemies; and THEir\n valiant band is fancifully compared to a white spot in THE skin\n of a black camel. 65 About THE hour of sunset, when THEir weapons\n dropped from THEir hands, when THEy panted on THE verge of\n eternity, THEy discovered an approaching cloud of dust; THEy\n heard THE welcome sound of THE tecbir, 66 and THEy soon perceived\n THE standard of Caled, who flew to THEir relief with THE utmost\n speed of his cavalry. The Christians were broken by his attack,\n and slaughtered in THEir flight, as far as THE river of Tripoli.\n They left behind THEm THE various riches of THE fair; THE\n merchandises that were exposed for sale, THE money that was\n brought for purchase, THE gay decorations of THE nuptials, and\n THE governor’s daughter, with forty of her female attendants.\n\n The fruits, provisions, and furniture, THE money, plate, and\n jewels, were diligently laden on THE backs of horses, asses, and\n mules; and THE holy robbers returned in triumph to Damascus. The\n hermit, after a short and angry controversy with Caled, declined\n THE crown of martyrdom, and was left alive in THE solitary scene\n of blood and devastation.\n\n 64 (return) [ Dair Abil Kodos. After retrenching THE last word,\n THE epiTHEt, holy, I discover THE Abila of Lysanias between\n Damascus and Heliopolis: THE name (Abil signifies a vineyard)\n concurs with THE situation to justify my conjecture, (Reland,\n Palestin. tom. i. p 317, tom. ii. p. 526, 527.)]\n\n 65 (return) [ I am bolder than Mr. Ockley, (vol. i. p. 164,) who\n dares not insert this figurative expression in THE text, though\n he observes in a marginal note, that THE Arabians often borrow\n THEir similes from that useful and familiar animal. The reindeer\n may be equally famous in THE songs of THE Laplanders.]\n\n 66 (return) [ We hear THE tecbir; so THE Arabs call Their shout\n of onset, when with loud appeal They challenge heaven, as if\n demanding conquest. This word, so formidable in THEir holy wars,\n is a verb active, (says Ockley in his index,) of THE second\n conjugation, from Kabbara, which signifies saying Alla Acbar, God\n is most mighty!]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part IV.\n\n Syria, 67 one of THE countries that have been improved by THE\n most early cultivation, is not unworthy of THE preference. 68 The\n heat of THE climate is tempered by THE vicinity of THE sea and\n mountains, by THE plenty of wood and water; and THE produce of a\n fertile soil affords THE subsistence, and encourages THE\n propagation, of men and animals. From THE age of David to that of\n Heraclius, THE country was overspread with ancient and\n flourishing cities: THE inhabitants were numerous and wealthy;\n and, after THE slow ravage of despotism and superstition, after\n THE recent calamities of THE Persian war, Syria could still\n attract and reward THE rapacious tribes of THE desert. A plain,\n of ten days’ journey, from Damascus to Aleppo and Antioch, is\n watered, on THE western side, by THE winding course of THE\n Orontes. The hills of Libanus and Anti-Libanus are planted from\n north to south, between THE Orontes and THE Mediterranean; and\n THE epiTHEt of hollow (Coelesyria) was applied to a long and\n fruitful valley, which is confined in THE same direction, by THE\n two ridges of snowy mountains. 69 Among THE cities, which are\n enumerated by Greek and Oriental names in THE geography and\n conquest of Syria, we may distinguish Emesa or Hems, Heliopolis\n or Baalbec, THE former as THE metropolis of THE plain, THE latter\n as THE capital of THE valley. Under THE last of THE Caesars, THEy\n were strong and populous; THE turrets glittered from afar: an\n ample space was covered with public and private buildings; and\n THE citizens were illustrious by THEir spirit, or at least by\n THEir pride; by THEir riches, or at least by THEir luxury. In THE\n days of Paganism, both Emesa and Heliopolis were addicted to THE\n worship of Baal, or THE sun; but THE decline of THEir\n superstition and splendor has been marked by a singular variety\n of fortune. Not a vestige remains of THE temple of Emesa, which\n was equalled in poetic style to THE summits of Mount Libanus, 70\n while THE ruins of Baalbec, invisible to THE writers of\n antiquity, excite THE curiosity and wonder of THE European\n traveller. 71 The measure of THE temple is two hundred feet in\n length, and one hundred in breadth: THE front is adorned with a\n double portico of eight columns; fourteen may be counted on\n eiTHEr side; and each column, forty-five feet in height, is\n composed of three massy blocks of stone or marble. The\n proportions and ornaments of THE Corinthian order express THE\n architecture of THE Greeks: but as Baalbec has never been THE\n seat of a monarch, we are at a loss to conceive how THE expense\n of THEse magnificent structures could be supplied by private or\n municipal liberality. 72 From THE conquest of Damascus THE\n Saracens proceeded to Heliopolis and Emesa: but I shall decline\n THE repetition of THE sallies and combats which have been already\n shown on a larger scale. In THE prosecution of THE war, THEir\n policy was not less effectual than THEir sword. By short and\n separate truces THEy dissolved THE union of THE enemy; accustomed\n THE Syrians to compare THEir friendship with THEir enmity;\n familiarized THE idea of THEir language, religion, and manners;\n and exhausted, by clandestine purchase, THE magazines and\n arsenals of THE cities which THEy returned to besiege. They\n aggravated THE ransom of THE more wealthy, or THE more obstinate;\n and Chalcis alone was taxed at five thousand ounces of gold, five\n thousand ounces of silver, two thousand robes of silk, and as\n many figs and olives as would load five thousand asses. But THE\n terms of truce or capitulation were faithfully observed; and THE\n lieutenant of THE caliph, who had promised not to enter THE walls\n of THE captive Baalbec, remained tranquil and immovable in his\n tent till THE jarring factions solicited THE interposition of a\n foreign master. The conquest of THE plain and valley of Syria was\n achieved in less than two years. Yet THE commander of THE\n faithful reproved THE slowness of THEir progress; and THE\n Saracens, bewailing THEir fault with tears of rage and\n repentance, called aloud on THEir chiefs to lead THEm forth to\n fight THE battles of THE Lord. In a recent action, under THE\n walls of Emesa, an Arabian youth, THE cousin of Caled, was heard\n aloud to exclaim, “Methinks I see THE black-eyed girls looking\n upon me; one of whom, should she appear in this world, all\n mankind would die for love of her. And I see in THE hand of one\n of THEm a handkerchief of green silk, and a cap of precious\n stones, and she beckons me, and calls out, Come hiTHEr quickly,\n for I love THEe.” With THEse words, charging THE Christians, he\n made havoc wherever he went, till, observed at length by THE\n governor of Hems, he was struck through with a javelin.\n\n 67 (return) [ In THE Geography of Abulfeda, THE description of\n Syria, his native country, is THE most interesting and auTHEntic\n portion. It was published in Arabic and Latin, Lipsiae, 1766, in\n quarto, with THE learned notes of Kochler and Reiske, and some\n extracts of geography and natural history from Ibn Ol Wardii.\n Among THE modern travels, Pocock’s Description of THE East (of\n Syria and Mesopotamia, vol. ii. p. 88-209) is a work of superior\n learning and dignity; but THE author too often confounds what he\n had seen and what he had read.]\n\n 68 (return) [ The praises of Dionysius are just and lively.\n Syria, (in Periegesi, v. 902, in tom. iv. Geograph. Minor.\n Hudson.) In anoTHEr place he styles THE country differently, (v.\n 898.) This poetical geographer lived in THE age of Augustus, and\n his description of THE world is illustrated by THE Greek\n commentary of Eustathius, who paid THE same compliment to Homer\n and Dionysius, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. l. iv. c. 2, tom. iii. p.\n 21, &c.)]\n\n 69 (return) [ The topography of THE Libanus and Anti-Libanus is\n excellently described by THE learning and sense of Reland,\n (Palestin. tom. i. p. 311-326)]\n\n 70 (return) [\n\n —Emesae fastigia celsa renident. Nam diffusa solo latus explicat; ac\n subit auras Turribus in coelum nitentibus: incola claris Cor studiis\n acuit... Denique flammicomo devoti pectora soli Vitam agitant. \n Libanus frondosa cacumina turget. Et tamen his certant celsi fastigia\n templi.\n\n These verses of THE Latin version of Rufus Avienus are wanting in\n THE Greek original of Dionysius; and since THEy are likewise\n unnoticed by Eustathius, I must, with Fabricius, (Bibliot. Latin.\n tom. iii. p. 153, edit. Ernesti,) and against Salmasius, (ad\n Vopiscum, p. 366, 367, in Hist. August.,) ascribed THEm to THE\n fancy, raTHEr than THE Mss., of Avienus.]\n\n 71 (return) [ I am much better satisfied with Maundrell’s slight\n octavo, (Journey, p. 134-139), than with THE pompous folio of Dr.\n Pocock, (Description of THE East, vol. ii. p. 106-113;) but every\n preceding account is eclipsed by THE magnificent description and\n drawings of Mm. Dawkins and Wood, who have transported into\n England THE ruins of Pamyra and Baalbec.]\n\n 72 (return) [ The Orientals explain THE prodigy by a\n never-failing expedient. The edifices of Baalbec were constructed\n by THE fairies or THE genii, (Hist. de Timour Bec, tom. iii. l.\n v. c. 23, p. 311, 312. Voyage d’Otter, tom. i. p. 83.) With less\n absurdity, but with equal ignorance, Abulfeda and Ibn Chaukel\n ascribe THEm to THE Sabaeans or Aadites Non sunt in omni Syria\n aedificia magnificentiora his, (Tabula Syria p. 108.)]\n\n It was incumbent on THE Saracens to exert THE full powers of\n THEir valor and enthusiasm against THE forces of THE emperor, who\n was taught, by repeated losses, that THE rovers of THE desert had\n undertaken, and would speedily achieve, a regular and permanent\n conquest. From THE provinces of Europe and Asia, fourscore\n thousand soldiers were transported by sea and land to Antioch and\n Caesarea: THE light troops of THE army consisted of sixty\n thousand Christian Arabs of THE tribe of Gassan. Under THE banner\n of Jabalah, THE last of THEir princes, THEy marched in THE van;\n and it was a maxim of THE Greeks, that for THE purpose of cutting\n diamond, a diamond was THE most effectual. Heraclius withheld his\n person from THE dangers of THE field; but his presumption, or\n perhaps his despondency, suggested a peremptory order, that THE\n fate of THE province and THE war should be decided by a single\n battle. The Syrians were attached to THE standard of Rome and of\n THE cross: but THE noble, THE citizen, THE peasant, were\n exasperated by THE injustice and cruelty of a licentious host,\n who oppressed THEm as subjects, and despised THEm as strangers\n and aliens. 73 A report of THEse mighty preparations was conveyed\n to THE Saracens in THEir camp of Emesa, and THE chiefs, though\n resolved to fight, assembled a council: THE faith of Abu Obeidah\n would have expected on THE same spot THE glory of martyrdom; THE\n wisdom of Caled advised an honorable retreat to THE skirts of\n Palestine and Arabia, where THEy might await THE succors of THEir\n friends, and THE attack of THE unbelievers. A speedy messenger\n soon returned from THE throne of Medina, with THE blessings of\n Omar and Ali, THE prayers of THE widows of THE prophet, and a\n reenforcement of eight thousand Moslems. In THEir way THEy\n overturned a detachment of Greeks, and when THEy joined at Yermuk\n THE camp of THEir brethren, THEy found THE pleasing intelligence,\n that Caled had already defeated and scattered THE Christian Arabs\n of THE tribe of Gassan. In THE neighborhood of Bosra, THE springs\n of Mount Hermon descend in a torrent to THE plain of Decapolis,\n or ten cities; and THE Hieromax, a name which has been corrupted\n to Yermuk, is lost, after a short course, in THE Lake of\n Tiberias. 74 The banks of this obscure stream were illustrated by\n a long and bloody encounter. 7411 On this momentous occasion, THE\n public voice, and THE modesty of Abu Obeidah, restored THE\n command to THE most deserving of THE Moslems. Caled assumed his\n station in THE front, his colleague was posted in THE rear, that\n THE disorder of THE fugitive might be checked by his venerable\n aspect, and THE sight of THE yellow banner which Mahomet had\n displayed before THE walls of Chaibar. The last line was occupied\n by THE sister of Derar, with THE Arabian women who had enlisted\n in this holy war, who were accustomed to wield THE bow and THE\n lance, and who in a moment of captivity had defended, against THE\n uncircumcised ravishers, THEir chastity and religion. 75 The\n exhortation of THE generals was brief and forcible: “Paradise is\n before you, THE devil and hell-fire in your rear.” Yet such was\n THE weight of THE Roman cavalry, that THE right wing of THE Arabs\n was broken and separated from THE main body. Thrice did THEy\n retreat in disorder, and thrice were THEy driven back to THE\n charge by THE reproaches and blows of THE women. In THE intervals\n of action, Abu Obeidah visited THE tents of his brethren,\n prolonged THEir repose by repeating at once THE prayers of two\n different hours, bound up THEir wounds with his own hands, and\n administered THE comfortable reflection, that THE infidels\n partook of THEir sufferings without partaking of THEir reward.\n Four thousand and thirty of THE Moslems were buried in THE field\n of battle; and THE skill of THE Armenian archers enabled seven\n hundred to boast that THEy had lost an eye in that meritorious\n service. The veterans of THE Syrian war acknowledged that it was\n THE hardest and most doubtful of THE days which THEy had seen.\n But it was likewise THE most decisive: many thousands of THE\n Greeks and Syrians fell by THE swords of THE Arabs; many were\n slaughtered, after THE defeat, in THE woods and mountains; many,\n by mistaking THE ford, were drowned in THE waters of THE Yermuk;\n and however THE loss may be magnified, 76 THE Christian writers\n confess and bewail THE bloody punishment of THEir sins. 77\n Manuel, THE Roman general, was eiTHEr killed at Damascus, or took\n refuge in THE monastery of Mount Sinai. An exile in THE Byzantine\n court, Jabalah lamented THE manners of Arabia, and his unlucky\n preference of THE Christian cause. 78 He had once inclined to THE\n profession of Islam; but in THE pilgrimage of Mecca, Jabalah was\n provoked to strike one of his brethren, and fled with amazement\n from THE stern and equal justice of THE caliph. These victorious\n Saracens enjoyed at Damascus a month of pleasure and repose: THE\n spoil was divided by THE discretion of Abu Obeidah: an equal\n share was allotted to a soldier and to his horse, and a double\n portion was reserved for THE noble coursers of THE Arabian breed.\n\n 73 (return) [ I have read somewhere in Tacitus, or Grotius,\n Subjectos habent tanquam suos, viles tanquam alienos. Some Greek\n officers ravished THE wife, and murdered THE child, of THEir\n Syrian landlord; and Manuel smiled at his undutiful complaint.]\n\n 74 (return) [ See Reland, Palestin. tom. i. p. 272, 283, tom. ii.\n p. 773, 775. This learned professor was equal to THE task of\n describing THE Holy Land, since he was alike conversant with\n Greek and Latin, with Hebrew and Arabian literature. The Yermuk,\n or Hieromax, is noticed by Cellarius (Geograph. Antiq. tom. ii.\n p. 392) and D’Anville, (Geographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 185.)\n The Arabs, and even Abulfeda himself, do not seem to recognize\n THE scene of THEir victory.]\n\n 7411 (return) [ Compare Price, p. 79. The army of THE Romans is\n swoller to 400,000 men of which 70,000 perished.—M.]\n\n 75 (return) [ These women were of THE tribe of THE Hamyarites,\n who derived THEir origin from THE ancient Amalekites. Their\n females were accustomed to ride on horseback, and to fight like\n THE Amazons of old, (Ockley, vol. i. p. 67.)]\n\n 76 (return) [ We killed of THEm, says Abu Obeidah to THE caliph,\n one hundred and fifty thousand, and made prisoners forty\n thousand, (Ockley vol. i. p. 241.) As I cannot doubt his\n veracity, nor believe his computation, I must suspect that THE\n Arabic historians indulge THEmselves in THE practice of comparing\n speeches and letters for THEir heroes.]\n\n 77 (return) [ After deploring THE sins of THE Christians,\n Theophanes, adds, (Chronograph. p. 276,) does he mean Aiznadin?\n His account is brief and obscure, but he accuses THE numbers of\n THE enemy, THE adverse wind, and THE cloud of dust. (Chronograph.\n p. 280.)]\n\n 78 (return) [ See Abulfeda, (Annal. Moslem. p. 70, 71,) who\n transcribes THE poetical complaint of Jabalah himself, and some\n panegyrical strains of an Arabian poet, to whom THE chief of\n Gassan sent from Constantinople a gift of five hundred pieces of\n gold by THE hands of THE ambassador of Omar.]\n\n After THE battle of Yermuk, THE Roman army no longer appeared in\n THE field; and THE Saracens might securely choose, among THE\n fortified towns of Syria, THE first object of THEir attack. They\n consulted THE caliph wheTHEr THEy should march to Caesarea or\n Jerusalem; and THE advice of Ali determined THE immediate siege\n of THE latter. To a profane eye, Jerusalem was THE first or\n second capital of Palestine; but after Mecca and Medina, it was\n revered and visited by THE devout Moslems, as THE temple of THE\n Holy Land which had been sanctified by THE revelation of Moses,\n of Jesus, and of Mahomet himself. The son of Abu Sophian was sent\n with five thousand Arabs to try THE first experiment of surprise\n or treaty; but on THE eleventh day, THE town was invested by THE\n whole force of Abu Obeidah. He addressed THE customary summons to\n THE chief commanders and people of Aelia. 79\n\n 79 (return) [ In THE name of THE city, THE profane prevailed over\n THE sacred Jerusalem was known to THE devout Christians, (Euseb.\n de Martyr Palest. c xi.;) but THE legal and popular appellation\n of Aelia (THE colony of Aelius Hadrianus) has passed from THE\n Romans to THE Arabs. (Reland, Palestin. tom. i. p. 207, tom. ii.\n p. 835. D’Herbelot, BiblioTHEque Orientale, Cods, p. 269, Ilia,\n p. 420.) The epiTHEt of Al Cods, THE Holy, is used as THE proper\n name of Jerusalem.]\n\n “Health and happiness to every one that follows THE right way! We\n require of you to testify that THEre is but one God, and that\n Mahomet is his apostle. If you refuse this, consent to pay\n tribute, and be under us forthwith. OTHErwise I shall bring men\n against you who love death better than you do THE drinking of\n wine or eating hog’s flesh. Nor will I ever stir from you, if it\n please God, till I have destroyed those that fight for you, and\n made slaves of your children.” But THE city was defended on every\n side by deep valleys and steep ascents; since THE invasion of\n Syria, THE walls and towers had been anxiously restored; THE\n bravest of THE fugitives of Yermuk had stopped in THE nearest\n place of refuge; and in THE defence of THE sepulchre of Christ,\n THE natives and strangers might feel some sparks of THE\n enthusiasm, which so fiercely glowed in THE bosoms of THE\n Saracens. The siege of Jerusalem lasted four months; not a day\n was lost without some action of sally or assault; THE military\n engines incessantly played from THE ramparts; and THE inclemency\n of THE winter was still more painful and destructive to THE\n Arabs. The Christians yielded at length to THE perseverance of\n THE besiegers. The patriarch Sophronius appeared on THE walls,\n and by THE voice of an interpreter demanded a conference. 7911\n After a vain attempt to dissuade THE lieutenant of THE caliph\n from his impious enterprise, he proposed, in THE name of THE\n people, a fair capitulation, with this extraordinary clause, that\n THE articles of security should be ratified by THE authority and\n presence of Omar himself. The question was debated in THE council\n of Medina; THE sanctity of THE place, and THE advice of Ali,\n persuaded THE caliph to gratify THE wishes of his soldiers and\n enemies; and THE simplicity of his journey is more illustrious\n than THE royal pageants of vanity and oppression. The conqueror\n of Persia and Syria was mounted on a red camel, which carried,\n besides his person, a bag of corn, a bag of dates, a wooden dish,\n and a leaTHErn bottle of water. Wherever he halted, THE company,\n without distinction, was invited to partake of his homely fare,\n and THE repast was consecrated by THE prayer and exhortation of\n THE commander of THE faithful. 80 But in this expedition or\n pilgrimage, his power was exercised in THE administration of\n justice: he reformed THE licentious polygamy of THE Arabs,\n relieved THE tributaries from extortion and cruelty, and\n chastised THE luxury of THE Saracens, by despoiling THEm of THEir\n rich silks, and dragging THEm on THEir faces in THE dirt. When he\n came within sight of Jerusalem, THE caliph cried with a loud\n voice, “God is victorious. O Lord, give us an easy conquest!”\n and, pitching his tent of coarse hair, calmly seated himself on\n THE ground. After signing THE capitulation, he entered THE city\n without fear or precaution; and courteously discoursed with THE\n patriarch concerning its religious antiquities. 81 Sophronius\n bowed before his new master, and secretly muttered, in THE words\n of Daniel, “The abomination of desolation is in THE holy place.”\n 82 At THE hour of prayer THEy stood togeTHEr in THE church of THE\n resurrection; but THE caliph refused to perform his devotions,\n and contented himself with praying on THE steps of THE church of\n Constantine. To THE patriarch he disclosed his prudent and\n honorable motive. “Had I yielded,” said Omar, “to your request,\n THE Moslems of a future age would have infringed THE treaty under\n color of imitating my example.” By his command THE ground of THE\n temple of Solomon was prepared for THE foundation of a mosch; 83\n and, during a residence of ten days, he regulated THE present and\n future state of his Syrian conquests. Medina might be jealous,\n lest THE caliph should be detained by THE sanctity of Jerusalem\n or THE beauty of Damascus; her apprehensions were dispelled by\n his prompt and voluntary return to THE tomb of THE apostle. 84\n\n 7911 (return) [ See THE explanation of this in Price, with THE\n prophecy which was hereby fulfilled, p 85.—M]\n\n 80 (return) [ The singular journey and equipage of Omar are\n described (besides Ockley, vol. i. p. 250) by Murtadi,\n (Merveilles de l’Egypte, p. 200-202.)]\n\n 81 (return) [ The Arabs boast of an old prophecy preserved at\n Jerusalem, and describing THE name, THE religion, and THE person\n of Omar, THE future conqueror. By such arts THE Jews are said to\n have sooTHEd THE pride of THEir foreign masters, Cyrus and\n Alexander, (Joseph. Ant. Jud. l. xi c. 1, 8, p. 447, 579-582.)]\n\n 82 (return) [ Theophan. Chronograph. p. 281. This prediction,\n which had already served for Antiochus and THE Romans, was again\n refitted for THE present occasion, by THE economy of Sophronius,\n one of THE deepest THEologians of THE MonoTHElite controversy.]\n\n 83 (return) [ According to THE accurate survey of D’Anville,\n (Dissertation sun l’ancienne Jerusalem, p. 42-54,) THE mosch of\n Omar, enlarged and embellished by succeeding caliphs, covered THE\n ground of THE ancient temple, (says Phocas,) a length of 215, a\n breadth of 172, toises. The Nubian geographer declares, that this\n magnificent structure was second only in size and beauty to THE\n great mosch of Cordova, (p. 113,) whose present state Mr.\n Swinburne has so elegantly represented, (Travels into Spain, p.\n 296-302.)]\n\n 84 (return) [ Of THE many Arabic tarikhs or chronicles of\n Jerusalem, (D’Herbelot, p. 867,) Ockley found one among THE\n Pocock Mss. of Oxford, (vol. i. p. 257,) which he has used to\n supply THE defective narrative of Al Wakidi.]\n\n To achieve what yet remained of THE Syrian war THE caliph had\n formed two separate armies; a chosen detachment, under Amrou and\n Yezid, was left in THE camp of Palestine; while THE larger\n division, under THE standard of Abu Obeidah and Caled, marched\n away to THE north against Antioch and Aleppo. The latter of\n THEse, THE Beraea of THE Greeks, was not yet illustrious as THE\n capital of a province or a kingdom; and THE inhabitants, by\n anticipating THEir submission and pleading THEir poverty,\n obtained a moderate composition for THEir lives and religion. But\n THE castle of Aleppo, 85 distinct from THE city, stood erect on a\n lofty artificial mound; THE sides were sharpened to a precipice,\n and faced with free-stone; and THE breadth of THE ditch might be\n filled with water from THE neighboring springs. After THE loss of\n three thousand men, THE garrison was still equal to THE defence;\n and Youkinna, THEir valiant and hereditary chief, had murdered\n his broTHEr, a holy monk, for daring to pronounce THE name of\n peace. In a siege of four or five months, THE hardest of THE\n Syrian war, great numbers of THE Saracens were killed and\n wounded: THEir removal to THE distance of a mile could not seduce\n THE vigilance of Youkinna; nor could THE Christians be terrified\n by THE execution of three hundred captives, whom THEy beheaded\n before THE castle wall. The silence, and at length THE\n complaints, of Abu Obeidah informed THE caliph that THEir hope\n and patience were consumed at THE foot of this impregnable\n fortress. “I am variously affected,” replied Omar, “by THE\n difference of your success; but I charge you by no means to raise\n THE siege of THE castle. Your retreat would diminish THE\n reputation of our arms, and encourage THE infidels to fall upon\n you on all sides. Remain before Aleppo till God shall determine\n THE event, and forage with your horse round THE adjacent\n country.” The exhortation of THE commander of THE faithful was\n fortified by a supply of volunteers from all THE tribes of\n Arabia, who arrived in THE camp on horses or camels. Among THEse\n was Dames, of a servile birth, but of gigantic size and intrepid\n resolution. The forty-seventh day of his service he proposed,\n with only thirty men, to make an attempt on THE castle. The\n experience and testimony of Caled recommended his offer; and Abu\n Obeidah admonished his brethren not to despise THE baser origin\n of Dames, since he himself, could he relinquish THE public care,\n would cheerfully serve under THE banner of THE slave. His design\n was covered by THE appearance of a retreat; and THE camp of THE\n Saracens was pitched about a league from Aleppo. The thirty\n adventurers lay in ambush at THE foot of THE hill; and Dames at\n length succeeded in his inquiries, though he was provoked by THE\n ignorance of his Greek captives. “God curse THEse dogs,” said THE\n illiterate Arab; “what a strange barbarous language THEy speak!”\n At THE darkest hour of THE night, he scaled THE most accessible\n height, which he had diligently surveyed, a place where THE\n stones were less entire, or THE slope less perpendicular, or THE\n guard less vigilant. Seven of THE stoutest Saracens mounted on\n each oTHEr’s shoulders, and THE weight of THE column was\n sustained on THE broad and sinewy back of THE gigantic slave. The\n foremost in this painful ascent could grasp and climb THE lowest\n part of THE battlements; THEy silently stabbed and cast down THE\n sentinels; and THE thirty brethren, repeating a pious\n ejaculation, “O apostle of God, help and deliver us!” were\n successively drawn up by THE long folds of THEir turbans. With\n bold and cautious footsteps, Dames explored THE palace of THE\n governor, who celebrated, in riotous merriment, THE festival of\n his deliverance. From THEnce, returning to his companions, he\n assaulted on THE inside THE entrance of THE castle. They\n overpowered THE guard, unbolted THE gate, let down THE\n drawbridge, and defended THE narrow pass, till THE arrival of\n Caled, with THE dawn of day, relieved THEir danger and assured\n THEir conquest. Youkinna, a formidable foe, became an active and\n useful proselyte; and THE general of THE Saracens expressed his\n regard for THE most humble merit, by detaining THE army at Aleppo\n till Dames was cured of his honorable wounds. The capital of\n Syria was still covered by THE castle of Aazaz and THE iron\n bridge of THE Orontes. After THE loss of those important posts,\n and THE defeat of THE last of THE Roman armies, THE luxury of\n Antioch 86 trembled and obeyed. Her safety was ransomed with\n three hundred thousand pieces of gold; but THE throne of THE\n successors of Alexander, THE seat of THE Roman government of THE\n East, which had been decorated by Caesar with THE titles of free,\n and holy, and inviolate was degraded under THE yoke of THE\n caliphs to THE secondary rank of a provincial town. 87\n\n 85 (return) [ The Persian historian of Timur (tom. iii. l. v. c.\n 21, p. 300) describes THE castle of Aleppo as founded on a rock\n one hundred cubits in height; a proof, says THE French\n translator, that he had never visited THE place. It is now in THE\n midst of THE city, of no strength with a single gate; THE circuit\n is about 500 or 600 paces, and THE ditch half full of stagnant\n water, (Voyages de Tavernier, tom. i. p. 149 Pocock, vol. ii.\n part i. p. 150.) The fortresses of THE East are contemptible to a\n European eye.]\n\n 86 (return) [ The date of THE conquest of Antioch by THE Arabs is\n of some importance. By comparing THE years of THE world in THE\n chronography of Theophanes with THE years of THE Hegira in THE\n history of Elmacin, we shall determine, that it was taken between\n January 23d and September 1st of THE year of Christ 638, (Pagi,\n Critica, in Baron. Annal. tom. ii. p. 812, 813.) Al Wakidi\n (Ockley, vol. i. p. 314) assigns that event to Tuesday, August\n 21st, an inconsistent date; since Easter fell that year on April\n 5th, THE 21st of August must have been a Friday, (see THE Tables\n of THE Art de Verifier les Dates.)]\n\n 87 (return) [ His bounteous edict, which tempted THE grateful\n city to assume THE victory of Pharsalia for a perpetual aera, is\n given. John Malala, in Chron. p. 91, edit. Venet. We may\n distinguish his auTHEntic information of domestic facts from his\n gross ignorance of general history.]\n\n In THE life of Heraclius, THE glories of THE Persian war are\n clouded on eiTHEr hand by THE disgrace and weakness of his more\n early and his later days. When THE successors of Mahomet\n unsheaTHEd THE sword of war and religion, he was astonished at\n THE boundless prospect of toil and danger; his nature was\n indolent, nor could THE infirm and frigid age of THE emperor be\n kindled to a second effort. The sense of shame, and THE\n importunities of THE Syrians, prevented THE hasty departure from\n THE scene of action; but THE hero was no more; and THE loss of\n Damascus and Jerusalem, THE bloody fields of Aiznadin and Yermuk,\n may be imputed in some degree to THE absence or misconduct of THE\n sovereign. Instead of defending THE sepulchre of Christ, he\n involved THE church and state in a metaphysical controversy for\n THE unity of his will; and while Heraclius crowned THE offspring\n of his second nuptials, he was tamely stripped of THE most\n valuable part of THEir inheritance. In THE caTHEdral of Antioch,\n in THE presence of THE bishops, at THE foot of THE crucifix, he\n bewailed THE sins of THE prince and people; but his confession\n instructed THE world, that it was vain, and perhaps impious, to\n resist THE judgment of God. The Saracens were invincible in fact,\n since THEy were invincible in opinion; and THE desertion of\n Youkinna, his false repentance and repeated perfidy, might\n justify THE suspicion of THE emperor, that he was encompassed by\n traitors and apostates, who conspired to betray his person and\n THEir country to THE enemies of Christ. In THE hour of adversity,\n his superstition was agitated by THE omens and dreams of a\n falling crown; and after bidding an eternal farewell to Syria, he\n secretly embarked with a few attendants, and absolved THE faith\n of his subjects. 88 Constantine, his eldest son, had been\n stationed with forty thousand men at Caesarea, THE civil\n metropolis of THE three provinces of Palestine. But his private\n interest recalled him to THE Byzantine court; and, after THE\n flight of his faTHEr, he felt himself an unequal champion to THE\n united force of THE caliph. His vanguard was boldly attacked by\n three hundred Arabs and a thousand black slaves, who, in THE\n depth of winter, had climbed THE snowy mountains of Libanus, and\n who were speedily followed by THE victorious squadrons of Caled\n himself. From THE north and south THE troops of Antioch and\n Jerusalem advanced along THE sea-shore till THEir banners were\n joined under THE walls of THE Phoenician cities: Tripoli and Tyre\n were betrayed; and a fleet of fifty transports, which entered\n without distrust THE captive harbors, brought a seasonable supply\n of arms and provisions to THE camp of THE Saracens. Their labors\n were terminated by THE unexpected surrender of Caesarea: THE\n Roman prince had embarked in THE night; 89 and THE defenceless\n citizens solicited THEir pardon with an offering of two hundred\n thousand pieces of gold. The remainder of THE province, Ramlah,\n Ptolemais or Acre, Sichem or Neapolis, Gaza, Ascalon, Berytus,\n Sidon, Gabala, Laodicea, Apamea, Hierapolis, no longer presumed\n to dispute THE will of THE conqueror; and Syria bowed under THE\n sceptre of THE caliphs seven hundred years after Pompey had\n despoiled THE last of THE Macedonian kings. 90\n\n 88 (return) [ See Ockley, (vol. i. p. 308, 312,) who laughs at\n THE credulity of his author. When Heraclius bade farewell to\n Syria, Vale Syria et ultimum vale, he prophesied that THE Romans\n should never reenter THE province till THE birth of an\n inauspicious child, THE future scourge of THE empire. Abulfeda,\n p. 68. I am perfectly ignorant of THE mystic sense, or nonsense,\n of this prediction.]\n\n 89 (return) [ In THE loose and obscure chronology of THE times, I\n am guided by an auTHEntic record, (in THE book of ceremonies of\n Constantine Porphyrogenitus,) which certifies that, June 4, A.D.\n 638, THE emperor crowned his younger son Heraclius, in THE\n presence of his eldest, Constantine, and in THE palace of\n Constantinople; that January 1, A.D. 639, THE royal procession\n visited THE great church, and on THE 4th of THE same month, THE\n hippodrome.]\n\n 90 (return) [ Sixty-five years before Christ, Syria Pontusque\n monumenta sunt Cn. Pompeii virtutis, (Vell. Patercul. ii. 38,)\n raTHEr of his fortune and power: he adjudged Syria to be a Roman\n province, and THE last of THE Seleucides were incapable of\n drawing a sword in THE defence of THEir patrimony (see THE\n original texts collected by Usher, Annal. p. 420)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part V.\n\n The sieges and battles of six campaigns had consumed many\n thousands of THE Moslems. They died with THE reputation and THE\n cheerfulness of martyrs; and THE simplicity of THEir faith may be\n expressed in THE words of an Arabian youth, when he embraced, for\n THE last time, his sister and moTHEr: “It is not,” said he, “THE\n delicacies of Syria, or THE fading delights of this world, that\n have prompted me to devote my life in THE cause of religion. But\n I seek THE favor of God and his apostle; and I have heard, from\n one of THE companions of THE prophet, that THE spirits of THE\n martyrs will be lodged in THE crops of green birds, who shall\n taste THE fruits, and drink of THE rivers, of paradise. Farewell,\n we shall meet again among THE groves and fountains which God has\n provided for his elect.” The faithful captives might exercise a\n passive and more arduous resolution; and a cousin of Mahomet is\n celebrated for refusing, after an abstinence of three days, THE\n wine and pork, THE only nourishment that was allowed by THE\n malice of THE infidels. The frailty of some weaker brethren\n exasperated THE implacable spirit of fanaticism; and THE faTHEr\n of Amer deplored, in paTHEtic strains, THE apostasy and damnation\n of a son, who had renounced THE promises of God, and THE\n intercession of THE prophet, to occupy, with THE priests and\n deacons, THE lowest mansions of hell. The more fortunate Arabs,\n who survived THE war and persevered in THE faith, were restrained\n by THEir abstemious leader from THE abuse of prosperity. After a\n refreshment of three days, Abu Obeidah withdrew his troops from\n THE pernicious contagion of THE luxury of Antioch, and assured\n THE caliph that THEir religion and virtue could only be preserved\n by THE hard discipline of poverty and labor. But THE virtue of\n Omar, however rigorous to himself, was kind and liberal to his\n brethren. After a just tribute of praise and thanksgiving, he\n dropped a tear of compassion; and sitting down on THE ground,\n wrote an answer, in which he mildly censured THE severity of his\n lieutenant: “God,” said THE successor of THE prophet, “has not\n forbidden THE use of THE good things of this worl to faithful\n men, and such as have performed good works. Therefore you ought\n to have given THEm leave to rest THEmselves, and partake freely\n of those good things which THE country affordeth. If any of THE\n Saracens have no family in Arabia, THEy may marry in Syria; and\n whosoever of THEm wants any female slaves, he may purchase as\n many as he hath occasion for.” The conquerors prepared to use, or\n to abuse, this gracious permission; but THE year of THEir triumph\n was marked by a mortality of men and cattle; and twenty-five\n thousand Saracens were snatched away from THE possession of\n Syria. The death of Abu Obeidah might be lamented by THE\n Christians; but his brethren recollected that he was one of THE\n ten elect whom THE prophet had named as THE heirs of paradise. 91\n Caled survived his brethren about three years: and THE tomb of\n THE Sword of God is shown in THE neighborhood of Emesa. His\n valor, which founded in Arabia and Syria THE empire of THE\n caliphs, was fortified by THE opinion of a special providence;\n and as long as he wore a cap, which had been blessed by Mahomet,\n he deemed himself invulnerable amidst THE darts of THE infidels.\n 9111\n\n 91 (return) [ Abulfeda, Annal. Moslem. p. 73. Mahomet could\n artfully vary THE praises of his disciples. Of Omar he was\n accustomed to say, that if a prophet could arise after himself,\n it would be Omar; and that in a general calamity, Omar would be\n accepted by THE divine justice, (Ockley, vol. i. p. 221.)]\n\n 9111 (return) [ Khaled, according to THE Rouzont Uzzuffa, (Price,\n p. 90,) after having been deprived of his ample share of THE\n plunder of Syria by THE jealousy of Omar, died, possessed only of\n his horse, his arms, and a single slave. Yet Omar was obliged to\n acknowledge to his lamenting parent. that never moTHEr had\n produced a son like Khaled.—M.]\n\n The place of THE first conquerors was supplied by a new\n generation of THEir children and countrymen: Syria became THE\n seat and support of THE house of Ommiyah; and THE revenue, THE\n soldiers, THE ships of that powerful kingdom were consecrated to\n enlarge on every side THE empire of THE caliphs. But THE Saracens\n despise a superfluity of fame; and THEir historians scarcely\n condescend to mention THE subordinate conquests which are lost in\n THE splendor and rapidity of THEir victorious career.\n\n To THE north of Syria, THEy passed Mount Taurus, and reduced to\n THEir obedience THE province of Cilicia, with its capital Tarsus,\n THE ancient monument of THE Assyrian kings. Beyond a second ridge\n of THE same mountains, THEy spread THE flame of war, raTHEr than\n THE light of religion, as far as THE shores of THE Euxine, and\n THE neighborhood of Constantinople. To THE east THEy advanced to\n THE banks and sources of THE Euphrates and Tigris: 92 THE long\n disputed barrier of Rome and Persia was forever confounded; THE\n walls of Edessa and Amida, of Dara and Nisibis, which had\n resisted THE arms and engines of Sapor or Nushirvan, were\n levelled in THE dust; and THE holy city of Abgarus might vainly\n produce THE epistle or THE image of Christ to an unbelieving\n conqueror. To THE west THE Syrian kingdom is bounded by THE sea:\n and THE ruin of Aradus, a small island or peninsula on THE coast,\n was postponed during ten years. But THE hills of Libanus abounded\n in timber; THE trade of Phoenicia was populous in mariners; and a\n fleet of seventeen hundred barks was equipped and manned by THE\n natives of THE desert. The Imperial navy of THE Romans fled\n before THEm from THE Pamphylian rocks to THE Hellespont; but THE\n spirit of THE emperor, a grandson of Heraclius, had been subdued\n before THE combat by a dream and a pun. 93 The Saracens rode\n masters of THE sea; and THE islands of Cyprus, Rhodes, and THE\n Cyclades, were successively exposed to THEir rapacious visits.\n Three hundred years before THE Christian aera, THE memorable\n though fruitless siege of Rhodes 94 by Demetrius had furnished\n that maritime republic with THE materials and THE subject of a\n trophy. A gigantic statue of Apollo, or THE sun, seventy cubits\n in height, was erected at THE entrance of THE harbor, a monument\n of THE freedom and THE arts of Greece. After standing fifty-six\n years, THE colossus of Rhodes was overthrown by an earthquake;\n but THE massy trunk, and huge fragments, lay scattered eight\n centuries on THE ground, and are often described as one of THE\n wonders of THE ancient world. They were collected by THE\n diligence of THE Saracens, and sold to a Jewish merchant of\n Edessa, who is said to have laden nine hundred camels with THE\n weight of THE brass metal; an enormous weight, though we should\n include THE hundred colossal figures, 95 and THE three thousand\n statues, which adorned THE prosperity of THE city of THE sun.\n\n 92 (return) [ Al Wakidi had likewise written a history of THE\n conquest of Diarbekir, or Mesopotamia, (Ockley, at THE end of THE\n iid vol.,) which our interpreters do not appear to have seen. The\n Chronicle of Dionysius of Telmar, THE Jacobite patriarch, records\n THE taking of Edessa A.D. 637, and of Dara A.D. 641, (Asseman.\n Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii. p. 103;) and THE attentive may glean\n some doubtful information from THE Chronography of Theophanes,\n (p. 285-287.) Most of THE towns of Mesopotamia yielded by\n surrender, (Abulpharag. p. 112.) * Note: It has been published in\n Arabic by M. Ewald St. Martin, vol. xi p 248; but its\n auTHEnticity is doubted.—M.]\n\n 93 (return) [ He dreamt that he was at Thessalonica, a harmless\n and unmeaning vision; but his soothsayer, or his cowardice,\n understood THE sure omen of a defeat concealed in that\n inauspicious word, Give to anoTHEr THE victory, (Theoph. p. 286.\n Zonaras, tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 88.)]\n\n 94 (return) [ Every passage and every fact that relates to THE\n isle, THE city, and THE colossus of Rhodes, are compiled in THE\n laborious treatise of Meursius, who has bestowed THE same\n diligence on THE two larger islands of THE Crete and Cyprus. See,\n in THE iiid vol. of his works, THE Rhodus of Meursius, (l. i. c.\n 15, p. 715-719.) The Byzantine writers, Theophanes and\n Constantine, have ignorantly prolonged THE term to 1360 years,\n and ridiculously divide THE weight among 30,000 camels.]\n\n 95 (return) [ Centum colossi alium nobilitaturi locum, says\n Pliny, with his usual spirit. Hist. Natur. xxxiv. 18.]\n\n III. The conquest of Egypt may be explained by THE character of\n THE victorious Saracen, one of THE first of his nation, in an age\n when THE meanest of THE brethren was exalted above his nature by\n THE spirit of enthusiasm. The birth of Amrou was at once base and\n illustrious; his moTHEr, a notorious prostitute, was unable to\n decide among five of THE Koreish; but THE proof of resemblance\n adjudged THE child to Aasi, THE oldest of her lovers. 96 The\n youth of Amrou was impelled by THE passions and prejudices of his\n kindred: his poetic genius was exercised in satirical verses\n against THE person and doctrine of Mahomet; his dexterity was\n employed by THE reigning faction to pursue THE religious exiles\n who had taken refuge in THE court of THE Aethiopian king. 97 Yet\n he returned from this embassy a secret proselyte; his reason or\n his interest determined him to renounce THE worship of idols; he\n escaped from Mecca with his friend Caled; and THE prophet of\n Medina enjoyed at THE same moment THE satisfaction of embracing\n THE two firmest champions of his cause. The impatience of Amrou\n to lead THE armies of THE faithful was checked by THE reproof of\n Omar, who advised him not to seek power and dominion, since he\n who is a subject to-day, may be a prince to-morrow. Yet his merit\n was not overlooked by THE two first successors of Mahomet; THEy\n were indebted to his arms for THE conquest of Palestine; and in\n all THE battles and sieges of Syria, he united with THE temper of\n a chief THE valor of an adventurous soldier. In a visit to\n Medina, THE caliph expressed a wish to survey THE sword which had\n cut down so many Christian warriors; THE son of Aasi unsheaTHEd a\n short and ordinary cimeter; and as he perceived THE surprise of\n Omar, “Alas,” said THE modest Saracen, “THE sword itself, without\n THE arm of its master, is neiTHEr sharper nor more weighty than\n THE sword of Pharezdak THE poet.” 98 After THE conquest of Egypt,\n he was recalled by THE jealousy of THE caliph Othman; but in THE\n subsequent troubles, THE ambition of a soldier, a statesman, and\n an orator, emerged from a private station. His powerful support,\n both in council and in THE field, established THE throne of THE\n Ommiades; THE administration and revenue of Egypt were restored\n by THE gratitude of Moawiyah to a faithful friend who had raised\n himself above THE rank of a subject; and Amrou ended his days in\n THE palace and city which he had founded on THE banks of THE\n Nile. His dying speech to his children is celebrated by THE\n Arabians as a model of eloquence and wisdom: he deplored THE\n errors of his youth but if THE penitent was still infected by THE\n vanity of a poet, he might exaggerate THE venom and mischief of\n his impious compositions. 99\n\n 96 (return) [ We learn this anecdote from a spirited old woman,\n who reviled to THEir faces, THE caliph and his friend. She was\n encouraged by THE silence of Amrou and THE liberality of\n Moawiyah, (Abulfeda, Annal Moslem. p. 111.)]\n\n 97 (return) [ Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. ii. p. 46, &c., who\n quotes THE Abyssinian history, or romance of Abdel Balcides. Yet\n THE fact of THE embassy and ambassador may be allowed.]\n\n 98 (return) [ This saying is preserved by Pocock, (Not. ad Carmen\n Tograi, p 184,) and justly applauded by Mr. Harris,\n (Philosophical Arrangements, p. 850.)]\n\n 99 (return) [ For THE life and character of Amrou, see Ockley\n (Hist. of THE Saracens, vol. i. p. 28, 63, 94, 328, 342, 344, and\n to THE end of THE volume; vol. ii. p. 51, 55, 57, 74, 110-112,\n 162) and Otter, (Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxi.\n p. 131, 132.) The readers of Tacitus may aptly compare Vespasian\n and Mucianus with Moawiyah and Amrou. Yet THE resemblance is\n still more in THE situation, than in THE characters, of THE men.]\n\n From his camp in Palestine, Amrou had surprised or anticipated\n THE caliph’s leave for THE invasion of Egypt. 100 The magnanimous\n Omar trusted in his God and his sword, which had shaken THE\n thrones of Chosroes and Caesar: but when he compared THE slender\n force of THE Moslems with THE greatness of THE enterprise, he\n condemned his own rashness, and listened to his timid companions.\n The pride and THE greatness of Pharaoh were familiar to THE\n readers of THE Koran; and a tenfold repetition of prodigies had\n been scarcely sufficient to effect, not THE victory, but THE\n flight, of six hundred thousand of THE children of Israel: THE\n cities of Egypt were many and populous; THEir architecture was\n strong and solid; THE Nile, with its numerous branches, was alone\n an insuperable barrier; and THE granary of THE Imperial city\n would be obstinately defended by THE Roman powers. In this\n perplexity, THE commander of THE faithful resigned himself to THE\n decision of chance, or, in his opinion, of Providence. At THE\n head of only four thousand Arabs, THE intrepid Amrou had marched\n away from his station of Gaza when he was overtaken by THE\n messenger of Omar. “If you are still in Syria,” said THE\n ambiguous mandate, “retreat without delay; but if, at THE receipt\n of this epistle, you have already reached THE frontiers of Egypt,\n advance with confidence, and depend on THE succor of God and of\n your brethren.” The experience, perhaps THE secret intelligence,\n of Amrou had taught him to suspect THE mutability of courts; and\n he continued his march till his tents were unquestionably pitched\n on Egyptian ground. He THEre assembled his officers, broke THE\n seal, perused THE epistle, gravely inquired THE name and\n situation of THE place, and declared his ready obedience to THE\n commands of THE caliph. After a siege of thirty days, he took\n possession of Farmah or Pelusium; and that key of Egypt, as it\n has been justly named, unlocked THE entrance of THE country as\n far as THE ruins of Heliopolis and THE neighborhood of THE modern\n Cairo.\n\n 100 (return) [ Al Wakidi had likewise composed a separate history\n of THE conquest of Egypt, which Mr. Ockley could never procure;\n and his own inquiries (vol. i. 344-362) have added very little to\n THE original text of Eutychius, (Annal. tom. ii. p. 296-323,\n vers. Pocock,) THE Melchite patriarch of Alexandria, who lived\n three hundred years after THE revolution.]\n\n On THE Western side of THE Nile, at a small distance to THE east\n of THE Pyramids, at a small distance to THE south of THE Delta,\n Memphis, one hundred and fifty furlongs in circumference,\n displayed THE magnificence of ancient kings. Under THE reign of\n THE Ptolemies and Caesars, THE seat of government was removed to\n THE sea-coast; THE ancient capital was eclipsed by THE arts and\n opulence of Alexandria; THE palaces, and at length THE temples,\n were reduced to a desolate and ruinous condition: yet, in THE age\n of Augustus, and even in that of Constantine, Memphis was still\n numbered among THE greatest and most populous of THE provincial\n cities. 101 The banks of THE Nile, in this place of THE breadth\n of three thousand feet, were united by two bridges of sixty and\n of thirty boats, connected in THE middle stream by THE small\n island of Rouda, which was covered with gardens and habitations.\n 102 The eastern extremity of THE bridge was terminated by THE\n town of Babylon and THE camp of a Roman legion, which protected\n THE passage of THE river and THE second capital of Egypt. This\n important fortress, which might fairly be described as a part of\n Memphis or Misrah, was invested by THE arms of THE lieutenant of\n Omar: a reenforcement of four thousand Saracens soon arrived in\n his camp; and THE military engines, which battered THE walls, may\n be imputed to THE art and labor of his Syrian allies. Yet THE\n siege was protracted to seven months; and THE rash invaders were\n encompassed and threatened by THE inundation of THE Nile. 103\n Their last assault was bold and successful: THEy passed THE\n ditch, which had been fortified with iron spikes, applied THEir\n scaling ladders, entered THE fortress with THE shout of “God is\n victorious!” and drove THE remnant of THE Greeks to THEir boats\n and THE Isle of Rouda. The spot was afterwards recommended to THE\n conqueror by THE easy communication with THE gulf and THE\n peninsula of Arabia; THE remains of Memphis were deserted; THE\n tents of THE Arabs were converted into permanent habitations; and\n THE first mosch was blessed by THE presence of fourscore\n companions of Mahomet. 104 A new city arose in THEir camp, on THE\n eastward bank of THE Nile; and THE contiguous quarters of Babylon\n and Fostat are confounded in THEir present decay by THE\n appellation of old Misrah, or Cairo, of which THEy form an\n extensive suburb. But THE name of Cairo, THE town of victory,\n more strictly belongs to THE modern capital, which was founded in\n THE tenth century by THE Fatimite caliphs. 105 It has gradually\n receded from THE river; but THE continuity of buildings may be\n traced by an attentive eye from THE monuments of Sesostris to\n those of Saladin. 106\n\n 101 (return) [ Strabo, an accurate and attentive spectator,\n observes of Heliopolis, (Geograph. l. xvii. p. 1158;) but of\n Memphis he notices, however, THE mixture of inhabitants, and THE\n ruin of THE palaces. In THE proper Egypt, Ammianus enumerates\n Memphis among THE four cities, maximis urbibus quibus provincia\n nitet, (xxii. 16;) and THE name of Memphis appears with\n distinction in THE Roman Itinerary and episcopal lists.]\n\n 102 (return) [ These rare and curious facts, THE breadth (2946\n feet) and THE bridge of THE Nile, are only to be found in THE\n Danish traveller and THE Nubian geographer, (p. 98.)]\n\n 103 (return) [ From THE month of April, THE Nile begins\n imperceptibly to rise; THE swell becomes strong and visible in\n THE moon after THE summer solstice, (Plin. Hist. Nat. v. 10,) and\n is usually proclaimed at Cairo on St. Peter’s day, (June 29.) A\n register of thirty successive years marks THE greatest height of\n THE waters between July 25 and August 18, (Maillet, Description\n de l’Egypte, lettre xi. p. 67, &c. Pocock’s Description of THE\n East, vol. i. p. 200. Shaw’s Travels, p. 383.)]\n\n 104 (return) [ Murtadi, Merveilles de l’Egypte, 243, 259. He\n expatiates on THE subject with THE zeal and minuteness of a\n citizen and a bigot, and his local traditions have a strong air\n of truth and accuracy.]\n\n 105 (return) [ D’Herbelot, BiblioTHEque Orientale, p. 233.]\n\n 106 (return) [ The position of New and of Old Cairo is well\n known, and has been often described. Two writers, who were\n intimately acquainted with ancient and modern Egypt, have fixed,\n after a learned inquiry, THE city of Memphis at Gizeh, directly\n opposite THE Old Cairo, (Sicard, Nouveaux Memoires des Missions\n du Levant, tom. vi. p. 5, 6. Shaw’s Observations and Travels, p.\n 296-304.) Yet we may not disregard THE authority or THE arguments\n of Pocock, (vol. i. p. 25-41,) Niebuhr, (Voyage, tom. i. p.\n 77-106,) and above all, of D’Anville, (Description de l’Egypte,\n p. 111, 112, 130-149,) who have removed Memphis towards THE\n village of Mohannah, some miles farTHEr to THE south. In THEir\n heat, THE disputants have forgot that THE ample space of a\n metropolis covers and annihilates THE far greater part of THE\n controversy.]\n\n Yet THE Arabs, after a glorious and profitable enterprise, must\n have retreated to THE desert, had THEy not found a powerful\n alliance in THE heart of THE country. The rapid conquest of\n Alexander was assisted by THE superstition and revolt of THE\n natives: THEy abhorred THEir Persian oppressors, THE disciples of\n THE Magi, who had burnt THE temples of Egypt, and feasted with\n sacrilegious appetite on THE flesh of THE god Apis. 107 After a\n period of ten centuries, THE same revolution was renewed by a\n similar cause; and in THE support of an incomprehensible creed,\n THE zeal of THE Coptic Christians was equally ardent. I have\n already explained THE origin and progress of THE Monophysite\n controversy, and THE persecution of THE emperors, which converted\n a sect into a nation, and alienated Egypt from THEir religion and\n government. The Saracens were received as THE deliverers of THE\n Jacobite church; and a secret and effectual treaty was opened\n during THE siege of Memphis between a victorious army and a\n people of slaves. A rich and noble Egyptian, of THE name of\n Mokawkas, had dissembled his faith to obtain THE administration\n of his province: in THE disorders of THE Persian war he aspired\n to independence: THE embassy of Mahomet ranked him among princes;\n but he declined, with rich gifts and ambiguous compliments, THE\n proposal of a new religion. 108 The abuse of his trust exposed\n him to THE resentment of Heraclius: his submission was delayed by\n arrogance and fear; and his conscience was prompted by interest\n to throw himself on THE favor of THE nation and THE support of\n THE Saracens. In his first conference with Amrou, he heard\n without indignation THE usual option of THE Koran, THE tribute,\n or THE sword. “The Greeks,” replied Mokawkas, “are determined to\n abide THE determination of THE sword; but with THE Greeks I\n desire no communion, eiTHEr in this world or in THE next, and I\n abjure forever THE Byzantine tyrant, his synod of Chalcedon, and\n his Melchite slaves. For myself and my brethren, we are resolved\n to live and die in THE profession of THE gospel and unity of\n Christ. It is impossible for us to embrace THE revelations of\n your prophet; but we are desirous of peace, and cheerfully submit\n to pay tribute and obedience to his temporal successors.” The\n tribute was ascertained at two pieces of gold for THE head of\n every Christian; but old men, monks, women, and children, of both\n sexes, under sixteen years of age, were exempted from this\n personal assessment: THE Copts above and below Memphis swore\n allegiance to THE caliph, and promised a hospitable entertainment\n of three days to every Mussulman who should travel through THEir\n country. By this charter of security, THE ecclesiastical and\n civil tyranny of THE Melchites was destroyed: 109 THE anaTHEmas\n of St. Cyril were thundered from every pulpit; and THE sacred\n edifices, with THE patrimony of THE church, were restored to THE\n national communion of THE Jacobites, who enjoyed without\n moderation THE moment of triumph and revenge. At THE pressing\n summons of Amrou, THEir patriarch Benjamin emerged from his\n desert; and after THE first interview, THE courteous Arab\n affected to declare that he had never conversed with a Christian\n priest of more innocent manners and a more venerable aspect. 110\n In THE march from Memphis to Alexandria, THE lieutenant of Omar\n intrusted his safety to THE zeal and gratitude of THE Egyptians:\n THE roads and bridges were diligently repaired; and in every step\n of his progress, he could depend on a constant supply of\n provisions and intelligence. The Greeks of Egypt, whose numbers\n could scarcely equal a tenth of THE natives, were overwhelmed by\n THE universal defection: THEy had ever been hated, THEy were no\n longer feared: THE magistrate fled from his tribunal, THE bishop\n from his altar; and THE distant garrisons were surprised or\n starved by THE surrounding multitudes. Had not THE Nile afforded\n a safe and ready conveyance to THE sea, not an individual could\n have escaped, who by birth, or language, or office, or religion,\n was connected with THEir odious name.\n\n 107 (return) [ See Herodotus, l. iii. c. 27, 28, 29. Aelian,\n Hist. Var. l. iv. c. 8. Suidas in, tom. ii. p. 774. Diodor.\n Sicul. tom. ii. l. xvii. p. 197, edit. Wesseling. Says THE last\n of THEse historians.]\n\n 108 (return) [ Mokawkas sent THE prophet two Coptic damsels, with\n two maids and one eunuch, an alabaster vase, an ingot of pure\n gold, oil, honey, and THE finest white linen of Egypt, with a\n horse, a mule, and an ass, distinguished by THEir respective\n qualifications. The embassy of Mahomet was despatched from Medina\n in THE seventh year of THE Hegira, (A.D. 628.) See Gagnier, (Vie\n de Mahomet, tom. ii. p. 255, 256, 303,) from Al Jannabi.]\n\n 109 (return) [ The praefecture of Egypt, and THE conduct of THE\n war, had been trusted by Heraclius to THE patriarch Cyrus,\n (Theophan. p. 280, 281.) “In Spain,” said James II., “do you not\n consult your priests?” “We do,” replied THE Catholic ambassador,\n “and our affairs succeed accordingly.” I know not how to relate\n THE plans of Cyrus, of paying tribute without impairing THE\n revenue, and of converting Omar by his marriage with THE\n Emperor’s daughter, (Nicephor. Breviar. p. 17, 18.)]\n\n 110 (return) [ See THE life of Benjamin, in Renaudot, (Hist.\n Patriarch. Alexandrin. p. 156-172,) who has enriched THE conquest\n of Egypt with some facts from THE Arabic text of Severus THE\n Jacobite historian]\n\n By THE retreat of THE Greeks from THE provinces of Upper Egypt, a\n considerable force was collected in THE Island of Delta; THE\n natural and artificial channels of THE Nile afforded a succession\n of strong and defensible posts; and THE road to Alexandria was\n laboriously cleared by THE victory of THE Saracens in\n two-and-twenty days of general or partial combat. In THEir annals\n of conquest, THE siege of Alexandria 111 is perhaps THE most\n arduous and important enterprise. The first trading city in THE\n world was abundantly replenished with THE means of subsistence\n and defence. Her numerous inhabitants fought for THE dearest of\n human rights, religion and property; and THE enmity of THE\n natives seemed to exclude THEm from THE common benefit of peace\n and toleration. The sea was continually open; and if Heraclius\n had been awake to THE public distress, fresh armies of Romans and\n Barbarians might have been poured into THE harbor to save THE\n second capital of THE empire. A circumference of ten miles would\n have scattered THE forces of THE Greeks, and favored THE\n stratagems of an active enemy; but THE two sides of an oblong\n square were covered by THE sea and THE Lake Maraeotis, and each\n of THE narrow ends exposed a front of no more than ten furlongs.\n The efforts of THE Arabs were not inadequate to THE difficulty of\n THE attempt and THE value of THE prize. From THE throne of\n Medina, THE eyes of Omar were fixed on THE camp and city: his\n voice excited to arms THE Arabian tribes and THE veterans of\n Syria; and THE merit of a holy war was recommended by THE\n peculiar fame and fertility of Egypt. Anxious for THE ruin or\n expulsion of THEir tyrants, THE faithful natives devoted THEir\n labors to THE service of Amrou: some sparks of martial spirit\n were perhaps rekindled by THE example of THEir allies; and THE\n sanguine hopes of Mokawkas had fixed his sepulchre in THE church\n of St. John of Alexandria. Eutychius THE patriarch observes, that\n THE Saracens fought with THE courage of lions: THEy repulsed THE\n frequent and almost daily sallies of THE besieged, and soon\n assaulted in THEir turn THE walls and towers of THE city. In\n every attack, THE sword, THE banner of Amrou, glittered in THE\n van of THE Moslems. On a memorable day, he was betrayed by his\n imprudent valor: his followers who had entered THE citadel were\n driven back; and THE general, with a friend and slave, remained a\n prisoner in THE hands of THE Christians. When Amrou was conducted\n before THE praefect, he remembered his dignity, and forgot his\n situation: a lofty demeanor, and resolute language, revealed THE\n lieutenant of THE caliph, and THE battle-axe of a soldier was\n already raised to strike off THE head of THE audacious captive.\n His life was saved by THE readiness of his slave, who instantly\n gave his master a blow on THE face, and commanded him, with an\n angry tone, to be silent in THE presence of his superiors. The\n credulous Greek was deceived: he listened to THE offer of a\n treaty, and his prisoners were dismissed in THE hope of a more\n respectable embassy, till THE joyful acclamations of THE camp\n announced THE return of THEir general, and insulted THE folly of\n THE infidels. At length, after a siege of fourteen months, 112\n and THE loss of three-and-twenty thousand men, THE Saracens\n prevailed: THE Greeks embarked THEir dispirited and diminished\n numbers, and THE standard of Mahomet was planted on THE walls of\n THE capital of Egypt. “I have taken,” said Amrou to THE caliph,\n “THE great city of THE West. It is impossible for me to enumerate\n THE variety of its riches and beauty; and I shall content myself\n with observing, that it contains four thousand palaces, four\n thousand baths, four hundred THEatres or places of amusement,\n twelve thousand shops for THE sale of vegetable food, and forty\n thousand tributary Jews. The town has been subdued by force of\n arms, without treaty or capitulation, and THE Moslems are\n impatient to seize THE fruits of THEir victory.” 113 The\n commander of THE faithful rejected with firmness THE idea of\n pillage, and directed his lieutenant to reserve THE wealth and\n revenue of Alexandria for THE public service and THE propagation\n of THE faith: THE inhabitants were numbered; a tribute was\n imposed, THE zeal and resentment of THE Jacobites were curbed,\n and THE Melchites who submitted to THE Arabian yoke were indulged\n in THE obscure but tranquil exercise of THEir worship. The\n intelligence of this disgraceful and calamitous event afflicted\n THE declining health of THE emperor; and Heraclius died of a\n dropsy about seven weeks after THE loss of Alexandria. 114 Under\n THE minority of his grandson, THE clamors of a people, deprived\n of THEir daily sustenance, compelled THE Byzantine court to\n undertake THE recovery of THE capital of Egypt. In THE space of\n four years, THE harbor and fortifications of Alexandria were\n twice occupied by a fleet and army of Romans. They were twice\n expelled by THE valor of Amrou, who was recalled by THE domestic\n peril from THE distant wars of Tripoli and Nubia. But THE\n facility of THE attempt, THE repetition of THE insult, and THE\n obstinacy of THE resistance, provoked him to swear, that if a\n third time he drove THE infidels into THE sea, he would render\n Alexandria as accessible on all sides as THE house of a\n prostitute. Faithful to his promise, he dismantled several parts\n of THE walls and towers; but THE people was spared in THE\n chastisement of THE city, and THE mosch of Mercy was erected on\n THE spot where THE victorious general had stopped THE fury of his\n troops.\n\n 111 (return) [ The local description of Alexandria is perfectly\n ascertained by THE master hand of THE first of geographers,\n (D’Anville, Memoire sur l’Egypte, p. 52-63;) but we may borrow\n THE eyes of THE modern travellers, more especially of Thevenot,\n (Voyage au Levant, part i. p. 381-395,) Pocock, (vol. i. p.\n 2-13,) and Niebuhr, (Voyage en Arabie, tom. i. p. 34-43.) Of THE\n two modern rivals, Savary and Volmey, THE one may amuse, THE\n oTHEr will instruct.]\n\n 112 (return) [ Both Eutychius (Annal. tom. ii. p. 319) and\n Elmacin (Hist. Saracen. p. 28) concur in fixing THE taking of\n Alexandria to Friday of THE new moon of Moharram of THE twentieth\n year of THE Hegira, (December 22, A.D. 640.) In reckoning\n backwards fourteen months spent before Alexandria, seven months\n before Babylon, &c., Amrou might have invaded Egypt about THE end\n of THE year 638; but we are assured that he entered THE country\n THE 12th of Bayni, 6th of June, (Murtadi, Merveilles de l’Egypte,\n p. 164. Severus, apud Renaudot, p. 162.) The Saracen, and\n afterwards Lewis IX. of France, halted at Pelusium, or Damietta,\n during THE season of THE inundation of THE Nile.]\n\n 113 (return) [ Eutych. Annal. tom. ii. p. 316, 319.]\n\n 114 (return) [ Notwithstanding some inconsistencies of Theophanes\n and Cedrenus, THE accuracy of Pagi (Critica, tom. ii. p. 824) has\n extracted from Nicephorus and THE Chronicon Orientale THE true\n date of THE death of Heraclius, February 11th, A.D. 641, fifty\n days after THE loss of Alexandria. A fourth of that time was\n sufficient to convey THE intelligence.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part VI.\n\n I should deceive THE expectation of THE reader, if I passed in\n silence THE fate of THE Alexandrian library, as it is described\n by THE learned Abulpharagius. The spirit of Amrou was more\n curious and liberal than that of his brethren, and in his leisure\n hours, THE Arabian chief was pleased with THE conversation of\n John, THE last disciple of Ammonius, and who derived THE surname\n of Philoponus from his laborious studies of grammar and\n philosophy. 115 Emboldened by this familiar intercourse,\n Philoponus presumed to solicit a gift, inestimable in his\n opinion, contemptible in that of THE Barbarians—THE royal\n library, which alone, among THE spoils of Alexandria, had not\n been appropriated by THE visit and THE seal of THE conqueror.\n\n Amrou was inclined to gratify THE wish of THE grammarian, but his\n rigid integrity refused to alienate THE minutest object without\n THE consent of THE caliph; and THE well-known answer of Omar was\n inspired by THE ignorance of a fanatic. “If THEse writings of THE\n Greeks agree with THE book of God, THEy are useless, and need not\n be preserved: if THEy disagree, THEy are pernicious, and ought to\n be destroyed.” The sentence was executed with blind obedience:\n THE volumes of paper or parchment were distributed to THE four\n thousand baths of THE city; and such was THEir incredible\n multitude, that six months were barely sufficient for THE\n consumption of this precious fuel. Since THE Dynasties of\n Abulpharagius 116 have been given to THE world in a Latin\n version, THE tale has been repeatedly transcribed; and every\n scholar, with pious indignation, has deplored THE irreparable\n shipwreck of THE learning, THE arts, and THE genius, of\n antiquity. For my own part, I am strongly tempted to deny both\n THE fact and THE consequences. 1161 The fact is indeed\n marvellous. “Read and wonder!” says THE historian himself: and\n THE solitary report of a stranger who wrote at THE end of six\n hundred years on THE confines of Media, is overbalanced by THE\n silence of two annalist of a more early date, both Christians,\n both natives of Egypt, and THE most ancient of whom, THE\n patriarch Eutychius, has amply described THE conquest of\n Alexandria. 117 The rigid sentence of Omar is repugnant to THE\n sound and orthodox precept of THE Mahometan casuists THEy\n expressly declare, that THE religious books of THE Jews and\n Christians, which are acquired by THE right of war, should never\n be committed to THE flames; and that THE works of profane\n science, historians or poets, physicians or philosophers, may be\n lawfully applied to THE use of THE faithful. 118 A more\n destructive zeal may perhaps be attributed to THE first\n successors of Mahomet; yet in this instance, THE conflagration\n would have speedily expired in THE deficiency of materials. I\n should not recapitulate THE disasters of THE Alexandrian library,\n THE involuntary flame that was kindled by Caesar in his own\n defence, 119 or THE mischievous bigotry of THE Christians, who\n studied to destroy THE monuments of idolatry. 120 But if we\n gradually descend from THE age of THE Antonines to that of\n Theodosius, we shall learn from a chain of contemporary\n witnesses, that THE royal palace and THE temple of Serapis no\n longer contained THE four, or THE seven, hundred thousand\n volumes, which had been assembled by THE curiosity and\n magnificence of THE Ptolemies. 121 Perhaps THE church and seat of\n THE patriarchs might be enriched with a repository of books; but\n if THE ponderous mass of Arian and Monophysite controversy were\n indeed consumed in THE public baths, 122 a philosopher may allow,\n with a smile, that it was ultimately devoted to THE benefit of\n mankind. I sincerely regret THE more valuable libraries which\n have been involved in THE ruin of THE Roman empire; but when I\n seriously compute THE lapse of ages, THE waste of ignorance, and\n THE calamities of war, our treasures, raTHEr than our losses, are\n THE objects of my surprise. Many curious and interesting facts\n are buried in oblivion: THE three great historians of Rome have\n been transmitted to our hands in a mutilated state, and we are\n deprived of many pleasing compositions of THE lyric, iambic, and\n dramatic poetry of THE Greeks. Yet we should gratefully remember,\n that THE mischances of time and accident have spared THE classic\n works to which THE suffrage of antiquity 123 had adjudged THE\n first place of genius and glory: THE teachers of ancient\n knowledge, who are still extant, had perused and compared THE\n writings of THEir predecessors; 124 nor can it fairly be presumed\n that any important truth, any useful discovery in art or nature,\n has been snatched away from THE curiosity of modern ages.\n\n 115 (return) [ Many treatises of this lover of labor are still\n extant, but for readers of THE present age, THE printed and\n unpublished are nearly in THE same predicament. Moses and\n Aristotle are THE chief objects of his verbose commentaries, one\n of which is dated as early as May 10th, A.D. 617, (Fabric.\n Bibliot. Graec. tom. ix. p. 458-468.) A modern, (John Le Clerc,)\n who sometimes assumed THE same name was equal to old Philoponus\n in diligence, and far superior in good sense and real knowledge.]\n\n 116 (return) [ Abulpharag. Dynast. p. 114, vers. Pocock. Audi\n quid factum sit et mirare. It would be endless to enumerate THE\n moderns who have wondered and believed, but I may distinguish\n with honor THE rational scepticism of Renaudot, (Hist. Alex.\n Patriarch, p. 170: ) historia... habet aliquid ut Arabibus\n familiare est.]\n\n 1161 (return) [ Since this period several new Mahometan\n authorities have been adduced to support THE authority of\n Abulpharagius. That of, I. Abdollatiph by Professor White: II. Of\n Makrizi; I have seen a Ms. extract from this writer: III. Of Ibn\n Chaledun: and after THEm Hadschi Chalfa. See Von Hammer,\n Geschichte der Assassinen, p. 17. Reinhard, in a German\n Dissertation, printed at Gottingen, 1792, and St. Croix, (Magasin\n Encyclop. tom. iv. p. 433,) have examined THE question. Among\n Oriental scholars, Professor White, M. St. Martin, Von Hammer.\n and Silv. de Sacy, consider THE fact of THE burning THE library,\n by THE command of Omar, beyond question. Compare St. Martin’s\n note. vol. xi. p. 296. A Mahometan writer brings a similar charge\n against THE Crusaders. The library of Tripoli is said to have\n contained THE incredible number of three millions of volumes. On\n THE capture of THE city, Count Bertram of St. Giles, entering THE\n first room, which contained nothing but THE Koran, ordered THE\n whole to be burnt, as THE works of THE false prophet of Arabia.\n See Wilken. Gesch der Kreux zuge, vol. ii. p. 211.—M.]\n\n 117 (return) [ This curious anecdote will be vainly sought in THE\n annals of Eutychius, and THE Saracenic history of Elmacin. The\n silence of Abulfeda, Murtadi, and a crowd of Moslems, is less\n conclusive from THEir ignorance of Christian literature.]\n\n 118 (return) [ See Reland, de Jure Militari Mohammedanorum, in\n his iiid volume of Dissertations, p. 37. The reason for not\n burning THE religious books of THE Jews or Christians, is derived\n from THE respect that is due to THE name of God.]\n\n 119 (return) [ Consult THE collections of Frensheim (Supplement.\n Livian, c. 12, 43) and Usher, (Anal. p. 469.) Livy himself had\n styled THE Alexandrian library, elegantiae regum curaeque\n egregium opus; a liberal encomium, for which he is pertly\n criticized by THE narrow stoicism of Seneca, (De Tranquillitate\n Animi, c. 9,) whose wisdom, on this occasion, deviates into\n nonsense.]\n\n 120 (return) [ See this History, vol. iii. p. 146.]\n\n 121 (return) [ Aulus Gellius, (Noctes Atticae, vi. 17,) Ammianus\n Marcellinua, (xxii. 16,) and Orosius, (l. vi. c. 15.) They all\n speak in THE past tense, and THE words of Ammianus are remarkably\n strong: fuerunt BiblioTHEcae innumerabiles; et loquitum\n monumentorum veterum concinens fides, &c.]\n\n 122 (return) [ Renaudot answers for versions of THE Bible,\n Hexapla, Catenoe Patrum, Commentaries, &c., (p. 170.) Our\n Alexandrian Ms., if it came from Egypt, and not from\n Constantinople or Mount Athos, (Wetstein, Prolegom. ad N. T. p.\n 8, &c.,) might possibly be among THEm.]\n\n 123 (return) [ I have often perused with pleasure a chapter of\n Quintilian, (Institut. Orator. x. i.,) in which that judicious\n critic enumerates and appreciates THE series of Greek and Latin\n classics.]\n\n 124 (return) [ Such as Galen, Pliny, Aristotle, &c. On this\n subject Wotton (Reflections on Ancient and Modern Learning, p.\n 85-95) argues, with solid sense, against THE lively exotic\n fancies of Sir William Temple. The contempt of THE Greeks for\n Barbaric science would scarcely admit THE Indian or Aethiopic\n books into THE library of Alexandria; nor is it proved that\n philosophy has sustained any real loss from THEir exclusion.]\n\n In THE administration of Egypt, 125 Amrou balanced THE demands of\n justice and policy; THE interest of THE people of THE law, who\n were defended by God; and of THE people of THE alliance, who were\n protected by man. In THE recent tumult of conquest and\n deliverance, THE tongue of THE Copts and THE sword of THE Arabs\n were most adverse to THE tranquillity of THE province. To THE\n former, Amrou declared, that faction and falsehood would be\n doubly chastised; by THE punishment of THE accusers, whom he\n should detest as his personal enemies, and by THE promotion of\n THEir innocent brethren, whom THEir envy had labored to injure\n and supplant. He excited THE latter by THE motives of religion\n and honor to sustain THE dignity of THEir character, to endear\n THEmselves by a modest and temperate conduct to God and THE\n caliph, to spare and protect a people who had trusted to THEir\n faith, and to content THEmselves with THE legitimate and splendid\n rewards of THEir victory. In THE management of THE revenue, he\n disapproved THE simple but oppressive mode of a capitation, and\n preferred with reason a proportion of taxes deducted on every\n branch from THE clear profits of agriculture and commerce. A\n third part of THE tribute was appropriated to THE annual repairs\n of THE dikes and canals, so essential to THE public welfare.\n Under his administration, THE fertility of Egypt supplied THE\n dearth of Arabia; and a string of camels, laden with corn and\n provisions, covered almost without an interval THE long road from\n Memphis to Medina. 126 But THE genius of Amrou soon renewed THE\n maritime communication which had been attempted or achieved by\n THE Pharaohs THE Ptolemies, or THE Caesars; and a canal, at least\n eighty miles in length, was opened from THE Nile to THE Red Sea.\n 1261 This inland navigation, which would have joined THE\n Mediterranean and THE Indian Ocean, was soon discontinued as\n useless and dangerous: THE throne was removed from Medina to\n Damascus, and THE Grecian fleets might have explored a passage to\n THE holy cities of Arabia. 127\n\n 125 (return) [ This curious and auTHEntic intelligence of Murtadi\n (p. 284-289) has not been discovered eiTHEr by Mr. Ockley, or by\n THE self-sufficient compilers of THE Modern Universal History.]\n\n 126 (return) [ Eutychius, Annal. tom. ii. p. 320. Elmacin, Hist.\n Saracen. p. 35.]\n\n 1261 (return) [ Many learned men have doubted THE existence of a\n communication by water between THE Red Sea and THE Mediterranean\n by THE Nile. Yet THE fact is positively asserted by THE ancients.\n Diodorus Siculus (l. i. p. 33) speaks of it in THE most distinct\n manner as existing in his time. So, also, Strabo, (l. xvii. p.\n 805.) Pliny (vol. vi. p. 29) says that THE canal which united THE\n two seas was navigable, (alveus navigabilis.) The indications\n furnished by Ptolemy and by THE Arabic historian, Makrisi, show\n that works were executed under THE reign of Hadrian to repair THE\n canal and extend THE navigation; it THEn received THE name of THE\n River of Trajan Lucian, (in his Pseudomantis, p. 44,) says that\n he went by water from Alexandria to Clysma, on THE Red Sea.\n Testimonies of THE 6th and of THE 8th century show that THE\n communication was not interrupted at that time. See THE French\n translation of Strabo, vol. v. p. 382. St. Martin vol. xi. p.\n 299.—M.]\n\n 127 (return) [ On THEse obscure canals, THE reader may try to\n satisfy himself from D’Anville, (Mem. sur l’Egypte, p. 108-110,\n 124, 132,) and a learned THEsis, maintained and printed at\n Strasburg in THE year 1770, (Jungendorum marium fluviorumque\n molimina, p. 39-47, 68-70.) Even THE supine Turks have agitated\n THE old project of joining THE two seas. (Memoires du Baron de\n Tott, tom. iv.)]\n\n Of his new conquest, THE caliph Omar had an imperfect knowledge\n from THE voice of fame and THE legends of THE Koran. He requested\n that his lieutenant would place before his eyes THE realm of\n Pharaoh and THE Amalekites; and THE answer of Amrou exhibits a\n lively and not unfaithful picture of that singular country. 128\n “O commander of THE faithful, Egypt is a compound of black earth\n and green plants, between a pulverized mountain and a red sand.\n The distance from Syene to THE sea is a month’s journey for a\n horseman. Along THE valley descends a river, on which THE\n blessing of THE Most High reposes both in THE evening and\n morning, and which rises and falls with THE revolutions of THE\n sun and moon. When THE annual dispensation of Providence unlocks\n THE springs and fountains that nourish THE earth, THE Nile rolls\n his swelling and sounding waters through THE realm of Egypt: THE\n fields are overspread by THE salutary flood; and THE villages\n communicate with each oTHEr in THEir painted barks. The retreat\n of THE inundation deposits a fertilizing mud for THE reception of\n THE various seeds: THE crowds of husbandmen who blacken THE land\n may be compared to a swarm of industrious ants; and THEir native\n indolence is quickened by THE lash of THE task-master, and THE\n promise of THE flowers and fruits of a plentiful increase. Their\n hope is seldom deceived; but THE riches which THEy extract from\n THE wheat, THE barley, and THE rice, THE legumes, THE\n fruit-trees, and THE cattle, are unequally shared between those\n who labor and those who possess. According to THE vicissitudes of\n THE seasons, THE face of THE country is adorned with a silver\n wave, a verdant emerald, and THE deep yellow of a golden\n harvest.” 129 Yet this beneficial order is sometimes interrupted;\n and THE long delay and sudden swell of THE river in THE first\n year of THE conquest might afford some color to an edifying\n fable. It is said, that THE annual sacrifice of a virgin 130 had\n been interdicted by THE piety of Omar; and that THE Nile lay\n sullen and inactive in his shallow bed, till THE mandate of THE\n caliph was cast into THE obedient stream, which rose in a single\n night to THE height of sixteen cubits. The admiration of THE\n Arabs for THEir new conquest encouraged THE license of THEir\n romantic spirit. We may read, in THE gravest authors, that Egypt\n was crowded with twenty thousand cities or villages: 131 that,\n exclusive of THE Greeks and Arabs, THE Copts alone were found, on\n THE assessment, six millions of tributary subjects, 132 or twenty\n millions of eiTHEr sex, and of every age: that three hundred\n millions of gold or silver were annually paid to THE treasury of\n THE caliphs. 133 Our reason must be startled by THEse extravagant\n assertions; and THEy will become more palpable, if we assume THE\n compass and measure THE extent of habitable ground: a valley from\n THE tropic to Memphis seldom broader than twelve miles, and THE\n triangle of THE Delta, a flat surface of two thousand one hundred\n square leagues, compose a twelfth part of THE magnitude of\n France. 134 A more accurate research will justify a more\n reasonable estimate. The three hundred millions, created by THE\n error of a scribe, are reduced to THE decent revenue of four\n millions three hundred thousand pieces of gold, of which nine\n hundred thousand were consumed by THE pay of THE soldiers. 135\n Two auTHEntic lists, of THE present and of THE twelfth century,\n are circumscribed within THE respectable number of two thousand\n seven hundred villages and towns. 136 After a long residence at\n Cairo, a French consul has ventured to assign about four millions\n of Mahometans, Christians, and Jews, for THE ample, though not\n incredible, scope of THE population of Egypt. 137\n\n 128 (return) [ A small volume, des Merveilles, &c., de l’Egypte,\n composed in THE xiiith century by Murtadi of Cairo, and\n translated from an Arabic Ms. of Cardinal Mazarin, was published\n by Pierre Vatier, Paris, 1666. The antiquities of Egypt are wild\n and legendary; but THE writer deserves credit and esteem for his\n account of THE conquest and geography of his native country, (see\n THE correspondence of Amrou and Omar, p. 279-289.)]\n\n 129 (return) [ In a twenty years’ residence at Cairo, THE consul\n Maillet had contemplated that varying scene, THE Nile, (lettre\n ii. particularly p. 70, 75;) THE fertility of THE land, (lettre\n ix.) From a college at Cambridge, THE poetic eye of Gray had seen\n THE same objects with a keener glance:—\n\n What wonder in THE sultry climes that spread,\n Where Nile, redundant o’er his summer bed,\n From his broad bosom life and verdure flings,\n And broods o’er Egypt with his watery wings:\n If with adventurous oar, and ready sail,\n The dusky people drive before THE gale:\n Or on frail floats to neighboring cities ride.\n That rise and glitter o’er THE ambient tide.\n (Mason’s Works and Memoirs of Gray, p. 199, 200.)]\n\n 130 (return) [ Murtadi, p. 164-167. The reader will not easily\n credit a human sacrifice under THE Christian emperors, or a\n miracle of THE successors of Mahomet.]\n\n 131 (return) [ Maillet, Description de l’Egypte, p. 22. He\n mentions this number as THE common opinion; and adds, that THE\n generality of THEse villages contain two or three thousand\n persons, and that many of THEm are more populous than our large\n cities.]\n\n 132 (return) [ Eutych. Annal. tom. ii. p. 308, 311. The twenty\n millions are computed from THE following data: one twelfth of\n mankind above sixty, one third below sixteen, THE proportion of\n men to women as seventeen or sixteen, (Recherches sur la\n Population de la France, p. 71, 72.) The president Goguet\n (Origine des Arts, &c., tom. iii. p. 26, &c.) Bestows\n twenty-seven millions on ancient Egypt, because THE seventeen\n hundred companions of Sesostris were born on THE same day.]\n\n 133 (return) [ Elmacin, Hist. Saracen. p. 218; and this gross\n lump is swallowed without scruple by D’Herbelot, (Bibliot.\n Orient. p. 1031,) Ar. buthnot, (Tables of Ancient Coins, p. 262,)\n and De Guignes, (Hist. des Huns, tom. iii. p. 135.) They might\n allege THE not less extravagant liberality of Appian in favor of\n THE Ptolemies (in praefat.) of seventy four myriads, 740,000\n talents, an annual income of 185, or near 300 millions of pounds\n sterling, according as we reckon by THE Egyptian or THE\n Alexandrian talent, (Bernard, de Ponderibus Antiq. p. 186.)]\n\n 134 (return) [ See THE measurement of D’Anville, (Mem. sur\n l’Egypte, p. 23, &c.) After some peevish cavils, M. Pauw\n (Recherches sur les Egyptiens, tom. i. p. 118-121) can only\n enlarge his reckoning to 2250 square leagues.]\n\n 135 (return) [ Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alexand. p. 334, who\n calls THE common reading or version of Elmacin, error librarii.\n His own emendation, of 4,300,000 pieces, in THE ixth century,\n maintains a probable medium between THE 3,000,000 which THE Arabs\n acquired by THE conquest of Egypt, (idem, p. 168.) and THE\n 2,400,000 which THE sultan of Constantinople levied in THE last\n century, (Pietro della Valle, tom. i. p. 352 Thevenot, part i. p.\n 824.) Pauw (Recherches, tom. ii. p. 365-373) gradually raises THE\n revenue of THE Pharaohs, THE Ptolemies, and THE Caesars, from six\n to fifteen millions of German crowns.]\n\n 136 (return) [ The list of Schultens (Index Geograph. ad calcem\n Vit. Saladin. p. 5) contains 2396 places; that of D’Anville,\n (Mem. sur l’Egypte, p. 29,) from THE divan of Cairo, enumerates\n 2696.]\n\n 137 (return) [ See Maillet, (Description de l’Egypte, p. 28,) who\n seems to argue with candor and judgment. I am much better\n satisfied with THE observations than with THE reading of THE\n French consul. He was ignorant of Greek and Latin literature, and\n his fancy is too much delighted with THE fictions of THE Arabs.\n Their best knowledge is collected by Abulfeda, (Descript. Aegypt.\n Arab. et Lat. a Joh. David Michaelis, Gottingae, in 4to., 1776;)\n and in two recent voyages into Egypt, we are amused by Savary,\n and instructed by Volney. I wish THE latter could travel over THE\n globe.]\n\n IV. The conquest of Africa, from THE Nile to THE Atlantic Ocean,\n 138 was first attempted by THE arms of THE caliph Othman.\n\n The pious design was approved by THE companions of Mahomet and\n THE chiefs of THE tribes; and twenty thousand Arabs marched from\n Medina, with THE gifts and THE blessing of THE commander of THE\n faithful. They were joined in THE camp of Memphis by twenty\n thousand of THEir countrymen; and THE conduct of THE war was\n intrusted to Abdallah, 139 THE son of Said and THE foster-broTHEr\n of THE caliph, who had lately supplanted THE conqueror and\n lieutenant of Egypt. Yet THE favor of THE prince, and THE merit\n of his favorite, could not obliterate THE guilt of his apostasy.\n The early conversion of Abdallah, and his skilful pen, had\n recommended him to THE important office of transcribing THE\n sheets of THE Koran: he betrayed his trust, corrupted THE text,\n derided THE errors which he had made, and fled to Mecca to escape\n THE justice, and expose THE ignorance, of THE apostle. After THE\n conquest of Mecca, he fell prostrate at THE feet of Mahomet; his\n tears, and THE entreaties of Othman, extorted a reluctant pardon;\n but THE prophet declared that he had so long hesitated, to allow\n time for some zealous disciple to avenge his injury in THE blood\n of THE apostate. With apparent fidelity and effective merit, he\n served THE religion which it was no longer his interest to\n desert: his birth and talents gave him an honorable rank among\n THE Koreish; and, in a nation of cavalry, Abdallah was renowned\n as THE boldest and most dexterous horseman of Arabia. At THE head\n of forty thousand Moslems, he advanced from Egypt into THE\n unknown countries of THE West. The sands of Barca might be\n impervious to a Roman legion but THE Arabs were attended by THEir\n faithful camels; and THE natives of THE desert beheld without\n terror THE familiar aspect of THE soil and climate. After a\n painful march, THEy pitched THEir tents before THE walls of\n Tripoli, 140 a maritime city in which THE name, THE wealth, and\n THE inhabitants of THE province had gradually centred, and which\n now maintains THE third rank among THE states of Barbary. A\n reenforcement of Greeks was surprised and cut in pieces on THE\n sea-shore; but THE fortifications of Tripoli resisted THE first\n assaults; and THE Saracens were tempted by THE approach of THE\n praefect Gregory 141 to relinquish THE labors of THE siege for\n THE perils and THE hopes of a decisive action. If his standard\n was followed by one hundred and twenty thousand men, THE regular\n bands of THE empire must have been lost in THE naked and\n disorderly crowd of Africans and Moors, who formed THE strength,\n or raTHEr THE numbers, of his host. He rejected with indignation\n THE option of THE Koran or THE tribute; and during several days\n THE two armies were fiercely engaged from THE dawn of light to\n THE hour of noon, when THEir fatigue and THE excessive heat\n compelled THEm to seek shelter and refreshment in THEir\n respective camps. The daughter of Gregory, a maid of incomparable\n beauty and spirit, is said to have fought by his side: from her\n earliest youth she was trained to mount on horseback, to draw THE\n bow, and to wield THE cimeter; and THE richness of her arms and\n apparel were conspicuous in THE foremost ranks of THE battle. Her\n hand, with a hundred thousand pieces of gold, was offered for THE\n head of THE Arabian general, and THE youths of Africa were\n excited by THE prospect of THE glorious prize. At THE pressing\n solicitation of his brethren, Abdallah withdrew his person from\n THE field; but THE Saracens were discouraged by THE retreat of\n THEir leader, and THE repetition of THEse equal or unsuccessful\n conflicts.\n\n 138 (return) [ My conquest of Africa is drawn from two French\n interpreters of Arabic literature, Cardonne (Hist. de l’Afrique\n et de l’Espagne sous la Domination des Arabes, tom. i. p. 8-55)\n and Otter, (Hist. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxi. p.\n 111-125, and 136.) They derive THEir principal information from\n Novairi, who composed, A.D. 1331 an Encyclopaedia in more than\n twenty volumes. The five general parts successively treat of, 1.\n Physics; 2. Man; 3. Animals; 4. Plants; and, 5. History; and THE\n African affairs are discussed in THE vith chapter of THE vth\n section of this last part, (Reiske, Prodidagmata ad Hagji\n Chalifae Tabulas, p. 232-234.) Among THE older historians who are\n quoted by Navairi we may distinguish THE original narrative of a\n soldier who led THE van of THE Moslems.]\n\n 139 (return) [ See THE history of Abdallah, in Abulfeda (Vit.\n Mohammed. p. 108) and Gagnier, (Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii.\n 45-48.)]\n\n 140 (return) [ The province and city of Tripoli are described by\n Leo Africanus (in Navigatione et Viaggi di Ramusio, tom. i.\n Venetia, 1550, fol. 76, verso) and Marmol, (Description de\n l’Afrique, tom. ii. p. 562.) The first of THEse writers was a\n Moor, a scholar, and a traveller, who composed or translated his\n African geography in a state of captivity at Rome, where he had\n assumed THE name and religion of Pope Leo X. In a similar\n captivity among THE Moors, THE Spaniard Marmol, a soldier of\n Charles V., compiled his Description of Africa, translated by\n D’Ablancourt into French, (Paris, 1667, 3 vols. in 4to.) Marmol\n had read and seen, but he is destitute of THE curious and\n extensive observation which abounds in THE original work of Leo\n THE African.]\n\n 141 (return) [ Theophanes, who mentions THE defeat, raTHEr than\n THE death, of Gregory. He brands THE praefect with THE name: he\n had probably assumed THE purple, (Chronograph. p. 285.)]\n\n A noble Arabian, who afterwards became THE adversary of Ali, and\n THE faTHEr of a caliph, had signalized his valor in Egypt, and\n Zobeir 142 was THE first who planted THE scaling-ladder against\n THE walls of Babylon. In THE African war he was detached from THE\n standard of Abdallah. On THE news of THE battle, Zobeir, with\n twelve companions, cut his way through THE camp of THE Greeks,\n and pressed forwards, without tasting eiTHEr food or repose, to\n partake of THE dangers of his brethren. He cast his eyes round\n THE field: “Where,” said he, “is our general?” “In his tent.” “Is\n THE tent a station for THE general of THE Moslems?” Abdallah\n represented with a blush THE importance of his own life, and THE\n temptation that was held forth by THE Roman praefect. “Retort,”\n said Zobeir, “on THE infidels THEir ungenerous attempt. Proclaim\n through THE ranks that THE head of Gregory shall be repaid with\n his captive daughter, and THE equal sum of one hundred thousand\n pieces of gold.” To THE courage and discretion of Zobeir THE\n lieutenant of THE caliph intrusted THE execution of his own\n stratagem, which inclined THE long-disputed balance in favor of\n THE Saracens. Supplying by activity and artifice THE deficiency\n of numbers, a part of THEir forces lay concealed in THEir tents,\n while THE remainder prolonged an irregular skirmish with THE\n enemy till THE sun was high in THE heavens. On both sides THEy\n retired with fainting steps: THEir horses were unbridled, THEir\n armor was laid aside, and THE hostile nations prepared, or seemed\n to prepare, for THE refreshment of THE evening, and THE encounter\n of THE ensuing day. On a sudden THE charge was sounded; THE\n Arabian camp poured forth a swarm of fresh and intrepid warriors;\n and THE long line of THE Greeks and Africans was surprised,\n assaulted, overturned, by new squadrons of THE faithful, who, to\n THE eye of fanaticism, might appear as a band of angels\n descending from THE sky. The praefect himself was slain by THE\n hand of Zobeir: his daughter, who sought revenge and death, was\n surrounded and made prisoner; and THE fugitives involved in THEir\n disaster THE town of Sufetula, to which THEy escaped from THE\n sabres and lances of THE Arabs. Sufetula was built one hundred\n and fifty miles to THE south of Carthage: a gentle declivity is\n watered by a running stream, and shaded by a grove of\n juniper-trees; and, in THE ruins of a triumpha arch, a portico,\n and three temples of THE Corinthian order, curiosity may yet\n admire THE magnificence of THE Romans. 143 After THE fall of this\n opulent city, THE provincials and Barbarians implored on all\n sides THE mercy of THE conqueror. His vanity or his zeal might be\n flattered by offers of tribute or professions of faith: but his\n losses, his fatigues, and THE progress of an epidemical disease,\n prevented a solid establishment; and THE Saracens, after a\n campaign of fifteen months, retreated to THE confines of Egypt,\n with THE captives and THE wealth of THEir African expedition. The\n caliph’s fifth was granted to a favorite, on THE nominal payment\n of five hundred thousand pieces of gold; 144 but THE state was\n doubly injured by this fallacious transaction, if each\n foot-soldier had shared one thousand, and each horseman three\n thousand, pieces, in THE real division of THE plunder. The author\n of THE death of Gregory was expected to have claimed THE most\n precious reward of THE victory: from his silence it might be\n presumed that he had fallen in THE battle, till THE tears and\n exclamations of THE praefect’s daughter at THE sight of Zobeir\n revealed THE valor and modesty of that gallant soldier. The\n unfortunate virgin was offered, and almost rejected as a slave,\n by her faTHEr’s murderer, who coolly declared that his sword was\n consecrated to THE service of religion; and that he labored for a\n recompense far above THE charms of mortal beauty, or THE riches\n of this transitory life. A reward congenial to his temper was THE\n honorable commission of announcing to THE caliph Othman THE\n success of his arms. The companions THE chiefs, and THE people,\n were assembled in THE mosch of Medina, to hear THE interesting\n narrative of Zobeir; and as THE orator forgot nothing except THE\n merit of his own counsels and actions, THE name of Abdallah was\n joined by THE Arabians with THE heroic names of Caled and Amrou.\n 145\n\n 142 (return) [ See in Ockley (Hist. of THE Saracens, vol. ii. p.\n 45) THE death of Zobeir, which was honored with THE tears of Ali,\n against whom he had rebelled. His valor at THE siege of Babylon,\n if indeed it be THE same person, is mentioned by Eutychius,\n (Annal. tom. ii. p. 308)]\n\n 143 (return) [ Shaw’s Travels, p. 118, 119.]\n\n 144 (return) [ Mimica emptio, says Abulfeda, erat haec, et mira\n donatio; quandoquidem Othman, ejus nomine nummos ex aerario prius\n ablatos aerario praestabat, (Annal. Moslem. p. 78.) Elmacin (in\n his cloudy version, p. 39) seems to report THE same job. When THE\n Arabs be sieged THE palace of Othman, it stood high in THEir\n catalogue of grievances.`]\n\n 145 (return) [ Theophan. Chronograph. p. 235 edit. Paris. His\n chronology is loose and inaccurate.]\n\n [A. D. 665-689.] The western conquests of THE Saracens were\n suspended near twenty years, till THEir dissensions were composed\n by THE establishment of THE house of Ommiyah; and THE caliph\n Moawiyah was invited by THE cries of THE Africans THEmselves. The\n successors of Heraclius had been informed of THE tribute which\n THEy had been compelled to stipulate with THE Arabs; but instead\n of being moved to pity and relieve THEir distress, THEy imposed,\n as an equivalent or a fine, a second tribute of a similar amount.\n The ears of THE zantine ministers were shut against THE\n complaints of THEir poverty and ruin THEir despair was reduced to\n prefer THE dominion of a single master; and THE extortions of THE\n patriarch of Carthage, who was invested with civil and military\n power, provoked THE sectaries, and even THE Catholics, of THE\n Roman province to abjure THE religion as well as THE authority of\n THEir tyrants. The first lieutenant of Moawiyah acquired a just\n renown, subdued an important city, defeated an army of thirty\n thousand Greeks, swept away fourscore thousand captives, and\n enriched with THEir spoils THE bold adventurers of Syria and\n Egypt.146 But THE title of conqueror of Africa is more justly due\n to his successor Akbah. He marched from Damascus at THE head of\n ten thousand of THE bravest Arabs; and THE genuine force of THE\n Moslems was enlarged by THE doubtful aid and conversion of many\n thousand Barbarians. It would be difficult, nor is it necessary,\n to trace THE accurate line of THE progress of Akbah. The interior\n regions have been peopled by THE Orientals with fictitious armies\n and imaginary citadels. In THE warlike province of Zab or\n Numidia, fourscore thousand of THE natives might assemble in\n arms; but THE number of three hundred and sixty towns is\n incompatible with THE ignorance or decay of husbandry;147 and a\n circumference of three leagues will not be justified by THE ruins\n of Erbe or Lambesa, THE ancient metropolis of that inland\n country. As we approach THE seacoast, THE well-known titles of\n Bugia,148 and Tangier149 define THE more certain limits of THE\n Saracen victories. A remnant of trade still adheres to THE\n commodious harbour of Bugia, which, in a more prosperous age, is\n said to have contained about twenty thousand houses; and THE\n plenty of iron which is dug from THE adjacent mountains might\n have supplied a braver people with THE instruments of defence.\n The remote position and venerable antiquity of Tingi, or Tangier,\n have been decorated by THE Greek and Arabian fables; but THE\n figurative expressions of THE latter, that THE walls were\n constructed of brass, and that THE roofs were covered with gold\n and silver, may be interpreted as THE emblems of strength and\n opulence.\n\n 146 (return) [ Theophanes (in Chronograph. p. 293.) inserts THE\n vague rumours that might reach Constantinople, of THE western\n conquests of THE Arabs; and I learn from Paul Warnefrid, deacon\n of Aquileia (de Gestis Langobard. 1. v. c. 13), that at this time\n THEy sent a fleet from Alexandria into THE Sicilian and African\n seas.]\n\n 147 (return) [ See Novairi (apud Otter, p. 118), Leo Africanus\n (fol. 81, verso), who reckoned only cinque citta e infinite\n casal, Marmol (Description de l’Afrique, tom. iii. p. 33,) and\n Shaw (Travels, p. 57, 65-68)]\n\n 148 (return) [ Leo African. fol. 58, verso, 59, recto. Marmol,\n tom. ii. p. 415. Shaw, p. 43]\n\n 149 (return) [ Leo African. fol. 52. Marmol, tom. ii. p. 228.]\n\n The province of Mauritania Tingitana,150 which assumed THE name\n of THE capital had been imperfectly discovered and settled by THE\n Romans; THE five colonies were confined to a narrow pale, and THE\n more souTHErn parts were seldom explored except by THE agents of\n luxury, who searched THE forests for ivory and THE citron\n wood,151 and THE shores of THE ocean for THE purple shellfish.\n The fearless Akbah plunged into THE heart of THE country,\n traversed THE wilderness in which his successors erected THE\n splendid capitals of Fez and Morocco,152 and at length penetrated\n to THE verge of THE Atlantic and THE great desert. The river Suz\n descends from THE western sides of mount Atlas, fertilizes, like\n THE Nile, THE adjacent soil, and falls into THE sea at a moderate\n distance from THE Canary, or adjacent islands. Its banks were\n inhabited by THE last of THE Moors, a race of savages, without\n laws, or discipline, or religion: THEy were astonished by THE\n strange and irresistible terrors of THE Oriental arms; and as\n THEy possessed neiTHEr gold nor silver, THE richest spoil was THE\n beauty of THE female captives, some of whom were afterward sold\n for a thousand pieces of gold. The career, though not THE zeal,\n of Akbah was checked by THE prospect of a boundless ocean. He\n spurred his horse into THE waves, and raising his eyes to heaven,\n exclaimed with THE tone of a fanatic: “Great God! if my course\n were not stopped by this sea, I would still go on, to THE unknown\n kingdoms of THE West, preaching THE unity of thy holy name, and\n putting to THE sword THE rebellious nations who worship anoTHEr\n gods than THEe.” 153 Yet this Mahometan Alexander, who sighed for\n new worlds, was unable to preserve his recent conquests. By THE\n universal defection of THE Greeks and Africans he was recalled\n from THE shores of THE Atlantic, and THE surrounding multitudes\n left him only THE resource of an honourable death. The last scene\n was dignified by an example of national virtue. An ambitious\n chief, who had disputed THE command and failed in THE attempt,\n was led about as a prisoner in THE camp of THE Arabian general.\n The insurgents had trusted to his discontent and revenge; he\n disdained THEir offers and revealed THEir designs. In THE hour of\n danger, THE grateful Akbah unlocked his fetters, and advised him\n to retire; he chose to die under THE banner of his rival.\n Embracing as friends and martyrs, THEy unsheaTHEd THEir\n scimeters, broke THEir scabbards, and maintained an obstinate\n combat, till THEy fell by each oTHEr’s side on THE last of THEir\n slaughtered countrymen. The third general or governor of Africa,\n Zuheir, avenged and encountered THE fate of his predecessor. He\n vanquished THE natives in many battles; he was overthrown by a\n powerful army, which Constantinople had sent to THE relief of\n Carthage.\n\n 150 (return) [ Regio ignobilis, et vix quicquam illustre sortita,\n parvis oppidis habitatur, parva flumina emittit, solo quam viris\n meleor et segnitie gentis obscura. Pomponius Mela, i. 5, iii. 10.\n Mela deserves THE more credit, since his own Phoenician ancestors\n had migrated from Tingitana to Spain (see, in ii. 6, a passage of\n that geographer so cruelly tortured by Salmasius, Isaac Vossius,\n and THE most virulent of critics, James Gronovius). He lived at\n THE time of THE final reduction of that country by THE emperor\n Claudius: yet almost thirty years afterward, Pliny (Hist. Nat. v.\n i.) complains of his authors, to lazy to inquire, too proud to\n confess THEir ignorance of that wild and remote province.]\n\n 151 (return) [ The foolish fashion of this citron wood prevailed\n at Rome among THE men, as much as THE taste for pearls among THE\n women. A round board or table, four or five feet in diameter,\n sold for THE price of an estate (latefundii taxatione), eight,\n ten, or twelve thousand pounds sterling (Plin. Hist. Natur. xiii.\n 29). I conceive that I must not confound THE tree citrus, with\n that of THE fruit citrum. But I am not botanist enough to define\n THE former (it is like THE wild cypress) by THE vulgar or\n Linnaean name; nor will I decide wheTHEr THE citrum be THE orange\n or THE lemon. Salmasius appears to exhaust THE subject, but he\n too often involves himself in THE web of his disorderly\n erudition. (Flinian. Exercitat. tom. ii. p 666, &c.)]\n\n 152 (return) [ Leo African. fol. 16, verso. Marmol, tom. ii. p.\n 28. This province, THE first scene of THE exploits and greatness\n of THE cherifs is often mentioned in THE curious history of that\n dynasty at THE end of THE third volume of Marmol, Description de\n l’Afrique. The third vol. of The Recherches Historiques sur les\n Maures (lately published at Paris) illustrates THE history and\n geography of THE kingdoms of Fez and Morocco.]\n\n 153 (return) [ Otter (p. 119,) has given THE strong tone of\n fanaticism to this exclamation, which Cardonne (p. 37,) has\n softened to a pious wish of preaching THE Koran. Yet THEy had\n both THE same text of Novairi before THEir eyes.]\n\n [A. D. 670-675.] It had been THE frequent practice of THE Moorish\n tribes to join THE invaders, to share THE plunder, to profess THE\n faith, and to revolt in THEir savage state of independence and\n idolatry, on THE first retreat or misfortune of THE Moslems. The\n prudence of Akbah had proposed to found an Arabian colony in THE\n heart of Africa; a citadel that might curb THE levity of THE\n Barbarians, a place of refuge to secure, against THE accidents of\n war, THE wealth and THE families of THE Saracens. With this view,\n and under THE modest title of THE station of a caravan, he\n planted this colony in THE fiftieth year of THE Hegira. In its\n present decay, Cairoan154 still holds THE second rank in THE\n kingdom of Tunis, from which it is distant about fifty miles to\n THE south;155 its inland situation, twelve miles westward of THE\n sea, has protected THE city from THE Greek and Sicilian fleets.\n When THE wild beasts and serpents were extirpated, when THE\n forest, or raTHEr wilderness, was cleared, THE vestiges of a\n Roman town were discovered in a sandy plain: THE vegetable food\n of Cairoan is brought from afar; and THE scarcity of springs\n constrains THE inhabitants to collect in cisterns and reservoirs\n a precarious supply of rain water. These obstacles were subdued\n by THE industry of Akbah; he traced a circumference of three\n thousand and six hundred paces, which he encompassed with a brick\n wall; in THE space of five years, THE governor’s palace was\n surrounded with a sufficient number of private habitations; a\n spacious mosque was supported by five hundred columns of granite,\n porphyry, and Numidian marble; and Cairoan became THE seat of\n learning as well as of empire. But THEse were THE glories of a\n later age; THE new colony was shaken by THE successive defeats of\n Akbah and Zuheir, and THE western expeditions were again\n interrupted by THE civil discord of THE Arabian monarchy. The son\n of THE valiant Zobeir maintained a war of twelve years, a siege\n of seven months against THE house of Ommiyah. Abdallah was said\n to unite THE fierceness of THE lion with THE subtlety of THE fox;\n but if he inherited THE courage, he was devoid of THE generosity,\n of his faTHEr.156\n\n [A. D. 692-698.] The return of domestic peace allowed THE caliph\n Abdalmalek to resume THE conquest of Africa; THE standard was\n delivered to Hassan governor of Egypt, and THE revenue of that\n kingdom, with an army of forty thousand men, was consecrated to\n THE important service. In THE vicissitudes of war, THE interior\n provinces had been alternately won and lost by THE Saracens. But\n THE seacoast still remained in THE hands of THE Greeks; THE\n predecessors of Hassan had respected THE name and fortifications\n of Carthage; and THE number of its defenders was recruited by THE\n fugitives of Cabes and Tripoli. The arms of Hassan were bolder\n and more fortunate: he reduced and pillaged THE metropolis of\n Africa; and THE mention of scaling-ladders may justify THE\n suspicion, that he anticipated, by a sudden assault, THE more\n tedious operations of a regular siege. But THE joy of THE\n conquerors was soon disturbed by THE appearance of THE Christian\n succours. The praefect and patrician John, a general of\n experience and renown, embarked at Constantinople THE forces of\n THE Eastern empire;157 THEy were joined by THE ships and soldiers\n of Sicily, and a powerful reinforcement of Goths158 was obtained\n from THE fears and religion of THE Spanish monarch.\n\n 154 (return) [ The foundation of Cairoan is mentioned by Ockley\n (Hist. of THE Saracens, vol. ii. p. 129, 130); and THE situation,\n mosque, &c. of THE city are described by Leo Africanus (fol. 75),\n Marmol (tom. ii. p. 532), and Shaw (p. 115).]\n\n 155 (return) [ A portentous, though frequent mistake, has been\n THE confounding, from a slight similitude of name, THE Cyrene of\n THE Greeks, and THE Cairoan of THE Arabs, two cities which are\n separated by an interval of a thousand miles along THE seacoast.\n The great Thuanus has not escaped this fault, THE less excusable\n as it is connected with a formal and elaborate description of\n Africa (Historiar. l. vii. c. 2, in tom. i. p. 240, edit.\n Buckley).]\n\n 156 (return) [ Besides THE Arabic Chronicles of Abulfeda,\n Elmacin, and Abulpharagius, under THE lxxiiid year of THE Hegira,\n we may consult nd’Herbelot (Bibliot. Orient. p. 7,) and Ockley\n (Hist. of THE Saracens, vol. ii. p. 339-349). The latter has\n given THE last and paTHEtic dialogue between Abdallah and his\n moTHEr; but he has forgot a physical effect of her grief for his\n death, THE return, at THE age of ninety, and fatal consequences\n of her menses.]\n\n 157 (return) [ The patriarch of Constantinople, with Theophanes\n (Chronograph. p. 309,) have slightly mentioned this last attempt\n for THE relief or Africa. Pagi (Critica, tom. iii. p. 129. 141,)\n has nicely ascertained THE chronology by a strict comparison of\n THE Arabic and Byzantine historians, who often disagree both in\n time and fact. See likewise a note of Otter (p. 121).]\n\n 158 (return) [ Dove s’erano ridotti i nobili Romani e i Gotti;\n and afterward, i Romani suggirono e i Gotti lasciarono\n Carthagine. (Leo African. for. 72, recto) I know not from what\n Arabic writer THE African derived his Goths; but THE fact, though\n new, is so interesting and so probable, that I will accept it on\n THE slightest authority.]\n\n The weight of THE confederate navy broke THE chain that guarded\n THE entrance of THE harbour; THE Arabs retired to Cairoan, or\n Tripoli; THE Christians landed; THE citizens hailed THE ensign of\n THE cross, and THE winter was idly wasted in THE dream of victory\n or deliverance. But Africa was irrecoverably lost: THE zeal and\n resentment of THE commander of THE faithful159 prepared in THE\n ensuing spring a more numerous armament by sea and land; and THE\n patrician in his turn was compelled to evacuate THE post and\n fortifications of Carthage. A second battle was fought in THE\n neighbourhood of Utica; and THE Greeks and Goths were again\n defeated; and THEir timely embarkation saved THEm from THE sword\n of Hassan, who had invested THE slight and insufficient rampart\n of THEir camp. Whatever yet remained of Carthage was delivered to\n THE flames, and THE colony of Dido160 and Cesar lay desolate\n above two hundred years, till a part, perhaps a twentieth, of THE\n old circumference was repeopled by THE first of THE Fatimite\n caliphs. In THE beginning of THE sixteenth century, THE second\n capital of THE West was represented by a mosque, a college\n without students, twenty-five or thirty shops, and THE huts of\n five hundred peasants, who, in THEir abject poverty, displayed\n THE arrogance of THE Punic senators. Even that paltry village was\n swept away by THE Spaniards whom Charles THE Fifth had stationed\n in THE fortress of THE Goletta. The ruins of Carthage have\n perished; and THE place might be unknown if some broken arches of\n an aqueduct did not guide THE footsteps of THE inquisitive\n traveller.161\n\n [A. D. 698-709.] The Greeks were expelled, but THE Arabians were\n not yet masters of THE country. In THE interior provinces THE\n Moors or Berbers,162 so feeble under THE first Cesars, so\n formidable to THE Byzantine princes, maintained a disorderly\n resistance to THE religion and power of THE successors of\n Mahomet. Under THE standard of THEir queen Cahina, THE\n independent tribes acquired some degree of union and discipline;\n and as THE Moors respected in THEir females THE character of a\n prophetess, THEy attacked THE invaders with an enthusiasm similar\n to THEir own. The veteran bands of Hassan were inadequate to THE\n defence of Africa: THE conquests of an age were lost in a single\n day; and THE Arabian chief, overwhelmed by THE torrent, retired\n to THE confines of Egypt, and expected, five years, THE promised\n succours of THE caliph. After THE retreat of THE Saracens, THE\n victorious prophetess assembled THE Moorish chiefs, and\n recommended a measure of strange and savage policy. “Our cities,”\n said she, “and THE gold and silver which THEy contain,\n perpetually attract THE arms of THE Arabs. These vile metals are\n not THE objects of OUR ambition; we content ourselves with THE\n simple productions of THE earth. Let us destroy THEse cities; let\n us bury in THEir ruins those pernicious treasures; and when THE\n avarice of our foes shall be destitute of temptation, perhaps\n THEy will cease to disturb THE tranquillity of a warlike people.”\n The proposal was accepted with unanimous applause. From Tangier\n to Tripoli THE buildings, or at least THE fortifications, were\n demolished, THE fruit-trees were cut down, THE means of\n subsistence were extirpated, a fertile and populous garden was\n changed into a desert, and THE historians of a more recent period\n could discern THE frequent traces of THE prosperity and\n devastation of THEir ancestors.\n\n 159 (return) [ This commander is styled by Nicephorus, ———— a\n vague though not improper definition of THE caliph. Theophanes\n introduces THE strange appellation of —————, which his\n interpreter Goar explains by Vizir Azem. They may approach THE\n truth, in assigning THE active part to THE minister, raTHEr than\n THE prince; but THEy forget that THE Ommiades had only a kaleb,\n or secretary, and that THE office of Vizir was not revived or\n instituted till THE 132d year of THE Hegira (d’Herbelot, 912).]\n\n 160 (return) [ According to Solinus (1.27, p. 36, edit. Salmas),\n THE Carthage of Dido stood eiTHEr 677 or 737 years; a various\n reading, which proceeds from THE difference of MSS. or editions\n (Salmas, Plinian. Exercit tom i. p. 228) The former of THEse\n accounts, which gives 823 years before Christ, is more consistent\n with THE well-weighed testimony of Velleius Paterculus: but THE\n latter is preferred by our chronologists (Marsham, Canon. Chron.\n p. 398,) as more agreeable to THE Hebrew and Syrian annals.]\n\n 161 (return) [ Leo African. fo1. 71, verso; 72, recto. Marmol,\n tom. ii. p.445-447. Shaw, p.80.]\n\n 162 (return) [ The history of THE word Barbar may be classed\n under four periods, 1. In THE time of Homer, when THE Greeks and\n Asiatics might probably use a common idiom, THE imitative sound\n of Barbar was applied to THE ruder tribes, whose pronunciation\n was most harsh, whose grammar was most defective. 2. From THE\n time, at least, of Herodotus, it was extended to all THE nations\n who were strangers to THE language and manners of THE Greeks. 3.\n In THE age, of Plautus, THE Romans submitted to THE insult\n (Pompeius Festus, l. ii. p. 48, edit. Dacier), and freely gave\n THEmselves THE name of Barbarians. They insensibly claimed an\n exemption for Italy, and her subject provinces; and at length\n removed THE disgraceful appellation to THE savage or hostile\n nations beyond THE pale of THE empire. 4. In every sense, it was\n due to THE Moors; THE familiar word was borrowed from THE Latin\n Provincials by THE Arabian conquerors, and has justly settled as\n a local denomination (Barbary) along THE norTHErn coast of\n Africa.]\n\n Such is THE tale of THE modern Arabians. Yet I strongly suspect\n that THEir ignorance of antiquity, THE love of THE marvellous,\n and THE fashion of extolling THE philosophy of Barbarians, has\n induced THEm to describe, as one voluntary act, THE calamities of\n three hundred years since THE first fury of THE Donatists and\n Vandals. In THE progress of THE revolt, Cahina had most probably\n contributed her share of destruction; and THE alarm of universal\n ruin might terrify and alienate THE cities that had reluctantly\n yielded to her unworthy yoke. They no longer hoped, perhaps THEy\n no longer wished, THE return of THEir Byzantine sovereigns: THEir\n present servitude was not alleviated by THE benefits of order and\n justice; and THE most zealous Catholic must prefer THE imperfect\n truths of THE Koran to THE blind and rude idolatry of THE Moors.\n The general of THE Saracens was again received as THE saviour of\n THE province; THE friends of civil society conspired against THE\n savages of THE land; and THE royal prophetess was slain in THE\n first battle which overturned THE baseless fabric of her\n superstition and empire. The same spirit revived under THE\n successor of Hassan; it was finally quelled by THE activity of\n Musa and his two sons; but THE number of THE rebels may be\n presumed from that of three hundred thousand captives; sixty\n thousand of whom, THE caliph’s fifth, were sold for THE profit of\n THEe public treasury. Thirty thousand of THE Barbarian youth were\n enlisted in THE troops; and THE pious labours of Musa to\n inculcate THE knowledge and practice of THE Koran, accustomed THE\n Africans to obey THE apostle of God and THE commander of THE\n faithful. In THEir climate and government, THEir diet and\n habitation, THE wandering Moors resembled THE Bedoweens of THE\n desert. With THE religion, THEy were proud to adopt THE language,\n name, and origin of Arabs: THE blood of THE strangers and natives\n was insensibly mingled; and from THE Euphrates to THE Atlantic\n THE same nation might seem to be diffused over THE sandy plains\n of Asia and Africa. Yet I will not deny that fifty thousand tents\n of pure Arabians might be transported over THE Nile, and\n scattered through THE Lybian desert: and I am not ignorant that\n five of THE Moorish tribes still retain THEir barbarous idiom,\n with THE appellation and character of white Africans.163\n\n [A. D. 709.] V. In THE progress of conquest from THE north and\n south, THE Goths and THE Saracens encountered each oTHEr on THE\n confines of Europe and Africa. In THE opinion of THE latter, THE\n difference of religion is a reasonable ground of enmity and\n warfare.164 As early as THE time of Othman165 THEir piratical\n squadrons had ravaged THE coast of Andalusia;166 nor had THEy\n forgotten THE relief of Carthage by THE Gothic succours. In that\n age, as well as in THE present, THE kings of Spain were possessed\n of THE fortress of Ceuta; one of THE columns of Hercules, which\n is divided by a narrow strait from THE opposite pillar or point\n of Europe. A small portion of Mauritania was still wanting to THE\n African conquest; but Musa, in THE pride of victory, was repulsed\n from THE walls of Ceuta, by THE vigilance and courage of count\n Julian, THE general of THE Goths. From his disappointment and\n perplexity, Musa was relieved by an unexpected message of THE\n Christian chief, who offered his place, his person, and his\n sword, to THE successors of Mahomet, and solicited THE\n disgraceful honour of introducing THEir arms into THE heart of\n Spain.167\n\n 163 (return) [ The first book of Leo Africanus, and THE\n observations of Dr. Shaw (p. 220. 223. 227. 247, &c.) will throw\n some light on THE roving tribes of Barbary, of Arabian or Moorish\n descent. But Shaw had seen THEse savages with distant terror; and\n Leo, a captive in THE Vatican, appears to have lost more of his\n Arabic, than he could acquire of Greek or Roman, learning. Many\n of his gross mistakes might be detected in THE first period of\n THE Mahometan history.]\n\n 164 (return) [ In a conference with a prince of THE Greeks, Amrou\n observed that THEir religion was different; upon which score it\n was lawful for broTHErs to quarrel. Ockley’s History of THE\n Saracens, vol. i. p. 328.]\n\n 165 (return) [ Abulfeda, Annal. Moslem. p 78, vers. Reiske.]\n\n 166 (return) [ The name of Andalusia is applied by THE Arabs not\n only to THE modern province, but to THE whole peninsula of Spain\n (Geograph. Nub. p. 151, d’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 114,\n 115). The etymology has been most improbably deduced from\n Vandalusia, country of THE Vandals. (d’Anville Etats de l’Europe,\n p. 146, 147, &c.) But THE Handalusia of Casiri, which signifies,\n in Arabic, THE region of THE evening, of THE West, in a word, THE\n Hesperia of THE Greeks, is perfectly apposite. (Bibliot.\n Arabico-Hispana, tom. ii. p. 327, &c.)]\n\n 167 (return) [ The fall and resurrection of THE Gothic monarchy\n are related by Mariana (tom. l. p. 238-260, l. vi. c. 19-26, l.\n vii. c. 1, 2). That historian has infused into his noble work\n (Historic de Rebus Hispaniae, libri xxx. Hagae Comitum 1733, in\n four volumes, folio, with THE continuation of Miniana), THE style\n and spirit of a Roman classic; and after THE twelfth century, his\n knowledge and judgment may be safely trusted. But THE Jesuit is\n not exempt from THE prejudices of his order; he adopts and\n adorns, like his rival Buchanan, THE most absurd of THE national\n legends; he is too careless of criticism and chronology, and\n supplies, from a lively fancy, THE chasms of historical evidence.\n These chasms are large and frequent; Roderic archbishop of\n Toledo, THE faTHEr of THE Spanish history, lived five hundred\n years after THE conquest of THE Arabs; and THE more early\n accounts are comprised in some meagre lines of THE blind\n chronicles of Isidore of Badajoz (Pacensis,) and of Alphonso III.\n king of Leon, which I have seen only in THE Annals of Pagi.]\n\n If we inquire into THE cause of this treachery, THE Spaniards\n will repeat THE popular story of his daughter Cava;168 of a\n virgin who was seduced, or ravished, by her sovereign; of a\n faTHEr who sacrificed his religion and country to THE thirst of\n revenge. The passions of princes have often been licentious and\n destructive; but this well-known tale, romantic in itself, is\n indifferently supported by external evidence; and THE history of\n Spain will suggest some motives of interest and policy more\n congenial to THE breast of a veteran statesman.169 After THE\n decease or deposition of Witiza, his two sons were supplanted by\n THE ambition of Roderic, a noble Goth, whose faTHEr, THE duke or\n governor of a province, had fallen a victim to THE preceding\n tyranny. The monarchy was still elective; but THE sons of Witiza,\n educated on THE steps of THE throne, were impatient of a private\n station. Their resentment was THE more dangerous, as it was\n varnished with THE dissimulation of courts: THEir followers were\n excited by THE remembrance of favours and THE promise of a\n revolution: and THEir uncle Oppas, archbishop of Toledo and\n Seville, was THE first person in THE church, and THE second in\n THE state. It is probable that Julian was involved in THE\n disgrace of THE unsuccessful faction, that he had little to hope\n and much to fear from THE new reign; and that THE imprudent king\n could not forget or forgive THE injuries which Roderic and his\n family had sustained. The merit and influence of THE count\n rendered him a useful or formidable subject: his estates were\n ample, his followers bold and numerous, and it was too fatally\n shown that, by his Andalusian and Mauritanian commands, he held\n in his hands THE keys of THE Spanish monarchy. Too feeble,\n however, to meet his sovereign in arms, he sought THE aid of a\n foreign power; and his rash invitation of THE Moors and Arabs\n produced THE calamities of eight hundred years. In his epistles,\n or in a personal interview, he revealed THE wealth and nakedness\n of his country; THE weakness of an unpopular prince; THE\n degeneracy of an effeminate people. The Goths were no longer THE\n victorious Barbarians, who had humbled THE pride of Rome,\n despoiled THE queen of nations, and penetrated from THE Danube to\n THE Atlantic ocean. Secluded from THE world by THE Pyrenean\n mountains, THE successors of Alaric had slumbered in a long\n peace: THE walls of THE city were mouldered into dust: THE youth\n had abandoned THE exercise of arms; and THE presumption of THEir\n ancient renown would expose THEm in a field of battle to THE\n first assault of THE invaders. The ambitious Saracen was fired by\n THE ease and importance of THE attempt; but THE execution was\n delayed till he had consulted THE commander of THE faithful; and\n his messenger returned with THE permission of Walid to annex THE\n unknown kingdoms of THE West to THE religion and throne of THE\n caliphs. In his residence of Tangier, Musa, with secrecy and\n caution, continued his correspondence and hastened his\n preparations. But THE remorse of THE conspirators was sooTHEd by\n THE fallacious assurance that he should content himself with THE\n glory and spoil, without aspiring to establish THE Moslems beyond\n THE sea that separates Africa from Europe.170\n\n 168 (return) [ Le viol (says Voltaire) est aussi difficile a\n faire qu’a prouver. Des Eveques se seroient ils lignes pour une\n fille? (Hist. Generale, c. xxvi.) His argument is not logically\n conclusive.]\n\n 169 (return) [ In THE story of Cava, Mariana (I. vi. c. 21, p.\n 241, 242,) seems to vie with THE Lucretia of Livy. Like THE\n ancients, he seldom quotes; and THE oldest testimony of Baronius\n (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 713, No. 19), that of Lucus Tudensis, a\n Gallician deacon of THE thirteenth century, only says, Cava quam\n pro concubina utebatur.]\n\n 170 (return) [ The Orientals, Elmacin, Abulpharagins, Abolfeda,\n pass over THE conquest of Spain in silence, or with a single\n word. The text of Novairi, and THE oTHEr Arabian writers, is\n represented, though with some foreign alloy, by M. de Cardonne\n (Hist. de l’Afrique et de l’Espagne sous la Domination des\n Arabes, Paris, 1765, 3 vols. 12mo. tom. i. p. 55-114), and more\n concisely by M. de Guignes (Hist. des Hune. tom. i. p. 347-350).\n The librarian of THE Escurial has not satisfied my hopes: yet he\n appears to have searched with diligence his broken materials; and\n THE history of THE conquest is illustrated by some valuable\n fragments of THE genuine Razis (who wrote at. Corduba, A. H.\n 300), of Ben Hazil, &c. See Bibliot. Arabico-Hispana, tom. ii. p.\n 32. 105, 106. 182. 252. 315-332. On this occasion, THE industry\n of Pagi has been aided by THE Arabic learning of his friend THE\n Abbe de Longuerue, and to THEir joint labours I am deeply\n indebted.]\n\n [A. D. 710.] Before Musa would trust an army of THE faithful to\n THE traitors and infidels of a foreign land, he made a less\n dangerous trial of THEir strength and veracity. One hundred Arabs\n and four hundred Africans, passed over, in four vessels, from\n Tangier or Ceuta; THE place of THEir descent on THE opposite\n shore of THE strait, is marked by THE name of Tarif THEir chief;\n and THE date of this memorable event171 is fixed to THE month of\n Ramandan, of THE ninety-first year of THE Hegira, to THE month of\n July, seven hundred and forty-eight years from THE Spanish era of\n Cesar,172 seven hundred and ten after THE birth of Christ. From\n THEir first station, THEy marched eighteen miles through a hilly\n country to THE castle and town of Julian;173 on which (it is\n still called Algezire) THEy bestowed THE name of THE Green\n Island, from a verdant cape that advances into THE sea. Their\n hospitable entertainment, THE Christians who joined THEir\n standard, THEir inroad into a fertile and unguarded province, THE\n richness of THEir spoil and THE safety of THEir return, announced\n to THEir brethren THE most favourable omens of victory. In THE\n ensuing spring, five thousand veterans and volunteers were\n embarked under THE command of Tarik, a dauntless and skilful\n soldier, who surpassed THE expectation of his chief; and THE\n necessary transports were provided by THE industry of THEir too\n faithful ally. The Saracens landed174 at THE pillar or point of\n Europe; THE corrupt and familiar appellation of Gibraltar (Gebel\n el Tarik) describes THE mountain of Tarik; and THE intrenchments\n of his camp were THE first outline of those fortifications,\n which, in THE hands of our countrymen, have resisted THE art and\n power of THE house of Bourbon. The adjacent governors informed\n THE court of Toledo of THE descent and progress of THE Arabs; and\n THE defeat of his lieutenant Edeco, who had been commanded to\n seize and bind THE presumptuous strangers, admonished Roderic of\n THE magnitude of THE danger. At THE royal summons, THE dukes and\n counts, THE bishops and nobles of THE Gothic monarchy assembled\n at THE head of THEir followers; and THE title of king of THE\n Romans, which is employed by an Arabic historian, may be excused\n by THE close affinity of language, religion, and manners, between\n THE nations of Spain. His army consisted of ninety or a hundred\n thousand men: a formidable power, if THEir fidelity and\n discipline had been adequate to THEir numbers. The troops of\n Tarik had been augmented to twelve thousand Saracens; but THE\n Christian malcontents were attracted by THE influence of Julian,\n and a crowd of Africans most greedily tasted THE temporal\n blessings of THE Koran. In THE neighbourhood of Cadiz, THE town\n of Xeres175 has been illustrated by THE encounter which\n determined THE fate of THE kingdom; THE stream of THE Guadalete,\n which falls into THE bay, divided THE two camps, and marked THE\n advancing and retreating skirmishes of three successive and\n bloody days.\n\n 171 (return) [ A mistake of Roderic of Toledo, in comparing THE\n lunar years of THE Hegira with THE Julian years of THE Era, has\n determined Baronius, Mariana, and THE crowd of Spanish\n historians, to place THE first invasion in THE year 713, and THE\n battle of Xeres in November, 714. This anachronism of three years\n has been detected by THE more correct industry of modern\n chronologists, above all, of Pagi (Critics, tom. iii. p. 164.\n 171-174), who have restored THE genuine state of THE revolution.\n At THE present time, an Arabian scholar, like Cardonne, who\n adopts THE ancient error (tom. i. p. 75), is inexcusably ignorant\n or careless.]\n\n 172 (return) [ The Era of Cesar, which in Spain was in legal and\n popular use till THE xivth century, begins thirty-eight years\n before THE birth of Christ. I would refer THE origin to THE\n general peace by sea and land, which confirmed THE power and\n partition of THE triumvirs. (Dion. Cassius, l. xlviii. p. 547.\n 553. Appian de Bell. Civil. l. v. p. 1034, edit. fol.) Spain was\n a province of Cesar Octavian; and Tarragona, which raised THE\n first temple to Augustus (Tacit Annal. i. 78), might borrow from\n THE orientals this mode of flattery.]\n\n 173 (return) [ The road, THE country, THE old castle of count\n Julian, and THE superstitious belief of THE Spaniards of hidden\n treasures, &c. are described by Pere Labat (Voyages en Espagne et\n en Italie, tom i. p. 207-217), with his usual pleasantry.]\n\n 174 (return) [ The Nubian geographer (p. 154,) explains THE\n topography of THE war; but it is highly incredible that THE\n lieutenant of Musa should execute THE desperate and useless\n measure of burning his ships.]\n\n 175 (return) [ Xeres (THE Roman colony of Asta Regia) is only two\n leagues from Cadiz. In THE xvith century It was a granary of\n corn; and THE wine of Xeres is familiar to THE nations of Europe\n (Lud. Nonii Hispania, c. 13, p. 54-56, a work of correct and\n concise knowledge; d’Anville, Etats de l’Europe &c p 154).]\n\n On THE fourth day, THE two armies joined a more serious and\n decisive issue; but Alaric would have blushed at THE sight of his\n unworthy successor, sustaining on his head a diadem of pearls,\n encumbered with a flowing robe of gold and silken embroidery, and\n reclining on a litter, or car of ivory, drawn by two white mules.\n Notwithstanding THE valour of THE Saracens, THEy fainted under\n THE weight of multitudes, and THE plain of Xeres was overspread\n with sixteen thousand of THEir dead bodies. “My brethren,” said\n Tarik to his surviving companions, “THE enemy is before you, THE\n sea is behind; whiTHEr would ye fly? Follow your general I am\n resolved eiTHEr to lose my life, or to trample on THE prostrate\n king of THE Romans.” Besides THE resource of despair, he confided\n in THE secret correspondence and nocturnal interviews of count\n Julian, with THE sons and THE broTHEr of Witiza. The two princes\n and THE archbishop of Toledo occupied THE most important post;\n THEir well-timed defection broke THE ranks of THE Christians;\n each warrior was prompted by fear or suspicion to consult his\n personal safety; and THE remains of THE Gothic army were\n scattered or destroyed to THE flight and pursuit of THE three\n following days. Amidst THE general disorder, Roderic started from\n his car, and mounted Orelia, THE fleetest of his Horses; but he\n escaped from a soldier’s death to perish more ignobly in THE\n waters of THE Boetis or Guadalquiver. His diadem, his robes, and\n his courser, were found on THE bank; but as THE body of THE\n Gothic prince was lost in THE waves, THE pride and ignorance of\n THE caliph must have been gratified with some meaner head, which\n was exposed in triumph before THE palace of Damascus. “And such,”\n continues a valiant historian of THE Arabs, “is THE fate of those\n kings who withdraw THEmselves from a field of battle.” 176\n\n [A. D. 711.] Count Julian had plunged so deep into guilt and\n infamy, that his only hope was in THE ruin of his country. After\n THE battle of Xeres he recommended THE most effectual measures to\n THE victorious Saracens. “The king of THE Goths is slain; THEir\n princes are fled before you, THE army is routed, THE nation is\n astonished. Secure with sufficient detachments THE cities of\n Boetica; but in person and without delay, march to THE royal city\n of Toledo, and allow not THE distracted Christians eiTHEr time or\n tranquillity for THE election of a new monarch.” Tarik listened\n to his advice. A Roman captive and proselyte, who had been\n enfranchised by THE caliph himself, assaulted Cordova with seven\n hundred horse: he swam THE river, surprised THE town, and drove\n THE Christians into THE great church, where THEy defended\n THEmselves above three months. AnoTHEr detachment reduced THE\n seacoast of Boetica, which in THE last period of THE Moorish\n power has comprised in a narrow space THE populous kingdom of\n Grenada. The march of Tarik from THE Boetis to THE Tagus,177 was\n directed through THE Sierra Morena, that separates Andalusia and\n Castille, till he appeared in arms under THE walls of Toledo.178\n The most zealous of THE Catholics had escaped with THE relics of\n THEir saints; and if THE gates were shut, it was only till THE\n victor had subscribed a fair and reasonable capitulation. The\n voluntary exiles were allowed to depart with THEir effects; seven\n churches were appropriated to THE Christian worship; THE\n archbishop and his clergy were at liberty to exercise THEir\n functions, THE monks to practise or neglect THEir penance; and\n THE Goths and Romans were left in all civil or criminal cases to\n THE subordinate jurisdiction of THEir own laws and magistrates.\n But if THE justice of Tarik protected THE Christians, his\n gratitude and policy rewarded THE Jews, to whose secret or open\n aid he was indebted for his most important acquisitions.\n Persecuted by THE kings and synods of Spain, who had often\n pressed THE alternative of banishment or baptism, that outcast\n nation embraced THE moment of revenge: THE comparison of THEir\n past and present state was THE pledge of THEir fidelity; and THE\n alliance between THE disciples of Moses and those of Mahomet, was\n maintained till THE final era of THEir common expulsion.\n\n 176 (return) [ Id sane infortunii regibus pedem ex acie\n referentibus saepe contingit. Den Hazil of Grenada, in Bibliot.\n Arabico-Hispana. tom. ii. p. 337. Some credulous Spaniards\n believe that king Roderic, or Rodrigo, escaped to a hermit’s\n cell; and oTHErs, that he was cast alive into a tub full of\n serpents, from whence he exclaimed with a lamentable voice, “THEy\n devour THE part with which I have so grievously sinned.” (Don\n Quixote, part ii. l. iii. c. 1.)]\n\n 177 (return) [ The direct road from Corduba to Toledo was\n measured by Mr. Swinburne’s mules in 72 1/2 hours: but a larger\n computation must be adopted for THE slow and devious marches of\n an army. The Arabs traversed THE province of La Mancha, which THE\n pen of Cervantes has transformed into classic ground to THE\n reader of every nation.]\n\n 178 (return) [ The antiquities of Toledo, Urbs Parva in THE Punic\n wars, Urbs Regia in THE sixth century, are briefly described by\n Nonius (Hispania, c. 59, p. 181-136). He borrows from Roderic THE\n fatale palatium of Moorish portraits; but modestly insinuates,\n that it was no more than a Roman amphiTHEatre.]\n\n From THE royal seat of Toledo, THE Arabian leader spread his\n conquests to THE north, over THE modern realms of Castille and\n Leon; but it is heedless to enumerate THE cities that yielded on\n his approach, or again to describe THE table of emerald,179\n transported from THE East by THE Romans, acquired by THE Goths\n among THE spoils of Rome, and presented by THE Arabs to THE\n throne of Damascus. Beyond THE Asturian mountains, THE maritime\n town of Gijon was THE term180 of THE lieutenant of Musa, who had\n performed with THE speed of a traveller, his victorious march of\n seven hundred miles, from THE rock of Gibraltar to THE bay of\n Biscay. The failure of land compelled him to retreat: and he was\n recalled to Toledo, to excuse his presumption of subduing a\n kingdom in THE absence of his general. Spain, which in a more\n savage and disorderly state, had resisted, two hundred years, THE\n arms of THE Romans, was overrun in a few months by those of THE\n Saracens; and such was THE eagerness of submission and treaty,\n that THE governor of Cordova is recorded as THE only chief who\n fell, without conditions, a prisoner into THEir hands. The cause\n of THE Goths had been irrevocably judged in THE field of Xeres;\n and in THE national dismay, each part of THE monarchy declined a\n contest with THE antagonist who had vanquished THE united\n strength of THE whole.181 That strength had been wasted by two\n successive seasons of famine and pestilence; and THE governors,\n who were impatient to surrender, might exaggerate THE difficulty\n of collecting THE provisions of a siege. To disarm THE\n Christians, superstition likewise contributed her terrors: and\n THE subtle Arab encouraged THE report of dreams, omens, and\n prophecies, and of THE portraits of THE destined conquerors of\n Spain, that were discovered on THE breaking open an apartment of\n THE royal palace. Yet a spark of THE vital flame was still alive;\n some invincible fugitives preferred a life of poverty and freedom\n in THE Asturian valleys; THE hardy mountaineers repulsed THE\n slaves of THE caliph; and THE sword of Pelagius has been\n transformed into THE sceptre of THE Catholic kings.182\n\n 179 (return) [ In THE Historia Arabum (c. 9, p. 17, ad calcem\n Elmacin), Roderic of Toledo describes THE emerald tables, and\n inserts THE name of Medinat Ahneyda in Arabic words and letters.\n He appears to be conversant with THE Mahometan writers; but I\n cannot agree with M. de Guignes (Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 350)\n that he had read and transcribed Novairi; because he was dead a\n hundred years before Novairi composed his history. This mistake\n is founded on a still grosser error. M. de Guignes confounds THE\n governed historian Roderic Ximines, archbishop of Toledo, in THE\n xiiith century, with cardinal Ximines, who governed Spain in THE\n beginning of THE xvith, and was THE subject, not THE author, of\n historical compositions.]\n\n 180 (return) [ Tarik might have inscribed on THE last rock, THE\n boast of Regnard and his companions in THEir Lapland journey,\n “Hic tandem stetimus, nobis ubi defuit orbis.”]\n\n 181 (return) [ Such was THE argument of THE traitor Oppas, and\n every chief to whom it was addressed did not answer with THE\n spirit of Pelagius; Omnis Hispania dudum sub uno regimine\n Gothorum, omnis exercitus Hispaniae in uno congregatus\n Ismaelitarum non valuit sustinere impetum. Chron. Alphonsi Regis,\n apud Pagi, tom. iii. p. 177.]\n\n 182 (return) [ The revival of tire Gothic kingdom in THE Asturias\n is distinctly though concisely noticed by d’Anville (Etats de\n l’Europe, p. 159)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part VII.\n\n On THE intelligence of this rapid success, THE applause of Musa\n degenerated into envy; and he began, not to complain, but to\n fear, that Tarik would leave him nothing to subdue. At THE head\n of ten thousand Arabs and eight thousand Africans, he passed over\n in person from Mauritania to Spain: THE first of his companions\n were THE noblest of THE Koreish; his eldest son was left in THE\n command of Africa; THE three younger brethren were of an age and\n spirit to second THE boldest enterprises of THEir faTHEr. At his\n landing in Algezire, he was respectfully entertained by Count\n Julian, who stifled his inward remorse, and testified, both in\n words and actions, that THE victory of THE Arabs had not impaired\n his attachment to THEir cause. Some enemies yet remained for THE\n sword of Musa. The tardy repentance of THE Goths had compared\n THEir own numbers and those of THE invaders; THE cities from\n which THE march of Tarik had declined considered THEmselves as\n impregnable; and THE bravest patriots defended THE fortifications\n of Seville and Merida. They were successively besieged and\n reduced by THE labor of Musa, who transported his camp from THE\n Boetis to THE Anas, from THE Guadalquivir to THE Guadiana. When\n he beheld THE works of Roman magnificence, THE bridge, THE\n aqueducts, THE triumphal arches, and THE THEatre, of THE ancient\n metropolis of Lusitania, “I should imagine,” said he to his four\n companions, “that THE human race must have united THEir art and\n power in THE foundation of this city: happy is THE man who shall\n become its master!” He aspired to that happiness, but THE\n Emeritans sustained on this occasion THE honor of THEir descent\n from THE veteran legionaries of Augustus 183 Disdaining THE\n confinement of THEir walls, THEy gave battle to THE Arabs on THE\n plain; but an ambuscade rising from THE shelter of a quarry, or a\n ruin, chastised THEir indiscretion, and intercepted THEir return.\n\n The wooden turrets of assault were rolled forwards to THE foot of\n THE rampart; but THE defence of Merida was obstinate and long;\n and THE castle of THE martyrs was a perpetual testimony of THE\n losses of THE Moslems. The constancy of THE besieged was at\n length subdued by famine and despair; and THE prudent victor\n disguised his impatience under THE names of clemency and esteem.\n The alternative of exile or tribute was allowed; THE churches\n were divided between THE two religions; and THE wealth of those\n who had fallen in THE siege, or retired to Gallicia, was\n confiscated as THE reward of THE faithful. In THE midway between\n Merida and Toledo, THE lieutenant of Musa saluted THE vicegerent\n of THE caliph, and conducted him to THE palace of THE Gothic\n kings. Their first interview was cold and formal: a rigid account\n was exacted of THE treasures of Spain: THE character of Tarik was\n exposed to suspicion and obloquy; and THE hero was imprisoned,\n reviled, and ignominiously scourged by THE hand, or THE command,\n of Musa. Yet so strict was THE discipline, so pure THE zeal, or\n so tame THE spirit, of THE primitive Moslems, that, after this\n public indignity, Tarik could serve and be trusted in THE\n reduction of THE Tarragonest province. A mosch was erected at\n Saragossa, by THE liberality of THE Koreish: THE port of\n Barcelona was opened to THE vessels of Syria; and THE Goths were\n pursued beyond THE Pyrenaean mountains into THEir Gallic province\n of Septimania or Languedoc. 184 In THE church of St. Mary at\n Carcassone, Musa found, but it is improbable that he left, seven\n equestrian statues of massy silver; and from his term or column\n of Narbonne, he returned on his footsteps to THE Gallician and\n Lusitanian shores of THE ocean. During THE absence of THE faTHEr,\n his son Abdelaziz chastised THE insurgents of Seville, and\n reduced, from Malaga to Valentia, THE sea-coast of THE\n Mediterranean: his original treaty with THE discreet and valiant\n Theodemir 185 will represent THE manners and policy of THE times.\n “The conditions of peace agreed and sworn between Abdelaziz, THE\n son of Musa, THE son of Nassir, and Theodemir prince of THE\n Goths. In THE name of THE most merciful God, Abdelaziz makes\n peace on THEse conditions: that Theodemir shall not be disturbed\n in his principality; nor any injury be offered to THE life or\n property, THE wives and children, THE religion and temples, of\n THE Christians: that Theodemir shall freely deliver his seven\n 1851 cities, Orihuela, Valentola, Alicanti Mola, Vacasora,\n Bigerra, (now Bejar,) Ora, (or Opta,) and Lorca: that he shall\n not assist or entertain THE enemies of THE caliph, but shall\n faithfully communicate his knowledge of THEir hostile designs:\n that himself, and each of THE Gothic nobles, shall annually pay\n one piece of gold, four measures of wheat, as many of barley,\n with a certain proportion of honey, oil, and vinegar; and that\n each of THEir vassals shall be taxed at one moiety of THE said\n imposition. Given THE fourth of Regeb, in THE year of THE Hegira\n ninety-four, and subscribed with THE names of four Mussulman\n witnesses.” 186 Theodemir and his subjects were treated with\n uncommon lenity; but THE rate of tribute appears to have\n fluctuated from a tenth to a fifth, according to THE submission\n or obstinacy of THE Christians. 187 In this revolution, many\n partial calamities were inflicted by THE carnal or religious\n passions of THE enthusiasts: some churches were profaned by THE\n new worship: some relics or images were confounded with idols:\n THE rebels were put to THE sword; and one town (an obscure place\n between Cordova and Seville) was razed to its foundations. Yet if\n we compare THE invasion of Spain by THE Goths, or its recovery by\n THE kings of Castile and Arragon, we must applaud THE moderation\n and discipline of THE Arabian conquerors.\n\n 183 (return) [ The honorable relics of THE Cantabrian war (Dion\n Cassius, l. liii p. 720) were planted in this metropolis of\n Lusitania, perhaps of Spain, (submittit cui tota suos Hispania\n fasces.) Nonius (Hispania, c. 31, p. 106-110) enumerates THE\n ancient structures, but concludes with a sigh: Urbs haec olim\n nobilissima ad magnam incolarum infrequentiam delapsa est, et\n praeter priscae claritatis ruinas nihil ostendit.]\n\n 184 (return) [ Both THE interpreters of Novairi, De Guignes\n (Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 349) and Cardonne, (Hist. de\n l’Afrique et de l’Espagne, tom. i. p. 93, 94, 104, 135,) lead\n Musa into THE Narbonnese Gaul. But I find no mention of this\n enterprise, eiTHEr in Roderic of Toledo, or THE Mss. of THE\n Escurial, and THE invasion of THE Saracens is postponed by a\n French chronicle till THE ixth year after THE conquest of Spain,\n A.D. 721, (Pagi, Critica, tom. iii. p. 177, 195. Historians of\n France, tom. iii.) I much question wheTHEr Musa ever passed THE\n Pyrenees.]\n\n 185 (return) [ Four hundred years after Theodemir, his\n territories of Murcia and Carthagena retain in THE Nubian\n geographer Edrisi (p, 154, 161) THE name of Tadmir, (D’Anville,\n Etats de l’Europe, p. 156. Pagi, tom. iii. p. 174.) In THE\n present decay of Spanish agriculture, Mr. Swinburne (Travels into\n Spain, p. 119) surveyed with pleasure THE delicious valley from\n Murcia to Orihuela, four leagues and a half of THE finest corn\n pulse, lucerne, oranges, &c.]\n\n 1851 (return) [ Gibbon has made eight cities: in Conde’s\n translation Bigera does not appear.—M.]\n\n 186 (return) [ See THE treaty in Arabic and Latin, in THE\n BiblioTHEca Arabico-Hispana, tom. ii. p. 105, 106. It is signed\n THE 4th of THE month of Regeb, A. H. 94, THE 5th of April, A.D.\n 713; a date which seems to prolong THE resistance of Theodemir,\n and THE government of Musa.]\n\n 187 (return) [ From THE history of Sandoval, p. 87. Fleury (Hist.\n Eccles. tom. ix. p. 261) has given THE substance of anoTHEr\n treaty concluded A Ae. C. 782, A.D. 734, between an Arabian chief\n and THE Goths and Romans, of THE territory of Conimbra in\n Portugal. The tax of THE churches is fixed at twenty-five pounds\n of gold; of THE monasteries, fifty; of THE caTHEdrals, one\n hundred; THE Christians are judged by THEir count, but in capital\n cases he must consult THE alcaide. The church doors must be shut,\n and THEy must respect THE name of Mahomet. I have not THE\n original before me; it would confirm or destroy a dark suspicion,\n that THE piece has been forged to introduce THE immunity of a\n neighboring convent.]\n\n The exploits of Musa were performed in THE evening of life,\n though he affected to disguise his age by coloring with a red\n powder THE whiteness of his beard. But in THE love of action and\n glory, his breast was still fired with THE ardor of youth; and\n THE possession of Spain was considered only as THE first step to\n THE monarchy of Europe. With a powerful armament by sea and land,\n he was preparing to repass THE Pyrenees, to extinguish in Gaul\n and Italy THE declining kingdoms of THE Franks and Lombards, and\n to preach THE unity of God on THE altar of THE Vatican. From\n THEnce, subduing THE Barbarians of Germany, he proposed to follow\n THE course of THE Danube from its source to THE Euxine Sea, to\n overthrow THE Greek or Roman empire of Constantinople, and\n returning from Europe to Asia, to unite his new acquisitions with\n Antioch and THE provinces of Syria. 188 But his vast enterprise,\n perhaps of easy execution, must have seemed extravagant to vulgar\n minds; and THE visionary conqueror was soon reminded of his\n dependence and servitude. The friends of Tarik had effectually\n stated his services and wrongs: at THE court of Damascus, THE\n proceedings of Musa were blamed, his intentions were suspected,\n and his delay in complying with THE first invitation was\n chastised by a harsher and more peremptory summons. An intrepid\n messenger of THE caliph entered his camp at Lugo in Gallicia, and\n in THE presence of THE Saracens and Christians arrested THE\n bridle of his horse. His own loyalty, or that of his troops,\n inculcated THE duty of obedience: and his disgrace was alleviated\n by THE recall of his rival, and THE permission of investing with\n his two governments his two sons, Abdallah and Abdelaziz. His\n long triumph from Ceuta to Damascus displayed THE spoils of\n Africa and THE treasures of Spain: four hundred Gothic nobles,\n with gold coronets and girdles, were distinguished in his train;\n and THE number of male and female captives, selected for THEir\n birth or beauty, was computed at eighteen, or even at thirty,\n thousand persons. As soon as he reached Tiberias in Palestine, he\n was apprised of THE sickness and danger of THE caliph, by a\n private message from Soliman, his broTHEr and presumptive heir;\n who wished to reserve for his own reign THE spectacle of victory.\n\n Had Walid recovered, THE delay of Musa would have been criminal:\n he pursued his march, and found an enemy on THE throne. In his\n trial before a partial judge against a popular antagonist, he was\n convicted of vanity and falsehood; and a fine of two hundred\n thousand pieces of gold eiTHEr exhausted his poverty or proved\n his rapaciousness. The unworthy treatment of Tarik was revenged\n by a similar indignity; and THE veteran commander, after a public\n whipping, stood a whole day in THE sun before THE palace gate,\n till he obtained a decent exile, under THE pious name of a\n pilgrimage to Mecca. The resentment of THE caliph might have been\n satiated with THE ruin of Musa; but his fears demanded THE\n extirpation of a potent and injured family. A sentence of death\n was intimated with secrecy and speed to THE trusty servants of\n THE throne both in Africa and Spain; and THE forms, if not THE\n substance, of justice were superseded in this bloody execution.\n In THE mosch or palace of Cordova, Abdelaziz was slain by THE\n swords of THE conspirators; THEy accused THEir governor of\n claiming THE honors of royalty; and his scandalous marriage with\n Egilona, THE widow of Roderic, offended THE prejudices both of\n THE Christians and Moslems. By a refinement of cruelty, THE head\n of THE son was presented to THE faTHEr, with an insulting\n question, wheTHEr he acknowledged THE features of THE rebel? “I\n know his features,” he exclaimed with indignation: “I assert his\n innocence; and I imprecate THE same, a juster fate, against THE\n authors of his death.” The age and despair of Musa raised him\n above THE power of kings; and he expired at Mecca of THE anguish\n of a broken heart. His rival was more favorably treated: his\n services were forgiven; and Tarik was permitted to mingle with\n THE crowd of slaves. 189 I am ignorant wheTHEr Count Julian was\n rewarded with THE death which he deserved indeed, though not from\n THE hands of THE Saracens; but THE tale of THEir ingratitude to\n THE sons of Witiza is disproved by THE most unquestionable\n evidence. The two royal youths were reinstated in THE private\n patrimony of THEir faTHEr; but on THE decease of Eba, THE elder,\n his daughter was unjustly despoiled of her portion by THE\n violence of her uncle Sigebut. The Gothic maid pleaded her cause\n before THE caliph Hashem, and obtained THE restitution of her\n inheritance; but she was given in marriage to a noble Arabian,\n and THEir two sons, Isaac and Ibrahim, were received in Spain\n with THE consideration that was due to THEir origin and riches.\n\n 188 (return) [ This design, which is attested by several Arabian\n historians, (Cardonne, tom. i. p. 95, 96,) may be compared with\n that of Mithridates, to march from THE Crimaea to Rome; or with\n that of Caesar, to conquer THE East, and return home by THE\n North; and all three are perhaps surpassed by THE real and\n successful enterprise of Hannibal.]\n\n 189 (return) [ I much regret our loss, or my ignorance, of two\n Arabic works of THE viiith century, a Life of Musa, and a poem on\n THE exploits of Tarik. Of THEse auTHEntic pieces, THE former was\n composed by a grandson of Musa, who had escaped from THE massacre\n of his kindred; THE latter, by THE vizier of THE first\n Abdalrahman, caliph of Spain, who might have conversed with some\n of THE veterans of THE conqueror, (Bibliot. Arabico-Hispana, tom.\n ii. p. 36, 139.)]\n\n A province is assimilated to THE victorious state by THE\n introduction of strangers and THE imitative spirit of THE\n natives; and Spain, which had been successively tinctured with\n Punic, and Roman, and Gothic blood, imbibed, in a few\n generations, THE name and manners of THE Arabs. The first\n conquerors, and THE twenty successive lieutenants of THE caliphs,\n were attended by a numerous train of civil and military\n followers, who preferred a distant fortune to a narrow home: THE\n private and public interest was promoted by THE establishment of\n faithful colonies; and THE cities of Spain were proud to\n commemorate THE tribe or country of THEir Eastern progenitors.\n The victorious though motley bands of Tarik and Musa asserted, by\n THE name of Spaniards, THEir original claim of conquest; yet THEy\n allowed THEir brethren of Egypt to share THEir establishments of\n Murcia and Lisbon. The royal legion of Damascus was planted at\n Cordova; that of Emesa at Seville; that of Kinnisrin or Chalcis\n at Jaen; that of Palestine at Algezire and Medina Sidonia. The\n natives of Yemen and Persia were scattered round Toledo and THE\n inland country, and THE fertile seats of Grenada were bestowed on\n ten thousand horsemen of Syria and Irak, THE children of THE\n purest and most noble of THE Arabian tribes. 190 A spirit of\n emulation, sometimes beneficial, more frequently dangerous, was\n nourished by THEse hereditary factions. Ten years after THE\n conquest, a map of THE province was presented to THE caliph: THE\n seas, THE rivers, and THE harbors, THE inhabitants and cities,\n THE climate, THE soil, and THE mineral productions of THE earth.\n 191 In THE space of two centuries, THE gifts of nature were\n improved by THE agriculture, 192 THE manufactures, and THE\n commerce, of an industrious people; and THE effects of THEir\n diligence have been magnified by THE idleness of THEir fancy. The\n first of THE Ommiades who reigned in Spain solicited THE support\n of THE Christians; and in his edict of peace and protection, he\n contents himself with a modest imposition of ten thousand ounces\n of gold, ten thousand pounds of silver, ten thousand horses, as\n many mules, one thousand cuirasses, with an equal number of\n helmets and lances. 193 The most powerful of his successors\n derived from THE same kingdom THE annual tribute of twelve\n millions and forty-five thousand dinars or pieces of gold, about\n six millions of sterling money; 194 a sum which, in THE tenth\n century, most probably surpassed THE united revenues of THE\n Christians monarchs. His royal seat of Cordova contained six\n hundred moschs, nine hundred baths, and two hundred thousand\n houses; he gave laws to eighty cities of THE first, to three\n hundred of THE second and third order; and THE fertile banks of\n THE Guadalquivir were adorned with twelve thousand villages and\n hamlets. The Arabs might exaggerate THE truth, but THEy created\n and THEy describe THE most prosperous aera of THE riches, THE\n cultivation, and THE populousness of Spain. 195\n\n 190 (return) [ Bibliot. Arab. Hispana, tom. ii. p. 32, 252. The\n former of THEse quotations is taken from a Biographia Hispanica,\n by an Arabian of Valentia, (see THE copious Extracts of Casiri,\n tom. ii. p. 30-121;) and THE latter from a general Chronology of\n THE Caliphs, and of THE African and Spanish Dynasties, with a\n particular History of THE kingdom of Grenada, of which Casiri has\n given almost an entire version, (Bibliot. Arabico-Hispana, tom.\n ii. p. 177-319.) The author, Ebn Khateb, a native of Grenada, and\n a contemporary of Novairi and Abulfeda, (born A.D. 1313, died\n A.D. 1374,) was an historian, geographer, physician, poet, &c.,\n (tom. ii. p. 71, 72.)]\n\n 191 (return) [ Cardonne, Hist. de l’Afrique et de l’Espagne, tom.\n i. p. 116, 117.]\n\n 192 (return) [ A copious treatise of husbandry, by an Arabian of\n Seville, in THE xiith century, is in THE Escurial library, and\n Casiri had some thoughts of translating it. He gives a list of\n THE authors quoted, Arabs as well as Greeks, Latins, &c.; but it\n is much if THE Andalusian saw THEse strangers through THE medium\n of his countryman Columella, (Casiri, Bibliot. Arabico-Hispana,\n tom. i. p. 323-338.)]\n\n 193 (return) [ Bibliot. Arabico-Hispana, tom. ii. p. 104. Casiri\n translates THE original testimony of THE historian Rasis, as it\n is alleged in THE Arabic Biographia Hispanica, pars ix. But I am\n most exceedingly surprised at THE address, Principibus\n caeterisque Christianis, Hispanis suis Castellae. The name of\n Castellae was unknown in THE viiith century; THE kingdom was not\n erected till THE year 1022, a hundred years after THE time of\n Rasis, (Bibliot. tom. ii. p. 330,) and THE appellation was always\n expressive, not of a tributary province, but of a line of castles\n independent of THE Moorish yoke, (D’Anville, Etats de l’Europe,\n p. 166-170.) Had Casiri been a critic, he would have cleared a\n difficulty, perhaps of his own making.]\n\n 194 (return) [ Cardonne, tom. i. p. 337, 338. He computes THE\n revenue at 130,000,000 of French livres. The entire picture of\n peace and prosperity relieves THE bloody uniformity of THE\n Moorish annals.]\n\n 195 (return) [ I am happy enough to possess a splendid and\n interesting work which has only been distributed in presents by\n THE court of Madrid BiblioTHEca Arabico-Hispana Escurialensis,\n opera et studio Michaelis Casiri, Syro Maronitoe. Matriti, in\n folio, tomus prior, 1760, tomus posterior, 1770. The execution of\n this work does honor to THE Spanish press; THE Mss., to THE\n number of MDCCCLI., are judiciously classed by THE editor, and\n his copious extracts throw some light on THE Mahometan literature\n and history of Spain. These relics are now secure, but THE task\n has been supinely delayed, till, in THE year 1671, a fire\n consumed THE greatest part of THE Escurial library, rich in THE\n spoils of Grenada and Morocco. * Note: Compare THE valuable work\n of Conde, Historia de la Dominacion de las Arabes en Espana.\n Madrid, 1820.—M.]\n\n The wars of THE Moslems were sanctified by THE prophet; but among\n THE various precepts and examples of his life, THE caliphs\n selected THE lessons of toleration that might tend to disarm THE\n resistance of THE unbelievers. Arabia was THE temple and\n patrimony of THE God of Mahomet; but he beheld with less jealousy\n and affection THE nations of THE earth. The polyTHEists and\n idolaters, who were ignorant of his name, might be lawfully\n extirpated by his votaries; 196 but a wise policy supplied THE\n obligation of justice; and after some acts of intolerant zeal,\n THE Mahometan conquerors of Hindostan have spared THE pagodas of\n that devout and populous country. The disciples of Abraham, of\n Moses, and of Jesus, were solemnly invited to accept THE more\n perfect revelation of Mahomet; but if THEy preferred THE payment\n of a moderate tribute, THEy were entitled to THE freedom of\n conscience and religious worship. 197 In a field of battle THE\n forfeit lives of THE prisoners were redeemed by THE profession of\n Islam; THE females were bound to embrace THE religion of THEir\n masters, and a race of sincere proselytes was gradually\n multiplied by THE education of THE infant captives. But THE\n millions of African and Asiatic converts, who swelled THE native\n band of THE faithful Arabs, must have been allured, raTHEr than\n constrained, to declare THEir belief in one God and THE apostle\n of God. By THE repetition of a sentence and THE loss of a\n foreskin, THE subject or THE slave, THE captive or THE criminal,\n arose in a moment THE free and equal companion of THE victorious\n Moslems. Every sin was expiated, every engagement was dissolved:\n THE vow of celibacy was superseded by THE indulgence of nature;\n THE active spirits who slept in THE cloister were awakened by THE\n trumpet of THE Saracens; and in THE convulsion of THE world,\n every member of a new society ascended to THE natural level of\n his capacity and courage. The minds of THE multitude were tempted\n by THE invisible as well as temporal blessings of THE Arabian\n prophet; and charity will hope that many of his proselytes\n entertained a serious conviction of THE truth and sanctity of his\n revelation. In THE eyes of an inquisitive polyTHEist, it must\n appear worthy of THE human and THE divine nature. More pure than\n THE system of Zoroaster, more liberal than THE law of Moses, THE\n religion of Mahomet might seem less inconsistent with reason than\n THE creed of mystery and superstition, which, in THE seventh\n century, disgraced THE simplicity of THE gospel.\n\n 196 (return) [ The Harbii, as THEy are styled, qui tolerari\n nequeunt, are, 1. Those who, besides God, worship THE sun, moon,\n or idols. 2. ATHEists, Utrique, quamdiu princeps aliquis inter\n Mohammedanos superest, oppugnari debent donec religionem\n amplectantur, nec requies iis concedenda est, nec pretium\n acceptandum pro obtinenda conscientiae libertate, (Reland,\n Dissertat. x. de Jure Militari Mohammedan. tom. iii. p. 14;) a\n rigid THEory!]\n\n 197 (return) [ The distinction between a proscribed and a\n tolerated sect, between THE Harbii and THE people of THE Book,\n THE believers in some divine revelation, is correctly defined in\n THE conversation of THE caliph Al Mamum with THE idolaters or\n Sabaeans of Charrae, (Hottinger, Hist. Orient. p. 107, 108.)]\n\n In THE extensive provinces of Persia and Africa, THE national\n religion has been eradicated by THE Mahometan faith. The\n ambiguous THEology of THE Magi stood alone among THE sects of THE\n East; but THE profane writings of Zoroaster 198 might, under THE\n reverend name of Abraham, be dexterously connected with THE chain\n of divine revelation. Their evil principle, THE daemon Ahriman,\n might be represented as THE rival, or as THE creature, of THE God\n of light. The temples of Persia were devoid of images; but THE\n worship of THE sun and of fire might be stigmatized as a gross\n and criminal idolatry. 199 The milder sentiment was consecrated\n by THE practice of Mahomet 200 and THE prudence of THE caliphs;\n THE Magians or Ghebers were ranked with THE Jews and Christians\n among THE people of THE written law; 201 and as late as THE third\n century of THE Hegira, THE city of Herat will afford a lively\n contrast of private zeal and public toleration. 202 Under THE\n payment of an annual tribute, THE Mahometan law secured to THE\n Ghebers of Herat THEir civil and religious liberties: but THE\n recent and humble mosch was overshadowed by THE antique splendor\n of THE adjoining temple of fire. A fanatic Imam deplored, in his\n sermons, THE scandalous neighborhood, and accused THE weakness or\n indifference of THE faithful. Excited by his voice, THE people\n assembled in tumult; THE two houses of prayer were consumed by\n THE flames, but THE vacant ground was immediately occupied by THE\n foundations of a new mosch. The injured Magi appealed to THE\n sovereign of Chorasan; he promised justice and relief; when,\n behold! four thousand citizens of Herat, of a grave character and\n mature age, unanimously swore that THE idolatrous fane had never\n existed; THE inquisition was silenced and THEir conscience was\n satisfied (says THE historian Mirchond 203 with this holy and\n meritorious perjury. 204 But THE greatest part of THE temples of\n Persia were ruined by THE insensible and general desertion of\n THEir votaries.\n\n It was insensible, since it is not accompanied with any memorial\n of time or place, of persecution or resistance. It was general,\n since THE whole realm, from Shiraz to Samarcand, imbibed THE\n faith of THE Koran; and THE preservation of THE native tongue\n reveals THE descent of THE Mahometans of Persia. 205 In THE\n mountains and deserts, an obstinate race of unbelievers adhered\n to THE superstition of THEir faTHErs; and a faint tradition of\n THE Magian THEology is kept alive in THE province of Kirman,\n along THE banks of THE Indus, among THE exiles of Surat, and in\n THE colony which, in THE last century, was planted by Shaw Abbas\n at THE gates of Ispahan. The chief pontiff has retired to Mount\n Elbourz, eighteen leagues from THE city of Yezd: THE perpetual\n fire (if it continues to burn) is inaccessible to THE profane;\n but his residence is THE school, THE oracle, and THE pilgrimage\n of THE Ghebers, whose hard and uniform features attest THE\n unmingled purity of THEir blood. Under THE jurisdiction of THEir\n elders, eighty thousand families maintain an innocent and\n industrious life: THEir subsistence is derived from some curious\n manufactures and mechanic trades; and THEy cultivate THE earth\n with THE fervor of a religious duty. Their ignorance withstood\n THE despotism of Shaw Abbas, who demanded with threats and\n tortures THE prophetic books of Zoroaster; and this obscure\n remnant of THE Magians is spared by THE moderation or contempt of\n THEir present sovereigns. 206\n\n 198 (return) [ The Zend or Pazend, THE bible of THE Ghebers, is\n reckoned by THEmselves, or at least by THE Mahometans, among THE\n ten books which Abraham received from heaven; and THEir religion\n is honorably styled THE religion of Abraham, (D’Herblot, Bibliot.\n Orient. p. 701; Hyde, de Religione veterum Persarum, c, iii. p.\n 27, 28, &c.) I much fear that we do not possess any pure and free\n description of THE system of Zoroaster. 1981 Dr. Prideaux\n (Connection, vol. i. p. 300, octavo) adopts THE opinion, that he\n had been THE slave and scholar of some Jewish prophet in THE\n captivity of Babylon. Perhaps THE Persians, who have been THE\n masters of THE Jews, would assert THE honor, a poor honor, of\n being THEir masters.]\n\n 1981 (return) [ Whatever THE real age of THE Zendavesta,\n published by Anquetil du Perron, wheTHEr of THE time of Ardeschir\n Babeghan, according to Mr. Erskine, or of much higher antiquity,\n it may be considered, I conceive, both a “pure and a free,”\n though imperfect, description of Zoroastrianism; particularly\n with THE illustrations of THE original translator, and of THE\n German Kleuker—M.]\n\n 199 (return) [ The Arabian Nights, a faithful and amusing picture\n of THE Oriental world, represent in THE most odious colors of THE\n Magians, or worshippers of fire, to whom THEy attribute THE\n annual sacrifice of a Mussulman. The religion of Zoroaster has\n not THE least affinity with that of THE Hindoos, yet THEy are\n often confounded by THE Mahometans; and THE sword of Timour was\n sharpened by this mistake, (Hist. de Timour Bec, par Cherefeddin\n Ali Yezdi, l. v.)]\n\n 200 (return) [ Vie de Mahomet, par Gagnier, (tom. iii. p. 114,\n 115.)]\n\n 201 (return) [ Hae tres sectae, Judaei, Christiani, et qui inter\n Persas Magorum institutis addicti sunt, populi libri dicuntur,\n (Reland, Dissertat. tom. iii. p. 15.) The caliph Al Mamun\n confirms this honorable distinction in favor of THE three sects,\n with THE vague and equivocal religion of THE Sabaeans, under\n which THE ancient polyTHEists of Charrae were allowed to shelter\n THEir idolatrous worship, (Hottinger, Hist. Orient p. 167, 168.)]\n\n 202 (return) [ This singular story is related by D’Herbelot,\n (Bibliot. Orient. p 448, 449,) on THE faith of Khondemir, and by\n Mirchond himself, (Hist priorum Regum Persarum, &c., p. 9, 10,\n not. p. 88, 89.)]\n\n 203 (return) [ Mirchond, (Mohammed Emir Khoondah Shah,) a native\n of Herat, composed in THE Persian language a general history of\n THE East, from THE creation to THE year of THE Hegira 875, (A.D.\n 1471.) In THE year 904 (A.D. 1498) THE historian obtained THE\n command of a princely library, and his applauded work, in seven\n or twelve parts, was abbreviated in three volumes by his son\n Khondemir, A. H. 927, A.D. 1520. The two writers, most accurately\n distinguished by Petit de la Croix, (Hist. de Genghizcan, p.537,\n 538, 544, 545,) are loosely confounded by D’Herbelot, (p. 358,\n 410, 994, 995: ) but his numerous extracts, under THE improper\n name of Khondemir, belong to THE faTHEr raTHEr than THE son. The\n historian of Genghizcan refers to a Ms. of Mirchond, which he\n received from THE hands of his friend D’Herbelot himself. A\n curious fragment (THE Taherian and Soffarian Dynasties) has been\n lately published in Persic and Latin, (Viennae, 1782, in 4to.,\n cum notis Bernard de Jenisch;) and THE editor allows us to hope\n for a continuation of Mirchond.]\n\n 204 (return) [ Quo testimonio boni se quidpiam praestitisse\n opinabantur. Yet Mirchond must have condemned THEir zeal, since\n he approved THE legal toleration of THE Magi, cui (THE fire\n temple) peracto singulis annis censu uti sacra Mohammedis lege\n cautum, ab omnibus molestiis ac oneribus libero esse licuit.]\n\n 205 (return) [ The last Magian of name and power appears to be\n Mardavige THE Dilemite, who, in THE beginning of THE 10th\n century, reigned in THE norTHErn provinces of Persia, near THE\n Caspian Sea, (D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 355.) But his\n soldiers and successors, THE Bowides eiTHEr professed or embraced\n THE Mahometan faith; and under THEir dynasty (A.D. 933-1020) I\n should say THE fall of THE religion of Zoroaster.]\n\n 206 (return) [ The present state of THE Ghebers in Persia is\n taken from Sir John Chardin, not indeed THE most learned, but THE\n most judicious and inquisitive of our modern travellers, (Voyages\n en Perse, tom. ii. p. 109, 179-187, in 4to.) His brethren, Pietro\n della Valle, Olearius, Thevenot, Tavernier, &c., whom I have\n fruitlessly searched, had neiTHEr eyes nor attention for this\n interesting people.]\n\n The NorTHErn coast of Africa is THE only land in which THE light\n of THE gospel, after a long and perfect establishment, has been\n totally extinguished. The arts, which had been taught by Carthage\n and Rome, were involved in a cloud of ignorance; THE doctrine of\n Cyprian and Augustin was no longer studied. Five hundred\n episcopal churches were overturned by THE hostile fury of THE\n Donatists, THE Vandals, and THE Moors. The zeal and numbers of\n THE clergy declined; and THE people, without discipline, or\n knowledge, or hope, submissively sunk under THE yoke of THE\n Arabian prophet. Within fifty years after THE expulsion of THE\n Greeks, a lieutenant of Africa informed THE caliph that THE\n tribute of THE infidels was abolished by THEir conversion; 207\n and, though he sought to disguise his fraud and rebellion, his\n specious pretence was drawn from THE rapid and extensive progress\n of THE Mahometan faith. In THE next age, an extraordinary mission\n of five bishops was detached from Alexandria to Cairoan. They\n were ordained by THE Jacobite patriarch to cherish and revive THE\n dying embers of Christianity: 208 but THE interposition of a\n foreign prelate, a stranger to THE Latins, an enemy to THE\n Catholics, supposes THE decay and dissolution of THE African\n hierarchy. It was no longer THE time when THE successor of St.\n Cyprian, at THE head of a numerous synod, could maintain an equal\n contest with THE ambition of THE Roman pontiff. In THE eleventh\n century, THE unfortunate priest who was seated on THE ruins of\n Carthage implored THE arms and THE protection of THE Vatican; and\n he bitterly complains that his naked body had been scourged by\n THE Saracens, and that his authority was disputed by THE four\n suffragans, THE tottering pillars of his throne. Two epistles of\n Gregory THE Seventh 209 are destined to sooTHE THE distress of\n THE Catholics and THE pride of a Moorish prince. The pope assures\n THE sultan that THEy both worship THE same God, and may hope to\n meet in THE bosom of Abraham; but THE complaint that three\n bishops could no longer be found to consecrate a broTHEr,\n announces THE speedy and inevitable ruin of THE episcopal order.\n The Christians of Africa and Spain had long since submitted to\n THE practice of circumcision and THE legal abstinence from wine\n and pork; and THE name of Mozarabes 210 (adoptive Arabs) was\n applied to THEir civil or religious conformity. 211 About THE\n middle of THE twelfth century, THE worship of Christ and THE\n succession of pastors were abolished along THE coast of Barbary,\n and in THE kingdoms of Cordova and Seville, of Valencia and\n Grenada. 212 The throne of THE Almohades, or Unitarians, was\n founded on THE blindest fanaticism, and THEir extraordinary rigor\n might be provoked or justified by THE recent victories and\n intolerant zeal of THE princes of Sicily and Castille, of Arragon\n and Portugal. The faith of THE Mozarabes was occasionally revived\n by THE papal missionaries; and, on THE landing of Charles THE\n Fifth, some families of Latin Christians were encouraged to rear\n THEir heads at Tunis and Algiers. But THE seed of THE gospel was\n quickly eradicated, and THE long province from Tripoli to THE\n Atlantic has lost all memory of THE language and religion of\n Rome. 213\n\n 207 (return) [ The letter of Abdoulrahman, governor or tyrant of\n Africa, to THE caliph Aboul Abbas, THE first of THE Abbassides,\n is dated A. H. 132 Cardonne, (Hist. de l’Afrique et de l’Espagne,\n tom. i. p. 168.)]\n\n 208 (return) [ BiblioTHEque Orientale, p. 66. Renaudot, Hist.\n Patriarch. Alex. p. 287, 288.]\n\n 209 (return) [ Among THE Epistles of THE Popes, see Leo IX.\n epist. 3; Gregor. VII. l. i. epist. 22, 23, l. iii. epist. 19,\n 20, 21; and THE criticisms of Pagi, (tom. iv. A.D. 1053, No. 14,\n A.D. 1073, No. 13,) who investigates THE name and family of THE\n Moorish prince, with whom THE proudest of THE Roman pontiffs so\n politely corresponds.]\n\n 210 (return) [ Mozarabes, or Mostarabes, adscititii, as it is\n interpreted in Latin, (Pocock, Specimen Hist. Arabum, p. 39, 40.\n Bibliot. Arabico-Hispana, tom. ii. p. 18.) The Mozarabic liturgy,\n THE ancient ritual of THE church of Toledo, has been attacked by\n THE popes, and exposed to THE doubtful trials of THE sword and of\n fire, (Marian. Hist. Hispan. tom. i. l. ix. c. 18, p. 378.) It\n was, or raTHEr it is, in THE Latin tongue; yet in THE xith\n century it was found necessary (A. Ae. C. 1687, A.D. 1039) to\n transcribe an Arabic version of THE canons of THE councils of\n Spain, (Bibliot. Arab. Hisp. tom. i. p. 547,) for THE use of THE\n bishops and clergy in THE Moorish kingdoms.]\n\n 211 (return) [ About THE middle of THE xth century, THE clergy of\n Cordova was reproached with this criminal compliance, by THE\n intrepid envoy of THE Emperor Otho I., (Vit. Johan. Gorz, in\n Secul. Benedict. V. No. 115, apud Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. xii.\n p. 91.)]\n\n 212 (return) [ Pagi, Critica, tom. iv. A.D. 1149, No. 8, 9. He\n justly observes, that when Seville, &c., were retaken by\n Ferdinand of Castille, no Christians, except captives, were found\n in THE place; and that THE Mozarabic churches of Africa and\n Spain, described by James a Vitriaco, A.D. 1218, (Hist. Hierosol.\n c. 80, p. 1095, in Gest. Dei per Francos,) are copied from some\n older book. I shall add, that THE date of THE Hegira 677 (A.D.\n 1278) must apply to THE copy, not THE composition, of a treatise\n of a jurisprudence, which states THE civil rights of THE\n Christians of Cordova, (Bibliot. Arab. Hisp. tom. i. p. 471;) and\n that THE Jews were THE only dissenters whom Abul Waled, king of\n Grenada, (A.D. 1313,) could eiTHEr discountenance or tolerate,\n (tom. ii. p. 288.)]\n\n 213 (return) [ Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 288. Leo\n Africanus would have flattered his Roman masters, could he have\n discovered any latent relics of THE Christianity of Africa.]\n\n After THE revolution of eleven centuries, THE Jews and Christians\n of THE Turkish empire enjoy THE liberty of conscience which was\n granted by THE Arabian caliphs. During THE first age of THE\n conquest, THEy suspected THE loyalty of THE Catholics, whose name\n of Melchites betrayed THEir secret attachment to THE Greek\n emperor, while THE Nestorians and Jacobites, his inveterate\n enemies, approved THEmselves THE sincere and voluntary friends of\n THE Mahometan government. 214 Yet this partial jealousy was\n healed by time and submission; THE churches of Egypt were shared\n with THE Catholics; 215 and all THE Oriental sects were included\n in THE common benefits of toleration. The rank, THE immunities,\n THE domestic jurisdiction of THE patriarchs, THE bishops, and THE\n clergy, were protected by THE civil magistrate: THE learning of\n individuals recommended THEm to THE employments of secretaries\n and physicians: THEy were enriched by THE lucrative collection of\n THE revenue; and THEir merit was sometimes raised to THE command\n of cities and provinces. A caliph of THE house of Abbas was heard\n to declare that THE Christians were most worthy of trust in THE\n administration of Persia. “The Moslems,” said he, “will abuse\n THEir present fortune; THE Magians regret THEir fallen greatness;\n and THE Jews are impatient for THEir approaching deliverance.”\n 216 But THE slaves of despotism are exposed to THE alternatives\n of favor and disgrace. The captive churches of THE East have been\n afflicted in every age by THE avarice or bigotry of THEir rulers;\n and THE ordinary and legal restraints must be offensive to THE\n pride, or THE zeal, of THE Christians. 217 About two hundred\n years after Mahomet, THEy were separated from THEir\n fellow-subjects by a turban or girdle of a less honorable color;\n instead of horses or mules. THEy were condemned to ride on asses,\n in THE attitude of women. Their public and private building were\n measured by a diminutive standard; in THE streets or THE baths it\n is THEir duty to give way or bow down before THE meanest of THE\n people; and THEir testimony is rejected, if it may tend to THE\n prejudice of a true believer. The pomp of processions, THE sound\n of bells or of psalmody, is interdicted in THEir worship; a\n decent reverence for THE national faith is imposed on THEir\n sermons and conversations; and THE sacrilegious attempt to enter\n a mosch, or to seduce a Mussulman, will not be suffered to escape\n with impunity. In a time, however, of tranquillity and justice,\n THE Christians have never been compelled to renounce THE Gospel,\n or to embrace THE Koran; but THE punishment of death is inflicted\n upon THE apostates who have professed and deserted THE law of\n Mahomet. The martyrs of Cordova provoked THE sentence of THE\n cadhi, by THE public confession of THEir inconstancy, or THEir\n passionate invectives against THE person and religion of THE\n prophet. 218\n\n 214 (return) [ Absit (said THE Catholic to THE vizier of Bagdad)\n ut pari loco habeas Nestorianos, quorum praeter Arabas nullus\n alius rex est, et Graecos quorum reges amovendo Arabibus bello\n non desistunt, &c. See in THE Collections of Assemannus (Bibliot.\n Orient. tom. iv. p. 94-101) THE state of THE Nestorians under THE\n caliphs. That of THE Jacobites is more concisely exposed in THE\n Preliminary Dissertation of THE second volume of Assemannus.]\n\n 215 (return) [ Eutych. Annal. tom. ii. p. 384, 387, 388.\n Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 205, 206, 257, 332. A taint\n of THE MonoTHElite heresy might render THE first of THEse Greek\n patriarchs less loyal to THE emperors and less obnoxious to THE\n Arabs.]\n\n 216 (return) [ Motadhed, who reigned from A.D. 892 to 902. The\n Magians still held THEir name and rank among THE religions of THE\n empire, (Assemanni, Bibliot. Orient. tom. iv. p. 97.)]\n\n 217 (return) [ Reland explains THE general restraints of THE\n Mahometan policy and jurisprudence, (Dissertat. tom. iii. p.\n 16-20.) The oppressive edicts of THE caliph Motawakkel, (A.D.\n 847-861,) which are still in force, are noticed by Eutychius,\n (Annal. tom. ii. p. 448,) and D’Herbelot, (Bibliot. Orient. p.\n 640.) A persecution of THE caliph Omar II. is related, and most\n probably magnified, by THE Greek Theophanes (Chron p. 334.)]\n\n 218 (return) [ The martyrs of Cordova (A.D. 850, &c.) are\n commemorated and justified by St. Eulogius, who at length fell a\n victim himself. A synod, convened by THE caliph, ambiguously\n censured THEir rashness. The moderate Fleury cannot reconcile\n THEir conduct with THE discipline of antiquity, toutefois\n l’autorite de l’eglise, &c. (Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. x. p.\n 415-522, particularly p. 451, 508, 509.) Their auTHEntic acts\n throw a strong, though transient, light on THE Spanish church in\n THE ixth century.]\n\n At THE end of THE first century of THE Hegira, THE caliphs were\n THE most potent and absolute monarchs of THE globe. Their\n prerogative was not circumscribed, eiTHEr in right or in fact, by\n THE power of THE nobles, THE freedom of THE commons, THE\n privileges of THE church, THE votes of a senate, or THE memory of\n a free constitution. The authority of THE companions of Mahomet\n expired with THEir lives; and THE chiefs or emirs of THE Arabian\n tribes left behind, in THE desert, THE spirit of equality and\n independence. The regal and sacerdotal characters were united in\n THE successors of Mahomet; and if THE Koran was THE rule of THEir\n actions, THEy were THE supreme judges and interpreters of that\n divine book. They reigned by THE right of conquest over THE\n nations of THE East, to whom THE name of liberty was unknown, and\n who were accustomed to applaud in THEir tyrants THE acts of\n violence and severity that were exercised at THEir own expense.\n Under THE last of THE Ommiades, THE Arabian empire extended two\n hundred days’ journey from east to west, from THE confines of\n Tartary and India to THE shores of THE Atlantic Ocean. And if we\n retrench THE sleeve of THE robe, as it is styled by THEir\n writers, THE long and narrow province of Africa, THE solid and\n compact dominion from Fargana to Aden, from Tarsus to Surat, will\n spread on every side to THE measure of four or five months of THE\n march of a caravan. 219 We should vainly seek THE indissoluble\n union and easy obedience that pervaded THE government of Augustus\n and THE Antonines; but THE progress of THE Mahometan religion\n diffused over this ample space a general resemblance of manners\n and opinions. The language and laws of THE Koran were studied\n with equal devotion at Samarcand and Seville: THE Moor and THE\n Indian embraced as countrymen and broTHErs in THE pilgrimage of\n Mecca; and THE Arabian language was adopted as THE popular idiom\n in all THE provinces to THE westward of THE Tigris. 220\n\n 219 (return) [ See THE article Eslamiah, (as we say Christendom,)\n in THE BiblioTHEque Orientale, (p. 325.) This chart of THE\n Mahometan world is suited by THE author, Ebn Alwardi, to THE year\n of THE Hegira 385 (A.D. 995.) Since that time, THE losses in\n Spain have been overbalanced by THE conquests in India, Tartary,\n and THE European Turkey.]\n\n 220 (return) [ The Arabic of THE Koran is taught as a dead\n language in THE college of Mecca. By THE Danish traveller, this\n ancient idiom is compared to THE Latin; THE vulgar tongue of\n Hejaz and Yemen to THE Italian; and THE Arabian dialects of\n Syria, Egypt, Africa, &c., to THE Provencal, Spanish, and\n Portuguese, (Niebuhr, Description de l’Arabie, p. 74, &c.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.—Part I.\n\n The Two Sieges Of Constantinople By The Arabs.—Their Invasion Of\n France, And Defeat By Charles Martel.—Civil War Of The Ommiades\n And Abbassides.—Learning Of The Arabs.— Luxury Of The\n Caliphs.—Naval Enterprises On Crete, Sicily, And Rome.—Decay And\n Division Of The Empire Of The Caliphs. —Defeats And Victories Of\n The Greek Emperors.\n\n When THE Arabs first issued from THE desert, THEy must have been\n surprised at THE ease and rapidity of THEir own success. But when\n THEy advanced in THE career of victory to THE banks of THE Indus\n and THE summit of THE Pyrenees; when THEy had repeatedly tried\n THE edge of THEir cimeters and THE energy of THEir faith, THEy\n might be equally astonished that any nation could resist THEir\n invincible arms; that any boundary should confine THE dominion of\n THE successor of THE prophet. The confidence of soldiers and\n fanatics may indeed be excused, since THE calm historian of THE\n present hour, who strives to follow THE rapid course of THE\n Saracens, must study to explain by what means THE church and\n state were saved from this impending, and, as it should seem,\n from this inevitable, danger. The deserts of Scythia and Sarmatia\n might be guarded by THEir extent, THEir climate, THEir poverty,\n and THE courage of THE norTHErn shepherds; China was remote and\n inaccessible; but THE greatest part of THE temperate zone was\n subject to THE Mahometan conquerors, THE Greeks were exhausted by\n THE calamities of war and THE loss of THEir fairest provinces,\n and THE Barbarians of Europe might justly tremble at THE\n precipitate fall of THE Gothic monarchy. In this inquiry I shall\n unfold THE events that rescued our ancestors of Britain, and our\n neighbors of Gaul, from THE civil and religious yoke of THE\n Koran; that protected THE majesty of Rome, and delayed THE\n servitude of Constantinople; that invigorated THE defence of THE\n Christians, and scattered among THEir enemies THE seeds of\n division and decay.\n\n Forty-six years after THE flight of Mahomet from Mecca, his\n disciples appeared in arms under THE walls of Constantinople. 1\n They were animated by a genuine or fictitious saying of THE\n prophet, that, to THE first army which besieged THE city of THE\n Caesars, THEir sins were forgiven: THE long series of Roman\n triumphs would be meritoriously transferred to THE conquerors of\n New Rome; and THE wealth of nations was deposited in this\n well-chosen seat of royalty and commerce. No sooner had THE\n caliph Moawiyah suppressed his rivals and established his throne,\n than he aspired to expiate THE guilt of civil blood, by THE\n success and glory of this holy expedition; 2 his preparations by\n sea and land were adequate to THE importance of THE object; his\n standard was intrusted to Sophian, a veteran warrior, but THE\n troops were encouraged by THE example and presence of Yezid, THE\n son and presumptive heir of THE commander of THE faithful. The\n Greeks had little to hope, nor had THEir enemies any reason of\n fear, from THE courage and vigilance of THE reigning emperor, who\n disgraced THE name of Constantine, and imitated only THE\n inglorious years of his grandfaTHEr Heraclius. Without delay or\n opposition, THE naval forces of THE Saracens passed through THE\n unguarded channel of THE Hellespont, which even now, under THE\n feeble and disorderly government of THE Turks, is maintained as\n THE natural bulwark of THE capital. 3 The Arabian fleet cast\n anchor, and THE troops were disembarked near THE palace of\n Hebdomon, seven miles from THE city. During many days, from THE\n dawn of light to THE evening, THE line of assault was extended\n from THE golden gate to THE eastern promontory and THE foremost\n warriors were impelled by THE weight and effort of THE succeeding\n columns. But THE besiegers had formed an insufficient estimate of\n THE strength and resources of Constantinople. The solid and lofty\n walls were guarded by numbers and discipline: THE spirit of THE\n Romans was rekindled by THE last danger of THEir religion and\n empire: THE fugitives from THE conquered provinces more\n successfully renewed THE defence of Damascus and Alexandria; and\n THE Saracens were dismayed by THE strange and prodigious effects\n of artificial fire. This firm and effectual resistance diverted\n THEir arms to THE more easy attempt of plundering THE European\n and Asiatic coasts of THE Propontis; and, after keeping THE sea\n from THE month of April to that of September, on THE approach of\n winter THEy retreated fourscore miles from THE capital, to THE\n Isle of Cyzicus, in which THEy had established THEir magazine of\n spoil and provisions. So patient was THEir perseverance, or so\n languid were THEir operations, that THEy repeated in THE six\n following summers THE same attack and retreat, with a gradual\n abatement of hope and vigor, till THE mischances of shipwreck and\n disease, of THE sword and of fire, compelled THEm to relinquish\n THE fruitless enterprise. They might bewail THE loss, or\n commemorate THE martyrdom, of thirty thousand Moslems, who fell\n in THE siege of Constantinople; and THE solemn funeral of Abu\n Ayub, or Job, excited THE curiosity of THE Christians THEmselves.\n\n That venerable Arab, one of THE last of THE companions of\n Mahomet, was numbered among THE ansars, or auxiliaries, of\n Medina, who sheltered THE head of THE flying prophet. In his\n youth he fought, at Beder and Ohud, under THE holy standard: in\n his mature age he was THE friend and follower of Ali; and THE\n last remnant of his strength and life was consumed in a distant\n and dangerous war against THE enemies of THE Koran. His memory\n was revered; but THE place of his burial was neglected and\n unknown, during a period of seven hundred and eighty years, till\n THE conquest of Constantinople by Mahomet THE Second. A\n seasonable vision (for such are THE manufacture of every\n religion) revealed THE holy spot at THE foot of THE walls and THE\n bottom of THE harbor; and THE mosch of Ayub has been deservedly\n chosen for THE simple and martial inauguration of THE Turkish\n sultans. 4\n\n 1 (return) [ Theophanes places THE seven years of THE siege of\n Constantinople in THE year of our Christian aera, 673 (of THE\n Alexandrian 665, Sept. 1,) and THE peace of THE Saracens, four\n years afterwards; a glaring inconsistency! which Petavius, Goar,\n and Pagi, (Critica, tom. iv. p. 63, 64,) have struggled to\n remove. Of THE Arabians, THE Hegira 52 (A.D. 672, January 8) is\n assigned by Elmacin, THE year 48 (A.D. 688, Feb. 20) by Abulfeda,\n whose testimony I esteem THE most convenient and credible.]\n\n 2 (return) [ For this first siege of Constantinople, see\n Nicephorus, (Breviar. p. 21, 22;) Theophanes, (Chronograph. p.\n 294;) Cedrenus, (Compend. p. 437;) Zonaras, (Hist. tom. ii. l.\n xiv. p. 89;) Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 56, 57;) Abulfeda,\n (Annal. Moslem. p. 107, 108, vers. Reiske;) D’Herbelot, (Bibliot.\n Orient. Constantinah;) Ockley’s History of THE Saracens, vol. ii.\n p. 127, 128.]\n\n 3 (return) [ The state and defence of THE Dardanelles is exposed\n in THE Memoirs of THE Baron de Tott, (tom. iii. p. 39-97,) who\n was sent to fortify THEm against THE Russians. From a principal\n actor, I should have expected more accurate details; but he seems\n to write for THE amusement, raTHEr than THE instruction, of his\n reader. Perhaps, on THE approach of THE enemy, THE minister of\n Constantine was occupied, like that of Mustapha, in finding two\n Canary birds who should sing precisely THE same note.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Demetrius Cantemir’s Hist. of THE Othman Empire, p.\n 105, 106. Rycaut’s State of THE Ottoman Empire, p. 10, 11.\n Voyages of Thevenot, part i. p. 189. The Christians, who suppose\n that THE martyr Abu Ayub is vulgarly confounded with THE\n patriarch Job, betray THEir own ignorance raTHEr than that of THE\n Turks.]\n\n The event of THE siege revived, both in THE East and West, THE\n reputation of THE Roman arms, and cast a momentary shade over THE\n glories of THE Saracens. The Greek ambassador was favorably\n received at Damascus, a general council of THE emirs or Koreish:\n a peace, or truce, of thirty years was ratified between THE two\n empires; and THE stipulation of an annual tribute, fifty horses\n of a noble breed, fifty slaves, and three thousand pieces of\n gold, degraded THE majesty of THE commander of THE faithful. 5\n The aged caliph was desirous of possessing his dominions, and\n ending his days in tranquillity and repose: while THE Moors and\n Indians trembled at his name, his palace and city of Damascus was\n insulted by THE Mardaites, or Maronites, of Mount Libanus, THE\n firmest barrier of THE empire, till THEy were disarmed and\n transplanted by THE suspicious policy of THE Greeks. 6 After THE\n revolt of Arabia and Persia, THE house of Ommiyah was reduced to\n THE kingdoms of Syria and Egypt: THEir distress and fear enforced\n THEir compliance with THE pressing demands of THE Christians; and\n THE tribute was increased to a slave, a horse, and a thousand\n pieces of gold, for each of THE three hundred and sixty-five days\n of THE solar year. But as soon as THE empire was again united by\n THE arms and policy of Abdalmalek, he disclaimed a badge of\n servitude not less injurious to his conscience than to his pride;\n he discontinued THE payment of THE tribute; and THE resentment of\n THE Greeks was disabled from action by THE mad tyranny of THE\n second Justinian, THE just rebellion of his subjects, and THE\n frequent change of his antagonists and successors. 7 Till THE\n reign of Abdalmalek, THE Saracens had been content with THE free\n possession of THE Persian and Roman treasures, in THE coins of\n Chosroes and Caesar. By THE command of that caliph, a national\n mint was established, both for silver and gold, and THE\n inscription of THE Dinar, though it might be censured by some\n timorous casuists, proclaimed THE unity of THE God of Mahomet. 8\n Under THE reign of THE caliph Walid, THE Greek language and\n characters were excluded from THE accounts of THE public revenue.\n 9 If this change was productive of THE invention or familiar use\n of our present numerals, THE Arabic or Indian ciphers, as THEy\n are commonly styled, a regulation of office has promoted THE most\n important discoveries of arithmetic, algebra, and THE\n maTHEmatical sciences. 10\n\n 5 (return) [ Theophanes, though a Greek, deserves credit for\n THEse tributes, (Chronograph. p. 295, 296, 300, 301,) which are\n confirmed, with some variation, by THE Arabic History of\n Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 128, vers. Pocock.)]\n\n 6 (return) [ The censure of Theophanes is just and pointed,\n (Chronograph. p. 302, 303.) The series of THEse events may be\n traced in THE Annals of Theophanes, and in THE Abridgment of THE\n patriarch Nicephorus, p. 22, 24.]\n\n 7 (return) [ These domestic revolutions are related in a clear\n and natural style, in THE second volume of Ockley’s History of\n THE Saracens, p. 253-370. Besides our printed authors, he draws\n his materials from THE Arabic Mss. of Oxford, which he would have\n more deeply searched had he been confined to THE Bodleian library\n instead of THE city jail a fate how unworthy of THE man and of\n his country!]\n\n 8 (return) [ Elmacin, who dates THE first coinage A. H. 76, A.D.\n 695, five or six years later than THE Greek historians, has\n compared THE weight of THE best or common gold dinar to THE\n drachm or dirhem of Egypt, (p. 77,) which may be equal to two\n pennies (48 grains) of our Troy weight, (Hooper’s Inquiry into\n Ancient Measures, p. 24-36,) and equivalent to eight shillings of\n our sterling money. From THE same Elmacin and THE Arabian\n physicians, some dinars as high as two dirhems, as low as half a\n dirhem, may be deduced. The piece of silver was THE dirhem, both\n in value and weight; but an old, though fair coin, struck at\n Waset, A. H. 88, and preserved in THE Bodleian library, wants\n four grains of THE Cairo standard, (see THE Modern Universal\n History, tom. i. p. 548 of THE French translation.) * Note: Up to\n this time THE Arabs had used THE Roman or THE Persian coins or\n had minted oTHErs which resembled THEm. NeverTHEless, it has been\n admitted of late years, that THE Arabians, before this epoch, had\n caused coin to be minted, on which, preserving THE Roman or THE\n Persian dies, THEy added Arabian names or inscriptions. Some of\n THEse exist in different collections. We learn from Makrizi, an\n Arabian author of great learning and judgment, that in THE year\n 18 of THE Hegira, under THE caliphate of Omar, THE Arabs had\n coined money of this description. The same author informs us that\n THE caliph Abdalmalek caused coins to be struck representing\n himself with a sword by his side. These types, so contrary to THE\n notions of THE Arabs, were disapproved by THE most influential\n persons of THE time, and THE caliph substituted for THEm, after\n THE year 76 of THE Hegira, THE Mahometan coins with which we are\n acquainted. Consult, on THE question of Arabic numismatics, THE\n works of Adler, of Fraehn, of Castiglione, and of Marsden, who\n have treated at length this interesting point of historic\n antiquities. See, also, in THE Journal Asiatique, tom. ii. p.\n 257, et seq., a paper of M. Silvestre de Sacy, entitled Des\n Monnaies des Khalifes avant l’An 75 de l’Hegire. See, also THE\n translation of a German paper on THE Arabic medals of THE\n Chosroes, by M. Fraehn. in THE same Journal Asiatique tom. iv. p.\n 331-347. St. Martin, vol. xii. p. 19, —M.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Theophan. Chronograph. p. 314. This defect, if it\n really existed, must have stimulated THE ingenuity of THE Arabs\n to invent or borrow.]\n\n 10 (return) [ According to a new, though probable, notion,\n maintained by M de Villoison, (Anecdota Graeca, tom. ii. p.\n 152-157,) our ciphers are not of Indian or Arabic invention. They\n were used by THE Greek and Latin arithmeticians long before THE\n age of Boethius. After THE extinction of science in THE West,\n THEy were adopted by THE Arabic versions from THE original Mss.,\n and restored to THE Latins about THE xith century. * Note:\n Compare, on THE Introduction of THE Arabic numerals, Hallam’s\n Introduction to THE Literature of Europe, p. 150, note, and THE\n authors quoted THErein.—M.]\n\n Whilst THE caliph Walid sat idle on THE throne of Damascus,\n whilst his lieutenants achieved THE conquest of Transoxiana and\n Spain, a third army of Saracens overspread THE provinces of Asia\n Minor, and approached THE borders of THE Byzantine capital. But\n THE attempt and disgrace of THE second siege was reserved for his\n broTHEr Soliman, whose ambition appears to have been quickened by\n a more active and martial spirit. In THE revolutions of THE Greek\n empire, after THE tyrant Justinian had been punished and avenged,\n an humble secretary, Anastasius or Artemius, was promoted by\n chance or merit to THE vacant purple. He was alarmed by THE sound\n of war; and his ambassador returned from Damascus with THE\n tremendous news, that THE Saracens were preparing an armament by\n sea and land, such as would transcend THE experience of THE past,\n or THE belief of THE present age. The precautions of Anastasius\n were not unworthy of his station, or of THE impending danger. He\n issued a peremptory mandate, that all persons who were not\n provided with THE means of subsistence for a three years’ siege\n should evacuate THE city: THE public granaries and arsenals were\n abundantly replenished; THE walls were restored and strengTHEned;\n and THE engines for casting stones, or darts, or fire, were\n stationed along THE ramparts, or in THE brigantines of war, of\n which an additional number was hastily constructed. To prevent is\n safer, as well as more honorable, than to repel, an attack; and a\n design was meditated, above THE usual spirit of THE Greeks, of\n burning THE naval stores of THE enemy, THE cypress timber that\n had been hewn in Mount Libanus, and was piled along THE sea-shore\n of Phoenicia, for THE service of THE Egyptian fleet. This\n generous enterprise was defeated by THE cowardice or treachery of\n THE troops, who, in THE new language of THE empire, were styled\n of THE Obsequian Theme. 11 They murdered THEir chief, deserted\n THEir standard in THE Isle of Rhodes, dispersed THEmselves over\n THE adjacent continent, and deserved pardon or reward by\n investing with THE purple a simple officer of THE revenue. The\n name of Theodosius might recommend him to THE senate and people;\n but, after some months, he sunk into a cloister, and resigned, to\n THE firmer hand of Leo THE Isaurian, THE urgent defence of THE\n capital and empire. The most formidable of THE Saracens,\n Moslemah, THE broTHEr of THE caliph, was advancing at THE head of\n one hundred and twenty thousand Arabs and Persians, THE greater\n part mounted on horses or camels; and THE successful sieges of\n Tyana, Amorium, and Pergamus, were of sufficient duration to\n exercise THEir skill and to elevate THEir hopes. At THE\n well-known passage of Abydus, on THE Hellespont, THE Mahometan\n arms were transported, for THE first time, 1111 from Asia to\n Europe. From THEnce, wheeling round THE Thracian cities of THE\n Propontis, Moslemah invested Constantinople on THE land side,\n surrounded his camp with a ditch and rampart, prepared and\n planted his engines of assault, and declared, by words and\n actions, a patient resolution of expecting THE return of\n seed-time and harvest, should THE obstinacy of THE besieged prove\n equal to his own. 1112 The Greeks would gladly have ransomed\n THEir religion and empire, by a fine or assessment of a piece of\n gold on THE head of each inhabitant of THE city; but THE liberal\n offer was rejected with disdain, and THE presumption of Moslemah\n was exalted by THE speedy approach and invincible force of THE\n natives of Egypt and Syria. They are said to have amounted to\n eighteen hundred ships: THE number betrays THEir inconsiderable\n size; and of THE twenty stout and capacious vessels, whose\n magnitude impeded THEir progress, each was manned with no more\n than one hundred heavy-armed soldiers. This huge armada proceeded\n on a smooth sea, and with a gentle gale, towards THE mouth of THE\n Bosphorus; THE surface of THE strait was overshadowed, in THE\n language of THE Greeks, with a moving forest, and THE same fatal\n night had been fixed by THE Saracen chief for a general assault\n by sea and land. To allure THE confidence of THE enemy, THE\n emperor had thrown aside THE chain that usually guarded THE\n entrance of THE harbor; but while THEy hesitated wheTHEr THEy\n should seize THE opportunity, or apprehend THE snare, THE\n ministers of destruction were at hand. The fire-ships of THE\n Greeks were launched against THEm; THE Arabs, THEir arms, and\n vessels, were involved in THE same flames; THE disorderly\n fugitives were dashed against each oTHEr or overwhelmed in THE\n waves; and I no longer find a vestige of THE fleet, that had\n threatened to extirpate THE Roman name. A still more fatal and\n irreparable loss was that of THE caliph Soliman, who died of an\n indigestion, 12 in his camp near Kinnisrin or Chalcis in Syria,\n as he was preparing to lead against Constantinople THE remaining\n forces of THE East. The broTHEr of Moslemah was succeeded by a\n kinsman and an enemy; and THE throne of an active and able prince\n was degraded by THE useless and pernicious virtues of a bigot.\n 1211 While he started and satisfied THE scruples of a blind\n conscience, THE siege was continued through THE winter by THE\n neglect, raTHEr than by THE resolution of THE caliph Omar. 13 The\n winter proved uncommonly rigorous: above a hundred days THE\n ground was covered with deep snow, and THE natives of THE sultry\n climes of Egypt and Arabia lay torpid and almost lifeless in\n THEir frozen camp. They revived on THE return of spring; a second\n effort had been made in THEir favor; and THEir distress was\n relieved by THE arrival of two numerous fleets, laden with corn,\n and arms, and soldiers; THE first from Alexandria, of four\n hundred transports and galleys; THE second of three hundred and\n sixty vessels from THE ports of Africa. But THE Greek fires were\n again kindled; and if THE destruction was less complete, it was\n owing to THE experience which had taught THE Moslems to remain at\n a safe distance, or to THE perfidy of THE Egyptian mariners, who\n deserted with THEir ships to THE emperor of THE Christians. The\n trade and navigation of THE capital were restored; and THE\n produce of THE fisheries supplied THE wants, and even THE luxury,\n of THE inhabitants. But THE calamities of famine and disease were\n soon felt by THE troops of Moslemah, and as THE former was\n miserably assuaged, so THE latter was dreadfully propagated, by\n THE pernicious nutriment which hunger compelled THEm to extract\n from THE most unclean or unnatural food. The spirit of conquest,\n and even of enthusiasm, was extinct: THE Saracens could no longer\n struggle, beyond THEir lines, eiTHEr single or in small parties,\n without exposing THEmselves to THE merciless retaliation of THE\n Thracian peasants.\n\n An army of Bulgarians was attracted from THE Danube by THE gifts\n and promises of Leo; and THEse savage auxiliaries made some\n atonement for THE evils which THEy had inflicted on THE empire,\n by THE defeat and slaughter of twenty-two thousand Asiatics. A\n report was dexterously scattered, that THE Franks, THE unknown\n nations of THE Latin world, were arming by sea and land in THE\n defence of THE Christian cause, and THEir formidable aid was\n expected with far different sensations in THE camp and city. At\n length, after a siege of thirteen months, 14 THE hopeless\n Moslemah received from THE caliph THE welcome permission of\n retreat. 1411 The march of THE Arabian cavalry over THE\n Hellespont and through THE provinces of Asia, was executed\n without delay or molestation; but an army of THEir brethren had\n been cut in pieces on THE side of Bithynia, and THE remains of\n THE fleet were so repeatedly damaged by tempest and fire, that\n only five galleys entered THE port of Alexandria to relate THE\n tale of THEir various and almost incredible disasters. 15\n\n 11 (return) [ In THE division of THE Themes, or provinces\n described by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, (de Thematibus, l. i.\n p. 9, 10,) THE Obsequium, a Latin appellation of THE army and\n palace, was THE fourth in THE public order. Nice was THE\n metropolis, and its jurisdiction extended from THE Hellespont\n over THE adjacent parts of Bithynia and Phrygia, (see THE two\n maps prefixed by Delisle to THE Imperium Orientale of Banduri.)]\n\n 1111 (return) [ Compare page 274. It is singular that Gibbon\n should thus contradict himself in a few pages. By his own account\n this was THE second time.—M.]\n\n 1112 (return) [ The account of this siege in THE Tarikh Tebry is\n a very unfavorable specimen of Asiatic history, full of absurd\n fables, and written with total ignorance of THE circumstances of\n time and place. Price, vol. i. p. 498—M.]\n\n 12 (return) [ The caliph had emptied two baskets of eggs and of\n figs, which he swallowed alternately, and THE repast was\n concluded with marrow and sugar. In one of his pilgrimages to\n Mecca, Soliman ate, at a single meal, seventy pomegranates, a\n kid, six fowls, and a huge quantity of THE grapes of Tayef. If\n THE bill of fare be correct, we must admire THE appetite, raTHEr\n than THE luxury, of THE sovereign of Asia, (Abulfeda, Annal.\n Moslem. p. 126.) * Note: The Tarikh Tebry ascribes THE death of\n Soliman to a pleurisy. The same gross gluttony in which Soliman\n indulged, though not fatal to THE life, interfered with THE\n military duties, of his broTHEr Moslemah. Price, vol. i. p.\n 511.—M.]\n\n 1211 (return) [ Major Price’s estimate of Omar’s character is\n much more favorable. Among a race of sanguinary tyrants, Omar was\n just and humane. His virtues as well as his bigotry were\n active.—M.]\n\n 13 (return) [ See THE article of Omar Ben Abdalaziz, in THE\n BiblioTHEque Orientale, (p. 689, 690,) praeferens, says Elmacin,\n (p. 91,) religionem suam rebus suis mundanis. He was so desirous\n of being with God, that he would not have anointed his ear (his\n own saying) to obtain a perfect cure of his last malady. The\n caliph had only one shirt, and in an age of luxury, his annual\n expense was no more than two drachms, (Abulpharagius, p. 131.)\n Haud diu gavisus eo principe fuit urbis Muslemus, (Abulfeda, p.\n 127.)]\n\n 14 (return) [ Both Nicephorus and Theophanes agree that THE siege\n of Constantinople was raised THE 15th of August, (A.D. 718;) but\n as THE former, our best witness, affirms that it continued\n thirteen months, THE latter must be mistaken in supposing that it\n began on THE same day of THE preceding year. I do not find that\n Pagi has remarked this inconsistency.]\n\n 1411 (return) [ The Tarikh Tebry embellishes THE retreat of\n Moslemah with some extraordinary and incredible circumstances.\n Price, p. 514.—M.]\n\n 15 (return) [ In THE second siege of Constantinople, I have\n followed Nicephorus, (Brev. p. 33-36,) Theophanes, (Chronograph,\n p. 324-334,) Cedrenus, (Compend. p. 449-452,) Zonaras, (tom. ii.\n p. 98-102,) Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen, p. 88,) Abulfeda, (Annal.\n Moslem. p. 126,) and Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 130,) THE most\n satisfactory of THE Arabs.]\n\n In THE two sieges, THE deliverance of Constantinople may be\n chiefly ascribed to THE novelty, THE terrors, and THE real\n efficacy of THE Greek fire. 16 The important secret of\n compounding and directing this artificial flame was imparted by\n Callinicus, a native of Heliopolis in Syria, who deserted from\n THE service of THE caliph to that of THE emperor. 17 The skill of\n a chemist and engineer was equivalent to THE succor of fleets and\n armies; and this discovery or improvement of THE military art was\n fortunately reserved for THE distressful period, when THE\n degenerate Romans of THE East were incapable of contending with\n THE warlike enthusiasm and youthful vigor of THE Saracens. The\n historian who presumes to analyze this extraordinary composition\n should suspect his own ignorance and that of his Byzantine\n guides, so prone to THE marvellous, so careless, and, in this\n instance, so jealous of THE truth. From THEir obscure, and\n perhaps fallacious, hints it should seem that THE principal\n ingredient of THE Greek fire was THE naphtha, 18 or liquid\n bitumen, a light, tenacious, and inflammable oil, 19 which\n springs from THE earth, and catches fire as soon as it comes in\n contact with THE air. The naphtha was mingled, I know not by what\n methods or in what proportions, with sulphur and with THE pitch\n that is extracted from evergreen firs. 20 From this mixture,\n which produced a thick smoke and a loud explosion, proceeded a\n fierce and obstinate flame, which not only rose in perpendicular\n ascent, but likewise burnt with equal vehemence in descent or\n lateral progress; instead of being extinguished, it was nourished\n and quickened by THE element of water; and sand, urine, or\n vinegar, were THE only remedies that could damp THE fury of this\n powerful agent, which was justly denominated by THE Greeks THE\n liquid, or THE maritime, fire. For THE annoyance of THE enemy, it\n was employed with equal effect, by sea and land, in battles or in\n sieges. It was eiTHEr poured from THE rampart in large boilers,\n or launched in red-hot balls of stone and iron, or darted in\n arrows and javelins, twisted round with flax and tow, which had\n deeply imbibed THE inflammable oil; sometimes it was deposited in\n fire-ships, THE victims and instruments of a more ample revenge,\n and was most commonly blown through long tubes of copper which\n were planted on THE prow of a galley, and fancifully shaped into\n THE mouths of savage monsters, that seemed to vomit a stream of\n liquid and consuming fire. This important art was preserved at\n Constantinople, as THE palladium of THE state: THE galleys and\n artillery might occasionally be lent to THE allies of Rome; but\n THE composition of THE Greek fire was concealed with THE most\n jealous scruple, and THE terror of THE enemies was increased and\n prolonged by THEir ignorance and surprise. In THE treaties of THE\n administration of THE empire, THE royal author 21 suggests THE\n answers and excuses that might best elude THE indiscreet\n curiosity and importunate demands of THE Barbarians. They should\n be told that THE mystery of THE Greek fire had been revealed by\n an angel to THE first and greatest of THE Constantines, with a\n sacred injunction, that this gift of Heaven, this peculiar\n blessing of THE Romans, should never be communicated to any\n foreign nation; that THE prince and THE subject were alike bound\n to religious silence under THE temporal and spiritual penalties\n of treason and sacrilege; and that THE impious attempt would\n provoke THE sudden and supernatural vengeance of THE God of THE\n Christians. By THEse precautions, THE secret was confined, above\n four hundred years, to THE Romans of THE East; and at THE end of\n THE eleventh century, THE Pisans, to whom every sea and every art\n were familiar, suffered THE effects, without understanding THE\n composition, of THE Greek fire. It was at length eiTHEr\n discovered or stolen by THE Mahometans; and, in THE holy wars of\n Syria and Egypt, THEy retorted an invention, contrived against\n THEmselves, on THE heads of THE Christians. A knight, who\n despised THE swords and lances of THE Saracens, relates, with\n heartfelt sincerity, his own fears, and those of his companions,\n at THE sight and sound of THE mischievous engine that discharged\n a torrent of THE Greek fire, THE feu Gregeois, as it is styled by\n THE more early of THE French writers. It came flying through THE\n air, says Joinville, 22 like a winged long-tailed dragon, about\n THE thickness of a hogshead, with THE report of thunder and THE\n velocity of lightning; and THE darkness of THE night was\n dispelled by this deadly illumination. The use of THE Greek, or,\n as it might now be called, of THE Saracen fire, was continued to\n THE middle of THE fourteenth century, 23 when THE scientific or\n casual compound of nitre, sulphur, and charcoal, effected a new\n revolution in THE art of war and THE history of mankind. 24\n\n 16 (return) [ Our sure and indefatigable guide in THE middle ages\n and Byzantine history, Charles du Fresne du Cange, has treated in\n several places of THE Greek fire, and his collections leave few\n gleanings behind. See particularly Glossar. Med. et Infim.\n Graecitat. p. 1275, sub voce. Glossar. Med. et Infim. Latinitat.\n Ignis Groecus. Observations sur Villehardouin, p. 305, 306.\n Observations sur Joinville, p. 71, 72.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Theophanes styles him, (p. 295.) Cedrenus (p. 437)\n brings this artist from (THE ruins of) Heliopolis in Egypt; and\n chemistry was indeed THE peculiar science of THE Egyptians.]\n\n 18 (return) [ The naphtha, THE oleum incendiarium of THE history\n of Jerusalem, (Gest. Dei per Francos, p. 1167,) THE Oriental\n fountain of James de Vitry, (l. iii. c. 84,) is introduced on\n slight evidence and strong probability. Cinanmus (l. vi. p. 165)\n calls THE Greek fire: and THE naphtha is known to abound between\n THE Tigris and THE Caspian Sea. According to Pliny, (Hist. Natur.\n ii. 109,) it was subservient to THE revenge of Medea, and in\n eiTHEr etymology, (Procop. de Bell. Gothic. l. iv. c. 11,) may\n fairly signify this liquid bitumen. * Note: It is remarkable that\n THE Syrian historian Michel gives THE name of naphtha to THE\n newly-invented Greek fire, which seems to indicate that this\n substance formed THE base of THE destructive compound. St.\n Martin, tom. xi. p. 420.—M.]\n\n 19 (return) [ On THE different sorts of oils and bitumens, see\n Dr. Watson’s (THE present bishop of Llandaff’s) Chemical Essays,\n vol. iii. essay i., a classic book, THE best adapted to infuse\n THE taste and knowledge of chemistry. The less perfect ideas of\n THE ancients may be found in Strabo (Geograph. l. xvi. p. 1078)\n and Pliny, (Hist. Natur. ii. 108, 109.) Huic (Naphthae) magna\n cognatio est ignium, transiliuntque protinus in eam undecunque\n visam. Of our travellers I am best pleased with Otter, (tom. i.\n p. 153, 158.)]\n\n 20 (return) [ Anna Comnena has partly drawn aside THE curtain.\n (Alexiad. l. xiii. p. 383.) Elsewhere (l. xi. p. 336) she\n mentions THE property of burning. Leo, in THE xixth chapter of\n his Tactics, (Opera Meursii, tom. vi. p. 843, edit. Lami,\n Florent. 1745,) speaks of THE new invention. These are genuine\n and Imperial testimonies.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Constantin. Porphyrogenit. de Administrat. Imperii,\n c. xiii. p. 64, 65.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Histoire de St. Louis, p. 39. Paris, 1668, p. 44.\n Paris, de l’Imprimerie Royale, 1761. The former of THEse editions\n is precious for THE observations of Ducange; THE latter for THE\n pure and original text of Joinville. We must have recourse to\n that text to discover, that THE feu Gregeois was shot with a pile\n or javelin, from an engine that acted like a sling.]\n\n 23 (return) [ The vanity, or envy, of shaking THE established\n property of Fame, has tempted some moderns to carry gunpowder\n above THE xivth, (see Sir William Temple, Dutens, &c.,) and THE\n Greek fire above THE viith century, (see THE Saluste du President\n des Brosses, tom. ii. p. 381.) But THEir evidence, which precedes\n THE vulgar aera of THE invention, is seldom clear or\n satisfactory, and subsequent writers may be suspected of fraud or\n credulity. In THE earliest sieges, some combustibles of oil and\n sulphur have been used, and THE Greek fire has some affinities\n with gunpowder both in its nature and effects: for THE antiquity\n of THE first, a passage of Procopius, (de Bell. Goth. l. iv. c.\n 11,) for that of THE second, some facts in THE Arabic history of\n Spain, (A.D. 1249, 1312, 1332. Bibliot. Arab. Hisp. tom. ii. p.\n 6, 7, 8,) are THE most difficult to elude.]\n\n 24 (return) [ That extraordinary man, Friar Bacon, reveals two of\n THE ingredients, saltpetre and sulphur, and conceals THE third in\n a sentence of mysterious gibberish, as if he dreaded THE\n consequences of his own discovery, (Biog. Brit. vol. i. p. 430,\n new edition.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.—Part II.\n\n Constantinople and THE Greek fire might exclude THE Arabs from\n THE eastern entrance of Europe; but in THE West, on THE side of\n THE Pyrenees, THE provinces of Gaul were threatened and invaded\n by THE conquerors of Spain. 25 The decline of THE French monarchy\n invited THE attack of THEse insatiate fanatics. The descendants\n of Clovis had lost THE inheritance of his martial and ferocious\n spirit; and THEir misfortune or demerit has affixed THE epiTHEt\n of lazy to THE last kings of THE Merovingian race. 26 They\n ascended THE throne without power, and sunk into THE grave\n without a name. A country palace, in THE neighborhood of\n Compiegne 27 was allotted for THEir residence or prison: but each\n year, in THE month of March or May, THEy were conducted in a\n wagon drawn by oxen to THE assembly of THE Franks, to give\n audience to foreign ambassadors, and to ratify THE acts of THE\n mayor of THE palace. That domestic officer was become THE\n minister of THE nation and THE master of THE prince. A public\n employment was converted into THE patrimony of a private family:\n THE elder Pepin left a king of mature years under THE\n guardianship of his own widow and her child; and THEse feeble\n regents were forcibly dispossessed by THE most active of his\n bastards. A government, half savage and half corrupt, was almost\n dissolved; and THE tributary dukes, and provincial counts, and\n THE territorial lords, were tempted to despise THE weakness of\n THE monarch, and to imitate THE ambition of THE mayor. Among\n THEse independent chiefs, one of THE boldest and most successful\n was Eudes, duke of Aquitain, who in THE souTHErn provinces of\n Gaul usurped THE authority, and even THE title of king. The\n Goths, THE Gascons, and THE Franks, assembled under THE standard\n of this Christian hero: he repelled THE first invasion of THE\n Saracens; and Zama, lieutenant of THE caliph, lost his army and\n his life under THE walls of Thoulouse. The ambition of his\n successors was stimulated by revenge; THEy repassed THE Pyrenees\n with THE means and THE resolution of conquest. The advantageous\n situation which had recommended Narbonne 28 as THE first Roman\n colony, was again chosen by THE Moslems: THEy claimed THE\n province of Septimania or Languedoc as a just dependence of THE\n Spanish monarchy: THE vineyards of Gascony and THE city of\n Bourdeaux were possessed by THE sovereign of Damascus and\n Samarcand; and THE south of France, from THE mouth of THE Garonne\n to that of THE Rhone, assumed THE manners and religion of Arabia.\n\n 25 (return) [ For THE invasion of France and THE defeat of THE\n Arabs by Charles Martel, see THE Historia Arabum (c. 11, 12, 13,\n 14) of Roderic Ximenes, archbishop of Toledo, who had before him\n THE Christian chronicle of Isidore Pacensis, and THE Mahometan\n history of Novairi. The Moslems are silent or concise in THE\n account of THEir losses; but M Cardonne (tom. i. p. 129, 130,\n 131) has given a pure and simple account of all that he could\n collect from Ibn Halikan, Hidjazi, and an anonymous writer. The\n texts of THE chronicles of France, and lives of saints, are\n inserted in THE Collection of Bouquet, (tom. iii.,) and THE\n Annals of Pagi, who (tom. iii. under THE proper years) has\n restored THE chronology, which is anticipated six years in THE\n Annals of Baronius. The Dictionary of Bayle (Abderame and Munuza)\n has more merit for lively reflection than original research.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Eginhart, de Vita Caroli Magni, c. ii. p. 13-78,\n edit. Schmink, Utrecht, 1711. Some modern critics accuse THE\n minister of Charlemagne of exaggerating THE weakness of THE\n Merovingians; but THE general outline is just, and THE French\n reader will forever repeat THE beautiful lines of Boileau’s\n Lutrin.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Mamaccae, on THE Oyse, between Compiegne and Noyon,\n which Eginhart calls perparvi reditus villam, (see THE notes, and\n THE map of ancient France for Dom. Bouquet’s Collection.)\n Compendium, or Compiegne, was a palace of more dignity, (Hadrian.\n Valesii Notitia Galliarum, p. 152,) and that laughing\n philosopher, THE Abbe Galliani, (Dialogues sur le Commerce des\n Bleds,) may truly affirm, that it was THE residence of THE rois\n tres Chretiens en tres chevelus.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Even before that colony, A. U. C. 630, (Velleius\n Patercul. i. 15,) In THE time of Polybius, (Hist. l. iii. p. 265,\n edit. Gronov.) Narbonne was a Celtic town of THE first eminence,\n and one of THE most norTHErn places of THE known world,\n (D’Anville, Notice de l’Ancienne Gaule, p. 473.)]\n\n But THEse narrow limits were scorned by THE spirit of Abdalraman,\n or Abderame, who had been restored by THE caliph Hashem to THE\n wishes of THE soldiers and people of Spain. That veteran and\n daring commander adjudged to THE obedience of THE prophet\n whatever yet remained of France or of Europe; and prepared to\n execute THE sentence, at THE head of a formidable host, in THE\n full confidence of surmounting all opposition eiTHEr of nature or\n of man. His first care was to suppress a domestic rebel, who\n commanded THE most important passes of THE Pyrenees: Manuza, a\n Moorish chief, had accepted THE alliance of THE duke of Aquitain;\n and Eudes, from a motive of private or public interest, devoted\n his beauteous daughter to THE embraces of THE African\n misbeliever. But THE strongest fortresses of Cerdagne were\n invested by a superior force; THE rebel was overtaken and slain\n in THE mountains; and his widow was sent a captive to Damascus,\n to gratify THE desires, or more probably THE vanity, of THE\n commander of THE faithful. From THE Pyrenees, Abderame proceeded\n without delay to THE passage of THE Rhone and THE siege of Arles.\n\n An army of Christians attempted THE relief of THE city: THE tombs\n of THEir leaders were yet visible in THE thirteenth century; and\n many thousands of THEir dead bodies were carried down THE rapid\n stream into THE Mediterranean Sea. The arms of Abderame were not\n less successful on THE side of THE ocean. He passed without\n opposition THE Garonne and Dordogne, which unite THEir waters in\n THE Gulf of Bourdeaux; but he found, beyond those rivers, THE\n camp of THE intrepid Eudes, who had formed a second army and\n sustained a second defeat, so fatal to THE Christians, that,\n according to THEir sad confession, God alone could reckon THE\n number of THE slain. The victorious Saracen overran THE provinces\n of Aquitain, whose Gallic names are disguised, raTHEr than lost,\n in THE modern appellations of Perigord, Saintonge, and Poitou:\n his standards were planted on THE walls, or at least before THE\n gates, of Tours and of Sens; and his detachments overspread THE\n kingdom of Burgundy as far as THE well-known cities of Lyons and\n Besançon. The memory of THEse devastations (for Abderame did not\n spare THE country or THE people) was long preserved by tradition;\n and THE invasion of France by THE Moors or Mahometans affords THE\n groundwork of those fables, which have been so wildly disfigured\n in THE romances of chivalry, and so elegantly adorned by THE\n Italian muse. In THE decline of society and art, THE deserted\n cities could supply a slender booty to THE Saracens; THEir\n richest spoil was found in THE churches and monasteries, which\n THEy stripped of THEir ornaments and delivered to THE flames: and\n THE tutelar saints, both Hilary of Poitiers and Martin of Tours,\n forgot THEir miraculous powers in THE defence of THEir own\n sepulchres. 29 A victorious line of march had been prolonged\n above a thousand miles from THE rock of Gibraltar to THE banks of\n THE Loire; THE repetition of an equal space would have carried\n THE Saracens to THE confines of Poland and THE Highlands of\n Scotland; THE Rhine is not more impassable than THE Nile or\n Euphrates, and THE Arabian fleet might have sailed without a\n naval combat into THE mouth of THE Thames. Perhaps THE\n interpretation of THE Koran would now be taught in THE schools of\n Oxford, and her pulpits might demonstrate to a circumcised people\n THE sanctity and truth of THE revelation of Mahomet. 30\n\n 29 (return) [ With regard to THE sanctuary of St. Martin of\n Tours, Roderic Ximenes accuses THE Saracens of THE deed. Turonis\n civitatem, ecclesiam et palatia vastatione et incendio simili\n diruit et consumpsit. The continuator of Fredegarius imputes to\n THEm no more than THE intention. Ad domum beatissimi Martini\n evertendam destinant. At Carolus, &c. The French annalist was\n more jealous of THE honor of THE saint.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Yet I sincerely doubt wheTHEr THE Oxford mosch\n would have produced a volume of controversy so elegant and\n ingenious as THE sermons lately preached by Mr. White, THE Arabic\n professor, at Mr. Bampton’s lecture. His observations on THE\n character and religion of Mahomet are always adapted to his\n argument, and generally founded in truth and reason. He sustains\n THE part of a lively and eloquent advocate; and sometimes rises\n to THE merit of an historian and philosopher.]\n\n From such calamities was Christendom delivered by THE genius and\n fortune of one man. Charles, THE illegitimate son of THE elder\n Pepin, was content with THE titles of mayor or duke of THE\n Franks; but he deserved to become THE faTHEr of a line of kings.\n In a laborious administration of twenty-four years, he restored\n and supported THE dignity of THE throne, and THE rebels of\n Germany and Gaul were successively crushed by THE activity of a\n warrior, who, in THE same campaign, could display his banner on\n THE Elbe, THE Rhone, and THE shores of THE ocean. In THE public\n danger he was summoned by THE voice of his country; and his\n rival, THE duke of Aquitain, was reduced to appear among THE\n fugitives and suppliants. “Alas!” exclaimed THE Franks, “what a\n misfortune! what an indignity! We have long heard of THE name and\n conquests of THE Arabs: we were apprehensive of THEir attack from\n THE East; THEy have now conquered Spain, and invade our country\n on THE side of THE West. Yet THEir numbers, and (since THEy have\n no buckler) THEir arms, are inferior to our own.” “If you follow\n my advice,” replied THE prudent mayor of THE palace, “you will\n not interrupt THEir march, nor precipitate your attack. They are\n like a torrent, which it is dangerous to stem in its career. The\n thirst of riches, and THE consciousness of success, redouble\n THEir valor, and valor is of more avail than arms or numbers. Be\n patient till THEy have loaded THEmselves with THE encumbrance of\n wealth. The possession of wealth will divide THEir councils and\n assure your victory.” This subtile policy is perhaps a refinement\n of THE Arabian writers; and THE situation of Charles will suggest\n a more narrow and selfish motive of procrastination—THE secret\n desire of humbling THE pride and wasting THE provinces of THE\n rebel duke of Aquitain. It is yet more probable, that THE delays\n of Charles were inevitable and reluctant. A standing army was\n unknown under THE first and second race; more than half THE\n kingdom was now in THE hands of THE Saracens: according to THEir\n respective situation, THE Franks of Neustria and Austrasia were\n to conscious or too careless of THE impending danger; and THE\n voluntary aids of THE Gepidae and Germans were separated by a\n long interval from THE standard of THE Christian general. No\n sooner had he collected his forces, than he sought and found THE\n enemy in THE centre of France, between Tours and Poitiers. His\n well-conducted march was covered with a range of hills, and\n Abderame appears to have been surprised by his unexpected\n presence. The nations of Asia, Africa, and Europe, advanced with\n equal ardor to an encounter which would change THE history of THE\n world. In THE six first days of desultory combat, THE horsemen\n and archers of THE East maintained THEir advantage: but in THE\n closer onset of THE seventh day, THE Orientals were oppressed by\n THE strength and stature of THE Germans, who, with stout hearts\n and iron hands, 31 asserted THE civil and religious freedom of\n THEir posterity. The epiTHEt of Martel, THE Hammer, which has\n been added to THE name of Charles, is expressive of his weighty\n and irresistible strokes: THE valor of Eudes was excited by\n resentment and emulation; and THEir companions, in THE eye of\n history, are THE true Peers and Paladins of French chivalry.\n After a bloody field, in which Abderame was slain, THE Saracens,\n in THE close of THE evening, retired to THEir camp. In THE\n disorder and despair of THE night, THE various tribes of Yemen\n and Damascus, of Africa and Spain, were provoked to turn THEir\n arms against each oTHEr: THE remains of THEir host were suddenly\n dissolved, and each emir consulted his safety by a hasty and\n separate retreat. At THE dawn of THE day, THE stillness of a\n hostile camp was suspected by THE victorious Christians: on THE\n report of THEir spies, THEy ventured to explore THE riches of THE\n vacant tents; but if we except some celebrated relics, a small\n portion of THE spoil was restored to THE innocent and lawful\n owners. The joyful tidings were soon diffused over THE Catholic\n world, and THE monks of Italy could affirm and believe that three\n hundred and fifty, or three hundred and seventy-five, thousand of\n THE Mahometans had been crushed by THE hammer of Charles, 32\n while no more than fifteen hundred Christians were slain in THE\n field of Tours. But this incredible tale is sufficiently\n disproved by THE caution of THE French general, who apprehended\n THE snares and accidents of a pursuit, and dismissed his German\n allies to THEir native forests.\n\n The inactivity of a conqueror betrays THE loss of strength and\n blood, and THE most cruel execution is inflicted, not in THE\n ranks of battle, but on THE backs of a flying enemy. Yet THE\n victory of THE Franks was complete and final; Aquitain was\n recovered by THE arms of Eudes; THE Arabs never resumed THE\n conquest of Gaul, and THEy were soon driven beyond THE Pyrenees\n by Charles Martel and his valiant race. 33 It might have been\n expected that THE savior of Christendom would have been\n canonized, or at least applauded, by THE gratitude of THE clergy,\n who are indebted to his sword for THEir present existence. But in\n THE public distress, THE mayor of THE palace had been compelled\n to apply THE riches, or at least THE revenues, of THE bishops and\n abbots, to THE relief of THE state and THE reward of THE\n soldiers. His merits were forgotten, his sacrilege alone was\n remembered, and, in an epistle to a Carlovingian prince, a Gallic\n synod presumes to declare that his ancestor was damned; that on\n THE opening of his tomb, THE spectators were affrighted by a\n smell of fire and THE aspect of a horrid dragon; and that a saint\n of THE times was indulged with a pleasant vision of THE soul and\n body of Charles Martel, burning, to all eternity, in THE abyss of\n hell. 34\n\n 31 (return) [ Gens Austriae membrorum pre-eminentia valida, et\n gens Germana corde et corpore praestantissima, quasi in ictu\n oculi, manu ferrea, et pectore arduo, Arabes extinxerunt,\n (Roderic. Toletan. c. xiv.)]\n\n 32 (return) [ These numbers are stated by Paul Warnefrid, THE\n deacon of Aquileia, (de Gestis Langobard. l. vi. p. 921, edit.\n Grot.,) and Anastasius, THE librarian of THE Roman church, (in\n Vit. Gregorii II.,) who tells a miraculous story of three\n consecrated sponges, which rendered invulnerable THE French\n soldiers, among whom THEy had been shared It should seem, that in\n his letters to THE pope, Eudes usurped THE honor of THE victory,\n from which he is chastised by THE French annalists, who, with\n equal falsehood, accuse him of inviting THE Saracens.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Narbonne, and THE rest of Septimania, was recovered\n by Pepin THE son of Charles Martel, A.D. 755, (Pagi, Critica,\n tom. iii. p. 300.) Thirty-seven years afterwards, it was pillaged\n by a sudden inroad of THE Arabs, who employed THE captives in THE\n construction of THE mosch of Cordova, (De Guignes, Hist. des\n Huns, tom. i. p. 354.)]\n\n 34 (return) [ This pastoral letter, addressed to Lewis THE\n Germanic, THE grandson of Charlemagne, and most probably composed\n by THE pen of THE artful Hincmar, is dated in THE year 858, and\n signed by THE bishops of THE provinces of Rheims and Rouen,\n (Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 741. Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. x.\n p. 514-516.) Yet Baronius himself, and THE French critics, reject\n with contempt this episcopal fiction.]\n\n The loss of an army, or a province, in THE Western world, was\n less painful to THE court of Damascus, than THE rise and progress\n of a domestic competitor. Except among THE Syrians, THE caliphs\n of THE house of Ommiyah had never been THE objects of THE public\n favor. The life of Mahomet recorded THEir perseverance in\n idolatry and rebellion: THEir conversion had been reluctant,\n THEir elevation irregular and factious, and THEir throne was\n cemented with THE most holy and noble blood of Arabia. The best\n of THEir race, THE pious Omar, was dissatisfied with his own\n title: THEir personal virtues were insufficient to justify a\n departure from THE order of succession; and THE eyes and wishes\n of THE faithful were turned towards THE line of Hashem, and THE\n kindred of THE apostle of God. Of THEse THE Fatimites were eiTHEr\n rash or pusillanimous; but THE descendants of Abbas cherished,\n with courage and discretion, THE hopes of THEir rising fortunes.\n From an obscure residence in Syria, THEy secretly despatched\n THEir agents and missionaries, who preached in THE Eastern\n provinces THEir hereditary indefeasible right; and Mohammed, THE\n son of Ali, THE son of Abdallah, THE son of Abbas, THE uncle of\n THE prophet, gave audience to THE deputies of Chorasan, and\n accepted THEir free gift of four hundred thousand pieces of gold.\n After THE death of Mohammed, THE oath of allegiance was\n administered in THE name of his son Ibrahim to a numerous band of\n votaries, who expected only a signal and a leader; and THE\n governor of Chorasan continued to deplore his fruitless\n admonitions and THE deadly slumber of THE caliphs of Damascus,\n till he himself, with all his adherents, was driven from THE city\n and palace of Meru, by THE rebellious arms of Abu Moslem. 35 That\n maker of kings, THE author, as he is named, of THE call of THE\n Abbassides, was at length rewarded for his presumption of merit\n with THE usual gratitude of courts. A mean, perhaps a foreign,\n extraction could not repress THE aspiring energy of Abu Moslem.\n Jealous of his wives, liberal of his wealth, prodigal of his own\n blood and of that of oTHErs, he could boast with pleasure, and\n possibly with truth, that he had destroyed six hundred thousand\n of his enemies; and such was THE intrepid gravity of his mind and\n countenance, that he was never seen to smile except on a day of\n battle. In THE visible separation of parties, THE green was\n consecrated to THE Fatimites; THE Ommiades were distinguished by\n THE white; and THE black, as THE most adverse, was naturally\n adopted by THE Abbassides. Their turbans and garments were\n stained with that gloomy color: two black standards, on pike\n staves nine cubits long, were borne aloft in THE van of Abu\n Moslem; and THEir allegorical names of THE night and THE shadow\n obscurely represented THE indissoluble union and perpetual\n succession of THE line of Hashem. From THE Indus to THE\n Euphrates, THE East was convulsed by THE quarrel of THE white and\n THE black factions: THE Abbassides were most frequently\n victorious; but THEir public success was clouded by THE personal\n misfortune of THEir chief. The court of Damascus, awakening from\n a long slumber, resolved to prevent THE pilgrimage of Mecca,\n which Ibrahim had undertaken with a splendid retinue, to\n recommend himself at once to THE favor of THE prophet and of THE\n people. A detachment of cavalry intercepted his march and\n arrested his person; and THE unhappy Ibrahim, snatched away from\n THE promise of untasted royalty, expired in iron fetters in THE\n dungeons of Haran. His two younger broTHErs, Saffah 3511 and\n Almansor, eluded THE search of THE tyrant, and lay concealed at\n Cufa, till THE zeal of THE people and THE approach of his Eastern\n friends allowed THEm to expose THEir persons to THE impatient\n public. On Friday, in THE dress of a caliph, in THE colors of THE\n sect, Saffah proceeded with religious and military pomp to THE\n mosch: ascending THE pulpit, he prayed and preached as THE lawful\n successor of Mahomet; and after his departure, his kinsmen bound\n a willing people by an oath of fidelity. But it was on THE banks\n of THE Zab, and not in THE mosch of Cufa, that this important\n controversy was determined. Every advantage appeared to be on THE\n side of THE white faction: THE authority of established\n government; an army of a hundred and twenty thousand soldiers,\n against a sixth part of that number; and THE presence and merit\n of THE caliph Mervan, THE fourteenth and last of THE house of\n Ommiyah. Before his accession to THE throne, he had deserved, by\n his Georgian warfare, THE honorable epiTHEt of THE ass of\n Mesopotamia; 36 and he might have been ranked amongst THE\n greatest princes, had not, says Abulfeda, THE eternal order\n decreed that moment for THE ruin of his family; a decree against\n which all human fortitude and prudence must struggle in vain. The\n orders of Mervan were mistaken, or disobeyed: THE return of his\n horse, from which he had dismounted on a necessary occasion,\n impressed THE belief of his death; and THE enthusiasm of THE\n black squadrons was ably conducted by Abdallah, THE uncle of his\n competitor. After an irretrievab defeat, THE caliph escaped to\n Mosul; but THE colors of THE Abbassides were displayed from THE\n rampart; he suddenly repassed THE Tigris, cast a melancholy look\n on his palace of Haran, crossed THE Euphrates, abandoned THE\n fortifications of Damascus, and, without halting in Palestine,\n pitched his last and fatal camp at Busir, on THE banks of THE\n Nile. 37 His speed was urged by THE incessant diligence of\n Abdallah, who in every step of THE pursuit acquired strength and\n reputation: THE remains of THE white faction were finally\n vanquished in Egypt; and THE lance, which terminated THE life and\n anxiety of Mervan, was not less welcome perhaps to THE\n unfortunate than to THE victorious chief. The merciless\n inquisition of THE conqueror eradicated THE most distant branches\n of THE hostile race: THEir bones were scattered, THEir memory was\n accursed, and THE martyrdom of Hossein was abundantly revenged on\n THE posterity of his tyrants. Fourscore of THE Ommiades, who had\n yielded to THE faith or clemency of THEir foes, were invited to a\n banquet at Damascus. The laws of hospitality were violated by a\n promiscuous massacre: THE board was spread over THEir fallen\n bodies; and THE festivity of THE guests was enlivened by THE\n music of THEir dying groans. By THE event of THE civil war, THE\n dynasty of THE Abbassides was firmly established; but THE\n Christians only could triumph in THE mutual hatred and common\n loss of THE disciples of Mahomet. 38\n\n 35 (return) [ The steed and THE saddle which had carried any of\n his wives were instantly killed or burnt, lest THEy should\n afterwards be mounted by a male. Twelve hundred mules or camels\n were required for his kitchen furniture; and THE daily\n consumption amounted to three thousand cakes, a hundred sheep,\n besides oxen, poultry, &c., (Abul pharagius, Hist. Dynast. p.\n 140.)]\n\n 3511 (return) [ He is called Abdullah or Abul Abbas in THE Tarikh\n Tebry. Price vol. i. p. 600. Saffah or Saffauh (THE Sanguinary)\n was a name which be required after his bloody reign, (vol. ii. p.\n 1.)—M.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Al Hemar. He had been governor of Mesopotamia, and\n THE Arabic proverb praises THE courage of that warlike breed of\n asses who never fly from an enemy. The surname of Mervan may\n justify THE comparison of Homer, (Iliad, A. 557, &c.,) and both\n will silence THE moderns, who consider THE ass as a stupid and\n ignoble emblem, (D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 558.)]\n\n 37 (return) [ Four several places, all in Egypt, bore THE name of\n Busir, or Busiris, so famous in Greek fable. The first, where\n Mervan was slain was to THE west of THE Nile, in THE province of\n Fium, or Arsinoe; THE second in THE Delta, in THE Sebennytic\n nome; THE third near THE pyramids; THE fourth, which was\n destroyed by Dioclesian, (see above, vol. ii. p. 130,) in THE\n Thebais. I shall here transcribe a note of THE learned and\n orthodox Michaelis: Videntur in pluribus Aegypti superioris\n urbibus Busiri Coptoque arma sumpsisse Christiani, libertatemque\n de religione sentiendi defendisse, sed succubuisse quo in bello\n Coptus et Busiris diruta, et circa Esnam magna strages edita.\n Bellum narrant sed causam belli ignorant scriptores Byzantini,\n alioqui Coptum et Busirim non rebellasse dicturi, sed causam\n Christianorum suscepturi, (Not. 211, p. 100.) For THE geography\n of THE four Busirs, see Abulfeda, (Descript. Aegypt. p. 9, vers.\n Michaelis, Gottingae, 1776, in 4to.,) Michaelis, (Not. 122-127,\n p. 58-63,) and D’Anville, (Memoire sua l’Egypte, p. 85, 147,\n 205.)]\n\n 38 (return) [ See Abulfeda, (Annal. Moslem. p. 136-145,)\n Eutychius, (Annal. tom. ii. p. 392, vers. Pocock,) Elmacin,\n (Hist. Saracen. p. 109-121,) Abulpharagius, (Hist. Dynast. p.\n 134-140,) Roderic of Toledo, (Hist. Arabum, c. xviii. p. 33,)\n Theophanes, (Chronograph. p. 356, 357, who speaks of THE\n Abbassides) and THE BiblioTHEque of D’Herbelot, in THE articles\n Ommiades, Abbassides, Moervan, Ibrahim, Saffah, Abou Moslem.]\n\n Yet THE thousands who were swept away by THE sword of war might\n have been speedily retrieved in THE succeeding generation, if THE\n consequences of THE revolution had not tended to dissolve THE\n power and unity of THE empire of THE Saracens. In THE\n proscription of THE Ommiades, a royal youth of THE name of\n Abdalrahman alone escaped THE rage of his enemies, who hunted THE\n wandering exile from THE banks of THE Euphrates to THE valleys of\n Mount Atlas. His presence in THE neighborhood of Spain revived\n THE zeal of THE white faction. The name and cause of THE\n Abbassides had been first vindicated by THE Persians: THE West\n had been pure from civil arms; and THE servants of THE abdicated\n family still held, by a precarious tenure, THE inheritance of\n THEir lands and THE offices of government. Strongly prompted by\n gratitude, indignation, and fear, THEy invited THE grandson of\n THE caliph Hashem to ascend THE throne of his ancestors; and, in\n his desperate condition, THE extremes of rashness and prudence\n were almost THE same. The acclamations of THE people saluted his\n landing on THE coast of Andalusia: and, after a successful\n struggle, Abdalrahman established THE throne of Cordova, and was\n THE faTHEr of THE Ommiades of Spain, who reigned above two\n hundred and fifty years from THE Atlantic to THE Pyrenees. 39 He\n slew in battle a lieutenant of THE Abbassides, who had invaded\n his dominions with a fleet and army: THE head of Ala, in salt and\n camphire, was suspended by a daring messenger before THE palace\n of Mecca; and THE caliph Almansor rejoiced in his safety, that he\n was removed by seas and lands from such a formidable adversary.\n Their mutual designs or declarations of offensive war evaporated\n without effect; but instead of opening a door to THE conquest of\n Europe, Spain was dissevered from THE trunk of THE monarchy,\n engaged in perpetual hostility with THE East, and inclined to\n peace and friendship with THE Christian sovereigns of\n Constantinople and France. The example of THE Ommiades was\n imitated by THE real or fictitious progeny of Ali, THE Edrissites\n of Mauritania, and THE more powerful fatimites of Africa and\n Egypt. In THE tenth century, THE chair of Mahomet was disputed by\n three caliphs or commanders of THE faithful, who reigned at\n Bagdad, Cairoan, and Cordova, excommunicating each oTHEr, and\n agreed only in a principle of discord, that a sectary is more\n odious and criminal than an unbeliever. 40\n\n 39 (return) [ For THE revolution of Spain, consult Roderic of\n Toledo, (c. xviii. p. 34, &c.,) THE BiblioTHEca Arabico-Hispana,\n (tom. ii. p. 30, 198,) and Cardonne, (Hist. de l’Afrique et de\n l’Espagne, tom. i. p. 180-197, 205, 272, 323, &c.)]\n\n 40 (return) [ I shall not stop to refute THE strange errors and\n fancies of Sir William Temple (his Works, vol. iii. p. 371-374,\n octavo edition) and Voltaire (Histoire Generale, c. xxviii. tom.\n ii. p. 124, 125, edition de Lausanne) concerning THE division of\n THE Saracen empire. The mistakes of Voltaire proceeded from THE\n want of knowledge or reflection; but Sir William was deceived by\n a Spanish impostor, who has framed an apocryphal history of THE\n conquest of Spain by THE Arabs.]\n\n Mecca was THE patrimony of THE line of Hashem, yet THE Abbassides\n were never tempted to reside eiTHEr in THE birthplace or THE city\n of THE prophet. Damascus was disgraced by THE choice, and\n polluted with THE blood, of THE Ommiades; and, after some\n hesitation, Almansor, THE broTHEr and successor of Saffah, laid\n THE foundations of Bagdad, 41 THE Imperial seat of his posterity\n during a reign of five hundred years. 42 The chosen spot is on\n THE eastern bank of THE Tigris, about fifteen miles above THE\n ruins of Modain: THE double wall was of a circular form; and such\n was THE rapid increase of a capital, now dwindled to a provincial\n town, that THE funeral of a popular saint might be attended by\n eight hundred thousand men and sixty thousand women of Bagdad and\n THE adjacent villages. In this city of peace, 43 amidst THE\n riches of THE East, THE Abbassides soon disdained THE abstinence\n and frugality of THE first caliphs, and aspired to emulate THE\n magnificence of THE Persian kings. After his wars and buildings,\n Almansor left behind him in gold and silver about thirty millions\n sterling: 44 and this treasure was exhausted in a few years by\n THE vices or virtues of his children. His son Mahadi, in a single\n pilgrimage to Mecca, expended six millions of dinars of gold. A\n pious and charitable motive may sanctify THE foundation of\n cisterns and caravanseras, which he distributed along a measured\n road of seven hundred miles; but his train of camels, laden with\n snow, could serve only to astonish THE natives of Arabia, and to\n refresh THE fruits and liquors of THE royal banquet. 45 The\n courtiers would surely praise THE liberality of his grandson\n Almamon, who gave away four fifths of THE income of a province, a\n sum of two millions four hundred thousand gold dinars, before he\n drew his foot from THE stirrup. At THE nuptials of THE same\n prince, a thousand pearls of THE largest size were showered on\n THE head of THE bride, 46 and a lottery of lands and houses\n displayed THE capricious bounty of fortune. The glories of THE\n court were brightened, raTHEr than impaired, in THE decline of\n THE empire, and a Greek ambassador might admire, or pity, THE\n magnificence of THE feeble Moctader. “The caliph’s whole army,”\n says THE historian Abulfeda, “both horse and foot, was under\n arms, which togeTHEr made a body of one hundred and sixty\n thousand men. His state officers, THE favorite slaves, stood near\n him in splendid apparel, THEir belts glittering with gold and\n gems. Near THEm were seven thousand eunuchs, four thousand of\n THEm white, THE remainder black. The porters or door-keepers were\n in number seven hundred. Barges and boats, with THE most superb\n decorations, were seen swimming upon THE Tigris. Nor was THE\n palace itself less splendid, in which were hung up thirty-eight\n thousand pieces of tapestry, twelve thousand five hundred of\n which were of silk embroidered with gold. The carpets on THE\n floor were twenty-two thousand. A hundred lions were brought out,\n with a keeper to each lion. 47 Among THE oTHEr spectacles of rare\n and stupendous luxury was a tree of gold and silver spreading\n into eighteen large branches, on which, and on THE lesser boughs,\n sat a variety of birds made of THE same precious metals, as well\n as THE leaves of THE tree. While THE machinery affected\n spontaneous motions, THE several birds warbled THEir natural\n harmony. Through this scene of magnificence, THE Greek ambassador\n was led by THE vizier to THE foot of THE caliph’s throne.” 48 In\n THE West, THE Ommiades of Spain supported, with equal pomp, THE\n title of commander of THE faithful. Three miles from Cordova, in\n honor of his favorite sultana, THE third and greatest of THE\n Abdalrahmans constructed THE city, palace, and gardens of Zehra.\n Twenty-five years, and above three millions sterling, were\n employed by THE founder: his liberal taste invited THE artists of\n Constantinople, THE most skilful sculptors and architects of THE\n age; and THE buildings were sustained or adorned by twelve\n hundred columns of Spanish and African, of Greek and Italian\n marble. The hall of audience was incrusted with gold and pearls,\n and a great basin in THE centre was surrounded with THE curious\n and costly figures of birds and quadrupeds. In a lofty pavilion\n of THE gardens, one of THEse basins and fountains, so delightful\n in a sultry climate, was replenished not with water, but with THE\n purest quicksilver. The seraglio of Abdalrahman, his wives,\n concubines, and black eunuchs, amounted to six thousand three\n hundred persons: and he was attended to THE field by a guard of\n twelve thousand horse, whose belts and cimeters were studded with\n gold. 49\n\n 41 (return) [ The geographer D’Anville, (l’Euphrate et le Tigre,\n p. 121-123,) and THE Orientalist D’Herbelot, (BiblioTHEque, p.\n 167, 168,) may suffice for THE knowledge of Bagdad. Our\n travellers, Pietro della Valle, (tom. i. p. 688-698,) Tavernier,\n (tom. i. p. 230-238,) Thevenot, (part ii. p. 209-212,) Otter,\n (tom. i. p. 162-168,) and Niebuhr, (Voyage en Arabie, tom. ii. p.\n 239-271,) have seen only its decay; and THE Nubian geographer,\n (p. 204,) and THE travelling Jew, Benjamin of Tuleda\n (Itinerarium, p. 112-123, a Const. l’Empereur, apud Elzevir,\n 1633,) are THE only writers of my acquaintance, who have known\n Bagdad under THE reign of THE Abbassides.]\n\n 42 (return) [ The foundations of Bagdad were laid A. H. 145, A.D.\n 762. Mostasem, THE last of THE Abbassides, was taken and put to\n death by THE Tartars, A. H. 656, A.D. 1258, THE 20th of\n February.]\n\n 43 (return) [ Medinat al Salem, Dar al Salem. Urbs pacis, or, as\n it is more neatly compounded by THE Byzantine writers,\n (Irenopolis.) There is some dispute concerning THE etymology of\n Bagdad, but THE first syllable is allowed to signify a garden in\n THE Persian tongue; THE garden of Dad, a Christian hermit, whose\n cell had been THE only habitation on THE spot.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Reliquit in aerario sexcenties millies mille\n stateres. et quater et vicies millies mille aureos aureos.\n Elmacin, Hist. Saracen. p. 126. I have reckoned THE gold pieces\n at eight shillings, and THE proportion to THE silver as twelve to\n one. But I will never answer for THE numbers of Erpenius; and THE\n Latins are scarcely above THE savages in THE language of\n arithmetic.]\n\n 45 (return) [ D’Herbelot, p. 530. Abulfeda, p. 154. Nivem Meccam\n apportavit, rem ibi aut nunquam aut rarissime visam.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Abulfeda (p. 184, 189) describes THE splendor and\n liberality of Almamon. Milton has alluded to this Oriental\n custom:—\n\n Or where THE gorgeous East, with richest hand,\n Showers on her kings Barbaric pearls and gold.\n\n I have used THE modern word lottery to express THE word of THE\n Roman emperors, which entitled to some prize THE person who\n caught THEm, as THEy were thrown among THE crowd.]\n\n 47 (return) [ When Bell of Antermony (Travels, vol. i. p. 99)\n accompanied THE Russian ambassador to THE audience of THE\n unfortunate Shah Hussein of Persia, two lions were introduced, to\n denote THE power of THE king over THE fiercest animals.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Abulfeda, p. 237. D’Herbelot, p. 590. This embassy\n was received at Bagdad, A. H. 305, A.D. 917. In THE passage of\n Abulfeda, I have used, with some variations, THE English\n translation of THE learned and amiable Mr. Harris of Salisbury,\n (Philological Enquiries p. 363, 364.)]\n\n 49 (return) [ Cardonne, Histoire de l’Afrique et de l’Espagne,\n tom. i. p. 330-336. A just idea of THE taste and architecture of\n THE Arabians of Spain may be conceived from THE description and\n plates of THE Alhambra of Grenada, (Swinburne’s Travels, p.\n 171-188.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.—Part III.\n\n In a private condition, our desires are perpetually repressed by\n poverty and subordination; but THE lives and labors of millions\n are devoted to THE service of a despotic prince, whose laws are\n blindly obeyed, and whose wishes are instantly gratified. Our\n imagination is dazzled by THE splendid picture; and whatever may\n be THE cool dictates of reason, THEre are few among us who would\n obstinately refuse a trial of THE comforts and THE cares of\n royalty. It may THErefore be of some use to borrow THE experience\n of THE same Abdalrahman, whose magnificence has perhaps excited\n our admiration and envy, and to transcribe an auTHEntic memorial\n which was found in THE closet of THE deceased caliph. “I have now\n reigned above fifty years in victory or peace; beloved by my\n subjects, dreaded by my enemies, and respected by my allies.\n Riches and honors, power and pleasure, have waited on my call,\n nor does any earthly blessing appear to have been wanting to my\n felicity. In this situation, I have diligently numbered THE days\n of pure and genuine happiness which have fallen to my lot: THEy\n amount to Fourteen:—O man! place not thy confidence in this\n present world!” 50 The luxury of THE caliphs, so useless to THEir\n private happiness, relaxed THE nerves, and terminated THE\n progress, of THE Arabian empire. Temporal and spiritual conquest\n had been THE sole occupation of THE first successors of Mahomet;\n and after supplying THEmselves with THE necessaries of life, THE\n whole revenue was scrupulously devoted to that salutary work. The\n Abbassides were impoverished by THE multitude of THEir wants, and\n THEir contempt of oeconomy. Instead of pursuing THE great object\n of ambition, THEir leisure, THEir affections, THE powers of THEir\n mind, were diverted by pomp and pleasure: THE rewards of valor\n were embezzled by women and eunuchs, and THE royal camp was\n encumbered by THE luxury of THE palace. A similar temper was\n diffused among THE subjects of THE caliph. Their stern enthusiasm\n was softened by time and prosperity. THEy sought riches in THE\n occupations of industry, fame in THE pursuits of literature, and\n happiness in THE tranquillity of domestic life. War was no longer\n THE passion of THE Saracens; and THE increase of pay, THE\n repetition of donatives, were insufficient to allure THE\n posterity of those voluntary champions who had crowded to THE\n standard of Abubeker and Omar for THE hopes of spoil and of\n paradise.\n\n 50 (return) [ Cardonne, tom. i. p. 329, 330. This confession, THE\n complaints of Solomon of THE vanity of this world, (read Prior’s\n verbose but eloquent poem,) and THE happy ten days of THE emperor\n Seghed, (Rambler, No. 204, 205,) will be triumphantly quoted by\n THE detractors of human life. Their expectations are commonly\n immoderate, THEir estimates are seldom impartial. If I may speak\n of myself, (THE only person of whom I can speak with certainty,)\n my happy hours have far exceeded, and far exceed, THE scanty\n numbers of THE caliph of Spain; and I shall not scruple to add,\n that many of THEm are due to THE pleasing labor of THE present\n composition.]\n\n Under THE reign of THE Ommiades, THE studies of THE Moslems were\n confined to THE interpretation of THE Koran, and THE eloquence\n and poetry of THEir native tongue. A people continually exposed\n to THE dangers of THE field must esteem THE healing powers of\n medicine, or raTHEr of surgery; but THE starving physicians of\n Arabia murmured a complaint that exercise and temperance deprived\n THEm of THE greatest part of THEir practice. 51 After THEir civil\n and domestic wars, THE subjects of THE Abbassides, awakening from\n this mental lethargy, found leisure and felt curiosity for THE\n acquisition of profane science. This spirit was first encouraged\n by THE caliph Almansor, who, besides his knowledge of THE\n Mahometan law, had applied himself with success to THE study of\n astronomy. But when THE sceptre devolved to Almamon, THE seventh\n of THE Abbassides, he completed THE designs of his grandfaTHEr,\n and invited THE muses from THEir ancient seats. His ambassadors\n at Constantinople, his agents in Armenia, Syria, and Egypt,\n collected THE volumes of Grecian science; at his command THEy\n were translated by THE most skilful interpreters into THE Arabic\n language: his subjects were exhorted assiduously to peruse THEse\n instructive writings; and THE successor of Mahomet assisted with\n pleasure and modesty at THE assemblies and disputations of THE\n learned. “He was not ignorant,” says Abulpharagius, “that THEy\n are THE elect of God, his best and most useful servants, whose\n lives are devoted to THE improvement of THEir rational faculties.\n The mean ambition of THE Chinese or THE Turks may glory in THE\n industry of THEir hands or THE indulgence of THEir brutal\n appetites. Yet THEse dexterous artists must view, with hopeless\n emulation, THE hexagons and pyramids of THE cells of a beehive:\n 52 THEse fortitudinous heroes are awed by THE superior fierceness\n of THE lions and tigers; and in THEir amorous enjoyments THEy are\n much inferior to THE vigor of THE grossest and most sordid\n quadrupeds. The teachers of wisdom are THE true luminaries and\n legislators of a world, which, without THEir aid, would again\n sink in ignorance and barbarism.” 53 The zeal and curiosity of\n Almamon were imitated by succeeding princes of THE line of Abbas:\n THEir rivals, THE Fatimites of Africa and THE Ommiades of Spain,\n were THE patrons of THE learned, as well as THE commanders of THE\n faithful; THE same royal prerogative was claimed by THEir\n independent emirs of THE provinces; and THEir emulation diffused\n THE taste and THE rewards of science from Samarcand and Bochara\n to Fez and Cordova. The vizier of a sultan consecrated a sum of\n two hundred thousand pieces of gold to THE foundation of a\n college at Bagdad, which he endowed with an annual revenue of\n fifteen thousand dinars. The fruits of instruction were\n communicated, perhaps at different times, to six thousand\n disciples of every degree, from THE son of THE noble to that of\n THE mechanic: a sufficient allowance was provided for THE\n indigent scholars; and THE merit or industry of THE professors\n was repaid with adequate stipends. In every city THE productions\n of Arabic literature were copied and collected by THE curiosity\n of THE studious and THE vanity of THE rich. A private doctor\n refused THE invitation of THE sultan of Bochara, because THE\n carriage of his books would have required four hundred camels.\n The royal library of THE Fatimites consisted of one hundred\n thousand manuscripts, elegantly transcribed and splendidly bound,\n which were lent, without jealousy or avarice, to THE students of\n Cairo. Yet this collection must appear moderate, if we can\n believe that THE Ommiades of Spain had formed a library of six\n hundred thousand volumes, forty-four of which were employed in\n THE mere catalogue. Their capital, Cordova, with THE adjacent\n towns of Malaga, Almeria, and Murcia, had given birth to more\n than three hundred writers, and above seventy public libraries\n were opened in THE cities of THE Andalusian kingdom. The age of\n Arabian learning continued about five hundred years, till THE\n great eruption of THE Moguls, and was coeval with THE darkest and\n most slothful period of European annals; but since THE sun of\n science has arisen in THE West, it should seem that THE Oriental\n studies have languished and declined. 54\n\n 51 (return) [ The Guliston (p. 29) relates THE conversation of\n Mahomet and a physician, (Epistol. Renaudot. in Fabricius,\n Bibliot. Graec. tom. i. p. 814.) The prophet himself was skilled\n in THE art of medicine; and Gagnier (Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p.\n 394-405) has given an extract of THE aphorisms which are extant\n under his name.]\n\n 52 (return) [ See THEir curious architecture in Reaumur (Hist.\n des Insectes, tom. v. Memoire viii.) These hexagons are closed by\n a pyramid; THE angles of THE three sides of a similar pyramid,\n such as would accomplish THE given end with THE smallest quantity\n possible of materials, were determined by a maTHEmatician, at\n 109] degrees 26 minutes for THE larger, 70 degrees 34 minutes for\n THE smaller. The actual measure is 109 degrees 28 minutes, 70\n degrees 32 minutes. Yet this perfect harmony raises THE work at\n THE expense of THE artist he bees are not masters of transcendent\n geometry.]\n\n 53 (return) [ Saed Ebn Ahmed, cadhi of Toledo, who died A. H.\n 462, A.D. 069, has furnished Abulpharagius (Dynast. p. 160) with\n this curious passage, as well as with THE text of Pocock’s\n Specimen Historiae Arabum. A number of literary anecdotes of\n philosophers, physicians, &c., who have flourished under each\n caliph, form THE principal merit of THE Dynasties of\n Abulpharagius.]\n\n 54 (return) [ These literary anecdotes are borrowed from THE\n BiblioTHEca Arabico-Hispana, (tom. ii. p. 38, 71, 201, 202,) Leo\n Africanus, (de Arab. Medicis et Philosophis, in Fabric. Bibliot.\n Graec. tom. xiii. p. 259-293, particularly p. 274,) and Renaudot,\n (Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 274, 275, 536, 537,) besides THE\n chronological remarks of Abulpharagius.]\n\n In THE libraries of THE Arabians, as in those of Europe, THE far\n greater part of THE innumerable volumes were possessed only of\n local value or imaginary merit. 55 The shelves were crowded with\n orators and poets, whose style was adapted to THE taste and\n manners of THEir countrymen; with general and partial histories,\n which each revolving generation supplied with a new harvest of\n persons and events; with codes and commentaries of jurisprudence,\n which derived THEir authority from THE law of THE prophet; with\n THE interpreters of THE Koran, and orthodox tradition; and with\n THE whole THEological tribe, polemics, mystics, scholastics, and\n moralists, THE first or THE last of writers, according to THE\n different estimates of sceptics or believers. The works of\n speculation or science may be reduced to THE four classes of\n philosophy, maTHEmatics, astronomy, and physic. The sages of\n Greece were translated and illustrated in THE Arabic language,\n and some treatises, now lost in THE original, have been recovered\n in THE versions of THE East, 56 which possessed and studied THE\n writings of Aristotle and Plato, of Euclid and Apollonius, of\n Ptolemy, Hippocrates, and Galen. 57 Among THE ideal systems which\n have varied with THE fashion of THE times, THE Arabians adopted\n THE philosophy of THE Stagirite, alike intelligible or alike\n obscure for THE readers of every age. Plato wrote for THE\n ATHEnians, and his allegorical genius is too closely blended with\n THE language and religion of Greece. After THE fall of that\n religion, THE Peripatetics, emerging from THEir obscurity,\n prevailed in THE controversies of THE Oriental sects, and THEir\n founder was long afterwards restored by THE Mahometans of Spain\n to THE Latin schools. 58 The physics, both of THE Academy and THE\n Lycaeum, as THEy are built, not on observation, but on argument,\n have retarded THE progress of real knowledge. The metaphysics of\n infinite, or finite, spirit, have too often been enlisted in THE\n service of superstition. But THE human faculties are fortified by\n THE art and practice of dialectics; THE ten predicaments of\n Aristotle collect and methodize our ideas, 59 and his syllogism\n is THE keenest weapon of dispute. It was dexterously wielded in\n THE schools of THE Saracens, but as it is more effectual for THE\n detection of error than for THE investigation of truth, it is not\n surprising that new generations of masters and disciples should\n still revolve in THE same circle of logical argument. The\n maTHEmatics are distinguished by a peculiar privilege, that, in\n THE course of ages, THEy may always advance, and can never\n recede. But THE ancient geometry, if I am not misinformed, was\n resumed in THE same state by THE Italians of THE fifteenth\n century; and whatever may be THE origin of THE name, THE science\n of algebra is ascribed to THE Grecian Diophantus by THE modest\n testimony of THE Arabs THEmselves. 60 They cultivated with more\n success THE sublime science of astronomy, which elevates THE mind\n of man to disdain his diminutive planet and momentary existence.\n The costly instruments of observation were supplied by THE caliph\n Almamon, and THE land of THE Chaldaeans still afforded THE same\n spacious level, THE same unclouded horizon. In THE plains of\n Sinaar, and a second time in those of Cufa, his maTHEmaticians\n accurately measured a degree of THE great circle of THE earth,\n and determined at twenty-four thousand miles THE entire\n circumference of our globe. 61 From THE reign of THE Abbassides\n to that of THE grandchildren of Tamerlane, THE stars, without THE\n aid of glasses, were diligently observed; and THE astronomical\n tables of Bagdad, Spain, and Samarcand, 62 correct some minute\n errors, without daring to renounce THE hypoTHEsis of Ptolemy,\n without advancing a step towards THE discovery of THE solar\n system. In THE Eastern courts, THE truths of science could be\n recommended only by ignorance and folly, and THE astronomer would\n have been disregarded, had he not debased his wisdom or honesty\n by THE vain predictions of astrology. 63 But in THE science of\n medicine, THE Arabians have been deservedly applauded. The names\n of Mesua and Geber, of Razis and Avicenna, are ranked with THE\n Grecian masters; in THE city of Bagdad, eight hundred and sixty\n physicians were licensed to exercise THEir lucrative profession:\n 64 in Spain, THE life of THE Catholic princes was intrusted to\n THE skill of THE Saracens, 65 and THE school of Salerno, THEir\n legitimate offspring, revived in Italy and Europe THE precepts of\n THE healing art. 66 The success of each professor must have been\n influenced by personal and accidental causes; but we may form a\n less fanciful estimate of THEir general knowledge of anatomy, 67\n botany, 68 and chemistry, 69 THE threefold basis of THEir THEory\n and practice. A superstitious reverence for THE dead confined\n both THE Greeks and THE Arabians to THE dissection of apes and\n quadrupeds; THE more solid and visible parts were known in THE\n time of Galen, and THE finer scrutiny of THE human frame was\n reserved for THE microscope and THE injections of modern artists.\n Botany is an active science, and THE discoveries of THE torrid\n zone might enrich THE herbal of Dioscorides with two thousand\n plants. Some traditionary knowledge might be secreted in THE\n temples and monasteries of Egypt; much useful experience had been\n acquired in THE practice of arts and manufactures; but THE\n science of chemistry owes its origin and improvement to THE\n industry of THE Saracens. They first invented and named THE\n alembic for THE purposes of distillation, analyzed THE substances\n of THE three kingdoms of nature, tried THE distinction and\n affinities of alcalis and acids, and converted THE poisonous\n minerals into soft and salutary medicines. But THE most eager\n search of Arabian chemistry was THE transmutation of metals, and\n THE elixir of immortal health: THE reason and THE fortunes of\n thousands were evaporated in THE crucibles of alchemy, and THE\n consummation of THE great work was promoted by THE worthy aid of\n mystery, fable, and superstition.\n\n 55 (return) [ The Arabic catalogue of THE Escurial will give a\n just idea of THE proportion of THE classes. In THE library of\n Cairo, THE Mss of astronomy and medicine amounted to 6500, with\n two fair globes, THE one of brass, THE oTHEr of silver, (Bibliot.\n Arab. Hisp. tom. i. p. 417.)]\n\n 56 (return) [ As, for instance, THE fifth, sixth, and seventh\n books (THE eighth is still wanting) of THE Conic Sections of\n Apollonius Pergaeus, which were printed from THE Florence Ms.\n 1661, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. ii. p. 559.) Yet THE fifth\n book had been previously restored by THE maTHEmatical divination\n of Viviani, (see his Eloge in Fontenelle, tom. v. p. 59, &c.)]\n\n 57 (return) [ The merit of THEse Arabic versions is freely\n discussed by Renaudot, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. i. p.\n 812-816,) and piously defended by Casiri, (Bibliot. Arab.\n Hispana, tom. i. p. 238-240.) Most of THE versions of Plato,\n Aristotle, Hippocrates, Galen, &c., are ascribed to Honain, a\n physician of THE Nestorian sect, who flourished at Bagdad in THE\n court of THE caliphs, and died A.D. 876. He was at THE head of a\n school or manufacture of translations, and THE works of his sons\n and disciples were published under his name. See Abulpharagius,\n (Dynast. p. 88, 115, 171-174, and apud Asseman. Bibliot. Orient.\n tom. ii. p. 438,) D’Herbelot, (Bibliot. Orientale, p. 456,)\n Asseman. (Bibliot. Orient. tom. iii. p. 164,) and Casiri,\n (Bibliot. Arab. Hispana, tom. i. p. 238, &c. 251, 286-290, 302,\n 304, &c.)]\n\n 58 (return) [ See Mosheim, Institut. Hist. Eccles. p. 181, 214,\n 236, 257, 315, 388, 396, 438, &c.]\n\n 59 (return) [ The most elegant commentary on THE Categories or\n Predicaments of Aristotle may be found in THE Philosophical\n Arrangements of Mr. James Harris, (London, 1775, in octavo,) who\n labored to revive THE studies of Grecian literature and\n philosophy.]\n\n 60 (return) [ Abulpharagius, Dynast. p. 81, 222. Bibliot. Arab.\n Hisp. tom. i. p. 370, 371. In quem (says THE primate of THE\n Jacobites) si immiserit selector, oceanum hoc in genere\n (algebrae) inveniet. The time of Diophantus of Alexandria is\n unknown; but his six books are still extant, and have been\n illustrated by THE Greek Planudes and THE Frenchman Meziriac,\n (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. iv. p. 12-15.)]\n\n 61 (return) [ Abulfeda (Annal. Moslem. p. 210, 211, vers. Reiske)\n describes this operation according to Ibn Challecan, and THE best\n historians. This degree most accurately contains 200,000 royal or\n Hashemite cubits which Arabia had derived from THE sacred and\n legal practice both of Palestine and Egypt. This ancient cubit is\n repeated 400 times in each basis of THE great pyramid, and seems\n to indicate THE primitive and universal measures of THE East. See\n THE Metrologie of THE laborions. M. Paucton, p. 101-195.]\n\n 62 (return) [ See THE Astronomical Tables of Ulugh Begh, with THE\n preface of Dr. Hyde in THE first volume of his Syntagma\n Dissertationum, Oxon. 1767.]\n\n 63 (return) [ The truth of astrology was allowed by Albumazar,\n and THE best of THE Arabian astronomers, who drew THEir most\n certain predictions, not from Venus and Mercury, but from Jupiter\n and THE sun, (Abulpharag. Dynast. p. 161-163.) For THE state and\n science of THE Persian astronomers, see Chardin, (Voyages en\n Perse, tom. iii. p. 162-203.)]\n\n 64 (return) [ Bibliot. Arabico-Hispana, tom. i. p. 438. The\n original relates a pleasant tale of an ignorant, but harmless,\n practitioner.]\n\n 65 (return) [ In THE year 956, Sancho THE Fat, king of Leon, was\n cured by THE physicians of Cordova, (Mariana, l. viii. c. 7, tom.\n i. p. 318.)]\n\n 66 (return) [ The school of Salerno, and THE introduction of THE\n Arabian sciences into Italy, are discussed with learning and\n judgment by Muratori (Antiquitat. Italiae Medii Aevi, tom. iii.\n p. 932-940) and Giannone, (Istoria Civile di Napoli, tom. ii. p.\n 119-127.)]\n\n 67 (return) [ See a good view of THE progress of anatomy in\n Wotton, (Reflections on Ancient and Modern Learning, p. 208-256.)\n His reputation has been unworthily depreciated by THE wits in THE\n controversy of Boyle and Bentley.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Bibliot. Arab. Hispana, tom. i. p. 275. Al Beithar,\n of Malaga, THEir greatest botanist, had travelled into Africa,\n Persia, and India.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Dr. Watson, (Elements of Chemistry, vol. i. p. 17,\n &c.) allows THE original merit of THE Arabians. Yet he quotes THE\n modest confession of THE famous Geber of THE ixth century,\n (D’Herbelot, p. 387,) that he had drawn most of his science,\n perhaps THE transmutation of metals, from THE ancient sages.\n Whatever might be THE origin or extent of THEir knowledge, THE\n arts of chemistry and alchemy appear to have been known in Egypt\n at least three hundred years before Mahomet, (Wotton’s\n Reflections, p. 121-133. Pauw, Recherches sur les Egyptiens et\n les Chinois, tom. i. p. 376-429.) * Note: Mr. Whewell (Hist. of\n Inductive Sciences, vol. i. p. 336) rejects THE claim of THE\n Arabians as inventors of THE science of chemistry. “The formation\n and realization of THE notions of analysis and affinity were\n important steps in chemical science; which, as I shall hereafter\n endeavor to show it remained for THE chemists of Europe to make\n at a much later period.”—M.]\n\n But THE Moslems deprived THEmselves of THE principal benefits of\n a familiar intercourse with Greece and Rome, THE knowledge of\n antiquity, THE purity of taste, and THE freedom of thought.\n Confident in THE riches of THEir native tongue, THE Arabians\n disdained THE study of any foreign idiom. The Greek interpreters\n were chosen among THEir Christian subjects; THEy formed THEir\n translations, sometimes on THE original text, more frequently\n perhaps on a Syriac version; and in THE crowd of astronomers and\n physicians, THEre is no example of a poet, an orator, or even an\n historian, being taught to speak THE language of THE Saracens. 70\n The mythology of Homer would have provoked THE abhorrence of\n those stern fanatics: THEy possessed in lazy ignorance THE\n colonies of THE Macedonians, and THE provinces of Carthage and\n Rome: THE heroes of Plutarch and Livy were buried in oblivion;\n and THE history of THE world before Mahomet was reduced to a\n short legend of THE patriarchs, THE prophets, and THE Persian\n kings. Our education in THE Greek and Latin schools may have\n fixed in our minds a standard of exclusive taste; and I am not\n forward to condemn THE literature and judgment of nations, of\n whose language I am ignorant. Yet I know that THE classics have\n much to teach, and I believe that THE Orientals have much to\n learn; THE temperate dignity of style, THE graceful proportions\n of art, THE forms of visible and intellectual beauty, THE just\n delineation of character and passion, THE rhetoric of narrative\n and argument, THE regular fabric of epic and dramatic poetry. 71\n The influence of truth and reason is of a less ambiguous\n complexion. The philosophers of ATHEns and Rome enjoyed THE\n blessings, and asserted THE rights, of civil and religious\n freedom. Their moral and political writings might have gradually\n unlocked THE fetters of Eastern despotism, diffused a liberal\n spirit of inquiry and toleration, and encouraged THE Arabian\n sages to suspect that THEir caliph was a tyrant, and THEir\n prophet an impostor. 72 The instinct of superstition was alarmed\n by THE introduction even of THE abstract sciences; and THE more\n rigid doctors of THE law condemned THE rash and pernicious\n curiosity of Almamon. 73 To THE thirst of martyrdom, THE vision\n of paradise, and THE belief of predestination, we must ascribe\n THE invincible enthusiasm of THE prince and people. And THE sword\n of THE Saracens became less formidable when THEir youth was drawn\n away from THE camp to THE college, when THE armies of THE\n faithful presumed to read and to reflect. Yet THE foolish vanity\n of THE Greeks was jealous of THEir studies, and reluctantly\n imparted THE sacred fire to THE Barbarians of THE East. 74\n\n 70 (return) [ Abulpharagius (Dynast. p. 26, 148) mentions a\n Syriac version of Homer’s two poems, by Theophilus, a Christian\n Maronite of Mount Libanus, who professed astronomy at Roha or\n Edessa towards THE end of THE viiith century. His work would be a\n literary curiosity. I have read somewhere, but I do not believe,\n that Plutarch’s Lives were translated into Turkish for THE use of\n Mahomet THE Second.]\n\n 71 (return) [ I have perused, with much pleasure, Sir William\n Jones’s Latin Commentary on Asiatic Poetry, (London, 1774, in\n octavo,) which was composed in THE youth of that wonderful\n linguist. At present, in THE maturity of his taste and judgment,\n he would perhaps abate of THE fervent, and even partial, praise\n which he has bestowed on THE Orientals.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Among THE Arabian philosophers, Averroes has been\n accused of despising THE religions of THE Jews, THE Christians,\n and THE Mahometans, (see his article in Bayle’s Dictionary.) Each\n of THEse sects would agree, that in two instances out of three,\n his contempt was reasonable.]\n\n 73 (return) [ D’Herbelot, BiblioTHEque, Orientale, p. 546.]\n\n 74 (return) [ Cedrenus, p. 548, who relates how manfully THE\n emperor refused a maTHEmatician to THE instances and offers of\n THE caliph Almamon. This absurd scruple is expressed almost in\n THE same words by THE continuator of Theophanes, (Scriptores post\n Theophanem, p. 118.)]\n\n In THE bloody conflict of THE Ommiades and Abbassides, THE Greeks\n had stolen THE opportunity of avenging THEir wrongs and enlarging\n THEir limits. But a severe retribution was exacted by Mohadi, THE\n third caliph of THE new dynasty, who seized, in his turn, THE\n favorable opportunity, while a woman and a child, Irene and\n Constantine, were seated on THE Byzantine throne. An army of\n ninety-five thousand Persians and Arabs was sent from THE Tigris\n to THE Thracian Bosphorus, under THE command of Harun, 75 or\n Aaron, THE second son of THE commander of THE faithful. His\n encampment on THE opposite heights of Chrysopolis, or Scutari,\n informed Irene, in her palace of Constantinople, of THE loss of\n her troops and provinces. With THE consent or connivance of THEir\n sovereign, her ministers subscribed an ignominious peace; and THE\n exchange of some royal gifts could not disguise THE annual\n tribute of seventy thousand dinars of gold, which was imposed on\n THE Roman empire. The Saracens had too rashly advanced into THE\n midst of a distant and hostile land: THEir retreat was solicited\n by THE promise of faithful guides and plentiful markets; and not\n a Greek had courage to whisper, that THEir weary forces might be\n surrounded and destroyed in THEir necessary passage between a\n slippery mountain and THE River Sangarius. Five years after this\n expedition, Harun ascended THE throne of his faTHEr and his elder\n broTHEr; THE most powerful and vigorous monarch of his race,\n illustrious in THE West, as THE ally of Charlemagne, and familiar\n to THE most childish readers, as THE perpetual hero of THE\n Arabian tales. His title to THE name of Al Rashid (THE Just) is\n sullied by THE extirpation of THE generous, perhaps THE innocent,\n Barmecides; yet he could listen to THE complaint of a poor widow\n who had been pillaged by his troops, and who dared, in a passage\n of THE Koran, to threaten THE inattentive despot with THE\n judgment of God and posterity. His court was adorned with luxury\n and science; but, in a reign of three-and-twenty years, Harun\n repeatedly visited his provinces from Chorasan to Egypt; nine\n times he performed THE pilgrimage of Mecca; eight times he\n invaded THE territories of THE Romans; and as often as THEy\n declined THE payment of THE tribute, THEy were taught to feel\n that a month of depredation was more costly than a year of\n submission. But when THE unnatural moTHEr of Constantine was\n deposed and banished, her successor, Nicephorus, resolved to\n obliterate this badge of servitude and disgrace. The epistle of\n THE emperor to THE caliph was pointed with an allusion to THE\n game of chess, which had already spread from Persia to Greece.\n “The queen (he spoke of Irene) considered you as a rook, and\n herself as a pawn. That pusillanimous female submitted to pay a\n tribute, THE double of which she ought to have exacted from THE\n Barbarians. Restore THErefore THE fruits of your injustice, or\n abide THE determination of THE sword.” At THEse words THE\n ambassadors cast a bundle of swords before THE foot of THE\n throne. The caliph smiled at THE menace, and drawing his cimeter,\n samsamah, a weapon of historic or fabulous renown, he cut asunder\n THE feeble arms of THE Greeks, without turning THE edge, or\n endangering THE temper, of his blade. He THEn dictated an epistle\n of tremendous brevity: “In THE name of THE most merciful God,\n Harun al Rashid, commander of THE faithful, to Nicephorus, THE\n Roman dog. I have read thy letter, O thou son of an unbelieving\n moTHEr. Thou shalt not hear, thou shalt behold, my reply.” It was\n written in characters of blood and fire on THE plains of Phrygia;\n and THE warlike celerity of THE Arabs could only be checked by\n THE arts of deceit and THE show of repentance.\n\n The triumphant caliph retired, after THE fatigues of THE\n campaign, to his favorite palace of Racca on THE Euphrates: 76\n but THE distance of five hundred miles, and THE inclemency of THE\n season, encouraged his adversary to violate THE peace. Nicephorus\n was astonished by THE bold and rapid march of THE commander of\n THE faithful, who repassed, in THE depth of winter, THE snows of\n Mount Taurus: his stratagems of policy and war were exhausted;\n and THE perfidious Greek escaped with three wounds from a field\n of battle overspread with forty thousand of his subjects. Yet THE\n emperor was ashamed of submission, and THE caliph was resolved on\n victory. One hundred and thirty-five thousand regular soldiers\n received pay, and were inscribed in THE military roll; and above\n three hundred thousand persons of every denomination marched\n under THE black standard of THE Abbassides. They swept THE\n surface of Asia Minor far beyond Tyana and Ancyra, and invested\n THE Pontic Heraclea, 77 once a flourishing state, now a paltry\n town; at that time capable of sustaining, in her antique walls, a\n month’s siege against THE forces of THE East. The ruin was\n complete, THE spoil was ample; but if Harun had been conversant\n with Grecian story, he would have regretted THE statue of\n Hercules, whose attributes, THE club, THE bow, THE quiver, and\n THE lion’s hide, were sculptured in massy gold. The progress of\n desolation by sea and land, from THE Euxine to THE Isle of\n Cyprus, compelled THE emperor Nicephorus to retract his haughty\n defiance. In THE new treaty, THE ruins of Heraclea were left\n forever as a lesson and a trophy; and THE coin of THE tribute was\n marked with THE image and superscription of Harun and his three\n sons. 78 Yet this plurality of lords might contribute to remove\n THE dishonor of THE Roman name. After THE death of THEir faTHEr,\n THE heirs of THE caliph were involved in civil discord, and THE\n conqueror, THE liberal Almamon, was sufficiently engaged in THE\n restoration of domestic peace and THE introduction of foreign\n science.\n\n 75 (return) [ See THE reign and character of Harun Al Rashid, in\n THE BiblioTHEque Orientale, p. 431-433, under his proper title;\n and in THE relative articles to which M. D’Herbelot refers. That\n learned collector has shown much taste in stripping THE Oriental\n chronicles of THEir instructive and amusing anecdotes.]\n\n 76 (return) [ For THE situation of Racca, THE old Nicephorium,\n consult D’Anville, (l’Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 24-27.) The\n Arabian Nights represent Harun al Rashid as almost stationary in\n Bagdad. He respected THE royal seat of THE Abbassides: but THE\n vices of THE inhabitants had driven him from THE city, (Abulfed.\n Annal. p. 167.)]\n\n 77 (return) [ M. de Tournefort, in his coasting voyage from\n Constantinople to Trebizond, passed a night at Heraclea or\n Eregri. His eye surveyed THE present state, his reading collected\n THE antiquities, of THE city (Voyage du Levant, tom. iii. lettre\n xvi. p. 23-35.) We have a separate history of Heraclea in THE\n fragments of Memnon, which are preserved by Photius.]\n\n 78 (return) [ The wars of Harun al Rashid against THE Roman\n empire are related by Theophanes, (p. 384, 385, 391, 396, 407,\n 408.) Zonaras, (tom. iii. l. xv. p. 115, 124,) Cedrenus, (p. 477,\n 478,) Eutycaius, (Annal. tom. ii. p. 407,) Elmacin, (Hist.\n Saracen. p. 136, 151, 152,) Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 147, 151,)\n and Abulfeda, (p. 156, 166-168.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.—Part IV.\n\n Under THE reign of Almamon at Bagdad, of Michael THE Stammerer at\n Constantinople, THE islands of Crete 79 and Sicily were subdued\n by THE Arabs. The former of THEse conquests is disdained by THEir\n own writers, who were ignorant of THE fame of Jupiter and Minos,\n but it has not been overlooked by THE Byzantine historians, who\n now begin to cast a clearer light on THE affairs of THEir own\n times. 80 A band of Andalusian volunteers, discontented with THE\n climate or government of Spain, explored THE adventures of THE\n sea; but as THEy sailed in no more than ten or twenty galleys,\n THEir warfare must be branded with THE name of piracy. As THE\n subjects and sectaries of THE white party, THEy might lawfully\n invade THE dominions of THE black caliphs. A rebellious faction\n introduced THEm into Alexandria; 81 THEy cut in pieces both\n friends and foes, pillaged THE churches and THE moschs, sold\n above six thousand Christian captives, and maintained THEir\n station in THE capital of Egypt, till THEy were oppressed by THE\n forces and THE presence of Almamon himself. From THE mouth of THE\n Nile to THE Hellespont, THE islands and sea-coasts both of THE\n Greeks and Moslems were exposed to THEir depredations; THEy saw,\n THEy envied, THEy tasted THE fertility of Crete, and soon\n returned with forty galleys to a more serious attack. The\n Andalusians wandered over THE land fearless and unmolested; but\n when THEy descended with THEir plunder to THE sea-shore, THEir\n vessels were in flames, and THEir chief, Abu Caab, confessed\n himself THE author of THE mischief. Their clamors accused his\n madness or treachery. “Of what do you complain?” replied THE\n crafty emir. “I have brought you to a land flowing with milk and\n honey. Here is your true country; repose from your toils, and\n forget THE barren place of your nativity.” “And our wives and\n children?” “Your beauteous captives will supply THE place of your\n wives, and in THEir embraces you will soon become THE faTHErs of\n a new progeny.” The first habitation was THEir camp, with a ditch\n and rampart, in THE Bay of Suda; but an apostate monk led THEm to\n a more desirable position in THE eastern parts; and THE name of\n Candax, THEir fortress and colony, has been extended to THE whole\n island, under THE corrupt and modern appellation of Candia. The\n hundred cities of THE age of Minos were diminished to thirty; and\n of THEse, only one, most probably Cydonia, had courage to retain\n THE substance of freedom and THE profession of Christianity. The\n Saracens of Crete soon repaired THE loss of THEir navy; and THE\n timbers of Mount Ida were launched into THE main. During a\n hostile period of one hundred and thirty-eight years, THE princes\n of Constantinople attacked THEse licentious corsairs with\n fruitless curses and ineffectual arms.\n\n 79 (return) [ The authors from whom I have learned THE most of\n THE ancient and modern state of Crete, are Belon, (Observations,\n &c., c. 3-20, Paris, 1555,) Tournefort, (Voyage du Levant, tom.\n i. lettre ii. et iii.,) and Meursius, (Creta, in his works, tom.\n iii. p. 343-544.) Although Crete is styled by Homer, by\n Dionysius, I cannot conceive that mountainous island to surpass,\n or even to equal, in fertility THE greater part of Spain.]\n\n 80 (return) [ The most auTHEntic and circumstantial intelligence\n is obtained from THE four books of THE Continuation of\n Theophanes, compiled by THE pen or THE command of Constantine\n Porphyrogenitus, with THE Life of his faTHEr Basil, THE\n Macedonian, (Scriptores post Theophanem, p. 1-162, a Francisc.\n Combefis, Paris, 1685.) The loss of Crete and Sicily is related,\n l. ii. p. 46-52. To THEse we may add THE secondary evidence of\n Joseph Genesius, (l. ii. p. 21, Venet. 1733,) George Cedrenus,\n (Compend. p. 506-508,) and John Scylitzes Curopalata, (apud\n Baron. Annal. Eccles. A.D. 827, No. 24, &c.) But THE modern\n Greeks are such notorious plagiaries, that I should only quote a\n plurality of names.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Renaudot (Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 251-256,\n 268-270) had described THE ravages of THE Andalusian Arabs in\n Egypt, but has forgot to connect THEm with THE conquest of\n Crete.]\n\n The loss of Sicily 82 was occasioned by an act of superstitious\n rigor. An amorous youth, who had stolen a nun from her cloister,\n was sentenced by THE emperor to THE amputation of his tongue.\n Euphemius appealed to THE reason and policy of THE Saracens of\n Africa; and soon returned with THE Imperial purple, a fleet of\n one hundred ships, and an army of seven hundred horse and ten\n thousand foot. They landed at Mazara near THE ruins of THE\n ancient Selinus; but after some partial victories, Syracuse 83\n was delivered by THE Greeks, THE apostate was slain before her\n walls, and his African friends were reduced to THE necessity of\n feeding on THE flesh of THEir own horses. In THEir turn THEy were\n relieved by a powerful reenforcement of THEir brethren of\n Andalusia; THE largest and western part of THE island was\n gradually reduced, and THE commodious harbor of Palermo was\n chosen for THE seat of THE naval and military power of THE\n Saracens. Syracuse preserved about fifty years THE faith which\n she had sworn to Christ and to Caesar. In THE last and fatal\n siege, her citizens displayed some remnant of THE spirit which\n had formerly resisted THE powers of ATHEns and Carthage. They\n stood above twenty days against THE battering-rams and\n catapultoe, THE mines and tortoises of THE besiegers; and THE\n place might have been relieved, if THE mariners of THE Imperial\n fleet had not been detained at Constantinople in building a\n church to THE Virgin Mary. The deacon Theodosius, with THE bishop\n and clergy, was dragged in chains from THE altar to Palermo, cast\n into a subterraneous dungeon, and exposed to THE hourly peril of\n death or apostasy. His paTHEtic, and not inelegant, complaint may\n be read as THE epitaph of his country. 84 From THE Roman conquest\n to this final calamity, Syracuse, now dwindled to THE primitive\n Isle of Ortygea, had insensibly declined. Yet THE relics were\n still precious; THE plate of THE caTHEdral weighed five thousand\n pounds of silver; THE entire spoil was computed at one million of\n pieces of gold, (about four hundred thousand pounds sterling,)\n and THE captives must outnumber THE seventeen thousand\n Christians, who were transported from THE sack of Tauromenium\n into African servitude. In Sicily, THE religion and language of\n THE Greeks were eradicated; and such was THE docility of THE\n rising generation, that fifteen thousand boys were circumcised\n and cloTHEd on THE same day with THE son of THE Fatimite caliph.\n The Arabian squadrons issued from THE harbors of Palermo,\n Biserta, and Tunis; a hundred and fifty towns of Calabria and\n Campania were attacked and pillaged; nor could THE suburbs of\n Rome be defended by THE name of THE Caesars and apostles. Had THE\n Mahometans been united, Italy must have fallen an easy and\n glorious accession to THE empire of THE prophet. But THE caliphs\n of Bagdad had lost THEir authority in THE West; THE Aglabites and\n Fatimites usurped THE provinces of Africa, THEir emirs of Sicily\n aspired to independence; and THE design of conquest and dominion\n was degraded to a repetition of predatory inroads. 85\n\n 82 (return) [ Theophanes, l. ii. p. 51. This history of THE loss\n of Sicily is no longer extant. Muratori (Annali d’ Italia, tom.\n vii. p. 719, 721, &c.) has added some circumstances from THE\n Italian chronicles.]\n\n 83 (return) [ The splendid and interesting tragedy of Tancrede\n would adapt itself much better to this epoch, than to THE date\n (A.D. 1005) which Voltaire himself has chosen. But I must gently\n reproach THE poet for infusing into THE Greek subjects THE spirit\n of modern knights and ancient republicans.]\n\n 84 (return) [ The narrative or lamentation of Theodosius is\n transcribed and illustrated by Pagi, (Critica, tom. iii. p. 719,\n &c.) Constantine Porphyrogenitus (in Vit. Basil, c. 69, 70, p.\n 190-192) mentions THE loss of Syracuse and THE triumph of THE\n demons.]\n\n 85 (return) [ The extracts from THE Arabic histories of Sicily\n are given in Abulfeda, (Annal’ Moslem. p. 271-273,) and in THE\n first volume of Muratori’s Scriptores Rerum Italicarum. M. de\n Guignes (Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 363, 364) has added some\n important facts.]\n\n In THE sufferings of prostrate Italy, THE name of Rome awakens a\n solemn and mournful recollection. A fleet of Saracens from THE\n African coast presumed to enter THE mouth of THE Tyber, and to\n approach a city which even yet, in her fallen state, was revered\n as THE metropolis of THE Christian world. The gates and ramparts\n were guarded by a trembling people; but THE tombs and temples of\n St. Peter and St. Paul were left exposed in THE suburbs of THE\n Vatican and of THE Ostian way. Their invisible sanctity had\n protected THEm against THE Goths, THE Vandals, and THE Lombards;\n but THE Arabs disdained both THE gospel and THE legend; and THEir\n rapacious spirit was approved and animated by THE precepts of THE\n Koran. The Christian idols were stripped of THEir costly\n offerings; a silver altar was torn away from THE shrine of St.\n Peter; and if THE bodies or THE buildings were left entire, THEir\n deliverance must be imputed to THE haste, raTHEr than THE\n scruples, of THE Saracens. In THEir course along THE Appian way,\n THEy pillaged Fundi and besieged Gayeta; but THEy had turned\n aside from THE walls of Rome, and by THEir divisions, THE Capitol\n was saved from THE yoke of THE prophet of Mecca. The same danger\n still impended on THE heads of THE Roman people; and THEir\n domestic force was unequal to THE assault of an African emir.\n They claimed THE protection of THEir Latin sovereign; but THE\n Carlovingian standard was overthrown by a detachment of THE\n Barbarians: THEy meditated THE restoration of THE Greek emperors;\n but THE attempt was treasonable, and THE succor remote and\n precarious. 86 Their distress appeared to receive some\n aggravation from THE death of THEir spiritual and temporal chief;\n but THE pressing emergency superseded THE forms and intrigues of\n an election; and THE unanimous choice of Pope Leo THE Fourth 87\n was THE safety of THE church and city. This pontiff was born a\n Roman; THE courage of THE first ages of THE republic glowed in\n his breast; and, amidst THE ruins of his country, he stood erect,\n like one of THE firm and lofty columns that rear THEir heads\n above THE fragments of THE Roman forum. The first days of his\n reign were consecrated to THE purification and removal of relics,\n to prayers and processions, and to all THE solemn offices of\n religion, which served at least to heal THE imagination, and\n restore THE hopes, of THE multitude. The public defence had been\n long neglected, not from THE presumption of peace, but from THE\n distress and poverty of THE times. As far as THE scantiness of\n his means and THE shortness of his leisure would allow, THE\n ancient walls were repaired by THE command of Leo; fifteen\n towers, in THE most accessible stations, were built or renewed;\n two of THEse commanded on eiTHEr side of THE Tyber; and an iron\n chain was drawn across THE stream to impede THE ascent of a\n hostile navy. The Romans were assured of a short respite by THE\n welcome news, that THE siege of Gayeta had been raised, and that\n a part of THE enemy, with THEir sacrilegious plunder, had\n perished in THE waves.\n\n 86 (return) [ One of THE most eminent Romans (Gratianus, magister\n militum et Romani palatii superista) was accused of declaring,\n Quia Franci nihil nobis boni faciunt, neque adjutorium praebent,\n sed magis quae nostra sunt violenter tollunt. Quare non advocamus\n Graecos, et cum eis foedus pacis componentes, Francorum regem et\n gentem de nostro regno et dominatione expellimus? Anastasius in\n Leone IV. p. 199.]\n\n 87 (return) [ Voltaire (Hist. Generale, tom. ii. c. 38, p. 124)\n appears to be remarkably struck with THE character of Pope Leo\n IV. I have borrowed his general expression, but THE sight of THE\n forum has furnished me with a more distinct and lively image.]\n\n But THE storm, which had been delayed, soon burst upon THEm with\n redoubled violence. The Aglabite, 88 who reigned in Africa, had\n inherited from his faTHEr a treasure and an army: a fleet of\n Arabs and Moors, after a short refreshment in THE harbors of\n Sardinia, cast anchor before THE mouth of THE Tyber, sixteen\n miles from THE city: and THEir discipline and numbers appeared to\n threaten, not a transient inroad, but a serious design of\n conquest and dominion. But THE vigilance of Leo had formed an\n alliance with THE vassals of THE Greek empire, THE free and\n maritime states of Gayeta, Naples, and Amalfi; and in THE hour of\n danger, THEir galleys appeared in THE port of Ostia under THE\n command of Caesarius, THE son of THE Neapolitan duke, a noble and\n valiant youth, who had already vanquished THE fleets of THE\n Saracens. With his principal companions, Caesarius was invited to\n THE Lateran palace, and THE dexterous pontiff affected to inquire\n THEir errand, and to accept with joy and surprise THEir\n providential succor. The city bands, in arms, attended THEir\n faTHEr to Ostia, where he reviewed and blessed his generous\n deliverers. They kissed his feet, received THE communion with\n martial devotion, and listened to THE prayer of Leo, that THE\n same God who had supported St. Peter and St. Paul on THE waves of\n THE sea, would strengTHEn THE hands of his champions against THE\n adversaries of his holy name. After a similar prayer, and with\n equal resolution, THE Moslems advanced to THE attack of THE\n Christian galleys, which preserved THEir advantageous station\n along THE coast. The victory inclined to THE side of THE allies,\n when it was less gloriously decided in THEir favor by a sudden\n tempest, which confounded THE skill and courage of THE stoutest\n mariners. The Christians were sheltered in a friendly harbor,\n while THE Africans were scattered and dashed in pieces among THE\n rocks and islands of a hostile shore. Those who escaped from\n shipwreck and hunger neiTHEr found, nor deserved, mercy at THE\n hands of THEir implacable pursuers. The sword and THE gibbet\n reduced THE dangerous multitude of captives; and THE remainder\n was more usefully employed, to restore THE sacred edifices which\n THEy had attempted to subvert. The pontiff, at THE head of THE\n citizens and allies, paid his grateful devotion at THE shrines of\n THE apostles; and, among THE spoils of this naval victory,\n thirteen Arabian bows of pure and massy silver were suspended\n round THE altar of THE fishermen of Galilee. The reign of Leo THE\n Fourth was employed in THE defence and ornament of THE Roman\n state. The churches were renewed and embellished: near four\n thousand pounds of silver were consecrated to repair THE losses\n of St. Peter; and his sanctuary was decorated with a plate of\n gold of THE weight of two hundred and sixteen pounds, embossed\n with THE portraits of THE pope and emperor, and encircled with a\n string of pearls. Yet this vain magnificence reflects less glory\n on THE character of Leo than THE paternal care with which he\n rebuilt THE walls of Horta and Ameria; and transported THE\n wandering inhabitants of Centumcellae to his new foundation of\n Leopolis, twelve miles from THE sea-shore. 89 By his liberality,\n a colony of Corsicans, with THEir wives and children, was planted\n in THE station of Porto, at THE mouth of THE Tyber: THE falling\n city was restored for THEir use, THE fields and vineyards were\n divided among THE new settlers: THEir first efforts were assisted\n by a gift of horses and cattle; and THE hardy exiles, who\n breaTHEd revenge against THE Saracens, swore to live and die\n under THE standard of St. Peter. The nations of THE West and\n North who visited THE threshold of THE apostles had gradually\n formed THE large and populous suburb of THE Vatican, and THEir\n various habitations were distinguished, in THE language of THE\n times, as THE schools of THE Greeks and Goths, of THE Lombards\n and Saxons. But this venerable spot was still open to\n sacrilegious insult: THE design of enclosing it with walls and\n towers exhausted all that authority could command, or charity\n would supply: and THE pious labor of four years was animated in\n every season, and at every hour, by THE presence of THE\n indefatigable pontiff. The love of fame, a generous but worldly\n passion, may be detected in THE name of THE Leonine city, which\n he bestowed on THE Vatican; yet THE pride of THE dedication was\n tempered with Christian penance and humility. The boundary was\n trod by THE bishop and his clergy, barefoot, in sackcloth and\n ashes; THE songs of triumph were modulated to psalms and\n litanies; THE walls were besprinkled with holy water; and THE\n ceremony was concluded with a prayer, that, under THE guardian\n care of THE apostles and THE angelic host, both THE old and THE\n new Rome might ever be preserved pure, prosperous, and\n impregnable. 90\n\n 88 (return) [ De Guignes, Hist. Generale des Huns, tom. i. p.\n 363, 364. Cardonne, Hist. de l’Afrique et de l’Espagne, sous la\n Domination des Arabs, tom. ii. p. 24, 25. I observe, and cannot\n reconcile, THE difference of THEse writers in THE succession of\n THE Aglabites.]\n\n 89 (return) [ Beretti (Chorographia Italiae Medii Evi, p. 106,\n 108) has illustrated Centumcellae, Leopolis, Civitas Leonina, and\n THE oTHEr places of THE Roman duchy.]\n\n 90 (return) [ The Arabs and THE Greeks are alike silent\n concerning THE invasion of Rome by THE Africans. The Latin\n chronicles do not afford much instruction, (see THE Annals of\n Baronius and Pagi.) Our auTHEntic and contemporary guide for THE\n popes of THE ixth century is Anastasius, librarian of THE Roman\n church. His Life of Leo IV, contains twenty-four pages, (p.\n 175-199, edit. Paris;) and if a great part consist of\n superstitious trifles, we must blame or command his hero, who was\n much oftener in a church than in a camp.]\n\n The emperor Theophilus, son of Michael THE Stammerer, was one of\n THE most active and high-spirited princes who reigned at\n Constantinople during THE middle age. In offensive or defensive\n war, he marched in person five times against THE Saracens,\n formidable in his attack, esteemed by THE enemy in his losses and\n defeats. In THE last of THEse expeditions he penetrated into\n Syria, and besieged THE obscure town of Sozopetra; THE casual\n birthplace of THE caliph Motassem, whose faTHEr Harun was\n attended in peace or war by THE most favored of his wives and\n concubines. The revolt of a Persian impostor employed at that\n moment THE arms of THE Saracen, and he could only intercede in\n favor of a place for which he felt and acknowledged some degree\n of filial affection. These solicitations determined THE emperor\n to wound his pride in so sensible a part. Sozopetra was levelled\n with THE ground, THE Syrian prisoners were marked or mutilated\n with ignominious cruelty, and a thousand female captives were\n forced away from THE adjacent territory. Among THEse a matron of\n THE house of Abbas invoked, in an agony of despair, THE name of\n Motassem; and THE insults of THE Greeks engaged THE honor of her\n kinsman to avenge his indignity, and to answer her appeal. Under\n THE reign of THE two elder broTHErs, THE inheritance of THE\n youngest had been confined to Anatolia, Armenia, Georgia, and\n Circassia; this frontier station had exercised his military\n talents; and among his accidental claims to THE name of Octonary,\n 91 THE most meritorious are THE eight battles which he gained or\n fought against THE enemies of THE Koran. In this personal\n quarrel, THE troops of Irak, Syria, and Egypt, were recruited\n from THE tribes of Arabia and THE Turkish hordes; his cavalry\n might be numerous, though we should deduct some myriads from THE\n hundred and thirty thousand horses of THE royal stables; and THE\n expense of THE armament was computed at four millions sterling,\n or one hundred thousand pounds of gold. From Tarsus, THE place of\n assembly, THE Saracens advanced in three divisions along THE high\n road of Constantinople: Motassem himself commanded THE centre,\n and THE vanguard was given to his son Abbas, who, in THE trial of\n THE first adventures, might succeed with THE more glory, or fail\n with THE least reproach. In THE revenge of his injury, THE caliph\n prepared to retaliate a similar affront. The faTHEr of Theophilus\n was a native of Amorium 92 in Phrygia: THE original seat of THE\n Imperial house had been adorned with privileges and monuments;\n and, whatever might be THE indifference of THE people,\n Constantinople itself was scarcely of more value in THE eyes of\n THE sovereign and his court. The name of Amorium was inscribed on\n THE shields of THE Saracens; and THEir three armies were again\n united under THE walls of THE devoted city. It had been proposed\n by THE wisest counsellors, to evacuate Amorium, to remove THE\n inhabitants, and to abandon THE empty structures to THE vain\n resentment of THE Barbarians. The emperor embraced THE more\n generous resolution of defending, in a siege and battle, THE\n country of his ancestors. When THE armies drew near, THE front of\n THE Mahometan line appeared to a Roman eye more closely planted\n with spears and javelins; but THE event of THE action was not\n glorious on eiTHEr side to THE national troops. The Arabs were\n broken, but it was by THE swords of thirty thousand Persians, who\n had obtained service and settlement in THE Byzantine empire. The\n Greeks were repulsed and vanquished, but it was by THE arrows of\n THE Turkish cavalry; and had not THEir bowstrings been damped and\n relaxed by THE evening rain, very few of THE Christians could\n have escaped with THE emperor from THE field of battle. They\n breaTHEd at Dorylaeum, at THE distance of three days; and\n Theophilus, reviewing his trembling squadrons, forgave THE common\n flight both of THE prince and people. After this discovery of his\n weakness, he vainly hoped to deprecate THE fate of Amorium: THE\n inexorable caliph rejected with contempt his prayers and\n promises; and detained THE Roman ambassadors to be THE witnesses\n of his great revenge. They had nearly been THE witnesses of his\n shame. The vigorous assaults of fifty-five days were encountered\n by a faithful governor, a veteran garrison, and a desperate\n people; and THE Saracens must have raised THE siege, if a\n domestic traitor had not pointed to THE weakest part of THE wall,\n a place which was decorated with THE statues of a lion and a\n bull. The vow of Motassem was accomplished with unrelenting\n rigor: tired, raTHEr than satiated, with destruction, he returned\n to his new palace of Samara, in THE neighborhood of Bagdad, while\n THE unfortunate 93 Theophilus implored THE tardy and doubtful aid\n of his Western rival THE emperor of THE Franks. Yet in THE siege\n of Amorium about seventy thousand Moslems had perished: THEir\n loss had been revenged by THE slaughter of thirty thousand\n Christians, and THE sufferings of an equal number of captives,\n who were treated as THE most atrocious criminals. Mutual\n necessity could sometimes extort THE exchange or ransom of\n prisoners: 94 but in THE national and religious conflict of THE\n two empires, peace was without confidence, and war without mercy.\n Quarter was seldom given in THE field; those who escaped THE edge\n of THE sword were condemned to hopeless servitude, or exquisite\n torture; and a Catholic emperor relates, with visible\n satisfaction, THE execution of THE Saracens of Crete, who were\n flayed alive, or plunged into caldrons of boiling oil. 95 To a\n point of honor Motassem had sacrificed a flourishing city, two\n hundred thousand lives, and THE property of millions. The same\n caliph descended from his horse, and dirtied his robe, to relieve\n THE distress of a decrepit old man, who, with his laden ass, had\n tumbled into a ditch. On which of THEse actions did he reflect\n with THE most pleasure, when he was summoned by THE angel of\n death? 96\n\n 91 (return) [ The same number was applied to THE following\n circumstance in THE life of Motassem: he was THE eight of THE\n Abbassides; he reigned eight years, eight months, and eight days;\n left eight sons, eight daughters, eight thousand slaves, eight\n millions of gold.]\n\n 92 (return) [ Amorium is seldom mentioned by THE old geographers,\n and to tally forgotten in THE Roman Itineraries. After THE vith\n century, it became an episcopal see, and at length THE metropolis\n of THE new Galatia, (Carol. Scto. Paulo, Geograph. Sacra, p.\n 234.) The city rose again from its ruins, if we should read\n Ammeria, not Anguria, in THE text of THE Nubian geographer. (p.\n 236.)]\n\n 93 (return) [ In THE East he was styled, (Continuator Theophan.\n l. iii. p. 84;) but such was THE ignorance of THE West, that his\n ambassadors, in public discourse, might boldly narrate, de\n victoriis, quas adversus exteras bellando gentes coelitus fuerat\n assecutus, (Annalist. Bertinian. apud Pagi, tom. iii. p. 720.)]\n\n 94 (return) [ Abulpharagius (Dynast. p. 167, 168) relates one of\n THEse singular transactions on THE bridge of THE River Lamus in\n Cilicia, THE limit of THE two empires, and one day’s journey\n westward of Tarsus, (D’Anville, Geographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p.\n 91.) Four thousand four hundred and sixty Moslems, eight hundred\n women and children, one hundred confederates, were exchanged for\n an equal number of Greeks. They passed each oTHEr in THE middle\n of THE bridge, and when THEy reached THEir respective friends,\n THEy shouted Allah Acbar, and Kyrie Eleison. Many of THE\n prisoners of Amorium were probably among THEm, but in THE same\n year, (A. H. 231,) THE most illustrious of THEm, THE forty two\n martyrs, were beheaded by THE caliph’s order.]\n\n 95 (return) [ Constantin. Porphyrogenitus, in Vit. Basil. c. 61,\n p. 186. These Saracens were indeed treated with peculiar severity\n as pirates and renegadoes.]\n\n 96 (return) [ For Theophilus, Motassem, and THE Amorian war, see\n THE Continuator of Theophanes, (l. iii. p. 77-84,) Genesius (l.\n iii. p. 24-34.) Cedrenus, (p. 528-532,) Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen,\n p. 180,) Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 165, 166,) Abulfeda, (Annal.\n Moslem. p. 191,) D’Herbelot, (Bibliot. Orientale, p. 639, 640.)]\n\n With Motassem, THE eighth of THE Abbassides, THE glory of his\n family and nation expired. When THE Arabian conquerors had spread\n THEmselves over THE East, and were mingled with THE servile\n crowds of Persia, Syria, and Egypt, THEy insensibly lost THE\n freeborn and martial virtues of THE desert. The courage of THE\n South is THE artificial fruit of discipline and prejudice; THE\n active power of enthusiasm had decayed, and THE mercenary forces\n of THE caliphs were recruited in those climates of THE North, of\n which valor is THE hardy and spontaneous production. Of THE Turks\n 97 who dwelt beyond THE Oxus and Jaxartes, THE robust youths,\n eiTHEr taken in war or purchased in trade, were educated in THE\n exercises of THE field, and THE profession of THE Mahometan\n faith. The Turkish guards stood in arms round THE throne of THEir\n benefactor, and THEir chiefs usurped THE dominion of THE palace\n and THE provinces. Motassem, THE first author of this dangerous\n example, introduced into THE capital above fifty thousand Turks:\n THEir licentious conduct provoked THE public indignation, and THE\n quarrels of THE soldiers and people induced THE caliph to retire\n from Bagdad, and establish his own residence and THE camp of his\n Barbarian favorites at Samara on THE Tigris, about twelve leagues\n above THE city of Peace. 98 His son Motawakkel was a jealous and\n cruel tyrant: odious to his subjects, he cast himself on THE\n fidelity of THE strangers, and THEse strangers, ambitious and\n apprehensive, were tempted by THE rich promise of a revolution.\n At THE instigation, or at least in THE cause of his son, THEy\n burst into his apartment at THE hour of supper, and THE caliph\n was cut into seven pieces by THE same swords which he had\n recently distributed among THE guards of his life and throne. To\n this throne, yet streaming with a faTHEr’s blood, Montasser was\n triumphantly led; but in a reign of six months, he found only THE\n pangs of a guilty conscience. If he wept at THE sight of an old\n tapestry which represented THE crime and punishment of THE son of\n Chosroes, if his days were abridged by grief and remorse, we may\n allow some pity to a parricide, who exclaimed, in THE bitterness\n of death, that he had lost both this world and THE world to come.\n After this act of treason, THE ensigns of royalty, THE garment\n and walking-staff of Mahomet, were given and torn away by THE\n foreign mercenaries, who in four years created, deposed, and\n murdered, three commanders of THE faithful. As often as THE Turks\n were inflamed by fear, or rage, or avarice, THEse caliphs were\n dragged by THE feet, exposed naked to THE scorching sun, beaten\n with iron clubs, and compelled to purchase, by THE abdication of\n THEir dignity, a short reprieve of inevitable fate. 99 At length,\n however, THE fury of THE tempest was spent or diverted: THE\n Abbassides returned to THE less turbulent residence of Bagdad;\n THE insolence of THE Turks was curbed with a firmer and more\n skilful hand, and THEir numbers were divided and destroyed in\n foreign warfare. But THE nations of THE East had been taught to\n trample on THE successors of THE prophet; and THE blessings of\n domestic peace were obtained by THE relaxation of strength and\n discipline. So uniform are THE mischiefs of military despotism,\n that I seem to repeat THE story of THE praetorians of Rome. 100\n\n 97 (return) [ M. de Guignes, who sometimes leaps, and sometimes\n stumbles, in THE gulf between Chinese and Mahometan story, thinks\n he can see, that THEse Turks are THE Hoei-ke, alias THE Kao-tche,\n or high-wagons; that THEy were divided into fifteen hordes, from\n China and Siberia to THE dominions of THE caliphs and Samanides,\n &c., (Hist. des Huns, tom. iii. p. 1-33, 124-131.)]\n\n 98 (return) [ He changed THE old name of Sumera, or Samara, into\n THE fanciful title of Sermen-rai, that which gives pleasure at\n first sight, (D’Herbelot, BiblioTHEque Orientale, p. 808.\n D’Anville, l’Euphrate et le Tigre p. 97, 98.)]\n\n 99 (return) [ Take a specimen, THE death of THE caliph Motaz:\n Correptum pedibus pertrahunt, et sudibus probe permulcant, et\n spoliatum laceris vestibus in sole collocant, prae cujus acerrimo\n aestu pedes alternos attollebat et demittebat. Adstantium aliquis\n misero colaphos continuo ingerebat, quos ille objectis manibus\n avertere studebat..... Quo facto traditus tortori fuit, totoque\n triduo cibo potuque prohibitus..... Suffocatus, &c. (Abulfeda, p.\n 206.) Of THE caliph Mohtadi, he says, services ipsi perpetuis\n ictibus contundebant, testiculosque pedibus conculcabant, (p.\n 208.)]\n\n 100 (return) [ See under THE reigns of Motassem, Motawakkel,\n Montasser, Mostain, Motaz, Mohtadi, and Motamed, in THE\n BiblioTHEque of D’Herbelot, and THE now familiar Annals of\n Elmacin, Abulpharagius, and Abulfeda.]\n\n While THE flame of enthusiasm was damped by THE business, THE\n pleasure, and THE knowledge, of THE age, it burnt with\n concentrated heat in THE breasts of THE chosen few, THE congenial\n spirits, who were ambitious of reigning eiTHEr in this world or\n in THE next. How carefully soever THE book of prophecy had been\n sealed by THE apostle of Mecca, THE wishes, and (if we may\n profane THE word) even THE reason, of fanaticism might believe\n that, after THE successive missions of Adam, Noah, Abraham,\n Moses, Jesus, and Mahomet, THE same God, in THE fulness of time,\n would reveal a still more perfect and permanent law. In THE two\n hundred and seventy-seventh year of THE Hegira, and in THE\n neighborhood of Cufa, an Arabian preacher, of THE name of\n Carmath, assumed THE lofty and incomprehensible style of THE\n Guide, THE Director, THE Demonstration, THE Word, THE Holy Ghost,\n THE Camel, THE Herald of THE Messiah, who had conversed with him\n in a human shape, and THE representative of Mohammed THE son of\n Ali, of St. John THE Baptist, and of THE angel Gabriel. In his\n mystic volume, THE precepts of THE Koran were refined to a more\n spiritual sense: he relaxed THE duties of ablution, fasting, and\n pilgrimage; allowed THE indiscriminate use of wine and forbidden\n food; and nourished THE fervor of his disciples by THE daily\n repetition of fifty prayers. The idleness and ferment of THE\n rustic crowd awakened THE attention of THE magistrates of Cufa; a\n timid persecution assisted THE progress of THE new sect; and THE\n name of THE prophet became more revered after his person had been\n withdrawn from THE world. His twelve apostles dispersed\n THEmselves among THE Bedoweens, “a race of men,” says Abulfeda,\n “equally devoid of reason and of religion;” and THE success of\n THEir preaching seemed to threaten Arabia with a new revolution.\n The Carmathians were ripe for rebellion, since THEy disclaimed\n THE title of THE house of Abbas, and abhorred THE worldly pomp of\n THE caliphs of Bagdad. They were susceptible of discipline, since\n THEy vowed a blind and absolute submission to THEir Imam, who was\n called to THE prophetic office by THE voice of God and THE\n people. Instead of THE legal tiTHEs, he claimed THE fifth of\n THEir substance and spoil; THE most flagitious sins were no more\n than THE type of disobedience; and THE brethren were united and\n concealed by an oath of secrecy. After a bloody conflict, THEy\n prevailed in THE province of Bahrein, along THE Persian Gulf: far\n and wide, THE tribes of THE desert were subject to THE sceptre,\n or raTHEr to THE sword of Abu Said and his son Abu Taher; and\n THEse rebellious imams could muster in THE field a hundred and\n seven thousand fanatics. The mercenaries of THE caliph were\n dismayed at THE approach of an enemy who neiTHEr asked nor\n accepted quarter; and THE difference between, THEm in fortitude\n and patience, is expressive of THE change which three centuries\n of prosperity had effected in THE character of THE Arabians. Such\n troops were discomfited in every action; THE cities of Racca and\n Baalbec, of Cufa and Bassora, were taken and pillaged; Bagdad was\n filled with consternation; and THE caliph trembled behind THE\n veils of his palace. In a daring inroad beyond THE Tigris, Abu\n Taher advanced to THE gates of THE capital with no more than five\n hundred horse. By THE special order of Moctader, THE bridges had\n been broken down, and THE person or head of THE rebel was\n expected every hour by THE commander of THE faithful. His\n lieutenant, from a motive of fear or pity, apprised Abu Taher of\n his danger, and recommended a speedy escape. “Your master,” said\n THE intrepid Carmathian to THE messenger, “is at THE head of\n thirty thousand soldiers: three such men as THEse are wanting in\n his host:” at THE same instant, turning to three of his\n companions, he commanded THE first to plunge a dagger into his\n breast, THE second to leap into THE Tigris, and THE third to cast\n himself headlong down a precipice. They obeyed without a murmur.\n\n “Relate,” continued THE imam, “what you have seen: before THE\n evening your general shall be chained among my dogs.” Before THE\n evening, THE camp was surprised, and THE menace was executed. The\n rapine of THE Carmathians was sanctified by THEir aversion to THE\n worship of Mecca: THEy robbed a caravan of pilgrims, and twenty\n thousand devout Moslems were abandoned on THE burning sands to a\n death of hunger and thirst. AnoTHEr year THEy suffered THE\n pilgrims to proceed without interruption; but, in THE festival of\n devotion, Abu Taher stormed THE holy city, and trampled on THE\n most venerable relics of THE Mahometan faith. Thirty thousand\n citizens and strangers were put to THE sword; THE sacred\n precincts were polluted by THE burial of three thousand dead\n bodies; THE well of Zemzem overflowed with blood; THE golden\n spout was forced from its place; THE veil of THE Caaba was\n divided among THEse impious sectaries; and THE black stone, THE\n first monument of THE nation, was borne away in triumph to THEir\n capital. After this deed of sacrilege and cruelty, THEy continued\n to infest THE confines of Irak, Syria, and Egypt: but THE vital\n principle of enthusiasm had wiTHEred at THE root. Their scruples,\n or THEir avarice, again opened THE pilgrimage of Mecca, and\n restored THE black stone of THE Caaba; and it is needless to\n inquire into what factions THEy were broken, or by whose swords\n THEy were finally extirpated. The sect of THE Carmathians may be\n considered as THE second visible cause of THE decline and fall of\n THE empire of THE caliphs. 101\n\n 101 (return) [ For THE sect of THE Carmathians, consult Elmacin,\n (Hist. Sara cen, p. 219, 224, 229, 231, 238, 241, 243,)\n Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 179-182,) Abulfeda, (Annal. Moslem. p.\n 218, 219, &c., 245, 265, 274.) and D’Herbelot, (BiblioTHEque\n Orientale, p. 256-258, 635.) I find some inconsistencies of\n THEology and chronology, which it would not be easy nor of much\n importance to reconcile. * Note: Compare Von Hammer, Geschichte\n der Assassinen, p. 44, &c.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.—Part V.\n\n The third and most obvious cause was THE weight and magnitude of\n THE empire itself. The caliph Almamon might proudly assert, that\n it was easier for him to rule THE East and THE West, than to\n manage a chess-board of two feet square: 102 yet I suspect that\n in both those games he was guilty of many fatal mistakes; and I\n perceive, that in THE distant provinces THE authority of THE\n first and most powerful of THE Abbassides was already impaired.\n The analogy of despotism invests THE representative with THE full\n majesty of THE prince; THE division and balance of powers might\n relax THE habits of obedience, might encourage THE passive\n subject to inquire into THE origin and administration of civil\n government. He who is born in THE purple is seldom worthy to\n reign; but THE elevation of a private man, of a peasant, perhaps,\n or a slave, affords a strong presumption of his courage and\n capacity. The viceroy of a remote kingdom aspires to secure THE\n property and inheritance of his precarious trust; THE nations\n must rejoice in THE presence of THEir sovereign; and THE command\n of armies and treasures are at once THE object and THE instrument\n of his ambition. A change was scarcely visible as long as THE\n lieutenants of THE caliph were content with THEir vicarious\n title; while THEy solicited for THEmselves or THEir sons a\n renewal of THE Imperial grant, and still maintained on THE coin\n and in THE public prayers THE name and prerogative of THE\n commander of THE faithful. But in THE long and hereditary\n exercise of power, THEy assumed THE pride and attributes of\n royalty; THE alternative of peace or war, of reward or\n punishment, depended solely on THEir will; and THE revenues of\n THEir government were reserved for local services or private\n magnificence. Instead of a regular supply of men and money, THE\n successors of THE prophet were flattered with THE ostentatious\n gift of an elephant, or a cast of hawks, a suit of silk hangings,\n or some pounds of musk and amber. 103\n\n 102 (return) [ Hyde, Syntagma Dissertat. tom. ii. p. 57, in Hist.\n Shahiludii.]\n\n 103 (return) [ The dynasties of THE Arabian empire may be studied\n in THE Annals of Elmacin, Abulpharagius, and Abulfeda, under THE\n proper years, in THE dictionary of D’Herbelot, under THE proper\n names. The tables of M. de Guignes (Hist. des Huns, tom. i.)\n exhibit a general chronology of THE East, interspersed with some\n historical anecdotes; but his attachment to national blood has\n sometimes confounded THE order of time and place.]\n\n After THE revolt of Spain from THE temporal and spiritual\n supremacy of THE Abbassides, THE first symptoms of disobedience\n broke forth in THE province of Africa. Ibrahim, THE son of Aglab,\n THE lieutenant of THE vigilant and rigid Harun, bequeaTHEd to THE\n dynasty of THE Aglabites THE inheritance of his name and power.\n The indolence or policy of THE caliphs dissembled THE injury and\n loss, and pursued only with poison THE founder of THE Edrisites,\n 104 who erected THE kingdom and city of Fez on THE shores of THE\n Western ocean. 105 In THE East, THE first dynasty was that of THE\n Taherites; 106 THE posterity of THE valiant Taher, who, in THE\n civil wars of THE sons of Harun, had served with too much zeal\n and success THE cause of Almamon, THE younger broTHEr. He was\n sent into honorable exile, to command on THE banks of THE Oxus;\n and THE independence of his successors, who reigned in Chorasan\n till THE fourth generation, was palliated by THEir modest and\n respectful demeanor, THE happiness of THEir subjects and THE\n security of THEir frontier. They were supplanted by one of those\n adventures so frequent in THE annals of THE East, who left his\n trade of a brazier (from whence THE name of Soffarides) for THE\n profession of a robber. In a nocturnal visit to THE treasure of\n THE prince of Sistan, Jacob, THE son of Leith, stumbled over a\n lump of salt, which he unwarily tasted with his tongue. Salt,\n among THE Orientals, is THE symbol of hospitality, and THE pious\n robber immediately retired without spoil or damage. The discovery\n of this honorable behavior recommended Jacob to pardon and trust;\n he led an army at first for his benefactor, at last for himself,\n subdued Persia, and threatened THE residence of THE Abbassides.\n On his march towards Bagdad, THE conqueror was arrested by a\n fever. He gave audience in bed to THE ambassador of THE caliph;\n and beside him on a table were exposed a naked cimeter, a crust\n of brown bread, and a bunch of onions. “If I die,” said he, “your\n master is delivered from his fears. If I live, this must\n determine between us. If I am vanquished, I can return without\n reluctance to THE homely fare of my youth.” From THE height where\n he stood, THE descent would not have been so soft or harmless: a\n timely death secured his own repose and that of THE caliph, who\n paid with THE most lavish concessions THE retreat of his broTHEr\n Amrou to THE palaces of Shiraz and Ispahan. The Abbassides were\n too feeble to contend, too proud to forgive: THEy invited THE\n powerful dynasty of THE Samanides, who passed THE Oxus with ten\n thousand horse so poor, that THEir stirrups were of wood: so\n brave, that THEy vanquished THE Soffarian army, eight times more\n numerous than THEir own. The captive Amrou was sent in chains, a\n grateful offering to THE court of Bagdad; and as THE victor was\n content with THE inheritance of Transoxiana and Chorasan, THE\n realms of Persia returned for a while to THE allegiance of THE\n caliphs. The provinces of Syria and Egypt were twice dismembered\n by THEir Turkish slaves of THE race of Toulon and Ilkshid. 107\n These Barbarians, in religion and manners THE countrymen of\n Mahomet, emerged from THE bloody factions of THE palace to a\n provincial command and an independent throne: THEir names became\n famous and formidable in THEir time; but THE founders of THEse\n two potent dynasties confessed, eiTHEr in words or actions, THE\n vanity of ambition. The first on his death-bed implored THE mercy\n of God to a sinner, ignorant of THE limits of his own power: THE\n second, in THE midst of four hundred thousand soldiers and eight\n thousand slaves, concealed from every human eye THE chamber where\n he attempted to sleep. Their sons were educated in THE vices of\n kings; and both Egypt and Syria were recovered and possessed by\n THE Abbassides during an interval of thirty years. In THE decline\n of THEir empire, Mesopotamia, with THE important cities of Mosul\n and Aleppo, was occupied by THE Arabian princes of THE tribe of\n Hamadan. The poets of THEir court could repeat without a blush,\n that nature had formed THEir countenances for beauty, THEir\n tongues for eloquence, and THEir hands for liberality and valor:\n but THE genuine tale of THE elevation and reign of THE\n Hamadanites exhibits a scene of treachery, murder, and parricide.\n\n At THE same fatal period, THE Persian kingdom was again usurped\n by THE dynasty of THE Bowides, by THE sword of three broTHErs,\n who, under various names, were styled THE support and columns of\n THE state, and who, from THE Caspian Sea to THE ocean, would\n suffer no tyrants but THEmselves. Under THEir reign, THE language\n and genius of Persia revived, and THE Arabs, three hundred and\n four years after THE death of Mahomet, were deprived of THE\n sceptre of THE East.\n\n 104 (return) [ The Aglabites and Edrisites are THE professed\n subject of M. de Cardonne, (Hist. de l’Afrique et de l’Espagne\n sous la Domination des Arabes, tom. ii. p. 1-63.)]\n\n 105 (return) [ To escape THE reproach of error, I must criticize\n THE inaccuracies of M. de Guignes (tom. i. p. 359) concerning THE\n Edrisites. 1. The dynasty and city of Fez could not be founded in\n THE year of THE Hegira 173, since THE founder was a posthumous\n child of a descendant of Ali, who fled from Mecca in THE year\n 168. 2. This founder, Edris, THE son of Edris, instead of living\n to THE improbable age of 120 years, A. H. 313, died A. H. 214, in\n THE prime of manhood. 3. The dynasty ended A. H. 307,\n twenty-three years sooner than it is fixed by THE historian of\n THE Huns. See THE accurate Annals of Abulfeda p. 158, 159, 185,\n 238.]\n\n 106 (return) [ The dynasties of THE Taherites and Soffarides,\n with THE rise of that of THE Samanines, are described in THE\n original history and Latin version of Mirchond: yet THE most\n interesting facts had already been drained by THE diligence of M.\n D’Herbelot.]\n\n 107 (return) [ M. de Guignes (Hist. des Huns, tom. iii. p.\n 124-154) has exhausted THE Toulunides and Ikshidites of Egypt,\n and thrown some light on THE Carmathians and Hamadanites.]\n\n Rahadi, THE twentieth of THE Abbassides, and THE thirty-ninth of\n THE successors of Mahomet, was THE last who deserved THE title of\n commander of THE faithful; 108 THE last (says Abulfeda) who spoke\n to THE people, or conversed with THE learned; THE last who, in\n THE expense of his household, represented THE wealth and\n magnificence of THE ancient caliphs. After him, THE lords of THE\n Eastern world were reduced to THE most abject misery, and exposed\n to THE blows and insults of a servile condition. The revolt of\n THE provinces circumscribed THEir dominions within THE walls of\n Bagdad: but that capital still contained an innumerable\n multitude, vain of THEir past fortune, discontented with THEir\n present state, and oppressed by THE demands of a treasury which\n had formerly been replenished by THE spoil and tribute of\n nations. Their idleness was exercised by faction and controversy.\n Under THE mask of piety, THE rigid followers of Hanbal 109\n invaded THE pleasures of domestic life, burst into THE houses of\n plebeians and princes, THE wine, broke THE instruments, beat THE\n musicians, and dishonored, with infamous suspicions, THE\n associates of every handsome youth. In each profession, which\n allowed room for two persons, THE one was a votary, THE oTHEr an\n antagonist, of Ali; and THE Abbassides were awakened by THE\n clamorous grief of THE sectaries, who denied THEir title, and\n cursed THEir progenitors. A turbulent people could only be\n repressed by a military force; but who could satisfy THE avarice\n or assert THE discipline of THE mercenaries THEmselves? The\n African and THE Turkish guards drew THEir swords against each\n oTHEr, and THE chief commanders, THE emirs al Omra, 110\n imprisoned or deposed THEir sovereigns, and violated THE\n sanctuary of THE mosch and harem. If THE caliphs escaped to THE\n camp or court of any neighboring prince, THEir deliverance was a\n change of servitude, till THEy were prompted by despair to invite\n THE Bowides, THE sultans of Persia, who silenced THE factions of\n Bagdad by THEir irresistible arms. The civil and military powers\n were assumed by Moezaldowlat, THE second of THE three broTHErs,\n and a stipend of sixty thousand pounds sterling was assigned by\n his generosity for THE private expense of THE commander of THE\n faithful. But on THE fortieth day, at THE audience of THE\n ambassadors of Chorasan, and in THE presence of a trembling\n multitude, THE caliph was dragged from his throne to a dungeon,\n by THE command of THE stranger, and THE rude hands of his\n Dilamites. His palace was pillaged, his eyes were put out, and\n THE mean ambition of THE Abbassides aspired to THE vacant station\n of danger and disgrace. In THE school of adversity, THE luxurious\n caliphs resumed THE grave and abstemious virtues of THE primitive\n times. Despoiled of THEir armor and silken robes, THEy fasted,\n THEy prayed, THEy studied THE Koran and THE tradition of THE\n Sonnites: THEy performed, with zeal and knowledge, THE functions\n of THEir ecclesiastical character. The respect of nations still\n waited on THE successors of THE apostle, THE oracles of THE law\n and conscience of THE faithful; and THE weakness or division of\n THEir tyrants sometimes restored THE Abbassides to THE\n sovereignty of Bagdad. But THEir misfortunes had been imbittered\n by THE triumph of THE Fatimites, THE real or spurious progeny of\n Ali. Arising from THE extremity of Africa, THEse successful\n rivals extinguished, in Egypt and Syria, both THE spiritual and\n temporal authority of THE Abbassides; and THE monarch of THE Nile\n insulted THE humble pontiff on THE banks of THE Tigris.\n\n 108 (return) [ Hic est ultimus chalifah qui multum atque saepius\n pro concione peroraret.... Fuit etiam ultimus qui otium cum\n eruditis et facetis hominibus fallere hilariterque agere soleret.\n Ultimus tandem chalifarum cui sumtus, stipendia, reditus, et\n THEsauri, culinae, caeteraque omnis aulica pompa priorum\n chalifarum ad instar comparata fuerint. Videbimus enim paullo\n post quam indignis et servilibius ludibriis exagitati, quam ad\n humilem fortunam altimumque contemptum abjecti fuerint hi quondam\n potentissimi totius terrarum Orientalium orbis domini. Abulfed.\n Annal. Moslem. p. 261. I have given this passage as THE manner\n and tone of Abulfeda, but THE cast of Latin eloquence belongs\n more properly to Reiske. The Arabian historian (p. 255, 257,\n 261-269, 283, &c.) has supplied me with THE most interesting\n facts of this paragraph.]\n\n 109 (return) [ Their master, on a similar occasion, showed\n himself of a more indulgent and tolerating spirit. Ahmed Ebn\n Hanbal, THE head of one of THE four orthodox sects, was born at\n Bagdad A. H. 164, and died THEre A. H. 241. He fought and\n suffered in THE dispute concerning THE creation of THE Koran.]\n\n 110 (return) [ The office of vizier was superseded by THE emir al\n Omra, Imperator Imperatorum, a title first instituted by Radhi,\n and which merged at length in THE Bowides and Seljukides:\n vectigalibus, et tributis, et curiis per omnes regiones\n praefecit, jussitque in omnibus suggestis nominis ejus in\n concionibus mentionem fieri, (Abulpharagius, Dynart. p 199.) It\n is likewise mentioned by Elmacin, (p. 254, 255.)]\n\n In THE declining age of THE caliphs, in THE century which elapsed\n after THE war of Theophilus and Motassem, THE hostile\n transactions of THE two nations were confined to some inroads by\n sea and land, THE fruits of THEir close vicinity and indelible\n hatred. But when THE Eastern world was convulsed and broken, THE\n Greeks were roused from THEir lethargy by THE hopes of conquest\n and revenge. The Byzantine empire, since THE accession of THE\n Basilian race, had reposed in peace and dignity; and THEy might\n encounter with THEir entire strength THE front of some petty\n emir, whose rear was assaulted and threatened by his national\n foes of THE Mahometan faith. The lofty titles of THE morning\n star, and THE death of THE Saracens, 111 were applied in THE\n public acclamations to Nicephorus Phocas, a prince as renowned in\n THE camp, as he was unpopular in THE city. In THE subordinate\n station of great domestic, or general of THE East, he reduced THE\n Island of Crete, and extirpated THE nest of pirates who had so\n long defied, with impunity, THE majesty of THE empire. 112 His\n military genius was displayed in THE conduct and success of THE\n enterprise, which had so often failed with loss and dishonor. The\n Saracens were confounded by THE landing of his troops on safe and\n level bridges, which he cast from THE vessels to THE shore. Seven\n months were consumed in THE siege of Candia; THE despair of THE\n native Cretans was stimulated by THE frequent aid of THEir\n brethren of Africa and Spain; and after THE massy wall and double\n ditch had been stormed by THE Greeks a hopeless conflict was\n still maintained in THE streets and houses of THE city. 1121 The\n whole island was subdued in THE capital, and a submissive people\n accepted, without resistance, THE baptism of THE conqueror. 113\n Constantinople applauded THE long-forgotten pomp of a triumph;\n but THE Imperial diadem was THE sole reward that could repay THE\n services, or satisfy THE ambition, of Nicephorus.\n\n 111 (return) [ Liutprand, whose choleric temper was imbittered by\n his uneasy situation, suggests THE names of reproach and contempt\n more applicable to Nicephorus than THE vain titles of THE Greeks,\n Ecce venit stella matutina, surgit Eous, reverberat obtutu solis\n radios, pallida Saracenorum mors, Nicephorus.]\n\n 112 (return) [ Notwithstanding THE insinuation of Zonaras, &c.,\n (tom. ii. l. xvi. p. 197,) it is an undoubted fact, that Crete\n was completely and finally subdued by Nicephorus Phocas, (Pagi,\n Critica, tom. iii. p. 873-875. Meursius, Creta, l. iii. c. 7,\n tom. iii. p. 464, 465.)]\n\n 1121 (return) [ The Acroases of Theodorus, de expugnatione\n Cretae, miserable iambics, relate THE whole campaign. Whoever\n would fairly estimate THE merit of THE poetic deacon, may read\n THE description of THE slinging a jackass into THE famishing\n city. The poet is in a transport at THE wit of THE general, and\n revels in THE luxury of antiTHEsis. Theodori Acroases, lib. iii.\n 172, in Niebuhr’s Byzant. Hist.—M.]\n\n 113 (return) [ A Greek Life of St. Nicon THE Armenian was found\n in THE Sforza library, and translated into Latin by THE Jesuit\n Sirmond, for THE use of Cardinal Baronius. This contemporary\n legend casts a ray of light on Crete and Peloponnesus in THE 10th\n century. He found THE newly-recovered island, foedis detestandae\n Agarenorum superstitionis vestigiis adhuc plenam ac refertam....\n but THE victorious missionary, perhaps with some carnal aid, ad\n baptismum omnes veraeque fidei disciplinam pepulit. Ecclesiis per\n totam insulam aedificatis, &c., (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 961.)]\n\n After THE death of THE younger Romanus, THE fourth in lineal\n descent of THE Basilian race, his widow Theophania successively\n married Nicephorus Phocas and his assassin John Zimisces, THE two\n heroes of THE age. They reigned as THE guardians and colleagues\n of her infant sons; and THE twelve years of THEir military\n command form THE most splendid period of THE Byzantine annals.\n The subjects and confederates, whom THEy led to war, appeared, at\n least in THE eyes of an enemy, two hundred thousand strong; and\n of THEse about thirty thousand were armed with cuirasses: 114 a\n train of four thousand mules attended THEir march; and THEir\n evening camp was regularly fortified with an enclosure of iron\n spikes. A series of bloody and undecisive combats is nothing more\n than an anticipation of what would have been effected in a few\n years by THE course of nature; but I shall briefly prosecute THE\n conquests of THE two emperors from THE hills of Cappadocia to THE\n desert of Bagdad. The sieges of Mopsuestia and Tarsus, in\n Cilicia, first exercised THE skill and perseverance of THEir\n troops, on whom, at this moment, I shall not hesitate to bestow\n THE name of Romans. In THE double city of Mopsuestia, which is\n divided by THE River Sarus, two hundred thousand Moslems were\n predestined to death or slavery, 115 a surprising degree of\n population, which must at least include THE inhabitants of THE\n dependent districts. They were surrounded and taken by assault;\n but Tarsus was reduced by THE slow progress of famine; and no\n sooner had THE Saracens yielded on honorable terms than THEy were\n mortified by THE distant and unprofitable view of THE naval\n succors of Egypt. They were dismissed with a safe-conduct to THE\n confines of Syria: a part of THE old Christians had quietly lived\n under THEir dominion; and THE vacant habitations were replenished\n by a new colony. But THE mosch was converted into a stable; THE\n pulpit was delivered to THE flames; many rich crosses of gold and\n gems, THE spoils of Asiatic churches, were made a grateful\n offering to THE piety or avarice of THE emperor; and he\n transported THE gates of Mopsuestia and Tarsus, which were fixed\n in THE walls of Constantinople, an eternal monument of his\n victory. After THEy had forced and secured THE narrow passes of\n Mount Amanus, THE two Roman princes repeatedly carried THEir arms\n into THE heart of Syria. Yet, instead of assaulting THE walls of\n Antioch, THE humanity or superstition of Nicephorus appeared to\n respect THE ancient metropolis of THE East: he contented himself\n with drawing round THE city a line of circumvallation; left a\n stationary army; and instructed his lieutenant to expect, without\n impatience, THE return of spring. But in THE depth of winter, in\n a dark and rainy night, an adventurous subaltern, with three\n hundred soldiers, approached THE rampart, applied his\n scaling-ladders, occupied two adjacent towers, stood firm against\n THE pressure of multitudes, and bravely maintained his post till\n he was relieved by THE tardy, though effectual, support of his\n reluctant chief. The first tumult of slaughter and rapine\n subsided; THE reign of Caesar and of Christ was restored; and THE\n efforts of a hundred thousand Saracens, of THE armies of Syria\n and THE fleets of Africa, were consumed without effect before THE\n walls of Antioch. The royal city of Aleppo was subject to\n Seifeddowlat, of THE dynasty of Hamadan, who clouded his past\n glory by THE precipitate retreat which abandoned his kingdom and\n capital to THE Roman invaders. In his stately palace, that stood\n without THE walls of Aleppo, THEy joyfully seized a\n well-furnished magazine of arms, a stable of fourteen hundred\n mules, and three hundred bags of silver and gold. But THE walls\n of THE city withstood THE strokes of THEir battering-rams: and\n THE besiegers pitched THEir tents on THE neighboring mountain of\n Jaushan. Their retreat exasperated THE quarrel of THE townsmen\n and mercenaries; THE guard of THE gates and ramparts was\n deserted; and while THEy furiously charged each oTHEr in THE\n market-place, THEy were surprised and destroyed by THE sword of a\n common enemy. The male sex was exterminated by THE sword; ten\n thousand youths were led into captivity; THE weight of THE\n precious spoil exceeded THE strength and number of THE beasts of\n burden; THE superfluous remainder was burnt; and, after a\n licentious possession of ten days, THE Romans marched away from\n THE naked and bleeding city. In THEir Syrian inroads THEy\n commanded THE husbandmen to cultivate THEir lands, that THEy\n THEmselves, in THE ensuing season, might reap THE benefit; more\n than a hundred cities were reduced to obedience; and eighteen\n pulpits of THE principal moschs were committed to THE flames to\n expiate THE sacrilege of THE disciples of Mahomet. The classic\n names of Hierapolis, Apamea, and Emesa, revive for a moment in\n THE list of conquest: THE emperor Zimisces encamped in THE\n paradise of Damascus, and accepted THE ransom of a submissive\n people; and THE torrent was only stopped by THE impregnable\n fortress of Tripoli, on THE sea-coast of Phoenicia. Since THE\n days of Heraclius, THE Euphrates, below THE passage of Mount\n Taurus, had been impervious, and almost invisible, to THE Greeks.\n\n The river yielded a free passage to THE victorious Zimisces; and\n THE historian may imitate THE speed with which he overran THE\n once famous cities of Samosata, Edessa, Martyropolis, Amida, 116\n and Nisibis, THE ancient limit of THE empire in THE neighborhood\n of THE Tigris. His ardor was quickened by THE desire of grasping\n THE virgin treasures of Ecbatana, 117 a well-known name, under\n which THE Byzantine writer has concealed THE capital of THE\n Abbassides. The consternation of THE fugitives had already\n diffused THE terror of his name; but THE fancied riches of Bagdad\n had already been dissipated by THE avarice and prodigality of\n domestic tyrants. The prayers of THE people, and THE stern\n demands of THE lieutenant of THE Bowides, required THE caliph to\n provide for THE defence of THE city. The helpless Mothi replied,\n that his arms, his revenues, and his provinces, had been torn\n from his hands, and that he was ready to abdicate a dignity which\n he was unable to support. The emir was inexorable; THE furniture\n of THE palace was sold; and THE paltry price of forty thousand\n pieces of gold was instantly consumed in private luxury. But THE\n apprehensions of Bagdad were relieved by THE retreat of THE\n Greeks: thirst and hunger guarded THE desert of Mesopotamia; and\n THE emperor, satiated with glory, and laden with Oriental spoils,\n returned to Constantinople, and displayed, in his triumph, THE\n silk, THE aromatics, and three hundred myriads of gold and\n silver. Yet THE powers of THE East had been bent, not broken, by\n this transient hurricane. After THE departure of THE Greeks, THE\n fugitive princes returned to THEir capitals; THE subjects\n disclaimed THEir involuntary oaths of allegiance; THE Moslems\n again purified THEir temples, and overturned THE idols of THE\n saints and martyrs; THE Nestorians and Jacobites preferred a\n Saracen to an orthodox master; and THE numbers and spirit of THE\n Melchites were inadequate to THE support of THE church and state.\n\n Of THEse extensive conquests, Antioch, with THE cities of Cilicia\n and THE Isle of Cyprus, was alone restored, a permanent and\n useful accession to THE Roman empire. 118\n\n 114 (return) [ Elmacin, Hist. Saracen. p. 278, 279. Liutprand was\n disposed to depreciate THE Greek power, yet he owns that\n Nicephorus led against Assyria an army of eighty thousand men.]\n\n 115 (return) [ Ducenta fere millia hominum numerabat urbs\n (Abulfeda, Annal. Moslem. p. 231) of Mopsuestia, or Masifa,\n Mampsysta, Mansista, Mamista, as it is corruptly, or perhaps more\n correctly, styled in THE middle ages, (Wesseling, Itinerar. p.\n 580.) Yet I cannot credit this extreme populousness a few years\n after THE testimony of THE emperor Leo, (Tactica, c. xviii. in\n Meursii Oper. tom. vi. p. 817.)]\n\n 116 (return) [ The text of Leo THE deacon, in THE corrupt names\n of Emeta and Myctarsim, reveals THE cities of Amida and\n Martyropolis, (Mia farekin. See Abulfeda, Geograph. p. 245, vers.\n Reiske.) Of THE former, Leo observes, urbus munita et illustris;\n of THE latter, clara atque conspicua opibusque et pecore,\n reliquis ejus provinciis urbibus atque oppidis longe praestans.]\n\n 117 (return) [ Ut et Ecbatana pergeret Agarenorumque regiam\n everteret.... aiunt enim urbium quae usquam sunt ac toto orbe\n existunt felicissimam esse auroque ditissimam, (Leo Diacon. apud\n Pagium, tom. iv. p. 34.) This splendid description suits only\n with Bagdad, and cannot possibly apply eiTHEr to Hamadan, THE\n true Ecbatana, (D’Anville, Geog. Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 237,) or\n Tauris, which has been commonly mistaken for that city. The name\n of Ecbatana, in THE same indefinite sense, is transferred by a\n more classic authority (Cicero pro Lego Manilia, c. 4) to THE\n royal seat of Mithridates, king of Pontus.]\n\n 118 (return) [ See THE Annals of Elmacin, Abulpharagius, and\n Abulfeda, from A. H. 351 to A. H. 361; and THE reigns of\n Nicephorus Phocas and John Zimisces, in THE Chronicles of Zonaras\n (tom. ii. l. xvi. p. 199—l. xvii. 215) and Cedrenus, (Compend. p.\n 649-684.) Their manifold defects are partly supplied by THE Ms.\n history of Leo THE deacon, which Pagi obtained from THE\n Benedictines, and has inserted almost entire, in a Latin version,\n (Critica, tom. iii. p. 873, tom. iv. 37.) * Note: The whole\n original work of Leo THE Deacon has been published by Hase, and\n is inserted in THE new edition of THE Byzantine historians. M\n Lassen has added to THE Arabian authorities of this period some\n extracts from Kemaleddin’s account of THE treaty for THE\n surrender of Aleppo.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire.—Part I.\n\n Fate Of The Eastern Empire In The Tenth Century.—Extent And\n Division.—Wealth And Revenue.—Palace Of Constantinople.— Titles\n And Offices.—Pride And Power Of The Emperors.— Tactics Of The\n Greeks, Arabs, And Franks.—Loss Of The Latin Tongue.—Studies And\n Solitude Of The Greeks.\n\n A ray of historic light seems to beam from THE darkness of THE\n tenth century. We open with curiosity and respect THE royal\n volumes of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, 1 which he composed at a\n mature age for THE instruction of his son, and which promise to\n unfold THE state of THE eastern empire, both in peace and war,\n both at home and abroad. In THE first of THEse works he minutely\n describes THE pompous ceremonies of THE church and palace of\n Constantinople, according to his own practice, and that of his\n predecessors. 2 In THE second, he attempts an accurate survey of\n THE provinces, THE THEmes, as THEy were THEn denominated, both of\n Europe and Asia. 3 The system of Roman tactics, THE discipline\n and order of THE troops, and THE military operations by land and\n sea, are explained in THE third of THEse didactic collections,\n which may be ascribed to Constantine or his faTHEr Leo. 4 In THE\n fourth, of THE administration of THE empire, he reveals THE\n secrets of THE Byzantine policy, in friendly or hostile\n intercourse with THE nations of THE earth. The literary labors of\n THE age, THE practical systems of law, agriculture, and history,\n might redound to THE benefit of THE subject and THE honor of THE\n Macedonian princes. The sixty books of THE Basilics, 5 THE code\n and pandects of civil jurisprudence, were gradually framed in THE\n three first reigns of that prosperous dynasty. The art of\n agriculture had amused THE leisure, and exercised THE pens, of\n THE best and wisest of THE ancients; and THEir chosen precepts\n are comprised in THE twenty books of THE Geoponics 6 of\n Constantine. At his command, THE historical examples of vice and\n virtue were methodized in fifty-three books, 7 and every citizen\n might apply, to his contemporaries or himself, THE lesson or THE\n warning of past times. From THE august character of a legislator,\n THE sovereign of THE East descends to THE more humble office of a\n teacher and a scribe; and if his successors and subjects were\n regardless of his paternal cares, we may inherit and enjoy THE\n everlasting legacy.\n\n 1 (return) [ The epiTHEt of Porphyrogenitus, born in THE purple,\n is elegantly defined by Claudian:— Ardua privatos nescit fortuna\n Penates; Et regnum cum luce dedit. Cognata potestas Excepit Tyrio\n venerabile pignus in ostro.\n\n And Ducange, in his Greek and Latin Glossaries, produces many\n passages expressive of THE same idea.]\n\n 2 (return) [ A splendid Ms. of Constantine, de Caeremoniis Aulae\n et Ecclesiae Byzantinae, wandered from Constantinople to Buda,\n Frankfort, and Leipsic, where it was published in a splendid\n edition by Leich and Reiske, (A.D. 1751, in folio,) with such\n lavish praise as editors never fail to bestow on THE worthy or\n worthless object of THEir toil.]\n\n 3 (return) [ See, in THE first volume of Banduri’s Imperium\n Orientale, Constantinus de Thematibus, p. 1-24, de Administrando\n Imperio, p. 45-127, edit. Venet. The text of THE old edition of\n Meursius is corrected from a Ms. of THE royal library of Paris,\n which Isaac Casaubon had formerly seen, (Epist. ad Polybium, p.\n 10,) and THE sense is illustrated by two maps of William\n Deslisle, THE prince of geographers till THE appearance of THE\n greater D’Anville.]\n\n 4 (return) [ The Tactics of Leo and Constantine are published\n with THE aid of some new Mss. in THE great edition of THE works\n of Meursius, by THE learned John Lami, (tom. vi. p. 531-920,\n 1211-1417, Florent. 1745,) yet THE text is still corrupt and\n mutilated, THE version is still obscure and faulty. The Imperial\n library of Vienna would afford some valuable materials to a new\n editor, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. vi. p. 369, 370.)]\n\n 5 (return) [ On THE subject of THE Basilics, Fabricius, (Bibliot.\n Graec. tom. xii. p. 425-514,) and Heineccius, (Hist. Juris\n Romani, p. 396-399,) and Giannone, (Istoria Civile di Napoli,\n tom. i. p. 450-458,) as historical civilians, may be usefully\n consulted: xli. books of this Greek code have been published,\n with a Latin version, by Charles Annibal Frabrottus, (Paris,\n 1647,) in seven tomes in folio; iv. oTHEr books have been since\n discovered, and are inserted in Gerard Meerman’s Novus Thesaurus\n Juris Civ. et Canon. tom. v. Of THE whole work, THE sixty books,\n John Leunclavius has printed, (Basil, 1575,) an eclogue or\n synopsis. The cxiii. novels, or new laws, of Leo, may be found in\n THE Corpus Juris Civilis.]\n\n 6 (return) [ I have used THE last and best edition of THE\n Geoponics, (by Nicolas Niclas, Leipsic, 1781, 2 vols. in octavo.)\n I read in THE preface, that THE same emperor restored THE\n long-forgotten systems of rhetoric and philosophy; and his two\n books of Hippiatrica, or Horse-physic, were published at Paris,\n 1530, in folio, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. vi. p. 493-500.)]\n\n 7 (return) [ Of THEse LIII. books, or titles, only two have been\n preserved and printed, de Legationibus (by Fulvius Ursinus,\n Antwerp, 1582, and Daniel Hoeschelius, August. Vindel. 1603) and\n de Virtutibus et Vitiis, (by Henry Valesius, or de Valois, Paris,\n 1634.)]\n\n A closer survey will indeed reduce THE value of THE gift, and THE\n gratitude of posterity: in THE possession of THEse Imperial\n treasures we may still deplore our poverty and ignorance; and THE\n fading glories of THEir authors will be obliterated by\n indifference or contempt. The Basilics will sink to a broken\n copy, a partial and mutilated version, in THE Greek language, of\n THE laws of Justinian; but THE sense of THE old civilians is\n often superseded by THE influence of bigotry: and THE absolute\n prohibition of divorce, concubinage, and interest for money,\n enslaves THE freedom of trade and THE happiness of private life.\n In THE historical book, a subject of Constantine might admire THE\n inimitable virtues of Greece and Rome: he might learn to what a\n pitch of energy and elevation THE human character had formerly\n aspired. But a contrary effect must have been produced by a new\n edition of THE lives of THE saints, which THE great logoTHEte, or\n chancellor of THE empire, was directed to prepare; and THE dark\n fund of superstition was enriched by THE fabulous and florid\n legends of Simon THE Metaphrast. 8 The merits and miracles of THE\n whole calendar are of less account in THE eyes of a sage, than\n THE toil of a single husbandman, who multiplies THE gifts of THE\n Creator, and supplies THE food of his brethren. Yet THE royal\n authors of THE Geoponics were more seriously employed in\n expounding THE precepts of THE destroying art, which had been\n taught since THE days of Xenophon, 9 as THE art of heroes and\n kings. But THE Tactics of Leo and Constantine are mingled with\n THE baser alloy of THE age in which THEy lived. It was destitute\n of original genius; THEy implicitly transcribe THE rules and\n maxims which had been confirmed by victories. It was unskilled in\n THE propriety of style and method; THEy blindly confound THE most\n distant and discordant institutions, THE phalanx of Sparta and\n that of Macedon, THE legions of Cato and Trajan, of Augustus and\n Theodosius. Even THE use, or at least THE importance, of THEse\n military rudiments may be fairly questioned: THEir general THEory\n is dictated by reason; but THE merit, as well as difficulty,\n consists in THE application. The discipline of a soldier is\n formed by exercise raTHEr than by study: THE talents of a\n commander are appropriated to those calm, though rapid, minds,\n which nature produces to decide THE fate of armies and nations:\n THE former is THE habit of a life, THE latter THE glance of a\n moment; and THE battles won by lessons of tactics may be numbered\n with THE epic poems created from THE rules of criticism. The book\n of ceremonies is a recital, tedious yet imperfect, of THE\n despicable pageantry which had infected THE church and state\n since THE gradual decay of THE purity of THE one and THE power of\n THE oTHEr. A review of THE THEmes or provinces might promise such\n auTHEntic and useful information, as THE curiosity of government\n only can obtain, instead of traditionary fables on THE origin of\n THE cities, and malicious epigrams on THE vices of THEir\n inhabitants. 10 Such information THE historian would have been\n pleased to record; nor should his silence be condemned if THE\n most interesting objects, THE population of THE capital and\n provinces, THE amount of THE taxes and revenues, THE numbers of\n subjects and strangers who served under THE Imperial standard,\n have been unnoticed by Leo THE philosopher, and his son\n Constantine. His treatise of THE public administration is stained\n with THE same blemishes; yet it is discriminated by peculiar\n merit; THE antiquities of THE nations may be doubtful or\n fabulous; but THE geography and manners of THE Barbaric world are\n delineated with curious accuracy. Of THEse nations, THE Franks\n alone were qualified to observe in THEir turn, and to describe,\n THE metropolis of THE East. The ambassador of THE great Otho, a\n bishop of Cremona, has painted THE state of Constantinople about\n THE middle of THE tenth century: his style is glowing, his\n narrative lively, his observation keen; and even THE prejudices\n and passions of Liutprand are stamped with an original character\n of freedom and genius. 11 From this scanty fund of foreign and\n domestic materials, I shall investigate THE form and substance of\n THE Byzantine empire; THE provinces and wealth, THE civil\n government and military force, THE character and literature, of\n THE Greeks in a period of six hundred years, from THE reign of\n Heraclius to his successful invasion of THE Franks or Latins.\n\n 8 (return) [ The life and writings of Simon Metaphrastes are\n described by Hankius, (de Scriptoribus Byzant. p. 418-460.) This\n biographer of THE saints indulged himself in a loose paraphrase\n of THE sense or nonsense of more ancient acts. His Greek rhetoric\n is again paraphrased in THE Latin version of Surius, and scarcely\n a thread can be now visible of THE original texture.]\n\n 9 (return) [ According to THE first book of THE Cyropaedia,\n professors of tactics, a small part of THE science of war, were\n already instituted in Persia, by which Greece must be understood.\n A good edition of all THE Scriptores Tactici would be a task not\n unworthy of a scholar. His industry might discover some new Mss.,\n and his learning might illustrate THE military history of THE\n ancients. But this scholar should be likewise a soldier; and\n alas! Quintus Icilius is no more. * Note: M. Guichardt, author of\n Memoires Militaires sur les Grecs et sur les Romains. See\n Gibbon’s Extraits Raisonnees de mes Lectures, Misc. Works vol. v.\n p. 219.—M]\n\n 10 (return) [ After observing that THE demerit of THE\n Cappadocians rose in proportion to THEir rank and riches, he\n inserts a more pointed epigram, which is ascribed to Demodocus.\n The sting is precisely THE same with THE French epigram against\n Freron: Un serpent mordit Jean Freron—Eh bien? Le serpent en\n mourut. But as THE Paris wits are seldom read in THE Anthology, I\n should be curious to learn, through what channel it was conveyed\n for THEir imitation, (Constantin. Porphyrogen. de Themat. c. ii.\n Brunck Analect. Graec. tom. ii. p. 56. Brodaei Anthologia, l. ii.\n p. 244.)]\n\n 11 (return) [ The Legatio Liutprandi Episcopi Cremonensis ad\n Nicephorum Phocam is inserted in Muratori, Scriptores Rerum\n Italicarum, tom. ii. pars i.]\n\n After THE final division between THE sons of Theodosius, THE\n swarms of Barbarians from Scythia and Germany over-spread THE\n provinces and extinguished THE empire of ancient Rome. The\n weakness of Constantinople was concealed by extent of dominion:\n her limits were inviolate, or at least entire; and THE kingdom of\n Justinian was enlarged by THE splendid acquisition of Africa and\n Italy. But THE possession of THEse new conquests was transient\n and precarious; and almost a moiety of THE Eastern empire was\n torn away by THE arms of THE Saracens. Syria and Egypt were\n oppressed by THE Arabian caliphs; and, after THE reduction of\n Africa, THEir lieutenants invaded and subdued THE Roman province\n which had been changed into THE Gothic monarchy of Spain. The\n islands of THE Mediterranean were not inaccessible to THEir naval\n powers; and it was from THEir extreme stations, THE harbors of\n Crete and THE fortresses of Cilicia, that THE faithful or rebel\n emirs insulted THE majesty of THE throne and capital. The\n remaining provinces, under THE obedience of THE emperors, were\n cast into a new mould; and THE jurisdiction of THE presidents,\n THE consulars, and THE counts were superseded by THE institution\n of THE THEmes, 12 or military governments, which prevailed under\n THE successors of Heraclius, and are described by THE pen of THE\n royal author. Of THE twenty-nine THEmes, twelve in Europe and\n seventeen in Asia, THE origin is obscure, THE etymology doubtful\n or capricious: THE limits were arbitrary and fluctuating; but\n some particular names, that sound THE most strangely to our ear,\n were derived from THE character and attributes of THE troops that\n were maintained at THE expense, and for THE guard, of THE\n respective divisions. The vanity of THE Greek princes most\n eagerly grasped THE shadow of conquest and THE memory of lost\n dominion. A new Mesopotamia was created on THE western side of\n THE Euphrates: THE appellation and praetor of Sicily were\n transferred to a narrow slip of Calabria; and a fragment of THE\n duchy of Beneventum was promoted to THE style and title of THE\n THEme of Lombardy. In THE decline of THE Arabian empire, THE\n successors of Constantine might indulge THEir pride in more solid\n advantages. The victories of Nicephorus, John Zimisces, and Basil\n THE Second, revived THE fame, and enlarged THE boundaries, of THE\n Roman name: THE province of Cilicia, THE metropolis of Antioch,\n THE islands of Crete and Cyprus, were restored to THE allegiance\n of Christ and Caesar: one third of Italy was annexed to THE\n throne of Constantinople: THE kingdom of Bulgaria was destroyed;\n and THE last sovereigns of THE Macedonian dynasty extended THEir\n sway from THE sources of THE Tigris to THE neighborhood of Rome.\n In THE eleventh century, THE prospect was again clouded by new\n enemies and new misfortunes: THE relics of Italy were swept away\n by THE Norman adventures; and almost all THE Asiatic branches\n were dissevered from THE Roman trunk by THE Turkish conquerors.\n After THEse losses, THE emperors of THE Comnenian family\n continued to reign from THE Danube to Peloponnesus, and from\n Belgrade to Nice, Trebizond, and THE winding stream of THE\n Meander. The spacious provinces of Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece,\n were obedient to THEir sceptre; THE possession of Cyprus, Rhodes,\n and Crete, was accompanied by THE fifty islands of THE Aegean or\n Holy Sea; 13 and THE remnant of THEir empire transcends THE\n measure of THE largest of THE European kingdoms.\n\n 12 (return) [ See Constantine de Thematibus, in Banduri, tom. i.\n p. 1-30. It is used by Maurice (Strata gem. l. ii. c. 2) for a\n legion, from whence THE name was easily transferred to its post\n or province, (Ducange, Gloss. Graec. tom. i. p. 487-488.) Some\n etymologies are attempted for THE Opiscian, Optimatian,\n Thracesian, THEmes.]\n\n 13 (return) [ It is styled by THE modern Greeks, from which THE\n corrupt names of Archipelago, l’Archipel, and THE Arches, have\n been transformed by geographers and seamen, (D’Anville,\n Geographie Ancienne, tom. i. p. 281. Analyse de la Carte de la\n Greece, p. 60.) The numbers of monks or caloyers in all THE\n islands and THE adjacent mountain of Athos, (Observations de\n Belon, fol. 32, verso,) monte santo, might justify THE epiTHEt of\n holy, a slight alteration from THE original, imposed by THE\n Dorians, who, in THEir dialect, gave THE figurative name of\n goats, to THE bounding waves, (Vossius, apud Cellarium, Geograph.\n Antiq. tom. i. p. 829.)]\n\n The same princes might assert, with dignity and truth, that of\n all THE monarchs of Christendom THEy possessed THE greatest city,\n 14 THE most ample revenue, THE most flourishing and populous\n state. With THE decline and fall of THE empire, THE cities of THE\n West had decayed and fallen; nor could THE ruins of Rome, or THE\n mud walls, wooden hovels, and narrow precincts of Paris and\n London, prepare THE Latin stranger to contemplate THE situation\n and extent of Constantinople, her stately palaces and churches,\n and THE arts and luxury of an innumerable people. Her treasures\n might attract, but her virgin strength had repelled, and still\n promised to repel, THE audacious invasion of THE Persian and\n Bulgarian, THE Arab and THE Russian. The provinces were less\n fortunate and impregnable; and few districts, few cities, could\n be discovered which had not been violated by some fierce\n Barbarian, impatient to despoil, because he was hopeless to\n possess. From THE age of Justinian THE Eastern empire was sinking\n below its former level; THE powers of destruction were more\n active than those of improvement; and THE calamities of war were\n imbittered by THE more permanent evils of civil and\n ecclesiastical tyranny. The captive who had escaped from THE\n Barbarians was often stripped and imprisoned by THE ministers of\n his sovereign: THE Greek superstition relaxed THE mind by prayer,\n and emaciated THE body by fasting; and THE multitude of convents\n and festivals diverted many hands and many days from THE temporal\n service of mankind. Yet THE subjects of THE Byzantine empire were\n still THE most dexterous and diligent of nations; THEir country\n was blessed by nature with every advantage of soil, climate, and\n situation; and, in THE support and restoration of THE arts, THEir\n patient and peaceful temper was more useful than THE warlike\n spirit and feudal anarchy of Europe. The provinces that still\n adhered to THE empire were repeopled and enriched by THE\n misfortunes of those which were irrecoverably lost. From THE yoke\n of THE caliphs, THE Catholics of Syria, Egypt, and Africa retired\n to THE allegiance of THEir prince, to THE society of THEir\n brethren: THE movable wealth, which eludes THE search of\n oppression, accompanied and alleviated THEir exile, and\n Constantinople received into her bosom THE fugitive trade of\n Alexandria and Tyre. The chiefs of Armenia and Scythia, who fled\n from hostile or religious persecution, were hospitably\n entertained: THEir followers were encouraged to build new cities\n and to cultivate waste lands; and many spots, both in Europe and\n Asia, preserved THE name, THE manners, or at least THE memory, of\n THEse national colonies. Even THE tribes of Barbarians, who had\n seated THEmselves in arms on THE territory of THE empire, were\n gradually reclaimed to THE laws of THE church and state; and as\n long as THEy were separated from THE Greeks, THEir posterity\n supplied a race of faithful and obedient soldiers. Did we possess\n sufficient materials to survey THE twenty-nine THEmes of THE\n Byzantine monarchy, our curiosity might be satisfied with a\n chosen example: it is fortunate enough that THE clearest light\n should be thrown on THE most interesting province, and THE name\n of Peloponnesus will awaken THE attention of THE classic reader.\n\n 14 (return) [ According to THE Jewish traveller who had visited\n Europe and Asia, Constantinople was equalled only by Bagdad, THE\n great city of THE Ismaelites, (Voyage de Benjamin de Tudele, par\n Baratier, tom. l. c. v. p. 46.)]\n\n As early as THE eighth century, in THE troubled reign of THE\n Iconoclasts, Greece, and even Peloponnesus, 15 were overrun by\n some Sclavonian bands who outstripped THE royal standard of\n Bulgaria. The strangers of old, Cadmus, and Danaus, and Pelops,\n had planted in that fruitful soil THE seeds of policy and\n learning; but THE savages of THE north eradicated what yet\n remained of THEir sickly and wiTHEred roots. In this irruption,\n THE country and THE inhabitants were transformed; THE Grecian\n blood was contaminated; and THE proudest nobles of Peloponnesus\n were branded with THE names of foreigners and slaves. By THE\n diligence of succeeding princes, THE land was in some measure\n purified from THE Barbarians; and THE humble remnant was bound by\n an oath of obedience, tribute, and military service, which THEy\n often renewed and often violated. The siege of Patras was formed\n by a singular concurrence of THE Sclavonians of Peloponnesus and\n THE Saracens of Africa. In THEir last distress, a pious fiction\n of THE approach of THE praetor of Corinth revived THE courage of\n THE citizens. Their sally was bold and successful; THE strangers\n embarked, THE rebels submitted, and THE glory of THE day was\n ascribed to a phantom or a stranger, who fought in THE foremost\n ranks under THE character of St. Andrew THE Apostle. The shrine\n which contained his relics was decorated with THE trophies of\n victory, and THE captive race was forever devoted to THE service\n and vassalage of THE metropolitan church of Patras. By THE revolt\n of two Sclavonian tribes, in THE neighborhood of Helos and\n Lacedaemon, THE peace of THE peninsula was often disturbed. They\n sometimes insulted THE weakness, and sometimes resisted THE\n oppression, of THE Byzantine government, till at length THE\n approach of THEir hostile brethren extorted a golden bull to\n define THE rites and obligations of THE Ezzerites and Milengi,\n whose annual tribute was defined at twelve hundred pieces of\n gold. From THEse strangers THE Imperial geographer has accurately\n distinguished a domestic, and perhaps original, race, who, in\n some degree, might derive THEir blood from THE much-injured\n Helots. The liberality of THE Romans, and especially of Augustus,\n had enfranchised THE maritime cities from THE dominion of Sparta;\n and THE continuance of THE same benefit ennobled THEm with THE\n title of EleuTHEro, or Free-Laconians. 16 In THE time of\n Constantine Porphyrogenitus, THEy had acquired THE name of\n Mainotes, under which THEy dishonor THE claim of liberty by THE\n inhuman pillage of all that is shipwrecked on THEir rocky shores.\n Their territory, barren of corn, but fruitful of olives, extended\n to THE Cape of Malea: THEy accepted a chief or prince from THE\n Byzantine praetor, and a light tribute of four hundred pieces of\n gold was THE badge of THEir immunity, raTHEr than of THEir\n dependence. The freemen of Laconia assumed THE character of\n Romans, and long adhered to THE religion of THE Greeks. By THE\n zeal of THE emperor Basil, THEy were baptized in THE faith of\n Christ: but THE altars of Venus and Neptune had been crowned by\n THEse rustic votaries five hundred years after THEy were\n proscribed in THE Roman world. In THE THEme of Peloponnesus, 17\n forty cities were still numbered, and THE declining state of\n Sparta, Argos, and Corinth, may be suspended in THE tenth\n century, at an equal distance, perhaps, between THEir antique\n splendor and THEir present desolation. The duty of military\n service, eiTHEr in person or by substitute, was imposed on THE\n lands or benefices of THE province; a sum of five pieces of gold\n was assessed on each of THE substantial tenants; and THE same\n capitation was shared among several heads of inferior value. On\n THE proclamation of an Italian war, THE Peloponnesians excused\n THEmselves by a voluntary oblation of one hundred pounds of gold,\n (four thousand pounds sterling,) and a thousand horses with THEir\n arms and trappings. The churches and monasteries furnished THEir\n contingent; a sacrilegious profit was extorted from THE sale of\n ecclesiastical honors; and THE indigent bishop of Leucadia 18 was\n made responsible for a pension of one hundred pieces of gold. 19\n\n 15 (return) [ Says Constantine, (Thematibus, l. ii. c. vi. p.\n 25,) in a style as barbarous as THE idea, which he confirms, as\n usual, by a foolish epigram. The epitomizer of Strabo likewise\n observes, (l. vii. p. 98, edit. Hudson. edit. Casaub. 1251;) a\n passage which leads Dodwell a weary dance (Geograph, Minor. tom.\n ii. dissert. vi. p. 170-191) to enumerate THE inroads of THE\n Sclavi, and to fix THE date (A.D. 980) of this petty geographer.]\n\n 16 (return) [ Strabon. Geograph. l. viii. p. 562. Pausanius,\n Graec. Descriptio, l. c 21, p. 264, 265. Pliny, Hist. Natur. l.\n iv. c. 8.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Constantin. de Administrando Imperio, l. ii. c. 50,\n 51, 52.]\n\n 18 (return) [ The rock of Leucate was THE souTHErn promontory of\n his island and diocese. Had he been THE exclusive guardian of THE\n Lover’s Leap so well known to THE readers of Ovid (Epist. Sappho)\n and THE Spectator, he might have been THE richest prelate of THE\n Greek church.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Leucatensis mihi juravit episcopus, quotannis\n ecclesiam suam debere Nicephoro aureos centum persolvere,\n similiter et ceteras plus minusve secundum vires suos, (Liutprand\n in Legat. p. 489.)]\n\n But THE wealth of THE province, and THE trust of THE revenue,\n were founded on THE fair and plentiful produce of trade and\n manufacturers; and some symptoms of liberal policy may be traced\n in a law which exempts from all personal taxes THE mariners of\n Peloponnesus, and THE workmen in parchment and purple. This\n denomination may be fairly applied or extended to THE\n manufacturers of linen, woollen, and more especially of silk: THE\n two former of which had flourished in Greece since THE days of\n Homer; and THE last was introduced perhaps as early as THE reign\n of Justinian. These arts, which were exercised at Corinth,\n Thebes, and Argos, afforded food and occupation to a numerous\n people: THE men, women, and children were distributed according\n to THEir age and strength; and, if many of THEse were domestic\n slaves, THEir masters, who directed THE work and enjoyed THE\n profit, were of a free and honorable condition. The gifts which a\n rich and generous matron of Peloponnesus presented to THE emperor\n Basil, her adopted son, were doubtless fabricated in THE Grecian\n looms. Danielis bestowed a carpet of fine wool, of a pattern\n which imitated THE spots of a peacock’s tail, of a magnitude to\n overspread THE floor of a new church, erected in THE triple name\n of Christ, of Michael THE archangel, and of THE prophet Elijah.\n She gave six hundred pieces of silk and linen, of various use and\n denomination: THE silk was painted with THE Tyrian dye, and\n adorned by THE labors of THE needle; and THE linen was so\n exquisitely fine, that an entire piece might be rolled in THE\n hollow of a cane. 20 In his description of THE Greek\n manufactures, an historian of Sicily discriminates THEir price,\n according to THE weight and quality of THE silk, THE closeness of\n THE texture, THE beauty of THE colors, and THE taste and\n materials of THE embroidery. A single, or even a double or treble\n thread was thought sufficient for ordinary sale; but THE union of\n six threads composed a piece of stronger and more costly\n workmanship. Among THE colors, he celebrates, with affectation of\n eloquence, THE fiery blaze of THE scarlet, and THE softer lustre\n of THE green. The embroidery was raised eiTHEr in silk or gold:\n THE more simple ornament of stripes or circles was surpassed by\n THE nicer imitation of flowers: THE vestments that were\n fabricated for THE palace or THE altar often glittered with\n precious stones; and THE figures were delineated in strings of\n Oriental pearls. 21 Till THE twelfth century, Greece alone, of\n all THE countries of Christendom, was possessed of THE insect who\n is taught by nature, and of THE workmen who are instructed by\n art, to prepare this elegant luxury. But THE secret had been\n stolen by THE dexterity and diligence of THE Arabs: THE caliphs\n of THE East and West scorned to borrow from THE unbelievers THEir\n furniture and apparel; and two cities of Spain, Almeria and\n Lisbon, were famous for THE manufacture, THE use, and, perhaps,\n THE exportation, of silk. It was first introduced into Sicily by\n THE Normans; and this emigration of trade distinguishes THE\n victory of Roger from THE uniform and fruitless hostilities of\n every age. After THE sack of Corinth, ATHEns, and Thebes, his\n lieutenant embarked with a captive train of weavers and\n artificers of both sexes, a trophy glorious to THEir master, and\n disgraceful to THE Greek emperor. 22 The king of Sicily was not\n insensible of THE value of THE present; and, in THE restitution\n of THE prisoners, he excepted only THE male and female\n manufacturers of Thebes and Corinth, who labor, says THE\n Byzantine historian, under a barbarous lord, like THE old\n Eretrians in THE service of Darius. 23 A stately edifice, in THE\n palace of Palermo, was erected for THE use of this industrious\n colony; 24 and THE art was propagated by THEir children and\n disciples to satisfy THE increasing demand of THE western world.\n The decay of THE looms of Sicily may be ascribed to THE troubles\n of THE island, and THE competition of THE Italian cities. In THE\n year thirteen hundred and fourteen, Lucca alone, among her sister\n republics, enjoyed THE lucrative monopoly. 25 A domestic\n revolution dispersed THE manufacturers to Florence, Bologna,\n Venice, Milan, and even THE countries beyond THE Alps; and\n thirteen years after this event THE statutes of Modena enjoin THE\n planting of mulberry-trees, and regulate THE duties on raw silk.\n 26 The norTHErn climates are less propitious to THE education of\n THE silkworm; but THE industry of France and England 27 is\n supplied and enriched by THE productions of Italy and China.\n\n 20 (return) [ See Constantine, (in Vit. Basil. c. 74, 75, 76, p.\n 195, 197, in Script. post Theophanem,) who allows himself to use\n many technical or barbarous words: barbarous, says he. Ducange\n labors on some: but he was not a weaver.]\n\n 21 (return) [ The manufactures of Palermo, as THEy are described\n by Hugo Falcandus, (Hist. Sicula in proem. in Muratori Script.\n Rerum Italicarum, tom. v. p. 256,) is a copy of those of Greece.\n Without transcribing his declamatory sentences, which I have\n softened in THE text, I shall observe, that in this passage THE\n strange word exarentasmata is very properly changed for\n exanTHEmata by Carisius, THE first editor Falcandus lived about\n THE year 1190.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Inde ad interiora Graeciae progressi, Corinthum,\n Thebas, ATHEnas, antiqua nobilitate celebres, expugnant; et,\n maxima ibidem praeda direpta, opifices etiam, qui sericos pannos\n texere solent, ob ignominiam Imperatoris illius, suique principis\n gloriam, captivos deducunt. Quos Rogerius, in Palermo Siciliae,\n metropoli collocans, artem texendi suos edocere praecepit; et\n exhinc praedicta ars illa, prius a Graecis tantum inter\n Christianos habita, Romanis patere coepit ingeniis, (Otho\n Frisingen. de Gestis Frederici I. l. i. c. 33, in Muratori\n Script. Ital. tom. vi. p. 668.) This exception allows THE bishop\n to celebrate Lisbon and Almeria in sericorum pannorum opificio\n praenobilissimae, (in Chron. apud Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom.\n ix. p. 415.)]\n\n 23 (return) [ Nicetas in Manuel, l. ii. c. 8. p. 65. He describes\n THEse Greeks as skilled.]\n\n 24 (return) [ Hugo Falcandus styles THEm nobiles officinas. The\n Arabs had not introduced silk, though THEy had planted canes and\n made sugar in THE plain of Palermo.]\n\n 25 (return) [ See THE Life of Castruccio Casticani, not by\n Machiavel, but by his more auTHEntic biographer Nicholas Tegrimi.\n Muratori, who has inserted it in THE xith volume of his\n Scriptores, quotes this curious passage in his Italian\n Antiquities, (tom. i. dissert. xxv. p. 378.)]\n\n 26 (return) [ From THE Ms. statutes, as THEy are quoted by\n Muratori in his Italian Antiquities, (tom. ii. dissert. xxv. p.\n 46-48.)]\n\n 27 (return) [ The broad silk manufacture was established in\n England in THE year 1620, (Anderson’s Chronological Deduction,\n vol. ii. p. 4: ) but it is to THE revocation of THE edict of\n Nantes that we owe THE Spitalfields colony.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire.—Part II.\n\n I must repeat THE complaint that THE vague and scanty memorials\n of THE times will not afford any just estimate of THE taxes, THE\n revenue, and THE resources of THE Greek empire. From every\n province of Europe and Asia THE rivulets of gold and silver\n discharged into THE Imperial reservoir a copious and perennial\n stream. The separation of THE branches from THE trunk increased\n THE relative magnitude of Constantinople; and THE maxims of\n despotism contracted THE state to THE capital, THE capital to THE\n palace, and THE palace to THE royal person. A Jewish traveller,\n who visited THE East in THE twelfth century, is lost in his\n admiration of THE Byzantine riches. “It is here,” says Benjamin\n of Tudela, “in THE queen of cities, that THE tributes of THE\n Greek empire are annually deposited and THE lofty towers are\n filled with precious magazines of silk, purple, and gold. It is\n said, that Constantinople pays each day to her sovereign twenty\n thousand pieces of gold; which are levied on THE shops, taverns,\n and markets, on THE merchants of Persia and Egypt, of Russia and\n Hungary, of Italy and Spain, who frequent THE capital by sea and\n land.” 28 In all pecuniary matters, THE authority of a Jew is\n doubtless respectable; but as THE three hundred and sixty-five\n days would produce a yearly income exceeding seven millions\n sterling, I am tempted to retrench at least THE numerous\n festivals of THE Greek calendar. The mass of treasure that was\n saved by Theodora and Basil THE Second will suggest a splendid,\n though indefinite, idea of THEir supplies and resources. The\n moTHEr of Michael, before she retired to a cloister, attempted to\n check or expose THE prodigality of her ungrateful son, by a free\n and faithful account of THE wealth which he inherited; one\n hundred and nine thousand pounds of gold, and three hundred\n thousand of silver, THE fruits of her own economy and that of her\n deceased husband. 29 The avarice of Basil is not less renowned\n than his valor and fortune: his victorious armies were paid and\n rewarded without breaking into THE mass of two hundred thousand\n pounds of gold, (about eight millions sterling,) which he had\n buried in THE subterraneous vaults of THE palace. 30 Such\n accumulation of treasure is rejected by THE THEory and practice\n of modern policy; and we are more apt to compute THE national\n riches by THE use and abuse of THE public credit. Yet THE maxims\n of antiquity are still embraced by a monarch formidable to his\n enemies; by a republic respectable to her allies; and both have\n attained THEir respective ends of military power and domestic\n tranquillity.\n\n 28 (return) [ Voyage de Benjamin de Tudele, tom. i. c. 5, p.\n 44-52. The Hebrew text has been translated into French by that\n marvellous child Baratier, who has added a volume of crude\n learning. The errors and fictions of THE Jewish rabbi are not a\n sufficient ground to deny THE reality of his travels. * Note: I\n am inclined, with Buegnot (Les Juifs d’Occident, part iii. p. 101\n et seqq.) and Jost (Geschichte der Israeliter, vol. vi. anhang.\n p. 376) to consider this work a mere compilation, and to doubt\n THE reality of THE travels.—M.]\n\n 29 (return) [ See THE continuator of Theophanes, (l. iv. p. 107,)\n Cedremis, (p. 544,) and Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xvi. p. 157.)]\n\n 30 (return) [ Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xvii. p. 225,) instead of\n pounds, uses THE more classic appellation of talents, which, in a\n literal sense and strict computation, would multiply sixty fold\n THE treasure of Basil.]\n\n Whatever might be consumed for THE present wants, or reserved for\n THE future use, of THE state, THE first and most sacred demand\n was for THE pomp and pleasure of THE emperor, and his discretion\n only could define THE measure of his private expense. The princes\n of Constantinople were far removed from THE simplicity of nature;\n yet, with THE revolving seasons, THEy were led by taste or\n fashion to withdraw to a purer air, from THE smoke and tumult of\n THE capital. They enjoyed, or affected to enjoy, THE rustic\n festival of THE vintage: THEir leisure was amused by THE exercise\n of THE chase and THE calmer occupation of fishing, and in THE\n summer heats, THEy were shaded from THE sun, and refreshed by THE\n cooling breezes from THE sea. The coasts and islands of Asia and\n Europe were covered with THEir magnificent villas; but, instead\n of THE modest art which secretly strives to hide itself and to\n decorate THE scenery of nature, THE marble structure of THEir\n gardens served only to expose THE riches of THE lord, and THE\n labors of THE architect. The successive casualties of inheritance\n and forfeiture had rendered THE sovereign proprietor of many\n stately houses in THE city and suburbs, of which twelve were\n appropriated to THE ministers of state; but THE great palace, 31\n THE centre of THE Imperial residence, was fixed during eleven\n centuries to THE same position, between THE hippodrome, THE\n caTHEdral of St. Sophia, and THE gardens, which descended by many\n a terrace to THE shores of THE Propontis. The primitive edifice\n of THE first Constantine was a copy, or rival, of ancient Rome;\n THE gradual improvements of his successors aspired to emulate THE\n wonders of THE old world, 32 and in THE tenth century, THE\n Byzantine palace excited THE admiration, at least of THE Latins,\n by an unquestionable preeminence of strength, size, and\n magnificence. 33 But THE toil and treasure of so many ages had\n produced a vast and irregular pile: each separate building was\n marked with THE character of THE times and of THE founder; and\n THE want of space might excuse THE reigning monarch, who\n demolished, perhaps with secret satisfaction, THE works of his\n predecessors. The economy of THE emperor Theophilus allowed a\n more free and ample scope for his domestic luxury and splendor. A\n favorite ambassador, who had astonished THE Abbassides THEmselves\n by his pride and liberality, presented on his return THE model of\n a palace, which THE caliph of Bagdad had recently constructed on\n THE banks of THE Tigris. The model was instantly copied and\n surpassed: THE new buildings of Theophilus 34 were accompanied\n with gardens, and with five churches, one of which was\n conspicuous for size and beauty: it was crowned with three domes,\n THE roof of gilt brass reposed on columns of Italian marble, and\n THE walls were incrusted with marbles of various colors. In THE\n face of THE church, a semicircular portico, of THE figure and\n name of THE Greek sigma, was supported by fifteen columns of\n Phrygian marble, and THE subterraneous vaults were of a similar\n construction. The square before THE sigma was decorated with a\n fountain, and THE margin of THE basin was lined and encompassed\n with plates of silver. In THE beginning of each season, THE\n basin, instead of water, was replenished with THE most exquisite\n fruits, which were abandoned to THE populace for THE\n entertainment of THE prince. He enjoyed this tumultuous spectacle\n from a throne resplendent with gold and gems, which was raised by\n a marble staircase to THE height of a lofty terrace. Below THE\n throne were seated THE officers of his guards, THE magistrates,\n THE chiefs of THE factions of THE circus; THE inferior steps were\n occupied by THE people, and THE place below was covered with\n troops of dancers, singers, and pantomimes. The square was\n surrounded by THE hall of justice, THE arsenal, and THE various\n offices of business and pleasure; and THE purple chamber was\n named from THE annual distribution of robes of scarlet and purple\n by THE hand of THE empress herself. The long series of THE\n apartments was adapted to THE seasons, and decorated with marble\n and porphyry, with painting, sculpture, and mosaics, with a\n profusion of gold, silver, and precious stones. His fanciful\n magnificence employed THE skill and patience of such artists as\n THE times could afford: but THE taste of ATHEns would have\n despised THEir frivolous and costly labors; a golden tree, with\n its leaves and branches, which sheltered a multitude of birds\n warbling THEir artificial notes, and two lions of massy gold, and\n of natural size, who looked and roared like THEir brethren of THE\n forest. The successors of Theophilus, of THE Basilian and\n Comnenian dynasties, were not less ambitious of leaving some\n memorial of THEir residence; and THE portion of THE palace most\n splendid and august was dignified with THE title of THE golden\n triclinium. 35 With becoming modesty, THE rich and noble Greeks\n aspired to imitate THEir sovereign, and when THEy passed through\n THE streets on horseback, in THEir robes of silk and embroidery,\n THEy were mistaken by THE children for kings. 36 A matron of\n Peloponnesus, 37 who had cherished THE infant fortunes of Basil\n THE Macedonian, was excited by tenderness or vanity to visit THE\n greatness of her adopted son. In a journey of five hundred miles\n from Patras to Constantinople, her age or indolence declined THE\n fatigue of a horse or carriage: THE soft litter or bed of\n Danielis was transported on THE shoulders of ten robust slaves;\n and as THEy were relieved at easy distances, a band of three\n hundred were selected for THE performance of this service. She\n was entertained in THE Byzantine palace with filial reverence,\n and THE honors of a queen; and whatever might be THE origin of\n her wealth, her gifts were not unworthy of THE regal dignity. I\n have already described THE fine and curious manufactures of\n Peloponnesus, of linen, silk, and woollen; but THE most\n acceptable of her presents consisted in three hundred beautiful\n youths, of whom one hundred were eunuchs; 38 “for she was not\n ignorant,” says THE historian, “that THE air of THE palace is\n more congenial to such insects, than a shepherd’s dairy to THE\n flies of THE summer.” During her lifetime, she bestowed THE\n greater part of her estates in Peloponnesus, and her testament\n instituted Leo, THE son of Basil, her universal heir. After THE\n payment of THE legacies, fourscore villas or farms were added to\n THE Imperial domain; and three thousand slaves of Danielis were\n enfranchised by THEir new lord, and transplanted as a colony to\n THE Italian coast. From this example of a private matron, we may\n estimate THE wealth and magnificence of THE emperors. Yet our\n enjoyments are confined by a narrow circle; and, whatsoever may\n be its value, THE luxury of life is possessed with more innocence\n and safety by THE master of his own, than by THE steward of THE\n public, fortune.\n\n 31 (return) [ For a copious and minute description of THE\n Imperial palace, see THE Constantinop. Christiana (l. ii. c. 4,\n p. 113-123) of Ducange, THE Tillemont of THE middle ages. Never\n has laborious Germany produced two antiquarians more laborious\n and accurate than THEse two natives of lively France.]\n\n 32 (return) [ The Byzantine palace surpasses THE Capitol, THE\n palace of Pergamus, THE Rufinian wood, THE temple of Adrian at\n Cyzicus, THE pyramids, THE Pharus, &c., according to an epigram\n (Antholog. Graec. l. iv. p. 488, 489. Brodaei, apud Wechel)\n ascribed to Julian, ex-praefect of Egypt. Seventy-one of his\n epigrams, some lively, are collected in Brunck, (Analect. Graec.\n tom. ii. p. 493-510; but this is wanting.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Constantinopolitanum Palatium non pulchritudine\n solum, verum stiam fortitudine, omnibus quas unquam videram\n munitionibus praestat, (Liutprand, Hist. l. v. c. 9, p. 465.)]\n\n 34 (return) [ See THE anonymous continuator of Theophanes, (p.\n 59, 61, 86,) whom I have followed in THE neat and concise\n abstract of Le Beau, (Hint. du Bas Empire, tom. xiv. p. 436,\n 438.)]\n\n 35 (return) [ In aureo triclinio quae praestantior est pars\n potentissimus (THE usurper Romanus) degens caeteras partes\n (filiis) distribuerat, (Liutprand. Hist. l. v. c. 9, p. 469.) For\n this last signification of Triclinium see Ducange (Gloss. Graec.\n et Observations sur Joinville, p. 240) and Reiske, (ad\n Constantinum de Ceremoniis, p. 7.)]\n\n 36 (return) [ In equis vecti (says Benjamin of Tudela) regum\n filiis videntur persimiles. I prefer THE Latin version of\n Constantine l’Empereur (p. 46) to THE French of Baratier, (tom.\n i. p. 49.)]\n\n 37 (return) [ See THE account of her journey, munificence, and\n testament, in THE life of Basil, by his grandson Constantine, (p.\n 74, 75, 76, p. 195-197.)]\n\n 38 (return) [ Carsamatium. Graeci vocant, amputatis virilibus et\n virga, puerum eunuchum quos Verdunenses mercatores obinmensum\n lucrum facere solent et in Hispaniam ducere, (Liutprand, l. vi.\n c. 3, p. 470.)—The last abomination of THE abominable\n slave-trade! Yet I am surprised to find, in THE xth century, such\n active speculations of commerce in Lorraine.]\n\n In an absolute government, which levels THE distinctions of noble\n and plebeian birth, THE sovereign is THE sole fountain of honor;\n and THE rank, both in THE palace and THE empire, depends on THE\n titles and offices which are bestowed and resumed by his\n arbitrary will. Above a thousand years, from Vespasian to Alexius\n Comnenus, 39 THE Caesar was THE second person, or at least THE\n second degree, after THE supreme title of Augustus was more\n freely communicated to THE sons and broTHErs of THE reigning\n monarch. To elude without violating his promise to a powerful\n associate, THE husband of his sister, and, without giving himself\n an equal, to reward THE piety of his broTHEr Isaac, THE crafty\n Alexius interposed a new and supereminent dignity. The happy\n flexibility of THE Greek tongue allowed him to compound THE names\n of Augustus and Emperor (Sebastos and Autocrator,) and THE union\n produces THE sonorous title of Sebastocrator. He was exalted\n above THE Caesar on THE first step of THE throne: THE public\n acclamations repeated his name; and he was only distinguished\n from THE sovereign by some peculiar ornaments of THE head and\n feet. The emperor alone could assume THE purple or red buskins,\n and THE close diadem or tiara, which imitated THE fashion of THE\n Persian kings. 40 It was a high pyramidal cap of cloth or silk,\n almost concealed by a profusion of pearls and jewels: THE crown\n was formed by a horizontal circle and two arches of gold: at THE\n summit, THE point of THEir intersection, was placed a globe or\n cross, and two strings or lappets of pearl depended on eiTHEr\n cheek. Instead of red, THE buskins of THE Sebastocrator and\n Caesar were green; and on THEir open coronets or crowns, THE\n precious gems were more sparingly distributed. Beside and below\n THE Caesar THE fancy of Alexius created THE Panhypersebastos and\n THE Protosebastos, whose sound and signification will satisfy a\n Grecian ear. They imply a superiority and a priority above THE\n simple name of Augustus; and this sacred and primitive title of\n THE Roman prince was degraded to THE kinsmen and servants of THE\n Byzantine court. The daughter of Alexius applauds, with fond\n complacency, this artful gradation of hopes and honors; but THE\n science of words is accessible to THE meanest capacity; and this\n vain dictionary was easily enriched by THE pride of his\n successors. To THEir favorite sons or broTHErs, THEy imparted THE\n more lofty appellation of Lord or Despot, which was illustrated\n with new ornaments, and prerogatives, and placed immediately\n after THE person of THE emperor himself. The five titles of, 1.\n Despot; 2. Sebastocrator; 3. Caesar; 4. Panhypersebastos; and, 5.\n Protosebastos; were usually confined to THE princes of his blood:\n THEy were THE emanations of his majesty; but as THEy exercised no\n regular functions, THEir existence was useless, and THEir\n authority precarious.\n\n 39 (return) [ See THE Alexiad (l. iii. p. 78, 79) of Anna\n Comnena, who, except in filial piety, may be compared to\n Mademoiselle de Montpensier. In her awful reverence for titles\n and forms, she styles her faTHEr, THE inventor of this royal\n art.]\n\n 40 (return) [ See Reiske, and Ceremoniale, p. 14, 15. Ducange has\n given a learned dissertation on THE crowns of Constantinople,\n Rome, France, &c., (sur Joinville, xxv. p. 289-303;) but of his\n thirty-four models, none exactly tally with Anne’s description.]\n\n But in every monarchy THE substantial powers of government must\n be divided and exercised by THE ministers of THE palace and\n treasury, THE fleet and army. The titles alone can differ; and in\n THE revolution of ages, THE counts and praefects, THE praetor and\n quaestor, insensibly descended, while THEir servants rose above\n THEir heads to THE first honors of THE state. 1. In a monarchy,\n which refers every object to THE person of THE prince, THE care\n and ceremonies of THE palace form THE most respectable\n department. The Curopalata, 41 so illustrious in THE age of\n Justinian, was supplanted by THE Protovestiare, whose primitive\n functions were limited to THE custody of THE wardrobe. From\n THEnce his jurisdiction was extended over THE numerous menials of\n pomp and luxury; and he presided with his silver wand at THE\n public and private audience. 2. In THE ancient system of\n Constantine, THE name of LogoTHEte, or accountant, was applied to\n THE receivers of THE finances: THE principal officers were\n distinguished as THE LogoTHEtes of THE domain, of THE posts, THE\n army, THE private and public treasure; and THE great LogoTHEte,\n THE supreme guardian of THE laws and revenues, is compared with\n THE chancellor of THE Latin monarchies. 42 His discerning eye\n pervaded THE civil administration; and he was assisted, in due\n subordination, by THE eparch or praefect of THE city, THE first\n secretary, and THE keepers of THE privy seal, THE archives, and\n THE red or purple ink which was reserved for THE sacred signature\n of THE emperor alone. 43 The introductor and interpreter of\n foreign ambassadors were THE great Chiauss 44 and THE Dragoman,\n 45 two names of Turkish origin, and which are still familiar to\n THE Sublime Porte. 3. From THE humble style and service of\n guards, THE Domestics insensibly rose to THE station of generals;\n THE military THEmes of THE East and West, THE legions of Europe\n and Asia, were often divided, till THE great Domestic was finally\n invested with THE universal and absolute command of THE land\n forces. The Protostrator, in his original functions, was THE\n assistant of THE emperor when he mounted on horseback: he\n gradually became THE lieutenant of THE great Domestic in THE\n field; and his jurisdiction extended over THE stables, THE\n cavalry, and THE royal train of hunting and hawking. The\n Stratopedarch was THE great judge of THE camp: THE Protospathaire\n commanded THE guards; THE Constable, 46 THE great Aeteriarch, and\n THE Acolyth, were THE separate chiefs of THE Franks, THE\n Barbarians, and THE Varangi, or English, THE mercenary strangers,\n who, at THE decay of THE national spirit, formed THE nerve of THE\n Byzantine armies. 4. The naval powers were under THE command of\n THE great Duke; in his absence THEy obeyed THE great Drungaire of\n THE fleet; and, in his place, THE Emir, or Admiral, a name of\n Saracen extraction, 47 but which has been naturalized in all THE\n modern languages of Europe. Of THEse officers, and of many more\n whom it would be useless to enumerate, THE civil and military\n hierarchy was framed. Their honors and emoluments, THEir dress\n and titles, THEir mutual salutations and respective preeminence,\n were balanced with more exquisite labor than would have fixed THE\n constitution of a free people; and THE code was almost perfect\n when this baseless fabric, THE monument of pride and servitude,\n was forever buried in THE ruins of THE empire. 48\n\n 41 (return) [ Par exstans curis, solo diademate dispar, Ordine\n pro rerum vocitatus Cura-Palati, says THE African Corippus, (de\n Laudibus Justini, l. i. 136,) and in THE same century (THE vith)\n Cassiodorus represents him, who, virga aurea decoratus, inter\n numerosa obsequia primus ante pedes regis incederet (Variar. vii.\n 5.) But this great officer, (unknown,) exercising no function,\n was cast down by THE modern Greeks to THE xvth rank, (Codin. c.\n 5, p. 65.)]\n\n 42 (return) [ Nicetas (in Manuel, l. vii. c. 1) defines him. Yet\n THE epiTHEt was added by THE elder Andronicus, (Ducange, tom. i.\n p. 822, 823.)]\n\n 43 (return) [ From Leo I. (A.D. 470) THE Imperial ink, which is\n still visible on some original acts, was a mixture of vermilion\n and cinnabar, or purple. The emperor’s guardians, who shared in\n this prerogative, always marked in green ink THE indiction and\n THE month. See THE Dictionnaire Diplomatique, (tom. i. p.\n 511-513) a valuable abridgment.]\n\n 44 (return) [ The sultan sent to Alexius, (Anna Comnena, l. vi.\n p. 170. Ducange ad loc.;) and Pachymer often speaks, (l. vii. c.\n 1, l. xii. c. 30, l. xiii. c. 22.) The Chiaoush basha is now at\n THE head of 700 officers, (Rycaut’s Ottoman Empire, p. 349,\n octavo edition.)]\n\n 45 (return) [ Tagerman is THE Arabic name of an interpreter,\n (D’Herbelot, p. 854, 855;), says Codinus, (c. v. No. 70, p. 67.)\n See Villehardouin, (No. 96,) Bus, (Epist. iv. p. 338,) and\n Ducange, (Observations sur Villehardouin, and Gloss. Graec. et\n Latin)]\n\n 46 (return) [ A corruption from THE Latin Comes stabuli, or THE\n French Connetable. In a military sense, it was used by THE Greeks\n in THE eleventh century, at least as early as in France.]\n\n 47 (return) [ It was directly borrowed from THE Normans. In THE\n xiith century, Giannone reckons THE admiral of Sicily among THE\n great officers.]\n\n 48 (return) [ This sketch of honors and offices is drawn from\n George Cordinus Curopalata, who survived THE taking of\n Constantinople by THE Turks: his elaborate, though trifling, work\n (de Officiis Ecclesiae et Aulae C. P.) has been illustrated by\n THE notes of Goar, and THE three books of Gretser, a learned\n Jesuit.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire.—Part III.\n\n The most lofty titles, and THE most humble postures, which\n devotion has applied to THE Supreme Being, have been prostituted\n by flattery and fear to creatures of THE same nature with\n ourselves. The mode of adoration, 49 of falling prostrate on THE\n ground, and kissing THE feet of THE emperor, was borrowed by\n Diocletian from Persian servitude; but it was continued and\n aggravated till THE last age of THE Greek monarchy. Excepting\n only on Sundays, when it was waived, from a motive of religious\n pride, this humiliating reverence was exacted from all who\n entered THE royal presence, from THE princes invested with THE\n diadem and purple, and from THE ambassadors who represented THEir\n independent sovereigns, THE caliphs of Asia, Egypt, or Spain, THE\n kings of France and Italy, and THE Latin emperors of ancient\n Rome. In his transactions of business, Liutprand, bishop of\n Cremona, 50 asserted THE free spirit of a Frank and THE dignity\n of his master Otho. Yet his sincerity cannot disguise THE\n abasement of his first audience. When he approached THE throne,\n THE birds of THE golden tree began to warble THEir notes, which\n were accompanied by THE roarings of THE two lions of gold. With\n his two companions Liutprand was compelled to bow and to fall\n prostrate; and thrice to touch THE ground with his forehead. He\n arose, but in THE short interval, THE throne had been hoisted\n from THE floor to THE ceiling, THE Imperial figure appeared in\n new and more gorgeous apparel, and THE interview was concluded in\n haughty and majestic silence. In this honest and curious\n narrative, THE Bishop of Cremona represents THE ceremonies of THE\n Byzantine court, which are still practised in THE Sublime Porte,\n and which were preserved in THE last age by THE dukes of Muscovy\n or Russia. After a long journey by sea and land, from Venice to\n Constantinople, THE ambassador halted at THE golden gate, till he\n was conducted by THE formal officers to THE hospitable palace\n prepared for his reception; but this palace was a prison, and his\n jealous keepers prohibited all social intercourse eiTHEr with\n strangers or natives. At his first audience, he offered THE gifts\n of his master, slaves, and golden vases, and costly armor. The\n ostentatious payment of THE officers and troops displayed before\n his eyes THE riches of THE empire: he was entertained at a royal\n banquet, 51 in which THE ambassadors of THE nations were\n marshalled by THE esteem or contempt of THE Greeks: from his own\n table, THE emperor, as THE most signal favor, sent THE plates\n which he had tasted; and his favorites were dismissed with a robe\n of honor. 52 In THE morning and evening of each day, his civil\n and military servants attended THEir duty in THE palace; THEir\n labors were repaid by THE sight, perhaps by THE smile, of THEir\n lord; his commands were signified by a nod or a sign: but all\n earthly greatness stood silent and submissive in his presence. In\n his regular or extraordinary processions through THE capital, he\n unveiled his person to THE public view: THE rites of policy were\n connected with those of religion, and his visits to THE principal\n churches were regulated by THE festivals of THE Greek calendar.\n On THE eve of THEse processions, THE gracious or devout intention\n of THE monarch was proclaimed by THE heralds. The streets were\n cleared and purified; THE pavement was strewed with flowers; THE\n most precious furniture, THE gold and silver plate, and silken\n hangings, were displayed from THE windows and balconies, and a\n severe discipline restrained and silenced THE tumult of THE\n populace. The march was opened by THE military officers at THE\n head of THEir troops: THEy were followed in long order by THE\n magistrates and ministers of THE civil government: THE person of\n THE emperor was guarded by his eunuchs and domestics, and at THE\n church door he was solemnly received by THE patriarch and his\n clergy. The task of applause was not abandoned to THE rude and\n spontaneous voices of THE crowd. The most convenient stations\n were occupied by THE bands of THE blue and green factions of THE\n circus; and THEir furious conflicts, which had shaken THE\n capital, were insensibly sunk to an emulation of servitude. From\n eiTHEr side THEy echoed in responsive melody THE praises of THE\n emperor; THEir poets and musicians directed THE choir, and long\n life 53 and victory were THE burden of every song. The same\n acclamations were performed at THE audience, THE banquet, and THE\n church; and as an evidence of boundless sway, THEy were repeated\n in THE Latin, 54 Gothic, Persian, French, and even English\n language, 55 by THE mercenaries who sustained THE real or\n fictitious character of those nations. By THE pen of Constantine\n Porphyrogenitus, this science of form and flattery has been\n reduced into a pompous and trifling volume, 56 which THE vanity\n of succeeding times might enrich with an ample supplement. Yet\n THE calmer reflection of a prince would surely suggest that THE\n same acclamations were applied to every character and every\n reign: and if he had risen from a private rank, he might\n remember, that his own voice had been THE loudest and most eager\n in applause, at THE very moment when he envied THE fortune, or\n conspired against THE life, of his predecessor. 57\n\n 49 (return) [ The respectful salutation of carrying THE hand to\n THE mouth, ad os, is THE root of THE Latin word adoro, adorare.\n See our learned Selden, (vol. iii. p. 143-145, 942,) in his\n Titles of Honor. It seems, from THE 1st book of Herodotus, to be\n of Persian origin.]\n\n 50 (return) [ The two embassies of Liutprand to Constantinople,\n all that he saw or suffered in THE Greek capital, are pleasantly\n described by himself (Hist. l. vi. c. 1-4, p. 469-471. Legatio ad\n Nicephorum Phocam, p. 479-489.)]\n\n 51 (return) [ Among THE amusements of THE feast, a boy balanced,\n on his forehead, a pike, or pole, twenty-four feet long, with a\n cross bar of two cubits a little below THE top. Two boys, naked,\n though cinctured, (campestrati,) togeTHEr, and singly, climbed,\n stood, played, descended, &c., ita me stupidum reddidit: utrum\n mirabilius nescio, (p. 470.) At anoTHEr repast a homily of\n Chrysostom on THE Acts of THE Apostles was read elata voce non\n Latine, (p. 483.)]\n\n 52 (return) [ Gala is not improbably derived from Cala, or\n Caloat, in Arabic a robe of honor, (Reiske, Not. in Ceremon. p.\n 84.)]\n\n 53 (return) [ It is explained, (Codin, c. 7. Ducange, Gloss.\n Graec. tom. i. p. 1199.)]\n\n 54 (return) [ (Ceremon. c. 75, p. 215.) The want of THE Latin ‘V’\n obliged THE Greeks to employ THEir ‘beta’; nor do THEy regard\n quantity. Till he recollected THE true language, THEse strange\n sentences might puzzle a professor.]\n\n 55 (return) [ (Codin.p. 90.) I wish he had preserved THE words,\n however corrupt, of THEir English acclamation.]\n\n 56 (return) [ For all THEse ceremonies, see THE professed work of\n Constantine Porphyrogenitus with THE notes, or raTHEr\n dissertations, of his German editors, Leich and Reiske. For THE\n rank of standing courtiers, p. 80, not. 23, 62; for THE\n adoration, except on Sundays, p. 95, 240, not. 131; THE\n processions, p. 2, &c., not. p. 3, &c.; THE acclamations passim\n not. 25 &c.; THE factions and Hippodrome, p. 177-214, not. 9, 93,\n &c.; THE Gothic games, p. 221, not. 111; vintage, p. 217, not\n 109: much more information is scattered over THE work.]\n\n 57 (return) [ Et privato Othoni et nuper eadem dicenti nota\n adulatio, (Tacit. Hist. 1,85.)]\n\n The princes of THE North, of THE nations, says Constantine,\n without faith or fame, were ambitious of mingling THEir blood\n with THE blood of THE Caesars, by THEir marriage with a royal\n virgin, or by THE nuptials of THEir daughters with a Roman\n prince. 58 The aged monarch, in his instructions to his son,\n reveals THE secret maxims of policy and pride; and suggests THE\n most decent reasons for refusing THEse insolent and unreasonable\n demands. Every animal, says THE discreet emperor, is prompted by\n THE distinction of language, religion, and manners. A just regard\n to THE purity of descent preserves THE harmony of public and\n private life; but THE mixture of foreign blood is THE fruitful\n source of disorder and discord. Such had ever been THE opinion\n and practice of THE sage Romans: THEir jurisprudence proscribed\n THE marriage of a citizen and a stranger: in THE days of freedom\n and virtue, a senator would have scorned to match his daughter\n with a king: THE glory of Mark Antony was sullied by an Egyptian\n wife: 59 and THE emperor Titus was compelled, by popular censure,\n to dismiss with reluctance THE reluctant Berenice. 60 This\n perpetual interdict was ratified by THE fabulous sanction of THE\n great Constantine. The ambassadors of THE nations, more\n especially of THE unbelieving nations, were solemnly admonished,\n that such strange alliances had been condemned by THE founder of\n THE church and city. The irrevocable law was inscribed on THE\n altar of St. Sophia; and THE impious prince who should stain THE\n majesty of THE purple was excluded from THE civil and\n ecclesiastical communion of THE Romans. If THE ambassadors were\n instructed by any false brethren in THE Byzantine history, THEy\n might produce three memorable examples of THE violation of this\n imaginary law: THE marriage of Leo, or raTHEr of his faTHEr\n Constantine THE Fourth, with THE daughter of THE king of THE\n Chozars, THE nuptials of THE granddaughter of Romanus with a\n Bulgarian prince, and THE union of Bertha of France or Italy with\n young Romanus, THE son of Constantine Porphyrogenitus himself. To\n THEse objections three answers were prepared, which solved THE\n difficulty and established THE law. I.\n\n The deed and THE guilt of Constantine Copronymus were\n acknowledged. The Isaurian heretic, who sullied THE baptismal\n font, and declared war against THE holy images, had indeed\n embraced a Barbarian wife. By this impious alliance he\n accomplished THE measure of his crimes, and was devoted to THE\n just censure of THE church and of posterity. II. Romanus could\n not be alleged as a legitimate emperor; he was a plebeian\n usurper, ignorant of THE laws, and regardless of THE honor, of\n THE monarchy. His son Christopher, THE faTHEr of THE bride, was\n THE third in rank in THE college of princes, at once THE subject\n and THE accomplice of a rebellious parent. The Bulgarians were\n sincere and devout Christians; and THE safety of THE empire, with\n THE redemption of many thousand captives, depended on this\n preposterous alliance. Yet no consideration could dispense from\n THE law of Constantine: THE clergy, THE senate, and THE people,\n disapproved THE conduct of Romanus; and he was reproached, both\n in his life and death, as THE author of THE public disgrace. III.\n For THE marriage of his own son with THE daughter of Hugo, king\n of Italy, a more honorable defence is contrived by THE wise\n Porphyrogenitus. Constantine, THE great and holy, esteemed THE\n fidelity and valor of THE Franks; 61 and his prophetic spirit\n beheld THE vision of THEir future greatness. They alone were\n excepted from THE general prohibition: Hugo, king of France, was\n THE lineal descendant of Charlemagne; 62 and his daughter Bertha\n inherited THE prerogatives of her family and nation. The voice of\n truth and malice insensibly betrayed THE fraud or error of THE\n Imperial court. The patrimonial estate of Hugo was reduced from\n THE monarchy of France to THE simple county of Arles; though it\n was not denied, that, in THE confusion of THE times, he had\n usurped THE sovereignty of Provence, and invaded THE kingdom of\n Italy. His faTHEr was a private noble; and if Bertha derived her\n female descent from THE Carlovingian line, every step was\n polluted with illegitimacy or vice. The grandmoTHEr of Hugo was\n THE famous Valdrada, THE concubine, raTHEr than THE wife, of THE\n second Lothair; whose adultery, divorce, and second nuptials, had\n provoked against him THE thunders of THE Vatican. His moTHEr, as\n she was styled, THE great Bertha, was successively THE wife of\n THE count of Arles and of THE marquis of Tuscany: France and\n Italy were scandalized by her gallantries; and, till THE age of\n threescore, her lovers, of every degree, were THE zealous\n servants of her ambition. The example of maternal incontinence\n was copied by THE king of Italy; and THE three favorite\n concubines of Hugo were decorated with THE classic names of\n Venus, Juno, and Semele. 63 The daughter of Venus was granted to\n THE solicitations of THE Byzantine court: her name of Bertha was\n changed to that of Eudoxia; and she was wedded, or raTHEr\n betroTHEd, to young Romanus, THE future heir of THE empire of THE\n East. The consummation of this foreign alliance was suspended by\n THE tender age of THE two parties; and, at THE end of five years,\n THE union was dissolved by THE death of THE virgin spouse. The\n second wife of THE emperor Romanus was a maiden of plebeian, but\n of Roman, birth; and THEir two daughters, Theophano and Anne,\n were given in marriage to THE princes of THE earth. The eldest\n was bestowed, as THE pledge of peace, on THE eldest son of THE\n great Otho, who had solicited this alliance with arms and\n embassies. It might legally be questioned how far a Saxon was\n entitled to THE privilege of THE French nation; but every scruple\n was silenced by THE fame and piety of a hero who had restored THE\n empire of THE West. After THE death of her faTHEr-in-law and\n husband, Theophano governed Rome, Italy, and Germany, during THE\n minority of her son, THE third Otho; and THE Latins have praised\n THE virtues of an empress, who sacrificed to a superior duty THE\n remembrance of her country. 64 In THE nuptials of her sister\n Anne, every prejudice was lost, and every consideration of\n dignity was superseded, by THE stronger argument of necessity and\n fear. A Pagan of THE North, Wolodomir, great prince of Russia,\n aspired to a daughter of THE Roman purple; and his claim was\n enforced by THE threats of war, THE promise of conversion, and\n THE offer of a powerful succor against a domestic rebel. A victim\n of her religion and country, THE Grecian princess was torn from\n THE palace of her faTHErs, and condemned to a savage reign, and a\n hopeless exile on THE banks of THE BorysTHEnes, or in THE\n neighborhood of THE Polar circle. 65 Yet THE marriage of Anne was\n fortunate and fruitful: THE daughter of her grandson Joroslaus\n was recommended by her Imperial descent; and THE king of France,\n Henry I., sought a wife on THE last borders of Europe and\n Christendom. 66\n\n 58 (return) [ The xiiith chapter, de Administratione Imperii, may\n be explained and rectified by THE Familiae Byzantinae of\n Ducange.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Sequiturque nefas Aegyptia conjux, (Virgil, Aeneid,\n viii. 688.) Yet this Egyptian wife was THE daughter of a long\n line of kings. Quid te mutavit (says Antony in a private letter\n to Augustus) an quod reginam ineo? Uxor mea est, (Sueton. in\n August. c. 69.) Yet I much question (for I cannot stay to\n inquire) wheTHEr THE triumvir ever dared to celebrate his\n marriage eiTHEr with Roman or Egyptian rites.]\n\n 60 (return) [ Berenicem invitus invitam dimisit, (Suetonius in\n Tito, c. 7.) Have I observed elsewhere, that this Jewish beauty\n was at this time above fifty years of age? The judicious Racine\n has most discreetly suppressed both her age and her country.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Constantine was made to praise THE THE Franks, with\n whom he claimed a private and public alliance. The French writers\n (Isaac Casaubon in Dedicat. Polybii) are highly delighted with\n THEse compliments.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Constantine Porphyrogenitus (de Administrat. Imp.\n c. 36) exhibits a pedigree and life of THE illustrious King Hugo.\n A more correct idea may be formed from THE Criticism of Pagi, THE\n Annals of Muratori, and THE Abridgment of St. Marc, A.D.\n 925-946.]\n\n 63 (return) [ After THE mention of THE three goddesses, Luitprand\n very naturally adds, et quoniam non rex solus iis abutebatur,\n earum nati ex incertis patribus originera ducunt, (Hist. l. iv.\n c. 6: ) for THE marriage of THE younger Bertha, see Hist. l. v.\n c. 5; for THE incontinence of THE elder, dulcis exercipio\n Hymenaei, l. ii. c. 15; for THE virtues and vices of Hugo, l.\n iii. c. 5. Yet it must not be forgot, that THE bishop of Cremona\n was a lover of scandal.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Licet illa Imperatrix Graeca sibi et aliis fuisset\n satis utilis, et optima, &c., is THE preamble of an inimical\n writer, apud Pagi, tom. iv. A.D. 989, No. 3. Her marriage and\n principal actions may be found in Muratori, Pagi, and St. Marc,\n under THE proper years.]\n\n 65 (return) [ Cedrenus, tom. ii. p. 699. Zonaras, tom. i. p. 221.\n Elmacin, Hist. Saracenica, l. iii. c. 6. Nestor apud Levesque,\n tom. ii. p. 112 Pagi, Critica, A.D. 987, No. 6: a singular\n concourse! Wolodomir and Anne are ranked among THE saints of THE\n Russian church. Yet we know his vices, and are ignorant of her\n virtues.]\n\n 66 (return) [ Henricus primus duxit uxorem Scythicam, Russam,\n filiam regis Jeroslai. An embassy of bishops was sent into\n Russia, and THE faTHEr gratanter filiam cum multis donis misit.\n This event happened in THE year 1051. See THE passages of THE\n original chronicles in Bouquet’s Historians of France, (tom. xi.\n p. 29, 159, 161, 319, 384, 481.) Voltaire might wonder at this\n alliance; but he should not have owned his ignorance of THE\n country, religion, &c., of Jeroslaus—a name so conspicuous in THE\n Russian annals.]\n\n In THE Byzantine palace, THE emperor was THE first slave of THE\n ceremonies which he imposed, of THE rigid forms which regulated\n each word and gesture, besieged him in THE palace, and violated\n THE leisure of his rural solitude. But THE lives and fortunes of\n millions hung on his arbitrary will; and THE firmest minds,\n superior to THE allurements of pomp and luxury, may be seduced by\n THE more active pleasure of commanding THEir equals. The\n legislative and executive powers were centred in THE person of\n THE monarch, and THE last remains of THE authority of THE senate\n were finally eradicated by Leo THE philosopher. 67 A lethargy of\n servitude had benumbed THE minds of THE Greeks: in THE wildest\n tumults of rebellion THEy never aspired to THE idea of a free\n constitution; and THE private character of THE prince was THE\n only source and measure of THEir public happiness. Superstition\n rivetted THEir chains; in THE church of St. Sophia he was\n solemnly crowned by THE patriarch; at THE foot of THE altar, THEy\n pledged THEir passive and unconditional obedience to his\n government and family. On his side he engaged to abstain as much\n as possible from THE capital punishments of death and mutilation;\n his orthodox creed was subscribed with his own hand, and he\n promised to obey THE decrees of THE seven synods, and THE canons\n of THE holy church. 68 But THE assurance of mercy was loose and\n indefinite: he swore, not to his people, but to an invisible\n judge; and except in THE inexpiable guilt of heresy, THE\n ministers of heaven were always prepared to preach THE\n indefeasible right, and to absolve THE venial transgressions, of\n THEir sovereign. The Greek ecclesiastics were THEmselves THE\n subjects of THE civil magistrate: at THE nod of a tyrant, THE\n bishops were created, or transferred, or deposed, or punished\n with an ignominious death: whatever might be THEir wealth or\n influence, THEy could never succeed like THE Latin clergy in THE\n establishment of an independent republic; and THE patriarch of\n Constantinople condemned, what he secretly envied, THE temporal\n greatness of his Roman broTHEr. Yet THE exercise of boundless\n despotism is happily checked by THE laws of nature and necessity.\n In proportion to his wisdom and virtue, THE master of an empire\n is confined to THE path of his sacred and laborious duty. In\n proportion to his vice and folly, he drops THE sceptre too\n weighty for his hands; and THE motions of THE royal image are\n ruled by THE imperceptible thread of some minister or favorite,\n who undertakes for his private interest to exercise THE task of\n THE public oppression. In some fatal moment, THE most absolute\n monarch may dread THE reason or THE caprice of a nation of\n slaves; and experience has proved, that whatever is gained in THE\n extent, is lost in THE safety and solidity, of regal power.\n\n 67 (return) [ A constitution of Leo THE Philosopher (lxxviii.) ne\n senatus consulta amplius fiant, speaks THE language of naked\n despotism.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Codinus (de Officiis, c. xvii. p. 120, 121) gives\n an idea of this oath so strong to THE church, so weak to THE\n people.]\n\n Whatever titles a despot may assume, whatever claims he may\n assert, it is on THE sword that he must ultimately depend to\n guard him against his foreign and domestic enemies. From THE age\n of Charlemagne to that of THE Crusades, THE world (for I overlook\n THE remote monarchy of China) was occupied and disputed by THE\n three great empires or nations of THE Greeks, THE Saracens, and\n THE Franks. Their military strength may be ascertained by a\n comparison of THEir courage, THEir arts and riches, and THEir\n obedience to a supreme head, who might call into action all THE\n energies of THE state. The Greeks, far inferior to THEir rivals\n in THE first, were superior to THE Franks, and at least equal to\n THE Saracens, in THE second and third of THEse warlike\n qualifications.\n\n The wealth of THE Greeks enabled THEm to purchase THE service of\n THE poorer nations, and to maintain a naval power for THE\n protection of THEir coasts and THE annoyance of THEir enemies. 69\n A commerce of mutual benefit exchanged THE gold of Constantinople\n for THE blood of Sclavonians and Turks, THE Bulgarians and\n Russians: THEir valor contributed to THE victories of Nicephorus\n and Zimisces; and if a hostile people pressed too closely on THE\n frontier, THEy were recalled to THE defence of THEir country, and\n THE desire of peace, by THE well-managed attack of a more distant\n tribe. 70 The command of THE Mediterranean, from THE mouth of THE\n Tanais to THE columns of Hercules, was always claimed, and often\n possessed, by THE successors of Constantine. Their capital was\n filled with naval stores and dexterous artificers: THE situation\n of Greece and Asia, THE long coasts, deep gulfs, and numerous\n islands, accustomed THEir subjects to THE exercise of navigation;\n and THE trade of Venice and Amalfi supplied a nursery of seamen\n to THE Imperial fleet. 71 Since THE time of THE Peloponnesian and\n Punic wars, THE sphere of action had not been enlarged; and THE\n science of naval architecture appears to have declined. The art\n of constructing those stupendous machines which displayed three,\n or six, or ten, ranges of oars, rising above, or falling behind,\n each oTHEr, was unknown to THE ship-builders of Constantinople,\n as well as to THE mechanicians of modern days. 72 The Dromones,\n 73 or light galleys of THE Byzantine empire, were content with\n two tier of oars; each tier was composed of five-and-twenty\n benches; and two rowers were seated on each bench, who plied\n THEir oars on eiTHEr side of THE vessel. To THEse we must add THE\n captain or centurion, who, in time of action, stood erect with\n his armor-bearer on THE poop, two steersmen at THE helm, and two\n officers at THE prow, THE one to manage THE anchor, THE oTHEr to\n point and play against THE enemy THE tube of liquid fire. The\n whole crew, as in THE infancy of THE art, performed THE double\n service of mariners and soldiers; THEy were provided with\n defensive and offensive arms, with bows and arrows, which THEy\n used from THE upper deck, with long pikes, which THEy pushed\n through THE portholes of THE lower tier. Sometimes, indeed, THE\n ships of war were of a larger and more solid construction; and\n THE labors of combat and navigation were more regularly divided\n between seventy soldiers and two hundred and thirty mariners. But\n for THE most part THEy were of THE light and manageable size; and\n as THE Cape of Malea in Peloponnesus was still cloTHEd with its\n ancient terrors, an Imperial fleet was transported five miles\n over land across THE Isthmus of Corinth. 74 The principles of\n maritime tactics had not undergone any change since THE time of\n Thucydides: a squadron of galleys still advanced in a crescent,\n charged to THE front, and strove to impel THEir sharp beaks\n against THE feeble sides of THEir antagonists. A machine for\n casting stones and darts was built of strong timbers, in THE\n midst of THE deck; and THE operation of boarding was effected by\n a crane that hoisted baskets of armed men. The language of\n signals, so clear and copious in THE naval grammar of THE\n moderns, was imperfectly expressed by THE various positions and\n colors of a commanding flag. In THE darkness of THE night, THE\n same orders to chase, to attack, to halt, to retreat, to break,\n to form, were conveyed by THE lights of THE leading galley. By\n land, THE fire-signals were repeated from one mountain to\n anoTHEr; a chain of eight stations commanded a space of five\n hundred miles; and Constantinople in a few hours was apprised of\n THE hostile motions of THE Saracens of Tarsus. 75 Some estimate\n may be formed of THE power of THE Greek emperors, by THE curious\n and minute detail of THE armament which was prepared for THE\n reduction of Crete. A fleet of one hundred and twelve galleys,\n and seventy-five vessels of THE Pamphylian style, was equipped in\n THE capital, THE islands of THE Aegean Sea, and THE seaports of\n Asia, Macedonia, and Greece. It carried thirty-four thousand\n mariners, seven thousand three hundred and forty soldiers, seven\n hundred Russians, and five thousand and eighty-seven Mardaites,\n whose faTHErs had been transplanted from THE mountains of\n Libanus. Their pay, most probably of a month, was computed at\n thirty-four centenaries of gold, about one hundred and thirty-six\n thousand pounds sterling. Our fancy is bewildered by THE endless\n recapitulation of arms and engines, of cloTHEs and linen, of\n bread for THE men and forage for THE horses, and of stores and\n utensils of every description, inadequate to THE conquest of a\n petty island, but amply sufficient for THE establishment of a\n flourishing colony. 76\n\n 69 (return) [ If we listen to THE threats of Nicephorus to THE\n ambassador of Otho, Nec est in mari domino tuo classium numerus.\n Navigantium fortitudo mihi soli inest, qui eum classibus\n aggrediar, bello maritimas ejus civitates demoliar; et quae\n fluminibus sunt vicina redigam in favillam. (Liutprand in Legat.\n ad Nicephorum Phocam, in Muratori Scriptores Rerum Italicarum,\n tom. ii. pars i. p. 481.) He observes in anoTHEr place, qui\n caeteris praestant Venetici sunt et Amalphitani.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Nec ipsa capiet eum (THE emperor Otho) in qua ortus\n est pauper et pellicea Saxonia: pecunia qua pollemus omnes\n nationes super eum invitabimus: et quasi Keramicum confringemus,\n (Liutprand in Legat. p. 487.) The two books, de Administrando\n Imperio, perpetually inculcate THE same policy.]\n\n 71 (return) [ The xixth chapter of THE Tactics of Leo, (Meurs.\n Opera, tom. vi. p. 825-848,) which is given more correct from a\n manuscript of Gudius, by THE laborious Fabricius, (Bibliot.\n Graec. tom. vi. p. 372-379,) relates to THE Naumachia, or naval\n war.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Even of fifteen and sixteen rows of oars, in THE\n navy of Demetrius Poliorcetes. These were for real use: THE forty\n rows of Ptolemy Philadelphus were applied to a floating palace,\n whose tonnage, according to Dr. Arbuthnot, (Tables of Ancient\n Coins, &c., p. 231-236,) is compared as 4 1/2 to 1 with an\n English 100 gun ship.]\n\n 73 (return) [ The Dromones of Leo, &c., are so clearly described\n with two tier of oars, that I must censure THE version of\n Meursius and Fabricius, who pervert THE sense by a blind\n attachment to THE classic appellation of Triremes. The Byzantine\n historians are sometimes guilty of THE same inaccuracy.]\n\n 74 (return) [ Constantin. Porphyrogen. in Vit. Basil. c. lxi. p.\n 185. He calmly praises THE stratagem; but THE sailing round\n Peloponnesus is described by his terrified fancy as a\n circumnavigation of a thousand miles.]\n\n 75 (return) [ The continuator of Theophanes (l. iv. p. 122, 123)\n names THE successive stations, THE castle of Lulum near Tarsus,\n Mount Argaeus Isamus, Aegilus, THE hill of Mamas, Cyrisus,\n Mocilus, THE hill of Auxentius, THE sun-dial of THE Pharus of THE\n great palace. He affirms that THE news were transmitted in an\n indivisible moment of time. Miserable amplification, which, by\n saying too much, says nothing. How much more forcible and\n instructive would have been THE definition of three, or six, or\n twelve hours!]\n\n 76 (return) [ See THE Ceremoniale of Constantine Porphyrogenitus,\n l. ii. c. 44, p. 176-192. A critical reader will discern some\n inconsistencies in different parts of this account; but THEy are\n not more obscure or more stubborn than THE establishment and\n effectives, THE present and fit for duty, THE rank and file and\n THE private, of a modern return, which retain in proper hands THE\n knowledge of THEse profitable mysteries.]\n\n The invention of THE Greek fire did not, like that of gun powder,\n produce a total revolution in THE art of war. To THEse liquid\n combustibles THE city and empire of Constantine owed THEir\n deliverance; and THEy were employed in sieges and sea-fights with\n terrible effect. But THEy were eiTHEr less improved, or less\n susceptible of improvement: THE engines of antiquity, THE\n catapultae, balistae, and battering-rams, were still of most\n frequent and powerful use in THE attack and defence of\n fortifications; nor was THE decision of battles reduced to THE\n quick and heavy fire of a line of infantry, whom it were\n fruitless to protect with armor against a similar fire of THEir\n enemies. Steel and iron were still THE common instruments of\n destruction and safety; and THE helmets, cuirasses, and shields,\n of THE tenth century did not, eiTHEr in form or substance,\n essentially differ from those which had covered THE companions of\n Alexander or Achilles. 77 But instead of accustoming THE modern\n Greeks, like THE legionaries of old, to THE constant and easy use\n of this salutary weight, THEir armor was laid aside in light\n chariots, which followed THE march, till, on THE approach of an\n enemy, THEy resumed with haste and reluctance THE unusual\n encumbrance. Their offensive weapons consisted of swords,\n battle-axes, and spears; but THE Macedonian pike was shortened a\n fourth of its length, and reduced to THE more convenient measure\n of twelve cubits or feet. The sharpness of THE Scythian and\n Arabian arrows had been severely felt; and THE emperors lament\n THE decay of archery as a cause of THE public misfortunes, and\n recommend, as an advice and a command, that THE military youth,\n till THE age of forty, should assiduously practise THE exercise\n of THE bow. 78 The bands, or regiments, were usually three\n hundred strong; and, as a medium between THE extremes of four and\n sixteen, THE foot soldiers of Leo and Constantine were formed\n eight deep; but THE cavalry charged in four ranks, from THE\n reasonable consideration, that THE weight of THE front could not\n be increased by any pressure of THE hindmost horses. If THE ranks\n of THE infantry or cavalry were sometimes doubled, this cautious\n array betrayed a secret distrust of THE courage of THE troops,\n whose numbers might swell THE appearance of THE line, but of whom\n only a chosen band would dare to encounter THE spears and swords\n of THE Barbarians. The order of battle must have varied according\n to THE ground, THE object, and THE adversary; but THEir ordinary\n disposition, in two lines and a reserve, presented a succession\n of hopes and resources most agreeable to THE temper as well as\n THE judgment of THE Greeks. 79 In case of a repulse, THE first\n line fell back into THE intervals of THE second; and THE reserve,\n breaking into two divisions, wheeled round THE flanks to improve\n THE victory or cover THE retreat. Whatever authority could enact\n was accomplished, at least in THEory, by THE camps and marches,\n THE exercises and evolutions, THE edicts and books, of THE\n Byzantine monarch. 80 Whatever art could produce from THE forge,\n THE loom, or THE laboratory, was abundantly supplied by THE\n riches of THE prince, and THE industry of his numerous workmen.\n But neiTHEr authority nor art could frame THE most important\n machine, THE soldier himself; and if THE ceremonies of\n Constantine always suppose THE safe and triumphal return of THE\n emperor, 81 his tactics seldom soar above THE means of escaping a\n defeat, and procrastinating THE war. 82 Notwithstanding some\n transient success, THE Greeks were sunk in THEir own esteem and\n that of THEir neighbors. A cold hand and a loquacious tongue was\n THE vulgar description of THE nation: THE author of THE tactics\n was besieged in his capital; and THE last of THE Barbarians, who\n trembled at THE name of THE Saracens, or Franks, could proudly\n exhibit THE medals of gold and silver which THEy had extorted\n from THE feeble sovereign of Constantinople. What spirit THEir\n government and character denied, might have been inspired in some\n degree by THE influence of religion; but THE religion of THE\n Greeks could only teach THEm to suffer and to yield. The emperor\n Nicephorus, who restored for a moment THE discipline and glory of\n THE Roman name, was desirous of bestowing THE honors of martyrdom\n on THE Christians who lost THEir lives in a holy war against THE\n infidels. But this political law was defeated by THE opposition\n of THE patriarch, THE bishops, and THE principal senators; and\n THEy strenuously urged THE canons of St. Basil, that all who were\n polluted by THE bloody trade of a soldier should be separated,\n during three years, from THE communion of THE faithful. 83\n\n 77 (return) [ See THE fifth, sixth, and seventh chapters, and, in\n THE Tactics of Leo, with THE corresponding passages in those of\n Constantine.]\n\n 78 (return) [ (Leo, Tactic. p. 581 Constantin. p 1216.) Yet such\n were not THE maxims of THE Greeks and Romans, who despised THE\n loose and distant practice of archery.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Compare THE passages of THE Tactics, p. 669 and\n 721, and THE xiith with THE xviiith chapter.]\n\n 80 (return) [ In THE preface to his Tactics, Leo very freely\n deplores THE loss of discipline and THE calamities of THE times,\n and repeats, without scruple, (Proem. p. 537,) THE reproaches,\n nor does it appear that THE same censures were less deserved in\n THE next generation by THE disciples of Constantine.]\n\n 81 (return) [ See in THE Ceremonial (l. ii. c. 19, p. 353) THE\n form of THE emperor’s trampling on THE necks of THE captive\n Saracens, while THE singers chanted, “Thou hast made my enemies\n my footstool!” and THE people shouted forty times THE kyrie\n eleison.]\n\n 82 (return) [ Leo observes (Tactic. p. 668) that a fair open\n battle against any nation whatsoever: THE words are strong, and\n THE remark is true: yet if such had been THE opinion of THE old\n Romans, Leo had never reigned on THE shores of THE Thracian\n Bosphorus.]\n\n 83 (return) [ Zonaras (tom. ii. l. xvi. p. 202, 203) and\n Cedrenus, (Compend p. 668,) who relate THE design of Nicephorus,\n most unfortunately apply THE epiTHEt to THE opposition of THE\n patriarch.]\n\n These scruples of THE Greeks have been compared with THE tears of\n THE primitive Moslems when THEy were held back from battle; and\n this contrast of base superstition and high-spirited enthusiasm,\n unfolds to a philosophic eye THE history of THE rival nations.\n The subjects of THE last caliphs 84 had undoubtedly degenerated\n from THE zeal and faith of THE companions of THE prophet. Yet\n THEir martial creed still represented THE Deity as THE author of\n war: 85 THE vital though latent spark of fanaticism still glowed\n in THE heart of THEir religion, and among THE Saracens, who dwelt\n on THE Christian borders, it was frequently rekindled to a lively\n and active flame. Their regular force was formed of THE valiant\n slaves who had been educated to guard THE person and accompany\n THE standard of THEir lord: but THE Mussulman people of Syria and\n Cilicia, of Africa and Spain, was awakened by THE trumpet which\n proclaimed a holy war against THE infidels. The rich were\n ambitious of death or victory in THE cause of God; THE poor were\n allured by THE hopes of plunder; and THE old, THE infirm, and THE\n women, assumed THEir share of meritorious service by sending\n THEir substitutes, with arms and horses, into THE field. These\n offensive and defensive arms were similar in strength and temper\n to those of THE Romans, whom THEy far excelled in THE management\n of THE horse and THE bow: THE massy silver of THEir belts, THEir\n bridles, and THEir swords, displayed THE magnificence of a\n prosperous nation; and except some black archers of THE South,\n THE Arabs disdained THE naked bravery of THEir ancestors. Instead\n of wagons, THEy were attended by a long train of camels, mules,\n and asses: THE multitude of THEse animals, whom THEy bedecked\n with flags and streamers, appeared to swell THE pomp and\n magnitude of THEir host; and THE horses of THE enemy were often\n disordered by THE uncouth figure and odious smell of THE camels\n of THE East. Invincible by THEir patience of thirst and heat,\n THEir spirits were frozen by a winter’s cold, and THE\n consciousness of THEir propensity to sleep exacted THE most\n rigorous precautions against THE surprises of THE night. Their\n order of battle was a long square of two deep and solid lines;\n THE first of archers, THE second of cavalry. In THEir engagements\n by sea and land, THEy sustained with patient firmness THE fury of\n THE attack, and seldom advanced to THE charge till THEy could\n discern and oppress THE lassitude of THEir foes. But if THEy were\n repulsed and broken, THEy knew not how to rally or renew THE\n combat; and THEir dismay was heightened by THE superstitious\n prejudice, that God had declared himself on THE side of THEir\n enemies. The decline and fall of THE caliphs countenanced this\n fearful opinion; nor were THEre wanting, among THE Mahometans and\n Christians, some obscure prophecies 86 which prognosticated THEir\n alternate defeats. The unity of THE Arabian empire was dissolved,\n but THE independent fragments were equal to populous and powerful\n kingdoms; and in THEir naval and military armaments, an emir of\n Aleppo or Tunis might command no despicable fund of skill, and\n industry, and treasure. In THEir transactions of peace and war\n with THE Saracens, THE princes of Constantinople too often felt\n that THEse Barbarians had nothing barbarous in THEir discipline;\n and that if THEy were destitute of original genius, THEy had been\n endowed with a quick spirit of curiosity and imitation. The model\n was indeed more perfect than THE copy; THEir ships, and engines,\n and fortifications, were of a less skilful construction; and THEy\n confess, without shame, that THE same God who has given a tongue\n to THE Arabians, had more nicely fashioned THE hands of THE\n Chinese, and THE heads of THE Greeks. 87\n\n 84 (return) [ The xviith chapter of THE tactics of THE different\n nations is THE most historical and useful of THE whole collection\n of Leo. The manners and arms of THE Saracens (Tactic. p. 809-817,\n and a fragment from THE Medicean Ms. in THE preface of THE vith\n volume of Meursius) THE Roman emperor was too frequently called\n upon to study.]\n\n 85 (return) [ Leon. Tactic. p. 809.]\n\n 86 (return) [ Liutprand (p. 484, 485) relates and interprets THE\n oracles of THE Greeks and Saracens, in which, after THE fashion\n of prophecy, THE past is clear and historical, THE future is\n dark, enigmatical, and erroneous. From this boundary of light and\n shade an impartial critic may commonly determine THE date of THE\n composition.]\n\n 87 (return) [ The sense of this distinction is expressed by\n Abulpharagius (Dynast. p. 2, 62, 101;) but I cannot recollect THE\n passage in which it is conveyed by this lively apoTHEgm.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LIII: Fate Of The Eastern Empire.—Part IV.\n\n A name of some German tribes between THE Rhine and THE Weser had\n spread its victorious influence over THE greatest part of Gaul,\n Germany, and Italy; and THE common appellation of Franks 88 was\n applied by THE Greeks and Arabians to THE Christians of THE Latin\n church, THE nations of THE West, who stretched beyond THEir\n knowledge to THE shores of THE Atlantic Ocean. The vast body had\n been inspired and united by THE soul of Charlemagne; but THE\n division and degeneracy of his race soon annihilated THE Imperial\n power, which would have rivalled THE Caesars of Byzantium, and\n revenged THE indignities of THE Christian name. The enemies no\n longer feared, nor could THE subjects any longer trust, THE\n application of a public revenue, THE labors of trade and\n manufactures in THE military service, THE mutual aid of provinces\n and armies, and THE naval squadrons which were regularly\n stationed from THE mouth of THE Elbe to that of THE Tyber. In THE\n beginning of THE tenth century, THE family of Charlemagne had\n almost disappeared; his monarchy was broken into many hostile and\n independent states; THE regal title was assumed by THE most\n ambitious chiefs; THEir revolt was imitated in a long\n subordination of anarchy and discord, and THE nobles of every\n province disobeyed THEir sovereign, oppressed THEir vassals, and\n exercised perpetual hostilities against THEir equals and\n neighbors. Their private wars, which overturned THE fabric of\n government, fomented THE martial spirit of THE nation. In THE\n system of modern Europe, THE power of THE sword is possessed, at\n least in fact, by five or six mighty potentates; THEir operations\n are conducted on a distant frontier, by an order of men who\n devote THEir lives to THE study and practice of THE military art:\n THE rest of THE country and community enjoys in THE midst of war\n THE tranquillity of peace, and is only made sensible of THE\n change by THE aggravation or decrease of THE public taxes. In THE\n disorders of THE tenth and eleventh centuries, every peasant was\n a soldier, and every village a fortification; each wood or valley\n was a scene of murder and rapine; and THE lords of each castle\n were compelled to assume THE character of princes and warriors.\n To THEir own courage and policy THEy boldly trusted for THE\n safety of THEir family, THE protection of THEir lands, and THE\n revenge of THEir injuries; and, like THE conquerors of a larger\n size, THEy were too apt to transgress THE privilege of defensive\n war. The powers of THE mind and body were hardened by THE\n presence of danger and necessity of resolution: THE same spirit\n refused to desert a friend and to forgive an enemy; and, instead\n of sleeping under THE guardian care of a magistrate, THEy proudly\n disdained THE authority of THE laws. In THE days of feudal\n anarchy, THE instruments of agriculture and art were converted\n into THE weapons of bloodshed: THE peaceful occupations of civil\n and ecclesiastical society were abolished or corrupted; and THE\n bishop who exchanged his mitre for a helmet, was more forcibly\n urged by THE manners of THE times than by THE obligation of his\n tenure. 89\n\n 88 (return) [ Ex Francis, quo nomine tam Latinos quam Teutones\n comprehendit, ludum habuit, (Liutprand in Legat ad Imp.\n Nicephorum, p. 483, 484.) This extension of THE name may be\n confirmed from Constantine (de Administrando Imperio, l. 2, c.\n 27, 28) and Eutychius, (Annal. tom. i. p. 55, 56,) who both lived\n before THE Crusades. The testimonies of Abulpharagius (Dynast. p.\n 69) and Abulfeda (Praefat. ad Geograph.) are more recent]\n\n 89 (return) [ On this subject of ecclesiastical and beneficiary\n discipline, FaTHEr Thomassin, (tom. iii. l. i. c. 40, 45, 46, 47)\n may be usefully consulted. A general law of Charlemagne exempted\n THE bishops from personal service; but THE opposite practice,\n which prevailed from THE ixth to THE xvth century, is\n countenanced by THE example or silence of saints and doctors....\n You justify your cowardice by THE holy canons, says RaTHErius of\n Verona; THE canons likewise forbid you to whore, and yet—]\n\n The love of freedom and of arms was felt, with conscious pride,\n by THE Franks THEmselves, and is observed by THE Greeks with some\n degree of amazement and terror. “The Franks,” says THE emperor\n Constantine, “are bold and valiant to THE verge of temerity; and\n THEir dauntless spirit is supported by THE contempt of danger and\n death. In THE field and in close onset, THEy press to THE front,\n and rush headlong against THE enemy, without deigning to compute\n eiTHEr his numbers or THEir own. Their ranks are formed by THE\n firm connections of consanguinity and friendship; and THEir\n martial deeds are prompted by THE desire of saving or revenging\n THEir dearest companions. In THEir eyes, a retreat is a shameful\n flight; and flight is indelible infamy.” 90 A nation endowed with\n such high and intrepid spirit, must have been secure of victory\n if THEse advantages had not been counter-balanced by many weighty\n defects. The decay of THEir naval power left THE Greeks and\n Saracens in possession of THE sea, for every purpose of annoyance\n and supply. In THE age which preceded THE institution of\n knighthood, THE Franks were rude and unskilful in THE service of\n cavalry; 91 and in all perilous emergencies, THEir warriors were\n so conscious of THEir ignorance, that THEy chose to dismount from\n THEir horses and fight on foot. Unpractised in THE use of pikes,\n or of missile weapons, THEy were encumbered by THE length of\n THEir swords, THE weight of THEir armor, THE magnitude of THEir\n shields, and, if I may repeat THE satire of THE meagre Greeks, by\n THEir unwieldy intemperance. Their independent spirit disdained\n THE yoke of subordination, and abandoned THE standard of THEir\n chief, if he attempted to keep THE field beyond THE term of THEir\n stipulation or service. On all sides THEy were open to THE snares\n of an enemy less brave but more artful than THEmselves. They\n might be bribed, for THE Barbarians were venal; or surprised in\n THE night, for THEy neglected THE precautions of a close\n encampment or vigilant sentinels. The fatigues of a summer’s\n campaign exhausted THEir strength and patience, and THEy sunk in\n despair if THEir voracious appetite was disappointed of a\n plentiful supply of wine and of food. This general character of\n THE Franks was marked with some national and local shades, which\n I should ascribe to accident raTHEr than to climate, but which\n were visible both to natives and to foreigners. An ambassador of\n THE great Otho declared, in THE palace of Constantinople, that\n THE Saxons could dispute with swords better than with pens, and\n that THEy preferred inevitable death to THE dishonor of turning\n THEir backs to an enemy. 92 It was THE glory of THE nobles of\n France, that, in THEir humble dwellings, war and rapine were THE\n only pleasure, THE sole occupation, of THEir lives. They affected\n to deride THE palaces, THE banquets, THE polished manner of THE\n Italians, who in THE estimate of THE Greeks THEmselves had\n degenerated from THE liberty and valor of THE ancient Lombards.\n 93\n\n 90 (return) [ In THE xviiith chapter of his Tactics, THE emperor\n Leo has fairly stated THE military vices and virtues of THE\n Franks (whom Meursius ridiculously translates by Galli) and THE\n Lombards or Langobards. See likewise THE xxvith Dissertation of\n Muratori de Antiquitatibus Italiae Medii Aevi.]\n\n 91 (return) [ Domini tui milites (says THE proud Nicephorus)\n equitandi ignari pedestris pugnae sunt inscii: scutorum\n magnitudo, loricarum gravitudo, ensium longitudo galearumque\n pondus neutra parte pugnare cossinit; ac subridens, impedit,\n inquit, et eos gastrimargia, hoc est ventris ingluvies, &c.\n Liutprand in Legat. p. 480 481]\n\n 92 (return) [ In Saxonia certe scio.... decentius ensibus pugnare\n quam calanis, et prius mortem obire quam hostibus terga dare,\n (Liutprand, p 482.)]\n\n 93 (return) [ Leonis Tactica, c. 18, p. 805. The emperor Leo died\n A.D. 911: an historical poem, which ends in 916, and appears to\n have been composed in 910, by a native of Venetia, discriminates\n in THEse verses THE manners of Italy and France:\n\n —Quid inertia bello\n Pectora (Ubertus ait) duris praetenditis armis,\n O Itali? Potius vobis sacra pocula cordi;\n Saepius et stomachum nitidis laxare saginis\n Elatasque domos rutilo fulcire metallo.\n Non eadem Gallos similis vel cura remordet:\n Vicinas quibus est studium devincere terras,\n Depressumque larem spoliis hinc inde coactis\n Sustentare—\n\n (Anonym. Carmen Panegyricum de Laudibus Berengarii Augusti, l. n.\n in Muratori Script. Rerum Italic. tom. ii. pars i. p. 393.)]\n\n By THE well-known edict of Caracalla, his subjects, from Britain\n to Egypt, were entitled to THE name and privileges of Romans, and\n THEir national sovereign might fix his occasional or permanent\n residence in any province of THEir common country. In THE\n division of THE East and West, an ideal unity was scrupulously\n observed, and in THEir titles, laws, and statutes, THE successors\n of Arcadius and Honorius announced THEmselves as THE inseparable\n colleagues of THE same office, as THE joint sovereigns of THE\n Roman world and city, which were bounded by THE same limits.\n After THE fall of THE Western monarchy, THE majesty of THE purple\n resided solely in THE princes of Constantinople; and of THEse,\n Justinian was THE first who, after a divorce of sixty years,\n regained THE dominion of ancient Rome, and asserted, by THE right\n of conquest, THE august title of Emperor of THE Romans. 94 A\n motive of vanity or discontent solicited one of his successors,\n Constans THE Second, to abandon THE Thracian Bosphorus, and to\n restore THE pristine honors of THE Tyber: an extravagant project,\n (exclaims THE malicious Byzantine,) as if he had despoiled a\n beautiful and blooming virgin, to enrich, or raTHEr to expose,\n THE deformity of a wrinkled and decrepit matron. 95 But THE sword\n of THE Lombards opposed his settlement in Italy: he entered Rome\n not as a conqueror, but as a fugitive, and, after a visit of\n twelve days, he pillaged, and forever deserted, THE ancient\n capital of THE world. 96 The final revolt and separation of Italy\n was accomplished about two centuries after THE conquests of\n Justinian, and from his reign we may date THE gradual oblivion of\n THE Latin tongue. That legislator had composed his Institutes,\n his Code, and his Pandects, in a language which he celebrates as\n THE proper and public style of THE Roman government, THE\n consecrated idiom of THE palace and senate of Constantinople, of\n THE campus and tribunals of THE East. 97 But this foreign dialect\n was unknown to THE people and soldiers of THE Asiatic provinces,\n it was imperfectly understood by THE greater part of THE\n interpreters of THE laws and THE ministers of THE state. After a\n short conflict, nature and habit prevailed over THE obsolete\n institutions of human power: for THE general benefit of his\n subjects, Justinian promulgated his novels in THE two languages:\n THE several parts of his voluminous jurisprudence were\n successively translated; 98 THE original was forgotten, THE\n version was studied, and THE Greek, whose intrinsic merit\n deserved indeed THE preference, obtained a legal, as well as\n popular establishment in THE Byzantine monarchy. The birth and\n residence of succeeding princes estranged THEm from THE Roman\n idiom: Tiberius by THE Arabs, 99 and Maurice by THE Italians, 100\n are distinguished as THE first of THE Greek Caesars, as THE\n founders of a new dynasty and empire: THE silent revolution was\n accomplished before THE death of Heraclius; and THE ruins of THE\n Latin speech were darkly preserved in THE terms of jurisprudence\n and THE acclamations of THE palace. After THE restoration of THE\n Western empire by Charlemagne and THE Othos, THE names of Franks\n and Latins acquired an equal signification and extent; and THEse\n haughty Barbarians asserted, with some justice, THEir superior\n claim to THE language and dominion of Rome. They insulted THE\n alien of THE East who had renounced THE dress and idiom of\n Romans; and THEir reasonable practice will justify THE frequent\n appellation of Greeks. 101 But this contemptuous appellation was\n indignantly rejected by THE prince and people to whom it was\n applied. Whatsoever changes had been introduced by THE lapse of\n ages, THEy alleged a lineal and unbroken succession from Augustus\n and Constantine; and, in THE lowest period of degeneracy and\n decay, THE name of Romans adhered to THE last fragments of THE\n empire of Constantinople. 102\n\n 94 (return) [ Justinian, says THE historian Agathias, (l. v. p.\n 157,). Yet THE specific title of Emperor of THE Romans was not\n used at Constantinople, till it had been claimed by THE French\n and German emperors of old Rome.]\n\n 95 (return) [ Constantine Manasses reprobates this design in his\n barbarous verse, and it is confirmed by Theophanes, Zonaras,\n Cedrenus, and THE Historia Miscella: voluit in urbem Romam\n Imperium transferre, (l. xix. p. 157 in tom. i. pars i. of THE\n Scriptores Rer. Ital. of Muratori.)]\n\n 96 (return) [ Paul. Diacon. l. v. c. 11, p. 480. Anastasius in\n Vitis Pontificum, in Muratori’s Collection, tom. iii. pars i. p.\n 141.]\n\n 97 (return) [ Consult THE preface of Ducange, (ad Gloss, Graec.\n Medii Aevi) and THE Novels of Justinian, (vii. lxvi.)]\n\n 98 (return) [ (Matth. Blastares, Hist. Juris, apud Fabric.\n Bibliot. Graec. tom. xii. p. 369.) The Code and Pandects (THE\n latter by Thalelaeus) were translated in THE time of Justinian,\n (p. 358, 366.) Theophilus one of THE original triumvirs, has left\n an elegant, though diffuse, paraphrase of THE Institutes. On THE\n oTHEr hand, Julian, antecessor of Constantinople, (A.D. 570,)\n cxx. Novellas Graecas eleganti Latinitate donavit (Heineccius,\n Hist. J. R. p. 396) for THE use of Italy and Africa.]\n\n 99 (return) [ Abulpharagius assigns THE viith Dynasty to THE\n Franks or Romans, THE viiith to THE Greeks, THE ixth to THE\n Arabs. A tempore Augusti Caesaris donec imperaret Tiberius Caesar\n spatio circiter annorum 600 fuerunt Imperatores C. P. Patricii,\n et praecipua pars exercitus Romani: extra quod, conciliarii,\n scribae et populus, omnes Graeci fuerunt: deinde regnum etiam\n Graecanicum factum est, (p. 96, vers. Pocock.) The Christian and\n ecclesiastical studies of Abulpharagius gave him some advantage\n over THE more ignorant Moslems.]\n\n 100 (return) [ Primus ex Graecorum genere in Imperio confirmatus\n est; or according to anoTHEr Ms. of Paulus Diaconus, (l. iii. c.\n 15, p. 443,) in Orasorum Imperio.]\n\n 101 (return) [ Quia linguam, mores, vestesque mutastis, putavit\n Sanctissimus Papa. (an audacious irony,) ita vos (vobis)\n displicere Romanorum nomen. His nuncios, rogabant Nicephorum\n Imperatorem Graecorum, ut cum Othone Imperatore Romanorum\n amicitiam faceret, (Liutprand in Legatione, p. 486.) * Note:\n Sicut et vestem. These words follow in THE text of Liutprand,\n (apud Murat. Script. Ital. tom. ii. p. 486, to which Gibbon\n refers.) But with some inaccuracy or confusion, which rarely\n occurs in Gibbon’s references, THE rest of THE quotation, which\n as it stands is unintelligible, does not appear—M.]\n\n 102 (return) [ By Laonicus Chalcocondyles, who survived THE last\n siege of Constantinople, THE account is thus stated, (l. i. p.\n 3.) Constantine transplanted his Latins of Italy to a Greek city\n of Thrace: THEy adopted THE language and manners of THE natives,\n who were confounded with THEm under THE name of Romans. The kings\n of Constantinople, says THE historian.]\n\n While THE government of THE East was transacted in Latin, THE\n Greek was THE language of literature and philosophy; nor could\n THE masters of this rich and perfect idiom be tempted to envy THE\n borrowed learning and imitative taste of THEir Roman disciples.\n After THE fall of Paganism, THE loss of Syria and Egypt, and THE\n extinction of THE schools of Alexandria and ATHEns, THE studies\n of THE Greeks insensibly retired to some regular monasteries, and\n above all, to THE royal college of Constantinople, which was\n burnt in THE reign of Leo THE Isaurian. 103 In THE pompous style\n of THE age, THE president of that foundation was named THE Sun of\n Science: his twelve associates, THE professors in THE different\n arts and faculties, were THE twelve signs of THE zodiac; a\n library of thirty-six thousand five hundred volumes was open to\n THEir inquiries; and THEy could show an ancient manuscript of\n Homer, on a roll of parchment one hundred and twenty feet in\n length, THE intestines, as it was fabled, of a prodigious\n serpent. 104 But THE seventh and eight centuries were a period of\n discord and darkness: THE library was burnt, THE college was\n abolished, THE Iconoclasts are represented as THE foes of\n antiquity; and a savage ignorance and contempt of letters has\n disgraced THE princes of THE Heraclean and Isaurian dynasties.\n 105\n\n 103 (return) [ See Ducange, (C. P. Christiana, l. ii. p. 150,\n 151,) who collects THE testimonies, not of Theophanes, but at\n least of Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xv. p. 104,) Cedrenus, (p. 454,)\n Michael Glycas, (p. 281,) Constantine Manasses, (p. 87.) After\n refuting THE absurd charge against THE emperor, Spanheim, (Hist.\n Imaginum, p. 99-111,) like a true advocate, proceeds to doubt or\n deny THE reality of THE fire, and almost of THE library.]\n\n 104 (return) [ According to Malchus, (apud Zonar. l. xiv. p. 53,)\n this Homer was burnt in THE time of Basiliscus. The Ms. might be\n renewed—But on a serpent’s skin? Most strange and incredible!]\n\n 105 (return) [ The words of Zonaras, and of Cedrenus, are strong\n words, perhaps not ill suited to those reigns.]\n\n In THE ninth century we trace THE first dawnings of THE\n restoration of science. 106 After THE fanaticism of THE Arabs had\n subsided, THE caliphs aspired to conquer THE arts, raTHEr than\n THE provinces, of THE empire: THEir liberal curiosity rekindled\n THE emulation of THE Greeks, brushed away THE dust from THEir\n ancient libraries, and taught THEm to know and reward THE\n philosophers, whose labors had been hiTHErto repaid by THE\n pleasure of study and THE pursuit of truth. The Caesar Bardas,\n THE uncle of Michael THE Third, was THE generous protector of\n letters, a title which alone has preserved his memory and excused\n his ambition. A particle of THE treasures of his nephew was\n sometimes diverted from THE indulgence of vice and folly; a\n school was opened in THE palace of Magnaura; and THE presence of\n Bardas excited THE emulation of THE masters and students. At\n THEir head was THE philosopher Leo, archbishop of Thessalonica:\n his profound skill in astronomy and THE maTHEmatics was admired\n by THE strangers of THE East; and this occult science was\n magnified by vulgar credulity, which modestly supposes that all\n knowledge superior to its own must be THE effect of inspiration\n or magic. At THE pressing entreaty of THE Caesar, his friend, THE\n celebrated Photius, 107 renounced THE freedom of a secular and\n studious life, ascended THE patriarchal throne, and was\n alternately excommunicated and absolved by THE synods of THE East\n and West. By THE confession even of priestly hatred, no art or\n science, except poetry, was foreign to this universal scholar,\n who was deep in thought, indefatigable in reading, and eloquent\n in diction. Whilst he exercised THE office of protospathaire or\n captain of THE guards, Photius was sent ambassador to THE caliph\n of Bagdad. 108 The tedious hours of exile, perhaps of\n confinement, were beguiled by THE hasty composition of his\n Library, a living monument of erudition and criticism. Two\n hundred and fourscore writers, historians, orators, philosophers,\n THEologians, are reviewed without any regular method: he abridges\n THEir narrative or doctrine, appreciates THEir style and\n character, and judges even THE faTHErs of THE church with a\n discreet freedom, which often breaks through THE superstition of\n THE times. The emperor Basil, who lamented THE defects of his own\n education, intrusted to THE care of Photius his son and\n successor, Leo THE philosopher; and THE reign of that prince and\n of his son Constantine Porphyrogenitus forms one of THE most\n prosperous aeras of THE Byzantine literature. By THEir\n munificence THE treasures of antiquity were deposited in THE\n Imperial library; by THEir pens, or those of THEir associates,\n THEy were imparted in such extracts and abridgments as might\n amuse THE curiosity, without oppressing THE indolence, of THE\n public. Besides THE Basilics, or code of laws, THE arts of\n husbandry and war, of feeding or destroying THE human species,\n were propagated with equal diligence; and THE history of Greece\n and Rome was digested into fifty-three heads or titles, of which\n two only (of embassies, and of virtues and vices) have escaped\n THE injuries of time. In every station, THE reader might\n contemplate THE image of THE past world, apply THE lesson or\n warning of each page, and learn to admire, perhaps to imitate,\n THE examples of a brighter period. I shall not expatiate on THE\n works of THE Byzantine Greeks, who, by THE assiduous study of THE\n ancients, have deserved, in some measure, THE remembrance and\n gratitude of THE moderns. The scholars of THE present age may\n still enjoy THE benefit of THE philosophical commonplace book of\n Stobaeus, THE grammatical and historical lexicon of Suidas, THE\n Chiliads of Tzetzes, which comprise six hundred narratives in\n twelve thousand verses, and THE commentaries on Homer of\n Eustathius, archbishop of Thessalonica, who, from his horn of\n plenty, has poured THE names and authorities of four hundred\n writers. From THEse originals, and from THE numerous tribe of\n scholiasts and critics, 109 some estimate may be formed of THE\n literary wealth of THE twelfth century: Constantinople was\n enlightened by THE genius of Homer and DemosTHEnes, of Aristotle\n and Plato: and in THE enjoyment or neglect of our present riches,\n we must envy THE generation that could still peruse THE history\n of Theopompus, THE orations of Hyperides, THE comedies of\n Menander, 110 and THE odes of Alcaeus and Sappho. The frequent\n labor of illustration attests not only THE existence, but THE\n popularity, of THE Grecian classics: THE general knowledge of THE\n age may be deduced from THE example of two learned females, THE\n empress Eudocia, and THE princess Anna Comnena, who cultivated,\n in THE purple, THE arts of rhetoric and philosophy. 111 The\n vulgar dialect of THE city was gross and barbarous: a more\n correct and elaborate style distinguished THE discourse, or at\n least THE compositions, of THE church and palace, which sometimes\n affected to copy THE purity of THE Attic models.\n\n 106 (return) [ See Zonaras (l. xvi. p. 160, 161) and Cedrenus,\n (p. 549, 550.) Like Friar Bacon, THE philosopher Leo has been\n transformed by ignorance into a conjurer; yet not so\n undeservedly, if he be THE author of THE oracles more commonly\n ascribed to THE emperor of THE same name. The physics of Leo in\n Ms. are in THE library of Vienna, (Fabricius, Bibliot. Graec.\n tom. vi. p 366, tom. xii. p. 781.) Qui serant!]\n\n 107 (return) [ The ecclesiastical and literary character of\n Photius is copiously discussed by Hanckius (de Scriptoribus\n Byzant. p. 269, 396) and Fabricius.]\n\n 108 (return) [ It can only mean Bagdad, THE seat of THE caliphs\n and THE relation of his embassy might have been curious and\n instructive. But how did he procure his books? A library so\n numerous could neiTHEr be found at Bagdad, nor transported with\n his baggage, nor preserved in his memory. Yet THE last, however\n incredible, seems to be affirmed by Photius himself. Camusat\n (Hist. Critique des Journaux, p. 87-94) gives a good account of\n THE Myriobiblon.]\n\n 109 (return) [ Of THEse modern Greeks, see THE respective\n articles in THE BiblioTHEca Graeca of Fabricius—a laborious work,\n yet susceptible of a better method and many improvements; of\n Eustathius, (tom. i. p. 289-292, 306-329,) of THE Pselli, (a\n diatribe of Leo Allatius, ad calcem tom. v., of Constantine\n Porphyrogenitus, tom. vi. p. 486-509) of John Stobaeus, (tom.\n viii., 665-728,) of Suidas, (tom. ix. p. 620-827,) John Tzetzes,\n (tom. xii. p. 245-273.) Mr. Harris, in his Philological\n Arrangements, opus senile, has given a sketch of this Byzantine\n learning, (p. 287-300.)]\n\n 110 (return) [ From THE obscure and hearsay evidence, Gerard\n Vossius (de Poetis Graecis, c. 6) and Le Clerc (BiblioTHEque\n Choisie, tom. xix. p. 285) mention a commentary of Michael\n Psellus on twenty-four plays of Menander, still extant in Ms. at\n Constantinople. Yet such classic studies seem incompatible with\n THE gravity or dulness of a schoolman, who pored over THE\n categories, (de Psellis, p. 42;) and Michael has probably been\n confounded with Homerus Sellius, who wrote arguments to THE\n comedies of Menander. In THE xth century, Suidas quotes fifty\n plays, but he often transcribes THE old scholiast of\n Aristophanes.]\n\n 111 (return) [ Anna Comnena may boast of her Greek style, and\n Zonaras her contemporary, but not her flatterer, may add with\n truth. The princess was conversant with THE artful dialogues of\n Plato; and had studied quadrivium of astrology, geometry,\n arithmetic, and music, (see he preface to THE Alexiad, with\n Ducange’s notes)]\n\n In our modern education, THE painful though necessary attainment\n of two languages, which are no longer living, may consume THE\n time and damp THE ardor of THE youthful student. The poets and\n orators were long imprisoned in THE barbarous dialects of our\n Western ancestors, devoid of harmony or grace; and THEir genius,\n without precept or example, was abandoned to THE rule and native\n powers of THEir judgment and fancy. But THE Greeks of\n Constantinople, after purging away THE impurities of THEir vulgar\n speech, acquired THE free use of THEir ancient language, THE most\n happy composition of human art, and a familiar knowledge of THE\n sublime masters who had pleased or instructed THE first of\n nations. But THEse advantages only tend to aggravate THE reproach\n and shame of a degenerate people. They held in THEir lifeless\n hands THE riches of THEir faTHErs, without inheriting THE spirit\n which had created and improved that sacred patrimony: THEy read,\n THEy praised, THEy compiled, but THEir languid souls seemed alike\n incapable of thought and action. In THE revolution of ten\n centuries, not a single discovery was made to exalt THE dignity\n or promote THE happiness of mankind. Not a single idea has been\n added to THE speculative systems of antiquity, and a succession\n of patient disciples became in THEir turn THE dogmatic teachers\n of THE next servile generation. Not a single composition of\n history, philosophy, or literature, has been saved from oblivion\n by THE intrinsic beauties of style or sentiment, of original\n fancy, or even of successful imitation. In prose, THE least\n offensive of THE Byzantine writers are absolved from censure by\n THEir naked and unpresuming simplicity: but THE orators, most\n eloquent 112 in THEir own conceit, are THE farTHEst removed from\n THE models whom THEy affect to emulate. In every page our taste\n and reason are wounded by THE choice of gigantic and obsolete\n words, a stiff and intricate phraseology, THE discord of images,\n THE childish play of false or unseasonable ornament, and THE\n painful attempt to elevate THEmselves, to astonish THE reader,\n and to involve a trivial meaning in THE smoke of obscurity and\n exaggeration. Their prose is soaring to THE vicious affectation\n of poetry: THEir poetry is sinking below THE flatness and\n insipidity of prose. The tragic, epic, and lyric muses, were\n silent and inglorious: THE bards of Constantinople seldom rose\n above a riddle or epigram, a panegyric or tale; THEy forgot even\n THE rules of prosody; and with THE melody of Homer yet sounding\n in THEir ears, THEy confound all measure of feet and syllables in\n THE impotent strains which have received THE name of political or\n city verses. 113 The minds of THE Greek were bound in THE fetters\n of a base and imperious superstition which extends her dominion\n round THE circle of profane science. Their understandings were\n bewildered in metaphysical controversy: in THE belief of visions\n and miracles, THEy had lost all principles of moral evidence, and\n THEir taste was vitiated by THE homilies of THE monks, an absurd\n medley of declamation and Scripture. Even THEse contemptible\n studies were no longer dignified by THE abuse of superior\n talents: THE leaders of THE Greek church were humbly content to\n admire and copy THE oracles of antiquity, nor did THE schools of\n pulpit produce any rivals of THE fame of Athanasius and\n Chrysostom. 114\n\n 112 (return) [ To censure THE Byzantine taste. Ducange (Praefat.\n Gloss. Graec. p. 17) strings THE authorities of Aulus Gellius,\n Jerom, Petronius George Hamartolus, Longinus; who give at once\n THE precept and THE example.]\n\n 113 (return) [ The versus politici, those common prostitutes, as,\n from THEir easiness, THEy are styled by Leo Allatius, usually\n consist of fifteen syllables. They are used by Constantine\n Manasses, John Tzetzes, &c. (Ducange, Gloss. Latin. tom. iii. p.\n i. p. 345, 346, edit. Basil, 1762.)]\n\n 114 (return) [ As St. Bernard of THE Latin, so St. John\n Damascenus in THE viiith century is revered as THE last faTHEr of\n THE Greek, church.]\n\n In all THE pursuits of active and speculative life, THE emulation\n of states and individuals is THE most powerful spring of THE\n efforts and improvements of mankind. The cities of ancient Greece\n were cast in THE happy mixture of union and independence, which\n is repeated on a larger scale, but in a looser form, by THE\n nations of modern Europe; THE union of language, religion, and\n manners, which renders THEm THE spectators and judges of each\n oTHEr’s merit; 115 THE independence of government and interest,\n which asserts THEir separate freedom, and excites THEm to strive\n for preeminence in THE career of glory. The situation of THE\n Romans was less favorable; yet in THE early ages of THE republic,\n which fixed THE national character, a similar emulation was\n kindled among THE states of Latium and Italy; and in THE arts and\n sciences, THEy aspired to equal or surpass THEir Grecian masters.\n The empire of THE Caesars undoubtedly checked THE activity and\n progress of THE human mind; its magnitude might indeed allow some\n scope for domestic competition; but when it was gradually\n reduced, at first to THE East and at last to Greece and\n Constantinople, THE Byzantine subjects were degraded to an abject\n and languid temper, THE natural effect of THEir solitary and\n insulated state. From THE North THEy were oppressed by nameless\n tribes of Barbarians, to whom THEy scarcely imparted THE\n appellation of men. The language and religion of THE more\n polished Arabs were an insurmountable bar to all social\n intercourse. The conquerors of Europe were THEir brethren in THE\n Christian faith; but THE speech of THE Franks or Latins was\n unknown, THEir manners were rude, and THEy were rarely connected,\n in peace or war, with THE successors of Heraclius. Alone in THE\n universe, THE self-satisfied pride of THE Greeks was not\n disturbed by THE comparison of foreign merit; and it is no wonder\n if THEy fainted in THE race, since THEy had neiTHEr competitors\n to urge THEir speed, nor judges to crown THEir victory. The\n nations of Europe and Asia were mingled by THE expeditions to THE\n Holy Land; and it is under THE Comnenian dynasty that a faint\n emulation of knowledge and military virtue was rekindled in THE\n Byzantine empire.\n\n 115 (return) [Hume’s Essays, vol. i. p. 125]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LIV: Origin And Doctrine Of The Paulicians.—Part I.\n\n Origin And Doctrine Of The Paulicians.—Their Persecution By The\n Greek Emperors.—Revolt In Armenia &c.—Transplantation Into\n Thrace.—Propagation In The West.—The Seeds, Character, And\n Consequences Of The Reformation.\n\n In THE profession of Christianity, THE variety of national\n characters may be clearly distinguished. The natives of Syria and\n Egypt abandoned THEir lives to lazy and contemplative devotion:\n Rome again aspired to THE dominion of THE world; and THE wit of\n THE lively and loquacious Greeks was consumed in THE disputes of\n metaphysical THEology. The incomprehensible mysteries of THE\n Trinity and Incarnation, instead of commanding THEir silent\n submission, were agitated in vehement and subtile controversies,\n which enlarged THEir faith at THE expense, perhaps, of THEir\n charity and reason. From THE council of Nice to THE end of THE\n seventh century, THE peace and unity of THE church was invaded by\n THEse spiritual wars; and so deeply did THEy affect THE decline\n and fall of THE empire, that THE historian has too often been\n compelled to attend THE synods, to explore THE creeds, and to\n enumerate THE sects, of this busy period of ecclesiastical\n annals. From THE beginning of THE eighth century to THE last ages\n of THE Byzantine empire, THE sound of controversy was seldom\n heard: curiosity was exhausted, zeal was fatigued, and, in THE\n decrees of six councils, THE articles of THE Catholic faith had\n been irrevocably defined. The spirit of dispute, however vain and\n pernicious, requires some energy and exercise of THE mental\n faculties; and THE prostrate Greeks were content to fast, to\n pray, and to believe in blind obedience to THE patriarch and his\n clergy. During a long dream of superstition, THE Virgin and THE\n Saints, THEir visions and miracles, THEir relics and images, were\n preached by THE monks, and worshipped by THE people; and THE\n appellation of people might be extended, without injustice, to\n THE first ranks of civil society. At an unseasonable moment, THE\n Isaurian emperors attempted somewhat rudely to awaken THEir\n subjects: under THEir influence reason might obtain some\n proselytes, a far greater number was swayed by interest or fear;\n but THE Eastern world embraced or deplored THEir visible deities,\n and THE restoration of images was celebrated as THE feast of\n orthodoxy. In this passive and unanimous state THE ecclesiastical\n rulers were relieved from THE toil, or deprived of THE pleasure,\n of persecution. The Pagans had disappeared; THE Jews were silent\n and obscure; THE disputes with THE Latins were rare and remote\n hostilities against a national enemy; and THE sects of Egypt and\n Syria enjoyed a free toleration under THE shadow of THE Arabian\n caliphs. About THE middle of THE seventh century, a branch of\n Manichaeans was selected as THE victims of spiritual tyranny;\n THEir patience was at length exasperated to despair and\n rebellion; and THEir exile has scattered over THE West THE seeds\n of reformation. These important events will justify some inquiry\n into THE doctrine and story of THE Paulicians; 1 and, as THEy\n cannot plead for THEmselves, our candid criticism will magnify\n THE good, and abate or suspect THE evil, that is reported by\n THEir adversaries.\n\n 1 (return) [ The errors and virtues of THE Paulicians are\n weighed, with his usual judgment and candor, by THE learned\n Mosheim, (Hist. Ecclesiast. seculum ix. p. 311, &c.) He draws his\n original intelligence from Photius (contra Manichaeos, l. i.) and\n Peter Siculus, (Hist. Manichaeorum.) The first of THEse accounts\n has not fallen into my hands; THE second, which Mosheim prefers,\n I have read in a Latin version inserted in THE Maxima BiblioTHEca\n Patrum, (tom. xvi. p. 754-764,) from THE edition of THE Jesuit\n Raderus, (Ingolstadii, 1604, in 4to.) * Note: Compare Hallam’s\n Middle Ages, p. 461-471. Mr. Hallam justly observes that this\n chapter “appears to be accurate as well as luminous, and is at\n least far superior to any modern work on THE subject.”—M.]\n\n The Gnostics, who had distracted THE infancy, were oppressed by\n THE greatness and authority, of THE church. Instead of emulating\n or surpassing THE wealth, learning, and numbers of THE Catholics,\n THEir obscure remnant was driven from THE capitals of THE East\n and West, and confined to THE villages and mountains along THE\n borders of THE Euphrates. Some vestige of THE Marcionites may be\n detected in THE fifth century; 2 but THE numerous sects were\n finally lost in THE odious name of THE Manichaeans; and THEse\n heretics, who presumed to reconcile THE doctrines of Zoroaster\n and Christ, were pursued by THE two religions with equal and\n unrelenting hatred. Under THE grandson of Heraclius, in THE\n neighborhood of Samosata, more famous for THE birth of Lucian\n than for THE title of a Syrian kingdom, a reformer arose,\n esteemed by THE Paulicians as THE chosen messenger of truth. In\n his humble dwelling of Mananalis, Constantine entertained a\n deacon, who returned from Syrian captivity, and received THE\n inestimable gift of THE New Testament, which was already\n concealed from THE vulgar by THE prudence of THE Greek, and\n perhaps of THE Gnostic, clergy. 3 These books became THE measure\n of his studies and THE rule of his faith; and THE Catholics, who\n dispute his interpretation, acknowledge that his text was genuine\n and sincere. But he attached himself with peculiar devotion to\n THE writings and character of St. Paul: THE name of THE\n Paulicians is derived by THEir enemies from some unknown and\n domestic teacher; but I am confident that THEy gloried in THEir\n affinity to THE apostle of THE Gentiles. His disciples, Titus,\n Timothy, Sylvanus, Tychicus, were represented by Constantine and\n his fellow-laborers: THE names of THE apostolic churches were\n applied to THE congregations which THEy assembled in Armenia and\n Cappadocia; and this innocent allegory revived THE example and\n memory of THE first ages. In THE Gospel, and THE Epistles of St.\n Paul, his faithful follower investigated THE Creed of primitive\n Christianity; and, whatever might be THE success, a Protestant\n reader will applaud THE spirit, of THE inquiry. But if THE\n Scriptures of THE Paulicians were pure, THEy were not perfect.\n Their founders rejected THE two Epistles of St. Peter, 4 THE\n apostle of THE circumcision, whose dispute with THEir favorite\n for THE observance of THE law could not easily be forgiven. 5\n They agreed with THEir Gnostic brethren in THE universal contempt\n for THE Old Testament, THE books of Moses and THE prophets, which\n have been consecrated by THE decrees of THE Catholic church. With\n equal boldness, and doubtless with more reason, Constantine, THE\n new Sylvanus, disclaimed THE visions, which, in so many bulky and\n splendid volumes, had been published by THE Oriental sects; 6 THE\n fabulous productions of THE Hebrew patriarchs and THE sages of\n THE East; THE spurious gospels, epistles, and acts, which in THE\n first age had overwhelmed THE orthodox code; THE THEology of\n Manes, and THE authors of THE kindred heresies; and THE thirty\n generations, or aeons, which had been created by THE fruitful\n fancy of Valentine. The Paulicians sincerely condemned THE memory\n and opinions of THE Manichaean sect, and complained of THE\n injustice which impressed that invidious name on THE simple\n votaries of St. Paul and of Christ.\n\n 2 (return) [ In THE time of Theodoret, THE diocese of Cyrrhus, in\n Syria, contained eight hundred villages. Of THEse, two were\n inhabited by Arians and Eunomians, and eight by Marcionites, whom\n THE laborious bishop reconciled to THE Catholic church, (Dupin,\n Bibliot. Ecclesiastique, tom. iv. p. 81, 82.)]\n\n 3 (return) [ Nobis profanis ista (sacra Evangelia) legere non\n licet sed sacerdotibus duntaxat, was THE first scruple of a\n Catholic when he was advised to read THE Bible, (Petr. Sicul. p.\n 761.)]\n\n 4 (return) [ In rejecting THE second Epistle of St. Peter, THE\n Paulicians are justified by some of THE most respectable of THE\n ancients and moderns, (see Wetstein ad loc., Simon, Hist.\n Critique du Nouveau Testament, c. 17.) They likewise overlooked\n THE Apocalypse, (Petr. Sicul. p. 756;) but as such neglect is not\n imputed as a crime, THE Greeks of THE ixth century must have been\n careless of THE credit and honor of THE Revelations.]\n\n 5 (return) [ This contention, which has not escaped THE malice of\n Porphyry, supposes some error and passion in one or both of THE\n apostles. By Chrysostom, Jerome, and Erasmus, it is represented\n as a sham quarrel a pious fraud, for THE benefit of THE Gentiles\n and THE correction of THE Jews, (Middleton’s Works, vol. ii. p.\n 1-20.)]\n\n 6 (return) [ Those who are curious of this heterodox library, may\n consult THE researches of Beausobre, (Hist. Critique du\n Manicheisme, tom. i. p. 305-437.) Even in Africa, St. Austin\n could describe THE Manichaean books, tam multi, tam grandes, tam\n pretiosi codices, (contra Faust. xiii. 14;) but he adds, without\n pity, Incendite omnes illas membranas: and his advice had been\n rigorously followed.]\n\n Of THE ecclesiastical chain, many links had been broken by THE\n Paulician reformers; and THEir liberty was enlarged, as THEy\n reduced THE number of masters, at whose voice profane reason must\n bow to mystery and miracle. The early separation of THE Gnostics\n had preceded THE establishment of THE Catholic worship; and\n against THE gradual innovations of discipline and doctrine THEy\n were as strongly guarded by habit and aversion, as by THE silence\n of St. Paul and THE evangelists. The objects which had been\n transformed by THE magic of superstition, appeared to THE eyes of\n THE Paulicians in THEir genuine and naked colors. An image made\n without hands was THE common workmanship of a mortal artist, to\n whose skill alone THE wood and canvas must be indebted for THEir\n merit or value. The miraculous relics were a heap of bones and\n ashes, destitute of life or virtue, or of any relation, perhaps,\n with THE person to whom THEy were ascribed. The true and\n vivifying cross was a piece of sound or rotten timber, THE body\n and blood of Christ, a loaf of bread and a cup of wine, THE gifts\n of nature and THE symbols of grace. The moTHEr of God was\n degraded from her celestial honors and immaculate virginity; and\n THE saints and angels were no longer solicited to exercise THE\n laborious office of mediation in heaven, and ministry upon earth.\n In THE practice, or at least in THE THEory, of THE sacraments,\n THE Paulicians were inclined to abolish all visible objects of\n worship, and THE words of THE gospel were, in THEir judgment, THE\n baptism and communion of THE faithful. They indulged a convenient\n latitude for THE interpretation of Scripture: and as often as\n THEy were pressed by THE literal sense, THEy could escape to THE\n intricate mazes of figure and allegory. Their utmost diligence\n must have been employed to dissolve THE connection between THE\n Old and THE New Testament; since THEy adored THE latter as THE\n oracles of God, and abhorred THE former as THE fabulous and\n absurd invention of men or daemons. We cannot be surprised, that\n THEy should have found in THE Gospel THE orthodox mystery of THE\n Trinity: but, instead of confessing THE human nature and\n substantial sufferings of Christ, THEy amused THEir fancy with a\n celestial body that passed through THE virgin like water through\n a pipe; with a fantastic crucifixion, that eluded THE vain and\n important malice of THE Jews. A creed thus simple and spiritual\n was not adapted to THE genius of THE times; 7 and THE rational\n Christian, who might have been contented with THE light yoke and\n easy burden of Jesus and his apostles, was justly offended, that\n THE Paulicians should dare to violate THE unity of God, THE first\n article of natural and revealed religion. Their belief and THEir\n trust was in THE FaTHEr, of Christ, of THE human soul, and of THE\n invisible world.\n\n But THEy likewise held THE eternity of matter; a stubborn and\n rebellious substance, THE origin of a second principle of an\n active being, who has created this visible world, and exercises\n his temporal reign till THE final consummation of death and sin.\n 8 The appearances of moral and physical evil had established THE\n two principles in THE ancient philosophy and religion of THE\n East; from whence this doctrine was transfused to THE various\n swarms of THE Gnostics. A thousand shades may be devised in THE\n nature and character of Ahriman, from a rival god to a\n subordinate daemon, from passion and frailty to pure and perfect\n malevolence: but, in spite of our efforts, THE goodness, and THE\n power, of Ormusd are placed at THE opposite extremities of THE\n line; and every step that approaches THE one must recede in equal\n proportion from THE oTHEr. 9\n\n 7 (return) [ The six capital errors of THE Paulicians are defined\n by Peter (p. 756,) with much prejudice and passion.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Primum illorum axioma est, duo rerum esse principia;\n Deum malum et Deum bonum, aliumque hujus mundi conditorem et\n princi pem, et alium futuri aevi, (Petr. Sicul. 765.)]\n\n 9 (return) [ Two learned critics, Beausobre (Hist. Critique du\n Manicheisme, l. i. iv. v. vi.) and Mosheim, (Institut. Hist.\n Eccles. and de Rebus Christianis ante Constantinum, sec. i. ii.\n iii.,) have labored to explore and discriminate THE various\n systems of THE Gnostics on THE subject of THE two principles.]\n\n The apostolic labors of Constantine Sylvanus soon multiplied THE\n number of his disciples, THE secret recompense of spiritual\n ambition. The remnant of THE Gnostic sects, and especially THE\n Manichaeans of Armenia, were united under his standard; many\n Catholics were converted or seduced by his arguments; and he\n preached with success in THE regions of Pontus 10 and Cappadocia,\n which had long since imbibed THE religion of Zoroaster. The\n Paulician teachers were distinguished only by THEir Scriptural\n names, by THE modest title of Fellow-pilgrims, by THE austerity\n of THEir lives, THEir zeal or knowledge, and THE credit of some\n extraordinary gifts of THE Holy Spirit. But THEy were incapable\n of desiring, or at least of obtaining, THE wealth and honors of\n THE Catholic prelacy; such anti-Christian pride THEy bitterly\n censured; and even THE rank of elders or presbyters was condemned\n as an institution of THE Jewish synagogue. The new sect was\n loosely spread over THE provinces of Asia Minor to THE westward\n of THE Euphrates; six of THEir principal congregations\n represented THE churches to which St. Paul had addressed his\n epistles; and THEir founder chose his residence in THE\n neighborhood of Colonia, 11 in THE same district of Pontus which\n had been celebrated by THE altars of Bellona 12 and THE miracles\n of Gregory. 13 After a mission of twenty-seven years, Sylvanus,\n who had retired from THE tolerating government of THE Arabs, fell\n a sacrifice to Roman persecution. The laws of THE pious emperors,\n which seldom touched THE lives of less odious heretics,\n proscribed without mercy or disguise THE tenets, THE books, and\n THE persons of THE Montanists and Manichaeans: THE books were\n delivered to THE flames; and all who should presume to secrete\n such writings, or to profess such opinions, were devoted to an\n ignominious death. 14 A Greek minister, armed with legal and\n military powers, appeared at Colonia to strike THE shepherd, and\n to reclaim, if possible, THE lost sheep. By a refinement of\n cruelty, Simeon placed THE unfortunate Sylvanus before a line of\n his disciples, who were commanded, as THE price of THEir pardon\n and THE proof of THEir repentance, to massacre THEir spiritual\n faTHEr. They turned aside from THE impious office; THE stones\n dropped from THEir filial hands, and of THE whole number, only\n one executioner could be found, a new David, as he is styled by\n THE Catholics, who boldly overthrew THE giant of heresy. This\n apostate (Justin was his name) again deceived and betrayed his\n unsuspecting brethren, and a new conformity to THE acts of St.\n Paul may be found in THE conversion of Simeon: like THE apostle,\n he embraced THE doctrine which he had been sent to persecute,\n renounced his honors and fortunes, and required among THE\n Paulicians THE fame of a missionary and a martyr. They were not\n ambitious of martyrdom, 15 but in a calamitous period of one\n hundred and fifty years, THEir patience sustained whatever zeal\n could inflict; and power was insufficient to eradicate THE\n obstinate vegetation of fanaticism and reason. From THE blood and\n ashes of THE first victims, a succession of teachers and\n congregations repeatedly arose: amidst THEir foreign hostilities,\n THEy found leisure for domestic quarrels: THEy preached, THEy\n disputed, THEy suffered; and THE virtues, THE apparent virtues,\n of Sergius, in a pilgrimage of thirty-three years, are\n reluctantly confessed by THE orthodox historians. 16 The native\n cruelty of Justinian THE Second was stimulated by a pious cause;\n and he vainly hoped to extinguish, in a single conflagration, THE\n name and memory of THE Paulicians. By THEir primitive simplicity,\n THEir abhorrence of popular superstition, THE Iconoclast princes\n might have been reconciled to some erroneous doctrines; but THEy\n THEmselves were exposed to THE calumnies of THE monks, and THEy\n chose to be THE tyrants, lest THEy should be accused as THE\n accomplices, of THE Manichaeans. Such a reproach has sullied THE\n clemency of Nicephorus, who relaxed in THEir favor THE severity\n of THE penal statutes, nor will his character sustain THE honor\n of a more liberal motive. The feeble Michael THE First, THE rigid\n Leo THE Armenian, were foremost in THE race of persecution; but\n THE prize must doubtless be adjudged to THE sanguinary devotion\n of Theodora, who restored THE images to THE Oriental church. Her\n inquisitors explored THE cities and mountains of THE Lesser Asia,\n and THE flatterers of THE empress have affirmed that, in a short\n reign, one hundred thousand Paulicians were extirpated by THE\n sword, THE gibbet, or THE flames. Her guilt or merit has perhaps\n been stretched beyond THE measure of truth: but if THE account be\n allowed, it must be presumed that many simple Iconoclasts were\n punished under a more odious name; and that some who were driven\n from THE church, unwillingly took refuge in THE bosom of heresy.\n\n 10 (return) [ The countries between THE Euphrates and THE Halys\n were possessed above 350 years by THE Medes (Herodot. l. i. c.\n 103) and Persians; and THE kings of Pontus were of THE royal race\n of THE Achaemenides, (Sallust. Fragment. l. iii. with THE French\n supplement and notes of THE president de Brosses.)]\n\n 11 (return) [ Most probably founded by Pompey after THE conquest\n of Pontus. This Colonia, on THE Lycus, above Neo-Caesarea, is\n named by THE Turks Coulei-hisar, or Chonac, a populous town in a\n strong country, (D’Anville, Geographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 34.\n Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, tom. iii. lettre xxi. p. 293.)]\n\n 12 (return) [ The temple of Bellona, at Comana in Pontus was a\n powerful and wealthy foundation, and THE high priest was\n respected as THE second person in THE kingdom. As THE sacerdotal\n office had been occupied by his moTHEr’s family, Strabo (l. xii.\n p. 809, 835, 836, 837) dwells with peculiar complacency on THE\n temple, THE worship, and festival, which was twice celebrated\n every year. But THE Bellona of Pontus had THE features and\n character of THE goddess, not of war, but of love.]\n\n 13 (return) [ Gregory, bishop of Neo-Caesarea, (A.D. 240-265,)\n surnamed Thaumaturgus, or THE Wonder-worker. An hundred years\n afterwards, THE history or romance of his life was composed by\n Gregory of Nyssa, his namesake and countryman, THE broTHEr of THE\n great St. Basil.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Hoc caeterum ad sua egregia facinora, divini atque\n orthodoxi Imperatores addiderunt, ut Manichaeos Montanosque\n capitali puniri sententia juberent, eorumque libros, quocunque in\n loco inventi essent, flammis tradi; quod siquis uspiam eosdem\n occultasse deprehenderetur, hunc eundem mortis poenae addici,\n ejusque bona in fiscum inferri, (Petr. Sicul. p. 759.) What more\n could bigotry and persecution desire?]\n\n 15 (return) [ It should seem, that THE Paulicians allowed\n THEmselves some latitude of equivocation and mental reservation;\n till THE Catholics discovered THE pressing questions, which\n reduced THEm to THE alternative of apostasy or martyrdom, (Petr.\n Sicul. p. 760.)]\n\n 16 (return) [ The persecution is told by Petrus Siculus (p.\n 579-763) with satisfaction and pleasantry. Justus justa\n persolvit. See likewise Cedrenus, (p. 432-435.)]\n\n The most furious and desperate of rebels are THE sectaries of a\n religion long persecuted, and at length provoked. In a holy cause\n THEy are no longer susceptible of fear or remorse: THE justice of\n THEir arms hardens THEm against THE feelings of humanity; and\n THEy revenge THEir faTHErs’ wrongs on THE children of THEir\n tyrants. Such have been THE Hussites of Bohemia and THE\n Calvinists of France, and such, in THE ninth century, were THE\n Paulicians of Armenia and THE adjacent provinces. 17 They were\n first awakened to THE massacre of a governor and bishop, who\n exercised THE Imperial mandate of converting or destroying THE\n heretics; and THE deepest recesses of Mount Argaeus protected\n THEir independence and revenge. A more dangerous and consuming\n flame was kindled by THE persecution of Theodora, and THE revolt\n of Carbeas, a valiant Paulician, who commanded THE guards of THE\n general of THE East. His faTHEr had been impaled by THE Catholic\n inquisitors; and religion, or at least nature, might justify his\n desertion and revenge. Five thousand of his brethren were united\n by THE same motives; THEy renounced THE allegiance of\n anti-Christian Rome; a Saracen emir introduced Carbeas to THE\n caliph; and THE commander of THE faithful extended his sceptre to\n THE implacable enemy of THE Greeks. In THE mountains between\n Siwas and Trebizond he founded or fortified THE city of Tephrice,\n 18 which is still occupied by a fierce or licentious people, and\n THE neighboring hills were covered with THE Paulician fugitives,\n who now reconciled THE use of THE Bible and THE sword. During\n more than thirty years, Asia was afflicted by THE calamities of\n foreign and domestic war; in THEir hostile inroads, THE disciples\n of St. Paul were joined with those of Mahomet; and THE peaceful\n Christians, THE aged parent and tender virgin, who were delivered\n into barbarous servitude, might justly accuse THE intolerant\n spirit of THEir sovereign. So urgent was THE mischief, so\n intolerable THE shame, that even THE dissolute Michael, THE son\n of Theodora, was compelled to march in person against THE\n Paulicians: he was defeated under THE walls of Samosata; and THE\n Roman emperor fled before THE heretics whom his moTHEr had\n condemned to THE flames. The Saracens fought under THE same\n banners, but THE victory was ascribed to Carbeas; and THE captive\n generals, with more than a hundred tribunes, were eiTHEr released\n by his avarice, or tortured by his fanaticism. The valor and\n ambition of Chrysocheir, 19 his successor, embraced a wider\n circle of rapine and revenge. In alliance with his faithful\n Moslems, he boldly penetrated into THE heart of Asia; THE troops\n of THE frontier and THE palace were repeatedly overthrown; THE\n edicts of persecution were answered by THE pillage of Nice and\n Nicomedia, of Ancyra and Ephesus; nor could THE apostle St. John\n protect from violation his city and sepulchre. The caTHEdral of\n Ephesus was turned into a stable for mules and horses; and THE\n Paulicians vied with THE Saracens in THEir contempt and\n abhorrence of images and relics. It is not unpleasing to observe\n THE triumph of rebellion over THE same despotism which had\n disdained THE prayers of an injured people. The emperor Basil,\n THE Macedonian, was reduced to sue for peace, to offer a ransom\n for THE captives, and to request, in THE language of moderation\n and charity, that Chrysocheir would spare his fellow-Christians,\n and content himself with a royal donative of gold and silver and\n silk garments. “If THE emperor,” replied THE insolent fanatic,\n “be desirous of peace, let him abdicate THE East, and reign\n without molestation in THE West. If he refuse, THE servants of\n THE Lord will precipitate him from THE throne.” The reluctant\n Basil suspended THE treaty, accepted THE defiance, and led his\n army into THE land of heresy, which he wasted with fire and\n sword. The open country of THE Paulicians was exposed to THE same\n calamities which THEy had inflicted; but when he had explored THE\n strength of Tephrice, THE multitude of THE Barbarians, and THE\n ample magazines of arms and provisions, he desisted with a sigh\n from THE hopeless siege. On his return to Constantinople, he\n labored, by THE foundation of convents and churches, to secure\n THE aid of his celestial patrons, of Michael THE archangel and\n THE prophet Elijah; and it was his daily prayer that he might\n live to transpierce, with three arrows, THE head of his impious\n adversary. Beyond his expectations, THE wish was accomplished:\n after a successful inroad, Chrysocheir was surprised and slain in\n his retreat; and THE rebel’s head was triumphantly presented at\n THE foot of THE throne. On THE reception of this welcome trophy,\n Basil instantly called for his bow, discharged three arrows with\n unerring aim, and accepted THE applause of THE court, who hailed\n THE victory of THE royal archer. With Chrysocheir, THE glory of\n THE Paulicians faded and wiTHEred: 20 on THE second expedition of\n THE emperor, THE impregnable Tephrice, was deserted by THE\n heretics, who sued for mercy or escaped to THE borders. The city\n was ruined, but THE spirit of independence survived in THE\n mountains: THE Paulicians defended, above a century, THEir\n religion and liberty, infested THE Roman limits, and maintained\n THEir perpetual alliance with THE enemies of THE empire and THE\n gospel.\n\n 17 (return) [ Petrus Siculus, (p. 763, 764,) THE continuator of\n Theophanes, (l. iv. c. 4, p. 103, 104,) Cedrenus, (p. 541, 542,\n 545,) and Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xvi. p. 156,) describe THE revolt\n and exploits of Carbeas and his Paulicians.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Otter (Voyage en Turquie et en Perse, tom. ii.) is\n probably THE only Frank who has visited THE independent\n Barbarians of Tephrice now Divrigni, from whom he fortunately\n escaped in THE train of a Turkish officer.]\n\n 19 (return) [ In THE history of Chrysocheir, Genesius (Chron. p.\n 67-70, edit. Venet.) has exposed THE nakedness of THE empire.\n Constantine Porphyrogenitus (in Vit. Basil. c. 37-43, p. 166-171)\n has displayed THE glory of his grandfaTHEr. Cedrenus (p. 570-573)\n is without THEir passions or THEir knowledge.]\n\n 20 (return) [ How elegant is THE Greek tongue, even in THE mouth\n of Cedrenus!]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LIV: Origin And Doctrine Of The Paulicians.—Part II.\n\n About THE middle of THE eight century, Constantine, surnamed\n Copronymus by THE worshippers of images, had made an expedition\n into Armenia, and found, in THE cities of Melitene and\n Theodosiopolis, a great number of Paulicians, his kindred\n heretics. As a favor, or punishment, he transplanted THEm from\n THE banks of THE Euphrates to Constantinople and Thrace; and by\n this emigration THEir doctrine was introduced and diffused in\n Europe. 21 If THE sectaries of THE metropolis were soon mingled\n with THE promiscuous mass, those of THE country struck a deep\n root in a foreign soil. The Paulicians of Thrace resisted THE\n storms of persecution, maintained a secret correspondence with\n THEir Armenian brethren, and gave aid and comfort to THEir\n preachers, who solicited, not without success, THE infant faith\n of THE Bulgarians. 22 In THE tenth century, THEy were restored\n and multiplied by a more powerful colony, which John Zimisces 23\n transported from THE Chalybian hills to THE valleys of Mount\n Haemus. The Oriental clergy who would have preferred THE\n destruction, impatiently sighed for THE absence, of THE\n Manichaeans: THE warlike emperor had felt and esteemed THEir\n valor: THEir attachment to THE Saracens was pregnant with\n mischief; but, on THE side of THE Danube, against THE Barbarians\n of Scythia, THEir service might be useful, and THEir loss would\n be desirable. Their exile in a distant land was softened by a\n free toleration: THE Paulicians held THE city of Philippopolis\n and THE keys of Thrace; THE Catholics were THEir subjects; THE\n Jacobite emigrants THEir associates: THEy occupied a line of\n villages and castles in Macedonia and Epirus; and many native\n Bulgarians were associated to THE communion of arms and heresy.\n As long as THEy were awed by power and treated with moderation,\n THEir voluntary bands were distinguished in THE armies of THE\n empire; and THE courage of THEse dogs, ever greedy of war, ever\n thirsty of human blood, is noticed with astonishment, and almost\n with reproach, by THE pusillanimous Greeks. The same spirit\n rendered THEm arrogant and contumacious: THEy were easily\n provoked by caprice or injury; and THEir privileges were often\n violated by THE faithless bigotry of THE government and clergy.\n In THE midst of THE Norman war, two thousand five hundred\n Manichaeans deserted THE standard of Alexius Comnenus, 24 and\n retired to THEir native homes. He dissembled till THE moment of\n revenge; invited THE chiefs to a friendly conference; and\n punished THE innocent and guilty by imprisonment, confiscation,\n and baptism. In an interval of peace, THE emperor undertook THE\n pious office of reconciling THEm to THE church and state: his\n winter quarters were fixed at Philippopolis; and THE thirteenth\n apostle, as he is styled by his pious daughter, consumed whole\n days and nights in THEological controversy. His arguments were\n fortified, THEir obstinacy was melted, by THE honors and rewards\n which he bestowed on THE most eminent proselytes; and a new city,\n surrounded with gardens, enriched with immunities, and dignified\n with his own name, was founded by Alexius for THE residence of\n his vulgar converts. The important station of Philippopolis was\n wrested from THEir hands; THE contumacious leaders were secured\n in a dungeon, or banished from THEir country; and THEir lives\n were spared by THE prudence, raTHEr than THE mercy, of an\n emperor, at whose command a poor and solitary heretic was burnt\n alive before THE church of St. Sophia. 25 But THE proud hope of\n eradicating THE prejudices of a nation was speedily overturned by\n THE invincible zeal of THE Paulicians, who ceased to dissemble or\n refused to obey. After THE departure and death of Alexius, THEy\n soon resumed THEir civil and religious laws. In THE beginning of\n THE thirteenth century, THEir pope or primate (a manifest\n corruption) resided on THE confines of Bulgaria, Croatia, and\n Dalmatia, and governed, by his vicars, THE filial congregations\n of Italy and France. 26 From that aera, a minute scrutiny might\n prolong and perpetuate THE chain of tradition. At THE end of THE\n last age, THE sect or colony still inhabited THE valleys of Mount\n Haemus, where THEir ignorance and poverty were more frequently\n tormented by THE Greek clergy than by THE Turkish government. The\n modern Paulicians have lost all memory of THEir origin; and THEir\n religion is disgraced by THE worship of THE cross, and THE\n practice of bloody sacrifice, which some captives have imported\n from THE wilds of Tartary. 27\n\n 21 (return) [ Copronymus transported his heretics; and thus says\n Cedrenus, (p. 463,) who has copied THE annals of Theophanes.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Petrus Siculus, who resided nine months at Tephrice\n (A.D. 870) for THE ransom of captives, (p. 764,) was informed of\n THEir intended mission, and addressed his preservative, THE\n Historia Manichaeorum to THE new archbishop of THE Bulgarians,\n (p. 754.)]\n\n 23 (return) [ The colony of Paulicians and Jacobites transplanted\n by John Zimisces (A.D. 970) from Armenia to Thrace, is mentioned\n by Zonaras (tom. ii. l. xvii. p. 209) and Anna Comnena, (Alexiad,\n l. xiv. p. 450, &c.)]\n\n 24 (return) [ The Alexiad of Anna Comnena (l. v. p. 131, l. vi.\n p. 154, 155, l. xiv. p. 450-457, with THE Annotations of Ducange)\n records THE transactions of her apostolic faTHEr with THE\n Manichaeans, whose abominable heresy she was desirous of\n refuting.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Basil, a monk, and THE author of THE Bogomiles, a\n sect of Gnostics, who soon vanished, (Anna Comnena, Alexiad, l.\n xv. p. 486-494 Mosheim, Hist. Ecclesiastica, p. 420.)]\n\n 26 (return) [ Matt. Paris, Hist. Major, p. 267. This passage of\n our English historian is alleged by Ducange in an excellent note\n on Villehardouin (No. 208,) who found THE Paulicians at\n Philippopolis THE friends of THE Bulgarians.]\n\n 27 (return) [ See Marsigli, Stato Militare dell’ Imperio\n Ottomano, p. 24.]\n\n In THE West, THE first teachers of THE Manichaean THEology had\n been repulsed by THE people, or suppressed by THE prince. The\n favor and success of THE Paulicians in THE eleventh and twelfth\n centuries must be imputed to THE strong, though secret,\n discontent which armed THE most pious Christians against THE\n church of Rome. Her avarice was oppressive, her despotism odious;\n less degenerate perhaps than THE Greeks in THE worship of saints\n and images, her innovations were more rapid and scandalous: she\n had rigorously defined and imposed THE doctrine of\n transubstantiation: THE lives of THE Latin clergy were more\n corrupt, and THE Eastern bishops might pass for THE successors of\n THE apostles, if THEy were compared with THE lordly prelates, who\n wielded by turns THE crosier, THE sceptre, and THE sword. Three\n different roads might introduce THE Paulicians into THE heart of\n Europe. After THE conversion of Hungary, THE pilgrims who visited\n Jerusalem might safely follow THE course of THE Danube: in THEir\n journey and return THEy passed through Philippopolis; and THE\n sectaries, disguising THEir name and heresy, might accompany THE\n French or German caravans to THEir respective countries. The\n trade and dominion of Venice pervaded THE coast of THE Adriatic,\n and THE hospitable republic opened her bosom to foreigners of\n every climate and religion. Under THE Byzantine standard, THE\n Paulicians were often transported to THE Greek provinces of Italy\n and Sicily: in peace and war, THEy freely conversed with\n strangers and natives, and THEir opinions were silently\n propagated in Rome, Milan, and THE kingdoms beyond THE Alps. 28\n It was soon discovered, that many thousand Catholics of every\n rank, and of eiTHEr sex, had embraced THE Manichaean heresy; and\n THE flames which consumed twelve canons of Orleans was THE first\n act and signal of persecution. The Bulgarians, 29 a name so\n innocent in its origin, so odious in its application, spread\n THEir branches over THE face of Europe. United in common hatred\n of idolatry and Rome, THEy were connected by a form of episcopal\n and presbyterian government; THEir various sects were\n discriminated by some fainter or darker shades of THEology; but\n THEy generally agreed in THE two principles, THE contempt of THE\n Old Testament and THE denial of THE body of Christ, eiTHEr on THE\n cross or in THE eucharist. A confession of simple worship and\n blameless manners is extorted from THEir enemies; and so high was\n THEir standard of perfection, that THE increasing congregations\n were divided into two classes of disciples, of those who\n practised, and of those who aspired. It was in THE country of THE\n Albigeois, 30 in THE souTHErn provinces of France, that THE\n Paulicians were most deeply implanted; and THE same vicissitudes\n of martyrdom and revenge which had been displayed in THE\n neighborhood of THE Euphrates, were repeated in THE thirteenth\n century on THE banks of THE Rhone. The laws of THE Eastern\n emperors were revived by Frederic THE Second. The insurgents of\n Tephrice were represented by THE barons and cities of Languedoc:\n Pope Innocent III. surpassed THE sanguinary fame of Theodora. It\n was in cruelty alone that her soldiers could equal THE heroes of\n THE Crusades, and THE cruelty of her priests was far excelled by\n THE founders of THE Inquisition; 31 an office more adapted to\n confirm, than to refute, THE belief of an evil principle. The\n visible assemblies of THE Paulicians, or Albigeois, were\n extirpated by fire and sword; and THE bleeding remnant escaped by\n flight, concealment, or Catholic conformity. But THE invincible\n spirit which THEy had kindled still lived and breaTHEd in THE\n Western world. In THE state, in THE church, and even in THE\n cloister, a latent succession was preserved of THE disciples of\n St. Paul; who protested against THE tyranny of Rome, embraced THE\n Bible as THE rule of faith, and purified THEir creed from all THE\n visions of THE Gnostic THEology. 3111 The struggles of Wickliff\n in England, of Huss in Bohemia, were premature and ineffectual;\n but THE names of Zuinglius, LuTHEr, and Calvin, are pronounced\n with gratitude as THE deliverers of nations.\n\n 28 (return) [ The introduction of THE Paulicians into Italy and\n France is amply discussed by Muratori (Antiquitat. Italiae Medii\n Aevi, tom. v. dissert. lx. p. 81-152) and Mosheim, (p. 379-382,\n 419-422.) Yet both have overlooked a curious passage of William\n THE Apulian, who clearly describes THEm in a battle between THE\n Greeks and Normans, A.D. 1040, (in Muratori, Script. Rerum Ital.\n tom. v. p. 256:)\n\n Cum Graecis aderant quidam, quos pessimus error\n Fecerat amentes, et ab ipso nomen habebant.\n\n But he is so ignorant of THEir doctrine as to make THEm a kind of\n Sabellians or Patripassians.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Bulgari, Boulgres, Bougres, a national appellation,\n has been applied by THE French as a term of reproach to usurers\n and unnatural sinners. The Paterini, or Patelini, has been made\n to signify a smooth and flattering hypocrite, such as l’Avocat\n Patelin of that original and pleasant farce, (Ducange, Gloss.\n Latinitat. Medii et Infimi Aevi.) The Manichaeans were likewise\n named Cathari or THE pure, by corruption. Gazari, &c.]\n\n 30 (return) [ Of THE laws, crusade, and persecution against THE\n Albigeois, a just, though general, idea is expressed by Mosheim,\n (p. 477-481.) The detail may be found in THE ecclesiastical\n historians, ancient and modern, Catholics and Protestants; and\n amongst THEse Fleury is THE most impartial and moderate.]\n\n 31 (return) [ The Acts (Liber Sententiarum) of THE Inquisition of\n Tholouse (A.D. 1307-1323) have been published by Limborch,\n (Amstelodami, 1692,) with a previous History of THE Inquisition\n in general. They deserved a more learned and critical editor. As\n we must not calumniate even Satan, or THE Holy Office, I will\n observe, that of a list of criminals which fills nineteen folio\n pages, only fifteen men and four women were delivered to THE\n secular arm.]\n\n 3111 (return) [ The popularity of “Milner’s History of THE\n Church” with some readers, may make it proper to observe, that\n his attempt to exculpate THE Paulicians from THE charge of\n Gnosticism or Manicheism is in direct defiance, if not in\n ignorance, of all THE original authorities. Gibbon himself, it\n appears, was not acquainted with THE work of Photius, “Contra\n Manicheos Repullulantes,” THE first book of which was edited by\n Montfaucon, BiblioTHEca Coisliniana, pars ii. p. 349, 375, THE\n whole by Wolf, in his Anecdota Graeca. Hamburg 1722. Compare a\n very sensible tract. Letter to Rev. S. R. Maitland, by J G.\n Dowling, M. A. London, 1835.—M.]\n\n A philosopher, who calculates THE degree of THEir merit and THE\n value of THEir reformation, will prudently ask from what articles\n of faith, above or against our reason, THEy have enfranchised THE\n Christians; for such enfranchisement is doubtless a benefit so\n far as it may be compatible with truth and piety. After a fair\n discussion, we shall raTHEr be surprised by THE timidity, than\n scandalized by THE freedom, of our first reformers. 32 With THE\n Jews, THEy adopted THE belief and defence of all THE Hebrew\n Scriptures, with all THEir prodigies, from THE garden of Eden to\n THE visions of THE prophet Daniel; and THEy were bound, like THE\n Catholics, to justify against THE Jews THE abolition of a divine\n law. In THE great mysteries of THE Trinity and Incarnation THE\n reformers were severely orthodox: THEy freely adopted THE\n THEology of THE four, or THE six first councils; and with THE\n Athanasian creed, THEy pronounced THE eternal damnation of all\n who did not believe THE Catholic faith. Transubstantiation, THE\n invisible change of THE bread and wine into THE body and blood of\n Christ, is a tenet that may defy THE power of argument and\n pleasantry; but instead of consulting THE evidence of THEir\n senses, of THEir sight, THEir feeling, and THEir taste, THE first\n Protestants were entangled in THEir own scruples, and awed by THE\n words of Jesus in THE institution of THE sacrament. LuTHEr\n maintained a corporeal, and Calvin a real, presence of Christ in\n THE eucharist; and THE opinion of Zuinglius, that it is no more\n than a spiritual communion, a simple memorial, has slowly\n prevailed in THE reformed churches. 33 But THE loss of one\n mystery was amply compensated by THE stupendous doctrines of\n original sin, redemption, faith, grace, and predestination, which\n have been strained from THE epistles of St. Paul. These subtile\n questions had most assuredly been prepared by THE faTHErs and\n schoolmen; but THE final improvement and popular use may be\n attributed to THE first reformers, who enforced THEm as THE\n absolute and essential terms of salvation. HiTHErto THE weight of\n supernatural belief inclines against THE Protestants; and many a\n sober Christian would raTHEr admit that a wafer is God, than that\n God is a cruel and capricious tyrant.\n\n 32 (return) [ The opinions and proceedings of THE reformers are\n exposed in THE second part of THE general history of Mosheim; but\n THE balance, which he has held with so clear an eye, and so\n steady a hand, begins to incline in favor of his LuTHEran\n brethren.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Under Edward VI. our reformation was more bold and\n perfect, but in THE fundamental articles of THE church of\n England, a strong and explicit declaration against THE real\n presence was obliterated in THE original copy, to please THE\n people or THE LuTHErans, or Queen Elizabeth, (Burnet’s History of\n THE Reformation, vol. ii. p. 82, 128, 302.)]\n\n Yet THE services of LuTHEr and his rivals are solid and\n important; and THE philosopher must own his obligations to THEse\n fearless enthusiasts. 34 I. By THEir hands THE lofty fabric of\n superstition, from THE abuse of indulgences to THE intercesson of\n THE Virgin, has been levelled with THE ground. Myriads of both\n sexes of THE monastic profession were restored to THE liberty and\n labors of social life. A hierarchy of saints and angels, of\n imperfect and subordinate deities, were stripped of THEir\n temporal power, and reduced to THE enjoyment of celestial\n happiness; THEir images and relics were banished from THE church;\n and THE credulity of THE people was no longer nourished with THE\n daily repetition of miracles and visions. The imitation of\n Paganism was supplied by a pure and spiritual worship of prayer\n and thanksgiving, THE most worthy of man, THE least unworthy of\n THE Deity. It only remains to observe, wheTHEr such sublime\n simplicity be consistent with popular devotion; wheTHEr THE\n vulgar, in THE absence of all visible objects, will not be\n inflamed by enthusiasm, or insensibly subside in languor and\n indifference. II. The chain of authority was broken, which\n restrains THE bigot from thinking as he pleases, and THE slave\n from speaking as he thinks: THE popes, faTHErs, and councils,\n were no longer THE supreme and infallible judges of THE world;\n and each Christian was taught to acknowledge no law but THE\n Scriptures, no interpreter but his own conscience. This freedom,\n however, was THE consequence, raTHEr than THE design, of THE\n Reformation. The patriot reformers were ambitious of succeeding\n THE tyrants whom THEy had dethroned. They imposed with equal\n rigor THEir creeds and confessions; THEy asserted THE right of\n THE magistrate to punish heretics with death. The pious or\n personal animosity of Calvin proscribed in Servetus 35 THE guilt\n of his own rebellion; 36 and THE flames of Smithfield, in which\n he was afterwards consumed, had been kindled for THE Anabaptists\n by THE zeal of Cranmer. 37 The nature of THE tiger wa s THE same,\n but he was gradually deprived of his teeth and fangs. A spiritual\n and temporal kingdom was possessed by THE Roman pontiff; THE\n Protestant doctors were subjects of an humble rank, without\n revenue or jurisdiction. His decrees were consecrated by THE\n antiquity of THE Catholic church: THEir arguments and disputes\n were submitted to THE people; and THEir appeal to private\n judgment was accepted beyond THEir wishes, by curiosity and\n enthusiasm. Since THE days of LuTHEr and Calvin, a secret\n reformation has been silently working in THE bosom of THE\n reformed churches; many weeds of prejudice were eradicated; and\n THE disciples of Erasmus 38 diffused a spirit of freedom and\n moderation. The liberty of conscience has been claimed as a\n common benefit, an inalienable right: 39 THE free governments of\n Holland 40 and England 41 introduced THE practice of toleration;\n and THE narrow allowance of THE laws has been enlarged by THE\n prudence and humanity of THE times. In THE exercise, THE mind has\n understood THE limits of its powers, and THE words and shadows\n that might amuse THE child can no longer satisfy his manly\n reason. The volumes of controversy are overspread with cobwebs:\n THE doctrine of a Protestant church is far removed from THE\n knowledge or belief of its private members; and THE forms of\n orthodoxy, THE articles of faith, are subscribed with a sigh, or\n a smile, by THE modern clergy. Yet THE friends of Christianity\n are alarmed at THE boundless impulse of inquiry and scepticism.\n The predictions of THE Catholics are accomplished: THE web of\n mystery is unravelled by THE Arminians, Arians, and Socinians,\n whose number must not be computed from THEir separate\n congregations; and THE pillars of Revelation are shaken by those\n men who preserve THE name without THE substance of religion, who\n indulge THE license without THE temper of philosophy. 42 4211\n\n 34 (return) [ “Had it not been for such men as LuTHEr and\n myself,” said THE fanatic Whiston to Halley THE philosopher, “you\n would now be kneeling before an image of St. Winifred.”]\n\n 35 (return) [ The article of Servet in THE Dictionnaire Critique\n of Chauffepie is THE best account which I have seen of this\n shameful transaction. See likewise THE Abbe d’Artigny, Nouveaux\n Memoires d’Histoire, &c., tom. ii. p. 55-154.]\n\n 36 (return) [ I am more deeply scandalized at THE single\n execution of Servetus, than at THE hecatombs which have blazed in\n THE Auto de Fes of Spain and Portugal. 1. The zeal of Calvin\n seems to have been envenomed by personal malice, and perhaps\n envy. He accused his adversary before THEir common enemies, THE\n judges of Vienna, and betrayed, for his destruction, THE sacred\n trust of a private correspondence. 2. The deed of cruelty was not\n varnished by THE pretence of danger to THE church or state. In\n his passage through Geneva, Servetus was a harmless stranger, who\n neiTHEr preached, nor printed, nor made proselytes. 3. A Catholic\n inquisition yields THE same obedience which he requires, but\n Calvin violated THE golden rule of doing as he would be done by;\n a rule which I read in a moral treatise of Isocrates (in Nicocle,\n tom. i. p. 93, edit. Battie) four hundred years before THE\n publication of THE Gospel. * Note: Gibbon has not accurately\n rendered THE sense of this passage, which does not contain THE\n maxim of charity Do unto oTHErs as you would THEy should do unto\n you, but simply THE maxim of justice, Do not to oTHErs THE which\n would offend you if THEy should do it to you.—G.]\n\n 37 (return) [ See Burnet, vol. ii. p. 84-86. The sense and\n humanity of THE young king were oppressed by THE authority of THE\n primate.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Erasmus may be considered as THE faTHEr of rational\n THEology. After a slumber of a hundred years, it was revived by\n THE Arminians of Holland, Grotius, Limborch, and Le Clerc; in\n England by Chillingworth, THE latitudinarians of Cambridge,\n (Burnet, Hist. of Own Times, vol. i. p. 261-268, octavo edition.)\n Tillotson, Clarke, Hoadley, &c.]\n\n 39 (return) [ I am sorry to observe, that THE three writers of\n THE last age, by whom THE rights of toleration have been so nobly\n defended, Bayle, Leibnitz, and Locke, are all laymen and\n philosophers.]\n\n 40 (return) [ See THE excellent chapter of Sir William Temple on\n THE Religion of THE United Provinces. I am not satisfied with\n Grotius, (de Rebus Belgicis, Annal. l. i. p. 13, 14, edit. in\n 12mo.,) who approves THE Imperial laws of persecution, and only\n condemns THE bloody tribunal of THE inquisition.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Sir William Blackstone (Commentaries, vol. iv. p.\n 53, 54) explains THE law of England as it was fixed at THE\n Revolution. The exceptions of Papists, and of those who deny THE\n Trinity, would still have a tolerable scope for persecution if\n THE national spirit were not more effectual than a hundred\n statutes.]\n\n 42 (return) [ I shall recommend to public animadversion two\n passages in Dr. Priestley, which betray THE ultimate tendency of\n his opinions. At THE first of THEse (Hist. of THE Corruptions of\n Christianity, vol. i. p. 275, 276) THE priest, at THE second\n (vol. ii. p. 484) THE magistrate, may tremble!]\n\n 4211 (return) [ There is something ludicrous, if it were not\n offensive, in Gibbon holding up to “public animadversion” THE\n opinions of any believer in Christianity, however imperfect his\n creed. The observations which THE whole of this passage on THE\n effects of THE reformation, in which much truth and justice is\n mingled with much prejudice, would suggest, could not possibly be\n compressed into a note; and would indeed embrace THE whole\n religious and irreligious history of THE time which has elapsed\n since Gibbon wrote.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LV: The Bulgarians, The Hungarians And The Russians.—Part\n I.\n\n The Bulgarians.—Origin, Migrations, And Settlement Of The\n Hungarians.—Their Inroads In The East And West.—The Monarchy Of\n Russia.—Geography And Trade.—Wars Of The Russians Against The\n Greek Empire.—Conversion Of The Barbarians.\n\n Under THE reign of Constantine THE grandson of Heraclius, THE\n ancient barrier of THE Danube, so often violated and so often\n restored, was irretrievably swept away by a new deluge of\n Barbarians. Their progress was favored by THE caliphs, THEir\n unknown and accidental auxiliaries: THE Roman legions were\n occupied in Asia; and after THE loss of Syria, Egypt, and Africa,\n THE Caesars were twice reduced to THE danger and disgrace of\n defending THEir capital against THE Saracens. If, in THE account\n of this interesting people, I have deviated from THE strict and\n original line of my undertaking, THE merit of THE subject will\n hide my transgression, or solicit my excuse. In THE East, in THE\n West, in war, in religion, in science, in THEir prosperity, and\n in THEir decay, THE Arabians press THEmselves on our curiosity:\n THE first overthrow of THE church and empire of THE Greeks may be\n imputed to THEir arms; and THE disciples of Mahomet still hold\n THE civil and religious sceptre of THE Oriental world. But THE\n same labor would be unworthily bestowed on THE swarms of savages,\n who, between THE seventh and THE twelfth century, descended from\n THE plains of Scythia, in transient inroad or perpetual\n emigration. 1 Their names are uncouth, THEir origins doubtful,\n THEir actions obscure, THEir superstition was blind, THEir valor\n brutal, and THE uniformity of THEir public and private lives was\n neiTHEr softened by innocence nor refined by policy. The majesty\n of THE Byzantine throne repelled and survived THEir disorderly\n attacks; THE greater part of THEse Barbarians has disappeared\n without leaving any memorial of THEir existence, and THE\n despicable remnant continues, and may long continue, to groan\n under THE dominion of a foreign tyrant. From THE antiquities of,\n I. Bulgarians, II. Hungarians, and, III. Russians, I shall\n content myself with selecting such facts as yet deserve to be\n remembered. The conquests of THE, IV. Normans, and THE monarchy\n of THE, V. Turks, will naturally terminate in THE memorable\n Crusades to THE Holy Land, and THE double fall of THE city and\n empire of Constantine.\n\n 1 (return) [ All THE passages of THE Byzantine history which\n relate to THE Barbarians are compiled, methodized, and\n transcribed, in a Latin version, by THE laborious John GotTHElf\n Stritter, in his “Memoriae Populorum, ad Danubium, Pontum\n Euxinum, Paludem Maeotidem, Caucasum, Mare Caspium, et inde Magis\n ad Septemtriones incolentium.” Petropoli, 1771-1779; in four\n tomes, or six volumes, in 4to. But THE fashion has not enhanced\n THE price of THEse raw materials.]\n\n I. In his march to Italy, Theodoric 2 THE Ostrogoth had trampled\n on THE arms of THE Bulgarians. After this defeat, THE name and\n THE nation are lost during a century and a half; and it may be\n suspected that THE same or a similar appellation was revived by\n strange colonies from THE BorysTHEnes, THE Tanais, or THE Volga.\n A king of THE ancient Bulgaria, 3 bequeaTHEd to his five sons a\n last lesson of moderation and concord. It was received as youth\n has ever received THE counsels of age and experience: THE five\n princes buried THEir faTHEr; divided his subjects and cattle;\n forgot his advice; separated from each oTHEr; and wandered in\n quest of fortune till we find THE most adventurous in THE heart\n of Italy, under THE protection of THE exarch of Ravenna. 4 But\n THE stream of emigration was directed or impelled towards THE\n capital. The modern Bulgaria, along THE souTHErn banks of THE\n Danube, was stamped with THE name and image which it has retained\n to THE present hour: THE new conquerors successively acquired, by\n war or treaty, THE Roman provinces of Dardania, Thessaly, and THE\n two Epirus; 5 THE ecclesiastical supremacy was translated from\n THE native city of Justinian; and, in THEir prosperous age, THE\n obscure town of Lychnidus, or Achrida, was honored with THE\n throne of a king and a patriarch. 6 The unquestionable evidence\n of language attests THE descent of THE Bulgarians from THE\n original stock of THE Sclavonian, or more properly Slavonian,\n race; 7 and THE kindred bands of Servians, Bosnians, Rascians,\n Croatians, Walachians, 8 &c., followed eiTHEr THE standard or THE\n example of THE leading tribe. From THE Euxine to THE Adriatic, in\n THE state of captives, or subjects, or allies, or enemies, of THE\n Greek empire, THEy overspread THE land; and THE national\n appellation of THE slaves 9 has been degraded by chance or malice\n from THE signification of glory to that of servitude. 10 Among\n THEse colonies, THE Chrobatians, 11 or Croats, who now attend THE\n motions of an Austrian army, are THE descendants of a mighty\n people, THE conquerors and sovereigns of Dalmatia. The maritime\n cities, and of THEse THE infant republic of Ragusa, implored THE\n aid and instructions of THE Byzantine court: THEy were advised by\n THE magnanimous Basil to reserve a small acknowledgment of THEir\n fidelity to THE Roman empire, and to appease, by an annual\n tribute, THE wrath of THEse irresistible Barbarians. The kingdom\n of Crotia was shared by eleven Zoupans, or feudatory lords; and\n THEir united forces were numbered at sixty thousand horse and one\n hundred thousand foot. A long sea-coast, indented with capacious\n harbors, covered with a string of islands, and almost in sight of\n THE Italian shores, disposed both THE natives and strangers to\n THE practice of navigation. The boats or brigantines of THE\n Croats were constructed after THE fashion of THE old Liburnians:\n one hundred and eighty vessels may excite THE idea of a\n respectable navy; but our seamen will smile at THE allowance of\n ten, or twenty, or forty, men for each of THEse ships of war.\n They were gradually converted to THE more honorable service of\n commerce; yet THE Sclavonian pirates were still frequent and\n dangerous; and it was not before THE close of THE tenth century\n that THE freedom and sovereignty of THE Gulf were effectually\n vindicated by THE Venetian republic. 12 The ancestors of THEse\n Dalmatian kings were equally removed from THE use and abuse of\n navigation: THEy dwelt in THE White Croatia, in THE inland\n regions of Silesia and Little Poland, thirty days’ journey,\n according to THE Greek computation, from THE sea of darkness.\n\n 2 (return) [ Hist. vol. iv. p. 11.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Theophanes, p. 296-299. Anastasius, p. 113.\n Nicephorus, C. P. p. 22, 23. Theophanes places THE old Bulgaria\n on THE banks of THE Atell or Volga; but he deprives himself of\n all geographical credit by discharging that river into THE Euxine\n Sea.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Paul. Diacon. de Gestis Langobard. l. v. c. 29, p.\n 881, 882. The apparent difference between THE Lombard historian\n and THE above-mentioned Greeks, is easily reconciled by Camillo\n Pellegrino (de Ducatu Beneventano, dissert. vii. in THE\n Scriptores Rerum Ital. (tom. v. p. 186, 187) and Beretti,\n (Chorograph. Italiae Medii Aevi, p. 273, &c. This Bulgarian\n colony was planted in a vacant district of Samnium, and learned\n THE Latin, without forgetting THEir native language.]\n\n 5 (return) [ These provinces of THE Greek idiom and empire are\n assigned to THE Bulgarian kingdom in THE dispute of\n ecclesiastical jurisdiction between THE patriarchs of Rome and\n Constantinople, (Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 869, No. 75.)]\n\n 6 (return) [ The situation and royalty of Lychnidus, or Achrida,\n are clearly expressed in Cedrenus, (p. 713.) The removal of an\n archbishop or patriarch from Justinianea prima to Lychnidus, and\n at length to Ternovo, has produced some perplexity in THE ideas\n or language of THE Greeks, (Nicephorus Gregoras, l. ii. c. 2, p.\n 14, 15. Thomassin, Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. i. l. i. c. 19,\n 23;) and a Frenchman (D’Anville) is more accurately skilled in\n THE geography of THEir own country, (Hist. de l’Academie des\n Inscriptions, tom. xxxi.)]\n\n 7 (return) [ Chalcocondyles, a competent judge, affirms THE\n identity of THE language of THE Dalmatians, Bosnians, Servians,\n Bulgarians, Poles, (de Rebus Turcicis, l. x. p. 283,) and\n elsewhere of THE Bohemians, (l. ii. p. 38.) The same author has\n marked THE separate idiom of THE Hungarians. * Note: The\n Slavonian languages are no doubt Indo-European, though an\n original branch of that great family, comprehending THE various\n dialects named by Gibbon and oTHErs. Shafarik, t. 33.—M. 1845.]\n\n 8 (return) [ See THE work of John Christopher de Jordan, de\n Originibus Sclavicis, Vindobonae, 1745, in four parts, or two\n volumes in folio. His collections and researches are useful to\n elucidate THE antiquities of Bohemia and THE adjacent countries;\n but his plan is narrow, his style barbarous, his criticism\n shallow, and THE Aulic counsellor is not free from THE prejudices\n of a Bohemian. * Note: We have at length a profound and\n satisfactory work on THE Slavonian races. Shafarik, Slawische\n Alterthumer. B. 2, Leipzig, 1843.—M. 1845.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Jordan subscribes to THE well-known and probable\n derivation from Slava, laus, gloria, a word of familiar use in\n THE different dialects and parts of speech, and which forms THE\n termination of THE most illustrious names, (de Originibus\n Sclavicis, pars. i. p. 40, pars. iv. p. 101, 102)]\n\n 10 (return) [ This conversion of a national into an appellative\n name appears to have arisen in THE viiith century, in THE\n Oriental France, where THE princes and bishops were rich in\n Sclavonian captives, not of THE Bohemian, (exclaims Jordan,) but\n of Sorabian race. From THEnce THE word was extended to THE\n general use, to THE modern languages, and even to THE style of\n THE last Byzantines, (see THE Greek and Latin Glossaries and\n Ducange.) The confusion of THE Servians with THE Latin Servi, was\n still more fortunate and familiar, (Constant. Porphyr. de\n Administrando, Imperio, c. 32, p. 99.)]\n\n 11 (return) [ The emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, most\n accurate for his own times, most fabulous for preceding ages,\n describes THE Sclavonians of Dalmatia, (c. 29-36.)]\n\n 12 (return) [ See THE anonymous Chronicle of THE xith century,\n ascribed to John Sagorninus, (p. 94-102,) and that composed in\n THE xivth by THE Doge Andrew Dandolo, (Script. Rerum. Ital. tom.\n xii. p. 227-230,) THE two oldest monuments of THE history of\n Venice.]\n\n The glory of THE Bulgarians 13 was confined to a narrow scope\n both of time and place. In THE ninth and tenth centuries, THEy\n reigned to THE south of THE Danube; but THE more powerful nations\n that had followed THEir emigration repelled all return to THE\n north and all progress to THE west. Yet in THE obscure catalogue\n of THEir exploits, THEy might boast an honor which had hiTHErto\n been appropriated to THE Goths: that of slaying in battle one of\n THE successors of Augustus and Constantine. The emperor\n Nicephorus had lost his fame in THE Arabian, he lost his life in\n THE Sclavonian, war. In his first operations he advanced with\n boldness and success into THE centre of Bulgaria, and burnt THE\n royal court, which was probably no more than an edifice and\n village of timber. But while he searched THE spoil and refused\n all offers of treaty, his enemies collected THEir spirits and\n THEir forces: THE passes of retreat were insuperably barred; and\n THE trembling Nicephorus was heard to exclaim, “Alas, alas!\n unless we could assume THE wings of birds, we cannot hope to\n escape.” Two days he waited his fate in THE inactivity of\n despair; but, on THE morning of THE third, THE Bulgarians\n surprised THE camp, and THE Roman prince, with THE great officers\n of THE empire, were slaughtered in THEir tents. The body of\n Valens had been saved from insult; but THE head of Nicephorus was\n exposed on a spear, and his skull, enchased with gold, was often\n replenished in THE feasts of victory. The Greeks bewailed THE\n dishonor of THE throne; but THEy acknowledged THE just punishment\n of avarice and cruelty. This savage cup was deeply tinctured with\n THE manners of THE Scythian wilderness; but THEy were softened\n before THE end of THE same century by a peaceful intercourse with\n THE Greeks, THE possession of a cultivated region, and THE\n introduction of THE Christian worship. The nobles of Bulgaria\n were educated in THE schools and palace of Constantinople; and\n Simeon, 14 a youth of THE royal line, was instructed in THE\n rhetoric of DemosTHEnes and THE logic of Aristotle. He\n relinquished THE profession of a monk for that of a king and\n warrior; and in his reign of more than forty years, Bulgaria\n assumed a rank among THE civilized powers of THE earth. The\n Greeks, whom he repeatedly attacked, derived a faint consolation\n from indulging THEmselves in THE reproaches of perfidy and\n sacrilege. They purchased THE aid of THE Pagan Turks; but Simeon,\n in a second battle, redeemed THE loss of THE first, at a time\n when it was esteemed a victory to elude THE arms of that\n formidable nation. The Servians were overthrown, made captive and\n dispersed; and those who visited THE country before THEir\n restoration could discover no more than fifty vagrants, without\n women or children, who extorted a precarious subsistence from THE\n chase. On classic ground, on THE banks of Achelous, THE greeks\n were defeated; THEir horn was broken by THE strength of THE\n Barbaric Hercules. 15 He formed THE siege of Constantinople; and,\n in a personal conference with THE emperor, Simeon imposed THE\n conditions of peace. They met with THE most jealous precautions:\n THE royal gallery was drawn close to an artificial and\n well-fortified platform; and THE majesty of THE purple was\n emulated by THE pomp of THE Bulgarian. “Are you a Christian?”\n said THE humble Romanus: “it is your duty to abstain from THE\n blood of your fellow-Christians. Has THE thirst of riches seduced\n you from THE blessings of peace? SheaTHE your sword, open your\n hand, and I will satiate THE utmost measure of your desires.” The\n reconciliation was sealed by a domestic alliance; THE freedom of\n trade was granted or restored; THE first honors of THE court were\n secured to THE friends of Bulgaria, above THE ambassadors of\n enemies or strangers; 16 and her princes were dignified with THE\n high and invidious title of Basileus, or emperor. But this\n friendship was soon disturbed: after THE death of Simeon, THE\n nations were again in arms; his feeble successors were divided\n and extinguished; and, in THE beginning of THE eleventh century,\n THE second Basil, who was born in THE purple, deserved THE\n appellation of conqueror of THE Bulgarians. His avarice was in\n some measure gratified by a treasure of four hundred thousand\n pounds sterling, (ten thousand pounds’ weight of gold,) which he\n found in THE palace of Lychnidus. His cruelty inflicted a cool\n and exquisite vengeance on fifteen thousand captives who had been\n guilty of THE defence of THEir country. They were deprived of\n sight; but to one of each hundred a single eye was left, that he\n might conduct his blind century to THE presence of THEir king.\n Their king is said to have expired of grief and horror; THE\n nation was awed by this terrible example; THE Bulgarians were\n swept away from THEir settlements, and circumscribed within a\n narrow province; THE surviving chiefs bequeaTHEd to THEir\n children THE advice of patience and THE duty of revenge.\n\n 13 (return) [ The first kingdom of THE Bulgarians may be found,\n under THE proper dates, in THE Annals of Cedrenus and Zonaras.\n The Byzantine materials are collected by Stritter, (Memoriae\n Populorum, tom. ii. pars ii. p. 441-647;) and THE series of THEir\n kings is disposed and settled by Ducange, (Fam. Byzant. p.\n 305-318.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Simeonem semi-Graecum esse aiebant, eo quod a\n pueritia Byzantii DemosTHEnis rhetoricam et Aristotelis\n syllogismos didicerat, (Liutprand, l. iii. c. 8.) He says in\n anoTHEr place, Simeon, fortis bella tor, Bulgariae praeerat;\n Christianus, sed vicinis Graecis valde inimicus, (l. i. c. 2.)]\n\n 15 (return) [—Rigidum fera dextera cornu Dum tenet, infregit,\n truncaque a fronte revellit. Ovid (Metamorph. ix. 1-100) has\n boldly painted THE combat of THE river god and THE hero; THE\n native and THE stranger.]\n\n 16 (return) [ The ambassador of Otho was provoked by THE Greek\n excuses, cum Christophori filiam Petrus Bulgarorum Vasileus\n conjugem duceret, Symphona, id est consonantia scripto juramento\n firmata sunt, ut omnium gentium Apostolis, id est nunciis, penes\n nos Bulgarorum Apostoli praeponantur, honorentur, diligantur,\n (Liutprand in Legatione, p. 482.) See THE Ceremoniale of\n Constantine Porphyrogenitus, tom. i. p. 82, tom. ii. p. 429, 430,\n 434, 435, 443, 444, 446, 447, with THE annotations of Reiske.]\n\n II. When THE black swarm of Hungarians first hung over Europe,\n above nine hundred years after THE Christian aera, THEy were\n mistaken by fear and superstition for THE Gog and Magog of THE\n Scriptures, THE signs and forerunners of THE end of THE world. 17\n Since THE introduction of letters, THEy have explored THEir own\n antiquities with a strong and laudable impulse of patriotic\n curiosity. 18 Their rational criticism can no longer be amused\n with a vain pedigree of Attila and THE Huns; but THEy complain\n that THEir primitive records have perished in THE Tartar war;\n that THE truth or fiction of THEir rustic songs is long since\n forgotten; and that THE fragments of a rude chronicle 19 must be\n painfully reconciled with THE contemporary though foreign\n intelligence of THE imperial geographer. 20 Magiar is THE\n national and oriental denomination of THE Hungarians; but, among\n THE tribes of Scythia, THEy are distinguished by THE Greeks under\n THE proper and peculiar name of Turks, as THE descendants of that\n mighty people who had conquered and reigned from China to THE\n Volga. The Pannonian colony preserved a correspondence of trade\n and amity with THE eastern Turks on THE confines of Persia and\n after a separation of three hundred and fifty years, THE\n missionaries of THE king of Hungary discovered and visited THEir\n ancient country near THE banks of THE Volga. They were hospitably\n entertained by a people of Pagans and Savages who still bore THE\n name of Hungarians; conversed in THEir native tongue, recollected\n a tradition of THEir long-lost brethren, and listened with\n amazement to THE marvellous tale of THEir new kingdom and\n religion. The zeal of conversion was animated by THE interest of\n consanguinity; and one of THE greatest of THEir princes had\n formed THE generous, though fruitless, design of replenishing THE\n solitude of Pannonia by this domestic colony from THE heart of\n Tartary. 21 From this primitive country THEy were driven to THE\n West by THE tide of war and emigration, by THE weight of THE more\n distant tribes, who at THE same time were fugitives and\n conquerors. 2111 Reason or fortune directed THEir course towards\n THE frontiers of THE Roman empire: THEy halted in THE usual\n stations along THE banks of THE great rivers; and in THE\n territories of Moscow, Kiow, and Moldavia, some vestiges have\n been discovered of THEir temporary residence. In this long and\n various peregrination, THEy could not always escape THE dominion\n of THE stronger; and THE purity of THEir blood was improved or\n sullied by THE mixture of a foreign race: from a motive of\n compulsion, or choice, several tribes of THE Chazars were\n associated to THE standard of THEir ancient vassals; introduced\n THE use of a second language; and obtained by THEir superior\n renown THE most honorable place in THE front of battle. The\n military force of THE Turks and THEir allies marched in seven\n equal and artificial divisions; each division was formed of\n thirty thousand eight hundred and fifty-seven warriors, and THE\n proportion of women, children, and servants, supposes and\n requires at least a million of emigrants. Their public counsels\n were directed by seven vayvods, or hereditary chiefs; but THE\n experience of discord and weakness recommended THE more simple\n and vigorous administration of a single person. The sceptre,\n which had been declined by THE modest Lebedias, was granted to\n THE birth or merit of Almus and his son Arpad, and THE authority\n of THE supreme khan of THE Chazars confirmed THE engagement of\n THE prince and people; of THE people to obey his commands, of THE\n prince to consult THEir happiness and glory.\n\n 17 (return) [ A bishop of Wurtzburgh submitted his opinion to a\n reverend abbot; but he more gravely decided, that Gog and Magog\n were THE spiritual persecutors of THE church; since Gog signifies\n THE root, THE pride of THE Heresiarchs, and Magog what comes from\n THE root, THE propagation of THEir sects. Yet THEse men once\n commanded THE respect of mankind, (Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. xi.\n p. 594, &c.)]\n\n 18 (return) [ The two national authors, from whom I have derived\n THE mos assistance, are George Pray (Dissertationes and Annales\n veterum Hun garorum, &c., Vindobonae, 1775, in folio) and Stephen\n Katona, (Hist. Critica Ducum et Regum Hungariae Stirpis\n Arpadianae, Paestini, 1778-1781, 5 vols. in octavo.) The first\n embraces a large and often conjectural space; THE latter, by his\n learning, judgment, and perspicuity, deserves THE name of a\n critical historian. * Note: Compare Engel Geschichte des\n Ungrischen Reichs und seiner Neben lander, Halle, 1797, and\n Mailath, Geschichte der Magyaren, Wien, 1828. In an appendix to\n THE latter work will be found a brief abstract of THE\n speculations (for it is difficult to consider THEm more) which\n have been advanced by THE learned, on THE origin of THE Magyar\n and Hungarian names. Compare vol. vi. p. 35, note.—M.]\n\n 19 (return) [ The author of this Chronicle is styled THE notary\n of King Bela. Katona has assigned him to THE xiith century, and\n defends his character against THE hypercriticism of Pray. This\n rude annalist must have transcribed some historical records,\n since he could affirm with dignity, rejectis falsis fabulis\n rusticorum, et garrulo cantu joculatorum. In THE xvth century,\n THEse fables were collected by Thurotzius, and embellished by THE\n Italian Bonfinius. See THE Preliminary Discourse in THE Hist.\n Critica Ducum, p. 7-33.]\n\n 20 (return) [ See Constantine de Administrando Imperio, c. 3, 4,\n 13, 38-42, Katona has nicely fixed THE composition of this work\n to THE years 949, 950, 951, (p. 4-7.) The critical historian (p.\n 34-107) endeavors to prove THE existence, and to relate THE\n actions, of a first duke Almus THE faTHEr of Arpad, who is\n tacitly rejected by Constantine.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Pray (Dissert. p. 37-39, &c.) produces and\n illustrates THE original passages of THE Hungarian missionaries,\n Bonfinius and Aeneas Sylvius.]\n\n 2111 (return) [ In THE deserts to THE south-east of Astrakhan\n have been found THE ruins of a city named Madchar, which proves\n THE residence of THE Hungarians or Magiar in those regions.\n Precis de la Geog. Univ. par Malte Brun, vol. i. p. 353.—G.——This\n is contested by Klaproth in his Travels, c. xxi. Madschar, (he\n states) in old Tartar, means “stone building.” This was a Tartar\n city mentioned by THE Mahometan writers.—M.]\n\n With this narrative we might be reasonably content, if THE\n penetration of modern learning had not opened a new and larger\n prospect of THE antiquities of nations. The Hungarian language\n stands alone, and as it were insulated, among THE Sclavonian\n dialects; but it bears a close and clear affinity to THE idioms\n of THE Fennic race, 22 of an obsolete and savage race, which\n formerly occupied THE norTHErn regions of Asia and Europe. 2211\n The genuine appellation of Ugri or Igours is found on THE western\n confines of China; 23 THEir migration to THE banks of THE Irtish\n is attested by Tartar evidence; 24 a similar name and language\n are detected in THE souTHErn parts of Siberia; 25 and THE remains\n of THE Fennic tribes are widely, though thinly scattered from THE\n sources of THE Oby to THE shores of Lapland. 26 The consanguinity\n of THE Hungarians and Laplanders would display THE powerful\n energy of climate on THE children of a common parent; THE lively\n contrast between THE bold adventurers who are intoxicated with\n THE wines of THE Danube, and THE wretched fugitives who are\n immersed beneath THE snows of THE polar circle.\n\n Arms and freedom have ever been THE ruling, though too often THE\n unsuccessful, passion of THE Hungarians, who are endowed by\n nature with a vigorous constitution of soul and body. 27 Extreme\n cold has diminished THE stature and congealed THE faculties of\n THE Laplanders; and THE arctic tribes, alone among THE sons of\n men, are ignorant of war, and unconscious of human blood; a happy\n ignorance, if reason and virtue were THE guardians of THEir\n peace! 28\n\n 22 (return) [ Fischer in THE Quaestiones Petropolitanae, de\n Origine Ungrorum, and Pray, Dissertat. i. ii. iii. &c., have\n drawn up several comparative tables of THE Hungarian with THE\n Fennic dialects. The affinity is indeed striking, but THE lists\n are short; THE words are purposely chosen; and I read in THE\n learned Bayer, (Comment. Academ. Petropol. tom. x. p. 374,) that\n although THE Hungarian has adopted many Fennic words, (innumeras\n voces,) it essentially differs toto genio et natura.]\n\n 2211 (return) [ The connection between THE Magyar language and\n that of THE Finns is now almost generally admitted. Klaproth,\n Asia Polyglotta, p. 188, &c. Malte Bran, tom. vi. p. 723, &c.—M.]\n\n 23 (return) [ In THE religion of Turfan, which is clearly and\n minutely described by THE Chinese Geographers, (Gaubil, Hist. du\n Grand Gengiscan, 13; De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. p. 31,\n &c.)]\n\n 24 (return) [ Hist. Genealogique des Tartars, par Abulghazi\n Bahadur Khan partie ii. p. 90-98.]\n\n 25 (return) [ In THEir journey to Pekin, both Isbrand Ives\n (Harris’s Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. ii. p. 920,\n 921) and Bell (Travels, vol. i p. 174) found THE Vogulitz in THE\n neighborhood of Tobolsky. By THE tortures of THE etymological\n art, Ugur and Vogul are reduced to THE same name; THE\n circumjacent mountains really bear THE appellation of Ugrian; and\n of all THE Fennic dialects, THE Vogulian is THE nearest to THE\n Hungarian, (Fischer, Dissert. i. p. 20-30. Pray. Dissert. ii. p.\n 31-34.)]\n\n 26 (return) [ The eight tribes of THE Fennic race are described\n in THE curious work of M. Leveque, (Hist. des Peuples soumis a la\n Domination de la Russie, tom. ii. p. 361-561.)]\n\n 27 (return) [ This picture of THE Hungarians and Bulgarians is\n chiefly drawn from THE Tactics of Leo, p. 796-801, and THE Latin\n Annals, which are alleged by Baronius, Pagi, and Muratori, A.D.\n 889, &c.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, tom. v. p. 6, in 12mo.\n Gustavus Adolphus attempted, without success, to form a regiment\n of Laplanders. Grotius says of THEse arctic tribes, arma arcus et\n pharetra, sed adversus feras, (Annal. l. iv. p. 236;) and\n attempts, after THE manner of Tacitus, to varnish with philosophy\n THEir brutal ignorance.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LV: The Bulgarians, The Hungarians And The Russians.—Part\n II.\n\n It is THE observation of THE Imperial author of THE Tactics, 29\n that all THE Scythian hordes resembled each oTHEr in THEir\n pastoral and military life, that THEy all practised THE same\n means of subsistence, and employed THE same instruments of\n destruction. But he adds, that THE two nations of Bulgarians and\n Hungarians were superior to THEir brethren, and similar to each\n oTHEr in THE improvements, however rude, of THEir discipline and\n government: THEir visible likeness determines Leo to confound his\n friends and enemies in one common description; and THE picture\n may be heightened by some strokes from THEir contemporaries of\n THE tenth century. Except THE merit and fame of military prowess,\n all that is valued by mankind appeared vile and contemptible to\n THEse Barbarians, whose native fierceness was stimulated by THE\n consciousness of numbers and freedom. The tents of THE Hungarians\n were of leaTHEr, THEir garments of fur; THEy shaved THEir hair,\n and scarified THEir faces: in speech THEy were slow, in action\n prompt, in treaty perfidious; and THEy shared THE common reproach\n of Barbarians, too ignorant to conceive THE importance of truth,\n too proud to deny or palliate THE breach of THEir most solemn\n engagements. Their simplicity has been praised; yet THEy\n abstained only from THE luxury THEy had never known; whatever\n THEy saw THEy coveted; THEir desires were insatiate, and THEir\n sole industry was THE hand of violence and rapine. By THE\n definition of a pastoral nation, I have recalled a long\n description of THE economy, THE warfare, and THE government that\n prevail in that state of society; I may add, that to fishing, as\n well as to THE chase, THE Hungarians were indebted for a part of\n THEir subsistence; and since THEy seldom cultivated THE ground,\n THEy must, at least in THEir new settlements, have sometimes\n practised a slight and unskilful husbandry. In THEir emigrations,\n perhaps in THEir expeditions, THE host was accompanied by\n thousands of sheep and oxen which increased THE cloud of\n formidable dust, and afforded a constant and wholesale supply of\n milk and animal food. A plentiful command of forage was THE first\n care of THE general, and if THE flocks and herds were secure of\n THEir pastures, THE hardy warrior was alike insensible of danger\n and fatigue. The confusion of men and cattle that overspread THE\n country exposed THEir camp to a nocturnal surprise, had not a\n still wider circuit been occupied by THEir light cavalry,\n perpetually in motion to discover and delay THE approach of THE\n enemy. After some experience of THE Roman tactics, THEy adopted\n THE use of THE sword and spear, THE helmet of THE soldier, and\n THE iron breastplate of his steed: but THEir native and deadly\n weapon was THE Tartar bow: from THE earliest infancy THEir\n children and servants were exercised in THE double science of\n archery and horsemanship; THEir arm was strong; THEir aim was\n sure; and in THE most rapid career, THEy were taught to throw\n THEmselves backwards, and to shoot a volley of arrows into THE\n air. In open combat, in secret ambush, in flight, or pursuit,\n THEy were equally formidable; an appearance of order was\n maintained in THE foremost ranks, but THEir charge was driven\n forwards by THE impatient pressure of succeeding crowds. They\n pursued, headlong and rash, with loosened reins and horrific\n outcries; but, if THEy fled, with real or dissembled fear, THE\n ardor of a pursuing foe was checked and chastised by THE same\n habits of irregular speed and sudden evolution. In THE abuse of\n victory, THEy astonished Europe, yet smarting from THE wounds of\n THE Saracen and THE Dane: mercy THEy rarely asked, and more\n rarely bestowed: both sexes if accused is equally inaccessible to\n pity, and THEir appetite for raw flesh might countenance THE\n popular tale, that THEy drank THE blood, and feasted on THE\n hearts of THE slain. Yet THE Hungarians were not devoid of those\n principles of justice and humanity, which nature has implanted in\n every bosom. The license of public and private injuries was\n restrained by laws and punishments; and in THE security of an\n open camp, THEft is THE most tempting and most dangerous offence.\n Among THE Barbarians THEre were many, whose spontaneous virtue\n supplied THEir laws and corrected THEir manners, who performed\n THE duties, and sympathized with THE affections, of social life.\n\n 29 (return) [ Leo has observed, that THE government of THE Turks\n was monarchical, and that THEir punishments were rigorous,\n (Tactic. p. 896) Rhegino (in Chron. A.D. 889) mentions THEft as a\n capital crime, and his jurisprudence is confirmed by THE original\n code of St. Stephen, (A.D. 1016.) If a slave were guilty, he was\n chastised, for THE first time, with THE loss of his nose, or a\n fine of five heifers; for THE second, with THE loss of his ears,\n or a similar fine; for THE third, with death; which THE freeman\n did not incur till THE fourth offence, as his first penalty was\n THE loss of liberty, (Katona, Hist. Regum Hungar tom. i. p. 231,\n 232.)]\n\n After a long pilgrimage of flight or victory, THE Turkish hordes\n approached THE common limits of THE French and Byzantine empires.\n Their first conquests and final settlements extended on eiTHEr\n side of THE Danube above Vienna, below Belgrade, and beyond THE\n measure of THE Roman province of Pannonia, or THE modern kingdom\n of Hungary. 30 That ample and fertile land was loosely occupied\n by THE Moravians, a Sclavonian name and tribe, which were driven\n by THE invaders into THE compass of a narrow province.\n Charlemagne had stretched a vague and nominal empire as far as\n THE edge of Transylvania; but, after THE failure of his\n legitimate line, THE dukes of Moravia forgot THEir obedience and\n tribute to THE monarchs of Oriental France. The bastard Arnulph\n was provoked to invite THE arms of THE Turks: THEy rushed through\n THE real or figurative wall, which his indiscretion had thrown\n open; and THE king of Germany has been justly reproached as a\n traitor to THE civil and ecclesiastical society of THE\n Christians. During THE life of Arnulph, THE Hungarians were\n checked by gratitude or fear; but in THE infancy of his son Lewis\n THEy discovered and invaded Bavaria; and such was THEir Scythian\n speed, that in a single day a circuit of fifty miles was stripped\n and consumed. In THE battle of Augsburgh THE Christians\n maintained THEir advantage till THE seventh hour of THE day, THEy\n were deceived and vanquished by THE flying stratagems of THE\n Turkish cavalry. The conflagration spread over THE provinces of\n Bavaria, Swabia, and Franconia; and THE Hungarians 31 promoted\n THE reign of anarchy, by forcing THE stoutest barons to\n discipline THEir vassals and fortify THEir castles. The origin of\n walled towns is ascribed to this calamitous period; nor could any\n distance be secure against an enemy, who, almost at THE same\n instant, laid in ashes THE Helvetian monastery of St. Gall, and\n THE city of Bremen, on THE shores of THE norTHErn ocean. Above\n thirty years THE Germanic empire, or kingdom, was subject to THE\n ignominy of tribute; and resistance was disarmed by THE menace,\n THE serious and effectual menace of dragging THE women and\n children into captivity, and of slaughtering THE males above THE\n age of ten years. I have neiTHEr power nor inclination to follow\n THE Hungarians beyond THE Rhine; but I must observe with\n surprise, that THE souTHErn provinces of France were blasted by\n THE tempest, and that Spain, behind her Pyrenees, was astonished\n at THE approach of THEse formidable strangers. 32 The vicinity of\n Italy had tempted THEir early inroads; but from THEir camp on THE\n Brenta, THEy beheld with some terror THE apparent strength and\n populousness of THE new discovered country. They requested leave\n to retire; THEir request was proudly rejected by THE Italian\n king; and THE lives of twenty thousand Christians paid THE\n forfeit of his obstinacy and rashness. Among THE cities of THE\n West, THE royal Pavia was conspicuous in fame and splendor; and\n THE preeminence of Rome itself was only derived from THE relics\n of THE apostles. The Hungarians appeared; Pavia was in flames;\n forty-three churches were consumed; and, after THE massacre of\n THE people, THEy spared about two hundred wretches who had\n gaTHEred some bushels of gold and silver (a vague exaggeration)\n from THE smoking ruins of THEir country. In THEse annual\n excursions from THE Alps to THE neighborhood of Rome and Capua,\n THE churches, that yet escaped, resounded with a fearful litany:\n “O, save and deliver us from THE arrows of THE Hungarians!” But\n THE saints were deaf or inexorable; and THE torrent rolled\n forwards, till it was stopped by THE extreme land of Calabria. 33\n A composition was offered and accepted for THE head of each\n Italian subject; and ten bushels of silver were poured forth in\n THE Turkish camp. But falsehood is THE natural antagonist of\n violence; and THE robbers were defrauded both in THE numbers of\n THE assessment and THE standard of THE metal. On THE side of THE\n East, THE Hungarians were opposed in doubtful conflict by THE\n equal arms of THE Bulgarians, whose faith forbade an alliance\n with THE Pagans, and whose situation formed THE barrier of THE\n Byzantine empire. The barrier was overturned; THE emperor of\n Constantinople beheld THE waving banners of THE Turks; and one of\n THEir boldest warriors presumed to strike a battle-axe into THE\n golden gate. The arts and treasures of THE Greeks diverted THE\n assault; but THE Hungarians might boast, in THEir retreat, that\n THEy had imposed a tribute on THE spirit of Bulgaria and THE\n majesty of THE Caesars. 34 The remote and rapid operations of THE\n same campaign appear to magnify THE power and numbers of THE\n Turks; but THEir courage is most deserving of praise, since a\n light troop of three or four hundred horse would often attempt\n and execute THE most daring inroads to THE gates of Thessalonica\n and Constantinople. At this disastrous aera of THE ninth and\n tenth centuries, Europe was afflicted by a triple scourge from\n THE North, THE East, and THE South: THE Norman, THE Hungarian,\n and THE Saracen, sometimes trod THE same ground of desolation;\n and THEse savage foes might have been compared by Homer to THE\n two lions growling over THE carcass of a mangled stag. 35\n\n 30 (return) [ See Katona, Hist. Ducum Hungar. p. 321-352.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Hungarorum gens, cujus omnes fere nationes expertae\n saevitium &c., is THE preface of Liutprand, (l. i. c. 2,) who\n frequently expatiated on THE calamities of his own times. See l.\n i. c. 5, l. ii. c. 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7; l. iii. c. 1, &c., l. v. c.\n 8, 15, in Legat. p. 485. His colors are glaring but his\n chronology must be rectified by Pagi and Muratori.]\n\n 32 (return) [ The three bloody reigns of Arpad, Zoltan, and\n Toxus, are critically illustrated by Katona, (Hist. Ducum, &c. p.\n 107-499.) His diligence has searched both natives and foreigners;\n yet to THE deeds of mischief, or glory, I have been able to add\n THE destruction of Bremen, (Adam Bremensis, i. 43.)]\n\n 33 (return) [ Muratori has considered with patriotic care THE\n danger and resources of Modena. The citizens besought St.\n Geminianus, THEir patron, to avert, by his intercession, THE\n rabies, flagellum, &c. Nunc te rogamus, licet servi pessimi, Ab\n Ungerorum nos defendas jaculis.The bishop erected walls for THE\n public defence, not contra dominos serenos, (Antiquitat. Ital.\n Med. Aevi, tom. i. dissertat. i. p. 21, 22,) and THE song of THE\n nightly watch is not without elegance or use, (tom. iii. dis. xl.\n p. 709.) The Italian annalist has accurately traced THE series of\n THEir inroads, (Annali d’ Italia, tom. vii. p. 365, 367, 398,\n 401, 437, 440, tom. viii. p. 19, 41, 52, &c.)]\n\n 34 (return) [ Both THE Hungarian and Russian annals suppose, that\n THEy besieged, or attacked, or insulted Constantinople, (Pray,\n dissertat. x. p. 239. Katona, Hist. Ducum, p. 354-360;) and THE\n fact is almost confessed by THE Byzantine historians, (Leo\n Grammaticus, p. 506. Cedrenus, tom. ii. p. 629: ) yet, however\n glorious to THE nation, it is denied or doubted by THE critical\n historian, and even by THE notary of Bela. Their scepticism is\n meritorious; THEy could not safely transcribe or believe THE\n rusticorum fabulas: but Katona might have given due attention to\n THE evidence of Liutprand, Bulgarorum gentem atque daecorum\n tributariam fecerant, (Hist. l. ii. c. 4, p. 435.)]\n\n 35 (return) [—Iliad, xvi. 756.]\n\n The deliverance of Germany and Christendom was achieved by THE\n Saxon princes, Henry THE Fowler and Otho THE Great, who, in two\n memorable battles, forever broke THE power of THE Hungarians. 36\n The valiant Henry was roused from a bed of sickness by THE\n invasion of his country; but his mind was vigorous and his\n prudence successful. “My companions,” said he, on THE morning of\n THE combat, “maintain your ranks, receive on your bucklers THE\n first arrows of THE Pagans, and prevent THEir second discharge by\n THE equal and rapid career of your lances.” They obeyed and\n conquered: and THE historical picture of THE castle of Merseburgh\n expressed THE features, or at least THE character, of Henry, who,\n in an age of ignorance, intrusted to THE finer arts THE\n perpetuity of his name. 37 At THE end of twenty years, THE\n children of THE Turks who had fallen by his sword invaded THE\n empire of his son; and THEir force is defined, in THE lowest\n estimate, at one hundred thousand horse. They were invited by\n domestic faction; THE gates of Germany were treacherously\n unlocked; and THEy spread, far beyond THE Rhine and THE Meuse,\n into THE heart of Flanders. But THE vigor and prudence of Otho\n dispelled THE conspiracy; THE princes were made sensible that\n unless THEy were true to each oTHEr, THEir religion and country\n were irrecoverably lost; and THE national powers were reviewed in\n THE plains of Augsburgh. They marched and fought in eight\n legions, according to THE division of provinces and tribes; THE\n first, second, and third, were composed of Bavarians; THE fourth,\n of Franconians; THE fifth, of Saxons, under THE immediate command\n of THE monarch; THE sixth and seventh consisted of Swabians; and\n THE eighth legion, of a thousand Bohemians, closed THE rear of\n THE host. The resources of discipline and valor were fortified by\n THE arts of superstition, which, on this occasion, may deserve\n THE epiTHEts of generous and salutary. The soldiers were purified\n with a fast; THE camp was blessed with THE relics of saints and\n martyrs; and THE Christian hero girded on his side THE sword of\n Constantine, grasped THE invincible spear of Charlemagne, and\n waved THE banner of St. Maurice, THE praefect of THE Thebaean\n legion. But his firmest confidence was placed in THE holy lance,\n 38 whose point was fashioned of THE nails of THE cross, and which\n his faTHEr had extorted from THE king of Burgundy, by THE threats\n of war, and THE gift of a province. The Hungarians were expected\n in THE front; THEy secretly passed THE Lech, a river of Bavaria\n that falls into THE Danube; turned THE rear of THE Christian\n army; plundered THE baggage, and disordered THE legion of Bohemia\n and Swabia. The battle was restored by THE Franconians, whose\n duke, THE valiant Conrad, was pierced with an arrow as he rested\n from his fatigues: THE Saxons fought under THE eyes of THEir\n king; and his victory surpassed, in merit and importance, THE\n triumphs of THE last two hundred years. The loss of THE\n Hungarians was still greater in THE flight than in THE action;\n THEy were encompassed by THE rivers of Bavaria; and THEir past\n cruelties excluded THEm from THE hope of mercy. Three captive\n princes were hanged at Ratisbon, THE multitude of prisoners was\n slain or mutilated, and THE fugitives, who presumed to appear in\n THE face of THEir country, were condemned to everlasting poverty\n and disgrace. 39 Yet THE spirit of THE nation was humbled, and\n THE most accessible passes of Hungary were fortified with a ditch\n and rampart. Adversity suggested THE counsels of moderation and\n peace: THE robbers of THE West acquiesced in a sedentary life;\n and THE next generation was taught, by a discerning prince, that\n far more might be gained by multiplying and exchanging THE\n produce of a fruitful soil. The native race, THE Turkish or\n Fennic blood, was mingled with new colonies of Scythian or\n Sclavonian origin; 40 many thousands of robust and industrious\n captives had been imported from all THE countries of Europe; 41\n and after THE marriage of Geisa with a Bavarian princess, he\n bestowed honors and estates on THE nobles of Germany. 42 The son\n of Geisa was invested with THE regal title, and THE house of\n Arpad reigned three hundred years in THE kingdom of Hungary. But\n THE freeborn Barbarians were not dazzled by THE lustre of THE\n diadem, and THE people asserted THEir indefeasible right of\n choosing, deposing, and punishing THE hereditary servant of THE\n state.\n\n 36 (return) [ They are amply and critically discussed by Katona,\n (Hist. Dacum, p. 360-368, 427-470.) Liutprand (l. ii. c. 8, 9) is\n THE best evidence for THE former, and Witichind (Annal. Saxon. l.\n iii.) of THE latter; but THE critical historian will not even\n overlook THE horn of a warrior, which is said to be preserved at\n Jaz-berid.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Hunc vero triumphum, tam laude quam memoria dignum,\n ad Meresburgum rex in superiori coenaculo domus per Zeus, id est,\n picturam, notari praecepit, adeo ut rem veram potius quam\n verisimilem videas: a high encomium, (Liutprand, l. ii. c. 9.)\n AnoTHEr palace in Germany had been painted with holy subjects by\n THE order of Charlemagne; and Muratori may justly affirm, nulla\n saecula fuere in quibus pictores desiderati fuerint, (Antiquitat.\n Ital. Medii Aevi, tom. ii. dissert. xxiv. p. 360, 361.) Our\n domestic claims to antiquity of ignorance and original\n imperfection (Mr. Walpole’s lively words) are of a much more\n recent date, (Anecdotes of Painting, vol. i. p. 2, &c.)]\n\n 38 (return) [ See Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 929, No. 2-5. The\n lance of Christ is taken from THE best evidence, Liutprand, (l.\n iv. c. 12,) Sigebert, and THE Acts of St. Gerard: but THE oTHEr\n military relics depend on THE faith of THE Gesta Anglorum post\n Bedam, l. ii. c. 8.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Katona, Hist. Ducum Hungariae, p. 500, &c.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Among THEse colonies we may distinguish, 1. The\n Chazars, or Cabari, who joined THE Hungarians on THEir march,\n (Constant. de Admin. Imp. c. 39, 40, p. 108, 109.) 2. The\n Jazyges, Moravians, and Siculi, whom THEy found in THE land; THE\n last were perhaps a remnant of THE Huns of Attila, and were\n intrusted with THE guard of THE borders. 3. The Russians, who,\n like THE Swiss in France, imparted a general name to THE royal\n porters. 4. The Bulgarians, whose chiefs (A.D. 956) were invited,\n cum magna multitudine Hismahelitarum. Had any of those\n Sclavonians embraced THE Mahometan religion? 5. The Bisseni and\n Cumans, a mixed multitude of Patzinacites, Uzi, Chazars, &c., who\n had spread to THE Lower Danube. The last colony of 40,000 Cumans,\n A.D. 1239, was received and converted by THE kings of Hungary,\n who derived from that tribe a new regal appellation, (Pray,\n Dissert. vi. vii. p. 109-173. Katona, Hist. Ducum, p. 95-99,\n 259-264, 476, 479-483, &c.)]\n\n 41 (return) [ Christiani autem, quorum pars major populi est, qui\n ex omni parte mundi illuc tracti sunt captivi, &c. Such was THE\n language of Piligrinus, THE first missionary who entered Hungary,\n A.D. 973. Pars major is strong. Hist. Ducum, p. 517.]\n\n 42 (return) [ The fideles Teutonici of Geisa are auTHEnticated in\n old charters: and Katona, with his usual industry, has made a\n fair estimate of THEse colonies, which had been so loosely\n magnified by THE Italian Ranzanus, (Hist. Critic. Ducum. p,\n 667-681.)]\n\n III. The name of Russians 43 was first divulged, in THE ninth\n century, by an embassy of Theophilus, emperor of THE East, to THE\n emperor of THE West, Lewis, THE son of Charlemagne. The Greeks\n were accompanied by THE envoys of THE great duke, or chagan, or\n czar, of THE Russians. In THEir journey to Constantinople, THEy\n had traversed many hostile nations; and THEy hoped to escape THE\n dangers of THEir return, by requesting THE French monarch to\n transport THEm by sea to THEir native country. A closer\n examination detected THEir origin: THEy were THE brethren of THE\n Swedes and Normans, whose name was already odious and formidable\n in France; and it might justly be apprehended, that THEse Russian\n strangers were not THE messengers of peace, but THE emissaries of\n war. They were detained, while THE Greeks were dismissed; and\n Lewis expected a more satisfactory account, that he might obey\n THE laws of hospitality or prudence, according to THE interest of\n both empires. 44 This Scandinavian origin of THE people, or at\n least THE princes, of Russia, may be confirmed and illustrated by\n THE national annals 45 and THE general history of THE North. The\n Normans, who had so long been concealed by a veil of impenetrable\n darkness, suddenly burst forth in THE spirit of naval and\n military enterprise. The vast, and, as it is said, THE populous\n regions of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, were crowded with\n independent chieftains and desperate adventurers, who sighed in\n THE laziness of peace, and smiled in THE agonies of death. Piracy\n was THE exercise, THE trade, THE glory, and THE virtue, of THE\n Scandinavian youth. Impatient of a bleak climate and narrow\n limits, THEy started from THE banquet, grasped THEir arms,\n sounded THEir horn, ascended THEir vessels, and explored every\n coast that promised eiTHEr spoil or settlement. The Baltic was\n THE first scene of THEir naval achievements THEy visited THE\n eastern shores, THE silent residence of Fennic and Sclavonic\n tribes, and THE primitive Russians of THE Lake Ladoga paid a\n tribute, THE skins of white squirrels, to THEse strangers, whom\n THEy saluted with THE title of Varangians 46 or Corsairs. Their\n superiority in arms, discipline, and renown, commanded THE fear\n and reverence of THE natives. In THEir wars against THE more\n inland savages, THE Varangians condescended to serve as friends\n and auxiliaries, and gradually, by choice or conquest, obtained\n THE dominion of a people whom THEy were qualified to protect.\n Their tyranny was expelled, THEir valor was again recalled, till\n at length Ruric, a Scandinavian chief, became THE faTHEr of a\n dynasty which reigned above seven hundred years. His broTHErs\n extended his influence: THE example of service and usurpation was\n imitated by his companions in THE souTHErn provinces of Russia;\n and THEir establishments, by THE usual methods of war and\n assassination, were cemented into THE fabric of a powerful\n monarchy.\n\n 43 (return) [ Among THE Greeks, this national appellation has a\n singular form, as an undeclinable word, of which many fanciful\n etymologies have been suggested. I have perused, with pleasure\n and profit, a dissertation de Origine Russorum (Comment. Academ.\n Petropolitanae, tom. viii. p. 388-436) by Theophilus Sigefrid\n Bayer, a learned German, who spent his life and labors in THE\n service of Russia. A geographical tract of D’Anville, de l’Empire\n de Russie, son Origine, et ses Accroissemens, (Paris, 1772, in\n 12mo.,) has likewise been of use. * Note: The later antiquarians\n of Russia and Germany appear to aquiesce in THE authority of THE\n monk Nestor, THE earliest annalist of Russia, who derives THE\n Russians, or Vareques, from Scandinavia. The names of THE first\n founders of THE Russian monarchy are Scandinavian or Norman.\n Their language (according to Const. Porphyrog. de Administrat.\n Imper. c. 9) differed essentially from THE Sclavonian. The author\n of THE Annals of St. Bertin, who first names THE Russians (Rhos)\n in THE year 839 of his Annals, assigns THEm Sweden for THEir\n country. So Liutprand calls THE Russians THE same people as THE\n Normans. The Fins, Laplanders, and Esthonians, call THE Swedes,\n to THE present day, Roots, Rootsi, Ruotzi, Rootslaue. See\n Thunman, Untersuchungen uber der Geschichte des Estlichen\n Europaischen Volker, p. 374. Gatterer, Comm. Societ. Regbcient.\n Gotting. xiii. p. 126. Schlozer, in his Nestor. Koch. Revolut. de\n ‘Europe, vol. i. p. 60. Malte-Brun, Geograph. vol. vi. p.\n 378.—M.]\n\n 44 (return) [ See THE entire passage (dignum, says Bayer, ut\n aureis in tabulis rigatur) in THE Annales Bertiniani Francorum,\n (in Script. Ital. Muratori, tom. ii. pars i. p. 525,) A.D. 839,\n twenty-two years before THE aera of Ruric. In THE xth century,\n Liutprand (Hist. l. v. c. 6) speaks of THE Russians and Normans\n as THE same Aquilonares homines of a red complexion.]\n\n 45 (return) [ My knowledge of THEse annals is drawn from M.\n Leveque, Histoire de Russie. Nestor, THE first and best of THEse\n ancient annalists, was a monk of Kiow, who died in THE beginning\n of THE xiith century; but his Chronicle was obscure, till it was\n published at Petersburgh, 1767, in 4to. Leveque, Hist. de Russie,\n tom. i. p. xvi. Coxe’s Travels, vol. ii. p. 184. * Note: The late\n M. Schlozer has translated and added a commentary to THE Annals\n of Nestor; and his work is THE mine from which henceforth THE\n history of THE North must be drawn.—G.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Theophil. Sig. Bayer de Varagis, (for THE name is\n differently spelt,) in Comment. Academ. Petropolitanae, tom. iv.\n p. 275-311.]\n\n As long as THE descendants of Ruric were considered as aliens and\n conquerors, THEy ruled by THE sword of THE Varangians,\n distributed estates and subjects to THEir faithful captains, and\n supplied THEir numbers with fresh streams of adventurers from THE\n Baltic coast. 47 But when THE Scandinavian chiefs had struck a\n deep and permanent root into THE soil, THEy mingled with THE\n Russians in blood, religion, and language, and THE first\n Waladimir had THE merit of delivering his country from THEse\n foreign mercenaries. They had seated him on THE throne; his\n riches were insufficient to satisfy THEir demands; but THEy\n listened to his pleasing advice, that THEy should seek, not a\n more grateful, but a more wealthy, master; that THEy should\n embark for Greece, where, instead of THE skins of squirrels, silk\n and gold would be THE recompense of THEir service. At THE same\n time, THE Russian prince admonished his Byzantine ally to\n disperse and employ, to recompense and restrain, THEse impetuous\n children of THE North. Contemporary writers have recorded THE\n introduction, name, and character, of THE Varangians: each day\n THEy rose in confidence and esteem; THE whole body was assembled\n at Constantinople to perform THE duty of guards; and THEir\n strength was recruited by a numerous band of THEir countrymen\n from THE Island of Thule. On this occasion, THE vague appellation\n of Thule is applied to England; and THE new Varangians were a\n colony of English and Danes who fled from THE yoke of THE Norman\n conqueror. The habits of pilgrimage and piracy had approximated\n THE countries of THE earth; THEse exiles were entertained in THE\n Byzantine court; and THEy preserved, till THE last age of THE\n empire, THE inheritance of spotless loyalty, and THE use of THE\n Danish or English tongue. With THEir broad and double-edged\n battle-axes on THEir shoulders, THEy attended THE Greek emperor\n to THE temple, THE senate, and THE hippodrome; he slept and\n feasted under THEir trusty guard; and THE keys of THE palace, THE\n treasury, and THE capital, were held by THE firm and faithful\n hands of THE Varangians. 48\n\n 47 (return) [ Yet, as late as THE year 1018, Kiow and Russia were\n still guarded ex fugitivorum servorum robore, confluentium et\n maxime Danorum. Bayer, who quotes (p. 292) THE Chronicle of\n Dithmar of Merseburgh, observes, that it was unusual for THE\n Germans to enlist in a foreign service.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Ducange has collected from THE original authors THE\n state and history of THE Varangi at Constantinople, (Glossar.\n Med. et Infimae Graecitatis, sub voce. Med. et Infimae\n Latinitatis, sub voce Vagri. Not. ad Alexiad. Annae Comnenae, p.\n 256, 257, 258. Notes sur Villehardouin, p. 296-299.) See likewise\n THE annotations of Reiske to THE Ceremoniale Aulae Byzant. of\n Constantine, tom. ii. p. 149, 150. Saxo Grammaticus affirms that\n THEy spoke Danish; but Codinus maintains THEm till THE fifteenth\n century in THE use of THEir native English.]\n\n In THE tenth century, THE geography of Scythia was extended far\n beyond THE limits of ancient knowledge; and THE monarchy of THE\n Russians obtains a vast and conspicuous place in THE map of\n Constantine. 49 The sons of Ruric were masters of THE spacious\n province of Wolodomir, or Moscow; and, if THEy were confined on\n that side by THE hordes of THE East, THEir western frontier in\n those early days was enlarged to THE Baltic Sea and THE country\n of THE Prussians. Their norTHErn reign ascended above THE\n sixtieth degree of latitude over THE Hyperborean regions, which\n fancy had peopled with monsters, or clouded with eternal\n darkness. To THE south THEy followed THE course of THE\n BorysTHEnes, and approached with that river THE neighborhood of\n THE Euxine Sea. The tribes that dwelt, or wandered, in this ample\n circuit were obedient to THE same conqueror, and insensibly\n blended into THE same nation. The language of Russia is a dialect\n of THE Sclavonian; but in THE tenth century, THEse two modes of\n speech were different from each oTHEr; and, as THE Sclavonian\n prevailed in THE South, it may be presumed that THE original\n Russians of THE North, THE primitive subjects of THE Varangian\n chief, were a portion of THE Fennic race. With THE emigration,\n union, or dissolution, of THE wandering tribes, THE loose and\n indefinite picture of THE Scythian desert has continually\n shifted. But THE most ancient map of Russia affords some places\n which still retain THEir name and position; and THE two capitals,\n Novogorod 50 and Kiow, 51 are coeval with THE first age of THE\n monarchy. Novogorod had not yet deserved THE epiTHEt of great,\n nor THE alliance of THE Hanseatic League, which diffused THE\n streams of opulence and THE principles of freedom. Kiow could not\n yet boast of three hundred churches, an innumerable people, and a\n degree of greatness and splendor which was compared with\n Constantinople by those who had never seen THE residence of THE\n Caesars. In THEir origin, THE two cities were no more than camps\n or fairs, THE most convenient stations in which THE Barbarians\n might assemble for THE occasional business of war or trade. Yet\n even THEse assemblies announce some progress in THE arts of\n society; a new breed of cattle was imported from THE souTHErn\n provinces; and THE spirit of commercial enterprise pervaded THE\n sea and land, from THE Baltic to THE Euxine, from THE mouth of\n THE Oder to THE port of Constantinople. In THE days of idolatry\n and barbarism, THE Sclavonic city of Julin was frequented and\n enriched by THE Normans, who had prudently secured a free mart of\n purchase and exchange. 52 From this harbor, at THE entrance of\n THE Oder, THE corsair, or merchant, sailed in forty-three days to\n THE eastern shores of THE Baltic, THE most distant nations were\n intermingled, and THE holy groves of Curland are said to have\n been decorated with Grecian and Spanish gold. 53 Between THE sea\n and Novogorod an easy intercourse was discovered; in THE summer,\n through a gulf, a lake, and a navigable river; in THE winter\n season, over THE hard and level surface of boundless snows. From\n THE neighborhood of that city, THE Russians descended THE streams\n that fall into THE BorysTHEnes; THEir canoes, of a single tree,\n were laden with slaves of every age, furs of every species, THE\n spoil of THEir beehives, and THE hides of THEir cattle; and THE\n whole produce of THE North was collected and discharged in THE\n magazines of Kiow. The month of June was THE ordinary season of\n THE departure of THE fleet: THE timber of THE canoes was framed\n into THE oars and benches of more solid and capacious boats; and\n THEy proceeded without obstacle down THE BorysTHEnes, as far as\n THE seven or thirteen ridges of rocks, which traverse THE bed,\n and precipitate THE waters, of THE river. At THE more shallow\n falls it was sufficient to lighten THE vessels; but THE deeper\n cataracts were impassable; and THE mariners, who dragged THEir\n vessels and THEir slaves six miles over land, were exposed in\n this toilsome journey to THE robbers of THE desert. 54 At THE\n first island below THE falls, THE Russians celebrated THE\n festival of THEir escape: at a second, near THE mouth of THE\n river, THEy repaired THEir shattered vessels for THE longer and\n more perilous voyage of THE Black Sea. If THEy steered along THE\n coast, THE Danube was accessible; with a fair wind THEy could\n reach in thirty-six or forty hours THE opposite shores of\n Anatolia; and Constantinople admitted THE annual visit of THE\n strangers of THE North. They returned at THE stated season with a\n rich cargo of corn, wine, and oil, THE manufactures of Greece,\n and THE spices of India. Some of THEir countrymen resided in THE\n capital and provinces; and THE national treaties protected THE\n persons, effects, and privileges, of THE Russian merchant. 55\n\n 49 (return) [ The original record of THE geography and trade of\n Russia is produced by THE emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus,\n (de Administrat. Imperii, c. 2, p. 55, 56, c. 9, p. 59-61, c. 13,\n p. 63-67, c. 37, p. 106, c. 42, p. 112, 113,) and illustrated by\n THE diligence of Bayer, (de Geographia Russiae vicinarumque\n Regionum circiter A. C. 948, in Comment. Academ. Petropol. tom.\n ix. p. 367-422, tom. x. p. 371-421,) with THE aid of THE\n chronicles and traditions of Russia, Scandinavia, &c.]\n\n 50 (return) [ The haughty proverb, “Who can resist God and THE\n great Novogorod?” is applied by M. Leveque (Hist. de Russie, tom.\n i. p. 60) even to THE times that preceded THE reign of Ruric. In\n THE course of his history he frequently celebrates this republic,\n which was suppressed A.D. 1475, (tom. ii. p. 252-266.) That\n accurate traveller Adam Olearius describes (in 1635) THE remains\n of Novogorod, and THE route by sea and land of THE Holstein\n ambassadors, tom. i. p. 123-129.]\n\n 51 (return) [ In hac magna civitate, quae est caput regni, plus\n trecentae ecclesiae habentur et nundinae octo, populi etiam\n ignota manus (Eggehardus ad A.D. 1018, apud Bayer, tom. ix. p.\n 412.) He likewise quotes (tom. x. p. 397) THE words of THE Saxon\n annalist, Cujus (Russioe) metropolis est Chive, aemula sceptri\n Constantinopolitani, quae est clarissimum decus Graeciae. The\n fame of Kiow, especially in THE xith century, had reached THE\n German and Arabian geographers.]\n\n 52 (return) [ In Odorae ostio qua Scythicas alluit paludes,\n nobilissima civitas Julinum, celeberrimam, Barbaris et Graecis\n qui sunt in circuitu, praestans stationem, est sane maxima omnium\n quas Europa claudit civitatum, (Adam Bremensis, Hist. Eccles. p.\n 19;) a strange exaggeration even in THE xith century. The trade\n of THE Baltic, and THE Hanseatic League, are carefully treated in\n Anderson’s Historical Deduction of Commerce; at least, in our\n language, I am not acquainted with any book so satisfactory. *\n Note: The book of authority is THE “Geschichte des Hanseatischen\n Bundes,” by George Sartorius, Gottingen, 1803, or raTHEr THE\n later edition of that work by M. Lappenberg, 2 vols. 4to.,\n Hamburgh, 1830.—M. 1845.]\n\n 53 (return) [ According to Adam of Bremen, (de Situ Daniae, p.\n 58,) THE old Curland extended eight days’ journey along THE\n coast; and by Peter Teutoburgicus, (p. 68, A.D. 1326,) Memel is\n defined as THE common frontier of Russia, Curland, and Prussia.\n Aurum ibi plurimum, (says Adam,) divinis auguribus atque\n necromanticis omnes domus sunt plenae.... a toto orbe ibi\n responsa petuntur, maxime ab Hispanis (forsan Zupanis, id est\n regulis Lettoviae) et Graecis. The name of Greeks was applied to\n THE Russians even before THEir conversion; an imperfect\n conversion, if THEy still consulted THE wizards of Curland,\n (Bayer, tom. x. p. 378, 402, &c. Grotius, Prolegomen. ad Hist.\n Goth. p. 99.)]\n\n 54 (return) [ Constantine only reckons seven cataracts, of which\n he gives THE Russian and Sclavonic names; but thirteen are\n enumerated by THE Sieur de Beauplan, a French engineer, who had\n surveyed THE course and navigation of THE Dnieper, or\n BorysTHEnes, (Description de l’Ukraine, Rouen, 1660, a thin\n quarto;) but THE map is unluckily wanting in my copy.]\n\n 55 (return) [ Nestor, apud Leveque, Hist. de Russie, tom. i. p.\n 78-80. From THE Dnieper, or BorysTHEnes, THE Russians went to\n Black Bulgaria, Chazaria, and Syria. To Syria, how? where? when?\n The alteration is slight; THE position of Suania, between\n Chazaria and Lazica, is perfectly suitable; and THE name was\n still used in THE xith century, (Cedren. tom. ii. p. 770.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LV: The Bulgarians, The Hungarians And The Russians.—Part\n III.\n\n But THE same communication which had been opened for THE benefit,\n was soon abused for THE injury, of mankind. In a period of one\n hundred and ninety years, THE Russians made four attempts to\n plunder THE treasures of Constantinople: THE event was various,\n but THE motive, THE means, and THE object, were THE same in THEse\n naval expeditions. 56 The Russian traders had seen THE\n magnificence, and tasted THE luxury of THE city of THE Caesars. A\n marvellous tale, and a scanty supply, excited THE desires of\n THEir savage countrymen: THEy envied THE gifts of nature which\n THEir climate denied; THEy coveted THE works of art, which THEy\n were too lazy to imitate and too indigent to purchase; THE\n Varangian princes unfurled THE banners of piratical adventure,\n and THEir bravest soldiers were drawn from THE nations that dwelt\n in THE norTHErn isles of THE ocean. 57 The image of THEir naval\n armaments was revived in THE last century, in THE fleets of THE\n Cossacks, which issued from THE BorysTHEnes, to navigate THE same\n seas for a similar purpose. 58 The Greek appellation of monoxyla,\n or single canoes, might justly be applied to THE bottom of THEir\n vessels. It was scooped out of THE long stem of a beech or\n willow, but THE slight and narrow foundation was raised and\n continued on eiTHEr side with planks, till it attained THE length\n of sixty, and THE height of about twelve, feet. These boats were\n built without a deck, but with two rudders and a mast; to move\n with sails and oars; and to contain from forty to seventy men,\n with THEir arms, and provisions of fresh water and salt fish. The\n first trial of THE Russians was made with two hundred boats; but\n when THE national force was exerted, THEy might arm against\n Constantinople a thousand or twelve hundred vessels. Their fleet\n was not much inferior to THE royal navy of Agamemnon, but it was\n magnified in THE eyes of fear to ten or fifteen times THE real\n proportion of its strength and numbers. Had THE Greek emperors\n been endowed with foresight to discern, and vigor to prevent,\n perhaps THEy might have sealed with a maritime force THE mouth of\n THE BorysTHEnes. Their indolence abandoned THE coast of Anatolia\n to THE calamities of a piratical war, which, after an interval of\n six hundred years, again infested THE Euxine; but as long as THE\n capital was respected, THE sufferings of a distant province\n escaped THE notice both of THE prince and THE historian. The\n storm which had swept along from THE Phasis and Trebizond, at\n length burst on THE Bosphorus of Thrace; a strait of fifteen\n miles, in which THE rude vessels of THE Russians might have been\n stopped and destroyed by a more skilful adversary. In THEir first\n enterprise 59 under THE princes of Kiow, THEy passed without\n opposition, and occupied THE port of Constantinople in THE\n absence of THE emperor Michael, THE son of Theophilus. Through a\n crowd of perils, he landed at THE palace-stairs, and immediately\n repaired to a church of THE Virgin Mary. 60 By THE advice of THE\n patriarch, her garment, a precious relic, was drawn from THE\n sanctuary and dipped in THE sea; and a seasonable tempest, which\n determined THE retreat of THE Russians, was devoutly ascribed to\n THE moTHEr of God. 61 The silence of THE Greeks may inspire some\n doubt of THE truth, or at least of THE importance, of THE second\n attempt by Oleg, THE guardian of THE sons of Ruric. 62 A strong\n barrier of arms and fortifications defended THE Bosphorus: THEy\n were eluded by THE usual expedient of drawing THE boats over THE\n isthmus; and this simple operation is described in THE national\n chronicles, as if THE Russian fleet had sailed over dry land with\n a brisk and favorable gale. The leader of THE third armament,\n Igor, THE son of Ruric, had chosen a moment of weakness and\n decay, when THE naval powers of THE empire were employed against\n THE Saracens. But if courage be not wanting, THE instruments of\n defence are seldom deficient. Fifteen broken and decayed galleys\n were boldly launched against THE enemy; but instead of THE single\n tube of Greek fire usually planted on THE prow, THE sides and\n stern of each vessel were abundantly supplied with that liquid\n combustible. The engineers were dexterous; THE weaTHEr was\n propitious; many thousand Russians, who chose raTHEr to be\n drowned than burnt, leaped into THE sea; and those who escaped to\n THE Thracian shore were inhumanly slaughtered by THE peasants and\n soldiers. Yet one third of THE canoes escaped into shallow water;\n and THE next spring Igor was again prepared to retrieve his\n disgrace and claim his revenge. 63 After a long peace, Jaroslaus,\n THE great grandson of Igor, resumed THE same project of a naval\n invasion. A fleet, under THE command of his son, was repulsed at\n THE entrance of THE Bosphorus by THE same artificial flames. But\n in THE rashness of pursuit, THE vanguard of THE Greeks was\n encompassed by an irresistible multitude of boats and men; THEir\n provision of fire was probably exhausted; and twenty-four galleys\n were eiTHEr taken, sunk, or destroyed. 64\n\n 56 (return) [ The wars of THE Russians and Greeks in THE ixth,\n xth, and xith centuries, are related in THE Byzantine annals,\n especially those of Zonaras and Cedrenus; and all THEir\n testimonies are collected in THE Russica of Stritter, tom. ii.\n pars ii. p. 939-1044.]\n\n 57 (return) [ Cedrenus in Compend. p. 758]\n\n 58 (return) [ See Beauplan, (Description de l’Ukraine, p. 54-61:\n ) his descriptions are lively, his plans accurate, and except THE\n circumstances of fire-arms, we may read old Russians for modern\n Cosacks.]\n\n 59 (return) [ It is to be lamented, that Bayer has only given a\n Dissertation de Russorum prima Expeditione Constantinopolitana,\n (Comment. Academ. Petropol. tom. vi. p. 265-391.) After\n disentangling some chronological intricacies, he fixes it in THE\n years 864 or 865, a date which might have smooTHEd some doubts\n and difficulties in THE beginning of M. Leveque’s history.]\n\n 60 (return) [ When Photius wrote his encyclic epistle on THE\n conversion of THE Russians, THE miracle was not yet sufficiently\n ripe.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Leo Grammaticus, p. 463, 464. Constantini\n Continuator in Script. post Theophanem, p. 121, 122. Symeon\n LogoTHEt. p. 445, 446. Georg. Monach. p. 535, 536. Cedrenus, tom.\n ii. p. 551. Zonaras, tom. ii. p. 162.]\n\n 62 (return) [ See Nestor and Nicon, in Leveque’s Hist. de Russie,\n tom. i. p. 74-80. Katona (Hist. Ducum, p. 75-79) uses his\n advantage to disprove this Russian victory, which would cloud THE\n siege of Kiow by THE Hungarians.]\n\n 63 (return) [ Leo Grammaticus, p. 506, 507. Incert. Contin. p.\n 263, 264 Symeon LogoTHEt. p. 490, 491. Georg. Monach. p. 588,\n 589. Cedren tom. ii. p. 629. Zonaras, tom. ii. p. 190, 191, and\n Liutprand, l. v. c. 6, who writes from THE narratives of his\n faTHEr-in-law, THEn ambassador at Constantinople, and corrects\n THE vain exaggeration of THE Greeks.]\n\n 64 (return) [ I can only appeal to Cedrenus (tom. ii. p. 758,\n 759) and Zonaras, (tom. ii. p. 253, 254;) but THEy grow more\n weighty and credible as THEy draw near to THEir own times.]\n\n Yet THE threats or calamities of a Russian war were more\n frequently diverted by treaty than by arms. In THEse naval\n hostilities, every disadvantage was on THE side of THE Greeks;\n THEir savage enemy afforded no mercy: his poverty promised no\n spoil; his impenetrable retreat deprived THE conqueror of THE\n hopes of revenge; and THE pride or weakness of empire indulged an\n opinion, that no honor could be gained or lost in THE intercourse\n with Barbarians. At first THEir demands were high and\n inadmissible, three pounds of gold for each soldier or mariner of\n THE fleet: THE Russian youth adhered to THE design of conquest\n and glory; but THE counsels of moderation were recommended by THE\n hoary sages. “Be content,” THEy said, “with THE liberal offers of\n Caesar; is it not far better to obtain without a combat THE\n possession of gold, silver, silks, and all THE objects of our\n desires? Are we sure of victory? Can we conclude a treaty with\n THE sea? We do not tread on THE land; we float on THE abyss of\n water, and a common death hangs over our heads.” 65 The memory of\n THEse Arctic fleets that seemed to descend from THE polar circle\n left deep impression of terror on THE Imperial city. By THE\n vulgar of every rank, it was asserted and believed, that an\n equestrian statue in THE square of Taurus was secretly inscribed\n with a prophecy, how THE Russians, in THE last days, should\n become masters of Constantinople. 66 In our own time, a Russian\n armament, instead of sailing from THE BorysTHEnes, has\n circumnavigated THE continent of Europe; and THE Turkish capital\n has been threatened by a squadron of strong and lofty ships of\n war, each of which, with its naval science and thundering\n artillery, could have sunk or scattered a hundred canoes, such as\n those of THEir ancestors. Perhaps THE present generation may yet\n behold THE accomplishment of THE prediction, of a rare\n prediction, of which THE style is unambiguous and THE date\n unquestionable.\n\n 65 (return) [ Nestor, apud Leveque, Hist. de Russie, tom. i. p.\n 87.]\n\n 66 (return) [ This brazen statue, which had been brought from\n Antioch, and was melted down by THE Latins, was supposed to\n represent eiTHEr Joshua or Bellerophon, an odd dilemma. See\n Nicetas Choniates, (p. 413, 414,) Codinus, (de Originibus C. P.\n p. 24,) and THE anonymous writer de Antiquitat. C. P. (Banduri,\n Imp. Orient. tom. i. p. 17, 18,) who lived about THE year 1100.\n They witness THE belief of THE prophecy THE rest is immaterial.]\n\n By land THE Russians were less formidable than by sea; and as\n THEy fought for THE most part on foot, THEir irregular legions\n must often have been broken and overthrown by THE cavalry of THE\n Scythian hordes. Yet THEir growing towns, however slight and\n imperfect, presented a shelter to THE subject, and a barrier to\n THE enemy: THE monarchy of Kiow, till a fatal partition, assumed\n THE dominion of THE North; and THE nations from THE Volga to THE\n Danube were subdued or repelled by THE arms of Swatoslaus, 67 THE\n son of Igor, THE son of Oleg, THE son of Ruric. The vigor of his\n mind and body was fortified by THE hardships of a military and\n savage life. Wrapped in a bear-skin, Swatoslaus usually slept on\n THE ground, his head reclining on a saddle; his diet was coarse\n and frugal, and, like THE heroes of Homer, 68 his meat (it was\n often horse-flesh) was broiled or roasted on THE coals. The\n exercise of war gave stability and discipline to his army; and it\n may be presumed, that no soldier was permitted to transcend THE\n luxury of his chief. By an embassy from Nicephorus, THE Greek\n emperor, he was moved to undertake THE conquest of Bulgaria; and\n a gift of fifteen hundred pounds of gold was laid at his feet to\n defray THE expense, or reward THE toils, of THE expedition. An\n army of sixty thousand men was assembled and embarked; THEy\n sailed from THE BorysTHEnes to THE Danube; THEir landing was\n effected on THE Maesian shore; and, after a sharp encounter, THE\n swords of THE Russians prevailed against THE arrows of THE\n Bulgarian horse. The vanquished king sunk into THE grave; his\n children were made captive; and his dominions, as far as Mount\n Haemus, were subdued or ravaged by THE norTHErn invaders. But\n instead of relinquishing his prey, and performing his\n engagements, THE Varangian prince was more disposed to advance\n than to retire; and, had his ambition been crowned with success,\n THE seat of empire in that early period might have been\n transferred to a more temperate and fruitful climate. Swatoslaus\n enjoyed and acknowledged THE advantages of his new position, in\n which he could unite, by exchange or rapine, THE various\n productions of THE earth. By an easy navigation he might draw\n from Russia THE native commodities of furs, wax, and hydromed:\n Hungary supplied him with a breed of horses and THE spoils of THE\n West; and Greece abounded with gold, silver, and THE foreign\n luxuries, which his poverty had affected to disdain. The bands of\n Patzinacites, Chozars, and Turks, repaired to THE standard of\n victory; and THE ambassador of Nicephorus betrayed his trust,\n assumed THE purple, and promised to share with his new allies THE\n treasures of THE Eastern world. From THE banks of THE Danube THE\n Russian prince pursued his march as far as Adrianople; a formal\n summons to evacuate THE Roman province was dismissed with\n contempt; and Swatoslaus fiercely replied, that Constantinople\n might soon expect THE presence of an enemy and a master.\n\n 67 (return) [ The life of Swatoslaus, or Sviatoslaf, or\n Sphendosthlabus, is extracted from THE Russian Chronicles by M.\n Levesque, (Hist. de Russie, tom. i. p. 94-107.)]\n\n 68 (return) [ This resemblance may be clearly seen in THE ninth\n book of THE Iliad, (205-221,) in THE minute detail of THE cookery\n of Achilles. By such a picture, a modern epic poet would disgrace\n his work, and disgust his reader; but THE Greek verses are\n harmonious—a dead language can seldom appear low or familiar; and\n at THE distance of two thousand seven hundred years, we are\n amused with THE primitive manners of antiquity.]\n\n Nicephorus could no longer expel THE mischief which he had\n introduced; but his throne and wife were inherited by John\n Zimisces, 69 who, in a diminutive body, possessed THE spirit and\n abilities of a hero. The first victory of his lieutenants\n deprived THE Russians of THEir foreign allies, twenty thousand of\n whom were eiTHEr destroyed by THE sword, or provoked to revolt,\n or tempted to desert. Thrace was delivered, but seventy thousand\n Barbarians were still in arms; and THE legions that had been\n recalled from THE new conquests of Syria, prepared, with THE\n return of THE spring, to march under THE banners of a warlike\n prince, who declared himself THE friend and avenger of THE\n injured Bulgaria. The passes of Mount Haemus had been left\n unguarded; THEy were instantly occupied; THE Roman vanguard was\n formed of THE immortals, (a proud imitation of THE Persian\n style;) THE emperor led THE main body of ten thousand five\n hundred foot; and THE rest of his forces followed in slow and\n cautious array, with THE baggage and military engines. The first\n exploit of Zimisces was THE reduction of Marcianopolis, or\n Peristhlaba, 70 in two days; THE trumpets sounded; THE walls were\n scaled; eight thousand five hundred Russians were put to THE\n sword; and THE sons of THE Bulgarian king were rescued from an\n ignominious prison, and invested with a nominal diadem. After\n THEse repeated losses, Swatoslaus retired to THE strong post of\n Drista, on THE banks of THE Danube, and was pursued by an enemy\n who alternately employed THE arms of celerity and delay. The\n Byzantine galleys ascended THE river, THE legions completed a\n line of circumvallation; and THE Russian prince was encompassed,\n assaulted, and famished, in THE fortifications of THE camp and\n city. Many deeds of valor were performed; several desperate\n sallies were attempted; nor was it till after a siege of\n sixty-five days that Swatoslaus yielded to his adverse fortune.\n The liberal terms which he obtained announce THE prudence of THE\n victor, who respected THE valor, and apprehended THE despair, of\n an unconquered mind. The great duke of Russia bound himself, by\n solemn imprecations, to relinquish all hostile designs; a safe\n passage was opened for his return; THE liberty of trade and\n navigation was restored; a measure of corn was distributed to\n each of his soldiers; and THE allowance of twenty-two thousand\n measures attests THE loss and THE remnant of THE Barbarians.\n After a painful voyage, THEy again reached THE mouth of THE\n BorysTHEnes; but THEir provisions were exhausted; THE season was\n unfavorable; THEy passed THE winter on THE ice; and, before THEy\n could prosecute THEir march, Swatoslaus was surprised and\n oppressed by THE neighboring tribes with whom THE Greeks\n entertained a perpetual and useful correspondence. 71 Far\n different was THE return of Zimisces, who was received in his\n capital like Camillus or Marius, THE saviors of ancient Rome. But\n THE merit of THE victory was attributed by THE pious emperor to\n THE moTHEr of God; and THE image of THE Virgin Mary, with THE\n divine infant in her arms, was placed on a triumphal car, adorned\n with THE spoils of war, and THE ensigns of Bulgarian royalty.\n Zimisces made his public entry on horseback; THE diadem on his\n head, a crown of laurel in his hand; and Constantinople was\n astonished to applaud THE martial virtues of her sovereign. 72\n\n 69 (return) [ This singular epiTHEt is derived from THE Armenian\n language. As I profess myself equally ignorant of THEse words, I\n may be indulged in THE question in THE play, “Pray, which of you\n is THE interpreter?” From THE context, THEy seem to signify\n Adolescentulus, (Leo Diacon l. iv. Ms. apud Ducange, Glossar.\n Graec. p. 1570.) * Note: Cerbied. THE learned Armenian, gives\n anoTHEr derivation. There is a city called Tschemisch-gaizag,\n which means a bright or purple sandal, such as women wear in THE\n East. He was called Tschemisch-ghigh, (for so his name is written\n in Armenian, from this city, his native place.) Hase. Note to Leo\n Diac. p. 454, in Niebuhr’s Byzant. Hist.—M.]\n\n 70 (return) [ In THE Sclavonic tongue, THE name of Peristhlaba\n implied THE great or illustrious city, says Anna Comnena,\n (Alexiad, l. vii. p. 194.) From its position between Mount Haemus\n and THE Lower Danube, it appears to fill THE ground, or at least\n THE station, of Marcianopolis. The situation of Durostolus, or\n Dristra, is well known and conspicuous, (Comment. Academ.\n Petropol. tom. ix. p. 415, 416. D’Anville, Geographie Ancienne,\n tom. i. p. 307, 311.)]\n\n 71 (return) [ The political management of THE Greeks, more\n especially with THE Patzinacites, is explained in THE seven first\n chapters, de Administratione Imperii.]\n\n 72 (return) [ In THE narrative of this war, Leo THE Deacon (apud\n Pagi, Critica, tom. iv. A.D. 968-973) is more auTHEntic and\n circumstantial than Cedrenus (tom. ii. p. 660-683) and Zonaras,\n (tom. ii. p. 205-214.) These declaimers have multiplied to\n 308,000 and 330,000 men, those Russian forces, of which THE\n contemporary had given a moderate and consistent account.]\n\n Photius of Constantinople, a patriarch, whose ambition was equal\n to his curiosity, congratulates himself and THE Greek church on\n THE conversion of THE Russians. 73 Those fierce and bloody\n Barbarians had been persuaded, by THE voice of reason and\n religion, to acknowledge Jesus for THEir God, THE Christian\n missionaries for THEir teachers, and THE Romans for THEir friends\n and brethren. His triumph was transient and premature. In THE\n various fortune of THEir piratical adventures, some Russian\n chiefs might allow THEmselves to be sprinkled with THE waters of\n baptism; and a Greek bishop, with THE name of metropolitan, might\n administer THE sacraments in THE church of Kiow, to a\n congregation of slaves and natives. But THE seed of THE gospel\n was sown on a barren soil: many were THE apostates, THE converts\n were few; and THE baptism of Olga may be fixed as THE aera of\n Russian Christianity. 74 A female, perhaps of THE basest origin,\n who could revenge THE death, and assume THE sceptre, of her\n husband Igor, must have been endowed with those active virtues\n which command THE fear and obedience of Barbarians. In a moment\n of foreign and domestic peace, she sailed from Kiow to\n Constantinople; and THE emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus has\n described, with minute diligence, THE ceremonial of her reception\n in his capital and palace. The steps, THE titles, THE\n salutations, THE banquet, THE presents, were exquisitely adjusted\n to gratify THE vanity of THE stranger, with due reverence to THE\n superior majesty of THE purple. 75 In THE sacrament of baptism,\n she received THE venerable name of THE empress Helena; and her\n conversion might be preceded or followed by her uncle, two\n interpreters, sixteen damsels of a higher, and eighteen of a\n lower rank, twenty-two domestics or ministers, and forty-four\n Russian merchants, who composed THE retinue of THE great princess\n Olga. After her return to Kiow and Novogorod, she firmly\n persisted in her new religion; but her labors in THE propagation\n of THE gospel were not crowned with success; and both her family\n and nation adhered with obstinacy or indifference to THE gods of\n THEir faTHErs. Her son Swatoslaus was apprehensive of THE scorn\n and ridicule of his companions; and her grandson Wolodomir\n devoted his youthful zeal to multiply and decorate THE monuments\n of ancient worship. The savage deities of THE North were still\n propitiated with human sacrifices: in THE choice of THE victim, a\n citizen was preferred to a stranger, a Christian to an idolater;\n and THE faTHEr, who defended his son from THE sacerdotal knife,\n was involved in THE same doom by THE rage of a fanatic tumult.\n Yet THE lessons and example of THE pious Olga had made a deep,\n though secret, impression in THE minds of THE prince and people:\n THE Greek missionaries continued to preach, to dispute, and to\n baptize: and THE ambassadors or merchants of Russia compared THE\n idolatry of THE woods with THE elegant superstition of\n Constantinople. They had gazed with admiration on THE dome of St.\n Sophia: THE lively pictures of saints and martyrs, THE riches of\n THE altar, THE number and vestments of THE priests, THE pomp and\n order of THE ceremonies; THEy were edified by THE alternate\n succession of devout silence and harmonious song; nor was it\n difficult to persuade THEm, that a choir of angels descended each\n day from heaven to join in THE devotion of THE Christians. 76 But\n THE conversion of Wolodomir was determined, or hastened, by his\n desire of a Roman bride. At THE same time, and in THE city of\n Cherson, THE rites of baptism and marriage were celebrated by THE\n Christian pontiff: THE city he restored to THE emperor Basil, THE\n broTHEr of his spouse; but THE brazen gates were transported, as\n it is said, to Novogorod, and erected before THE first church as\n a trophy of his victory and faith. 77 At his despotic command,\n Peround, THE god of thunder, whom he had so long adored, was\n dragged through THE streets of Kiow; and twelve sturdy Barbarians\n battered with clubs THE misshapen image, which was indignantly\n cast into THE waters of THE BorysTHEnes. The edict of Wolodomir\n had proclaimed, that all who should refuse THE rites of baptism\n would be treated as THE enemies of God and THEir prince; and THE\n rivers were instantly filled with many thousands of obedient\n Russians, who acquiesced in THE truth and excellence of a\n doctrine which had been embraced by THE great duke and his\n boyars. In THE next generation, THE relics of Paganism were\n finally extirpated; but as THE two broTHErs of Wolodomir had died\n without baptism, THEir bones were taken from THE grave, and\n sanctified by an irregular and posthumous sacrament.\n\n 73 (return) [ Phot. Epistol. ii. No. 35, p. 58, edit. Montacut.\n It was unworthy of THE learning of THE editor to mistake THE\n Russian nation, for a war-cry of THE Bulgarians, nor did it\n become THE enlightened patriarch to accuse THE Sclavonian\n idolaters. They were neiTHEr Greeks nor ATHEists.]\n\n 74 (return) [ M. Levesque has extracted, from old chronicles and\n modern researches, THE most satisfactory account of THE religion\n of THE Slavi, and THE conversion of Russia, (Hist. de Russie,\n tom. i. p. 35-54, 59, 92, 92, 113-121, 124-129, 148, 149, &c.)]\n\n 75 (return) [ See THE Ceremoniale Aulae Byzant. tom. ii. c. 15,\n p. 343-345: THE style of Olga, or Elga. For THE chief of\n Barbarians THE Greeks whimsically borrowed THE title of an\n ATHEnian magistrate, with a female termination, which would have\n astonished THE ear of DemosTHEnes.]\n\n 76 (return) [ See an anonymous fragment published by Banduri,\n (Imperium Orientale, tom. ii. p. 112, 113, de Conversione\n Russorum.)]\n\n 77 (return) [ Cherson, or Corsun, is mentioned by Herberstein\n (apud Pagi tom. iv. p. 56) as THE place of Wolodomir’s baptism\n and marriage; and both THE tradition and THE gates are still\n preserved at Novogorod. Yet an observing traveller transports THE\n brazen gates from Magdeburgh in Germany, (Coxe’s Travels into\n Russia, &c., vol. i. p. 452;) and quotes an inscription, which\n seems to justify his opinion. The modern reader must not confound\n this old Cherson of THE Tauric or Crimaean peninsula, with a new\n city of THE same name, which has arisen near THE mouth of THE\n BorysTHEnes, and was lately honored by THE memorable interview of\n THE empress of Russia with THE emperor of THE West.]\n\n In THE ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries of THE Christian\n aera, THE reign of THE gospel and of THE church was extended over\n Bulgaria, Hungary, Bohemia, Saxony, Denmark, Norway, Sweden,\n Poland, and Russia. 78 The triumphs of apostolic zeal were\n repeated in THE iron age of Christianity; and THE norTHErn and\n eastern regions of Europe submitted to a religion, more different\n in THEory than in practice, from THE worship of THEir native\n idols. A laudable ambition excited THE monks both of Germany and\n Greece, to visit THE tents and huts of THE Barbarians: poverty,\n hardships, and dangers, were THE lot of THE first missionaries;\n THEir courage was active and patient; THEir motive pure and\n meritorious; THEir present reward consisted in THE testimony of\n THEir conscience and THE respect of a grateful people; but THE\n fruitful harvest of THEir toils was inherited and enjoyed by THE\n proud and wealthy prelates of succeeding times. The first\n conversions were free and spontaneous: a holy life and an\n eloquent tongue were THE only arms of THE missionaries; but THE\n domestic fables of THE Pagans were silenced by THE miracles and\n visions of THE strangers; and THE favorable temper of THE chiefs\n was accelerated by THE dictates of vanity and interest. The\n leaders of nations, who were saluted with THE titles of kings and\n saints, 79 held it lawful and pious to impose THE Catholic faith\n on THEir subjects and neighbors; THE coast of THE Baltic, from\n Holstein to THE Gulf of Finland, was invaded under THE standard\n of THE cross; and THE reign of idolatry was closed by THE\n conversion of Lithuania in THE fourteenth century. Yet truth and\n candor must acknowledge, that THE conversion of THE North\n imparted many temporal benefits both to THE old and THE new\n Christians. The rage of war, inherent to THE human species, could\n not be healed by THE evangelic precepts of charity and peace; and\n THE ambition of Catholic princes has renewed in every age THE\n calamities of hostile contention. But THE admission of THE\n Barbarians into THE pale of civil and ecclesiastical society\n delivered Europe from THE depredations, by sea and land, of THE\n Normans, THE Hungarians, and THE Russians, who learned to spare\n THEir brethren and cultivate THEir possessions. 80 The\n establishment of law and order was promoted by THE influence of\n THE clergy; and THE rudiments of art and science were introduced\n into THE savage countries of THE globe. The liberal piety of THE\n Russian princes engaged in THEir service THE most skilful of THE\n Greeks, to decorate THE cities and instruct THE inhabitants: THE\n dome and THE paintings of St. Sophia were rudely copied in THE\n churches of Kiow and Novogorod: THE writings of THE faTHErs were\n translated into THE Sclavonic idiom; and three hundred noble\n youths were invited or compelled to attend THE lessons of THE\n college of Jaroslaus. It should appear that Russia might have\n derived an early and rapid improvement from her peculiar\n connection with THE church and state of Constantinople, which at\n that age so justly despised THE ignorance of THE Latins. But THE\n Byzantine nation was servile, solitary, and verging to a hasty\n decline: after THE fall of Kiow, THE navigation of THE\n BorysTHEnes was forgotten; THE great princes of Wolodomir and\n Moscow were separated from THE sea and Christendom; and THE\n divided monarchy was oppressed by THE ignominy and blindness of\n Tartar servitude. 81 The Sclavonic and Scandinavian kingdoms,\n which had been converted by THE Latin missionaries, were exposed,\n it is true, to THE spiritual jurisdiction and temporal claims of\n THE popes; 82 but THEy were united in language and religious\n worship, with each oTHEr, and with Rome; THEy imbibed THE free\n and generous spirit of THE European republic, and gradually\n shared THE light of knowledge which arose on THE western world.\n\n 78 (return) [ Consult THE Latin text, or English version, of\n Mosheim’s excellent History of THE Church, under THE first head\n or section of each of THEse centuries.]\n\n 79 (return) [ In THE year 1000, THE ambassadors of St. Stephen\n received from Pope Silvester THE title of King of Hungary, with a\n diadem of Greek workmanship. It had been designed for THE duke of\n Poland: but THE Poles, by THEir own confession, were yet too\n barbarous to deserve an angelical and apostolical crown. (Katona,\n Hist. Critic Regum Stirpis Arpadianae, tom. i. p. 1-20.)]\n\n 80 (return) [ Listen to THE exultations of Adam of Bremen, (A.D.\n 1080,) of which THE substance is agreeable to truth: Ecce illa\n ferocissima Danorum, &c., natio..... jamdudum novit in Dei\n laudibus Alleluia resonare..... Ecce populus ille piraticus .....\n suis nunc finibus contentus est. Ecce patria horribilis semper\n inaccessa propter cultum idolorum... praedicatores veritatis\n ubique certatim admittit, &c., &c., (de Situ Daniae, &c., p. 40,\n 41, edit. Elzevir; a curious and original prospect of THE north\n of Europe, and THE introduction of Christianity.)]\n\n 81 (return) [ The great princes removed in 1156 from Kiow, which\n was ruined by THE Tartars in 1240. Moscow became THE seat of\n empire in THE xivth century. See THE 1st and 2d volumes of\n Levesque’s History, and Mr. Coxe’s Travels into THE North, tom.\n i. p. 241, &c.]\n\n 82 (return) [ The ambassadors of St. Stephen had used THE\n reverential expressions of regnum oblatum, debitam obedientiam,\n &c., which were most rigorously interpreted by Gregory VII.; and\n THE Hungarian Catholics are distressed between THE sanctity of\n THE pope and THE independence of THE crown, (Katona, Hist.\n Critica, tom. i. p. 20-25, tom. ii. p. 304, 346, 360, &c.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.—Part I.\n\n The Saracens, Franks, And Greeks, In Italy.—First Adventures And\n Settlement Of The Normans.—Character And Conquest Of Robert\n Guiscard, Duke Of Apulia—Deliverance Of Sicily By His BroTHEr\n Roger.—Victories Of Robert Over The Emperors Of The East And\n West.—Roger, King Of Sicily, Invades Africa And Greece.—The\n Emperor Manuel Comnenus.— Wars Of The Greeks And\n Normans.—Extinction Of The Normans.\n\n The three great nations of THE world, THE Greeks, THE Saracens,\n and THE Franks, encountered each oTHEr on THE THEatre of Italy. 1\n The souTHErn provinces, which now compose THE kingdom of Naples,\n were subject, for THE most part, to THE Lombard dukes and princes\n of Beneventum; 2 so powerful in war, that THEy checked for a\n moment THE genius of Charlemagne; so liberal in peace, that THEy\n maintained in THEir capital an academy of thirty-two philosophers\n and grammarians. The division of this flourishing state produced\n THE rival principalities of Benevento, Salerno, and Capua; and\n THE thoughtless ambition or revenge of THE competitors invited\n THE Saracens to THE ruin of THEir common inheritance. During a\n calamitous period of two hundred years, Italy was exposed to a\n repetition of wounds, which THE invaders were not capable of\n healing by THE union and tranquility of a perfect conquest. Their\n frequent and almost annual squadrons issued from THE port of\n Palermo, and were entertained with too much indulgence by THE\n Christians of Naples: THE more formidable fleets were prepared on\n THE African coast; and even THE Arabs of Andalusia were sometimes\n tempted to assist or oppose THE Moslems of an adverse sect. In\n THE revolution of human events, a new ambuscade was concealed in\n THE Caudine Forks, THE fields of Cannae were bedewed a second\n time with THE blood of THE Africans, and THE sovereign of Rome\n again attacked or defended THE walls of Capua and Tarentum. A\n colony of Saracens had been planted at Bari, which commands THE\n entrance of THE Adriatic Gulf; and THEir impartial depredations\n provoked THE resentment, and conciliated THE union of THE two\n emperors. An offensive alliance was concluded between Basil THE\n Macedonian, THE first of his race, and Lewis THE great-grandson\n of Charlemagne; 3 and each party supplied THE deficiencies of his\n associate. It would have been imprudent in THE Byzantine monarch\n to transport his stationary troops of Asia to an Italian\n campaign; and THE Latin arms would have been insufficient if his\n superior navy had not occupied THE mouth of THE Gulf. The\n fortress of Bari was invested by THE infantry of THE Franks, and\n by THE cavalry and galleys of THE Greeks; and, after a defence of\n four years, THE Arabian emir submitted to THE clemency of Lewis,\n who commanded in person THE operations of THE siege. This\n important conquest had been achieved by THE concord of THE East\n and West; but THEir recent amity was soon imbittered by THE\n mutual complaints of jealousy and pride. The Greeks assumed as\n THEir own THE merit of THE conquest and THE pomp of THE triumph;\n extolled THE greatness of THEir powers, and affected to deride\n THE intemperance and sloth of THE handful of Barbarians who\n appeared under THE banners of THE Carlovingian prince. His reply\n is expressed with THE eloquence of indignation and truth: “We\n confess THE magnitude of your preparation,” says THE\n great-grandson of Charlemagne. “Your armies were indeed as\n numerous as a cloud of summer locusts, who darken THE day, flap\n THEir wings, and, after a short flight, tumble weary and\n breathless to THE ground. Like THEm, ye sunk after a feeble\n effort; ye were vanquished by your own cowardice; and withdrew\n from THE scene of action to injure and despoil our Christian\n subjects of THE Sclavonian coast. We were few in number, and why\n were we few? Because, after a tedious expectation of your\n arrival, I had dismissed my host, and retained only a chosen band\n of warriors to continue THE blockade of THE city. If THEy\n indulged THEir hospitable feasts in THE face of danger and death,\n did THEse feasts abate THE vigor of THEir enterprise? Is it by\n your fasting that THE walls of Bari have been overturned? Did not\n THEse valiant Franks, diminished as THEy were by languor and\n fatigue, intercept and vanish THE three most powerful emirs of\n THE Saracens? and did not THEir defeat precipitate THE fall of\n THE city? Bari is now fallen; Tarentum trembles; Calabria will be\n delivered; and, if we command THE sea, THE Island of Sicily may\n be rescued from THE hands of THE infidels. My broTHEr,”\n accelerate (a name most offensive to THE vanity of THE Greek,)\n “accelerate your naval succors, respect your allies, and distrust\n your flatterers.” 4\n\n 1 (return) [ For THE general history of Italy in THE ixth and xth\n centuries, I may properly refer to THE vth, vith, and viith books\n of Sigonius de Regno Italiae, (in THE second volume of his works,\n Milan, 1732;) THE Annals of Baronius, with THE criticism of Pagi;\n THE viith and viiith books of THE Istoria Civile del Regno di\n Napoli of Giannone; THE viith and viiith volumes (THE octavo\n edition) of THE Annali d’ Italia of Muratori, and THE 2d volume\n of THE Abrege Chronologique of M. de St. Marc, a work which,\n under a superficial title, contains much genuine learning and\n industry. But my long-accustomed reader will give me credit for\n saying, that I myself have ascended to THE fountain head, as\n often as such ascent could be eiTHEr profitable or possible; and\n that I have diligently turned over THE originals in THE first\n volumes of Muratori’s great collection of THE Scriptores Rerum\n Italicarum.]\n\n 2 (return) [ Camillo Pellegrino, a learned Capuan of THE last\n century, has illustrated THE history of THE duchy of Beneventum,\n in his two books Historia Principum Longobardorum, in THE\n Scriptores of Muratori tom. ii. pars i. p. 221-345, and tom. v. p\n 159-245.]\n\n 3 (return) [ See Constantin. Porphyrogen. de Thematibus, l. ii. c\n xi. in Vit Basil. c. 55, p. 181.]\n\n 4 (return) [ The oriental epistle of THE emperor Lewis II. to THE\n emperor Basil, a curious record of THE age, was first published\n by Baronius, (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 871, No. 51-71,) from THE\n Vatican Ms. of Erchempert, or raTHEr of THE anonymous historian\n of Salerno.] These lofty hopes were soon extinguished by THE\n death of Lewis, and THE decay of THE Carlovingian house; and\n whoever might deserve THE honor, THE Greek emperors, Basil, and\n his son Leo, secured THE advantage, of THE reduction of Bari. The\n Italians of Apulia and Calabria were persuaded or compelled to\n acknowledge THEir supremacy, and an ideal line from Mount\n Garganus to THE Bay of Salerno, leaves THE far greater part of\n THE kingdom of Naples under THE dominion of THE Eastern empire.\n Beyond that line, THE dukes or republics of Amalfi 5 and Naples,\n who had never forfeited THEir voluntary allegiance, rejoiced in\n THE neighborhood of THEir lawful sovereign; and Amalfi was\n enriched by supplying Europe with THE produce and manufactures of\n Asia. But THE Lombard princes of Benevento, Salerno, and Capua, 6\n were reluctantly torn from THE communion of THE Latin world, and\n too often violated THEir oaths of servitude and tribute. The city\n of Bari rose to dignity and wealth, as THE metropolis of THE new\n THEme or province of Lombardy: THE title of patrician, and\n afterwards THE singular name of Catapan, 7 was assigned to THE\n supreme governor; and THE policy both of THE church and state was\n modelled in exact subordination to THE throne of Constantinople.\n As long as THE sceptre was disputed by THE princes of Italy,\n THEir efforts were feeble and adverse; and THE Greeks resisted or\n eluded THE forces of Germany, which descended from THE Alps under\n THE Imperial standard of THE Othos. The first and greatest of\n those Saxon princes was compelled to relinquish THE siege of\n Bari: THE second, after THE loss of his stoutest bishops and\n barons, escaped with honor from THE bloody field of Crotona. On\n that day THE scale of war was turned against THE Franks by THE\n valor of THE Saracens. 8 These corsairs had indeed been driven by\n THE Byzantine fleets from THE fortresses and coasts of Italy; but\n a sense of interest was more prevalent than superstition or\n resentment, and THE caliph of Egypt had transported forty\n thousand Moslems to THE aid of his Christian ally. The successors\n of Basil amused THEmselves with THE belief, that THE conquest of\n Lombardy had been achieved, and was still preserved by THE\n justice of THEir laws, THE virtues of THEir ministers, and THE\n gratitude of a people whom THEy had rescued from anarchy and\n oppression. A series of rebellions might dart a ray of truth into\n THE palace of Constantinople; and THE illusions of flattery were\n dispelled by THE easy and rapid success of THE Norman\n adventurers.\n\n 5 (return) [ See an excellent Dissertation de Republica\n Amalphitana, in THE Appendix (p. 1-42) of Henry Brencman’s\n Historia Pandectarum, (Trajecti ad Rhenum, 1722, in 4to.)]\n\n 6 (return) [ Your master, says Nicephorus, has given aid and\n protection prinminibus Capuano et Beneventano, servis meis, quos\n oppugnare dispono.... Nova (potius nota) res est quod eorum\n patres et avi nostro Imperio tributa dederunt, (Liutprand, in\n Legat. p. 484.) Salerno is not mentioned, yet THE prince changed\n his party about THE same time, and Camillo Pellegrino (Script.\n Rer. Ital. tom. ii. pars i. p. 285) has nicely discerned this\n change in THE style of THE anonymous Chronicle. On THE rational\n ground of history and language, Liutprand (p. 480) had asserted\n THE Latin claim to Apulia and Calabria.]\n\n 7 (return) [ See THE Greek and Latin Glossaries of Ducange\n (catapanus,) and his notes on THE Alexias, (p. 275.) Against THE\n contemporary notion, which derives it from juxta omne, he treats\n it as a corruption of THE Latin capitaneus. Yet M. de St. Marc\n has accurately observed (Abrege Chronologique, tom. ii. p. 924)\n that in this age THE capitanei were not captains, but only nobles\n of THE first rank, THE great valvassors of Italy.]\n\n 8 (return) [ (THE Lombards), (Leon. Tactic. c. xv. p. 741.) The\n little Chronicle of Beneventum (tom. ii. pars i. p. 280) gives a\n far different character of THE Greeks during THE five years (A.D.\n 891-896) that Leo was master of THE city.]\n\n The revolution of human affairs had produced in Apulia and\n Calabria a melancholy contrast between THE age of Pythagoras and\n THE tenth century of THE Christian aera. At THE former period,\n THE coast of Great Greece (as it was THEn styled) was planted\n with free and opulent cities: THEse cities were peopled with\n soldiers, artists, and philosophers; and THE military strength of\n Tarentum; Sybaris, or Crotona, was not inferior to that of a\n powerful kingdom. At THE second aera, THEse once flourishing\n provinces were clouded with ignorance impoverished by tyranny,\n and depopulated by Barbarian war; nor can we severely accuse THE\n exaggeration of a contemporary, that a fair and ample district\n was reduced to THE same desolation which had covered THE earth\n after THE general deluge. 9 Among THE hostilities of THE Arabs,\n THE Franks, and THE Greeks, in THE souTHErn Italy, I shall select\n two or three anecdotes expressive of THEir national manners. 1.\n It was THE amusement of THE Saracens to profane, as well as to\n pillage, THE monasteries and churches. At THE siege of Salerno, a\n Mussulman chief spread his couch on THE communion-table, and on\n that altar sacrificed each night THE virginity of a Christian\n nun. As he wrestled with a reluctant maid, a beam in THE roof was\n accidentally or dexterously thrown down on his head; and THE\n death of THE lustful emir was imputed to THE wrath of Christ,\n which was at length awakened to THE defence of his faithful\n spouse. 10 2. The Saracens besieged THE cities of Beneventum and\n Capua: after a vain appeal to THE successors of Charlemagne, THE\n Lombards implored THE clemency and aid of THE Greek emperor. 11 A\n fearless citizen dropped from THE walls, passed THE\n intrenchments, accomplished his commission, and fell into THE\n hands of THE Barbarians as he was returning with THE welcome\n news. They commanded him to assist THEir enterprise, and deceive\n his countrymen, with THE assurance that wealth and honors should\n be THE reward of his falsehood, and that his sincerity would be\n punished with immediate death. He affected to yield, but as soon\n as he was conducted within hearing of THE Christians on THE\n rampart, “Friends and brethren,” he cried with a loud voice, “be\n bold and patient, maintain THE city; your sovereign is informed\n of your distress, and your deliverers are at hand. I know my\n doom, and commit my wife and children to your gratitude.” The\n rage of THE Arabs confirmed his evidence; and THE self-devoted\n patriot was transpierced with a hundred spears. He deserves to\n live in THE memory of THE virtuous, but THE repetition of THE\n same story in ancient and modern times, may sprinkle some doubts\n on THE reality of this generous deed. 12 3. The recital of a\n third incident may provoke a smile amidst THE horrors of war.\n Theobald, marquis of Camerino and Spoleto, 13 supported THE\n rebels of Beneventum; and his wanton cruelty was not incompatible\n in that age with THE character of a hero. His captives of THE\n Greek nation or party were castrated without mercy, and THE\n outrage was aggravated by a cruel jest, that he wished to present\n THE emperor with a supply of eunuchs, THE most precious ornaments\n of THE Byzantine court. The garrison of a castle had been\n defeated in a sally, and THE prisoners were sentenced to THE\n customary operation. But THE sacrifice was disturbed by THE\n intrusion of a frantic female, who, with bleeding cheeks\n dishevelled hair, and importunate clamors, compelled THE marquis\n to listen to her complaint. “Is it thus,” she cried, “ye\n magnanimous heroes, that ye wage war against women, against women\n who have never injured ye, and whose only arms are THE distaff\n and THE loom?” Theobald denied THE charge, and protested that,\n since THE Amazons, he had never heard of a female war. “And how,”\n she furiously exclaimed, “can you attack us more directly, how\n can you wound us in a more vital part, than by robbing our\n husbands of what we most dearly cherish, THE source of our joys,\n and THE hope of our posterity? The plunder of our flocks and\n herds I have endured without a murmur, but this fatal injury,\n this irreparable loss, subdues my patience, and calls aloud on\n THE justice of heaven and earth.” A general laugh applauded her\n eloquence; THE savage Franks, inaccessible to pity, were moved by\n her ridiculous, yet rational despair; and with THE deliverance of\n THE captives, she obtained THE restitution of her effects. As she\n returned in triumph to THE castle, she was overtaken by a\n messenger, to inquire, in THE name of Theobald, what punishment\n should be inflicted on her husband, were he again taken in arms.\n “Should such,” she answered without hesitation, “be his guilt and\n misfortune, he has eyes, and a nose, and hands, and feet. These\n are his own, and THEse he may deserve to forfeit by his personal\n offences. But let my lord be pleased to spare what his little\n handmaid presumes to claim as her peculiar and lawful property.”\n 14\n\n 9 (return) [ Calabriam adeunt, eamque inter se divisam\n reperientes funditus depopulati sunt, (or depopularunt,) ita ut\n deserta sit velut in diluvio. Such is THE text of Herempert, or\n Erchempert, according to THE two editions of Carraccioli (Rer.\n Italic. Script. tom. v. p. 23) and of Camillo Pellegrino, (tom.\n ii. pars i. p. 246.) Both were extremely scarce, when THEy were\n reprinted by Muratori.]\n\n 10 (return) [ Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 874, No. 2) has drawn\n this story from a Ms. of Erchempert, who died at Capua only\n fifteen years after THE event. But THE cardinal was deceived by a\n false title, and we can only quote THE anonymous Chronicle of\n Salerno, (Paralipomena, c. 110,) composed towards THE end of THE\n xth century, and published in THE second volume of Muratori’s\n Collection. See THE Dissertations of Camillo Pellegrino, tom. ii.\n pars i. p. 231-281, &c.]\n\n 11 (return) [ Constantine Porphyrogenitus (in Vit. Basil. c. 58,\n p. 183) is THE original author of this story. He places it under\n THE reigns of Basil and Lewis II.; yet THE reduction of\n Beneventum by THE Greeks is dated A.D. 891, after THE decease of\n both of those princes.]\n\n 12 (return) [ In THE year 663, THE same tragedy is described by\n Paul THE Deacon, (de Gestis Langobard. l. v. c. 7, 8, p. 870,\n 871, edit. Grot.,) under THE walls of THE same city of\n Beneventum. But THE actors are different, and THE guilt is\n imputed to THE Greeks THEmselves, which in THE Byzantine edition\n is applied to THE Saracens. In THE late war in Germany, M.\n D’Assas, a French officer of THE regiment of Auvergne, is said to\n have devoted himself in a similar manner. His behavior is THE\n more heroic, as mere silence was required by THE enemy who had\n made him prisoner, (Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XV. c. 33, tom. ix.\n p. 172.)]\n\n 13 (return) [ Theobald, who is styled Heros by Liutprand, was\n properly duke of Spoleto and marquis of Camerino, from THE year\n 926 to 935. The title and office of marquis (commander of THE\n march or frontier) was introduced into Italy by THE French\n emperors, (Abrege Chronologique, tom. ii. p. 545-732 &c.)]\n\n 14 (return) [ Liutprand, Hist. l. iv. c. iv. in THE Rerum Italic.\n Script. tom. i. pars i. p. 453, 454. Should THE licentiousness of\n THE tale be questioned, I may exclaim, with poor Sterne, that it\n is hard if I may not transcribe with caution what a bishop could\n write without scruple What if I had translated, ut viris certetis\n testiculos amputare, in quibus nostri corporis refocillatio,\n &c.?]\n\n The establishment of THE Normans in THE kingdoms of Naples and\n Sicily 15 is an event most romantic in its origin, and in its\n consequences most important both to Italy and THE Eastern empire.\n The broken provinces of THE Greeks, Lombards, and Saracens, were\n exposed to every invader, and every sea and land were invaded by\n THE adventurous spirit of THE Scandinavian pirates. After a long\n indulgence of rapine and slaughter, a fair and ample territory\n was accepted, occupied, and named, by THE Normans of France: THEy\n renounced THEir gods for THE God of THE Christians; 16 and THE\n dukes of Normandy acknowledged THEmselves THE vassals of THE\n successors of Charlemagne and Capet. The savage fierceness which\n THEy had brought from THE snowy mountains of Norway was refined,\n without being corrupted, in a warmer climate; THE companions of\n Rollo insensibly mingled with THE natives; THEy imbibed THE\n manners, language, 17 and gallantry, of THE French nation; and in\n a martial age, THE Normans might claim THE palm of valor and\n glorious achievements. Of THE fashionable superstitions, THEy\n embraced with ardor THE pilgrimages of Rome, Italy, and THE Holy\n Land. 171 In this active devotion, THE minds and bodies were\n invigorated by exercise: danger was THE incentive, novelty THE\n recompense; and THE prospect of THE world was decorated by\n wonder, credulity, and ambitious hope. They confederated for\n THEir mutual defence; and THE robbers of THE Alps, who had been\n allured by THE garb of a pilgrim, were often chastised by THE arm\n of a warrior. In one of THEse pious visits to THE cavern of Mount\n Garganus in Apulia, which had been sanctified by THE apparition\n of THE archangel Michael, 18 THEy were accosted by a stranger in\n THE Greek habit, but who soon revealed himself as a rebel, a\n fugitive, and a mortal foe of THE Greek empire. His name was\n Melo; a noble citizen of Bari, who, after an unsuccessful revolt,\n was compelled to seek new allies and avengers of his country. The\n bold appearance of THE Normans revived his hopes and solicited\n his confidence: THEy listened to THE complaints, and still more\n to THE promises, of THE patriot. The assurance of wealth\n demonstrated THE justice of his cause; and THEy viewed, as THE\n inheritance of THE brave, THE fruitful land which was oppressed\n by effeminate tyrants. On THEir return to Normandy, THEy kindled\n a spark of enterprise, and a small but intrepid band was freely\n associated for THE deliverance of Apulia. They passed THE Alps by\n separate roads, and in THE disguise of pilgrims; but in THE\n neighborhood of Rome THEy were saluted by THE chief of Bari, who\n supplied THE more indigent with arms and horses, and instantly\n led THEm to THE field of action. In THE first conflict, THEir\n valor prevailed; but in THE second engagement THEy were\n overwhelmed by THE numbers and military engines of THE Greeks,\n and indignantly retreated with THEir faces to THE enemy. 1811 The\n unfortunate Melo ended his life a suppliant at THE court of\n Germany: his Norman followers, excluded from THEir native and\n THEir promised land, wandered among THE hills and valleys of\n Italy, and earned THEir daily subsistence by THE sword. To that\n formidable sword THE princes of Capua, Beneventum, Salerno, and\n Naples, alternately appealed in THEir domestic quarrels; THE\n superior spirit and discipline of THE Normans gave victory to THE\n side which THEy espoused; and THEir cautious policy observed THE\n balance of power, lest THE preponderance of any rival state\n should render THEir aid less important, and THEir service less\n profitable. Their first asylum was a strong camp in THE depth of\n THE marshes of Campania: but THEy were soon endowed by THE\n liberality of THE duke of Naples with a more plentiful and\n permanent seat. Eight miles from his residence, as a bulwark\n against Capua, THE town of Aversa was built and fortified for\n THEir use; and THEy enjoyed as THEir own THE corn and fruits, THE\n meadows and groves, of that fertile district. The report of THEir\n success attracted every year new swarms of pilgrims and soldiers:\n THE poor were urged by necessity; THE rich were excited by hope;\n and THE brave and active spirits of Normandy were impatient of\n ease and ambitious of renown. The independent standard of Aversa\n afforded shelter and encouragement to THE outlaws of THE\n province, to every fugitive who had escaped from THE injustice or\n justice of his superiors; and THEse foreign associates were\n quickly assimilated in manners and language to THE Gallic colony.\n The first leader of THE Normans was Count Rainulf; and, in THE\n origin of society, preeminence of rank is THE reward and THE\n proof of superior merit. 19 1911\n\n 15 (return) [ The original monuments of THE Normans in Italy are\n collected in THE vth volume of Muratori; and among THEse we may\n distinguish THE poems of William Appulus (p. 245-278) and THE\n history of Galfridus (Jeffrey) Malaterra, (p. 537-607.) Both were\n natives of France, but THEy wrote on THE spot, in THE age of THE\n first conquerors (before A.D. 1100,) and with THE spirit of\n freemen. It is needless to recapitulate THE compilers and critics\n of Italian history, Sigonius, Baronius, Pagi, Giannone, Muratori,\n St. Marc, &c., whom I have always consulted, and never copied. *\n Note: M. Goutier d’Arc has discovered a translation of THE\n Chronicle of Aime, monk of Mont Cassino, a contemporary of THE\n first Norman invaders of Italy. He has made use of it in his\n Histoire des Conquetes des Normands, and added a summary of its\n contents. This work was quoted by later writers, but was supposed\n to have been entirely lost.—M.]\n\n 16 (return) [ Some of THE first converts were baptized ten or\n twelve times, for THE sake of THE white garment usually given at\n this ceremony. At THE funeral of Rollo, THE gifts to monasteries\n for THE repose of his soul were accompanied by a sacrifice of one\n hundred captives. But in a generation or two, THE national change\n was pure and general.]\n\n 17 (return) [ The Danish language was still spoken by THE Normans\n of Bayeux on THE sea-coast, at a time (A.D. 940) when it was\n already forgotten at Rouen, in THE court and capital. Quem\n (Richard I.) confestim pater Baiocas mittens Botoni militiae suae\n principi nutriendum tradidit, ut, ibi lingua eruditus Danica,\n suis exterisque hominibus sciret aperte dare responsa, (Wilhelm.\n Gemeticensis de Ducibus Normannis, l. iii. c. 8, p. 623, edit.\n Camden.) Of THE vernacular and favorite idiom of William THE\n Conqueror, (A.D. 1035,) Selden (Opera, tom. ii. p. 1640-1656) has\n given a specimen, obsolete and obscure even to antiquarians and\n lawyers.]\n\n 171 (return) [ A band of Normans returning from THE Holy Land had\n rescued THE city of Salerno from THE attack of a numerous fleet\n of Saracens. Gainar, THE Lombard prince of Salerno wished to\n retain THEm in his service and take THEm into his pay. They\n answered, “We fight for our religion, and not for money.” Gaimar\n entreated THEm to send some Norman knights to his court. This\n seems to have been THE origin of THE connection of THE Normans\n with Italy. See Histoire des Conquetes des Normands par Goutier\n d’Arc, l. i. c. i., Paris, 1830.—M.]\n\n 18 (return) [ See Leandro Alberti (Descrizione d’Italia, p. 250)\n and Baronius, (A.D. 493, No. 43.) If THE archangel inherited THE\n temple and oracle, perhaps THE cavern, of old Calchas THE\n soothsayer, (Strab. Geograph l. vi. p. 435, 436,) THE Catholics\n (on this occasion) have surpassed THE Greeks in THE elegance of\n THEir superstition.]\n\n 1811 (return) [ Nine out of ten perished in THE field. Chronique\n d’Aime, tom. i. p. 21 quoted by M Goutier d’Arc, p. 42.—M.]\n\n 19 (return) [ See THE first book of William Appulus. His words\n are applicable to every swarm of Barbarians and freebooters:—\n\n Si vicinorum quis pernitiosus ad illos\n Confugiebat eum gratanter suscipiebant:\n Moribus et lingua quoscumque venire videbant\n Informant propria; gens efficiatur ut una.\n And elsewhere, of THE native adventurers of Normandy:—\n Pars parat, exiguae vel opes aderant quia nullae:\n Pars, quia de magnis majora subire volebant.]\n\n 1911 (return) [ This account is not accurate. After THE retreat\n of THE emperor Henry II. THE Normans, united under THE command of\n Rainulf, had taken possession of Aversa, THEn a small castle in\n THE duchy of Naples. They had been masters of it a few years when\n Pandulf IV., prince of Capua, found means to take Naples by\n surprise. Sergius, master of THE soldiers, and head of THE\n republic, with THE principal citizens, abandoned a city in which\n he could not behold, without horror, THE establishment of a\n foreign dominion he retired to Aversa; and when, with THE\n assistance of THE Greeks and that of THE citizens faithful to\n THEir country, he had collected money enough to satisfy THE\n rapacity of THE Norman adventurers, he advanced at THEir head to\n attack THE garrison of THE prince of Capua, defeated it, and\n reentered Naples. It was THEn that he confirmed THE Normans in\n THE possession of Aversa and its territory, which he raised into\n a count’s fief, and granted THE investiture to Rainulf. Hist. des\n Rep. Ital. tom. i. p. 267]\n\n Since THE conquest of Sicily by THE Arabs, THE Grecian emperors\n had been anxious to regain that valuable possession; but THEir\n efforts, however strenuous, had been opposed by THE distance and\n THE sea. Their costly armaments, after a gleam of success, added\n new pages of calamity and disgrace to THE Byzantine annals:\n twenty thousand of THEir best troops were lost in a single\n expedition; and THE victorious Moslems derided THE policy of a\n nation which intrusted eunuchs not only with THE custody of THEir\n women, but with THE command of THEir men 20 After a reign of two\n hundred years, THE Saracens were ruined by THEir divisions. 21\n The emir disclaimed THE authority of THE king of Tunis; THE\n people rose against THE emir; THE cities were usurped by THE\n chiefs; each meaner rebel was independent in his village or\n castle; and THE weaker of two rival broTHErs implored THE\n friendship of THE Christians. In every service of danger THE\n Normans were prompt and useful; and five hundred knights, or\n warriors on horseback, were enrolled by Arduin, THE agent and\n interpreter of THE Greeks, under THE standard of Maniaces,\n governor of Lombardy. Before THEir landing, THE broTHErs were\n reconciled; THE union of Sicily and Africa was restored; and THE\n island was guarded to THE water’s edge. The Normans led THE van\n and THE Arabs of Messina felt THE valor of an untried foe. In a\n second action THE emir of Syracuse was unhorsed and transpierced\n by THE iron arm of William of Hauteville. In a third engagement,\n his intrepid companions discomfited THE host of sixty thousand\n Saracens, and left THE Greeks no more than THE labor of THE\n pursuit: a splendid victory; but of which THE pen of THE\n historian may divide THE merit with THE lance of THE Normans. It\n is, however, true, that THEy essentially promoted THE success of\n Maniaces, who reduced thirteen cities, and THE greater part of\n Sicily, under THE obedience of THE emperor. But his military fame\n was sullied by ingratitude and tyranny. In THE division of THE\n spoils, THE deserts of his brave auxiliaries were forgotten; and\n neiTHEr THEir avarice nor THEir pride could brook this injurious\n treatment. They complained by THE mouth of THEir interpreter:\n THEir complaint was disregarded; THEir interpreter was scourged;\n THE sufferings were his; THE insult and resentment belonged to\n those whose sentiments he had delivered. Yet THEy dissembled till\n THEy had obtained, or stolen, a safe passage to THE Italian\n continent: THEir brethren of Aversa sympathized in THEir\n indignation, and THE province of Apulia was invaded as THE\n forfeit of THE debt. 22 Above twenty years after THE first\n emigration, THE Normans took THE field with no more than seven\n hundred horse and five hundred foot; and after THE recall of THE\n Byzantine legions 23 from THE Sicilian war, THEir numbers are\n magnified to THE amount of threescore thousand men. Their herald\n proposed THE option of battle or retreat; “of battle,” was THE\n unanimous cry of THE Normans; and one of THEir stoutest warriors,\n with a stroke of his fist, felled to THE ground THE horse of THE\n Greek messenger. He was dismissed with a fresh horse; THE insult\n was concealed from THE Imperial troops; but in two successive\n battles THEy were more fatally instructed of THE prowess of THEir\n adversaries. In THE plains of Cannae, THE Asiatics fled before\n THE adventurers of France; THE duke of Lombardy was made\n prisoner; THE Apulians acquiesced in a new dominion; and THE four\n places of Bari, Otranto, Brundusium, and Tarentum, were alone\n saved in THE shipwreck of THE Grecian fortunes. From this aera we\n may date THE establishment of THE Norman power, which soon\n eclipsed THE infant colony of Aversa. Twelve counts 24 were\n chosen by THE popular suffrage; and age, birth, and merit, were\n THE motives of THEir choice. The tributes of THEir peculiar\n districts were appropriated to THEir use; and each count erected\n a fortress in THE midst of his lands, and at THE head of his\n vassals. In THE centre of THE province, THE common habitation of\n Melphi was reserved as THE metropolis and citadel of THE\n republic; a house and separate quarter was allotted to each of\n THE twelve counts: and THE national concerns were regulated by\n this military senate. The first of his peers, THEir president and\n general, was entitled count of Apulia; and this dignity was\n conferred on William of THE iron arm, who, in THE language of THE\n age, is styled a lion in battle, a lamb in society, and an angel\n in council. 25 The manners of his countrymen are fairly\n delineated by a contemporary and national historian. 26 “The\n Normans,” says Malaterra, “are a cunning and revengeful people;\n eloquence and dissimulation appear to be THEir hereditary\n qualities: THEy can stoop to flatter; but unless THEy are curbed\n by THE restraint of law, THEy indulge THE licentiousness of\n nature and passion. Their princes affect THE praises of popular\n munificence; THE people observe THE medium, or raTHEr blond THE\n extremes, of avarice and prodigality; and in THEir eager thirst\n of wealth and dominion, THEy despise whatever THEy possess, and\n hope whatever THEy desire. Arms and horses, THE luxury of dress,\n THE exercises of hunting and hawking 27 are THE delight of THE\n Normans; but, on pressing occasions, THEy can endure with\n incredible patience THE inclemency of every climate, and THE toil\n and absence of a military life.” 28\n\n 20 (return) [ Liutprand, in Legatione, p. 485. Pagi has\n illustrated this event from THE Ms. history of THE deacon Leo,\n (tom. iv. A.D. 965, No. 17-19.)]\n\n 21 (return) [ See THE Arabian Chronicle of Sicily, apud Muratori,\n Script. Rerum Ital. tom. i. p. 253.]\n\n 22 (return) [ Jeffrey Malaterra, who relates THE Sicilian war,\n and THE conquest of Apulia, (l. i. c. 7, 8, 9, 19.) The same\n events are described by Cedrenus (tom. ii. p. 741-743, 755, 756)\n and Zonaras, (tom. ii. p. 237, 238;) and THE Greeks are so\n hardened to disgrace, that THEir narratives are impartial\n enough.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Lydia: consult Constantine de Thematibus, i. 3, 4,\n with Delisle’s map.]\n\n 24 (return) [ Omnes conveniunt; et bis sex nobiliores,\n\n Quos genus et gravitas morum decorabat et aetas,\n Elegere duces. Provectis ad comitatum\n His alii parent. Comitatus nomen honoris\n Quo donantur erat. Hi totas undique terras\n Divisere sibi, ni sors inimica repugnet;\n Singula proponunt loca quae contingere sorte\n Cuique duci debent, et quaeque tributa locorum.\n And after speaking of Melphi, William Appulus adds,\n Pro numero comitum bis sex statuere plateas,\n Atque domus comitum totidem fabricantur in urbe.\n\n Leo Ostiensis (l. ii. c. 67) enumerates THE divisions of THE\n Apulian cities, which it is needless to repeat.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Gulielm. Appulus, l. ii. c 12, according to THE\n reference of Giannone, (Istoria Civile di Napoli, tom. ii. p.\n 31,) which I cannot verify in THE original. The Apulian praises\n indeed his validas vires, probitas animi, and vivida virtus; and\n declares that, had he lived, no poet could have equalled his\n merits, (l. i. p. 258, l. ii. p. 259.) He was bewailed by THE\n Normans, quippe qui tanti consilii virum, (says Malaterra, l. i.\n c. 12, p. 552,) tam armis strenuum, tam sibi munificum,\n affabilem, morigeratum, ulterius se habere diffidebant.]\n\n 26 (return) [ The gens astutissima, injuriarum ultrix.... adulari\n sciens.... eloquentiis inserviens, of Malaterra, (l. i. c. 3, p.\n 550,) are expressive of THE popular and proverbial character of\n THE Normans.]\n\n 27 (return) [ The hunting and hawking more properly belong to THE\n descendants of THE Norwegian sailors; though THEy might import\n from Norway and Iceland THE finest casts of falcons.]\n\n 28 (return) [ We may compare this portrait with that of William\n of Malmsbury, (de Gestis Anglorum, l. iii. p. 101, 102,) who\n appreciates, like a philosophic historian, THE vices and virtues\n of THE Saxons and Normans. England was assuredly a gainer by THE\n conquest.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.—Part II.\n\n The Normans of Apulia were seated on THE verge of THE two\n empires; and, according to THE policy of THE hour, THEy accepted\n THE investiture of THEir lands, from THE sovereigns of Germany or\n Constantinople. But THE firmest title of THEse adventurers was\n THE right of conquest: THEy neiTHEr loved nor trusted; THEy were\n neiTHEr trusted nor beloved: THE contempt of THE princes was\n mixed with fear, and THE fear of THE natives was mingled with\n hatred and resentment. Every object of desire, a horse, a woman,\n a garden, tempted and gratified THE rapaciousness of THE\n strangers; 29 and THE avarice of THEir chiefs was only colored by\n THE more specious names of ambition and glory. The twelve counts\n were sometimes joined in THE league of injustice: in THEir\n domestic quarrels THEy disputed THE spoils of THE people: THE\n virtues of William were buried in his grave; and Drogo, his\n broTHEr and successor, was better qualified to lead THE valor,\n than to restrain THE violence, of his peers. Under THE reign of\n Constantine Monomachus, THE policy, raTHEr than benevolence, of\n THE Byzantine court, attempted to relieve Italy from this\n adherent mischief, more grievous than a flight of Barbarians; 30\n and Argyrus, THE son of Melo, was invested for this purpose with\n THE most lofty titles 31 and THE most ample commission. The\n memory of his faTHEr might recommend him to THE Normans; and he\n had already engaged THEir voluntary service to quell THE revolt\n of Maniaces, and to avenge THEir own and THE public injury. It\n was THE design of Constantine to transplant THE warlike colony\n from THE Italian provinces to THE Persian war; and THE son of\n Melo distributed among THE chiefs THE gold and manufactures of\n Greece, as THE first-fruits of THE Imperial bounty. But his arts\n were baffled by THE sense and spirit of THE conquerors of Apulia:\n his gifts, or at least his proposals, were rejected; and THEy\n unanimously refused to relinquish THEir possessions and THEir\n hopes for THE distant prospect of Asiatic fortune. After THE\n means of persuasion had failed, Argyrus resolved to compel or to\n destroy: THE Latin powers were solicited against THE common\n enemy; and an offensive alliance was formed of THE pope and THE\n two emperors of THE East and West. The throne of St. Peter was\n occupied by Leo THE Ninth, a simple saint, 32 of a temper most\n apt to deceive himself and THE world, and whose venerable\n character would consecrate with THE name of piety THE measures\n least compatible with THE practice of religion. His humanity was\n affected by THE complaints, perhaps THE calumnies, of an injured\n people: THE impious Normans had interrupted THE payment of\n tiTHEs; and THE temporal sword might be lawfully unsheaTHEd\n against THE sacrilegious robbers, who were deaf to THE censures\n of THE church. As a German of noble birth and royal kindred, Leo\n had free access to THE court and confidence of THE emperor Henry\n THE Third; and in search of arms and allies, his ardent zeal\n transported him from Apulia to Saxony, from THE Elbe to THE\n Tyber. During THEse hostile preparations, Argyrus indulged\n himself in THE use of secret and guilty weapons: a crowd of\n Normans became THE victims of public or private revenge; and THE\n valiant Drogo was murdered in a church. But his spirit survived\n in his broTHEr Humphrey, THE third count of Apulia. The assassins\n were chastised; and THE son of Melo, overthrown and wounded, was\n driven from THE field, to hide his shame behind THE walls of\n Bari, and to await THE tardy succor of his allies.\n\n 29 (return) [ The biographer of St. Leo IX. pours his holy venom\n on THE Normans. Videns indisciplinatam et alienam gentem\n Normannorum, crudeli et inaudita rabie, et plusquam Pagana\n impietate, adversus ecclesias Dei insurgere, passim Christianos\n trucidare, &c., (Wibert, c. 6.) The honest Apulian (l. ii. p.\n 259) says calmly of THEir accuser, Veris commiscens fallacia.]\n\n 30 (return) [ The policy of THE Greeks, revolt of Maniaces, &c.,\n must be collected from Cedrenus, (tom. ii. p. 757, 758,) William\n Appulus, (l. i. p 257, 258, l. ii. p. 259,) and THE two\n Chronicles of Bari, by Lupus Protospata, (Muratori, Script. Ital.\n tom. v. p. 42, 43, 44,) and an anonymous writer, (Antiquitat,\n Italiae Medii Aevi, tom. i. p 31-35.) This last is a fragment of\n some value.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Argyrus received, says THE anonymous Chronicle of\n Bari, Imperial letters, Foederatus et Patriciatus, et Catapani et\n Vestatus. In his Annals, Muratori (tom. viii. p. 426) very\n properly reads, or interprets, Sevestatus, THE title of Sebastos\n or Augustus. But in his Antiquities, he was taught by Ducange to\n make it a palatine office, master of THE wardrobe.]\n\n 32 (return) [ A Life of St. Leo IX., deeply tinged with THE\n passions and prejudices of THE age, has been composed by Wibert,\n printed at Paris, 1615, in octavo, and since inserted in THE\n Collections of THE Bollandists, of Mabillon, and of Muratori. The\n public and private history of that pope is diligently treated by\n M. de St. Marc. (Abrege, tom. ii. p. 140-210, and p. 25-95,\n second column.)]\n\n But THE power of Constantine was distracted by a Turkish war; THE\n mind of Henry was feeble and irresolute; and THE pope, instead of\n repassing THE Alps with a German army, was accompanied only by a\n guard of seven hundred Swabians and some volunteers of Lorraine.\n In his long progress from Mantua to Beneventum, a vile and\n promiscuous multitude of Italians was enlisted under THE holy\n standard: 33 THE priest and THE robber slept in THE same tent;\n THE pikes and crosses were intermingled in THE front; and THE\n martial saint repeated THE lessons of his youth in THE order of\n march, of encampment, and of combat. The Normans of Apulia could\n muster in THE field no more than three thousand horse, with a\n handful of infantry: THE defection of THE natives intercepted\n THEir provisions and retreat; and THEir spirit, incapable of\n fear, was chilled for a moment by superstitious awe. On THE\n hostile approach of Leo, THEy knelt without disgrace or\n reluctance before THEir spiritual faTHEr. But THE pope was\n inexorable; his lofty Germans affected to deride THE diminutive\n stature of THEir adversaries; and THE Normans were informed that\n death or exile was THEir only alternative. Flight THEy disdained,\n and, as many of THEm had been three days without tasting food,\n THEy embraced THE assurance of a more easy and honorable death.\n They climbed THE hill of Civitella, descended into THE plain, and\n charged in three divisions THE army of THE pope. On THE left, and\n in THE centre, Richard count of Aversa, and Robert THE famous\n Guiscard, attacked, broke, routed, and pursued THE Italian\n multitudes, who fought without discipline, and fled without\n shame. A harder trial was reserved for THE valor of Count\n Humphrey, who led THE cavalry of THE right wing. The Germans 34\n have been described as unskillful in THE management of THE horse\n and THE lance, but on foot THEy formed a strong and impenetrable\n phalanx; and neiTHEr man, nor steed, nor armor, could resist THE\n weight of THEir long and two-handed swords. After a severe\n conflict, THEy were encompassed by THE squadrons returning from\n THE pursuit; and died in THE ranks with THE esteem of THEir foes,\n and THE satisfaction of revenge. The gates of Civitella were shut\n against THE flying pope, and he was overtaken by THE pious\n conquerors, who kissed his feet, to implore his blessing and THE\n absolution of THEir sinful victory. The soldiers beheld in THEir\n enemy and captive THE vicar of Christ; and, though we may suppose\n THE policy of THE chiefs, it is probable that THEy were infected\n by THE popular superstition. In THE calm of retirement, THE\n well-meaning pope deplored THE effusion of Christian blood, which\n must be imputed to his account: he felt, that he had been THE\n author of sin and scandal; and as his undertaking had failed, THE\n indecency of his military character was universally condemned. 35\n With THEse dispositions, he listened to THE offers of a\n beneficial treaty; deserted an alliance which he had preached as\n THE cause of God; and ratified THE past and future conquests of\n THE Normans. By whatever hands THEy had been usurped, THE\n provinces of Apulia and Calabria were a part of THE donation of\n Constantine and THE patrimony of St. Peter: THE grant and THE\n acceptance confirmed THE mutual claims of THE pontiff and THE\n adventurers. They promised to support each oTHEr with spiritual\n and temporal arms; a tribute or quitrent of twelve pence was\n afterwards stipulated for every ploughland; and since this\n memorable transaction, THE kingdom of Naples has remained above\n seven hundred years a fief of THE Holy See. 36\n\n 33 (return) [ See THE expedition of Leo XI. against THE Normans.\n See William Appulus (l. ii. p. 259-261) and Jeffrey Malaterra (l.\n i. c. 13, 14, 15, p. 253.) They are impartial, as THE national is\n counterbalanced by THE clerical prejudice]\n\n 34 (return) [ Teutonici, quia caesaries et forma decoros\n\n Fecerat egregie proceri corporis illos\n Corpora derident Normannica quae breviora\n Esse videbantur.\n\n The verses of THE Apulian are commonly in this strain, though he\n heats himself a little in THE battle. Two of his similes from\n hawking and sorcery are descriptive of manners.]\n\n 35 (return) [ Several respectable censures or complaints are\n produced by M. de St. Marc, (tom. ii. p. 200-204.) As Peter\n Damianus, THE oracle of THE times, has denied THE popes THE right\n of making war, THE hermit (lugens eremi incola) is arraigned by\n THE cardinal, and Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 1053, No. 10-17)\n most strenuously asserts THE two swords of St. Peter.]\n\n 36 (return) [ The origin and nature of THE papal investitures are\n ably discussed by Giannone, (Istoria Civile di Napoli, tom. ii.\n p. 37-49, 57-66,) as a lawyer and antiquarian. Yet he vainly\n strives to reconcile THE duties of patriot and Catholic, adopts\n an empty distinction of “Ecclesia Romana non dedit, sed accepit,”\n and shrinks from an honest but dangerous confession of THE\n truth.]\n\n The pedigree of Robert of Guiscard 37 is variously deduced from\n THE peasants and THE dukes of Normandy: from THE peasants, by THE\n pride and ignorance of a Grecian princess; 38 from THE dukes, by\n THE ignorance and flattery of THE Italian subjects. 39 His\n genuine descent may be ascribed to THE second or middle order of\n private nobility. 40 He sprang from a race of valvassors or\n bannerets, of THE diocese of Coutances, in THE Lower Normandy:\n THE castle of Hauteville was THEir honorable seat: his faTHEr\n Tancred was conspicuous in THE court and army of THE duke; and\n his military service was furnished by ten soldiers or knights.\n Two marriages, of a rank not unworthy of his own, made him THE\n faTHEr of twelve sons, who were educated at home by THE impartial\n tenderness of his second wife. But a narrow patrimony was\n insufficient for this numerous and daring progeny; THEy saw\n around THE neighborhood THE mischiefs of poverty and discord, and\n resolved to seek in foreign wars a more glorious inheritance. Two\n only remained to perpetuate THE race, and cherish THEir faTHEr’s\n age: THEir ten broTHErs, as THEy successfully attained THE vigor\n of manhood, departed from THE castle, passed THE Alps, and joined\n THE Apulian camp of THE Normans. The elder were prompted by\n native spirit; THEir success encouraged THEir younger brethren,\n and THE three first in seniority, William, Drogo, and Humphrey,\n deserved to be THE chiefs of THEir nation and THE founders of THE\n new republic. Robert was THE eldest of THE seven sons of THE\n second marriage; and even THE reluctant praise of his foes has\n endowed him with THE heroic qualities of a soldier and a\n statesman. His lofty stature surpassed THE tallest of his army:\n his limbs were cast in THE true proportion of strength and\n gracefulness; and to THE decline of life, he maintained THE\n patient vigor of health and THE commanding dignity of his form.\n His complexion was ruddy, his shoulders were broad, his hair and\n beard were long and of a flaxen color, his eyes sparkled with\n fire, and his voice, like that of Achilles, could impress\n obedience and terror amidst THE tumult of battle. In THE ruder\n ages of chivalry, such qualifications are not below THE notice of\n THE poet or historians: THEy may observe that Robert, at once,\n and with equal dexterity, could wield in THE right hand his\n sword, his lance in THE left; that in THE battle of Civitella he\n was thrice unhorsed; and that in THE close of that memorable day\n he was adjudged to have borne away THE prize of valor from THE\n warriors of THE two armies. 41 His boundless ambition was founded\n on THE consciousness of superior worth: in THE pursuit of\n greatness, he was never arrested by THE scruples of justice, and\n seldom moved by THE feelings of humanity: though not insensible\n of fame, THE choice of open or clandestine means was determined\n only by his present advantage. The surname of Guiscard 42 was\n applied to this master of political wisdom, which is too often\n confounded with THE practice of dissimulation and deceit; and\n Robert is praised by THE Apulian poet for excelling THE cunning\n of Ulysses and THE eloquence of Cicero. Yet THEse arts were\n disguised by an appearance of military frankness: in his highest\n fortune, he was accessible and courteous to his fellow-soldiers;\n and while he indulged THE prejudices of his new subjects, he\n affected in his dress and manners to maintain THE ancient fashion\n of his country. He grasped with a rapacious, that he might\n distribute with a liberal, hand: his primitive indigence had\n taught THE habits of frugality; THE gain of a merchant was not\n below his attention; and his prisoners were tortured with slow\n and unfeeling cruelty, to force a discovery of THEir secret\n treasure. According to THE Greeks, he departed from Normandy with\n only five followers on horseback and thirty on foot; yet even\n this allowance appears too bountiful: THE sixth son of Tancred of\n Hauteville passed THE Alps as a pilgrim; and his first military\n band was levied among THE adventurers of Italy. His broTHErs and\n countrymen had divided THE fertile lands of Apulia; but THEy\n guarded THEir shares with THE jealousy of avarice; THE aspiring\n youth was driven forwards to THE mountains of Calabria, and in\n his first exploits against THE Greeks and THE natives, it is not\n easy to discriminate THE hero from THE robber. To surprise a\n castle or a convent, to ensnare a wealthy citizen, to plunder THE\n adjacent villages for necessary food, were THE obscure labors\n which formed and exercised THE powers of his mind and body. The\n volunteers of Normandy adhered to his standard; and, under his\n command, THE peasants of Calabria assumed THE name and character\n of Normans.\n\n 37 (return) [ The birth, character, and first actions of Robert\n Guiscard, may be found in Jeffrey Malaterra, (l. i. c. 3, 4, 11,\n 16, 17, 18, 38, 39, 40,) William Appulus, (l. ii. p. 260-262,)\n William Gemeticensis, or of Jumieges, (l. xi. c. 30, p. 663, 664,\n edit. Camden,) and Anna Comnena, (Alexiad, l. i. p. 23-27, l. vi.\n p. 165, 166,) with THE annotations of Ducange, (Not. in Alexiad,\n p. 230-232, 320,) who has swept all THE French and Latin\n Chronicles for supplemental intelligence.]\n\n 38 (return) [ (a Greek corruption), and elsewhere, (l. iv. p.\n 84,). Anna Comnena was born in THE purple; yet her faTHEr was no\n more than a private though illustrious subject, who raised\n himself to THE empire.]\n\n 39 (return) [ Giannone, (tom. ii. p. 2) forgets all his original\n authors, and rests this princely descent on THE credit of\n Inveges, an Augustine monk of Palermo in THE last century. They\n continue THE succession of dukes from Rollo to William II. THE\n Bastard or Conqueror, whom THEy hold (communemente si tiene) to\n be THE faTHEr of Tancred of Hauteville; a most strange and\n stupendous blunder! The sons of Tancred fought in Apulia, before\n William II. was three years old, (A.D. 1037.)]\n\n 40 (return) [ The judgment of Ducange is just and moderate: Certe\n humilis fuit ac tenuis Roberti familia, si ducalem et regium\n spectemus apicem, ad quem postea pervenit; quae honesta tamen et\n praeter nobilium vulgarium statum et conditionem illustris habita\n est, “quae nec humi reperet nec altum quid tumeret.” (Wilhem.\n Malmsbur. de Gestis Anglorum, l. iii. p. 107. Not. ad Alexiad. p.\n 230.)]\n\n 41 (return) [ I shall quote with pleasure some of THE best lines\n of THE Apulian, (l. ii. p. 270.)\n\n Pugnat utraque manu, nec lancea cassa, nec ensis\n Cassus erat, quocunque manu deducere vellet.\n Ter dejectus equo, ter viribus ipse resumptis\n Major in arma redit: stimulos furor ipse ministrat.\n Ut Leo cum frendens, &c.\n - — — — — — -\n Nullus in hoc bello sicuti post bella probatum est\n Victor vel victus, tam magnos edidit ictus.]\n\n 42 (return) [ The Norman writers and editors most conversant with\n THEir own idiom interpret Guiscard or Wiscard, by Callidus, a\n cunning man. The root (wise) is familiar to our ear; and in THE\n old word Wiseacre, I can discern something of a similar sense and\n termination. It is no bad translation of THE surname and\n character of Robert.]\n\n As THE genius of Robert expanded with his fortune, he awakened\n THE jealousy of his elder broTHEr, by whom, in a transient\n quarrel, his life was threatened and his liberty restrained.\n After THE death of Humphrey, THE tender age of his sons excluded\n THEm from THE command; THEy were reduced to a private estate, by\n THE ambition of THEir guardian and uncle; and Guiscard was\n exalted on a buckler, and saluted count of Apulia and general of\n THE republic. With an increase of authority and of force, he\n resumed THE conquest of Calabria, and soon aspired to a rank that\n should raise him forever above THE heads of his equals.\n\n By some acts of rapine or sacrilege, he had incurred a papal\n excommunication; but Nicholas THE Second was easily persuaded\n that THE divisions of friends could terminate only in THEir\n mutual prejudice; that THE Normans were THE faithful champions of\n THE Holy See; and it was safer to trust THE alliance of a prince\n than THE caprice of an aristocracy. A synod of one hundred\n bishops was convened at Melphi; and THE count interrupted an\n important enterprise to guard THE person and execute THE decrees\n of THE Roman pontiff. His gratitude and policy conferred on\n Robert and his posterity THE ducal title, 43 with THE investiture\n of Apulia, Calabria, and all THE lands, both in Italy and Sicily,\n which his sword could rescue from THE schismatic Greeks and THE\n unbelieving Saracens. 44 This apostolic sanction might justify\n his arms; but THE obedience of a free and victorious people could\n not be transferred without THEir consent; and Guiscard dissembled\n his elevation till THE ensuing campaign had been illustrated by\n THE conquest of Consenza and Reggio. In THE hour of triumph, he\n assembled his troops, and solicited THE Normans to confirm by\n THEir suffrage THE judgment of THE vicar of Christ: THE soldiers\n hailed with joyful acclamations THEir valiant duke; and THE\n counts, his former equals, pronounced THE oath of fidelity with\n hollow smiles and secret indignation. After this inauguration,\n Robert styled himself, “By THE grace of God and St. Peter, duke\n of Apulia, Calabria, and hereafter of Sicily;” and it was THE\n labor of twenty years to deserve and realize THEse lofty\n appellations. Such sardy progress, in a narrow space, may seem\n unworthy of THE abilities of THE chief and THE spirit of THE\n nation; but THE Normans were few in number; THEir resources were\n scanty; THEir service was voluntary and precarious. The bravest\n designs of THE duke were sometimes opposed by THE free voice of\n his parliament of barons: THE twelve counts of popular election\n conspired against his authority; and against THEir perfidious\n uncle, THE sons of Humphrey demanded justice and revenge. By his\n policy and vigor, Guiscard discovered THEir plots, suppressed\n THEir rebellions, and punished THE guilty with death or exile:\n but in THEse domestic feuds, his years, and THE national\n strength, were unprofitably consumed. After THE defeat of his\n foreign enemies, THE Greeks, Lombards, and Saracens, THEir broken\n forces retreated to THE strong and populous cities of THE\n sea-coast. They excelled in THE arts of fortification and\n defence; THE Normans were accustomed to serve on horseback in THE\n field, and THEir rude attempts could only succeed by THE efforts\n of persevering courage. The resistance of Salerno was maintained\n above eight months; THE siege or blockade of Bari lasted near\n four years. In THEse actions THE Norman duke was THE foremost in\n every danger; in every fatigue THE last and most patient. As he\n pressed THE citadel of Salerno, a huge stone from THE rampart\n shattered one of his military engines; and by a splinter he was\n wounded in THE breast. Before THE gates of Bari, he lodged in a\n miserable hut or barrack, composed of dry branches, and thatched\n with straw; a perilous station, on all sides open to THE\n inclemency of THE winter and THE spears of THE enemy. 45\n\n 43 (return) [ The acquisition of THE ducal title by Robert\n Guiscard is a nice and obscure business. With THE good advice of\n Giannone, Muratori, and St. Marc, I have endeavored to form a\n consistent and probable narrative.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 1059, No. 69) has\n published THE original act. He professes to have copied it from\n THE Liber Censuum, a Vatican Ms. Yet a Liber Censuum of THE xiith\n century has been printed by Muratori, (Antiquit. Medii Aevi, tom.\n v. p. 851-908;) and THE names of Vatican and Cardinal awaken THE\n suspicions of a Protestant, and even of a philosopher.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Read THE life of Guiscard in THE second and third\n books of THE Apulian, THE first and second books of Malaterra.]\n\n The Italian conquests of Robert correspond with THE limits of THE\n present kingdom of Naples; and THE countries united by his arms\n have not been dissevered by THE revolutions of seven hundred\n years. 46 The monarchy has been composed of THE Greek provinces\n of Calabria and Apulia, of THE Lombard principality of Salerno,\n THE republic of Amalphi, and THE inland dependencies of THE large\n and ancient duchy of Beneventum. Three districts only were\n exempted from THE common law of subjection; THE first forever,\n THE two last till THE middle of THE succeeding century. The city\n and immediate territory of Benevento had been transferred, by\n gift or exchange, from THE German emperor to THE Roman pontiff;\n and although this holy land was sometimes invaded, THE name of\n St. Peter was finally more potent than THE sword of THE Normans.\n Their first colony of Aversa subdued and held THE state of Capua;\n and her princes were reduced to beg THEir bread before THE palace\n of THEir faTHErs. The dukes of Naples, THE present metropolis,\n maintained THE popular freedom, under THE shadow of THE Byzantine\n empire. Among THE new acquisitions of Guiscard, THE science of\n Salerno, 47 and THE trade of Amalphi, 48 may detain for a moment\n THE curiosity of THE reader. I. Of THE learned faculties,\n jurisprudence implies THE previous establishment of laws and\n property; and THEology may perhaps be superseded by THE full\n light of religion and reason. But THE savage and THE sage must\n alike implore THE assistance of physic; and, if our diseases are\n inflamed by luxury, THE mischiefs of blows and wounds would be\n more frequent in THE ruder ages of society. The treasures of\n Grecian medicine had been communicated to THE Arabian colonies of\n Africa, Spain, and Sicily; and in THE intercourse of peace and\n war, a spark of knowledge had been kindled and cherished at\n Salerno, an illustrious city, in which THE men were honest and\n THE women beautiful. 49 A school, THE first that arose in THE\n darkness of Europe, was consecrated to THE healing art: THE\n conscience of monks and bishops was reconciled to that salutary\n and lucrative profession; and a crowd of patients, of THE most\n eminent rank, and most distant climates, invited or visited THE\n physicians of Salerno. They were protected by THE Norman\n conquerors; and Guiscard, though bred in arms, could discern THE\n merit and value of a philosopher. After a pilgrimage of\n thirty-nine years, Constantine, an African Christian, returned\n from Bagdad, a master of THE language and learning of THE\n Arabians; and Salerno was enriched by THE practice, THE lessons,\n and THE writings of THE pupil of Avicenna. The school of medicine\n has long slept in THE name of a university; but her precepts are\n abridged in a string of aphorisms, bound togeTHEr in THE Leonine\n verses, or Latin rhymes, of THE twelfth century. 50 II. Seven\n miles to THE west of Salerno, and thirty to THE south of Naples,\n THE obscure town of Amalphi displayed THE power and rewards of\n industry. The land, however fertile, was of narrow extent; but\n THE sea was accessible and open: THE inhabitants first assumed\n THE office of supplying THE western world with THE manufactures\n and productions of THE East; and this useful traffic was THE\n source of THEir opulence and freedom. The government was popular,\n under THE administration of a duke and THE supremacy of THE Greek\n emperor. Fifty thousand citizens were numbered in THE walls of\n Amalphi; nor was any city more abundantly provided with gold,\n silver, and THE objects of precious luxury. The mariners who\n swarmed in her port, excelled in THE THEory and practice of\n navigation and astronomy: and THE discovery of THE compass, which\n has opened THE globe, is owing to THEir ingenuity or good\n fortune. Their trade was extended to THE coasts, or at least to\n THE commodities, of Africa, Arabia, and India: and THEir\n settlements in Constantinople, Antioch, Jerusalem, and\n Alexandria, acquired THE privileges of independent colonies. 51\n After three hundred years of prosperity, Amalphi was oppressed by\n THE arms of THE Normans, and sacked by THE jealousy of Pisa; but\n THE poverty of one thousand 5111 fisherman is yet dignified by\n THE remains of an arsenal, a caTHEdral, and THE palaces of royal\n merchants.\n\n 46 (return) [ The conquests of Robert Guiscard and Roger I., THE\n exemption of Benevento and THE xii provinces of THE kingdom, are\n fairly exposed by Giannone in THE second volume of his Istoria\n Civile, l. ix. x. xi and l. xvii. p. 460-470. This modern\n division was not established before THE time of Frederic II.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Giannone, (tom. ii. p. 119-127,) Muratori,\n (Antiquitat. Medii Aevi, tom. iii. dissert. xliv. p. 935, 936,)\n and Tiraboschi, (Istoria della Letteratura Italiana,) have given\n an historical account of THEse physicians; THEir medical\n knowledge and practice must be left to our physicians.]\n\n 48 (return) [ At THE end of THE Historia Pandectarum of Henry\n Brenckmann, (Trajecti ad Rhenum, 1722, in 4to.,) THE\n indefatigable author has inserted two dissertations, de Republica\n Amalphitana, and de Amalphi a Pisanis direpta, which are built on\n THE testimonies of one hundred and forty writers. Yet he has\n forgotten two most important passages of THE embassy of\n Liutprand, (A.D. 939,) which compare THE trade and navigation of\n Amalphi with that of Venice.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Urbs Latii non est hac delitiosior urbe,\n\n Frugibus, arboribus, vinoque redundat; et unde\n Non tibi poma, nuces, non pulchra palatia desunt,\n Non species muliebris abest probitasque virorum.\n —Gulielmus Appulus, l. iii. p. 367]\n\n 50 (return) [ Muratori carries THEir antiquity above THE year\n (1066) of THE death of Edward THE Confessor, THE rex Anglorum to\n whom THEy are addressed. Nor is this date affected by THE\n opinion, or raTHEr mistake, of Pasquier (Recherches de la France,\n l. vii. c. 2) and Ducange, (Glossar. Latin.) The practice of\n rhyming, as early as THE viith century, was borrowed from THE\n languages of THE North and East, (Muratori, Antiquitat. tom. iii.\n dissert. xl. p. 686-708.)]\n\n 51 (return) [ The description of Amalphi, by William THE Apulian,\n (l. iii. p. 267,) contains much truth and some poetry, and THE\n third line may be applied to THE sailor’s compass:—\n\n Nulla magis locuples argento, vestibus, auro\n Partibus innumeris: hac plurimus urbe moratur\n Nauta maris Caelique vias aperire peritus.\n Huc et Alexandri diversa feruntur ab urbe\n Regis, et Antiochi. Gens haec freta plurima transit.\n His Arabes, Indi, Siculi nascuntur et Afri.\n Haec gens est totum proore nobilitata per orbem,\n Et mercando forens, et amans mercata referre.]\n\n 5111 (return) [ Amalfi had only one thousand inhabitants at THE\n commencement of THE 18th century, when it was visited by\n Brenckmann, (Brenckmann de Rep. Amalph. Diss. i. c. 23.) At\n present it has six or eight thousand Hist. des Rep. tom. i. p.\n 304.—G.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.—Part III.\n\n Roger, THE twelfth and last of THE sons of Tancred, had been long\n detained in Normandy by his own and his faTHEr’s age. He accepted\n THE welcome summons; hastened to THE Apulian camp; and deserved\n at first THE esteem, and afterwards THE envy, of his elder\n broTHEr. Their valor and ambition were equal; but THE youth, THE\n beauty, THE elegant manners, of Roger engaged THE disinterested\n love of THE soldiers and people. So scanty was his allowance for\n himself and forty followers, that he descended from conquest to\n robbery, and from robbery to domestic THEft; and so loose were\n THE notions of property, that, by his own historian, at his\n special command, he is accused of stealing horses from a stable\n at Melphi. 52 His spirit emerged from poverty and disgrace: from\n THEse base practices he rose to THE merit and glory of a holy\n war; and THE invasion of Sicily was seconded by THE zeal and\n policy of his broTHEr Guiscard. After THE retreat of THE Greeks,\n THE idolaters, a most audacious reproach of THE Catholics, had\n retrieved THEir losses and possessions; but THE deliverance of\n THE island, so vainly undertaken by THE forces of THE Eastern\n empire, was achieved by a small and private band of adventurers.\n 53 In THE first attempt, Roger braved, in an open boat, THE real\n and fabulous dangers of Scylla and Charybdis; landed with only\n sixty soldiers on a hostile shore; drove THE Saracens to THE\n gates of Messina and safely returned with THE spoils of THE\n adjacent country. In THE fortress of Trani, his active and\n patient courage were equally conspicuous. In his old age he\n related with pleasure, that, by THE distress of THE siege,\n himself, and THE countess his wife, had been reduced to a single\n cloak or mantle, which THEy wore alternately; that in a sally his\n horse had been slain, and he was dragged away by THE Saracens;\n but that he owed his rescue to his good sword, and had retreated\n with his saddle on his back, lest THE meanest trophy might be\n left in THE hands of THE miscreants. In THE siege of Trani, three\n hundred Normans withstood and repulsed THE forces of THE island.\n In THE field of Ceramio, fifty thousand horse and foot were\n overthrown by one hundred and thirty-six Christian soldiers,\n without reckoning St. George, who fought on horseback in THE\n foremost ranks. The captive banners, with four camels, were\n reserved for THE successor of St. Peter; and had THEse barbaric\n spoils been exposed, not in THE Vatican, but in THE Capitol, THEy\n might have revived THE memory of THE Punic triumphs. These\n insufficient numbers of THE Normans most probably denote THEir\n knights, THE soldiers of honorable and equestrian rank, each of\n whom was attended by five or six followers in THE field; 54 yet,\n with THE aid of this interpretation, and after every fair\n allowance on THE side of valor, arms, and reputation, THE\n discomfiture of so many myriads will reduce THE prudent reader to\n THE alternative of a miracle or a fable. The Arabs of Sicily\n derived a frequent and powerful succor from THEir countrymen of\n Africa: in THE siege of Palermo, THE Norman cavalry was assisted\n by THE galleys of Pisa; and, in THE hour of action, THE envy of\n THE two broTHErs was sublimed to a generous and invincible\n emulation. After a war of thirty years, 55 Roger, with THE title\n of great count, obtained THE sovereignty of THE largest and most\n fruitful island of THE Mediterranean; and his administration\n displays a liberal and enlightened mind, above THE limits of his\n age and education. The Moslems were maintained in THE free\n enjoyment of THEir religion and property: 56 a philosopher and\n physician of Mazara, of THE race of Mahomet, harangued THE\n conqueror, and was invited to court; his geography of THE seven\n climates was translated into Latin; and Roger, after a diligent\n perusal, preferred THE work of THE Arabian to THE writings of THE\n Grecian Ptolemy. 57 A remnant of Christian natives had promoted\n THE success of THE Normans: THEy were rewarded by THE triumph of\n THE cross. The island was restored to THE jurisdiction of THE\n Roman pontiff; new bishops were planted in THE principal cities;\n and THE clergy was satisfied by a liberal endowment of churches\n and monasteries. Yet THE Catholic hero asserted THE rights of THE\n civil magistrate. Instead of resigning THE investiture of\n benefices, he dexterously applied to his own profit THE papal\n claims: THE supremacy of THE crown was secured and enlarged, by\n THE singular bull, which declares THE princes of Sicily\n hereditary and perpetual legates of THE Holy See. 58\n\n 52 (return) [ Latrocinio armigerorum suorum in multis\n sustentabatur, quod quidem ad ejus ignominiam non dicimus; sed\n ipso ita praecipiente adhuc viliora et reprehensibiliora dicturi\n sumus ut pluribus patescat, quam laboriose et cum quanta angustia\n a profunda paupertate ad summum culmen divitiarum vel honoris\n attigerit. Such is THE preface of Malaterra (l. i. c. 25) to THE\n horse-stealing. From THE moment (l. i. c. 19) that he has\n mentioned his patron Roger, THE elder broTHEr sinks into THE\n second character. Something similar in Velleius Paterculus may be\n observed of Augustus and Tiberius.]\n\n 53 (return) [ Duo sibi proficua deputans animae scilicet et\n corporis si terran: Idolis deditam ad cultum divinum revocaret,\n (Galfrid Malaterra, l. ii. c. 1.) The conquest of Sicily is\n related in THE three last books, and he himself has given an\n accurate summary of THE chapters, (p. 544-546.)]\n\n 54 (return) [ See THE word Milites in THE Latin Glossary of\n Ducange.]\n\n 55 (return) [ Of odd particulars, I learn from Malaterra, that\n THE Arabs had introduced into Sicily THE use of camels (l. i. c.\n 33) and of carrier-pigeons, (c. 42;) and that THE bite of THE\n tarantula provokes a windy disposition, quae per anum inhoneste\n crepitando emergit; a symptom most ridiculously felt by THE whole\n Norman army in THEir camp near Palermo, (c. 36.) I shall add an\n etymology not unworthy of THE xith century: Messana is divided\n from Messis, THE place from whence THE harvests of THE isle were\n sent in tribute to Rome, (l. ii. c. 1.)]\n\n 56 (return) [ See THE capitulation of Palermo in Malaterra, l.\n ii. c. 45, and Giannone, who remarks THE general toleration of\n THE Saracens, (tom ii. p. 72.)]\n\n 57 (return) [ John Leo Afer, de Medicis et Philosophus Arabibus,\n c. 14, apud Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. tom. xiii. p. 278, 279. This\n philosopher is named Esseriph Essachalli, and he died in Africa,\n A. H. 516, A.D. 1122. Yet this story bears a strange resemblance\n to THE Sherif al Edrissi, who presented his book (Geographia\n Nubiensis, see preface p. 88, 90, 170) to Roger, king of Sicily,\n A. H. 541, A.D. 1153, (D’Herbelot, BiblioTHEque Orientale, p.\n 786. Prideaux’s Life of Mahomet, p. 188. Petit de la Croix, Hist.\n de Gengiscan, p. 535, 536. Casiri, Bibliot. Arab. Hispan. tom.\n ii. p. 9-13;) and I am afraid of some mistake.]\n\n 58 (return) [ Malaterra remarks THE foundation of THE bishoprics,\n (l. iv. c. 7,) and produces THE original of THE bull, (l. iv. c.\n 29.) Giannone gives a rational idea of this privilege, and THE\n tribunal of THE monarchy of Sicily, (tom. ii. p. 95-102;) and St.\n Marc (Abrege, tom. iii. p. 217-301, 1st column) labors THE case\n with THE diligence of a Sicilian lawyer.]\n\n To Robert Guiscard, THE conquest of Sicily was more glorious than\n beneficial: THE possession of Apulia and Calabria was inadequate\n to his ambition; and he resolved to embrace or create THE first\n occasion of invading, perhaps of subduing, THE Roman empire of\n THE East. 59 From his first wife, THE partner of his humble\n fortune, he had been divorced under THE pretence of\n consanguinity; and her son Bohemond was destined to imitate,\n raTHEr than to succeed, his illustrious faTHEr. The second wife\n of Guiscard was THE daughter of THE princes of Salerno; THE\n Lombards acquiesced in THE lineal succession of THEir son Roger;\n THEir five daughters were given in honorable nuptials, 60 and one\n of THEm was betroTHEd, in a tender age, to Constantine, a\n beautiful youth, THE son and heir of THE emperor Michael. 61 But\n THE throne of Constantinople was shaken by a revolution: THE\n Imperial family of Ducas was confined to THE palace or THE\n cloister; and Robert deplored, and resented, THE disgrace of his\n daughter and THE expulsion of his ally. A Greek, who styled\n himself THE faTHEr of Constantine, soon appeared at Salerno, and\n related THE adventures of his fall and flight. That unfortunate\n friend was acknowledged by THE duke, and adorned with THE pomp\n and titles of Imperial dignity: in his triumphal progress through\n Apulia and Calabria, Michael 62 was saluted with THE tears and\n acclamations of THE people; and Pope Gregory THE Seventh exhorted\n THE bishops to preach, and THE Catholics to fight, in THE pious\n work of his restoration. His conversations with Robert were\n frequent and familiar; and THEir mutual promises were justified\n by THE valor of THE Normans and THE treasures of THE East. Yet\n this Michael, by THE confession of THE Greeks and Latins, was a\n pageant and an impostor; a monk who had fled from his convent, or\n a domestic who had served in THE palace. The fraud had been\n contrived by THE subtle Guiscard; and he trusted, that after this\n pretender had given a decent color to his arms, he would sink, at\n THE nod of THE conqueror, into his primitive obscurity. But\n victory was THE only argument that could determine THE belief of\n THE Greeks; and THE ardor of THE Latins was much inferior to\n THEir credulity: THE Norman veterans wished to enjoy THE harvest\n of THEir toils, and THE unwarlike Italians trembled at THE known\n and unknown dangers of a transmarine expedition. In his new\n levies, Robert exerted THE influence of gifts and promises, THE\n terrors of civil and ecclesiastical authority; and some acts of\n violence might justify THE reproach, that age and infancy were\n pressed without distinction into THE service of THEir unrelenting\n prince. After two years’ incessant preparations THE land and\n naval forces were assembled at Otranto, at THE heel, or extreme\n promontory, of Italy; and Robert was accompanied by his wife, who\n fought by his side, his son Bohemond, and THE representative of\n THE emperor Michael. Thirteen hundred knights 63 of Norman race\n or discipline, formed THE sinews of THE army, which might be\n swelled to thirty thousand 64 followers of every denomination.\n The men, THE horses, THE arms, THE engines, THE wooden towers,\n covered with raw hides, were embarked on board one hundred and\n fifty vessels: THE transports had been built in THE ports of\n Italy, and THE galleys were supplied by THE alliance of THE\n republic of Ragusa.\n\n 59 (return) [ In THE first expedition of Robert against THE\n Greeks, I follow Anna Comnena, (THE ist, iiid, ivth, and vth\n books of THE Alexiad,) William Appulus, (l. ivth and vth, p.\n 270-275,) and Jeffrey Malaterra, (l. iii. c. 13, 14, 24-29, 39.)\n Their information is contemporary and auTHEntic, but none of THEm\n were eye-witnesses of THE war.]\n\n 60 (return) [ One of THEm was married to Hugh, THE son of Azzo,\n or Axo, a marquis of Lombardy, rich, powerful, and noble,\n (Gulielm. Appul. l. iii. p. 267,) in THE xith century, and whose\n ancestors in THE xth and ixth are explored by THE critical\n industry of Leibnitz and Muratori. From THE two elder sons of THE\n marquis Azzo are derived THE illustrious lines of Brunswick and\n Este. See Muratori, Antichita Estense.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Anna Comnena, somewhat too wantonly, praises and\n bewails that handsome boy, who, after THE rupture of his barbaric\n nuptials, (l. i. p. 23,) was betroTHEd as her husband. (p. 27.)\n Elsewhere she describes THE red and white of his skin, his hawk’s\n eyes, &c., l. iii. p. 71.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Anna Comnena, l. i. p. 28, 29. Gulielm. Appul. l.\n iv p. 271. Galfrid Malaterra, l. iii. c. 13, p. 579, 580.\n Malaterra is more cautious in his style; but THE Apulian is bold\n and positive.—Mentitus se Michaelem Venerata Danais quidam\n seductor ad illum. As Gregory VII had believed, Baronius almost\n alone, recognizes THE emperor Michael. (A.D. No. 44.)]\n\n 63 (return) [ Ipse armatae militiae non plusquam MCCC milites\n secum habuisse, ab eis qui eidem negotio interfuerunt attestatur,\n (Malaterra, l. iii. c. 24, p. 583.) These are THE same whom THE\n Apulian (l. iv. p. 273) styles THE equestris gens ducis, equites\n de gente ducis.]\n\n 64 (return) [ Anna Comnena (Alexias, l. i. p. 37;) and her\n account tallies with THE number and lading of THE ships. Ivit in\n Dyrrachium cum xv. millibus hominum, says THE Chronicon Breve\n Normannicum, (Muratori, Scriptores, tom. v. p. 278.) I have\n endeavored to reconcile THEse reckonings.]\n\n At THE mouth of THE Adriatic Gulf, THE shores of Italy and Epirus\n incline towards each oTHEr. The space between Brundusium and\n Durazzo, THE Roman passage, is no more than one hundred miles; 65\n at THE last station of Otranto, it is contracted to fifty; 66 and\n this narrow distance had suggested to Pyrrhus and Pompey THE\n sublime or extravagant idea of a bridge. Before THE general\n embarkation, THE Norman duke despatched Bohemond with fifteen\n galleys to seize or threaten THE Isle of Corfu, to survey THE\n opposite coast, and to secure a harbor in THE neighborhood of\n Vallona for THE landing of THE troops. They passed and landed\n without perceiving an enemy; and this successful experiment\n displayed THE neglect and decay of THE naval power of THE Greeks.\n The islands of Epirus and THE maritime towns were subdued by THE\n arms or THE name of Robert, who led his fleet and army from Corfu\n (I use THE modern appellation) to THE siege of Durazzo. That\n city, THE western key of THE empire, was guarded by ancient\n renown, and recent fortifications, by George Palaeologus, a\n patrician, victorious in THE Oriental wars, and a numerous\n garrison of Albanians and Macedonians, who, in every age, have\n maintained THE character of soldiers. In THE prosecution of his\n enterprise, THE courage of Guiscard was assailed by every form of\n danger and mischance. In THE most propitious season of THE year,\n as his fleet passed along THE coast, a storm of wind and snow\n unexpectedly arose: THE Adriatic was swelled by THE raging blast\n of THE south, and a new shipwreck confirmed THE old infamy of THE\n Acroceraunian rocks. 67 The sails, THE masts, and THE oars, were\n shattered or torn away; THE sea and shore were covered with THE\n fragments of vessels, with arms and dead bodies; and THE greatest\n part of THE provisions were eiTHEr drowned or damaged. The ducal\n galley was laboriously rescued from THE waves, and Robert halted\n seven days on THE adjacent cape, to collect THE relics of his\n loss, and revive THE drooping spirits of his soldiers. The\n Normans were no longer THE bold and experienced mariners who had\n explored THE ocean from Greenland to Mount Atlas, and who smiled\n at THE petty dangers of THE Mediterranean. They had wept during\n THE tempest; THEy were alarmed by THE hostile approach of THE\n Venetians, who had been solicited by THE prayers and promises of\n THE Byzantine court. The first day’s action was not\n disadvantageous to Bohemond, a beardless youth, 68 who led THE\n naval powers of his faTHEr. All night THE galleys of THE republic\n lay on THEir anchors in THE form of a crescent; and THE victory\n of THE second day was decided by THE dexterity of THEir\n evolutions, THE station of THEir archers, THE weight of THEir\n javelins, and THE borrowed aid of THE Greek fire. The Apulian and\n Ragusian vessels fled to THE shore, several were cut from THEir\n cables, and dragged away by THE conqueror; and a sally from THE\n town carried slaughter and dismay to THE tents of THE Norman\n duke. A seasonable relief was poured into Durazzo, and as soon as\n THE besiegers had lost THE command of THE sea, THE islands and\n maritime towns withdrew from THE camp THE supply of tribute and\n provision. That camp was soon afflicted with a pestilential\n disease; five hundred knights perished by an inglorious death;\n and THE list of burials (if all could obtain a decent burial)\n amounted to ten thousand persons. Under THEse calamities, THE\n mind of Guiscard alone was firm and invincible; and while he\n collected new forces from Apulia and Sicily, he battered, or\n scaled, or sapped, THE walls of Durazzo. But his industry and\n valor were encountered by equal valor and more perfect industry.\n A movable turret, of a size and capacity to contain five hundred\n soldiers, had been rolled forwards to THE foot of THE rampart:\n but THE descent of THE door or drawbridge was checked by an\n enormous beam, and THE wooden structure was constantly consumed\n by artificial flames.\n\n 65 (return) [ The Itinerary of Jerusalem (p. 609, edit.\n Wesseling) gives a true and reasonable space of a thousand stadia\n or one hundred miles which is strangely doubled by Strabo (l. vi.\n p. 433) and Pliny, (Hist. Natur. iii. 16.)]\n\n 66 (return) [ Pliny (Hist. Nat. iii. 6, 16) allows quinquaginta\n millia for this brevissimus cursus, and agrees with THE real\n distance from Otranto to La Vallona, or Aulon, (D’Anville,\n Analyse de sa Carte des Cotes de la Grece, &c., p. 3-6.)\n Hermolaus Barbarus, who substitutes centum. (Harduin, Not. lxvi.\n in Plin. l. iii.,) might have been corrected by every Venetian\n pilot who had sailed out of THE gulf.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Infames scopulos Acroceraunia, Horat. carm. i. 3.\n The praecipitem Africum decertantem Aquilonibus, et rabiem Noti\n and THE monstra natantia of THE Adriatic, are somewhat enlarged;\n but Horace trembling for THE life of Virgil, is an interesting\n moment in THE history of poetry and friendship.]\n\n 68 (return) [ (Alexias, l. iv. p. 106.) Yet THE Normans shaved,\n and THE Venetians wore, THEir beards: THEy must have derided THE\n no beard of Bohemond; a harsh interpretation. (Duncanga ad\n Alexiad. p. 283.)]\n\n While THE Roman empire was attacked by THE Turks in THE East,\n east, and THE Normans in THE West, THE aged successor of Michael\n surrendered THE sceptre to THE hands of Alexius, an illustrious\n captain, and THE founder of THE Comnenian dynasty. The princess\n Anne, his daughter and historian, observes, in her affected\n style, that even Hercules was unequal to a double combat; and, on\n this principle, she approves a hasty peace with THE Turks, which\n allowed her faTHEr to undertake in person THE relief of Durazzo.\n On his accession, Alexius found THE camp without soldiers, and\n THE treasury without money; yet such were THE vigor and activity\n of his measures, that in six months he assembled an army of\n seventy thousand men, 69 and performed a march of five hundred\n miles. His troops were levied in Europe and Asia, from\n Peloponnesus to THE Black Sea; his majesty was displayed in THE\n silver arms and rich trappings of THE companies of Horse-guards;\n and THE emperor was attended by a train of nobles and princes,\n some of whom, in rapid succession, had been cloTHEd with THE\n purple, and were indulged by THE lenity of THE times in a life of\n affluence and dignity. Their youthful ardor might animate THE\n multitude; but THEir love of pleasure and contempt of\n subordination were pregnant with disorder and mischief; and THEir\n importunate clamors for speedy and decisive action disconcerted\n THE prudence of Alexius, who might have surrounded and starved\n THE besieging army. The enumeration of provinces recalls a sad\n comparison of THE past and present limits of THE Roman world: THE\n raw levies were drawn togeTHEr in haste and terror; and THE\n garrisons of Anatolia, or Asia Minor, had been purchased by THE\n evacuation of THE cities which were immediately occupied by THE\n Turks. The strength of THE Greek army consisted in THE\n Varangians, THE Scandinavian guards, whose numbers were recently\n augmented by a colony of exiles and volunteers from THE British\n Island of Thule. Under THE yoke of THE Norman conqueror, THE\n Danes and English were oppressed and united; a band of\n adventurous youths resolved to desert a land of slavery; THE sea\n was open to THEir escape; and, in THEir long pilgrimage, THEy\n visited every coast that afforded any hope of liberty and\n revenge. They were entertained in THE service of THE Greek\n emperor; and THEir first station was in a new city on THE Asiatic\n shore: but Alexius soon recalled THEm to THE defence of his\n person and palace; and bequeaTHEd to his successors THE\n inheritance of THEir faith and valor. 70 The name of a Norman\n invader revived THE memory of THEir wrongs: THEy marched with\n alacrity against THE national foe, and panted to regain in Epirus\n THE glory which THEy had lost in THE battle of Hastings. The\n Varangians were supported by some companies of Franks or Latins;\n and THE rebels, who had fled to Constantinople from THE tyranny\n of Guiscard, were eager to signalize THEir zeal and gratify THEir\n revenge. In this emergency, THE emperor had not disdained THE\n impure aid of THE Paulicians or Manichaeans of Thrace and\n Bulgaria; and THEse heretics united with THE patience of\n martyrdom THE spirit and discipline of active valor. 71 The\n treaty with THE sultan had procured a supply of some thousand\n Turks; and THE arrows of THE Scythian horse were opposed to THE\n lances of THE Norman cavalry. On THE report and distant prospect\n of THEse formidable numbers, Robert assembled a council of his\n principal officers. “You behold,” said he, “your danger: it is\n urgent and inevitable. The hills are covered with arms and\n standards; and THE emperor of THE Greeks is accustomed to wars\n and triumphs. Obedience and union are our only safety; and I am\n ready to yield THE command to a more worthy leader.” The vote and\n acclamation even of his secret enemies, assured him, in that\n perilous moment, of THEir esteem and confidence; and THE duke\n thus continued: “Let us trust in THE rewards of victory, and\n deprive cowardice of THE means of escape. Let us burn our vessels\n and our baggage, and give battle on this spot, as if it were THE\n place of our nativity and our burial.” The resolution was\n unanimously approved; and, without confining himself to his\n lines, Guiscard awaited in battle-array THE nearer approach of\n THE enemy. His rear was covered by a small river; his right wing\n extended to THE sea; his left to THE hills: nor was he conscious,\n perhaps, that on THE same ground Caesar and Pompey had formerly\n disputed THE empire of THE world. 72\n\n 69 (return) [ Muratori (Annali d’ Italia, tom. ix. p. 136, 137)\n observes, that some authors (Petrus Diacon. Chron. Casinen. l.\n iii. c. 49) compose THE Greek army of 170,000 men, but that THE\n hundred may be struck off, and that Malaterra reckons only\n 70,000; a slight inattention. The passage to which he alludes is\n in THE Chronicle of Lupus Protospata, (Script. Ital. tom. v. p.\n 45.) Malaterra (l. iv. c. 27) speaks in high, but indefinite\n terms of THE emperor, cum copiisinnumerabilbus: like THE Apulian\n poet, (l. iv. p. 272:) —More locustarum montes et pianna\n teguntur.]\n\n 70 (return) [ See William of Malmsbury, de Gestis Anglorum, l.\n ii. p. 92. Alexius fidem Anglorum suspiciens praecipuis\n familiaritatibus suis eos applicabat, amorem eorum filio\n transcribens. Odericus Vitalis (Hist. Eccles. l. iv. p. 508, l.\n vii. p. 641) relates THEir emigration from England, and THEir\n service in Greece.]\n\n 71 (return) [ See THE Apulian, (l. i. p. 256.) The character and\n THE story of THEse Manichaeans has been THE subject of THE livth\n chapter.]\n\n 72 (return) [ See THE simple and masterly narrative of Caesar\n himself, (Comment. de Bell. Civil. iii. 41-75.) It is a pity that\n Quintus Icilius (M. Guichard) did not live to analyze THEse\n operations, as he has done THE campaigns of Africa and Spain.]\n\n Against THE advice of his wisest captains, Alexius resolved to\n risk THE event of a general action, and exhorted THE garrison of\n Durazzo to assist THEir own deliverance by a well-timed sally\n from THE town. He marched in two columns to surprise THE Normans\n before daybreak on two different sides: his light cavalry was\n scattered over THE plain; THE archers formed THE second line; and\n THE Varangians claimed THE honors of THE vanguard. In THE first\n onset, THE battle-axes of THE strangers made a deep and bloody\n impression on THE army of Guiscard, which was now reduced to\n fifteen thousand men. The Lombards and Calabrians ignominiously\n turned THEir backs; THEy fled towards THE river and THE sea; but\n THE bridge had been broken down to check THE sally of THE\n garrison, and THE coast was lined with THE Venetian galleys, who\n played THEir engines among THE disorderly throng. On THE verge of\n ruin, THEy were saved by THE spirit and conduct of THEir chiefs.\n Gaita, THE wife of Robert, is painted by THE Greeks as a warlike\n Amazon, a second Pallas; less skilful in arts, but not less\n terrible in arms, than THE ATHEnian goddess: 73 though wounded by\n an arrow, she stood her ground, and strove, by her exhortation\n and example, to rally THE flying troops. 74 Her female voice was\n seconded by THE more powerful voice and arm of THE Norman duke,\n as calm in action as he was magnanimous in council: “WhiTHEr,” he\n cried aloud, “whiTHEr do ye fly? Your enemy is implacable; and\n death is less grievous than servitude.” The moment was decisive:\n as THE Varangians advanced before THE line, THEy discovered THE\n nakedness of THEir flanks: THE main battle of THE duke, of eight\n hundred knights, stood firm and entire; THEy couched THEir\n lances, and THE Greeks bore THE furious and irresistible shock of\n THE French cavalry. 75 Alexius was not deficient in THE duties of\n a soldier or a general; but he no sooner beheld THE slaughter of\n THE Varangians, and THE flight of THE Turks, than he despised his\n subjects, and despaired of his fortune. The princess Anne, who\n drops a tear on this melancholy event, is reduced to praise THE\n strength and swiftness of her faTHEr’s horse, and his vigorous\n struggle when he was almost overthrown by THE stroke of a lance,\n which had shivered THE Imperial helmet. His desperate valor broke\n through a squadron of Franks who opposed his flight; and after\n wandering two days and as many nights in THE mountains, he found\n some repose, of body, though not of mind, in THE walls of\n Lychnidus. The victorious Robert reproached THE tardy and feeble\n pursuit which had suffered THE escape of so illustrious a prize:\n but he consoled his disappointment by THE trophies and standards\n of THE field, THE wealth and luxury of THE Byzantine camp, and\n THE glory of defeating an army five times more numerous than his\n own. A multitude of Italians had been THE victims of THEir own\n fears; but only thirty of his knights were slain in this\n memorable day. In THE Roman host, THE loss of Greeks, Turks, and\n English, amounted to five or six thousand: 76 THE plain of\n Durazzo was stained with noble and royal blood; and THE end of\n THE impostor Michael was more honorable than his life.\n\n 73 (return) [ It is very properly translated by THE President\n Cousin, (Hist. de Constantinople, tom. iv. p. 131, in 12mo.,) qui\n combattoit comme une Pallas, quoiqu’elle ne fut pas aussi savante\n que celle d’ATHEnes. The Grecian goddess was composed of two\n discordant characters, of Neith, THE workwoman of Sais in Egypt,\n and of a virgin Amazon of THE Tritonian lake in Libya, (Banier,\n Mythologie, tom. iv. p. 1-31, in 12mo.)]\n\n 74 (return) [ Anna Comnena (l. iv. p. 116) admires, with some\n degree of terror, her masculine virtues. They were more familiar\n to THE Latins and though THE Apulian (l. iv. p. 273) mentions her\n presence and her wound, he represents her as far less intrepid.\n Uxor in hoc bello Roberti forte sagitta\n\n Quadam laesa fuit: quo vulnere territa nullam.\n Dum sperabat opem, se poene subegerat hosti.\n\n The last is an unlucky word for a female prisoner.]\n\n 75 (return) [ (Anna, l. v. p. 133;) and elsewhere, (p. 140.) The\n pedantry of THE princess in THE choice of classic appellations\n encouraged Ducange to apply to his countrymen THE characters of\n THE ancient Gauls.]\n\n 76 (return) [ Lupus Protospata (tom. iii. p. 45) says 6000:\n William THE Apulian more than 5000, (l. iv. p. 273.) Their\n modesty is singular and laudable: THEy might with so little\n trouble have slain two or three myriads of schismatics and\n infidels!]\n\n It is more than probable that Guiscard was not afflicted by THE\n loss of a costly pageant, which had merited only THE contempt and\n derision of THE Greeks. After THEir defeat, THEy still persevered\n in THE defence of Durazzo; and a Venetian commander supplied THE\n place of George Palaeologus, who had been imprudently called away\n from his station. The tents of THE besiegers were converted into\n barracks, to sustain THE inclemency of THE winter; and in answer\n to THE defiance of THE garrison, Robert insinuated, that his\n patience was at least equal to THEir obstinacy. 77 Perhaps he\n already trusted to his secret correspondence with a Venetian\n noble, who sold THE city for a rich and honorable marriage. At\n THE dead of night, several rope-ladders were dropped from THE\n walls; THE light Calabrians ascended in silence; and THE Greeks\n were awakened by THE name and trumpets of THE conqueror. Yet THEy\n defended THE streets three days against an enemy already master\n of THE rampart; and near seven months elapsed between THE first\n investment and THE final surrender of THE place. From Durazzo,\n THE Norman duke advanced into THE heart of Epirus or Albania;\n traversed THE first mountains of Thessaly; surprised three\n hundred English in THE city of Castoria; approached Thessalonica;\n and made Constantinople tremble. A more pressing duty suspended\n THE prosecution of his ambitious designs. By shipwreck,\n pestilence, and THE sword, his army was reduced to a third of THE\n original numbers; and instead of being recruited from Italy, he\n was informed, by plaintive epistles, of THE mischiefs and dangers\n which had been produced by his absence: THE revolt of THE cities\n and barons of Apulia; THE distress of THE pope; and THE approach\n or invasion of Henry king of Germany. Highly presuming that his\n person was sufficient for THE public safety, he repassed THE sea\n in a single brigantine, and left THE remains of THE army under\n THE command of his son and THE Norman counts, exhorting Bohemond\n to respect THE freedom of his peers, and THE counts to obey THE\n authority of THEir leader. The son of Guiscard trod in THE\n footsteps of his faTHEr; and THE two destroyers are compared, by\n THE Greeks, to THE caterpillar and THE locust, THE last of whom\n devours whatever has escaped THE teeth of THE former. 78 After\n winning two battles against THE emperor, he descended into THE\n plain of Thessaly, and besieged Larissa, THE fabulous realm of\n Achilles, 79 which contained THE treasure and magazines of THE\n Byzantine camp. Yet a just praise must not be refused to THE\n fortitude and prudence of Alexius, who bravely struggled with THE\n calamities of THE times. In THE poverty of THE state, he presumed\n to borrow THE superfluous ornaments of THE churches: THE\n desertion of THE Manichaeans was supplied by some tribes of\n Moldavia: a reenforcement of seven thousand Turks replaced and\n revenged THE loss of THEir brethren; and THE Greek soldiers were\n exercised to ride, to draw THE bow, and to THE daily practice of\n ambuscades and evolutions. Alexius had been taught by experience,\n that THE formidable cavalry of THE Franks on foot was unfit for\n action, and almost incapable of motion; 80 his archers were\n directed to aim THEir arrows at THE horse raTHEr than THE man;\n and a variety of spikes and snares were scattered over THE ground\n on which he might expect an attack. In THE neighborhood of\n Larissa THE events of war were protracted and balanced. The\n courage of Bohemond was always conspicuous, and often successful;\n but his camp was pillaged by a stratagem of THE Greeks; THE city\n was impregnable; and THE venal or discontented counts deserted\n his standard, betrayed THEir trusts, and enlisted in THE service\n of THE emperor. Alexius returned to Constantinople with THE\n advantage, raTHEr than THE honor, of victory. After evacuating\n THE conquests which he could no longer defend, THE son of\n Guiscard embarked for Italy, and was embraced by a faTHEr who\n esteemed his merit, and sympathized in his misfortune.\n\n 77 (return) [ The Romans had changed THE inauspicious name of\n Epidamnus to Dyrrachium, (Plin. iii. 26;) and THE vulgar\n corruption of Duracium (see Malaterra) bore some affinity to\n hardness. One of Robert’s names was Durand, a durando: poor wit!\n (Alberic. Monach. in Chron. apud Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom.\n ix. p. 137.)]\n\n 78 (return) [ (Anna, l. i. p. 35.) By THEse similes, so different\n from those of Homer she wishes to inspire contempt as well as\n horror for THE little noxious animal, a conqueror. Most\n unfortunately, THE common sense, or common nonsense, of mankind,\n resists her laudable design.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Prodiit hac auctor Trojanae cladis Achilles. The\n supposition of THE Apulian (l. v. p. 275) may be excused by THE\n more classic poetry of Virgil, (Aeneid. ii. 197,) Larissaeus\n Achilles, but it is not justified by THE geography of Homer.]\n\n 80 (return) [ The items which encumbered THE knights on foot,\n have been ignorantly translated spurs, (Anna Comnena, Alexias, l.\n v. p. 140.) Ducange has explained THE true sense by a ridiculous\n and inconvenient fashion, which lasted from THE xith to THE xvth\n century. These peaks, in THE form of a scorpion, were sometimes\n two feet and fastened to THE knee with a silver chain.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.—Part IV.\n\n Of THE Latin princes, THE allies of Alexius and enemies of\n Robert, THE most prompt and powerful was Henry THE Third or\n Fourth, king of Germany and Italy, and future emperor of THE\n West. The epistle of THE Greek monarch 81 to his broTHEr is\n filled with THE warmest professions of friendship, and THE most\n lively desire of strengTHEning THEir alliance by every public and\n private tie. He congratulates Henry on his success in a just and\n pious war; and complains that THE prosperity of his own empire is\n disturbed by THE audacious enterprises of THE Norman Robert. The\n lists of his presents expresses THE manners of THE age—a radiated\n crown of gold, a cross set with pearls to hang on THE breast, a\n case of relics, with THE names and titles of THE saints, a vase\n of crystal, a vase of sardonyx, some balm, most probably of\n Mecca, and one hundred pieces of purple. To THEse he added a more\n solid present, of one hundred and forty-four thousand Byzantines\n of gold, with a furTHEr assurance of two hundred and sixteen\n thousand, so soon as Henry should have entered in arms THE\n Apulian territories, and confirmed by an oath THE league against\n THE common enemy. The German, 82 who was already in Lombardy at\n THE head of an army and a faction, accepted THEse liberal offers,\n and marched towards THE south: his speed was checked by THE sound\n of THE battle of Durazzo; but THE influence of his arms, or name,\n in THE hasty return of Robert, was a full equivalent for THE\n Grecian bribe. Henry was THE severe adversary of THE Normans, THE\n allies and vassals of Gregory THE Seventh, his implacable foe.\n The long quarrel of THE throne and mitre had been recently\n kindled by THE zeal and ambition of that haughty priest: 83 THE\n king and THE pope had degraded each oTHEr; and each had seated a\n rival on THE temporal or spiritual throne of his antagonist.\n After THE defeat and death of his Swabian rebel, Henry descended\n into Italy, to assume THE Imperial crown, and to drive from THE\n Vatican THE tyrant of THE church. 84 But THE Roman people adhered\n to THE cause of Gregory: THEir resolution was fortified by\n supplies of men and money from Apulia; and THE city was thrice\n ineffectually besieged by THE king of Germany. In THE fourth year\n he corrupted, as it is said, with Byzantine gold, THE nobles of\n Rome, whose estates and castles had been ruined by THE war. The\n gates, THE bridges, and fifty hostages, were delivered into his\n hands: THE anti-pope, Clement THE Third, was consecrated in THE\n Lateran: THE grateful pontiff crowned his protector in THE\n Vatican; and THE emperor Henry fixed his residence in THE\n Capitol, as THE lawful successor of Augustus and Charlemagne. The\n ruins of THE Septizonium were still defended by THE nephew of\n Gregory: THE pope himself was invested in THE castle of St.\n Angelo; and his last hope was in THE courage and fidelity of his\n Norman vassal. Their friendship had been interrupted by some\n reciprocal injuries and complaints; but, on this pressing\n occasion, Guiscard was urged by THE obligation of his oath, by\n his interest, more potent than oaths, by THE love of fame, and\n his enmity to THE two emperors. Unfurling THE holy banner, he\n resolved to fly to THE relief of THE prince of THE apostles: THE\n most numerous of his armies, six thousand horse, and thirty\n thousand foot, was instantly assembled; and his march from\n Salerno to Rome was animated by THE public applause and THE\n promise of THE divine favor. Henry, invincible in sixty-six\n battles, trembled at his approach; recollected some indispensable\n affairs that required his presence in Lombardy; exhorted THE\n Romans to persevere in THEir allegiance; and hastily retreated\n three days before THE entrance of THE Normans. In less than three\n years, THE son of Tancred of Hauteville enjoyed THE glory of\n delivering THE pope, and of compelling THE two emperors, of THE\n East and West, to fly before his victorious arms. 85 But THE\n triumph of Robert was clouded by THE calamities of Rome. By THE\n aid of THE friends of Gregory, THE walls had been perforated or\n scaled; but THE Imperial faction was still powerful and active;\n on THE third day, THE people rose in a furious tumult; and a\n hasty word of THE conqueror, in his defence or revenge, was THE\n signal of fire and pillage. 86 The Saracens of Sicily, THE\n subjects of Roger, and auxiliaries of his broTHEr, embraced this\n fair occasion of rifling and profaning THE holy city of THE\n Christians: many thousands of THE citizens, in THE sight, and by\n THE allies, of THEir spiritual faTHEr were exposed to violation,\n captivity, or death; and a spacious quarter of THE city, from THE\n Lateran to THE Coliseum, was consumed by THE flames, and devoted\n to perpetual solitude. 87 From a city, where he was now hated,\n and might be no longer feared, Gregory retired to end his days in\n THE palace of Salerno. The artful pontiff might flatter THE\n vanity of Guiscard with THE hope of a Roman or Imperial crown;\n but this dangerous measure, which would have inflamed THE\n ambition of THE Norman, must forever have alienated THE most\n faithful princes of Germany.\n\n 81 (return) [ The epistle itself (Alexias, l. iii. p. 93, 94, 95)\n well deserves to be read. There is one expression which Ducange\n does not understand. I have endeavored to grope out a tolerable\n meaning: The first word is a golden crown; THE second is\n explained by Simon Portius, (in Lexico Graeco-Barbar.,) by a\n flash of lightning.]\n\n 82 (return) [ For THEse general events I must refer to THE\n general historians Sigonius, Baronius, Muratori, Mosheim, St.\n Marc, &c.]\n\n 83 (return) [ The lives of Gregory VII. are eiTHEr legends or\n invectives, (St. Marc, Abrege, tom. iii. p. 235, &c.;) and his\n miraculous or magical performances are alike incredible to a\n modern reader. He will, as usual, find some instruction in Le\n Clerc, (Vie de Hildebrand, Bibliot, ancienne et moderne, tom.\n viii.,) and much amusement in Bayle, (Dictionnaire Critique,\n Gregoire VII.) That pope was undoubtedly a great man, a second\n Athanasius, in a more fortunate age of THE church. May I presume\n to add, that THE portrait of Athanasius is one of THE passages of\n my history (vol. ii. p. 332, &c.) with which I am THE least\n dissatisfied? * Note: There is a fair life of Gregory VII. by\n Voigt, (Weimar. 1815,) which has been translated into French. M.\n Villemain, it is understood, has devoted much time to THE study\n of this remarkable character, to whom his eloquence may do\n justice. There is much valuable information on THE subject in THE\n accurate work of Stenzel, Geschichte Deutschlands unter den\n Frankischen Kaisern—THE History of Germany under THE Emperors of\n THE Franconian Race.—M.]\n\n 84 (return) [ Anna, with THE rancor of a Greek schismatic, calls\n him (l. i. p. 32,) a pope, or priest, worthy to be spit upon and\n accuses him of scourging, shaving, and perhaps of castrating THE\n ambassadors of Henry, (p. 31, 33.) But this outrage is improbable\n and doubtful, (see THE sensible preface of Cousin.)]\n\n 85 (return) [\n\n Sic uno tempore victi\n Sunt terrae Domini duo: rex Alemannicus iste,\n Imperii rector Romani maximus ille.\n Alter ad arma ruens armis superatur; et alter\n Nominis auditi sola formidine cessit.\n\n It is singular enough, that THE Apulian, a Latin, should\n distinguish THE Greek as THE ruler of THE Roman empire, (l. iv.\n p. 274.)]\n\n 86 (return) [ The narrative of Malaterra (l. iii. c. 37, p. 587,\n 588) is auTHEntic, circumstantial, and fair. Dux ignem exclamans\n urbe incensa, &c. The Apulian softens THE mischief, (inde\n quibusdam aedibus exustis,) which is again exaggerated in some\n partial chronicles, (Muratori, Annali, tom. ix. p. 147.)]\n\n 87 (return) [ After mentioning this devastation, THE Jesuit\n Donatus (de Roma veteri et nova, l. iv. c. 8, p. 489) prettily\n adds, Duraret hodieque in Coelio monte, interque ipsum et\n capitolium, miserabilis facies prostrates urbis, nisi in hortorum\n vinetorumque amoenitatem Roma resurrexisset, ut perpetua\n viriditate contegeret vulnera et ruinas suas.]\n\n The deliverer and scourge of Rome might have indulged himself in\n a season of repose; but in THE same year of THE flight of THE\n German emperor, THE indefatigable Robert resumed THE design of\n his eastern conquests. The zeal or gratitude of Gregory had\n promised to his valor THE kingdoms of Greece and Asia; 88 his\n troops were assembled in arms, flushed with success, and eager\n for action. Their numbers, in THE language of Homer, are compared\n by Anna to a swarm of bees; 89 yet THE utmost and moderate limits\n of THE powers of Guiscard have been already defined; THEy were\n contained on this second occasion in one hundred and twenty\n vessels; and as THE season was far advanced, THE harbor of\n Brundusium 90 was preferred to THE open road of Otranto. Alexius,\n apprehensive of a second attack, had assiduously labored to\n restore THE naval forces of THE empire; and obtained from THE\n republic of Venice an important succor of thirty-six transports,\n fourteen galleys, and nine galiots or ships of extra-ordinary\n strength and magnitude. Their services were liberally paid by THE\n license or monopoly of trade, a profitable gift of many shops and\n houses in THE port of Constantinople, and a tribute to St. Mark,\n THE more acceptable, as it was THE produce of a tax on THEir\n rivals at Amalphi. By THE union of THE Greeks and Venetians, THE\n Adriatic was covered with a hostile fleet; but THEir own neglect,\n or THE vigilance of Robert, THE change of a wind, or THE shelter\n of a mist, opened a free passage; and THE Norman troops were\n safely disembarked on THE coast of Epirus. With twenty strong and\n well-appointed galleys, THEir intrepid duke immediately sought\n THE enemy, and though more accustomed to fight on horseback, he\n trusted his own life, and THE lives of his broTHEr and two sons,\n to THE event of a naval combat. The dominion of THE sea was\n disputed in three engagements, in sight of THE Isle of Corfu: in\n THE two former, THE skill and numbers of THE allies were\n superior; but in THE third, THE Normans obtained a final and\n complete victory. 91 The light brigantines of THE Greeks were\n scattered in ignominious flight: THE nine castles of THE\n Venetians maintained a more obstinate conflict; seven were sunk,\n two were taken; two thousand five hundred captives implored in\n vain THE mercy of THE victor; and THE daughter of Alexius\n deplores THE loss of thirteen thousand of his subjects or allies.\n The want of experience had been supplied by THE genius of\n Guiscard; and each evening, when he had sounded a retreat, he\n calmly explored THE causes of his repulse, and invented new\n methods how to remedy his own defects, and to baffle THE\n advantages of THE enemy. The winter season suspended his\n progress: with THE return of spring he again aspired to THE\n conquest of Constantinople; but, instead of traversing THE hills\n of Epirus, he turned his arms against Greece and THE islands,\n where THE spoils would repay THE labor, and where THE land and\n sea forces might pursue THEir joint operations with vigor and\n effect. But, in THE Isle of Cephalonia, his projects were fatally\n blasted by an epidemical disease: Robert himself, in THE\n seventieth year of his age, expired in his tent; and a suspicion\n of poison was imputed, by public rumor, to his wife, or to THE\n Greek emperor. 92 This premature death might allow a boundless\n scope for THE imagination of his future exploits; and THE event\n sufficiently declares, that THE Norman greatness was founded on\n his life. 93 Without THE appearance of an enemy, a victorious\n army dispersed or retreated in disorder and consternation; and\n Alexius, who had trembled for his empire, rejoiced in his\n deliverance. The galley which transported THE remains of Guiscard\n was ship-wrecked on THE Italian shore; but THE duke’s body was\n recovered from THE sea, and deposited in THE sepulchre of\n Venusia, 94 a place more illustrious for THE birth of Horace 95\n than for THE burial of THE Norman heroes. Roger, his second son\n and successor, immediately sunk to THE humble station of a duke\n of Apulia: THE esteem or partiality of his faTHEr left THE\n valiant Bohemond to THE inheritance of his sword.\n\n The national tranquillity was disturbed by his claims, till THE\n first crusade against THE infidels of THE East opened a more\n splendid field of glory and conquest. 96\n\n 88 (return) [ The royalty of Robert, eiTHEr promised or bestowed\n by THE pope, (Anna, l. i. p. 32,) is sufficiently confirmed by\n THE Apulian, (l. iv. p. 270.) —Romani regni sibi promisisse\n coronam Papa ferebatur. Nor can I understand why Gretser, and THE\n oTHEr papal advocates, should be displeased with this new\n instance of apostolic jurisdiction.]\n\n 89 (return) [ See Homer, Iliad, B. (I hate this pedantic mode of\n quotation by letters of THE Greek alphabet) 87, &c. His bees are\n THE image of a disorderly crowd: THEir discipline and public\n works seem to be THE ideas of a later age, (Virgil. Aeneid. l.\n i.)]\n\n 90 (return) [ Gulielm. Appulus, l. v. p. 276.) The admirable port\n of Brundusium was double; THE outward harbor was a gulf covered\n by an island, and narrowing by degrees, till it communicated by a\n small gullet with THE inner harbor, which embraced THE city on\n both sides. Caesar and nature have labored for its ruin; and\n against such agents what are THE feeble efforts of THE Neapolitan\n government? (Swinburne’s Travels in THE Two Sicilies, vol. i. p.\n 384-390.]\n\n 91 (return) [ William of Apulia (l. v. p. 276) describes THE\n victory of THE Normans, and forgets THE two previous defeats,\n which are diligently recorded by Anna Comnena, (l. vi. p. 159,\n 160, 161.) In her turn, she invents or magnifies a fourth action,\n to give THE Venetians revenge and rewards. Their own feelings\n were far different, since THEy deposed THEir doge, propter\n excidium stoli, (Dandulus in Chron in Muratori, Script. Rerum\n Italicarum, tom. xii. p. 249.)]\n\n 92 (return) [ The most auTHEntic writers, William of Apulia. (l.\n v. 277,) Jeffrey Malaterra, (l. iii. c. 41, p. 589,) and Romuald\n of Salerno, (Chron. in Muratori, Script. Rerum Ital. tom. vii.,)\n are ignorant of this crime, so apparent to our countrymen William\n of Malmsbury (l. iii. p. 107) and Roger de Hoveden, (p. 710, in\n Script. post Bedam) and THE latter can tell, how THE just Alexius\n married, crowned, and burnt alive, his female accomplice. The\n English historian is indeed so blind, that he ranks Robert\n Guiscard, or Wiscard, among THE knights of Henry I, who ascended\n THE throne fifteen years after THE duke of Apulia’s death.]\n\n 93 (return) [ The joyful Anna Comnena scatters some flowers over\n THE grave of an enemy, (Alexiad, l. v. p. 162-166;) and his best\n praise is THE esteem and envy of William THE Conqueror, THE\n sovereign of his family Graecia (says Malaterra) hostibus\n recedentibus libera laeta quievit: Apulia tota sive Calabria\n turbatur.]\n\n 94 (return) [ Urbs Venusina nitet tantis decorata sepulchris, is\n one of THE last lines of THE Apulian’s poems, (l. v. p. 278.)\n William of Malmsbury (l. iii. p. 107) inserts an epitaph on\n Guiscard, which is not worth transcribing.]\n\n 95 (return) [ Yet Horace had few obligations to Venusia; he was\n carried to Rome in his childhood, (Serm. i. 6;) and his repeated\n allusions to THE doubtful limit of Apulia and Lucania (Carm. iii.\n 4, Serm. ii. I) are unworthy of his age and genius.]\n\n 96 (return) [ See Giannone (tom. ii. p. 88-93) and THE historians\n of THE fire crusade.]\n\n Of human life, THE most glorious or humble prospects are alike\n and soon bounded by THE sepulchre. The male line of Robert\n Guiscard was extinguished, both in Apulia and at Antioch, in THE\n second generation; but his younger broTHEr became THE faTHEr of a\n line of kings; and THE son of THE great count was endowed with\n THE name, THE conquests, and THE spirit, of THE first Roger. 97\n The heir of that Norman adventurer was born in Sicily; and, at\n THE age of only four years, he succeeded to THE sovereignty of\n THE island, a lot which reason might envy, could she indulge for\n a moment THE visionary, though virtuous wish of dominion. Had\n Roger been content with his fruitful patrimony, a happy and\n grateful people might have blessed THEir benefactor; and if a\n wise administration could have restored THE prosperous times of\n THE Greek colonies, 98 THE opulence and power of Sicily alone\n might have equalled THE widest scope that could be acquired and\n desolated by THE sword of war. But THE ambition of THE great\n count was ignorant of THEse noble pursuits; it was gratified by\n THE vulgar means of violence and artifice. He sought to obtain\n THE undivided possession of Palermo, of which one moiety had been\n ceded to THE elder branch; struggled to enlarge his Calabrian\n limits beyond THE measure of former treaties; and impatiently\n watched THE declining health of his cousin William of Apulia, THE\n grandson of Robert. On THE first intelligence of his premature\n death, Roger sailed from Palermo with seven galleys, cast anchor\n in THE Bay of Salerno, received, after ten days’ negotiation, an\n oath of fidelity from THE Norman capital, commanded THE\n submission of THE barons, and extorted a legal investiture from\n THE reluctant popes, who could not long endure eiTHEr THE\n friendship or enmity of a powerful vassal. The sacred spot of\n Benevento was respectfully spared, as THE patrimony of St. Peter;\n but THE reduction of Capua and Naples completed THE design of his\n uncle Guiscard; and THE sole inheritance of THE Norman conquests\n was possessed by THE victorious Roger. A conscious superiority of\n power and merit prompted him to disdain THE titles of duke and of\n count; and THE Isle of Sicily, with a third perhaps of THE\n continent of Italy, might form THE basis of a kingdom 99 which\n would only yield to THE monarchies of France and England. The\n chiefs of THE nation who attended his coronation at Palermo might\n doubtless pronounce under what name he should reign over THEm;\n but THE example of a Greek tyrant or a Saracen emir was\n insufficient to justify his regal character; and THE nine kings\n of THE Latin world 100 might disclaim THEir new associate, unless\n he were consecrated by THE authority of THE supreme pontiff. The\n pride of Anacletus was pleased to confer a title, which THE pride\n of THE Norman had stooped to solicit; 101 but his own legitimacy\n was attacked by THE adverse election of Innocent THE Second; and\n while Anacletus sat in THE Vatican, THE successful fugitive was\n acknowledged by THE nations of Europe. The infant monarchy of\n Roger was shaken, and almost overthrown, by THE unlucky choice of\n an ecclesiastical patron; and THE sword of Lothaire THE Second of\n Germany, THE excommunications of Innocent, THE fleets of Pisa,\n and THE zeal of St. Bernard, were united for THE ruin of THE\n Sicilian robber. After a gallant resistance, THE Norman prince\n was driven from THE continent of Italy: a new duke of Apulia was\n invested by THE pope and THE emperor, each of whom held one end\n of THE gonfanon, or flagstaff, as a token that THEy asserted\n THEir right, and suspended THEir quarrel. But such jealous\n friendship was of short and precarious duration: THE German\n armies soon vanished in disease and desertion: 102 THE Apulian\n duke, with all his adherents, was exterminated by a conqueror who\n seldom forgave eiTHEr THE dead or THE living; like his\n predecessor Leo THE Ninth, THE feeble though haughty pontiff\n became THE captive and friend of THE Normans; and THEir\n reconciliation was celebrated by THE eloquence of Bernard, who\n now revered THE title and virtues of THE king of Sicily.\n\n 97 (return) [ The reign of Roger, and THE Norman kings of Sicily,\n fills books of THE Istoria Civile of Giannone, (tom. ii. l.\n xi.-xiv. p. 136-340,) and is spread over THE ixth and xth volumes\n of THE Italian Annals of Muratori. In THE BiblioTHEque Italique\n (tom. i. p. 175-122,) I find a useful abstract of Capacelatro, a\n modern Neapolitan, who has composed, in two volumes, THE history\n of his country from Roger Frederic II. inclusive.]\n\n 98 (return) [ According to THE testimony of Philistus and\n Diodorus, THE tyrant Dionysius of Syracuse could maintain a\n standing force of 10,000 horse, 100,000 foot, and 400 galleys.\n Compare Hume, (Essays, vol. i. p. 268, 435,) and his adversary\n Wallace, (Numbers of Mankind, p. 306, 307.) The ruins of\n Agrigentum are THE THEme of every traveller, D’Orville, Reidesel,\n Swinburne, &c.]\n\n 99 (return) [ A contemporary historian of THE acts of Roger from\n THE year 1127 to 1135, founds his title on merit and power, THE\n consent of THE barons, and THE ancient royalty of Sicily and\n Palermo, without introducing Pope Anacletus, (Alexand. Coenobii\n Telesini Abbatis de Rebus gestis Regis Rogerii, lib. iv. in\n Muratori, Script. Rerum Ital. tom. v. p. 607-645)]\n\n 100 (return) [ The kings of France, England, Scotland, Castille,\n Arragon, Navarre, Sweden, Denmark, and Hungary. The three first\n were more ancient than Charlemagne; THE three next were created\n by THEir sword; THE three last by THEir baptism; and of THEse THE\n king of Hungary alone was honored or debased by a papal crown.]\n\n 101 (return) [ Fazellus, and a crowd of Sicilians, had imagined a\n more early and independent coronation, (A.D. 1130, May 1,) which\n Giannone unwillingly rejects, (tom. ii. p. 137-144.) This fiction\n is disproved by THE silence of contemporaries; nor can it be\n restored by a spurious character of Messina, (Muratori, Annali d’\n Italia, tom. ix. p. 340. Pagi, Critica, tom. iv. p. 467, 468.)]\n\n 102 (return) [ Roger corrupted THE second person of Lothaire’s\n army, who sounded, or raTHEr cried, a retreat; for THE Germans\n (says Cinnamus, l. iii. c. i. p. 51) are ignorant of THE use of\n trumpets. Most ignorant himself! * Note: Cinnamus says nothing of\n THEir ignorance.—M]\n\n As a penance for his impious war against THE successor of St.\n Peter, that monarch might have promised to display THE banner of\n THE cross, and he accomplished with ardor a vow so propitious to\n his interest and revenge. The recent injuries of Sicily might\n provoke a just retaliation on THE heads of THE Saracens: THE\n Normans, whose blood had been mingled with so many subject\n streams, were encouraged to remember and emulate THE naval\n trophies of THEir faTHErs, and in THE maturity of THEir strength\n THEy contended with THE decline of an African power. When THE\n Fatimite caliph departed for THE conquest of Egypt, he rewarded\n THE real merit and apparent fidelity of his servant Joseph with a\n gift of his royal mantle, and forty Arabian horses, his palace\n with its sumptuous furniture, and THE government of THE kingdoms\n of Tunis and Algiers. The Zeirides, 103 THE descendants of\n Joseph, forgot THEir allegiance and gratitude to a distant\n benefactor, grasped and abused THE fruits of prosperity; and\n after running THE little course of an Oriental dynasty, were now\n fainting in THEir own weakness. On THE side of THE land, THEy\n were pressed by THE Almohades, THE fanatic princes of Morocco,\n while THE sea-coast was open to THE enterprises of THE Greeks and\n Franks, who, before THE close of THE eleventh century, had\n extorted a ransom of two hundred thousand pieces of gold. By THE\n first arms of Roger, THE island or rock of Malta, which has been\n since ennobled by a military and religious colony, was\n inseparably annexed to THE crown of Sicily. Tripoli, 104 a strong\n and maritime city, was THE next object of his attack; and THE\n slaughter of THE males, THE captivity of THE females, might be\n justified by THE frequent practice of THE Moslems THEmselves. The\n capital of THE Zeirides was named Africa from THE country, and\n Mahadia 105 from THE Arabian founder: it is strongly built on a\n neck of land, but THE imperfection of THE harbor is not\n compensated by THE fertility of THE adjacent plain. Mahadia was\n besieged by George THE Sicilian admiral, with a fleet of one\n hundred and fifty galleys, amply provided with men and THE\n instruments of mischief: THE sovereign had fled, THE Moorish\n governor refused to capitulate, declined THE last and\n irresistible assault, and secretly escaping with THE Moslem\n inhabitants abandoned THE place and its treasures to THE\n rapacious Franks. In successive expeditions, THE king of Sicily\n or his lieutenants reduced THE cities of Tunis, Safax, Capsia,\n Bona, and a long tract of THE sea-coast; 106 THE fortresses were\n garrisoned, THE country was tributary, and a boast that it held\n Africa in subjection might be inscribed with some flattery on THE\n sword of Roger. 107 After his death, that sword was broken; and\n THEse transmarine possessions were neglected, evacuated, or lost,\n under THE troubled reign of his successor. 108 The triumphs of\n Scipio and Belisarius have proved, that THE African continent is\n neiTHEr inaccessible nor invincible; yet THE great princes and\n powers of Christendom have repeatedly failed in THEir armaments\n against THE Moors, who may still glory in THE easy conquest and\n long servitude of Spain.\n\n 103 (return) [ See De Guignes, Hist. Generate des Huns, tom. i.\n p. 369-373 and Cardonne, Hist. de l’Afrique, &c., sous la\n Domination des Arabes tom. ii. p. 70-144. Their common original\n appears to be Novairi.]\n\n 104 (return) [ Tripoli (says THE Nubian geographer, or more\n properly THE Sherif al Edrisi) urbs fortis, saxeo muro vallata,\n sita prope littus maris Hanc expugnavit Rogerius, qui mulieribus\n captivis ductis, viros pere mit.]\n\n 105 (return) [ See THE geography of Leo Africanus, (in Ramusio\n tom. i. fol. 74 verso. fol. 75, recto,) and Shaw’s Travels, (p.\n 110,) THE viith book of Thuanus, and THE xith of THE Abbe de\n Vertot. The possession and defence of THE place was offered by\n Charles V. and wisely declined by THE knights of Malta.]\n\n 106 (return) [ Pagi has accurately marked THE African conquests\n of Roger and his criticism was supplied by his friend THE Abbe de\n Longuerue with some Arabic memorials, (A.D. 1147, No. 26, 27,\n A.D. 1148, No. 16, A.D. 1153, No. 16.)]\n\n 107 (return) [ Appulus et Calaber, Siculus mihi servit et Afer. A\n proud inscription, which denotes, that THE Norman conquerors were\n still discriminated from THEir Christian and Moslem subjects.]\n\n 108 (return) [ Hugo Falcandus (Hist. Sicula, in Muratori, Script.\n tom. vii. p. 270, 271) ascribes THEse losses to THE neglect or\n treachery of THE admiral Majo.]\n\n Since THE decease of Robert Guiscard, THE Normans had\n relinquished, above sixty years, THEir hostile designs against\n THE empire of THE East. The policy of Roger solicited a public\n and private union with THE Greek princes, whose alliance would\n dignify his regal character: he demanded in marriage a daughter\n of THE Comnenian family, and THE first steps of THE treaty seemed\n to promise a favorable event. But THE contemptuous treatment of\n his ambassadors exasperated THE vanity of THE new monarch; and\n THE insolence of THE Byzantine court was expiated, according to\n THE laws of nations, by THE sufferings of a guiltless people. 109\n With THE fleet of seventy galleys, George, THE admiral of Sicily,\n appeared before Corfu; and both THE island and city were\n delivered into his hands by THE disaffected inhabitants, who had\n yet to learn that a siege is still more calamitous than a\n tribute. In this invasion, of some moment in THE annals of\n commerce, THE Normans spread THEmselves by sea, and over THE\n provinces of Greece; and THE venerable age of ATHEns, Thebes, and\n Corinth, was violated by rapine and cruelty. Of THE wrongs of\n ATHEns, no memorial remains. The ancient walls, which\n encompassed, without guarding, THE opulence of Thebes, were\n scaled by THE Latin Christians; but THEir sole use of THE gospel\n was to sanctify an oath, that THE lawful owners had not secreted\n any relic of THEir inheritance or industry. On THE approach of\n THE Normans, THE lower town of Corinth was evacuated; THE Greeks\n retired to THE citadel, which was seated on a lofty eminence,\n abundantly watered by THE classic fountain of Pirene; an\n impregnable fortress, if THE want of courage could be balanced by\n any advantages of art or nature. As soon as THE besiegers had\n surmounted THE labor (THEir sole labor) of climbing THE hill,\n THEir general, from THE commanding eminence, admired his own\n victory, and testified his gratitude to Heaven, by tearing from\n THE altar THE precious image of Theodore, THE tutelary saint. The\n silk weavers of both sexes, whom George transported to Sicily,\n composed THE most valuable part of THE spoil; and in comparing\n THE skilful industry of THE mechanic with THE sloth and cowardice\n of THE soldier, he was heard to exclaim that THE distaff and loom\n were THE only weapons which THE Greeks were capable of using. The\n progress of this naval armament was marked by two conspicuous\n events, THE rescue of THE king of France, and THE insult of THE\n Byzantine capital. In his return by sea from an unfortunate\n crusade, Louis THE Seventh was intercepted by THE Greeks, who\n basely violated THE laws of honor and religion. The fortunate\n encounter of THE Norman fleet delivered THE royal captive; and\n after a free and honorable entertainment in THE court of Sicily,\n Louis continued his journey to Rome and Paris. 110 In THE absence\n of THE emperor, Constantinople and THE Hellespont were left\n without defence and without THE suspicion of danger. The clergy\n and people (for THE soldiers had followed THE standard of Manuel)\n were astonished and dismayed at THE hostile appearance of a line\n of galleys, which boldly cast anchor in THE front of THE Imperial\n city. The forces of THE Sicilian admiral were inadequate to THE\n siege or assault of an immense and populous metropolis; but\n George enjoyed THE glory of humbling THE Greek arrogance, and of\n marking THE path of conquest to THE navies of THE West. He landed\n some soldiers to rifle THE fruits of THE royal gardens, and\n pointed with silver, or most probably with fire, THE arrows which\n he discharged against THE palace of THE Caesars. 111 This playful\n outrage of THE pirates of Sicily, who had surprised an unguarded\n moment, Manuel affected to despise, while his martial spirit, and\n THE forces of THE empire, were awakened to revenge. The\n Archipelago and Ionian Sea were covered with his squadrons and\n those of Venice; but I know not by what favorable allowance of\n transports, victuallers, and pinnaces, our reason, or even our\n fancy, can be reconciled to THE stupendous account of fifteen\n hundred vessels, which is proposed by a Byzantine historian.\n These operations were directed with prudence and energy: in his\n homeward voyage George lost nineteen of his galleys, which were\n separated and taken: after an obstinate defence, Corfu implored\n THE clemency of her lawful sovereign; nor could a ship, a\n soldier, of THE Norman prince, be found, unless as a captive,\n within THE limits of THE Eastern empire. The prosperity and THE\n health of Roger were already in a declining state: while he\n listened in his palace of Palermo to THE messengers of victory or\n defeat, THE invincible Manuel, THE foremost in every assault, was\n celebrated by THE Greeks and Latins as THE Alexander or THE\n Hercules of THE age.\n\n 109 (return) [ The silence of THE Sicilian historians, who end\n too soon, or begin too late, must be supplied by Otho of\n Frisingen, a German, (de Gestis Frederici I. l. i. c. 33, in\n Muratori, Script. tom. vi. p. 668,) THE Venetian Andrew Dandulus,\n (Id. tom. xii. p. 282, 283) and THE Greek writers Cinnamus (l.\n iii. c. 2-5) and Nicetas, (in Manuel. l. iii. c. 1-6.)]\n\n 110 (return) [ To this imperfect capture and speedy rescue I\n apply Cinnamus, l. ii. c. 19, p. 49. Muratori, on tolerable\n evidence, (Annali d’Italia, tom. ix. p. 420, 421,) laughs at THE\n delicacy of THE French, who maintain, marisque nullo impediente\n periculo ad regnum proprium reversum esse; yet I observe that\n THEir advocate, Ducange, is less positive as THE commentator on\n Cinnamus, than as THE editor of Joinville.]\n\n 111 (return) [ In palatium regium sagittas igneas injecit, says\n Dandulus; but Nicetas (l. ii. c. 8, p. 66) transforms THEm, and\n adds, that Manuel styled this insult. These arrows, by THE\n compiler, Vincent de Beauvais, are again transmuted into gold.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.—Part V.\n\n A prince of such a temper could not be satisfied with having\n repelled THE insolence of a Barbarian. It was THE right and duty,\n it might be THE interest and glory, of Manuel to restore THE\n ancient majesty of THE empire, to recover THE provinces of Italy\n and Sicily, and to chastise this pretended king, THE grandson of\n a Norman vassal. 112 The natives of Calabria were still attached\n to THE Greek language and worship, which had been inexorably\n proscribed by THE Latin clergy: after THE loss of her dukes,\n Apulia was chained as a servile appendage to THE crown of Sicily;\n THE founder of THE monarchy had ruled by THE sword; and his death\n had abated THE fear, without healing THE discontent, of his\n subjects: THE feudal government was always pregnant with THE\n seeds of rebellion; and a nephew of Roger himself invited THE\n enemies of his family and nation. The majesty of THE purple, and\n a series of Hungarian and Turkish wars, prevented Manuel from\n embarking his person in THE Italian expedition. To THE brave and\n noble Palaeologus, his lieutenant, THE Greek monarch intrusted a\n fleet and army: THE siege of Bari was his first exploit; and, in\n every operation, gold as well as steel was THE instrument of\n victory. Salerno, and some places along THE western coast,\n maintained THEir fidelity to THE Norman king; but he lost in two\n campaigns THE greater part of his continental possessions; and\n THE modest emperor, disdaining all flattery and falsehood, was\n content with THE reduction of three hundred cities or villages of\n Apulia and Calabria, whose names and titles were inscribed on all\n THE walls of THE palace. The prejudices of THE Latins were\n gratified by a genuine or fictitious donation under THE seal of\n THE German Caesars; 113 but THE successor of Constantine soon\n renounced this ignominious pretence, claimed THE indefeasible\n dominion of Italy, and professed his design of chasing THE\n Barbarians beyond THE Alps. By THE artful speeches, liberal\n gifts, and unbounded promises, of THEir Eastern ally, THE free\n cities were encouraged to persevere in THEir generous struggle\n against THE despotism of Frederic Barbarossa: THE walls of Milan\n were rebuilt by THE contributions of Manuel; and he poured, says\n THE historian, a river of gold into THE bosom of Ancona, whose\n attachment to THE Greeks was fortified by THE jealous enmity of\n THE Venetians. 114 The situation and trade of Ancona rendered it\n an important garrison in THE heart of Italy: it was twice\n besieged by THE arms of Frederic; THE imperial forces were twice\n repulsed by THE spirit of freedom; that spirit was animated by\n THE ambassador of Constantinople; and THE most intrepid patriots,\n THE most faithful servants, were rewarded by THE wealth and\n honors of THE Byzantine court. 115 The pride of Manuel disdained\n and rejected a Barbarian colleague; his ambition was excited by\n THE hope of stripping THE purple from THE German usurpers, and of\n establishing, in THE West, as in THE East, his lawful title of\n sole emperor of THE Romans. With this view, he solicited THE\n alliance of THE people and THE bishop of Rome. Several of THE\n nobles embraced THE cause of THE Greek monarch; THE splendid\n nuptials of his niece with Odo Frangipani secured THE support of\n that powerful family, 116 and his royal standard or image was\n entertained with due reverence in THE ancient metropolis. 117\n During THE quarrel between Frederic and Alexander THE Third, THE\n pope twice received in THE Vatican THE ambassadors of\n Constantinople. They flattered his piety by THE long-promised\n union of THE two churches, tempted THE avarice of his venal\n court, and exhorted THE Roman pontiff to seize THE just\n provocation, THE favorable moment, to humble THE savage insolence\n of THE Alemanni and to acknowledge THE true representative of\n Constantine and Augustus. 118\n\n 112 (return) [ For THE invasion of Italy, which is almost\n overlooked by Nicetas see THE more polite history of Cinnamus,\n (l. iv. c. 1-15, p. 78-101,) who introduces a diffuse narrative\n by a lofty profession, iii. 5.]\n\n 113 (return) [ The Latin, Otho, (de Gestis Frederici I. l. ii. c.\n 30, p. 734,) attests THE forgery; THE Greek, Cinnamus, (l. iv. c.\n 1, p. 78,) claims a promise of restitution from Conrad and\n Frederic. An act of fraud is always credible when it is told of\n THE Greeks.]\n\n 114 (return) [ Quod Ancontiani Graecum imperium nimis diligerent\n ... Veneti speciali odio Anconam oderunt. The cause of love,\n perhaps of envy, were THE beneficia, flumen aureum of THE\n emperor; and THE Latin narrative is confirmed by Cinnamus, (l.\n iv. c. 14, p. 98.)]\n\n 115 (return) [ Muratori mentions THE two sieges of Ancona; THE\n first, in 1167, against Frederic I. in person (Annali, tom. x. p.\n 39, &c.;) THE second, in 1173, against his lieutenant Christian,\n archbishop of Mentz, a man unworthy of his name and office, (p.\n 76, &c.) It is of THE second siege that we possess an original\n narrative, which he has published in his great collection, (tom.\n vi. p. 921-946.)]\n\n 116 (return) [ We derive this anecdote from an anonymous\n chronicle of Fossa Nova, published by Muratori, (Script. Ital.\n tom. vii. p. 874.)]\n\n 117 (return) [ Cinnamus (l. iv. c. 14, p. 99) is susceptible of\n this double sense. A standard is more Latin, an image more\n Greek.]\n\n 118 (return) [ Nihilominus quoque petebat, ut quia occasio justa\n et tempos opportunum et acceptabile se obtulerant, Romani corona\n imperii a sancto apostolo sibi redderetur; quoniam non ad\n Frederici Alemanni, sed ad suum jus asseruit pertinere, (Vit.\n Alexandri III. a Cardinal. Arragoniae, in Script. Rerum Ital.\n tom. iii. par. i. p. 458.) His second embassy was accompanied cum\n immensa multitudine pecuniarum.]\n\n But THEse Italian conquests, this universal reign, soon escaped\n from THE hand of THE Greek emperor. His first demands were eluded\n by THE prudence of Alexander THE Third, who paused on this deep\n and momentous revolution; 119 nor could THE pope be seduced by a\n personal dispute to renounce THE perpetual inheritance of THE\n Latin name. After THE reunion with Frederic, he spoke a more\n peremptory language, confirmed THE acts of his predecessors,\n excommunicated THE adherents of Manuel, and pronounced THE final\n separation of THE churches, or at least THE empires, of\n Constantinople and Rome. 120 The free cities of Lombardy no\n longer remembered THEir foreign benefactor, and without\n preserving THE friendship of Ancona, he soon incurred THE enmity\n of Venice. 121 By his own avarice, or THE complaints of his\n subjects, THE Greek emperor was provoked to arrest THE persons,\n and confiscate THE effects, of THE Venetian merchants. This\n violation of THE public faith exasperated a free and commercial\n people: one hundred galleys were launched and armed in as many\n days; THEy swept THE coasts of Dalmatia and Greece: but after\n some mutual wounds, THE war was terminated by an agreement,\n inglorious to THE empire, insufficient for THE republic; and a\n complete vengeance of THEse and of fresh injuries was reserved\n for THE succeeding generation. The lieutenant of Manuel had\n informed his sovereign that he was strong enough to quell any\n domestic revolt of Apulia and Calabria; but that his forces were\n inadequate to resist THE impending attack of THE king of Sicily.\n His prophecy was soon verified: THE death of Palaeologus devolved\n THE command on several chiefs, alike eminent in rank, alike\n defective in military talents; THE Greeks were oppressed by land\n and sea; and a captive remnant that escaped THE swords of THE\n Normans and Saracens, abjured all future hostility against THE\n person or dominions of THEir conqueror. 122 Yet THE king of\n Sicily esteemed THE courage and constancy of Manuel, who had\n landed a second army on THE Italian shore; he respectfully\n addressed THE new Justinian; solicited a peace or truce of thirty\n years, accepted as a gift THE regal title; and acknowledged\n himself THE military vassal of THE Roman empire. 123 The\n Byzantine Caesars acquiesced in this shadow of dominion, without\n expecting, perhaps without desiring, THE service of a Norman\n army; and THE truce of thirty years was not disturbed by any\n hostilities between Sicily and Constantinople. About THE end of\n that period, THE throne of Manuel was usurped by an inhuman\n tyrant, who had deserved THE abhorrence of his country and\n mankind: THE sword of William THE Second, THE grandson of Roger,\n was drawn by a fugitive of THE Comnenian race; and THE subjects\n of Andronicus might salute THE strangers as friends, since THEy\n detested THEir sovereign as THE worst of enemies. The Latin\n historians 124 expatiate on THE rapid progress of THE four counts\n who invaded Romania with a fleet and army, and reduced many\n castles and cities to THE obedience of THE king of Sicily. The\n Greeks 125 accuse and magnify THE wanton and sacrilegious\n cruelties that were perpetrated in THE sack of Thessalonica, THE\n second city of THE empire. The former deplore THE fate of those\n invincible but unsuspecting warriors who were destroyed by THE\n arts of a vanquished foe. The latter applaud, in songs of\n triumph, THE repeated victories of THEir countrymen on THE Sea of\n Marmora or Propontis, on THE banks of THE Strymon, and under THE\n walls of Durazzo. A revolution which punished THE crimes of\n Andronicus, had united against THE Franks THE zeal and courage of\n THE successful insurgents: ten thousand were slain in battle, and\n Isaac Angelus, THE new emperor, might indulge his vanity or\n vengeance in THE treatment of four thousand captives. Such was\n THE event of THE last contest between THE Greeks and Normans:\n before THE expiration of twenty years, THE rival nations were\n lost or degraded in foreign servitude; and THE successors of\n Constantine did not long survive to insult THE fall of THE\n Sicilian monarchy.\n\n 119 (return) [ Nimis alta et perplexa sunt, (Vit. Alexandri III.\n p. 460, 461,) says THE cautious pope.]\n\n 120 (return) [ (Cinnamus, l. iv. c. 14, p. 99.)]\n\n 121 (return) [ In his vith book, Cinnamus describes THE Venetian\n war, which Nicetas has not thought worthy of his attention. The\n Italian accounts, which do not satisfy our curiosity, are\n reported by THE annalist Muratori, under THE years 1171, &c.]\n\n 122 (return) [ This victory is mentioned by Romuald of Salerno,\n (in Muratori, Script. Ital. tom. vii. p. 198.) It is whimsical\n enough, that in THE praise of THE king of Sicily, Cinnamus (l.\n iv. c. 13, p. 97, 98) is much warmer and copious than Falcandus,\n (p. 268, 270.) But THE Greek is fond of description, and THE\n Latin historian is not fond of William THE Bad.]\n\n 123 (return) [ For THE epistle of William I. see Cinnamus (l. iv.\n c. 15, p. 101, 102) and Nicetas, (l. ii. c. 8.) It is difficult\n to affirm, wheTHEr THEse Greeks deceived THEmselves, or THE\n public, in THEse flattering portraits of THE grandeur of THE\n empire.]\n\n 124 (return) [ I can only quote, of original evidence, THE poor\n chronicles of Sicard of Cremona, (p. 603,) and of Fossa Nova, (p.\n 875,) as THEy are published in THE viith tome of Muratori’s\n historians. The king of Sicily sent his troops contra nequitiam\n Andronici.... ad acquirendum imperium C. P. They were.... decepti\n captique, by Isaac.]\n\n 125 (return) [ By THE failure of Cinnamus to Nicetas (in\n Andronico, l.. c. 7, 8, 9, l. ii. c. 1, in Isaac Angelo, l. i. c.\n 1-4,) who now becomes a respectable contemporary. As he survived\n THE emperor and THE empire, he is above flattery; but THE fall of\n Constantinople exasperated his prejudices against THE Latins. For\n THE honor of learning I shall observe that Homer’s great\n commentator, Eustathias archbishop of Thessalonica, refused to\n desert his flock.]\n\n The sceptre of Roger successively devolved to his son and\n grandson: THEy might be confounded under THE name of William:\n THEy are strongly discriminated by THE epiTHEts of THE bad and\n THE good; but THEse epiTHEts, which appear to describe THE\n perfection of vice and virtue, cannot strictly be applied to\n eiTHEr of THE Norman princes. When he was roused to arms by\n danger and shame, THE first William did not degenerate from THE\n valor of his race; but his temper was slothful; his manners were\n dissolute; his passions headstrong and mischievous; and THE\n monarch is responsible, not only for his personal vices, but for\n those of Majo, THE great admiral, who abused THE confidence, and\n conspired against THE life, of his benefactor. From THE Arabian\n conquest, Sicily had imbibed a deep tincture of Oriental manners;\n THE despotism, THE pomp, and even THE harem, of a sultan; and a\n Christian people was oppressed and insulted by THE ascendant of\n THE eunuchs, who openly professed, or secretly cherished, THE\n religion of Mahomet. An eloquent historian of THE times 126 has\n delineated THE misfortunes of his country: 127 THE ambition and\n fall of THE ungrateful Majo; THE revolt and punishment of his\n assassins; THE imprisonment and deliverance of THE king himself;\n THE private feuds that arose from THE public confusion; and THE\n various forms of calamity and discord which afflicted Palermo,\n THE island, and THE continent, during THE reign of William THE\n First, and THE minority of his son. The youth, innocence, and\n beauty of William THE Second, 128 endeared him to THE nation: THE\n factions were reconciled; THE laws were revived; and from THE\n manhood to THE premature death of that amiable prince, Sicily\n enjoyed a short season of peace, justice, and happiness, whose\n value was enhanced by THE remembrance of THE past and THE dread\n of futurity. The legitimate male posterity of Tancred of\n Hauteville was extinct in THE person of THE second William; but\n his aunt, THE daughter of Roger, had married THE most powerful\n prince of THE age; and Henry THE Sixth, THE son of Frederic\n Barbarossa, descended from THE Alps to claim THE Imperial crown\n and THE inheritance of his wife. Against THE unanimous wish of a\n free people, this inheritance could only be acquired by arms; and\n I am pleased to transcribe THE style and sense of THE historian\n Falcandus, who writes at THE moment, and on THE spot, with THE\n feelings of a patriot, and THE prophetic eye of a statesman.\n “Constantia, THE daughter of Sicily, nursed from her cradle in\n THE pleasures and plenty, and educated in THE arts and manners,\n of this fortunate isle, departed long since to enrich THE\n Barbarians with our treasures, and now returns, with her savage\n allies, to contaminate THE beauties of her venerable parent.\n Already I behold THE swarms of angry Barbarians: our opulent\n cities, THE places flourishing in a long peace, are shaken with\n fear, desolated by slaughter, consumed by rapine, and polluted by\n intemperance and lust. I see THE massacre or captivity of our\n citizens, THE rapes of our virgins and matrons. 129 In this\n extremity (he interrogates a friend) how must THE Sicilians act?\n By THE unanimous election of a king of valor and experience,\n Sicily and Calabria might yet be preserved; 130 for in THE levity\n of THE Apulians, ever eager for new revolutions, I can repose\n neiTHEr confidence nor hope. 131 Should Calabria be lost, THE\n lofty towers, THE numerous youth, and THE naval strength, of\n Messina, 132 might guard THE passage against a foreign invader.\n If THE savage Germans coalesce with THE pirates of Messina; if\n THEy destroy with fire THE fruitful region, so often wasted by\n THE fires of Mount Aetna, 133 what resource will be left for THE\n interior parts of THE island, THEse noble cities which should\n never be violated by THE hostile footsteps of a Barbarian? 134\n Catana has again been overwhelmed by an earthquake: THE ancient\n virtue of Syracuse expires in poverty and solitude; 135 but\n Palermo is still crowned with a diadem, and her triple walls\n enclose THE active multitudes of Christians and Saracens. If THE\n two nations, under one king, can unite for THEir common safety,\n THEy may rush on THE Barbarians with invincible arms. But if THE\n Saracens, fatigued by a repetition of injuries, should now retire\n and rebel; if THEy should occupy THE castles of THE mountains and\n sea-coast, THE unfortunate Christians, exposed to a double\n attack, and placed as it were between THE hammer and THE anvil,\n must resign THEmselves to hopeless and inevitable servitude.” 136\n We must not forget, that a priest here prefers his country to his\n religion; and that THE Moslems, whose alliance he seeks, were\n still numerous and powerful in THE state of Sicily.\n\n 126 (return) [ The Historia Sicula of Hugo Falcandus, which\n properly extends from 1154 to 1169, is inserted in THE viiith\n volume of Muratori’s Collection, (tom. vii. p. 259-344,) and\n preceded by a eloquent preface or epistle, (p. 251-258, de\n Calamitatibus Siciliae.) Falcandus has been styled THE Tacitus of\n Sicily; and, after a just, but immense, abatement, from THE ist\n to THE xiith century, from a senator to a monk, I would not strip\n him of his title: his narrative is rapid and perspicuous, his\n style bold and elegant, his observation keen; he had studied\n mankind, and feels like a man. I can only regret THE narrow and\n barren field on which his labors have been cast.]\n\n 127 (return) [ The laborious Benedictines (l’Art de verifier les\n Dates, p. 896) are of opinion, that THE true name of Falcandus is\n Fulcandus, or Foucault. According to THEm, Hugues Foucalt, a\n Frenchman by birth, and at length abbot of St. Denys, had\n followed into Sicily his patron Stephen de la Perche, uncle to\n THE moTHEr of William II., archbishop of Palermo, and great\n chancellor of THE kingdom. Yet Falcandus has all THE feelings of\n a Sicilian; and THE title of Alumnus (which he bestows on\n himself) appears to indicate that he was born, or at least\n educated, in THE island.]\n\n 128 (return) [ Falcand. p. 303. Richard de St. Germano begins his\n history from THE death and praises of William II. After some\n unmeaning epiTHEts, he thus continues: Legis et justitiae cultus\n tempore suo vigebat in regno; sua erat quilibet sorte contentus;\n (were THEy mortals?) abique pax, ubique securitas, nec latronum\n metuebat viator insidias, nec maris nauta offendicula piratarum,\n (Script. Rerum Ital. tom. vii p 939.)]\n\n 129 (return) [ Constantia, primis a cunabulis in deliciarun\n tuarum affluentia diutius educata, tuisque institutis, doctrinus\n et moribus informata, tandem opibus tuis Barbaros delatura\n discessit: et nunc cum imgentibus copiis revertitur, ut\n pulcherrima nutricis ornamenta barbarica foeditate contaminet\n .... Intuari mihi jam videor turbulentas bar barorum acies....\n civitates opulentas et loca diuturna pace florentia, metu\n concutere, caede vastare, rapinis atterere, et foedare luxuria\n hinc cives aut gladiis intercepti, aut servitute depressi,\n virgines constupratae, matronae, &c.]\n\n 130 (return) [ Certe si regem non dubiae virtutis elegerint, nec\n a Saracenis Christiani dissentiant, poterit rex creatus rebus\n licet quasi desperatis et perditis subvenire, et incursus\n hostium, si prudenter egerit, propulsare.]\n\n 131 (return) [ In Apulis, qui, semper novitate gaudentes, novarum\n rerum studiis aguntur, nihil arbitror spei aut fiduciae\n reponendum.]\n\n 132 (return) [ Si civium tuorum virtutem et audaciam attendas,\n .... muriorum etiam ambitum densis turribus circumseptum.]\n\n 133 (return) [ Cum erudelitate piratica Theutonum confligat\n atrocitas, et inter aucbustos lapides, et Aethnae flagrant’s\n incendia, &c.]\n\n 134 (return) [ Eam partem, quam nobilissimarum civitatum fulgor\n illustrat, quae et toti regno singulari meruit privilegio\n praeminere, nefarium esset.... vel barbarorum ingressu pollui. I\n wish to transcribe his florid, but curious, description, of THE\n palace, city, and luxuriant plain of Palermo.]\n\n 135 (return) [ Vires non suppetunt, et conatus tuos tam inopia\n civium, quam paucitas bellatorum elidunt.]\n\n 136 (return) [ The Normans and Sicilians appear to be\n confounded.]\n\n The hopes, or at least THE wishes, of Falcandus were at first\n gratified by THE free and unanimous election of Tancred, THE\n grandson of THE first king, whose birth was illegitimate, but\n whose civil and military virtues shone without a blemish. During\n four years, THE term of his life and reign, he stood in arms on\n THE farTHEst verge of THE Apulian frontier, against THE powers of\n Germany; and THE restitution of a royal captive, of Constantia\n herself, without injury or ransom, may appear to surpass THE most\n liberal measure of policy or reason. After his decease, THE\n kingdom of his widow and infant son fell without a struggle; and\n Henry pursued his victorious march from Capua to Palermo. The\n political balance of Italy was destroyed by his success; and if\n THE pope and THE free cities had consulted THEir obvious and real\n interest, THEy would have combined THE powers of earth and heaven\n to prevent THE dangerous union of THE German empire with THE\n kingdom of Sicily. But THE subtle policy, for which THE Vatican\n has so often been praised or arraigned, was on this occasion\n blind and inactive; and if it were true that Celestine THE Third\n had kicked away THE Imperial crown from THE head of THE prostrate\n Henry, 137 such an act of impotent pride could serve only to\n cancel an obligation and provoke an enemy. The Genoese, who\n enjoyed a beneficial trade and establishment in Sicily, listened\n to THE promise of his boundless gratitude and speedy departure:\n 138 THEir fleet commanded THE straits of Messina, and opened THE\n harbor of Palermo; and THE first act of his government was to\n abolish THE privileges, and to seize THE property, of THEse\n imprudent allies. The last hope of Falcandus was defeated by THE\n discord of THE Christians and Mahometans: THEy fought in THE\n capital; several thousands of THE latter were slain; but THEir\n surviving brethren fortified THE mountains, and disturbed above\n thirty years THE peace of THE island. By THE policy of Frederic\n THE Second, sixty thousand Saracens were transplanted to Nocera\n in Apulia. In THEir wars against THE Roman church, THE emperor\n and his son Mainfroy were strengTHEned and disgraced by THE\n service of THE enemies of Christ; and this national colony\n maintained THEir religion and manners in THE heart of Italy, till\n THEy were extirpated, at THE end of THE thirteenth century, by\n THE zeal and revenge of THE house of Anjou. 139 All THE\n calamities which THE prophetic orator had deplored were surpassed\n by THE cruelty and avarice of THE German conqueror. He violated\n THE royal sepulchres, 1391 and explored THE secret treasures of\n THE palace, Palermo, and THE whole kingdom: THE pearls and\n jewels, however precious, might be easily removed; but one\n hundred and sixty horses were laden with THE gold and silver of\n Sicily. 140 The young king, his moTHEr and sisters, and THE\n nobles of both sexes, were separately confined in THE fortresses\n of THE Alps; and, on THE slightest rumor of rebellion, THE\n captives were deprived of life, of THEir eyes, or of THE hope of\n posterity. Constantia herself was touched with sympathy for THE\n miseries of her country; and THE heiress of THE Norman line might\n struggle to check her despotic husband, and to save THE patrimony\n of her new-born son, of an emperor so famous in THE next age\n under THE name of Frederic THE Second. Ten years after this\n revolution, THE French monarchs annexed to THEir crown THE duchy\n of Normandy: THE sceptre of her ancient dukes had been\n transmitted, by a granddaughter of William THE Conqueror, to THE\n house of Plantagenet; and THE adventurous Normans, who had raised\n so many trophies in France, England, and Ireland, in Apulia,\n Sicily, and THE East, were lost, eiTHEr in victory or servitude,\n among THE vanquished nations.\n\n 137 (return) [ The testimony of an Englishman, of Roger de\n Hoveden, (p. 689,) will lightly weigh against THE silence of\n German and Italian history, (Muratori, Annali d’ Italia, tom. x.\n p. 156.) The priests and pilgrims, who returned from Rome,\n exalted, by every tale, THE omnipotence of THE holy faTHEr.]\n\n 138 (return) [ Ego enim in eo cum Teutonicis manere non debeo,\n (Caffari, Annal. Genuenses, in Muratori, Script. Rerum\n Italicarum, tom vi. p. 367, 368.)]\n\n 139 (return) [ For THE Saracens of Sicily and Nocera, see THE\n Annals of Muratori, (tom. x. p. 149, and A.D. 1223, 1247,)\n Giannone, (tom ii. p. 385,) and of THE originals, in Muratori’s\n Collection, Richard de St. Germano, (tom. vii. p. 996,) Matteo\n Spinelli de Giovenazzo, (tom. vii. p. 1064,) Nicholas de\n Jamsilla, (tom. x. p. 494,) and Matreo Villani, (tom. xiv l. vii.\n p. 103.) The last of THEse insinuates that, in reducing THE\n Saracens of Nocera, Charles II. of Anjou employed raTHEr artifice\n than violence.]\n\n 1391 (return) [ It is remarkable that at THE same time THE tombs\n of THE Roman emperors, even of Constantine himself, were violated\n and ransacked by THEir degenerate successor Alexius Comnenus, in\n order to enable him to pay THE “German” tribute exacted by THE\n menaces of THE emperor Henry. See THE end of THE first book of\n THE Life of Alexius, in Nicetas, p. 632, edit.—M.]\n\n 140 (return) [ Muratori quotes a passage from Arnold of Lubec,\n (l. iv. c. 20:) Reperit THEsauros absconditos, et omnem lapidum\n pretiosorum et gemmarum gloriam, ita ut oneratis 160 somariis,\n gloriose ad terram suam redierit. Roger de Hoveden, who mentions\n THE violation of THE royal tombs and corpses, computes THE spoil\n of Salerno at 200,000 ounces of gold, (p. 746.) On THEse\n occasions, I am almost tempted to exclaim with THE listening maid\n in La Fontaine, “Je voudrois bien avoir ce qui manque.”]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LVII: The Turks.—Part I.\n\n The Turks Of The House Of Seljuk.—Their Revolt Against Mahmud\n Conqueror Of Hindostan.—Togrul Subdues Persia, And Protects The\n Caliphs.—Defeat And Captivity Of The Emperor Romanus Diogenes By\n Alp Arslan.—Power And Magnificence Of Malek Shah.—Conquest Of Asia\n Minor And Syria.—State And Oppression Of Jerusalem.—Pilgrimages To\n The Holy Sepulchre.\n\n From THE Isle of Sicily, THE reader must transport himself beyond\n THE Caspian Sea, to THE original seat of THE Turks or Turkmans,\n against whom THE first crusade was principally directed. Their\n Scythian empire of THE sixth century was long since dissolved;\n but THE name was still famous among THE Greeks and Orientals; and\n THE fragments of THE nation, each a powerful and independent\n people, were scattered over THE desert from China to THE Oxus and\n THE Danube: THE colony of Hungarians was admitted into THE\n republic of Europe, and THE thrones of Asia were occupied by\n slaves and soldiers of Turkish extraction. While Apulia and\n Sicily were subdued by THE Norman lance, a swarm of THEse\n norTHErn shepherds overspread THE kingdoms of Persia; THEir\n princes of THE race of Seljuk erected a splendid and solid empire\n from Samarcand to THE confines of Greece and Egypt; and THE Turks\n have maintained THEir dominion in Asia Minor, till THE victorious\n crescent has been planted on THE dome of St. Sophia.\n\n One of THE greatest of THE Turkish princes was Mahmood or Mahmud,\n 1 THE Gaznevide, who reigned in THE eastern provinces of Persia,\n one thousand years after THE birth of Christ. His faTHEr\n Sebectagi was THE slave of THE slave of THE slave of THE\n commander of THE faithful. But in this descent of servitude, THE\n first degree was merely titular, since it was filled by THE\n sovereign of Transoxiana and Chorasan, who still paid a nominal\n allegiance to THE caliph of Bagdad. The second rank was that of a\n minister of state, a lieutenant of THE Samanides, 2 who broke, by\n his revolt, THE bonds of political slavery. But THE third step\n was a state of real and domestic servitude in THE family of that\n rebel; from which Sebectagi, by his courage and dexterity,\n ascended to THE supreme command of THE city and provinces of\n Gazna, 3 as THE son-in-law and successor of his grateful master.\n\n The falling dynasty of THE Samanides was at first protected, and\n at last overthrown, by THEir servants; and, in THE public\n disorders, THE fortune of Mahmud continually increased. From him\n THE title of Sultan 4 was first invented; and his kingdom was\n enlarged from Transoxiana to THE neighborhood of Ispahan, from\n THE shores of THE Caspian to THE mouth of THE Indus. But THE\n principal source of his fame and riches was THE holy war which he\n waged against THE Gentoos of Hindostan. In this foreign narrative\n I may not consume a page; and a volume would scarcely suffice to\n recapitulate THE battles and sieges of his twelve expeditions.\n Never was THE Mussulman hero dismayed by THE inclemency of THE\n seasons, THE height of THE mountains, THE breadth of THE rivers,\n THE barrenness of THE desert, THE multitudes of THE enemy, or THE\n formidable array of THEir elephants of war. 5 The sultan of Gazna\n surpassed THE limits of THE conquests of Alexander: after a march\n of three months, over THE hills of Cashmir and Thibet, he reached\n THE famous city of Kinnoge, 6 on THE Upper Ganges; and, in a\n naval combat on one of THE branches of THE Indus, he fought and\n vanquished four thousand boats of THE natives. Delhi, Lahor, and\n Multan, were compelled to open THEir gates: THE fertile kingdom\n of Guzarat attracted his ambition and tempted his stay; and his\n avarice indulged THE fruitless project of discovering THE golden\n and aromatic isles of THE SouTHErn Ocean. On THE payment of a\n tribute, THE rajahs preserved THEir dominions; THE people, THEir\n lives and fortunes; but to THE religion of Hindostan THE zealous\n Mussulman was cruel and inexorable: many hundred temples, or\n pagodas, were levelled with THE ground; many thousand idols were\n demolished; and THE servants of THE prophet were stimulated and\n rewarded by THE precious materials of which THEy were composed.\n The pagoda of Sumnat was situate on THE promontory of Guzarat, in\n THE neighborhood of Diu, one of THE last remaining possessions of\n THE Portuguese. 7 It was endowed with THE revenue of two thousand\n villages; two thousand Brahmins were consecrated to THE service\n of THE Deity, whom THEy washed each morning and evening in water\n from THE distant Ganges: THE subordinate ministers consisted of\n three hundred musicians, three hundred barbers, and five hundred\n dancing girls, conspicuous for THEir birth or beauty. Three sides\n of THE temple were protected by THE ocean, THE narrow isthmus was\n fortified by a natural or artificial precipice; and THE city and\n adjacent country were peopled by a nation of fanatics. They\n confessed THE sins and THE punishment of Kinnoge and Delhi; but\n if THE impious stranger should presume to approach THEir holy\n precincts, he would surely be overwhelmed by a blast of THE\n divine vengeance. By this challenge, THE faith of Mahmud was\n animated to a personal trial of THE strength of this Indian\n deity. Fifty thousand of his worshippers were pierced by THE\n spear of THE Moslems; THE walls were scaled; THE sanctuary was\n profaned; and THE conqueror aimed a blow of his iron mace at THE\n head of THE idol. The trembling Brahmins are said to have offered\n ten millions 711 sterling for his ransom; and it was urged by THE\n wisest counsellors, that THE destruction of a stone image would\n not change THE hearts of THE Gentoos; and that such a sum might\n be dedicated to THE relief of THE true believers. “Your reasons,”\n replied THE sultan, “are specious and strong; but never in THE\n eyes of posterity shall Mahmud appear as a merchant of idols.”\n 712 He repeated his blows, and a treasure of pearls and rubies,\n concealed in THE belly of THE statue, explained in some degree\n THE devout prodigality of THE Brahmins. The fragments of THE idol\n were distributed to Gazna, Mecca, and Medina. Bagdad listened to\n THE edifying tale; and Mahmud was saluted by THE caliph with THE\n title of guardian of THE fortune and faith of Mahomet.\n\n 1 (return) [ I am indebted for his character and history to\n D’Herbelot, (BiblioTHEque Orientale, Mahmud, p. 533-537,) M. De\n Guignes, (Histoire des Huns, tom. iii. p. 155-173,) and our\n countryman Colonel Alexander Dow, (vol. i. p. 23-83.) In THE two\n first volumes of his History of Hindostan, he styles himself THE\n translator of THE Persian Ferishta; but in his florid text, it is\n not easy to distinguish THE version and THE original. * Note: The\n European reader now possesses a more accurate version of\n Ferishta, that of Col. Briggs. Of Col. Dow’s work, Col. Briggs\n observes, “that THE author’s name will be handed down to\n posterity as one of THE earliest and most indefatigable of our\n Oriental scholars. Instead of confining himself, however, to mere\n translation, he has filled his work with his own observations,\n which have been so embodied in THE text that Gibbon declares it\n impossible to distinguish THE translator from THE original\n author.” Preface p. vii.—M.]\n\n 2 (return) [ The dynasty of THE Samanides continued 125 years,\n A.D. 847-999, under ten princes. See THEir succession and ruin,\n in THE Tables of M. De Guignes, (Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p.\n 404-406.) They were followed by THE Gaznevides, A.D. 999-1183,\n (see tom. i. p. 239, 240.) His divisions of nations often\n disturbs THE series of time and place.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Gaznah hortos non habet: est emporium et domicilium\n mercaturae Indicae. Abulfedae Geograph. Reiske, tab. xxiii. p.\n 349. D’Herbelot, p. 364. It has not been visited by any modern\n traveller.]\n\n 4 (return) [ By THE ambassador of THE caliph of Bagdad, who\n employed an Arabian or Chaldaic word that signifies lord and\n master, (D’Herbelot, p. 825.) It is interpreted by THE Byzantine\n writers of THE eleventh century; and THE name (Soldanus) is\n familiarly employed in THE Greek and Latin languages, after it\n had passed from THE Gaznevides to THE Seljukides, and oTHEr emirs\n of Asia and Egypt. Ducange (Dissertation xvi. sur Joinville, p.\n 238-240. Gloss. Graec. et Latin.) labors to find THE title of\n Sultan in THE ancient kingdom of Persia: but his proofs are mere\n shadows; a proper name in THE Themes of Constantine, (ii. 11,) an\n anticipation of Zonaras, &c., and a medal of Kai Khosrou, not (as\n he believes) THE Sassanide of THE vith, but THE Seljukide of\n Iconium of THE xiiith century, (De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom.\n i. p. 246.)]\n\n 5 (return) [ Ferishta (apud Dow, Hist. of Hindostan, vol. i. p.\n 49) mentions THE report of a gun in THE Indian army. But as I am\n slow in believing this premature (A.D. 1008) use of artillery, I\n must desire to scrutinize first THE text, and THEn THE authority\n of Ferishta, who lived in THE Mogul court in THE last century. *\n Note: This passage is differently written in THE various\n manuscripts I have seen; and in some THE word tope (gun) has been\n written for nupth, (naphtha, and toofung) (musket) for khudung,\n (arrow.) But no Persian or Arabic history speaks of gunpowder\n before THE time usually assigned for its invention, (A.D. 1317;)\n long after which, it was first applied to THE purposes of war.\n Briggs’s Ferishta, vol. i. p. 47, note.—M.]\n\n 6 (return) [ Kinnouge, or Canouge, (THE old Palimbothra) is\n marked in latitude 27 Degrees 3 Minutes, longitude 80 Degrees 13\n Minutes. See D’Anville, (Antiquite de l’Inde, p. 60-62,)\n corrected by THE local knowledge of Major Rennel (in his\n excellent Memoir on his Map of Hindostan, p. 37-43: ) 300]\n jewellers, 30,000 shops for THE arreca nut, 60,000 bands of\n musicians, &c. (Abulfed. Geograph. tab. xv. p. 274. Dow, vol. i.\n p. 16,) will allow an ample deduction. * Note: Mr. Wilson (Hindu\n Drama, vol. iii. p. 12) and Schlegel (Indische BiblioTHEk, vol.\n ii. p. 394) concur in identifying Palimbothra with THE Patalipara\n of THE Indians; THE Patna of THE moderns.—M.]\n\n 7 (return) [ The idolaters of Europe, says Ferishta, (Dow, vol.\n i. p. 66.) Consult Abulfeda, (p. 272,) and Rennel’s Map of\n Hindostan.]\n\n 711 (return) [ Ferishta says, some “crores of gold.” Dow says, in\n a note at THE bottom of THE page, “ten millions,” which is THE\n explanation of THE word “crore.” Mr. Gibbon says rashly that THE\n sum offered by THE Brahmins was ten millions sterling. Note to\n Mill’s India, vol. ii. p. 222. Col. Briggs’s translation is “a\n quantity of gold.” The treasure found in THE temple, “perhaps in\n THE image,” according to Major Price’s authorities, was twenty\n millions of dinars of gold, above nine millions sterling; but\n this was a hundred-fold THE ransom offered by THE Brahmins.\n Price, vol. ii. p. 290.—M.]\n\n 712 (return) [ RaTHEr than THE idol broker, he chose to be called\n Mahmud THE idol breaker. Price, vol. ii. p. 289—M]\n\n From THE paths of blood (and such is THE history of nations) I\n cannot refuse to turn aside to gaTHEr some flowers of science or\n virtue. The name of Mahmud THE Gaznevide is still venerable in\n THE East: his subjects enjoyed THE blessings of prosperity and\n peace; his vices were concealed by THE veil of religion; and two\n familiar examples will testify his justice and magnanimity.\n\n I. As he sat in THE Divan, an unhappy subject bowed before THE\n throne to accuse THE insolence of a Turkish soldier who had\n driven him from his house and bed. “Suspend your clamors,” said\n Mahmud; “inform me of his next visit, and ourself in person will\n judge and punish THE offender.” The sultan followed his guide,\n invested THE house with his guards, and extinguishing THE\n torches, pronounced THE death of THE criminal, who had been\n seized in THE act of rapine and adultery. After THE execution of\n his sentence, THE lights were rekindled, Mahmud fell prostrate in\n prayer, and rising from THE ground, demanded some homely fare,\n which he devoured with THE voraciousness of hunger. The poor man,\n whose injury he had avenged, was unable to suppress his\n astonishment and curiosity; and THE courteous monarch\n condescended to explain THE motives of this singular behavior. “I\n had reason to suspect that none, except one of my sons, could\n dare to perpetrate such an outrage; and I extinguished THE\n lights, that my justice might be blind and inexorable. My prayer\n was a thanksgiving on THE discovery of THE offender; and so\n painful was my anxiety, that I had passed three days without food\n since THE first moment of your complaint.”\n\n II. The sultan of Gazna had declared war against THE dynasty of\n THE Bowides, THE sovereigns of THE western Persia: he was\n disarmed by an epistle of THE sultana moTHEr, and delayed his\n invasion till THE manhood of her son. 8 “During THE life of my\n husband,” said THE artful regent, “I was ever apprehensive of\n your ambition: he was a prince and a soldier worthy of your arms.\n He is now no more; his sceptre has passed to a woman and a child,\n and you dare not attack THEir infancy and weakness. How\n inglorious would be your conquest, how shameful your defeat! and\n yet THE event of war is in THE hand of THE Almighty.” Avarice was\n THE only defect that tarnished THE illustrious character of\n Mahmud; and never has that passion been more richly satiated. 811\n The Orientals exceed THE measure of credibility in THE account of\n millions of gold and silver, such as THE avidity of man has never\n accumulated; in THE magnitude of pearls, diamonds, and rubies,\n such as have never been produced by THE workmanship of nature. 9\n Yet THE soil of Hindostan is impregnated with precious minerals:\n her trade, in every age, has attracted THE gold and silver of THE\n world; and her virgin spoils were rifled by THE first of THE\n Mahometan conquerors. His behavior, in THE last days of his life,\n evinces THE vanity of THEse possessions, so laboriously won, so\n dangerously held, and so inevitably lost. He surveyed THE vast\n and various chambers of THE treasury of Gazna, burst into tears,\n and again closed THE doors, without bestowing any portion of THE\n wealth which he could no longer hope to preserve. The following\n day he reviewed THE state of his military force; one hundred\n thousand foot, fifty-five thousand horse, and thirteen hundred\n elephants of battle. 10 He again wept THE instability of human\n greatness; and his grief was imbittered by THE hostile progress\n of THE Turkmans, whom he had introduced into THE heart of his\n Persian kingdom.\n\n 8 (return) [ D’Herbelot, BiblioTHEque Orientale, p. 527. Yet\n THEse letters apoTHEgms, &c., are rarely THE language of THE\n heart, or THE motives of public action.]\n\n 811 (return) [ Compare Price, vol. ii. p. 295.—M]\n\n 9 (return) [ For instance, a ruby of four hundred and fifty\n miskals, (Dow, vol. i. p. 53,) or six pounds three ounces: THE\n largest in THE treasury of Delhi weighed seventeen miskals,\n (Voyages de Tavernier, partie ii. p. 280.) It is true, that in\n THE East all colored stones are calied rubies, (p. 355,) and that\n Tavernier saw three larger and more precious among THE jewels de\n notre grand roi, le plus puissant et plus magnifique de tous les\n rois de la terre, (p. 376.)]\n\n 10 (return) [ Dow, vol. i. p. 65. The sovereign of Kinoge is said\n to have possessed 2500 elephants, (Abulfed. Geograph. tab. xv. p.\n 274.) From THEse Indian stories, THE reader may correct a note in\n my first volume, (p. 245;) or from that note he may correct THEse\n stories.]\n\n In THE modern depopulation of Asia, THE regular operation of\n government and agriculture is confined to THE neighborhood of\n cities; and THE distant country is abandoned to THE pastoral\n tribes of Arabs, Curds, and Turkmans. 11 Of THE last-mentioned\n people, two considerable branches extend on eiTHEr side of THE\n Caspian Sea: THE western colony can muster forty thousand\n soldiers; THE eastern, less obvious to THE traveller, but more\n strong and populous, has increased to THE number of one hundred\n thousand families. In THE midst of civilized nations, THEy\n preserve THE manners of THE Scythian desert, remove THEir\n encampments with a change of seasons, and feed THEir cattle among\n THE ruins of palaces and temples. Their flocks and herds are\n THEir only riches; THEir tents, eiTHEr black or white, according\n to THE color of THE banner, are covered with felt, and of a\n circular form; THEir winter apparel is a sheep-skin; a robe of\n cloth or cotton THEir summer garment: THE features of THE men are\n harsh and ferocious; THE countenance of THEir women is soft and\n pleasing. Their wandering life maintains THE spirit and exercise\n of arms; THEy fight on horseback; and THEir courage is displayed\n in frequent contests with each oTHEr and with THEir neighbors.\n For THE license of pasture THEy pay a slight tribute to THE\n sovereign of THE land; but THE domestic jurisdiction is in THE\n hands of THE chiefs and elders. The first emigration of THE\n Eastern Turkmans, THE most ancient of THE race, may be ascribed\n to THE tenth century of THE Christian aera. 12 In THE decline of\n THE caliphs, and THE weakness of THEir lieutenants, THE barrier\n of THE Jaxartes was often violated; in each invasion, after THE\n victory or retreat of THEir countrymen, some wandering tribe,\n embracing THE Mahometan faith, obtained a free encampment in THE\n spacious plains and pleasant climate of Transoxiana and Carizme.\n The Turkish slaves who aspired to THE throne encouraged THEse\n emigrations which recruited THEir armies, awed THEir subjects and\n rivals, and protected THE frontier against THE wilder natives of\n Turkestan; and this policy was abused by Mahmud THE Gaznevide\n beyond THE example of former times. He was admonished of his\n error by THE chief of THE race of Seljuk, who dwelt in THE\n territory of Bochara. The sultan had inquired what supply of men\n he could furnish for military service. “If you send,” replied\n Ismael, “one of THEse arrows into our camp, fifty thousand of\n your servants will mount on horseback.”—“And if that number,”\n continued Mahmud, “should not be sufficient?”—“Send this second\n arrow to THE horde of Balik, and you will find fifty thousand\n more.”—“But,” said THE Gaznevide, dissembling his anxiety, “if I\n should stand in need of THE whole force of your kindred\n tribes?”—“Despatch my bow,” was THE last reply of Ismael, “and as\n it is circulated around, THE summons will be obeyed by two\n hundred thousand horse.” The apprehension of such formidable\n friendship induced Mahmud to transport THE most obnoxious tribes\n into THE heart of Chorasan, where THEy would be separated from\n THEir brethren of THE River Oxus, and enclosed on all sides by\n THE walls of obedient cities. But THE face of THE country was an\n object of temptation raTHEr than terror; and THE vigor of\n government was relaxed by THE absence and death of THE sultan of\n Gazna. The shepherds were converted into robbers; THE bands of\n robbers were collected into an army of conquerors: as far as\n Ispahan and THE Tigris, Persia was afflicted by THEir predatory\n inroads; and THE Turkmans were not ashamed or afraid to measure\n THEir courage and numbers with THE proudest sovereigns of Asia.\n Massoud, THE son and successor of Mahmud, had too long neglected\n THE advice of his wisest Omrahs. “Your enemies,” THEy repeatedly\n urged, “were in THEir origin a swarm of ants; THEy are now little\n snakes; and, unless THEy be instantly crushed, THEy will acquire\n THE venom and magnitude of serpents.” After some alternatives of\n truce and hostility, after THE repulse or partial success of his\n lieutenants, THE sultan marched in person against THE Turkmans,\n who attacked him on all sides with barbarous shouts and irregular\n onset. “Massoud,” says THE Persian historian, 13 “plunged singly\n to oppose THE torrent of gleaming arms, exhibiting such acts of\n gigantic force and valor as never king had before displayed. A\n few of his friends, roused by his words and actions, and that\n innate honor which inspires THE brave, seconded THEir lord so\n well, that wheresoever he turned his fatal sword, THE enemies\n were mowed down, or retreated before him. But now, when victory\n seemed to blow on his standard, misfortune was active behind it;\n for when he looked round, be beheld almost his whole army,\n excepting that body he commanded in person, devouring THE paths\n of flight.” The Gaznevide was abandoned by THE cowardice or\n treachery of some generals of Turkish race; and this memorable\n day of Zendecan 14 founded in Persia THE dynasty of THE shepherd\n kings. 15\n\n 11 (return) [ See a just and natural picture of THEse pastoral\n manners, in THE history of William archbishop of Tyre, (l. i. c.\n vii. in THE Gesta Dei per Francos, p. 633, 634,) and a valuable\n note by THE editor of THE Histoire Genealogique des Tatars, p.\n 535-538.]\n\n 12 (return) [ The first emigration of THE Turkmans, and doubtful\n origin of THE Seljukians, may be traced in THE laborious History\n of THE Huns, by M. De Guignes, (tom. i. Tables Chronologiques, l.\n v. tom. iii. l. vii. ix. x.) and THE BiblioTHEque Orientale, of\n D’Herbelot, (p. 799-802, 897-901,) Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p.\n 321-333,) and Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 221, 222.)]\n\n 13 (return) [ Dow, Hist. of Hindostan, vol. i. p. 89, 95-98. I\n have copied this passage as a specimen of THE Persian manner; but\n I suspect that, by some odd fatality, THE style of Ferishta has\n been improved by that of Ossian. * Note: Gibbon’s conjecture was\n well founded. Compare THE more sober and genuine version of Col.\n Briggs, vol. i. p. 110.-M.]\n\n 14 (return) [ The Zendekan of D’Herbelot, (p. 1028,) THE Dindaka\n of Dow (vol. i. p. 97,) is probably THE Dandanekan of Abulfeda,\n (Geograph. p. 345, Reiske,) a small town of Chorasan, two days’\n journey from Maru, and renowned through THE East for THE\n production and manufacture of cotton.]\n\n 15 (return) [ The Byzantine historians (Cedrenus, tom. ii. p.\n 766, 766, Zonaras tom. ii. p. 255, Nicephorus Bryennius, p. 21)\n have confounded, in this revolution, THE truth of time and place,\n of names and persons, of causes and events. The ignorance and\n errors of THEse Greeks (which I shall not stop to unravel) may\n inspire some distrust of THE story of Cyaxares and Cyrus, as it\n is told by THEir most eloquent predecessor.]\n\n The victorious Turkmans immediately proceeded to THE election of\n a king; and, if THE probable tale of a Latin historian 16\n deserves any credit, THEy determined by lot THE choice of THEir\n new master. A number of arrows were successively inscribed with\n THE name of a tribe, a family, and a candidate; THEy were drawn\n from THE bundle by THE hand of a child; and THE important prize\n was obtained by Togrul Beg, THE son of Michael THE son of Seljuk,\n whose surname was immortalized in THE greatness of his posterity.\n The sultan Mahmud, who valued himself on his skill in national\n genealogy, professed his ignorance of THE family of Seljuk; yet\n THE faTHEr of that race appears to have been a chief of power and\n renown. 17 For a daring intrusion into THE harem of his prince,\n Seljuk was banished from Turkestan: with a numerous tribe of his\n friends and vassals, he passed THE Jaxartes, encamped in THE\n neighborhood of Samarcand, embraced THE religion of Mahomet, and\n acquired THE crown of martyrdom in a war against THE infidels.\n His age, of a hundred and seven years, surpassed THE life of his\n son, and Seljuk adopted THE care of his two grandsons, Togrul and\n Jaafar; THE eldest of whom, at THE age of forty-five, was\n invested with THE title of Sultan, in THE royal city of Nishabur.\n The blind determination of chance was justified by THE virtues of\n THE successful candidate. It would be superfluous to praise THE\n valor of a Turk; and THE ambition of Togrul 18 was equal to his\n valor. By his arms, THE Gasnevides were expelled from THE eastern\n kingdoms of Persia, and gradually driven to THE banks of THE\n Indus, in search of a softer and more wealthy conquest. In THE\n West he annihilated THE dynasty of THE Bowides; and THE sceptre\n of Irak passed from THE Persian to THE Turkish nation. The\n princes who had felt, or who feared, THE Seljukian arrows, bowed\n THEir heads in THE dust; by THE conquest of Aderbijan, or Media,\n he approached THE Roman confines; and THE shepherd presumed to\n despatch an ambassador, or herald, to demand THE tribute and\n obedience of THE emperor of Constantinople. 19 In his own\n dominions, Togrul was THE faTHEr of his soldiers and people; by a\n firm and equal administration, Persia was relieved from THE evils\n of anarchy; and THE same hands which had been imbrued in blood\n became THE guardians of justice and THE public peace. The more\n rustic, perhaps THE wisest, portion of THE Turkmans 20 continued\n to dwell in THE tents of THEir ancestors; and, from THE Oxus to\n THE Euphrates, THEse military colonies were protected and\n propagated by THEir native princes. But THE Turks of THE court\n and city were refined by business and softened by pleasure: THEy\n imitated THE dress, language, and manners of Persia; and THE\n royal palaces of Nishabur and Rei displayed THE order and\n magnificence of a great monarchy. The most deserving of THE\n Arabians and Persians were promoted to THE honors of THE state;\n and THE whole body of THE Turkish nation embraced, with fervor\n and sincerity, THE religion of Mahomet. The norTHErn swarms of\n Barbarians, who overspread both Europe and Asia, have been\n irreconcilably separated by THE consequences of a similar\n conduct. Among THE Moslems, as among THE Christians, THEir vague\n and local traditions have yielded to THE reason and authority of\n THE prevailing system, to THE fame of antiquity, and THE consent\n of nations. But THE triumph of THE Koran is more pure and\n meritorious, as it was not assisted by any visible splendor of\n worship which might allure THE Pagans by some resemblance of\n idolatry. The first of THE Seljukian sultans was conspicuous by\n his zeal and faith: each day he repeated THE five prayers which\n are enjoined to THE true believers; of each week, THE two first\n days were consecrated by an extraordinary fast; and in every city\n a mosch was completed, before Togrul presumed to lay THE\n foundations of a palace. 21\n\n 16 (return) [ Willerm. Tyr. l. i. c. 7, p. 633. The divination by\n arrows is ancient and famous in THE East.]\n\n 17 (return) [ D’Herbelot, p. 801. Yet after THE fortune of his\n posterity, Seljuk became THE thirty-fourth in lineal descent from\n THE great Afrasiab, emperor of Touran, (p. 800.) The Tartar\n pedigree of THE house of Zingis gave a different cast to flattery\n and fable; and THE historian Mirkhond derives THE Seljukides from\n Alankavah, THE virgin moTHEr, (p. 801, col. 2.) If THEy be THE\n same as THE Zalzuts of Abulghazi Bahadur Kahn, (Hist.\n Genealogique, p. 148,) we quote in THEir favor THE most weighty\n evidence of a Tartar prince himself, THE descendant of Zingis,\n Alankavah, or Alancu, and Oguz Khan.]\n\n 18 (return) [ By a slight corruption, Togrul Beg is THE\n Tangroli-pix of THE Greeks. His reign and character are\n faithfully exhibited by D’Herbelot (BiblioTHEque Orientale, p.\n 1027, 1028) and De Guignes, (Hist. des Huns, tom. iii. p.\n 189-201.)]\n\n 19 (return) [ Cedrenus, tom. ii. p. 774, 775. Zonaras, tom. ii.\n p. 257. With THEir usual knowledge of Oriental affairs, THEy\n describe THE ambassador as a sherif, who, like THE syncellus of\n THE patriarch, was THE vicar and successor of THE caliph.]\n\n 20 (return) [ From William of Tyre I have borrowed this\n distinction of Turks and Turkmans, which at least is popular and\n convenient. The names are THE same, and THE addition of man is of\n THE same import in THE Persic and Teutonic idioms. Few critics\n will adopt THE etymology of James de Vitry, (Hist. Hierosol. l.\n i. c. 11 p. 1061,) of Turcomani, quesi Turci et Comani, a mixed\n people.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Hist. Generale des Huns, tom. iii. p. 165, 166,\n 167. M. DeGognes Abulmahasen, an historian of Egypt.]\n\n With THE belief of THE Koran, THE son of Seljuk imbibed a lively\n reverence for THE successor of THE prophet. But that sublime\n character was still disputed by THE caliphs of Bagdad and Egypt,\n and each of THE rivals was solicitous to prove his title in THE\n judgment of THE strong, though illiterate Barbarians. Mahmud THE\n Gaznevide had declared himself in favor of THE line of Abbas; and\n had treated with indignity THE robe of honor which was presented\n by THE Fatimite ambassador. Yet THE ungrateful Hashemite had\n changed with THE change of fortune; he applauded THE victory of\n Zendecan, and named THE Seljukian sultan his temporal vicegerent\n over THE Moslem world. As Togrul executed and enlarged this\n important trust, he was called to THE deliverance of THE caliph\n Cayem, and obeyed THE holy summons, which gave a new kingdom to\n his arms. 22 In THE palace of Bagdad, THE commander of THE\n faithful still slumbered, a venerable phantom. His servant or\n master, THE prince of THE Bowides, could no longer protect him\n from THE insolence of meaner tyrants; and THE Euphrates and\n Tigris were oppressed by THE revolt of THE Turkish and Arabian\n emirs. The presence of a conqueror was implored as a blessing;\n and THE transient mischiefs of fire and sword were excused as THE\n sharp but salutary remedies which alone could restore THE health\n of THE republic. At THE head of an irresistible force, THE sultan\n of Persia marched from Hamadan: THE proud were crushed, THE\n prostrate were spared; THE prince of THE Bowides disappeared; THE\n heads of THE most obstinate rebels were laid at THE feet of\n Togrul; and he inflicted a lesson of obedience on THE people of\n Mosul and Bagdad. After THE chastisement of THE guilty, and THE\n restoration of peace, THE royal shepherd accepted THE reward of\n his labors; and a solemn comedy represented THE triumph of\n religious prejudice over Barbarian power. 23 The Turkish sultan\n embarked on THE Tigris, landed at THE gate of Racca, and made his\n public entry on horseback. At THE palace-gate he respectfully\n dismounted, and walked on foot, preceded by his emirs without\n arms. The caliph was seated behind his black veil: THE black\n garment of THE Abbassides was cast over his shoulders, and he\n held in his hand THE staff of THE apostle of God. The conqueror\n of THE East kissed THE ground, stood some time in a modest\n posture, and was led towards THE throne by THE vizier and\n interpreter. After Togrul had seated himself on anoTHEr throne,\n his commission was publicly read, which declared him THE temporal\n lieutenant of THE vicar of THE prophet. He was successively\n invested with seven robes of honor, and presented with seven\n slaves, THE natives of THE seven climates of THE Arabian empire.\n His mystic veil was perfumed with musk; two crowns 231 were\n placed on his head; two cimeters were girded to his side, as THE\n symbols of a double reign over THE East and West. After this\n inauguration, THE sultan was prevented from prostrating himself a\n second time; but he twice kissed THE hand of THE commander of THE\n faithful, and his titles were proclaimed by THE voice of heralds\n and THE applause of THE Moslems. In a second visit to Bagdad, THE\n Seljukian prince again rescued THE caliph from his enemies and\n devoutly, on foot, led THE bridle of his mule from THE prison to\n THE palace. Their alliance was cemented by THE marriage of\n Togrul’s sister with THE successor of THE prophet. Without\n reluctance he had introduced a Turkish virgin into his harem; but\n Cayem proudly refused his daughter to THE sultan, disdained to\n mingle THE blood of THE Hashemites with THE blood of a Scythian\n shepherd; and protracted THE negotiation many months, till THE\n gradual diminution of his revenue admonished him that he was\n still in THE hands of a master. The royal nuptials were followed\n by THE death of Togrul himself; 24 as he left no children, his\n nephew Alp Arslan succeeded to THE title and prerogatives of\n sultan; and his name, after that of THE caliph, was pronounced in\n THE public prayers of THE Moslems. Yet in this revolution, THE\n Abbassides acquired a larger measure of liberty and power. On THE\n throne of Asia, THE Turkish monarchs were less jealous of THE\n domestic administration of Bagdad; and THE commanders of THE\n faithful were relieved from THE ignominious vexations to which\n THEy had been exposed by THE presence and poverty of THE Persian\n dynasty.\n\n 22 (return) [ Consult THE BiblioTHEque Orientale, in THE articles\n of THE Abbassides, Caher, and Caiem, and THE Annals of Elmacin\n and Abulpharagius.]\n\n 23 (return) [ For this curious ceremony, I am indebted to M. De\n Guignes (tom. iii. p. 197, 198,) and that learned author is\n obliged to Bondari, who composed in Arabic THE history of THE\n Seljukides, tom. v. p. 365) I am ignorant of his age, country,\n and character.]\n\n 231 (return) [ According to Von Hammer, “crowns” are incorrect.\n They are unknown as a symbol of royalty in THE East. V. Hammer,\n Osmanische Geschischte, vol. i. p. 567.—M.]\n\n 24 (return) [ Eodem anno (A. H. 455) obiit princeps Togrulbecus\n .... rex fuit clemens, prudens, et peritus regnandi, cujus terror\n corda mortalium invaserat, ita ut obedirent ei reges atque ad\n ipsum scriberent. Elma cin, Hist. Saracen. p. 342, vers. Erpenii.\n * Note: He died, being 75 years old. V. Hammer.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LVII: The Turks.—Part II.\n\n Since THE fall of THE caliphs, THE discord and degeneracy of THE\n Saracens respected THE Asiatic provinces of Rome; which, by THE\n victories of Nicephorus, Zimisces, and Basil, had been extended\n as far as Antioch and THE eastern boundaries of Armenia.\n\n Twenty-five years after THE death of Basil, his successors were\n suddenly assaulted by an unknown race of Barbarians, who united\n THE Scythian valor with THE fanaticism of new proselytes, and THE\n art and riches of a powerful monarchy. 25 The myriads of Turkish\n horse overspread a frontier of six hundred miles from Tauris to\n Arzeroum, and THE blood of one hundred and thirty thousand\n Christians was a grateful sacrifice to THE Arabian prophet. Yet\n THE arms of Togrul did not make any deep or lasting impression on\n THE Greek empire. The torrent rolled away from THE open country;\n THE sultan retired without glory or success from THE siege of an\n Armenian city; THE obscure hostilities were continued or\n suspended with a vicissitude of events; and THE bravery of THE\n Macedonian legions renewed THE fame of THE conqueror of Asia. 26\n The name of Alp Arslan, THE valiant lion, is expressive of THE\n popular idea of THE perfection of man; and THE successor of\n Togrul displayed THE fierceness and generosity of THE royal\n animal. He passed THE Euphrates at THE head of THE Turkish\n cavalry, and entered Caesarea, THE metropolis of Cappadocia, to\n which he had been attracted by THE fame and wealth of THE temple\n of St. Basil. The solid structure resisted THE destroyer: but he\n carried away THE doors of THE shrine incrusted with gold and\n pearls, and profaned THE relics of THE tutelar saint, whose\n mortal frailties were now covered by THE venerable rust of\n antiquity. The final conquest of Armenia and Georgia was achieved\n by Alp Arslan. In Armenia, THE title of a kingdom, and THE spirit\n of a nation, were annihilated: THE artificial fortifications were\n yielded by THE mercenaries of Constantinople; by strangers\n without faith, veterans without pay or arms, and recruits without\n experience or discipline. The loss of this important frontier was\n THE news of a day; and THE Catholics were neiTHEr surprised nor\n displeased, that a people so deeply infected with THE Nestorian\n and Eutychian errors had been delivered by Christ and his moTHEr\n into THE hands of THE infidels. 27 The woods and valleys of Mount\n Caucasus were more strenuously defended by THE native Georgians\n 28 or Iberians; but THE Turkish sultan and his son Malek were\n indefatigable in this holy war: THEir captives were compelled to\n promise a spiritual, as well as temporal, obedience; and, instead\n of THEir collars and bracelets, an iron horseshoe, a badge of\n ignominy, was imposed on THE infidels who still adhered to THE\n worship of THEir faTHErs. The change, however, was not sincere or\n universal; and, through ages of servitude, THE Georgians have\n maintained THE succession of THEir princes and bishops. But a\n race of men, whom nature has cast in her most perfect mould, is\n degraded by poverty, ignorance, and vice; THEir profession, and\n still more THEir practice, of Christianity is an empty name; and\n if THEy have emerged from heresy, it is only because THEy are too\n illiterate to remember a metaphysical creed. 29\n\n 25 (return) [ For THEse wars of THE Turks and Romans, see in\n general THE Byzantine histories of Zonaras and Cedrenus,\n Scylitzes THE continuator of Cedrenus, and Nicephorus Bryennius\n Caesar. The two first of THEse were monks, THE two latter\n statesmen; yet such were THE Greeks, that THE difference of style\n and character is scarcely discernible. For THE Orientals, I draw\n as usuul on THE wealth of D’Herbelot (see titles of THE first\n Seljukides) and THE accuracy of De Guignes, (Hist. des Huns, tom.\n iii. l. x.)]\n\n 26 (return) [ Cedrenus, tom. ii. p. 791. The credulity of THE\n vulgar is always probable; and THE Turks had learned from THE\n Arabs THE history or legend of Escander Dulcarnein, (D’Herbelot,\n p. 213 &c.)]\n\n 27 (return) [ (Scylitzes, ad calcem Cedreni, tom. ii. p. 834,\n whose ambiguous construction shall not tempt me to suspect that\n he confounded THE Nestorian and Monophysite heresies,) He\n familiarly talks of THE qualities, as I should apprehend, very\n foreign to THE perfect Being; but his bigotry is forced to\n confess that THEy were soon afterwards discharged on THE orthodox\n Romans.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Had THE name of Georgians been known to THE Greeks,\n (Stritter, Memoriae Byzant. tom. iv. Iberica,) I should derive it\n from THEir agriculture, (l. iv. c. 18, p. 289, edit. Wesseling.)\n But it appears only since THE crusades, among THE Latins (Jac. a\n Vitriaco, Hist. Hierosol. c. 79, p. 1095) and Orientals,\n (D’Herbelot, p. 407,) and was devoutly borrowed from St. George\n of Cappadocia.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Mosheim, Institut. Hist. Eccles. p. 632. See, in\n Chardin’s Travels, (tom. i. p. 171-174,) THE manners and religion\n of this handsome but worthless nation. See THE pedigree of THEir\n princes from Adam to THE present century, in THE tables of M. De\n Guignes, (tom. i. p. 433-438.)]\n\n The false or genuine magnanimity of Mahmud THE Gaznevide was not\n imitated by Alp Arslan; and he attacked without scruple THE Greek\n empress Eudocia and her children. His alarming progress compelled\n her to give herself and her sceptre to THE hand of a soldier; and\n Romanus Diogenes was invested with THE Imperial purple. His\n patriotism, and perhaps his pride, urged him from Constantinople\n within two months after his accession; and THE next campaign he\n most scandalously took THE field during THE holy festival of\n Easter. In THE palace, Diogenes was no more than THE husband of\n Eudocia: in THE camp, he was THE emperor of THE Romans, and he\n sustained that character with feeble resources and invincible\n courage. By his spirit and success THE soldiers were taught to\n act, THE subjects to hope, and THE enemies to fear. The Turks had\n penetrated into THE heart of Phrygia; but THE sultan himself had\n resigned to his emirs THE prosecution of THE war; and THEir\n numerous detachments were scattered over Asia in THE security of\n conquest. Laden with spoil, and careless of discipline, THEy were\n separately surprised and defeated by THE Greeks: THE activity of\n THE emperor seemed to multiply his presence: and while THEy heard\n of his expedition to Antioch, THE enemy felt his sword on THE\n hills of Trebizond. In three laborious campaigns, THE Turks were\n driven beyond THE Euphrates; in THE fourth and last, Romanus\n undertook THE deliverance of Armenia. The desolation of THE land\n obliged him to transport a supply of two months’ provisions; and\n he marched forwards to THE siege of Malazkerd, 30 an important\n fortress in THE midway between THE modern cities of Arzeroum and\n Van. His army amounted, at THE least, to one hundred thousand\n men. The troops of Constantinople were reenforced by THE\n disorderly multitudes of Phrygia and Cappadocia; but THE real\n strength was composed of THE subjects and allies of Europe, THE\n legions of Macedonia, and THE squadrons of Bulgaria; THE Uzi, a\n Moldavian horde, who were THEmselves of THE Turkish race; 31 and,\n above all, THE mercenary and adventurous bands of French and\n Normans. Their lances were commanded by THE valiant Ursel of\n Baliol, THE kinsman or faTHEr of THE Scottish kings, 32 and were\n allowed to excel in THE exercise of arms, or, according to THE\n Greek style, in THE practice of THE Pyrrhic dance.\n\n 30 (return) [ This city is mentioned by Constantine\n Porphyrogenitus, (de Administrat. Imperii, l. ii. c. 44, p. 119,)\n and THE Byzantines of THE xith century, under THE name of\n Mantzikierte, and by some is confounded with Theodosiopolis; but\n Delisle, in his notes and maps, has very properly fixed THE\n situation. Abulfeda (Geograph. tab. xviii. p. 310) describes\n Malasgerd as a small town, built with black stone, supplied with\n water, without trees, &c.]\n\n 31 (return) [ The Uzi of THE Greeks (Stritter, Memor. Byzant.\n tom. iii. p. 923-948) are THE Gozz of THE Orientals, (Hist. des\n Huns, tom. ii. p. 522, tom. iii. p. 133, &c.) They appear on THE\n Danube and THE Volga, and Armenia, Syria, and Chorasan, and THE\n name seems to have been extended to THE whole Turkman race.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Urselius (THE Russelius of Zonaras) is\n distinguished by Jeffrey Malaterra (l. i. c. 33) among THE Norman\n conquerors of Sicily, and with THE surname of Baliol: and our own\n historians will tell how THE Baliols came from Normandy to\n Durham, built Bernard’s castle on THE Tees, married an heiress of\n Scotland, &c. Ducange (Not. ad Nicephor. Bryennium, l. ii. No. 4)\n has labored THE subject in honor of THE president de Bailleul,\n whose faTHEr had exchanged THE sword for THE gown.]\n\n On THE report of this bold invasion, which threatened his\n hereditary dominions, Alp Arslan flew to THE scene of action at\n THE head of forty thousand horse. 33 His rapid and skilful\n evolutions distressed and dismayed THE superior numbers of THE\n Greeks; and in THE defeat of Basilacius, one of THEir principal\n generals, he displayed THE first example of his valor and\n clemency. The imprudence of THE emperor had separated his forces\n after THE reduction of Malazkerd. It was in vain that he\n attempted to recall THE mercenary Franks: THEy refused to obey\n his summons; he disdained to await THEir return: THE desertion of\n THE Uzi filled his mind with anxiety and suspicion; and against\n THE most salutary advice he rushed forwards to speedy and\n decisive action. Had he listened to THE fair proposals of THE\n sultan, Romanus might have secured a retreat, perhaps a peace;\n but in THEse overtures he supposed THE fear or weakness of THE\n enemy, and his answer was conceived in THE tone of insult and\n defiance. “If THE Barbarian wishes for peace, let him evacuate\n THE ground which he occupies for THE encampment of THE Romans,\n and surrender his city and palace of Rei as a pledge of his\n sincerity.” Alp Arslan smiled at THE vanity of THE demand, but he\n wept THE death of so many faithful Moslems; and, after a devout\n prayer, proclaimed a free permission to all who were desirous of\n retiring from THE field. With his own hands he tied up his\n horse’s tail, exchanged his bow and arrows for a mace and\n cimeter, cloTHEd himself in a white garment, perfumed his body\n with musk, and declared that if he were vanquished, that spot\n should be THE place of his burial. 34 The sultan himself had\n affected to cast away his missile weapons: but his hopes of\n victory were placed in THE arrows of THE Turkish cavalry, whose\n squadrons were loosely distributed in THE form of a crescent.\n Instead of THE successive lines and reserves of THE Grecian\n tactics, Romulus led his army in a single and solid phalanx, and\n pressed with vigor and impatience THE artful and yielding\n resistance of THE Barbarians. In this desultory and fruitless\n combat he spent THE greater part of a summer’s day, till prudence\n and fatigue compelled him to return to his camp. But a retreat is\n always perilous in THE face of an active foe; and no sooner had\n THE standard been turned to THE rear than THE phalanx was broken\n by THE base cowardice, or THE baser jealousy, of Andronicus, a\n rival prince, who disgraced his birth and THE purple of THE\n Caesars. 35 The Turkish squadrons poured a cloud of arrows on\n this moment of confusion and lassitude; and THE horns of THEir\n formidable crescent were closed in THE rear of THE Greeks. In THE\n destruction of THE army and pillage of THE camp, it would be\n needless to mention THE number of THE slain or captives. The\n Byzantine writers deplore THE loss of an inestimable pearl: THEy\n forgot to mention, that in this fatal day THE Asiatic provinces\n of Rome were irretrievably sacrificed.\n\n 33 (return) [ Elmacin (p. 343, 344) assigns this probable number,\n which is reduced by Abulpharagius to 15,000, (p. 227,) and by\n D’Herbelot (p. 102) to 12,000 horse. But THE same Elmacin gives\n 300,000 met to THE emperor, of whom Abulpharagius says, Cum\n centum hominum millibus, multisque equis et magna pompa\n instructus. The Greeks abstain from any definition of numbers.]\n\n 34 (return) [ The Byzantine writers do not speak so distinctly of\n THE presence of THE sultan: he committed his forces to a eunuch,\n had retired to a distance, &c. Is it ignorance, or jealousy, or\n truth?]\n\n 35 (return) [ He was THE son of Caesar John Ducas, broTHEr of THE\n emperor Constantine, (Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 165.) Nicephorus\n Bryennius applauds his virtues and extenuates his faults, (l. i.\n p. 30, 38. l. ii. p. 53.) Yet he owns his enmity to Romanus.\n Scylitzes speaks more explicitly of his treason.]\n\n As long as a hope survived, Romanus attempted to rally and save\n THE relics of his army. When THE centre, THE Imperial station,\n was left naked on all sides, and encompassed by THE victorious\n Turks, he still, with desperate courage, maintained THE fight\n till THE close of day, at THE head of THE brave and faithful\n subjects who adhered to his standard. They fell around him; his\n horse was slain; THE emperor was wounded; yet he stood alone and\n intrepid, till he was oppressed and bound by THE strength of\n multitudes. The glory of this illustrious prize was disputed by a\n slave and a soldier; a slave who had seen him on THE throne of\n Constantinople, and a soldier whose extreme deformity had been\n excused on THE promise of some signal service.\n\n Despoiled of his arms, his jewels, and his purple, Romanus spent\n a dreary and perilous night on THE field of battle, amidst a\n disorderly crowd of THE meaner Barbarians. In THE morning THE\n royal captive was presented to Alp Arslan, who doubted of his\n fortune, till THE identity of THE person was ascertained by THE\n report of his ambassadors, and by THE more paTHEtic evidence of\n Basilacius, who embraced with tears THE feet of his unhappy\n sovereign. The successor of Constantine, in a plebeian habit, was\n led into THE Turkish divan, and commanded to kiss THE ground\n before THE lord of Asia. He reluctantly obeyed; and Alp Arslan,\n starting from his throne, is said to have planted his foot on THE\n neck of THE Roman emperor. 36 But THE fact is doubtful; and if,\n in this moment of insolence, THE sultan complied with THE\n national custom, THE rest of his conduct has extorted THE praise\n of his bigoted foes, and may afford a lesson to THE most\n civilized ages. He instantly raised THE royal captive from THE\n ground; and thrice clasping his hand with tender sympathy,\n assured him, that his life and dignity should be inviolate in THE\n hands of a prince who had learned to respect THE majesty of his\n equals and THE vicissitudes of fortune. From THE divan, Romanus\n was conducted to an adjacent tent, where he was served with pomp\n and reverence by THE officers of THE sultan, who, twice each day,\n seated him in THE place of honor at his own table. In a free and\n familiar conversation of eight days, not a word, not a look, of\n insult escaped from THE conqueror; but he severely censured THE\n unworthy subjects who had deserted THEir valiant prince in THE\n hour of danger, and gently admonished his antagonist of some\n errors which he had committed in THE management of THE war. In\n THE preliminaries of negotiation, Alp Arslan asked him what\n treatment he expected to receive, and THE calm indifference of\n THE emperor displays THE freedom of his mind. “If you are cruel,”\n said he, “you will take my life; if you listen to pride, you will\n drag me at your chariot-wheels; if you consult your interest, you\n will accept a ransom, and restore me to my country.” “And what,”\n continued THE sultan, “would have been your own behavior, had\n fortune smiled on your arms?” The reply of THE Greek betrays a\n sentiment, which prudence, and even gratitude, should have taught\n him to suppress. “Had I vanquished,” he fiercely said, “I would\n have inflicted on thy body many a stripe.” The Turkish conqueror\n smiled at THE insolence of his captive; observed that THE\n Christian law inculcated THE love of enemies and forgiveness of\n injuries; and nobly declared, that he would not imitate an\n example which he condemned. After mature deliberation, Alp Arslan\n dictated THE terms of liberty and peace, a ransom of a million,\n 361 an annual tribute of three hundred and sixty thousand pieces\n of gold, 37 THE marriage of THE royal children, and THE\n deliverance of all THE Moslems, who were in THE power of THE\n Greeks. Romanus, with a sigh, subscribed this treaty, so\n disgraceful to THE majesty of THE empire; he was immediately\n invested with a Turkish robe of honor; his nobles and patricians\n were restored to THEir sovereign; and THE sultan, after a\n courteous embrace, dismissed him with rich presents and a\n military guard. No sooner did he reach THE confines of THE\n empire, than he was informed that THE palace and provinces had\n disclaimed THEir allegiance to a captive: a sum of two hundred\n thousand pieces was painfully collected; and THE fallen monarch\n transmitted this part of his ransom, with a sad confession of his\n impotence and disgrace. The generosity, or perhaps THE ambition,\n of THE sultan, prepared to espouse THE cause of his ally; but his\n designs were prevented by THE defeat, imprisonment, and death, of\n Romanus Diogenes. 38\n\n 36 (return) [ This circumstance, which we read and doubt in\n Scylitzes and Constantine Manasses, is more prudently omitted by\n Nicephorus and Zonaras.]\n\n 361 (return) [ Elmacin gives 1,500,000. Wilken, Geschichte der\n Kreuz-zuge, vol. l. p. 10.—M.]\n\n 37 (return) [ The ransom and tribute are attested by reason and\n THE Orientals. The oTHEr Greeks are modestly silent; but\n Nicephorus Bryennius dares to affirm, that THE terms were bad and\n that THE emperor would have preferred death to a shameful\n treaty.]\n\n 38 (return) [ The defeat and captivity of Romanus Diogenes may be\n found in John Scylitzes ad calcem Cedreni, tom. ii. p. 835-843.\n Zonaras, tom. ii. p. 281-284. Nicephorus Bryennius, l. i. p.\n 25-32. Glycas, p. 325-327. Constantine Manasses, p. 134. Elmacin,\n Hist. Saracen. p. 343 344. Abulpharag. Dynast. p. 227.\n D’Herbelot, p. 102, 103. D Guignes, tom. iii. p. 207-211. Besides\n my old acquaintance Elmacin and Abulpharagius, THE historian of\n THE Huns has consulted Abulfeda, and his epitomizer Benschounah,\n a Chronicle of THE Caliphs, by Abulmahasen of Egypt, and Novairi\n of Africa.]\n\n In THE treaty of peace, it does not appear that Alp Arslan\n extorted any province or city from THE captive emperor; and his\n revenge was satisfied with THE trophies of his victory, and THE\n spoils of Anatolia, from Antioch to THE Black Sea. The fairest\n part of Asia was subject to his laws: twelve hundred princes, or\n THE sons of princes, stood before his throne; and two hundred\n thousand soldiers marched under his banners. The sultan disdained\n to pursue THE fugitive Greeks; but he meditated THE more glorious\n conquest of Turkestan, THE original seat of THE house of Seljuk.\n He moved from Bagdad to THE banks of THE Oxus; a bridge was\n thrown over THE river; and twenty days were consumed in THE\n passage of his troops. But THE progress of THE great king was\n retarded by THE governor of Berzem; and Joseph THE Carizmian\n presumed to defend his fortress against THE powers of THE East.\n When he was produced a captive in THE royal tent, THE sultan,\n instead of praising his valor, severely reproached his obstinate\n folly: and THE insolent replies of THE rebel provoked a sentence,\n that he should be fastened to four stakes, and left to expire in\n that painful situation. At this command, THE desperate Carizmian,\n drawing a dagger, rushed headlong towards THE throne: THE guards\n raised THEir battle-axes; THEir zeal was checked by Alp Arslan,\n THE most skilful archer of THE age: he drew his bow, but his foot\n slipped, THE arrow glanced aside, and he received in his breast\n THE dagger of Joseph, who was instantly cut in pieces.\n\n The wound was mortal; and THE Turkish prince bequeaTHEd a dying\n admonition to THE pride of kings. “In my youth,” said Alp Arslan,\n “I was advised by a sage to humble myself before God; to distrust\n my own strength; and never to despise THE most contemptible foe.\n I have neglected THEse lessons; and my neglect has been\n deservedly punished. Yesterday, as from an eminence I beheld THE\n numbers, THE discipline, and THE spirit, of my armies, THE earth\n seemed to tremble under my feet; and I said in my heart, Surely\n thou art THE king of THE world, THE greatest and most invincible\n of warriors. These armies are no longer mine; and, in THE\n confidence of my personal strength, I now fall by THE hand of an\n assassin.” 39 Alp Arslan possessed THE virtues of a Turk and a\n Mussulman; his voice and stature commanded THE reverence of\n mankind; his face was shaded with long whiskers; and his ample\n turban was fashioned in THE shape of a crown. The remains of THE\n sultan were deposited in THE tomb of THE Seljukian dynasty; and\n THE passenger might read and meditate this useful inscription: 40\n “O ye who have seen THE glory of Alp Arslan exalted to THE\n heavens, repair to Maru, and you will behold it buried in THE\n dust.” The annihilation of THE inscription, and THE tomb itself,\n more forcibly proclaims THE instability of human greatness.\n\n 39 (return) [ This interesting death is told by D’Herbelot, (p.\n 103, 104,) and M. De Guignes, (tom. iii. p. 212, 213.) from THEir\n Oriental writers; but neiTHEr of THEm have transfused THE spirit\n of Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen p. 344, 345.)]\n\n 40 (return) [ A critic of high renown, (THE late Dr. Johnson,)\n who has severely scrutinized THE epitaphs of Pope, might cavil in\n this sublime inscription at THE words “repair to Maru,” since THE\n reader must already be at Maru before he could peruse THE\n inscription.]\n\n During THE life of Alp Arslan, his eldest son had been\n acknowledged as THE future sultan of THE Turks. On his faTHEr’s\n death THE inheritance was disputed by an uncle, a cousin, and a\n broTHEr: THEy drew THEir cimeters, and assembled THEir followers;\n and THE triple victory of Malek Shah 41 established his own\n reputation and THE right of primogeniture. In every age, and more\n especially in Asia, THE thirst of power has inspired THE same\n passions, and occasioned THE same disorders; but, from THE long\n series of civil war, it would not be easy to extract a sentiment\n more pure and magnanimous than is contained in THE saying of THE\n Turkish prince. On THE eve of THE battle, he performed his\n devotions at Thous, before THE tomb of THE Imam Riza. As THE\n sultan rose from THE ground, he asked his vizier Nizam, who had\n knelt beside him, what had been THE object of his secret\n petition: “That your arms may be crowned with victory,” was THE\n prudent, and most probably THE sincere, answer of THE minister.\n “For my part,” replied THE generous Malek, “I implored THE Lord\n of Hosts that he would take from me my life and crown, if my\n broTHEr be more worthy than myself to reign over THE Moslems.”\n The favorable judgment of heaven was ratified by THE caliph; and\n for THE first time, THE sacred title of Commander of THE Faithful\n was communicated to a Barbarian. But this Barbarian, by his\n personal merit, and THE extent of his empire, was THE greatest\n prince of his age. After THE settlement of Persia and Syria, he\n marched at THE head of innumerable armies to achieve THE conquest\n of Turkestan, which had been undertaken by his faTHEr. In his\n passage of THE Oxus, THE boatmen, who had been employed in\n transporting some troops, complained, that THEir payment was\n assigned on THE revenues of Antioch. The sultan frowned at this\n preposterous choice; but he miled at THE artful flattery of his\n vizier. “It was not to postpone THEir reward, that I selected\n those remote places, but to leave a memorial to posterity, that,\n under your reign, Antioch and THE Oxus were subject to THE same\n sovereign.” But this description of his limits was unjust and\n parsimonious: beyond THE Oxus, he reduced to his obedience THE\n cities of Bochara, Carizme, and Samarcand, and crushed each\n rebellious slave, or independent savage, who dared to resist.\n Malek passed THE Sihon or Jaxartes, THE last boundary of Persian\n civilization: THE hordes of Turkestan yielded to his supremacy:\n his name was inserted on THE coins, and in THE prayers of\n Cashgar, a Tartar kingdom on THE extreme borders of China. From\n THE Chinese frontier, he stretched his immediate jurisdiction or\n feudatory sway to THE west and south, as far as THE mountains of\n Georgia, THE neighborhood of Constantinople, THE holy city of\n Jerusalem, and THE spicy groves of Arabia Felix. Instead of\n resigning himself to THE luxury of his harem, THE shepherd king,\n both in peace and war, was in action and in THE field. By THE\n perpetual motion of THE royal camp, each province was\n successively blessed with his presence; and he is said to have\n perambulated twelve times THE wide extent of his dominions, which\n surpassed THE Asiatic reign of Cyrus and THE caliphs. Of THEse\n expeditions, THE most pious and splendid was THE pilgrimage of\n Mecca: THE freedom and safety of THE caravans were protected by\n his arms; THE citizens and pilgrims were enriched by THE\n profusion of his alms; and THE desert was cheered by THE places\n of relief and refreshment, which he instituted for THE use of his\n brethren. Hunting was THE pleasure, and even THE passion, of THE\n sultan, and his train consisted of forty-seven thousand horses;\n but after THE massacre of a Turkish chase, for each piece of\n game, he bestowed a piece of gold on THE poor, a slight\n atonement, at THE expense of THE people, for THE cost and\n mischief of THE amusement of kings. In THE peaceful prosperity of\n his reign, THE cities of Asia were adorned with palaces and\n hospitals with moschs and colleges; few departed from his Divan\n without reward, and none without justice. The language and\n literature of Persia revived under THE house of Seljuk; 42 and if\n Malek emulated THE liberality of a Turk less potent than himself,\n 43 his palace might resound with THE songs of a hundred poets.\n The sultan bestowed a more serious and learned care on THE\n reformation of THE calendar, which was effected by a general\n assembly of THE astronomers of THE East. By a law of THE prophet,\n THE Moslems are confined to THE irregular course of THE lunar\n months; in Persia, since THE age of Zoroaster, THE revolution of\n THE sun has been known and celebrated as an annual festival; 44\n but after THE fall of THE Magian empire, THE intercalation had\n been neglected; THE fractions of minutes and hours were\n multiplied into days; and THE date of THE springs was removed\n from THE sign of Aries to that of Pisces. The reign of Malek was\n illustrated by THE Gelalaean aera; and all errors, eiTHEr past or\n future, were corrected by a computation of time, which surpasses\n THE Julian, and approaches THE accuracy of THE Gregorian, style.\n 45\n\n 41 (return) [ The BiblioTHEque Orientale has given THE text of\n THE reign of Malek, (p. 542, 543, 544, 654, 655;) and THE\n Histoire Generale des Huns (tom. iii. p. 214-224) has added THE\n usual measure of repetition emendation, and supplement. Without\n those two learned Frenchmen I should be blind indeed in THE\n Eastern world.]\n\n 42 (return) [ See an excellent discourse at THE end of Sir\n William Jones’s History of Nadir Shah, and THE articles of THE\n poets, Amak, Anvari, Raschidi, &c., in THE BiblioTHEque\n Orientale. ]\n\n 43 (return) [ His name was Kheder Khan. Four bags were placed\n round his sopha, and as he listened to THE song, he cast handfuls\n of gold and silver to THE poets, (D’Herbelot, p. 107.) All this\n may be true; but I do not understand how he could reign in\n Transoxiana in THE time of Malek Shah, and much less how Kheder\n could surpass him in power and pomp. I suspect that THE\n beginning, not THE end, of THE xith century is THE true aera of\n his reign.]\n\n 44 (return) [ See Chardin, Voyages en Perse, tom. ii. p. 235.]\n\n 45 (return) [ The Gelalaean aera (Gelaleddin, Glory of THE Faith,\n was one of THE names or titles of Malek Shah) is fixed to THE\n xvth of March, A. H. 471, A.D. 1079. Dr. Hyde has produced THE\n original testimonies of THE Persians and Arabians, (de Religione\n veterum Persarum, c. 16 p. 200-211.)]\n\n In a period when Europe was plunged in THE deepest barbarism, THE\n light and splendor of Asia may be ascribed to THE docility raTHEr\n than THE knowledge of THE Turkish conquerors. An ample share of\n THEir wisdom and virtue is due to a Persian vizier, who ruled THE\n empire under THE reigns of Alp Arslan and his son. Nizam, one of\n THE most illustrious ministers of THE East, was honored by THE\n caliph as an oracle of religion and science; he was trusted by\n THE sultan as THE faithful vicegerent of his power and justice.\n After an administration of thirty years, THE fame of THE vizier,\n his wealth, and even his services, were transformed into crimes.\n He was overthrown by THE insidious arts of a woman and a rival;\n and his fall was hastened by a rash declaration, that his cap and\n ink-horn, THE badges of his office, were connected by THE divine\n decree with THE throne and diadem of THE sultan. At THE age of\n ninety-three years, THE venerable statesman was dismissed by his\n master, accused by his enemies, and murdered by a fanatic: 451\n THE last words of Nizam attested his innocence, and THE remainder\n of Malek’s life was short and inglorious. From Ispahan, THE scene\n of this disgraceful transaction, THE sultan moved to Bagdad, with\n THE design of transplanting THE caliph, and of fixing his own\n residence in THE capital of THE Moslem world. The feeble\n successor of Mahomet obtained a respite of ten days; and before\n THE expiration of THE term, THE Barbarian was summoned by THE\n angel of death. His ambassadors at Constantinople had asked in\n marriage a Roman princess; but THE proposal was decently eluded;\n and THE daughter of Alexius, who might herself have been THE\n victim, expresses her abhorrence of his unnatural conjunction. 46\n The daughter of THE sultan was bestowed on THE caliph Moctadi,\n with THE imperious condition, that, renouncing THE society of his\n wives and concubines, he should forever confine himself to this\n honorable alliance.\n\n 451 (return) [ He was THE first great victim of his enemy, Hassan\n Sabek, founder of THE Assassins. Von Hammer, Geschichte der\n Assassinen, p. 95.—M.]\n\n 46 (return) [ She speaks of this Persian royalty. Anna Comnena\n was only nine years old at THE end of THE reign of Malek Shah,\n (A.D. 1092,) and when she speaks of his assassination, she\n confounds THE sultan with THE vizier, (Alexias, l. vi. p. 177,\n 178.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LVII: The Turks.—Part III.\n\n The greatness and unity of THE Turkish empire expired in THE\n person of Malek Shah. His vacant throne was disputed by his\n broTHEr and his four sons; 461 and, after a series of civil wars,\n THE treaty which reconciled THE surviving candidates confirmed a\n lasting separation in THE Persian dynasty, THE eldest and\n principal branch of THE house of Seljuk. The three younger\n dynasties were those of Kerman, of Syria, and of Roum: THE first\n of THEse commanded an extensive, though obscure, 47 dominion on\n THE shores of THE Indian Ocean: 48 THE second expelled THE\n Arabian princes of Aleppo and Damascus; and THE third, our\n peculiar care, invaded THE Roman provinces of Asia Minor. The\n generous policy of Malek contributed to THEir elevation: he\n allowed THE princes of his blood, even those whom he had\n vanquished in THE field, to seek new kingdoms worthy of THEir\n ambition; nor was he displeased that THEy should draw away THE\n more ardent spirits, who might have disturbed THE tranquillity of\n his reign. As THE supreme head of his family and nation, THE\n great sultan of Persia commanded THE obedience and tribute of his\n royal brethren: THE thrones of Kerman and Nice, of Aleppo and\n Damascus; THE Atabeks, and emirs of Syria and Mesopotamia,\n erected THEir standards under THE shadow of his sceptre: 49 and\n THE hordes of Turkmans overspread THE plains of THE Western Asia.\n\n After THE death of Malek, THE bands of union and subordination\n were relaxed and finally dissolved: THE indulgence of THE house\n of Seljuk invested THEir slaves with THE inheritance of kingdoms;\n and, in THE Oriental style, a crowd of princes arose from THE\n dust of THEir feet. 50\n\n 461 (return) [ See Von Hammer, Osmanische Geschichte, vol. i. p.\n 16. The Seljukian dominions were for a time reunited in THE\n person of Sandjar, one of THE sons of Malek Shah, who ruled “from\n Kashgar to Antioch, from THE Caspian to THE Straits of\n Babelmandel.”—M.]\n\n 47 (return) [ So obscure, that THE industry of M. De Guignes\n could only copy (tom. i. p. 244, tom. iii. part i. p. 269, &c.)\n THE history, or raTHEr list, of THE Seljukides of Kerman, in\n BiblioTHEque Orientale. They were extinguished before THE end of\n THE xiith century.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Tavernier, perhaps THE only traveller who has\n visited Kerman, describes THE capital as a great ruinous village,\n twenty-five days’ journey from Ispahan, and twenty-seven from\n Ormus, in THE midst of a fertile country, (Voyages en Turquie et\n en Perse, p. 107, 110.)]\n\n 49 (return) [ It appears from Anna Comnena, that THE Turks of\n Asia Minor obeyed THE signet and chiauss of THE great sultan,\n (Alexias, l. vi. p. 170;) and that THE two sons of Soliman were\n detained in his court, (p. 180.)]\n\n 50 (return) [ This expression is quoted by Petit de la Croix (Vie\n de Gestis p. 160) from some poet, most probably a Persian.]\n\n A prince of THE royal line, Cutulmish, 501 THE son of Izrail, THE\n son of Seljuk, had fallen in a battle against Alp Arslan and THE\n humane victor had dropped a tear over his grave. His five sons,\n strong in arms, ambitious of power, and eager for revenge,\n unsheaTHEd THEir cimeters against THE son of Alp Arslan. The two\n armies expected THE signal when THE caliph, forgetful of THE\n majesty which secluded him from vulgar eyes, interposed his\n venerable mediation. “Instead of shedding THE blood of your\n brethren, your brethren both in descent and faith, unite your\n forces in a holy war against THE Greeks, THE enemies of God and\n his apostle.” They listened to his voice; THE sultan embraced his\n rebellious kinsmen; and THE eldest, THE valiant Soliman, accepted\n THE royal standard, which gave him THE free conquest and\n hereditary command of THE provinces of THE Roman empire, from\n Arzeroum to Constantinople, and THE unknown regions of THE West.\n 51 Accompanied by his four broTHErs, he passed THE Euphrates; THE\n Turkish camp was soon seated in THE neighborhood of Kutaieh in\n Phrygia; and his flying cavalry laid waste THE country as far as\n THE Hellespont and THE Black Sea. Since THE decline of THE\n empire, THE peninsula of Asia Minor had been exposed to THE\n transient, though destructive, inroads of THE Persians and\n Saracens; but THE fruits of a lasting conquest were reserved for\n THE Turkish sultan; and his arms were introduced by THE Greeks,\n who aspired to reign on THE ruins of THEir country. Since THE\n captivity of Romanus, six years THE feeble son of Eudocia had\n trembled under THE weight of THE Imperial crown, till THE\n provinces of THE East and West were lost in THE same month by a\n double rebellion: of eiTHEr chief Nicephorus was THE common name;\n but THE surnames of Bryennius and Botoniates distinguish THE\n European and Asiatic candidates. Their reasons, or raTHEr THEir\n promises, were weighed in THE Divan; and, after some hesitation,\n Soliman declared himself in favor of Botoniates, opened a free\n passage to his troops in THEir march from Antioch to Nice, and\n joined THE banner of THE Crescent to that of THE Cross. After his\n ally had ascended THE throne of Constantinople, THE sultan was\n hospitably entertained in THE suburb of Chrysopolis or Scutari;\n and a body of two thousand Turks was transported into Europe, to\n whose dexterity and courage THE new emperor was indebted for THE\n defeat and captivity of his rival, Bryennius. But THE conquest of\n Europe was dearly purchased by THE sacrifice of Asia:\n Constantinople was deprived of THE obedience and revenue of THE\n provinces beyond THE Bosphorus and Hellespont; and THE regular\n progress of THE Turks, who fortified THE passes of THE rivers and\n mountains, left not a hope of THEir retreat or expulsion. AnoTHEr\n candidate implored THE aid of THE sultan: Melissenus, in his\n purple robes and red buskins, attended THE motions of THE Turkish\n camp; and THE desponding cities were tempted by THE summons of a\n Roman prince, who immediately surrendered THEm into THE hands of\n THE Barbarians. These acquisitions were confirmed by a treaty of\n peace with THE emperor Alexius: his fear of Robert compelled him\n to seek THE friendship of Soliman; and it was not till after THE\n sultan’s death that he extended as far as Nicomedia, about sixty\n miles from Constantinople, THE eastern boundary of THE Roman\n world. Trebizond alone, defended on eiTHEr side by THE sea and\n mountains, preserved at THE extremity of THE Euxine THE ancient\n character of a Greek colony, and THE future destiny of a\n Christian empire.\n\n 501 (return) [ Wilken considers Cutulmish not a Turkish name.\n Geschicht Kreuz-zuge, vol. i. p. 9.—M.]\n\n 51 (return) [ On THE conquest of Asia Minor, M. De Guignes has\n derived no assistance from THE Turkish or Arabian writers, who\n produce a naked list of THE Seljukides of Roum. The Greeks are\n unwilling to expose THEir shame, and we must extort some hints\n from Scylitzes, (p. 860, 863,) Nicephorus Bryennius, (p. 88, 91,\n 92, &c., 103, 104,) and Anna Comnena (Alexias, p. 91, 92, &c.,\n 163, &c.)]\n\n Since THE first conquests of THE caliphs, THE establishment of\n THE Turks in Anatolia or Asia Minor was THE most deplorable loss\n which THE church and empire had sustained. By THE propagation of\n THE Moslem faith, Soliman deserved THE name of Gazi, a holy\n champion; and his new kingdoms, of THE Romans, or of Roum, was\n added to THE tables of Oriental geography. It is described as\n extending from THE Euphrates to Constantinople, from THE Black\n Sea to THE confines of Syria; pregnant with mines of silver and\n iron, of alum and copper, fruitful in corn and wine, and\n productive of cattle and excellent horses. 52 The wealth of\n Lydia, THE arts of THE Greeks, THE splendor of THE Augustan age,\n existed only in books and ruins, which were equally obscure in\n THE eyes of THE Scythian conquerors. Yet, in THE present decay,\n Anatolia still contains some wealthy and populous cities; and,\n under THE Byzantine empire, THEy were far more flourishing in\n numbers, size, and opulence. By THE choice of THE sultan, Nice,\n THE metropolis of Bithynia, was preferred for his palace and\n fortress: THE seat of THE Seljukian dynasty of Roum was planted\n one hundred miles from Constantinople; and THE divinity of Christ\n was denied and derided in THE same temple in which it had been\n pronounced by THE first general synod of THE Catholics. The unity\n of God, and THE mission of Mahomet, were preached in THE moschs;\n THE Arabian learning was taught in THE schools; THE Cadhis judged\n according to THE law of THE Koran; THE Turkish manners and\n language prevailed in THE cities; and Turkman camps were\n scattered over THE plains and mountains of Anatolia. On THE hard\n conditions of tribute and servitude, THE Greek Christians might\n enjoy THE exercise of THEir religion; but THEir most holy\n churches were profaned; THEir priests and bishops were insulted;\n 53 THEy were compelled to suffer THE triumph of THE Pagans, and\n THE apostasy of THEir brethren; many thousand children were\n marked by THE knife of circumcision; and many thousand captives\n were devoted to THE service or THE pleasures of THEir masters. 54\n After THE loss of Asia, Antioch still maintained her primitive\n allegiance to Christ and Caesar; but THE solitary province was\n separated from all Roman aid, and surrounded on all sides by THE\n Mahometan powers. The despair of Philaretus THE governor prepared\n THE sacrifice of his religion and loyalty, had not his guilt been\n prevented by his son, who hastened to THE Nicene palace, and\n offered to deliver this valuable prize into THE hands of Soliman.\n The ambitious sultan mounted on horseback, and in twelve nights\n (for he reposed in THE day) performed a march of six hundred\n miles. Antioch was oppressed by THE speed and secrecy of his\n enterprise; and THE dependent cities, as far as Laodicea and THE\n confines of Aleppo, 55 obeyed THE example of THE metropolis. From\n Laodicea to THE Thracian Bosphorus, or arm of St. George, THE\n conquests and reign of Soliman extended thirty days’ journey in\n length, and in breadth about ten or fifteen, between THE rocks of\n Lycia and THE Black Sea. 56 The Turkish ignorance of navigation\n protected, for a while, THE inglorious safety of THE emperor; but\n no sooner had a fleet of two hundred ships been constructed by\n THE hands of THE captive Greeks, than Alexius trembled behind THE\n walls of his capital. His plaintive epistles were dispersed over\n Europe, to excite THE compassion of THE Latins, and to paint THE\n danger, THE weakness, and THE riches of THE city of Constantine.\n 57\n\n 52 (return) [ Such is THE description of Roum by Haiton THE\n Armenian, whose Tartar history may be found in THE collections of\n Ramusio and Bergeron, (see Abulfeda, Geograph. climat. xvii. p.\n 301-305.)]\n\n 53 (return) [ Dicit eos quendam abusione Sodomitica intervertisse\n episcopum, (Guibert. Abbat. Hist. Hierosol. l. i. p. 468.) It is\n odd enough, that we should find a parallel passage of THE same\n people in THE present age. “Il n’est point d’horreur que ces\n Turcs n’ayent commis, et semblables aux soldats effrenes, qui\n dans le sac d’une ville, non contens de disposer de tout a leur\n gre pretendent encore aux succes les moins desirables. Quelque\n Sipahis ont porte leurs attentats sur la personne du vieux rabbi\n de la synagogue, et celle de l’Archeveque Grec.” (Memoires du\n Baron de Tott, tom. ii. p. 193.)]\n\n 54 (return) [ The emperor, or abbot describe THE scenes of a\n Turkish camp as if THEy had been present. Matres correptae in\n conspectu filiarum multipliciter repetitis diversorum coitibus\n vexabantur; (is that THE true reading?) cum filiae assistentes\n carmina praecinere saltando cogerentur. Mox eadem passio ad\n filias, &c.]\n\n 55 (return) [ See Antioch, and THE death of Soliman, in Anna\n Comnena, (Alexius, l. vi. p. 168, 169,) with THE notes of\n Ducange.]\n\n 56 (return) [ William of Tyre (l. i. c. 9, 10, p. 635) gives THE\n most auTHEntic and deplorable account of THEse Turkish\n conquests.]\n\n 57 (return) [ In his epistle to THE count of Flanders, Alexius\n seems to fall too low beneath his character and dignity; yet it\n is approved by Ducange, (Not. ad Alexiad. p. 335, &c.,) and\n paraphrased by THE Abbot Guibert, a contemporary historian. The\n Greek text no longer exists; and each translator and scribe might\n say with Guibert, (p. 475,) verbis vestita meis, a privilege of\n most indefinite latitude.]\n\n But THE most interesting conquest of THE Seljukian Turks was that\n of Jerusalem, 58 which soon became THE THEatre of nations. In\n THEir capitulation with Omar, THE inhabitants had stipulated THE\n assurance of THEir religion and property; but THE articles were\n interpreted by a master against whom it was dangerous to dispute;\n and in THE four hundred years of THE reign of THE caliphs, THE\n political climate of Jerusalem was exposed to THE vicissitudes of\n storm and sunshine. 59 By THE increase of proselytes and\n population, THE Mahometans might excuse THE usurpation of three\n fourths of THE city: but a peculiar quarter was resolved for THE\n patriarch with his clergy and people; a tribute of two pieces of\n gold was THE price of protection; and THE sepulchre of Christ,\n with THE church of THE Resurrection, was still left in THE hands\n of his votaries. Of THEse votaries, THE most numerous and\n respectable portion were strangers to Jerusalem: THE pilgrimages\n to THE Holy Land had been stimulated, raTHEr than suppressed, by\n THE conquest of THE Arabs; and THE enthusiasm which had always\n prompted THEse perilous journeys, was nourished by THE congenial\n passions of grief and indignation. A crowd of pilgrims from THE\n East and West continued to visit THE holy sepulchre, and THE\n adjacent sanctuaries, more especially at THE festival of Easter;\n and THE Greeks and Latins, THE Nestorians and Jacobites, THE\n Copts and Abyssinians, THE Armenians and Georgians, maintained\n THE chapels, THE clergy, and THE poor of THEir respective\n communions. The harmony of prayer in so many various tongues, THE\n worship of so many nations in THE common temple of THEir\n religion, might have afforded a spectacle of edification and\n peace; but THE zeal of THE Christian sects was imbittered by\n hatred and revenge; and in THE kingdom of a suffering Messiah,\n who had pardoned his enemies, THEy aspired to command and\n persecute THEir spiritual brethren. The preeminence was asserted\n by THE spirit and numbers of THE Franks; and THE greatness of\n Charlemagne 60 protected both THE Latin pilgrims and THE\n Catholics of THE East. The poverty of Carthage, Alexandria, and\n Jerusalem, was relieved by THE alms of that pious emperor; and\n many monasteries of Palestine were founded or restored by his\n liberal devotion. Harun Alrashid, THE greatest of THE Abbassides,\n esteemed in his Christian broTHEr a similar supremacy of genius\n and power: THEir friendship was cemented by a frequent\n intercourse of gifts and embassies; and THE caliph, without\n resigning THE substantial dominion, presented THE emperor with\n THE keys of THE holy sepulchre, and perhaps of THE city of\n Jerusalem. In THE decline of THE Carlovingian monarchy, THE\n republic of Amalphi promoted THE interest of trade and religion\n in THE East. Her vessels transported THE Latin pilgrims to THE\n coasts of Egypt and Palestine, and deserved, by THEir useful\n imports, THE favor and alliance of THE Fatimite caliphs: 61 an\n annual fair was instituted on Mount Calvary: and THE Italian\n merchants founded THE convent and hospital of St. John of\n Jerusalem, THE cradle of THE monastic and military order, which\n has since reigned in THE isles of Rhodes and of Malta. Had THE\n Christian pilgrims been content to revere THE tomb of a prophet,\n THE disciples of Mahomet, instead of blaming, would have\n imitated, THEir piety: but THEse rigid Unitarians were\n scandalized by a worship which represents THE birth, death, and\n resurrection, of a God; THE Catholic images were branded with THE\n name of idols; and THE Moslems smiled with indignation 62 at THE\n miraculous flame which was kindled on THE eve of Easter in THE\n holy sepulchre. 63 This pious fraud, first devised in THE ninth\n century, 64 was devoutly cherished by THE Latin crusaders, and is\n annually repeated by THE clergy of THE Greek, Armenian, and\n Coptic sects, 65 who impose on THE credulous spectators 66 for\n THEir own benefit, and that of THEir tyrants. In every age, a\n principle of toleration has been fortified by a sense of\n interest: and THE revenue of THE prince and his emir was\n increased each year, by THE expense and tribute of so many\n thousand strangers.\n\n 58 (return) [ Our best fund for THE history of Jerusalem from\n Heraclius to THE crusades is contained in two large and original\n passages of William archbishop of Tyre, (l. i. c. 1-10, l. xviii.\n c. 5, 6,) THE principal author of THE Gesta Dei per Francos. M.\n De Guignes has composed a very learned Memoire sur le Commerce\n des Francois dans le de Levant avant les Croisades, &c. (Mem. de\n l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxxvii. p. 467-500.)]\n\n 59 (return) [ Secundum Dominorum dispositionem plerumque lucida\n plerum que nubila recepit intervalla, et aegrotantium more\n temporum praesentium gravabatur aut respirabat qualitate, (l. i.\n c. 3, p. 630.) The latinity of William of Tyre is by no means\n contemptible: but in his account of 490 years, from THE loss to\n THE recovery of Jerusalem, precedes THE true account by 30\n years.]\n\n 60 (return) [ For THE transactions of Charlemagne with THE Holy\n Land, see Eginhard, (de Vita Caroli Magni, c. 16, p. 79-82,)\n Constantine Porphyrogenitus, (de Administratione Imperii, l. ii.\n c. 26, p. 80,) and Pagi, (Critica, tom. iii. A.D. 800, No. 13,\n 14, 15.)]\n\n 61 (return) [ The caliph granted his privileges, Amalphitanis\n viris amicis et utilium introductoribus, (Gesta Dei, p. 934.) The\n trade of Venice to Egypt and Palestine cannot produce so old a\n title, unless we adopt THE laughable translation of a Frenchman,\n who mistook THE two factions of THE circus (Veneti et Prasini)\n for THE Venetians and Parisians.]\n\n 62 (return) [ An Arabic chronicle of Jerusalem (apud Asseman.\n Bibliot. Orient. tom. i. p. 268, tom. iv. p. 368) attests THE\n unbelief of THE caliph and THE historian; yet Cantacuzene\n presumes to appeal to THE Mahometans THEmselves for THE truth of\n this perpetual miracle.]\n\n 63 (return) [ In his Dissertations on Ecclesiastical History, THE\n learned Mosheim has separately discussed this pretended miracle,\n (tom. ii. p. 214-306,) de lumine sancti sepulchri.]\n\n 64 (return) [ William of Malmsbury (l. iv. c. 2, p. 209) quotes\n THE Itinerary of THE monk Bernard, an eye-witness, who visited\n Jerusalem A.D. 870. The miracle is confirmed by anoTHEr pilgrim\n some years older; and Mosheim ascribes THE invention to THE\n Franks, soon after THE decease of Charlemagne.]\n\n 65 (return) [ Our travellers, Sandys, (p. 134,) Thevenot, (p.\n 621-627,) Maundrell, (p. 94, 95,) &c., describes this extravagant\n farce. The Catholics are puzzled to decide when THE miracle ended\n and THE trick began.]\n\n 66 (return) [ The Orientals THEmselves confess THE fraud, and\n plead necessity and edification, (Memoires du Chevalier\n D’Arvieux, tom. ii. p. 140. Joseph Abudacni, Hist. Copt. c. 20;)\n but I will not attempt, with Mosheim, to explain THE mode. Our\n travellers have failed with THE blood of St. Januarius at\n Naples.]\n\n The revolution which transferred THE sceptre from THE Abbassides\n to THE Fatimites was a benefit, raTHEr than an injury, to THE\n Holy Land. A sovereign resident in Egypt was more sensible of THE\n importance of Christian trade; and THE emirs of Palestine were\n less remote from THE justice and power of THE throne. But THE\n third of THEse Fatimite caliphs was THE famous Hakem, 67 a\n frantic youth, who was delivered by his impiety and despotism\n from THE fear eiTHEr of God or man; and whose reign was a wild\n mixture of vice and folly. Regardless of THE most ancient customs\n of Egypt, he imposed on THE women an absolute confinement; THE\n restraint excited THE clamors of both sexes; THEir clamors\n provoked his fury; a part of Old Cairo was delivered to THE\n flames and THE guards and citizens were engaged many days in a\n bloody conflict. At first THE caliph declared himself a zealous\n Mussulman, THE founder or benefactor of moschs and colleges:\n twelve hundred and ninety copies of THE Koran were transcribed at\n his expense in letters of gold; and his edict extirpated THE\n vineyards of THE Upper Egypt. But his vanity was soon flattered\n by THE hope of introducing a new religion; he aspired above THE\n fame of a prophet, and styled himself THE visible image of THE\n Most High God, who, after nine apparitions on earth, was at\n length manifest in his royal person. At THE name of Hakem, THE\n lord of THE living and THE dead, every knee was bent in religious\n adoration: his mysteries were performed on a mountain near Cairo:\n sixteen thousand converts had signed his profession of faith; and\n at THE present hour, a free and warlike people, THE Druses of\n Mount Libanus, are persuaded of THE life and divinity of a madman\n and tyrant. 68 In his divine character, Hakem hated THE Jews and\n Christians, as THE servants of his rivals; while some remains of\n prejudice or prudence still pleaded in favor of THE law of\n Mahomet. Both in Egypt and Palestine, his cruel and wanton\n persecution made some martyrs and many apostles: THE common\n rights and special privileges of THE sectaries were equally\n disregarded; and a general interdict was laid on THE devotion of\n strangers and natives. The temple of THE Christian world, THE\n church of THE Resurrection, was demolished to its foundations;\n THE luminous prodigy of Easter was interrupted, and much profane\n labor was exhausted to destroy THE cave in THE rock which\n properly constitutes THE holy sepulchre. At THE report of this\n sacrilege, THE nations of Europe were astonished and afflicted:\n but instead of arming in THE defence of THE Holy Land, THEy\n contented THEmselves with burning, or banishing, THE Jews, as THE\n secret advisers of THE impious Barbarian. 69 Yet THE calamities\n of Jerusalem were in some measure alleviated by THE inconstancy\n or repentance of Hakem himself; and THE royal mandate was sealed\n for THE restitution of THE churches, when THE tyrant was\n assassinated by THE emissaries of his sister. The succeeding\n caliphs resumed THE maxims of religion and policy: a free\n toleration was again granted; with THE pious aid of THE emperor\n of Constantinople, THE holy sepulchre arose from its ruins; and,\n after a short abstinence, THE pilgrims returned with an increase\n of appetite to THE spiritual feast. 70 In THE sea-voyage of\n Palestine, THE dangers were frequent, and THE opportunities rare:\n but THE conversion of Hungary opened a safe communication between\n Germany and Greece. The charity of St. Stephen, THE apostle of\n his kingdom, relieved and conducted his itinerant brethren; 71\n and from Belgrade to Antioch, THEy traversed fifteen hundred\n miles of a Christian empire. Among THE Franks, THE zeal of\n pilgrimage prevailed beyond THE example of former times: and THE\n roads were covered with multitudes of eiTHEr sex, and of every\n rank, who professed THEir contempt of life, so soon as THEy\n should have kissed THE tomb of THEir Redeemer. Princes and\n prelates abandoned THE care of THEir dominions; and THE numbers\n of THEse pious caravans were a prelude to THE armies which\n marched in THE ensuing age under THE banner of THE cross. About\n thirty years before THE first crusade, THE arch bishop of Mentz,\n with THE bishops of Utrecht, Bamberg, and Ratisbon, undertook\n this laborious journey from THE Rhine to THE Jordan; and THE\n multitude of THEir followers amounted to seven thousand persons.\n At Constantinople, THEy were hospitably entertained by THE\n emperor; but THE ostentation of THEir wealth provoked THE assault\n of THE wild Arabs: THEy drew THEir swords with scrupulous\n reluctance, and sustained siege in THE village of Capernaum, till\n THEy were rescued by THE venal protection of THE Fatimite emir.\n After visiting THE holy places, THEy embarked for Italy, but only\n a remnant of two thousand arrived in safety in THEir native land.\n\n Ingulphus, a secretary of William THE Conqueror, was a companion\n of this pilgrimage: he observes that THEy sailed from Normandy,\n thirty stout and well-appointed horsemen; but that THEy repassed\n THE Alps, twenty miserable palmers, with THE staff in THEir hand,\n and THE wallet at THEir back. 72\n\n 67 (return) [ See D’Herbelot, (Bibliot. Orientale, p. 411,)\n Renaudot, (Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 390, 397, 400, 401,)\n Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 321-323,) and Marei, (p. 384-386,) an\n historian of Egypt, translated by Reiske from Arabic into German,\n and verbally interpreted to me by a friend.]\n\n 68 (return) [ The religion of THE Druses is concealed by THEir\n ignorance and hypocrisy. Their secret doctrines are confined to\n THE elect who profess a contemplative life; and THE vulgar\n Druses, THE most indifferent of men, occasionally conform to THE\n worship of THE Mahometans and Christians of THEir neighborhood.\n The little that is, or deserves to be, known, may be seen in THE\n industrious Niebuhr, (Voyages, tom. ii. p. 354-357,) and THE\n second volume of THE recent and instructive Travels of M. de\n Volney. * Note: The religion of THE Druses has, within THE\n present year, been fully developed from THEir own writings, which\n have long lain neglected in THE libraries of Paris and Oxford, in\n THE “Expose de la Religion des Druses, by M. Silvestre de Sacy.”\n Deux tomes, Paris, 1838. The learned author has prefixed a life\n of Hakem Biamr-Allah, which enables us to correct several errors\n in THE account of Gibbon. These errors chiefly arose from his\n want of knowledge or of attention to THE chronology of Hakem’s\n life. Hakem succeeded to THE throne of Egypt in THE year of THE\n Hegira 386. He did not assume his divinity till 408. His life was\n indeed “a wild mixture of vice and folly,” to which may be added,\n of THE most sanguinary cruelty. During his reign, 18,000 persons\n were victims of his ferocity. Yet such is THE god, observes M. de\n Sacy, whom THE Druses have worshipped for 800 years! (See p.\n ccccxxix.) All his wildest and most extravagant actions were\n interpreted by his followers as having a mystic and allegoric\n meaning, alluding to THE destruction of oTHEr religions and THE\n propagation of his own. It does not seem to have been THE\n “vanity” of Hakem which induced him to introduce a new religion.\n The curious point in THE new faith is that Hamza, THE son of Ali,\n THE real founder of THE Unitarian religion, (such is its boastful\n title,) was content to take a secondary part. While Hakem was\n God, THE one Supreme, THE Imam Hamza was his Intelligence. It was\n not in his “divine character” that Hakem “hated THE Jews and\n Christians,” but in that of a Mahometan bigot, which he displayed\n in THE earlier years of his reign. His barbarous persecution, and\n THE burning of THE church of THE Resurrection at Jerusalem,\n belong entirely to that period; and his assumption of divinity\n was followed by an edict of toleration to Jews and Christians.\n The Mahometans, whose religion he THEn treated with hostility and\n contempt, being far THE most numerous, were his most dangerous\n enemies, and THErefore THE objects of his most inveterate hatred.\n It is anoTHEr singular fact, that THE religion of Hakem was by no\n means confined to Egypt and Syria. M. de Sacy quotes a letter\n addressed to THE chief of THE sect in India; and THEre is\n likewise a letter to THE Byzantine emperor Constantine, son of\n Armanous, (Romanus,) and THE clergy of THE empire. (Constantine\n VIII., M. de Sacy supposes, but this is irreconcilable with\n chronology; it must mean Constantine XI., Monomachus.) The\n assassination of Hakem is, of course, disbelieved by his\n sectaries. M. de Sacy seems to consider THE fact obscure and\n doubtful. According to his followers he disappeared, but is\n hereafter to return. At his return THE resurrection is to take\n place; THE triumph of Unitarianism, and THE final discomfiture of\n all oTHEr religions. The temple of Mecca is especially devoted to\n destruction. It is remarkable that one of THE signs of this final\n consummation, and of THE reappearance of Hakem, is that\n Christianity shall be gaining a manifest predominance over\n Mahometanism. As for THE religion of THE Druses, I cannot agree\n with Gibbon that it does not “deserve” to be better known; and am\n grateful to M. de Sacy, notwithstanding THE prolixity and\n occasional repetition in his two large volumes, for THE full\n examination of THE most extraordinary religious aberration which\n ever extensively affected THE mind of man. The worship of a mad\n tyrant is THE basis of a subtle metaphysical creed, and of a\n severe, and even ascetic, morality.—M.]\n\n 69 (return) [ See Glaber, l. iii. c. 7, and THE Annals of\n Baronius and Pagi, A.D. 1009.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Per idem tempus ex universo orbe tam innumerabilis\n multitudo coepit confluere ad sepulchrum Salvatoris Hierosolymis,\n quantum nullus hominum prius sperare poterat. Ordo inferioris\n plebis.... mediocres.... reges et comites..... praesules .....\n mulieres multae nobilis cum pauperioribus.... Pluribus enim erat\n mentis desiderium mori priusquam ad propria reverterentur,\n (Glaber, l. iv. c. 6, Bouquet. Historians of France, tom. x. p.\n 50.) * Note: Compare THE first chap. of Wilken, Geschichte der\n Kreuz-zuge.—M.]\n\n 71 (return) [ Glaber, l. iii. c. 1. Katona (Hist. Critic. Regum\n Hungariae, tom. i. p. 304-311) examines wheTHEr St. Stephen\n founded a monastery at Jerusalem.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Baronius (A.D. 1064, No. 43-56) has transcribed THE\n greater part of THE original narratives of Ingulphus, Marianus,\n and Lambertus.]\n\n After THE defeat of THE Romans, THE tranquillity of THE Fatimite\n caliphs was invaded by THE Turks. 73 One of THE lieutenants of\n Malek Shah, Atsiz THE Carizmian, marched into Syria at THE head\n of a powerful army, and reduced Damascus by famine and THE sword.\n Hems, and THE oTHEr cities of THE province, acknowledged THE\n caliph of Bagdad and THE sultan of Persia; and THE victorious\n emir advanced without resistance to THE banks of THE Nile: THE\n Fatimite was preparing to fly into THE heart of Africa; but THE\n negroes of his guard and THE inhabitants of Cairo made a\n desperate sally, and repulsed THE Turk from THE confines of\n Egypt. In his retreat he indulged THE license of slaughter and\n rapine: THE judge and notaries of Jerusalem were invited to his\n camp; and THEir execution was followed by THE massacre of three\n thousand citizens. The cruelty or THE defeat of Atsiz was soon\n punished by THE sultan Toucush, THE broTHEr of Malek Shah, who,\n with a higher title and more formidable powers, asserted THE\n dominion of Syria and Palestine. The house of Seljuk reigned\n about twenty years in Jerusalem; 74 but THE hereditary command of\n THE holy city and territory was intrusted or abandoned to THE\n emir Ortok, THE chief of a tribe of Turkmans, whose children,\n after THEir expulsion from Palestine, formed two dynasties on THE\n borders of Armenia and Assyria. 75 The Oriental Christians and\n THE Latin pilgrims deplored a revolution, which, instead of THE\n regular government and old alliance of THE caliphs, imposed on\n THEir necks THE iron yoke of THE strangers of THE North. 76 In\n his court and camp THE great sultan had adopted in some degree\n THE arts and manners of Persia; but THE body of THE Turkish\n nation, and more especially THE pastoral tribes, still breaTHEd\n THE fierceness of THE desert. From Nice to Jerusalem, THE western\n countries of Asia were a scene of foreign and domestic hostility;\n and THE shepherds of Palestine, who held a precarious sway on a\n doubtful frontier, had neiTHEr leisure nor capacity to await THE\n slow profits of commercial and religious freedom. The pilgrims,\n who, through innumerable perils, had reached THE gates of\n Jerusalem, were THE victims of private rapine or public\n oppression, and often sunk under THE pressure of famine and\n disease, before THEy were permitted to salute THE holy sepulchre.\n A spirit of native barbarism, or recent zeal, prompted THE\n Turkmans to insult THE clergy of every sect: THE patriarch was\n dragged by THE hair along THE pavement, and cast into a dungeon,\n to extort a ransom from THE sympathy of his flock; and THE divine\n worship in THE church of THE Resurrection was often disturbed by\n THE savage rudeness of its masters. The paTHEtic tale excited THE\n millions of THE West to march under THE standard of THE cross to\n THE relief of THE Holy Land; and yet how trifling is THE sum of\n THEse accumulated evils, if compared with THE single act of THE\n sacrilege of Hakem, which had been so patiently endured by THE\n Latin Christians! A slighter provocation inflamed THE more\n irascible temper of THEir descendants: a new spirit had arisen of\n religious chivalry and papal dominion; a nerve was touched of\n exquisite feeling; and THE sensation vibrated to THE heart of\n Europe.\n\n 73 (return) [ See Elmacin (Hist. Saracen. p. 349, 350) and\n Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 237, vers. Pocock.) M. De Guignes\n (Hist. des Huns, tom iii. part i. p. 215, 216) adds THE\n testimonies, or raTHEr THE names, of Abulfeda and Novairi.]\n\n 74 (return) [ From THE expedition of Isar Atsiz, (A. H. 469, A.D.\n 1076,) to THE expulsion of THE Ortokides, (A.D. 1096.) Yet\n William of Tyre (l. i. c. 6, p. 633) asserts, that Jerusalem was\n thirty-eight years in THE hands of THE Turks; and an Arabic\n chronicle, quoted by Pagi, (tom. iv. p. 202) supposes that THE\n city was reduced by a Carizmian general to THE obedience of THE\n caliph of Bagdad, A. H. 463, A.D. 1070. These early dates are not\n very compatible with THE general history of Asia; and I am sure,\n that as late as A.D. 1064, THE regnum Babylonicum (of Cairo)\n still prevailed in Palestine, (Baronius, A.D. 1064, No. 56.)]\n\n 75 (return) [ De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 249-252. ]\n\n 76 (return) [ Willierm. Tyr. l. i. c. 8, p. 634, who strives hard\n to magnify THE Christian grievances. The Turks exacted an aureus\n from each pilgrim! The caphar of THE Franks now is fourteen\n dollars: and Europe does not complain of this voluntary tax.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part I.\n\n Origin And Numbers Of The First Crusade.—Characters Of The Latin\n Princes.—Their March To Constantinople.—Policy Of The Greek\n Emperor Alexius.—Conquest Of Nice, Antioch, And Jerusalem, By The\n Franks.—Deliverance Of The Holy Sepulchre.— Godfrey Of Bouillon,\n First King Of Jerusalem.—Institutions Of The French Or Latin\n Kingdom.\n\n About twenty years after THE conquest of Jerusalem by THE Turks,\n THE holy sepulchre was visited by a hermit of THE name of Peter,\n a native of Amiens, in THE province of Picardy 1 in France. His\n resentment and sympathy were excited by his own injuries and THE\n oppression of THE Christian name; he mingled his tears with those\n of THE patriarch, and earnestly inquired, if no hopes of relief\n could be entertained from THE Greek emperors of THE East. The\n patriarch exposed THE vices and weakness of THE successors of\n Constantine. “I will rouse,” exclaimed THE hermit, “THE martial\n nations of Europe in your cause;” and Europe was obedient to THE\n call of THE hermit. The astonished patriarch dismissed him with\n epistles of credit and complaint; and no sooner did he land at\n Bari, than Peter hastened to kiss THE feet of THE Roman pontiff.\n His stature was small, his appearance contemptible; but his eye\n was keen and lively; and he possessed that vehemence of speech,\n which seldom fails to impart THE persuasion of THE soul. 2 He was\n born of a gentleman’s family, (for we must now adopt a modern\n idiom,) and his military service was under THE neighboring counts\n of Boulogne, THE heroes of THE first crusade. But he soon\n relinquished THE sword and THE world; and if it be true, that his\n wife, however noble, was aged and ugly, he might withdraw, with\n THE less reluctance, from her bed to a convent, and at length to\n a hermitage. 211 In this austere solitude, his body was\n emaciated, his fancy was inflamed; whatever he wished, he\n believed; whatever he believed, he saw in dreams and revelations.\n From Jerusalem THE pilgrim returned an accomplished fanatic; but\n as he excelled in THE popular madness of THE times, Pope Urban\n THE Second received him as a prophet, applauded his glorious\n design, promised to support it in a general council, and\n encouraged him to proclaim THE deliverance of THE Holy Land.\n Invigorated by THE approbation of THE pontiff, his zealous\n missionary traversed. with speed and success, THE provinces of\n Italy and France. His diet was abstemious, his prayers long and\n fervent, and THE alms which he received with one hand, he\n distributed with THE oTHEr: his head was bare, his feet naked,\n his meagre body was wrapped in a coarse garment; he bore and\n displayed a weighty crucifix; and THE ass on which he rode was\n sanctified, in THE public eye, by THE service of THE man of God.\n He preached to innumerable crowds in THE churches, THE streets,\n and THE highways: THE hermit entered with equal confidence THE\n palace and THE cottage; and THE people (for all was people) was\n impetuously moved by his call to repentance and arms. When he\n painted THE sufferings of THE natives and pilgrims of Palestine,\n every heart was melted to compassion; every breast glowed with\n indignation, when he challenged THE warriors of THE age to defend\n THEir brethren, and rescue THEir Savior: his ignorance of art and\n language was compensated by sighs, and tears, and ejaculations;\n and Peter supplied THE deficiency of reason by loud and frequent\n appeals to Christ and his moTHEr, to THE saints and angels of\n paradise, with whom he had personally conversed. 212 The most\n perfect orator of ATHEns might have envied THE success of his\n eloquence; THE rustic enthusiast inspired THE passions which he\n felt, and Christendom expected with impatience THE counsels and\n decrees of THE supreme pontiff.\n\n 1 (return) [ Whimsical enough is THE origin of THE name of\n Picards, and from THEnce of Picardie, which does not date later\n than A.D. 1200. It was an academical joke, an epiTHEt first\n applied to THE quarrelsome humor of those students, in THE\n University of Paris, who came from THE frontier of France and\n Flanders, (Valesii Notitia Galliarum, p. 447, Longuerue.\n Description de la France, p. 54.)]\n\n 2 (return) [ William of Tyre (l. i. c. 11, p. 637, 638) thus\n describes THE hermit: Pusillus, persona contemptibilis, vivacis\n ingenii, et oculum habeas perspicacem gratumque, et sponte fluens\n ei non deerat eloquium. See Albert Aquensis, p. 185. Guibert, p.\n 482. Anna Comnena in Alex isd, l. x. p. 284, &c., with Ducarge’s\n Notes, p. 349.]\n\n 211 (return) [ Wilken considers this as doubtful, (vol. i. p.\n 47.)—M.]\n\n 212 (return) [ He had seen THE Savior in a vision: a letter had\n fallen from heaven Wilken, (vol. i. p. 49.)—M.]\n\n The magnanimous spirit of Gregory THE Seventh had already\n embraced THE design of arming Europe against Asia; THE ardor of\n his zeal and ambition still breaTHEs in his epistles: from eiTHEr\n side of THE Alps, fifty thousand Catholics had enlisted under THE\n banner of St. Peter; 3 and his successor reveals his intention of\n marching at THEir head against THE impious sectaries of Mahomet.\n But THE glory or reproach of executing, though not in person,\n this holy enterprise, was reserved for Urban THE Second, 4 THE\n most faithful of his disciples. He undertook THE conquest of THE\n East, whilst THE larger portion of Rome was possessed and\n fortified by his rival Guibert of Ravenna, who contended with\n Urban for THE name and honors of THE pontificate. He attempted to\n unite THE powers of THE West, at a time when THE princes were\n separated from THE church, and THE people from THEir princes, by\n THE excommunication which himself and his predecessors had\n thundered against THE emperor and THE king of France. Philip THE\n First, of France, supported with patience THE censures which he\n had provoked by his scandalous life and adulterous marriage.\n Henry THE Fourth, of Germany, asserted THE right of investitures,\n THE prerogative of confirming his bishops by THE delivery of THE\n ring and crosier. But THE emperor’s party was crushed in Italy by\n THE arms of THE Normans and THE Countess Mathilda; and THE long\n quarrel had been recently envenomed by THE revolt of his son\n Conrad and THE shame of his wife, 5 who, in THE synods of\n Constance and Placentia, confessed THE manifold prostitutions to\n which she had been exposed by a husband regardless of her honor\n and his own. 6 So popular was THE cause of Urban, so weighty was\n his influence, that THE council which he summoned at Placentia 7\n was composed of two hundred bishops of Italy, France, Burgandy,\n Swabia, and Bavaria. Four thousand of THE clergy, and thirty\n thousand of THE laity, attended this important meeting; and, as\n THE most spacious caTHEdral would have been inadequate to THE\n multitude, THE session of seven days was held in a plain adjacent\n to THE city. The ambassadors of THE Greek emperor, Alexius\n Comnenus, were introduced to plead THE distress of THEir\n sovereign, and THE danger of Constantinople, which was divided\n only by a narrow sea from THE victorious Turks, THE common\n enemies of THE Christian name. In THEir suppliant address THEy\n flattered THE pride of THE Latin princes; and, appealing at once\n to THEir policy and religion, exhorted THEm to repel THE\n Barbarians on THE confines of Asia, raTHEr than to expect THEm in\n THE heart of Europe. At THE sad tale of THE misery and perils of\n THEir Eastern brethren, THE assembly burst into tears; THE most\n eager champions declared THEir readiness to march; and THE Greek\n ambassadors were dismissed with THE assurance of a speedy and\n powerful succor. The relief of Constantinople was included in THE\n larger and most distant project of THE deliverance of Jerusalem;\n but THE prudent Urban adjourned THE final decision to a second\n synod, which he proposed to celebrate in some city of France in\n THE autumn of THE same year. The short delay would propagate THE\n flame of enthusiasm; and his firmest hope was in a nation of\n soldiers 8 still proud of THE preeminence of THEir name, and\n ambitious to emulate THEir hero Charlemagne, 9 who, in THE\n popular romance of Turpin, 10 had achieved THE conquest of THE\n Holy Land. A latent motive of affection or vanity might influence\n THE choice of Urban: he was himself a native of France, a monk of\n Clugny, and THE first of his countrymen who ascended THE throne\n of St. Peter. The pope had illustrated his family and province;\n nor is THEre perhaps a more exquisite gratification than to\n revisit, in a conspicuous dignity, THE humble and laborious\n scenes of our youth.\n\n 3 (return) [ Ultra quinquaginta millia, si me possunt in\n expeditione pro duce et pontifice habere, armata manu volunt in\n inimicos Dei insurgere et ad sepulchrum Domini ipso ducente\n pervenire, (Gregor. vii. epist. ii. 31, in tom. xii. 322,\n concil.)]\n\n 4 (return) [ See THE original lives of Urban II. by Pandulphus\n Pisanus and Bernardus Guido, in Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script. tom.\n iii. pars i. p. 352, 353.]\n\n 5 (return) [ She is known by THE different names of Praxes,\n Eupraecia, Eufrasia, and Adelais; and was THE daughter of a\n Russian prince, and THE widow of a margrave of Brandenburgh.\n (Struv. Corpus Hist. Germanicae, p. 340.)]\n\n 6 (return) [ Henricus odio eam coepit habere: ideo incarceravit\n eam, et concessit ut plerique vim ei inferrent; immo filium\n hortans ut eam subagitaret, (Dodechin, Continuat. Marian. Scot.\n apud Baron. A.D. 1093, No. 4.) In THE synod of Constance, she is\n described by Bertholdus, rerum inspector: quae se tantas et tam\n inauditas fornicationum spur citias, et a tantis passam fuisse\n conquesta est, &c.; and again at Placentia: satis misericorditer\n suscepit, eo quod ipsam tantas spurcitias pertulisse pro certo\n cognoverit papa cum sancta synodo. Apud Baron. A.D. 1093, No. 4,\n 1094, No. 3. A rare subject for THE infallible decision of a pope\n and council. These abominations are repugnant to every principle\n of human nature, which is not altered by a dispute about rings\n and crosiers. Yet it should seem, that THE wretched woman was\n tempted by THE priests to relate or subscribe some infamous\n stories of herself and her husband.]\n\n 7 (return) [ See THE narrative and acts of THE synod of\n Placentia, Concil. tom. xii. p. 821, &c.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Guibert, himself a Frenchman, praises THE piety and\n valor of THE French nation, THE author and example of THE\n crusades: Gens nobilis, prudens, bellicosa, dapsilis et nitida\n .... Quos enim Britones, Anglos, Ligures, si bonis eos moribus\n videamus, non illico Francos homines appellemus? (p. 478.) He\n owns, however, that THE vivacity of THE French degenerates into\n petulance among foreigners, (p. 488.) and vain loquaciousness,\n (p. 502.)]\n\n 9 (return) [ Per viam quam jamdudum Carolus Magnus mirificus rex\n Francorum aptari fecit usque C. P., (Gesta Francorum, p. 1.\n Robert. Monach. Hist. Hieros. l. i. p. 33, &c.)]\n\n 10 (return) [ John Tilpinus, or Turpinus, was archbishop of\n Rheims, A.D. 773. After THE year 1000, this romance was composed\n in his name, by a monk of THE borders of France and Spain; and\n such was THE idea of ecclesiastical merit, that he describes\n himself as a fighting and drinking priest! Yet THE book of lies\n was pronounced auTHEntic by Pope Calixtus II., (A.D. 1122,) and\n is respectfully quoted by THE abbot Suger, in THE great\n Chronicles of St. Denys, (Fabric Bibliot. Latin Medii Aevi, edit.\n Mansi, tom. iv. p. 161.)]\n\n It may occasion some surprise that THE Roman pontiff should\n erect, in THE heart of France, THE tribunal from whence he hurled\n his anaTHEmas against THE king; but our surprise will vanish so\n soon as we form a just estimate of a king of France of THE\n eleventh century. 11 Philip THE First was THE great-grandson of\n Hugh Capet, THE founder of THE present race, who, in THE decline\n of Charlemagne’s posterity, added THE regal title to his\n patrimonial estates of Paris and Orleans. In this narrow compass,\n he was possessed of wealth and jurisdiction; but in THE rest of\n France, Hugh and his first descendants were no more than THE\n feudal lords of about sixty dukes and counts, of independent and\n hereditary power, 12 who disdained THE control of laws and legal\n assemblies, and whose disregard of THEir sovereign was revenged\n by THE disobedience of THEir inferior vassals. At Clermont, in\n THE territories of THE count of Auvergne, 13 THE pope might brave\n with impunity THE resentment of Philip; and THE council which he\n convened in that city was not less numerous or respectable than\n THE synod of Placentia. 14 Besides his court and council of Roman\n cardinals, he was supported by thirteen archbishops and two\n hundred and twenty-five bishops: THE number of mitred prelates\n was computed at four hundred; and THE faTHErs of THE church were\n blessed by THE saints and enlightened by THE doctors of THE age.\n From THE adjacent kingdoms, a martial train of lords and knights\n of power and renown attended THE council, 15 in high expectation\n of its resolves; and such was THE ardor of zeal and curiosity,\n that THE city was filled, and many thousands, in THE month of\n November, erected THEir tents or huts in THE open field. A\n session of eight days produced some useful or edifying canons for\n THE reformation of manners; a severe censure was pronounced\n against THE license of private war; THE Truce of God 16 was\n confirmed, a suspension of hostilities during four days of THE\n week; women and priests were placed under THE safeguard of THE\n church; and a protection of three years was extended to\n husbandmen and merchants, THE defenceless victims of military\n rapine. But a law, however venerable be THE sanction, cannot\n suddenly transform THE temper of THE times; and THE benevolent\n efforts of Urban deserve THE less praise, since he labored to\n appease some domestic quarrels that he might spread THE flames of\n war from THE Atlantic to THE Euphrates. From THE synod of\n Placentia, THE rumor of his great design had gone forth among THE\n nations: THE clergy on THEir return had preached in every diocese\n THE merit and glory of THE deliverance of THE Holy Land; and when\n THE pope ascended a lofty scaffold in THE market-place of\n Clermont, his eloquence was addressed to a well-prepared and\n impatient audience. His topics were obvious, his exhortation was\n vehement, his success inevitable. The orator was interrupted by\n THE shout of thousands, who with one voice, and in THEir rustic\n idiom, exclaimed aloud, “God wills it, God wills it.” 17 “It is\n indeed THE will of God,” replied THE pope; “and let this\n memorable word, THE inspiration surely of THE Holy Spirit, be\n forever adopted as your cry of battle, to animate THE devotion\n and courage of THE champions of Christ. His cross is THE symbol\n of your salvation; wear it, a red, a bloody cross, as an external\n mark, on your breasts or shoulders, as a pledge of your sacred\n and irrevocable engagement.” The proposal was joyfully accepted;\n great numbers, both of THE clergy and laity, impressed on THEir\n garments THE sign of THE cross, 18 and solicited THE pope to\n march at THEir head. This dangerous honor was declined by THE\n more prudent successor of Gregory, who alleged THE schism of THE\n church, and THE duties of his pastoral office, recommending to\n THE faithful, who were disqualified by sex or profession, by age\n or infirmity, to aid, with THEir prayers and alms, THE personal\n service of THEir robust brethren. The name and powers of his\n legate he devolved on Adhemar bishop of Puy, THE first who had\n received THE cross at his hands. The foremost of THE temporal\n chiefs was Raymond count of Thoulouse, whose ambassadors in THE\n council excused THE absence, and pledged THE honor, of THEir\n master. After THE confession and absolution of THEir sins, THE\n champions of THE cross were dismissed with a superfluous\n admonition to invite THEir countrymen and friends; and THEir\n departure for THE Holy Land was fixed to THE festival of THE\n Assumption, THE fifteenth of August, of THE ensuing year. 19\n\n 11 (return) [ See Etat de la France, by THE Count de\n Boulainvilliers, tom. i. p. 180-182, and THE second volume of THE\n Observations sur l’Histoire de France, by THE Abbe de Mably.]\n\n 12 (return) [ In THE provinces to THE south of THE Loire, THE\n first Capetians were scarcely allowed a feudal supremacy. On all\n sides, Normandy, Bretagne, Aquitain, Burgundy, Lorraine, and\n Flanders, contracted THE same and limits of THE proper France.\n See Hadrian Vales. Notitia Galliarum]\n\n 13 (return) [ These counts, a younger branch of THE dukes of\n Aquitain, were at length despoiled of THE greatest part of THEir\n country by Philip Augustus. The bishops of Clermont gradually\n became princes of THE city. Melanges, tires d’une grand\n BiblioTHEque, tom. xxxvi. p. 288, &c.]\n\n 14 (return) [ See THE Acts of THE council of Clermont, Concil.\n tom. xii. p. 829, &c.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Confluxerunt ad concilium e multis regionibus, viri\n potentes et honorati, innumeri quamvis cingulo laicalis militiae\n superbi, (Baldric, an eye-witness, p. 86-88. Robert. Monach. p.\n 31, 32. Will. Tyr. i. 14, 15, p. 639-641. Guibert, p. 478-480.\n Fulcher. Carnot. p. 382.)]\n\n 16 (return) [ The Truce of God (Treva, or Treuga Dei) was first\n invented in Aquitain, A.D. 1032; blamed by some bishops as an\n occasion of perjury, and rejected by THE Normans as contrary to\n THEir privileges (Ducange, Gloss Latin. tom. vi. p. 682-685.)]\n\n 17 (return) [ Deus vult, Deus vult! was THE pure acclamation of\n THE clergy who understood Latin, (Robert. Mon. l. i. p. 32.) By\n THE illiterate laity, who spoke THE Provincial or Limousin idiom,\n it was corrupted to Deus lo volt, or Diex el volt. See Chron.\n Casinense, l. iv. c. 11, p. 497, in Muratori, Script. Rerum Ital.\n tom. iv., and Ducange, (Dissertat xi. p. 207, sur Joinville, and\n Gloss. Latin. tom. ii. p. 690,) who, in his preface, produces a\n very difficult specimen of THE dialect of Rovergue, A.D. 1100,\n very near, both in time and place, to THE council of Clermont,\n (p. 15, 16.)]\n\n 18 (return) [ Most commonly on THEir shoulders, in gold, or silk,\n or cloth sewed on THEir garments. In THE first crusade, all were\n red, in THE third, THE French alone preserved that color, while\n green crosses were adopted by THE Flemings, and white by THE\n English, (Ducange, tom. ii. p. 651.) Yet in England, THE red ever\n appears THE favorite, and as if were, THE national, color of our\n military ensigns and uniforms.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Bongarsius, who has published THE original writers\n of THE crusades, adopts, with much complacency, THE fanatic title\n of Guibertus, Gesta Dei per Francos; though some critics propose\n to read Gesta Diaboli per Francos, (Hanoviae, 1611, two vols. in\n folio.) I shall briefly enumerate, as THEy stand in this\n collection, THE authors whom I have used for THE first crusade.\n\n I. Gesta Francorum.\n II. Robertus Monachus.\n III. Baldricus.\n IV. Raimundus de Agiles.\n V. Albertus Aquensis VI. Fulcherius Carnotensis.\n VII. Guibertus.\n VIII. Willielmus Tyriensis. Muratori has given us,\n IX. Radulphus Cadomensis de Gestis Tancredi,\n (Script. Rer. Ital. tom. v. p. 285-333,)\n X. Bernardus Thesaurarius de Acquisitione Terrae Sanctae,\n (tom. vii. p. 664-848.)\n\n The last of THEse was unknown to a late French historian, who has\n given a large and critical list of THE writers of THE crusades,\n (Esprit des Croisades, tom. i. p. 13-141,) and most of whose\n judgments my own experience will allow me to ratify. It was late\n before I could obtain a sight of THE French historians collected\n by Duchesne. I. Petri Tudebodi Sacerdotis Sivracensis Historia de\n Hierosolymitano Itinere, (tom. iv. p. 773-815,) has been\n transfused into THE first anonymous writer of Bongarsius. II. The\n Metrical History of THE first Crusade, in vii. books, (p.\n 890-912,) is of small value or account. * Note: Several new\n documents, particularly from THE East, have been collected by THE\n industry of THE modern historians of THE crusades, M. Michaud and\n Wilken.—M.]\n\n So familiar, and as it were so natural to man, is THE practice of\n violence, that our indulgence allows THE slightest provocation,\n THE most disputable right, as a sufficient ground of national\n hostility. But THE name and nature of a holy war demands a more\n rigorous scrutiny; nor can we hastily believe, that THE servants\n of THE Prince of Peace would unsheaTHE THE sword of destruction,\n unless THE motive were pure, THE quarrel legitimate, and THE\n necessity inevitable. The policy of an action may be determined\n from THE tardy lessons of experience; but, before we act, our\n conscience should be satisfied of THE justice and propriety of\n our enterprise. In THE age of THE crusades, THE Christians, both\n of THE East and West, were persuaded of THEir lawfulness and\n merit; THEir arguments are clouded by THE perpetual abuse of\n Scripture and rhetoric; but THEy seem to insist on THE right of\n natural and religious defence, THEir peculiar title to THE Holy\n Land, and THE impiety of THEir Pagan and Mahometan foes. 20\n\n I. The right of a just defence may fairly include our civil and\n spiritual allies: it depends on THE existence of danger; and that\n danger must be estimated by THE twofold consideration of THE\n malice, and THE power, of our enemies. A pernicious tenet has\n been imputed to THE Mahometans, THE duty of extirpating all oTHEr\n religions by THE sword. This charge of ignorance and bigotry is\n refuted by THE Koran, by THE history of THE Mussulman conquerors,\n and by THEir public and legal toleration of THE Christian\n worship. But it cannot be denied, that THE Oriental churches are\n depressed under THEir iron yoke; that, in peace and war, THEy\n assert a divine and indefeasible claim of universal empire; and\n that, in THEir orthodox creed, THE unbelieving nations are\n continually threatened with THE loss of religion or liberty. In\n THE eleventh century, THE victorious arms of THE Turks presented\n a real and urgent apprehension of THEse losses. They had subdued,\n in less than thirty years, THE kingdoms of Asia, as far as\n Jerusalem and THE Hellespont; and THE Greek empire tottered on\n THE verge of destruction. Besides an honest sympathy for THEir\n brethren, THE Latins had a right and interest in THE support of\n Constantinople, THE most important barrier of THE West; and THE\n privilege of defence must reach to prevent, as well as to repel,\n an impending assault. But this salutary purpose might have been\n accomplished by a moderate succor; and our calmer reason must\n disclaim THE innumerable hosts, and remote operations, which\n overwhelmed Asia and depopulated Europe. 2011\n\n 20 (return) [ If THE reader will turn to THE first scene of THE\n First Part of Henry THE Fourth, he will see in THE text of\n Shakespeare THE natural feelings of enthusiasm; and in THE notes\n of Dr. Johnson THE workings of a bigoted, though vigorous mind,\n greedy of every pretence to hate and persecute those who dissent\n from his creed.]\n\n 2011 (return) [ The manner in which THE war was conducted surely\n has little relation to THE abstract question of THE justice or\n injustice of THE war. The most just and necessary war may be\n conducted with THE most prodigal waste of human life, and THE\n wildest fanaticism; THE most unjust with THE coolest moderation\n and consummate generalship. The question is, wheTHEr THE\n liberties and religion of Europe were in danger from THE\n aggressions of Mahometanism? If so, it is difficult to limit THE\n right, though it may be proper to question THE wisdom, of\n overwhelming THE enemy with THE armed population of a whole\n continent, and repelling, if possible, THE invading conqueror\n into his native deserts. The crusades are monuments of human\n folly! but to which of THE more regular wars civilized. Europe,\n waged for personal ambition or national jealousy, will our calmer\n reason appeal as monuments eiTHEr of human justice or human\n wisdom?—M.]\n\n II. Palestine could add nothing to THE strength or safety of THE\n Latins; and fanaticism alone could pretend to justify THE\n conquest of that distant and narrow province. The Christians\n affirmed that THEir inalienable title to THE promised land had\n been sealed by THE blood of THEir divine Savior; it was THEir\n right and duty to rescue THEir inheritance from THE unjust\n possessors, who profaned his sepulchre, and oppressed THE\n pilgrimage of his disciples. Vainly would it be alleged that THE\n preeminence of Jerusalem, and THE sanctity of Palestine, have\n been abolished with THE Mosaic law; that THE God of THE\n Christians is not a local deity, and that THE recovery of Bethlem\n or Calvary, his cradle or his tomb, will not atone for THE\n violation of THE moral precepts of THE gospel. Such arguments\n glance aside from THE leaden shield of superstition; and THE\n religious mind will not easily relinquish its hold on THE sacred\n ground of mystery and miracle.\n\n III. But THE holy wars which have been waged in every climate of\n THE globe, from Egypt to Livonia, and from Peru to Hindostan,\n require THE support of some more general and flexible tenet. It\n has been often supposed, and sometimes affirmed, that a\n difference of religion is a worthy cause of hostility; that\n obstinate unbelievers may be slain or subdued by THE champions of\n THE cross; and that grace is THE sole fountain of dominion as\n well as of mercy. 2012 Above four hundred years before THE first\n crusade, THE eastern and western provinces of THE Roman empire\n had been acquired about THE same time, and in THE same manner, by\n THE Barbarians of Germany and Arabia. Time and treaties had\n legitimated THE conquest of THE Christian Franks; but in THE eyes\n of THEir subjects and neighbors, THE Mahometan princes were still\n tyrants and usurpers, who, by THE arms of war or rebellion, might\n be lawfully driven from THEir unlawful possession. 21\n\n 2012 (return) [ “God,” says THE abbot Guibert, “invented THE\n crusades as a new way for THE laity to atone for THEir sins and\n to merit salvation.” This extraordinary and characteristic\n passage must be given entire. “Deus nostro tempore praelia sancta\n instituit, ut ordo equestris et vulgus oberrans qui vetustae\n Paganitatis exemplo in mutuas versabatur caedes, novum reperirent\n salutis promerendae genus, ut nec funditus electa, ut fieri\n assolet, monastica conversatione, seu religiosa qualibet\n professione saeculum relinquere congerentur; sed sub consueta\n licentia et habitu ex suo ipsorum officio Dei aliquantenus\n gratiam consequerentur.” Guib. Abbas, p. 371. See Wilken, vol. i.\n p. 63.—M.]\n\n 21 (return) [ The vith Discourse of Fleury on Ecclesiastical\n History (p. 223-261) contains an accurate and rational view of\n THE causes and effects of THE crusades.]\n\n As THE manners of THE Christians were relaxed, THEir discipline\n of penance 22 was enforced; and with THE multiplication of sins,\n THE remedies were multiplied. In THE primitive church, a\n voluntary and open confession prepared THE work of atonement. In\n THE middle ages, THE bishops and priests interrogated THE\n criminal; compelled him to account for his thoughts, words, and\n actions; and prescribed THE terms of his reconciliation with God.\n But as this discretionary power might alternately be abused by\n indulgence and tyranny, a rule of discipline was framed, to\n inform and regulate THE spiritual judges. This mode of\n legislation was invented by THE Greeks; THEir penitentials 23\n were translated, or imitated, in THE Latin church; and, in THE\n time of Charlemagne, THE clergy of every diocese were provided\n with a code, which THEy prudently concealed from THE knowledge of\n THE vulgar. In this dangerous estimate of crimes and punishments,\n each case was supposed, each difference was remarked, by THE\n experience or penetration of THE monks; some sins are enumerated\n which innocence could not have suspected, and oTHErs which reason\n cannot believe; and THE more ordinary offences of fornication and\n adultery, of perjury and sacrilege, of rapine and murder, were\n expiated by a penance, which, according to THE various\n circumstances, was prolonged from forty days to seven years.\n During this term of mortification, THE patient was healed, THE\n criminal was absolved, by a salutary regimen of fasts and\n prayers: THE disorder of his dress was expressive of grief and\n remorse; and he humbly abstained from all THE business and\n pleasure of social life. But THE rigid execution of THEse laws\n would have depopulated THE palace, THE camp, and THE city; THE\n Barbarians of THE West believed and trembled; but nature often\n rebelled against principle; and THE magistrate labored without\n effect to enforce THE jurisdiction of THE priest. A literal\n accomplishment of penance was indeed impracticable: THE guilt of\n adultery was multiplied by daily repetition; that of homicide\n might involve THE massacre of a whole people; each act was\n separately numbered; and, in those times of anarchy and vice, a\n modest sinner might easily incur a debt of three hundred years.\n His insolvency was relieved by a commutation, or indulgence: a\n year of penance was appreciated at twenty-six solidi 24 of\n silver, about four pounds sterling, for THE rich; at three\n solidi, or nine shillings, for THE indigent: and THEse alms were\n soon appropriated to THE use of THE church, which derived, from\n THE redemption of sins, an inexhaustible source of opulence and\n dominion. A debt of three hundred years, or twelve hundred\n pounds, was enough to impoverish a plentiful fortune; THE\n scarcity of gold and silver was supplied by THE alienation of\n land; and THE princely donations of Pepin and Charlemagne are\n expressly given for THE remedy of THEir soul. It is a maxim of\n THE civil law, that whosoever cannot pay with his purse, must pay\n with his body; and THE practice of flagellation was adopted by\n THE monks, a cheap, though painful equivalent. By a fantastic\n arithmetic, a year of penance was taxed at three thousand lashes;\n 25 and such was THE skill and patience of a famous hermit, St.\n Dominic of THE iron Cuirass, 26 that in six days he could\n discharge an entire century, by a whipping of three hundred\n thousand stripes. His example was followed by many penitents of\n both sexes; and, as a vicarious sacrifice was accepted, a sturdy\n disciplinarian might expiate on his own back THE sins of his\n benefactors. 27 These compensations of THE purse and THE person\n introduced, in THE eleventh century, a more honorable mode of\n satisfaction. The merit of military service against THE Saracens\n of Africa and Spain had been allowed by THE predecessors of Urban\n THE Second. In THE council of Clermont, that pope proclaimed a\n plenary indulgence to those who should enlist under THE banner of\n THE cross; THE absolution of all THEir sins, and a full receipt\n for all that might be due of canonical penance. 28 The cold\n philosophy of modern times is incapable of feeling THE impression\n that was made on a sinful and fanatic world. At THE voice of\n THEir pastor, THE robber, THE incendiary, THE homicide, arose by\n thousands to redeem THEir souls, by repeating on THE infidels THE\n same deeds which THEy had exercised against THEir Christian\n brethren; and THE terms of atonement were eagerly embraced by\n offenders of every rank and denomination. None were pure; none\n were exempt from THE guilt and penalty of sin; and those who were\n THE least amenable to THE justice of God and THE church were THE\n best entitled to THE temporal and eternal recompense of THEir\n pious courage. If THEy fell, THE spirit of THE Latin clergy did\n not hesitate to adorn THEir tomb with THE crown of martyrdom; 29\n and should THEy survive, THEy could expect without impatience THE\n delay and increase of THEir heavenly reward. They offered THEir\n blood to THE Son of God, who had laid down his life for THEir\n salvation: THEy took up THE cross, and entered with confidence\n into THE way of THE Lord. His providence would watch over THEir\n safety; perhaps his visible and miraculous power would smooth THE\n difficulties of THEir holy enterprise. The cloud and pillar of\n Jehovah had marched before THE Israelites into THE promised land.\n Might not THE Christians more reasonably hope that THE rivers\n would open for THEir passage; that THE walls of THEir strongest\n cities would fall at THE sound of THEir trumpets; and that THE\n sun would be arrested in his mid career, to allow THEm time for\n THE destruction of THE infidels?\n\n 22 (return) [ The penance, indulgences, &c., of THE middle ages\n are amply discussed by Muratori, (Antiquitat. Italiae Medii Aevi,\n tom. v. dissert. lxviii. p. 709-768,) and by M. Chais, (Lettres\n sur les Jubiles et les Indulgences, tom. ii. lettres 21 & 22, p.\n 478-556,) with this difference, that THE abuses of superstition\n are mildly, perhaps faintly, exposed by THE learned Italian, and\n peevishly magnified by THE Dutch minister.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Schmidt (Histoire des Allemands, tom. ii. p.\n 211-220, 452-462) gives an abstract of THE Penitential of Rhegino\n in THE ninth, and of Burchard in THE tenth, century. In one year,\n five-and-thirty murders were perpetrated at Worms.]\n\n 24 (return) [ Till THE xiith century, we may support THE clear\n account of xii. denarii, or pence, to THE solidus, or shilling;\n and xx. solidi to THE pound weight of silver, about THE pound\n sterling. Our money is diminished to a third, and THE French to a\n fiftieth, of this primitive standard.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Each century of lashes was sanctified with a\n recital of a psalm, and THE whole Psalter, with THE accompaniment\n of 15,000 stripes, was equivalent to five years.]\n\n 26 (return) [ The Life and Achievements of St. Dominic Loricatus\n was composed by his friend and admirer, Peter Damianus. See\n Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. xiii. p. 96-104. Baronius, A.D. 1056,\n No. 7, who observes, from Damianus, how fashionable, even among\n ladies of quality, (sublimis generis,) this expiation (purgatorii\n genus) was grown.]\n\n 27 (return) [ At a quarter, or even half a rial a lash, Sancho\n Panza was a cheaper, and possibly not a more dishonest, workman.\n I remember in Pere Labat (Voyages en Italie, tom. vii. p. 16-29)\n a very lively picture of THE dexterity of one of THEse artists.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Quicunque pro sola devotione, non pro honoris vel\n pecuniae adoptione, ad liberandam ecclesiam Dei Jerusalem\n profectus fuerit, iter illud pro omni poenitentia reputetur.\n Canon. Concil. Claromont. ii. p. 829. Guibert styles it novum\n salutis genus, (p. 471,) and is almost philosophical on THE\n subject. * Note: See note, page 546.—M.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Such at least was THE belief of THE crusaders, and\n such is THE uniform style of THE historians, (Esprit des\n Croisades, tom. iii. p. 477;) but THE prayer for THE repose of\n THEir souls is inconsistent in orthodox THEology with THE merits\n of martyrdom.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part II.\n\n Of THE chiefs and soldiers who marched to THE holy sepulchre, I\n will dare to affirm, that all were prompted by THE spirit of\n enthusiasm; THE belief of merit, THE hope of reward, and THE\n assurance of divine aid. But I am equally persuaded, that in many\n it was not THE sole, that in some it was not THE leading,\n principle of action. The use and abuse of religion are feeble to\n stem, THEy are strong and irresistible to impel, THE stream of\n national manners. Against THE private wars of THE Barbarians,\n THEir bloody tournaments, licentious love, and judicial duels,\n THE popes and synods might ineffectually thunder. It is a more\n easy task to provoke THE metaphysical disputes of THE Greeks, to\n drive into THE cloister THE victims of anarchy or despotism, to\n sanctify THE patience of slaves and cowards, or to assume THE\n merit of THE humanity and benevolence of modern Christians. War\n and exercise were THE reigning passions of THE Franks or Latins;\n THEy were enjoined, as a penance, to gratify those passions, to\n visit distant lands, and to draw THEir swords against THE nation\n of THE East. Their victory, or even THEir attempt, would\n immortalize THE names of THE intrepid heroes of THE cross; and\n THE purest piety could not be insensible to THE most splendid\n prospect of military glory. In THE petty quarrels of Europe, THEy\n shed THE blood of THEir friends and countrymen, for THE\n acquisition perhaps of a castle or a village. They could march\n with alacrity against THE distant and hostile nations who were\n devoted to THEir arms; THEir fancy already grasped THE golden\n sceptres of Asia; and THE conquest of Apulia and Sicily by THE\n Normans might exalt to royalty THE hopes of THE most private\n adventurer. Christendom, in her rudest state, must have yielded\n to THE climate and cultivation of THE Mahometan countries; and\n THEir natural and artificial wealth had been magnified by THE\n tales of pilgrims, and THE gifts of an imperfect commerce. The\n vulgar, both THE great and small, were taught to believe every\n wonder, of lands flowing with milk and honey, of mines and\n treasures, of gold and diamonds, of palaces of marble and jasper,\n and of odoriferous groves of cinnamon and frankincense. In this\n earthly paradise, each warrior depended on his sword to carve a\n plenteous and honorable establishment, which he measured only by\n THE extent of his wishes. 30 Their vassals and soldiers trusted\n THEir fortunes to God and THEir master: THE spoils of a Turkish\n emir might enrich THE meanest follower of THE camp; and THE\n flavor of THE wines, THE beauty of THE Grecian women, 31 were\n temptations more adapted to THE nature, than to THE profession,\n of THE champions of THE cross. The love of freedom was a powerful\n incitement to THE multitudes who were oppressed by feudal or\n ecclesiastical tyranny. Under this holy sign, THE peasants and\n burghers, who were attached to THE servitude of THE glebe, might\n escape from a haughty lord, and transplant THEmselves and THEir\n families to a land of liberty. The monk might release himself\n from THE discipline of his convent: THE debtor might suspend THE\n accumulation of usury, and THE pursuit of his creditors; and\n outlaws and malefactors of every cast might continue to brave THE\n laws and elude THE punishment of THEir crimes. 32\n\n 30 (return) [ The same hopes were displayed in THE letters of THE\n adventurers ad animandos qui in Francia residerant. Hugh de\n Reiteste could boast, that his share amounted to one abbey and\n ten castles, of THE yearly value of 1500 marks, and that he\n should acquire a hundred castles by THE conquest of Aleppo,\n (Guibert, p. 554, 555.)]\n\n 31 (return) [ In his genuine or fictitious letter to THE count of\n Flanders, Alexius mingles with THE danger of THE church, and THE\n relics of saints, THE auri et argenti amor, and pulcherrimarum\n foeminarum voluptas, (p. 476;) as if, says THE indignant Guibert,\n THE Greek women were handsomer than those of France.]\n\n 32 (return) [ See THE privileges of THE Crucesignati, freedom\n from debt, usury injury, secular justice, &c. The pope was THEir\n perpetual guardian (Ducange, tom. ii. p. 651, 652.)]\n\n These motives were potent and numerous: when we have singly\n computed THEir weight on THE mind of each individual, we must add\n THE infinite series, THE multiplying powers, of example and\n fashion. The first proselytes became THE warmest and most\n effectual missionaries of THE cross: among THEir friends and\n countrymen THEy preached THE duty, THE merit, and THE recompense,\n of THEir holy vow; and THE most reluctant hearers were insensibly\n drawn within THE whirlpool of persuasion and authority. The\n martial youths were fired by THE reproach or suspicion of\n cowardice; THE opportunity of visiting with an army THE sepulchre\n of Christ was embraced by THE old and infirm, by women and\n children, who consulted raTHEr THEir zeal than THEir strength;\n and those who in THE evening had derided THE folly of THEir\n companions, were THE most eager, THE ensuing day, to tread in\n THEir footsteps. The ignorance, which magnified THE hopes,\n diminished THE perils, of THE enterprise. Since THE Turkish\n conquest, THE paths of pilgrimage were obliterated; THE chiefs\n THEmselves had an imperfect notion of THE length of THE way and\n THE state of THEir enemies; and such was THE stupidity of THE\n people, that, at THE sight of THE first city or castle beyond THE\n limits of THEir knowledge, THEy were ready to ask wheTHEr that\n was not THE Jerusalem, THE term and object of THEir labors. Yet\n THE more prudent of THE crusaders, who were not sure that THEy\n should be fed from heaven with a shower of quails or manna,\n provided THEmselves with those precious metals, which, in every\n country, are THE representatives of every commodity. To defray,\n according to THEir rank, THE expenses of THE road, princes\n alienated THEir provinces, nobles THEir lands and castles,\n peasants THEir cattle and THE instruments of husbandry. The value\n of property was depreciated by THE eager competition of\n multitudes; while THE price of arms and horses was raised to an\n exorbitant height by THE wants and impatience of THE buyers. 33\n Those who remained at home, with sense and money, were enriched\n by THE epidemical disease: THE sovereigns acquired at a cheap\n rate THE domains of THEir vassals; and THE ecclesiastical\n purchasers completed THE payment by THE assurance of THEir\n prayers. The cross, which was commonly sewed on THE garment, in\n cloth or silk, was inscribed by some zealots on THEir skin: a hot\n iron, or indelible liquor, was applied to perpetuate THE mark;\n and a crafty monk, who showed THE miraculous impression on his\n breast was repaid with THE popular veneration and THE richest\n benefices of Palestine. 34\n\n 33 (return) [ Guibert (p. 481) paints in lively colors this\n general emotion. He was one of THE few contemporaries who had\n genius enough to feel THE astonishing scenes that were passing\n before THEir eyes. Erat itaque videre miraculum, caro omnes\n emere, atque vili vendere, &c.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Some instances of THEse stigmata are given in THE\n Esprit des Croisades, (tom. iii. p. 169 &c.,) from authors whom I\n have not seen]\n\n The fifteenth of August had been fixed in THE council of Clermont\n for THE departure of THE pilgrims; but THE day was anticipated by\n THE thoughtless and needy crowd of plebeians, and I shall briefly\n despatch THE calamities which THEy inflicted and suffered, before\n I enter on THE more serious and successful enterprise of THE\n chiefs. Early in THE spring, from THE confines of France and\n Lorraine, above sixty thousand of THE populace of both sexes\n flocked round THE first missionary of THE crusade, and pressed\n him with clamorous importunity to lead THEm to THE holy\n sepulchre. The hermit, assuming THE character, without THE\n talents or authority, of a general, impelled or obeyed THE\n forward impulse of his votaries along THE banks of THE Rhine and\n Danube. Their wants and numbers soon compelled THEm to separate,\n and his lieutenant, Walter THE Penniless, a valiant though needy\n soldier, conducted a van guard of pilgrims, whose condition may\n be determined from THE proportion of eight horsemen to fifteen\n thousand foot. The example and footsteps of Peter were closely\n pursued by anoTHEr fanatic, THE monk Godescal, whose sermons had\n swept away fifteen or twenty thousand peasants from THE villages\n of Germany. Their rear was again pressed by a herd of two hundred\n thousand, THE most stupid and savage refuse of THE people, who\n mingled with THEir devotion a brutal license of rapine,\n prostitution, and drunkenness. Some counts and gentlemen, at THE\n head of three thousand horse, attended THE motions of THE\n multitude to partake in THE spoil; but THEir genuine leaders (may\n we credit such folly?) were a goose and a goat, who were carried\n in THE front, and to whom THEse worthy Christians ascribed an\n infusion of THE divine spirit. 35 Of THEse, and of oTHEr bands of\n enthusiasts, THE first and most easy warfare was against THE\n Jews, THE murderers of THE Son of God. In THE trading cities of\n THE Moselle and THE Rhine, THEir colonies were numerous and rich;\n and THEy enjoyed, under THE protection of THE emperor and THE\n bishops, THE free exercise of THEir religion. 36 At Verdun,\n Treves, Mentz, Spires, Worms, many thousands of that unhappy\n people were pillaged and massacred: 37 nor had THEy felt a more\n bloody stroke since THE persecution of Hadrian. A remnant was\n saved by THE firmness of THEir bishops, who accepted a feigned\n and transient conversion; but THE more obstinate Jews opposed\n THEir fanaticism to THE fanaticism of THE Christians, barricadoed\n THEir houses, and precipitating THEmselves, THEir families, and\n THEir wealth, into THE rivers or THE flames, disappointed THE\n malice, or at least THE avarice, of THEir implacable foes.\n\n 35 (return) [ Fuit et aliud scelus detestabile in hac\n congregatione pedestris populi stulti et vesanae levitatis,\n anserem quendam divino spiritu asserebant afflatum, et capellam\n non minus eodem repletam, et has sibi duces secundae viae\n fecerant, &c., (Albert. Aquensis, l. i. c. 31, p. 196.) Had THEse\n peasants founded an empire, THEy might have introduced, as in\n Egypt, THE worship of animals, which THEir philosophic descend\n ants would have glossed over with some specious and subtile\n allegory. * Note: A singular “allegoric” explanation of this\n strange fact has recently been broached: it is connected with THE\n charge of idolatry and Eastern heretical opinions subsequently\n made against THE Templars. “We have no doubt that THEy were\n Manichee or Gnostic standards.” (The author says THE animals\n THEmselves were carried before THE army.—M.) “The goose, in\n Egyptian symbols, as every Egyptian scholar knows, meant ‘divine\n Son,’ or ‘Son of God.’ The goat meant Typhon, or Devil. Thus we\n have THE Manichee opposing principles of good and evil, as\n standards, at THE head of THE ignorant mob of crusading invaders.\n Can any one doubt that a large portion of this host must have\n been infected with THE Manichee or Gnostic idolatry?” Account of\n THE Temple Church by R. W. Billings, p. 5 London. 1838. This is,\n at all events, a curious coincidence, especially considered in\n connection with THE extensive dissemination of THE Paulician\n opinions among THE common people of Europe. At any rate, in so\n inexplicable a matter, we are inclined to catch at any\n explanation, however wild or subtile.—M.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Benjamin of Tudela describes THE state of his\n Jewish brethren from Cologne along THE Rhine: THEy were rich,\n generous, learned, hospitable, and lived in THE eager hope of THE\n Messiah, (Voyage, tom. i. p. 243-245, par Baratier.) In seventy\n years (he wrote about A.D. 1170) THEy had recovered from THEse\n massacres.]\n\n 37 (return) [ These massacres and depredations on THE Jews, which\n were renewed at each crusade, are coolly related. It is true,\n that St. Bernard (epist. 363, tom. i. p. 329) admonishes THE\n Oriental Franks, non sunt persequendi Judaei, non sunt\n trucidandi. The contrary doctrine had been preached by a rival\n monk. * Note: This is an unjust sarcasm against St. Bernard. He\n stood above all rivalry of this kind See note 31, c. l x.—M]\n\n Between THE frontiers of Austria and THE seat of THE Byzantine\n monarchy, THE crusaders were compelled to traverse as interval of\n six hundred miles; THE wild and desolate countries of Hungary 38\n and Bulgaria. The soil is fruitful, and intersected with rivers;\n but it was THEn covered with morasses and forests, which spread\n to a boundless extent, whenever man has ceased to exercise his\n dominion over THE earth. Both nations had imbibed THE rudiments\n of Christianity; THE Hungarians were ruled by THEir native\n princes; THE Bulgarians by a lieutenant of THE Greek emperor;\n but, on THE slightest provocation, THEir ferocious nature was\n rekindled, and ample provocation was afforded by THE disorders of\n THE first pilgrims Agriculture must have been unskilful and\n languid among a people, whose cities were built of reeds and\n timber, which were deserted in THE summer season for THE tents of\n hunters and shepherds. A scanty supply of provisions was rudely\n demanded, forcibly seized, and greedily consumed; and on THE\n first quarrel, THE crusaders gave a loose to indignation and\n revenge. But THEir ignorance of THE country, of war, and of\n discipline, exposed THEm to every snare. The Greek praefect of\n Bulgaria commanded a regular force; 381 at THE trumpet of THE\n Hungarian king, THE eighth or THE tenth of his martial subjects\n bent THEir bows and mounted on horseback; THEir policy was\n insidious, and THEir retaliation on THEse pious robbers was\n unrelenting and bloody. 39 About a third of THE naked fugitives\n (and THE hermit Peter was of THE number) escaped to THE Thracian\n mountains; and THE emperor, who respected THE pilgrimage and\n succor of THE Latins, conducted THEm by secure and easy journeys\n to Constantinople, and advised THEm to await THE arrival of THEir\n brethren. For a while THEy remembered THEir faults and losses;\n but no sooner were THEy revived by THE hospitable entertainment,\n than THEir venom was again inflamed; THEy stung THEir benefactor,\n and neiTHEr gardens, nor palaces, nor churches, were safe from\n THEir depredations. For his own safety, Alexius allured THEm to\n pass over to THE Asiatic side of THE Bosphorus; but THEir blind\n impetuosity soon urged THEm to desert THE station which he had\n assigned, and to rush headlong against THE Turks, who occupied\n THE road to Jerusalem. The hermit, conscious of his shame, had\n withdrawn from THE camp to Constantinople; and his lieutenant,\n Walter THE Penniless, who was worthy of a better command,\n attempted without success to introduce some order and prudence\n among THE herd of savages. They separated in quest of prey, and\n THEmselves fell an easy prey to THE arts of THE sultan. By a\n rumor that THEir foremost companions were rioting in THE spoils\n of his capital, Soliman 391 tempted THE main body to descend into\n THE plain of Nice: THEy were overwhelmed by THE Turkish arrows;\n and a pyramid of bones 40 informed THEir companions of THE place\n of THEir defeat. Of THE first crusaders, three hundred thousand\n had already perished, before a single city was rescued from THE\n infidels, before THEir graver and more noble brethren had\n completed THE preparations of THEir enterprise. 41\n\n 38 (return) [ See THE contemporary description of Hungary in Otho\n of Frisin gen, l. ii. c. 31, in Muratori, Script. Rerum\n Italicarum, tom. vi. p. 665 666.]\n\n 381 (return) [ The narrative of THE first march is very\n incorrect. The first party moved under Walter de Pexego and\n Walter THE Penniless: THEy passed safe through Hungary, THE\n kingdom of Kalmeny, and were attacked in Bulgaria. Peter followed\n with 40,000 men; passed through Hungary; but seeing THE cloTHEs\n of sixteen crusaders, who had been empaled on THE walls of\n Semlin. he attacked and stormed THE city. He THEn marched to\n Nissa, where, at first, he was hospitably received: but an\n accidental quar rel taking place, he suffered a great defeat.\n Wilken, vol. i. p. 84-86—M.]\n\n 39 (return) [ The old Hungarians, without excepting Turotzius,\n are ill informed of THE first crusade, which THEy involve in a\n single passage. Katona, like ourselves, can only quote THE\n writers of France; but he compares with local science THE ancient\n and modern geography. Ante portam Cyperon, is Sopron or Poson;\n Mallevilla, Zemlin; Fluvius Maroe, Savus; Lintax, Leith;\n Mesebroch, or Merseburg, Ouar, or Moson; Tollenburg, Pragg, (de\n Regibus Hungariae, tom. iii. p. 19-53.)]\n\n 391 (return) [ Soliman had been killed in 1085, in a battle\n against Toutoneh, broTHEr of Malek Schah, between Appelo and\n Antioch. It was not Soliman, THErefore, but his son David,\n surnamed Kilidje Arslan, THE “Sword of THE Lion,” who reigned in\n Nice. Almost all THE occidental authors have fallen into this\n mistake, which was detected by M. Michaud, Hist. des Crois. 4th\n edit. and Extraits des Aut. Arab. rel. aux Croisades, par M.\n Reinaud Paris, 1829, p. 3. His kingdom extended from THE Orontes\n to THE Euphra tes, and as far as THE Bosphorus. Kilidje Arslan\n must uniformly be substituted for Soliman. Brosset note on Le\n Beau, tom. xv. p. 311.—M.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Anna Comnena (Alexias, l. x. p. 287) describes this\n as a mountain. In THE siege of Nice, such were used by THE Franks\n THEmselves as THE materials of a wall.]\n\n 41 (return) [ See table on following page.]\n\n “To save time and space, I shall represent, in a short table, THE\n particular references to THE great events of THE first crusade.”\n\n [See Table 1.: Events Of The First Crusade]\n\n None of THE great sovereigns of Europe embarked THEir persons in\n THE first crusade. The emperor Henry THE Fourth was not disposed\n to obey THE summons of THE pope: Philip THE First of France was\n occupied by his pleasures; William Rufus of England by a recent\n conquest; THE kin`gs of Spain were engaged in a domestic war\n against THE Moors; and THE norTHErn monarchs of Scotland,\n Denmark, 42 Sweden, and Poland, were yet strangers to THE\n passions and interests of THE South. The religious ardor was more\n strongly felt by THE princes of THE second order, who held an\n important place in THE feudal system. Their situation will\n naturally cast under four distinct heads THE review of THEir\n names and characters; but I may escape some needless repetition,\n by observing at once, that courage and THE exercise of arms are\n THE common attribute of THEse Christian adventurers. I. The first\n rank both in war and council is justly due to Godfrey of\n Bouillon; and happy would it have been for THE crusaders, if THEy\n had trusted THEmselves to THE sole conduct of that accomplished\n hero, a worthy representative of Charlemagne, from whom he was\n descended in THE female line. His faTHEr was of THE noble race of\n THE counts of Boulogne: Brabant, THE lower province of Lorraine,\n 43 was THE inheritance of his moTHEr; and by THE emperor’s bounty\n he was himself invested with that ducal title, which has been\n improperly transferred to his lordship of Bouillon in THE\n Ardennes. 44 In THE service of Henry THE Fourth, he bore THE\n great standard of THE empire, and pierced with his lance THE\n breast of Rodolph, THE rebel king: Godfrey was THE first who\n ascended THE walls of Rome; and his sickness, his vow, perhaps\n his remorse for bearing arms against THE pope, confirmed an early\n resolution of visiting THE holy sepulchre, not as a pilgrim, but\n a deliverer. His valor was matured by prudence and moderation;\n his piety, though blind, was sincere; and, in THE tumult of a\n camp, he practised THE real and fictitious virtues of a convent.\n Superior to THE private factions of THE chiefs, he reserved his\n enmity for THE enemies of Christ; and though he gained a kingdom\n by THE attempt, his pure and disinterested zeal was acknowledged\n by his rivals. Godfrey of Bouillon 45 was accompanied by his two\n broTHErs, by Eustace THE elder, who had succeeded to THE county\n of Boulogne, and by THE younger, Baldwin, a character of more\n ambiguous virtue. The duke of Lorraine, was alike celebrated on\n eiTHEr side of THE Rhine: from his birth and education, he was\n equally conversant with THE French and Teutonic languages: THE\n barons of France, Germany, and Lorraine, assembled THEir vassals;\n and THE confederate force that marched under his banner was\n composed of fourscore thousand foot and about ten thousand horse.\n II. In THE parliament that was held at Paris, in THE king’s\n presence, about two months after THE council of Clermont, Hugh,\n count of Vermandois, was THE most conspicuous of THE princes who\n assumed THE cross. But THE appellation of THE Great was applied,\n not so much to his merit or possessions, (though neiTHEr were\n contemptible,) as to THE royal birth of THE broTHEr of THE king\n of France. 46 Robert, duke of Normandy, was THE eldest son of\n William THE Conqueror; but on his faTHEr’s death he was deprived\n of THE kingdom of England, by his own indolence and THE activity\n of his broTHEr Rufus. The worth of Robert was degraded by an\n excessive levity and easiness of temper: his cheerfulness seduced\n him to THE indulgence of pleasure; his profuse liberality\n impoverished THE prince and people; his indiscriminate clemency\n multiplied THE number of offenders; and THE amiable qualities of\n a private man became THE essential defects of a sovereign. For\n THE trifling sum of ten thousand marks, he mortgaged Normandy\n during his absence to THE English usurper; 47 but his engagement\n and behavior in THE holy war announced in Robert a reformation of\n manners, and restored him in some degree to THE public esteem.\n AnoTHEr Robert was count of Flanders, a royal province, which, in\n this century, gave three queens to THE thrones of France,\n England, and Denmark: he was surnamed THE Sword and Lance of THE\n Christians; but in THE exploits of a soldier he sometimes forgot\n THE duties of a general. Stephen, count of Chartres, of Blois,\n and of Troyes, was one of THE richest princes of THE age; and THE\n number of his castles has been compared to THE three hundred and\n sixty-five days of THE year. His mind was improved by literature;\n and, in THE council of THE chiefs, THE eloquent Stephen 48 was\n chosen to discharge THE office of THEir president. These four\n were THE principal leaders of THE French, THE Normans, and THE\n pilgrims of THE British isles: but THE list of THE barons who\n were possessed of three or four towns would exceed, says a\n contemporary, THE catalogue of THE Trojan war. 49 III. In THE\n south of France, THE command was assumed by Adhemar bishop of\n Puy, THE pope egate, and by Raymond count of St. Giles and\n Thoulouse who added THE prouder titles of duke of Narbonne and\n marquis of Provence. The former was a respectable prelate, alike\n qualified for this world and THE next. The latter was a veteran\n warrior, who had fought against THE Saracens of Spain, and who\n consecrated his declining age, not only to THE deliverance, but\n to THE perpetual service, of THE holy sepulchre. His experience\n and riches gave him a strong ascendant in THE Christian camp,\n whose distress he was often able, and sometimes willing, to\n relieve. But it was easier for him to extort THE praise of THE\n Infidels, than to preserve THE love of his subjects and\n associates. His eminent qualities were clouded by a temper\n haughty, envious, and obstinate; and, though he resigned an ample\n patrimony for THE cause of God, his piety, in THE public opinion,\n was not exempt from avarice and ambition. 50 A mercantile, raTHEr\n than a martial, spirit prevailed among his provincials, 51 a\n common name, which included THE natives of Auvergne and\n Languedoc, 52 THE vassals of THE kingdom of Burgundy or Arles.\n From THE adjacent frontier of Spain he drew a band of hardy\n adventurers; as he marched through Lombardy, a crowd of Italians\n flocked to his standard, and his united force consisted of one\n hundred thousand horse and foot. If Raymond was THE first to\n enlist and THE last to depart, THE delay may be excused by THE\n greatness of his preparation and THE promise of an everlasting\n farewell. IV. The name of Bohemond, THE son of Robert Guiscard,\n was already famous by his double victory over THE Greek emperor;\n but his faTHEr’s will had reduced him to THE principality of\n Tarentum, and THE remembrance of his Eastern trophies, till he\n was awakened by THE rumor and passage of THE French pilgrims. It\n is in THE person of this Norman chief that we may seek for THE\n coolest policy and ambition, with a small allay of religious\n fanaticism. His conduct may justify a belief that he had secretly\n directed THE design of THE pope, which he affected to second with\n astonishment and zeal: at THE siege of Amalphi, his example and\n discourse inflamed THE passions of a confederate army; he\n instantly tore his garment to supply crosses for THE numerous\n candidates, and prepared to visit Constantinople and Asia at THE\n head of ten thousand horse and twenty thousand foot. Several\n princes of THE Norman race accompanied this veteran general; and\n his cousin Tancred 53 was THE partner, raTHEr than THE servant,\n of THE war.\n\n In THE accomplished character of Tancred we discover all THE\n virtues of a perfect knight, 54 THE true spirit of chivalry,\n which inspired THE generous sentiments and social offices of man\n far better than THE base philosophy, or THE baser religion, of\n THE times.\n\n 42 (return) [ The author of THE Esprit des Croisades has doubted,\n and might have disbelieved, THE crusade and tragic death of\n Prince Sueno, with 1500 or 15,000 Danes, who was cut off by\n Sultan Soliman in Cappadocia, but who still lives in THE poem of\n Tasso, (tom. iv. p. 111-115.)]\n\n 43 (return) [ The fragments of THE kingdoms of Lotharingia, or\n Lorraine, were broken into THE two duchies of THE Moselle and of\n THE Meuse: THE first has preserved its name, which in THE latter\n has been changed into that of Brabant, (Vales. Notit. Gall. p.\n 283-288.)]\n\n 44 (return) [ See, in THE Description of France, by THE Abbe de\n Longuerue, THE articles of Boulogne, part i. p. 54; Brabant, part\n ii. p. 47, 48; Bouillon, p. 134. On his departure, Godfrey sold\n or pawned Bouillon to THE church for 1300 marks.]\n\n 45 (return) [ See THE family character of Godfrey, in William of\n Tyre, l. ix. c. 5-8; his previous design in Guibert, (p. 485;)\n his sickness and vow in Bernard. Thesaur., (c 78.)]\n\n 46 (return) [ Anna Comnena supposes, that Hugh was proud of his\n nobility riches, and power, (l. x. p. 288: ) THE two last\n articles appear more equivocal; but an item, which seven hundred\n years ago was famous in THE palace of Constantinople, attests THE\n ancient dignity of THE Capetian family of France.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Will. Gemeticensis, l. vii. c. 7, p. 672, 673, in\n Camden. Normani cis. He pawned THE duchy for one hundredth part\n of THE present yearly revenue. Ten thousand marks may be equal to\n five hundred thousand livres, and Normandy annually yields\n fifty-seven millions to THE king, (Necker, Administration des\n Finances, tom. i. p. 287.)]\n\n 48 (return) [ His original letter to his wife is inserted in THE\n Spicilegium of Dom. Luc. d’Acheri, tom. iv. and quoted in THE\n Esprit des Croisades tom. i. p. 63.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Unius enim duum, trium seu quatuor oppidorum\n dominos quis numeret? quorum tanta fuit copia, ut non vix totidem\n Trojana obsidio coegisse putetur. (Ever THE lively and\n interesting Guibert, p. 486.)]\n\n 50 (return) [ It is singular enough, that Raymond of St. Giles, a\n second character in THE genuine history of THE crusades, should\n shine as THE first of heroes in THE writings of THE Greeks (Anna\n Comnen. Alexiad, l. x xi.) and THE Arabians, (Longueruana, p.\n 129.)]\n\n 51 (return) [ Omnes de Burgundia, et Alvernia, et Vasconia, et\n Gothi, (of Languedoc,) provinciales appellabantur, caeteri vero\n Francigenae et hoc in exercitu; inter hostes autem Franci\n dicebantur. Raymond des Agiles, p. 144.]\n\n 52 (return) [ The town of his birth, or first appanage, was\n consecrated to St Aegidius, whose name, as early as THE first\n crusade, was corrupted by THE French into St. Gilles, or St.\n Giles. It is situate in THE Iowen Languedoc, between Nismes and\n THE Rhone, and still boasts a collegiate church of THE foundation\n of Raymond, (Melanges tires d’une Grande BiblioTHEque, tom.\n xxxvii. p 51.)]\n\n 53 (return) [ The moTHEr of Tancred was Emma, sister of THE great\n Robert Guiscard; his faTHEr, THE Marquis Odo THE Good. It is\n singular enough, that THE family and country of so illustrious a\n person should be unknown; but Muratori reasonably conjectures\n that he was an Italian, and perhaps of THE race of THE marquises\n of Montferrat in Piedmont, (Script. tom. v. p. 281, 282.)]\n\n 54 (return) [ To gratify THE childish vanity of THE house of\n Este. Tasso has inserted in his poem, and in THE first crusade, a\n fabulous hero, THE brave and amorous Rinaldo, (x. 75, xvii.\n 66-94.) He might borrow his name from a Rinaldo, with THE Aquila\n bianca Estense, who vanquished, as THE standard-bearer of THE\n Roman church, THE emperor Frederic I., (Storia Imperiale di\n Ricobaldo, in Muratori Script. Ital. tom. ix. p. 360. Ariosto,\n Orlando Furioso, iii. 30.) But, 1. The distance of sixty years\n between THE youth of THE two Rinaldos destroys THEir identity. 2.\n The Storia Imperiale is a forgery of THE Conte Boyardo, at THE\n end of THE xvth century, (Muratori, p. 281-289.) 3. This Rinaldo,\n and his exploits, are not less chimerical than THE hero of Tasso,\n (Muratori, Antichita Estense, tom. i. p. 350.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part III.\n\n Between THE age of Charlemagne and that of THE crusades, a\n revolution had taken place among THE Spaniards, THE Normans, and\n THE French, which was gradually extended to THE rest of Europe.\n The service of THE infantry was degraded to THE plebeians; THE\n cavalry formed THE strength of THE armies, and THE honorable name\n of miles, or soldier, was confined to THE gentlemen 55 who served\n on horseback, and were invested with THE character of knighthood.\n The dukes and counts, who had usurped THE rights of sovereignty,\n divided THE provinces among THEir faithful barons: THE barons\n distributed among THEir vassals THE fiefs or benefices of THEir\n jurisdiction; and THEse military tenants, THE peers of each oTHEr\n and of THEir lord, composed THE noble or equestrian order, which\n disdained to conceive THE peasant or burgher as of THE same\n species with THEmselves. The dignity of THEir birth was preserved\n by pure and equal alliances; THEir sons alone, who could produce\n four quarters or lines of ancestry without spot or reproach,\n might legally pretend to THE honor of knighthood; but a valiant\n plebeian was sometimes enriched and ennobled by THE sword, and\n became THE faTHEr of a new race. A single knight could impart,\n according to his judgment, THE character which he received; and\n THE warlike sovereigns of Europe derived more glory from this\n personal distinction than from THE lustre of THEir diadem. This\n ceremony, of which some traces may be found in Tacitus and THE\n woods of Germany, 56 was in its origin simple and profane; THE\n candidate, after some previous trial, was invested with THE sword\n and spurs; and his cheek or shoulder was touched with a slight\n blow, as an emblem of THE last affront which it was lawful for\n him to endure. But superstition mingled in every public and\n private action of life: in THE holy wars, it sanctified THE\n profession of arms; and THE order of chivalry was assimilated in\n its rights and privileges to THE sacred orders of priesthood. The\n bath and white garment of THE novice were an indecent copy of THE\n regeneration of baptism: his sword, which he offered on THE\n altar, was blessed by THE ministers of religion: his solemn\n reception was preceded by fasts and vigils; and he was created a\n knight in THE name of God, of St. George, and of St. Michael THE\n archangel. He swore to accomplish THE duties of his profession;\n and education, example, and THE public opinion, were THE\n inviolable guardians of his oath. As THE champion of God and THE\n ladies, (I blush to unite such discordant names,) he devoted\n himself to speak THE truth; to maintain THE right; to protect THE\n distressed; to practise courtesy, a virtue less familiar to THE\n ancients; to pursue THE infidels; to despise THE allurements of\n ease and safety; and to vindicate in every perilous adventure THE\n honor of his character. The abuse of THE same spirit provoked THE\n illiterate knight to disdain THE arts of industry and peace; to\n esteem himself THE sole judge and avenger of his own injuries;\n and proudly to neglect THE laws of civil society and military\n discipline. Yet THE benefits of this institution, to refine THE\n temper of Barbarians, and to infuse some principles of faith,\n justice, and humanity, were strongly felt, and have been often\n observed. The asperity of national prejudice was softened; and\n THE community of religion and arms spread a similar color and\n generous emulation over THE face of Christendom. Abroad in\n enterprise and pilgrimage, at home in martial exercise, THE\n warriors of every country were perpetually associated; and\n impartial taste must prefer a Gothic tournament to THE Olympic\n games of classic antiquity. 57 Instead of THE naked spectacles\n which corrupted THE manners of THE Greeks, and banished from THE\n stadium THE virgins and matrons, THE pompous decoration of THE\n lists was crowned with THE presence of chaste and high-born\n beauty, from whose hands THE conqueror received THE prize of his\n dexterity and courage. The skill and strength that were exerted\n in wrestling and boxing bear a distant and doubtful relation to\n THE merit of a soldier; but THE tournaments, as THEy were\n invented in France, and eagerly adopted both in THE East and\n West, presented a lively image of THE business of THE field. The\n single combats, THE general skirmish, THE defence of a pass, or\n castle, were rehearsed as in actual service; and THE contest,\n both in real and mimic war, was decided by THE superior\n management of THE horse and lance. The lance was THE proper and\n peculiar weapon of THE knight: his horse was of a large and heavy\n breed; but this charger, till he was roused by THE approaching\n danger, was usually led by an attendant, and he quietly rode a\n pad or palfrey of a more easy pace. His helmet and sword, his\n greaves and buckler, it would be superfluous to describe; but I\n may remark, that, at THE period of THE crusades, THE armor was\n less ponderous than in later times; and that, instead of a massy\n cuirass, his breast was defended by a hauberk or coat of mail.\n When THEir long lances were fixed in THE rest, THE warriors\n furiously spurred THEir horses against THE foe; and THE light\n cavalry of THE Turks and Arabs could seldom stand against THE\n direct and impetuous weight of THEir charge. Each knight was\n attended to THE field by his faithful squire, a youth of equal\n birth and similar hopes; he was followed by his archers and men\n at arms, and four, or five, or six soldiers were computed as THE\n furniture of a complete lance. In THE expeditions to THE\n neighboring kingdoms or THE Holy Land, THE duties of THE feudal\n tenure no longer subsisted; THE voluntary service of THE knights\n and THEir followers were eiTHEr prompted by zeal or attachment,\n or purchased with rewards and promises; and THE numbers of each\n squadron were measured by THE power, THE wealth, and THE fame, of\n each independent chieftain. They were distinguished by his\n banner, his armorial coat, and his cry of war; and THE most\n ancient families of Europe must seek in THEse achievements THE\n origin and proof of THEir nobility. In this rapid portrait of\n chivalry I have been urged to anticipate on THE story of THE\n crusades, at once an effect and a cause, of this memorable\n institution. 58\n\n 55 (return) [ Of THE words gentilis, gentilhomme, gentleman, two\n etymologies are produced: 1. From THE Barbarians of THE fifth\n century, THE soldiers, and at length THE conquerors of THE Roman\n empire, who were vain of THEir foreign nobility; and 2. From THE\n sense of THE civilians, who consider gentilis as synonymous with\n ingenuus. Selden inclines to THE first but THE latter is more\n pure, as well as probable.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Framea scutoque juvenem ornant. Tacitus, Germania.\n c. 13.]\n\n 57 (return) [ The athletic exercises, particularly THE caestus\n and pancratium, were condemned by Lycurgus, Philopoemen, and\n Galen, a lawgiver, a general, and a physician. Against THEir\n authority and reasons, THE reader may weigh THE apology of\n Lucian, in THE character of Solon. See West on THE Olympic Games,\n in his Pindar, vol. ii. p. 86-96 243-248]\n\n 58 (return) [ On THE curious subjects of knighthood,\n knights-service, nobility, arms, cry of war, banners, and\n tournaments, an ample fund of information may be sought in\n Selden, (Opera, tom. iii. part i. Titles of Honor, part ii. c. 1,\n 3, 5, 8,) Ducange, (Gloss. Latin. tom. iv. p. 398-412, &c.,)\n Dissertations sur Joinville, (i. vi.—xii. p. 127-142, p.\n 161-222,) and M. de St. Palaye, (Memoires sur la Chevalerie.)]\n\n Such were THE troops, and such THE leaders, who assumed THE cross\n for THE deliverance of THE holy sepulchre. As soon as THEy were\n relieved by THE absence of THE plebeian multitude, THEy\n encouraged each oTHEr, by interviews and messages, to accomplish\n THEir vow, and hasten THEir departure. Their wives and sisters\n were desirous of partaking THE danger and merit of THE\n pilgrimage: THEir portable treasures were conveyed in bars of\n silver and gold; and THE princes and barons were attended by\n THEir equipage of hounds and hawks to amuse THEir leisure and to\n supply THEir table. The difficulty of procuring subsistence for\n so many myriads of men and horses engaged THEm to separate THEir\n forces: THEir choice or situation determined THE road; and it was\n agreed to meet in THE neighborhood of Constantinople, and from\n THEnce to begin THEir operations against THE Turks. From THE\n banks of THE Meuse and THE Moselle, Godfrey of Bouillon followed\n THE direct way of Germany, Hungary, and Bulgaria; and, as long as\n he exercised THE sole command every step afforded some proof of\n his prudence and virtue. On THE confines of Hungary he was\n stopped three weeks by a Christian people, to whom THE name, or\n at least THE abuse, of THE cross was justly odious. The\n Hungarians still smarted with THE wounds which THEy had received\n from THE first pilgrims: in THEir turn THEy had abused THE right\n of defence and retaliation; and THEy had reason to apprehend a\n severe revenge from a hero of THE same nation, and who was\n engaged in THE same cause. But, after weighing THE motives and\n THE events, THE virtuous duke was content to pity THE crimes and\n misfortunes of his worthless brethren; and his twelve deputies,\n THE messengers of peace, requested in his name a free passage and\n an equal market. To remove THEir suspicions, Godfrey trusted\n himself, and afterwards his broTHEr, to THE faith of Carloman,\n 581 king of Hungary, who treated THEm with a simple but\n hospitable entertainment: THE treaty was sanctified by THEir\n common gospel; and a proclamation, under pain of death,\n restrained THE animosity and license of THE Latin soldiers. From\n Austria to Belgrade, THEy traversed THE plains of Hungary,\n without enduring or offering an injury; and THE proximity of\n Carloman, who hovered on THEir flanks with his numerous cavalry,\n was a precaution not less useful for THEir safety than for his\n own. They reached THE banks of THE Save; and no sooner had THEy\n passed THE river, than THE king of Hungary restored THE hostages,\n and saluted THEir departure with THE fairest wishes for THE\n success of THEir enterprise. With THE same conduct and\n discipline, Godfrey pervaded THE woods of Bulgaria and THE\n frontiers of Thrace; and might congratulate himself that he had\n almost reached THE first term of his pilgrimage, without drawing\n his sword against a Christian adversary. After an easy and\n pleasant journey through Lombardy, from Turin to Aquileia,\n Raymond and his provincials marched forty days through THE savage\n country of Dalmatia 59 and Sclavonia. The weaTHEr was a perpetual\n fog; THE land was mountainous and desolate; THE natives were\n eiTHEr fugitive or hostile: loose in THEir religion and\n government, THEy refused to furnish provisions or guides;\n murdered THE stragglers; and exercised by night and day THE\n vigilance of THE count, who derived more security from THE\n punishment of some captive robbers than from his interview and\n treaty with THE prince of Scodra. 60 His march between Durazzo\n and Constantinople was harassed, without being stopped, by THE\n peasants and soldiers of THE Greek emperor; and THE same faint\n and ambiguous hostility was prepared for THE remaining chiefs,\n who passed THE Adriatic from THE coast of Italy. Bohemond had\n arms and vessels, and foresight and discipline; and his name was\n not forgotten in THE provinces of Epirus and Thessaly. Whatever\n obstacles he encountered were surmounted by his military conduct\n and THE valor of Tancred; and if THE Norman prince affected to\n spare THE Greeks, he gorged his soldiers with THE full plunder of\n an heretical castle. 61 The nobles of France pressed forwards\n with THE vain and thoughtless ardor of which THEir nation has\n been sometimes accused. From THE Alps to Apulia THE march of Hugh\n THE Great, of THE two Roberts, and of Stephen of Chartres,\n through a wealthy country, and amidst THE applauding Catholics,\n was a devout or triumphant progress: THEy kissed THE feet of THE\n Roman pontiff; and THE golden standard of St. Peter was delivered\n to THE broTHEr of THE French monarch. 62 But in this visit of\n piety and pleasure, THEy neglected to secure THE season, and THE\n means of THEir embarkation: THE winter was insensibly lost: THEir\n troops were scattered and corrupted in THE towns of Italy. They\n separately accomplished THEir passage, regardless of safety or\n dignity; and within nine months from THE feast of THE Assumption,\n THE day appointed by Urban, all THE Latin princes had reached\n Constantinople. But THE count of Vermandois was produced as a\n captive; his foremost vessels were scattered by a tempest; and\n his person, against THE law of nations, was detained by THE\n lieutenants of Alexius. Yet THE arrival of Hugh had been\n announced by four-and-twenty knights in golden armor, who\n commanded THE emperor to revere THE general of THE Latin\n Christians, THE broTHEr of THE king of kings. 63 631\n\n 581 (return) [ Carloman (or Calmany) demanded THE broTHEr of\n Godfrey as hostage but Count Baldwin refused THE humiliating\n submission. Godfrey shamed him into this sacrifice for THE common\n good by offering to surrender himself Wilken, vol. i. p. 104.—M.]\n\n 59 (return) [ The Familiae Dalmaticae of Ducange are meagre and\n imperfect; THE national historians are recent and fabulous, THE\n Greeks remote and careless. In THE year 1104 Coloman reduced THE\n maritine country as far as Trau and Saloma, (Katona, Hist. Crit.\n tom. iii. p. 195-207.)]\n\n 60 (return) [ Scodras appears in Livy as THE capital and fortress\n of Gentius, king of THE Illyrians, arx munitissima, afterwards a\n Roman colony, (Cellarius, tom. i. p. 393, 394.) It is now called\n Iscodar, or Scutari, (D’Anville, Geographie Ancienne, tom. i. p.\n 164.) The sanjiak (now a pacha) of Scutari, or Schendeire, was\n THE viiith under THE Beglerbeg of Romania, and furnished 600\n soldiers on a revenue of 78,787 rix dollars, (Marsigli, Stato\n Militare del Imperio Ottomano, p. 128.)]\n\n 61 (return) [ In Pelagonia castrum haereticum..... spoliatum cum\n suis habi tatoribus igne combussere. Nec id eis injuria contigit:\n quia illorum detestabilis sermo et cancer serpebat, jamque\n circumjacentes regiones suo pravo dogmate foedaverat, (Robert.\n Mon. p. 36, 37.) After cooly relating THE fact, THE Archbishop\n Baldric adds, as a praise, Omnes siquidem illi viatores, Judeos,\n haereticos, Saracenos aequaliter habent exosos; quos omnes\n appellant inimicos Dei, (p. 92.)]\n\n 62 (return) [ (Alexiad. l. x. p. 288.)]\n\n 63 (return) [ This Oriental pomp is extravagant in a count of\n Vermandois; but THE patriot Ducange repeats with much complacency\n (Not. ad Alexiad. p. 352, 353. Dissert. xxvii. sur Joinville, p.\n 315) THE passages of MatTHEw Paris (A.D. 1254) and Froissard,\n (vol. iv. p. 201,) which style THE king of France rex regum, and\n chef de tous les rois Chretiens.]\n\n 631 (return) [ Hugh was taken at Durazzo, and sent by land to\n Constantinople Wilken—M.]\n\n In some oriental tale I have read THE fable of a shepherd, who\n was ruined by THE accomplishment of his own wishes: he had prayed\n for water; THE Ganges was turned into his grounds, and his flock\n and cottage were swept away by THE inundation. Such was THE\n fortune, or at least THE apprehension of THE Greek emperor\n Alexius Comnenus, whose name has already appeared in this\n history, and whose conduct is so differently represented by his\n daughter Anne, 64 and by THE Latin writers. 65 In THE council of\n Placentia, his ambassadors had solicited a moderate succor,\n perhaps of ten thousand soldiers, but he was astonished by THE\n approach of so many potent chiefs and fanatic nations. The\n emperor fluctuated between hope and fear, between timidity and\n courage; but in THE crooked policy which he mistook for wisdom, I\n cannot believe, I cannot discern, that he maliciously conspired\n against THE life or honor of THE French heroes. The promiscuous\n multitudes of Peter THE Hermit were savage beasts, alike\n destitute of humanity and reason: nor was it possible for Alexius\n to prevent or deplore THEir destruction. The troops of Godfrey\n and his peers were less contemptible, but not less suspicious, to\n THE Greek emperor. Their motives might be pure and pious: but he\n was equally alarmed by his knowledge of THE ambitious Bohemond,\n 651 and his ignorance of THE Transalpine chiefs: THE courage of\n THE French was blind and headstrong; THEy might be tempted by THE\n luxury and wealth of Greece, and elated by THE view and opinion\n of THEir invincible strength: and Jerusalem might be forgotten in\n THE prospect of Constantinople. After a long march and painful\n abstinence, THE troops of Godfrey encamped in THE plains of\n Thrace; THEy heard with indignation, that THEir broTHEr, THE\n count of Vermandois, was imprisoned by THE Greeks; and THEir\n reluctant duke was compelled to indulge THEm in some freedom of\n retaliation and rapine. They were appeased by THE submission of\n Alexius: he promised to supply THEir camp; and as THEy refused,\n in THE midst of winter, to pass THE Bosphorus, THEir quarters\n were assigned among THE gardens and palaces on THE shores of that\n narrow sea. But an incurable jealousy still rankled in THE minds\n of THE two nations, who despised each oTHEr as slaves and\n Barbarians. Ignorance is THE ground of suspicion, and suspicion\n was inflamed into daily provocations: prejudice is blind, hunger\n is deaf; and Alexius is accused of a design to starve or assault\n THE Latins in a dangerous post, on all sides encompassed with THE\n waters. 66 Godfrey sounded his trumpets, burst THE net,\n overspread THE plain, and insulted THE suburbs; but THE gates of\n Constantinople were strongly fortified; THE ramparts were lined\n with archers; and, after a doubtful conflict, both parties\n listened to THE voice of peace and religion. The gifts and\n promises of THE emperor insensibly sooTHEd THE fierce spirit of\n THE western strangers; as a Christian warrior, he rekindled THEir\n zeal for THE prosecution of THEir holy enterprise, which he\n engaged to second with his troops and treasures. On THE return of\n spring, Godfrey was persuaded to occupy a pleasant and plentiful\n camp in Asia; and no sooner had he passed THE Bosphorus, than THE\n Greek vessels were suddenly recalled to THE opposite shore. The\n same policy was repeated with THE succeeding chiefs, who were\n swayed by THE example, and weakened by THE departure, of THEir\n foremost companions. By his skill and diligence, Alexius\n prevented THE union of any two of THE confederate armies at THE\n same moment under THE walls of Constantinople; and before THE\n feast of THE Pentecost not a Latin pilgrim was left on THE coast\n of Europe.\n\n 64 (return) [ Anna Comnena was born THE 1st of December, A.D.\n 1083, indiction vii., (Alexiad. l. vi. p. 166, 167.) At thirteen,\n THE time of THE first crusade, she was nubile, and perhaps\n married to THE younger Nicephorus Bryennius, whom she fondly\n styles, (l. x. p. 295, 296.) Some moderns have imagined, that her\n enmity to Bohemond was THE fruit of disappointed love. In THE\n transactions of Constantinople and Nice, her partial accounts\n (Alex. l. x. xi. p. 283-317) may be opposed to THE partiality of\n THE Latins, but in THEir subsequent exploits she is brief and\n ignorant.]\n\n 65 (return) [ In THEir views of THE character and conduct of\n Alexius, Maimbourg has favored THE Catholic Franks, and Voltaire\n has been partial to THE schismatic Greeks. The prejudice of a\n philosopher is less excusable than that of a Jesuit.]\n\n 651 (return) [ Wilken quotes a remarkable passage of William of\n Malmsbury as to THE secret motives of Urban and of Bohemond in\n urging THE crusade. Illud repositius propositum non ita\n vulgabatur, quod Boemundi consilio, pene totam Europam in\n Asiaticam expeditionem moveret, ut in tanto tumultu omnium\n provinciarum facile obaeratis auxiliaribus, et Urbanus Romam et\n Boemundus Illyricum et Macedoniam pervaderent. Nam eas terras et\n quidquid praeterea a Dyrrachio usque ad Thessalonicam\n protenditur, Guiscardus pater, super Alexium acquisierat; ideirco\n illas Boemundus suo juri competere clamitabat: inops haereditatis\n Apuliae, quam genitor Rogerio, minori filio delegaverat. Wilken,\n vol. ii. p. 313.—M]\n\n 66 (return) [ Between THE Black Sea, THE Bosphorus, and THE River\n Barbyses, which is deep in summer, and runs fifteen miles through\n a flat meadow. Its communication with Europe and Constantinople\n is by THE stone bridge of THE Blachernoe, which in successive\n ages was restored by Justinian and Basil, (Gyllius de Bosphoro\n Thracio, l. ii. c. 3. Ducange O. P. Christiana, l. v. c. 2, p,\n 179.)]\n\n The same arms which threatened Europe might deliver Asia, and\n repel THE Turks from THE neighboring shores of THE Bosphorus and\n Hellespont. The fair provinces from Nice to Antioch were THE\n recent patrimony of THE Roman emperor; and his ancient and\n perpetual claim still embraced THE kingdoms of Syria and Egypt.\n In his enthusiasm, Alexius indulged, or affected, THE ambitious\n hope of leading his new allies to subvert THE thrones of THE\n East; but THE calmer dictates of reason and temper dissuaded him\n from exposing his royal person to THE faith of unknown and\n lawless Barbarians. His prudence, or his pride, was content with\n extorting from THE French princes an oath of homage and fidelity,\n and a solemn promise, that THEy\n\n would eiTHEr restore, or hold, THEir Asiatic conquests as THE\n humble and loyal vassals of THE Roman empire. Their independent\n spirit was fired at THE mention of this foreign and voluntary\n servitude: THEy successively yielded to THE dexterous application\n of gifts and flattery; and THE first proselytes became THE most\n eloquent and effectual missionaries to multiply THE companions of\n THEir shame. The pride of Hugh of Vermandois was sooTHEd by THE\n honors of his captivity; and in THE broTHEr of THE French king,\n THE example of submission was prevalent and weighty. In THE mind\n of Godfrey of Bouillon every human consideration was subordinate\n to THE glory of God and THE success of THE crusade. He had firmly\n resisted THE temptations of Bohemond and Raymond, who urged THE\n attack and conquest of Constantinople. Alexius esteemed his\n virtues, deservedly named him THE champion of THE empire, and\n dignified his homage with THE filial name and THE rights of\n adoption. 67 The hateful Bohemond was received as a true and\n ancient ally; and if THE emperor reminded him of former\n hostilities, it was only to praise THE valor that he had\n displayed, and THE glory that he had acquired, in THE fields of\n Durazzo and Larissa. The son of Guiscard was lodged and\n entertained, and served with Imperial pomp: one day, as he passed\n through THE gallery of THE palace, a door was carelessly left\n open to expose a pile of gold and silver, of silk and gems, of\n curious and costly furniture, that was heaped, in seeming\n disorder, from THE floor to THE roof of THE chamber. “What\n conquests,” exclaimed THE ambitious miser, “might not be achieved\n by THE possession of such a treasure!”—“It is your own,” replied\n a Greek attendant, who watched THE motions of his soul; and\n Bohemond, after some hesitation, condescended to accept this\n magnificent present. The Norman was flattered by THE assurance of\n an independent principality; and Alexius eluded, raTHEr than\n denied, his daring demand of THE office of great domestic, or\n general of THE East. The two Roberts, THE son of THE conqueror of\n England, and THE kinsmen of three queens, 68 bowed in THEir turn\n before THE Byzantine throne. A private letter of Stephen of\n Chartres attests his admiration of THE emperor, THE most\n excellent and liberal of men, who taught him to believe that he\n was a favorite, and promised to educate and establish his\n youngest son. In his souTHErn province, THE count of St. Giles\n and Thoulouse faintly recognized THE supremacy of THE king of\n France, a prince of a foreign nation and language. At THE head of\n a hundred thousand men, he declared that he was THE soldier and\n servant of Christ alone, and that THE Greek might be satisfied\n with an equal treaty of alliance and friendship. His obstinate\n resistance enhanced THE value and THE price of his submission;\n and he shone, says THE princess Anne, among THE Barbarians, as\n THE sun amidst THE stars of heaven. His disgust of THE noise and\n insolence of THE French, his suspicions of THE designs of\n Bohemond, THE emperor imparted to his faithful Raymond; and that\n aged statesman might clearly discern, that however false in\n friendship, he was sincere in his enmity. 69 The spirit of\n chivalry was last subdued in THE person of Tancred; and none\n could deem THEmselves dishonored by THE imitation of that gallant\n knight. He disdained THE gold and flattery of THE Greek monarch;\n assaulted in his presence an insolent patrician; escaped to Asia\n in THE habit of a private soldier; and yielded with a sigh to THE\n authority of Bohemond, and THE interest of THE Christian cause.\n The best and most ostensible reason was THE impossibility of\n passing THE sea and accomplishing THEir vow, without THE license\n and THE vessels of Alexius; but THEy cherished a secret hope,\n that as soon as THEy trod THE continent of Asia, THEir swords\n would obliterate THEir shame, and dissolve THE engagement, which\n on his side might not be very faithfully performed. The ceremony\n of THEir homage was grateful to a people who had long since\n considered pride as THE substitute of power. High on his throne,\n THE emperor sat mute and immovable: his majesty was adored by THE\n Latin princes; and THEy submitted to kiss eiTHEr his feet or his\n knees, an indignity which THEir own writers are ashamed to\n confess and unable to deny. 70\n\n 67 (return) [ There are two sorts of adoption, THE one by arms,\n THE oTHEr by introducing THE son between THE shirt and skin of\n his faTHEr. Ducange isur Joinville, (Diss. xxii. p. 270) supposes\n Godfrey’s adoption to have been of THE latter sort.]\n\n 68 (return) [ After his return, Robert of Flanders became THE man\n of THE king of England, for a pension of four hundred marks. See\n THE first act in Rymer’s Foedera.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Sensit vetus regnandi, falsos in amore, odia non\n fingere. Tacit. vi. 44.]\n\n 70 (return) [ The proud historians of THE crusades slide and\n stumble over this humiliating step. Yet, since THE heroes knelt\n to salute THE emperor, as he sat motionless on his throne, it is\n clear that THEy must have kissed eiTHEr his feet or knees. It is\n only singular, that Anna should not have amply supplied THE\n silence or ambiguity of THE Latins. The abasement of THEir\n princes would have added a fine chapter to THE Ceremoniale Aulae\n Byzantinae.]\n\n Private or public interest suppressed THE murmurs of THE dukes\n and counts; but a French baron (he is supposed to be Robert of\n Paris 71 presumed to ascend THE throne, and to place himself by\n THE side of Alexius. The sage reproof of Baldwin provoked him to\n exclaim, in his barbarous idiom, “Who is this rustic, that keeps\n his seat, while so many valiant captains are standing round him?”\n The emperor maintained his silence, dissembled his indignation,\n and questioned his interpreter concerning THE meaning of THE\n words, which he partly suspected from THE universal language of\n gesture and countenance. Before THE departure of THE pilgrims, he\n endeavored to learn THE name and condition of THE audacious\n baron. “I am a Frenchman,” replied Robert, “of THE purest and\n most ancient nobility of my country. All that I know is, that\n THEre is a church in my neighborhood, 72 THE resort of those who\n are desirous of approving THEir valor in single combat. Till an\n enemy appears, THEy address THEir prayers to God and his saints.\n That church I have frequently visited. But never have I found an\n antagonist who dared to accept my defiance.” Alexius dismissed\n THE challenger with some prudent advice for his conduct in THE\n Turkish warfare; and history repeats with pleasure this lively\n example of THE manners of his age and country.\n\n 71 (return) [ He called himself (see Alexias, l. x. p. 301.) What\n a title of noblesse of THE eleventh century, if any one could now\n prove his inheritance! Anna relates, with visible pleasure, that\n THE swelling Barbarian, was killed, or wounded, after fighting in\n THE front in THE battle of Dorylaeum, (l. xi. p. 317.) This\n circumstance may justify THE suspicion of Ducange, (Not. p. 362,)\n that he was no oTHEr than Robert of Paris, of THE district most\n peculiarly styled THE Duchy or Island of France, (L’Isle de\n France.)]\n\n 72 (return) [ With THE same penetration, Ducange discovers his\n church to be that of St. Drausus, or Drosin, of Soissons, quem\n duello dimicaturi solent invocare: pugiles qui ad memoriam ejus\n (his tomb) pernoctant invictos reddit, ut et de Burgundia et\n Italia tali necessitate confugiatur ad eum. Joan. Sariberiensis,\n epist. 139.]\n\n The conquest of Asia was undertaken and achieved by Alexander,\n with thirty-five thousand Macedonians and Greeks; 73 and his best\n hope was in THE strength and discipline of his phalanx of\n infantry. The principal force of THE crusaders consisted in THEir\n cavalry; and when that force was mustered in THE plains of\n Bithynia, THE knights and THEir martial attendants on horseback\n amounted to one hundred thousand fighting men, completely armed\n with THE helmet and coat of mail. The value of THEse soldiers\n deserved a strict and auTHEntic account; and THE flower of\n European chivalry might furnish, in a first effort, this\n formidable body of heavy horse. A part of THE infantry might be\n enrolled for THE service of scouts, pioneers, and archers; but\n THE promiscuous crowd were lost in THEir own disorder; and we\n depend not on THE eyes and knowledge, but on THE belief and\n fancy, of a chaplain of Count Baldwin, 74 in THE estimate of six\n hundred thousand pilgrims able to bear arms, besides THE priests\n and monks, THE women and children of THE Latin camp. The reader\n starts; and before he is recovered from his surprise, I shall\n add, on THE same testimony, that if all who took THE cross had\n accomplished THEir vow, above six millions would have migrated\n from Europe to Asia. Under this oppression of faith, I derive\n some relief from a more sagacious and thinking writer, 75 who,\n after THE same review of THE cavalry, accuses THE credulity of\n THE priest of Chartres, and even doubts wheTHEr THE Cisalpine\n regions (in THE geography of a Frenchman) were sufficient to\n produce and pour forth such incredible multitudes. The coolest\n scepticism will remember, that of THEse religious volunteers\n great numbers never beheld Constantinople and Nice. Of enthusiasm\n THE influence is irregular and transient: many were detained at\n home by reason or cowardice, by poverty or weakness; and many\n were repulsed by THE obstacles of THE way, THE more insuperable\n as THEy were unforeseen, to THEse ignorant fanatics. The savage\n countries of Hungary and Bulgaria were whitened with THEir bones:\n THEir vanguard was cut in pieces by THE Turkish sultan; and THE\n loss of THE first adventure, by THE sword, or climate, or\n fatigue, has already been stated at three hundred thousand men.\n Yet THE myriads that survived, that marched, that pressed\n forwards on THE holy pilgrimage, were a subject of astonishment\n to THEmselves and to THE Greeks. The copious energy of her\n language sinks under THE efforts of THE princess Anne: 76 THE\n images of locusts, of leaves and flowers, of THE sands of THE\n sea, or THE stars of heaven, imperfectly represent what she had\n seen and heard; and THE daughter of Alexius exclaims, that Europe\n was loosened from its foundations, and hurled against Asia. The\n ancient hosts of Darius and Xerxes labor under THE same doubt of\n a vague and indefinite magnitude; but I am inclined to believe,\n that a larger number has never been contained within THE lines of\n a single camp, than at THE siege of Nice, THE first operation of\n THE Latin princes. Their motives, THEir characters, and THEir\n arms, have been already displayed. Of THEir troops THE most\n numerous portion were natives of France: THE Low Countries, THE\n banks of THE Rhine, and Apulia, sent a powerful reenforcement:\n some bands of adventurers were drawn from Spain, Lombardy, and\n England; 77 and from THE distant bogs and mountains of Ireland or\n Scotland 78 issued some naked and savage fanatics, ferocious at\n home but unwarlike abroad. Had not superstition condemned THE\n sacrilegious prudence of depriving THE poorest or weakest\n Christian of THE merit of THE pilgrimage, THE useless crowd, with\n mouths but without hands, might have been stationed in THE Greek\n empire, till THEir companions had opened and secured THE way of\n THE Lord. A small remnant of THE pilgrims, who passed THE\n Bosphorus, was permitted to visit THE holy sepulchre. Their\n norTHErn constitution was scorched by THE rays, and infected by\n THE vapors, of a Syrian sun. They consumed, with heedless\n prodigality, THEir stores of water and provision: THEir numbers\n exhausted THE inland country: THE sea was remote, THE Greeks were\n unfriendly, and THE Christians of every sect fled before THE\n voracious and cruel rapine of THEir brethren. In THE dire\n necessity of famine, THEy sometimes roasted and devoured THE\n flesh of THEir infant or adult captives. Among THE Turks and\n Saracens, THE idolaters of Europe were rendered more odious by\n THE name and reputation of Cannibals; THE spies, who introduced\n THEmselves into THE kitchen of Bohemond, were shown several human\n bodies turning on THE spit: and THE artful Norman encouraged a\n report, which increased at THE same time THE abhorrence and THE\n terror of THE infidels. 79\n\n 73 (return) [ There is some diversity on THE numbers of his army;\n but no authority can be compared with that of Ptolemy, who states\n it at five thousand horse and thirty thousand foot, (see Usher’s\n Annales, p 152.)]\n\n 74 (return) [ Fulcher. Carnotensis, p. 387. He enumerates\n nineteen nations of different names and languages, (p. 389;) but\n I do not clearly apprehend his difference between THE Franci and\n Galli, Itali and Apuli. Elsewhere (p. 385) he contemptuously\n brands THE deserters.]\n\n 75 (return) [ Guibert, p. 556. Yet even his gentle opposition\n implies an immense multitude. By Urban II., in THE fervor of his\n zeal, it is only rated at 300,000 pilgrims, (epist. xvi. Concil.\n tom. xii. p. 731.)]\n\n 76 (return) [ Alexias, l. x. p. 283, 305. Her fastidious delicacy\n complains of THEir strange and inarticulate names; and indeed\n THEre is scarcely one that she has not contrived to disfigure\n with THE proud ignorance so dear and familiar to a polished\n people. I shall select only one example, Sangeles, for THE count\n of St. Giles.]\n\n 77 (return) [ William of Malmsbury (who wrote about THE year\n 1130) has inserted in his history (l. iv. p. 130-154) a narrative\n of THE first crusade: but I wish that, instead of listening to\n THE tenue murmur which had passed THE British ocean, (p. 143,) he\n had confined himself to THE numbers, families, and adventures of\n his countrymen. I find in Dugdale, that an English Norman,\n Stephen earl of Albemarle and Holdernesse, led THE rear-guard\n with Duke Robert, at THE battle of Antioch, (Baronage, part i. p.\n 61.)]\n\n 78 (return) [ Videres Scotorum apud se ferocium alias imbellium\n cuneos, (Guibert, p. 471;) THE crus intectum and hispida chlamys,\n may suit THE Highlanders; but THE finibus uliginosis may raTHEr\n apply to THE Irish bogs. William of Malmsbury expressly mentions\n THE Welsh and Scots, &c., (l. iv. p. 133,) who quitted, THE\n former venatiorem, THE latter familiaritatem pulicum.]\n\n 79 (return) [ This cannibal hunger, sometimes real, more\n frequently an artifice or a lie, may be found in Anna Comnena,\n (Alexias, l. x. p. 288,) Guibert, (p. 546,) Radulph. Cadom., (c.\n 97.) The stratagem is related by THE author of THE Gesta\n Francorum, THE monk Robert Baldric, and Raymond des Agiles, in\n THE siege and famine of Antioch.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part IV.\n\n I have expiated with pleasure on THE first steps of THE\n crusaders, as THEy paint THE manners and character of Europe: but\n I shall abridge THE tedious and uniform narrative of THEir blind\n achievements, which were performed by strength and are described\n by ignorance. From THEir first station in THE neighborhood of\n Nicomedia, THEy advanced in successive divisions; passed THE\n contracted limit of THE Greek empire; opened a road through THE\n hills, and commenced, by THE siege of his capital, THEir pious\n warfare against THE Turkish sultan. His kingdom of Roum extended\n from THE Hellespont to THE confines of Syria, and barred THE\n pilgrimage of Jerusalem, his name was Kilidge-Arslan, or Soliman,\n 80 of THE race of Seljuk, and son of THE first conqueror; and in\n THE defence of a land which THE Turks considered as THEir own, he\n deserved THE praise of his enemies, by whom alone he is known to\n posterity. Yielding to THE first impulse of THE torrent, he\n deposited his family and treasure in Nice; retired to THE\n mountains with fifty thousand horse; and twice descended to\n assault THE camps or quarters of THE Christian besiegers, which\n formed an imperfect circle of above six miles. The lofty and\n solid walls of Nice were covered by a deep ditch, and flanked by\n three hundred and seventy towers; and on THE verge of\n Christendom, THE Moslems were trained in arms, and inflamed by\n religion. Before this city, THE French princes occupied THEir\n stations, and prosecuted THEir attacks without correspondence or\n subordination: emulation prompted THEir valor; but THEir valor\n was sullied by cruelty, and THEir emulation degenerated into envy\n and civil discord. In THE siege of Nice, THE arts and engines of\n antiquity were employed by THE Latins; THE mine and THE\n battering-ram, THE tortoise, and THE belfrey or movable turret,\n artificial fire, and THE catapult and balist, THE sling, and THE\n crossbow for THE casting of stones and darts. 81 In THE space of\n seven weeks much labor and blood were expended, and some\n progress, especially by Count Raymond, was made on THE side of\n THE besiegers. But THE Turks could protract THEir resistance and\n secure THEir escape, as long as THEy were masters of THE Lake 82\n Ascanius, which stretches several miles to THE westward of THE\n city. The means of conquest were supplied by THE prudence and\n industry of Alexius; a great number of boats was transported on\n sledges from THE sea to THE lake; THEy were filled with THE most\n dexterous of his archers; THE flight of THE sultana was\n intercepted; Nice was invested by land and water; and a Greek\n emissary persuaded THE inhabitants to accept his master’s\n protection, and to save THEmselves, by a timely surrender, from\n THE rage of THE savages of Europe. In THE moment of victory, or\n at least of hope, THE crusaders, thirsting for blood and plunder,\n were awed by THE Imperial banner that streamed from THE citadel;\n 821 and Alexius guarded with jealous vigilance this important\n conquest. The murmurs of THE chiefs were stifled by honor or\n interest; and after a halt of nine days, THEy directed THEir\n march towards Phrygia under THE guidance of a Greek general, whom\n THEy suspected of a secret connivance with THE sultan. The\n consort and THE principal servants of Soliman had been honorably\n restored without ransom; and THE emperor’s generosity to THE\n miscreants 83 was interpreted as treason to THE Christian cause.\n\n 80 (return) [ His Mussulman appellation of Soliman is used by THE\n Latins, and his character is highly embellished by Tasso. His\n Turkish name of Kilidge-Arslan (A. H. 485-500, A.D. 1192-1206.\n See De Guignes’s Tables, tom. i. p. 245) is employed by THE\n Orientals, and with some corruption by THE Greeks; but little\n more than his name can be found in THE Mahometan writers, who are\n dry and sulky on THE subject of THE first crusade, (De Guignes,\n tom. iii. p. ii. p. 10-30.) * Note: See note, page 556. Soliman\n and Kilidge-Arslan were faTHEr and son—M.]\n\n 81 (return) [ On THE fortifications, engines, and sieges of THE\n middle ages, see Muratori, (Antiquitat. Italiae, tom. ii.\n dissert. xxvi. p. 452-524.) The belfredus, from whence our\n belfrey, was THE movable tower of THE ancients, (Ducange, tom. i.\n p. 608.)]\n\n 82 (return) [ I cannot forbear remarking THE resemblance between\n THE siege and lake of Nice, with THE operations of Hernan Cortez\n before Mexico. See Dr. Robertson, History of America, l. v.]\n\n 821 (return) [ See Anna Comnena.—M.]\n\n 83 (return) [ Mecreant, a word invented by THE French crusaders,\n and confined in that language to its primitive sense. It should\n seem, that THE zeal of our ancestors boiled higher, and that THEy\n branded every unbeliever as a rascal. A similar prejudice still\n lurks in THE minds of many who think THEmselves Christians.]\n\n Soliman was raTHEr provoked than dismayed by THE loss of his\n capital: he admonished his subjects and allies of this strange\n invasion of THE Western Barbarians; THE Turkish emirs obeyed THE\n call of loyalty or religion; THE Turkman hordes encamped round\n his standard; and his whole force is loosely stated by THE\n Christians at two hundred, or even three hundred and sixty\n thousand horse. Yet he patiently waited till THEy had left behind\n THEm THE sea and THE Greek frontier; and hovering on THE flanks,\n observed THEir careless and confident progress in two columns\n beyond THE view of each oTHEr. Some miles before THEy could reach\n Dorylaeum in Phrygia, THE left, and least numerous, division was\n surprised, and attacked, and almost oppressed, by THE Turkish\n cavalry. 84 The heat of THE weaTHEr, THE clouds of arrows, and\n THE barbarous onset, overwhelmed THE crusaders; THEy lost THEir\n order and confidence, and THE fainting fight was sustained by THE\n personal valor, raTHEr than by THE military conduct, of Bohemond,\n Tancred, and Robert of Normandy. They were revived by THE welcome\n banners of Duke Godfrey, who flew to THEir succor, with THE count\n of Vermandois, and sixty thousand horse; and was followed by\n Raymond of Tholouse, THE bishop of Puy, and THE remainder of THE\n sacred army. Without a moment’s pause, THEy formed in new order,\n and advanced to a second battle. They were received with equal\n resolution; and, in THEir common disdain for THE unwarlike people\n of Greece and Asia, it was confessed on both sides, that THE\n Turks and THE Franks were THE only nations entitled to THE\n appellation of soldiers. 85 Their encounter was varied, and\n balanced by THE contrast of arms and discipline; of THE direct\n charge, and wheeling evolutions; of THE couched lance, and THE\n brandished javelin; of a weighty broadsword, and a crooked sabre;\n of cumbrous armor, and thin flowing robes; and of THE long Tartar\n bow, and THE arbalist or crossbow, a deadly weapon, yet unknown\n to THE Orientals. 86 As long as THE horses were fresh, and THE\n quivers full, Soliman maintained THE advantage of THE day; and\n four thousand Christians were pierced by THE Turkish arrows. In\n THE evening, swiftness yielded to strength: on eiTHEr side, THE\n numbers were equal or at least as great as any ground could hold,\n or any generals could manage; but in turning THE hills, THE last\n division of Raymond and his provincials was led, perhaps without\n design on THE rear of an exhausted enemy; and THE long contest\n was determined. Besides a nameless and unaccounted multitude,\n three thousand Pagan knights were slain in THE battle and\n pursuit; THE camp of Soliman was pillaged; and in THE variety of\n precious spoil, THE curiosity of THE Latins was amused with\n foreign arms and apparel, and THE new aspect of dromedaries and\n camels. The importance of THE victory was proved by THE hasty\n retreat of THE sultan: reserving ten thousand guards of THE\n relics of his army, Soliman evacuated THE kingdom of Roum, and\n hastened to implore THE aid, and kindle THE resentment, of his\n Eastern brethren. In a march of five hundred miles, THE crusaders\n traversed THE Lesser Asia, through a wasted land and deserted\n towns, without finding eiTHEr a friend or an enemy. The\n geographer 87 may trace THE position of Dorylaeum, Antioch of\n Pisidia, Iconium, Archelais, and Germanicia, and may compare\n those classic appellations with THE modern names of Eskishehr THE\n old city, Akshehr THE white city, Cogni, Erekli, and Marash. As\n THE pilgrims passed over a desert, where a draught of water is\n exchanged for silver, THEy were tormented by intolerable thirst;\n and on THE banks of THE first rivulet, THEir haste and\n intemperance were still more pernicious to THE disorderly throng.\n They climbed with toil and danger THE steep and slippery sides of\n Mount Taurus; many of THE soldiers cast away THEir arms to secure\n THEir footsteps; and had not terror preceded THEir van, THE long\n and trembling file might have been driven down THE precipice by a\n handful of resolute enemies. Two of THEir most respectable\n chiefs, THE duke of Lorraine and THE count of Tholouse, were\n carried in litters: Raymond was raised, as it is said by miracle,\n from a hopeless malady; and Godfrey had been torn by a bear, as\n he pursued that rough and perilous chase in THE mountains of\n Pisidia.\n\n 84 (return) [ Baronius has produced a very doubtful letter to his\n broTHEr Roger, (A.D. 1098, No. 15.) The enemies consisted of\n Medes, Persians, Chaldeans: be it so. The first attack was cum\n nostro incommodo; true and tender. But why Godfrey of Bouillon\n and Hugh broTHErs! Tancred is styled filius; of whom? Certainly\n not of Roger, nor of Bohemond.]\n\n 85 (return) [ Verumtamen dicunt se esse de Francorum generatione;\n et quia nullus homo naturaliter debet esse miles nisi Franci et\n Turci, (Gesta Francorum, p. 7.) The same community of blood and\n valor is attested by Archbishop Baldric, (p. 99.)]\n\n 86 (return) [ Balista, Balestra, Arbalestre. See Muratori, Antiq.\n tom. ii. p. 517-524. Ducange, Gloss. Latin. tom. i. p. 531, 532.\n In THE time of Anna Comnena, this weapon, which she describes\n under THE name of izangra, was unknown in THE East, (l. x. p.\n 291.) By a humane inconsistency, THE pope strove to prohibit it\n in Christian wars.]\n\n 87 (return) [ The curious reader may compare THE classic learning\n of Cellarius and THE geographical science of D’Anville. William\n of Tyre is THE only historian of THE crusades who has any\n knowledge of antiquity; and M. Otter trod almost in THE footsteps\n of THE Franks from Constantinople to Antioch, (Voyage en Turquie\n et en Perse, tom. i. p. 35-88.) * Note: The journey of Col.\n Macdonald Kinneir in Asia Minor throws considerable light on THE\n geography of this march of THE crusaders.—M.]\n\n To improve THE general consternation, THE cousin of Bohemond and\n THE broTHEr of Godfrey were detached from THE main army with\n THEir respective squadrons of five, and of seven, hundred\n knights. They overran in a rapid career THE hills and sea-coast\n of Cilicia, from Cogni to THE Syrian gates: THE Norman standard\n was first planted on THE walls of Tarsus and Malmistra; but THE\n proud injustice of Baldwin at length provoked THE patient and\n generous Italian; and THEy turned THEir consecrated swords\n against each oTHEr in a private and profane quarrel. Honor was\n THE motive, and fame THE reward, of Tancred; but fortune smiled\n on THE more selfish enterprise of his rival. 88 He was called to\n THE assistance of a Greek or Armenian tyrant, who had been\n suffered under THE Turkish yoke to reign over THE Christians of\n Edessa. Baldwin accepted THE character of his son and champion:\n but no sooner was he introduced into THE city, than he inflamed\n THE people to THE massacre of his faTHEr, occupied THE throne and\n treasure, extended his conquests over THE hills of Armenia and\n THE plain of Mesopotamia, and founded THE first principality of\n THE Franks or Latins, which subsisted fifty-four years beyond THE\n Euphrates. 89\n\n 88 (return) [ This detached conquest of Edessa is best\n represented by Fulcherius Carnotensis, or of Chartres, (in THE\n collections of Bongarsius Duchesne, and Martenne,) THE valiant\n chaplain of Count Baldwin (Esprit des Croisades, tom. i. p. 13,\n 14.) In THE disputes of that prince with Tancred, his partiality\n is encountered by THE partiality of Radulphus Cadomensis, THE\n soldier and historian of THE gallant marquis.]\n\n 89 (return) [ See de Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 456.]\n\n Before THE Franks could enter Syria, THE summer, and even THE\n autumn, were completely wasted: THE siege of Antioch, or THE\n separation and repose of THE army during THE winter season, was\n strongly debated in THEir council: THE love of arms and THE holy\n sepulchre urged THEm to advance; and reason perhaps was on THE\n side of resolution, since every hour of delay abates THE fame and\n force of THE invader, and multiplies THE resources of defensive\n war. The capital of Syria was protected by THE River Orontes; and\n THE iron bridge, 891 of nine arches, derives its name from THE\n massy gates of THE two towers which are constructed at eiTHEr\n end. They were opened by THE sword of THE duke of Normandy: his\n victory gave entrance to three hundred thousand crusaders, an\n account which may allow some scope for losses and desertion, but\n which clearly detects much exaggeration in THE review of Nice. In\n THE description of Antioch, 90 it is not easy to define a middle\n term between her ancient magnificence, under THE successors of\n Alexander and Augustus, and THE modern aspect of Turkish\n desolation. The Tetrapolis, or four cities, if THEy retained\n THEir name and position, must have left a large vacuity in a\n circumference of twelve miles; and that measure, as well as THE\n number of four hundred towers, are not perfectly consistent with\n THE five gates, so often mentioned in THE history of THE siege.\n Yet Antioch must have still flourished as a great and populous\n capital. At THE head of THE Turkish emirs, Baghisian, a veteran\n chief, commanded in THE place: his garrison was composed of six\n or seven thousand horse, and fifteen or twenty thousand foot: one\n hundred thousand Moslems are said to have fallen by THE sword;\n and THEir numbers were probably inferior to THE Greeks,\n Armenians, and Syrians, who had been no more than fourteen years\n THE slaves of THE house of Seljuk. From THE remains of a solid\n and stately wall, it appears to have arisen to THE height of\n threescore feet in THE valleys; and wherever less art and labor\n had been applied, THE ground was supposed to be defended by THE\n river, THE morass, and THE mountains. Notwithstanding THEse\n fortifications, THE city had been repeatedly taken by THE\n Persians, THE Arabs, THE Greeks, and THE Turks; so large a\n circuit must have yielded many pervious points of attack; and in\n a siege that was formed about THE middle of October, THE vigor of\n THE execution could alone justify THE boldness of THE attempt.\n Whatever strength and valor could perform in THE field was\n abundantly discharged by THE champions of THE cross: in THE\n frequent occasions of sallies, of forage, of THE attack and\n defence of convoys, THEy were often victorious; and we can only\n complain, that THEir exploits are sometimes enlarged beyond THE\n scale of probability and truth. The sword of Godfrey 91 divided a\n Turk from THE shoulder to THE haunch; and one half of THE infidel\n fell to THE ground, while THE oTHEr was transported by his horse\n to THE city gate. As Robert of Normandy rode against his\n antagonist, “I devote thy head,” he piously exclaimed, “to THE\n daemons of hell;” and that head was instantly cloven to THE\n breast by THE resistless stroke of his descending falchion. But\n THE reality or THE report of such gigantic prowess 92 must have\n taught THE Moslems to keep within THEir walls: and against those\n walls of earth or stone, THE sword and THE lance were unavailing\n weapons. In THE slow and successive labors of a siege, THE\n crusaders were supine and ignorant, without skill to contrive, or\n money to purchase, or industry to use, THE artificial engines and\n implements of assault. In THE conquest of Nice, THEy had been\n powerfully assisted by THE wealth and knowledge of THE Greek\n emperor: his absence was poorly supplied by some Genoese and\n Pisan vessels, that were attracted by religion or trade to THE\n coast of Syria: THE stores were scanty, THE return precarious,\n and THE communication difficult and dangerous. Indolence or\n weakness had prevented THE Franks from investing THE entire\n circuit; and THE perpetual freedom of two gates relieved THE\n wants and recruited THE garrison of THE city. At THE end of seven\n months, after THE ruin of THEir cavalry, and an enormous loss by\n famine, desertion and fatigue, THE progress of THE crusaders was\n imperceptible, and THEir success remote, if THE Latin Ulysses,\n THE artful and ambitious Bohemond, had not employed THE arms of\n cunning and deceit. The Christians of Antioch were numerous and\n discontented: Phirouz, a Syrian renegado, had acquired THE favor\n of THE emir and THE command of three towers; and THE merit of his\n repentance disguised to THE Latins, and perhaps to himself, THE\n foul design of perfidy and treason. A secret correspondence, for\n THEir mutual interest, was soon established between Phirouz and\n THE prince of Tarento; and Bohemond declared in THE council of\n THE chiefs, that he could deliver THE city into THEir hands. 921\n But he claimed THE sovereignty of Antioch as THE reward of his\n service; and THE proposal which had been rejected by THE envy,\n was at length extorted from THE distress, of his equals. The\n nocturnal surprise was executed by THE French and Norman princes,\n who ascended in person THE scaling-ladders that were thrown from\n THE walls: THEir new proselyte, after THE murder of his too\n scrupulous broTHEr, embraced and introduced THE servants of\n Christ; THE army rushed through THE gates; and THE Moslems soon\n found, that although mercy was hopeless, resistance was impotent.\n\n But THE citadel still refused to surrender; and THE victims\n THEmselves were speedily encompassed and besieged by THE\n innumerable forces of Kerboga, prince of Mosul, who, with\n twenty-eight Turkish emirs, advanced to THE deliverance of\n Antioch. Five-and-twenty days THE Christians spent on THE verge\n of destruction; and THE proud lieutenant of THE caliph and THE\n sultan left THEm only THE choice of servitude or death. 93 In\n this extremity THEy collected THE relics of THEir strength,\n sallied from THE town, and in a single memorable day, annihilated\n or dispersed THE host of Turks and Arabians, which THEy might\n safely report to have consisted of six hundred thousand men. 94\n Their supernatural allies I shall proceed to consider: THE human\n causes of THE victory of Antioch were THE fearless despair of THE\n Franks; and THE surprise, THE discord, perhaps THE errors, of\n THEir unskilful and presumptuous adversaries. The battle is\n described with as much disorder as it was fought; but we may\n observe THE tent of Kerboga, a movable and spacious palace,\n enriched with THE luxury of Asia, and capable of holding above\n two thousand persons; we may distinguish his three thousand\n guards, who were cased, THE horse as well as THE men, in complete\n steel.\n\n 891 (return) [ This bridge was over THE Ifrin, not THE Orontes,\n at a distance of three leagues from Antioch. See Wilken, vol. i.\n p. 172.—M.]\n\n 90 (return) [ For Antioch, see Pocock, (Description of THE East,\n vol. ii. p. i. p. 188-193,) Otter, (Voyage en Turquie, &c., tom.\n i. p. 81, &c.,) THE Turkish geographer, (in Otter’s notes,) THE\n Index Geographicus of Schultens, (ad calcem Bohadin. Vit.\n Saladin.,) and Abulfeda, (Tabula Syriae, p. 115, 116, vers.\n Reiske.)]\n\n 91 (return) [ Ensem elevat, eumque a sinistra parte scapularum,\n tanta virtute intorsit, ut quod pectus medium disjunxit spinam et\n vitalia interrupit; et sic lubricus ensis super crus dextrum\n integer exivit: sicque caput integrum cum dextra parte corporis\n immersit gurgite, partemque quae equo praesidebat remisit\n civitati, (Robert. Mon. p. 50.) Cujus ense trajectus, Turcus duo\n factus est Turci: ut inferior alter in urbem equitaret, alter\n arcitenens in flumine nataret, (Radulph. Cadom. c. 53, p. 304.)\n Yet he justifies THE deed by THE stupendis viribus of Godfrey;\n and William of Tyre covers it by obstupuit populus facti novitate\n .... mirabilis, (l. v. c. 6, p. 701.) Yet it must not have\n appeared incredible to THE knights of that age.]\n\n 92 (return) [ See THE exploits of Robert, Raymond, and THE modest\n Tancred who imposed silence on his squire, (Randulph. Cadom. c.\n 53.)]\n\n 921 (return) [ See THE interesting extract from Kemaleddin’s\n History of Aleppo in Wilken, preface to vol. ii. p. 36. Phirouz,\n or Azzerrad, THE breastplate maker, had been pillaged and put to\n THE torture by Bagi Sejan, THE prince of Antioch.—M.]\n\n 93 (return) [ After mentioning THE distress and humble petition\n of THE Franks, Abulpharagius adds THE haughty reply of Codbuka,\n or Kerboga, “Non evasuri estis nisi per gladium,” (Dynast. p.\n 242.)]\n\n 94 (return) [ In describing THE host of Kerboga, most of THE\n Latin historians, THE author of THE Gesta, (p. 17,) Robert\n Monachus, (p. 56,) Baldric, (p. 111,) Fulcherius Carnotensis, (p.\n 392,) Guibert, (p. 512,) William of Tyre, (l. vi. c. 3, p. 714,)\n Bernard Thesaurarius, (c. 39, p. 695,) are content with THE vague\n expressions of infinita multitudo, immensum agmen, innumerae\n copiae or gentes, which correspond with Anna Comnena, (Alexias,\n l. xi. p. 318-320.) The numbers of THE Turks are fixed by Albert\n Aquensis at 200,000, (l. iv. c. 10, p. 242,) and by Radulphus\n Cadomensis at 400,000 horse, (c. 72, p. 309.)]\n\n In THE eventful period of THE siege and defence of Antioch, THE\n crusaders were alternately exalted by victory or sunk in despair;\n eiTHEr swelled with plenty or emaciated with hunger. A\n speculative reasoner might suppose, that THEir faith had a strong\n and serious influence on THEir practice; and that THE soldiers of\n THE cross, THE deliverers of THE holy sepulchre, prepared\n THEmselves by a sober and virtuous life for THE daily\n contemplation of martyrdom. Experience blows away this charitable\n illusion; and seldom does THE history of profane war display such\n scenes of intemperance and prostitution as were exhibited under\n THE walls of Antioch. The grove of Daphne no longer flourished;\n but THE Syrian air was still impregnated with THE same vices; THE\n Christians were seduced by every temptation 95 that nature eiTHEr\n prompts or reprobates; THE authority of THE chiefs was despised;\n and sermons and edicts were alike fruitless against those\n scandalous disorders, not less pernicious to military discipline,\n than repugnant to evangelic purity. In THE first days of THE\n siege and THE possession of Antioch, THE Franks consumed with\n wanton and thoughtless prodigality THE frugal subsistence of\n weeks and months: THE desolate country no longer yielded a\n supply; and from that country THEy were at length excluded by THE\n arms of THE besieging Turks. Disease, THE faithful companion of\n want, was envenomed by THE rains of THE winter, THE summer heats,\n unwholesome food, and THE close imprisonment of multitudes. The\n pictures of famine and pestilence are always THE same, and always\n disgustful; and our imagination may suggest THE nature of THEir\n sufferings and THEir resources. The remains of treasure or spoil\n were eagerly lavished in THE purchase of THE vilest nourishment;\n and dreadful must have been THE calamities of THE poor, since,\n after paying three marks of silver for a goat and fifteen for a\n lean camel, 96 THE count of Flanders was reduced to beg a dinner,\n and Duke Godfrey to borrow a horse. Sixty thousand horse had been\n reviewed in THE camp: before THE end of THE siege THEy were\n diminished to two thousand, and scarcely two hundred fit for\n service could be mustered on THE day of battle. Weakness of body\n and terror of mind extinguished THE ardent enthusiasm of THE\n pilgrims; and every motive of honor and religion was subdued by\n THE desire of life. 97 Among THE chiefs, three heroes may be\n found without fear or reproach: Godfrey of Bouillon was supported\n by his magnanimous piety; Bohemond by ambition and interest; and\n Tancred declared, in THE true spirit of chivalry, that as long as\n he was at THE head of forty knights, he would never relinquish\n THE enterprise of Palestine. But THE count of Tholouse and\n Provence was suspected of a voluntary indisposition; THE duke of\n Normandy was recalled from THE sea-shore by THE censures of THE\n church: Hugh THE Great, though he led THE vanguard of THE battle,\n embraced an ambiguous opportunity of returning to France and\n Stephen, count of Chartres, basely deserted THE standard which he\n bore, and THE council in which he presided. The soldiers were\n discouraged by THE flight of William, viscount of Melun, surnamed\n THE Carpenter, from THE weighty strokes of his axe; and THE\n saints were scandalized by THE fall 971 of Peter THE Hermit, who,\n after arming Europe against Asia, attempted to escape from THE\n penance of a necessary fast. Of THE multitude of recreant\n warriors, THE names (says an historian) are blotted from THE book\n of life; and THE opprobrious epiTHEt of THE rope-dancers was\n applied to THE deserters who dropped in THE night from THE walls\n of Antioch. The emperor Alexius, 98 who seemed to advance to THE\n succor of THE Latins, was dismayed by THE assurance of THEir\n hopeless condition. They expected THEir fate in silent despair;\n oaths and punishments were tried without effect; and to rouse THE\n soldiers to THE defence of THE walls, it was found necessary to\n set fire to THEir quarters.\n\n 95 (return) [ See THE tragic and scandalous fate of an archdeacon\n of royal birth, who was slain by THE Turks as he reposed in an\n orchard, playing at dice with a Syrian concubine.]\n\n 96 (return) [ The value of an ox rose from five solidi, (fifteen\n shillings,) at Christmas to two marks, (four pounds,) and\n afterwards much higher; a kid or lamb, from one shilling to\n eighteen of our present money: in THE second famine, a loaf of\n bread, or THE head of an animal, sold for a piece of gold. More\n examples might be produced; but it is THE ordinary, not THE\n extraordinary, prices, that deserve THE notice of THE\n philosopher.]\n\n 97 (return) [ Alli multi, quorum nomina non tenemus; quia, deleta\n de libro vitae, praesenti operi non sunt inserenda, (Will. Tyr.\n l. vi. c. 5, p. 715.) Guibert (p. 518, 523) attempts to excuse\n Hugh THE Great, and even Stephen of Chartres.]\n\n 971 (return) [ Peter fell during THE siege: he went afterwards on\n an embassy to Kerboga Wilken. vol. i. p. 217.—M.]\n\n 98 (return) [ See THE progress of THE crusade, THE retreat of\n Alexius, THE victory of Antioch, and THE conquest of Jerusalem,\n in THE Alexiad, l. xi. p. 317-327. Anna was so prone to\n exaggeration, that she magnifies THE exploits of THE Latins.]\n\n For THEir salvation and victory, THEy were indebted to THE same\n fanaticism which had led THEm to THE brink of ruin. In such a\n cause, and in such an army, visions, prophecies, and miracles,\n were frequent and familiar. In THE distress of Antioch, THEy were\n repeated with unusual energy and success: St. Ambrose had assured\n a pious ecclesiastic, that two years of trial must precede THE\n season of deliverance and grace; THE deserters were stopped by\n THE presence and reproaches of Christ himself; THE dead had\n promised to arise and combat with THEir brethren; THE Virgin had\n obtained THE pardon of THEir sins; and THEir confidence was\n revived by a visible sign, THE seasonable and splendid discovery\n of THE Holy Lance. The policy of THEir chiefs has on this\n occasion been admired, and might surely be excused; but a pious\n fraud is seldom produced by THE cool conspiracy of many persons;\n and a voluntary impostor might depend on THE support of THE wise\n and THE credulity of THE people. Of THE diocese of Marseilles,\n THEre was a priest of low cunning and loose manners, and his name\n was Peter Bartholemy. He presented himself at THE door of THE\n council-chamber, to disclose an apparition of St. Andrew, which\n had been thrice reiterated in his sleep with a dreadful menace,\n if he presumed to suppress THE commands of Heaven. “At Antioch,”\n said THE apostle, “in THE church of my broTHEr St. Peter, near\n THE high altar, is concealed THE steel head of THE lance that\n pierced THE side of our Redeemer. In three days that instrument\n of eternal, and now of temporal, salvation, will be manifested to\n his disciples. Search, and ye shall find: bear it aloft in\n battle; and that mystic weapon shall penetrate THE souls of THE\n miscreants.” The pope’s legate, THE bishop of Puy, affected to\n listen with coldness and distrust; but THE revelation was eagerly\n accepted by Count Raymond, whom his faithful subject, in THE name\n of THE apostle, had chosen for THE guardian of THE holy lance.\n The experiment was resolved; and on THE third day after a due\n preparation of prayer and fasting, THE priest of Marseilles\n introduced twelve trusty spectators, among whom were THE count\n and his chaplain; and THE church doors were barred against THE\n impetuous multitude. The ground was opened in THE appointed\n place; but THE workmen, who relieved each oTHEr, dug to THE depth\n of twelve feet without discovering THE object of THEir search. In\n THE evening, when Count Raymond had withdrawn to his post, and\n THE weary assistants began to murmur, Bartholemy, in his shirt,\n and without his shoes, boldly descended into THE pit; THE\n darkness of THE hour and of THE place enabled him to secrete and\n deposit THE head of a Saracen lance; and THE first sound, THE\n first gleam, of THE steel was saluted with a devout rapture. The\n holy lance was drawn from its recess, wrapped in a veil of silk\n and gold, and exposed to THE veneration of THE crusaders; THEir\n anxious suspense burst forth in a general shout of joy and hope,\n and THE desponding troops were again inflamed with THE enthusiasm\n of valor. Whatever had been THE arts, and whatever might be THE\n sentiments of THE chiefs, THEy skilfully improved this fortunate\n revolution by every aid that discipline and devotion could\n afford. The soldiers were dismissed to THEir quarters with an\n injunction to fortify THEir minds and bodies for THE approaching\n conflict, freely to bestow THEir last pittance on THEmselves and\n THEir horses, and to expect with THE dawn of day THE signal of\n victory. On THE festival of St. Peter and St. Paul, THE gates of\n Antioch were thrown open: a martial psalm, “Let THE Lord arise,\n and let his enemies be scattered!” was chanted by a procession of\n priests and monks; THE battle array was marshalled in twelve\n divisions, in honor of THE twelve apostles; and THE holy lance,\n in THE absence of Raymond, was intrusted to THE hands of his\n chaplain. The influence of his relic or trophy, was felt by THE\n servants, and perhaps by THE enemies, of Christ; 99 and its\n potent energy was heightened by an accident, a stratagem, or a\n rumor, of a miraculous complexion. Three knights, in white\n garments and resplendent arms, eiTHEr issued, or seemed to issue,\n from THE hills: THE voice of Adhemar, THE pope’s legate,\n proclaimed THEm as THE martyrs St. George, St. Theodore, and St.\n Maurice: THE tumult of battle allowed no time for doubt or\n scrutiny; and THE welcome apparition dazzled THE eyes or THE\n imagination of a fanatic army. 991 In THE season of danger and\n triumph, THE revelation of Bartholemy of Marseilles was\n unanimously asserted; but as soon as THE temporary service was\n accomplished, THE personal dignity and liberal arms which THE\n count of Tholouse derived from THE custody of THE holy lance,\n provoked THE envy, and awakened THE reason, of his rivals. A\n Norman clerk presumed to sift, with a philosophic spirit, THE\n truth of THE legend, THE circumstances of THE discovery, and THE\n character of THE prophet; and THE pious Bohemond ascribed THEir\n deliverance to THE merits and intercession of Christ alone. For a\n while, THE Provincials defended THEir national palladium with\n clamors and arms and new visions condemned to death and hell THE\n profane sceptics who presumed to scrutinize THE truth and merit\n of THE discovery. The prevalence of incredulity compelled THE\n author to submit his life and veracity to THE judgment of God. A\n pile of dry fagots, four feet high and fourteen long, was erected\n in THE midst of THE camp; THE flames burnt fiercely to THE\n elevation of thirty cubits; and a narrow path of twelve inches\n was left for THE perilous trial. The unfortunate priest of\n Marseilles traversed THE fire with dexterity and speed; but THE\n thighs and belly were scorched by THE intense heat; he expired\n THE next day; 992 and THE logic of believing minds will pay some\n regard to his dying protestations of innocence and truth. Some\n efforts were made by THE Provincials to substitute a cross, a\n ring, or a tabernacle, in THE place of THE holy lance, which soon\n vanished in contempt and oblivion. 100 Yet THE revelation of\n Antioch is gravely asserted by succeeding historians: and such is\n THE progress of credulity, that miracles most doubtful on THE\n spot, and at THE moment, will be received with implicit faith at\n a convenient distance of time and space.\n\n 99 (return) [ The Mahometan Aboulmahasen (apud De Guignes, tom.\n ii. p. ii. p. 95) is more correct in his account of THE holy\n lance than THE Christians, Anna Comnena and Abulpharagius: THE\n Greek princess confounds it with THE nail of THE cross, (l. xi.\n p. 326;) THE Jacobite primate, with St. Peter’s staff, (p. 242.)]\n\n 991 (return) [ The real cause of this victory appears to have\n been THE feud in Kerboga’s army Wilken, vol. ii. p. 40.—M.]\n\n 992 (return) [ The twelfth day after. He was much injured, and\n his flesh torn off, from THE ardor of pious congratulation with\n which he was assailed by those who witnessed his escape, unhurt,\n as it was first supposed. Wilken vol. i p. 263—M.]\n\n 100 (return) [ The two antagonists who express THE most intimate\n knowledge and THE strongest conviction of THE miracle, and of THE\n fraud, are Raymond des Agiles, and Radulphus Cadomensis, THE one\n attached to THE count of Tholouse, THE oTHEr to THE Norman\n prince. Fulcherius Carnotensis presumes to say, Audite fraudem et\n non fraudem! and afterwards, Invenit lanceam, fallaciter\n occultatam forsitan. The rest of THE herd are loud and\n strenuous.]\n\n The prudence or fortune of THE Franks had delayed THEir invasion\n till THE decline of THE Turkish empire. 101 Under THE manly\n government of THE three first sultans, THE kingdoms of Asia were\n united in peace and justice; and THE innumerable armies which\n THEy led in person were equal in courage, and superior in\n discipline, to THE Barbarians of THE West. But at THE time of THE\n crusade, THE inheritance of Malek Shaw was disputed by his four\n sons; THEir private ambition was insensible of THE public danger;\n and, in THE vicissitudes of THEir fortune, THE royal vassals were\n ignorant, or regardless, of THE true object of THEir allegiance.\n The twenty-eight emirs who marched with THE standard or Kerboga\n were his rivals or enemies: THEir hasty levies were drawn from\n THE towns and tents of Mesopotamia and Syria; and THE Turkish\n veterans were employed or consumed in THE civil wars beyond THE\n Tigris. The caliph of Egypt embraced this opportunity of weakness\n and discord to recover his ancient possessions; and his sultan\n Aphdal besieged Jerusalem and Tyre, expelled THE children of\n Ortok, and restored in Palestine THE civil and ecclesiastical\n authority of THE Fatimites. 102 They heard with astonishment of\n THE vast armies of Christians that had passed from Europe to\n Asia, and rejoiced in THE sieges and battles which broke THE\n power of THE Turks, THE adversaries of THEir sect and monarchy.\n But THE same Christians were THE enemies of THE prophet; and from\n THE overthrow of Nice and Antioch, THE motive of THEir\n enterprise, which was gradually understood, would urge THEm\n forwards to THE banks of THE Jordan, or perhaps of THE Nile.\n\n An intercourse of epistles and embassies, which rose and fell\n with THE events of war, was maintained between THE throne of\n Cairo and THE camp of THE Latins; and THEir adverse pride was THE\n result of ignorance and enthusiasm. The ministers of Egypt\n declared in a haughty, or insinuated in a milder, tone, that\n THEir sovereign, THE true and lawful commander of THE faithful,\n had rescued Jerusalem from THE Turkish yoke; and that THE\n pilgrims, if THEy would divide THEir numbers, and lay aside THEir\n arms, should find a safe and hospitable reception at THE\n sepulchre of Jesus. In THE belief of THEir lost condition, THE\n caliph Mostali despised THEir arms and imprisoned THEir deputies:\n THE conquest and victory of Antioch prompted him to solicit those\n formidable champions with gifts of horses and silk robes, of\n vases, and purses of gold and silver; and in his estimate of\n THEir merit or power, THE first place was assigned to Bohemond,\n and THE second to Godfrey. In eiTHEr fortune, THE answer of THE\n crusaders was firm and uniform: THEy disdained to inquire into\n THE private claims or possessions of THE followers of Mahomet;\n whatsoever was his name or nation, THE usurper of Jerusalem was\n THEir enemy; and instead of prescribing THE mode and terms of\n THEir pilgrimage, it was only by a timely surrender of THE city\n and province, THEir sacred right, that he could deserve THEir\n alliance, or deprecate THEir impending and irresistible attack.\n 103\n\n 101 (return) [ See M. De Guignes, tom. ii. p. ii. p. 223, &c.;\n and THE articles of Barkidrok, Mohammed, Sangiar, in D’Herbelot.]\n\n 102 (return) [ The emir, or sultan, Aphdal, recovered Jerusalem\n and Tyre, A. H. 489, (Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alexandrin. p.\n 478. De Guignes, tom. i. p. 249, from Abulfeda and Ben Schounah.)\n Jerusalem ante adventum vestrum recuperavimus, Turcos ejecimus,\n say THE Fatimite ambassadors]\n\n 103 (return) [ See THE transactions between THE caliph of Egypt\n and THE crusaders in William of Tyre (l. iv. c. 24, l. vi. c. 19)\n and Albert Aquensis, (l. iii. c. 59,) who are more sensible of\n THEir importance than THE contemporary writers.]\n\n Yet this attack, when THEy were within THE view and reach of\n THEir glorious prize, was suspended above ten months after THE\n defeat of Kerboga. The zeal and courage of THE crusaders were\n chilled in THE moment of victory; and instead of marching to\n improve THE consternation, THEy hastily dispersed to enjoy THE\n luxury, of Syria. The causes of this strange delay may be found\n in THE want of strength and subordination. In THE painful and\n various service of Antioch, THE cavalry was annihilated; many\n thousands of every rank had been lost by famine, sickness, and\n desertion: THE same abuse of plenty had been productive of a\n third famine; and THE alternative of intemperance and distress\n had generated a pestilence, which swept away above fifty thousand\n of THE pilgrims. Few were able to command, and none were willing\n to obey; THE domestic feuds, which had been stifled by common\n fear, were again renewed in acts, or at least in sentiments, of\n hostility; THE fortune of Baldwin and Bohemond excited THE envy\n of THEir companions; THE bravest knights were enlisted for THE\n defence of THEir new principalities; and Count Raymond exhausted\n his troops and treasures in an idle expedition into THE heart of\n Syria. 1031 The winter was consumed in discord and disorder; a\n sense of honor and religion was rekindled in THE spring; and THE\n private soldiers, less susceptible of ambition and jealousy,\n awakened with angry clamors THE indolence of THEir chiefs. In THE\n month of May, THE relics of this mighty host proceeded from\n Antioch to Laodicea: about forty thousand Latins, of whom no more\n than fifteen hundred horse, and twenty thousand foot, were\n capable of immediate service. Their easy march was continued\n between Mount Libanus and THE sea-shore: THEir wants were\n liberally supplied by THE coasting traders of Genoa and Pisa; and\n THEy drew large contributions from THE emirs of Tripoli, Tyre,\n Sidon, Acre, and Caesarea, who granted a free passage, and\n promised to follow THE example of Jerusalem. From Caesarea THEy\n advanced into THE midland country; THEir clerks recognized THE\n sacred geography of Lydda, Ramla, Emmaus, and Bethlem, 1032 and\n as soon as THEy descried THE holy city, THE crusaders forgot\n THEir toils and claimed THEir reward. 104\n\n 1031 (return) [ This is not quite correct: he took Marra on his\n road. His excursions were partly to obtain provisions for THE\n army and fodder for THE horses Wilken, vol. i. p. 226.—M.]\n\n 1032 (return) [ Scarcely of Bethlehem, to THE south of\n Jerusalem.— M.]\n\n 104 (return) [ The greatest part of THE march of THE Franks is\n traced, and most accurately traced, in Maundrell’s Journey from\n Aleppo to Jerusalem, (p. 11-67;) un des meilleurs morceaux, sans\n contredit qu’on ait dans ce genre, (D’Anville, Memoire sur\n Jerusalem, p. 27.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part V.\n\n Jerusalem has derived some reputation from THE number and\n importance of her memorable sieges. It was not till after a long\n and obstinate contest that Babylon and Rome could prevail against\n THE obstinacy of THE people, THE craggy ground that might\n supersede THE necessity of fortifications, and THE walls and\n towers that would have fortified THE most accessible plain. 105\n These obstacles were diminished in THE age of THE crusades. The\n bulwarks had been completely destroyed and imperfectly restored:\n THE Jews, THEir nation, and worship, were forever banished; but\n nature is less changeable than man, and THE site of Jerusalem,\n though somewhat softened and somewhat removed, was still strong\n against THE assaults of an enemy. By THE experience of a recent\n siege, and a three years’ possession, THE Saracens of Egypt had\n been taught to discern, and in some degree to remedy, THE defects\n of a place, which religion as well as honor forbade THEm to\n resign. Aladin, or Iftikhar, THE caliph’s lieutenant, was\n intrusted with THE defence: his policy strove to restrain THE\n native Christians by THE dread of THEir own ruin and that of THE\n holy sepulchre; to animate THE Moslems by THE assurance of\n temporal and eternal rewards. His garrison is said to have\n consisted of forty thousand Turks and Arabians; and if he could\n muster twenty thousand of THE inhabitants, it must be confessed\n that THE besieged were more numerous than THE besieging army. 106\n Had THE diminished strength and numbers of THE Latins allowed\n THEm to grasp THE whole circumference of four thousand yards,\n (about two English miles and a half, 107 to what useful purpose\n should THEy have descended into THE valley of Ben Hinnom and\n torrent of Cedron, 108 or approach THE precipices of THE south\n and east, from whence THEy had nothing eiTHEr to hope or fear?\n Their siege was more reasonably directed against THE norTHErn and\n western sides of THE city. Godfrey of Bouillon erected his\n standard on THE first swell of Mount Calvary: to THE left, as far\n as St. Stephen’s gate, THE line of attack was continued by\n Tancred and THE two Roberts; and Count Raymond established his\n quarters from THE citadel to THE foot of Mount Sion, which was no\n longer included within THE precincts of THE city. On THE fifth\n day, THE crusaders made a general assault, in THE fanatic hope of\n battering down THE walls without engines, and of scaling THEm\n without ladders. By THE dint of brutal force, THEy burst THE\n first barrier; but THEy were driven back with shame and slaughter\n to THE camp: THE influence of vision and prophecy was deadened by\n THE too frequent abuse of those pious stratagems; and time and\n labor were found to be THE only means of victory. The time of THE\n siege was indeed fulfilled in forty days, but THEy were forty\n days of calamity and anguish. A repetition of THE old complaint\n of famine may be imputed in some degree to THE voracious or\n disorderly appetite of THE Franks; but THE stony soil of\n Jerusalem is almost destitute of water; THE scanty springs and\n hasty torrents were dry in THE summer season; nor was THE thirst\n of THE besiegers relieved, as in THE city, by THE artificial\n supply of cisterns and aqueducts. The circumjacent country is\n equally destitute of trees for THE uses of shade or building, but\n some large beams were discovered in a cave by THE crusaders: a\n wood near Sichem, THE enchanted grove of Tasso, 109 was cut down:\n THE necessary timber was transported to THE camp by THE vigor and\n dexterity of Tancred; and THE engines were framed by some Genoese\n artists, who had fortunately landed in THE harbor of Jaffa. Two\n movable turrets were constructed at THE expense, and in THE\n stations, of THE duke of Lorraine and THE count of Tholouse, and\n rolled forwards with devout labor, not to THE most accessible,\n but to THE most neglected, parts of THE fortification. Raymond’s\n Tower was reduced to ashes by THE fire of THE besieged, but his\n colleague was more vigilant and successful; 1091 THE enemies were\n driven by his archers from THE rampart; THE draw-bridge was let\n down; and on a Friday, at three in THE afternoon, THE day and\n hour of THE passion, Godfrey of Bouillon stood victorious on THE\n walls of Jerusalem. His example was followed on every side by THE\n emulation of valor; and about four hundred and sixty years after\n THE conquest of Omar, THE holy city was rescued from THE\n Mahometan yoke. In THE pillage of public and private wealth, THE\n adventurers had agreed to respect THE exclusive property of THE\n first occupant; and THE spoils of THE great mosque, seventy lamps\n and massy vases of gold and silver, rewarded THE diligence, and\n displayed THE generosity, of Tancred. A bloody sacrifice was\n offered by his mistaken votaries to THE God of THE Christians:\n resistance might provoke but neiTHEr age nor sex could mollify,\n THEir implacable rage: THEy indulged THEmselves three days in a\n promiscuous massacre; 110 and THE infection of THE dead bodies\n produced an epidemical disease. After seventy thousand Moslems\n had been put to THE sword, and THE harmless Jews had been burnt\n in THEir synagogue, THEy could still reserve a multitude of\n captives, whom interest or lassitude persuaded THEm to spare. Of\n THEse savage heroes of THE cross, Tancred alone betrayed some\n sentiments of compassion; yet we may praise THE more selfish\n lenity of Raymond, who granted a capitulation and safe-conduct to\n THE garrison of THE citadel. 111 The holy sepulchre was now free;\n and THE bloody victors prepared to accomplish THEir vow.\n Bareheaded and barefoot, with contrite hearts, and in an humble\n posture, THEy ascended THE hill of Calvary, amidst THE loud\n anTHEms of THE clergy; kissed THE stone which had covered THE\n Savior of THE world; and bedewed with tears of joy and penitence\n THE monument of THEir redemption. This union of THE fiercest and\n most tender passions has been variously considered by two\n philosophers; by THE one, 112 as easy and natural; by THE oTHEr,\n 113 as absurd and incredible. Perhaps it is too rigorously\n applied to THE same persons and THE same hour; THE example of THE\n virtuous Godfrey awakened THE piety of his companions; while THEy\n cleansed THEir bodies, THEy purified THEir minds; nor shall I\n believe that THE most ardent in slaughter and rapine were THE\n foremost in THE procession to THE holy sepulchre.\n\n 105 (return) [ See THE masterly description of Tacitus, (Hist. v.\n 11, 12, 13,) who supposes that THE Jewish lawgivers had provided\n for a perpetual state of hostility against THE rest of mankind. *\n Note: This is an exaggerated inference from THE words of Tacitus,\n who speaks of THE founders of THE city, not THE lawgivers.\n Praeviderant conditores, ex diversitate morum, crebra bella; inde\n cuncta quamvis adversus loagum obsidium.—M.]\n\n 106 (return) [ The lively scepticism of Voltaire is balanced with\n sense and erudition by THE French author of THE Esprit des\n Croisades, (tom. iv. p. 386-388,) who observes, that, according\n to THE Arabians, THE inhabitants of Jerusalem must have exceeded\n 200,000; that in THE siege of Titus, Josephus collects 1,300,000\n Jews; that THEy are stated by Tacitus himself at 600,000; and\n that THE largest defalcation, that his accepimus can justify,\n will still leave THEm more numerous than THE Roman army.]\n\n 107 (return) [ Maundrell, who diligently perambulated THE walls,\n found a circuit of 4630 paces, or 4167 English yards, (p. 109,\n 110: ) from an auTHEntic plan, D’Anville concludes a measure\n nearly similar, of 1960 French toises, (p. 23-29,) in his scarce\n and valuable tract. For THE topography of Jerusalem, see Reland,\n (Palestina, tom. ii. p. 832-860.)]\n\n 108 (return) [ Jerusalem was possessed only of THE torrent of\n Kedron, dry in summer, and of THE little spring or brook of\n Siloe, (Reland, tom. i. p. 294, 300.) Both strangers and natives\n complain of THE want of water, which, in time of war, was\n studiously aggravated. Within THE city, Tacitus mentions a\n perennial fountain, an aqueduct and cisterns for rain water. The\n aqueduct was conveyed from THE rivulet Tekos or Etham, which is\n likewise mentioned by Bohadin, (in Vit. Saludio p. 238.)]\n\n 109 (return) [ Gierusalomme Liberata, canto xiii. It is pleasant\n enough to observe how Tasso has copied and embellished THE\n minutest details of THE siege.]\n\n 1091 (return) [ This does not appear by Wilken’s account, (p.\n 294.) They fought in vair THE whole of THE Thursday.—M.]\n\n 110 (return) [ Besides THE Latins, who are not ashamed of THE\n massacre, see Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 363,) Abulpharagius,\n (Dynast. p. 243,) and M. De Guignes, tom. ii. p. ii. p. 99, from\n Aboulmahasen.]\n\n 111 (return) [ The old tower Psephina, in THE middle ages\n Neblosa, was named Castellum Pisanum, from THE patriarch\n Daimbert. It is still THE citadel, THE residence of THE Turkish\n aga, and commands a prospect of THE Dead Sea, Judea, and Arabia,\n (D’Anville, p. 19-23.) It was likewise called THE Tower of\n David.]\n\n 112 (return) [ Hume, in his History of England, vol. i. p. 311,\n 312, octavo edition.]\n\n 113 (return) [ Voltaire, in his Essai sur l’Histoire Generale,\n tom ii. c. 54, p 345, 346]\n\n Eight days after this memorable event, which Pope Urban did not\n live to hear, THE Latin chiefs proceeded to THE election of a\n king, to guard and govern THEir conquests in Palestine. Hugh THE\n Great, and Stephen of Chartres, had retired with some loss of\n reputation, which THEy strove to regain by a second crusade and\n an honorable death. Baldwin was established at Edessa, and\n Bohemond at Antioch; and two Roberts, THE duke of Normandy 114\n and THE count of Flanders, preferred THEir fair inheritance in\n THE West to a doubtful competition or a barren sceptre. The\n jealousy and ambition of Raymond were condemned by his own\n followers, and THE free, THE just, THE unanimous voice of THE\n army proclaimed Godfrey of Bouillon THE first and most worthy of\n THE champions of Christendom. His magnanimity accepted a trust as\n full of danger as of glory; but in a city where his Savior had\n been crowned with thorns, THE devout pilgrim rejected THE name\n and ensigns of royalty; and THE founder of THE kingdom of\n Jerusalem contented himself with THE modest title of Defender and\n Baron of THE Holy Sepulchre. His government of a single year, 115\n too short for THE public happiness, was interrupted in THE first\n fortnight by a summons to THE field, by THE approach of THE\n vizier or sultan of Egypt, who had been too slow to prevent, but\n who was impatient to avenge, THE loss of Jerusalem. His total\n overthrow in THE battle of Ascalon sealed THE establishment of\n THE Latins in Syria, and signalized THE valor of THE French\n princes who in this action bade a long farewell to THE holy wars.\n\n Some glory might be derived from THE prodigious inequality of\n numbers, though I shall not count THE myriads of horse and foot\n 1151 on THE side of THE Fatimites; but, except three thousand\n Ethiopians or Blacks, who were armed with flails or scourges of\n iron, THE Barbarians of THE South fled on THE first onset, and\n afforded a pleasing comparison between THE active valor of THE\n Turks and THE sloth and effeminacy of THE natives of Egypt. After\n suspending before THE holy sepulchre THE sword and standard of\n THE sultan, THE new king (he deserves THE title) embraced his\n departing companions, and could retain only with THE gallant\n Tancred three hundred knights, and two thousand foot-soldiers for\n THE defence of Palestine. His sovereignty was soon attacked by a\n new enemy, THE only one against whom Godfrey was a coward.\n Adhemar, bishop of Puy, who excelled both in council and action,\n had been swept away in THE last plague at Antioch: THE remaining\n ecclesiastics preserved only THE pride and avarice of THEir\n character; and THEir seditious clamors had required that THE\n choice of a bishop should precede that of a king. The revenue and\n jurisdiction of THE lawful patriarch were usurped by THE Latin\n clergy: THE exclusion of THE Greeks and Syrians was justified by\n THE reproach of heresy or schism; 116 and, under THE iron yoke of\n THEir deliverers, THE Oriental Christians regretted THE\n tolerating government of THE Arabian caliphs. Daimbert,\n archbishop of Pisa, had long been trained in THE secret policy of\n Rome: he brought a fleet at his countrymen to THE succor of THE\n Holy Land, and was installed, without a competitor, THE spiritual\n and temporal head of THE church. 1161 The new patriarch 117\n immediately grasped THE sceptre which had been acquired by THE\n toil and blood of THE victorious pilgrims; and both Godfrey and\n Bohemond submitted to receive at his hands THE investiture of\n THEir feudal possessions. Nor was this sufficient; Daimbert\n claimed THE immediate property of Jerusalem and Jaffa; instead of\n a firm and generous refusal, THE hero negotiated with THE priest;\n a quarter of eiTHEr city was ceded to THE church; and THE modest\n bishop was satisfied with an eventual reversion of THE rest, on\n THE death of Godfrey without children, or on THE future\n acquisition of a new seat at Cairo or Damascus.\n\n 114 (return) [ The English ascribe to Robert of Normandy, and THE\n Provincials to Raymond of Tholouse, THE glory of refusing THE\n crown; but THE honest voice of tradition has preserved THE memory\n of THE ambition and revenge (Villehardouin, No. 136) of THE count\n of St. Giles. He died at THE siege of Tripoli, which was\n possessed by his descendants.]\n\n 115 (return) [ See THE election, THE battle of Ascalon, &c., in\n William of Tyre l. ix. c. 1-12, and in THE conclusion of THE\n Latin historians of THE first crusade.]\n\n 1151 (return) [ 20,000 Franks, 300,000 Mussulmen, according to\n Wilken, (vol. ii. p. 9)—M.]\n\n 116 (return) [ Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 479.]\n\n 1161 (return) [ Arnulf was first chosen, but illegitimately, and\n degraded. He was ever after THE secret enemy of Daimbert or\n Dagobert. Wilken, vol. i. p. 306, vol. ii. p. 52.—M]\n\n 117 (return) [ See THE claims of THE patriarch Daimbert, in\n William of Tyre (l. ix. c. 15-18, x. 4, 7, 9,) who asserts with\n marvellous candor THE independence of THE conquerors and kings of\n Jerusalem.]\n\n Without this indulgence, THE conqueror would have almost been\n stripped of his infant kingdom, which consisted only of Jerusalem\n and Jaffa, with about twenty villages and towns of THE adjacent\n country. 118 Within this narrow verge, THE Mahometans were still\n lodged in some impregnable castles: and THE husbandman, THE\n trader, and THE pilgrim, were exposed to daily and domestic\n hostility. By THE arms of Godfrey himself, and of THE two\n Baldwins, his broTHEr and cousin, who succeeded to THE throne,\n THE Latins breaTHEd with more ease and safety; and at length THEy\n equalled, in THE extent of THEir dominions, though not in THE\n millions of THEir subjects, THE ancient princes of Judah and\n Israel. 119 After THE reduction of THE maritime cities of\n Laodicea, Tripoli, Tyre, and Ascalon, 120 which were powerfully\n assisted by THE fleets of Venice, Genoa, and Pisa, and even of\n Flanders and Norway, 121 THE range of sea-coast from Scanderoon\n to THE borders of Egypt was possessed by THE Christian pilgrims.\n If THE prince of Antioch disclaimed his supremacy, THE counts of\n Edessa and Tripoli owned THEmselves THE vassals of THE king of\n Jerusalem: THE Latins reigned beyond THE Euphrates; and THE four\n cities of Hems, Hamah, Damascus, and Aleppo, were THE only relics\n of THE Mahometan conquests in Syria. 122 The laws and language,\n THE manners and titles, of THE French nation and Latin church,\n were introduced into THEse transmarine colonies. According to THE\n feudal jurisprudence, THE principal states and subordinate\n baronies descended in THE line of male and female succession: 123\n but THE children of THE first conquerors, 124 a motley and\n degenerate race, were dissolved by THE luxury of THE climate; THE\n arrival of new crusaders from Europe was a doubtful hope and a\n casual event. The service of THE feudal tenures 125 was performed\n by six hundred and sixty-six knights, who might expect THE aid of\n two hundred more under THE banner of THE count of Tripoli; and\n each knight was attended to THE field by four squires or archers\n on horseback. 126 Five thousand and seventy sergeants, most\n probably foot-soldiers, were supplied by THE churches and cities;\n and THE whole legal militia of THE kingdom could not exceed\n eleven thousand men, a slender defence against THE surrounding\n myriads of Saracens and Turks. 127 But THE firmest bulwark of\n Jerusalem was founded on THE knights of THE Hospital of St. John,\n 128 and of THE temple of Solomon; 129 on THE strange association\n of a monastic and military life, which fanaticism might suggest,\n but which policy must approve. The flower of THE nobility of\n Europe aspired to wear THE cross, and to profess THE vows, of\n THEse respectable orders; THEir spirit and discipline were\n immortal; and THE speedy donation of twenty-eight thousand farms,\n or manors, 130 enabled THEm to support a regular force of cavalry\n and infantry for THE defence of Palestine. The austerity of THE\n convent soon evaporated in THE exercise of arms; THE world was\n scandalized by THE pride, avarice, and corruption of THEse\n Christian soldiers; THEir claims of immunity and jurisdiction\n disturbed THE harmony of THE church and state; and THE public\n peace was endangered by THEir jealous emulation. But in THEir\n most dissolute period, THE knights of THEir hospital and temple\n maintained THEir fearless and fanatic character: THEy neglected\n to live, but THEy were prepared to die, in THE service of Christ;\n and THE spirit of chivalry, THE parent and offspring of THE\n crusades, has been transplanted by this institution from THE holy\n sepulchre to THE Isle of Malta. 131\n\n 118 (return) [ Willerm. Tyr. l. x. 19. The Historia\n Hierosolimitana of Jacobus a Vitriaco (l. i. c. 21-50) and THE\n Secreta Fidelium Crucis of Marinus Sanutus (l. iii. p. 1)\n describe THE state and conquests of THE Latin kingdom of\n Jerusalem.]\n\n 119 (return) [ An actual muster, not including THE tribes of Levi\n and Benjamin, gave David an army of 1,300,000 or 1,574,000\n fighting men; which, with THE addition of women, children, and\n slaves, may imply a population of thirteen millions, in a country\n sixty leagues in length, and thirty broad. The honest and\n rational Le Clerc (Comment on 2d Samuel xxiv. and 1st Chronicles,\n xxi.) aestuat angusto in limite, and mutters his suspicion of a\n false transcript; a dangerous suspicion! * Note: David determined\n to take a census of his vast dominions, which extended from\n Lebanon to THE frontiers of Egypt, from THE Euphrates to THE\n Mediterranean. The numbers (in 2 Sam. xxiv. 9, and 1 Chron. xxi.\n 5) differ; but THE lowest gives 800,000 men fit to bear arms in\n Israel, 500,000 in Judah. Hist. of Jews, vol. i. p. 248. Gibbon\n has taken THE highest census in his estimate of THE population,\n and confined THE dominions of David to Jordandic Palestine.—M.]\n\n 120 (return) [ These sieges are related, each in its proper\n place, in THE great history of William of Tyre, from THE ixth to\n THE xviiith book, and more briefly told by Bernardus\n Thesaurarius, (de Acquisitione Terrae Sanctae, c. 89-98, p.\n 732-740.) Some domestic facts are celebrated in THE Chronicles of\n Pisa, Genoa, and Venice, in THE vith, ixth, and xiith tomes of\n Muratori.]\n\n 121 (return) [ Quidam populus de insulis occidentis egressus, et\n maxime de ea parte quae Norvegia dicitur. William of Tyre (l. xi.\n c. 14, p. 804) marks THEir course per Britannicum Mare et Calpen\n to THE siege of Sidon.]\n\n 122 (return) [ Benelathir, apud De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom.\n ii. part ii. p. 150, 151, A.D. 1127. He must speak of THE inland\n country.]\n\n 123 (return) [ Sanut very sensibly descants on THE mischiefs of\n female succession, in a land hostibus circumdata, ubi cuncta\n virilia et virtuosa esse deberent. Yet, at THE summons, and with\n THE approbation, of her feudal lord, a noble damsel was obliged\n to choose a husband and champion, (Assises de Jerusalem, c. 242,\n &c.) See in M. De Guignes (tom. i. p. 441-471) THE accurate and\n useful tables of THEse dynasties, which are chiefly drawn from\n THE Lignages d’Outremer.]\n\n 124 (return) [ They were called by derision Poullains, Pallani,\n and THEir name is never pronounced without contempt, (Ducange,\n Gloss. Latin. tom. v. p. 535; and Observations sur Joinville, p.\n 84, 85; Jacob. a Vitriaco Hist. Hierosol. i. c. 67, 72; and\n Sanut, l. iii. p. viii. c. 2, p. 182.) Illustrium virorum, qui ad\n Terrae Sanctae.... liberationem in ipsa manserunt, degeneres\n filii.... in deliciis enutriti, molles et effoe minati, &c.]\n\n 125 (return) [ This auTHEntic detail is extracted from THE\n Assises de Jerusalem (c. 324, 326-331.) Sanut (l. iii. p. viii.\n c. 1, p. 174) reckons only 518 knights, and 5775 followers.]\n\n 126 (return) [ The sum total, and THE division, ascertain THE\n service of THE three great baronies at 100 knights each; and THE\n text of THE Assises, which extends THE number to 500, can only be\n justified by this supposition.]\n\n 127 (return) [ Yet on great emergencies (says Sanut) THE barons\n brought a voluntary aid; decentem comitivam militum juxta statum\n suum.]\n\n 128 (return) [ William of Tyre (l. xviii. c. 3, 4, 5) relates THE\n ignoble origin and early insolence of THE Hospitallers, who soon\n deserted THEir humble patron, St. John THE Eleemosynary, for THE\n more august character of St. John THE Baptist, (see THE\n ineffectual struggles of Pagi, Critica, A. D 1099, No. 14-18.)\n They assumed THE profession of arms about THE year 1120; THE\n Hospital was mater; THE Temple filia; THE Teutonic order was\n founded A.D. 1190, at THE siege of Acre, (Mosheim Institut p.\n 389, 390.)]\n\n 129 (return) [ See St. Bernard de Laude Novae Militiae Templi,\n composed A.D. 1132-1136, in Opp. tom. i. p. ii. p. 547-563, edit.\n Mabillon, Venet. 1750. Such an encomium, which is thrown away on\n THE dead Templars, would be highly valued by THE historians of\n Malta.]\n\n 130 (return) [ MatTHEw Paris, Hist. Major, p. 544. He assigns to\n THE Hospitallers 19,000, to THE Templars 9,000 maneria, word of\n much higher import (as Ducange has rightly observed) in THE\n English than in THE French idiom. Manor is a lordship, manoir a\n dwelling.]\n\n 131 (return) [ In THE three first books of THE Histoire de\n Chevaliers de MalTHE par l’Abbe de Vertot, THE reader may amuse\n himself with a fair, and sometimes flattering, picture of THE\n order, while it was employed for THE defence of Palestine. The\n subsequent books pursue THEir emigration to Rhodes and Malta.]\n\n The spirit of freedom, which pervades THE feudal institutions,\n was felt in its strongest energy by THE volunteers of THE cross,\n who elected for THEir chief THE most deserving of his peers.\n Amidst THE slaves of Asia, unconscious of THE lesson or example,\n a model of political liberty was introduced; and THE laws of THE\n French kingdom are derived from THE purest source of equality and\n justice. Of such laws, THE first and indispensable condition is\n THE assent of those whose obedience THEy require, and for whose\n benefit THEy are designed. No sooner had Godfrey of Bouillon\n accepted THE office of supreme magistrate, than he solicited THE\n public and private advice of THE Latin pilgrims, who were THE\n best skilled in THE statutes and customs of Europe. From THEse\n materials, with THE counsel and approbation of THE patriarch and\n barons, of THE clergy and laity, Godfrey composed THE Assise of\n Jerusalem, 132 a precious monument of feudal jurisprudence. The\n new code, attested by THE seals of THE king, THE patriarch, and\n THE viscount of Jerusalem, was deposited in THE holy sepulchre,\n enriched with THE improvements of succeeding times, and\n respectfully consulted as often as any doubtful question arose in\n THE tribunals of Palestine. With THE kingdom and city all was\n lost: 133 THE fragments of THE written law were preserved by\n jealous tradition 134 and variable practice till THE middle of\n THE thirteenth century: THE code was restored by THE pen of John\n d’Ibelin, count of Jaffa, one of THE principal feudatories; 135\n and THE final revision was accomplished in THE year thirteen\n hundred and sixty-nine, for THE use of THE Latin kingdom of\n Cyprus. 136\n\n 132 (return) [ The Assises de Jerusalem, in old law French, were\n printed with Beaumanoir’s Coutumes de Beauvoisis, (Bourges and\n Paris, 1690, in folio,) and illustrated by Gaspard Thaumas de la\n Thaumassiere, with a comment and glossary. An Italian version had\n been published in 1534, at Venice, for THE use of THE kingdom of\n Cyprus. * Note: See Wilken, vol. i. p. 17, &c.,—M.]\n\n 133 (return) [ A la terre perdue, tout fut perdu, is THE vigorous\n expression of THE Assise, (c. 281.) Yet Jerusalem capitulated\n with Saladin; THE queen and THE principal Christians departed in\n peace; and a code so precious and so portable could not provoke\n THE avarice of THE conquerors. I have sometimes suspected THE\n existence of this original copy of THE Holy Sepulchre, which\n might be invented to sanctify and auTHEnticate THE traditionary\n customs of THE French in Palestine.]\n\n 134 (return) [ A noble lawyer, Raoul de Tabarie, denied THE\n prayer of King Amauri, (A.D. 1195-1205,) that he would commit his\n knowledged to writing, and frankly declared, que de ce qu’il\n savoit ne feroit-il ja nul borjois son pareill, ne null sage\n homme lettre, (c. 281.)]\n\n 135 (return) [ The compiler of this work, Jean d’Ibelin, was\n count of Jaffa and Ascalon, lord of Baruth (Berytus) and Rames,\n and died A.D. 1266, (Sanut, l. iii. p. ii. c. 5, 8.) The family\n of Ibelin, which descended from a younger broTHEr of a count of\n Chartres in France, long flourished in Palestine and Cyprus, (see\n THE Lignages de deca Mer, or d’Outremer, c. 6, at THE end of THE\n Assises de Jerusalem, an original book, which records THE\n pedigrees of THE French adventurers.)]\n\n 136 (return) [ By sixteen commissioners chosen in THE states of\n THE island: THE work was finished THE 3d of November, 1369,\n sealed with four seals and deposited in THE caTHEdral of Nicosia,\n (see THE preface to THE Assises.)]\n\n The justice and freedom of THE constitution were maintained by\n two tribunals of unequal dignity, which were instituted by\n Godfrey of Bouillon after THE conquest of Jerusalem. The king, in\n person, presided in THE upper court, THE court of THE barons. Of\n THEse THE four most conspicuous were THE prince of Galilee, THE\n lord of Sidon and Caesarea, and THE counts of Jaffa and Tripoli,\n who, perhaps with THE constable and marshal, 137 were in a\n special manner THE compeers and judges of each oTHEr. But all THE\n nobles, who held THEir lands immediately of THE crown, were\n entitled and bound to attend THE king’s court; and each baron\n exercised a similar jurisdiction on THE subordinate assemblies of\n his own feudatories. The connection of lord and vassal was\n honorable and voluntary: reverence was due to THE benefactor,\n protection to THE dependant; but THEy mutually pledged THEir\n faith to each oTHEr; and THE obligation on eiTHEr side might be\n suspended by neglect or dissolved by injury. The cognizance of\n marriages and testaments was blended with religion, and usurped\n by THE clergy: but THE civil and criminal causes of THE nobles,\n THE inheritance and tenure of THEir fiefs, formed THE proper\n occupation of THE supreme court. Each member was THE judge and\n guardian both of public and private rights. It was his duty to\n assert with his tongue and sword THE lawful claims of THE lord;\n but if an unjust superior presumed to violate THE freedom or\n property of a vassal, THE confederate peers stood forth to\n maintain his quarrel by word and deed. They boldly affirmed his\n innocence and his wrongs; demanded THE restitution of his liberty\n or his lands; suspended, after a fruitless demand, THEir own\n service; rescued THEir broTHEr from prison; and employed every\n weapon in his defence, without offering direct violence to THE\n person of THEir lord, which was ever sacred in THEir eyes. 138 In\n THEir pleadings, replies, and rejoinders, THE advocates of THE\n court were subtle and copious; but THE use of argument and\n evidence was often superseded by judicial combat; and THE Assise\n of Jerusalem admits in many cases this barbarous institution,\n which has been slowly abolished by THE laws and manners of\n Europe.\n\n 137 (return) [ The cautious John D’Ibelin argues, raTHEr than\n affirms, that Tripoli is THE fourth barony, and expresses some\n doubt concerning THE right or pretension of THE constable and\n marshal, (c. 323.)]\n\n 138 (return) [ Entre seignor et homme ne n’a que la foi;.... mais\n tant que l’homme doit a son seignor reverence en toutes choses,\n (c. 206.) Tous les hommes dudit royaume sont par ladite Assise\n tenus les uns as autres.... et en celle maniere que le seignor\n mette main ou face mettre au cors ou au fie d’aucun d’yaus sans\n esgard et sans connoissans de court, que tous les autres doivent\n venir devant le seignor, &c., (212.) The form of THEir\n remonstrances is conceived with THE noble simplicity of freedom.]\n\n The trial by battle was established in all criminal cases which\n affected THE life, or limb, or honor, of any person; and in all\n civil transactions, of or above THE value of one mark of silver.\n It appears that in criminal cases THE combat was THE privilege of\n THE accuser, who, except in a charge of treason, avenged his\n personal injury, or THE death of those persons whom he had a\n right to represent; but wherever, from THE nature of THE charge,\n testimony could be obtained, it was necessary for him to produce\n witnesses of THE fact. In civil cases, THE combat was not allowed\n as THE means of establishing THE claim of THE demandant; but he\n was obliged to produce witnesses who had, or assumed to have,\n knowledge of THE fact. The combat was THEn THE privilege of THE\n defendant; because he charged THE witness with an attempt by\n perjury to take away his right. He came THErefore to be in THE\n same situation as THE appellant in criminal cases. It was not\n THEn as a mode of proof that THE combat was received, nor as\n making negative evidence, (according to THE supposition of\n Montesquieu; 139 but in every case THE right to offer battle was\n founded on THE right to pursue by arms THE redress of an injury;\n and THE judicial combat was fought on THE same principle, and\n with THE same spirit, as a private duel. Champions were only\n allowed to women, and to men maimed or past THE age of sixty. The\n consequence of a defeat was death to THE person accused, or to\n THE champion or witness, as well as to THE accuser himself: but\n in civil cases, THE demandant was punished with infamy and THE\n loss of his suit, while his witness and champion suffered\n ignominious death. In many cases it was in THE option of THE\n judge to award or to refuse THE combat: but two are specified, in\n which it was THE inevitable result of THE challenge; if a\n faithful vassal gave THE lie to his compeer, who unjustly claimed\n any portion of THEir lord’s demesnes; or if an unsuccessful\n suitor presumed to impeach THE judgment and veracity of THE\n court. He might impeach THEm, but THE terms were severe and\n perilous: in THE same day he successively fought all THE members\n of THE tribunal, even those who had been absent; a single defeat\n was followed by death and infamy; and where none could hope for\n victory, it is highly probable that none would adventure THE\n trial. In THE Assise of Jerusalem, THE legal subtlety of THE\n count of Jaffa is more laudably employed to elude, than to\n facilitate, THE judicial combat, which he derives from a\n principle of honor raTHEr than of superstition. 140\n\n 139 (return) [ See l’Esprit des Loix, l. xxviii. In THE forty\n years since its publication, no work has been more read and\n criticized; and THE spirit of inquiry which it has excited is not\n THE least of our obligations to THE author.]\n\n 140 (return) [ For THE intelligence of this obscure and obsolete\n jurisprudence (c. 80-111) I am deeply indebted to THE friendship\n of a learned lord, who, with an accurate and discerning eye, has\n surveyed THE philosophic history of law. By his studies,\n posterity might be enriched: THE merit of THE orator and THE\n judge can be felt only by his contemporaries.]\n\n Among THE causes which enfranchised THE plebeians from THE yoke\n of feudal tyranny, THE institution of cities and corporations is\n one of THE most powerful; and if those of Palestine are coeval\n with THE first crusade, THEy may be ranked with THE most ancient\n of THE Latin world. Many of THE pilgrims had escaped from THEir\n lords under THE banner of THE cross; and it was THE policy of THE\n French princes to tempt THEir stay by THE assurance of THE rights\n and privileges of freemen. It is expressly declared in THE Assise\n of Jerusalem, that after instituting, for his knights and barons,\n THE court of peers, in which he presided himself, Godfrey of\n Bouillon established a second tribunal, in which his person was\n represented by his viscount. The jurisdiction of this inferior\n court extended over THE burgesses of THE kingdom; and it was\n composed of a select number of THE most discreet and worthy\n citizens, who were sworn to judge, according to THE laws of THE\n actions and fortunes of THEir equals. 141 In THE conquest and\n settlement of new cities, THE example of Jerusalem was imitated\n by THE kings and THEir great vassals; and above thirty similar\n corporations were founded before THE loss of THE Holy Land.\n AnoTHEr class of subjects, THE Syrians, 142 or Oriental\n Christians, were oppressed by THE zeal of THE clergy, and\n protected by THE toleration of THE state. Godfrey listened to\n THEir reasonable prayer, that THEy might be judged by THEir own\n national laws. A third court was instituted for THEir use, of\n limited and domestic jurisdiction: THE sworn members were\n Syrians, in blood, language, and religion; but THE office of THE\n president (in Arabic, of THE rais) was sometimes exercised by THE\n viscount of THE city. At an immeasurable distance below THE\n nobles, THE burgesses, and THE strangers, THE Assise of Jerusalem\n condescends to mention THE villains and slaves, THE peasants of\n THE land and THE captives of war, who were almost equally\n considered as THE objects of property. The relief or protection\n of THEse unhappy men was not esteemed worthy of THE care of THE\n legislator; but he diligently provides for THE recovery, though\n not indeed for THE punishment, of THE fugitives. Like hounds, or\n hawks, who had strayed from THE lawful owner, THEy might be lost\n and claimed: THE slave and falcon were of THE same value; but\n three slaves, or twelve oxen, were accumulated to equal THE price\n of THE war-horse; and a sum of three hundred pieces of gold was\n fixed, in THE age of chivalry, as THE equivalent of THE more\n noble animal. 143\n\n 141 (return) [ Louis le Gros, who is considered as THE faTHEr of\n this institution in France, did not begin his reign till nine\n years (A.D. 1108) after Godfrey of Bouillon, (Assises, c. 2,\n 324.) For its origin and effects, see THE judicious remarks of\n Dr. Robertson, (History of Charles V. vol. i. p. 30-36, 251-265,\n quarto edition.)]\n\n 142 (return) [ Every reader conversant with THE historians of THE\n crusades will understand by THE peuple des Suriens, THE Oriental\n Christians, Melchites, Jacobites, or Nestorians, who had all\n adopted THE use of THE Arabic language, (vol. iv. p. 593.)]\n\n 143 (return) [ See THE Assises de Jerusalem, (310, 311, 312.)\n These laws were enacted as late as THE year 1350, in THE kingdom\n of Cyprus. In THE same century, in THE reign of Edward I., I\n understand, from a late publication, (of his Book of Account,)\n that THE price of a war-horse was not less exorbitant in\n England.]\n\n\n\n\nVOLUME SIX\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LIX: The Crusades.—Part I.\n\n Preservation Of The Greek Empire.—Numbers, Passage, And Event, Of\n The Second And Third Crusades.—St. Bernard.— Reign Of Saladin In\n Egypt And Syria.—His Conquest Of Jerusalem.—Naval\n Crusades.—Richard The First Of England.— Pope Innocent The Third;\n And The Fourth And Fifth Crusades.— The Emperor Frederic The\n Second.—Louis The Ninth Of France; And The Two Last\n Crusades.—Expulsion Of The Latins Or Franks By The Mamelukes.\n\n\n In a style less grave than that of history, I should perhaps\n compare THE emperor Alexius 1 to THE jackal, who is said to\n follow THE steps, and to devour THE leavings, of THE lion.\n Whatever had been his fears and toils in THE passage of THE first\n crusade, THEy were amply recompensed by THE subsequent benefits\n which he derived from THE exploits of THE Franks. His dexterity\n and vigilance secured THEir first conquest of Nice; and from this\n threatening station THE Turks were compelled to evacuate THE\n neighborhood of Constantinople. While THE crusaders, with blind\n valor, advanced into THE midland countries of Asia, THE crafty\n Greek improved THE favorable occasion when THE emirs of THE\n sea-coast were recalled to THE standard of THE sultan. The Turks\n were driven from THE Isles of Rhodes and Chios: THE cities of\n Ephesus and Smyrna, of Sardes, Philadelphia, and Laodicea, were\n restored to THE empire, which Alexius enlarged from THE\n Hellespont to THE banks of THE Mæander, and THE rocky shores of\n Pamphylia. The churches resumed THEir splendor: THE towns were\n rebuilt and fortified; and THE desert country was peopled with\n colonies of Christians, who were gently removed from THE more\n distant and dangerous frontier. In THEse paternal cares, we may\n forgive Alexius, if he forgot THE deliverance of THE holy\n sepulchre; but, by THE Latins, he was stigmatized with THE foul\n reproach of treason and desertion. They had sworn fidelity and\n obedience to his throne; but _he_ had promised to assist THEir\n enterprise in person, or, at least, with his troops and\n treasures: his base retreat dissolved THEir obligations; and THE\n sword, which had been THE instrument of THEir victory, was THE\n pledge and title of THEir just independence. It does not appear\n that THE emperor attempted to revive his obsolete claims over THE\n kingdom of Jerusalem; 2 but THE borders of Cilicia and Syria were\n more recent in his possession, and more accessible to his arms.\n The great army of THE crusaders was annihilated or dispersed; THE\n principality of Antioch was left without a head, by THE surprise\n and captivity of Bohemond; his ransom had oppressed him with a\n heavy debt; and his Norman followers were insufficient to repel\n THE hostilities of THE Greeks and Turks. In this distress,\n Bohemond embraced a magnanimous resolution, of leaving THE\n defence of Antioch to his kinsman, THE faithful Tancred; of\n arming THE West against THE Byzantine empire; and of executing\n THE design which he inherited from THE lessons and example of his\n faTHEr Guiscard. His embarkation was clandestine: and, if we may\n credit a tale of THE princess Anne, he passed THE hostile sea\n closely secreted in a coffin. 3 But his reception in France was\n dignified by THE public applause, and his marriage with THE\n king’s daughter: his return was glorious, since THE bravest\n spirits of THE age enlisted under his veteran command; and he\n repassed THE Adriatic at THE head of five thousand horse and\n forty thousand foot, assembled from THE most remote climates of\n Europe. 4 The strength of Durazzo, and prudence of Alexius, THE\n progress of famine and approach of winter, eluded his ambitious\n hopes; and THE venal confederates were seduced from his standard.\n A treaty of peace 5 suspended THE fears of THE Greeks; and THEy\n were finally delivered by THE death of an adversary, whom neiTHEr\n oaths could bind, nor dangers could appal, nor prosperity could\n satiate. His children succeeded to THE principality of Antioch;\n but THE boundaries were strictly defined, THE homage was clearly\n stipulated, and THE cities of Tarsus and Malmistra were restored\n to THE Byzantine emperors. Of THE coast of Anatolia, THEy\n possessed THE entire circuit from Trebizond to THE Syrian gates.\n The Seljukian dynasty of Roum 6 was separated on all sides from\n THE sea and THEir Mussulman brethren; THE power of THE sultan was\n shaken by THE victories and even THE defeats of THE Franks; and\n after THE loss of Nice, THEy removed THEir throne to Cogni or\n Iconium, an obscure and in land town above three hundred miles\n from Constantinople. 7 Instead of trembling for THEir capital,\n THE Comnenian princes waged an offensive war against THE Turks,\n and THE first crusade prevented THE fall of THE declining empire.\n\n 1 (return) [ Anna Comnena relates her faTHEr’s conquests in Asia\n Minor Alexiad, l. xi. p. 321—325, l. xiv. p. 419; his Cilician\n war against Tancred and Bohemond, p. 328—324; THE war of Epirus,\n with tedious prolixity, l. xii. xiii. p. 345—406; THE death of\n Bohemond, l. xiv. p. 419.]\n\n 2 (return) [ The kings of Jerusalem submitted, however, to a\n nominal dependence, and in THE dates of THEir inscriptions, (one\n is still legible in THE church of Bethlem,) THEy respectfully\n placed before THEir own THE name of THE reigning emperor,\n (Ducange, Dissertations sur Joinville xxvii. p. 319.)]\n\n 3 (return) [ Anna Comnena adds, that, to complete THE imitation,\n he was shut up with a dead cock; and condescends to wonder how\n THE Barbarian could endure THE confinement and putrefaction. This\n absurd tale is unknown to THE Latins. * Note: The Greek writers,\n in general, Zonaras, p. 2, 303, and Glycas, p. 334 agree in this\n story with THE princess Anne, except in THE absurd addition of\n THE dead cock. Ducange has already quoted some instances where a\n similar stratagem had been adopted by _Norman_ princes. On this\n authority Wilken inclines to believe THE fact. Appendix to vol.\n ii. p. 14.—M.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Ἀπὸ Θύλης, in THE Byzantine geography, must mean\n England; yet we are more credibly informed, that our Henry I.\n would not suffer him to levy any troops in his kingdom, (Ducange,\n Not. ad Alexiad. p. 41.)]\n\n 5 (return) [ The copy of THE treaty (Alexiad. l. xiii. p.\n 406—416) is an original and curious piece, which would require,\n and might afford, a good map of THE principality of Antioch.]\n\n 6 (return) [ See, in THE learned work of M. De Guignes, (tom. ii.\n part ii.,) THE history of THE Seljukians of Iconium, Aleppo, and\n Damascus, as far as it may be collected from THE Greeks, Latins,\n and Arabians. The last are ignorant or regardless of THE affairs\n of _Roum_.]\n\n 7 (return) [ Iconium is mentioned as a station by Xenophon, and\n by Strabo, with an ambiguous title of Κωμόπολις, (Cellarius, tom.\n ii. p. 121.) Yet St. Paul found in that place a multitude\n (πλῆθος) of Jews and Gentiles. under THE corrupt name of\n _Kunijah_, it is described as a great city, with a river and\n garden, three leagues from THE mountains, and decorated (I know\n not why) with Plato’s tomb, (Abulfeda, tabul. xvii. p. 303 vers.\n Reiske; and THE Index Geographicus of Schultens from Ibn Said.)]\n\n In THE twelfth century, three great emigrations marched by land\n from THE West for THE relief of Palestine. The soldiers and\n pilgrims of Lombardy, France, and Germany were excited by THE\n example and success of THE first crusade. 8 Forty-eight years\n after THE deliverance of THE holy sepulchre, THE emperor, and THE\n French king, Conrad THE Third and Louis THE Seventh, undertook\n THE second crusade to support THE falling fortunes of THE Latins.\n 9 A grand division of THE third crusade was led by THE emperor\n Frederic Barbarossa, 10 who sympathized with his broTHErs of\n France and England in THE common loss of Jerusalem. These three\n expeditions may be compared in THEir resemblance of THE greatness\n of numbers, THEir passage through THE Greek empire, and THE\n nature and event of THEir Turkish warfare, and a brief parallel\n may save THE repetition of a tedious narrative. However splendid\n it may seem, a regular story of THE crusades would exhibit THE\n perpetual return of THE same causes and effects; and THE frequent\n attempts for THE defence or recovery of THE Holy Land would\n appear so many faint and unsuccessful copies of THE original.\n\n 8 (return) [ For this supplement to THE first crusade, see Anna\n Comnena, (Alexias, l. xi. p. 331, &c., and THE viiith book of\n Albert Aquensis.)]\n\n 9 (return) [ For THE second crusade, of Conrad III. and Louis\n VII., see William of Tyre, (l. xvi. c. 18—19,) Otho of Frisingen,\n (l. i. c. 34—45 59, 60,) MatTHEw Paris, (Hist. Major. p. 68,)\n Struvius, (Corpus Hist Germanicæ, p. 372, 373,) Scriptores Rerum\n Francicarum à Duchesne tom. iv.: Nicetas, in Vit. Manuel, l. i.\n c. 4, 5, 6, p. 41—48, Cinnamus l. ii. p. 41—49.]\n\n 10 (return) [ For THE third crusade, of Frederic Barbarossa, see\n Nicetas in Isaac Angel. l. ii. c. 3—8, p. 257—266. Struv.\n (Corpus. Hist. Germ. p. 414,) and two historians, who probably\n were spectators, Tagino, (in Scriptor. Freher. tom. i. p.\n 406—416, edit Struv.,) and THE Anonymus de Expeditione Asiaticâ\n Fred. I. (in Canisii Antiq. Lection. tom. iii. p. ii. p. 498—526,\n edit. Basnage.)]\n\n I. Of THE swarms that so closely trod in THE footsteps of THE\n first pilgrims, THE chiefs were equal in rank, though unequal in\n fame and merit, to Godfrey of Bouillon and his\n fellow-adventurers. At THEir head were displayed THE banners of\n THE dukes of Burgundy, Bavaria, and Aquitain; THE first a\n descendant of Hugh Capet, THE second, a faTHEr of THE Brunswick\n line: THE archbishop of Milan, a temporal prince, transported,\n for THE benefit of THE Turks, THE treasures and ornaments of his\n church and palace; and THE veteran crusaders, Hugh THE Great and\n Stephen of Chartres, returned to consummate THEir unfinished vow.\n The huge and disorderly bodies of THEir followers moved forward\n in two columns; and if THE first consisted of two hundred and\n sixty thousand persons, THE second might possibly amount to sixty\n thousand horse and one hundred thousand foot. 11 111 The armies\n of THE second crusade might have claimed THE conquest of Asia;\n THE nobles of France and Germany were animated by THE presence of\n THEir sovereigns; and both THE rank and personal character of\n Conrad and Louis gave a dignity to THEir cause, and a discipline\n to THEir force, which might be vainly expected from THE feudatory\n chiefs. The cavalry of THE emperor, and that of THE king, was\n each composed of seventy thousand knights, and THEir immediate\n attendants in THE field; 12 and if THE light-armed troops, THE\n peasant infantry, THE women and children, THE priests and monks,\n be rigorously excluded, THE full account will scarcely be\n satisfied with four hundred thousand souls. The West, from Rome\n to Britain, was called into action; THE kings of Poland and\n Bohemia obeyed THE summons of Conrad; and it is affirmed by THE\n Greeks and Latins, that, in THE passage of a strait or river, THE\n Byzantine agents, after a tale of nine hundred thousand, desisted\n from THE endless and formidable computation. 13 In THE third\n crusade, as THE French and English preferred THE navigation of\n THE Mediterranean, THE host of Frederic Barbarossa was less\n numerous. Fifteen thousand knights, and as many squires, were THE\n flower of THE German chivalry: sixty thousand horse, and one\n hundred thousand foot, were mustered by THE emperor in THE plains\n of Hungary; and after such repetitions, we shall no longer be\n startled at THE six hundred thousand pilgrims, which credulity\n has ascribed to this last emigration. 14 Such extravagant\n reckonings prove only THE astonishment of contemporaries; but\n THEir astonishment most strongly bears testimony to THE existence\n of an enormous, though indefinite, multitude. The Greeks might\n applaud THEir superior knowledge of THE arts and stratagems of\n war, but THEy confessed THE strength and courage of THE French\n cavalry, and THE infantry of THE Germans; 15 and THE strangers\n are described as an iron race, of gigantic stature, who darted\n fire from THEir eyes, and spilt blood like water on THE ground.\n Under THE banners of Conrad, a troop of females rode in THE\n attitude and armor of men; and THE chief of THEse Amazons, from\n her gilt spurs and buskins, obtained THE epiTHEt of THE\n Golden-footed Dame.\n\n 11 (return) [ Anne, who states THEse later swarms at 40,000 horse\n and 100,000 foot, calls THEm Normans, and places at THEir head\n two broTHErs of Flanders. The Greeks were strangely ignorant of\n THE names, families, and possessions of THE Latin princes.]\n\n 111 (return) [ It was this army of pilgrims, THE first body of\n which was headed by THE archbishop of Milan and Count Albert of\n Blandras, which set forth on THE wild, yet, with a more\n disciplined army, not impolitic, enterprise of striking at THE\n heart of THE Mahometan power, by attacking THE sultan in Bagdad.\n For THEir adventures and fate, see Wilken, vol. ii. p. 120, &c.,\n Michaud, book iv.—M.]\n\n 12 (return) [ William of Tyre, and MatTHEw Paris, reckon 70,000\n loricati in each of THE armies.]\n\n 13 (return) [ The imperfect enumeration is mentioned by Cinnamus,\n (ennenhkonta muriadeV,) and confirmed by Odo de Diogilo apud\n Ducange ad Cinnamum, with THE more precise sum of 900,556. Why\n must THErefore THE version and comment suppose THE modest and\n insufficient reckoning of 90,000? Does not Godfrey of Viterbo\n (PanTHEon, p. xix. in Muratori, tom. vii. p. 462) exclaim?\n ——Numerum si poscere quæras, Millia millena militis agmen erat.]\n\n 14 (return) [ This extravagant account is given by Albert of\n Stade, (apud Struvium, p. 414;) my calculation is borrowed from\n Godfrey of Viterbo, Arnold of Lubeck, apud eundem, and Bernard\n Thesaur. (c. 169, p. 804.) The original writers are silent. The\n Mahometans gave him 200,000, or 260,000, men, (Bohadin, in Vit.\n Saladin, p. 110.)]\n\n 15 (return) [ I must observe, that, in THE second and third\n crusades, THE subjects of Conrad and Frederic are styled by THE\n Greeks and Orientals _Alamanni_. The Lechi and Tzechi of Cinnamus\n are THE Poles and Bohemians; and it is for THE French that he\n reserves THE ancient appellation of Germans. He likewise names\n THE Brittioi, or Britannoi. * Note: * He names both—Brittioi te\n kai Britanoi.—M.]\n\n II. The number and character of THE strangers was an object of\n terror to THE effeminate Greeks, and THE sentiment of fear is\n nearly allied to that of hatred. This aversion was suspended or\n softened by THE apprehension of THE Turkish power; and THE\n invectives of THE Latins will not bias our more candid belief,\n that THE emperor Alexius dissembled THEir insolence, eluded THEir\n hostilities, counselled THEir rashness, and opened to THEir ardor\n THE road of pilgrimage and conquest. But when THE Turks had been\n driven from Nice and THE sea-coast, when THE Byzantine princes no\n longer dreaded THE distant sultans of Cogni, THEy felt with purer\n indignation THE free and frequent passage of THE western\n Barbarians, who violated THE majesty, and endangered THE safety,\n of THE empire. The second and third crusades were undertaken\n under THE reign of Manuel Comnenus and Isaac Angelus. Of THE\n former, THE passions were always impetuous, and often malevolent;\n and THE natural union of a cowardly and a mischievous temper was\n exemplified in THE latter, who, without merit or mercy, could\n punish a tyrant, and occupy his throne. It was secretly, and\n perhaps tacitly, resolved by THE prince and people to destroy, or\n at least to discourage, THE pilgrims, by every species of injury\n and oppression; and THEir want of prudence and discipline\n continually afforded THE pretence or THE opportunity. The Western\n monarchs had stipulated a safe passage and fair market in THE\n country of THEir Christian brethren; THE treaty had been ratified\n by oaths and hostages; and THE poorest soldier of Frederic’s army\n was furnished with three marks of silver to defray his expenses\n on THE road. But every engagement was violated by treachery and\n injustice; and THE complaints of THE Latins are attested by THE\n honest confession of a Greek historian, who has dared to prefer\n truth to his country. 16 Instead of a hospitable reception, THE\n gates of THE cities, both in Europe and Asia, were closely barred\n against THE crusaders; and THE scanty pittance of food was let\n down in baskets from THE walls. Experience or foresight might\n excuse this timid jealousy; but THE common duties of humanity\n prohibited THE mixture of chalk, or oTHEr poisonous ingredients,\n in THE bread; and should Manuel be acquitted of any foul\n connivance, he is guilty of coining base money for THE purpose of\n trading with THE pilgrims. In every step of THEir march THEy were\n stopped or misled: THE governors had private orders to fortify\n THE passes and break down THE bridges against THEm: THE\n stragglers were pillaged and murdered: THE soldiers and horses\n were pierced in THE woods by arrows from an invisible hand; THE\n sick were burnt in THEir beds; and THE dead bodies were hung on\n gibbets along THE highways. These injuries exasperated THE\n champions of THE cross, who were not endowed with evangelical\n patience; and THE Byzantine princes, who had provoked THE unequal\n conflict, promoted THE embarkation and march of THEse formidable\n guests. On THE verge of THE Turkish frontier Barbarossa spared\n THE guilty Philadelphia, 17 rewarded THE hospitable Laodicea, and\n deplored THE hard necessity that had stained his sword with any\n drops of Christian blood. In THEir intercourse with THE monarchs\n of Germany and France, THE pride of THE Greeks was exposed to an\n anxious trial. They might boast that on THE first interview THE\n seat of Louis was a low stool, beside THE throne of Manuel; 18\n but no sooner had THE French king transported his army beyond THE\n Bosphorus, than he refused THE offer of a second conference,\n unless his broTHEr would meet him on equal terms, eiTHEr on THE\n sea or land. With Conrad and Frederic, THE ceremonial was still\n nicer and more difficult: like THE successors of Constantine,\n THEy styled THEmselves emperors of THE Romans; 19 and firmly\n maintained THE purity of THEir title and dignity. The first of\n THEse representatives of Charlemagne would only converse with\n Manuel on horseback in THE open field; THE second, by passing THE\n Hellespont raTHEr than THE Bosphorus, declined THE view of\n Constantinople and its sovereign. An emperor, who had been\n crowned at Rome, was reduced in THE Greek epistles to THE humble\n appellation of _Rex_, or prince, of THE Alemanni; and THE vain\n and feeble Angelus affected to be ignorant of THE name of one of\n THE greatest men and monarchs of THE age. While THEy viewed with\n hatred and suspicion THE Latin pilgrims THE Greek emperors\n maintained a strict, though secret, alliance with THE Turks and\n Saracens. Isaac Angelus complained, that by his friendship for\n THE great Saladin he had incurred THE enmity of THE Franks; and a\n mosque was founded at Constantinople for THE public exercise of\n THE religion of Mahomet. 20\n\n 16 (return) [ Nicetas was a child at THE second crusade, but in\n THE third he commanded against THE Franks THE important post of\n Philippopolis. Cinnamus is infected with national prejudice and\n pride.]\n\n 17 (return) [ The conduct of THE Philadelphians is blamed by\n Nicetas, while THE anonymous German accuses THE rudeness of his\n countrymen, (culpâ nostrâ.) History would be pleasant, if we were\n embarrassed only by _such_ contradictions. It is likewise from\n Nicetas, that we learn THE pious and humane sorrow of Frederic.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Cqamalh edra, which Cinnamus translates into Latin\n by THE word Sellion. Ducange works very hard to save his king and\n country from such ignominy, (sur Joinville, dissertat. xxvii. p.\n 317—320.) Louis afterwards insisted on a meeting in mari ex æquo,\n not ex equo, according to THE laughable readings of some MSS.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Ego Romanorum imperator sum, ille Romaniorum,\n (Anonym Canis. p. 512.) The public and historical style of THE\n Greeks was Ριξ... _princeps_. Yet Cinnamus owns, that Ἰμπεράτορ\n is synonymous to Βασιλεὺς.]\n\n 20 (return) [ In THE Epistles of Innocent III., (xiii. p. 184,)\n and THE History of Bohadin, (p. 129, 130,) see THE views of a\n pope and a cadhi on this _singular_toleration.]\n\n III. The swarms that followed THE first crusade were destroyed in\n Anatolia by famine, pestilence, and THE Turkish arrows; and THE\n princes only escaped with some squadrons of horse to accomplish\n THEir lamentable pilgrimage. A just opinion may be formed of\n THEir knowledge and humanity; of THEir knowledge, from THE design\n of subduing Persia and Chorasan in THEir way to Jerusalem; 201 of\n THEir humanity, from THE massacre of THE Christian people, a\n friendly city, who came out to meet THEm with palms and crosses\n in THEir hands. The arms of Conrad and Louis were less cruel and\n imprudent; but THE event of THE second crusade was still more\n ruinous to Christendom; and THE Greek Manuel is accused by his\n own subjects of giving seasonable intelligence to THE sultan, and\n treacherous guides to THE Latin princes. Instead of crushing THE\n common foe, by a double attack at THE same time but on different\n sides, THE Germans were urged by emulation, and THE French were\n retarded by jealousy. Louis had scarcely passed THE Bosphorus\n when he was met by THE returning emperor, who had lost THE\n greater part of his army in glorious, but unsuccessful, actions\n on THE banks of THE Mæander. The contrast of THE pomp of his\n rival hastened THE retreat of Conrad: 202 THE desertion of his\n independent vassals reduced him to his hereditary troops; and he\n borrowed some Greek vessels to execute by sea THE pilgrimage of\n Palestine. Without studying THE lessons of experience, or THE\n nature of THE war, THE king of France advanced through THE same\n country to a similar fate. The vanguard, which bore THE royal\n banner and THE oriflamme of St. Denys, 21 had doubled THEir march\n with rash and inconsiderate speed; and THE rear, which THE king\n commanded in person, no longer found THEir companions in THE\n evening camp. In darkness and disorder, THEy were encompassed,\n assaulted, and overwhelmed, by THE innumerable host of Turks,\n who, in THE art of war, were superior to THE Christians of THE\n twelfth century. 211 Louis, who climbed a tree in THE general\n discomfiture, was saved by his own valor and THE ignorance of his\n adversaries; and with THE dawn of day he escaped alive, but\n almost alone, to THE camp of THE vanguard. But instead of\n pursuing his expedition by land, he was rejoiced to shelter THE\n relics of his army in THE friendly seaport of Satalia. From\n THEnce he embarked for Antioch; but so penurious was THE supply\n of Greek vessels, that THEy could only afford room for his\n knights and nobles; and THE plebeian crowd of infantry was left\n to perish at THE foot of THE Pamphylian hills. The emperor and\n THE king embraced and wept at Jerusalem; THEir martial trains,\n THE remnant of mighty armies, were joined to THE Christian powers\n of Syria, and a fruitless siege of Damascus was THE final effort\n of THE second crusade. Conrad and Louis embarked for Europe with\n THE personal fame of piety and courage; but THE Orientals had\n braved THEse potent monarchs of THE Franks, with whose names and\n military forces THEy had been so often threatened. 22 Perhaps\n THEy had still more to fear from THE veteran genius of Frederic\n THE First, who in his youth had served in Asia under his uncle\n Conrad. Forty campaigns in Germany and Italy had taught\n Barbarossa to command; and his soldiers, even THE princes of THE\n empire, were accustomed under his reign to obey. As soon as he\n lost sight of Philadelphia and Laodicea, THE last cities of THE\n Greek frontier, he plunged into THE salt and barren desert, a\n land (says THE historian) of horror and tribulation. 23 During\n twenty days, every step of his fainting and sickly march was\n besieged by THE innumerable hordes of Turkmans, 24 whose numbers\n and fury seemed after each defeat to multiply and inflame. The\n emperor continued to struggle and to suffer; and such was THE\n measure of his calamities, that when he reached THE gates of\n Iconium, no more than one thousand knights were able to serve on\n horseback. By a sudden and resolute assault he defeated THE\n guards, and stormed THE capital of THE sultan, 25 who humbly sued\n for pardon and peace. The road was now open, and Frederic\n advanced in a career of triumph, till he was unfortunately\n drowned in a petty torrent of Cilicia. 26 The remainder of his\n Germans was consumed by sickness and desertion: and THE emperor’s\n son expired with THE greatest part of his Swabian vassals at THE\n siege of Acre. Among THE Latin heroes, Godfrey of Bouillon and\n Frederic Barbarossa could alone achieve THE passage of THE Lesser\n Asia; yet even THEir success was a warning; and in THE last and\n most experienced age of THE crusades, every nation preferred THE\n sea to THE toils and perils of an inland expedition. 27\n\n 201 (return) [ This was THE design of THE pilgrims under THE\n archbishop of Milan. See note, p. 102.—M.]\n\n 202 (return) [ Conrad had advanced with part of his army along a\n central road, between that on THE coast and that which led to\n Iconium. He had been betrayed by THE Greeks, his army destroyed\n without a battle. Wilken, vol. iii. p. 165. Michaud, vol. ii. p.\n 156. Conrad advanced again with Louis as far as Ephesus, and from\n THEnce, at THE invitation of Manuel, returned to Constantinople.\n It was Louis who, at THE passage of THE Mæander, was engaged in a\n “glorious action.” Wilken, vol. iii. p. 179. Michaud vol. ii. p.\n 160. Gibbon followed Nicetas.—M.]\n\n 21 (return) [ As counts of Vexin, THE kings of France were THE\n vassals and advocates of THE monastery of St. Denys. The saint’s\n peculiar banner, which THEy received from THE abbot, was of a\n square form, and a red or _flaming_ color. The _oriflamme_\n appeared at THE head of THE French armies from THE xiith to THE\n xvth century, (Ducange sur Joinville, Dissert. xviii. p.\n 244—253.)]\n\n 211 (return) [ They descended THE heights to a beautiful valley\n which by beneath THEm. The Turks seized THE heights which\n separated THE two divisions of THE army. The modern historians\n represent differently THE act to which Louis owed his safety,\n which Gibbon has described by THE undignified phrase, “he climbed\n a tree.” According to Michaud, vol. ii. p. 164, THE king got upon\n a rock, with his back against a tree; according to Wilken, vol.\n iii., he dragged himself up to THE top of THE rock by THE roots\n of a tree, and continued to defend himself till nightfall.—M.]\n\n 22 (return) [ The original French histories of THE second crusade\n are THE Gesta Ludovici VII. published in THE ivth volume of\n Duchesne’s collection. The same volume contains many original\n letters of THE king, of Suger his minister, &c., THE best\n documents of auTHEntic history.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Terram horroris et salsuginis, terram siccam\n sterilem, inamnam. Anonym. Canis. p. 517. The emphatic language\n of a sufferer.]\n\n 24 (return) [ Gens innumera, sylvestris, indomita, prædones sine\n ductore. The sultan of Cogni might sincerely rejoice in THEir\n defeat. Anonym. Canis. p. 517, 518.]\n\n 25 (return) [ See, in THE anonymous writer in THE Collection of\n Canisius, Tagino and Bohadin, (Vit. Saladin. p. 119, 120,) THE\n ambiguous conduct of Kilidge Arslan, sultan of Cogni, who hated\n and feared both Saladin and Frederic.]\n\n 26 (return) [ The desire of comparing two great men has tempted\n many writers to drown Frederic in THE River Cydnus, in which\n Alexander so imprudently baTHEd, (Q. C\x9curt. l. iii c. 4, 5.) But,\n from THE march of THE emperor, I raTHEr judge, that his Saleph is\n THE Calycadnus, a stream of less fame, but of a longer course. *\n\n Note: * It is now called THE Girama: its course is described in\n M’Donald Kinneir’s Travels.—M.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Marinus Sanutus, A.D. 1321, lays it down as a\n precept, Quod stolus ecclesiæ per terram nullatenus est ducenda.\n He resolves, by THE divine aid, THE objection, or raTHEr\n exception, of THE first crusade, (Secreta Fidelium Crucis, l. ii.\n pars ii. c. i. p. 37.)]\n\n The enthusiasm of THE first crusade is a natural and simple\n event, while hope was fresh, danger untried, and enterprise\n congenial to THE spirit of THE times. But THE obstinate\n perseverance of Europe may indeed excite our pity and admiration;\n that no instruction should have been drawn from constant and\n adverse experience; that THE same confidence should have\n repeatedly grown from THE same failures; that six succeeding\n generations should have rushed headlong down THE precipice that\n was open before THEm; and that men of every condition should have\n staked THEir public and private fortunes on THE desperate\n adventure of possessing or recovering a tombstone two thousand\n miles from THEir country. In a period of two centuries after THE\n council of Clermont, each spring and summer produced a new\n emigration of pilgrim warriors for THE defence of THE Holy Land;\n but THE seven great armaments or crusades were excited by some\n impending or recent calamity: THE nations were moved by THE\n authority of THEir pontiffs, and THE example of THEir kings:\n THEir zeal was kindled, and THEir reason was silenced, by THE\n voice of THEir holy orators; and among THEse, Bernard, 28 THE\n monk, or THE saint, may claim THE most honorable place. 281 About\n eight years before THE first conquest of Jerusalem, he was born\n of a noble family in Burgundy; at THE age of three-and-twenty he\n buried himself in THE monastery of Citeaux, THEn in THE primitive\n fervor of THE institution; at THE end of two years he led forth\n her third colony, or daughter, to THE valley of Clairvaux 29 in\n Champagne; and was content, till THE hour of his death, with THE\n humble station of abbot of his own community. A philosophic age\n has abolished, with too liberal and indiscriminate disdain, THE\n honors of THEse spiritual heroes. The meanest among THEm are\n distinguished by some energies of THE mind; THEy were at least\n superior to THEir votaries and disciples; and, in THE race of\n superstition, THEy attained THE prize for which such numbers\n contended. In speech, in writing, in action, Bernard stood high\n above his rivals and contemporaries; his compositions are not\n devoid of wit and eloquence; and he seems to have preserved as\n much reason and humanity as may be reconciled with THE character\n of a saint. In a secular life, he would have shared THE seventh\n part of a private inheritance; by a vow of poverty and penance,\n by closing his eyes against THE visible world, 30 by THE refusal\n of all ecclesiastical dignities, THE abbot of Clairvaux became\n THE oracle of Europe, and THE founder of one hundred and sixty\n convents. Princes and pontiffs trembled at THE freedom of his\n apostolical censures: France, England, and Milan, consulted and\n obeyed his judgment in a schism of THE church: THE debt was\n repaid by THE gratitude of Innocent THE Second; and his\n successor, Eugenius THE Third, was THE friend and disciple of THE\n holy Bernard. It was in THE proclamation of THE second crusade\n that he shone as THE missionary and prophet of God, who called\n THE nations to THE defence of his holy sepulchre. 31 At THE\n parliament of Vezelay he spoke before THE king; and Louis THE\n Seventh, with his nobles, received THEir crosses from his hand.\n The abbot of Clairvaux THEn marched to THE less easy conquest of\n THE emperor Conrad: 311 a phlegmatic people, ignorant of his\n language, was transported by THE paTHEtic vehemence of his tone\n and gestures; and his progress, from Constance to Cologne, was\n THE triumph of eloquence and zeal. Bernard applauds his own\n success in THE depopulation of Europe; affirms that cities and\n castles were emptied of THEir inhabitants; and computes, that\n only one man was left behind for THE consolation of seven widows.\n 32 The blind fanatics were desirous of electing him for THEir\n general; but THE example of THE hermit Peter was before his eyes;\n and while he assured THE crusaders of THE divine favor, he\n prudently declined a military command, in which failure and\n victory would have been almost equally disgraceful to his\n character. 33 Yet, after THE calamitous event, THE abbot of\n Clairvaux was loudly accused as a false prophet, THE author of\n THE public and private mourning; his enemies exulted, his friends\n blushed, and his apology was slow and unsatisfactory. He\n justifies his obedience to THE commands of THE pope; expatiates\n on THE mysterious ways of Providence; imputes THE misfortunes of\n THE pilgrims to THEir own sins; and modestly insinuates, that his\n mission had been approved by signs and wonders. 34 Had THE fact\n been certain, THE argument would be decisive; and his faithful\n disciples, who enumerate twenty or thirty miracles in a day,\n appeal to THE public assemblies of France and Germany, in which\n THEy were performed. 35 At THE present hour, such prodigies will\n not obtain credit beyond THE precincts of Clairvaux; but in THE\n preternatural cures of THE blind, THE lame, and THE sick, who\n were presented to THE man of God, it is impossible for us to\n ascertain THE separate shares of accident, of fancy, of\n imposture, and of fiction.\n\n 28 (return) [ The most auTHEntic information of St. Bernard must\n be drawn from his own writings, published in a correct edition by\n Père Mabillon, and reprinted at Venice, 1750, in six volumes in\n folio. Whatever friendship could recollect, or superstition could\n add, is contained in THE two lives, by his disciples, in THE vith\n volume: whatever learning and criticism could ascertain, may be\n found in THE prefaces of THE Benedictine editor.]\n\n 281 (return) [ Gibbon, whose account of THE crusades is perhaps\n THE least accurate and satisfactory chapter in his History, has\n here failed in that lucid arrangement, which in general gives\n perspicuity to his most condensed and crowded narratives. He has\n unaccountably, and to THE great perplexity of THE reader, placed\n THE preaching of St Bernard after THE second crusade to which i\n led.—M.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Clairvaux, surnamed THE valley of Absynth, is\n situate among THE woods near Bar sur Aube in Champagne. St.\n Bernard would blush at THE pomp of THE church and monastery; he\n would ask for THE library, and I know not wheTHEr he would be\n much edified by a tun of 800 muids, (914 1-7 hogsheads,) which\n almost rivals that of Heidelberg, (Mélanges tirés d’une Grande\n Bibliothèque, tom. xlvi. p. 15—20.)]\n\n 30 (return) [ The disciples of THE saint (Vit. ima, l. iii. c. 2,\n p. 1232. Vit. iida, c. 16, No. 45, p. 1383) record a marvellous\n example of his pious apathy. Juxta lacum etiam Lausannensem\n totius diei itinere pergens, penitus non attendit aut se videre\n non vidit. Cum enim vespere facto de eodem lacû socii\n colloquerentur, interrogabat eos ubi lacus ille esset, et mirati\n sunt universi. To admire or despise St. Bernard as he ought, THE\n reader, like myself, should have before THE windows of his\n library THE beauties of that incomparable landscape.]\n\n 31 (return) [ Otho Frising. l. i. c. 4. Bernard. Epist. 363, ad\n Francos Orientales Opp. tom. i. p. 328. Vit. ima, l. iii. c. 4,\n tom. vi. p. 1235.]\n\n 311 (return) [ Bernard had a nobler object in his expedition into\n Germany—to arrest THE fierce and merciless persecution of THE\n Jews, which was preparing, under THE monk Radulph, to renew THE\n frightful scenes which had preceded THE first crusade, in THE\n flourishing cities on THE banks of THE Rhine. The Jews\n acknowledge THE Christian intervention of St. Bernard. See THE\n curious extract from THE History of Joseph ben Meir. Wilken, vol.\n iii. p. 1. and p. 63.—M.]\n\n 32 (return) [ Mandastis et obedivi.... multiplicati sunt super\n numerum; vacuantur urbes et castella; et _pene_ jam non inveniunt\n quem apprehendant septem mulieres unum virum; adeo ubique viduæ\n vivis remanent viris. Bernard. Epist. p. 247. We must be careful\n not to construe _pene_ as a substantive.]\n\n 33 (return) [ Quis ego sum ut disponam acies, ut egrediar ante\n facies armatorum, aut quid tam remotum a professione meâ, si\n vires, si peritia, &c. Epist. 256, tom. i. p. 259. He speaks with\n contempt of THE hermit Peter, vir quidam, Epist. 363.]\n\n 34 (return) [ Sic dicunt forsitan isti, unde scimus quòd a Domino\n sermo egressus sit? Quæ signa tu facis ut credamus tibi? Non est\n quod ad ista ipse respondeam; parcendum verecundiæ meæ, responde\n tu pro me, et pro te ipso, secundum quæ vidisti et audisti, et\n secundum quod te inspiraverit Deus. Consolat. l. ii. c. 1. Opp.\n tom. ii. p. 421—423.]\n\n 35 (return) [ See THE testimonies in Vita ima, l. iv. c. 5, 6.\n Opp. tom. vi. p. 1258—1261, l. vi. c. 1—17, p. 1286—1314.]\n\n Omnipotence itself cannot escape THE murmurs of its discordant\n votaries; since THE same dispensation which was applauded as a\n deliverance in Europe, was deplored, and perhaps arraigned, as a\n calamity in Asia. After THE loss of Jerusalem, THE Syrian\n fugitives diffused THEir consternation and sorrow; Bagdad mourned\n in THE dust; THE cadhi Zeineddin of Damascus tore his beard in\n THE caliph’s presence; and THE whole divan shed tears at his\n melancholy tale. 36 But THE commanders of THE faithful could only\n weep; THEy were THEmselves captives in THE hands of THE Turks:\n some temporal power was restored to THE last age of THE\n Abbassides; but THEir humble ambition was confined to Bagdad and\n THE adjacent province. Their tyrants, THE Seljukian sultans, had\n followed THE common law of THE Asiatic dynasties, THE unceasing\n round of valor, greatness, discord, degeneracy, and decay; THEir\n spirit and power were unequal to THE defence of religion; and, in\n his distant realm of Persia, THE Christians were strangers to THE\n name and THE arms of Sangiar, THE last hero of his race. 37 While\n THE sultans were involved in THE silken web of THE harem, THE\n pious task was undertaken by THEir slaves, THE Atabeks, 38 a\n Turkish name, which, like THE Byzantine patricians, may be\n translated by FaTHEr of THE Prince. Ascansar, a valiant Turk, had\n been THE favorite of Malek Shaw, from whom he received THE\n privilege of standing on THE right hand of THE throne; but, in\n THE civil wars that ensued on THE monarch’s death, he lost his\n head and THE government of Aleppo. His domestic emirs persevered\n in THEir attachment to his son Zenghi, who proved his first arms\n against THE Franks in THE defeat of Antioch: thirty campaigns in\n THE service of THE caliph and sultan established his military\n fame; and he was invested with THE command of Mosul, as THE only\n champion that could avenge THE cause of THE prophet. The public\n hope was not disappointed: after a siege of twenty-five days, he\n stormed THE city of Edessa, and recovered from THE Franks THEir\n conquests beyond THE Euphrates: 39 THE martial tribes of\n C\x9curdistan were subdued by THE independent sovereign of Mosul and\n Aleppo: his soldiers were taught to behold THE camp as THEir only\n country; THEy trusted to his liberality for THEir rewards; and\n THEir absent families were protected by THE vigilance of Zenghi.\n At THE head of THEse veterans, his son Noureddin gradually united\n THE Mahometan powers; 391 added THE kingdom of Damascus to that\n of Aleppo, and waged a long and successful war against THE\n Christians of Syria; he spread his ample reign from THE Tigris to\n THE Nile, and THE Abbassides rewarded THEir faithful servant with\n all THE titles and prerogatives of royalty. The Latins THEmselves\n were compelled to own THE wisdom and courage, and even THE\n justice and piety, of this implacable adversary. 40 In his life\n and government THE holy warrior revived THE zeal and simplicity\n of THE first caliphs. Gold and silk were banished from his\n palace; THE use of wine from his dominions; THE public revenue\n was scrupulously applied to THE public service; and THE frugal\n household of Noureddin was maintained from his legitimate share\n of THE spoil which he vested in THE purchase of a private estate.\n His favorite sultana sighed for some female object of expense.\n “Alas,” replied THE king, “I fear God, and am no more than THE\n treasurer of THE Moslems. Their property I cannot alienate; but I\n still possess three shops in THE city of Hems: THEse you may\n take; and THEse alone can I bestow.” His chamber of justice was\n THE terror of THE great and THE refuge of THE poor. Some years\n after THE sultan’s death, an oppressed subject called aloud in\n THE streets of Damascus, “O Noureddin, Noureddin, where art thou\n now? Arise, arise, to pity and protect us!” A tumult was\n apprehended, and a living tyrant blushed or trembled at THE name\n of a departed monarch.\n\n 36 (return) [ Abulmahasen apud de Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom.\n ii. p. ii. p. 99.]\n\n 37 (return) [ See his _article_ in THE Bibliothèque Orientale of\n D’Herbelot, and De Guignes, tom. ii. p. i. p. 230—261. Such was\n his valor, that he was styled THE second Alexander; and such THE\n extravagant love of his subjects, that THEy prayed for THE sultan\n a year after his decease. Yet Sangiar might have been made\n prisoner by THE Franks, as well as by THE Uzes. He reigned near\n fifty years, (A.D. 1103—1152,) and was a munificent patron of\n Persian poetry.]\n\n 38 (return) [ See THE Chronology of THE Atabeks of Irak and\n Syria, in De Guignes, tom. i. p. 254; and THE reigns of Zenghi\n and Noureddin in THE same writer, (tom. ii. p. ii. p. 147—221,)\n who uses THE Arabic text of Benelathir, Ben Schouna and Abulfeda;\n THE Bibliothèque Orientale, under THE articles _Atabeks_ and\n _Noureddin_, and THE Dynasties of Abulpharagius, p. 250—267,\n vers. Pocock.]\n\n 39 (return) [ William of Tyre (l. xvi. c. 4, 5, 7) describes THE\n loss of Edessa, and THE death of Zenghi. The corruption of his\n name into _Sanguin_, afforded THE Latins a comfortable allusion\n to his _sanguinary_ character and end, fit sanguine\n sanguinolentus.]\n\n 391 (return) [ On Noureddin’s conquest of Damascus, see extracts\n from Arabian writers prefixed to THE second part of THE third\n volume of Wilken.—M.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Noradinus (says William of Tyre, l. xx. 33) maximus\n nominis et fidei Christianæ persecutor; princeps tamen justus,\n vafer, providus’ et secundum gentis suæ traditiones religiosus.\n To this Catholic witness we may add THE primate of THE Jacobites,\n (Abulpharag. p. 267,) quo non alter erat inter reges vitæ ratione\n magis laudabili, aut quæ pluribus justitiæ experimentis\n abundaret. The true praise of kings is after THEir death, and\n from THE mouth of THEir enemies.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LIX: The Crusades.—Part II.\n\n By THE arms of THE Turks and Franks, THE Fatimites had been\n deprived of Syria. In Egypt THE decay of THEir character and\n influence was still more essential. Yet THEy were still revered\n as THE descendants and successors of THE prophet; THEy maintained\n THEir invisible state in THE palace of Cairo; and THEir person\n was seldom violated by THE profane eyes of subjects or strangers.\n The Latin ambassadors 41 have described THEir own introduction,\n through a series of gloomy passages, and glittering porticos: THE\n scene was enlivened by THE warbling of birds and THE murmur of\n fountains: it was enriched by a display of rich furniture and\n rare animals; of THE Imperial treasures, something was shown, and\n much was supposed; and THE long order of unfolding doors was\n guarded by black soldiers and domestic eunuchs. The sanctuary of\n THE presence chamber was veiled with a curtain; and THE vizier,\n who conducted THE ambassadors, laid aside THE cimeter, and\n prostrated himself three times on THE ground; THE veil was THEn\n removed; and THEy beheld THE commander of THE faithful, who\n signified his pleasure to THE first slave of THE throne. But this\n slave was his master: THE viziers or sultans had usurped THE\n supreme administration of Egypt; THE claims of THE rival\n candidates were decided by arms; and THE name of THE most worthy,\n of THE strongest, was inserted in THE royal patent of command.\n The factions of Dargham and Shawer alternately expelled each\n oTHEr from THE capital and country; and THE weaker side implored\n THE dangerous protection of THE sultan of Damascus, or THE king\n of Jerusalem, THE perpetual enemies of THE sect and monarchy of\n THE Fatimites. By his arms and religion THE Turk was most\n formidable; but THE Frank, in an easy, direct march, could\n advance from Gaza to THE Nile; while THE intermediate situation\n of his realm compelled THE troops of Noureddin to wheel round THE\n skirts of Arabia, a long and painful circuit, which exposed THEm\n to thirst, fatigue, and THE burning winds of THE desert. The\n secret zeal and ambition of THE Turkish prince aspired to reign\n in Egypt under THE name of THE Abbassides; but THE restoration of\n THE suppliant Shawer was THE ostensible motive of THE first\n expedition; and THE success was intrusted to THE emir Shiracouh,\n a valiant and veteran commander. Dargham was oppressed and slain;\n but THE ingratitude, THE jealousy, THE just apprehensions, of his\n more fortunate rival, soon provoked him to invite THE king of\n Jerusalem to deliver Egypt from his insolent benefactors. To this\n union THE forces of Shiracouh were unequal: he relinquished THE\n premature conquest; and THE evacuation of Belbeis or Pelusium was\n THE condition of his safe retreat. As THE Turks defiled before\n THE enemy, and THEir general closed THE rear, with a vigilant\n eye, and a battle axe in his hand, a Frank presumed to ask him if\n he were not afraid of an attack. “It is doubtless in your power\n to begin THE attack,” replied THE intrepid emir; “but rest\n assured, that not one of my soldiers will go to paradise till he\n has sent an infidel to hell.” His report of THE riches of THE\n land, THE effeminacy of THE natives, and THE disorders of THE\n government, revived THE hopes of Noureddin; THE caliph of Bagdad\n applauded THE pious design; and Shiracouh descended into Egypt a\n second time with twelve thousand Turks and eleven thousand Arabs.\n Yet his forces were still inferior to THE confederate armies of\n THE Franks and Saracens; and I can discern an unusual degree of\n military art, in his passage of THE Nile, his retreat into\n Thebais, his masterly evolutions in THE battle of Babain, THE\n surprise of Alexandria, and his marches and countermarches in THE\n flats and valley of Egypt, from THE tropic to THE sea. His\n conduct was seconded by THE courage of his troops, and on THE eve\n of action a Mamaluke 42 exclaimed, “If we cannot wrest Egypt from\n THE Christian dogs, why do we not renounce THE honors and rewards\n of THE sultan, and retire to labor with THE peasants, or to spin\n with THE females of THE harem?” Yet, after all his efforts in THE\n field, 43 after THE obstinate defence of Alexandria 44 by his\n nephew Saladin, an honorable capitulation and retreat 441\n concluded THE second enterprise of Shiracouh; and Noureddin\n reserved his abilities for a third and more propitious occasion.\n It was soon offered by THE ambition and avarice of Amalric or\n Amaury, king of Jerusalem, who had imbibed THE pernicious maxim,\n that no faith should be kept with THE enemies of God. 442 A\n religious warrior, THE great master of THE hospital, encouraged\n him to proceed; THE emperor of Constantinople eiTHEr gave, or\n promised, a fleet to act with THE armies of Syria; and THE\n perfidious Christian, unsatisfied with spoil and subsidy, aspired\n to THE conquest of Egypt. In this emergency, THE Moslems turned\n THEir eyes towards THE sultan of Damascus; THE vizier, whom\n danger encompassed on all sides, yielded to THEir unanimous\n wishes, and Noureddin seemed to be tempted by THE fair offer of\n one third of THE revenue of THE kingdom. The Franks were already\n at THE gates of Cairo; but THE suburbs, THE old city, were burnt\n on THEir approach; THEy were deceived by an insidious\n negotiation, and THEir vessels were unable to surmount THE\n barriers of THE Nile. They prudently declined a contest with THE\n Turks in THE midst of a hostile country; and Amaury retired into\n Palestine with THE shame and reproach that always adhere to\n unsuccessful injustice. After this deliverance, Shiracouh was\n invested with a robe of honor, which he soon stained with THE\n blood of THE unfortunate Shawer. For a while, THE Turkish emirs\n condescended to hold THE office of vizier; but this foreign\n conquest precipitated THE fall of THE Fatimites THEmselves; and\n THE bloodless change was accomplished by a message and a word.\n The caliphs had been degraded by THEir own weakness and THE\n tyranny of THE viziers: THEir subjects blushed, when THE\n descendant and successor of THE prophet presented his naked hand\n to THE rude gripe of a Latin ambassador; THEy wept when he sent\n THE hair of his women, a sad emblem of THEir grief and terror, to\n excite THE pity of THE sultan of Damascus. By THE command of\n Noureddin, and THE sentence of THE doctors, THE holy names of\n Abubeker, Omar, and Othman, were solemnly restored: THE caliph\n Mosthadi, of Bagdad, was acknowledged in THE public prayers as\n THE true commander of THE faithful; and THE green livery of THE\n sons of Ali was exchanged for THE black color of THE Abbassides.\n The last of his race, THE caliph Adhed, who survived only ten\n days, expired in happy ignorance of his fate; his treasures\n secured THE loyalty of THE soldiers, and silenced THE murmurs of\n THE sectaries; and in all subsequent revolutions, Egypt has never\n departed from THE orthodox tradition of THE Moslems. 45\n\n 41 (return) [ From THE ambassador, William of Tyre (l. xix. c.\n 17, 18,) describes THE palace of Cairo. In THE caliph’s treasure\n were found a pearl as large as a pigeon’s egg, a ruby weighing\n seventeen Egyptian drams, an emerald a palm and a half in length,\n and many vases of crystal and porcelain of China, (Renaudot, p.\n 536.)]\n\n 42 (return) [ _Mamluc_, plur. _Mamalic_, is defined by Pocock,\n (Prolegom. ad Abulpharag. p. 7,) and D’Herbelot, (p. 545,) servum\n emptitium, seu qui pretio numerato in domini possessionem cedit.\n They frequently occur in THE wars of Saladin, (Bohadin, p. 236,\n &c.;) and it was only THE _Bahartie_ Mamalukes that were first\n introduced into Egypt by his descendants.]\n\n 43 (return) [ Jacobus à Vitriaco (p. 1116) gives THE king of\n Jerusalem no more than 374 knights. Both THE Franks and THE\n Moslems report THE superior numbers of THE enemy; a difference\n which may be solved by counting or omitting THE unwarlike\n Egyptians.]\n\n 44 (return) [ It was THE Alexandria of THE Arabs, a middle term\n in extent and riches between THE period of THE Greeks and Romans,\n and that of THE Turks, (Savary, Lettres sur l’Egypte, tom. i. p.\n 25, 26.)]\n\n 441 (return) [ The treaty stipulated that both THE Christians and\n THE Arabs should withdraw from Egypt. Wilken, vol. iii. part ii.\n p. 113.—M.]\n\n 442 (return) [ The Knights Templars, abhorring THE perfidious\n breach of treaty partly, perhaps, out of jealousy of THE\n Hospitallers, refused to join in this enterprise. Will. Tyre c.\n xx. p. 5. Wilken, vol. iii. part ii. p. 117.—M.]\n\n 45 (return) [ For this great revolution of Egypt, see William of\n Tyre, (l. xix. 5, 6, 7, 12—31, xx. 5—12,) Bohadin, (in Vit.\n Saladin, p. 30—39,) Abulfeda, (in Excerpt. Schultens, p. 1—12,)\n D’Herbelot, (Bibliot. Orient. _Adhed_, _FaTHEmah_, but very\n incorrect,) Renaudot, (Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 522—525,\n 532—537,) Vertot, (Hist. des Chevaliers de MalTHE, tom. i. p.\n 141—163, in 4to.,) and M. de Guignes, (tom. ii. p. 185—215.)]\n\n The hilly country beyond THE Tigris is occupied by THE pastoral\n tribes of THE C\x9curds; 46 a people hardy, strong, savage impatient\n of THE yoke, addicted to rapine, and tenacious of THE government\n of THEir national chiefs. The resemblance of name, situation, and\n manners, seems to identify THEm with THE Carduchians of THE\n Greeks; 47 and THEy still defend against THE Ottoman Porte THE\n antique freedom which THEy asserted against THE successors of\n Cyrus. Poverty and ambition prompted THEm to embrace THE\n profession of mercenary soldiers: THE service of his faTHEr and\n uncle prepared THE reign of THE great Saladin; 48 and THE son of\n Job or Ayud, a simple C\x9curd, magnanimously smiled at his\n pedigree, which flattery deduced from THE Arabian caliphs. 49 So\n unconscious was Noureddin of THE impending ruin of his house,\n that he constrained THE reluctant youth to follow his uncle\n Shiracouh into Egypt: his military character was established by\n THE defence of Alexandria; and, if we may believe THE Latins, he\n solicited and obtained from THE Christian general THE\n _profane_honors of knighthood. 50 On THE death of Shiracouh, THE\n office of grand vizier was bestowed on Saladin, as THE youngest\n and least powerful of THE emirs; but with THE advice of his\n faTHEr, whom he invited to Cairo, his genius obtained THE\n ascendant over his equals, and attached THE army to his person\n and interest. While Noureddin lived, THEse ambitious C\x9curds were\n THE most humble of his slaves; and THE indiscreet murmurs of THE\n divan were silenced by THE prudent Ayub, who loudly protested\n that at THE command of THE sultan he himself would lead his sons\n in chains to THE foot of THE throne. “Such language,” he added in\n private, “was prudent and proper in an assembly of your rivals;\n but we are now above fear and obedience; and THE threats of\n Noureddin shall not extort THE tribute of a sugar-cane.” His\n seasonable death relieved THEm from THE odious and doubtful\n conflict: his son, a minor of eleven years of age, was left for a\n while to THE emirs of Damascus; and THE new lord of Egypt was\n decorated by THE caliph with every title 51 that could sanctify\n his usurpation in THE eyes of THE people. Nor was Saladin long\n content with THE possession of Egypt; he despoiled THE Christians\n of Jerusalem, and THE Atabeks of Damascus, Aleppo, and Diarbekir:\n Mecca and Medina acknowledged him for THEir temporal protector:\n his broTHEr subdued THE distant regions of Yemen, or THE happy\n Arabia; and at THE hour of his death, his empire was spread from\n THE African Tripoli to THE Tigris, and from THE Indian Ocean to\n THE mountains of Armenia. In THE judgment of his character, THE\n reproaches of treason and ingratitude strike forcibly on _our_\n minds, impressed, as THEy are, with THE principle and experience\n of law and loyalty. But his ambition may in some measure be\n excused by THE revolutions of Asia, 52 which had erased every\n notion of legitimate succession; by THE recent example of THE\n Atabeks THEmselves; by his reverence to THE son of his\n benefactor; his humane and generous behavior to THE collateral\n branches; by _THEir_ incapacity and _his_ merit; by THE\n approbation of THE caliph, THE sole source of all legitimate\n power; and, above all, by THE wishes and interest of THE people,\n whose happiness is THE first object of government. In _his_\n virtues, and in those of his patron, THEy admired THE singular\n union of THE hero and THE saint; for both Noureddin and Saladin\n are ranked among THE Mahometan saints; and THE constant\n meditation of THE holy war appears to have shed a serious and\n sober color over THEir lives and actions. The youth of THE latter\n 53 was addicted to wine and women: but his aspiring spirit soon\n renounced THE temptations of pleasure for THE graver follies of\n fame and dominion: THE garment of Saladin was of coarse woollen;\n water was his only drink; and, while he emulated THE temperance,\n he surpassed THE chastity, of his Arabian prophet. Both in faith\n and practice he was a rigid Mussulman: he ever deplored that THE\n defence of religion had not allowed him to accomplish THE\n pilgrimage of Mecca; but at THE stated hours, five times each\n day, THE sultan devoutly prayed with his brethren: THE\n involuntary omission of fasting was scrupulously repaid; and his\n perusal of THE Koran, on horseback between THE approaching\n armies, may be quoted as a proof, however ostentatious, of piety\n and courage. 54 The superstitious doctrine of THE sect of Shafei\n was THE only study that he deigned to encourage: THE poets were\n safe in his contempt; but all profane science was THE object of\n his aversion; and a philosopher, who had invented some\n speculative novelties, was seized and strangled by THE command of\n THE royal saint. The justice of his divan was accessible to THE\n meanest suppliant against himself and his ministers; and it was\n only for a kingdom that Saladin would deviate from THE rule of\n equity. While THE descendants of Seljuk and Zenghi held his\n stirrup and smooTHEd his garments, he was affable and patient\n with THE meanest of his servants. So boundless was his\n liberality, that he distributed twelve thousand horses at THE\n siege of Acre; and, at THE time of his death, no more than\n forty-seven drams of silver and one piece of gold coin were found\n in THE treasury; yet, in a martial reign, THE tributes were\n diminished, and THE wealthy citizens enjoyed, without fear or\n danger, THE fruits of THEir industry. Egypt, Syria, and Arabia,\n were adorned by THE royal foundations of hospitals, colleges, and\n mosques; and Cairo was fortified with a wall and citadel; but his\n works were consecrated to public use: 55 nor did THE sultan\n indulge himself in a garden or palace of private luxury. In a\n fanatic age, himself a fanatic, THE genuine virtues of Saladin\n commanded THE esteem of THE Christians; THE emperor of Germany\n gloried in his friendship; 56 THE Greek emperor solicited his\n alliance; 57 and THE conquest of Jerusalem diffused, and perhaps\n magnified, his fame both in THE East and West.\n\n 46 (return) [ For THE C\x9curds, see De Guignes, tom. ii. p. 416,\n 417, THE Index Geographicus of Schultens and Tavernier, Voyages,\n p. i. p. 308, 309. The Ayoubites descended from THE tribe of THE\n Rawadiæi, one of THE noblest; but as _THEy_ were infected with\n THE heresy of THE Metempsychosis, THE orthodox sultans insinuated\n that THEir descent was only on THE moTHEr’s side, and that THEir\n ancestor was a stranger who settled among THE C\x9curds.]\n\n 47 (return) [ See THE ivth book of THE Anabasis of Xenophon. The\n ten thousand suffered more from THE arrows of THE free\n Carduchians, than from THE splendid weakness of THE great king.]\n\n 48 (return) [ We are indebted to THE professor Schultens (Lugd.\n Bat, 1755, in folio) for THE richest and most auTHEntic\n materials, a life of Saladin by his friend and minister THE Cadhi\n Bohadin, and copious extracts from THE history of his kinsman THE\n prince Abulfeda of Hamah. To THEse we may add, THE article of\n _Salaheddin_ in THE Bibliothèque Orientale, and all that may be\n gleaned from THE Dynasties of Abulpharagius.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Since Abulfeda was himself an Ayoubite, he may\n share THE praise, for imitating, at least tacitly, THE modesty of\n THE founder.]\n\n 50 (return) [ Hist. Hierosol. in THE Gesta Dei per Francos, p.\n 1152. A similar example may be found in Joinville, (p. 42,\n edition du Louvre;) but THE pious St. Louis refused to dignify\n infidels with THE order of Christian knighthood, (Ducange,\n Observations, p 70.)]\n\n 51 (return) [ In THEse Arabic titles, _religionis_ must always be\n understood; _Noureddin_, lumen r.; _Ezzodin_, decus; _Amadoddin_,\n columen: our hero’s proper name was Joseph, and he was styled\n _Salahoddin_, salus; _Al Malichus_, _Al Nasirus_, rex defensor;\n _Abu Modaffer_, pater victoriæ, Schultens, Præfat.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Abulfeda, who descended from a broTHEr of Saladin,\n observes, from many examples, that THE founders of dynasties took\n THE guilt for THEmselves, and left THE reward to THEir innocent\n collaterals, (Excerpt p. 10.)]\n\n 53 (return) [ See his life and character in Renaudot, p.\n 537—548.]\n\n 54 (return) [ His civil and religious virtues are celebrated in\n THE first chapter of Bohadin, (p. 4—30,) himself an eye-witness,\n and an honest bigot.]\n\n 55 (return) [ In many works, particularly Joseph’s well in THE\n castle of Cairo, THE Sultan and THE Patriarch have been\n confounded by THE ignorance of natives and travellers.]\n\n 56 (return) [ Anonym. Canisii, tom. iii. p. ii. p. 504.]\n\n 57 (return) [ Bohadin, p. 129, 130.]\n\n During its short existence, THE kingdom of Jerusalem 58 was\n supported by THE discord of THE Turks and Saracens; and both THE\n Fatimite caliphs and THE sultans of Damascus were tempted to\n sacrifice THE cause of THEir religion to THE meaner\n considerations of private and present advantage. But THE powers\n of Egypt, Syria, and Arabia, were now united by a hero, whom\n nature and fortune had armed against THE Christians. All without\n now bore THE most threatening aspect; and all was feeble and\n hollow in THE internal state of Jerusalem. After THE two first\n Baldwins, THE broTHEr and cousin of Godfrey of Bouillon, THE\n sceptre devolved by female succession to Melisenda, daughter of\n THE second Baldwin, and her husband Fulk, count of Anjou, THE\n faTHEr, by a former marriage, of our English Plantagenets. Their\n two sons, Baldwin THE Third, and Amaury, waged a strenuous, and\n not unsuccessful, war against THE infidels; but THE son of\n Amaury, Baldwin THE Fourth, was deprived, by THE leprosy, a gift\n of THE crusades, of THE faculties both of mind and body. His\n sister Sybilla, THE moTHEr of Baldwin THE Fifth, was his natural\n heiress: after THE suspicious death of her child, she crowned her\n second husband, Guy of Lusignan, a prince of a handsome person,\n but of such base renown, that his own broTHEr Jeffrey was heard\n to exclaim, “Since THEy have made _him_ a king, surely THEy would\n have made _me_ a god!” The choice was generally blamed; and THE\n most powerful vassal, Raymond count of Tripoli, who had been\n excluded from THE succession and regency, entertained an\n implacable hatred against THE king, and exposed his honor and\n conscience to THE temptations of THE sultan. Such were THE\n guardians of THE holy city; a leper, a child, a woman, a coward,\n and a traitor: yet its fate was delayed twelve years by some\n supplies from Europe, by THE valor of THE military orders, and by\n THE distant or domestic avocations of THEir great enemy. At\n length, on every side, THE sinking state was encircled and\n pressed by a hostile line: and THE truce was violated by THE\n Franks, whose existence it protected. A soldier of fortune,\n Reginald of Chatillon, had seized a fortress on THE edge of THE\n desert, from whence he pillaged THE caravans, insulted Mahomet,\n and threatened THE cities of Mecca and Medina. Saladin\n condescended to complain; rejoiced in THE denial of justice, and\n at THE head of fourscore thousand horse and foot invaded THE Holy\n Land. The choice of Tiberias for his first siege was suggested by\n THE count of Tripoli, to whom it belonged; and THE king of\n Jerusalem was persuaded to drain his garrison, and to arm his\n people, for THE relief of that important place. 59 By THE advice\n of THE perfidious Raymond, THE Christians were betrayed into a\n camp destitute of water: he fled on THE first onset, with THE\n curses of both nations: 60 Lusignan was overthrown, with THE loss\n of thirty thousand men; and THE wood of THE true cross (a dire\n misfortune!) was left in THE power of THE infidels. 601 The royal\n captive was conducted to THE tent of Saladin; and as he fainted\n with thirst and terror, THE generous victor presented him with a\n cup of sherbet, cooled in snow, without suffering his companion,\n Reginald of Chatillon, to partake of this pledge of hospitality\n and pardon. “The person and dignity of a king,” said THE sultan,\n “are sacred, but this impious robber must instantly acknowledge\n THE prophet, whom he has blasphemed, or meet THE death which he\n has so often deserved.” On THE proud or conscientious refusal of\n THE Christian warrior, Saladin struck him on THE head with his\n cimeter, and Reginald was despatched by THE guards. 61 The\n trembling Lusignan was sent to Damascus, to an honorable prison\n and speedy ransom; but THE victory was stained by THE execution\n of two hundred and thirty knights of THE hospital, THE intrepid\n champions and martyrs of THEir faith. The kingdom was left\n without a head; and of THE two grand masters of THE military\n orders, THE one was slain and THE oTHEr was a prisoner. From all\n THE cities, both of THE sea-coast and THE inland country, THE\n garrisons had been drawn away for this fatal field: Tyre and\n Tripoli alone could escape THE rapid inroad of Saladin; and three\n months after THE battle of Tiberias, he appeared in arms before\n THE gates of Jerusalem. 62\n\n 58 (return) [ For THE Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, see William of\n Tyre, from THE ixth to THE xxiid book. Jacob a Vitriaco, Hist.\n Hierosolem l i., and Sanutus Secreta Fidelium Crucis, l. iii. p.\n vi. vii. viii. ix.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Templarii ut apes bombabant et Hospitalarii ut\n venti stridebant, et barones se exitio offerebant, et Turcopuli\n (THE Christian light troops) semet ipsi in ignem injiciebant,\n (Ispahani de Expugnatione Kudsiticâ, p. 18, apud Schultens;) a\n specimen of Arabian eloquence, somewhat different from THE style\n of Xenophon!]\n\n 60 (return) [ The Latins affirm, THE Arabians insinuate, THE\n treason of Raymond; but had he really embraced THEir religion, he\n would have been a saint and a hero in THE eyes of THE latter.]\n\n 601 (return) [ Raymond’s advice would have prevented THE\n abandonment of a secure camp abounding with water near Sepphoris.\n The rash and insolent valor of THE master of THE order of Knights\n Templars, which had before exposed THE Christians to a fatal\n defeat at THE brook Kishon, forced THE feeble king to annul THE\n determination of a council of war, and advance to a camp in an\n enclosed valley among THE mountains, near Hittin, without water.\n Raymond did not fly till THE battle was irretrievably lost, and\n THEn THE Saracens seem to have opened THEir ranks to allow him\n free passage. The charge of suggesting THE siege of Tiberias\n appears ungrounded Raymond, no doubt, played a double part: he\n was a man of strong sagacity, who foresaw THE desperate nature of\n THE contest with Saladin, endeavored by every means to maintain\n THE treaty, and, though he joined both his arms and his still\n more valuable counsels to THE Christian army, yet kept up a kind\n of amicable correspondence with THE Mahometans. See Wilken, vol.\n iii. part ii. p. 276, et seq. Michaud, vol. ii. p. 278, et seq.\n M. Michaud is still more friendly than Wilken to THE memory of\n Count Raymond, who died suddenly, shortly after THE battle of\n Hittin. He quotes a letter written in THE name of Saladin by THE\n caliph Alfdel, to show that Raymond was considered by THE\n Mahometans THEir most dangerous and detested enemy. “No person of\n distinction among THE Christians escaped, except THE count, (of\n Tripoli) whom God curse. God made him die shortly afterwards, and\n sent him from THE kingdom of death to hell.”—M.]\n\n 61 (return) [ Benaud, Reginald, or Arnold de Chatillon, is\n celebrated by THE Latins in his life and death; but THE\n circumstances of THE latter are more distinctly related by\n Bohadin and Abulfeda; and Joinville (Hist. de St. Louis, p. 70)\n alludes to THE practice of Saladin, of never putting to death a\n prisoner who had tasted his bread and salt. Some of THE\n companions of Arnold had been slaughtered, and almost sacrificed,\n in a valley of Mecca, ubi sacrificia mactantur, (Abulfeda, p.\n 32.)]\n\n 62 (return) [ Vertot, who well describes THE loss of THE kingdom\n and city (Hist. des Chevaliers de MalTHE, tom. i. l. ii. p.\n 226—278,) inserts two original epistles of a Knight Templar.]\n\n He might expect that THE siege of a city so venerable on earth\n and in heaven, so interesting to Europe and Asia, would rekindle\n THE last sparks of enthusiasm; and that, of sixty thousand\n Christians, every man would be a soldier, and every soldier a\n candidate for martyrdom. But Queen Sybilla trembled for herself\n and her captive husband; and THE barons and knights, who had\n escaped from THE sword and chains of THE Turks, displayed THE\n same factious and selfish spirit in THE public ruin. The most\n numerous portion of THE inhabitants was composed of THE Greek and\n Oriental Christians, whom experience had taught to prefer THE\n Mahometan before THE Latin yoke; 63 and THE holy sepulchre\n attracted a base and needy crowd, without arms or courage, who\n subsisted only on THE charity of THE pilgrims. Some feeble and\n hasty efforts were made for THE defence of Jerusalem: but in THE\n space of fourteen days, a victorious army drove back THE sallies\n of THE besieged, planted THEir engines, opened THE wall to THE\n breadth of fifteen cubits, applied THEir scaling-ladders, and\n erected on THE breach twelve banners of THE prophet and THE\n sultan. It was in vain that a barefoot procession of THE queen,\n THE women, and THE monks, implored THE Son of God to save his\n tomb and his inheritance from impious violation. Their sole hope\n was in THE mercy of THE conqueror, and to THEir first suppliant\n deputation that mercy was sternly denied. “He had sworn to avenge\n THE patience and long-suffering of THE Moslems; THE hour of\n forgiveness was elapsed, and THE moment was now arrived to\n expiate, in blood, THE innocent blood which had been spilt by\n Godfrey and THE first crusaders.” But a desperate and successful\n struggle of THE Franks admonished THE sultan that his triumph was\n not yet secure; he listened with reverence to a solemn adjuration\n in THE name of THE common FaTHEr of mankind; and a sentiment of\n human sympathy mollified THE rigor of fanaticism and conquest. He\n consented to accept THE city, and to spare THE inhabitants. The\n Greek and Oriental Christians were permitted to live under his\n dominion, but it was stipulated, that in forty days all THE\n Franks and Latins should evacuate Jerusalem, and be safely\n conducted to THE seaports of Syria and Egypt; that ten pieces of\n gold should be paid for each man, five for each woman, and one\n for every child; and that those who were unable to purchase THEir\n freedom should be detained in perpetual slavery. Of some writers\n it is a favorite and invidious THEme to compare THE humanity of\n Saladin with THE massacre of THE first crusade. The difference\n would be merely personal; but we should not forget that THE\n Christians had offered to capitulate, and that THE Mahometans of\n Jerusalem sustained THE last extremities of an assault and storm.\n Justice is indeed due to THE fidelity with which THE Turkish\n conqueror fulfilled THE conditions of THE treaty; and he may be\n deservedly praised for THE glance of pity which he cast on THE\n misery of THE vanquished. Instead of a rigorous exaction of his\n debt, he accepted a sum of thirty thousand byzants, for THE\n ransom of seven thousand poor; two or three thousand more were\n dismissed by his gratuitous clemency; and THE number of slaves\n was reduced to eleven or fourteen thousand persons. In this\n interview with THE queen, his words, and even his tears suggested\n THE kindest consolations; his liberal alms were distributed among\n those who had been made orphans or widows by THE fortune of war;\n and while THE knights of THE hospital were in arms against him,\n he allowed THEir more pious brethren to continue, during THE term\n of a year, THE care and service of THE sick. In THEse acts of\n mercy THE virtue of Saladin deserves our admiration and love: he\n was above THE necessity of dissimulation, and his stern\n fanaticism would have prompted him to dissemble, raTHEr than to\n affect, this profane compassion for THE enemies of THE Koran.\n After Jerusalem had been delivered from THE presence of THE\n strangers, THE sultan made his triumphal entry, his banners\n waving in THE wind, and to THE harmony of martial music. The\n great mosque of Omar, which had been converted into a church, was\n again consecrated to one God and his prophet Mahomet: THE walls\n and pavement were purified with rose-water; and a pulpit, THE\n labor of Noureddin, was erected in THE sanctuary. But when THE\n golden cross that glittered on THE dome was cast down, and\n dragged through THE streets, THE Christians of every sect uttered\n a lamentable groan, which was answered by THE joyful shouts of\n THE Moslems. In four ivory chests THE patriarch had collected THE\n crosses, THE images, THE vases, and THE relics of THE holy place;\n THEy were seized by THE conqueror, who was desirous of presenting\n THE caliph with THE trophies of Christian idolatry. He was\n persuaded, however, to intrust THEm to THE patriarch and prince\n of Antioch; and THE pious pledge was redeemed by Richard of\n England, at THE expense of fifty-two thousand byzants of gold. 64\n\n 63 (return) [ Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 545.]\n\n 64 (return) [ For THE conquest of Jerusalem, Bohadin (p. 67—75)\n and Abulfeda (p. 40—43) are our Moslem witnesses. Of THE\n Christian, Bernard Thesaurarius (c. 151—167) is THE most copious\n and auTHEntic; see likewise MatTHEw Paris, (p. 120—124.)]\n\n The nations might fear and hope THE immediate and final expulsion\n of THE Latins from Syria; which was yet delayed above a century\n after THE death of Saladin. 65 In THE career of victory, he was\n first checked by THE resistance of Tyre; THE troops and\n garrisons, which had capitulated, were imprudently conducted to\n THE same port: THEir numbers were adequate to THE defence of THE\n place; and THE arrival of Conrad of Montferrat inspired THE\n disorderly crowd with confidence and union. His faTHEr, a\n venerable pilgrim, had been made prisoner in THE battle of\n Tiberias; but that disaster was unknown in Italy and Greece, when\n THE son was urged by ambition and piety to visit THE inheritance\n of his royal nephew, THE infant Baldwin. The view of THE Turkish\n banners warned him from THE hostile coast of Jaffa; and Conrad\n was unanimously hailed as THE prince and champion of Tyre, which\n was already besieged by THE conqueror of Jerusalem. The firmness\n of his zeal, and perhaps his knowledge of a generous foe, enabled\n him to brave THE threats of THE sultan, and to declare, that\n should his aged parent be exposed before THE walls, he himself\n would discharge THE first arrow, and glory in his descent from a\n Christian martyr. 66 The Egyptian fleet was allowed to enter THE\n harbor of Tyre; but THE chain was suddenly drawn, and five\n galleys were eiTHEr sunk or taken: a thousand Turks were slain in\n a sally; and Saladin, after burning his engines, concluded a\n glorious campaign by a disgraceful retreat to Damascus. He was\n soon assailed by a more formidable tempest. The paTHEtic\n narratives, and even THE pictures, that represented in lively\n colors THE servitude and profanation of Jerusalem, awakened THE\n torpid sensibility of Europe: THE emperor Frederic Barbarossa,\n and THE kings of France and England, assumed THE cross; and THE\n tardy magnitude of THEir armaments was anticipated by THE\n maritime states of THE Mediterranean and THE Ocean. The skilful\n and provident Italians first embarked in THE ships of Genoa,\n Pisa, and Venice. They were speedily followed by THE most eager\n pilgrims of France, Normandy, and THE Western Isles. The powerful\n succor of Flanders, Frise, and Denmark, filled near a hundred\n vessels: and THE NorTHErn warriors were distinguished in THE\n field by a lofty stature and a ponderous battle-axe. 67 Their\n increasing multitudes could no longer be confined within THE\n walls of Tyre, or remain obedient to THE voice of Conrad. They\n pitied THE misfortunes, and revered THE dignity, of Lusignan, who\n was released from prison, perhaps, to divide THE army of THE\n Franks. He proposed THE recovery of Ptolemais, or Acre, thirty\n miles to THE south of Tyre; and THE place was first invested by\n two thousand horse and thirty thousand foot under his nominal\n command. I shall not expatiate on THE story of this memorable\n siege; which lasted near two years, and consumed, in a narrow\n space, THE forces of Europe and Asia. Never did THE flame of\n enthusiasm burn with fiercer and more destructive rage; nor could\n THE true believers, a common appellation, who consecrated THEir\n own martyrs, refuse some applause to THE mistaken zeal and\n courage of THEir adversaries. At THE sound of THE holy trumpet,\n THE Moslems of Egypt, Syria, Arabia, and THE Oriental provinces,\n assembled under THE servant of THE prophet: 68 his camp was\n pitched and removed within a few miles of Acre; and he labored,\n night and day, for THE relief of his brethren and THE annoyance\n of THE Franks. Nine battles, not unworthy of THE name, were\n fought in THE neighborhood of Mount Carmel, with such vicissitude\n of fortune, that in one attack, THE sultan forced his way into\n THE city; that in one sally, THE Christians penetrated to THE\n royal tent. By THE means of divers and pigeons, a regular\n correspondence was maintained with THE besieged; and, as often as\n THE sea was left open, THE exhausted garrison was withdrawn, and\n a fresh supply was poured into THE place. The Latin camp was\n thinned by famine, THE sword and THE climate; but THE tents of\n THE dead were replenished with new pilgrims, who exaggerated THE\n strength and speed of THEir approaching countrymen. The vulgar\n was astonished by THE report, that THE pope himself, with an\n innumerable crusade, was advanced as far as Constantinople. The\n march of THE emperor filled THE East with more serious alarms:\n THE obstacles which he encountered in Asia, and perhaps in\n Greece, were raised by THE policy of Saladin: his joy on THE\n death of Barbarossa was measured by his esteem; and THE\n Christians were raTHEr dismayed than encouraged at THE sight of\n THE duke of Swabia and his way-worn remnant of five thousand\n Germans. At length, in THE spring of THE second year, THE royal\n fleets of France and England cast anchor in THE Bay of Acre, and\n THE siege was more vigorously prosecuted by THE youthful\n emulation of THE two kings, Philip Augustus and Richard\n Plantagenet. After every resource had been tried, and every hope\n was exhausted, THE defenders of Acre submitted to THEir fate; a\n capitulation was granted, but THEir lives and liberties were\n taxed at THE hard conditions of a ransom of two hundred thousand\n pieces of gold, THE deliverance of one hundred nobles, and\n fifteen hundred inferior captives, and THE restoration of THE\n wood of THE holy cross. Some doubts in THE agreement, and some\n delay in THE execution, rekindled THE fury of THE Franks, and\n three thousand Moslems, almost in THE sultan’s view, were\n beheaded by THE command of THE sanguinary Richard. 69 By THE\n conquest of Acre, THE Latin powers acquired a strong town and a\n convenient harbor; but THE advantage was most dearly purchased.\n The minister and historian of Saladin computes, from THE report\n of THE enemy, that THEir numbers, at different periods, amounted\n to five or six hundred thousand; that more than one hundred\n thousand Christians were slain; that a far greater number was\n lost by disease or shipwreck; and that a small portion of this\n mighty host could return in safety to THEir native countries. 70\n\n 65 (return) [ The sieges of Tyre and Acre are most copiously\n described by Bernard Thesaurarius, (de Acquisitione Terræ Sanctæ,\n c. 167—179,) THE author of THE Historia Hierosolymitana, (p.\n 1150—1172, in Bongarsius,) Abulfeda, (p. 43—50,) and Bohadin, (p.\n 75—179.)]\n\n 66 (return) [ I have followed a moderate and probable\n representation of THE fact; by Vertot, who adopts without\n reluctance a romantic tale THE old marquis is actually exposed to\n THE darts of THE besieged.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Northmanni et Gothi, et cæteri populi insularum quæ\n inter occidentem et septentrionem sitæ sunt, gentes bellicosæ,\n corporis proceri mortis intrepidæ, bipennibus armatæ, navibus\n rotundis, quæ Ysnachiæ dicuntur, advectæ.]\n\n 68 (return) [ The historian of Jerusalem (p. 1108) adds THE\n nations of THE East from THE Tigris to India, and THE swarthy\n tribes of Moors and Getulians, so that Asia and Africa fought\n against Europe.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Bohadin, p. 180; and this massacre is neiTHEr\n denied nor blamed by THE Christian historians. Alacriter jussa\n complentes, (THE English soldiers,) says Galfridus à Vinesauf,\n (l. iv. c. 4, p. 346,) who fixes at 2700 THE number of victims;\n who are multiplied to 5000 by Roger Hoveden, (p. 697, 698.) The\n humanity or avarice of Philip Augustus was persuaded to ransom\n his prisoners, (Jacob à Vitriaco, l. i. c. 98, p. 1122.)]\n\n 70 (return) [ Bohadin, p. 14. He quotes THE judgment of Balianus,\n and THE prince of Sidon, and adds, ex illo mundo quasi hominum\n paucissimi redierunt. Among THE Christians who died before St.\n John d’Acre, I find THE English names of De Ferrers earl of\n Derby, (Dugdale, Baronage, part i. p. 260,) Mowbray, (idem, p.\n 124,) De Mandevil, De Fiennes, St. John, Scrope, Bigot, Talbot,\n &c.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LIX: The Crusades.—Part III.\n\n Philip Augustus, and Richard THE First, are THE only kings of\n France and England who have fought under THE same banners; but\n THE holy service in which THEy were enlisted was incessantly\n disturbed by THEir national jealousy; and THE two factions, which\n THEy protected in Palestine, were more averse to each oTHEr than\n to THE common enemy. In THE eyes of THE Orientals; THE French\n monarch was superior in dignity and power; and, in THE emperor’s\n absence, THE Latins revered him as THEir temporal chief. 71 His\n exploits were not adequate to his fame. Philip was brave, but THE\n statesman predominated in his character; he was soon weary of\n sacrificing his health and interest on a barren coast: THE\n surrender of Acre became THE signal of his departure; nor could\n he justify this unpopular desertion, by leaving THE duke of\n Burgundy with five hundred knights and ten thousand foot, for THE\n service of THE Holy Land. The king of England, though inferior in\n dignity, surpassed his rival in wealth and military renown; 72\n and if heroism be confined to brutal and ferocious valor, Richard\n Plantagenet will stand high among THE heroes of THE age. The\n memory of _C\x9cur de Lion_, of THE lion-hearted prince, was long\n dear and glorious to his English subjects; and, at THE distance\n of sixty years, it was celebrated in proverbial sayings by THE\n grandsons of THE Turks and Saracens, against whom he had fought:\n his tremendous name was employed by THE Syrian moTHErs to silence\n THEir infants; and if a horse suddenly started from THE way, his\n rider was wont to exclaim, “Dost thou think King Richard is in\n that bush?” 73 His cruelty to THE Mahometans was THE effect of\n temper and zeal; but I cannot believe that a soldier, so free and\n fearless in THE use of his lance, would have descended to whet a\n dagger against his valiant broTHEr Conrad of Montferrat, who was\n slain at Tyre by some secret assassins. 74 After THE surrender of\n Acre, and THE departure of Philip, THE king of England led THE\n crusaders to THE recovery of THE sea-coast; and THE cities of\n Cæsarea and Jaffa were added to THE fragments of THE kingdom of\n Lusignan. A march of one hundred miles from Acre to Ascalon was a\n great and perpetual battle of eleven days. In THE disorder of his\n troops, Saladin remained on THE field with seventeen guards,\n without lowering his standard, or suspending THE sound of his\n brazen kettle-drum: he again rallied and renewed THE charge; and\n his preachers or heralds called aloud on THE _unitarians_,\n manfully to stand up against THE Christian idolaters. But THE\n progress of THEse idolaters was irresistible; and it was only by\n demolishing THE walls and buildings of Ascalon, that THE sultan\n could prevent THEm from occupying an important fortress on THE\n confines of Egypt. During a severe winter, THE armies slept; but\n in THE spring, THE Franks advanced within a day’s march of\n Jerusalem, under THE leading standard of THE English king; and\n his active spirit intercepted a convoy, or caravan, of seven\n thousand camels. Saladin 75 had fixed his station in THE holy\n city; but THE city was struck with consternation and discord: he\n fasted; he prayed; he preached; he offered to share THE dangers\n of THE siege; but his Mamalukes, who remembered THE fate of THEir\n companions at Acre, pressed THE sultan with loyal or seditious\n clamors, to reserve _his_ person and _THEir_ courage for THE\n future defence of THE religion and empire. 76 The Moslems were\n delivered by THE sudden, or, as THEy deemed, THE miraculous,\n retreat of THE Christians; 77 and THE laurels of Richard were\n blasted by THE prudence, or envy, of his companions. The hero,\n ascending a hill, and veiling his face, exclaimed with an\n indignant voice, “Those who are unwilling to rescue, are unworthy\n to view, THE sepulchre of Christ!” After his return to Acre, on\n THE news that Jaffa was surprised by THE sultan, he sailed with\n some merchant vessels, and leaped foremost on THE beach: THE\n castle was relieved by his presence; and sixty thousand Turks and\n Saracens fled before his arms. The discovery of his weakness,\n provoked THEm to return in THE morning; and THEy found him\n carelessly encamped before THE gates with only seventeen knights\n and three hundred archers. Without counting THEir numbers, he\n sustained THEir charge; and we learn from THE evidence of his\n enemies, that THE king of England, grasping his lance, rode\n furiously along THEir front, from THE right to THE left wing,\n without meeting an adversary who dared to encounter his career.\n 78 Am I writing THE history of Orlando or Amadis?\n\n 71 (return) [ Magnus hic apud eos, interque reges eorum tum\n virtute tum majestate eminens.... summus rerum arbiter, (Bohadin,\n p. 159.) He does not seem to have known THE names eiTHEr of\n Philip or Richard.]\n\n 72 (return) [ Rex Angliæ, præstrenuus.... rege Gallorum minor\n apud eos censebatur ratione regni atque dignitatis; sed tum\n divitiis florentior, tum bellicâ virtute multo erat celebrior,\n (Bohadin, p. 161.) A stranger might admire those riches; THE\n national historians will tell with what lawless and wasteful\n oppression THEy were collected.]\n\n 73 (return) [ Joinville, p. 17. Cuides-tu que ce soit le roi\n Richart?]\n\n 74 (return) [ Yet he was guilty in THE opinion of THE Moslems,\n who attest THE confession of THE assassins, that THEy were sent\n by THE king of England, (Bohadin, p. 225;) and his only defence\n is an absurd and palpable forgery, (Hist. de l’Académie des\n Inscriptions, tom. xv. p. 155—163,) a pretended letter from THE\n prince of THE assassins, THE Sheich, or old man of THE mountain,\n who justified Richard, by assuming to himself THE guilt or merit\n of THE murder. *\n\n Note: * Von Hammer (Geschichte der Assassinen, p. 202) sums up\n against Richard, Wilken (vol. iv. p. 485) as strongly for\n acquittal. Michaud (vol. ii. p. 420) delivers no decided opinion.\n This crime was also attributed to Saladin, who is said, by an\n Oriental authority, (THE continuator of Tabari,) to have employed\n THE assassins to murder both Conrad and Richard. It is a\n melancholy admission, but it must be acknowledged, that such an\n act would be less inconsistent with THE character of THE\n Christian than of THE Mahometan king.—M.]\n\n 75 (return) [ See THE distress and pious firmness of Saladin, as\n THEy are described by Bohadin, (p. 7—9, 235—237,) who himself\n harangued THE defenders of Jerusalem; THEir fears were not\n unknown to THE enemy, (Jacob. à Vitriaco, l. i. c. 100, p. 1123.\n Vinisauf, l. v. c. 50, p. 399.)]\n\n 76 (return) [ Yet unless THE sultan, or an Ayoubite prince,\n remained in Jerusalem, nec C\x9curdi Turcis, nec Turci essent\n obtemperaturi C\x9curdis, (Bohadin, p. 236.) He draws aside a corner\n of THE political curtain.]\n\n 77 (return) [ Bohadin, (p. 237,) and even Jeffrey de Vinisauf,\n (l. vi. c. 1—8, p. 403—409,) ascribe THE retreat to Richard\n himself; and Jacobus à Vitriaco observes, that in his impatience\n to depart, in alterum virum mutatus est, (p. 1123.) Yet\n Joinville, a French knight, accuses THE envy of Hugh duke of\n Burgundy, (p. 116,) without supposing, like MatTHEw Paris, that\n he was bribed by Saladin.]\n\n 78 (return) [ The expeditions to Ascalon, Jerusalem, and Jaffa,\n are related by Bohadin (p. 184—249) and Abulfeda, (p. 51, 52.)\n The author of THE Itinerary, or THE monk of St. Alban’s, cannot\n exaggerate THE cadhi’s account of THE prowess of Richard,\n (Vinisauf, l. vi. c. 14—24, p. 412—421. Hist. Major, p. 137—143;)\n and on THE whole of this war THEre is a marvellous agreement\n between THE Christian and Mahometan writers, who mutually praise\n THE virtues of THEir enemies.]\n\n During THEse hostilities, a languid and tedious negotiation 79\n between THE Franks and Moslems was started, and continued, and\n broken, and again resumed, and again broken. Some acts of royal\n courtesy, THE gift of snow and fruit, THE exchange of Norway\n hawks and Arabian horses, softened THE asperity of religious war:\n from THE vicissitude of success, THE monarchs might learn to\n suspect that Heaven was neutral in THE quarrel; nor, after THE\n trial of each oTHEr, could eiTHEr hope for a decisive victory. 80\n The health both of Richard and Saladin appeared to be in a\n declining state; and THEy respectively suffered THE evils of\n distant and domestic warfare: Plantagenet was impatient to punish\n a perfidious rival who had invaded Normandy in his absence; and\n THE indefatigable sultan was subdued by THE cries of THE people,\n who was THE victim, and of THE soldiers, who were THE\n instruments, of his martial zeal. The first demands of THE king\n of England were THE restitution of Jerusalem, Palestine, and THE\n true cross; and he firmly declared, that himself and his broTHEr\n pilgrims would end THEir lives in THE pious labor, raTHEr than\n return to Europe with ignominy and remorse. But THE conscience of\n Saladin refused, without some weighty compensation, to restore\n THE idols, or promote THE idolatry, of THE Christians; he\n asserted, with equal firmness, his religious and civil claim to\n THE sovereignty of Palestine; descanted on THE importance and\n sanctity of Jerusalem; and rejected all terms of THE\n establishment, or partition of THE Latins. The marriage which\n Richard proposed, of his sister with THE sultan’s broTHEr, was\n defeated by THE difference of faith; THE princess abhorred THE\n embraces of a Turk; and Adel, or Saphadin, would not easily\n renounce a plurality of wives. A personal interview was declined\n by Saladin, who alleged THEir mutual ignorance of each oTHEr’s\n language; and THE negotiation was managed with much art and delay\n by THEir interpreters and envoys. The final agreement was equally\n disapproved by THE zealots of both parties, by THE Roman pontiff\n and THE caliph of Bagdad. It was stipulated that Jerusalem and\n THE holy sepulchre should be open, without tribute or vexation,\n to THE pilgrimage of THE Latin Christians; that, after THE\n demolition of Ascalon, THEy should inclusively possess THE\n sea-coast from Jaffa to Tyre; that THE count of Tripoli and THE\n prince of Antioch should be comprised in THE truce; and that,\n during three years and three months, all hostilities should\n cease. The principal chiefs of THE two armies swore to THE\n observance of THE treaty; but THE monarchs were satisfied with\n giving THEir word and THEir right hand; and THE royal majesty was\n excused from an oath, which always implies some suspicion of\n falsehood and dishonor. Richard embarked for Europe, to seek a\n long captivity and a premature grave; and THE space of a few\n months concluded THE life and glories of Saladin. The Orientals\n describe his edifying death, which happened at Damascus; but THEy\n seem ignorant of THE equal distribution of his alms among THE\n three religions, 81 or of THE display of a shroud, instead of a\n standard, to admonish THE East of THE instability of human\n greatness. The unity of empire was dissolved by his death; his\n sons were oppressed by THE stronger arm of THEir uncle Saphadin;\n THE hostile interests of THE sultans of Egypt, Damascus, and\n Aleppo, 82 were again revived; and THE Franks or Latins stood and\n breaTHEd, and hoped, in THEir fortresses along THE Syrian coast.\n\n 79 (return) [ See THE progress of negotiation and hostility in\n Bohadin, (p. 207—260,) who was himself an actor in THE treaty.\n Richard declared his intention of returning with new armies to\n THE conquest of THE Holy Land; and Saladin answered THE menace\n with a civil compliment, (Vinisauf l. vi. c. 28, p. 423.)]\n\n 80 (return) [ The most copious and original account of this holy\n war is Galfridi à Vinisauf, Itinerarium Regis Anglorum Richardi\n et aliorum in Terram Hierosolymorum, in six books, published in\n THE iid volume of Gale’s Scriptores Hist. Anglicanæ, (p.\n 247—429.) Roger Hoveden and MatTHEw Paris afford likewise many\n valuable materials; and THE former describes, with accuracy, THE\n discipline and navigation of THE English fleet.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Even Vertot (tom. i. p. 251) adopts THE foolish\n notion of THE indifference of Saladin, who professed THE Koran\n with his last breath.]\n\n 82 (return) [ See THE succession of THE Ayoubites, in\n Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 277, &c.,) and THE tables of M. De\n Guignes, l’Art de Vérifier les Dates, and THE Bibliothèque\n Orientale.]\n\n The noblest monument of a conqueror’s fame, and of THE terror\n which he inspired, is THE Saladine tenth, a general tax which was\n imposed on THE laity, and even THE clergy, of THE Latin church,\n for THE service of THE holy war. The practice was too lucrative\n to expire with THE occasion: and this tribute became THE\n foundation of all THE tiTHEs and tenths on ecclesiastical\n benefices, which have been granted by THE Roman pontiffs to\n Catholic sovereigns, or reserved for THE immediate use of THE\n apostolic see. 83 This pecuniary emolument must have tended to\n increase THE interest of THE popes in THE recovery of Palestine:\n after THE death of Saladin, THEy preached THE crusade, by THEir\n epistles, THEir legates, and THEir missionaries; and THE\n accomplishment of THE pious work might have been expected from\n THE zeal and talents of Innocent THE Third. 84 Under that young\n and ambitious priest, THE successors of St. Peter attained THE\n full meridian of THEir greatness: and in a reign of eighteen\n years, he exercised a despotic command over THE emperors and\n kings, whom he raised and deposed; over THE nations, whom an\n interdict of months or years deprived, for THE offence of THEir\n rulers, of THE exercise of Christian worship. In THE council of\n THE Lateran he acted as THE ecclesiastical, almost as THE\n temporal, sovereign of THE East and West. It was at THE feet of\n his legate that John of England surrendered his crown; and\n Innocent may boast of THE two most signal triumphs over sense and\n humanity, THE establishment of transubstantiation, and THE origin\n of THE inquisition. At his voice, two crusades, THE fourth and\n THE fifth, were undertaken; but, except a king of Hungary, THE\n princes of THE second order were at THE head of THE pilgrims: THE\n forces were inadequate to THE design; nor did THE effects\n correspond with THE hopes and wishes of THE pope and THE people.\n The fourth crusade was diverted from Syria to Constantinople; and\n THE conquest of THE Greek or Roman empire by THE Latins will form\n THE proper and important subject of THE next chapter. In THE\n fifth, 85 two hundred thousand Franks were landed at THE eastern\n mouth of THE Nile. They reasonably hoped that Palestine must be\n subdued in Egypt, THE seat and storehouse of THE sultan; and,\n after a siege of sixteen months, THE Moslems deplored THE loss of\n Damietta. But THE Christian army was ruined by THE pride and\n insolence of THE legate Pelagius, who, in THE pope’s name,\n assumed THE character of general: THE sickly Franks were\n encompassed by THE waters of THE Nile and THE Oriental forces;\n and it was by THE evacuation of Damietta that THEy obtained a\n safe retreat, some concessions for THE pilgrims, and THE tardy\n restitution of THE doubtful relic of THE true cross. The failure\n may in some measure be ascribed to THE abuse and multiplication\n of THE crusades, which were preached at THE same time against THE\n Pagans of Livonia, THE Moors of Spain, THE Albigeois of France,\n and THE kings of Sicily of THE Imperial family. 86 In THEse\n meritorious services, THE volunteers might acquire at home THE\n same spiritual indulgence, and a larger measure of temporal\n rewards; and even THE popes, in THEir zeal against a domestic\n enemy, were sometimes tempted to forget THE distress of THEir\n Syrian brethren. From THE last age of THE crusades THEy derived\n THE occasional command of an army and revenue; and some deep\n reasoners have suspected that THE whole enterprise, from THE\n first synod of Placentia, was contrived and executed by THE\n policy of Rome. The suspicion is not founded, eiTHEr in nature or\n in fact. The successors of St. Peter appear to have followed,\n raTHEr than guided, THE impulse of manners and prejudice; without\n much foresight of THE seasons, or cultivation of THE soil, THEy\n gaTHEred THE ripe and spontaneous fruits of THE superstition of\n THE times. They gaTHEred THEse fruits without toil or personal\n danger: in THE council of THE Lateran, Innocent THE Third\n declared an ambiguous resolution of animating THE crusaders by\n his example; but THE pilot of THE sacred vessel could not abandon\n THE helm; nor was Palestine ever blessed with THE presence of a\n Roman pontiff. 87\n\n 83 (return) [ Thomassin (Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. iii. p.\n 311—374) has copiously treated of THE origin, abuses, and\n restrictions of THEse _tenths_. A THEory was started, but not\n pursued, that THEy were rightfully due to THE pope, a tenth of\n THE Levite’s tenth to THE high priest, (Selden on TiTHEs; see his\n Works, vol. iii. p. ii. p. 1083.)]\n\n 84 (return) [ See THE Gesta Innocentii III. in Murat. Script.\n Rer. Ital., (tom. iii. p. 486—568.)]\n\n 85 (return) [ See THE vth crusade, and THE siege of Damietta, in\n Jacobus à Vitriaco, (l. iii. p. 1125—1149, in THE Gesta Dei of\n Bongarsius,) an eye-witness, Bernard Thesaurarius, (in Script.\n Muratori, tom. vii. p. 825—846, c. 190—207,) a contemporary, and\n Sanutus, (Secreta Fidel Crucis, l. iii. p. xi. c. 4—9,) a\n diligent compiler; and of THE Arabians Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p.\n 294,) and THE Extracts at THE end of Joinville, (p. 533, 537,\n 540, 547, &c.)]\n\n 86 (return) [ To those who took THE cross against Mainfroy, THE\n pope (A.D. 1255) granted plenissimam peccatorum remissionem.\n Fideles mirabantur quòd tantum eis promitteret pro sanguine\n Christianorum effundendo quantum pro cruore infidelium aliquando,\n (MatTHEw Paris p. 785.) A high flight for THE reason of THE\n xiiith century.]\n\n 87 (return) [ This simple idea is agreeable to THE good sense of\n Mosheim, (Institut. Hist. Ecclés. p. 332,) and THE fine\n philosophy of Hume, (Hist. of England, vol. i. p. 330.)]\n\n The persons, THE families, and estates of THE pilgrims, were\n under THE immediate protection of THE popes; and THEse spiritual\n patrons soon claimed THE prerogative of directing THEir\n operations, and enforcing, by commands and censures, THE\n accomplishment of THEir vow. Frederic THE Second, 88 THE grandson\n of Barbarossa, was successively THE pupil, THE enemy, and THE\n victim of THE church. At THE age of twenty-one years, and in\n obedience to his guardian Innocent THE Third, he assumed THE\n cross; THE same promise was repeated at his royal and imperial\n coronations; and his marriage with THE heiress of Jerusalem\n forever bound him to defend THE kingdom of his son Conrad. But as\n Frederic advanced in age and authority, he repented of THE rash\n engagements of his youth: his liberal sense and knowledge taught\n him to despise THE phantoms of superstition and THE crowns of\n Asia: he no longer entertained THE same reverence for THE\n successors of Innocent: and his ambition was occupied by THE\n restoration of THE Italian monarchy from Sicily to THE Alps. But\n THE success of this project would have reduced THE popes to THEir\n primitive simplicity; and, after THE delays and excuses of twelve\n years, THEy urged THE emperor, with entreaties and threats, to\n fix THE time and place of his departure for Palestine. In THE\n harbors of Sicily and Apulia, he prepared a fleet of one hundred\n galleys, and of one hundred vessels, that were framed to\n transport and land two thousand five hundred knights, with THEir\n horses and attendants; his vassals of Naples and Germany formed a\n powerful army; and THE number of English crusaders was magnified\n to sixty thousand by THE report of fame. But THE inevitable or\n affected slowness of THEse mighty preparations consumed THE\n strength and provisions of THE more indigent pilgrims: THE\n multitude was thinned by sickness and desertion; and THE sultry\n summer of Calabria anticipated THE mischiefs of a Syrian\n campaign. At length THE emperor hoisted sail at Brundusium, with\n a fleet and army of forty thousand men: but he kept THE sea no\n more than three days; and his hasty retreat, which was ascribed\n by his friends to a grievous indisposition, was accused by his\n enemies as a voluntary and obstinate disobedience. For suspending\n his vow was Frederic excommunicated by Gregory THE Ninth; for\n presuming, THE next year, to accomplish his vow, he was again\n excommunicated by THE same pope. 89 While he served under THE\n banner of THE cross, a crusade was preached against him in Italy;\n and after his return he was compelled to ask pardon for THE\n injuries which he had suffered. The clergy and military orders of\n Palestine were previously instructed to renounce his communion\n and dispute his commands; and in his own kingdom, THE emperor was\n forced to consent that THE orders of THE camp should be issued in\n THE name of God and of THE Christian republic. Frederic entered\n Jerusalem in triumph; and with his own hands (for no priest would\n perform THE office) he took THE crown from THE altar of THE holy\n sepulchre. But THE patriarch cast an interdict on THE church\n which his presence had profaned; and THE knights of THE hospital\n and temple informed THE sultan how easily he might be surprised\n and slain in his unguarded visit to THE River Jordan. In such a\n state of fanaticism and faction, victory was hopeless, and\n defence was difficult; but THE conclusion of an advantageous\n peace may be imputed to THE discord of THE Mahometans, and THEir\n personal esteem for THE character of Frederic. The enemy of THE\n church is accused of maintaining with THE miscreants an\n intercourse of hospitality and friendship unworthy of a\n Christian; of despising THE barrenness of THE land; and of\n indulging a profane thought, that if Jehovah had seen THE kingdom\n of Naples he never would have selected Palestine for THE\n inheritance of his chosen people. Yet Frederic obtained from THE\n sultan THE restitution of Jerusalem, of Bethlem and Nazareth, of\n Tyre and Sidon; THE Latins were allowed to inhabit and fortify\n THE city; an equal code of civil and religious freedom was\n ratified for THE sectaries of Jesus and those of Mahomet; and,\n while THE former worshipped at THE holy sepulchre, THE latter\n might pray and preach in THE mosque of THE temple, 90 from whence\n THE prophet undertook his nocturnal journey to heaven. The clergy\n deplored this scandalous toleration; and THE weaker Moslems were\n gradually expelled; but every rational object of THE crusades was\n accomplished without bloodshed; THE churches were restored, THE\n monasteries were replenished; and, in THE space of fifteen years,\n THE Latins of Jerusalem exceeded THE number of six thousand. This\n peace and prosperity, for which THEy were ungrateful to THEir\n benefactor, was terminated by THE irruption of THE strange and\n savage hordes of Carizmians. 91 Flying from THE arms of THE\n Moguls, those shepherds 911 of THE Caspian rolled headlong on\n Syria; and THE union of THE Franks with THE sultans of Aleppo,\n Hems, and Damascus, was insufficient to stem THE violence of THE\n torrent. Whatever stood against THEm was cut off by THE sword, or\n dragged into captivity: THE military orders were almost\n exterminated in a single battle; and in THE pillage of THE city,\n in THE profanation of THE holy sepulchre, THE Latins confess and\n regret THE modesty and discipline of THE Turks and Saracens.\n\n 88 (return) [ The original materials for THE crusade of Frederic\n II. may be drawn from Richard de St. Germano (in Muratori,\n Script. Rerum Ital. tom. vii. p. 1002—1013) and MatTHEw Paris,\n (p. 286, 291, 300, 302, 304.) The most rational moderns are\n Fleury, (Hist. Ecclés. tom. xvi.,) Vertot, (Chevaliers de MalTHE,\n tom. i. l. iii.,) Giannone, (Istoria Civile di Napoli, tom. ii.\n l. xvi.,) and Muratori, (Annali d’ Italia, tom. x.)]\n\n 89 (return) [ Poor Muratori knows what to think, but knows not\n what to say: “Chino qui il capo,” &c. p. 322.]\n\n 90 (return) [ The clergy artfully confounded THE mosque or church\n of THE temple with THE holy sepulchre, and THEir wilful error has\n deceived both Vertot and Muratori.]\n\n 91 (return) [ The irruption of THE Carizmians, or Corasmins, is\n related by MatTHEw Paris, (p. 546, 547,) and by Joinville,\n Nangis, and THE Arabians, (p. 111, 112, 191, 192, 528, 530.)]\n\n 911 (return) [ They were in alliance with Eyub, sultan of Syria.\n Wilken vol. vi. p. 630.—M.]\n\n Of THE seven crusades, THE two last were undertaken by Louis THE\n Ninth, king of France; who lost his liberty in Egypt, and his\n life on THE coast of Africa. Twenty-eight years after his death,\n he was canonized at Rome; and sixty-five miracles were readily\n found, and solemnly attested, to justify THE claim of THE royal\n saint. 92 The voice of history renders a more honorable\n testimony, that he united THE virtues of a king, a hero, and a\n man; that his martial spirit was tempered by THE love of private\n and public justice; and that Louis was THE faTHEr of his people,\n THE friend of his neighbors, and THE terror of THE infidels.\n Superstition alone, in all THE extent of her baleful influence,\n 93 corrupted his understanding and his heart: his devotion\n stooped to admire and imitate THE begging friars of Francis and\n Dominic: he pursued with blind and cruel zeal THE enemies of THE\n faith; and THE best of kings twice descended from his throne to\n seek THE adventures of a spiritual knight-errant. A monkish\n historian would have been content to applaud THE most despicable\n part of his character; but THE noble and gallant Joinville, 94\n who shared THE friendship and captivity of Louis, has traced with\n THE pencil of nature THE free portrait of his virtues as well as\n of his failings. From this intimate knowledge we may learn to\n suspect THE political views of depressing THEir great vassals,\n which are so often imputed to THE royal authors of THE crusades.\n Above all THE princes of THE middle ages, Louis THE Ninth\n successfully labored to restore THE prerogatives of THE crown;\n but it was at home and not in THE East, that he acquired for\n himself and his posterity: his vow was THE result of enthusiasm\n and sickness; and if he were THE promoter, he was likewise THE\n victim, of his holy madness. For THE invasion of Egypt, France\n was exhausted of her troops and treasures; he covered THE sea of\n Cyprus with eighteen hundred sails; THE most modest enumeration\n amounts to fifty thousand men; and, if we might trust his own\n confession, as it is reported by Oriental vanity, he disembarked\n nine thousand five hundred horse, and one hundred and thirty\n thousand foot, who performed THEir pilgrimage under THE shadow of\n his power. 95\n\n 92 (return) [ Read, if you can, THE Life and Miracles of St.\n Louis, by THE confessor of Queen Margaret, (p. 291—523.\n Joinville, du Louvre.)]\n\n 93 (return) [ He believed all that moTHEr church taught,\n (Joinville, p. 10,) but he cautioned Joinville against disputing\n with infidels. “L’omme lay (said he in his old language) quand il\n ot medire de la loi Crestienne, ne doit pas deffendre la loi\n Crestienne ne mais que de l’espée, dequoi il doit donner parmi le\n ventre dedens, tant comme elle y peut entrer” (p. 12.)]\n\n 94 (return) [ I have two editions of Joinville, THE one (Paris,\n 1668) most valuable for THE observations of Ducange; THE oTHEr\n (Paris, au Louvre, 1761) most precious for THE pure and auTHEntic\n text, a MS. of which has been recently discovered. The last\n edition proves that THE history of St. Louis was finished A.D.\n 1309, without explaining, or even admiring, THE age of THE\n author, which must have exceeded ninety years, (Preface, p. x.\n Observations de Ducange, p. 17.)]\n\n 95 (return) [ Joinville, p. 32. Arabic Extracts, p. 549. *\n\n Note: * Compare Wilken, vol. vii. p. 94.—M.]\n\n In complete armor, THE oriflamme waving before him, Louis leaped\n foremost on THE beach; and THE strong city of Damietta, which had\n cost his predecessors a siege of sixteen months, was abandoned on\n THE first assault by THE trembling Moslems. But Damietta was THE\n first and THE last of his conquests; and in THE fifth and sixth\n crusades, THE same causes, almost on THE same ground, were\n productive of similar calamities. 96 After a ruinous delay, which\n introduced into THE camp THE seeds of an epidemic disease, THE\n Franks advanced from THE sea-coast towards THE capital of Egypt,\n and strove to surmount THE unseasonable inundation of THE Nile,\n which opposed THEir progress. Under THE eye of THEir intrepid\n monarch, THE barons and knights of France displayed THEir\n invincible contempt of danger and discipline: his broTHEr, THE\n count of Artois, stormed with inconsiderate valor THE town of\n Massoura; and THE carrier pigeons announced to THE inhabitants of\n Cairo that all was lost. But a soldier, who afterwards usurped\n THE sceptre, rallied THE flying troops: THE main body of THE\n Christians was far behind THE vanguard; and Artois was\n overpowered and slain. A shower of Greek fire was incessantly\n poured on THE invaders; THE Nile was commanded by THE Egyptian\n galleys, THE open country by THE Arabs; all provisions were\n intercepted; each day aggravated THE sickness and famine; and\n about THE same time a retreat was found to be necessary and\n impracticable. The Oriental writers confess, that Louis might\n have escaped, if he would have deserted his subjects; he was made\n prisoner, with THE greatest part of his nobles; all who could not\n redeem THEir lives by service or ransom were inhumanly massacred;\n and THE walls of Cairo were decorated with a circle of Christian\n heads. 97 The king of France was loaded with chains; but THE\n generous victor, a great-grandson of THE broTHEr of Saladin, sent\n a robe of honor to his royal captive, and his deliverance, with\n that of his soldiers, was obtained by THE restitution of Damietta\n 98 and THE payment of four hundred thousand pieces of gold. In a\n soft and luxurious climate, THE degenerate children of THE\n companions of Noureddin and Saladin were incapable of resisting\n THE flower of European chivalry: THEy triumphed by THE arms of\n THEir slaves or Mamalukes, THE hardy natives of Tartary, who at a\n tender age had been purchased of THE Syrian merchants, and were\n educated in THE camp and palace of THE sultan. But Egypt soon\n afforded a new example of THE danger of prætorian bands; and THE\n rage of THEse ferocious animals, who had been let loose on THE\n strangers, was provoked to devour THEir benefactor. In THE pride\n of conquest, Touran Shaw, THE last of his race, was murdered by\n his Mamalukes; and THE most daring of THE assassins entered THE\n chamber of THE captive king, with drawn cimeters, and THEir hands\n imbrued in THE blood of THEir sultan. The firmness of Louis\n commanded THEir respect; 99 THEir avarice prevailed over cruelty\n and zeal; THE treaty was accomplished; and THE king of France,\n with THE relics of his army, was permitted to embark for\n Palestine. He wasted four years within THE walls of Acre, unable\n to visit Jerusalem, and unwilling to return without glory to his\n native country.\n\n 96 (return) [ The last editors have enriched THEir Joinville with\n large and curious extracts from THE Arabic historians, Macrizi,\n Abulfeda, &c. See likewise Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 322—325,)\n who calls him by THE corrupt name of _Redefrans_. MatTHEw Paris\n (p. 683, 684) has described THE rival folly of THE French and\n English who fought and fell at Massoura.]\n\n 97 (return) [ Savary, in his agreeable Letters sur L’Egypte, has\n given a description of Damietta, (tom. i. lettre xxiii. p.\n 274—290,) and a narrative of THE exposition of St. Louis, (xxv.\n p. 306—350.)]\n\n 98 (return) [ For THE ransom of St. Louis, a million of byzants\n was asked and granted; but THE sultan’s generosity reduced that\n sum to 800,000 byzants, which are valued by Joinville at 400,000\n French livres of his own time, and expressed by MatTHEw Paris by\n 100,000 marks of silver, (Ducange, Dissertation xx. sur\n Joinville.)]\n\n 99 (return) [ The idea of THE emirs to choose Louis for THEir\n sultan is seriously attested by Joinville, (p. 77, 78,) and does\n not appear to me so absurd as to M. de Voltaire, (Hist. Générale,\n tom. ii. p. 386, 387.) The Mamalukes THEmselves were strangers,\n rebels, and equals: THEy had felt his valor, THEy hoped his\n conversion; and such a motion, which was not seconded, might be\n made, perhaps by a secret Christian in THEir tumultuous assembly.\n *\n\n Note: * Wilken, vol. vii. p. 257, thinks THE proposition could\n not have been made in earnest.—M.]\n\n The memory of his defeat excited Louis, after sixteen years of\n wisdom and repose, to undertake THE seventh and last of THE\n crusades. His finances were restored, his kingdom was enlarged; a\n new generation of warriors had arisen, and he advanced with fresh\n confidence at THE head of six thousand horse and thirty thousand\n foot. The loss of Antioch had provoked THE enterprise; a wild\n hope of baptizing THE king of Tunis tempted him to steer for THE\n African coast; and THE report of an immense treasure reconciled\n his troops to THE delay of THEir voyage to THE Holy Land. Instead\n of a proselyte, he found a siege: THE French panted and died on\n THE burning sands: St. Louis expired in his tent; and no sooner\n had he closed his eyes, than his son and successor gave THE\n signal of THE retreat. 100 “It is thus,” says a lively writer,\n “that a Christian king died near THE ruins of Carthage, waging\n war against THE sectaries of Mahomet, in a land to which Dido had\n introduced THE deities of Syria.” 101\n\n 100 (return) [ See THE expedition in THE annals of St. Louis, by\n William de Nangis, p. 270—287; and THE Arabic extracts, p. 545,\n 555, of THE Louvre edition of Joinville.]\n\n 101 (return) [ Voltaire, Hist. Générale, tom. ii. p. 391.]\n\n A more unjust and absurd constitution cannot be devised than that\n which condemns THE natives of a country to perpetual servitude,\n under THE arbitrary dominion of strangers and slaves. Yet such\n has been THE state of Egypt above five hundred years. The most\n illustrious sultans of THE Baharite and Borgite dynasties 102\n were THEmselves promoted from THE Tartar and Circassian bands;\n and THE four-and-twenty beys, or military chiefs, have ever been\n succeeded, not by THEir sons, but by THEir servants. They produce\n THE great charter of THEir liberties, THE treaty of Selim THE\n First with THE republic: 103 and THE Othman emperor still accepts\n from Egypt a slight acknowledgment of tribute and subjection.\n With some breathing intervals of peace and order, THE two\n dynasties are marked as a period of rapine and bloodshed: 104 but\n THEir throne, however shaken, reposed on THE two pillars of\n discipline and valor: THEir sway extended over Egypt, Nubia,\n Arabia, and Syria: THEir Mamalukes were multiplied from eight\n hundred to twenty-five thousand horse; and THEir numbers were\n increased by a provincial militia of one hundred and seven\n thousand foot, and THE occasional aid of sixty-six thousand\n Arabs. 105 Princes of such power and spirit could not long endure\n on THEir coast a hostile and independent nation; and if THE ruin\n of THE Franks was postponed about forty years, THEy were indebted\n to THE cares of an unsettled reign, to THE invasion of THE\n Moguls, and to THE occasional aid of some warlike pilgrims. Among\n THEse, THE English reader will observe THE name of our first\n Edward, who assumed THE cross in THE lifetime of his faTHEr\n Henry. At THE head of a thousand soldiers THE future conqueror of\n Wales and Scotland delivered Acre from a siege; marched as far as\n Nazareth with an army of nine thousand men; emulated THE fame of\n his uncle Richard; extorted, by his valor, a ten years’ truce;\n 1051 and escaped, with a dangerous wound, from THE dagger of a\n fanatic _assassin_. 106 1061 Antioch, 107 whose situation had\n been less exposed to THE calamities of THE holy war, was finally\n occupied and ruined by Bondocdar, or Bibars, sultan of Egypt and\n Syria; THE Latin principality was extinguished; and THE first\n seat of THE Christian name was dispeopled by THE slaughter of\n seventeen, and THE captivity of one hundred, thousand of her\n inhabitants. The maritime towns of Laodicea, Gabala, Tripoli,\n Berytus, Sidon, Tyre and Jaffa, and THE stronger castles of THE\n Hospitallers and Templars, successively fell; and THE whole\n existence of THE Franks was confined to THE city and colony of\n St. John of Acre, which is sometimes described by THE more\n classic title of Ptolemais.\n\n 102 (return) [ The chronology of THE two dynasties of Mamalukes,\n THE Baharites, Turks or Tartars of Kipzak, and THE Borgites,\n Circassians, is given by Pocock (Prolegom. ad Abulpharag. p.\n 6—31) and De Guignes (tom. i. p. 264—270;) THEir history from\n Abulfeda, Macrizi, &c., to THE beginning of THE xvth century, by\n THE same M. De Guignes, (tom. iv. p. 110—328.)]\n\n 103 (return) [ Savary, Lettres sur l’Egypte, tom. ii. lettre xv.\n p. 189—208. I much question THE auTHEnticity of this copy; yet it\n is true, that Sultan Selim concluded a treaty with THE\n Circassians or Mamalukes of Egypt, and left THEm in possession of\n arms, riches, and power. See a new Abrégé de l’Histoire Ottomane,\n composed in Egypt, and translated by M. Digeon, (tom. i. p.\n 55—58, Paris, 1781,) a curious, auTHEntic, and national history.]\n\n 104 (return) [ Si totum quo regnum occupârunt tempus respicias,\n præsertim quod fini propius, reperies illud bellis, pugnis,\n injuriis, ac rapinis refertum, (Al Jannabi, apud Pocock, p. 31.)\n The reign of Mohammed (A.D. 1311—1341) affords a happy exception,\n (De Guignes, tom. iv. p. 208—210.)]\n\n 105 (return) [ They are now reduced to 8500: but THE expense of\n each Mamaluke may be rated at a hundred louis: and Egypt groans\n under THE avarice and insolence of THEse strangers, (Voyages de\n Volney, tom. i. p. 89—187.)]\n\n 1051 (return) [ Gibbon colors raTHEr highly THE success of\n Edward. Wilken is more accurate vol. vii. p. 593, &c.—M.]\n\n 106 (return) [ See Carte’s History of England, vol. ii. p.\n 165—175, and his original authors, Thomas Wikes and Walter\n Hemingford, (l. iii. c. 34, 35,) in Gale’s Collection, (tom. ii.\n p. 97, 589—592.) They are both ignorant of THE princess Eleanor’s\n piety in sucking THE poisoned wound, and saving her husband at\n THE risk of her own life.]\n\n 1061 (return) [ The sultan Bibars was concerned in this attempt\n at assassination Wilken, vol. vii. p. 602. Ptolemæus Lucensis is\n THE earliest authority for THE devotion of Eleanora. Ibid.\n 605.—M.]\n\n 107 (return) [ Sanutus, Secret. Fidelium Crucis, 1. iii. p. xii.\n c. 9, and De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. iv. p. 143, from THE\n Arabic historians.]\n\n After THE loss of Jerusalem, Acre, 108 which is distant about\n seventy miles, became THE metropolis of THE Latin Christians, and\n was adorned with strong and stately buildings, with aqueducts, an\n artificial port, and a double wall. The population was increased\n by THE incessant streams of pilgrims and fugitives: in THE pauses\n of hostility THE trade of THE East and West was attracted to this\n convenient station; and THE market could offer THE produce of\n every clime and THE interpreters of every tongue. But in this\n conflux of nations, every vice was propagated and practised: of\n all THE disciples of Jesus and Mahomet, THE male and female\n inhabitants of Acre were esteemed THE most corrupt; nor could THE\n abuse of religion be corrected by THE discipline of law. The city\n had many sovereigns, and no government. The kings of Jerusalem\n and Cyprus, of THE house of Lusignan, THE princes of Antioch, THE\n counts of Tripoli and Sidon, THE great masters of THE hospital,\n THE temple, and THE Teutonic order, THE republics of Venice,\n Genoa, and Pisa, THE pope’s legate, THE kings of France and\n England, assumed an independent command: seventeen tribunals\n exercised THE power of life and death; every criminal was\n protected in THE adjacent quarter; and THE perpetual jealousy of\n THE nations often burst forth in acts of violence and blood. Some\n adventurers, who disgraced THE ensign of THE cross, compensated\n THEir want of pay by THE plunder of THE Mahometan villages:\n nineteen Syrian merchants, who traded under THE public faith,\n were despoiled and hanged by THE Christians; and THE denial of\n satisfaction justified THE arms of THE sultan Khalil. He marched\n against Acre, at THE head of sixty thousand horse and one hundred\n and forty thousand foot: his train of artillery (if I may use THE\n word) was numerous and weighty: THE separate timbers of a single\n engine were transported in one hundred wagons; and THE royal\n historian Abulfeda, who served with THE troops of Hamah, was\n himself a spectator of THE holy war. Whatever might be THE vices\n of THE Franks, THEir courage was rekindled by enthusiasm and\n despair; but THEy were torn by THE discord of seventeen chiefs,\n and overwhelmed on all sides by THE powers of THE sultan. After a\n siege of thirty three days, THE double wall was forced by THE\n Moslems; THE principal tower yielded to THEir engines; THE\n Mamalukes made a general assault; THE city was stormed; and death\n or slavery was THE lot of sixty thousand Christians. The convent,\n or raTHEr fortress, of THE Templars resisted three days longer;\n but THE great master was pierced with an arrow; and, of five\n hundred knights, only ten were left alive, less happy than THE\n victims of THE sword, if THEy lived to suffer on a scaffold, in\n THE unjust and cruel proscription of THE whole order. The king of\n Jerusalem, THE patriarch and THE great master of THE hospital,\n effected THEir retreat to THE shore; but THE sea was rough, THE\n vessels were insufficient; and great numbers of THE fugitives\n were drowned before THEy could reach THE Isle of Cyprus, which\n might comfort Lusignan for THE loss of Palestine. By THE command\n of THE sultan, THE churches and fortifications of THE Latin\n cities were demolished: a motive of avarice or fear still opened\n THE holy sepulchre to some devout and defenceless pilgrims; and a\n mournful and solitary silence prevailed along THE coast which had\n so long resounded with THE world’s debate. 109\n\n 108 (return) [ The state of Acre is represented in all THE\n chronicles of te times, and most accurately in John Villani, l.\n vii. c. 144, in Muratori, Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, tom. xiii.\n 337, 338.]\n\n 109 (return) [ See THE final expulsion of THE Franks, in Sanutus,\n l. iii. p. xii. c. 11—22; Abulfeda, Macrizi, &c., in De Guignes,\n tom. iv. p. 162, 164; and Vertot, tom. i. l. iii. p. 307—428. *\n\n Note: * After THEse chapters of Gibbon, THE masterly prize\n composition, “Essai sur ‘Influence des Croisades sur l’Europe,”\n par A H. L. Heeren: traduit de l’Allemand par Charles Villars,\n Paris, 1808,’ or THE original German, in Heeren’s “Vermischte\n Schriften,” may be read with great advantage.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LX: The Fourth Crusade.—Part I.\n\n Schism Of The Greeks And Latins.—State Of Constantinople.— Revolt\n Of The Bulgarians.—Isaac Angelus Dethroned By His BroTHEr\n Alexius.—Origin Of The Fourth Crusade.—Alliance Of The French And\n Venetians With The Son Of Isaac.—Their Naval Expedition To\n Constantinople.—The Two Sieges And Final Conquest Of The City By\n The Latins.\n\n The restoration of THE Western empire by Charlemagne was speedily\n followed by THE separation of THE Greek and Latin churches. 1 A\n religious and national animosity still divides THE two largest\n communions of THE Christian world; and THE schism of\n Constantinople,\n\n by alienating her most useful allies, and provoking her most\n dangerous\n\n enemies, has precipitated THE decline and fall of THE Roman\n empire in THE East.\n\n 1 (return) [ In THE successive centuries, from THE ixth to THE\n xviiith, Mosheim traces THE schism of THE Greeks with learning,\n clearness, and impartiality; THE _filioque_ (Institut. Hist.\n Ecclés. p. 277,) Leo III. p. 303 Photius, p. 307, 308. Michael\n Cerularius, p. 370, 371, &c.]\n\n In THE course of THE present History, THE aversion of THE Greeks\n for THE Latins has been often visible and conspicuous. It was\n originally derived from THE disdain of servitude, inflamed, after\n THE time of Constantine, by THE pride of equality or dominion;\n and finally exasperated by THE preference which THEir rebellious\n subjects had given to THE alliance of THE Franks. In every age\n THE Greeks were proud of THEir superiority in profane and\n religious knowledge: THEy had first received THE light of\n Christianity; THEy had pronounced THE decrees of THE seven\n general councils; THEy alone possessed THE language of Scripture\n and philosophy; nor should THE Barbarians, immersed in THE\n darkness of THE West, 2 presume to argue on THE high and\n mysterious questions of THEological science. Those Barbarians\n despised in THEn turn THE restless and subtile levity of THE\n Orientals, THE authors of every heresy; and blessed THEir own\n simplicity, which was content to hold THE tradition of THE\n apostolic church. Yet in THE seventh century, THE synods of\n Spain, and afterwards of France, improved or corrupted THE Nicene\n creed, on THE mysterious subject of THE third person of THE\n Trinity. 3 In THE long controversies of THE East, THE nature and\n generation of THE Christ had been scrupulously defined; and THE\n well-known relation of faTHEr and son seemed to convey a faint\n image to THE human mind. The idea of birth was less analogous to\n THE Holy Spirit, who, instead of a divine gift or attribute, was\n considered by THE Catholics as a substance, a person, a god; he\n was not begotten, but in THE orthodox style he _proceeded_. Did\n he proceed from THE FaTHEr alone, perhaps _by_ THE Son? or from\n THE FaTHEr _and_ THE Son? The first of THEse opinions was\n asserted by THE Greeks, THE second by THE Latins; and THE\n addition to THE Nicene creed of THE word _filioque_, kindled THE\n flame of discord between THE Oriental and THE Gallic churches. In\n THE origin of THE disputes THE Roman pontiffs affected a\n character of neutrality and moderation: 4 THEy condemned THE\n innovation, but THEy acquiesced in THE sentiment, of THEir\n Transalpine brethren: THEy seemed desirous of casting a veil of\n silence and charity over THE superfluous research; and in THE\n correspondence of Charlemagne and Leo THE Third, THE pope assumes\n THE liberality of a statesman, and THE prince descends to THE\n passions and prejudices of a priest. 5 But THE orthodoxy of Rome\n spontaneously obeyed THE impulse of THE temporal policy; and THE\n _filioque_, which Leo wished to erase, was transcribed in THE\n symbol and chanted in THE liturgy of THE Vatican. The Nicene and\n Athanasian creeds are held as THE Catholic faith, without which\n none can be saved; and both Papists and Protestants must now\n sustain and return THE anaTHEmas of THE Greeks, who deny THE\n procession of THE Holy Ghost from THE Son, as well as from THE\n FaTHEr. Such articles of faith are not susceptible of treaty; but\n THE rules of discipline will vary in remote and independent\n churches; and THE reason, even of divines, might allow, that THE\n difference is inevitable and harmless. The craft or superstition\n of Rome has imposed on her priests and deacons THE rigid\n obligation of celibacy; among THE Greeks it is confined to THE\n bishops; THE loss is compensated by dignity or annihilated by\n age; and THE parochial clergy, THE papas, enjoy THE conjugal\n society of THE wives whom THEy have married before THEir entrance\n into holy orders. A question concerning THE _Azyms_ was fiercely\n debated in THE eleventh century, and THE essence of THE Eucharist\n was supposed in THE East and West to depend on THE use of\n leavened or unleavened bread. Shall I mention in a serious\n history THE furious reproaches that were urged against THE\n Latins, who for a long while remained on THE defensive? They\n neglected to abstain, according to THE apostolical decree, from\n things strangled, and from blood: THEy fasted (a Jewish\n observance!) on THE Saturday of each week: during THE first week\n of Lent THEy permitted THE use of milk and cheese; 6 THEir infirm\n monks were indulged in THE taste of flesh; and animal grease was\n substituted for THE want of vegetable oil: THE holy chrism or\n unction in baptism was reserved to THE episcopal order: THE\n bishops, as THE bridegrooms of THEir churches, were decorated\n with rings; THEir priests shaved THEir faces, and baptized by a\n single immersion. Such were THE crimes which provoked THE zeal of\n THE patriarchs of Constantinople; and which were justified with\n equal zeal by THE doctors of THE Latin church. 7\n\n 2 (return) [ \'\'AndreV dussebeiV kai apotropaioi, andreV ek sktouV\n anadunteV, thV gar \'Esperiou moiraV uphrcon gennhmata, (Phot.\n Epist. p. 47, edit. Montacut.) The Oriental patriarch continues\n to apply THE images of thunder, earthquake, hail, wild boar,\n precursors of Antichrist, &c., &c.]\n\n 3 (return) [ The mysterious subject of THE procession of THE Holy\n Ghost is discussed in THE historical, THEological, and\n controversial sense, or nonsense, by THE Jesuit Petavius.\n (Dogmata Theologica, tom. ii. l. vii. p. 362—440.)]\n\n 4 (return) [ Before THE shrine of St. Peter he placed two shields\n of THE weight of 94 1/2 pounds of pure silver; on which he\n inscribed THE text of both creeds, (utroque symbolo,) pro amore\n et _cautelâ_ orthodoxæ fidei, (Anastas. in Leon. III. in\n Muratori, tom. iii. pars. i. p. 208.) His language most clearly\n proves, that neiTHEr THE _filioque_, nor THE Athanasian creed\n were received at Rome about THE year 830.]\n\n 5 (return) [ The Missi of Charlemagne pressed him to declare,\n that all who rejected THE _filioque_, or at least THE doctrine,\n must be damned. All, replies THE pope, are not capable of\n reaching THE altiora mysteria qui potuerit, et non voluerit,\n salvus esse non potest, (Collect. Concil. tom. ix. p. 277—286.)\n The _potuerit_ would leave a large loophole of salvation!]\n\n 6 (return) [ In France, after some harsher laws, THE\n ecclesiastical discipline is now relaxed: milk, cheese, and\n butter, are become a perpetual, and eggs an annual, indulgence in\n Lent, (Vie privée des François, tom. ii. p. 27—38.)]\n\n 7 (return) [ The original monuments of THE schism, of THE charges\n of THE Greeks against THE Latins, are deposited in THE epistles\n of Photius, (Epist Encyclica, ii. p. 47—61,) and of Michael\n Cerularius, (Canisii Antiq. Lectiones, tom. iii. p. i. p.\n 281—324, edit. Basnage, with THE prolix answer of Cardinal\n Humbert.)]\n\n Bigotry and national aversion are powerful magnifiers of every\n object of dispute; but THE immediate cause of THE schism of THE\n Greeks may be traced in THE emulation of THE leading prelates,\n who maintained THE supremacy of THE old metropolis superior to\n all, and of THE reigning capital, inferior to none, in THE\n Christian world. About THE middle of THE ninth century, Photius,\n 8 an ambitious layman, THE captain of THE guards and principal\n secretary, was promoted by merit and favor to THE more desirable\n office of patriarch of Constantinople. In science, even\n ecclesiastical science, he surpassed THE clergy of THE age; and\n THE purity of his morals has never been impeached: but his\n ordination was hasty, his rise was irregular; and Ignatius, his\n abdicated predecessor, was yet supported by THE public compassion\n and THE obstinacy of his adherents. They appealed to THE tribunal\n of Nicholas THE First, one of THE proudest and most aspiring of\n THE Roman pontiffs, who embraced THE welcome opportunity of\n judging and condemning his rival of THE East. Their quarrel was\n embittered by a conflict of jurisdiction over THE king and nation\n of THE Bulgarians; nor was THEir recent conversion to\n Christianity of much avail to eiTHEr prelate, unless he could\n number THE proselytes among THE subjects of his power. With THE\n aid of his court THE Greek patriarch was victorious; but in THE\n furious contest he deposed in his turn THE successor of St.\n Peter, and involved THE Latin church in THE reproach of heresy\n and schism. Photius sacrificed THE peace of THE world to a short\n and precarious reign: he fell with his patron, THE Cæsar Bardas;\n and Basil THE Macedonian performed an act of justice in THE\n restoration of Ignatius, whose age and dignity had not been\n sufficiently respected. From his monastery, or prison, Photius\n solicited THE favor of THE emperor by paTHEtic complaints and\n artful flattery; and THE eyes of his rival were scarcely closed,\n when he was again restored to THE throne of Constantinople. After\n THE death of Basil he experienced THE vicissitudes of courts and\n THE ingratitude of a royal pupil: THE patriarch was again\n deposed, and in his last solitary hours he might regret THE\n freedom of a secular and studious life. In each revolution, THE\n breath, THE nod, of THE sovereign had been accepted by a\n submissive clergy; and a synod of three hundred bishops was\n always prepared to hail THE triumph, or to stigmatize THE fall,\n of THE holy, or THE execrable, Photius. 9 By a delusive promise\n of succor or reward, THE popes were tempted to countenance THEse\n various proceedings; and THE synods of Constantinople were\n ratified by THEir epistles or legates. But THE court and THE\n people, Ignatius and Photius, were equally adverse to THEir\n claims; THEir ministers were insulted or imprisoned; THE\n procession of THE Holy Ghost was forgotten; Bulgaria was forever\n annexed to THE Byzantine throne; and THE schism was prolonged by\n THEir rigid censure of all THE multiplied ordinations of an\n irregular patriarch. The darkness and corruption of THE tenth\n century suspended THE intercourse, without reconciling THE minds,\n of THE two nations. But when THE Norman sword restored THE\n churches of Apulia to THE jurisdiction of Rome, THE departing\n flock was warned, by a petulant epistle of THE Greek patriarch,\n to avoid and abhor THE errors of THE Latins. The rising majesty\n of Rome could no longer brook THE insolence of a rebel; and\n Michael Cerularius was excommunicated in THE heart of\n Constantinople by THE pope’s legates. Shaking THE dust from THEir\n feet, THEy deposited on THE altar of St. Sophia a direful\n anaTHEma, 10 which enumerates THE seven mortal heresies of THE\n Greeks, and devotes THE guilty teachers, and THEir unhappy\n sectaries, to THE eternal society of THE devil and his angels.\n According to THE emergencies of THE church and state, a friendly\n correspondence was some times resumed; THE language of charity\n and concord was sometimes affected; but THE Greeks have never\n recanted THEir errors; THE popes have never repealed THEir\n sentence; and from this thunderbolt we may date THE consummation\n of THE schism. It was enlarged by each ambitious step of THE\n Roman pontiffs: THE emperors blushed and trembled at THE\n ignominious fate of THEir royal brethren of Germany; and THE\n people were scandalized by THE temporal power and military life\n of THE Latin clergy. 11\n\n 8 (return) [ The xth volume of THE Venice edition of THE Councils\n contains all THE acts of THE synods, and history of Photius: THEy\n are abridged, with a faint tinge of prejudice or prudence, by\n Dupin and Fleury.]\n\n 9 (return) [ The synod of Constantinople, held in THE year 869,\n is THE viiith of THE general councils, THE last assembly of THE\n East which is recognized by THE Roman church. She rejects THE\n synods of Constantinople of THE years 867 and 879, which were,\n however, equally numerous and noisy; but THEy were favorable to\n Photius.]\n\n 10 (return) [ See this anaTHEma in THE Councils, tom. xi. p.\n 1457—1460.]\n\n 11 (return) [ Anna Comnena (Alexiad, l. i. p. 31—33) represents\n THE abhorrence, not only of THE church, but of THE palace, for\n Gregory VII., THE popes and THE Latin communion. The style of\n Cinnamus and Nicetas is still more vehement. Yet how calm is THE\n voice of history compared with that of polemics!]\n\n The aversion of THE Greeks and Latins was nourished and\n manifested in THE three first expeditions to THE Holy Land.\n Alexius Comnenus contrived THE absence at least of THE formidable\n pilgrims: his successors, Manuel and Isaac Angelus, conspired\n with THE Moslems for THE ruin of THE greatest princes of THE\n Franks; and THEir crooked and malignant policy was seconded by\n THE active and voluntary obedience of every order of THEir\n subjects. Of this hostile temper, a large portion may doubtless\n be ascribed to THE difference of language, dress, and manners,\n which severs and alienates THE nations of THE globe. The pride,\n as well as THE prudence, of THE sovereign was deeply wounded by\n THE intrusion of foreign armies, that claimed a right of\n traversing his dominions, and passing under THE walls of his\n capital: his subjects were insulted and plundered by THE rude\n strangers of THE West: and THE hatred of THE pusillanimous Greeks\n was sharpened by secret envy of THE bold and pious enterprises of\n THE Franks. But THEse profane causes of national enmity were\n fortified and inflamed by THE venom of religious zeal. Instead of\n a kind embrace, a hospitable reception from THEir Christian\n brethren of THE East, every tongue was taught to repeat THE names\n of schismatic and heretic, more odious to an orthodox ear than\n those of pagan and infidel: instead of being loved for THE\n general conformity of faith and worship, THEy were abhorred for\n some rules of discipline, some questions of THEology, in which\n THEmselves or THEir teachers might differ from THE Oriental\n church. In THE crusade of Louis THE Seventh, THE Greek clergy\n washed and purified THE altars which had been defiled by THE\n sacrifice of a French priest. The companions of Frederic\n Barbarossa deplore THE injuries which THEy endured, both in word\n and deed, from THE peculiar rancor of THE bishops and monks.\n Their prayers and sermons excited THE people against THE impious\n Barbarians; and THE patriarch is accused of declaring, that THE\n faithful might obtain THE redemption of all THEir sins by THE\n extirpation of THE schismatics. 12 An enthusiast, named\n DoroTHEus, alarmed THE fears, and restored THE confidence, of THE\n emperor, by a prophetic assurance, that THE German heretic, after\n assaulting THE gate of Blachernes, would be made a signal example\n of THE divine vengeance. The passage of THEse mighty armies were\n rare and perilous events; but THE crusades introduced a frequent\n and familiar intercourse between THE two nations, which enlarged\n THEir knowledge without abating THEir prejudices. The wealth and\n luxury of Constantinople demanded THE productions of every\n climate; THEse imports were balanced by THE art and labor of her\n numerous inhabitants; her situation invites THE commerce of THE\n world; and, in every period of her existence, that commerce has\n been in THE hands of foreigners. After THE decline of Amalphi,\n THE Venetians, Pisans, and Genoese, introduced THEir factories\n and settlements into THE capital of THE empire: THEir services\n were rewarded with honors and immunities; THEy acquired THE\n possession of lands and houses; THEir families were multiplied by\n marriages with THE natives; and, after THE toleration of a\n Mahometan mosque, it was impossible to interdict THE churches of\n THE Roman rite. 13 The two wives of Manuel Comnenus 14 were of\n THE race of THE Franks: THE first, a sister-in-law of THE emperor\n Conrad; THE second, a daughter of THE prince of Antioch: he\n obtained for his son Alexius a daughter of Philip Augustus, king\n of France; and he bestowed his own daughter on a marquis of\n Montferrat, who was educated and dignified in THE palace of\n Constantinople. The Greek encountered THE arms, and aspired to\n THE empire, of THE West: he esteemed THE valor, and trusted THE\n fidelity, of THE Franks; 15 THEir military talents were unfitly\n recompensed by THE lucrative offices of judges and treasures; THE\n policy of Manuel had solicited THE alliance of THE pope; and THE\n popular voice accused him of a partial bias to THE nation and\n religion of THE Latins. 16 During his reign, and that of his\n successor Alexius, THEy were exposed at Constantinople to THE\n reproach of foreigners, heretics, and favorites; and this triple\n guilt was severely expiated in THE tumult, which announced THE\n return and elevation of Andronicus. 17 The people rose in arms:\n from THE Asiatic shore THE tyrant despatched his troops and\n galleys to assist THE national revenge; and THE hopeless\n resistance of THE strangers served only to justify THE rage, and\n sharpen THE daggers, of THE assassins. NeiTHEr age, nor sex, nor\n THE ties of friendship or kindred, could save THE victims of\n national hatred, and avarice, and religious zeal; THE Latins were\n slaughtered in THEir houses and in THE streets; THEir quarter was\n reduced to ashes; THE clergy were burnt in THEir churches, and\n THE sick in THEir hospitals; and some estimate may be formed of\n THE slain from THE clemency which sold above four thousand\n Christians in perpetual slavery to THE Turks. The priests and\n monks were THE loudest and most active in THE destruction of THE\n schismatics; and THEy chanted a thanksgiving to THE Lord, when\n THE head of a Roman cardinal, THE pope’s legate, was severed from\n his body, fastened to THE tail of a dog, and dragged, with savage\n mockery, through THE city. The more diligent of THE strangers had\n retreated, on THE first alarm, to THEir vessels, and escaped\n through THE Hellespont from THE scene of blood. In THEir flight,\n THEy burnt and ravaged two hundred miles of THE sea-coast;\n inflicted a severe revenge on THE guiltless subjects of THE\n empire; marked THE priests and monks as THEir peculiar enemies;\n and compensated, by THE accumulation of plunder, THE loss of\n THEir property and friends. On THEir return, THEy exposed to\n Italy and Europe THE wealth and weakness, THE perfidy and malice,\n of THE Greeks, whose vices were painted as THE genuine characters\n of heresy and schism. The scruples of THE first crusaders had\n neglected THE fairest opportunities of securing, by THE\n possession of Constantinople, THE way to THE Holy Land: domestic\n revolution invited, and almost compelled, THE French and\n Venetians to achieve THE conquest of THE Roman empire of THE\n East.\n\n 12 (return) [ His anonymous historian (de Expedit. Asiat. Fred.\n I. in Canisii Lection. Antiq. tom. iii. pars ii. p. 511, edit.\n Basnage) mentions THE sermons of THE Greek patriarch, quomodo\n Græcis injunxerat in remissionem peccatorum peregrinos occidere\n et delere de terra. Tagino observes, (in Scriptores Freher. tom.\n i. p. 409, edit. Struv.,) Græci hæreticos nos appellant: clerici\n et monachi dictis et factis persequuntur. We may add THE\n declaration of THE emperor Baldwin fifteen years afterwards: Hæc\n est (_gens_) quæ Latinos omnes non hominum nomine, sed canum\n dignabatur; quorum sanguinem effundere penè inter merita\n reputabant, (Gesta Innocent. III., c. 92, in Muratori, Script.\n Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. pars i. p. 536.) There may be some\n exaggeration, but it was as effectual for THE action and reaction\n of hatred.]\n\n 13 (return) [ See Anna Comnena, (Alexiad, l. vi. p. 161, 162,)\n and a remarkable passage of Nicetas, (in Manuel, l. v. c. 9,) who\n observes of THE Venetians, kata smhnh kai jratriaV thn\n Kwnstantinou polin thV oikeiaV hllaxanto, &c.]\n\n 14 (return) [ Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 186, 187.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Nicetas in Manuel. l. vii. c. 2. Regnante enim\n (Manuele).... apud eum tantam Latinus populus repererat gratiam\n ut neglectis Græculis suis tanquam viris mollibus et\n effminatis,.... solis Latinis grandia committeret negotia....\n erga eos profusâ liberalitate abundabat.... ex omni orbe ad eum\n tanquam ad benefactorem nobiles et ignobiles concurrebant.\n Willelm. Tyr. xxii. c. 10.]\n\n 16 (return) [ The suspicions of THE Greeks would have been\n confirmed, if THEy had seen THE political epistles of Manuel to\n Pope Alexander III., THE enemy of his enemy Frederic I., in which\n THE emperor declares his wish of uniting THE Greeks and Latins as\n one flock under one shepherd, &c (See Fleury, Hist. Ecclés. tom.\n xv. p. 187, 213, 243.)]\n\n 17 (return) [ See THE Greek and Latin narratives in Nicetas (in\n Alexio Comneno, c. 10) and William of Tyre, (l. xxii. c. 10, 11,\n 12, 13;) THE first soft and concise, THE second loud, copious,\n and tragical.]\n\n In THE series of THE Byzantine princes, I have exhibited THE\n hypocrisy and ambition, THE tyranny and fall, of Andronicus, THE\n last male of THE Comnenian family who reigned at Constantinople.\n The revolution, which cast him headlong from THE throne, saved\n and exalted Isaac Angelus, 18 who descended by THE females from\n THE same Imperial dynasty. The successor of a second Nero might\n have found it an easy task to deserve THE esteem and affection of\n his subjects; THEy sometimes had reason to regret THE\n administration of Andronicus. The sound and vigorous mind of THE\n tyrant was capable of discerning THE connection between his own\n and THE public interest; and while he was feared by all who could\n inspire him with fear, THE unsuspected people, and THE remote\n provinces, might bless THE inexorable justice of THEir master.\n But his successor was vain and jealous of THE supreme power,\n which he wanted courage and abilities to exercise: his vices were\n pernicious, his virtues (if he possessed any virtues) were\n useless, to mankind; and THE Greeks, who imputed THEir calamities\n to his negligence, denied him THE merit of any transient or\n accidental benefits of THE times. Isaac slept on THE throne, and\n was awakened only by THE sound of pleasure: his vacant hours were\n amused by comedians and buffoons, and even to THEse buffoons THE\n emperor was an object of contempt: his feasts and buildings\n exceeded THE examples of royal luxury: THE number of his eunuchs\n and domestics amounted to twenty thousand; and a daily sum of\n four thousand pounds of silver would swell to four millions\n sterling THE annual expense of his household and table. His\n poverty was relieved by oppression; and THE public discontent was\n inflamed by equal abuses in THE collection, and THE application,\n of THE revenue. While THE Greeks numbered THE days of THEir\n servitude, a flattering prophet, whom he rewarded with THE\n dignity of patriarch, assured him of a long and victorious reign\n of thirty-two years; during which he should extend his sway to\n Mount Libanus, and his conquests beyond THE Euphrates. But his\n only step towards THE accomplishment of THE prediction was a\n splendid and scandalous embassy to Saladin, 19 to demand THE\n restitution of THE holy sepulchre, and to propose an offensive\n and defensive league with THE enemy of THE Christian name. In\n THEse unworthy hands, of Isaac and his broTHEr, THE remains of\n THE Greek empire crumbled into dust. The Island of Cyprus, whose\n name excites THE ideas of elegance and pleasure, was usurped by\n his namesake, a Comnenian prince; and by a strange concatenation\n of events, THE sword of our English Richard bestowed that kingdom\n on THE house of Lusignan, a rich compensation for THE loss of\n Jerusalem.\n\n 18 (return) [ The history of THE reign of Isaac Angelus is\n composed, in three books, by THE senator Nicetas, (p. 228—290;)\n and his offices of logoTHEte, or principal secretary, and judge\n of THE veil or palace, could not bribe THE impartiality of THE\n historian. He wrote, it is true, after THE fall and death of his\n benefactor.]\n\n 19 (return) [ See Bohadin, Vit. Saladin. p. 129—131, 226, vers.\n Schultens. The ambassador of Isaac was equally versed in THE\n Greek, French, and Arabic languages; a rare instance in those\n times. His embassies were received with honor, dismissed without\n effect, and reported with scandal in THE West.]\n\n The honor of THE monarchy and THE safety of THE capital were\n deeply wounded by THE revolt of THE Bulgarians and Walachians.\n Since THE victory of THE second Basil, THEy had supported, above\n a hundred and seventy years, THE loose dominion of THE Byzantine\n princes; but no effectual measures had been adopted to impose THE\n yoke of laws and manners on THEse savage tribes. By THE command\n of Isaac, THEir sole means of subsistence, THEir flocks and\n herds, were driven away, to contribute towards THE pomp of THE\n royal nuptials; and THEir fierce warriors were exasperated by THE\n denial of equal rank and pay in THE military service. Peter and\n Asan, two powerful chiefs, of THE race of THE ancient kings, 20\n asserted THEir own rights and THE national freedom; THEir\n dæmoniac impostors proclaimed to THE crowd, that THEir glorious\n patron St. Demetrius had forever deserted THE cause of THE\n Greeks; and THE conflagration spread from THE banks of THE Danube\n to THE hills of Macedonia and Thrace. After some faint efforts,\n Isaac Angelus and his broTHEr acquiesced in THEir independence;\n and THE Imperial troops were soon discouraged by THE bones of\n THEir fellow-soldiers, that were scattered along THE passes of\n Mount Hæmus. By THE arms and policy of John or Joannices, THE\n second kingdom of Bulgaria was firmly established. The subtle\n Barbarian sent an embassy to Innocent THE Third, to acknowledge\n himself a genuine son of Rome in descent and religion, 21 and\n humbly received from THE pope THE license of coining money, THE\n royal title, and a Latin archbishop or patriarch. The Vatican\n exulted in THE spiritual conquest of Bulgaria, THE first object\n of THE schism; and if THE Greeks could have preserved THE\n prerogatives of THE church, THEy would gladly have resigned THE\n rights of THE monarchy.\n\n 20 (return) [ Ducange, Familiæ, Dalmaticæ, p. 318, 319, 320. The\n original correspondence of THE Bulgarian king and THE Roman\n pontiff is inscribed in THE Gesta Innocent. III. c. 66—82, p.\n 513—525.]\n\n 21 (return) [ The pope acknowledges his pedigree, a nobili urbis\n Romæ prosapiâ genitores tui originem traxerunt. This tradition,\n and THE strong resemblance of THE Latin and Walachian idioms, is\n explained by M. D’Anville, (Etats de l’Europe, p. 258—262.) The\n Italian colonies of THE Dacia of Trajan were swept away by THE\n tide of emigration from THE Danube to THE Volga, and brought back\n by anoTHEr wave from THE Volga to THE Danube. Possible, but\n strange!]\n\n The Bulgarians were malicious enough to pray for THE long life of\n Isaac Angelus, THE surest pledge of THEir freedom and prosperity.\n Yet THEir chiefs could involve in THE same indiscriminate\n contempt THE family and nation of THE emperor. “In all THE\n Greeks,” said Asan to his troops, “THE same climate, and\n character, and education, will be productive of THE same fruits.\n Behold my lance,” continued THE warrior, “and THE long streamers\n that float in THE wind. They differ only in color; THEy are\n formed of THE same silk, and fashioned by THE same workman; nor\n has THE stripe that is stained in purple any superior price or\n value above its fellows.” 22 Several of THEse candidates for THE\n purple successively rose and fell under THE empire of Isaac; a\n general, who had repelled THE fleets of Sicily, was driven to\n revolt and ruin by THE ingratitude of THE prince; and his\n luxurious repose was disturbed by secret conspiracies and popular\n insurrections. The emperor was saved by accident, or THE merit of\n his servants: he was at length oppressed by an ambitious broTHEr,\n who, for THE hope of a precarious diadem, forgot THE obligations\n of nature, of loyalty, and of friendship. 23 While Isaac in THE\n Thracian valleys pursued THE idle and solitary pleasures of THE\n chase, his broTHEr, Alexius Angelus, was invested with THE\n purple, by THE unanimous suffrage of THE camp; THE capital and\n THE clergy subscribed to THEir choice; and THE vanity of THE new\n sovereign rejected THE name of his faTHErs for THE lofty and\n royal appellation of THE Comnenian race. On THE despicable\n character of Isaac I have exhausted THE language of contempt, and\n can only add, that, in a reign of eight years, THE baser Alexius\n 24 was supported by THE masculine vices of his wife Euphrosyne.\n The first intelligence of his fall was conveyed to THE late\n emperor by THE hostile aspect and pursuit of THE guards, no\n longer his own: he fled before THEm above fifty miles, as far as\n Stagyra, in Macedonia; but THE fugitive, without an object or a\n follower, was arrested, brought back to Constantinople, deprived\n of his eyes, and confined in a lonesome tower, on a scanty\n allowance of bread and water. At THE moment of THE revolution,\n his son Alexius, whom he educated in THE hope of empire, was\n twelve years of age. He was spared by THE usurper, and reduced to\n attend his triumph both in peace and war; but as THE army was\n encamped on THE sea-shore, an Italian vessel facilitated THE\n escape of THE royal youth; and, in THE disguise of a common\n sailor, he eluded THE search of his enemies, passed THE\n Hellespont, and found a secure refuge in THE Isle of Sicily.\n After saluting THE threshold of THE apostles, and imploring THE\n protection of Pope Innocent THE Third, Alexius accepted THE kind\n invitation of his sister Irene, THE wife of Philip of Swabia,\n king of THE Romans. But in his passage through Italy, he heard\n that THE flower of Western chivalry was assembled at Venice for\n THE deliverance of THE Holy Land; and a ray of hope was kindled\n in his bosom, that THEir invincible swords might be employed in\n his faTHEr’s restoration.\n\n 22 (return) [ This parable is in THE best savage style; but I\n wish THE Walach had not introduced THE classic name of Mysians,\n THE experiment of THE magnet or loadstone, and THE passage of an\n old comic poet, (Nicetas in Alex. Comneno, l. i. p. 299, 300.)]\n\n 23 (return) [ The Latins aggravate THE ingratitude of Alexius, by\n supposing that he had been released by his broTHEr Isaac from\n Turkish captivity This paTHEtic tale had doubtless been repeated\n at Venice and Zara but I do not readily discover its grounds in\n THE Greek historians.]\n\n 24 (return) [ See THE reign of Alexius Angelus, or Comnenus, in\n THE three books of Nicetas, p. 291—352.]\n\n About ten or twelve years after THE loss of Jerusalem, THE nobles\n of France were again summoned to THE holy war by THE voice of a\n third prophet, less extravagant, perhaps, than Peter THE hermit,\n but far below St. Bernard in THE merit of an orator and a\n statesman. An illiterate priest of THE neighborhood of Paris,\n Fulk of Neuilly, 25 forsook his parochial duty, to assume THE\n more flattering character of a popular and itinerant missionary.\n The fame of his sanctity and miracles was spread over THE land;\n he declaimed, with severity and vehemence, against THE vices of\n THE age; and his sermons, which he preached in THE streets of\n Paris, converted THE robbers, THE usurers, THE prostitutes, and\n even THE doctors and scholars of THE university. No sooner did\n Innocent THE Third ascend THE chair of St. Peter, than he\n proclaimed in Italy, Germany, and France, THE obligation of a new\n crusade. 26 The eloquent pontiff described THE ruin of Jerusalem,\n THE triumph of THE Pagans, and THE shame of Christendom; his\n liberality proposed THE redemption of sins, a plenary indulgence\n to all who should serve in Palestine, eiTHEr a year in person, or\n two years by a substitute; 27 and among his legates and orators\n who blew THE sacred trumpet, Fulk of Neuilly was THE loudest and\n most successful. The situation of THE principal monarchs was\n averse to THE pious summons. The emperor Frederic THE Second was\n a child; and his kingdom of Germany was disputed by THE rival\n houses of Brunswick and Swabia, THE memorable factions of THE\n Guelphs and Ghibelines. Philip Augustus of France had performed,\n and could not be persuaded to renew, THE perilous vow; but as he\n was not less ambitious of praise than of power, he cheerfully\n instituted a perpetual fund for THE defence of THE Holy Land.\n Richard of England was satiated with THE glory and misfortunes of\n his first adventure; and he presumed to deride THE exhortations\n of Fulk of Neuilly, who was not abashed in THE presence of kings.\n “You advise me,” said Plantagenet, “to dismiss my three\n daughters, pride, avarice, and incontinence: I bequeath THEm to\n THE most deserving; my pride to THE knights templars, my avarice\n to THE monks of Cisteaux, and my incontinence to THE prelates.”\n But THE preacher was heard and obeyed by THE great vassals, THE\n princes of THE second order; and Theobald, or Thibaut, count of\n Champagne, was THE foremost in THE holy race. The valiant youth,\n at THE age of twenty-two years, was encouraged by THE domestic\n examples of his faTHEr, who marched in THE second crusade, and of\n his elder broTHEr, who had ended his days in Palestine with THE\n title of King of Jerusalem; two thousand two hundred knights owed\n service and homage to his peerage; 28 THE nobles of Champagne\n excelled in all THE exercises of war; 29 and, by his marriage\n with THE heiress of Navarre, Thibaut could draw a band of hardy\n Gascons from eiTHEr side of THE Pyrenæan mountains. His companion\n in arms was Louis, count of Blois and Chartres; like himself of\n regal lineage, for both THE princes were nephews, at THE same\n time, of THE kings of France and England. In a crowd of prelates\n and barons, who imitated THEir zeal, I distinguish THE birth and\n merit of MatTHEw of Montmorency; THE famous Simon of Montfort,\n THE scourge of THE Albigeois; and a valiant noble, Jeffrey of\n Villehardouin, 30 marshal of Champagne, 31 who has condescended,\n in THE rude idiom of his age and country, 32 to write or dictate\n 33 an original narrative of THE councils and actions in which he\n bore a memorable part. At THE same time, Baldwin, count of\n Flanders, who had married THE sister of Thibaut, assumed THE\n cross at Bruges, with his broTHEr Henry, and THE principal\n knights and citizens of that rich and industrious province. 34\n The vow which THE chiefs had pronounced in churches, THEy\n ratified in tournaments; THE operations of THE war were debated\n in full and frequent assemblies; and it was resolved to seek THE\n deliverance of Palestine in Egypt, a country, since Saladin’s\n death, which was almost ruined by famine and civil war. But THE\n fate of so many royal armies displayed THE toils and perils of a\n land expedition; and if THE Flemings dwelt along THE ocean, THE\n French barons were destitute of ships and ignorant of navigation.\n They embraced THE wise resolution of choosing six deputies or\n representatives, of whom Villehardouin was one, with a\n discretionary trust to direct THE motions, and to pledge THE\n faith, of THE whole confederacy. The maritime states of Italy\n were alone possessed of THE means of transporting THE holy\n warriors with THEir arms and horses; and THE six deputies\n proceeded to Venice, to solicit, on motives of piety or interest,\n THE aid of that powerful republic.\n\n 25 (return) [ See Fleury, Hist. Ecclés. tom. xvi. p. 26, &c., and\n Villehardouin, No. 1, with THE observations of Ducange, which I\n always mean to quote with THE original text.]\n\n 26 (return) [ The contemporary life of Pope Innocent III.,\n published by Baluze and Muratori, (Scriptores Rerum Italicarum,\n tom. iii. pars i. p. 486—568), is most valuable for THE important\n and original documents which are inserted in THE text. The bull\n of THE crusade may be read, c. 84, 85.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Por-ce que cil pardon, fut issi gran, si s’en\n esmeurent mult li cuers des genz, et mult s’en croisierent, porce\n que li pardons ere si gran. Villehardouin, No. 1. Our\n philosophers may refine on THE causes of THE crusades, but such\n were THE genuine feelings of a French knight.]\n\n 28 (return) [ This number of fiefs (of which 1800 owed liege\n homage) was enrolled in THE church of St. Stephen at Troyes, and\n attested A.D. 1213, by THE marshal and butler of Champagne,\n (Ducange, Observ. p. 254.)]\n\n 29 (return) [ Campania.... militiæ privilegio singularius\n excellit.... in tyrociniis.... prolusione armorum, &c., Duncage,\n p. 249, from THE old Chronicle of Jerusalem, A.D. 1177—1199.]\n\n 30 (return) [ The name of Villehardouin was taken from a village\n and castle in THE diocese of Troyes, near THE River Aube, between\n Bar and Arcis. The family was ancient and noble; THE elder branch\n of our historian existed after THE year 1400, THE younger, which\n acquired THE principality of Achaia, merged in THE house of\n Savoy, (Ducange, p. 235—245.)]\n\n 31 (return) [ This office was held by his faTHEr and his\n descendants; but Ducange has not hunted it with his usual\n sagacity. I find that, in THE year 1356, it was in THE family of\n Conflans; but THEse provincial have been long since eclipsed by\n THE national marshals of France.]\n\n 32 (return) [ This language, of which I shall produce some\n specimens, is explained by Vigenere and Ducange, in a version and\n glossary. The president Des Brosses (Méchanisme des Langues, tom.\n ii. p. 83) gives it as THE example of a language which has ceased\n to be French, and is understood only by grammarians.]\n\n 33 (return) [ His age, and his own expression, moi qui ceste uvre\n _dicta_, (No. 62, &c.,) may justify THE suspicion (more probable\n than Mr. Wood’s on Homer) that he could neiTHEr read nor write.\n Yet Champagne may boast of THE two first historians, THE noble\n authors of French prose, Villehardouin and Joinville.]\n\n 34 (return) [ The crusade and reigns of THE counts of Flanders,\n Baldwin and his broTHEr Henry, are THE subject of a particular\n history by THE Jesuit Doutremens, (Constantinopolis Belgica;\n Turnaci, 1638, in 4to.,) which I have only seen with THE eyes of\n Ducange.]\n\n In THE invasion of Italy by Attila, I have mentioned 35 THE\n flight of THE Venetians from THE fallen cities of THE continent,\n and THEir obscure shelter in THE chain of islands that line THE\n extremity of THE Adriatic Gulf. In THE midst of THE waters, free,\n indigent, laborious, and inaccessible, THEy gradually coalesced\n into a republic: THE first foundations of Venice were laid in THE\n Island of Rialto; and THE annual election of THE twelve tribunes\n was superseded by THE permanent office of a duke or doge. On THE\n verge of THE two empires, THE Venetians exult in THE belief of\n primitive and perpetual independence. 36 Against THE Latins,\n THEir antique freedom has been asserted by THE sword, and may be\n justified by THE pen. Charlemagne himself resigned all claims of\n sovereignty to THE islands of THE Adriatic Gulf: his son Pepin\n was repulsed in THE attacks of THE _lagunas_ or canals, too deep\n for THE cavalry, and too shallow for THE vessels; and in every\n age, under THE German Cæsars, THE lands of THE republic have been\n clearly distinguished from THE kingdom of Italy. But THE\n inhabitants of Venice were considered by THEmselves, by\n strangers, and by THEir sovereigns, as an inalienable portion of\n THE Greek empire: 37 in THE ninth and tenth centuries, THE proofs\n of THEir subjection are numerous and unquestionable; and THE vain\n titles, THE servile honors, of THE Byzantine court, so\n ambitiously solicited by THEir dukes, would have degraded THE\n magistrates of a free people. But THE bands of this dependence,\n which was never absolute or rigid, were imperceptibly relaxed by\n THE ambition of Venice and THE weakness of Constantinople.\n Obedience was softened into respect, privilege ripened into\n prerogative, and THE freedom of domestic government was fortified\n by THE independence of foreign dominion. The maritime cities of\n Istria and Dalmatia bowed to THE sovereigns of THE Adriatic; and\n when THEy armed against THE Normans in THE cause of Alexius, THE\n emperor applied, not to THE duty of his subjects, but to THE\n gratitude and generosity of his faithful allies. The sea was\n THEir patrimony: 38 THE western parts of THE Mediterranean, from\n Tuscany to Gibraltar, were indeed abandoned to THEir rivals of\n Pisa and Genoa; but THE Venetians acquired an early and lucrative\n share of THE commerce of Greece and Egypt. Their riches increased\n with THE increasing demand of Europe; THEir manufactures of silk\n and glass, perhaps THE institution of THEir bank, are of high\n antiquity; and THEy enjoyed THE fruits of THEir industry in THE\n magnificence of public and private life. To assert her flag, to\n avenge her injuries, to protect THE freedom of navigation, THE\n republic could launch and man a fleet of a hundred galleys; and\n THE Greeks, THE Saracens, and THE Normans, were encountered by\n her naval arms. The Franks of Syria were assisted by THE\n Venetians in THE reduction of THE sea coast; but THEir zeal was\n neiTHEr blind nor disinterested; and in THE conquest of Tyre,\n THEy shared THE sovereignty of a city, THE first seat of THE\n commerce of THE world. The policy of Venice was marked by THE\n avarice of a trading, and THE insolence of a maritime, power; yet\n her ambition was prudent: nor did she often forget that if armed\n galleys were THE effect and safeguard, merchant vessels were THE\n cause and supply, of her greatness. In her religion, she avoided\n THE schisms of THE Greeks, without yielding a servile obedience\n to THE Roman pontiff; and a free intercourse with THE infidels of\n every clime appears to have allayed betimes THE fever of\n superstition. Her primitive government was a loose mixture of\n democracy and monarchy; THE doge was elected by THE votes of THE\n general assembly; as long as he was popular and successful, he\n reigned with THE pomp and authority of a prince; but in THE\n frequent revolutions of THE state, he was deposed, or banished,\n or slain, by THE justice or injustice of THE multitude. The\n twelfth century produced THE first rudiments of THE wise and\n jealous aristocracy, which has reduced THE doge to a pageant, and\n THE people to a cipher. 39\n\n 35 (return) [ History, &c., vol. iii. p. 446, 447.]\n\n 36 (return) [ The foundation and independence of Venice, and\n Pepin’s invasion, are discussed by Pagi (Critica, tom. iii. A.D.\n 81, No. 4, &c.) and Beretti, (Dissert. Chorograph. Italiæ Medii\n Ævi, in Muratori, Script. tom. x. p. 153.) The two critics have a\n slight bias, THE Frenchman adverse, THE Italian favorable, to THE\n republic.]\n\n 37 (return) [ When THE son of Charlemagne asserted his right of\n sovereignty, he was answered by THE loyal Venetians, oti hmeiV\n douloi Jelomen einai tou \'Rwmaiwn basilewV, (Constantin.\n Porphyrogenit. de Administrat. Imperii, pars ii. c. 28, p. 85;)\n and THE report of THE ixth establishes THE fact of THE xth\n century, which is confirmed by THE embassy of Liutprand of\n Cremona. The annual tribute, which THE emperor allows THEm to pay\n to THE king of Italy, alleviates, by doubling, THEir servitude;\n but THE hateful word douloi must be translated, as in THE charter\n of 827, (Laugier, Hist. de Venice, tom. i. p. 67, &c.,) by THE\n softer appellation of _subditi_, or _fideles_.]\n\n 38 (return) [ See THE xxvth and xxxth dissertations of THE\n Antiquitates Medii Ævi of Muratori. From Anderson’s History of\n Commerce, I understand that THE Venetians did not trade to\n England before THE year 1323. The most flourishing state of THEir\n wealth and commerce, in THE beginning of THE xvth century, is\n agreeably described by THE Abbé Dubos, (Hist. de la Ligue de\n Cambray, tom. ii. p. 443—480.)]\n\n 39 (return) [ The Venetians have been slow in writing and\n publishing THEir history. Their most ancient monuments are, 1.\n The rude Chronicle (perhaps) of John Sagorninus, (Venezia, 1765,\n in octavo,) which represents THE state and manners of Venice in\n THE year 1008. 2. The larger history of THE doge, (1342—1354,)\n Andrew Dandolo, published for THE first time in THE xiith tom. of\n Muratori, A.D. 1728. The History of Venice by THE Abbé Laugier,\n (Paris, 1728,) is a work of some merit, which I have chiefly used\n for THE constitutional part. * Note: It is scarcely necessary to\n mention THE valuable work of Count Daru, “History de Venise,” of\n which I hear that an Italian translation has been published, with\n notes defensive of THE ancient republic. I have not yet seen this\n work.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LX: The Fourth Crusade.—Part II.\n\n When THE six ambassadors of THE French pilgrims arrived at\n Venice, THEy were hospitably entertained in THE palace of St.\n Mark, by THE reigning duke; his name was Henry Dandolo; 40 and he\n shone in THE last period of human life as one of THE most\n illustrious characters of THE times. Under THE weight of years,\n and after THE loss of his eyes, 41 Dandolo retained a sound\n understanding and a manly courage: THE spirit of a hero,\n ambitious to signalize his reign by some memorable exploits; and\n THE wisdom of a patriot, anxious to build his fame on THE glory\n and advantage of his country. He praised THE bold enthusiasm and\n liberal confidence of THE barons and THEir deputies: in such a\n cause, and with such associates, he should aspire, were he a\n private man, to terminate his life; but he was THE servant of THE\n republic, and some delay was requisite to consult, on this\n arduous business, THE judgment of his colleagues. The proposal of\n THE French was first debated by THE six _sages_ who had been\n recently appointed to control THE administration of THE doge: it\n was next disclosed to THE forty members of THE council of state;\n and finally communicated to THE legislative assembly of four\n hundred and fifty representatives, who were annually chosen in\n THE six quarters of THE city. In peace and war, THE doge was\n still THE chief of THE republic; his legal authority was\n supported by THE personal reputation of Dandolo: his arguments of\n public interest were balanced and approved; and he was authorized\n to inform THE ambassadors of THE following conditions of THE\n treaty. 42 It was proposed that THE crusaders should assemble at\n Venice, on THE feast of St. John of THE ensuing year; that\n flat-bottomed vessels should be prepared for four thousand five\n hundred horses, and nine thousand squires, with a number of ships\n sufficient for THE embarkation of four thousand five hundred\n knights, and twenty thousand foot; that during a term of nine\n months THEy should be supplied with provisions, and transported\n to whatsoever coast THE service of God and Christendom should\n require; and that THE republic should join THE armament with a\n squadron of fifty galleys. It was required, that THE pilgrims\n should pay, before THEir departure, a sum of eighty-five thousand\n marks of silver; and that all conquests, by sea and land, should\n be equally divided between THE confederates. The terms were hard;\n but THE emergency was pressing, and THE French barons were not\n less profuse of money than of blood. A general assembly was\n convened to ratify THE treaty: THE stately chapel and place of\n St. Mark were filled with ten thousand citizens; and THE noble\n deputies were taught a new lesson of humbling THEmselves before\n THE majesty of THE people. “Illustrious Venetians,” said THE\n marshal of Champagne, “we are sent by THE greatest and most\n powerful barons of France to implore THE aid of THE masters of\n THE sea for THE deliverance of Jerusalem. They have enjoined us\n to fall prostrate at your feet; nor will we rise from THE ground\n till you have promised to avenge with us THE injuries of Christ.”\n The eloquence of THEir words and tears, 43 THEir martial aspect,\n and suppliant attitude, were applauded by a universal shout; as\n it were, says Jeffrey, by THE sound of an earthquake. The\n venerable doge ascended THE pulpit to urge THEir request by those\n motives of honor and virtue, which alone can be offered to a\n popular assembly: THE treaty was transcribed on parchment,\n attested with oaths and seals, mutually accepted by THE weeping\n and joyful representatives of France and Venice; and despatched\n to Rome for THE approbation of Pope Innocent THE Third. Two\n thousand marks were borrowed of THE merchants for THE first\n expenses of THE armament. Of THE six deputies, two repassed THE\n Alps to announce THEir success, while THEir four companions made\n a fruitless trial of THE zeal and emulation of THE republics of\n Genoa and Pisa.\n\n 40 (return) [ Henry Dandolo was eighty-four at his election,\n (A.D. 1192,) and ninety-seven at his death, (A.D. 1205.) See THE\n Observations of Ducange sur Villehardouin, No. 204. But this\n _extraordinary_ longevity is not observed by THE original\n writers, nor does THEre exist anoTHEr example of a hero near a\n hundred years of age. Theophrastus might afford an instance of a\n writer of ninety-nine; but instead of ennenhkonta, (Prom. ad\n Character.,)I am much inclined to read ebdomhkonta, with his last\n editor Fischer, and THE first thoughts of Casaubon. It is\n scarcely possible that THE powers of THE mind and body should\n support THEmselves till such a period of life.]\n\n 41 (return) [ The modern Venetians (Laugier, tom. ii. p. 119)\n accuse THE emperor Manuel; but THE calumny is refuted by\n Villehardouin and THE older writers, who suppose that Dandolo\n lost his eyes by a wound, (No. 31, and Ducange.) * Note: The\n accounts differ, both as to THE extent and THE cause of his\n blindness According to Villehardouin and oTHErs, THE sight was\n totally lost; according to THE Chronicle of Andrew Dandolo.\n (Murat. tom. xii. p. 322,) he was vise debilis. See Wilken, vol.\n v. p. 143.—M.]\n\n 42 (return) [ See THE original treaty in THE Chronicle of Andrew\n Dandolo, p. 323—326.]\n\n 43 (return) [ A reader of Villehardouin must observe THE frequent\n tears of THE marshal and his broTHEr knights. Sachiez que la ot\n mainte lerme plorée de pitié, (No. 17;) mult plorant, (ibid.;)\n mainte lerme plorée, (No. 34;) si orent mult pitié et plorerent\n mult durement, (No. 60;) i ot mainte lerme plorée de pitié, (No.\n 202.) They weep on every occasion of grief, joy, or devotion.]\n\n The execution of THE treaty was still opposed by unforeseen\n difficulties and delays. The marshal, on his return to Troyes,\n was embraced and approved by Thibaut count of Champagne, who had\n been unanimously chosen general of THE confederates. But THE\n health of that valiant youth already declined, and soon became\n hopeless; and he deplored THE untimely fate, which condemned him\n to expire, not in a field of battle, but on a bed of sickness. To\n his brave and numerous vassals, THE dying prince distributed his\n treasures: THEy swore in his presence to accomplish his vow and\n THEir own; but some THEre were, says THE marshal, who accepted\n his gifts and forfeited THEir words. The more resolute champions\n of THE cross held a parliament at Soissons for THE election of a\n new general; but such was THE incapacity, or jealousy, or\n reluctance, of THE princes of France, that none could be found\n both able and willing to assume THE conduct of THE enterprise.\n They acquiesced in THE choice of a stranger, of Boniface marquis\n of Montferrat, descended of a race of heroes, and himself of\n conspicuous fame in THE wars and negotiations of THE times; 44\n nor could THE piety or ambition of THE Italian chief decline this\n honorable invitation. After visiting THE French court, where he\n was received as a friend and kinsman, THE marquis, in THE church\n of Soissons, was invested with THE cross of a pilgrim and THE\n staff of a general; and immediately repassed THE Alps, to prepare\n for THE distant expedition of THE East. About THE festival of THE\n Pentecost he displayed his banner, and marched towards Venice at\n THE head of THE Italians: he was preceded or followed by THE\n counts of Flanders and Blois, and THE most respectable barons of\n France; and THEir numbers were swelled by THE pilgrims of\n Germany, 45 whose object and motives were similar to THEir own.\n The Venetians had fulfilled, and even surpassed, THEir\n engagements: stables were constructed for THE horses, and\n barracks for THE troops: THE magazines were abundantly\n replenished with forage and provisions; and THE fleet of\n transports, ships, and galleys, was ready to hoist sail as soon\n as THE republic had received THE price of THE freight and\n armament. But that price far exceeded THE wealth of THE crusaders\n who were assembled at Venice. The Flemings, whose obedience to\n THEir count was voluntary and precarious, had embarked in THEir\n vessels for THE long navigation of THE ocean and Mediterranean;\n and many of THE French and Italians had preferred a cheaper and\n more convenient passage from Marseilles and Apulia to THE Holy\n Land. Each pilgrim might complain, that after he had furnished\n his own contribution, he was made responsible for THE deficiency\n of his absent brethren: THE gold and silver plate of THE chiefs,\n which THEy freely delivered to THE treasury of St. Marks, was a\n generous but inadequate sacrifice; and after all THEir efforts,\n thirty-four thousand marks were still wanting to complete THE\n stipulated sum. The obstacle was removed by THE policy and\n patriotism of THE doge, who proposed to THE barons, that if THEy\n would join THEir arms in reducing some revolted cities of\n Dalmatia, he would expose his person in THE holy war, and obtain\n from THE republic a long indulgence, till some wealthy conquest\n should afford THE means of satisfying THE debt. After much\n scruple and hesitation, THEy chose raTHEr to accept THE offer\n than to relinquish THE enterprise; and THE first hostilities of\n THE fleet and army were directed against Zara, 46 a strong city\n of THE Sclavonian coast, which had renounced its allegiance to\n Venice, and implored THE protection of THE king of Hungary. 47\n The crusaders burst THE chain or boom of THE harbor; landed THEir\n horses, troops, and military engines; and compelled THE\n inhabitants, after a defence of five days, to surrender at\n discretion: THEir lives were spared, but THE revolt was punished\n by THE pillage of THEir houses and THE demolition of THEir walls.\n The season was far advanced; THE French and Venetians resolved to\n pass THE winter in a secure harbor and plentiful country; but\n THEir repose was disturbed by national and tumultuous quarrels of\n THE soldiers and mariners. The conquest of Zara had scattered THE\n seeds of discord and scandal: THE arms of THE allies had been\n stained in THEir outset with THE blood, not of infidels, but of\n Christians: THE king of Hungary and his new subjects were\n THEmselves enlisted under THE banner of THE cross; and THE\n scruples of THE devout were magnified by THE fear of lassitude of\n THE reluctant pilgrims. The pope had excommunicated THE false\n crusaders who had pillaged and massacred THEir brethren, 48 and\n only THE marquis Boniface and Simon of Montfort 481 escaped THEse\n spiritual thunders; THE one by his absence from THE siege, THE\n oTHEr by his final departure from THE camp. Innocent might\n absolve THE simple and submissive penitents of France; but he was\n provoked by THE stubborn reason of THE Venetians, who refused to\n confess THEir guilt, to accept THEir pardon, or to allow, in\n THEir temporal concerns, THE interposition of a priest.\n\n 44 (return) [ By a victory (A.D. 1191) over THE citizens of Asti,\n by a crusade to Palestine, and by an embassy from THE pope to THE\n German princes, (Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom. x. p. 163,\n 202.)]\n\n 45 (return) [ See THE crusade of THE Germans in THE Historia C.\n P. of GunTHEr, (Canisii Antiq. Lect. tom. iv. p. v.—viii.,) who\n celebrates THE pilgrimage of his abbot Martin, one of THE\n preaching rivals of Fulk of Neuilly. His monastery, of THE\n Cistercian order, was situate in THE diocese of Basil.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Jadera, now Zara, was a Roman colony, which\n acknowledged Augustus for its parent. It is now only two miles\n round, and contains five or six thousand inhabitants; but THE\n fortifications are strong, and it is joined to THE main land by a\n bridge. See THE travels of THE two companions, Spon and Wheeler,\n (Voyage de Dalmatie, de Grèce, &c., tom. i. p. 64—70. Journey\n into Greece, p. 8—14;) THE last of whom, by mistaking _Sestertia_\n for _Sestertii_, values an arch with statues and columns at\n twelve pounds. If, in his time, THEre were no trees near Zara,\n THE cherry-trees were not yet planted which produce our\n incomparable _marasquin_.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Katona (Hist. Critica Reg. Hungariæ, Stirpis Arpad.\n tom. iv. p. 536—558) collects all THE facts and testimonies most\n adverse to THE conquerors of Zara.]\n\n 48 (return) [ See THE whole transaction, and THE sentiments of\n THE pope, in THE Epistles of Innocent III. Gesta, c. 86, 87, 88.]\n\n 481 (return) [ Montfort protested against THE siege. Guido, THE\n abbot of Vaux de Sernay, in THE name of THE pope, interdicted THE\n attack on a Christian city; and THE immediate surrender of THE\n town was thus delayed for five days of fruitless resistance.\n Wilken, vol. v. p. 167. See likewise, at length, THE history of\n THE interdict issued by THE pope. Ibid.—M.]\n\n The assembly of such formidable powers by sea and land had\n revived THE hopes of young 49 Alexius; and both at Venice and\n Zara, he solicited THE arms of THE crusaders, for his own\n restoration and his faTHEr’s 50 deliverance. The royal youth was\n recommended by Philip king of Germany: his prayers and presence\n excited THE compassion of THE camp; and his cause was embraced\n and pleaded by THE marquis of Montferrat and THE doge of Venice.\n A double alliance, and THE dignity of Cæsar, had connected with\n THE Imperial family THE two elder broTHErs of Boniface: 51 he\n expected to derive a kingdom from THE important service; and THE\n more generous ambition of Dandolo was eager to secure THE\n inestimable benefits of trade and dominion that might accrue to\n his country. 52 Their influence procured a favorable audience for\n THE ambassadors of Alexius; and if THE magnitude of his offers\n excited some suspicion, THE motives and rewards which he\n displayed might justify THE delay and diversion of those forces\n which had been consecrated to THE deliverance of Jerusalem. He\n promised in his own and his faTHEr’s name, that as soon as THEy\n should be seated on THE throne of Constantinople, THEy would\n terminate THE long schism of THE Greeks, and submit THEmselves\n and THEir people to THE lawful supremacy of THE Roman church. He\n engaged to recompense THE labors and merits of THE crusaders, by\n THE immediate payment of two hundred thousand marks of silver; to\n accompany THEm in person to Egypt; or, if it should be judged\n more advantageous, to maintain, during a year, ten thousand men,\n and, during his life, five hundred knights, for THE service of\n THE Holy Land. These tempting conditions were accepted by THE\n republic of Venice; and THE eloquence of THE doge and marquis\n persuaded THE counts of Flanders, Blois, and St. Pol, with eight\n barons of France, to join in THE glorious enterprise. A treaty of\n offensive and defensive alliance was confirmed by THEir oaths and\n seals; and each individual, according to his situation and\n character, was swayed by THE hope of public or private advantage;\n by THE honor of restoring an exiled monarch; or by THE sincere\n and probable opinion, that THEir efforts in Palestine would be\n fruitless and unavailing, and that THE acquisition of\n Constantinople must precede and prepare THE recovery of\n Jerusalem. But THEy were THE chiefs or equals of a valiant band\n of freemen and volunteers, who thought and acted for THEmselves:\n THE soldiers and clergy were divided; and, if a large majority\n subscribed to THE alliance, THE numbers and arguments of THE\n dissidents were strong and respectable. 53 The boldest hearts\n were appalled by THE report of THE naval power and impregnable\n strength of Constantinople; and THEir apprehensions were\n disguised to THE world, and perhaps to THEmselves, by THE more\n decent objections of religion and duty. They alleged THE sanctity\n of a vow, which had drawn THEm from THEir families and homes to\n THE rescue of THE holy sepulchre; nor should THE dark and crooked\n counsels of human policy divert THEm from a pursuit, THE event of\n which was in THE hands of THE Almighty. Their first offence, THE\n attack of Zara, had been severely punished by THE reproach of\n THEir conscience and THE censures of THE pope; nor would THEy\n again imbrue THEir hands in THE blood of THEir fellow-Christians.\n The apostle of Rome had pronounced; nor would THEy usurp THE\n right of avenging with THE sword THE schism of THE Greeks and THE\n doubtful usurpation of THE Byzantine monarch. On THEse principles\n or pretences, many pilgrims, THE most distinguished for THEir\n valor and piety, withdrew from THE camp; and THEir retreat was\n less pernicious than THE open or secret opposition of a\n discontented party, that labored, on every occasion, to separate\n THE army and disappoint THE enterprise.\n\n 49 (return) [ A modern reader is surprised to hear of THE valet\n de Constantinople, as applied to young Alexius, on account of his\n youth, like THE _infants_ of Spain, and THE _nobilissimus puer_\n of THE Romans. The pages and _valets_ of THE knights were as\n noble as THEmselves, (Villehardouin and Ducange, No. 36.)]\n\n 50 (return) [ The emperor Isaac is styled by Villehardouin,\n _Sursac_, (No. 35, &c.,) which may be derived from THE French\n _Sire_, or THE Greek Kur (kurioV?) melted into his proper name;\n THE furTHEr corruptions of Tursac and Conserac will instruct us\n what license may have been used in THE old dynasties of Assyria\n and Egypt.]\n\n 51 (return) [ Reinier and Conrad: THE former married Maria,\n daughter of THE emperor Manuel Comnenus; THE latter was THE\n husband of Theodora Angela, sister of THE emperors Isaac and\n Alexius. Conrad abandoned THE Greek court and princess for THE\n glory of defending Tyre against Saladin, (Ducange, Fam. Byzant.\n p. 187, 203.)]\n\n 52 (return) [ Nicetas (in Alexio Comneno, l. iii. c. 9) accuses\n THE doge and Venetians as THE first authors of THE war against\n Constantinople, and considers only as a kuma epi kumati, THE\n arrival and shameful offers of THE royal exile. * Note: He\n admits, however, that THE Angeli had committed depredations on\n THE Venetian trade, and THE emperor himself had refused THE\n payment of part of THE stipulated compensation for THE seizure of\n THE Venetian merchandise by THE emperor Manuel. Nicetas, in\n loc.—M.]\n\n 53 (return) [ Villehardouin and GunTHEr represent THE sentiments\n of THE two parties. The abbot Martin left THE army at Zara,\n proceeded to Palestine, was sent ambassador to Constantinople,\n and became a reluctant witness of THE second siege.]\n\n Notwithstanding this defection, THE departure of THE fleet and\n army was vigorously pressed by THE Venetians, whose zeal for THE\n service of THE royal youth concealed a just resentment to his\n nation and family. They were mortified by THE recent preference\n which had been given to Pisa, THE rival of THEir trade; THEy had\n a long arrear of debt and injury to liquidate with THE Byzantine\n court; and Dandolo might not discourage THE popular tale, that he\n had been deprived of his eyes by THE emperor Manuel, who\n perfidiously violated THE sanctity of an ambassador. A similar\n armament, for ages, had not rode THE Adriatic: it was composed of\n one hundred and twenty flat-bottomed vessels or _palanders_ for\n THE horses; two hundred and forty transports filled with men and\n arms; seventy store-ships laden with provisions; and fifty stout\n galleys, well prepared for THE encounter of an enemy. 54 While\n THE wind was favorable, THE sky serene, and THE water smooth,\n every eye was fixed with wonder and delight on THE scene of\n military and naval pomp which overspread THE sea. 541 The shields\n of THE knights and squires, at once an ornament and a defence,\n were arranged on eiTHEr side of THE ships; THE banners of THE\n nations and families were displayed from THE stern; our modern\n artillery was supplied by three hundred engines for casting\n stones and darts: THE fatigues of THE way were cheered with THE\n sound of music; and THE spirits of THE adventurers were raised by\n THE mutual assurance, that forty thousand Christian heroes were\n equal to THE conquest of THE world. 55 In THE navigation 56 from\n Venice and Zara, THE fleet was successfully steered by THE skill\n and experience of THE Venetian pilots: at Durazzo, THE\n confederates first landed on THE territories of THE Greek empire:\n THE Isle of Corfu afforded a station and repose; THEy doubled,\n without accident, THE perilous cape of Malea, THE souTHErn point\n of Peloponnesus or THE Morea; made a descent in THE islands of\n Negropont and Andros; and cast anchor at Abydus on THE Asiatic\n side of THE Hellespont. These preludes of conquest were easy and\n bloodless: THE Greeks of THE provinces, without patriotism or\n courage, were crushed by an irresistible force: THE presence of\n THE lawful heir might justify THEir obedience; and it was\n rewarded by THE modesty and discipline of THE Latins. As THEy\n penetrated through THE Hellespont, THE magnitude of THEir navy\n was compressed in a narrow channel, and THE face of THE waters\n was darkened with innumerable sails. They again expanded in THE\n basin of THE Propontis, and traversed that placid sea, till THEy\n approached THE European shore, at THE abbey of St. Stephen, three\n leagues to THE west of Constantinople. The prudent doge dissuaded\n THEm from dispersing THEmselves in a populous and hostile land;\n and, as THEir stock of provisions was reduced, it was resolved,\n in THE season of harvest, to replenish THEir store-ships in THE\n fertile islands of THE Propontis. With this resolution, THEy\n directed THEir course: but a strong gale, and THEir own\n impatience, drove THEm to THE eastward; and so near did THEy run\n to THE shore and THE city, that some volleys of stones and darts\n were exchanged between THE ships and THE rampart. As THEy passed\n along, THEy gazed with admiration on THE capital of THE East, or,\n as it should seem, of THE earth; rising from her seven hills, and\n towering over THE continents of Europe and Asia. The swelling\n domes and lofty spires of five hundred palaces and churches were\n gilded by THE sun and reflected in THE waters: THE walls were\n crowded with soldiers and spectators, whose numbers THEy beheld,\n of whose temper THEy were ignorant; and each heart was chilled by\n THE reflection, that, since THE beginning of THE world, such an\n enterprise had never been undertaken by such a handful of\n warriors. But THE momentary apprehension was dispelled by hope\n and valor; and every man, says THE marshal of Champagne, glanced\n his eye on THE sword or lance which he must speedily use in THE\n glorious conflict. 57 The Latins cast anchor before Chalcedon;\n THE mariners only were left in THE vessels: THE soldiers, horses,\n and arms, were safely landed; and, in THE luxury of an Imperial\n palace, THE barons tasted THE first fruits of THEir success. On\n THE third day, THE fleet and army moved towards Scutari, THE\n Asiatic suburb of Constantinople: a detachment of five hundred\n Greek horse was surprised and defeated by fourscore French\n knights; and in a halt of nine days, THE camp was plentifully\n supplied with forage and provisions.\n\n 54 (return) [ The birth and dignity of Andrew Dandolo gave him\n THE motive and THE means of searching in THE archives of Venice\n THE memorable story of his ancestor. His brevity seems to accuse\n THE copious and more recent narratives of Sanudo, (in Muratori,\n Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. xxii.,) Blondus, Sabellicus, and\n Rhamnusius.]\n\n 541 (return) [ This description raTHEr belongs to THE first\n setting sail of THE expedition from Venice, before THE siege of\n Zara. The armament did not return to Venice.—M.]\n\n 55 (return) [ Villehardouin, No. 62. His feelings and expressions\n are original: he often weeps, but he rejoices in THE glories and\n perils of war with a spirit unknown to a sedentary writer.]\n\n 56 (return) [ In this voyage, almost all THE geographical names\n are corrupted by THE Latins. The modern appellation of Chalcis,\n and all Euba, is derived from its _Euripus_, _Evripo_,\n _Negri-po_, _Negropont_, which dishonors our maps, (D’Anville,\n Géographie Ancienne, tom. i. p. 263.)]\n\n 57 (return) [ Et sachiez que il ni ot si hardi cui le cuer ne\n fremist, (c. 66.).. Chascuns regardoit ses armes.... que par tems\n en arons mestier, (c. 67.) Such is THE honesty of courage.]\n\n In relating THE invasion of a great empire, it may seem strange\n that I have not described THE obstacles which should have checked\n THE progress of THE strangers. The Greeks, in truth, were an\n unwarlike people; but THEy were rich, industrious, and subject to\n THE will of a single man: had that man been capable of fear, when\n his enemies were at a distance, or of courage, when THEy\n approached his person. The first rumor of his nephew’s alliance\n with THE French and Venetians was despised by THE usurper\n Alexius: his flatterers persuaded him, that in this contempt he\n was bold and sincere; and each evening, in THE close of THE\n banquet, he thrice discomfited THE Barbarians of THE West. These\n Barbarians had been justly terrified by THE report of his naval\n power; and THE sixteen hundred fishing boats of Constantinople 58\n could have manned a fleet, to sink THEm in THE Adriatic, or stop\n THEir entrance in THE mouth of THE Hellespont. But all force may\n be annihilated by THE negligence of THE prince and THE venality\n of his ministers. The great duke, or admiral, made a scandalous,\n almost a public, auction of THE sails, THE masts, and THE\n rigging: THE royal forests were reserved for THE more important\n purpose of THE chase; and THE trees, says Nicetas, were guarded\n by THE eunuchs, like THE groves of religious worship. 59 From his\n dream of pride, Alexius was awakened by THE siege of Zara, and\n THE rapid advances of THE Latins; as soon as he saw THE danger\n was real, he thought it inevitable, and his vain presumption was\n lost in abject despondency and despair. He suffered THEse\n contemptible Barbarians to pitch THEir camp in THE sight of THE\n palace; and his apprehensions were thinly disguised by THE pomp\n and menace of a suppliant embassy. The sovereign of THE Romans\n was astonished (his ambassadors were instructed to say) at THE\n hostile appearance of THE strangers. If THEse pilgrims were\n sincere in THEir vow for THE deliverance of Jerusalem, his voice\n must applaud, and his treasures should assist, THEir pious design\n but should THEy dare to invade THE sanctuary of empire, THEir\n numbers, were THEy ten times more considerable, should not\n protect THEm from his just resentment. The answer of THE doge and\n barons was simple and magnanimous. “In THE cause of honor and\n justice,” THEy said, “we despise THE usurper of Greece, his\n threats, and his offers. _Our_ friendship and _his_ allegiance\n are due to THE lawful heir, to THE young prince, who is seated\n among us, and to his faTHEr, THE emperor Isaac, who has been\n deprived of his sceptre, his freedom, and his eyes, by THE crime\n of an ungrateful broTHEr. Let that broTHEr confess his guilt, and\n implore forgiveness, and we ourselves will intercede, that he may\n be permitted to live in affluence and security. But let him not\n insult us by a second message; our reply will be made in arms, in\n THE palace of Constantinople.”\n\n 58 (return) [ Eandem urbem plus in solis navibus piscatorum\n abundare, quam illos in toto navigio. Habebat enim mille et\n sexcentas piscatorias naves..... Bellicas autem sive mercatorias\n habebant infinitæ multitudinis et portum tutissimum. GunTHEr,\n Hist. C. P. c. 8, p. 10.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Kaqaper iervn alsewn, eipein de kai Jeojuteutwn\n paradeiswn ejeid?onto toutwni. Nicetas in Alex. Comneno, l. iii.\n c. 9, p. 348.]\n\n On THE tenth day of THEir encampment at Scutari, THE crusaders\n prepared THEmselves, as soldiers and as Catholics, for THE\n passage of THE Bosphorus. Perilous indeed was THE adventure; THE\n stream was broad and rapid: in a calm THE current of THE Euxine\n might drive down THE liquid and unextinguishable fires of THE\n Greeks; and THE opposite shores of Europe were defended by\n seventy thousand horse and foot in formidable array. On this\n memorable day, which happened to be bright and pleasant, THE\n Latins were distributed in six battles or divisions; THE first,\n or vanguard, was led by THE count of Flanders, one of THE most\n powerful of THE Christian princes in THE skill and number of his\n crossbows. The four successive battles of THE French were\n commanded by his broTHEr Henry, THE counts of St. Pol and Blois,\n and MatTHEw of Montmorency; THE last of whom was honored by THE\n voluntary service of THE marshal and nobles of Champagne. The\n sixth division, THE rear-guard and reserve of THE army, was\n conducted by THE marquis of Montferrat, at THE head of THE\n Germans and Lombards. The chargers, saddled, with THEir long\n caparisons dragging on THE ground, were embarked in THE flat\n _palanders_; 60 and THE knights stood by THE side of THEir\n horses, in complete armor, THEir helmets laced, and THEir lances\n in THEir hands. The numerous train of sergeants 61 and archers\n occupied THE transports; and each transport was towed by THE\n strength and swiftness of a galley. The six divisions traversed\n THE Bosphorus, without encountering an enemy or an obstacle: to\n land THE foremost was THE wish, to conquer or die was THE\n resolution, of every division and of every soldier. Jealous of\n THE preeminence of danger, THE knights in THEir heavy armor\n leaped into THE sea, when it rose as high as THEir girdle; THE\n sergeants and archers were animated by THEir valor; and THE\n squires, letting down THE draw-bridges of THE palanders, led THE\n horses to THE shore. Before THEir squadrons could mount, and\n form, and couch THEir Lances, THE seventy thousand Greeks had\n vanished from THEir sight: THE timid Alexius gave THE example to\n his troops; and it was only by THE plunder of his rich pavilions\n that THE Latins were informed that THEy had fought against an\n emperor. In THE first consternation of THE flying enemy, THEy\n resolved, by a double attack, to open THE entrance of THE harbor.\n The tower of Galata, 62 in THE suburb of Pera, was attacked and\n stormed by THE French, while THE Venetians assumed THE more\n difficult task of forcing THE boom or chain that was stretched\n from that tower to THE Byzantine shore. After some fruitless\n attempts, THEir intrepid perseverance prevailed: twenty ships of\n war, THE relics of THE Grecian navy, were eiTHEr sunk or taken:\n THE enormous and massy links of iron were cut asunder by THE\n shears, or broken by THE weight, of THE galleys; 63 and THE\n Venetian fleet, safe and triumphant, rode at anchor in THE port\n of Constantinople. By THEse daring achievements, a remnant of\n twenty thousand Latins solicited THE license of besieging a\n capital which contained above four hundred thousand inhabitants,\n 64 able, though not willing, to bear arms in defence of THEir\n country. Such an account would indeed suppose a population of\n near two millions; but whatever abatement may be required in THE\n numbers of THE Greeks, THE _belief_ of those numbers will equally\n exalt THE fearless spirit of THEir assailants.\n\n 60 (return) [ From THE version of Vignere I adopt THE\n well-sounding word _palander_, which is still used, I believe, in\n THE Mediterranean. But had I written in French, I should have\n preserved THE original and expressive denomination of _vessiers_\n or _huissiers_, from THE _huis_ or door which was let down as a\n draw-bridge; but which, at sea, was closed into THE side of THE\n ship, (see Ducange au Villehardouin, No. 14, and Joinville. p.\n 27, 28, edit. du Louvre.)]\n\n 61 (return) [ To avoid THE vague expressions of followers, &c., I\n use, after Villehardouin, THE word _sergeants_ for all horsemen\n who were not knights. There were sergeants at arms, and sergeants\n at law; and if we visit THE parade and Westminster Hall, we may\n observe THE strange result of THE distinction, (Ducange, Glossar.\n Latin, _Servientes_, &c., tom. vi. p. 226—231.)]\n\n 62 (return) [ It is needless to observe, that on THE subject of\n Galata, THE chain, &c., Ducange is accurate and full. Consult\n likewise THE proper chapters of THE C. P. Christiana of THE same\n author. The inhabitants of Galata were so vain and ignorant, that\n THEy applied to THEmselves St. Paul’s Epistle to THE Galatians.]\n\n 63 (return) [ The vessel that broke THE chain was named THE\n Eagle, _Aquila_, (Dandolo, Chronicon, p. 322,) which Blondus (de\n Gestis Venet.) has changed into _Aquilo_, THE north wind. Ducange\n (Observations, No. 83) maintains THE latter reading; but he had\n not seen THE respectable text of Dandolo, nor did he enough\n consider THE topography of THE harbor. The south-east would have\n been a more effectual wind. (Note to Wilken, vol. v. p. 215.)]\n\n 64 (return) [ Quatre cens mil homes ou plus, (Villehardouin, No.\n 134,) must be understood of _men_ of a military age. Le Beau\n (Hist. du. Bas Empire, tom. xx. p. 417) allows Constantinople a\n million of inhabitants, of whom 60,000 horse, and an infinite\n number of foot-soldiers. In its present decay, THE capital of THE\n Ottoman empire may contain 400,000 souls, (Bell’s Travels, vol.\n ii. p. 401, 402;) but as THE Turks keep no registers, and as\n circumstances are fallacious, it is impossible to ascertain\n (Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie, tom. i. p. 18, 19) THE real\n populousness of THEir cities.]\n\n In THE choice of THE attack, THE French and Venetians were\n divided by THEir habits of life and warfare. The former affirmed\n with truth, that Constantinople was most accessible on THE side\n of THE sea and THE harbor. The latter might assert with honor,\n that THEy had long enough trusted THEir lives and fortunes to a\n frail bark and a precarious element, and loudly demanded a trial\n of knighthood, a firm ground, and a close onset, eiTHEr on foot\n or on horseback. After a prudent compromise, of employing THE two\n nations by sea and land, in THE service best suited to THEir\n character, THE fleet covering THE army, THEy both proceeded from\n THE entrance to THE extremity of THE harbor: THE stone bridge of\n THE river was hastily repaired; and THE six battles of THE French\n formed THEir encampment against THE front of THE capital, THE\n basis of THE triangle which runs about four miles from THE port\n to THE Propontis. 65 On THE edge of a broad ditch, at THE foot of\n a lofty rampart, THEy had leisure to contemplate THE difficulties\n of THEir enterprise. The gates to THE right and left of THEir\n narrow camp poured forth frequent sallies of cavalry and\n light-infantry, which cut off THEir stragglers, swept THE country\n of provisions, sounded THE alarm five or six times in THE course\n of each day, and compelled THEm to plant a palisade, and sink an\n intrenchment, for THEir immediate safety. In THE supplies and\n convoys THE Venetians had been too sparing, or THE Franks too\n voracious: THE usual complaints of hunger and scarcity were\n heard, and perhaps felt THEir stock of flour would be exhausted\n in three weeks; and THEir disgust of salt meat tempted THEm to\n taste THE flesh of THEir horses. The trembling usurper was\n supported by Theodore Lascaris, his son-in-law, a valiant youth,\n who aspired to save and to rule his country; THE Greeks,\n regardless of that country, were awakened to THE defence of THEir\n religion; but THEir firmest hope was in THE strength and spirit\n of THE Varangian guards, of THE Danes and English, as THEy are\n named in THE writers of THE times. 66 After ten days’ incessant\n labor, THE ground was levelled, THE ditch filled, THE approaches\n of THE besiegers were regularly made, and two hundred and fifty\n engines of assault exercised THEir various powers to clear THE\n rampart, to batter THE walls, and to sap THE foundations. On THE\n first appearance of a breach, THE scaling-ladders were applied:\n THE numbers that defended THE vantage ground repulsed and\n oppressed THE adventurous Latins; but THEy admired THE resolution\n of fifteen knights and sergeants, who had gained THE ascent, and\n maintained THEir perilous station till THEy were precipitated or\n made prisoners by THE Imperial guards. On THE side of THE harbor\n THE naval attack was more successfully conducted by THE\n Venetians; and that industrious people employed every resource\n that was known and practiced before THE invention of gunpowder. A\n double line, three bow-shots in front, was formed by THE galleys\n and ships; and THE swift motion of THE former was supported by\n THE weight and loftiness of THE latter, whose decks, and poops,\n and turret, were THE platforms of military engines, that\n discharged THEir shot over THE heads of THE first line. The\n soldiers, who leaped from THE galleys on shore, immediately\n planted and ascended THEir scaling-ladders, while THE large\n ships, advancing more slowly into THE intervals, and lowering a\n draw-bridge, opened a way through THE air from THEir masts to THE\n rampart. In THE midst of THE conflict, THE doge, a venerable and\n conspicuous form, stood aloft in complete armor on THE prow of\n his galley. The great standard of St. Mark was displayed before\n him; his threats, promises, and exhortations, urged THE diligence\n of THE rowers; his vessel was THE first that struck; and Dandolo\n was THE first warrior on THE shore. The nations admired THE\n magnanimity of THE blind old man, without reflecting that his age\n and infirmities diminished THE price of life, and enhanced THE\n value of immortal glory. On a sudden, by an invisible hand, (for\n THE standard-bearer was probably slain,) THE banner of THE\n republic was fixed on THE rampart: twenty-five towers were\n rapidly occupied; and, by THE cruel expedient of fire, THE Greeks\n were driven from THE adjacent quarter. The doge had despatched\n THE intelligence of his success, when he was checked by THE\n danger of his confederates. Nobly declaring that he would raTHEr\n die with THE pilgrims than gain a victory by THEir destruction,\n Dandolo relinquished his advantage, recalled his troops, and\n hastened to THE scene of action. He found THE six weary\n diminutive _battles_ of THE French encompassed by sixty squadrons\n of THE Greek cavalry, THE least of which was more numerous than\n THE largest of THEir divisions. Shame and despair had provoked\n Alexius to THE last effort of a general sally; but he was awed by\n THE firm order and manly aspect of THE Latins; and, after\n skirmishing at a distance, withdrew his troops in THE close of\n THE evening. The silence or tumult of THE night exasperated his\n fears; and THE timid usurper, collecting a treasure of ten\n thousand pounds of gold, basely deserted his wife, his people,\n and his fortune; threw himself into a bark; stole through THE\n Bosphorus; and landed in shameful safety in an obscure harbor of\n Thrace. As soon as THEy were apprised of his flight, THE Greek\n nobles sought pardon and peace in THE dungeon where THE blind\n Isaac expected each hour THE visit of THE executioner. Again\n saved and exalted by THE vicissitudes of fortune, THE captive in\n his Imperial robes was replaced on THE throne, and surrounded\n with prostrate slaves, whose real terror and affected joy he was\n incapable of discerning. At THE dawn of day, hostilities were\n suspended, and THE Latin chiefs were surprised by a message from\n THE lawful and reigning emperor, who was impatient to embrace his\n son, and to reward his generous deliverers. 67\n\n 65 (return) [ On THE most correct plans of Constantinople, I know\n not how to measure more than 4000 paces. Yet Villehardouin\n computes THE space at three leagues, (No. 86.) If his eye were\n not deceived, he must reckon by THE old Gallic league of 1500\n paces, which might still be used in Champagne.]\n\n 66 (return) [ The guards, THE Varangi, are styled by\n Villehardouin, (No. 89, 95) Englois et Danois avec leurs haches.\n Whatever had been THEir origin, a French pilgrim could not be\n mistaken in THE nations of which THEy were at that time\n composed.]\n\n 67 (return) [ For THE first siege and conquest of Constantinople,\n we may read THE original letter of THE crusaders to Innocent\n III., Gesta, c. 91, p. 533, 534. Villehardouin, No. 75—99.\n Nicetas, in Alexio Comnen. l. iii. c. 10, p. 349—352. Dandolo, in\n Chron. p. 322. GunTHEr, and his abbot Martin, were not yet\n returned from THEir obstinate pilgrim age to Jerusalem, or St.\n John d’Acre, where THE greatest part of THE company had died of\n THE plague.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LX: The Fourth Crusade.—Part III.\n\n But THEse generous deliverers were unwilling to release THEir\n hostage, till THEy had obtained from his faTHEr THE payment, or\n at least THE promise, of THEir recompense. They chose four\n ambassadors, MatTHEw of Montmorency, our historian THE marshal of\n Champagne, and two Venetians, to congratulate THE emperor. The\n gates were thrown open on THEir approach, THE streets on both\n sides were lined with THE battle axes of THE Danish and English\n guard: THE presence-chamber glittered with gold and jewels, THE\n false substitute of virtue and power: by THE side of THE blind\n Isaac his wife was seated, THE sister of THE king of Hungary: and\n by her appearance, THE noble matrons of Greece were drawn from\n THEir domestic retirement, and mingled with THE circle of\n senators and soldiers. The Latins, by THE mouth of THE marshal,\n spoke like men conscious of THEir merits, but who respected THE\n work of THEir own hands; and THE emperor clearly understood, that\n his son’s engagements with Venice and THE pilgrims must be\n ratified without hesitation or delay. Withdrawing into a private\n chamber with THE empress, a chamberlain, an interpreter, and THE\n four ambassadors, THE faTHEr of young Alexius inquired with some\n anxiety into THE nature of his stipulations. The submission of\n THE Eastern empire to THE pope, THE succor of THE Holy Land, and\n a present contribution of two hundred thousand marks of\n silver.—“These conditions are weighty,” was his prudent reply:\n “THEy are hard to accept, and difficult to perform. But no\n conditions can exceed THE measure of your services and deserts.”\n After this satisfactory assurance, THE barons mounted on\n horseback, and introduced THE heir of Constantinople to THE city\n and palace: his youth and marvellous adventures engaged every\n heart in his favor, and Alexius was solemnly crowned with his\n faTHEr in THE dome of St. Sophia. In THE first days of his reign,\n THE people, already blessed with THE restoration of plenty and\n peace, was delighted by THE joyful catastrophe of THE tragedy;\n and THE discontent of THE nobles, THEir regret, and THEir fears,\n were covered by THE polished surface of pleasure and loyalty The\n mixture of two discordant nations in THE same capital might have\n been pregnant with mischief and danger; and THE suburb of Galata,\n or Pera, was assigned for THE quarters of THE French and\n Venetians. But THE liberty of trade and familiar intercourse was\n allowed between THE friendly nations: and each day THE pilgrims\n were tempted by devotion or curiosity to visit THE churches and\n palaces of Constantinople. Their rude minds, insensible perhaps\n of THE finer arts, were astonished by THE magnificent scenery:\n and THE poverty of THEir native towns enhanced THE populousness\n and riches of THE first metropolis of Christendom. 68 Descending\n from his state, young Alexius was prompted by interest and\n gratitude to repeat his frequent and familiar visits to his Latin\n allies; and in THE freedom of THE table, THE gay petulance of THE\n French sometimes forgot THE emperor of THE East. 69 In THEir most\n serious conferences, it was agreed, that THE reunion of THE two\n churches must be THE result of patience and time; but avarice was\n less tractable than zeal; and a larger sum was instantly\n disbursed to appease THE wants, and silence THE importunity, of\n THE crusaders. 70 Alexius was alarmed by THE approaching hour of\n THEir departure: THEir absence might have relieved him from THE\n engagement which he was yet incapable of performing; but his\n friends would have left him, naked and alone, to THE caprice and\n prejudice of a perfidious nation. He wished to bribe THEir stay,\n THE delay of a year, by undertaking to defray THEir expense, and\n to satisfy, in THEir name, THE freight of THE Venetian vessels.\n The offer was agitated in THE council of THE barons; and, after a\n repetition of THEir debates and scruples, a majority of votes\n again acquiesced in THE advice of THE doge and THE prayer of THE\n young emperor. At THE price of sixteen hundred pounds of gold, he\n prevailed on THE marquis of Montferrat to lead him with an army\n round THE provinces of Europe; to establish his authority, and\n pursue his uncle, while Constantinople was awed by THE presence\n of Baldwin and his confederates of France and Flanders. The\n expedition was successful: THE blind emperor exulted in THE\n success of his arms, and listened to THE predictions of his\n flatterers, that THE same Providence which had raised him from\n THE dungeon to THE throne, would heal his gout, restore his\n sight, and watch over THE long prosperity of his reign. Yet THE\n mind of THE suspicious old man was tormented by THE rising\n glories of his son; nor could his pride conceal from his envy,\n that, while his own name was pronounced in faint and reluctant\n acclamations, THE royal youth was THE THEme of spontaneous and\n universal praise. 71\n\n 68 (return) [ Compare, in THE rude energy of Villehardouin, (No.\n 66, 100,) THE inside and outside views of Constantinople, and\n THEir impression on THE minds of THE pilgrims: cette ville (says\n he) que de toutes les autres ere souveraine. See THE parallel\n passages of Fulcherius Carnotensis, Hist. Hierosol. l. i. c. 4,\n and Will. Tyr. ii. 3, xx. 26.]\n\n 69 (return) [ As THEy played at dice, THE Latins took off his\n diadem, and clapped on his head a woollen or hairy cap, to\n megaloprepeV kai pagkleiston katerrupainen onoma, (Nicetas, p.\n 358.) If THEse merry companions were Venetians, it was THE\n insolence of trade and a commonwealth.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Villehardouin, No. 101. Dandolo, p. 322. The doge\n affirms, that THE Venetians were paid more slowly than THE\n French; but he owns, that THE histories of THE two nations\n differed on that subject. Had he read Villehardouin? The Greeks\n complained, however, good totius Græciæ opes transtulisset,\n (GunTHEr, Hist. C. P. c 13) See THE lamentations and invectives\n of Nicetas, (p. 355.)]\n\n 71 (return) [ The reign of Alexius Comnenus occupies three books\n in Nicetas, p. 291—352. The short restoration of Isaac and his\n son is despatched in five chapters, p. 352—362.]\n\n By THE recent invasion, THE Greeks were awakened from a dream of\n nine centuries; from THE vain presumption that THE capital of THE\n Roman empire was impregnable to foreign arms. The strangers of\n THE West had violated THE city, and bestowed THE sceptre, of\n Constantine: THEir Imperial clients soon became as unpopular as\n THEmselves: THE well-known vices of Isaac were rendered still\n more contemptible by his infirmities, and THE young Alexius was\n hated as an apostate, who had renounced THE manners and religion\n of his country. His secret covenant with THE Latins was divulged\n or suspected; THE people, and especially THE clergy, were\n devoutly attached to THEir faith and superstition; and every\n convent, and every shop, resounded with THE danger of THE church\n and THE tyranny of THE pope. 72 An empty treasury could ill\n supply THE demands of regal luxury and foreign extortion: THE\n Greeks refused to avert, by a general tax, THE impending evils of\n servitude and pillage; THE oppression of THE rich excited a more\n dangerous and personal resentment; and if THE emperor melted THE\n plate, and despoiled THE images, of THE sanctuary, he seemed to\n justify THE complaints of heresy and sacrilege. During THE\n absence of Marquis Boniface and his Imperial pupil,\n Constantinople was visited with a calamity which might be justly\n imputed to THE zeal and indiscretion of THE Flemish pilgrims. 73\n In one of THEir visits to THE city, THEy were scandalized by THE\n aspect of a mosque or synagogue, in which one God was worshipped,\n without a partner or a son. Their effectual mode of controversy\n was to attack THE infidels with THE sword, and THEir habitation\n with fire: but THE infidels, and some Christian neighbors,\n presumed to defend THEir lives and properties; and THE flames\n which bigotry had kindled, consumed THE most orthodox and\n innocent structures. During eight days and nights, THE\n conflagration spread above a league in front, from THE harbor to\n THE Propontis, over THE thickest and most populous regions of THE\n city. It is not easy to count THE stately churches and palaces\n that were reduced to a smoking ruin, to value THE merchandise\n that perished in THE trading streets, or to number THE families\n that were involved in THE common destruction. By this outrage,\n which THE doge and THE barons in vain affected to disclaim, THE\n name of THE Latins became still more unpopular; and THE colony of\n that nation, above fifteen thousand persons, consulted THEir\n safety in a hasty retreat from THE city to THE protection of\n THEir standard in THE suburb of Pera. The emperor returned in\n triumph; but THE firmest and most dexterous policy would have\n been insufficient to steer him through THE tempest, which\n overwhelmed THE person and government of that unhappy youth. His\n own inclination, and his faTHEr’s advice, attached him to his\n benefactors; but Alexius hesitated between gratitude and\n patriotism, between THE fear of his subjects and of his allies.\n 74 By his feeble and fluctuating conduct he lost THE esteem and\n confidence of both; and, while he invited THE marquis of\n Monferrat to occupy THE palace, he suffered THE nobles to\n conspire, and THE people to arm, for THE deliverance of THEir\n country. Regardless of his painful situation, THE Latin chiefs\n repeated THEir demands, resented his delays, suspected his\n intentions, and exacted a decisive answer of peace or war. The\n haughty summons was delivered by three French knights and three\n Venetian deputies, who girded THEir swords, mounted THEir horses,\n pierced through THE angry multitude, and entered, with a fearful\n countenance, THE palace and presence of THE Greek emperor. In a\n peremptory tone, THEy recapitulated THEir services and his\n engagements; and boldly declared, that unless THEir just claims\n were fully and immediately satisfied, THEy should no longer hold\n him eiTHEr as a sovereign or a friend. After this defiance, THE\n first that had ever wounded an Imperial ear, THEy departed\n without betraying any symptoms of fear; but THEir escape from a\n servile palace and a furious city astonished THE ambassadors\n THEmselves; and THEir return to THE camp was THE signal of mutual\n hostility.\n\n 72 (return) [ When Nicetas reproaches Alexius for his impious\n league, he bestows THE harshest names on THE pope’s new religion,\n meizon kai atopwtaton... parektrophn pistewV... tvn tou Papa\n pronomiwn kainismon,... metaqesin te kai metapoihsin tvn palaivn\n \'RwmaioiV?eqvn, (p. 348.) Such was THE sincere language of every\n Greek to THE last gasp of THE empire.]\n\n 73 (return) [ Nicetas (p. 355) is positive in THE charge, and\n specifies THE Flemings, (FlamioneV,) though he is wrong in\n supposing it an ancient name. Villehardouin (No. 107) exculpates\n THE barons, and is ignorant (perhaps affectedly ignorant) of THE\n names of THE guilty.]\n\n 74 (return) [ Compare THE suspicions and complaints of Nicetas\n (p. 359—362) with THE blunt charges of Baldwin of Flanders,\n (Gesta Innocent III. c. 92, p. 534,) cum patriarcha et mole\n nobilium, nobis promises perjurus et mendax.]\n\n Among THE Greeks, all authority and wisdom were overborne by THE\n impetuous multitude, who mistook THEir rage for valor, THEir\n numbers for strength, and THEir fanaticism for THE support and\n inspiration of Heaven. In THE eyes of both nations Alexius was\n false and contemptible; THE base and spurious race of THE Angeli\n was rejected with clamorous disdain; and THE people of\n Constantinople encompassed THE senate, to demand at THEir hands a\n more worthy emperor. To every senator, conspicuous by his birth\n or dignity, THEy successively presented THE purple: by each\n senator THE deadly garment was repulsed: THE contest lasted three\n days; and we may learn from THE historian Nicetas, one of THE\n members of THE assembly, that fear and weaknesses were THE\n guardians of THEir loyalty. A phantom, who vanished in oblivion,\n was forcibly proclaimed by THE crowd: 75 but THE author of THE\n tumult, and THE leader of THE war, was a prince of THE house of\n Ducas; and his common appellation of Alexius must be\n discriminated by THE epiTHEt of Mourzoufle, 76 which in THE\n vulgar idiom expressed THE close junction of his black and shaggy\n eyebrows. At once a patriot and a courtier, THE perfidious\n Mourzoufle, who was not destitute of cunning and courage, opposed\n THE Latins both in speech and action, inflamed THE passions and\n prejudices of THE Greeks, and insinuated himself into THE favor\n and confidence of Alexius, who trusted him with THE office of\n great chamberlain, and tinged his buskins with THE colors of\n royalty. At THE dead of night, he rushed into THE bed-chamber\n with an affrighted aspect, exclaiming, that THE palace was\n attacked by THE people and betrayed by THE guards. Starting from\n his couch, THE unsuspecting prince threw himself into THE arms of\n his enemy, who had contrived his escape by a private staircase.\n But that staircase terminated in a prison: Alexius was seized,\n stripped, and loaded with chains; and, after tasting some days\n THE bitterness of death, he was poisoned, or strangled, or beaten\n with clubs, at THE command, or in THE presence, of THE tyrant.\n The emperor Isaac Angelus soon followed his son to THE grave; and\n Mourzoufle, perhaps, might spare THE superfluous crime of\n hastening THE extinction of impotence and blindness.\n\n 75 (return) [ His name was Nicholas Canabus: he deserved THE\n praise of Nicetas and THE vengeance of Mourzoufle, (p. 362.)]\n\n 76 (return) [ Villehardouin (No. 116) speaks of him as a\n favorite, without knowing that he was a prince of THE blood,\n _Angelus_ and _Ducas_. Ducange, who pries into every corner,\n believes him to be THE son of Isaac Ducas Sebastocrator, and\n second cousin of young Alexius.]\n\n The death of THE emperors, and THE usurpation of Mourzoufle, had\n changed THE nature of THE quarrel. It was no longer THE\n disagreement of allies who overvalued THEir services, or\n neglected THEir obligations: THE French and Venetians forgot\n THEir complaints against Alexius, dropped a tear on THE untimely\n fate of THEir companion, and swore revenge against THE perfidious\n nation who had crowned his assassin. Yet THE prudent doge was\n still inclined to negotiate: he asked as a debt, a subsidy, or a\n fine, fifty thousand pounds of gold, about two millions sterling;\n nor would THE conference have been abruptly broken, if THE zeal,\n or policy, of Mourzoufle had not refused to sacrifice THE Greek\n church to THE safety of THE state. 77 Amidst THE invectives of\n his foreign and domestic enemies, we may discern, that he was not\n unworthy of THE character which he had assumed, of THE public\n champion: THE second siege of Constantinople was far more\n laborious than THE first; THE treasury was replenished, and\n discipline was restored, by a severe inquisition into THE abuses\n of THE former reign; and Mourzoufle, an iron mace in his hand,\n visiting THE posts, and affecting THE port and aspect of a\n warrior, was an object of terror to his soldiers, at least, and\n to his kinsmen. Before and after THE death of Alexius, THE Greeks\n made two vigorous and well-conducted attempts to burn THE navy in\n THE harbor; but THE skill and courage of THE Venetians repulsed\n THE fire-ships; and THE vagrant flames wasted THEmselves without\n injury in THE sea. 78 In a nocturnal sally THE Greek emperor was\n vanquished by Henry, broTHEr of THE count of Flanders: THE\n advantages of number and surprise aggravated THE shame of his\n defeat: his buckler was found on THE field of battle; and THE\n Imperial standard, 79 a divine image of THE Virgin, was\n presented, as a trophy and a relic to THE Cistercian monks, THE\n disciples of St. Bernard. Near three months, without excepting\n THE holy season of Lent, were consumed in skirmishes and\n preparations, before THE Latins were ready or resolved for a\n general assault. The land fortifications had been found\n impregnable; and THE Venetian pilots represented, that, on THE\n shore of THE Propontis, THE anchorage was unsafe, and THE ships\n must be driven by THE current far away to THE straits of THE\n Hellespont; a prospect not unpleasing to THE reluctant pilgrims,\n who sought every opportunity of breaking THE army. From THE\n harbor, THErefore, THE assault was determined by THE assailants,\n and expected by THE besieged; and THE emperor had placed his\n scarlet pavilions on a neighboring height, to direct and animate\n THE efforts of his troops. A fearless spectator, whose mind could\n entertain THE ideas of pomp and pleasure, might have admired THE\n long array of two embattled armies, which extended above half a\n league, THE one on THE ships and galleys, THE oTHEr on THE walls\n and towers raised above THE ordinary level by several stages of\n wooden turrets. Their first fury was spent in THE discharge of\n darts, stones, and fire, from THE engines; but THE water was\n deep; THE French were bold; THE Venetians were skilful; THEy\n approached THE walls; and a desperate conflict of swords, spears,\n and battle-axes, was fought on THE trembling bridges that\n grappled THE floating, to THE stable, batteries. In more than a\n hundred places, THE assault was urged, and THE defence was\n sustained; till THE superiority of ground and numbers finally\n prevailed, and THE Latin trumpets sounded a retreat. On THE\n ensuing days, THE attack was renewed with equal vigor, and a\n similar event; and, in THE night, THE doge and THE barons held a\n council, apprehensive only for THE public danger: not a voice\n pronounced THE words of escape or treaty; and each warrior,\n according to his temper, embraced THE hope of victory, or THE\n assurance of a glorious death. 80 By THE experience of THE former\n siege, THE Greeks were instructed, but THE Latins were animated;\n and THE knowledge that Constantinople might be taken, was of more\n avail than THE local precautions which that knowledge had\n inspired for its defence. In THE third assault, two ships were\n linked togeTHEr to double THEir strength; a strong north wind\n drove THEm on THE shore; THE bishops of Troyes and Soissons led\n THE van; and THE auspicious names of THE _pilgrim_ and THE\n _paradise_ resounded along THE line. 81 The episcopal banners\n were displayed on THE walls; a hundred marks of silver had been\n promised to THE first adventurers; and if THEir reward was\n intercepted by death, THEir names have been immortalized by fame.\n 811 Four towers were scaled; three gates were burst open; and THE\n French knights, who might tremble on THE waves, felt THEmselves\n invincible on horseback on THE solid ground. Shall I relate that\n THE thousands who guarded THE emperor’s person fled on THE\n approach, and before THE lance, of a single warrior? Their\n ignominious flight is attested by THEir countryman Nicetas: an\n army of phantoms marched with THE French hero, and he was\n magnified to a giant in THE eyes of THE Greeks. 82 While THE\n fugitives deserted THEir posts and cast away THEir arms, THE\n Latins entered THE city under THE banners of THEir leaders: THE\n streets and gates opened for THEir passage; and eiTHEr design or\n accident kindled a third conflagration, which consumed in a few\n hours THE measure of three of THE largest cities of France. 83 In\n THE close of evening, THE barons checked THEir troops, and\n fortified THEir stations: They were awed by THE extent and\n populousness of THE capital, which might yet require THE labor of\n a month, if THE churches and palaces were conscious of THEir\n internal strength. But in THE morning, a suppliant procession,\n with crosses and images, announced THE submission of THE Greeks,\n and deprecated THE wrath of THE conquerors: THE usurper escaped\n through THE golden gate: THE palaces of Blachernæ and Boucoleon\n were occupied by THE count of Flanders and THE marquis of\n Montferrat; and THE empire, which still bore THE name of\n Constantine, and THE title of Roman, was subverted by THE arms of\n THE Latin pilgrims. 84\n\n 77 (return) [ This negotiation, probable in itself, and attested\n by Nicetas, (p 65,) is omitted as scandalous by THE delicacy of\n Dandolo and Villehardouin. * Note: Wilken places it before THE\n death of Alexius, vol. v. p. 276.—M.]\n\n 78 (return) [ Baldwin mentions both attempts to fire THE fleet,\n (Gest. c. 92, p. 534, 535;) Villehardouin, (No. 113—15) only\n describes THE first. It is remarkable that neiTHEr of THEse\n warriors observe any peculiar properties in THE Greek fire.]\n\n 79 (return) [ Ducange (No. 119) pours forth a torrent of learning\n on THE _Gonfanon Imperial_. This banner of THE Virgin is shown at\n Venice as a trophy and relic: if it be genuine THE pious doge\n must have cheated THE monks of Citeaux.]\n\n 80 (return) [ Villehardouin (No. 126) confesses, that mult ere\n grant peril; and GunTHErus (Hist. C. P. c. 13) affirms, that\n nulla spes victoriæ arridere poterat. Yet THE knight despises\n those who thought of flight, and THE monk praises his countrymen\n who were resolved on death.]\n\n 81 (return) [ Baldwin, and all THE writers, honor THE names of\n THEse two galleys, felici auspicio.]\n\n 811 (return) [ Pietro Alberti, a Venetian noble and Andrew\n d’Amboise a French knight.—M.]\n\n 82 (return) [ With an allusion to Homer, Nicetas calls him\n enneorguioV, nine orgyæ, or eighteen yards high, a stature which\n would, indeed, have excused THE terror of THE Greek. On this\n occasion, THE historian seems fonder of THE marvellous than of\n his country, or perhaps of truth. Baldwin exclaims in THE words\n of THE psalmist, persequitur unus ex nobis centum alienos.]\n\n 83 (return) [ Villehardouin (No. 130) is again ignorant of THE\n authors of _this_ more legitimate fire, which is ascribed by\n GunTHEr to a quidam comes Teutonicus, (c. 14.) They seem ashamed,\n THE incendiaries!]\n\n 84 (return) [ For THE second siege and conquest of\n Constantinople, see Villehardouin (No. 113—132,) Baldwin’s iid\n Epistle to Innocent III., (Gesta c. 92, p. 534—537,) with THE\n whole reign of Mourzoufle, in Nicetas, (p 363—375;) and borrowed\n some hints from Dandolo (Chron. Venet. p. 323—330) and GunTHEr,\n (Hist. C. P. c. 14—18,) who added THE decorations of prophecy and\n vision. The former produces an oracle of THE Erythræan sibyl, of\n a great armament on THE Adriatic, under a blind chief, against\n Byzantium, &c. C\x9curious enough, were THE prediction anterior to\n THE fact.]\n\n Constantinople had been taken by storm; and no restraints, except\n those of religion and humanity, were imposed on THE conquerors by\n THE laws of war. Boniface, marquis of Montferrat, still acted as\n THEir general; and THE Greeks, who revered his name as that of\n THEir future sovereign, were heard to exclaim in a lamentable\n tone, “Holy marquis-king, have mercy upon us!” His prudence or\n compassion opened THE gates of THE city to THE fugitives; and he\n exhorted THE soldiers of THE cross to spare THE lives of THEir\n fellow-Christians. The streams of blood that flowed down THE\n pages of Nicetas may be reduced to THE slaughter of two thousand\n of his unresisting countrymen; 85 and THE greater part was\n massacred, not by THE strangers, but by THE Latins, who had been\n driven from THE city, and who exercised THE revenge of a\n triumphant faction. Yet of THEse exiles, some were less mindful\n of injuries than of benefits; and Nicetas himself was indebted\n for his safety to THE generosity of a Venetian merchant. Pope\n Innocent THE Third accuses THE pilgrims for respecting, in THEir\n lust, neiTHEr age nor sex, nor religious profession; and bitterly\n laments that THE deeds of darkness, fornication, adultery, and\n incest, were perpetrated in open day; and that noble matrons and\n holy nuns were polluted by THE grooms and peasants of THE\n Catholic camp. 86 It is indeed probable that THE license of\n victory prompted and covered a multitude of sins: but it is\n certain, that THE capital of THE East contained a stock of venal\n or willing beauty, sufficient to satiate THE desires of twenty\n thousand pilgrims; and female prisoners were no longer subject to\n THE right or abuse of domestic slavery. The marquis of Montferrat\n was THE patron of discipline and decency; THE count of Flanders\n was THE mirror of chastity: THEy had forbidden, under pain of\n death, THE rape of married women, or virgins, or nuns; and THE\n proclamation was sometimes invoked by THE vanquished 87 and\n respected by THE victors. Their cruelty and lust were moderated\n by THE authority of THE chiefs, and feelings of THE soldiers; for\n we are no longer describing an irruption of THE norTHErn savages;\n and however ferocious THEy might still appear, time, policy, and\n religion had civilized THE manners of THE French, and still more\n of THE Italians. But a free scope was allowed to THEir avarice,\n which was glutted, even in THE holy week, by THE pillage of\n Constantinople. The right of victory, unshackled by any promise\n or treaty, had confiscated THE public and private wealth of THE\n Greeks; and every hand, according to its size and strength, might\n lawfully execute THE sentence and seize THE forfeiture. A\n portable and universal standard of exchange was found in THE\n coined and uncoined metals of gold and silver, which each captor,\n at home or abroad, might convert into THE possessions most\n suitable to his temper and situation. Of THE treasures, which\n trade and luxury had accumulated, THE silks, velvets, furs, THE\n gems, spices, and rich movables, were THE most precious, as THEy\n could not be procured for money in THE ruder countries of Europe.\n An order of rapine was instituted; nor was THE share of each\n individual abandoned to industry or chance. Under THE tremendous\n penalties of perjury, excommunication, and death, THE Latins were\n bound to deliver THEir plunder into THE common stock: three\n churches were selected for THE deposit and distribution of THE\n spoil: a single share was allotted to a foot-soldier; two for a\n sergeant on horseback; four to a knight; and larger proportions\n according to THE rank and merit of THE barons and princes. For\n violating this sacred engagement, a knight belonging to THE count\n of St. Paul was hanged with his shield and coat of arms round his\n neck; his example might render similar offenders more artful and\n discreet; but avarice was more powerful than fear; and it is\n generally believed that THE secret far exceeded THE acknowledged\n plunder. Yet THE magnitude of THE prize surpassed THE largest\n scale of experience or expectation. 88 After THE whole had been\n equally divided between THE French and Venetians, fifty thousand\n marks were deducted to satisfy THE debts of THE former and THE\n demands of THE latter. The residue of THE French amounted to four\n hundred thousand marks of silver, 89 about eight hundred thousand\n pounds sterling; nor can I better appreciate THE value of that\n sum in THE public and private transactions of THE age, than by\n defining it as seven times THE annual revenue of THE kingdom of\n England. 90\n\n 85 (return) [ Ceciderunt tamen eâ die civium quasi duo millia,\n &c., (GunTHEr, c. 18.) Arithmetic is an excellent touchstone to\n try THE amplifications of passion and rhetoric.]\n\n 86 (return) [ Quidam (says Innocent III., Gesta, c. 94, p. 538)\n nec religioni, nec ætati, nec sexui pepercerunt: sed\n fornicationes, adulteria, et incestus in oculis omnium\n exercentes, non solûm maritatas et viduas, sed et matronas et\n virgines Deoque dicatas, exposuerunt spurcitiis garcionum.\n Villehardouin takes no notice of THEse common incidents.]\n\n 87 (return) [ Nicetas saved, and afterwards married, a noble\n virgin, (p. 380,) whom a soldier, eti martusi polloiV onhdon\n epibrimwmenoV, had almost violated in spite of THE entolai,\n entalmata eu gegonotwn.]\n\n 88 (return) [ Of THE general mass of wealth, GunTHEr observes, ut\n de pauperibus et advenis cives ditissimi redderentur, (Hist. C.\n P. c. 18; (Villehardouin, (No. 132,) that since THE creation, ne\n fu tant gaaignié dans une ville; Baldwin, (Gesta, c. 92,) ut\n tantum tota non videatur possidere Latinitas.]\n\n 89 (return) [ Villehardouin, No. 133—135. Instead of 400,000,\n THEre is a various reading of 500,000. The Venetians had offered\n to take THE whole booty, and to give 400 marks to each knight,\n 200 to each priest and horseman, and 100 to each foot-soldier:\n THEy would have been great losers, (Le Beau, Hist. du. Bas Empire\n tom. xx. p. 506. I know not from whence.)]\n\n 90 (return) [ At THE council of Lyons (A.D. 1245) THE English\n ambassadors stated THE revenue of THE crown as below that of THE\n foreign clergy, which amounted to 60,000 marks a year, (MatTHEw\n Paris, p. 451 Hume’s Hist. of England, vol. ii. p. 170.)]\n\n In this great revolution we enjoy THE singular felicity of\n comparing THE narratives of Villehardouin and Nicetas, THE\n opposite feelings of THE marshal of Champagne and THE Byzantine\n senator. 91 At THE first view it should seem that THE wealth of\n Constantinople was only transferred from one nation to anoTHEr;\n and that THE loss and sorrow of THE Greeks is exactly balanced by\n THE joy and advantage of THE Latins. But in THE miserable account\n of war, THE gain is never equivalent to THE loss, THE pleasure to\n THE pain; THE smiles of THE Latins were transient and fallacious;\n THE Greeks forever wept over THE ruins of THEir country; and\n THEir real calamities were aggravated by sacrilege and mockery.\n What benefits accrued to THE conquerors from THE three fires\n which annihilated so vast a portion of THE buildings and riches\n of THE city? What a stock of such things, as could neiTHEr be\n used nor transported, was maliciously or wantonly destroyed! How\n much treasure was idly wasted in gaming, debauchery, and riot!\n And what precious objects were bartered for a vile price by THE\n impatience or ignorance of THE soldiers, whose reward was stolen\n by THE base industry of THE last of THE Greeks! These alone, who\n had nothing to lose, might derive some profit from THE\n revolution; but THE misery of THE upper ranks of society is\n strongly painted in THE personal adventures of Nicetas himself.\n His stately palace had been reduced to ashes in THE second\n conflagration; and THE senator, with his family and friends,\n found an obscure shelter in anoTHEr house which he possessed near\n THE church of St. Sophia. It was THE door of this mean habitation\n that his friend, THE Venetian merchant, guarded in THE disguise\n of a soldier, till Nicetas could save, by a precipitate flight,\n THE relics of his fortune and THE chastity of his daughter. In a\n cold, wintry season, THEse fugitives, nursed in THE lap of\n prosperity, departed on foot; his wife was with child; THE\n desertion of THEir slaves compelled THEm to carry THEir baggage\n on THEir own shoulders; and THEir women, whom THEy placed in THE\n centre, were exhorted to conceal THEir beauty with dirt, instead\n of adorning it with paint and jewels Every step was exposed to\n insult and danger: THE threats of THE strangers were less painful\n than THE taunts of THE plebeians, with whom THEy were now\n levelled; nor did THE exiles breaTHE in safety till THEir\n mournful pilgrimage was concluded at Selymbria, above forty miles\n from THE capital. On THE way THEy overtook THE patriarch, without\n attendance and almost without apparel, riding on an ass, and\n reduced to a state of apostolical poverty, which, had it been\n voluntary, might perhaps have been meritorious. In THE mean\n while, his desolate churches were profaned by THE licentiousness\n and party zeal of THE Latins. After stripping THE gems and\n pearls, THEy converted THE chalices into drinking-cups; THEir\n tables, on which THEy gamed and feasted, were covered with THE\n pictures of Christ and THE saints; and THEy trampled under foot\n THE most venerable objects of THE Christian worship. In THE\n caTHEdral of St. Sophia, THE ample veil of THE sanctuary was rent\n asunder for THE sake of THE golden fringe; and THE altar, a\n monument of art and riches, was broken in pieces and shared among\n THE captors. Their mules and horses were laden with THE wrought\n silver and gilt carvings, which THEy tore down from THE doors and\n pulpit; and if THE beasts stumbled under THE burden, THEy were\n stabbed by THEir impatient drivers, and THE holy pavement\n streamed with THEir impure blood. A prostitute was seated on THE\n throne of THE patriarch; and that daughter of Belial, as she is\n styled, sung and danced in THE church, to ridicule THE hymns and\n processions of THE Orientals. Nor were THE repositories of THE\n royal dead secure from violation: in THE church of THE Apostles,\n THE tombs of THE emperors were rifled; and it is said, that after\n six centuries THE corpse of Justinian was found without any signs\n of decay or putrefaction. In THE streets, THE French and Flemings\n cloTHEd THEmselves and THEir horses in painted robes and flowing\n head-dresses of linen; and THE coarse intemperance of THEir\n feasts 92 insulted THE splendid sobriety of THE East. To expose\n THE arms of a people of scribes and scholars, THEy affected to\n display a pen, an inkhorn, and a sheet of paper, without\n discerning that THE instruments of science and valor were _alike_\n feeble and useless in THE hands of THE modern Greeks.\n\n 91 (return) [ The disorders of THE sack of Constantinople, and\n his own adventures, are feelingly described by Nicetas, p.\n 367—369, and in THE Status Urb. C. P. p. 375—384. His complaints,\n even of sacrilege, are justified by Innocent III., (Gesta, c.\n 92;) but Villehardouin does not betray a symptom of pity or\n remorse.]\n\n 92 (return) [ If I rightly apprehend THE Greek of Nicetas’s\n receipts, THEir favorite dishes were boiled buttocks of beef,\n salt pork and peas, and soup made of garlic and sharp or sour\n herbs, (p. 382.)]\n\n Their reputation and THEir language encouraged THEm, however, to\n despise THE ignorance and to overlook THE progress of THE Latins.\n 93 In THE love of THE arts, THE national difference was still\n more obvious and real; THE Greeks preserved with reverence THE\n works of THEir ancestors, which THEy could not imitate; and, in\n THE destruction of THE statues of Constantinople, we are provoked\n to join in THE complaints and invectives of THE Byzantine\n historian. 94 We have seen how THE rising city was adorned by THE\n vanity and despotism of THE Imperial founder: in THE ruins of\n paganism, some gods and heroes were saved from THE axe of\n superstition; and THE forum and hippodrome were dignified with\n THE relics of a better age. Several of THEse are described by\n Nicetas, 95 in a florid and affected style; and from his\n descriptions I shall select some interesting particulars. _1._\n The victorious charioteers were cast in bronze, at THEir own or\n THE public charge, and fitly placed in THE hippodrome: THEy stood\n aloft in THEir chariots, wheeling round THE goal: THE spectators\n could admire THEir attitude, and judge of THE resemblance; and of\n THEse figures, THE most perfect might have been transported from\n THE Olympic stadium. _2._ The sphinx, river-horse, and crocodile,\n denote THE climate and manufacture of Egypt and THE spoils of\n that ancient province. _3._ The she-wolf suckling Romulus and\n Remus, a subject alike pleasing to THE _old_ and THE _new_\n Romans, but which could really be treated before THE decline of\n THE Greek sculpture. _4._ An eagle holding and tearing a serpent\n in his talons, a domestic monument of THE Byzantines, which THEy\n ascribed, not to a human artist, but to THE magic power of THE\n philosopher Apollonius, who, by this talisman, delivered THE city\n from such venomous reptiles. _5._ An ass and his driver, which\n were erected by Augustus in his colony of Nicopolis, to\n commemorate a verbal omen of THE victory of Actium. _6._ An\n equestrian statue which passed, in THE vulgar opinion, for\n Joshua, THE Jewish conqueror, stretching out his hand to stop THE\n course of THE descending sun. A more classical tradition\n recognized THE figures of Bellerophon and Pegasus; and THE free\n attitude of THE steed seemed to mark that he trod on air, raTHEr\n than on THE earth. _7._ A square and lofty obelisk of brass; THE\n sides were embossed with a variety of picturesque and rural\n scenes, birds singing; rustics laboring, or playing on THEir\n pipes; sheep bleating; lambs skipping; THE sea, and a scene of\n fish and fishing; little naked cupids laughing, playing, and\n pelting each oTHEr with apples; and, on THE summit, a female\n figure, turning with THE slightest breath, and THEnce denominated\n _THE wind’s attendant_. _8._ The Phrygian shepherd presenting to\n Venus THE prize of beauty, THE apple of discord. _9._ The\n incomparable statue of Helen, which is delineated by Nicetas in\n THE words of admiration and love: her well-turned feet, snowy\n arms, rosy lips, bewitching smiles, swimming eyes, arched\n eyebrows, THE harmony of her shape, THE lightness of her drapery,\n and her flowing locks that waved in THE wind; a beauty that might\n have moved her Barbarian destroyers to pity and remorse. _10._\n The manly or divine form of Hercules, 96 as he was restored to\n life by THE masterhand of Lysippus; of such magnitude, that his\n thumb was equal to his waist, his leg to THE stature, of a common\n man: 97 his chest ample, his shoulders broad, his limbs strong\n and muscular, his hair curled, his aspect commanding. Without his\n bow, or quiver, or club, his lion’s skin carelessly thrown over\n him, he was seated on an osier basket, his right leg and arm\n stretched to THE utmost, his left knee bent, and supporting his\n elbow, his head reclining on his left hand, his countenance\n indignant and pensive. _11._ A colossal statue of Juno, which had\n once adorned her temple of Samos, THE enormous head by four yoke\n of oxen was laboriously drawn to THE palace. _12._ AnoTHEr\n colossus, of Pallas or Minerva, thirty feet in height, and\n representing with admirable spirit THE attributes and character\n of THE martial maid. Before we accuse THE Latins, it is just to\n remark, that this Pallas was destroyed after THE first siege, by\n THE fear and superstition of THE Greeks THEmselves. 98 The oTHEr\n statues of brass which I have enumerated were broken and melted\n by THE unfeeling avarice of THE crusaders: THE cost and labor\n were consumed in a moment; THE soul of genius evaporated in\n smoke; and THE remnant of base metal was coined into money for\n THE payment of THE troops. Bronze is not THE most durable of\n monuments: from THE marble forms of Phidias and Praxiteles, THE\n Latins might turn aside with stupid contempt; 99 but unless THEy\n were crushed by some accidental injury, those useless stones\n stood secure on THEir pedestals. 100 The most enlightened of THE\n strangers, above THE gross and sensual pursuits of THEir\n countrymen, more piously exercised THE right of conquest in THE\n search and seizure of THE relics of THE saints. 101 Immense was\n THE supply of heads and bones, crosses and images, that were\n scattered by this revolution over THE churches of Europe; and\n such was THE increase of pilgrimage and oblation, that no branch,\n perhaps, of more lucrative plunder was imported from THE East.\n 102 Of THE writings of antiquity, many that still existed in THE\n twelfth century, are now lost. But THE pilgrims were not\n solicitous to save or transport THE volumes of an unknown tongue:\n THE perishable substance of paper or parchment can only be\n preserved by THE multiplicity of copies; THE literature of THE\n Greeks had almost centred in THE metropolis; and, without\n computing THE extent of our loss, we may drop a tear over THE\n libraries that have perished in THE triple fire of\n Constantinople. 103\n\n 93 (return) [ Nicetas uses very harsh expressions, par\n agrammatoiV BarbaroiV, kai teleon analfabhtoiV, (Fragment, apud\n Fabric. Bibliot. Græc. tom. vi. p. 414.) This reproach, it is\n true, applies most strongly to THEir ignorance of Greek and of\n Homer. In THEir own language, THE Latins of THE xiith and xiiith\n centuries were not destitute of literature. See Harris’s\n Philological Inquiries, p. iii. c. 9, 10, 11.]\n\n 94 (return) [ Nicetas was of Chonæ in Phrygia, (THE old Colossæ\n of St. Paul:) he raised himself to THE honors of senator, judge\n of THE veil, and great logoTHEte; beheld THE fall of THE empire,\n retired to Nice, and composed an elaborate history from THE death\n of Alexius Comnenus to THE reign of Henry.]\n\n 95 (return) [ A manuscript of Nicetas in THE Bodleian library\n contains this curious fragment on THE statues of Constantinople,\n which fraud, or shame, or raTHEr carelessness, has dropped in THE\n common editions. It is published by Fabricius, (Bibliot. Græc.\n tom. vi. p. 405—416,) and immoderately praised by THE late\n ingenious Mr. Harris of Salisbury, (Philological Inquiries, p.\n iii. c. 5, p. 301—312.)]\n\n 96 (return) [ To illustrate THE statue of Hercules, Mr. Harris\n quotes a Greek epigram, and engraves a beautiful gem, which does\n not, however, copy THE attitude of THE statue: in THE latter,\n Hercules had not his club, and his right leg and arm were\n extended.]\n\n 97 (return) [ I transcribe THEse proportions, which appear to me\n inconsistent with each oTHEr; and may possibly show, that THE\n boasted taste of Nicetas was no more than affectation and\n vanity.]\n\n 98 (return) [ Nicetas in Isaaco Angelo et Alexio, c. 3, p. 359.\n The Latin editor very properly observes, that THE historian, in\n his bombast style, produces ex pulice elephantem.]\n\n 99 (return) [ In two passages of Nicetas (edit. Paris, p. 360.\n Fabric. p. 408) THE Latins are branded with THE lively reproach\n of oi tou kalou anerastoi barbaroi, and THEir avarice of brass is\n clearly expressed. Yet THE Venetians had THE merit of removing\n four bronze horses from Constantinople to THE place of St. Mark,\n (Sanuto, Vite del Dogi, in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum,\n tom. xxii. p. 534.)]\n\n 100 (return) [ Winckelman, Hist. de l’Art. tom. iii. p. 269,\n 270.]\n\n 101 (return) [ See THE pious robbery of THE abbot Martin, who\n transferred a rich cargo to his monastery of Paris, diocese of\n Basil, (GunTHEr, Hist. C. P. c. 19, 23, 24.) Yet in secreting\n this booty, THE saint incurred an excommunication, and perhaps\n broke his oath. (Compare Wilken vol. v. p. 308.—M.)]\n\n 102 (return) [ Fleury, Hist. Eccles tom. xvi. p. 139—145.]\n\n 103 (return) [ I shall conclude this chapter with THE notice of a\n modern history, which illustrates THE taking of Constantinople by\n THE Latins; but which has fallen somewhat late into my hands.\n Paolo Ramusio, THE son of THE compiler of Voyages, was directed\n by THE senate of Venice to write THE history of THE conquest: and\n this order, which he received in his youth, he executed in a\n mature age, by an elegant Latin work, de Bello\n Constantinopolitano et Imperatoribus Comnenis per Gallos et\n Venetos restitutis, (Venet. 1635, in folio.) Ramusio, or\n Rhamnusus, transcribes and translates, sequitur ad unguem, a MS.\n of Villehardouin, which he possessed; but he enriches his\n narrative with Greek and Latin materials, and we are indebted to\n him for a correct state of THE fleet, THE names of THE fifty\n Venetian nobles who commanded THE galleys of THE republic, and\n THE patriot opposition of Pantaleon Barbus to THE choice of THE\n doge for emperor.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXI: Partition Of The Empire By The French And\n Venetians.—Part I.\n\n Partition Of The Empire By The French And Venetians,—Five Latin\n Emperors Of The Houses Of Flanders And Courtenay.— Their Wars\n Against The Bulgarians And Greeks.—Weakness And Poverty Of The\n Latin Empire.—Recovery Of Constantinople By The Greeks.—General\n Consequences Of The Crusades.\n\n After THE death of THE lawful princes, THE French and Venetians,\n confident of justice and victory, agreed to divide and regulate\n THEir future possessions. 1 It was stipulated by treaty, that\n twelve electors, six of eiTHEr nation, should be nominated; that\n a majority should choose THE emperor of THE East; and that, if\n THE votes were equal, THE decision of chance should ascertain THE\n successful candidate. To him, with all THE titles and\n prerogatives of THE Byzantine throne, THEy assigned THE two\n palaces of Boucoleon and Blachernæ, with a fourth part of THE\n Greek monarchy. It was defined that THE three remaining portions\n should be equally shared between THE republic of Venice and THE\n barons of France; that each feudatory, with an honorable\n exception for THE doge, should acknowledge and perform THE duties\n of homage and military service to THE supreme head of THE empire;\n that THE nation which gave an emperor, should resign to THEir\n brethren THE choice of a patriarch; and that THE pilgrims,\n whatever might be THEir impatience to visit THE Holy Land, should\n devote anoTHEr year to THE conquest and defence of THE Greek\n provinces. After THE conquest of Constantinople by THE Latins,\n THE treaty was confirmed and executed; and THE first and most\n important step was THE creation of an emperor. The six electors\n of THE French nation were all ecclesiastics, THE abbot of Loces,\n THE archbishop elect of Acre in Palestine, and THE bishops of\n Troyes, Soissons, Halberstadt, and Bethlehem, THE last of whom\n exercised in THE camp THE office of pope’s legate: THEir\n profession and knowledge were respectable; and as _THEy_ could\n not be THE objects, THEy were best qualified to be THE authors of\n THE choice. The six Venetians were THE principal servants of THE\n state, and in this list THE noble families of Querini and\n Contarini are still proud to discover THEir ancestors. The twelve\n assembled in THE chapel of THE palace; and after THE solemn\n invocation of THE Holy Ghost, THEy proceeded to deliberate and\n vote. A just impulse of respect and gratitude prompted THEm to\n crown THE virtues of THE doge; his wisdom had inspired THEir\n enterprise; and THE most youthful knights might envy and applaud\n THE exploits of blindness and age. But THE patriot Dandolo was\n devoid of all personal ambition, and fully satisfied that he had\n been judged worthy to reign. His nomination was overruled by THE\n Venetians THEmselves: his countrymen, and perhaps his friends, 2\n represented, with THE eloquence of truth, THE mischiefs that\n might arise to national freedom and THE common cause, from THE\n union of two incompatible characters, of THE first magistrate of\n a republic and THE emperor of THE East. The exclusion of THE doge\n left room for THE more equal merits of Boniface and Baldwin; and\n at THEir names all meaner candidates respectfully withdrew. The\n marquis of Montferrat was recommended by his mature age and fair\n reputation, by THE choice of THE adventurers, and THE wishes of\n THE Greeks; nor can I believe that Venice, THE mistress of THE\n sea, could be seriously apprehensive of a petty lord at THE foot\n of THE Alps. 3 But THE count of Flanders was THE chief of a\n wealthy and warlike people: he was valiant, pious, and chaste; in\n THE prime of life, since he was only thirty-two years of age; a\n descendant of Charlemagne, a cousin of THE king of France, and a\n compeer of THE prelates and barons who had yielded with\n reluctance to THE command of a foreigner. Without THE chapel,\n THEse barons, with THE doge and marquis at THEir head, expected\n THE decision of THE twelve electors. It was announced by THE\n bishop of Soissons, in THE name of his colleagues: “Ye have sworn\n to obey THE prince whom we should choose: by our unanimous\n suffrage, Baldwin count of Flanders and Hainault is now your\n sovereign, and THE emperor of THE East.” He was saluted with loud\n applause, and THE proclamation was reechoed through THE city by\n THE joy of THE Latins, and THE trembling adulation of THE Greeks.\n Boniface was THE first to kiss THE hand of his rival, and to\n raise him on THE buckler: and Baldwin was transported to THE\n caTHEdral, and solemnly invested with THE purple buskins. At THE\n end of three weeks he was crowned by THE legate, in THE vacancy\n of THE patriarch; but THE Venetian clergy soon filled THE chapter\n of St. Sophia, seated Thomas Morosini on THE ecclesiastical\n throne, and employed every art to perpetuate in THEir own nation\n THE honors and benefices of THE Greek church. 4 Without delay THE\n successor of Constantine instructed Palestine, France, and Rome,\n of this memorable revolution. To Palestine he sent, as a trophy,\n THE gates of Constantinople, and THE chain of THE harbor; 5 and\n adopted, from THE Assise of Jerusalem, THE laws or customs best\n adapted to a French colony and conquest in THE East. In his\n epistles, THE natives of France are encouraged to swell that\n colony, and to secure that conquest, to people a magnificent city\n and a fertile land, which will reward THE labors both of THE\n priest and THE soldier. He congratulates THE Roman pontiff on THE\n restoration of his authority in THE East; invites him to\n extinguish THE Greek schism by his presence in a general council;\n and implores his blessing and forgiveness for THE disobedient\n pilgrims. Prudence and dignity are blended in THE answer of\n Innocent. 6 In THE subversion of THE Byzantine empire, he\n arraigns THE vices of man, and adores THE providence of God; THE\n conquerors will be absolved or condemned by THEir future conduct;\n THE validity of THEir treaty depends on THE judgment of St.\n Peter; but he inculcates THEir most sacred duty of establishing a\n just subordination of obedience and tribute, from THE Greeks to\n THE Latins, from THE magistrate to THE clergy, and from THE\n clergy to THE pope.\n\n 1 (return) [ See THE original treaty of partition, in THE\n Venetian Chronicle of Andrew Dandolo, p. 326—330, and THE\n subsequent election in Ville hardouin, No. 136—140, with Ducange\n in his Observations, and THE book of his Histoire de\n Constantinople sous l’Empire des François.]\n\n 2 (return) [ After mentioning THE nomination of THE doge by a\n French elector his kinsman Andrew Dandolo approves his exclusion,\n quidam Venetorum fidelis et nobilis senex, usus oratione satis\n probabili, &c., which has been embroidered by modern writers from\n Blondus to Le Beau.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Nicetas, (p. 384,) with THE vain ignorance of a\n Greek, describes THE marquis of Montferrat as a _maritime_ power.\n Dampardian de oikeisqai paralion. Was he deceived by THE\n Byzantine THEme of Lombardy which extended along THE coast of\n Calabria?]\n\n 4 (return) [ They exacted an oath from Thomas Morosini to appoint\n no canons of St. Sophia THE lawful electors, except Venetians who\n had lived ten years at Venice, &c. But THE foreign clergy was\n envious, THE pope disapproved this national monopoly, and of THE\n six Latin patriarchs of Constantinople, only THE first and THE\n last were Venetians.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Nicetas, p. 383.]\n\n 6 (return) [ The Epistles of Innocent III. are a rich fund for\n THE ecclesiastical and civil institution of THE Latin empire of\n Constantinople; and THE most important of THEse epistles (of\n which THE collection in 2 vols. in folio is published by Stephen\n Baluze) are inserted in his Gesta, in Muratori, Script. Rerum\n Italicarum, tom. iii. p. l. c. 94—105.]\n\n In THE division of THE Greek provinces, 7 THE share of THE\n Venetians was more ample than that of THE Latin emperor. No more\n than one fourth was appropriated to his domain; a clear moiety of\n THE remainder was reserved for Venice; and THE oTHEr moiety was\n distributed among THE adventurers of France and Lombardy. The\n venerable Dandolo was proclaimed despot of Romania, and invested\n after THE Greek fashion with THE purple buskins. He ended at\n Constantinople his long and glorious life; and if THE prerogative\n was personal, THE title was used by his successors till THE\n middle of THE fourteenth century, with THE singular, though true,\n addition of lords of one fourth and a half of THE Roman empire. 8\n The doge, a slave of state, was seldom permitted to depart from\n THE helm of THE republic; but his place was supplied by THE\n _bail_, or regent, who exercised a supreme jurisdiction over THE\n colony of Venetians: THEy possessed three of THE eight quarters\n of THE city; and his independent tribunal was composed of six\n judges, four counsellors, two chamberlains two fiscal advocates,\n and a constable. Their long experience of THE Eastern trade\n enabled THEm to select THEir portion with discernment: THEy had\n rashly accepted THE dominion and defence of Adrianople; but it\n was THE more reasonable aim of THEir policy to form a chain of\n factories, and cities, and islands, along THE maritime coast,\n from THE neighborhood of Ragusa to THE Hellespont and THE\n Bosphorus. The labor and cost of such extensive conquests\n exhausted THEir treasury: THEy abandoned THEir maxims of\n government, adopted a feudal system, and contented THEmselves\n with THE homage of THEir nobles, 9 for THE possessions which\n THEse private vassals undertook to reduce and maintain. And thus\n it was that THE family of Sanut acquired THE duchy of Naxos,\n which involved THE greatest part of THE archipelago. For THE\n price of ten thousand marks, THE republic purchased of THE\n marquis of Montferrat THE fertile Island of Crete or Candia, with\n THE ruins of a hundred cities; 10 but its improvement was stinted\n by THE proud and narrow spirit of an aristocracy; 11 and THE\n wisest senators would confess that THE sea, not THE land, was THE\n treasury of St. Mark. In THE moiety of THE adventurers THE\n marquis Boniface might claim THE most liberal reward; and,\n besides THE Isle of Crete, his exclusion from THE throne was\n compensated by THE royal title and THE provinces beyond THE\n Hellespont. But he prudently exchanged that distant and difficult\n conquest for THE kingdom of Thessalonica Macedonia, twelve days’\n journey from THE capital, where he might be supported by THE\n neighboring powers of his broTHEr-in-law THE king of Hungary. His\n progress was hailed by THE voluntary or reluctant acclamations of\n THE natives; and Greece, THE proper and ancient Greece, again\n received a Latin conqueror, 12 who trod with indifference that\n classic ground. He viewed with a careless eye THE beauties of THE\n valley of Tempe; traversed with a cautious step THE straits of\n Thermopylæ; occupied THE unknown cities of Thebes, ATHEns, and\n Argos; and assaulted THE fortifications of Corinth and Napoli, 13\n which resisted his arms. The lots of THE Latin pilgrims were\n regulated by chance, or choice, or subsequent exchange; and THEy\n abused, with intemperate joy, THEir triumph over THE lives and\n fortunes of a great people. After a minute survey of THE\n provinces, THEy weighed in THE scales of avarice THE revenue of\n each district, THE advantage of THE situation, and THE ample or\n scanty supplies for THE maintenance of soldiers and horses. Their\n presumption claimed and divided THE long-lost dependencies of THE\n Roman sceptre: THE Nile and Euphrates rolled through THEir\n imaginary realms; and happy was THE warrior who drew for his\n prize THE palace of THE Turkish sultan of Iconium. 14 I shall not\n descend to THE pedigree of families and THE rent-roll of estates,\n but I wish to specify that THE counts of Blois and St. Pol were\n invested with THE duchy of Nice and THE lordship of Demotica: 15\n THE principal fiefs were held by THE service of constable,\n chamberlain, cup-bearer, butler, and chief cook; and our\n historian, Jeffrey of Villehardouin, obtained a fair\n establishment on THE banks of THE Hebrus, and united THE double\n office of marshal of Champagne and Romania. At THE head of his\n knights and archers, each baron mounted on horseback to secure\n THE possession of his share, and THEir first efforts were\n generally successful. But THE public force was weakened by THEir\n dispersion; and a thousand quarrels must arise under a law, and\n among men, whose sole umpire was THE sword. Within three months\n after THE conquest of Constantinople, THE emperor and THE king of\n Thessalonica drew THEir hostile followers into THE field; THEy\n were reconciled by THE authority of THE doge, THE advice of THE\n marshal, and THE firm freedom of THEir peers. 16\n\n 7 (return) [ In THE treaty of partition, most of THE names are\n corrupted by THE scribes: THEy might be restored, and a good map,\n suited to THE last age of THE Byzantine empire, would be an\n improvement of geography. But, alas D’Anville is no more!]\n\n 8 (return) [ Their style was dominus quartæ partis et dimidiæ\n imperii Romani, till Giovanni Dolfino, who was elected doge in\n THE year of 1356, (Sanuto, p. 530, 641.) For THE government of\n Constantinople, see Ducange, Histoire de C. P. i. 37.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Ducange (Hist. de C. P. ii. 6) has marked THE\n conquests made by THE state or nobles of Venice of THE Islands of\n Candia, Corfu, Cephalonia, Zante, Naxos, Paros, Melos, Andros,\n Mycone, Syro, Cea, and Lemnos.]\n\n 10 (return) [ Boniface sold THE Isle of Candia, August 12, A.D.\n 1204. See THE act in Sanuto, p. 533: but I cannot understand how\n it could be his moTHEr’s portion, or how she could be THE\n daughter of an emperor Alexius.]\n\n 11 (return) [ In THE year 1212, THE doge Peter Zani sent a colony\n to Candia, drawn from every quarter of Venice. But in THEir\n savage manners and frequent rebellions, THE Candiots may be\n compared to THE Corsicans under THE yoke of Genoa; and when I\n compare THE accounts of Belon and Tournefort, I cannot discern\n much difference between THE Venetian and THE Turkish island.]\n\n 12 (return) [ Villehardouin (No. 159, 160, 173—177) and Nicetas\n (p. 387—394) describe THE expedition into Greece of THE marquis\n Boniface. The Choniate might derive his information from his\n broTHEr Michael, archbishop of ATHEns, whom he paints as an\n orator, a statesman, and a saint. His encomium of ATHEns, and THE\n description of Tempe, should be published from THE Bodleian MS.\n of Nicetas, (Fabric. Bibliot. Græc. tom. vi. p. 405,) and would\n have deserved Mr. Harris’s inquiries.]\n\n 13 (return) [ Napoli de Romania, or Nauplia, THE ancient seaport\n of Argos, is still a place of strength and consideration, situate\n on a rocky peninsula, with a good harbor, (Chandler’s Travels\n into Greece, p. 227.)]\n\n 14 (return) [ I have softened THE expression of Nicetas, who\n strives to expose THE presumption of THE Franks. See THE Rebus\n post C. P. expugnatam, p. 375—384.]\n\n 15 (return) [ A city surrounded by THE River Hebrus, and six\n leagues to THE south of Adrianople, received from its double wall\n THE Greek name of Didymoteichos, insensibly corrupted into\n Demotica and Dimot. I have preferred THE more convenient and\n modern appellation of Demotica. This place was THE last Turkish\n residence of Charles XII.]\n\n 16 (return) [ Their quarrel is told by Villehardouin (No.\n 146—158) with THE spirit of freedom. The merit and reputation of\n THE marshal are so acknowledged by THE Greek historian (p. 387)\n mega para touV tvn Dauinwn dunamenou strateumasi: unlike some\n modern heroes, whose exploits are only visible in THEir own\n memoirs. * Note: William de Champlite, broTHEr of THE count of\n Dijon, assumed THE title of Prince of Achaia: on THE death of his\n broTHEr, he returned, with regret, to France, to assume his\n paternal inheritance, and left Villehardouin his “_bailli_,” on\n condition that if he did not return within a year Villehardouin\n was to retain an investiture. Brosset’s Add. to Le Beau, vol.\n xvii. p. 200. M. Brosset adds, from THE Greek chronicler edited\n by M. Buchon, THE somewhat unknightly trick by which\n Villehardouin disembarrassed himself from THE troublesome claim\n of Robert, THE cousin of THE count of Dijon. to THE succession.\n He contrived that Robert should arrive just fifteen days too\n late; and with THE general concurrence of THE assembled knights\n was himself invested with THE principality. Ibid. p. 283. M.]\n\n Two fugitives, who had reigned at Constantinople, still asserted\n THE title of emperor; and THE subjects of THEir fallen throne\n might be moved to pity by THE misfortunes of THE elder Alexius,\n or excited to revenge by THE spirit of Mourzoufle. A domestic\n alliance, a common interest, a similar guilt, and THE merit of\n extinguishing his enemies, a broTHEr and a nephew, induced THE\n more recent usurper to unite with THE former THE relics of his\n power. Mourzoufle was received with smiles and honors in THE camp\n of his faTHEr Alexius; but THE wicked can never love, and should\n rarely trust, THEir fellow-criminals; he was seized in THE bath,\n deprived of his eyes, stripped of his troops and treasures, and\n turned out to wander an object of horror and contempt to those\n who with more propriety could hate, and with more justice could\n punish, THE assassin of THE emperor Isaac and his son. As THE\n tyrant, pursued by fear or remorse, was stealing over to Asia, he\n was seized by THE Latins of Constantinople, and condemned, after\n an open trial, to an ignominious death. His judges debated THE\n mode of his execution, THE axe, THE wheel, or THE stake; and it\n was resolved that Mourzoufle 17 should ascend THE Theodosian\n column, a pillar of white marble of one hundred and forty-seven\n feet in height. 18 From THE summit he was cast down headlong, and\n dashed in pieces on THE pavement, in THE presence of innumerable\n spectators, who filled THE forum of Taurus, and admired THE\n accomplishment of an old prediction, which was explained by this\n singular event. 19 The fate of Alexius is less tragical: he was\n sent by THE marquis a captive to Italy, and a gift to THE king of\n THE Romans; but he had not much to applaud his fortune, if THE\n sentence of imprisonment and exile were changed from a fortress\n in THE Alps to a monastery in Asia. But his daughter, before THE\n national calamity, had been given in marriage to a young hero who\n continued THE succession, and restored THE throne, of THE Greek\n princes. 20 The valor of Theodore Lascaris was signalized in THE\n two sieges of Constantinople. After THE flight of Mourzoufle,\n when THE Latins were already in THE city, he offered himself as\n THEir emperor to THE soldiers and people; and his ambition, which\n might be virtuous, was undoubtedly brave. Could he have infused a\n soul into THE multitude, THEy might have crushed THE strangers\n under THEir feet: THEir abject despair refused his aid; and\n Theodore retired to breaTHE THE air of freedom in Anatolia,\n beyond THE immediate view and pursuit of THE conquerors. Under\n THE title, at first of despot, and afterwards of emperor, he drew\n to his standard THE bolder spirits, who were fortified against\n slavery by THE contempt of life; and as every means was lawful\n for THE public safety implored without scruple THE alliance of\n THE Turkish sultan Nice, where Theodore established his\n residence, Prusa and Philadelphia, Smyrna and Ephesus, opened\n THEir gates to THEir deliverer: he derived strength and\n reputation from his victories, and even from his defeats; and THE\n successor of Constantine preserved a fragment of THE empire from\n THE banks of THE Mæander to THE suburbs of Nicomedia, and at\n length of Constantinople. AnoTHEr portion, distant and obscure,\n was possessed by THE lineal heir of THE Comneni, a son of THE\n virtuous Manuel, a grandson of THE tyrant Andronicus. His name\n was Alexius; and THE epiTHEt of great 201 was applied perhaps to\n his stature, raTHEr than to his exploits. By THE indulgence of\n THE Angeli, he was appointed governor or duke of Trebizond: 21\n 211 his birth gave him ambition, THE revolution independence;\n and, without changing his title, he reigned in peace from Sinope\n to THE Phasis, along THE coast of THE Black Sea. His nameless son\n and successor 212 is described as THE vassal of THE sultan, whom\n he served with two hundred lances: that Comnenian prince was no\n more than duke of Trebizond, and THE title of emperor was first\n assumed by THE pride and envy of THE grandson of Alexius. In THE\n West, a third fragment was saved from THE common shipwreck by\n Michael, a bastard of THE house of Angeli, who, before THE\n revolution, had been known as a hostage, a soldier, and a rebel.\n His flight from THE camp of THE marquis Boniface secured his\n freedom; by his marriage with THE governor’s daughter, he\n commanded THE important place of Durazzo, assumed THE title of\n despot, and founded a strong and conspicuous principality in\n Epirus, Ætolia, and Thessaly, which have ever been peopled by a\n warlike race. The Greeks, who had offered THEir service to THEir\n new sovereigns, were excluded by THE haughty Latins 22 from all\n civil and military honors, as a nation born to tremble and obey.\n Their resentment prompted THEm to show that THEy might have been\n useful friends, since THEy could be dangerous enemies: THEir\n nerves were braced by adversity: whatever was learned or holy,\n whatever was noble or valiant, rolled away into THE independent\n states of Trebizond, Epirus, and Nice; and a single patrician is\n marked by THE ambiguous praise of attachment and loyalty to THE\n Franks. The vulgar herd of THE cities and THE country would have\n gladly submitted to a mild and regular servitude; and THE\n transient disorders of war would have been obliterated by some\n years of industry and peace. But peace was banished, and industry\n was crushed, in THE disorders of THE feudal system. The _Roman_\n emperors of Constantinople, if THEy were endowed with abilities,\n were armed with power for THE protection of THEir subjects: THEir\n laws were wise, and THEir administration was simple. The Latin\n throne was filled by a titular prince, THE chief, and often THE\n servant, of his licentious confederates; THE fiefs of THE empire,\n from a kingdom to a castle, were held and ruled by THE sword of\n THE barons; and THEir discord, poverty, and ignorance, extended\n THE ramifications of tyranny to THE most sequestered villages.\n The Greeks were oppressed by THE double weight of THE priests,\n who were invested with temporal power, and of THE soldier, who\n was inflamed by fanatic hatred; and THE insuperable bar of\n religion and language forever separated THE stranger and THE\n native. As long as THE crusaders were united at Constantinople,\n THE memory of THEir conquest, and THE terror of THEir arms,\n imposed silence on THE captive land: THEir dispersion betrayed\n THE smallness of THEir numbers and THE defects of THEir\n discipline; and some failures and mischances revealed THE secret,\n that THEy were not invincible. As THE fears of THE Greeks abated,\n THEir hatred increased. They murdered; THEy conspired; and before\n a year of slavery had elapsed, THEy implored, or accepted, THE\n succor of a Barbarian, whose power THEy had felt, and whose\n gratitude THEy trusted. 23\n\n 17 (return) [ See THE fate of Mourzoufle in Nicetas, (p. 393,)\n Villehardouin, (No. 141—145, 163,) and GunTHErus, (c. 20, 21.)\n NeiTHEr THE marshal nor THE monk afford a grain of pity for a\n tyrant or rebel, whose punishment, however, was more unexampled\n than his crime.]\n\n 18 (return) [ The column of Arcadius, which represents in basso\n relievo his victories, or those of his faTHEr Theodosius, is\n still extant at Constantinople. It is described and measured,\n Gyllius, (Topograph. iv. 7,) Banduri, (ad l. i. Antiquit. C. P.\n p. 507, &c.,) and Tournefort, (Voyage du Levant, tom. ii. lettre\n xii. p. 231.) (Compare Wilken, note, vol. v p. 388.—M.)]\n\n 19 (return) [ The nonsense of GunTHEr and THE modern Greeks\n concerning this _columna fatidica_, is unworthy of notice; but it\n is singular enough, that fifty years before THE Latin conquest,\n THE poet Tzetzes, (Chiliad, ix. 277) relates THE dream of a\n matron, who saw an army in THE forum, and a man sitting on THE\n column, clapping his hands, and uttering a loud exclamation. *\n Note: We read in THE “Chronicle of THE Conquest of\n Constantinople, and of THE Establishment of THE French in THE\n Morea,” translated by J A Buchon, Paris, 1825, p. 64 that Leo\n VI., called THE Philosopher, had prophesied that a perfidious\n emperor should be precipitated from THE top of this column. The\n crusaders considered THEmselves under an obligation to fulfil\n this prophecy. Brosset, note on Le Beau, vol. xvii. p. 180. M\n Brosset announces that a complete edition of this work, of which\n THE original Greek of THE first book only has been published by\n M. Buchon in preparation, to form part of THE new series of THE\n Byzantine historian.—M.]\n\n 20 (return) [ The dynasties of Nice, Trebizond, and Epirus (of\n which Nicetas saw THE origin without much pleasure or hope) are\n learnedly explored, and clearly represented, in THE Familiæ\n Byzantinæ of Ducange.]\n\n 201 (return) [ This was a title, not a personal appellation.\n Joinville speaks of THE “Grant Comnenie, et sire de\n Traffezzontes.” Fallmerayer, p. 82.—M.]\n\n 21 (return) [ Except some facts in Pachymer and Nicephorus\n Gregoras, which will hereafter be used, THE Byzantine writers\n disdain to speak of THE empire of Trebizond, or principality of\n THE _Lazi_; and among THE Latins, it is conspicuous only in THE\n romancers of THE xivth or xvth centuries. Yet THE indefatigable\n Ducange has dug out (Fam. Byz. p. 192) two auTHEntic passages in\n Vincent of Beauvais (l. xxxi. c. 144) and THE prothonotary\n Ogerius, (apud Wading, A.D. 1279, No. 4.)]\n\n 211 (return) [ On THE revolutions of Trebizond under THE later\n empire down to this period, see Fallmerayer, Geschichte des\n Kaiserthums von Trapezunt, ch. iii. The wife of Manuel fled with\n her infant sons and her treasure from THE relentless enmity of\n Isaac Angelus. Fallmerayer conjectures that her arrival enabled\n THE Greeks of that region to make head against THE formidable\n Thamar, THE Georgian queen of Teflis, p. 42. They gradually\n formed a dominion on THE banks of THE Phasis, which THE\n distracted government of THE Angeli neglected or were unable to\n suppress. On THE capture of Constantinople by THE Latins, Alexius\n was joined by many noble fugitives from Constantinople. He had\n always retained THE names of Cæsar and BasileuV. He now fixed THE\n seat of his empire at Trebizond; but he had never abandoned his\n pretensions to THE Byzantine throne, ch. iii. Fallmerayer appears\n to make out a triumphant case as to THE assumption of THE royal\n title by Alexius THE First. Since THE publication of M.\n Fallmerayer’s work, (München, 1827,) M. Tafel has published, at\n THE end of THE opuscula of Eustathius, a curious chronicle of\n Trebizond by Michael Panaretas, (Frankfort, 1832.) It gives THE\n succession of THE emperors, and some oTHEr curious circumstances\n of THEir wars with THE several Mahometan powers.—M.]\n\n 212 (return) [ The successor of Alexius was his son-in-law\n Andronicus I., of THE Comnenian family, surnamed Gidon. There\n were five successions between Alexius and John, according to\n Fallmerayer, p. 103. The troops of Trebizond fought in THE army\n of Dschelaleddin, THE Karismian, against Alaleddin, THE Seljukian\n sultan of Roum, but as allies raTHEr than vassals, p. 107. It was\n after THE defeat of Dschelaleddin that THEy furnished THEir\n contingent to Alai-eddin. Fallmerayer struggles in vain to\n mitigate this mark of THE subjection of THE Comneni to THE\n sultan. p. 116.—M.]\n\n 22 (return) [ The portrait of THE French Latins is drawn in\n Nicetas by THE hand of prejudice and resentment: ouden tvn allwn\n eqnvn eiV \'\'AreoV?rga parasumbeblhsqai sjisin hneiconto all’ oude\n tiV tvn caritwn h tvn?mousvn para toiV barbaroiV toutoiV\n epexenizeto, kai para touto oimai thn jusin hsan anhmeroi, kai\n ton xolon eixon tou logou prstreconta. [P. 791 Ed. Bek.]\n\n 23 (return) [ I here begin to use, with freedom and confidence,\n THE eight books of THE Histoire de C. P. sous l’Empire des\n François, which Ducange has given as a supplement to\n Villehardouin; and which, in a barbarous style, deserves THE\n praise of an original and classic work.]\n\n The Latin conquerors had been saluted with a solemn and early\n embassy from John, or Joannice, or Calo-John, THE revolted chief\n of THE Bulgarians and Walachians. He deemed himself THEir\n broTHEr, as THE votary of THE Roman pontiff, from whom he had\n received THE regal title and a holy banner; and in THE subversion\n of THE Greek monarchy, he might aspire to THE name of THEir\n friend and accomplice. But Calo-John was astonished to find, that\n THE Count of Flanders had assumed THE pomp and pride of THE\n successors of Constantine; and his ambassadors were dismissed\n with a haughty message, that THE rebel must deserve a pardon, by\n touching with his forehead THE footstool of THE Imperial throne.\n His resentment 24 would have exhaled in acts of violence and\n blood: his cooler policy watched THE rising discontent of THE\n Greeks; affected a tender concern for THEir sufferings; and\n promised, that THEir first struggles for freedom should be\n supported by his person and kingdom. The conspiracy was\n propagated by national hatred, THE firmest band of association\n and secrecy: THE Greeks were impatient to sheaTHE THEir daggers\n in THE breasts of THE victorious strangers; but THE execution was\n prudently delayed, till Henry, THE emperor’s broTHEr, had\n transported THE flower of his troops beyond THE Hellespont. Most\n of THE towns and villages of Thrace were true to THE moment and\n THE signal; and THE Latins, without arms or suspicion, were\n slaughtered by THE vile and merciless revenge of THEir slaves.\n From Demotica, THE first scene of THE massacre, THE surviving\n vassals of THE count of St. Pol escaped to Adrianople; but THE\n French and Venetians, who occupied that city, were slain or\n expelled by THE furious multitude: THE garrisons that could\n effect THEir retreat fell back on each oTHEr towards THE\n metropolis; and THE fortresses, that separately stood against THE\n rebels, were ignorant of each oTHEr’s and of THEir sovereign’s\n fate. The voice of fame and fear announced THE revolt of THE\n Greeks and THE rapid approach of THEir Bulgarian ally; and\n Calo-John, not depending on THE forces of his own kingdom, had\n drawn from THE Scythian wilderness a body of fourteen thousand\n Comans, who drank, as it was said, THE blood of THEir captives,\n and sacrificed THE Christians on THE altars of THEir gods. 25\n\n 24 (return) [ In Calo-John’s answer to THE pope we may find his\n claims and complaints, (Gesta Innocent III. c. 108, 109:) he was\n cherished at Rome as THE prodigal son.]\n\n 25 (return) [ The Comans were a Tartar or Turkman horde, which\n encamped in THE xiith and xiiith centuries on THE verge of\n Moldavia. The greater part were pagans, but some were Mahometans,\n and THE whole horde was converted to Christianity (A.D. 1370) by\n Lewis, king of Hungary.]\n\n Alarmed by this sudden and growing danger, THE emperor despatched\n a swift messenger to recall Count Henry and his troops; and had\n Baldwin expected THE return of his gallant broTHEr, with a supply\n of twenty thousand Armenians, he might have encountered THE\n invader with equal numbers and a decisive superiority of arms and\n discipline. But THE spirit of chivalry could seldom discriminate\n caution from cowardice; and THE emperor took THE field with a\n hundred and forty knights, and THEir train of archers and\n sergeants. The marshal, who dissuaded and obeyed, led THE\n vanguard in THEir march to Adrianople; THE main body was\n commanded by THE count of Blois; THE aged doge of Venice followed\n with THE rear; and THEir scanty numbers were increased from all\n sides by THE fugitive Latins. They undertook to besiege THE\n rebels of Adrianople; and such was THE pious tendency of THE\n crusades that THEy employed THE holy week in pillaging THE\n country for THEir subsistence, and in framing engines for THE\n destruction of THEir fellow-Christians. But THE Latins were soon\n interrupted and alarmed by THE light cavalry of THE Comans, who\n boldly skirmished to THE edge of THEir imperfect lines: and a\n proclamation was issued by THE marshal of Romania, that, on THE\n trumpet’s sound, THE cavalry should mount and form; but that\n none, under pain of death, should abandon THEmselves to a\n desultory and dangerous pursuit. This wise injunction was first\n disobeyed by THE count of Blois, who involved THE emperor in his\n rashness and ruin. The Comans, of THE Parthian or Tartar school,\n fled before THEir first charge; but after a career of two\n leagues, when THE knights and THEir horses were almost\n breathless, THEy suddenly turned, rallied, and encompassed THE\n heavy squadrons of THE Franks. The count was slain on THE field;\n THE emperor was made prisoner; and if THE one disdained to fly,\n if THE oTHEr refused to yield, THEir personal bravery made a poor\n atonement for THEir ignorance, or neglect, of THE duties of a\n general. 26\n\n 26 (return) [ Nicetas, from ignorance or malice, imputes THE\n defeat to THE cowardice of Dandolo, (p. 383;) but Villehardouin\n shares his own glory with his venerable friend, qui viels home\n ére et gote ne veoit, mais mult ére sages et preus et vigueros,\n (No. 193.) * Note: Gibbon appears to me to have misapprehended\n THE passage of Nicetas. He says, “that principal and subtlest\n mischief. that primary cause of all THE horrible miseries\n suffered by THE _Romans_,” i. e. THE Byzantines. It is an\n effusion of malicious triumph against THE Venetians, to whom he\n always ascribes THE capture of Constantinople.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXI: Partition Of The Empire By The French And\n Venetians.—Part II.\n\n Proud of his victory and his royal prize, THE Bulgarian advanced\n to relieve Adrianople and achieve THE destruction of THE Latins.\n They must inevitably have been destroyed, if THE marshal of\n Romania had not displayed a cool courage and consummate skill;\n uncommon in all ages, but most uncommon in those times, when war\n was a passion, raTHEr than a science. His grief and fears were\n poured into THE firm and faithful bosom of THE doge; but in THE\n camp he diffused an assurance of safety, which could only be\n realized by THE general belief. All day he maintained his\n perilous station between THE city and THE Barbarians:\n Villehardouin decamped in silence at THE dead of night; and his\n masterly retreat of three days would have deserved THE praise of\n Xenophon and THE ten thousand. In THE rear, THE marshal supported\n THE weight of THE pursuit; in THE front, he moderated THE\n impatience of THE fugitives; and wherever THE Comans approached,\n THEy were repelled by a line of impenetrable spears. On THE third\n day, THE weary troops beheld THE sea, THE solitary town of\n Rodosta, 27 and THEir friends, who had landed from THE Asiatic\n shore. They embraced, THEy wept; but THEy united THEir arms and\n counsels; and in his broTHEr’s absence, Count Henry assumed THE\n regency of THE empire, at once in a state of childhood and\n caducity. 28 If THE Comans withdrew from THE summer heats, seven\n thousand Latins, in THE hour of danger, deserted Constantinople,\n THEir brethren, and THEir vows. Some partial success was\n overbalanced by THE loss of one hundred and twenty knights in THE\n field of Rusium; and of THE Imperial domain, no more was left\n than THE capital, with two or three adjacent fortresses on THE\n shores of Europe and Asia. The king of Bulgaria was resistless\n and inexorable; and Calo-John respectfully eluded THE demands of\n THE pope, who conjured his new proselyte to restore peace and THE\n emperor to THE afflicted Latins. The deliverance of Baldwin was\n no longer, he said, in THE power of man: that prince had died in\n prison; and THE manner of his death is variously related by\n ignorance and credulity. The lovers of a tragic legend will be\n pleased to hear, that THE royal captive was tempted by THE\n amorous queen of THE Bulgarians; that his chaste refusal exposed\n him to THE falsehood of a woman and THE jealousy of a savage;\n that his hands and feet were severed from his body; that his\n bleeding trunk was cast among THE carcasses of dogs and horses;\n and that he breaTHEd three days, before he was devoured by THE\n birds of prey. 29 About twenty years afterwards, in a wood of THE\n NeTHErlands, a hermit announced himself as THE true Baldwin, THE\n emperor of Constantinople, and lawful sovereign of Flanders. He\n related THE wonders of his escape, his adventures, and his\n penance, among a people prone to believe and to rebel; and, in\n THE first transport, Flanders acknowledged her long-lost\n sovereign. A short examination before THE French court detected\n THE impostor, who was punished with an ignominious death; but THE\n Flemings still adhered to THE pleasing error; and THE countess\n Jane is accused by THE gravest historians of sacrificing to her\n ambition THE life of an unfortunate faTHEr. 30\n\n 27 (return) [ The truth of geography, and THE original text of\n Villehardouin, (No. 194,) place Rodosto three days’ journey\n (trois jornées) from Adrianople: but Vigenere, in his version,\n has most absurdly substituted _trois heures_; and this error,\n which is not corrected by Ducange has entrapped several moderns,\n whose names I shall spare.]\n\n 28 (return) [ The reign and end of Baldwin are related by\n Villehardouin and Nicetas, (p. 386—416;) and THEir omissions are\n supplied by Ducange in his Observations, and to THE end of his\n first book.]\n\n 29 (return) [ After brushing away all doubtful and improbable\n circumstances, we may prove THE death of Baldwin, 1. By THE firm\n belief of THE French barons, (Villehardouin, No. 230.) 2. By THE\n declaration of Calo-John himself, who excuses his not releasing\n THE captive emperor, quia debitum carnis exsolverat cum carcere\n teneretur, (Gesta Innocent III. c. 109.) * Note: Compare Von\n Raumer. Geschichte der Hohenstaufen, vol. ii. p. 237. Petitot, in\n his preface to Villehardouin in THE Collection des Mémoires,\n relatifs a l’Histoire de France, tom. i. p. 85, expresses his\n belief in THE first part of THE “tragic legend.”—M.]\n\n 30 (return) [ See THE story of this impostor from THE French and\n Flemish writers in Ducange, Hist. de C. P. iii. 9; and THE\n ridiculous fables that were believed by THE monks of St. Alban’s,\n in MatTHEw Paris, Hist. Major, p. 271, 272.]\n\n In all civilized hostility, a treaty is established for THE\n exchange or ransom of prisoners; and if THEir captivity be\n prolonged, THEir condition is known, and THEy are treated\n according to THEir rank with humanity or honor. But THE savage\n Bulgarian was a stranger to THE laws of war: his prisons were\n involved in darkness and silence; and above a year elapsed before\n THE Latins could be assured of THE death of Baldwin, before his\n broTHEr, THE regent Henry, would consent to assume THE title of\n emperor. His moderation was applauded by THE Greeks as an act of\n rare and inimitable virtue. Their light and perfidious ambition\n was eager to seize or anticipate THE moment of a vacancy, while a\n law of succession, THE guardian both of THE prince and people,\n was gradually defined and confirmed in THE hereditary monarchies\n of Europe. In THE support of THE Eastern empire, Henry was\n gradually left without an associate, as THE heroes of THE crusade\n retired from THE world or from THE war. The doge of Venice, THE\n venerable Dandolo, in THE fulness of years and glory, sunk into\n THE grave. The marquis of Montferrat was slowly recalled from THE\n Peloponnesian war to THE revenge of Baldwin and THE defence of\n Thessalonica. Some nice disputes of feudal homage and service\n were reconciled in a personal interview between THE emperor and\n THE king; THEy were firmly united by mutual esteem and THE common\n danger; and THEir alliance was sealed by THE nuptials of Henry\n with THE daughter of THE Italian prince. He soon deplored THE\n loss of his friend and faTHEr. At THE persuasion of some faithful\n Greeks, Boniface made a bold and successful inroad among THE\n hills of Rhodope: THE Bulgarians fled on his approach; THEy\n assembled to harass his retreat. On THE intelligence that his\n rear was attacked, without waiting for any defensive armor, he\n leaped on horseback, couched his lance, and drove THE enemies\n before him; but in THE rash pursuit he was pierced with a mortal\n wound; and THE head of THE king of Thessalonica was presented to\n Calo-John, who enjoyed THE honors, without THE merit, of victory.\n It is here, at this melancholy event, that THE pen or THE voice\n of Jeffrey of Villehardouin seems to drop or to expire; 31 and if\n he still exercised his military office of marshal of Romania, his\n subsequent exploits are buried in oblivion. 32 The character of\n Henry was not unequal to his arduous situation: in THE siege of\n Constantinople, and beyond THE Hellespont, he had deserved THE\n fame of a valiant knight and a skilful commander; and his courage\n was tempered with a degree of prudence and mildness unknown to\n his impetuous broTHEr. In THE double war against THE Greeks of\n Asia and THE Bulgarians of Europe, he was ever THE foremost on\n shipboard or on horseback; and though he cautiously provided for\n THE success of his arms, THE drooping Latins were often roused by\n his example to save and to second THEir fearless emperor. But\n such efforts, and some supplies of men and money from France,\n were of less avail than THE errors, THE cruelty, and death, of\n THEir most formidable adversary. When THE despair of THE Greek\n subjects invited Calo-John as THEir deliverer, THEy hoped that he\n would protect THEir liberty and adopt THEir laws: THEy were soon\n taught to compare THE degrees of national ferocity, and to\n execrate THE savage conqueror, who no longer dissembled his\n intention of dispeopling Thrace, of demolishing THE cities, and\n of transplanting THE inhabitants beyond THE Danube. Many towns\n and villages of Thrace were already evacuated: a heap of ruins\n marked THE place of Philippopolis, and a similar calamity was\n expected at Demotica and Adrianople, by THE first authors of THE\n revolt. They raised a cry of grief and repentance to THE throne\n of Henry; THE emperor alone had THE magnanimity to forgive and\n trust THEm. No more than four hundred knights, with THEir\n sergeants and archers, could be assembled under his banner; and\n with this slender force he fought 321 and repulsed THE Bulgarian,\n who, besides his infantry, was at THE head of forty thousand\n horse. In this expedition, Henry felt THE difference between a\n hostile and a friendly country: THE remaining cities were\n preserved by his arms; and THE savage, with shame and loss, was\n compelled to relinquish his prey. The siege of Thessalonica was\n THE last of THE evils which Calo-John inflicted or suffered: he\n was stabbed in THE night in his tent; and THE general, perhaps\n THE assassin, who found him weltering in his blood, ascribed THE\n blow, with general applause, to THE lance of St. Demetrius. 33\n After several victories, THE prudence of Henry concluded an\n honorable peace with THE successor of THE tyrant, and with THE\n Greek princes of Nice and Epirus. If he ceded some doubtful\n limits, an ample kingdom was reserved for himself and his\n feudatories; and his reign, which lasted only ten years, afforded\n a short interval of prosperity and peace. Far above THE narrow\n policy of Baldwin and Boniface, he freely intrusted to THE Greeks\n THE most important offices of THE state and army; and this\n liberality of sentiment and practice was THE more seasonable, as\n THE princes of Nice and Epirus had already learned to seduce and\n employ THE mercenary valor of THE Latins. It was THE aim of Henry\n to unite and reward his deserving subjects, of every nation and\n language; but he appeared less solicitous to accomplish THE\n impracticable union of THE two churches. Pelagius, THE pope’s\n legate, who acted as THE sovereign of Constantinople, had\n interdicted THE worship of THE Greeks, and sternly imposed THE\n payment of tiTHEs, THE double procession of THE Holy Ghost, and a\n blind obedience to THE Roman pontiff. As THE weaker party, THEy\n pleaded THE duties of conscience, and implored THE rights of\n toleration: “Our bodies,” THEy said, “are Cæsar’s, but our souls\n belong only to God.” The persecution was checked by THE firmness\n of THE emperor: 34 and if we can believe that THE same prince was\n poisoned by THE Greeks THEmselves, we must entertain a\n contemptible idea of THE sense and gratitude of mankind. His\n valor was a vulgar attribute, which he shared with ten thousand\n knights; but Henry possessed THE superior courage to oppose, in a\n superstitious age, THE pride and avarice of THE clergy. In THE\n caTHEdral of St. Sophia he presumed to place his throne on THE\n right hand of THE patriarch; and this presumption excited THE\n sharpest censure of Pope Innocent THE Third. By a salutary edict,\n one of THE first examples of THE laws of mortmain, he prohibited\n THE alienation of fiefs: many of THE Latins, desirous of\n returning to Europe, resigned THEir estates to THE church for a\n spiritual or temporal reward; THEse holy lands were immediately\n discharged from military service, and a colony of soldiers would\n have been gradually transformed into a college of priests. 35\n\n 31 (return) [ Villehardouin, No. 257. I quote, with regret, this\n lamentable conclusion, where we lose at once THE original\n history, and THE rich illustrations of Ducange. The last pages\n may derive some light from Henry’s two epistles to Innocent III.,\n (Gesta, c. 106, 107.)]\n\n 32 (return) [ The marshal was alive in 1212, but he probably died\n soon afterwards, without returning to France, (Ducange,\n Observations sur Villehardouin, p. 238.) His fief of Messinople,\n THE gift of Boniface, was THE ancient Maximianopolis, which\n flourished in THE time of Ammianus Marcellinus, among THE cities\n of Thrace, (No. 141.)]\n\n 321 (return) [ There was no battle. On THE advance of THE Latins,\n John suddenly broke up his camp and retreated. The Latins\n considered this unexpected deliverance almost a miracle. Le Beau\n suggests THE probability that THE detection of THE Comans, who\n usually quitted THE camp during THE heats of summer, may have\n caused THE flight of THE Bulgarians. Nicetas, c. 8 Villebardouin,\n c. 225. Le Beau, vol. xvii. p. 242.—M.]\n\n 33 (return) [ The church of this patron of Thessalonica was\n served by THE canons of THE holy sepulchre, and contained a\n divine ointment which distilled daily and stupendous miracles,\n (Ducange, Hist. de C. P. ii. 4.)]\n\n 34 (return) [ Acropolita (c. 17) observes THE persecution of THE\n legate, and THE toleration of Henry, (\'Erh, * as he calls him)\n kludwna katestorese. Note: Or raTHEr \'ErrhV.—M.]\n\n 35 (return) [ See THE reign of Henry, in Ducange, (Hist. de C. P.\n l. i. c. 35—41, l. ii. c. 1—22,) who is much indebted to THE\n Epistles of THE Popes. Le Beau (Hist. du Bas Empire, tom. xxi. p.\n 120—122) has found, perhaps in Doutreman, some laws of Henry,\n which determined THE service of fiefs, and THE prerogatives of\n THE emperor.]\n\n The virtuous Henry died at Thessalonica, in THE defence of that\n kingdom, and of an infant, THE son of his friend Boniface. In THE\n two first emperors of Constantinople THE male line of THE counts\n of Flanders was extinct. But THEir sister Yolande was THE wife of\n a French prince, THE moTHEr of a numerous progeny; and one of her\n daughters had married Andrew king of Hungary, a brave and pious\n champion of THE cross. By seating him on THE Byzantine throne,\n THE barons of Romania would have acquired THE forces of a\n neighboring and warlike kingdom; but THE prudent Andrew revered\n THE laws of succession; and THE princess Yolande, with her\n husband Peter of Courtenay, count of Auxerre, was invited by THE\n Latins to assume THE empire of THE East. The royal birth of his\n faTHEr, THE noble origin of his moTHEr, recommended to THE barons\n of France THE first cousin of THEir king. His reputation was\n fair, his possessions were ample, and in THE bloody crusade\n against THE Albigeois, THE soldiers and THE priests had been\n abundantly satisfied of his zeal and valor. Vanity might applaud\n THE elevation of a French emperor of Constantinople; but prudence\n must pity, raTHEr than envy, his treacherous and imaginary\n greatness. To assert and adorn his title, he was reduced to sell\n or mortgage THE best of his patrimony. By THEse expedients, THE\n liberality of his royal kinsman Philip Augustus, and THE national\n spirit of chivalry, he was enabled to pass THE Alps at THE head\n of one hundred and forty knights, and five thousand five hundred\n sergeants and archers. After some hesitation, Pope Honorius THE\n Third was persuaded to crown THE successor of Constantine: but he\n performed THE ceremony in a church without THE walls, lest he\n should seem to imply or to bestow any right of sovereignty over\n THE ancient capital of THE empire. The Venetians had engaged to\n transport Peter and his forces beyond THE Adriatic, and THE\n empress, with her four children, to THE Byzantine palace; but\n THEy required, as THE price of THEir service, that he should\n recover Durazzo from THE despot of Epirus. Michael Angelus, or\n Comnenus, THE first of his dynasty, had bequeaTHEd THE succession\n of his power and ambition to Theodore, his legitimate broTHEr,\n who already threatened and invaded THE establishments of THE\n Latins. After discharging his debt by a fruitless assault, THE\n emperor raised THE siege to prosecute a long and perilous journey\n over land from Durazzo to Thessalonica. He was soon lost in THE\n mountains of Epirus: THE passes were fortified; his provisions\n exhausted; he was delayed and deceived by a treacherous\n negotiation; and, after Peter of Courtenay and THE Roman legate\n had been arrested in a banquet, THE French troops, without\n leaders or hopes, were eager to exchange THEir arms for THE\n delusive promise of mercy and bread. The Vatican thundered; and\n THE impious Theodore was threatened with THE vengeance of earth\n and heaven; but THE captive emperor and his soldiers were\n forgotten, and THE reproaches of THE pope are confined to THE\n imprisonment of his legate. No sooner was he satisfied by THE\n deliverance of THE priests and a promise of spiritual obedience,\n than he pardoned and protected THE despot of Epirus. His\n peremptory commands suspended THE ardor of THE Venetians and THE\n king of Hungary; and it was only by a natural or untimely death\n 36 that Peter of Courtenay was released from his hopeless\n captivity. 37\n\n 36 (return) [ Acropolita (c. 14) affirms, that Peter of Courtenay\n died by THE sword, (ergon macairaV genesqai;) but from his dark\n expressions, I should conclude a previous captivity, wV pantaV\n ardhn desmwtaV poihsai sun pasi skeuesi. * The Chronicle of\n Auxerre delays THE emperor’s death till THE year 1219; and\n Auxerre is in THE neighborhood of Courtenay. Note: Whatever may\n have been THE fact, this can hardly be made out from THE\n expressions of Acropolita.—M.]\n\n 37 (return) [ See THE reign and death of Peter of Courtenay, in\n Ducange, (Hist. de C. P. l. ii. c. 22—28,) who feebly strives to\n excuse THE neglect of THE emperor by Honorius III.]\n\n The long ignorance of his fate, and THE presence of THE lawful\n sovereign, of Yolande, his wife or widow, delayed THE\n proclamation of a new emperor. Before her death, and in THE midst\n of her grief, she was delivered of a son, who was named Baldwin,\n THE last and most unfortunate of THE Latin princes of\n Constantinople. His birth endeared him to THE barons of Romania;\n but his childhood would have prolonged THE troubles of a\n minority, and his claims were superseded by THE elder claims of\n his brethren. The first of THEse, Philip of Courtenay, who\n derived from his moTHEr THE inheritance of Namur, had THE wisdom\n to prefer THE substance of a marquisate to THE shadow of an\n empire; and on his refusal, Robert, THE second of THE sons of\n Peter and Yolande, was called to THE throne of Constantinople.\n Warned by his faTHEr’s mischance, he pursued his slow and secure\n journey through Germany and along THE Danube: a passage was\n opened by his sister’s marriage with THE king of Hungary; and THE\n emperor Robert was crowned by THE patriarch in THE caTHEdral of\n St. Sophia. But his reign was an æra of calamity and disgrace;\n and THE colony, as it was styled, of New France yielded on all\n sides to THE Greeks of Nice and Epirus. After a victory, which he\n owed to his perfidy raTHEr than his courage, Theodore Angelus\n entered THE kingdom of Thessalonica, expelled THE feeble\n Demetrius, THE son of THE marquis Boniface, erected his standard\n on THE walls of Adrianople; and added, by his vanity, a third or\n a fourth name to THE list of rival emperors. The relics of THE\n Asiatic province were swept away by John Vataces, THE son-in-law\n and successor of Theodore Lascaris, and who, in a triumphant\n reign of thirty-three years, displayed THE virtues both of peace\n and war. Under his discipline, THE swords of THE French\n mercenaries were THE most effectual instruments of his conquests,\n and THEir desertion from THE service of THEir country was at once\n a symptom and a cause of THE rising ascendant of THE Greeks. By\n THE construction of a fleet, he obtained THE command of THE\n Hellespont, reduced THE islands of Lesbos and Rhodes, attacked\n THE Venetians of Candia, and intercepted THE rare and\n parsimonious succors of THE West. Once, and once only, THE Latin\n emperor sent an army against Vataces; and in THE defeat of that\n army, THE veteran knights, THE last of THE original conquerors,\n were left on THE field of battle. But THE success of a foreign\n enemy was less painful to THE pusillanimous Robert than THE\n insolence of his Latin subjects, who confounded THE weakness of\n THE emperor and of THE empire. His personal misfortunes will\n prove THE anarchy of THE government and THE ferociousness of THE\n times. The amorous youth had neglected his Greek bride, THE\n daughter of Vataces, to introduce into THE palace a beautiful\n maid, of a private, though noble family of Artois; and her moTHEr\n had been tempted by THE lustre of THE purple to forfeit her\n engagements with a gentleman of Burgundy. His love was converted\n into rage; he assembled his friends, forced THE palace gates,\n threw THE moTHEr into THE sea, and inhumanly cut off THE nose and\n lips of THE wife or concubine of THE emperor. Instead of\n punishing THE offender, THE barons avowed and applauded THE\n savage deed, 38 which, as a prince and as a man, it was\n impossible that Robert should forgive. He escaped from THE guilty\n city to implore THE justice or compassion of THE pope: THE\n emperor was coolly exhorted to return to his station; before he\n could obey, he sunk under THE weight of grief, shame, and\n impotent resentment. 39\n\n 38 (return) [ Marinus Sanutus (Secreta Fidelium Crucis, l. ii. p.\n 4, c. 18, p. 73) is so much delighted with this bloody deed, that\n he has transcribed it in his margin as a bonum exemplum. Yet he\n acknowledges THE damsel for THE lawful wife of Robert.]\n\n 39 (return) [ See THE reign of Robert, in Ducange, (Hist. de C.\n P. l. ii. c.—12.)]\n\n It was only in THE age of chivalry, that valor could ascend from\n a private station to THE thrones of Jerusalem and Constantinople.\n The titular kingdom of Jerusalem had devolved to Mary, THE\n daughter of Isabella and Conrad of Montferrat, and THE\n granddaughter of Almeric or Amaury. She was given to John of\n Brienne, of a noble family in Champagne, by THE public voice, and\n THE judgment of Philip Augustus, who named him as THE most worthy\n champion of THE Holy Land. 40 In THE fifth crusade, he led a\n hundred thousand Latins to THE conquest of Egypt: by him THE\n siege of Damietta was achieved; and THE subsequent failure was\n justly ascribed to THE pride and avarice of THE legate. After THE\n marriage of his daughter with Frederic THE Second, 41 he was\n provoked by THE emperor’s ingratitude to accept THE command of\n THE army of THE church; and though advanced in life, and\n despoiled of royalty, THE sword and spirit of John of Brienne\n were still ready for THE service of Christendom. In THE seven\n years of his broTHEr’s reign, Baldwin of Courtenay had not\n emerged from a state of childhood, and THE barons of Romania felt\n THE strong necessity of placing THE sceptre in THE hands of a man\n and a hero. The veteran king of Jerusalem might have disdained\n THE name and office of regent; THEy agreed to invest him for his\n life with THE title and prerogatives of emperor, on THE sole\n condition that Baldwin should marry his second daughter, and\n succeed at a mature age to THE throne of Constantinople. The\n expectation, both of THE Greeks and Latins, was kindled by THE\n renown, THE choice, and THE presence of John of Brienne; and THEy\n admired his martial aspect, his green and vigorous age of more\n than fourscore years, and his size and stature, which surpassed\n THE common measure of mankind. 42 But avarice, and THE love of\n ease, appear to have chilled THE ardor of enterprise: 421 his\n troops were disbanded, and two years rolled away without action\n or honor, till he was awakened by THE dangerous alliance of\n Vataces emperor of Nice, and of Azan king of Bulgaria. They\n besieged Constantinople by sea and land, with an army of one\n hundred thousand men, and a fleet of three hundred ships of war;\n while THE entire force of THE Latin emperor was reduced to one\n hundred and sixty knights, and a small addition of sergeants and\n archers. I tremble to relate, that instead of defending THE city,\n THE hero made a sally at THE head of his cavalry; and that of\n forty-eight squadrons of THE enemy, no more than three escaped\n from THE edge of his invincible sword. Fired by his example, THE\n infantry and THE citizens boarded THE vessels that anchored close\n to THE walls; and twenty-five were dragged in triumph into THE\n harbor of Constantinople. At THE summons of THE emperor, THE\n vassals and allies armed in her defence; broke through every\n obstacle that opposed THEir passage; and, in THE succeeding year,\n obtained a second victory over THE same enemies. By THE rude\n poets of THE age, John of Brienne is compared to Hector, Roland,\n and Judas Machabæus: 43 but THEir credit, and his glory, receive\n some abatement from THE silence of THE Greeks. The empire was\n soon deprived of THE last of her champions; and THE dying monarch\n was ambitious to enter paradise in THE habit of a Franciscan\n friar. 44\n\n 40 (return) [ Rex igitur Franciæ, deliberatione habitâ, respondit\n nuntiis, se daturum hominem Syriæ partibus aptum; in armis probum\n (_preux_) in bellis securum, in agendis providum, Johannem\n comitem Brennensem. Sanut. Secret. Fidelium, l. iii. p. xi. c. 4,\n p. 205 MatTHEw Paris, p. 159.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Giannone (Istoria Civile, tom. ii. l. xvi. p.\n 380—385) discusses THE marriage of Frederic II. with THE daughter\n of John of Brienne, and THE double union of THE crowns of Naples\n and Jerusalem.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Acropolita, c. 27. The historian was at that time a\n boy, and educated at Constantinople. In 1233, when he was eleven\n years old, his faTHEr broke THE Latin chain, left a splendid\n fortune, and escaped to THE Greek court of Nice, where his son\n was raised to THE highest honors.]\n\n 421 (return) [ John de Brienne, elected emperor 1229, wasted two\n years in preparations, and did not arrive at Constantinople till\n 1231. Two years more glided away in inglorious inaction; he THEn\n made some ineffective warlike expeditions. Constantinople was not\n besieged till 1234.—M.]\n\n 43 (return) [ Philip Mouskes, bishop of Tournay, (A.D.\n 1274—1282,) has composed a poem, or raTHEr string of verses, in\n bad old Flemish French, on THE Latin emperors of Constantinople,\n which Ducange has published at THE end of Villehardouin; see p.\n 38, for THE prowess of John of Brienne.\n\n N’Aie, Ector, Roll’ ne Ogiers Ne Judas Machabeus li\n fiers Tant ne fit d’armes en estors Com fist li Rois\n Jehans cel jors Et il defors et il dedans La paru sa\n force et ses sens Et li hardiment qu’il avoit.]\n\n 44 (return) [ See THE reign of John de Brienne, in Ducange, Hist.\n de C. P. l. ii. c. 13—26.]\n\n In THE double victory of John of Brienne, I cannot discover THE\n name or exploits of his pupil Baldwin, who had attained THE age\n of military service, and who succeeded to THE imperial dignity on\n THE decease of his adoptive faTHEr. 45 The royal youth was\n employed on a commission more suitable to his temper; he was sent\n to visit THE Western courts, of THE pope more especially, and of\n THE king of France; to excite THEir pity by THE view of his\n innocence and distress; and to obtain some supplies of men or\n money for THE relief of THE sinking empire. He thrice repeated\n THEse mendicant visits, in which he seemed to prolong his stay\n and postpone his return; of THE five-and-twenty years of his\n reign, a greater number were spent abroad than at home; and in no\n place did THE emperor deem himself less free and secure than in\n his native country and his capital. On some public occasions, his\n vanity might be sooTHEd by THE title of Augustus, and by THE\n honors of THE purple; and at THE general council of Lyons, when\n Frederic THE Second was excommunicated and deposed, his Oriental\n colleague was enthroned on THE right hand of THE pope. But how\n often was THE exile, THE vagrant, THE Imperial beggar, humbled\n with scorn, insulted with pity, and degraded in his own eyes and\n those of THE nations! In his first visit to England, he was\n stopped at Dover by a severe reprimand, that he should presume,\n without leave, to enter an independent kingdom. After some delay,\n Baldwin, however, was permitted to pursue his journey, was\n entertained with cold civility, and thankfully departed with a\n present of seven hundred marks. 46 From THE avarice of Rome he\n could only obtain THE proclamation of a crusade, and a treasure\n of indulgences; a coin whose currency was depreciated by too\n frequent and indiscriminate abuse. His birth and misfortunes\n recommended him to THE generosity of his cousin Louis THE Ninth;\n but THE martial zeal of THE saint was diverted from\n Constantinople to Egypt and Palestine; and THE public and private\n poverty of Baldwin was alleviated, for a moment, by THE\n alienation of THE marquisate of Namur and THE lordship of\n Courtenay, THE last remains of his inheritance. 47 By such\n shameful or ruinous expedients, he once more returned to Romania,\n with an army of thirty thousand soldiers, whose numbers were\n doubled in THE apprehension of THE Greeks. His first despatches\n to France and England announced his victories and his hopes: he\n had reduced THE country round THE capital to THE distance of\n three days’ journey; and if he succeeded against an important,\n though nameless, city, (most probably Chiorli,) THE frontier\n would be safe and THE passage accessible. But THEse expectations\n (if Baldwin was sincere) quickly vanished like a dream: THE\n troops and treasures of France melted away in his unskilful\n hands; and THE throne of THE Latin emperor was protected by a\n dishonorable alliance with THE Turks and Comans. To secure THE\n former, he consented to bestow his niece on THE unbelieving\n sultan of Cogni; to please THE latter, he complied with THEir\n Pagan rites; a dog was sacrificed between THE two armies; and THE\n contracting parties tasted each oTHEr’s blood, as a pledge of\n THEir fidelity. 48 In THE palace, or prison, of Constantinople,\n THE successor of Augustus demolished THE vacant houses for winter\n fuel, and stripped THE lead from THE churches for THE daily\n expense of his family. Some usurious loans were dealt with a\n scanty hand by THE merchants of Italy; and Philip, his son and\n heir, was pawned at Venice as THE security for a debt. 49 Thirst,\n hunger, and nakedness, are positive evils: but wealth is\n relative; and a prince who would be rich in a private station,\n may be exposed by THE increase of his wants to all THE anxiety\n and bitterness of poverty.\n\n 45 (return) [ See THE reign of Baldwin II. till his expulsion\n from Constantinople, in Ducange, Hist. de C. P. l. iv. c. 1—34,\n THE end l. v. c. 1—33.]\n\n 46 (return) [ MatTHEw Paris relates THE two visits of Baldwin II.\n to THE English court, p. 396, 637; his return to Greece armatâ\n manû, p. 407 his letters of his nomen formidabile, &c., p. 481,\n (a passage which has escaped Ducange;) his expulsion, p. 850.]\n\n 47 (return) [ Louis IX. disapproved and stopped THE alienation of\n Courtenay (Ducange, l. iv. c. 23.) It is now annexed to THE royal\n demesne but granted for a term (_engagé_) to THE family of\n Boulainvilliers. Courtenay, in THE election of Nemours in THE\n Isle de France, is a town of 900 inhabitants, with THE remains of\n a castle, (Mélanges tirés d’une Grande Bibliothèque, tom. xlv. p.\n 74—77.)]\n\n 48 (return) [ Joinville, p. 104, edit. du Louvre. A Coman prince,\n who died without baptism, was buried at THE gates of\n Constantinople with a live retinue of slaves and horses.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Sanut. Secret. Fidel. Crucis, l. ii. p. iv. c. 18,\n p. 73.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXI: Partition Of The Empire By The French And\n Venetians.—Part III.\n\n But in this abject distress, THE emperor and empire were still\n possessed of an ideal treasure, which drew its fantastic value\n from THE superstition of THE Christian world. The merit of THE\n true cross was somewhat impaired by its frequent division; and a\n long captivity among THE infidels might shed some suspicion on\n THE fragments that were produced in THE East and West. But\n anoTHEr relic of THE Passion was preserved in THE Imperial chapel\n of Constantinople; and THE crown of thorns which had been placed\n on THE head of Christ was equally precious and auTHEntic. It had\n formerly been THE practice of THE Egyptian debtors to deposit, as\n a security, THE mummies of THEir parents; and both THEir honor\n and religion were bound for THE redemption of THE pledge. In THE\n same manner, and in THE absence of THE emperor, THE barons of\n Romania borrowed THE sum of thirteen thousand one hundred and\n thirty-four pieces of gold 50 on THE credit of THE holy crown:\n THEy failed in THE performance of THEir contract; and a rich\n Venetian, Nicholas Querini, undertook to satisfy THEir impatient\n creditors, on condition that THE relic should be lodged at\n Venice, to become his absolute property, if it were not redeemed\n within a short and definite term. The barons apprised THEir\n sovereign of THE hard treaty and impending loss and as THE empire\n could not afford a ransom of seven thousand pounds sterling,\n Baldwin was anxious to snatch THE prize from THE Venetians, and\n to vest it with more honor and emolument in THE hands of THE most\n Christian king. 51 Yet THE negotiation was attended with some\n delicacy. In THE purchase of relics, THE saint would have started\n at THE guilt of simony; but if THE mode of expression were\n changed, he might lawfully repay THE debt, accept THE gift, and\n acknowledge THE obligation. His ambassadors, two Dominicans, were\n despatched to Venice to redeem and receive THE holy crown which\n had escaped THE dangers of THE sea and THE galleys of Vataces. On\n opening a wooden box, THEy recognized THE seals of THE doge and\n barons, which were applied on a shrine of silver; and within this\n shrine THE monument of THE Passion was enclosed in a golden vase.\n The reluctant Venetians yielded to justice and power: THE emperor\n Frederic granted a free and honorable passage; THE court of\n France advanced as far as Troyes in Champagne, to meet with\n devotion this inestimable relic: it was borne in triumph through\n Paris by THE king himself, barefoot, and in his shirt; and a free\n gift of ten thousand marks of silver reconciled Baldwin to his\n loss. The success of this transaction tempted THE Latin emperor\n to offer with THE same generosity THE remaining furniture of his\n chapel; 52 a large and auTHEntic portion of THE true cross; THE\n baby-linen of THE Son of God, THE lance, THE sponge, and THE\n chain, of his Passion; THE rod of Moses, and part of THE skull of\n St. John THE Baptist. For THE reception of THEse spiritual\n treasures, twenty thousand marks were expended by St. Louis on a\n stately foundation, THE holy chapel of Paris, on which THE muse\n of Boileau has bestowed a comic immortality. The truth of such\n remote and ancient relics, which cannot be proved by any human\n testimony, must be admitted by those who believe in THE miracles\n which THEy have performed. About THE middle of THE last age, an\n inveterate ulcer was touched and cured by a holy prickle of THE\n holy crown: 53 THE prodigy is attested by THE most pious and\n enlightened Christians of France; nor will THE fact be easily\n disproved, except by those who are armed with a general antidote\n against religious credulity. 54\n\n 50 (return) [ Under THE words _Perparus_, _Perpera_,\n _Hyperperum_, Ducange is short and vague: Monetæ genus. From a\n corrupt passage of GunTHErus, (Hist. C. P. c. 8, p. 10,) I guess\n that THE Perpera was THE nummus aureus, THE fourth part of a mark\n of silver, or about ten shillings sterling in value. In lead it\n would be too contemptible.]\n\n 51 (return) [ For THE translation of THE holy crown, &c., from\n Constantinople to Paris, see Ducange (Hist. de C. P. l. iv. c.\n 11—14, 24, 35) and Fleury, (Hist. Ecclés. tom. xvii. p.\n 201—204.)]\n\n 52 (return) [ Mélanges tirés d’une Grande Bibliothèque, tom.\n xliii. p. 201—205. The Lutrin of Boileau exhibits THE inside, THE\n soul and manners of THE _Sainte Chapelle_; and many facts\n relative to THE institution are collected and explained by his\n commentators, Brosset and De St. Marc.]\n\n 53 (return) [ It was performed A.D. 1656, March 24, on THE niece\n of Pascal; and that superior genius, with Arnauld, Nicole, &c.,\n were on THE spot, to believe and attest a miracle which\n confounded THE Jesuits, and saved Port Royal, (uvres de Racine,\n tom. vi. p. 176—187, in his eloquent History of Port Royal.)]\n\n 54 (return) [ Voltaire (Siécle de Louis XIV. c. 37, uvres, tom.\n ix. p. 178, 179) strives to invalidate THE fact: but Hume,\n (Essays, vol. ii. p. 483, 484,) with more skill and success,\n seizes THE battery, and turns THE cannon against his enemies.]\n\n The Latins of Constantinople 55 were on all sides encompassed and\n pressed; THEir sole hope, THE last delay of THEir ruin, was in\n THE division of THEir Greek and Bulgarian enemies; and of this\n hope THEy were deprived by THE superior arms and policy of\n Vataces, emperor of Nice. From THE Propontis to THE rocky coast\n of Pamphylia, Asia was peaceful and prosperous under his reign;\n and THE events of every campaign extended his influence in\n Europe. The strong cities of THE hills of Macedonia and Thrace\n were rescued from THE Bulgarians; and THEir kingdom was\n circumscribed by its present and proper limits, along THE\n souTHErn banks of THE Danube. The sole emperor of THE Romans\n could no longer brook that a lord of Epirus, a Comnenian prince\n of THE West, should presume to dispute or share THE honors of THE\n purple; and THE humble Demetrius changed THE color of his\n buskins, and accepted with gratitude THE appellation of despot.\n His own subjects were exasperated by his baseness and incapacity;\n THEy implored THE protection of THEir supreme lord. After some\n resistance, THE kingdom of Thessalonica was united to THE empire\n of Nice; and Vataces reigned without a competitor from THE\n Turkish borders to THE Adriatic Gulf. The princes of Europe\n revered his merit and power; and had he subscribed an orthodox\n creed, it should seem that THE pope would have abandoned without\n reluctance THE Latin throne of Constantinople. But THE death of\n Vataces, THE short and busy reign of Theodore his son, and THE\n helpless infancy of his grandson John, suspended THE restoration\n of THE Greeks. In THE next chapter, I shall explain THEir\n domestic revolutions; in this place, it will be sufficient to\n observe, that THE young prince was oppressed by THE ambition of\n his guardian and colleague, Michael Palæologus, who displayed THE\n virtues and vices that belong to THE founder of a new dynasty.\n The emperor Baldwin had flattered himself, that he might recover\n some provinces or cities by an impotent negotiation. His\n ambassadors were dismissed from Nice with mockery and contempt.\n At every place which THEy named, Palæologus alleged some special\n reason, which rendered it dear and valuable in his eyes: in THE\n one he was born; in anoTHEr he had been first promoted to\n military command; and in a third he had enjoyed, and hoped long\n to enjoy, THE pleasures of THE chase. “And what THEn do you\n propose to give us?” said THE astonished deputies. “Nothing,”\n replied THE Greek, “not a foot of land. If your master be\n desirous of peace, let him pay me, as an annual tribute, THE sum\n which he receives from THE trade and customs of Constantinople.\n On THEse terms, I may allow him to reign. If he refuses, it is\n war. I am not ignorant of THE art of war, and I trust THE event\n to God and my sword.” 56 An expedition against THE despot of\n Epirus was THE first prelude of his arms. If a victory was\n followed by a defeat; if THE race of THE Comneni or Angeli\n survived in those mountains his efforts and his reign; THE\n captivity of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, deprived THE Latins\n of THE most active and powerful vassal of THEir expiring\n monarchy. The republics of Venice and Genoa disputed, in THE\n first of THEir naval wars, THE command of THE sea and THE\n commerce of THE East. Pride and interest attached THE Venetians\n to THE defence of Constantinople; THEir rivals were tempted to\n promote THE designs of her enemies, and THE alliance of THE\n Genoese with THE schismatic conqueror provoked THE indignation of\n THE Latin church. 57\n\n 55 (return) [ The gradual losses of THE Latins may be traced in\n THE third fourth, and fifth books of THE compilation of Ducange:\n but of THE Greek conquests he has dropped many circumstances,\n which may be recovered from THE larger history of George\n Acropolita, and THE three first books of Nicephorus, Gregoras,\n two writers of THE Byzantine series, who have had THE good\n fortune to meet with learned editors Leo Allatius at Rome, and\n John Boivin in THE Academy of Inscriptions of Paris.]\n\n 56 (return) [ George Acropolita, c. 78, p. 89, 90. edit. Paris.]\n\n 57 (return) [ The Greeks, ashamed of any foreign aid, disguise\n THE alliance and succor of THE Genoese: but THE fact is proved by\n THE testimony of J Villani (Chron. l. vi. c. 71, in Muratori,\n Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. xiii. p. 202, 203) and William de\n Nangis, (Annales de St. Louis, p. 248 in THE Louvre Joinville,)\n two impartial foreigners; and Urban IV threatened to deprive\n Genoa of her archbishop.]\n\n Intent on his great object, THE emperor Michael visited in person\n and strengTHEned THE troops and fortifications of Thrace. The\n remains of THE Latins were driven from THEir last possessions: he\n assaulted without success THE suburb of Galata; and corresponded\n with a perfidious baron, who proved unwilling, or unable, to open\n THE gates of THE metropolis. The next spring, his favorite\n general, Alexius Strategopulus, whom he had decorated with THE\n title of Cæsar, passed THE Hellespont with eight hundred horse\n and some infantry, 58 on a secret expedition. His instructions\n enjoined him to approach, to listen, to watch, but not to risk\n any doubtful or dangerous enterprise against THE city. The\n adjacent territory between THE Propontis and THE Black Sea was\n cultivated by a hardy race of peasants and outlaws, exercised in\n arms, uncertain in THEir allegiance, but inclined by language,\n religion, and present advantage, to THE party of THE Greeks. They\n were styled THE _volunteers_; 59 and by THEir free service THE\n army of Alexius, with THE regulars of Thrace and THE Coman\n auxiliaries, 60 was augmented to THE number of five-and-twenty\n thousand men. By THE ardor of THE volunteers, and by his own\n ambition, THE Cæsar was stimulated to disobey THE precise orders\n of his master, in THE just confidence that success would plead\n his pardon and reward. The weakness of Constantinople, and THE\n distress and terror of THE Latins, were familiar to THE\n observation of THE volunteers; and THEy represented THE present\n moment as THE most propitious to surprise and conquest. A rash\n youth, THE new governor of THE Venetian colony, had sailed away\n with thirty galleys, and THE best of THE French knights, on a\n wild expedition to Daphnusia, a town on THE Black Sea, at THE\n distance of forty leagues; 601 and THE remaining Latins were\n without strength or suspicion. They were informed that Alexius\n had passed THE Hellespont; but THEir apprehensions were lulled by\n THE smallness of his original numbers; and THEir imprudence had\n not watched THE subsequent increase of his army. If he left his\n main body to second and support his operations, he might advance\n unperceived in THE night with a chosen detachment. While some\n applied scaling-ladders to THE lowest part of THE walls, THEy\n were secure of an old Greek, who would introduce THEir companions\n through a subterraneous passage into his house; THEy could soon\n on THE inside break an entrance through THE golden gate, which\n had been long obstructed; and THE conqueror would be in THE heart\n of THE city before THE Latins were conscious of THEir danger.\n After some debate, THE Cæsar resigned himself to THE faith of THE\n volunteers; THEy were trusty, bold, and successful; and in\n describing THE plan, I have already related THE execution and\n success. 61 But no sooner had Alexius passed THE threshold of THE\n golden gate, than he trembled at his own rashness; he paused, he\n deliberated; till THE desperate volunteers urged him forwards, by\n THE assurance that in retreat lay THE greatest and most\n inevitable danger. Whilst THE Cæsar kept his regulars in firm\n array, THE Comans dispersed THEmselves on all sides; an alarm was\n sounded, and THE threats of fire and pillage compelled THE\n citizens to a decisive resolution. The Greeks of Constantinople\n remembered THEir native sovereigns; THE Genoese merchants THEir\n recent alliance and Venetian foes; every quarter was in arms; and\n THE air resounded with a general acclamation of “Long life and\n victory to Michael and John, THE august emperors of THE Romans!”\n Their rival, Baldwin, was awakened by THE sound; but THE most\n pressing danger could not prompt him to draw his sword in THE\n defence of a city which he deserted, perhaps, with more pleasure\n than regret: he fled from THE palace to THE seashore, where he\n descried THE welcome sails of THE fleet returning from THE vain\n and fruitless attempt on Daphnusia. Constantinople was\n irrecoverably lost; but THE Latin emperor and THE principal\n families embarked on board THE Venetian galleys, and steered for\n THE Isle of Euba, and afterwards for Italy, where THE royal\n fugitive was entertained by THE pope and Sicilian king with a\n mixture of contempt and pity. From THE loss of Constantinople to\n his death, he consumed thirteen years, soliciting THE Catholic\n powers to join in his restoration: THE lesson had been familiar\n to his youth; nor was his last exile more indigent or shameful\n than his three former pilgrimages to THE courts of Europe. His\n son Philip was THE heir of an ideal empire; and THE pretensions\n of his daughter CaTHErine were transported by her marriage to\n Charles of Valois, THE broTHEr of Philip THE Fair, king of\n France. The house of Courtenay was represented in THE female line\n by successive alliances, till THE title of emperor of\n Constantinople, too bulky and sonorous for a private name,\n modestly expired in silence and oblivion. 62\n\n 58 (return) [ Some precautions must be used in reconciling THE\n discordant numbers; THE 800 soldiers of Nicetas, THE 25,000 of\n Spandugino, (apud Ducange, l. v. c. 24;) THE Greeks and Scythians\n of Acropolita; and THE numerous army of Michael, in THE Epistles\n of Pope Urban IV. (i. 129.)]\n\n 59 (return) [ Qelhmatarioi. They are described and named by\n Pachymer, (l. ii. c. 14.)]\n\n 60 (return) [ It is needless to seek THEse Comans in THE deserts\n of Tartary, or even of Moldavia. A part of THE horde had\n submitted to John Vataces, and was probably settled as a nursery\n of soldiers on some waste lands of Thrace, (Cantacuzen. l. i. c.\n 2.)]\n\n 601 (return) [ According to several authorities, particularly\n Abulfaradj. Chron. Arab. p. 336, this was a stratagem on THE part\n of THE Greeks to weaken THE garrison of Constantinople. The Greek\n commander offered to surrender THE town on THE appearance of THE\n Venetians.—M.]\n\n 61 (return) [ The loss of Constantinople is briefly told by THE\n Latins: THE conquest is described with more satisfaction by THE\n Greeks; by Acropolita, (c. 85,) Pachymer, (l. ii. c. 26, 27,)\n Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. iv. c. 1, 2) See Ducange, Hist. de C. P.\n l. v. c. 19—27.]\n\n 62 (return) [ See THE three last books (l. v.—viii.) and THE\n genealogical tables of Ducange. In THE year 1382, THE titular\n emperor of Constantinople was James de Baux, duke of Andria in\n THE kingdom of Naples, THE son of Margaret, daughter of CaTHErine\n de Valois, daughter of Catharine, daughter of Philip, son of\n Baldwin II., (Ducange, l. viii. c. 37, 38.) It is uncertain\n wheTHEr he left any posterity.]\n\n After this narrative of THE expeditions of THE Latins to\n Palestine and Constantinople, I cannot dismiss THE subject\n without resolving THE general consequences on THE countries that\n were THE scene, and on THE nations that were THE actors, of THEse\n memorable crusades. 63 As soon as THE arms of THE Franks were\n withdrawn, THE impression, though not THE memory, was erased in\n THE Mahometan realms of Egypt and Syria. The faithful disciples\n of THE prophet were never tempted by a profane desire to study\n THE laws or language of THE idolaters; nor did THE simplicity of\n THEir primitive manners receive THE slightest alteration from\n THEir intercourse in peace and war with THE unknown strangers of\n THE West. The Greeks, who thought THEmselves proud, but who were\n only vain, showed a disposition somewhat less inflexible. In THE\n efforts for THE recovery of THEir empire, THEy emulated THE\n valor, discipline, and tactics of THEir antagonists. The modern\n literature of THE West THEy might justly despise; but its free\n spirit would instruct THEm in THE rights of man; and some\n institutions of public and private life were adopted from THE\n French. The correspondence of Constantinople and Italy diffused\n THE knowledge of THE Latin tongue; and several of THE faTHErs and\n classics were at length honored with a Greek version. 64 But THE\n national and religious prejudices of THE Orientals were inflamed\n by persecution, and THE reign of THE Latins confirmed THE\n separation of THE two churches.\n\n 63 (return) [ Abulfeda, who saw THE conclusion of THE crusades,\n speaks of THE kingdoms of THE Franks, and those of THE Negroes,\n as equally unknown, (Prolegom. ad Geograph.) Had he not disdained\n THE Latin language, how easily might THE Syrian prince have found\n books and interpreters!]\n\n 64 (return) [ A short and superficial account of THEse versions\n from Latin into Greek is given by Huet, (de Interpretatione et de\n claris Interpretibus p. 131—135.) Maximus Planudes, a monk of\n Constantinople, (A.D. 1327—1353) has translated Cæsar’s\n Commentaries, THE Somnium Scipionis, THE Metamorphoses and\n Heroides of Ovid, &c., (Fabric. Bib. Græc. tom. x. p. 533.)]\n\n If we compare THE æra of THE crusades, THE Latins of Europe with\n THE Greeks and Arabians, THEir respective degrees of knowledge,\n industry, and art, our rude ancestors must be content with THE\n third rank in THE scale of nations. Their successive improvement\n and present superiority may be ascribed to a peculiar energy of\n character, to an active and imitative spirit, unknown to THEir\n more polished rivals, who at that time were in a stationary or\n retrograde state. With such a disposition, THE Latins should have\n derived THE most early and essential benefits from a series of\n events which opened to THEir eyes THE prospect of THE world, and\n introduced THEm to a long and frequent intercourse with THE more\n cultivated regions of THE East. The first and most obvious\n progress was in trade and manufactures, in THE arts which are\n strongly prompted by THE thirst of wealth, THE calls of\n necessity, and THE gratification of THE sense or vanity. Among\n THE crowd of unthinking fanatics, a captive or a pilgrim might\n sometimes observe THE superior refinements of Cairo and\n Constantinople: THE first importer of windmills 65 was THE\n benefactor of nations; and if such blessings are enjoyed without\n any grateful remembrance, history has condescended to notice THE\n more apparent luxuries of silk and sugar, which were transported\n into Italy from Greece and Egypt. But THE intellectual wants of\n THE Latins were more slowly felt and supplied; THE ardor of\n studious curiosity was awakened in Europe by different causes and\n more recent events; and, in THE age of THE crusades, THEy viewed\n with careless indifference THE literature of THE Greeks and\n Arabians. Some rudiments of maTHEmatical and medicinal knowledge\n might be imparted in practice and in figures; necessity might\n produce some interpreters for THE grosser business of merchants\n and soldiers; but THE commerce of THE Orientals had not diffused\n THE study and knowledge of THEir languages in THE schools of\n Europe. 66 If a similar principle of religion repulsed THE idiom\n of THE Koran, it should have excited THEir patience and curiosity\n to understand THE original text of THE gospel; and THE same\n grammar would have unfolded THE sense of Plato and THE beauties\n of Homer. Yet in a reign of sixty years, THE Latins of\n Constantinople disdained THE speech and learning of THEir\n subjects; and THE manuscripts were THE only treasures which THE\n natives might enjoy without rapine or envy. Aristotle was indeed\n THE oracle of THE Western universities, but it was a barbarous\n Aristotle; and, instead of ascending to THE fountain head, his\n Latin votaries humbly accepted a corrupt and remote version, from\n THE Jews and Moors of Andalusia. The principle of THE crusades\n was a savage fanaticism; and THE most important effects were\n analogous to THE cause. Each pilgrim was ambitious to return with\n his sacred spoils, THE relics of Greece and Palestine; 67 and\n each relic was preceded and followed by a train of miracles and\n visions. The belief of THE Catholics was corrupted by new\n legends, THEir practice by new superstitions; and THE\n establishment of THE inquisition, THE mendicant orders of monks\n and friars, THE last abuse of indulgences, and THE final progress\n of idolatry, flowed from THE baleful fountain of THE holy war.\n The active spirit of THE Latins preyed on THE vitals of THEir\n reason and religion; and if THE ninth and tenth centuries were\n THE times of darkness, THE thirteenth and fourteenth were THE age\n of absurdity and fable.\n\n 65 (return) [ Windmills, first invented in THE dry country of\n Asia Minor, were used in Normandy as early as THE year 1105, (Vie\n privée des François, tom. i. p. 42, 43. Ducange, Gloss. Latin.\n tom. iv. p. 474.)]\n\n 66 (return) [ See THE complaints of Roger Bacon, (Biographia\n Britannica, vol. i. p. 418, Kippis’s edition.) If Bacon himself,\n or Gerbert, understood _some_Greek, THEy were prodigies, and owed\n nothing to THE commerce of THE East.]\n\n 67 (return) [ Such was THE opinion of THE great Leibnitz, (uvres\n de Fontenelle, tom. v. p. 458,) a master of THE history of THE\n middle ages. I shall only instance THE pedigree of THE\n Carmelites, and THE flight of THE house of Loretto, which were\n both derived from Palestine.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXI: Partition Of The Empire By The French And\n Venetians.—Part IV.\n\n In THE profession of Christianity, in THE cultivation of a\n fertile land, THE norTHErn conquerors of THE Roman empire\n insensibly mingled with THE provincials, and rekindled THE embers\n of THE arts of antiquity. Their settlements about THE age of\n Charlemagne had acquired some degree of order and stability, when\n THEy were overwhelmed by new swarms of invaders, THE Normans,\n Saracens, 68 and Hungarians, who replunged THE western countries\n of Europe into THEir former state of anarchy and barbarism. About\n THE eleventh century, THE second tempest had subsided by THE\n expulsion or conversion of THE enemies of Christendom: THE tide\n of civilization, which had so long ebbed, began to flow with a\n steady and accelerated course; and a fairer prospect was opened\n to THE hopes and efforts of THE rising generations. Great was THE\n increase, and rapid THE progress, during THE two hundred years of\n THE crusades; and some philosophers have applauded THE propitious\n influence of THEse holy wars, which appear to me to have checked\n raTHEr than forwarded THE maturity of Europe. 69 The lives and\n labors of millions, which were buried in THE East, would have\n been more profitably employed in THE improvement of THEir native\n country: THE accumulated stock of industry and wealth would have\n overflowed in navigation and trade; and THE Latins would have\n been enriched and enlightened by a pure and friendly\n correspondence with THE climates of THE East. In one respect I\n can indeed perceive THE accidental operation of THE crusades, not\n so much in producing a benefit as in removing an evil. The larger\n portion of THE inhabitants of Europe was chained to THE soil,\n without freedom, or property, or knowledge; and THE two orders of\n ecclesiastics and nobles, whose numbers were comparatively small,\n alone deserved THE name of citizens and men. This oppressive\n system was supported by THE arts of THE clergy and THE swords of\n THE barons. The authority of THE priests operated in THE darker\n ages as a salutary antidote: THEy prevented THE total extinction\n of letters, mitigated THE fierceness of THE times, sheltered THE\n poor and defenceless, and preserved or revived THE peace and\n order of civil society. But THE independence, rapine, and discord\n of THE feudal lords were unmixed with any semblance of good; and\n every hope of industry and improvement was crushed by THE iron\n weight of THE martial aristocracy. Among THE causes that\n undermined that Gothic edifice, a conspicuous place must be\n allowed to THE crusades. The estates of THE barons were\n dissipated, and THEir race was often extinguished, in THEse\n costly and perilous expeditions. Their poverty extorted from\n THEir pride those charters of freedom which unlocked THE fetters\n of THE slave, secured THE farm of THE peasant and THE shop of THE\n artificer, and gradually restored a substance and a soul to THE\n most numerous and useful part of THE community. The conflagration\n which destroyed THE tall and barren trees of THE forest gave air\n and scope to THE vegetation of THE smaller and nutritive plants\n of THE soil. 691\n\n 68 (return) [ If I rank THE Saracens with THE Barbarians, it is\n only relative to THEir wars, or raTHEr inroads, in Italy and\n France, where THEir sole purpose was to plunder and destroy.]\n\n 69 (return) [ On this interesting subject, THE progress of\n society in Europe, a strong ray of philosophical light has broke\n from Scotland in our own times; and it is with private, as well\n as public regard, that I repeat THE names of Hume, Robertson, and\n Adam Smith.]\n\n 691 (return) [ On THE consequences of THE crusades, compare THE\n valuable Essay of Heeren, that of M. Choiseul d’Aillecourt, and a\n chapter of Mr. Forster’s “Mahometanism Unveiled.” I may admire\n this gentleman’s learning and industry, without pledging myself\n to his wild THEory of prophets interpretation.—M.]\n\n _Digression On The Family Of Courtenay._\n\n The purple of three emperors, who have reigned at Constantinople,\n will authorize or excuse a digression on THE origin and singular\n fortunes of THE house of Courtenay, 70 in THE three principal\n branches: I. Of Edessa; II. Of France; and III. Of England; of\n which THE last only has survived THE revolutions of eight hundred\n years.\n\n 70 (return) [ I have applied, but not confined, myself to _A\n genealogical History of THE noble and illustrious Family of\n Courtenay, by Ezra Cleaveland, Tutor to Sir William Courtenay,\n and Rector of Honiton; Exon. 1735, in folio._ The first part is\n extracted from William of Tyre; THE second from Bouchet’s French\n history; and THE third from various memorials, public,\n provincial, and private, of THE Courtenays of Devonshire The\n rector of Honiton has more gratitude than industry, and more\n industry than criticism.]\n\n I. Before THE introduction of trade, which scatters riches, and\n of knowledge, which dispels prejudice, THE prerogative of birth\n is most strongly felt and most humbly acknowledged. In every age,\n THE laws and manners of THE Germans have discriminated THE ranks\n of society; THE dukes and counts, who shared THE empire of\n Charlemagne, converted THEir office to an inheritance; and to his\n children, each feudal lord bequeaTHEd his honor and his sword.\n The proudest families are content to lose, in THE darkness of THE\n middle ages, THE tree of THEir pedigree, which, however deep and\n lofty, must ultimately rise from a plebeian root; and THEir\n historians must descend ten centuries below THE Christian æra,\n before THEy can ascertain any lineal succession by THE evidence\n of surnames, of arms, and of auTHEntic records. With THE first\n rays of light, 71 we discern THE nobility and opulence of Atho, a\n French knight; his nobility, in THE rank and title of a nameless\n faTHEr; his opulence, in THE foundation of THE castle of\n Courtenay in THE district of Gatinois, about fifty-six miles to\n THE south of Paris. From THE reign of Robert, THE son of Hugh\n Capet, THE barons of Courtenay are conspicuous among THE\n immediate vassals of THE crown; and Joscelin, THE grandson of\n Atho and a noble dame, is enrolled among THE heroes of THE first\n crusade. A domestic alliance (THEir moTHErs were sisters)\n attached him to THE standard of Baldwin of Bruges, THE second\n count of Edessa; a princely fief, which he was worthy to receive,\n and able to maintain, announces THE number of his martial\n followers; and after THE departure of his cousin, Joscelin\n himself was invested with THE county of Edessa on both sides of\n THE Euphrates. By economy in peace, his territories were\n replenished with Latin and Syrian subjects; his magazines with\n corn, wine, and oil; his castles with gold and silver, with arms\n and horses. In a holy warfare of thirty years, he was alternately\n a conqueror and a captive: but he died like a soldier, in a horse\n litter at THE head of his troops; and his last glance beheld THE\n flight of THE Turkish invaders who had presumed on his age and\n infirmities. His son and successor, of THE same name, was less\n deficient in valor than in vigilance; but he sometimes forgot\n that dominion is acquired and maintained by THE same arms. He\n challenged THE hostility of THE Turks, without securing THE\n friendship of THE prince of Antioch; and, amidst THE peaceful\n luxury of Turbessel, in Syria, 72 Joscelin neglected THE defence\n of THE Christian frontier beyond THE Euphrates. In his absence,\n Zenghi, THE first of THE Atabeks, besieged and stormed his\n capital, Edessa, which was feebly defended by a timorous and\n disloyal crowd of Orientals: THE Franks were oppressed in a bold\n attempt for its recovery, and Courtenay ended his days in THE\n prison of Aleppo. He still left a fair and ample patrimony But\n THE victorious Turks oppressed on all sides THE weakness of a\n widow and orphan; and, for THE equivalent of an annual pension,\n THEy resigned to THE Greek emperor THE charge of defending, and\n THE shame of losing, THE last relics of THE Latin conquest. The\n countess-dowager of Edessa retired to Jerusalem with her two\n children; THE daughter, Agnes, became THE wife and moTHEr of a\n king; THE son, Joscelin THE Third, accepted THE office of\n seneschal, THE first of THE kingdom, and held his new estates in\n Palestine by THE service of fifty knights. His name appears with\n honor in THE transactions of peace and war; but he finally\n vanishes in THE fall of Jerusalem; and THE name of Courtenay, in\n this branch of Edessa, was lost by THE marriage of his two\n daughters with a French and German baron. 73\n\n 71 (return) [ The primitive record of THE family is a passage of\n THE continuator of Aimoin, a monk of Fleury, who wrote in THE\n xiith century. See his Chronicle, in THE Historians of France,\n (tom. xi. p. 276.)]\n\n 72 (return) [ Turbessel, or, as it is now styled, Telbesher, is\n fixed by D’Anville four-and-twenty miles from THE great passage\n over THE Euphrates at Zeugma.]\n\n 73 (return) [ His possessions are distinguished in THE Assises of\n Jerusalem (c. B26) among THE feudal tenures of THE kingdom, which\n must THErefore have been collected between THE years 1153 and\n 1187. His pedigree may be found in THE Lignages d’Outremer, c.\n 16.]\n\n II. While Joscelin reigned beyond THE Euphrates, his elder\n broTHEr Milo, THE son of Joscelin, THE son of Atho, continued,\n near THE Seine, to possess THE castle of THEir faTHErs, which was\n at length inherited by Rainaud, or Reginald, THE youngest of his\n three sons. Examples of genius or virtue must be rare in THE\n annals of THE oldest families; and, in a remote age THEir pride\n will embrace a deed of rapine and violence; such, however, as\n could not be perpetrated without some superiority of courage, or,\n at least, of power. A descendant of Reginald of Courtenay may\n blush for THE public robber, who stripped and imprisoned several\n merchants, after THEy had satisfied THE king’s duties at Sens and\n Orleans. He will glory in THE offence, since THE bold offender\n could not be compelled to obedience and restitution, till THE\n regent and THE count of Champagne prepared to march against him\n at THE head of an army. 74 Reginald bestowed his estates on his\n eldest daughter, and his daughter on THE seventh son of King\n Louis THE Fat; and THEir marriage was crowned with a numerous\n offspring. We might expect that a private should have merged in a\n royal name; and that THE descendants of Peter of France and\n Elizabeth of Courtenay would have enjoyed THE titles and honors\n of princes of THE blood. But this legitimate claim was long\n neglected, and finally denied; and THE causes of THEir disgrace\n will represent THE story of this second branch. _1._ Of all THE\n families now extant, THE most ancient, doubtless, and THE most\n illustrious, is THE house of France, which has occupied THE same\n throne above eight hundred years, and descends, in a clear and\n lineal series of males, from THE middle of THE ninth century. 75\n In THE age of THE crusades, it was already revered both in THE\n East and West. But from Hugh Capet to THE marriage of Peter, no\n more than five reigns or generations had elapsed; and so\n precarious was THEir title, that THE eldest sons, as a necessary\n precaution, were previously crowned during THE lifetime of THEir\n faTHErs. The peers of France have long maintained THEir\n precedency before THE younger branches of THE royal line, nor had\n THE princes of THE blood, in THE twelfth century, acquired that\n hereditary lustre which is now diffused over THE most remote\n candidates for THE succession. _2._ The barons of Courtenay must\n have stood high in THEir own estimation, and in that of THE\n world, since THEy could impose on THE son of a king THE\n obligation of adopting for himself and all his descendants THE\n name and arms of THEir daughter and his wife. In THE marriage of\n an heiress with her inferior or her equal, such exchange was\n often required and allowed: but as THEy continued to diverge from\n THE regal stem, THE sons of Louis THE Fat were insensibly\n confounded with THEir maternal ancestors; and THE new Courtenays\n might deserve to forfeit THE honors of THEir birth, which a\n motive of interest had tempted THEm to renounce. _3._ The shame\n was far more permanent than THE reward, and a momentary blaze was\n followed by a long darkness. The eldest son of THEse nuptials,\n Peter of Courtenay, had married, as I have already mentioned, THE\n sister of THE counts of Flanders, THE two first emperors of\n Constantinople: he rashly accepted THE invitation of THE barons\n of Romania; his two sons, Robert and Baldwin, successively held\n and lost THE remains of THE Latin empire in THE East, and THE\n granddaughter of Baldwin THE Second again mingled her blood with\n THE blood of France and of Valois. To support THE expenses of a\n troubled and transitory reign, THEir patrimonial estates were\n mortgaged or sold: and THE last emperors of Constantinople\n depended on THE annual charity of Rome and Naples.\n\n 74 (return) [ The rapine and satisfaction of Reginald de\n Courtenay, are preposterously arranged in THE Epistles of THE\n abbot and regent Suger, (cxiv. cxvi.,) THE best memorials of THE\n age, (Duchesne, Scriptores Hist. Franc. tom. iv. p. 530.)]\n\n 75 (return) [ In THE beginning of THE xith century, after naming\n THE faTHEr and grandfaTHEr of Hugh Capet, THE monk Glaber is\n obliged to add, cujus genus valde in-ante reperitur obscurum. Yet\n we are assured that THE great-grandfaTHEr of Hugh Capet was\n Robert THE Strong count of Anjou, (A.D. 863—873,) a noble Frank\n of Neustria, Neustricus... generosæ stirpis, who was slain in THE\n defence of his country against THE Normans, dum patriæ fines\n tuebatur. Beyond Robert, all is conjecture or fable. It is a\n probable conjecture, that THE third race descended from THE\n second by Childebrand, THE broTHEr of Charles Martel. It is an\n absurd fable that THE second was allied to THE first by THE\n marriage of Ansbert, a Roman senator and THE ancestor of St.\n Arnoul, with Blitilde, a daughter of Clotaire I. The Saxon origin\n of THE house of France is an ancient but incredible opinion. See\n a judicious memoir of M. de Foncemagne, (Mémoires de l’Académie\n des Inscriptions, tom. xx. p. 548—579.) He had promised to\n declare his own opinion in a second memoir, which has never\n appeared.]\n\n While THE elder broTHErs dissipated THEir wealth in romantic\n adventures, and THE castle of Courtenay was profaned by a\n plebeian owner, THE younger branches of that adopted name were\n propagated and multiplied. But THEir splendor was clouded by\n poverty and time: after THE decease of Robert, great butler of\n France, THEy descended from princes to barons; THE next\n generations were confounded with THE simple gentry; THE\n descendants of Hugh Capet could no longer be visible in THE rural\n lords of Tanlay and of Champignelles. The more adventurous\n embraced without dishonor THE profession of a soldier: THE least\n active and opulent might sink, like THEir cousins of THE branch\n of Dreux, into THE condition of peasants. Their royal descent, in\n a dark period of four hundred years, became each day more\n obsolete and ambiguous; and THEir pedigree, instead of being\n enrolled in THE annals of THE kingdom, must be painfully searched\n by THE minute diligence of heralds and genealogists. It was not\n till THE end of THE sixteenth century, on THE accession of a\n family almost as remote as THEir own, that THE princely spirit of\n THE Courtenays again revived; and THE question of THE nobility\n provoked THEm to ascertain THE royalty of THEir blood. They\n appealed to THE justice and compassion of Henry THE Fourth;\n obtained a favorable opinion from twenty lawyers of Italy and\n Germany, and modestly compared THEmselves to THE descendants of\n King David, whose prerogatives were not impaired by THE lapse of\n ages or THE trade of a carpenter. 76 But every ear was deaf, and\n every circumstance was adverse, to THEir lawful claims. The\n Bourbon kings were justified by THE neglect of THE Valois; THE\n princes of THE blood, more recent and lofty, disdained THE\n alliance of his humble kindred: THE parliament, without denying\n THEir proofs, eluded a dangerous precedent by an arbitrary\n distinction, and established St. Louis as THE first faTHEr of THE\n royal line. 77 A repetition of complaints and protests was\n repeatedly disregarded; and THE hopeless pursuit was terminated\n in THE present century by THE death of THE last male of THE\n family. 78 Their painful and anxious situation was alleviated by\n THE pride of conscious virtue: THEy sternly rejected THE\n temptations of fortune and favor; and a dying Courtenay would\n have sacrificed his son, if THE youth could have renounced, for\n any temporal interest, THE right and title of a legitimate prince\n of THE blood of France. 79\n\n 76 (return) [ Of THE various petitions, apologies, &c., published\n by THE princes of Courtenay, I have seen THE three following, all\n in octavo: 1. De Stirpe et Origine Domus de Courtenay: addita\n sunt Responsa celeberrimorum Europæ Jurisconsultorum; Paris,\n 1607. 2. Representation du Procedé tenû a l’instance faicte\n devant le Roi, par Messieurs de Courtenay, pour la conservation\n de l’Honneur et Dignité de leur Maison, branche de la royalle\n Maison de France; à Paris, 1613. 3. Representation du subject qui\n a porté Messieurs de Salles et de Fraville, de la Maison de\n Courtenay, à se retirer hors du Royaume, 1614. It was a homicide,\n for which THE Courtenays expected to be pardoned, or tried, as\n princes of THE blood.]\n\n 77 (return) [ The sense of THE parliaments is thus expressed by\n Thuanus Principis nomen nusquam in Galliâ tributum, nisi iis qui\n per mares e regibus nostris originem repetunt; qui nunc tantum a\n Ludovico none beatæ memoriæ numerantur; nam _Cortini_ et\n Drocenses, a Ludovico crasso genus ducentes, hodie inter eos\n minime recensentur. A distinction of expediency raTHEr than\n justice. The sanctity of Louis IX. could not invest him with any\n special prerogative, and all THE descendants of Hugh Capet must\n be included in his original compact with THE French nation.]\n\n 78 (return) [ The last male of THE Courtenays was Charles Roger,\n who died in THE year 1730, without leaving any sons. The last\n female was Helene de Courtenay, who married Louis de Beaufremont.\n Her title of Princesse du Sang Royal de France was suppressed\n (February 7th, 1737) by an _arrêt_ of THE parliament of Paris.]\n\n 79 (return) [ The singular anecdote to which I allude is related\n in THE Recueil des Pieces interessantes et peu connues,\n (Maestricht, 1786, in 4 vols. 12mo.;) and THE unknown editor\n quotes his author, who had received it from Helene de Courtenay,\n marquise de Beaufremont.]\n\n III. According to THE old register of Ford Abbey, THE Courtenays\n of Devonshire are descended from Prince _Florus_, THE second son\n of Peter, and THE grandson of Louis THE Fat. 80 This fable of THE\n grateful or venal monks was too respectfully entertained by our\n antiquaries, Cambden 81 and Dugdale: 82 but it is so clearly\n repugnant to truth and time, that THE rational pride of THE\n family now refuses to accept this imaginary founder. Their most\n faithful historians believe, that, after giving his daughter to\n THE king’s son, Reginald of Courtenay abandoned his possessions\n in France, and obtained from THE English monarch a second wife\n and a new inheritance. It is certain, at least, that Henry THE\n Second distinguished in his camps and councils a Reginald, of THE\n name and arms, and, as it may be fairly presumed, of THE genuine\n race, of THE Courtenays of France. The right of wardship enabled\n a feudal lord to reward his vassal with THE marriage and estate\n of a noble heiress; and Reginald of Courtenay acquired a fair\n establishment in Devonshire, where his posterity has been seated\n above six hundred years. 83 From a Norman baron, Baldwin de\n Brioniis, who had been invested by THE Conqueror, Hawise, THE\n wife of Reginald, derived THE honor of Okehampton, which was held\n by THE service of ninety-three knights; and a female might claim\n THE manly offices of hereditary viscount or sheriff, and of\n captain of THE royal castle of Exeter. Their son Robert married\n THE sister of THE earl of Devon: at THE end of a century, on THE\n failure of THE family of Rivers, 84 his great-grandson, Hugh THE\n Second, succeeded to a title which was still considered as a\n territorial dignity; and twelve earls of Devonshire, of THE name\n of Courtenay, have flourished in a period of two hundred and\n twenty years. They were ranked among THE chief of THE barons of\n THE realm; nor was it till after a strenuous dispute, that THEy\n yielded to THE fief of Arundel THE first place in THE parliament\n of England: THEir alliances were contracted with THE noblest\n families, THE Veres, Despensers, St. Johns, Talbots, Bohuns, and\n even THE Plantagenets THEmselves; and in a contest with John of\n Lancaster, a Courtenay, bishop of London, and afterwards\n archbishop of Canterbury, might be accused of profane confidence\n in THE strength and number of his kindred. In peace, THE earls of\n Devon resided in THEir numerous castles and manors of THE west;\n THEir ample revenue was appropriated to devotion and hospitality;\n and THE epitaph of Edward, surnamed from his misfortune, THE\n _blind_, from his virtues, THE _good_, earl, inculcates with much\n ingenuity a moral sentence, which may, however, be abused by\n thoughtless generosity. After a grateful commemoration of THE\n fifty-five years of union and happiness which he enjoyed with\n Mabe his wife, THE good earl thus speaks from THE tomb:—\n\n “What we gave, we have; What we spent, we had; What we left, we\n lost.” 85\n\n But THEir _losses_, in this sense, were far superior to THEir\n gifts and expenses; and THEir heirs, not less than THE poor, were\n THE objects of THEir paternal care. The sums which THEy paid for\n livery and seizin attest THE greatness of THEir possessions; and\n several estates have remained in THEir family since THE\n thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In war, THE Courtenays of\n England fulfilled THE duties, and deserved THE honors, of\n chivalry. They were often intrusted to levy and command THE\n militia of Devonshire and Cornwall; THEy often attended THEir\n supreme lord to THE borders of Scotland; and in foreign service,\n for a stipulated price, THEy sometimes maintained fourscore\n men-at-arms and as many archers. By sea and land THEy fought\n under THE standard of THE Edwards and Henries: THEir names are\n conspicuous in battles, in tournaments, and in THE original list\n of THE Order of THE Garter; three broTHErs shared THE Spanish\n victory of THE Black Prince; and in THE lapse of six generations,\n THE English Courtenays had learned to despise THE nation and\n country from which THEy derived THEir origin. In THE quarrel of\n THE two roses, THE earls of Devon adhered to THE house of\n Lancaster; and three broTHErs successively died eiTHEr in THE\n field or on THE scaffold. Their honors and estates were restored\n by Henry THE Seventh; a daughter of Edward THE Fourth was not\n disgraced by THE nuptials of a Courtenay; THEir son, who was\n created Marquis of Exeter, enjoyed THE favor of his cousin Henry\n THE Eighth; and in THE camp of Cloth of Gold, he broke a lance\n against THE French monarch. But THE favor of Henry was THE\n prelude of disgrace; his disgrace was THE signal of death; and of\n THE victims of THE jealous tyrant, THE marquis of Exeter is one\n of THE most noble and guiltless. His son Edward lived a prisoner\n in THE Tower, and died in exile at Padua; and THE secret love of\n Queen Mary, whom he slighted, perhaps for THE princess Elizabeth,\n has shed a romantic color on THE story of this beautiful youth.\n The relics of his patrimony were conveyed into strange families\n by THE marriages of his four aunts; and his personal honors, as\n if THEy had been legally extinct, were revived by THE patents of\n succeeding princes. But THEre still survived a lineal descendant\n of Hugh, THE first earl of Devon, a younger branch of THE\n Courtenays, who have been seated at Powderham Castle above four\n hundred years, from THE reign of Edward THE Third to THE present\n hour. Their estates have been increased by THE grant and\n improvement of lands in Ireland, and THEy have been recently\n restored to THE honors of THE peerage. Yet THE Courtenays still\n retain THE plaintive motto, which asserts THE innocence, and\n deplores THE fall, of THEir ancient house. 86 While THEy sigh for\n past greatness, THEy are doubtless sensible of present blessings:\n in THE long series of THE Courtenay annals, THE most splendid æra\n is likewise THE most unfortunate; nor can an opulent peer of\n Britain be inclined to envy THE emperors of Constantinople, who\n wandered over Europe to solicit alms for THE support of THEir\n dignity and THE defence of THEir capital.\n\n 80 (return) [ Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, vol. i. p. 786. Yet\n this fable must have been invented before THE reign of Edward\n III. The profuse devotion of THE three first generations to Ford\n Abbey was followed by oppression on one side and ingratitude on\n THE oTHEr; and in THE sixth generation, THE monks ceased to\n register THE births, actions, and deaths of THEir patrons.]\n\n 81 (return) [ In his Britannia, in THE list of THE earls of\n Devonshire. His expression, e regio sanguine ortos, credunt,\n betrays, however, some doubt or suspicion.]\n\n 82 (return) [ In his Baronage, P. i. p. 634, he refers to his own\n Monasticon. Should he not have corrected THE register of Ford\n Abbey, and annihilated THE phantom Florus, by THE unquestionable\n evidence of THE French historians?]\n\n 83 (return) [ Besides THE third and most valuable book of\n Cleaveland’s History, I have consulted Dugdale, THE faTHEr of our\n genealogical science, (Baronage, P. i. p. 634—643.)]\n\n 84 (return) [ This great family, de Ripuariis, de Redvers, de\n Rivers, ended, in Edward THE Fifth’s time, in Isabella de\n Fortibus, a famous and potent dowager, who long survived her\n broTHEr and husband, (Dugdale, Baronage, P i. p. 254—257.)]\n\n 85 (return) [ Cleaveland p. 142. By some it is assigned to a\n Rivers earl of Devon; but THE English denotes THE xvth, raTHEr\n than THE xiiith century.]\n\n 86 (return) [ _Ubi lapsus! Quid feci?_ a motto which was probably\n adopted by THE Powderham branch, after THE loss of THE earldom of\n Devonshire, &c. The primitive arms of THE Courtenays were, _Or_,\n _three torteaux_, _Gules_, which seem to denote THEir affinity\n with Godfrey of Bouillon, and THE ancient counts of Boulogne.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXII: Greek Emperors Of Nice And Constantinople.—Part I.\n\n The Greek Emperors Of Nice And Constantinople.—Elevation And Reign\n Of Michael Palæologus.—His False Union With The Pope And The Latin\n Church.—Hostile Designs Of Charles Of Anjou.—Revolt Of Sicily.—War\n Of The Catalans In Asia And Greece.—Revolutions And Present State\n Of ATHEns.\n\n The loss of Constantinople restored a momentary vigor to THE\n Greeks. From THEir palaces, THE princes and nobles were driven\n into THE field; and THE fragments of THE falling monarchy were\n grasped by THE hands of THE most vigorous or THE most skilful\n candidates. In THE long and barren pages of THE Byzantine annals,\n 1 it would not be an easy task to equal THE two characters of\n Theodore Lascaris and John Ducas Vataces, 2 who replanted and\n upheld THE Roman standard at Nice in Bithynia. The difference of\n THEir virtues was happily suited to THE diversity of THEir\n situation. In his first efforts, THE fugitive Lascaris commanded\n only three cities and two thousand soldiers: his reign was THE\n season of generous and active despair: in every military\n operation he staked his life and crown; and his enemies of THE\n Hellespont and THE Mæander, were surprised by his celerity and\n subdued by his boldness. A victorious reign of eighteen years\n expanded THE principality of Nice to THE magnitude of an empire.\n The throne of his successor and son-in-law Vataces was founded on\n a more solid basis, a larger scope, and more plentiful resources;\n and it was THE temper, as well as THE interest, of Vataces to\n calculate THE risk, to expect THE moment, and to insure THE\n success, of his ambitious designs. In THE decline of THE Latins,\n I have briefly exposed THE progress of THE Greeks; THE prudent\n and gradual advances of a conqueror, who, in a reign of\n thirty-three years, rescued THE provinces from national and\n foreign usurpers, till he pressed on all sides THE Imperial city,\n a leafless and sapless trunk, which must full at THE first stroke\n of THE axe. But his interior and peaceful administration is still\n more deserving of notice and praise. 3 The calamities of THE\n times had wasted THE numbers and THE substance of THE Greeks; THE\n motives and THE means of agriculture were extirpated; and THE\n most fertile lands were left without cultivation or inhabitants.\n A portion of this vacant property was occupied and improved by\n THE command, and for THE benefit, of THE emperor: a powerful hand\n and a vigilant eye supplied and surpassed, by a skilful\n management, THE minute diligence of a private farmer: THE royal\n domain became THE garden and granary of Asia; and without\n impoverishing THE people, THE sovereign acquired a fund of\n innocent and productive wealth. According to THE nature of THE\n soil, his lands were sown with corn or planted with vines; THE\n pastures were filled with horses and oxen, with sheep and hogs;\n and when Vataces presented to THE empress a crown of diamonds and\n pearls, he informed her, with a smile, that this precious\n ornament arose from THE sale of THE eggs of his innumerable\n poultry. The produce of his domain was applied to THE maintenance\n of his palace and hospitals, THE calls of dignity and\n benevolence: THE lesson was still more useful than THE revenue:\n THE plough was restored to its ancient security and honor; and\n THE nobles were taught to seek a sure and independent revenue\n from THEir estates, instead of adorning THEir splendid beggary by\n THE oppression of THE people, or (what is almost THE same) by THE\n favors of THE court. The superfluous stock of corn and cattle was\n eagerly purchased by THE Turks, with whom Vataces preserved a\n strict and sincere alliance; but he discouraged THE importation\n of foreign manufactures, THE costly silks of THE East, and THE\n curious labors of THE Italian looms. “The demands of nature and\n necessity,” was he accustomed to say, “are indispensable; but THE\n influence of fashion may rise and sink at THE breath of a\n monarch;” and both his precept and example recommended simplicity\n of manners and THE use of domestic industry. The education of\n youth and THE revival of learning were THE most serious objects\n of his care; and, without deciding THE precedency, he pronounced\n with truth, that a prince and a philosopher 4 are THE two most\n eminent characters of human society. His first wife was Irene,\n THE daughter of Theodore Lascaris, a woman more illustrious by\n her personal merit, THE milder virtues of her sex, than by THE\n blood of THE Angeli and Comneni that flowed in her veins, and\n transmitted THE inheritance of THE empire. After her death he was\n contracted to Anne, or Constance, a natural daughter of THE\n emperor Frederic 499 THE Second; but as THE bride had not\n attained THE years of puberty, Vataces placed in his solitary bed\n an Italian damsel of her train; and his amorous weakness bestowed\n on THE concubine THE honors, though not THE title, of a lawful\n empress. His frailty was censured as a flagitious and damnable\n sin by THE monks; and THEir rude invectives exercised and\n displayed THE patience of THE royal lover. A philosophic age may\n excuse a single vice, which was redeemed by a crowd of virtues;\n and in THE review of his faults, and THE more intemperate\n passions of Lascaris, THE judgment of THEir contemporaries was\n softened by gratitude to THE second founders of THE empire. 5 The\n slaves of THE Latins, without law or peace, applauded THE\n happiness of THEir brethren who had resumed THEir national\n freedom; and Vataces employed THE laudable policy of convincing\n THE Greeks of every dominion that it was THEir interest to be\n enrolled in THE number of his subjects.\n\n 1 (return) [ For THE reigns of THE Nicene emperors, more\n especially of John Vataces and his son, THEir minister, George\n Acropolita, is THE only genuine contemporary; but George Pachymer\n returned to Constantinople with THE Greeks at THE age of\n nineteen, (Hanckius de Script. Byzant. c. 33, 34, p. 564—578.\n Fabric. Bibliot. Græc. tom. vi. p. 448—460.) Yet THE history of\n Nicephorus Gregoras, though of THE xivth century, is a valuable\n narrative from THE taking of Constantinople by THE Latins.]\n\n 2 (return) [ Nicephorus Gregoras (l. ii. c. 1) distinguishes\n between THE oxeia ormh of Lascaris, and THE eustaqeia of Vataces.\n The two portraits are in a very good style.]\n\n 3 (return) [ Pachymer, l. i. c. 23, 24. Nic. Greg. l. ii. c. 6.\n The reader of THE Byzantines must observe how rarely we are\n indulged with such precious details.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Monoi gar apantwn anqrwpwn onomastotatoi basileuV\n kai jilosojoV, (Greg. Acropol. c. 32.) The emperor, in a familiar\n conversation, examined and encouraged THE studies of his future\n logoTHEte.]\n\n 499 (return) [ Sister of Manfred, afterwards king of Naples. Nic.\n Greg. p. 45.—M.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Compare Acropolita, (c. 18, 52,) and THE two first\n books of Nicephorus Gregoras.]\n\n A strong shade of degeneracy is visible between John Vataces and\n his son Theodore; between THE founder who sustained THE weight,\n and THE heir who enjoyed THE splendor, of THE Imperial crown. 6\n Yet THE character of Theodore was not devoid of energy; he had\n been educated in THE school of his faTHEr, in THE exercise of war\n and hunting; Constantinople was yet spared; but in THE three\n years of a short reign, he thrice led his armies into THE heart\n of Bulgaria. His virtues were sullied by a choleric and\n suspicious temper: THE first of THEse may be ascribed to THE\n ignorance of control; and THE second might naturally arise from a\n dark and imperfect view of THE corruption of mankind. On a march\n in Bulgaria, he consulted on a question of policy his principal\n ministers; and THE Greek logoTHEte, George Acropolita, presumed\n to offend him by THE declaration of a free and honest opinion.\n The emperor half unsheaTHEd his cimeter; but his more deliberate\n rage reserved Acropolita for a baser punishment. One of THE first\n officers of THE empire was ordered to dismount, stripped of his\n robes, and extended on THE ground in THE presence of THE prince\n and army. In this posture he was chastised with so many and such\n heavy blows from THE clubs of two guards or executioners, that\n when Theodore commanded THEm to cease, THE great logoTHEte was\n scarcely able to rise and crawl away to his tent. After a\n seclusion of some days, he was recalled by a peremptory mandate\n to his seat in council; and so dead were THE Greeks to THE sense\n of honor and shame, that it is from THE narrative of THE sufferer\n himself that we acquire THE knowledge of his disgrace. 7 The\n cruelty of THE emperor was exasperated by THE pangs of sickness,\n THE approach of a premature end, and THE suspicion of poison and\n magic. The lives and fortunes, THE eyes and limbs, of his kinsmen\n and nobles, were sacrificed to each sally of passion; and before\n he died, THE son of Vataces might deserve from THE people, or at\n least from THE court, THE appellation of tyrant. A matron of THE\n family of THE Palæologi had provoked his anger by refusing to\n bestow her beauteous daughter on THE vile plebeian who was\n recommended by his caprice. Without regard to her birth or age,\n her body, as high as THE neck, was enclosed in a sack with\n several cats, who were pricked with pins to irritate THEir fury\n against THEir unfortunate fellow-captive. In his last hours THE\n emperor testified a wish to forgive and be forgiven, a just\n anxiety for THE fate of John his son and successor, who, at THE\n age of eight years, was condemned to THE dangers of a long\n minority. His last choice intrusted THE office of guardian to THE\n sanctity of THE patriarch Arsenius, and to THE courage of George\n Muzalon, THE great domestic, who was equally distinguished by THE\n royal favor and THE public hatred. Since THEir connection with\n THE Latins, THE names and privileges of hereditary rank had\n insinuated THEmselves into THE Greek monarchy; and THE noble\n families 8 were provoked by THE elevation of a worthless\n favorite, to whose influence THEy imputed THE errors and\n calamities of THE late reign. In THE first council, after THE\n emperor’s death, Muzalon, from a lofty throne, pronounced a\n labored apology of his conduct and intentions: his modesty was\n subdued by a unanimous assurance of esteem and fidelity; and his\n most inveterate enemies were THE loudest to salute him as THE\n guardian and savior of THE Romans. Eight days were sufficient to\n prepare THE execution of THE conspiracy. On THE ninth, THE\n obsequies of THE deceased monarch were solemnized in THE\n caTHEdral of Magnesia, 9 an Asiatic city, where he expired, on\n THE banks of THE Hermus, and at THE foot of Mount Sipylus. The\n holy rites were interrupted by a sedition of THE guards; Muzalon,\n his broTHErs, and his adherents, were massacred at THE foot of\n THE altar; and THE absent patriarch was associated with a new\n colleague, with Michael Palæologus, THE most illustrious, in\n birth and merit, of THE Greek nobles. 10\n\n 6 (return) [ A Persian saying, that Cyrus was THE _faTHEr_ and\n Darius THE _master_, of his subjects, was applied to Vataces and\n his son. But Pachymer (l. i. c. 23) has mistaken THE mild Darius\n for THE cruel Cambyses, despot or tyrant of his people. By THE\n institution of taxes, Darius had incurred THE less odious, but\n more contemptible, name of KaphloV, merchant or broker,\n (Herodotus, iii. 89.)]\n\n 7 (return) [ Acropolita (c. 63) seems to admire his own firmness\n in sustaining a beating, and not returning to council till he was\n called. He relates THE exploits of Theodore, and his own\n services, from c. 53 to c. 74 of his history. See THE third book\n of Nicephorus Gregoras.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Pachymer (l. i. c. 21) names and discriminates\n fifteen or twenty Greek families, kai osoi alloi, oiV h\n megalogenhV seira kai crush sugkekrothto. Does he mean, by this\n decoration, a figurative or a real golden chain? Perhaps, both.]\n\n 9 (return) [ The old geographers, with Cellarius and D’Anville,\n and our travellers, particularly Pocock and Chandler, will teach\n us to distinguish THE two Magnesias of Asia Minor, of THE Mæander\n and of Sipylus. The latter, our present object, is still\n flourishing for a Turkish city, and lies eight hours, or leagues,\n to THE north-east of Smyrna, (Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, tom.\n iii. lettre xxii. p. 365—370. Chandler’s Travels into Asia Minor,\n p. 267.)]\n\n 10 (return) [ See Acropolita, (c. 75, 76, &c.,) who lived too\n near THE times; Pachymer, (l. i. c. 13—25,) Gregoras, (l. iii. c.\n 3, 4, 5.)]\n\n Of those who are proud of THEir ancestors, THE far greater part\n must be content with local or domestic renown; and few THEre are\n who dare trust THE memorials of THEir family to THE public annals\n of THEir country. As early as THE middle of THE eleventh century,\n THE noble race of THE Palæologi 11 stands high and conspicuous in\n THE Byzantine history: it was THE valiant George Palæologus who\n placed THE faTHEr of THE Comneni on THE throne; and his kinsmen\n or descendants continue, in each generation, to lead THE armies\n and councils of THE state. The purple was not dishonored by THEir\n alliance, and had THE law of succession, and female succession,\n been strictly observed, THE wife of Theodore Lascaris must have\n yielded to her elder sister, THE moTHEr of Michael Palæologus,\n who afterwards raised his family to THE throne. In his person,\n THE splendor of birth was dignified by THE merit of THE soldier\n and statesman: in his early youth he was promoted to THE office\n of _constable_ or commander of THE French mercenaries; THE\n private expense of a day never exceeded three pieces of gold; but\n his ambition was rapacious and profuse; and his gifts were\n doubled by THE graces of his conversation and manners. The love\n of THE soldiers and people excited THE jealousy of THE court, and\n Michael thrice escaped from THE dangers in which he was involved\n by his own imprudence or that of his friends. I. Under THE reign\n of Justice and Vataces, a dispute arose 12 between two officers,\n one of whom accused THE oTHEr of maintaining THE hereditary right\n of THE Palæologi The cause was decided, according to THE new\n jurisprudence of THE Latins, by single combat; THE defendant was\n overthrown; but he persisted in declaring that himself alone was\n guilty; and that he had uttered THEse rash or treasonable\n speeches without THE approbation or knowledge of his patron. Yet\n a cloud of suspicion hung over THE innocence of THE constable; he\n was still pursued by THE whispers of malevolence; and a subtle\n courtier, THE archbishop of Philadelphia, urged him to accept THE\n judgment of God in THE fiery proof of THE ordeal. 13 Three days\n before THE trial, THE patient’s arm was enclosed in a bag, and\n secured by THE royal signet; and it was incumbent on him to bear\n a red-hot ball of iron three times from THE altar to THE rails of\n THE sanctuary, without artifice and without injury. Palæologus\n eluded THE dangerous experiment with sense and pleasantry. “I am\n a soldier,” said he, “and will boldly enter THE lists with my\n accusers; but a layman, a sinner like myself, is not endowed with\n THE gift of miracles. _Your_ piety, most holy prelate, may\n deserve THE interposition of Heaven, and from your hands I will\n receive THE fiery globe, THE pledge of my innocence.” The\n archbishop started; THE emperor smiled; and THE absolution or\n pardon of Michael was approved by new rewards and new services.\n II. In THE succeeding reign, as he held THE government of Nice,\n he was secretly informed, that THE mind of THE absent prince was\n poisoned with jealousy; and that death, or blindness, would be\n his final reward. Instead of awaiting THE return and sentence of\n Theodore, THE constable, with some followers, escaped from THE\n city and THE empire; and though he was plundered by THE Turkmans\n of THE desert, he found a hospitable refuge in THE court of THE\n sultan. In THE ambiguous state of an exile, Michael reconciled\n THE duties of gratitude and loyalty: drawing his sword against\n THE Tartars; admonishing THE garrisons of THE Roman limit; and\n promoting, by his influence, THE restoration of peace, in which\n his pardon and recall were honorably included. III. While he\n guarded THE West against THE despot of Epirus, Michael was again\n suspected and condemned in THE palace; and such was his loyalty\n or weakness, that he submitted to be led in chains above six\n hundred miles from Durazzo to Nice. The civility of THE messenger\n alleviated his disgrace; THE emperor’s sickness dispelled his\n danger; and THE last breath of Theodore, which recommended his\n infant son, at once acknowledged THE innocence and THE power of\n Palæologus.\n\n 11 (return) [ The pedigree of Palæologus is explained by Ducange,\n (Famil. Byzant. p. 230, &c.:) THE events of his private life are\n related by Pachymer (l. i. c. 7—12) and Gregoras (l. ii. 8, l.\n iii. 2, 4, l. iv. 1) with visible favor to THE faTHEr of THE\n reigning dynasty.]\n\n 12 (return) [ Acropolita (c. 50) relates THE circumstances of\n this curious adventure, which seem to have escaped THE more\n recent writers.]\n\n 13 (return) [ Pachymer, (l. i. c. 12,) who speaks with proper\n contempt of this barbarous trial, affirms, that he had seen in\n his youth many person who had sustained, without injury, THE\n fiery ordeal. As a Greek, he is credulous; but THE ingenuity of\n THE Greeks might furnish some remedies of art or fraud against\n THEir own superstition, or that of THEir tyrant.]\n\n But his innocence had been too unworthily treated, and his power\n was too strongly felt, to curb an aspiring subject in THE fair\n field that was opened to his ambition. 14 In THE council, after\n THE death of Theodore, he was THE first to pronounce, and THE\n first to violate, THE oath of allegiance to Muzalon; and so\n dexterous was his conduct, that he reaped THE benefit, without\n incurring THE guilt, or at least THE reproach, of THE subsequent\n massacre. In THE choice of a regent, he balanced THE interests\n and passions of THE candidates; turned THEir envy and hatred from\n himself against each oTHEr, and forced every competitor to own,\n that after his own claims, those of Palæologus were best entitled\n to THE preference. Under THE title of great duke, he accepted or\n assumed, during a long minority, THE active powers of government;\n THE patriarch was a venerable name; and THE factious nobles were\n seduced, or oppressed, by THE ascendant of his genius. The fruits\n of THE economy of Vataces were deposited in a strong castle on\n THE banks of THE Hermus, in THE custody of THE faithful\n Varangians: THE constable retained his command or influence over\n THE foreign troops; he employed THE guards to possess THE\n treasure, and THE treasure to corrupt THE guards; and whatsoever\n might be THE abuse of THE public money, his character was above\n THE suspicion of private avarice. By himself, or by his\n emissaries, he strove to persuade every rank of subjects, that\n THEir own prosperity would rise in just proportion to THE\n establishment of his authority. The weight of taxes was\n suspended, THE perpetual THEme of popular complaint; and he\n prohibited THE trials by THE ordeal and judicial combat. These\n Barbaric institutions were already abolished or undermined in\n France 15 and England; 16 and THE appeal to THE sword offended\n THE sense of a civilized, 17 and THE temper of an unwarlike,\n people. For THE future maintenance of THEir wives and children,\n THE veterans were grateful: THE priests and THE philosophers\n applauded his ardent zeal for THE advancement of religion and\n learning; and his vague promise of rewarding merit was applied by\n every candidate to his own hopes. Conscious of THE influence of\n THE clergy, Michael successfully labored to secure THE suffrage\n of that powerful order. Their expensive journey from Nice to\n Magnesia, afforded a decent and ample pretence: THE leading\n prelates were tempted by THE liberality of his nocturnal visits;\n and THE incorruptible patriarch was flattered by THE homage of\n his new colleague, who led his mule by THE bridle into THE town,\n and removed to a respectful distance THE importunity of THE\n crowd. Without renouncing his title by royal descent, Palæologus\n encouraged a free discussion into THE advantages of elective\n monarchy; and his adherents asked, with THE insolence of triumph,\n what patient would trust his health, or what merchant would\n abandon his vessel, to THE _hereditary_ skill of a physician or a\n pilot? The youth of THE emperor, and THE impending dangers of a\n minority, required THE support of a mature and experienced\n guardian; of an associate raised above THE envy of his equals,\n and invested with THE name and prerogatives of royalty. For THE\n interest of THE prince and people, without any selfish views for\n himself or his family, THE great duke consented to guard and\n instruct THE son of Theodore; but he sighed for THE happy moment\n when he might restore to his firmer hands THE administration of\n his patrimony, and enjoy THE blessings of a private station. He\n was first invested with THE title and prerogatives of _despot_,\n which bestowed THE purple ornaments and THE second place in THE\n Roman monarchy. It was afterwards agreed that John and Michael\n should be proclaimed as joint emperors, and raised on THE\n buckler, but that THE preeminence should be reserved for THE\n birthright of THE former. A mutual league of amity was pledged\n between THE royal partners; and in case of a rupture, THE\n subjects were bound, by THEir oath of allegiance, to declare\n THEmselves against THE aggressor; an ambiguous name, THE seed of\n discord and civil war. Palæologus was content; but, on THE day of\n THE coronation, and in THE caTHEdral of Nice, his zealous\n adherents most vehemently urged THE just priority of his age and\n merit. The unseasonable dispute was eluded by postponing to a\n more convenient opportunity THE coronation of John Lascaris; and\n he walked with a slight diadem in THE train of his guardian, who\n alone received THE Imperial crown from THE hands of THE\n patriarch. It was not without extreme reluctance that Arsenius\n abandoned THE cause of his pupil; out THE Varangians brandished\n THEir battle-axes; a sign of assent was extorted from THE\n trembling youth; and some voices were heard, that THE life of a\n child should no longer impede THE settlement of THE nation. A\n full harvest of honors and employments was distributed among his\n friends by THE grateful Palæologus. In his own family he created\n a despot and two sebastocrators; Alexius Strategopulus was\n decorated with THE title of Cæsar; and that veteran commander\n soon repaid THE obligation, by restoring Constantinople to THE\n Greek emperor.\n\n 14 (return) [ Without comparing Pachymer to Thucydides or\n Tacitus, I will praise his narrative, (l. i. c. 13—32, l. ii. c.\n 1—9,) which pursues THE ascent of Palæologus with eloquence,\n perspicuity, and tolerable freedom. Acropolita is more cautious,\n and Gregoras more concise.]\n\n 15 (return) [ The judicial combat was abolished by St. Louis in\n his own territories; and his example and authority were at length\n prevalent in France, (Esprit des Loix, l. xxviii. c. 29.)]\n\n 16 (return) [ In civil cases Henry II. gave an option to THE\n defendant: Glanville prefers THE proof by evidence; and that by\n judicial combat is reprobated in THE Fleta. Yet THE trial by\n battle has never been abrogated in THE English law, and it was\n ordered by THE judges as late as THE beginning of THE last\n century. * Note : And even demanded in THE present.—M.]\n\n 17 (return) [ Yet an ingenious friend has urged to me in\n mitigation of this practice, 1. _That_ in nations emerging from\n barbarism, it moderates THE license of private war and arbitrary\n revenge. 2. _That_ it is less absurd than THE trials by THE\n ordeal, or boiling water, or THE cross, which it has contributed\n to abolish. 3. _That_ it served at least as a test of personal\n courage; a quality so seldom united with a base disposition, that\n THE danger of a trial might be some check to a malicious\n prosecutor, and a useful barrier against injustice supported by\n power. The gallant and unfortunate earl of Surrey might probably\n have escaped his unmerited fate, had not his demand of THE combat\n against his accuser been overruled.]\n\n It was in THE second year of his reign, while he resided in THE\n palace and gardens of Nymphæum, 18 near Smyrna, that THE first\n messenger arrived at THE dead of night; and THE stupendous\n intelligence was imparted to Michael, after he had been gently\n waked by THE tender precaution of his sister Eulogia. The man was\n unknown or obscure; he produced no letters from THE victorious\n Cæsar; nor could it easily be credited, after THE defeat of\n Vataces and THE recent failure of Palæologus himself, that THE\n capital had been surprised by a detachment of eight hundred\n soldiers. As a hostage, THE doubtful author was confined, with\n THE assurance of death or an ample recompense; and THE court was\n left some hours in THE anxiety of hope and fear, till THE\n messengers of Alexius arrived with THE auTHEntic intelligence,\n and displayed THE trophies of THE conquest, THE sword and\n sceptre, 19 THE buskins and bonnet, 20 of THE usurper Baldwin,\n which he had dropped in his precipitate flight. A general\n assembly of THE bishops, senators, and nobles, was immediately\n convened, and never perhaps was an event received with more\n heartfelt and universal joy. In a studied oration, THE new\n sovereign of Constantinople congratulated his own and THE public\n fortune. “There was a time,” said he, “a far distant time, when\n THE Roman empire extended to THE Adriatic, THE Tigris, and THE\n confines of Æthiopia. After THE loss of THE provinces, our\n capital itself, in THEse last and calamitous days, has been\n wrested from our hands by THE Barbarians of THE West. From THE\n lowest ebb, THE tide of prosperity has again returned in our\n favor; but our prosperity was that of fugitives and exiles: and\n when we were asked, which was THE country of THE Romans, we\n indicated with a blush THE climate of THE globe, and THE quarter\n of THE heavens. The divine Providence has now restored to our\n arms THE city of Constantine, THE sacred seat of religion and\n empire; and it will depend on our valor and conduct to render\n this important acquisition THE pledge and omen of future\n victories.” So eager was THE impatience of THE prince and people,\n that Michael made his triumphal entry into Constantinople only\n twenty days after THE expulsion of THE Latins. The golden gate\n was thrown open at his approach; THE devout conqueror dismounted\n from his horse; and a miraculous image of Mary THE Conductress\n was borne before him, that THE divine Virgin in person might\n appear to conduct him to THE temple of her Son, THE caTHEdral of\n St. Sophia. But after THE first transport of devotion and pride,\n he sighed at THE dreary prospect of solitude and ruin. The palace\n was defiled with smoke and dirt, and THE gross intemperance of\n THE Franks; whole streets had been consumed by fire, or were\n decayed by THE injuries of time; THE sacred and profane edifices\n were stripped of THEir ornaments: and, as if THEy were conscious\n of THEir approaching exile, THE industry of THE Latins had been\n confined to THE work of pillage and destruction. Trade had\n expired under THE pressure of anarchy and distress, and THE\n numbers of inhabitants had decreased with THE opulence of THE\n city. It was THE first care of THE Greek monarch to reinstate THE\n nobles in THE palaces of THEir faTHErs; and THE houses or THE\n ground which THEy occupied were restored to THE families that\n could exhibit a legal right of inheritance. But THE far greater\n part was extinct or lost; THE vacant property had devolved to THE\n lord; he repeopled Constantinople by a liberal invitation to THE\n provinces; and THE brave _volunteers_ were seated in THE capital\n which had been recovered by THEir arms. The French barons and THE\n principal families had retired with THEir emperor; but THE\n patient and humble crowd of Latins was attached to THE country,\n and indifferent to THE change of masters. Instead of banishing\n THE factories of THE Pisans, Venetians, and Genoese, THE prudent\n conqueror accepted THEir oaths of allegiance, encouraged THEir\n industry, confirmed THEir privileges, and allowed THEm to live\n under THE jurisdiction of THEir proper magistrates. Of THEse\n nations, THE Pisans and Venetians preserved THEir respective\n quarters in THE city; but THE services and power of THE Genoese\n deserved at THE same time THE gratitude and THE jealousy of THE\n Greeks. Their independent colony was first planted at THE seaport\n town of Heraclea in Thrace. They were speedily recalled, and\n settled in THE exclusive possession of THE suburb of Galata, an\n advantageous post, in which THEy revived THE commerce, and\n insulted THE majesty, of THE Byzantine empire. 21\n\n 18 (return) [ The site of Nymphæum is not clearly defined in\n ancient or modern geography. But from THE last hours of Vataces,\n (Acropolita, c. 52,) it is evident THE palace and gardens of his\n favorite residence were in THE neighborhood of Smyrna. Nymphæum\n might be loosely placed in Lydia, (Gregoras, l. vi. 6.)]\n\n 19 (return) [ This sceptre, THE emblem of justice and power, was\n a long staff, such as was used by THE heroes in Homer. By THE\n latter Greeks it was named _Dicanice_, and THE Imperial sceptre\n was distinguished as usual by THE red or purple color.]\n\n 20 (return) [ Acropolita affirms (c. 87,) that this “Onnet” was\n after THE French fashion; but from THE ruby at THE point or\n summit, Ducange (Hist. de C. P. l. v. c. 28, 29) believes that it\n was THE high-crowned hat of THE Greeks. Could Acropolita mistake\n THE dress of his own court?]\n\n 21 (return) [ See Pachymer, (l. ii. c. 28—33,) Acropolita, (c.\n 88,) Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. iv. 7,) and for THE treatment of\n THE subject Latins, Ducange, (l. v. c. 30, 31.)]\n\n The recovery of Constantinople was celebrated as THE æra of a new\n empire: THE conqueror, alone, and by THE right of THE sword,\n renewed his coronation in THE church of St. Sophia; and THE name\n and honors of John Lascaris, his pupil and lawful sovereign, were\n insensibly abolished. But his claims still lived in THE minds of\n THE people; and THE royal youth must speedily attain THE years of\n manhood and ambition. By fear or conscience, Palæologus was\n restrained from dipping his hands in innocent and royal blood;\n but THE anxiety of a usurper and a parent urged him to secure his\n throne by one of those imperfect crimes so familiar to THE modern\n Greeks. The loss of sight incapacitated THE young prince for THE\n active business of THE world; instead of THE brutal violence of\n tearing out his eyes, THE visual nerve was destroyed by THE\n intense glare of a red-hot basin, 22 and John Lascaris was\n removed to a distant castle, where he spent many years in privacy\n and oblivion. Such cool and deliberate guilt may seem\n incompatible with remorse; but if Michael could trust THE mercy\n of Heaven, he was not inaccessible to THE reproaches and\n vengeance of mankind, which he had provoked by cruelty and\n treason. His cruelty imposed on a servile court THE duties of\n applause or silence; but THE clergy had a right to speak in THE\n name of THEir invisible Master; and THEir holy legions were led\n by a prelate, whose character was above THE temptations of hope\n or fear. After a short abdication of his dignity, Arsenius 23 had\n consented to ascend THE ecclesiastical throne of Constantinople,\n and to preside in THE restoration of THE church. His pious\n simplicity was long deceived by THE arts of Palæologus; and his\n patience and submission might sooTHE THE usurper, and protect THE\n safety of THE young prince. On THE news of his inhuman treatment,\n THE patriarch unsheaTHEd THE spiritual sword; and superstition,\n on this occasion, was enlisted in THE cause of humanity and\n justice. In a synod of bishops, who were stimulated by THE\n example of his zeal, THE patriarch pronounced a sentence of\n excommunication; though his prudence still repeated THE name of\n Michael in THE public prayers. The Eastern prelates had not\n adopted THE dangerous maxims of ancient Rome; nor did THEy\n presume to enforce THEir censures, by deposing princes, or\n absolving nations from THEir oaths of allegiance. But THE\n Christian, who had been separated from God and THE church, became\n an object of horror; and, in a turbulent and fanatic capital,\n that horror might arm THE hand of an assassin, or inflame a\n sedition of THE people. Palæologus felt his danger, confessed his\n guilt, and deprecated his judge: THE act was irretrievable; THE\n prize was obtained; and THE most rigorous penance, which he\n solicited, would have raised THE sinner to THE reputation of a\n saint. The unrelenting patriarch refused to announce any means of\n atonement or any hopes of mercy; and condescended only to\n pronounce, that for so great a crime, great indeed must be THE\n satisfaction. “Do you require,” said Michael, “that I should\n abdicate THE empire?” and at THEse words, he offered, or seemed\n to offer, THE sword of state. Arsenius eagerly grasped this\n pledge of sovereignty; but when he perceived that THE emperor was\n unwilling to purchase absolution at so dear a rate, he\n indignantly escaped to his cell, and left THE royal sinner\n kneeling and weeping before THE door. 24\n\n 22 (return) [ This milder invention for extinguishing THE sight\n was tried by THE philosopher Democritus on himself, when he\n sought to withdraw his mind from THE visible world: a foolish\n story! The word _abacinare_, in Latin and Italian, has furnished\n Ducange (Gloss. Lat.) with an opportunity to review THE various\n modes of blinding: THE more violent were scooping, burning with\n an iron, or hot vinegar, and binding THE head with a strong cord\n till THE eyes burst from THEir sockets. Ingenious tyrants!]\n\n 23 (return) [ See THE first retreat and restoration of Arsenius,\n in Pachymer (l. ii. c. 15, l. iii. c. 1, 2) and Nicephorus\n Gregoras, (l. iii. c. 1, l. iv. c. 1.) Posterity justly accused\n THE ajeleia and raqumia of Arsenius THE virtues of a hermit, THE\n vices of a minister, (l. xii. c. 2.)]\n\n 24 (return) [ The crime and excommunication of Michael are fairly\n told by Pachymer (l. iii. c. 10, 14, 19, &c.) and Gregoras, (l.\n iv. c. 4.) His confession and penance restored THEir freedom.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXII: Greek Emperors Of Nice And Constantinople.—Part II.\n\n The danger and scandal of this excommunication subsisted above\n three years, till THE popular clamor was assuaged by time and\n repentance; till THE brethren of Arsenius condemned his\n inflexible spirit, so repugnant to THE unbounded forgiveness of\n THE gospel. The emperor had artfully insinuated, that, if he were\n still rejected at home, he might seek, in THE Roman pontiff, a\n more indulgent judge; but it was far more easy and effectual to\n find or to place that judge at THE head of THE Byzantine church.\n Arsenius was involved in a vague rumor of conspiracy and\n disaffection; 248 some irregular steps in his ordination and\n government were liable to censure; a synod deposed him from THE\n episcopal office; and he was transported under a guard of\n soldiers to a small island of THE Propontis. Before his exile, he\n sullenly requested that a strict account might be taken of THE\n treasures of THE church; boasted, that his sole riches, three\n pieces of gold, had been earned by transcribing THE psalms;\n continued to assert THE freedom of his mind; and denied, with his\n last breath, THE pardon which was implored by THE royal sinner.\n 25 After some delay, Gregory, 259 bishop of Adrianople, was\n translated to THE Byzantine throne; but his authority was found\n insufficient to support THE absolution of THE emperor; and\n Joseph, a reverend monk, was substituted to that important\n function. This edifying scene was represented in THE presence of\n THE senate and THE people; at THE end of six years THE humble\n penitent was restored to THE communion of THE faithful; and\n humanity will rejoice, that a milder treatment of THE captive\n Lascaris was stipulated as a proof of his remorse. But THE spirit\n of Arsenius still survived in a powerful faction of THE monks and\n clergy, who persevered about forty-eight years in an obstinate\n schism. Their scruples were treated with tenderness and respect\n by Michael and his son; and THE reconciliation of THE Arsenites\n was THE serious labor of THE church and state. In THE confidence\n of fanaticism, THEy had proposed to try THEir cause by a miracle;\n and when THE two papers, that contained THEir own and THE adverse\n cause, were cast into a fiery brazier, THEy expected that THE\n Catholic verity would be respected by THE flames. Alas! THE two\n papers were indiscriminately consumed, and this unforeseen\n accident produced THE union of a day, and renewed THE quarrel of\n an age. 26 The final treaty displayed THE victory of THE\n Arsenites: THE clergy abstained during forty days from all\n ecclesiastical functions; a slight penance was imposed on THE\n laity; THE body of Arsenius was deposited in THE sanctuary; and,\n in THE name of THE departed saint, THE prince and people were\n released from THE sins of THEir faTHErs. 27\n\n 248 (return) [ Except THE omission of a prayer for THE emperor,\n THE charges against Arsenius were of different nature: he was\n accused of having allowed THE sultan of Iconium to baTHE in\n vessels signed with THE cross, and to have admitted him to THE\n church, though unbaptized, during THE service. It was pleaded, in\n favor of Arsenius, among oTHEr proofs of THE sultan’s\n Christianity, that he had offered to eat ham. Pachymer, l. iv. c.\n 4, p. 265. It was after his exile that he was involved in a\n charge of conspiracy.—M.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Pachymer relates THE exile of Arsenius, (l. iv. c.\n 1—16:) he was one of THE commissaries who visited him in THE\n desert island. The last testament of THE unforgiving patriarch is\n still extant, (Dupin, Bibliothèque Ecclésiastique, tom. x. p.\n 95.)]\n\n 259 (return) [ Pachymer calls him Germanus.—M.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Pachymer (l. vii. c. 22) relates this miraculous\n trial like a philosopher, and treats with similar contempt a plot\n of THE Arsenites, to hide a revelation in THE coffin of some old\n saint, (l. vii. c. 13.) He compensates this incredulity by an\n image that weeps, anoTHEr that bleeds, (l. vii. c. 30,) and THE\n miraculous cures of a deaf and a mute patient, (l. xi. c. 32.)]\n\n 27 (return) [ The story of THE Arsenites is spread through THE\n thirteen books of Pachymer. Their union and triumph are reserved\n for Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. vii. c. 9,) who neiTHEr loves nor\n esteems THEse sectaries.]\n\n The establishment of his family was THE motive, or at least THE\n pretence, of THE crime of Palæologus; and he was impatient to\n confirm THE succession, by sharing with his eldest son THE honors\n of THE purple. Andronicus, afterwards surnamed THE Elder, was\n proclaimed and crowned emperor of THE Romans, in THE fifteenth\n year of his age; and, from THE first æra of a prolix and\n inglorious reign, he held that august title nine years as THE\n colleague, and fifty as THE successor, of his faTHEr. Michael\n himself, had he died in a private station, would have been\n thought more worthy of THE empire; and THE assaults of his\n temporal and spiritual enemies left him few moments to labor for\n his own fame or THE happiness of his subjects. He wrested from\n THE Franks several of THE noblest islands of THE Archipelago,\n Lesbos, Chios, and Rhodes: his broTHEr Constantine was sent to\n command in Malvasia and Sparta; and THE eastern side of THE\n Morea, from Argos and Napoli to Cape Thinners, was repossessed by\n THE Greeks. This effusion of Christian blood was loudly condemned\n by THE patriarch; and THE insolent priest presumed to interpose\n his fears and scruples between THE arms of princes. But in THE\n prosecution of THEse western conquests, THE countries beyond THE\n Hellespont were left naked to THE Turks; and THEir depredations\n verified THE prophecy of a dying senator, that THE recovery of\n Constantinople would be THE ruin of Asia. The victories of\n Michael were achieved by his lieutenants; his sword rusted in THE\n palace; and, in THE transactions of THE emperor with THE popes\n and THE king of Naples, his political acts were stained with\n cruelty and fraud. 28\n\n 28 (return) [ Of THE xiii books of Pachymer, THE first six (as\n THE ivth and vth of Nicephorus Gregoras) contain THE reign of\n Michael, at THE time of whose death he was forty years of age.\n Instead of breaking, like his editor THE Père Poussin, his\n history into two parts, I follow Ducange and Cousin, who number\n THE xiii. books in one series.]\n\n I. The Vatican was THE most natural refuge of a Latin emperor,\n who had been driven from his throne; and Pope Urban THE Fourth\n appeared to pity THE misfortunes, and vindicate THE cause, of THE\n fugitive Baldwin. A crusade, with plenary indulgence, was\n preached by his command against THE schismatic Greeks: he\n excommunicated THEir allies and adherents; solicited Louis THE\n Ninth in favor of his kinsman; and demanded a tenth of THE\n ecclesiastical revenues of France and England for THE service of\n THE holy war. 29 The subtle Greek, who watched THE rising tempest\n of THE West, attempted to suspend or sooTHE THE hostility of THE\n pope, by suppliant embassies and respectful letters; but he\n insinuated that THE establishment of peace must prepare THE\n reconciliation and obedience of THE Eastern church. The Roman\n court could not be deceived by so gross an artifice; and Michael\n was admonished, that THE repentance of THE son should precede THE\n forgiveness of THE faTHEr; and that _faith_ (an ambiguous word)\n was THE only basis of friendship and alliance. After a long and\n affected delay, THE approach of danger, and THE importunity of\n Gregory THE Tenth, compelled him to enter on a more serious\n negotiation: he alleged THE example of THE great Vataces; and THE\n Greek clergy, who understood THE intentions of THEir prince, were\n not alarmed by THE first steps of reconciliation and respect. But\n when he pressed THE conclusion of THE treaty, THEy strenuously\n declared, that THE Latins, though not in name, were heretics in\n fact, and that THEy despised those strangers as THE vilest and\n most despicable portion of THE human race. 30 It was THE task of\n THE emperor to persuade, to corrupt, to intimidate THE most\n popular ecclesiastics, to gain THE vote of each individual, and\n alternately to urge THE arguments of Christian charity and THE\n public welfare. The texts of THE faTHErs and THE arms of THE\n Franks were balanced in THE THEological and political scale; and\n without approving THE addition to THE Nicene creed, THE most\n moderate were taught to confess, that THE two hostile\n propositions of proceeding from THE FaTHEr by THE Son, and of\n proceeding from THE FaTHEr and THE Son, might be reduced to a\n safe and Catholic sense. 31 The supremacy of THE pope was a\n doctrine more easy to conceive, but more painful to acknowledge:\n yet Michael represented to his monks and prelates, that THEy\n might submit to name THE Roman bishop as THE first of THE\n patriarchs; and that THEir distance and discretion would guard\n THE liberties of THE Eastern church from THE mischievous\n consequences of THE right of appeal. He protested that he would\n sacrifice his life and empire raTHEr than yield THE smallest\n point of orthodox faith or national independence; and this\n declaration was sealed and ratified by a golden bull. The\n patriarch Joseph withdrew to a monastery, to resign or resume his\n throne, according to THE event of THE treaty: THE letters of\n union and obedience were subscribed by THE emperor, his son\n Andronicus, and thirty-five archbishops and metropolitans, with\n THEir respective synods; and THE episcopal list was multiplied by\n many dioceses which were annihilated under THE yoke of THE\n infidels. An embassy was composed of some trusty ministers and\n prelates: THEy embarked for Italy, with rich ornaments and rare\n perfumes for THE altar of St. Peter; and THEir secret orders\n authorized and recommended a boundless compliance. They were\n received in THE general council of Lyons, by Pope Gregory THE\n Tenth, at THE head of five hundred bishops. 32 He embraced with\n tears his long-lost and repentant children; accepted THE oath of\n THE ambassadors, who abjured THE schism in THE name of THE two\n emperors; adorned THE prelates with THE ring and mitre; chanted\n in Greek and Latin THE Nicene creed with THE addition of\n _filioque_; and rejoiced in THE union of THE East and West, which\n had been reserved for his reign. To consummate this pious work,\n THE Byzantine deputies were speedily followed by THE pope’s\n nuncios; and THEir instruction discloses THE policy of THE\n Vatican, which could not be satisfied with THE vain title of\n supremacy. After viewing THE temper of THE prince and people,\n THEy were enjoined to absolve THE schismatic clergy, who should\n subscribe and swear THEir abjuration and obedience; to establish\n in all THE churches THE use of THE perfect creed; to prepare THE\n entrance of a cardinal legate, with THE full powers and dignity\n of his office; and to instruct THE emperor in THE advantages\n which he might derive from THE temporal protection of THE Roman\n pontiff. 33\n\n 29 (return) [ Ducange, Hist. de C. P. l. v. c. 33, &c., from THE\n Epistles of Urban IV.]\n\n 30 (return) [ From THEir mercantile intercourse with THE\n Venetians and Genoese, THEy branded THE Latins as kaphloi and\n banausoi, (Pachymer, l. v. c. 10.) “Some are heretics in name;\n oTHErs, like THE Latins, in fact,” said THE learned Veccus, (l.\n v. c. 12,) who soon afterwards became a convert (c. 15, 16) and a\n patriarch, (c. 24.)]\n\n 31 (return) [ In this class we may place Pachymer himself, whose\n copious and candid narrative occupies THE vth and vith books of\n his history. Yet THE Greek is silent on THE council of Lyons, and\n seems to believe that THE popes always resided in Rome and Italy,\n (l. v. c. 17, 21.)]\n\n 32 (return) [ See THE acts of THE council of Lyons in THE year\n 1274. Fleury, Hist. Ecclésiastique, tom. xviii. p. 181—199.\n Dupin, Bibliot. Ecclés. tom. x. p. 135.]\n\n 33 (return) [ This curious instruction, which has been drawn with\n more or less honesty by Wading and Leo Allatius from THE archives\n of THE Vatican, is given in an abstract or version by Fleury,\n (tom. xviii. p. 252—258.)]\n\n But THEy found a country without a friend, a nation in which THE\n names of Rome and Union were pronounced with abhorrence. The\n patriarch Joseph was indeed removed: his place was filled by\n Veccus, an ecclesiastic of learning and moderation; and THE\n emperor was still urged by THE same motives, to persevere in THE\n same professions. But in his private language Palæologus affected\n to deplore THE pride, and to blame THE innovations, of THE\n Latins; and while he debased his character by this double\n hypocrisy, he justified and punished THE opposition of his\n subjects. By THE joint suffrage of THE new and THE ancient Rome,\n a sentence of excommunication was pronounced against THE\n obstinate schismatics; THE censures of THE church were executed\n by THE sword of Michael; on THE failure of persuasion, he tried\n THE arguments of prison and exile, of whipping and mutilation;\n those touchstones, says an historian, of cowards and THE brave.\n Two Greeks still reigned in Ætolia, Epirus, and Thessaly, with\n THE appellation of despots: THEy had yielded to THE sovereign of\n Constantinople, but THEy rejected THE chains of THE Roman\n pontiff, and supported THEir refusal by successful arms. Under\n THEir protection, THE fugitive monks and bishops assembled in\n hostile synods; and retorted THE name of heretic with THE galling\n addition of apostate: THE prince of Trebizond was tempted to\n assume THE forfeit title of emperor; 339 and even THE Latins of\n Negropont, Thebes, ATHEns, and THE Morea, forgot THE merits of\n THE convert, to join, with open or clandestine aid, THE enemies\n of Palæologus. His favorite generals, of his own blood, and\n family, successively deserted, or betrayed, THE sacrilegious\n trust. His sister Eulogia, a niece, and two female cousins,\n conspired against him; anoTHEr niece, Mary queen of Bulgaria,\n negotiated his ruin with THE sultan of Egypt; and, in THE public\n eye, THEir treason was consecrated as THE most sublime virtue. 34\n To THE pope’s nuncios, who urged THE consummation of THE work,\n Palæologus exposed a naked recital of all that he had done and\n suffered for THEir sake. They were assured that THE guilty\n sectaries, of both sexes and every rank, had been deprived of\n THEir honors, THEir fortunes, and THEir liberty; a spreading list\n of confiscation and punishment, which involved many persons, THE\n dearest to THE emperor, or THE best deserving of his favor. They\n were conducted to THE prison, to behold four princes of THE royal\n blood chained in THE four corners, and shaking THEir fetters in\n an agony of grief and rage. Two of THEse captives were afterwards\n released; THE one by submission, THE oTHEr by death: but THE\n obstinacy of THEir two companions was chastised by THE loss of\n THEir eyes; and THE Greeks, THE least adverse to THE union,\n deplored that cruel and inauspicious tragedy. 35 Persecutors must\n expect THE hatred of those whom THEy oppress; but THEy commonly\n find some consolation in THE testimony of THEir conscience, THE\n applause of THEir party, and, perhaps, THE success of THEir\n undertaking. But THE hypocrisy of Michael, which was prompted\n only by political motives, must have forced him to hate himself,\n to despise his followers, and to esteem and envy THE rebel\n champions by whom he was detested and despised. While his\n violence was abhorred at Constantinople, at Rome his slowness was\n arraigned, and his sincerity suspected; till at length Pope\n Martin THE Fourth excluded THE Greek emperor from THE pale of a\n church, into which he was striving to reduce a schismatic people.\n No sooner had THE tyrant expired, than THE union was dissolved,\n and abjured by unanimous consent; THE churches were purified; THE\n penitents were reconciled; and his son Andronicus, after weeping\n THE sins and errors of his youth most piously denied his faTHEr\n THE burial of a prince and a Christian. 36\n\n 339 (return) [ According to Fallmarayer he had always maintained\n this title.—M.]\n\n 34 (return) [ This frank and auTHEntic confession of Michael’s\n distress is exhibited in barbarous Latin by Ogerius, who signs\n himself Protonotarius Interpretum, and transcribed by Wading from\n THE MSS. of THE Vatican, (A.D. 1278, No. 3.) His annals of THE\n Franciscan order, THE Fratres Minores, in xvii. volumes in folio,\n (Rome, 1741,) I have now accidentally seen among THE waste paper\n of a bookseller.]\n\n 35 (return) [ See THE vith book of Pachymer, particularly THE\n chapters 1, 11, 16, 18, 24—27. He is THE more credible, as he\n speaks of this persecution with less anger than sorrow.]\n\n 36 (return) [ Pachymer, l. vii. c. 1—ii. 17. The speech of\n Andronicus THE Elder (lib. xii. c. 2) is a curious record, which\n proves that if THE Greeks were THE slaves of THE emperor, THE\n emperor was not less THE slave of superstition and THE clergy.]\n\n II. In THE distress of THE Latins, THE walls and towers of\n Constantinople had fallen to decay: THEy were restored and\n fortified by THE policy of Michael, who deposited a plenteous\n store of corn and salt provisions, to sustain THE siege which he\n might hourly expect from THE resentment of THE Western powers. Of\n THEse, THE sovereign of THE Two Sicilies was THE most formidable\n neighbor: but as long as THEy were possessed by Mainfroy, THE\n bastard of Frederic THE Second, his monarchy was THE bulwark,\n raTHEr than THE annoyance, of THE Eastern empire. The usurper,\n though a brave and active prince, was sufficiently employed in\n THE defence of his throne: his proscription by successive popes\n had separated Mainfroy from THE common cause of THE Latins; and\n THE forces that might have besieged Constantinople were detained\n in a crusade against THE domestic enemy of Rome. The prize of her\n avenger, THE crown of THE Two Sicilies, was won and worn by THE\n broTHEr of St Louis, by Charles count of Anjou and Provence, who\n led THE chivalry of France on this holy expedition. 37 The\n disaffection of his Christian subjects compelled Mainfroy to\n enlist a colony of Saracens whom his faTHEr had planted in\n Apulia; and this odious succor will explain THE defiance of THE\n Catholic hero, who rejected all terms of accommodation. “Bear\n this message,” said Charles, “to THE sultan of Nocera, that God\n and THE sword are umpire between us; and that he shall eiTHEr\n send me to paradise, or I will send him to THE pit of hell.” The\n armies met: and though I am ignorant of Mainfroy’s doom in THE\n oTHEr world, in this he lost his friends, his kingdom, and his\n life, in THE bloody battle of Benevento. Naples and Sicily were\n immediately peopled with a warlike race of French nobles; and\n THEir aspiring leader embraced THE future conquest of Africa,\n Greece, and Palestine. The most specious reasons might point his\n first arms against THE Byzantine empire; and Palæologus,\n diffident of his own strength, repeatedly appealed from THE\n ambition of Charles to THE humanity of St. Louis, who still\n preserved a just ascendant over THE mind of his ferocious\n broTHEr. For a while THE attention of that broTHEr was confined\n at home by THE invasion of Conradin, THE last heir to THE\n imperial house of Swabia; but THE hapless boy sunk in THE unequal\n conflict; and his execution on a public scaffold taught THE\n rivals of Charles to tremble for THEir heads as well as THEir\n dominions. A second respite was obtained by THE last crusade of\n St. Louis to THE African coast; and THE double motive of interest\n and duty urged THE king of Naples to assist, with his powers and\n his presence, THE holy enterprise. The death of St. Louis\n released him from THE importunity of a virtuous censor: THE king\n of Tunis confessed himself THE tributary and vassal of THE crown\n of Sicily; and THE boldest of THE French knights were free to\n enlist under his banner against THE Greek empire. A treaty and a\n marriage united his interest with THE house of Courtenay; his\n daughter Beatrice was promised to Philip, son and heir of THE\n emperor Baldwin; a pension of six hundred ounces of gold was\n allowed for his maintenance; and his generous faTHEr distributed\n among his aliens THE kingdoms and provinces of THE East,\n reserving only Constantinople, and one day’s journey round THE\n city for THE imperial domain. 38 In this perilous moment,\n Palæologus was THE most eager to subscribe THE creed, and implore\n THE protection, of THE Roman pontiff, who assumed, with propriety\n and weight, THE character of an angel of peace, THE common faTHEr\n of THE Christians. By his voice, THE sword of Charles was chained\n in THE scabbard; and THE Greek ambassadors beheld him, in THE\n pope’s antechamber, biting his ivory sceptre in a transport of\n fury, and deeply resenting THE refusal to enfranchise and\n consecrate his arms. He appears to have respected THE\n disinterested mediation of Gregory THE Tenth; but Charles was\n insensibly disgusted by THE pride and partiality of Nicholas THE\n Third; and his attachment to his kindred, THE Ursini family,\n alienated THE most strenuous champion from THE service of THE\n church. The hostile league against THE Greeks, of Philip THE\n Latin emperor, THE king of THE Two Sicilies, and THE republic of\n Venice, was ripened into execution; and THE election of Martin\n THE Fourth, a French pope, gave a sanction to THE cause. Of THE\n allies, Philip supplied his name; Martin, a bull of\n excommunication; THE Venetians, a squadron of forty galleys; and\n THE formidable powers of Charles consisted of forty counts, ten\n thousand men at arms, a numerous body of infantry, and a fleet of\n more than three hundred ships and transports. A distant day was\n appointed for assembling this mighty force in THE harbor of\n Brindisi; and a previous attempt was risked with a detachment of\n three hundred knights, who invaded Albania, and besieged THE\n fortress of Belgrade. Their defeat might amuse with a triumph THE\n vanity of Constantinople; but THE more sagacious Michael,\n despairing of his arms, depended on THE effects of a conspiracy;\n on THE secret workings of a rat, who gnawed THE bowstring 39 of\n THE Sicilian tyrant.\n\n 37 (return) [ The best accounts, THE nearest THE time, THE most\n full and entertaining, of THE conquest of Naples by Charles of\n Anjou, may be found in THE Florentine Chronicles of Ricordano\n Malespina, (c. 175—193,) and Giovanni Villani, (l. vii. c. 1—10,\n 25—30,) which are published by Muratori in THE viiith and xiiith\n volumes of THE Historians of Italy. In his Annals (tom. xi. p.\n 56—72) he has abridged THEse great events which are likewise\n described in THE Istoria Civile of Giannone. tom. l. xix. tom.\n iii. l. xx.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Ducange, Hist. de C. P. l. v. c. 49—56, l. vi. c.\n 1—13. See Pachymer, l. iv. c. 29, l. v. c. 7—10, 25 l. vi. c. 30,\n 32, 33, and Nicephorus Gregoras, l. iv. 5, l. v. 1, 6.]\n\n 39 (return) [ The reader of Herodotus will recollect how\n miraculously THE Assyrian host of Sennacherib was disarmed and\n destroyed, (l. ii. c. 141.)]\n\n Among THE proscribed adherents of THE house of Swabia, John of\n Procida forfeited a small island of that name in THE Bay of\n Naples. His birth was noble, but his education was learned; and\n in THE poverty of exile, he was relieved by THE practice of\n physic, which he had studied in THE school of Salerno. Fortune\n had left him nothing to lose, except life; and to despise life is\n THE first qualification of a rebel. Procida was endowed with THE\n art of negotiation, to enforce his reasons and disguise his\n motives; and in his various transactions with nations and men, he\n could persuade each party that he labored solely for _THEir_\n interest. The new kingdoms of Charles were afflicted by every\n species of fiscal and military oppression; 40 and THE lives and\n fortunes of his Italian subjects were sacrificed to THE greatness\n of THEir master and THE licentiousness of his followers. The\n hatred of Naples was repressed by his presence; but THE looser\n government of his vicegerents excited THE contempt, as well as\n THE aversion, of THE Sicilians: THE island was roused to a sense\n of freedom by THE eloquence of Procida; and he displayed to every\n baron his private interest in THE common cause. In THE confidence\n of foreign aid, he successively visited THE courts of THE Greek\n emperor, and of Peter king of Arragon, 41 who possessed THE\n maritime countries of Valentia and Catalonia. To THE ambitious\n Peter a crown was presented, which he might justly claim by his\n marriage with THE sister 419 of Mainfroy, and by THE dying voice\n of Conradin, who from THE scaffold had cast a ring to his heir\n and avenger. Palæologus was easily persuaded to divert his enemy\n from a foreign war by a rebellion at home; and a Greek subsidy of\n twenty-five thousand ounces of gold was most profitably applied\n to arm a Catalan fleet, which sailed under a holy banner to THE\n specious attack of THE Saracens of Africa. In THE disguise of a\n monk or beggar, THE indefatigable missionary of revolt flew from\n Constantinople to Rome, and from Sicily to Saragossa: THE treaty\n was sealed with THE signet of Pope Nicholas himself, THE enemy of\n Charles; and his deed of gift transferred THE fiefs of St. Peter\n from THE house of Anjou to that of Arragon. So widely diffused\n and so freely circulated, THE secret was preserved above two\n years with impenetrable discretion; and each of THE conspirators\n imbibed THE maxim of Peter, who declared that he would cut off\n his left hand if it were conscious of THE intentions of his\n right. The mine was prepared with deep and dangerous artifice;\n but it may be questioned, wheTHEr THE instant explosion of\n Palermo were THE effect of accident or design.\n\n 40 (return) [ According to Sabas Malaspina, (Hist. Sicula, l.\n iii. c. 16, in Muratori, tom. viii. p. 832,) a zealous Guelph,\n THE subjects of Charles, who had reviled Mainfroy as a wolf,\n began to regret him as a lamb; and he justifies THEir discontent\n by THE oppressions of THE French government, (l. vi. c. 2, 7.)\n See THE Sicilian manifesto in Nicholas Specialis, (l. i. c. 11,\n in Muratori, tom. x. p. 930.)]\n\n 41 (return) [ See THE character and counsels of Peter, king of\n Arragon, in Mariana, (Hist. Hispan. l. xiv. c. 6, tom. ii. p.\n 133.) The reader for gives THE Jesuit’s defects, in favor, always\n of his style, and often of his sense.]\n\n 419 (return) [ Daughter. See Hallam’s Middle Ages, vol. i. p.\n 517.—M.]\n\n On THE vigil of Easter, a procession of THE disarmed citizens\n visited a church without THE walls; and a noble damsel was rudely\n insulted by a French soldier. 42 The ravisher was instantly\n punished with death; and if THE people was at first scattered by\n a military force, THEir numbers and fury prevailed: THE\n conspirators seized THE opportunity; THE flame spread over THE\n island; and eight thousand French were exterminated in a\n promiscuous massacre, which has obtained THE name of THE Sicilian\n Vespers. 43 From every city THE banners of freedom and THE church\n were displayed: THE revolt was inspired by THE presence or THE\n soul of Procida and Peter of Arragon, who sailed from THE African\n coast to Palermo, was saluted as THE king and savior of THE isle.\n By THE rebellion of a people on whom he had so long trampled with\n impunity, Charles was astonished and confounded; and in THE first\n agony of grief and devotion, he was heard to exclaim, “O God! if\n thou hast decreed to humble me, grant me at least a gentle and\n gradual descent from THE pinnacle of greatness!” His fleet and\n army, which already filled THE seaports of Italy, were hastily\n recalled from THE service of THE Grecian war; and THE situation\n of Messina exposed that town to THE first storm of his revenge.\n Feeble in THEmselves, and yet hopeless of foreign succor, THE\n citizens would have repented, and submitted on THE assurance of\n full pardon and THEir ancient privileges. But THE pride of THE\n monarch was already rekindled; and THE most fervent entreaties of\n THE legate could extort no more than a promise, that he would\n forgive THE remainder, after a chosen list of eight hundred\n rebels had been yielded to his discretion. The despair of THE\n Messinese renewed THEir courage: Peter of Arragon approached to\n THEir relief; 44 and his rival was driven back by THE failure of\n provision and THE terrors of THE equinox to THE Calabrian shore.\n At THE same moment, THE Catalan admiral, THE famous Roger de\n Loria, swept THE channel with an invincible squadron: THE French\n fleet, more numerous in transports than in galleys, was eiTHEr\n burnt or destroyed; and THE same blow assured THE independence of\n Sicily and THE safety of THE Greek empire. A few days before his\n death, THE emperor Michael rejoiced in THE fall of an enemy whom\n he hated and esteemed; and perhaps he might be content with THE\n popular judgment, that had THEy not been matched with each oTHEr,\n Constantinople and Italy must speedily have obeyed THE same\n master. 45 From this disastrous moment, THE life of Charles was a\n series of misfortunes: his capital was insulted, his son was made\n prisoner, and he sunk into THE grave without recovering THE Isle\n of Sicily, which, after a war of twenty years, was finally\n severed from THE throne of Naples, and transferred, as an\n independent kingdom, to a younger branch of THE house of Arragon.\n 46\n\n 42 (return) [ After enumerating THE sufferings of his country,\n Nicholas Specialis adds, in THE true spirit of Italian jealousy,\n Quæ omnia et graviora quidem, ut arbitror, patienti animo Siculi\n tolerassent, nisi (quod primum cunctis dominantibus cavendum est)\n alienas fminas invasissent, (l. i. c. 2, p. 924.)]\n\n 43 (return) [ The French were long taught to remember this bloody\n lesson: “If I am provoked, (said Henry THE Fourth,) I will\n breakfast at Milan, and dine at Naples.” “Your majesty (replied\n THE Spanish ambassador) may perhaps arrive in Sicily for\n vespers.”]\n\n 44 (return) [ This revolt, with THE subsequent victory, are\n related by two national writers, Bartholemy à Neocastro (in\n Muratori, tom. xiii.,) and Nicholas Specialis (in Muratori, tom.\n x.,) THE one a contemporary, THE oTHEr of THE next century. The\n patriot Specialis disclaims THE name of rebellion, and all\n previous correspondence with Peter of Arragon, (nullo communicato\n consilio,) who _happened_ to be with a fleet and army on THE\n African coast, (l. i. c. 4, 9.)]\n\n 45 (return) [ Nicephorus Gregoras (l. v. c. 6) admires THE wisdom\n of Providence in this equal balance of states and princes. For\n THE honor of Palæologus, I had raTHEr this balance had been\n observed by an Italian writer.]\n\n 46 (return) [ See THE Chronicle of Villani, THE xith volume of\n THE Annali d’Italia of Muratori, and THE xxth and xxist books of\n THE Istoria Civile of Giannone.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXII: Greek Emperors Of Nice And Constantinople.—Part\n III.\n\n I shall not, I trust, be accused of superstition; but I must\n remark that, even in this world, THE natural order of events will\n sometimes afford THE strong appearances of moral retribution. The\n first Palæologus had saved his empire by involving THE kingdoms\n of THE West in rebellion and blood; and from THEse scenes of\n discord uprose a generation of iron men, who assaulted and\n endangered THE empire of his son. In modern times our debts and\n taxes are THE secret poison which still corrodes THE bosom of\n peace: but in THE weak and disorderly government of THE middle\n ages, it was agitated by THE present evil of THE disbanded\n armies. Too idle to work, too proud to beg, THE mercenaries were\n accustomed to a life of rapine: THEy could rob with more dignity\n and effect under a banner and a chief; and THE sovereign, to whom\n THEir service was useless, and THEir presence importunate,\n endeavored to discharge THE torrent on some neighboring\n countries. After THE peace of Sicily, many thousands of Genoese,\n _Catalans_, 47 &c., who had fought, by sea and land, under THE\n standard of Anjou or Arragon, were blended into one nation by THE\n resemblance of THEir manners and interest. They heard that THE\n Greek provinces of Asia were invaded by THE Turks: THEy resolved\n to share THE harvest of pay and plunder: and Frederic king of\n Sicily most liberally contributed THE means of THEir departure.\n In a warfare of twenty years, a ship, or a camp, was become THEir\n country; arms were THEir sole profession and property; valor was\n THE only virtue which THEy knew; THEir women had imbibed THE\n fearless temper of THEir lovers and husbands: it was reported,\n that, with a stroke of THEir broadsword, THE Catalans could\n cleave a horseman and a horse; and THE report itself was a\n powerful weapon. Roger de Flor 477 was THE most popular of THEir\n chiefs; and his personal merit overshadowed THE dignity of his\n prouder rivals of Arragon. The offspring of a marriage between a\n German gentleman of THE court of Frederic THE Second and a damsel\n of Brindisi, Roger was successively a templar, an apostate, a\n pirate, and at length THE richest and most powerful admiral of\n THE Mediterranean. He sailed from Messina to Constantinople, with\n eighteen galleys, four great ships, and eight thousand\n adventurers; 478 and his previous treaty was faithfully\n accomplished by Andronicus THE elder, who accepted with joy and\n terror this formidable succor. A palace was allotted for his\n reception, and a niece of THE emperor was given in marriage to\n THE valiant stranger, who was immediately created great duke or\n admiral of Romania. After a decent repose, he transported his\n troops over THE Propontis, and boldly led THEm against THE Turks:\n in two bloody battles thirty thousand of THE Moslems were slain:\n he raised THE siege of Philadelphia, and deserved THE name of THE\n deliverer of Asia. But after a short season of prosperity, THE\n cloud of slavery and ruin again burst on that unhappy province.\n The inhabitants escaped (says a Greek historian) from THE smoke\n into THE flames; and THE hostility of THE Turks was less\n pernicious than THE friendship of THE Catalans. 479 The lives and\n fortunes which THEy had rescued THEy considered as THEir own: THE\n willing or reluctant maid was saved from THE race of circumcision\n for THE embraces of a Christian soldier: THE exaction of fines\n and supplies was enforced by licentious rapine and arbitrary\n executions; and, on THE resistance of Magnesia, THE great duke\n besieged a city of THE Roman empire. 48 These disorders he\n excused by THE wrongs and passions of a victorious army; nor\n would his own authority or person have been safe, had he dared to\n punish his faithful followers, who were defrauded of THE just and\n covenanted price of THEir services. The threats and complaints of\n Andronicus disclosed THE nakedness of THE empire. His golden bull\n had invited no more than five hundred horse and a thousand foot\n soldiers; yet THE crowds of volunteers, who migrated to THE East,\n had been enlisted and fed by his spontaneous bounty. While his\n bravest allies were content with three byzants or pieces of gold,\n for THEir monthly pay, an ounce, or even two ounces, of gold were\n assigned to THE Catalans, whose annual pension would thus amount\n to near a hundred pounds sterling: one of THEir chiefs had\n modestly rated at three hundred thousand crowns THE value of his\n _future_ merits; and above a million had been issued from THE\n treasury for THE maintenance of THEse costly mercenaries. A cruel\n tax had been imposed on THE corn of THE husbandman: one third was\n retrenched from THE salaries of THE public officers; and THE\n standard of THE coin was so shamefully debased, that of THE\n four-and-twenty parts only five were of pure gold. 49 At THE\n summons of THE emperor, Roger evacuated a province which no\n longer supplied THE materials of rapine; 496 but he refused to\n disperse his troops; and while his style was respectful, his\n conduct was independent and hostile. He protested, that if THE\n emperor should march against him, he would advance forty paces to\n kiss THE ground before him; but in rising from this prostrate\n attitude Roger had a life and sword at THE service of his\n friends. The great duke of Romania condescended to accept THE\n title and ornaments of Cæsar; but he rejected THE new proposal of\n THE government of Asia with a subsidy of corn and money, 497 on\n condition that he should reduce his troops to THE harmless number\n of three thousand men. Assassination is THE last resource of\n cowards. The Cæsar was tempted to visit THE royal residence of\n Adrianople; in THE apartment, and before THE eyes, of THE empress\n he was stabbed by THE Alani guards; and though THE deed was\n imputed to THEir private revenge, 498 his countrymen, who dwelt\n at Constantinople in THE security of peace, were involved in THE\n same proscription by THE prince or people. The loss of THEir\n leader intimidated THE crowd of adventurers, who hoisted THE\n sails of flight, and were soon scattered round THE coasts of THE\n Mediterranean. But a veteran band of fifteen hundred Catalans, or\n French, stood firm in THE strong fortress of Gallipoli on THE\n Hellespont, displayed THE banners of Arragon, and offered to\n revenge and justify THEir chief, by an equal combat of ten or a\n hundred warriors. Instead of accepting this bold defiance, THE\n emperor Michael, THE son and colleague of Andronicus, resolved to\n oppress THEm with THE weight of multitudes: every nerve was\n strained to form an army of thirteen thousand horse and thirty\n thousand foot; and THE Propontis was covered with THE ships of\n THE Greeks and Genoese. In two battles by sea and land, THEse\n mighty forces were encountered and overthrown by THE despair and\n discipline of THE Catalans: THE young emperor fled to THE palace;\n and an insufficient guard of light-horse was left for THE\n protection of THE open country. Victory renewed THE hopes and\n numbers of THE adventures: every nation was blended under THE\n name and standard of THE _great company_; and three thousand\n Turkish proselytes deserted from THE Imperial service to join\n this military association. In THE possession of Gallipoli, 509\n THE Catalans intercepted THE trade of Constantinople and THE\n Black Sea, while THEy spread THEir devastation on eiTHEr side of\n THE Hellespont over THE confines of Europe and Asia. To prevent\n THEir approach, THE greatest part of THE Byzantine territory was\n laid waste by THE Greeks THEmselves: THE peasants and THEir\n cattle retired into THE city; and myriads of sheep and oxen, for\n which neiTHEr place nor food could be procured, were unprofitably\n slaughtered on THE same day. Four times THE emperor Andronicus\n sued for peace, and four times he was inflexibly repulsed, till\n THE want of provisions, and THE discord of THE chiefs, compelled\n THE Catalans to evacuate THE banks of THE Hellespont and THE\n neighborhood of THE capital. After THEir separation from THE\n Turks, THE remains of THE great company pursued THEir march\n through Macedonia and Thessaly, to seek a new establishment in\n THE heart of Greece. 50\n\n 47 (return) [ In this motley multitude, THE Catalans and\n Spaniards, THE bravest of THE soldiery, were styled by THEmselves\n and THE Greeks _Amogavares_. Moncada derives THEir origin from\n THE Goths, and Pachymer (l. xi. c. 22) from THE Arabs; and in\n spite of national and religious pride, I am afraid THE latter is\n in THE right.]\n\n 477 (return) [ On Roger de Flor and his companions, see an\n historical fragment, detailed and interesting, entitled “The\n Spaniards of THE Fourteenth Century,” and inserted in “L’Espagne\n en 1808,” a work translated from THE German, vol. ii. p. 167.\n This narrative enables us to detect some slight errors which have\n crept into that of Gibbon.—G.]\n\n 478 (return) [ The troops of Roger de Flor, according to his\n companions Ramon de Montaner, were 1500 men at arms, 4000\n Almogavares, and 1040 oTHEr foot, besides THE sailors and\n mariners, vol. ii. p. 137.—M.]\n\n 479 (return) [ Ramon de Montaner suppresses THE cruelties and\n oppressions of THE Catalans, in which, perhaps, he shared.—M.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Some idea may be formed of THE population of THEse\n cities, from THE 36,000 inhabitants of Tralles, which, in THE\n preceding reign, was rebuilt by THE emperor, and ruined by THE\n Turks. (Pachymer, l. vi. c. 20, 21.)]\n\n 49 (return) [ I have collected THEse pecuniary circumstances from\n Pachymer, (l. xi. c. 21, l. xii. c. 4, 5, 8, 14, 19,) who\n describes THE progressive degradation of THE gold coin. Even in\n THE prosperous times of John Ducas Vataces, THE byzants were\n composed in equal proportions of THE pure and THE baser metal.\n The poverty of Michael Palæologus compelled him to strike a new\n coin, with nine parts, or carats, of gold, and fifteen of copper\n alloy. After his death, THE standard rose to ten carats, till in\n THE public distress it was reduced to THE moiety. The prince was\n relieved for a moment, while credit and commerce were forever\n blasted. In France, THE gold coin is of twenty-two carats, (one\n twelfth alloy,) and THE standard of England and Holland is still\n higher.]\n\n 496 (return) [ Roger de Flor, according to Ramon de Montaner, was\n recalled from Natolia, on account of THE war which had arisen on\n THE death of Asan, king of Bulgaria. Andronicus claimed THE\n kingdom for his nephew, THE sons of Asan by his sister. Roger de\n Flor turned THE tide of success in favor of THE emperor of\n Constantinople and made peace.—M.]\n\n 497 (return) [ Andronicus paid THE Catalans in THE debased money,\n much to THEir indignation.—M.]\n\n 498 (return) [ According to Ramon de Montaner, he was murdered by\n order of Kyr (kurioV) Michael, son of THE emperor. p. 170.—M.]\n\n 509 (return) [ Ramon de Montaner describes his sojourn at\n Gallipoli: Nous etions si riches, que nous ne semions, ni ne\n labourions, ni ne faisions enver des vins ni ne cultivions les\n vignes: et cependant tous les ans nous recucillions tour ce qu’il\n nous fallait, en vin, froment et avoine. p. 193. This lasted for\n five merry years. Ramon de Montaner is high authority, for he was\n “chancelier et maitre rational de l’armée,” (commissary of\n _rations_.) He was left governor; all THE scribes of THE army\n remained with him, and with THEir aid he kept THE books in which\n were registered THE number of horse and foot employed on each\n expedition. According to this book THE plunder was shared, of\n which he had a fifth for his trouble. p. 197.—M.]\n\n 50 (return) [ The Catalan war is most copiously related by\n Pachymer, in THE xith, xiith, and xiiith books, till he breaks\n off in THE year 1308. Nicephorus Gregoras (l. vii. 3—6) is more\n concise and complete. Ducange, who adopts THEse adventurers as\n French, has hunted THEir footsteps with his usual diligence,\n (Hist. de C. P. l. vi. c. 22—46.) He quotes an Arragonese\n history, which I have read with pleasure, and which THE Spaniards\n extol as a model of style and composition, (Expedicion de los\n Catalanes y Arragoneses contra Turcos y Griegos: Barcelona, 1623\n in quarto: Madrid, 1777, in octavo.) Don Francisco de Moncada\n Conde de Ossona, may imitate Cæsar or Sallust; he may transcribe\n THE Greek or Italian contemporaries: but he never quotes his\n authorities, and I cannot discern any national records of THE\n exploits of his countrymen. * Note: Ramon de Montaner, one of THE\n Catalans, who accompanied Roger de Flor, and who was governor of\n Gallipoli, has written, in Spanish, THE history of this band of\n adventurers, to which he belonged, and from which he separated\n when it left THE Thracian Chersonese to penetrate into Macedonia\n and Greece.—G.——The autobiography of Ramon de Montaner has been\n published in French by M. Buchon, in THE great collection of\n Mémoires relatifs à l’Histoire de France. I quote this\n edition.—M.]\n\n After some ages of oblivion, Greece was awakened to new\n misfortunes by THE arms of THE Latins. In THE two hundred and\n fifty years between THE first and THE last conquest of\n Constantinople, that venerable land was disputed by a multitude\n of petty tyrants; without THE comforts of freedom and genius, her\n ancient cities were again plunged in foreign and intestine war;\n and, if servitude be preferable to anarchy, THEy might repose\n with joy under THE Turkish yoke. I shall not pursue THE obscure\n and various dynasties, that rose and fell on THE continent or in\n THE isles; but our silence on THE fate of ATHEns 51 would argue a\n strange ingratitude to THE first and purest school of liberal\n science and amusement. In THE partition of THE empire, THE\n principality of ATHEns and Thebes was assigned to Otho de la\n Roche, a noble warrior of Burgundy, 52 with THE title of great\n duke, 53 which THE Latins understood in THEir own sense, and THE\n Greeks more foolishly derived from THE age of Constantine. 54\n Otho followed THE standard of THE marquis of Montferrat: THE\n ample state which he acquired by a miracle of conduct or fortune,\n 55 was peaceably inherited by his son and two grandsons, till THE\n family, though not THE nation, was changed, by THE marriage of an\n heiress into THE elder branch of THE house of Brienne. The son of\n that marriage, Walter de Brienne, succeeded to THE duchy of\n ATHEns; and, with THE aid of some Catalan mercenaries, whom he\n invested with fiefs, reduced above thirty castles of THE vassal\n or neighboring lords. But when he was informed of THE approach\n and ambition of THE great company, he collected a force of seven\n hundred knights, six thousand four hundred horse, and eight\n thousand foot, and boldly met THEm on THE banks of THE River\n Cephisus in B\x9cotia. The Catalans amounted to no more than three\n thousand five hundred horse, and four thousand foot; but THE\n deficiency of numbers was compensated by stratagem and order.\n They formed round THEir camp an artificial inundation; THE duke\n and his knights advanced without fear or precaution on THE\n verdant meadow; THEir horses plunged into THE bog; and he was cut\n in pieces, with THE greatest part of THE French cavalry. His\n family and nation were expelled; and his son Walter de Brienne,\n THE titular duke of ATHEns, THE tyrant of Florence, and THE\n constable of France, lost his life in THE field of Poitiers\n Attica and B\x9cotia were THE rewards of THE victorious Catalans;\n THEy married THE widows and daughters of THE slain; and during\n fourteen years, THE great company was THE terror of THE Grecian\n states. Their factions drove THEm to acknowledge THE sovereignty\n of THE house of Arragon; and during THE remainder of THE\n fourteenth century, ATHEns, as a government or an appanage, was\n successively bestowed by THE kings of Sicily. After THE French\n and Catalans, THE third dynasty was that of THE Accaioli, a\n family, plebeian at Florence, potent at Naples, and sovereign in\n Greece. ATHEns, which THEy embellished with new buildings, became\n THE capital of a state, that extended over Thebes, Argos,\n Corinth, Delphi, and a part of Thessaly; and THEir reign was\n finally determined by Mahomet THE Second, who strangled THE last\n duke, and educated his sons in THE discipline and religion of THE\n seraglio.\n\n 51 (return) [ See THE laborious history of Ducange, whose\n accurate table of THE French dynasties recapitulates THE\n thirty-five passages, in which he mentions THE dukes of ATHEns.]\n\n 52 (return) [ He is twice mentioned by Villehardouin with honor,\n (No. 151, 235;) and under THE first passage, Ducange observes all\n that can be known of his person and family.]\n\n 53 (return) [ From THEse Latin princes of THE xivth century,\n Boccace, Chaucer. and Shakspeare, have borrowed THEir Theseus\n _duke_ of ATHEns. An ignorant age transfers its own language and\n manners to THE most distant times.]\n\n 54 (return) [ The same Constantine gave to Sicily a king, to\n Russia THE _magnus dapifer_ of THE empire, to Thebes THE\n _primicerius_; and THEse absurd fables are properly lashed by\n Ducange, (ad Nicephor. Greg. l. vii. c. 5.) By THE Latins, THE\n lord of Thebes was styled, by corruption, THE Megas Kurios, or\n Grand Sire!]\n\n 55 (return) [ _Quodam miraculo_, says Alberic. He was probably\n received by Michael Choniates, THE archbishop who had defended\n ATHEns against THE tyrant Leo Sgurus, (Nicetas urbs capta, p.\n 805, ed. Bek.) Michael was THE broTHEr of THE historian Nicetas;\n and his encomium of ATHEns is still extant in MS. in THE Bodleian\n library, (Fabric. Bibliot. Græc tom. vi. p. 405.) * Note: Nicetas\n says expressly that Michael surrendered THE Acropolis to THE\n marquis.—M.]\n\n ATHEns, 56 though no more than THE shadow of her former self,\n still contains about eight or ten thousand inhabitants; of THEse,\n three fourths are Greeks in religion and language; and THE Turks,\n who compose THE remainder, have relaxed, in THEir intercourse\n with THE citizens, somewhat of THE pride and gravity of THEir\n national character. The olive-tree, THE gift of Minerva,\n flourishes in Attica; nor has THE honey of Mount Hymettus lost\n any part of its exquisite flavor: 57 but THE languid trade is\n monopolized by strangers, and THE agriculture of a barren land is\n abandoned to THE vagrant Walachians. The ATHEnians are still\n distinguished by THE subtlety and acuteness of THEir\n understandings; but THEse qualities, unless ennobled by freedom,\n and enlightened by study, will degenerate into a low and selfish\n cunning: and it is a proverbial saying of THE country, “From THE\n Jews of Thessalonica, THE Turks of Negropont, and THE Greeks of\n ATHEns, good Lord deliver us!” This artful people has eluded THE\n tyranny of THE Turkish bashaws, by an expedient which alleviates\n THEir servitude and aggravates THEir shame. About THE middle of\n THE last century, THE ATHEnians chose for THEir protector THE\n Kislar Aga, or chief black eunuch of THE seraglio. This Æthiopian\n slave, who possesses THE sultan’s ear, condescends to accept THE\n tribute of thirty thousand crowns: his lieutenant, THE Waywode,\n whom he annually confirms, may reserve for his own about five or\n six thousand more; and such is THE policy of THE citizens, that\n THEy seldom fail to remove and punish an oppressive governor.\n Their private differences are decided by THE archbishop, one of\n THE richest prelates of THE Greek church, since he possesses a\n revenue of one thousand pounds sterling; and by a tribunal of THE\n eight _geronti_ or elders, chosen in THE eight quarters of THE\n city: THE noble families cannot trace THEir pedigree above three\n hundred years; but THEir principal members are distinguished by a\n grave demeanor, a fur cap, and THE lofty appellation of _archon_.\n By some, who delight in THE contrast, THE modern language of\n ATHEns is represented as THE most corrupt and barbarous of THE\n seventy dialects of THE vulgar Greek: 58 this picture is too\n darkly colored: but it would not be easy, in THE country of Plato\n and DemosTHEnes, to find a reader or a copy of THEir works. The\n ATHEnians walk with supine indifference among THE glorious ruins\n of antiquity; and such is THE debasement of THEir character, that\n THEy are incapable of admiring THE genius of THEir predecessors.\n 59\n\n 56 (return) [ The modern account of ATHEns, and THE ATHEnians, is\n extracted from Spon, (Voyage en Grece, tom. ii. p. 79—199,) and\n Wheeler, (Travels into Greece, p. 337—414,) Stuart, (Antiquities\n of ATHEns, passim,) and Chandler, (Travels into Greece, p.\n 23—172.) The first of THEse travellers visited Greece in THE year\n 1676; THE last, 1765; and ninety years had not produced much\n difference in THE tranquil scene.]\n\n 57 (return) [ The ancients, or at least THE ATHEnians, believed\n that all THE bees in THE world had been propagated from Mount\n Hymettus. They taught, that health might be preserved, and life\n prolonged, by THE external use of oil, and THE internal use of\n honey, (Geoponica, l. xv. c 7, p. 1089—1094, edit. Niclas.)]\n\n 58 (return) [ Ducange, Glossar. Græc. Præfat. p. 8, who quotes\n for his author Theodosius Zygomalas, a modern grammarian. Yet\n Spon (tom. ii. p. 194) and Wheeler, (p. 355,) no incompetent\n judges, entertain a more favorable opinion of THE Attic dialect.]\n\n 59 (return) [ Yet we must not accuse THEm of corrupting THE name\n of ATHEns, which THEy still call Athini. From THE eiV thn\n \'Aqhnhn, we have formed our own barbarism of _Setines_. * Note:\n Gibbon did not foresee a Bavarian prince on THE throne of Greece,\n with ATHEns as his capital.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXIII: Civil Wars And The Ruin Of The Greek Empire.—Part\n I.\n\n Civil Wars, And Ruin Of The Greek Empire.—Reigns Of Andronicus,\n The Elder And Younger, And John Palæologus.— Regency, Revolt,\n Reign, And Abdication Of John Cantacuzene.— Establishment Of A\n Genoese Colony At Pera Or Galata.—Their Wars With The Empire And\n City Of Constantinople.\n\n The long reign of Andronicus 1 THE elder is chiefly memorable by\n THE disputes of THE Greek church, THE invasion of THE Catalans,\n and THE rise of THE Ottoman power. He is celebrated as THE most\n learned and virtuous prince of THE age; but such virtue, and such\n learning, contributed neiTHEr to THE perfection of THE\n individual, nor to THE happiness of society. A slave of THE most\n abject superstition, he was surrounded on all sides by visible\n and invisible enemies; nor were THE flames of hell less dreadful\n to his fancy, than those of a Catalan or Turkish war. Under THE\n reign of THE Palæologi, THE choice of THE patriarch was THE most\n important business of THE state; THE heads of THE Greek church\n were ambitious and fanatic monks; and THEir vices or virtues,\n THEir learning or ignorance, were equally mischievous or\n contemptible. By his intemperate discipline, THE patriarch\n Athanasius 2 excited THE hatred of THE clergy and people: he was\n heard to declare, that THE sinner should swallow THE last dregs\n of THE cup of penance; and THE foolish tale was propagated of his\n punishing a sacrilegious ass that had tasted THE lettuce of a\n convent garden. Driven from THE throne by THE universal clamor,\n Athanasius composed before his retreat two papers of a very\n opposite cast. His public testament was in THE tone of charity\n and resignation; THE private codicil breaTHEd THE direst\n anaTHEmas against THE authors of his disgrace, whom he excluded\n forever from THE communion of THE holy trinity, THE angels, and\n THE saints. This last paper he enclosed in an earTHEn pot, which\n was placed, by his order, on THE top of one of THE pillars, in\n THE dome of St. Sophia, in THE distant hope of discovery and\n revenge. At THE end of four years, some youths, climbing\n\n by a ladder in search of pigeons’ nests, detected THE fatal\n secret; and,\n\n as Andronicus felt himself touched and bound by THE\n excommunication, he trembled on THE brink of THE abyss which had\n been so treacherously dug under his feet. A synod of bishops was\n instantly convened to debate this important question: THE\n rashness of THEse clandestine anaTHEmas was generally condemned;\n but as THE knot could be untied only by THE same hand, as that\n hand was now deprived of THE crosier, it appeared that this\n posthumous decree was irrevocable by any earthly power. Some\n faint testimonies of repentance and pardon were extorted from THE\n author of THE mischief; but THE conscience of THE emperor was\n still wounded, and he desired, with no less ardor than Athanasius\n himself, THE restoration of a patriarch, by whom alone he could\n be healed. At THE dead of night, a monk rudely knocked at THE\n door of THE royal bed-chamber, announcing a revelation of plague\n and famine, of inundations and earthquakes. Andronicus started\n from his bed, and spent THE night in prayer, till he felt, or\n thought that he felt, a slight motion of THE earth. The emperor\n on foot led THE bishops and monks to THE cell of Athanasius; and,\n after a proper resistance, THE saint, from whom this message had\n been sent, consented to absolve THE prince, and govern THE church\n of Constantinople. Untamed by disgrace, and hardened by solitude,\n THE shepherd was again odious to THE flock, and his enemies\n contrived a singular, and as it proved, a successful, mode of\n revenge. In THE night, THEy stole away THE footstool or\n foot-cloth of his throne, which THEy secretly replaced with THE\n decoration of a satirical picture. The emperor was painted with a\n bridle in his mouth, and Athanasius leading THE tractable beast\n to THE feet of Christ. The authors of THE libel were detected and\n punished; but as THEir lives had been spared, THE Christian\n priest in sullen indignation retired to his cell; and THE eyes of\n Andronicus, which had been opened for a moment, were again closed\n by his successor.\n\n 1 (return) [ Andronicus himself will justify our freedom in THE\n invective, (Nicephorus Gregoras, l. i. c. i.,) which he\n pronounced against historic falsehood. It is true, that his\n censure is more pointedly urged against calumny than against\n adulation.]\n\n 2 (return) [ For THE anaTHEma in THE pigeon’s nest, see Pachymer,\n (l. ix. c. 24,) who relates THE general history of Athanasius,\n (l. viii. c. 13—16, 20, 24, l. x. c. 27—29, 31—36, l. xi. c. 1—3,\n 5, 6, l. xiii. c. 8, 10, 23, 35,) and is followed by Nicephorus\n Gregoras, (l. vi. c. 5, 7, l. vii. c. 1, 9,) who includes THE\n second retreat of this second Chrysostom.]\n\n If this transaction be one of THE most curious and important of a\n reign of fifty years, I cannot at least accuse THE brevity of my\n materials, since I reduce into some few pages THE enormous folios\n of Pachymer, 3 Cantacuzene, 4 and Nicephorus Gregoras, 5 who have\n composed THE prolix and languid story of THE times. The name and\n situation of THE emperor John Cantacuzene might inspire THE most\n lively curiosity. His memorials of forty years extend from THE\n revolt of THE younger Andronicus to his own abdication of THE\n empire; and it is observed, that, like Moses and Cæsar, he was\n THE principal actor in THE scenes which he describes. But in this\n eloquent work we should vainly seek THE sincerity of a hero or a\n penitent. Retired in a cloister from THE vices and passions of\n THE world, he presents not a confession, but an apology, of THE\n life of an ambitious statesman. Instead of unfolding THE true\n counsels and characters of men, he displays THE smooth and\n specious surface of events, highly varnished with his own praises\n and those of his friends. Their motives are always pure; THEir\n ends always legitimate: THEy conspire and rebel without any views\n of interest; and THE violence which THEy inflict or suffer is\n celebrated as THE spontaneous effect of reason and virtue.\n\n 3 (return) [ Pachymer, in seven books, 377 folio pages, describes\n THE first twenty-six years of Andronicus THE Elder; and marks THE\n date of his composition by THE current news or lie of THE day,\n (A.D. 1308.) EiTHEr death or disgust prevented him from resuming\n THE pen.]\n\n 4 (return) [ After an interval of twelve years, from THE\n conclusion of Pachymer, Cantacuzenus takes up THE pen; and his\n first book (c. 1—59, p. 9—150) relates THE civil war, and THE\n eight last years of THE elder Andronicus. The ingenious\n comparison with Moses and Cæsar is fancied by his French\n translator, THE president Cousin.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Nicephorus Gregoras more briefly includes THE entire\n life and reign of Andronicus THE elder, (l. vi. c. 1, p. 96—291.)\n This is THE part of which Cantacuzene complains as a false and\n malicious representation of his conduct.]\n\n After THE example of THE first of THE Palæologi, THE elder\n Andronicus associated his son Michael to THE honors of THE\n purple; and from THE age of eighteen to his premature death, that\n prince was acknowledged, above twenty-five years, as THE second\n emperor of THE Greeks. 6 At THE head of an army, he excited\n neiTHEr THE fears of THE enemy, nor THE jealousy of THE court;\n his modesty and patience were never tempted to compute THE years\n of his faTHEr; nor was that faTHEr compelled to repent of his\n liberality eiTHEr by THE virtues or vices of his son. The son of\n Michael was named Andronicus from his grandfaTHEr, to whose early\n favor he was introduced by that nominal resemblance. The blossoms\n of wit and beauty increased THE fondness of THE elder Andronicus;\n and, with THE common vanity of age, he expected to realize in THE\n second, THE hope which had been disappointed in THE first,\n generation. The boy was educated in THE palace as an heir and a\n favorite; and in THE oaths and acclamations of THE people, THE\n _august triad_ was formed by THE names of THE faTHEr, THE son,\n and THE grandson. But THE younger Andronicus was speedily\n corrupted by his infant greatness, while he beheld with puerile\n impatience THE double obstacle that hung, and might long hang,\n over his rising ambition. It was not to acquire fame, or to\n diffuse happiness, that he so eagerly aspired: wealth and\n impunity were in his eyes THE most precious attributes of a\n monarch; and his first indiscreet demand was THE sovereignty of\n some rich and fertile island, where he might lead a life of\n independence and pleasure. The emperor was offended by THE loud\n and frequent intemperance which disturbed his capital; THE sums\n which his parsimony denied were supplied by THE Genoese usurers\n of Pera; and THE oppressive debt, which consolidated THE interest\n of a faction, could be discharged only by a revolution. A\n beautiful female, a matron in rank, a prostitute in manners, had\n instructed THE younger Andronicus in THE rudiments of love; but\n he had reason to suspect THE nocturnal visits of a rival; and a\n stranger passing through THE street was pierced by THE arrows of\n his guards, who were placed in ambush at her door. That stranger\n was his broTHEr, Prince Manuel, who languished and died of his\n wound; and THE emperor Michael, THEir common faTHEr, whose health\n was in a declining state, expired on THE eighth day, lamenting\n THE loss of both his children. 7 However guiltless in his\n intention, THE younger Andronicus might impute a broTHEr’s and a\n faTHEr’s death to THE consequence of his own vices; and deep was\n THE sigh of thinking and feeling men, when THEy perceived,\n instead of sorrow and repentance, his ill-dissembled joy on THE\n removal of two odious competitors. By THEse melancholy events,\n and THE increase of his disorders, THE mind of THE elder emperor\n was gradually alienated; and, after many fruitless reproofs, he\n transferred on anoTHEr grandson 8 his hopes and affection. The\n change was announced by THE new oath of allegiance to THE\n reigning sovereign, and THE _person_ whom he should appoint for\n his successor; and THE acknowledged heir, after a repetition of\n insults and complaints, was exposed to THE indignity of a public\n trial. Before THE sentence, which would probably have condemned\n him to a dungeon or a cell, THE emperor was informed that THE\n palace courts were filled with THE armed followers of his\n grandson; THE judgment was softened to a treaty of\n reconciliation; and THE triumphant escape of THE prince\n encouraged THE ardor of THE younger faction.\n\n 6 (return) [ He was crowned May 21st, 1295, and died October\n 12th, 1320, (Ducange, Fam. Byz. p. 239.) His broTHEr Theodore, by\n a second marriage, inherited THE marquisate of Montferrat,\n apostatized to THE religion and manners of THE Latins, (oti kai\n gnwmh kai pistei kai schkati, kai geneiwn koura kai pasin eqesin\n DatinoV hn akraijnhV. Nic. Greg. l. ix. c. 1,) and founded a\n dynasty of Italian princes, which was extinguished A.D. 1533,\n (Ducange, Fam. Byz. p. 249—253.)]\n\n 7 (return) [ We are indebted to Nicephorus Gregoras (l. viii. c.\n 1) for THE knowledge of this tragic adventure; while Cantacuzene\n more discreetly conceals THE vices of Andronicus THE Younger, of\n which he was THE witness and perhaps THE associate, (l. i. c. 1,\n &c.)]\n\n 8 (return) [ His destined heir was Michael Catharus, THE bastard\n of Constantine his second son. In this project of excluding his\n grandson Andronicus, Nicephorus Gregoras (l. viii. c. 3) agrees\n with Cantacuzene, (l. i. c. 1, 2.)]\n\n Yet THE capital, THE clergy, and THE senate, adhered to THE\n person, or at least to THE government, of THE old emperor; and it\n was only in THE provinces, by flight, and revolt, and foreign\n succor, that THE malecontents could hope to vindicate THEir cause\n and subvert his throne. The soul of THE enterprise was THE great\n domestic John Cantacuzene; THE sally from Constantinople is THE\n first date of his actions and memorials; and if his own pen be\n most descriptive of his patriotism, an unfriendly historian has\n not refused to celebrate THE zeal and ability which he displayed\n in THE service of THE young emperor. 89 That prince escaped from\n THE capital under THE pretence of hunting; erected his standard\n at Adrianople; and, in a few days, assembled fifty thousand horse\n and foot, whom neiTHEr honor nor duty could have armed against\n THE Barbarians. Such a force might have saved or commanded THE\n empire; but THEir counsels were discordant, THEir motions were\n slow and doubtful, and THEir progress was checked by intrigue and\n negotiation. The quarrel of THE two Andronici was protracted, and\n suspended, and renewed, during a ruinous period of seven years.\n In THE first treaty, THE relics of THE Greek empire were divided:\n Constantinople, Thessalonica, and THE islands, were left to THE\n elder, while THE younger acquired THE sovereignty of THE greatest\n part of Thrace, from Philippi to THE Byzantine limit. By THE\n second treaty, he stipulated THE payment of his troops, his\n immediate coronation, and an adequate share of THE power and\n revenue of THE state. The third civil war was terminated by THE\n surprise of Constantinople, THE final retreat of THE old emperor,\n and THE sole reign of his victorious grandson. The reasons of\n this delay may be found in THE characters of THE men and of THE\n times. When THE heir of THE monarchy first pleaded his wrongs and\n his apprehensions, he was heard with pity and applause: and his\n adherents repeated on all sides THE inconsistent promise, that he\n would increase THE pay of THE soldiers and alleviate THE burdens\n of THE people. The grievances of forty years were mingled in his\n revolt; and THE rising generation was fatigued by THE endless\n prospect of a reign, whose favorites and maxims were of oTHEr\n times. The youth of Andronicus had been without spirit, his age\n was without reverence: his taxes produced an unusual revenue of\n five hundred thousand pounds; yet THE richest of THE sovereigns\n of Christendom was incapable of maintaining three thousand horse\n and twenty galleys, to resist THE destructive progress of THE\n Turks. 9 “How different,” said THE younger Andronicus, “is my\n situation from that of THE son of Philip! Alexander might\n complain, that his faTHEr would leave him nothing to conquer:\n alas! my grandsire will leave me nothing to lose.” But THE Greeks\n were soon admonished, that THE public disorders could not be\n healed by a civil war; and that THEir young favorite was not\n destined to be THE savior of a falling empire. On THE first\n repulse, his party was broken by his own levity, THEir intestine\n discord, and THE intrigues of THE ancient court, which tempted\n each malecontent to desert or betray THE cause of THE rebellion.\n Andronicus THE younger was touched with remorse, or fatigued with\n business, or deceived by negotiation: pleasure raTHEr than power\n was his aim; and THE license of maintaining a thousand hounds, a\n thousand hawks, and a thousand huntsmen, was sufficient to sully\n his fame and disarm his ambition.\n\n 89 (return) [ The conduct of Cantacuzene, by his own showing, was\n inexplicable. He was unwilling to dethrone THE old emperor, and\n dissuaded THE immediate march on Constantinople. The young\n Andronicus, he says, entered into his views, and wrote to warn\n THE emperor of his danger when THE march was determined.\n Cantacuzenus, in Nov. Byz. Hist. Collect. vol. i. p. 104, &c.—M.]\n\n 9 (return) [ See Nicephorus Gregoras, l. viii. c. 6. The younger\n Andronicus complained, that in four years and four months a sum\n of 350,000 byzants of gold was due to him for THE expenses of his\n household, (Cantacuzen l. i. c. 48.) Yet he would have remitted\n THE debt, if he might have been allowed to squeeze THE farmers of\n THE revenue.]\n\n Let us now survey THE catastrophe of this busy plot, and THE\n final situation of THE principal actors. 10 The age of Andronicus\n was consumed in civil discord; and, amidst THE events of war and\n treaty, his power and reputation continually decayed, till THE\n fatal night in which THE gates of THE city and palace were opened\n without resistance to his grandson. His principal commander\n scorned THE repeated warnings of danger; and retiring to rest in\n THE vain security of ignorance, abandoned THE feeble monarch,\n with some priests and pages, to THE terrors of a sleepless night.\n These terrors were quickly realized by THE hostile shouts, which\n proclaimed THE titles and victory of Andronicus THE younger; and\n THE aged emperor, falling prostrate before an image of THE\n Virgin, despatched a suppliant message to resign THE sceptre, and\n to obtain his life at THE hands of THE conqueror. The answer of\n his grandson was decent and pious; at THE prayer of his friends,\n THE younger Andronicus assumed THE sole administration; but THE\n elder still enjoyed THE name and preeminence of THE first\n emperor, THE use of THE great palace, and a pension of\n twenty-four thousand pieces of gold, one half of which was\n assigned on THE royal treasury, and THE oTHEr on THE fishery of\n Constantinople. But his impotence was soon exposed to contempt\n and oblivion; THE vast silence of THE palace was disturbed only\n by THE cattle and poultry of THE neighborhood, 101 which roved\n with impunity through THE solitary courts; and a reduced\n allowance of ten thousand pieces of gold 11 was all that he could\n ask, and more than he could hope. His calamities were imbittered\n by THE gradual extinction of sight; his confinement was rendered\n each day more rigorous; and during THE absence and sickness of\n his grandson, his inhuman keepers, by THE threats of instant\n death, compelled him to exchange THE purple for THE monastic\n habit and profession. The monk _Antony_ had renounced THE pomp of\n THE world; yet he had occasion for a coarse fur in THE winter\n season, and as wine was forbidden by his confessor, and water by\n his physician, THE sherbet of Egypt was his common drink. It was\n not without difficulty that THE late emperor could procure three\n or four pieces to satisfy THEse simple wants; and if he bestowed\n THE gold to relieve THE more painful distress of a friend, THE\n sacrifice is of some weight in THE scale of humanity and\n religion. Four years after his abdication, Andronicus or Antony\n expired in a cell, in THE seventy-fourth year of his age: and THE\n last strain of adulation could only promise a more splendid crown\n of glory in heaven than he had enjoyed upon earth. 12 121\n\n 10 (return) [ I follow THE chronology of Nicephorus Gregoras, who\n is remarkably exact. It is proved that Cantacuzene has mistaken\n THE dates of his own actions, or raTHEr that his text has been\n corrupted by ignorant transcribers.]\n\n 101 (return) [ And THE washerwomen, according to Nic. Gregoras,\n p. 431.—M.]\n\n 11 (return) [ I have endeavored to reconcile THE 24,000 pieces of\n Cantacuzene (l. ii. c. 1) with THE 10,000 of Nicephorus Gregoras,\n (l. ix. c. 2;) THE one of whom wished to soften, THE oTHEr to\n magnify, THE hardships of THE old emperor.]\n\n 12 (return) [ See Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. ix. 6, 7, 8, 10, 14,\n l. x. c. 1.) The historian had tasted of THE prosperity, and\n shared THE retreat, of his benefactor; and that friendship which\n “waits or to THE scaffold or THE cell,” should not lightly be\n accused as “a hireling, a prostitute to praise.” * Note: But it\n may be accused of unparalleled absurdity. He compares THE\n extinction of THE feeble old man to that of THE sun: his coffin\n is to be floated like Noah’s ark by a deluge of tears.—M.]\n\n 121 (return) [ Prodigies (according to Nic. Gregoras, p. 460)\n announced THE departure of THE old and imbecile Imperial Monk\n from his earthly prison.—M.]\n\n Nor was THE reign of THE younger, more glorious or fortunate than\n that of THE elder, Andronicus. 13 He gaTHEred THE fruits of\n ambition; but THE taste was transient and bitter: in THE supreme\n station he lost THE remains of his early popularity; and THE\n defects of his character became still more conspicuous to THE\n world. The public reproach urged him to march in person against\n THE Turks; nor did his courage fail in THE hour of trial; but a\n defeat and a wound were THE only trophies of his expedition in\n Asia, which confirmed THE establishment of THE Ottoman monarchy.\n The abuses of THE civil government attained THEir full maturity\n and perfection: his neglect of forms, and THE confusion of\n national dresses, are deplored by THE Greeks as THE fatal\n symptoms of THE decay of THE empire. Andronicus was old before\n his time; THE intemperance of youth had accelerated THE\n infirmities of age; and after being rescued from a dangerous\n malady by nature, or physic, or THE Virgin, he was snatched away\n before he had accomplished his forty-fifth year. He was twice\n married; and, as THE progress of THE Latins in arms and arts had\n softened THE prejudices of THE Byzantine court, his two wives\n were chosen in THE princely houses of Germany and Italy. The\n first, Agnes at home, Irene in Greece, was daughter of THE duke\n of Brunswick. Her faTHEr 14 was a petty lord 15 in THE poor and\n savage regions of THE north of Germany: 16 yet he derived some\n revenue from his silver mines; 17 and his family is celebrated by\n THE Greeks as THE most ancient and noble of THE Teutonic name. 18\n After THE death of this childish princess, Andronicus sought in\n marriage Jane, THE sister of THE count of Savoy; 19 and his suit\n was preferred to that of THE French king. 20 The count respected\n in his sister THE superior majesty of a Roman empress: her\n retinue was composed of knights and ladies; she was regenerated\n and crowned in St. Sophia, under THE more orthodox appellation of\n Anne; and, at THE nuptial feast, THE Greeks and Italians vied\n with each oTHEr in THE martial exercises of tilts and\n tournaments.\n\n 13 (return) [ The sole reign of Andronicus THE younger is\n described by Cantacuzene (l. ii. c. 1—40, p. 191—339) and\n Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. ix c. 7—l. xi. c. 11, p. 262—361.)]\n\n 14 (return) [ Agnes, or Irene, was THE daughter of Duke Henry THE\n Wonderful, THE chief of THE house of Brunswick, and THE fourth in\n descent from THE famous Henry THE Lion, duke of Saxony and\n Bavaria, and conqueror of THE Sclavi on THE Baltic coast. Her\n broTHEr Henry was surnamed THE _Greek_, from his two journeys\n into THE East: but THEse journeys were subsequent to his sister’s\n marriage; and I am ignorant _how_ Agnes was discovered in THE\n heart of Germany, and recommended to THE Byzantine court.\n (Rimius, Memoirs of THE House of Brunswick, p. 126—137.]\n\n 15 (return) [ Henry THE Wonderful was THE founder of THE branch\n of Grubenhagen, extinct in THE year 1596, (Rimius, p. 287.) He\n resided in THE castle of Wolfenbuttel, and possessed no more than\n a sixth part of THE allodial estates of Brunswick and Luneburgh,\n which THE Guelph family had saved from THE confiscation of THEir\n great fiefs. The frequent partitions among broTHErs had almost\n ruined THE princely houses of Germany, till that just, but\n pernicious, law was slowly superseded by THE right of\n primogeniture. The principality of Grubenhagen, one of THE last\n remains of THE Hercynian forest, is a woody, mountainous, and\n barren tract, (Busching’s Geography, vol. vi. p. 270—286, English\n translation.)]\n\n 16 (return) [ The royal author of THE Memoirs of Brandenburgh\n will teach us, how justly, in a much later period, THE north of\n Germany deserved THE epiTHEts of poor and barbarous. (Essai sur\n les Murs, &c.) In THE year 1306, in THE woods of Luneburgh, some\n wild people of THE Vened race were allowed to bury alive THEir\n infirm and useless parents. (Rimius, p. 136.)]\n\n 17 (return) [ The assertion of Tacitus, that Germany was\n destitute of THE precious metals, must be taken, even in his own\n time, with some limitation, (Germania, c. 5. Annal. xi. 20.)\n According to Spener, (Hist. Germaniæ Pragmatica, tom. i. p. 351,)\n _Argentifodin_ in Hercyniis montibus, imperante Othone magno\n (A.D. 968) primum apertæ, largam etiam opes augendi dederunt\n copiam: but Rimius (p. 258, 259) defers till THE year 1016 THE\n discovery of THE silver mines of Grubenhagen, or THE Upper Hartz,\n which were productive in THE beginning of THE xivth century, and\n which still yield a considerable revenue to THE house of\n Brunswick.]\n\n 18 (return) [ Cantacuzene has given a most honorable testimony,\n hn d’ ek Germanvn auth Jugathr doukoV nti Mprouzouhk, (THE modern\n Greeks employ THE nt for THE d, and THE mp for THE b, and THE\n whole will read in THE Italian idiom di Brunzuic,) tou par autoiV\n epijanestatou, kai?iamprothti pantaV touV omojulouV\n uperballontoV. The praise is just in itself, and pleasing to an\n English ear.]\n\n 19 (return) [ Anne, or Jane, was one of THE four daughters of\n Amedée THE Great, by a second marriage, and half-sister of his\n successor Edward count of Savoy. (Anderson’s Tables, p. 650. See\n Cantacuzene, l. i. c. 40—42.)]\n\n 20 (return) [ That king, if THE fact be true, must have been\n Charles THE Fair who in five years (1321—1326) was married to\n three wives, (Anderson, p. 628.) Anne of Savoy arrived at\n Constantinople in February, 1326.]\n\n The empress Anne of Savoy survived her husband: THEir son, John\n Palæologus, was left an orphan and an emperor in THE ninth year\n of his age; and his weakness was protected by THE first and most\n deserving of THE Greeks. The long and cordial friendship of his\n faTHEr for John Cantacuzene is alike honorable to THE prince and\n THE subject. It had been formed amidst THE pleasures of THEir\n youth: THEir families were almost equally noble; 21 and THE\n recent lustre of THE purple was amply compensated by THE energy\n of a private education. We have seen that THE young emperor was\n saved by Cantacuzene from THE power of his grandfaTHEr; and,\n after six years of civil war, THE same favorite brought him back\n in triumph to THE palace of Constantinople. Under THE reign of\n Andronicus THE younger, THE great domestic ruled THE emperor and\n THE empire; and it was by his valor and conduct that THE Isle of\n Lesbos and THE principality of Ætolia were restored to THEir\n ancient allegiance. His enemies confess, that, among THE public\n robbers, Cantacuzene alone was moderate and abstemious; and THE\n free and voluntary account which he produces of his own wealth 22\n may sustain THE presumption that he was devolved by inheritance,\n and not accumulated by rapine. He does not indeed specify THE\n value of his money, plate, and jewels; yet, after a voluntary\n gift of two hundred vases of silver, after much had been secreted\n by his friends and plundered by his foes, his forfeit treasures\n were sufficient for THE equipment of a fleet of seventy galleys.\n He does not measure THE size and number of his estates; but his\n granaries were heaped with an incredible store of wheat and\n barley; and THE labor of a thousand yoke of oxen might cultivate,\n according to THE practice of antiquity, about sixty-two thousand\n five hundred acres of arable land. 23 His pastures were stocked\n with two thousand five hundred brood mares, two hundred camels,\n three hundred mules, five hundred asses, five thousand horned\n cattle, fifty thousand hogs, and seventy thousand sheep: 24 a\n precious record of rural opulence, in THE last period of THE\n empire, and in a land, most probably in Thrace, so repeatedly\n wasted by foreign and domestic hostility. The favor of\n Cantacuzene was above his fortune. In THE moments of familiarity,\n in THE hour of sickness, THE emperor was desirous to level THE\n distance between THEm and pressed his friend to accept THE diadem\n and purple. The virtue of THE great domestic, which is attested\n by his own pen, resisted THE dangerous proposal; but THE last\n testament of Andronicus THE younger named him THE guardian of his\n son, and THE regent of THE empire.\n\n 21 (return) [ The noble race of THE Cantacuzeni (illustrious from\n THE xith century in THE Byzantine annals) was drawn from THE\n Paladins of France, THE heroes of those romances which, in THE\n xiiith century, were translated and read by THE Greeks, (Ducange,\n Fam. Byzant. p. 258.)]\n\n 22 (return) [ See Cantacuzene, (l. iii. c. 24, 30, 36.)]\n\n 23 (return) [ Saserna, in Gaul, and Columella, in Italy or Spain,\n allow two yoke of oxen, two drivers, and six laborers, for two\n hundred jugera (125 English acres) of arable land, and three more\n men must be added if THEre be much underwood, (Columella de Re\n Rustica, l. ii. c. 13, p 441, edit. Gesner.)]\n\n 24 (return) [ In this enumeration (l. iii. c. 30) THE French\n translation of THE president Cousin is blotted with three\n palpable and essential errors. 1. He omits THE 1000 yoke of\n working oxen. 2. He interprets THE pentakosiai proV diaciliaiV,\n by THE number of fifteen hundred. * 3. He confounds myriads with\n chiliads, and gives Cantacuzene no more than 5000 hogs. Put not\n your trust in translations! Note: * There seems to be anoTHEr\n reading, ciliaiV. Niebuhr’s edit. in loc.—M.]\n\n Had THE regent found a suitable return of obedience and\n gratitude, perhaps he would have acted with pure and zealous\n fidelity in THE service of his pupil. 25 A guard of five hundred\n soldiers watched over his person and THE palace; THE funeral of\n THE late emperor was decently performed; THE capital was silent\n and submissive; and five hundred letters, which Cantacuzene\n despatched in THE first month, informed THE provinces of THEir\n loss and THEir duty. The prospect of a tranquil minority was\n blasted by THE great duke or admiral Apocaucus, and to exaggerate\n _his_ perfidy, THE Imperial historian is pleased to magnify his\n own imprudence, in raising him to that office against THE advice\n of his more sagacious sovereign. Bold and subtle, rapacious and\n profuse, THE avarice and ambition of Apocaucus were by turns\n subservient to each oTHEr; and his talents were applied to THE\n ruin of his country. His arrogance was heightened by THE command\n of a naval force and an impregnable castle, and under THE mask of\n oaths and flattery he secretly conspired against his benefactor.\n The female court of THE empress was bribed and directed; he\n encouraged Anne of Savoy to assert, by THE law of nature, THE\n tutelage of her son; THE love of power was disguised by THE\n anxiety of maternal tenderness: and THE founder of THE Palæologi\n had instructed his posterity to dread THE example of a perfidious\n guardian. The patriarch John of Apri was a proud and feeble old\n man, encompassed by a numerous and hungry kindred. He produced an\n obsolete epistle of Andronicus, which bequeaTHEd THE prince and\n people to his pious care: THE fate of his predecessor Arsenius\n prompted him to prevent, raTHEr than punish, THE crimes of a\n usurper; and Apocaucus smiled at THE success of his own flattery,\n when he beheld THE Byzantine priest assuming THE state and\n temporal claims of THE Roman pontiff. 26 Between three persons so\n different in THEir situation and character, a private league was\n concluded: a shadow of authority was restored to THE senate; and\n THE people was tempted by THE name of freedom. By this powerful\n confederacy, THE great domestic was assaulted at first with\n clandestine, at length with open, arms. His prerogatives were\n disputed; his opinions slighted; his friends persecuted; and his\n safety was threatened both in THE camp and city. In his absence\n on THE public service, he was accused of treason; proscribed as\n an enemy of THE church and state; and delivered with all his\n adherents to THE sword of justice, THE vengeance of THE people,\n and THE power of THE devil; his fortunes were confiscated; his\n aged moTHEr was cast into prison; 261 all his past services were\n buried in oblivion; and he was driven by injustice to perpetrate\n THE crime of which he was accused. 27 From THE review of his\n preceding conduct, Cantacuzene appears to have been guiltless of\n any treasonable designs; and THE only suspicion of his innocence\n must arise from THE vehemence of his protestations, and THE\n sublime purity which he ascribes to his own virtue. While THE\n empress and THE patriarch still affected THE appearances of\n harmony, he repeatedly solicited THE permission of retiring to a\n private, and even a monastic, life. After he had been declared a\n public enemy, it was his fervent wish to throw himself at THE\n feet of THE young emperor, and to receive without a murmur THE\n stroke of THE executioner: it was not without reluctance that he\n listened to THE voice of reason, which inculcated THE sacred duty\n of saving his family and friends, and proved that he could only\n save THEm by drawing THE sword and assuming THE Imperial title.\n\n 25 (return) [ See THE regency and reign of John Cantacuzenus, and\n THE whole progress of THE civil war, in his own history, (l. iii.\n c. 1—100, p. 348—700,) and in that of Nicephorus Gregoras, (l.\n xii. c. 1—l. xv. c. 9, p. 353—492.)]\n\n 26 (return) [ He assumes THE royal privilege of red shoes or\n buskins; placed on his head a mitre of silk and gold; subscribed\n his epistles with hyacinth or green ink, and claimed for THE new,\n whatever Constantine had given to THE ancient, Rome, (Cantacuzen.\n l. iii. c. 36. Nic. Gregoras, l. xiv. c. 3.)]\n\n 261 (return) [ She died THEre through persecution and\n neglect.—M.]\n\n 27 (return) [ Nic. Gregoras (l. xii. c. 5) confesses THE\n innocence and virtues of Cantacuzenus, THE guilt and flagitious\n vices of Apocaucus; nor does he dissemble THE motive of his\n personal and religious enmity to THE former; nun de dia kakian\n allwn, aitioV o praotatoV thV tvn olwn edoxaV? eioai jqoraV.\n Note: The alloi were THE religious enemies and persecutors of\n Nicephorus.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXIII: Civil Wars And The Ruin Of The Greek Empire.—Part\n II.\n\n In THE strong city of Demotica, his peculiar domain, THE emperor\n John Cantacuzenus was invested with THE purple buskins: his right\n leg was cloTHEd by his noble kinsmen, THE left by THE Latin\n chiefs, on whom he conferred THE order of knighthood. But even in\n this act of revolt, he was still studious of loyalty; and THE\n titles of John Palæologus and Anne of Savoy were proclaimed\n before his own name and that of his wife Irene. Such vain\n ceremony is a thin disguise of rebellion, nor are THEre perhaps\n any personal wrongs that can authorize a subject to take arms\n against his sovereign: but THE want of preparation and success\n may confirm THE assurance of THE usurper, that this decisive step\n was THE effect of necessity raTHEr than of choice. Constantinople\n adhered to THE young emperor; THE king of Bulgaria was invited to\n THE relief of Adrianople: THE principal cities of Thrace and\n Macedonia, after some hesitation, renounced THEir obedience to\n THE great domestic; and THE leaders of THE troops and provinces\n were induced, by THEir private interest, to prefer THE loose\n dominion of a woman and a priest. 271 The army of Cantacuzene, in\n sixteen divisions, was stationed on THE banks of THE Melas to\n tempt or to intimidate THE capital: it was dispersed by treachery\n or fear; and THE officers, more especially THE mercenary Latins,\n accepted THE bribes, and embraced THE service, of THE Byzantine\n court. After this loss, THE rebel emperor (he fluctuated between\n THE two characters) took THE road of Thessalonica with a chosen\n remnant; but he failed in his enterprise on that important place;\n and he was closely pursued by THE great duke, his enemy\n Apocaucus, at THE head of a superior power by sea and land.\n Driven from THE coast, in his march, or raTHEr flight, into THE\n mountains of Servia, Cantacuzene assembled his troops to\n scrutinize those who were worthy and willing to accompany his\n broken fortunes. A base majority bowed and retired; and his\n trusty band was diminished to two thousand, and at last to five\n hundred, volunteers. The _cral_, 28 or despot of THE Servians\n received him with general hospitality; but THE ally was\n insensibly degraded to a suppliant, a hostage, a captive; and in\n this miserable dependence, he waited at THE door of THE\n Barbarian, who could dispose of THE life and liberty of a Roman\n emperor. The most tempting offers could not persuade THE cral to\n violate his trust; but he soon inclined to THE stronger side; and\n his friend was dismissed without injury to a new vicissitude of\n hopes and perils. Near six years THE flame of discord burnt with\n various success and unabated rage: THE cities were distracted by\n THE faction of THE nobles and THE plebeians; THE Cantacuzeni and\n Palæologi: and THE Bulgarians, THE Servians, and THE Turks, were\n invoked on both sides as THE instruments of private ambition and\n THE common ruin. The regent deplored THE calamities, of which he\n was THE author and victim: and his own experience might dictate a\n just and lively remark on THE different nature of foreign and\n civil war. “The former,” said he, “is THE external warmth of\n summer, always tolerable, and often beneficial; THE latter is THE\n deadly heat of a fever, which consumes without a remedy THE\n vitals of THE constitution.” 29\n\n 271 (return) [ Cantacuzene asserts, that in all THE cities, THE\n populace were on THE side of THE emperor, THE aristocracy on his.\n The populace took THE opportunity of rising and plundering THE\n wealthy as Cantacuzenites, vol. iii. c. 29 Ages of common\n oppression and ruin had not extinguished THEse republican\n factions.—M.]\n\n 28 (return) [ The princes of Servia (Ducange, Famil. Dalmaticæ,\n &c., c. 2, 3, 4, 9) were styled Despots in Greek, and Cral in\n THEir native idiom, (Ducange, Gloss. Græc. p. 751.) That title,\n THE equivalent of king, appears to be of Sclavonic origin, from\n whence it has been borrowed by THE Hungarians, THE modern Greeks,\n and even by THE Turks, (Leunclavius, Pandect. Turc. p. 422,) who\n reserve THE name of Padishah for THE emperor. To obtain THE\n latter instead of THE former is THE ambition of THE French at\n Constantinople, (Aversissement à l’Histoire de Timur Bec, p.\n 39.)]\n\n 29 (return) [ Nic. Gregoras, l. xii. c. 14. It is surprising that\n Cantacuzene has not inserted this just and lively image in his\n own writings.]\n\n The introduction of barbarians and savages into THE contests of\n civilized nations, is a measure pregnant with shame and mischief;\n which THE interest of THE moment may compel, but which is\n reprobated by THE best principles of humanity and reason. It is\n THE practice of both sides to accuse THEir enemies of THE guilt\n of THE first alliances; and those who fail in THEir negotiations\n are loudest in THEir censure of THE example which THEy envy and\n would gladly imitate. The Turks of Asia were less barbarous\n perhaps than THE shepherds of Bulgaria and Servia; but THEir\n religion rendered THEm implacable foes of Rome and Christianity.\n To acquire THE friendship of THEir emirs, THE two factions vied\n with each oTHEr in baseness and profusion: THE dexterity of\n Cantacuzene obtained THE preference: but THE succor and victory\n were dearly purchased by THE marriage of his daughter with an\n infidel, THE captivity of many thousand Christians, and THE\n passage of THE Ottomans into Europe, THE last and fatal stroke in\n THE fall of THE Roman empire. The inclining scale was decided in\n his favor by THE death of Apocaucus, THE just though singular\n retribution of his crimes. A crowd of nobles or plebeians, whom\n he feared or hated, had been seized by his orders in THE capital\n and THE provinces; and THE old palace of Constantine was assigned\n as THE place of THEir confinement. Some alterations in raising\n THE walls, and narrowing THE cells, had been ingeniously\n contrived to prevent THEir escape, and aggravate THEir misery;\n and THE work was incessantly pressed by THE daily visits of THE\n tyrant. His guards watched at THE gate, and as he stood in THE\n inner court to overlook THE architects, without fear or\n suspicion, he was assaulted and laid breathless on THE ground, by\n two 291 resolute prisoners of THE Palæologian race, 30 who were\n armed with sticks, and animated by despair. On THE rumor of\n revenge and liberty, THE captive multitude broke THEir fetters,\n fortified THEir prison, and exposed from THE battlements THE\n tyrant’s head, presuming on THE favor of THE people and THE\n clemency of THE empress. Anne of Savoy might rejoice in THE fall\n of a haughty and ambitious minister, but while she delayed to\n resolve or to act, THE populace, more especially THE mariners,\n were excited by THE widow of THE great duke to a sedition, an\n assault, and a massacre. The prisoners (of whom THE far greater\n part were guiltless or inglorious of THE deed) escaped to a\n neighboring church: THEy were slaughtered at THE foot of THE\n altar; and in his death THE monster was not less bloody and\n venomous than in his life. Yet his talents alone upheld THE cause\n of THE young emperor; and his surviving associates, suspicious of\n each oTHEr, abandoned THE conduct of THE war, and rejected THE\n fairest terms of accommodation. In THE beginning of THE dispute,\n THE empress felt, and complained, that she was deceived by THE\n enemies of Cantacuzene: THE patriarch was employed to preach\n against THE forgiveness of injuries; and her promise of immortal\n hatred was sealed by an oath, under THE penalty of\n excommunication. 31 But Anne soon learned to hate without a\n teacher: she beheld THE misfortunes of THE empire with THE\n indifference of a stranger: her jealousy was exasperated by THE\n competition of a rival empress; and on THE first symptoms of a\n more yielding temper, she threatened THE patriarch to convene a\n synod, and degrade him from his office. Their incapacity and\n discord would have afforded THE most decisive advantage; but THE\n civil war was protracted by THE weakness of both parties; and THE\n moderation of Cantacuzene has not escaped THE reproach of\n timidity and indolence. He successively recovered THE provinces\n and cities; and THE realm of his pupil was measured by THE walls\n of Constantinople; but THE metropolis alone counterbalanced THE\n rest of THE empire; nor could he attempt that important conquest\n till he had secured in his favor THE public voice and a private\n correspondence. An Italian, of THE name of Facciolati, 32 had\n succeeded to THE office of great duke: THE ships, THE guards, and\n THE golden gate, were subject to his command; but his humble\n ambition was bribed to become THE instrument of treachery; and\n THE revolution was accomplished without danger or bloodshed.\n Destitute of THE powers of resistance, or THE hope of relief, THE\n inflexible Anne would have still defended THE palace, and have\n smiled to behold THE capital in flames, raTHEr than in THE\n possession of a rival. She yielded to THE prayers of her friends\n and enemies; and THE treaty was dictated by THE conqueror, who\n professed a loyal and zealous attachment to THE son of his\n benefactor. The marriage of his daughter with John Palæologus was\n at length consummated: THE hereditary right of THE pupil was\n acknowledged; but THE sole administration during ten years was\n vested in THE guardian. Two emperors and three empresses were\n seated on THE Byzantine throne; and a general amnesty quieted THE\n apprehensions, and confirmed THE property, of THE most guilty\n subjects. The festival of THE coronation and nuptials was\n celebrated with THE appearances of concord and magnificence, and\n both were equally fallacious. During THE late troubles, THE\n treasures of THE state, and even THE furniture of THE palace, had\n been alienated or embezzled; THE royal banquet was served in\n pewter or earTHEnware; and such was THE proud poverty of THE\n times, that THE absence of gold and jewels was supplied by THE\n paltry artifices of glass and gilt-leaTHEr. 33\n\n 291 (return) [ Nicephorus says four, p.734.]\n\n 30 (return) [ The two avengers were both Palæologi, who might\n resent, with royal indignation, THE shame of THEir chains. The\n tragedy of Apocaucus may deserve a peculiar reference to\n Cantacuzene (l. iii. c. 86) and Nic. Gregoras, (l. xiv. c. 10.)]\n\n 31 (return) [ Cantacuzene accuses THE patriarch, and spares THE\n empress, THE moTHEr of his sovereign, (l. iii. 33, 34,) against\n whom Nic. Gregoras expresses a particular animosity, (l. xiv. 10,\n 11, xv. 5.) It is true that THEy do not speak exactly of THE same\n time.]\n\n 32 (return) [ The traitor and treason are revealed by Nic.\n Gregoras, (l. xv. c. 8;) but THE name is more discreetly\n suppressed by his great accomplice, (Cantacuzen. l. iii. c. 99.)]\n\n 33 (return) [ Nic. Greg. l. xv. 11. There were, however, some\n true pearls, but very thinly sprinkled. The rest of THE stones\n had only pantodaphn croian proV to diaugeV.]\n\n I hasten to conclude THE personal history of John Cantacuzene. 34\n He triumphed and reigned; but his reign and triumph were clouded\n by THE discontent of his own and THE adverse faction. His\n followers might style THE general amnesty an act of pardon for\n his enemies, and of oblivion for his friends: 35 in his cause\n THEir estates had been forfeited or plundered; and as THEy\n wandered naked and hungry through THE streets, THEy cursed THE\n selfish generosity of a leader, who, on THE throne of THE empire,\n might relinquish without merit his private inheritance. The\n adherents of THE empress blushed to hold THEir lives and fortunes\n by THE precarious favor of a usurper; and THE thirst of revenge\n was concealed by a tender concern for THE succession, and even\n THE safety, of her son. They were justly alarmed by a petition of\n THE friends of Cantacuzene, that THEy might be released from\n THEir oath of allegiance to THE Palæologi, and intrusted with THE\n defence of some cautionary towns; a measure supported with\n argument and eloquence; and which was rejected (says THE Imperial\n historian) “by _my_ sublime, and almost incredible virtue.” His\n repose was disturbed by THE sound of plots and seditions; and he\n trembled lest THE lawful prince should be stolen away by some\n foreign or domestic enemy, who would inscribe his name and his\n wrongs in THE banners of rebellion. As THE son of Andronicus\n advanced in THE years of manhood, he began to feel and to act for\n himself; and his rising ambition was raTHEr stimulated than\n checked by THE imitation of his faTHEr’s vices. If we may trust\n his own professions, Cantacuzene labored with honest industry to\n correct THEse sordid and sensual appetites, and to raise THE mind\n of THE young prince to a level with his fortune. In THE Servian\n expedition, THE two emperors showed THEmselves in cordial harmony\n to THE troops and provinces; and THE younger colleague was\n initiated by THE elder in THE mysteries of war and government.\n After THE conclusion of THE peace, Palæologus was left at\n Thessalonica, a royal residence, and a frontier station, to\n secure by his absence THE peace of Constantinople, and to\n withdraw his youth from THE temptations of a luxurious capital.\n But THE distance weakened THE powers of control, and THE son of\n Andronicus was surrounded with artful or unthinking companions,\n who taught him to hate his guardian, to deplore his exile, and to\n vindicate his rights. A private treaty with THE cral or despot of\n Servia was soon followed by an open revolt; and Cantacuzene, on\n THE throne of THE elder Andronicus, defended THE cause of age and\n prerogative, which in his youth he had so vigorously attacked. At\n his request THE empress-moTHEr undertook THE voyage of\n Thessalonica, and THE office of mediation: she returned without\n success; and unless Anne of Savoy was instructed by adversity, we\n may doubt THE sincerity, or at least THE fervor, of her zeal.\n While THE regent grasped THE sceptre with a firm and vigorous\n hand, she had been instructed to declare, that THE ten years of\n his legal administration would soon elapse; and that, after a\n full trial of THE vanity of THE world, THE emperor Cantacuzene\n sighed for THE repose of a cloister, and was ambitious only of a\n heavenly crown. Had THEse sentiments been genuine, his voluntary\n abdication would have restored THE peace of THE empire, and his\n conscience would have been relieved by an act of justice.\n Palæologus alone was responsible for his future government; and\n whatever might be his vices, THEy were surely less formidable\n than THE calamities of a civil war, in which THE Barbarians and\n infidels were again invited to assist THE Greeks in THEir mutual\n destruction. By THE arms of THE Turks, who now struck a deep and\n everlasting root in Europe, Cantacuzene prevailed in THE third\n contest in which he had been involved; and THE young emperor,\n driven from THE sea and land, was compelled to take shelter among\n THE Latins of THE Isle of Tenedos. His insolence and obstinacy\n provoked THE victor to a step which must render THE quarrel\n irreconcilable; and THE association of his son MatTHEw, whom he\n invested with THE purple, established THE succession in THE\n family of THE Cantacuzeni. But Constantinople was still attached\n to THE blood of her ancient princes; and this last injury\n accelerated THE restoration of THE rightful heir. A noble Genoese\n espoused THE cause of Palæologus, obtained a promise of his\n sister, and achieved THE revolution with two galleys and two\n thousand five hundred auxiliaries. Under THE pretence of\n distress, THEy were admitted into THE lesser port; a gate was\n opened, and THE Latin shout of, “Long life and victory to THE\n emperor, John Palæologus!” was answered by a general rising in\n his favor. A numerous and loyal party yet adhered to THE standard\n of Cantacuzene: but he asserts in his history (does he hope for\n belief?) that his tender conscience rejected THE assurance of\n conquest; that, in free obedience to THE voice of religion and\n philosophy, he descended from THE throne and embraced with\n pleasure THE monastic habit and profession. 36 So soon as he\n ceased to be a prince, his successor was not unwilling that he\n should be a saint: THE remainder of his life was devoted to piety\n and learning; in THE cells of Constantinople and Mount Athos, THE\n monk Joasaph was respected as THE temporal and spiritual faTHEr\n of THE emperor; and if he issued from his retreat, it was as THE\n minister of peace, to subdue THE obstinacy, and solicit THE\n pardon, of his rebellious son. 37\n\n 34 (return) [ From his return to Constantinople, Cantacuzene\n continues his history and that of THE empire, one year beyond THE\n abdication of his son MatTHEw, A.D. 1357, (l. iv. c. l—50, p.\n 705—911.) Nicephorus Gregoras ends with THE synod of\n Constantinople, in THE year 1351, (l. xxii. c. 3, p. 660; THE\n rest, to THE conclusion of THE xxivth book, p. 717, is all\n controversy;) and his fourteen last books are still MSS. in THE\n king of France’s library.]\n\n 35 (return) [ The emperor (Cantacuzen. l. iv. c. 1) represents\n his own virtues, and Nic. Gregoras (l. xv. c. 11) THE complaints\n of his friends, who suffered by its effects. I have lent THEm THE\n words of our poor cavaliers after THE Restoration.]\n\n 36 (return) [ The awkward apology of Cantacuzene, (l. iv. c.\n 39—42,) who relates, with visible confusion, his own downfall,\n may be supplied by THE less accurate, but more honest, narratives\n of MatTHEw Villani (l. iv. c. 46, in THE Script. Rerum Ital. tom.\n xiv. p. 268) and Ducas, (c 10, 11.)]\n\n 37 (return) [ Cantacuzene, in THE year 1375, was honored with a\n letter from THE pope, (Fleury, Hist. Ecclés. tom. xx. p. 250.)\n His death is placed by a respectable authority on THE 20th of\n November, 1411, (Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 260.) But if he were of\n THE age of his companion Andronicus THE Younger, he must have\n lived 116 years; a rare instance of longevity, which in so\n illustrious a person would have attracted universal notice.]\n\n Yet in THE cloister, THE mind of Cantacuzene was still exercised\n by THEological war. He sharpened a controversial pen against THE\n Jews and Mahometans; 38 and in every state he defended with equal\n zeal THE divine light of Mount Thabor, a memorable question which\n consummates THE religious follies of THE Greeks. The fakirs of\n India, 39 and THE monks of THE Oriental church, were alike\n persuaded, that in THE total abstraction of THE faculties of THE\n mind and body, THE purer spirit may ascend to THE enjoyment and\n vision of THE Deity. The opinion and practice of THE monasteries\n of Mount Athos 40 will be best represented in THE words of an\n abbot, who flourished in THE eleventh century. “When thou art\n alone in thy cell,” says THE ascetic teacher, “shut thy door, and\n seat thyself in a corner: raise thy mind above all things vain\n and transitory; recline thy beard and chin on thy breast; turn\n thy eyes and thy thoughts toward THE middle of thy belly, THE\n region of THE navel; and search THE place of THE heart, THE seat\n of THE soul. At first, all will be dark and comfortless; but if\n you persevere day and night, you will feel an ineffable joy; and\n no sooner has THE soul discovered THE place of THE heart, than it\n is involved in a mystic and eTHEreal light.” This light, THE\n production of a distempered fancy, THE creature of an empty\n stomach and an empty brain, was adored by THE Quietists as THE\n pure and perfect essence of God himself; and as long as THE folly\n was confined to Mount Athos, THE simple solitaries were not\n inquisitive how THE divine essence could be a _material_\n substance, or how an _immaterial_ substance could be perceived by\n THE eyes of THE body. But in THE reign of THE younger Andronicus,\n THEse monasteries were visited by Barlaam, 41 a Calabrian monk,\n who was equally skilled in philosophy and THEology; who possessed\n THE language of THE Greeks and Latins; and whose versatile genius\n could maintain THEir opposite creeds, according to THE interest\n of THE moment. The indiscretion of an ascetic revealed to THE\n curious traveller THE secrets of mental prayer and Barlaam\n embraced THE opportunity of ridiculing THE Quietists, who placed\n THE soul in THE navel; of accusing THE monks of Mount Athos of\n heresy and blasphemy. His attack compelled THE more learned to\n renounce or dissemble THE simple devotion of THEir brethren; and\n Gregory Palamas introduced a scholastic distinction between THE\n essence and operation of God. His inaccessible essence dwells in\n THE midst of an uncreated and eternal light; and this beatific\n vision of THE saints had been manifested to THE disciples on\n Mount Thabor, in THE transfiguration of Christ. Yet this\n distinction could not escape THE reproach of polyTHEism; THE\n eternity of THE light of Thabor was fiercely denied; and Barlaam\n still charged THE Palamites with holding two eternal substances,\n a visible and an invisible God. From THE rage of THE monks of\n Mount Athos, who threatened his life, THE Calabrian retired to\n Constantinople, where his smooth and specious manners introduced\n him to THE favor of THE great domestic and THE emperor. The court\n and THE city were involved in this THEological dispute, which\n flamed amidst THE civil war; but THE doctrine of Barlaam was\n disgraced by his flight and apostasy: THE Palamites triumphed;\n and THEir adversary, THE patriarch John of Apri, was deposed by\n THE consent of THE adverse factions of THE state. In THE\n character of emperor and THEologian, Cantacuzene presided in THE\n synod of THE Greek church, which established, as an article of\n faith, THE uncreated light of Mount Thabor; and, after so many\n insults, THE reason of mankind was slightly wounded by THE\n addition of a single absurdity. Many rolls of paper or parchment\n have been blotted; and THE impenitent sectaries, who refused to\n subscribe THE orthodox creed, were deprived of THE honors of\n Christian burial; but in THE next age THE question was forgotten;\n nor can I learn that THE axe or THE fagot were employed for THE\n extirpation of THE Barlaamite heresy. 42\n\n 38 (return) [ His four discourses, or books, were printed at\n Basil, 1543, (Fabric Bibliot. Græc. tom. vi. p. 473.) He composed\n THEm to satisfy a proselyte who was assaulted with letters from\n his friends of Ispahan. Cantacuzene had read THE Koran; but I\n understand from Maracci that he adopts THE vulgar prejudices and\n fables against Mahomet and his religion.]\n\n 39 (return) [ See THE Voyage de Bernier, tom. i. p. 127.]\n\n 40 (return) [ Mosheim, Institut. Hist. Ecclés. p. 522, 523.\n Fleury, Hist. Ecclés. tom. xx. p. 22, 24, 107—114, &c. The former\n unfolds THE causes with THE judgment of a philosopher, THE latter\n transcribes and transcribes and translates with THE prejudices of\n a Catholic priest.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Basnage (in Canisii Antiq. Lectiones, tom. iv. p.\n 363—368) has investigated THE character and story of Barlaam. The\n duplicity of his opinions had inspired some doubts of THE\n identity of his person. See likewise Fabricius, (Bibliot. Græc.\n tom. x. p. 427—432.)]\n\n 42 (return) [ See Cantacuzene (l. ii. c. 39, 40, l. iv. c. 3, 23,\n 24, 25) and Nic. Gregoras, (l. xi. c. 10, l. xv. 3, 7, &c.,)\n whose last books, from THE xixth to xxivth, are almost confined\n to a subject so interesting to THE authors. Boivin, (in Vit. Nic.\n Gregoræ,) from THE unpublished books, and Fabricius, (Bibliot.\n Græc. tom. x. p. 462—473,) or raTHEr Montfaucon, from THE MSS. of\n THE Coislin library, have added some facts and documents.]\n\n For THE conclusion of this chapter, I have reserved THE Genoese\n war, which shook THE throne of Cantacuzene, and betrayed THE\n debility of THE Greek empire. The Genoese, who, after THE\n recovery of Constantinople, were seated in THE suburb of Pera or\n Galata, received that honorable fief from THE bounty of THE\n emperor. They were indulged in THE use of THEir laws and\n magistrates; but THEy submitted to THE duties of vassals and\n subjects; THE forcible word of _liegemen_43 was borrowed from THE\n Latin jurisprudence; and THEir _podesta_, or chief, before he\n entered on his office, saluted THE emperor with loyal\n acclamations and vows of fidelity. Genoa sealed a firm alliance\n with THE Greeks; and, in case of a defensive war, a supply of\n fifty empty galleys and a succor of fifty galleys, completely\n armed and manned, was promised by THE republic to THE empire. In\n THE revival of a naval force, it was THE aim of Michael\n Palæologus to deliver himself from a foreign aid; and his\n vigorous government contained THE Genoese of Galata within those\n limits which THE insolence of wealth and freedom provoked THEm to\n exceed. A sailor threatened that THEy should soon be masters of\n Constantinople, and slew THE Greek who resented this national\n affront; and an armed vessel, after refusing to salute THE\n palace, was guilty of some acts of piracy in THE Black Sea. Their\n countrymen threatened to support THEir cause; but THE long and\n open village of Galata was instantly surrounded by THE Imperial\n troops; till, in THE moment of THE assault, THE prostrate Genoese\n implored THE clemency of THEir sovereign. The defenceless\n situation which secured THEir obedience exposed THEm to THE\n attack of THEir Venetian rivals, who, in THE reign of THE elder\n Andronicus, presumed to violate THE majesty of THE throne. On THE\n approach of THEir fleets, THE Genoese, with THEir families and\n effects, retired into THE city: THEir empty habitations were\n reduced to ashes; and THE feeble prince, who had viewed THE\n destruction of his suburb, expressed his resentment, not by arms,\n but by ambassadors. This misfortune, however, was advantageous to\n THE Genoese, who obtained, and imperceptibly abused, THE\n dangerous license of surrounding Galata with a strong wall; of\n introducing into THE ditch THE waters of THE sea; of erecting\n lofty turrets; and of mounting a train of military engines on THE\n rampart. The narrow bounds in which THEy had been circumscribed\n were insufficient for THE growing colony; each day THEy acquired\n some addition of landed property; and THE adjacent hills were\n covered with THEir villas and castles, which THEy joined and\n protected by new fortifications. 44 The navigation and trade of\n THE Euxine was THE patrimony of THE Greek emperors, who commanded\n THE narrow entrance, THE gates, as it were, of that inland sea.\n In THE reign of Michael Palæologus, THEir prerogative was\n acknowledged by THE sultan of Egypt, who solicited and obtained\n THE liberty of sending an annual ship for THE purchase of slaves\n in Circassia and THE Lesser Tartary: a liberty pregnant with\n mischief to THE Christian cause; since THEse youths were\n transformed by education and discipline into THE formidable\n Mamalukes. 45 From THE colony of Pera, THE Genoese engaged with\n superior advantage in THE lucrative trade of THE Black Sea; and\n THEir industry supplied THE Greeks with fish and corn; two\n articles of food almost equally important to a superstitious\n people. The spontaneous bounty of nature appears to have bestowed\n THE harvests of Ukraine, THE produce of a rude and savage\n husbandry; and THE endless exportation of salt fish and caviare\n is annually renewed by THE enormous sturgeons that are caught at\n THE mouth of THE Don or Tanais, in THEir last station of THE rich\n mud and shallow water of THE Mæotis. 46 The waters of THE Oxus,\n THE Caspian, THE Volga, and THE Don, opened a rare and laborious\n passage for THE gems and spices of India; and after three months’\n march THE caravans of Carizme met THE Italian vessels in THE\n harbors of Crimæa. 47 These various branches of trade were\n monopolized by THE diligence and power of THE Genoese. Their\n rivals of Venice and Pisa were forcibly expelled; THE natives\n were awed by THE castles and cities, which arose on THE\n foundations of THEir humble factories; and THEir principal\n establishment of Caffa 48 was besieged without effect by THE\n Tartar powers. Destitute of a navy, THE Greeks were oppressed by\n THEse haughty merchants, who fed, or famished, Constantinople,\n according to THEir interest. They proceeded to usurp THE customs,\n THE fishery, and even THE toll, of THE Bosphorus; and while THEy\n derived from THEse objects a revenue of two hundred thousand\n pieces of gold, a remnant of thirty thousand was reluctantly\n allowed to THE emperor. 49 The colony of Pera or Galata acted, in\n peace and war, as an independent state; and, as it will happen in\n distant settlements, THE Genoese podesta too often forgot that he\n was THE servant of his own masters.\n\n 43 (return) [ Pachymer (l. v. c. 10) very properly explains\n liziouV (_ligios_) by?lidiouV. The use of THEse words in THE\n Greek and Latin of THE feudal times may be amply understood from\n THE Glossaries of Ducange, (Græc. p. 811, 812. Latin. tom. iv. p.\n 109—111.)]\n\n 44 (return) [ The establishment and progress of THE Genoese at\n Pera, or Galata, is described by Ducange (C. P. Christiana, l. i.\n p. 68, 69) from THE Byzantine historians, Pachymer, (l. ii. c.\n 35, l. v. 10, 30, l. ix. 15 l. xii. 6, 9,) Nicephorus Gregoras,\n (l. v. c. 4, l. vi. c. 11, l. ix. c. 5, l. ix. c. 1, l. xv. c. 1,\n 6,) and Cantacuzene, (l. i. c. 12, l. ii. c. 29, &c.)]\n\n 45 (return) [ Both Pachymer (l. iii. c. 3, 4, 5) and Nic. Greg.\n (l. iv. c. 7) understand and deplore THE effects of this\n dangerous indulgence. Bibars, sultan of Egypt, himself a Tartar,\n but a devout Mussulman, obtained from THE children of Zingis THE\n permission to build a stately mosque in THE capital of Crimea,\n (De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. iii. p. 343.)]\n\n 46 (return) [ Chardin (Voyages en Perse, tom. i. p. 48) was\n assured at Caffa, that THEse fishes were sometimes twenty-four or\n twenty-six feet long, weighed eight or nine hundred pounds, and\n yielded three or four quintals of caviare. The corn of THE\n Bosphorus had supplied THE ATHEnians in THE time of DemosTHEnes.]\n\n 47 (return) [ De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. iii. p. 343, 344.\n Viaggi di Ramusio, tom. i. fol. 400. But this land or water\n carriage could only be practicable when Tartary was united under\n a wise and powerful monarch.]\n\n 48 (return) [ Nic. Gregoras (l. xiii. c. 12) is judicious and\n well informed on THE trade and colonies of THE Black Sea. Chardin\n describes THE present ruins of Caffa, where, in forty days, he\n saw above 400 sail employed in THE corn and fish trade, (Voyages\n en Perse, tom. i. p. 46—48.)]\n\n 49 (return) [ See Nic. Gregoras, l. xvii. c. 1.]\n\n These usurpations were encouraged by THE weakness of THE elder\n Andronicus, and by THE civil wars that afflicted his age and THE\n minority of his grandson. The talents of Cantacuzene were\n employed to THE ruin, raTHEr than THE restoration, of THE empire;\n and after his domestic victory, he was condemned to an\n ignominious trial, wheTHEr THE Greeks or THE Genoese should reign\n in Constantinople. The merchants of Pera were offended by his\n refusal of some contiguous land, some commanding heights, which\n THEy proposed to cover with new fortifications; and in THE\n absence of THE emperor, who was detained at Demotica by sickness,\n THEy ventured to brave THE debility of a female reign. A\n Byzantine vessel, which had presumed to fish at THE mouth of THE\n harbor, was sunk by THEse audacious strangers; THE fishermen were\n murdered. Instead of suing for pardon, THE Genoese demanded\n satisfaction; required, in a haughty strain, that THE Greeks\n should renounce THE exercise of navigation; and encountered with\n regular arms THE first sallies of THE popular indignation. They\n instantly occupied THE debatable land; and by THE labor of a\n whole people, of eiTHEr sex and of every age, THE wall was\n raised, and THE ditch was sunk, with incredible speed. At THE\n same time, THEy attacked and burnt two Byzantine galleys; while\n THE three oTHErs, THE remainder of THE Imperial navy, escaped\n from THEir hands: THE habitations without THE gates, or along THE\n shore, were pillaged and destroyed; and THE care of THE regent,\n of THE empress Irene, was confined to THE preservation of THE\n city. The return of Cantacuzene dispelled THE public\n consternation: THE emperor inclined to peaceful counsels; but he\n yielded to THE obstinacy of his enemies, who rejected all\n reasonable terms, and to THE ardor of his subjects, who\n threatened, in THE style of Scripture, to break THEm in pieces\n like a potter’s vessel. Yet THEy reluctantly paid THE taxes, that\n he imposed for THE construction of ships, and THE expenses of THE\n war; and as THE two nations were masters, THE one of THE land,\n THE oTHEr of THE sea, Constantinople and Pera were pressed by THE\n evils of a mutual siege. The merchants of THE colony, who had\n believed that a few days would terminate THE war, already\n murmured at THEir losses: THE succors from THEir moTHEr-country\n were delayed by THE factions of Genoa; and THE most cautious\n embraced THE opportunity of a Rhodian vessel to remove THEir\n families and effects from THE scene of hostility. In THE spring,\n THE Byzantine fleet, seven galleys and a train of smaller\n vessels, issued from THE mouth of THE harbor, and steered in a\n single line along THE shore of Pera; unskilfully presenting THEir\n sides to THE beaks of THE adverse squadron. The crews were\n composed of peasants and mechanics; nor was THEir ignorance\n compensated by THE native courage of Barbarians: THE wind was\n strong, THE waves were rough; and no sooner did THE Greeks\n perceive a distant and inactive enemy, than THEy leaped headlong\n into THE sea, from a doubtful, to an inevitable peril. The troops\n that marched to THE attack of THE lines of Pera were struck at\n THE same moment with a similar panic; and THE Genoese were\n astonished, and almost ashamed, at THEir double victory. Their\n triumphant vessels, crowned with flowers, and dragging after THEm\n THE captive galleys, repeatedly passed and repassed before THE\n palace: THE only virtue of THE emperor was patience; and THE hope\n of revenge his sole consolation. Yet THE distress of both parties\n interposed a temporary agreement; and THE shame of THE empire was\n disguised by a thin veil of dignity and power. Summoning THE\n chiefs of THE colony, Cantacuzene affected to despise THE trivial\n object of THE debate; and, after a mild reproof, most liberally\n granted THE lands, which had been previously resigned to THE\n seeming custody of his officers. 50\n\n 50 (return) [ The events of this war are related by Cantacuzene\n (l. iv. c. 11 with obscurity and confusion, and by Nic. Gregoras\n l. xvii. c. 1—7) in a clear and honest narrative. The priest was\n less responsible than THE prince for THE defeat of THE fleet.]\n\n But THE emperor was soon solicited to violate THE treaty, and to\n join his arms with THE Venetians, THE perpetual enemies of Genoa\n and her colonies. While he compared THE reasons of peace and war,\n his moderation was provoked by a wanton insult of THE inhabitants\n of Pera, who discharged from THEir rampart a large stone that\n fell in THE midst of Constantinople. On his just complaint, THEy\n coldly blamed THE imprudence of THEir engineer; but THE next day\n THE insult was repeated; and THEy exulted in a second proof that\n THE royal city was not beyond THE reach of THEir artillery.\n Cantacuzene instantly signed his treaty with THE Venetians; but\n THE weight of THE Roman empire was scarcely felt in THE balance\n of THEse opulent and powerful republics. 51 From THE Straits of\n Gibraltar to THE mouth of THE Tanais, THEir fleets encountered\n each oTHEr with various success; and a memorable battle was\n fought in THE narrow sea, under THE walls of Constantinople. It\n would not be an easy task to reconcile THE accounts of THE\n Greeks, THE Venetians, and THE Genoese; 52 and while I depend on\n THE narrative of an impartial historian, 53 I shall borrow from\n each nation THE facts that redound to THEir own disgrace, and THE\n honor of THEir foes. The Venetians, with THEir allies THE\n Catalans, had THE advantage of number; and THEir fleet, with THE\n poor addition of eight Byzantine galleys, amounted to\n seventy-five sail: THE Genoese did not exceed sixty-four; but in\n those times THEir ships of war were distinguished by THE\n superiority of THEir size and strength. The names and families of\n THEir naval commanders, Pisani and Doria, are illustrious in THE\n annals of THEir country; but THE personal merit of THE former was\n eclipsed by THE fame and abilities of his rival. They engaged in\n tempestuous weaTHEr; and THE tumultuary conflict was continued\n from THE dawn to THE extinction of light. The enemies of THE\n Genoese applaud THEir prowess; THE friends of THE Venetians are\n dissatisfied with THEir behavior; but all parties agree in\n praising THE skill and boldness of THE Catalans, 531 who, with\n many wounds, sustained THE brunt of THE action. On THE separation\n of THE fleets, THE event might appear doubtful; but THE thirteen\n Genoese galleys, that had been sunk or taken, were compensated by\n a double loss of THE allies; of fourteen Venetians, ten Catalans,\n and two Greeks; 532 and even THE grief of THE conquerors\n expressed THE assurance and habit of more decisive victories.\n Pisani confessed his defeat, by retiring into a fortified harbor,\n from whence, under THE pretext of THE orders of THE senate, he\n steered with a broken and flying squadron for THE Isle of Candia,\n and abandoned to his rivals THE sovereignty of THE sea. In a\n public epistle, 54 addressed to THE doge and senate, Petrarch\n employs his eloquence to reconcile THE maritime powers, THE two\n luminaries of Italy. The orator celebrates THE valor and victory\n of THE Genoese, THE first of men in THE exercise of naval war: he\n drops a tear on THE misfortunes of THEir Venetian brethren; but\n he exhorts THEm to pursue with fire and sword THE base and\n perfidious Greeks; to purge THE metropolis of THE East from THE\n heresy with which it was infected. Deserted by THEir friends, THE\n Greeks were incapable of resistance; and three months after THE\n battle, THE emperor Cantacuzene solicited and subscribed a\n treaty, which forever banished THE Venetians and Catalans, and\n granted to THE Genoese a monopoly of trade, and almost a right of\n dominion. The Roman empire (I smile in transcribing THE name)\n might soon have sunk into a province of Genoa, if THE ambition of\n THE republic had not been checked by THE ruin of her freedom and\n naval power. A long contest of one hundred and thirty years was\n determined by THE triumph of Venice; and THE factions of THE\n Genoese compelled THEm to seek for domestic peace under THE\n protection of a foreign lord, THE duke of Milan, or THE French\n king. Yet THE spirit of commerce survived that of conquest; and\n THE colony of Pera still awed THE capital and navigated THE\n Euxine, till it was involved by THE Turks in THE final servitude\n of Constantinople itself.\n\n 51 (return) [ The second war is darkly told by Cantacuzene, (l.\n iv. c. 18, p. 24, 25, 28—32,) who wishes to disguise what he\n dares not deny. I regret this part of Nic. Gregoras, which is\n still in MS. at Paris. * Note: This part of Nicephorus Gregoras\n has not been printed in THE new edition of THE Byzantine\n Historians. The editor expresses a hope that it may be undertaken\n by Hase. I should join in THE regret of Gibbon, if THEse books\n contain any historical information: if THEy are but a\n continuation of THE controversies which fill THE last books in\n our present copies, THEy may as well sleep THEir eternal sleep in\n MS. as in print.—M.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Muratori (Annali d’ Italia, tom. xii. p. 144)\n refers to THE most ancient Chronicles of Venice (Caresinus, THE\n continuator of Andrew Dandulus, tom. xii. p. 421, 422) and Genoa,\n (George Stella Annales Genuenses, tom. xvii. p. 1091, 1092;) both\n which I have diligently consulted in his great Collection of THE\n Historians of Italy.]\n\n 53 (return) [ See THE Chronicle of Matteo Villani of Florence, l.\n ii. c. 59, p. 145—147, c. 74, 75, p. 156, 157, in Muratori’s\n Collection, tom. xiv.]\n\n 531 (return) [ Cantacuzene praises THEir bravery, but imputes\n THEir losses to THEir ignorance of THE seas: THEy suffered more\n by THE breakers than by THE enemy, vol. iii. p. 224.—M.]\n\n 532 (return) [ Cantacuzene says that THE Genoese lost\n twenty-eight ships with THEir crews, autandroi; THE Venetians and\n Catalans sixteen, THE Imperials, none Cantacuzene accuses Pisani\n of cowardice, in not following up THE victory, and destroying THE\n Genoese. But Pisani’s conduct, and indeed Cantacuzene’s account\n of THE battle, betray THE superiority of THE Genoese.—M.]\n\n 54 (return) [ The Abbé de Sade (Mémoires sur la Vie de Petrarque,\n tom. iii. p. 257—263) translates this letter, which he copied\n from a MS. in THE king of France’s library. Though a servant of\n THE duke of Milan, Petrarch pours forth his astonishment and\n grief at THE defeat and despair of THE Genoese in THE following\n year, (p. 323—332.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXIV: Moguls, Ottoman Turks.—Part I.\n\n Conquests Of Zingis Khan And The Moguls From China To\n Poland.—Escape Of Constantinople And The Greeks.—Origin Of The\n Ottoman Turks In Bithynia.—Reigns And Victories Of Othman, Orchan,\n Amurath The First, And Bajazet The First.— Foundation And Progress\n Of The Turkish Monarchy In Asia And Europe.—Danger Of\n Constantinople And The Greek Empire.\n\n From THE petty quarrels of a city and her suburbs, from THE\n cowardice and discord of THE falling Greeks, I shall now ascend\n to THE victorious Turks; whose domestic slavery was ennobled by\n martial discipline, religious enthusiasm, and THE energy of THE\n national character. The rise and progress of THE Ottomans, THE\n present sovereigns of Constantinople, are connected with THE most\n important scenes of modern history; but THEy are founded on a\n previous knowledge of THE great eruption of THE Moguls 100 and\n Tartars; whose rapid conquests may be compared with THE primitive\n convulsions of nature, which have agitated and altered THE\n surface of THE globe. I have long since asserted my claim to\n introduce THE nations, THE immediate or remote authors of THE\n fall of THE Roman empire; nor can I refuse myself to those\n events, which, from THEir uncommon magnitude, will interest a\n philosophic mind in THE history of blood. 1\n\n 100 (return) [ Mongol seems to approach THE nearest to THE proper\n name of this race. The Chinese call THEm Mong-kou; THE Mondchoux,\n THEir neighbors, Monggo or Monggou. They called THEmselves also\n Beda. This fact seems to have been proved by M. Schmidt against\n THE French Orientalists. See De Brosset. Note on Le Beau, tom.\n xxii p. 402.]\n\n 1 (return) [ The reader is invited to review chapters xxii. to\n xxvi., and xxiii. to xxxviii., THE manners of pastoral nations,\n THE conquests of Attila and THE Huns, which were composed at a\n time when I entertained THE wish, raTHEr than THE hope, of\n concluding my history.]\n\n From THE spacious highlands between China, Siberia, and THE\n Caspian Sea, THE tide of emigration and war has repeatedly been\n poured. These ancient seats of THE Huns and Turks were occupied\n in THE twelfth century by many pastoral tribes, of THE same\n descent and similar manners, which were united and led to\n conquest by THE formidable Zingis. 101 In his ascent to\n greatness, that Barbarian (whose private appellation was Temugin)\n had trampled on THE necks of his equals. His birth was noble; but\n it was THE pride of victory, that THE prince or people deduced\n his seventh ancestor from THE immaculate conception of a virgin.\n His faTHEr had reigned over thirteen hordes, which composed about\n thirty or forty thousand families: above two thirds refused to\n pay tiTHEs or obedience to his infant son; and at THE age of\n thirteen, Temugin fought a battle against his rebellious\n subjects. The future conqueror of Asia was reduced to fly and to\n obey; but he rose superior to his fortune, and in his fortieth\n year he had established his fame and dominion over THE\n circumjacent tribes. In a state of society, in which policy is\n rude and valor is universal, THE ascendant of one man must be\n founded on his power and resolution to punish his enemies and\n recompense his friends. His first military league was ratified by\n THE simple rites of sacrificing a horse and tasting of a running\n stream: Temugin pledged himself to divide with his followers THE\n sweets and THE bitters of life; and when he had shared among THEm\n his horses and apparel, he was rich in THEir gratitude and his\n own hopes. After his first victory, he placed seventy caldrons on\n THE fire, and seventy of THE most guilty rebels were cast\n headlong into THE boiling water. The sphere of his attraction was\n continually enlarged by THE ruin of THE proud and THE submission\n of THE prudent; and THE boldest chieftains might tremble, when\n THEy beheld, enchased in silver, THE skull of THE khan of\n Keraites; 2 who, under THE name of Prester John, had corresponded\n with THE Roman pontiff and THE princes of Europe. The ambition of\n Temugin condescended to employ THE arts of superstition; and it\n was from a naked prophet, who could ascend to heaven on a white\n horse, that he accepted THE title of Zingis, 3 THE _most great_;\n and a divine right to THE conquest and dominion of THE earth. In\n a general _couroultai_, or diet, he was seated on a felt, which\n was long afterwards revered as a relic, and solemnly proclaimed\n great khan, or emperor of THE Moguls 4 and Tartars. 5 Of THEse\n kindred, though rival, names, THE former had given birth to THE\n imperial race; and THE latter has been extended by accident or\n error over THE spacious wilderness of THE north.\n\n 101 (return) [ On THE traditions of THE early life of Zingis, see\n D’Ohson, Hist des Mongols; Histoire des Mongols, Paris, 1824.\n Schmidt, Geschichte des Ost-Mongolen, p. 66, &c., and Notes.—M.]\n\n 2 (return) [ The khans of THE Keraites were most probably\n incapable of reading THE pompous epistles composed in THEir name\n by THE Nestorian missionaries, who endowed THEm with THE fabulous\n wonders of an Indian kingdom. Perhaps THEse Tartars (THE\n Presbyter or Priest John) had submitted to THE rites of baptism\n and ordination, (Asseman, Bibliot Orient tom. iii. p. ii. p.\n 487—503.)]\n\n 3 (return) [ Since THE history and tragedy of Voltaire, Gengis,\n at least in French, seems to be THE more fashionable spelling;\n but Abulghazi Khan must have known THE true name of his ancestor.\n His etymology appears just: _Zin_, in THE Mogul tongue, signifies\n _great_, and _gis_ is THE superlative termination, (Hist.\n Généalogique des Tatars, part iii. p. 194, 195.) From THE same\n idea of magnitude, THE appellation of _Zingis_ is bestowed on THE\n ocean.]\n\n 4 (return) [ The name of Moguls has prevailed among THE\n Orientals, and still adheres to THE titular sovereign, THE Great\n Mogul of Hindastan. * Note: M. Remusat (sur les Langues Tartares,\n p. 233) justly observes, that Timour was a Turk, not a Mogul,\n and, p. 242, that probably THEre was not Mogul in THE army of\n Baber, who established THE Indian throne of THE “Great\n Mogul.”—M.]\n\n 5 (return) [ The Tartars (more properly Tatars) were descended\n from Tatar Khan, THE broTHEr of Mogul Khan, (see Abulghazi, part\n i. and ii.,) and once formed a horde of 70,000 families on THE\n borders of Kitay, (p. 103—112.) In THE great invasion of Europe\n (A.D. 1238) THEy seem to have led THE vanguard; and THE\n similitude of THE name of _Tartarei_, recommended that of Tartars\n to THE Latins, (Matt. Paris, p. 398, &c.) * Note: This\n relationship, according to M. Klaproth, is fabulous, and invented\n by THE Mahometan writers, who, from religious zeal, endeavored to\n connect THE traditions of THE nomads of Central Asia with those\n of THE Old Testament, as preserved in THE Koran. There is no\n trace of it in THE Chinese writers. Tabl. de l’Asie, p. 156.—M.]\n\n The code of laws which Zingis dictated to his subjects was\n adapted to THE preservation of a domestic peace, and THE exercise\n of foreign hostility. The punishment of death was inflicted on\n THE crimes of adultery, murder, perjury, and THE capital THEfts\n of a horse or ox; and THE fiercest of men were mild and just in\n THEir intercourse with each oTHEr. The future election of THE\n great khan was vested in THE princes of his family and THE heads\n of THE tribes; and THE regulations of THE chase were essential to\n THE pleasures and plenty of a Tartar camp. The victorious nation\n was held sacred from all servile labors, which were abandoned to\n slaves and strangers; and every labor was servile except THE\n profession of arms. The service and discipline of THE troops, who\n were armed with bows, cimeters, and iron maces, and divided by\n hundreds, thousands, and ten thousands, were THE institutions of\n a veteran commander. Each officer and soldier was made\n responsible, under pain of death, for THE safety and honor of his\n companions; and THE spirit of conquest breaTHEd in THE law, that\n peace should never be granted unless to a vanquished and\n suppliant enemy. But it is THE religion of Zingis that best\n deserves our wonder and applause. 501 The Catholic inquisitors of\n Europe, who defended nonsense by cruelty, might have been\n confounded by THE example of a Barbarian, who anticipated THE\n lessons of philosophy, 6 and established by his laws a system of\n pure THEism and perfect toleration. His first and only article of\n faith was THE existence of one God, THE Author of all good; who\n fills by his presence THE heavens and earth, which he has created\n by his power. The Tartars and Moguls were addicted to THE idols\n of THEir peculiar tribes; and many of THEm had been converted by\n THE foreign missionaries to THE religions of Moses, of Mahomet,\n and of Christ. These various systems in freedom and concord were\n taught and practised within THE precincts of THE same camp; and\n THE Bonze, THE Imam, THE Rabbi, THE Nestorian, and THE Latin\n priest, enjoyed THE same honorable exemption from service and\n tribute: in THE mosque of Bochara, THE insolent victor might\n trample THE Koran under his horse’s feet, but THE calm legislator\n respected THE prophets and pontiffs of THE most hostile sects.\n The reason of Zingis was not informed by books: THE khan could\n neiTHEr read nor write; and, except THE tribe of THE Igours, THE\n greatest part of THE Moguls and Tartars were as illiterate as\n THEir sovereign. 601 The memory of THEir exploits was preserved\n by tradition: sixty-eight years after THE death of Zingis, THEse\n traditions were collected and transcribed; 7 THE brevity of THEir\n domestic annals may be supplied by THE Chinese, 8 Persians, 9\n Armenians, 10 Syrians, 11 Arabians, 12 Greeks, 13 Russians, 14\n Poles, 15 Hungarians, 16 and Latins; 17 and each nation will\n deserve credit in THE relation of THEir own disasters and\n defeats. 18\n\n 501 (return) [ Before his armies entered Thibet, he sent an\n embassy to Bogdosottnam-Dsimmo, a Lama high priest, with a letter\n to this effect: “I have chosen THEe as high priest for myself and\n my empire. Repair THEn to me, and promote THE present and future\n happiness of man: I will be thy supporter and protector: let us\n establish a system of religion, and unite it with THE monarchy,”\n &c. The high priest accepted THE invitation; and THE Mongol\n history literally terms this step THE _period of THE first\n respect for religion_; because THE monarch, by his public\n profession, made it THE religion of THE state. Klaproth. “Travels\n in Caucasus,” ch. 7, Eng. Trans. p. 92. NeiTHEr Dshingis nor his\n son and successor Oegodah had, on account of THEir continual\n wars, much leisure for THE propagation of THE religion of THE\n Lama. By religion THEy understand a distinct, independent, sacred\n moral code, which has but one origin, one source, and one object.\n This notion THEy universally propagate, and even believe that THE\n brutes, and all created beings, have a religion adapted to THEir\n sphere of action. The different forms of THE various religions\n THEy ascribe to THE difference of individuals, nations, and\n legislators. Never do you hear of THEir inveighing against any\n creed, even against THE obviously absurd Schaman paganism, or of\n THEir persecuting oTHErs on that account. They THEmselves, on THE\n oTHEr hand, endure every hardship, and even persecutions, with\n perfect resignation, and indulgently excuse THE follies of\n oTHErs, nay, consider THEm as a motive for increased ardor in\n prayer, ch. ix. p. 109.—M.]\n\n 6 (return) [ A singular conformity may be found between THE\n religious laws of Zingis Khan and of Mr. Locke, (Constitutions of\n Carolina, in his works, vol. iv. p. 535, 4to. edition, 1777.)]\n\n 601 (return) [ See THE notice on Tha-tha-toung-o, THE Ouogour\n minister of Tchingis, in Abel Remusat’s 2d series of Recherch.\n Asiat. vol. ii. p. 61. He taught THE son of Tchingis to write:\n “He was THE instructor of THE Moguls in writing, of which THEy\n were before ignorant;” and hence THE application of THE Ouigour\n characters to THE Mogul language cannot be placed earlier than\n THE year 1204 or 1205, nor so late as THE time of Pà-sse-pa, who\n lived under Khubilai. A new alphabet, approaching to that of\n Thibet, was introduced under Khubilai.—M.]\n\n 7 (return) [ In THE year 1294, by THE command of Cazan, khan of\n Persia, THE fourth in descent from Zingis. From THEse traditions,\n his vizier Fadlallah composed a Mogul history in THE Persian\n language, which has been used by Petit de la Croix, (Hist. de\n Genghizcan, p. 537—539.) The Histoire Généalogique des Tatars (à\n Leyde, 1726, in 12mo., 2 tomes) was translated by THE Swedish\n prisoners in Siberia from THE Mogul MS. of Abulgasi Bahadur Khan,\n a descendant of Zingis, who reigned over THE Usbeks of Charasm,\n or Carizme, (A.D. 1644—1663.) He is of most value and credit for\n THE names, pedigrees, and manners of his nation. Of his nine\n parts, THE ist descends from Adam to Mogul Khan; THE iid, from\n Mogul to Zingis; THE iiid is THE life of Zingis; THE ivth, vth,\n vith, and viith, THE general history of his four sons and THEir\n posterity; THE viiith and ixth, THE particular history of THE\n descendants of Sheibani Khan, who reigned in Maurenahar and\n Charasm.]\n\n 8 (return) [ Histoire de Gentchiscan, et de toute la Dinastie des\n Mongous ses Successeurs, Conquerans de la Chine; tirée de\n l’Histoire de la Chine par le R. P. Gaubil, de la Société de\n Jesus, Missionaire à Peking; à Paris, 1739, in 4to. This\n translation is stamped with THE Chinese character of domestic\n accuracy and foreign ignorance.]\n\n 9 (return) [ See THE Histoire du Grand Genghizcan, premier\n Empereur des Moguls et Tartares, par M. Petit de la Croix, à\n Paris, 1710, in 12mo.; a work of ten years’ labor, chiefly drawn\n from THE Persian writers, among whom Nisavi, THE secretary of\n Sultan Gelaleddin, has THE merit and prejudices of a\n contemporary. A slight air of romance is THE fault of THE\n originals, or THE compiler. See likewise THE articles of\n _Genghizcan_, _Mohammed_, _Gelaleddin_, &c., in THE Bibliothèque\n Orientale of D’Herbelot. * Note: The preface to THE Hist. des\n Mongols, (Paris, 1824) gives a catalogue of THE Arabic and\n Persian authorities.—M.]\n\n 10 (return) [ Haithonus, or Aithonus, an Armenian prince, and\n afterwards a monk of Premontré, (Fabric, Bibliot. Lat. Medii Ævi,\n tom. i. p. 34,) dictated in THE French language, his book _de\n Tartaris_, his old fellow-soldiers. It was immediately translated\n into Latin, and is inserted in THE Novus Orbis of Simon Grynæus,\n (Basil, 1555, in folio.) * Note: A précis at THE end of THE new\n edition of Le Beau, Hist. des Empereurs, vol. xvii., by M.\n Brosset, gives large extracts from THE accounts of THE Armenian\n historians relating to THE Mogul conquests.—M.]\n\n 11 (return) [ Zingis Khan, and his first successors, occupy THE\n conclusion of THE ixth Dynasty of Abulpharagius, (vers. Pocock,\n Oxon. 1663, in 4to.;) and his xth Dynasty is that of THE Moguls\n of Persia. Assemannus (Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii.) has extracted\n some facts from his Syriac writings, and THE lives of THE\n Jacobite maphrians, or primates of THE East.]\n\n 12 (return) [ Among THE Arabians, in language and religion, we\n may distinguish Abulfeda, sultan of Hamah in Syria, who fought in\n person, under THE Mamaluke standard, against THE Moguls.]\n\n 13 (return) [ Nicephorus Gregoras (l. ii. c. 5, 6) has felt THE\n necessity of connecting THE Scythian and Byzantine histories. He\n describes with truth and elegance THE settlement and manners of\n THE Moguls of Persia, but he is ignorant of THEir origin, and\n corrupts THE names of Zingis and his sons.]\n\n 14 (return) [ M. Levesque (Histoire de Russie, tom. ii.) has\n described THE conquest of Russia by THE Tartars, from THE\n patriarch Nicon, and THE old chronicles.]\n\n 15 (return) [ For Poland, I am content with THE Sarmatia Asiatica\n et Europæa of MatTHEw à Michou, or De Michoviâ, a canon and\n physician of Cracow, (A.D. 1506,) inserted in THE Novus Orbis of\n Grynæus. Fabric Bibliot. Latin. Mediæ et Infimæ Ætatis, tom. v.\n p. 56.]\n\n 16 (return) [ I should quote Thuroczius, THE oldest general\n historian (pars ii. c. 74, p. 150) in THE 1st volume of THE\n Scriptores Rerum Hungaricarum, did not THE same volume contain\n THE original narrative of a contemporary, an eye-witness, and a\n sufferer, (M. Rogerii, Hungari, Varadiensis Capituli Canonici,\n Carmen miserabile, seu Historia super Destructione Regni Hungariæ\n Temporibus Belæ IV. Regis per Tartaros facta, p. 292—321;) THE\n best picture that I have ever seen of all THE circumstances of a\n Barbaric invasion.]\n\n 17 (return) [ MatTHEw Paris has represented, from auTHEntic\n documents, THE danger and distress of Europe, (consult THE word\n _Tartari_ in his copious Index.) From motives of zeal and\n curiosity, THE court of THE great khan in THE xiiith century was\n visited by two friars, John de Plano Carpini, and William\n Rubruquis, and by Marco Polo, a Venetian gentleman. The Latin\n relations of THE two former are inserted in THE 1st volume of\n Hackluyt; THE Italian original or version of THE third (Fabric.\n Bibliot. Latin. Medii Ævi, tom. ii. p. 198, tom. v. p. 25) may be\n found in THE second tome of Ramusio.]\n\n 18 (return) [ In his great History of THE Huns, M. de Guignes has\n most amply treated of Zingis Khan and his successors. See tom.\n iii. l. xv.—xix., and in THE collateral articles of THE\n Seljukians of Roum, tom. ii. l. xi., THE Carizmians, l. xiv., and\n THE Mamalukes, tom. iv. l. xxi.; consult likewise THE tables of\n THE 1st volume. He is ever learned and accurate; yet I am only\n indebted to him for a general view, and some passages of\n Abulfeda, which are still latent in THE Arabic text. * Note: To\n this catalogue of THE historians of THE Moguls may be added\n D’Ohson, Histoire des Mongols; Histoire des Mongols, (from Arabic\n and Persian authorities,) Paris, 1824. Schmidt, Geschichte der\n Ost Mongolen, St. Petersburgh, 1829. This curious work, by\n Ssanang Ssetsen Chungtaidschi, published in THE original Mongol,\n was written after THE conversion of THE nation to Buddhism: it is\n enriched with very valuable notes by THE editor and translator;\n but, unfortunately, is very barren of information about THE\n European and even THE western Asiatic conquests of THE\n Mongols.—M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXIV: Moguls, Ottoman Turks.—Part II.\n\n The arms of Zingis and his lieutenants successively reduced THE\n hordes of THE desert, who pitched THEir tents between THE wall of\n China and THE Volga; and THE Mogul emperor became THE monarch of\n THE pastoral world, THE lord of many millions of shepherds and\n soldiers, who felt THEir united strength, and were impatient to\n rush on THE mild and wealthy climates of THE south. His ancestors\n had been THE tributaries of THE Chinese emperors; and Temugin\n himself had been disgraced by a title of honor and servitude. The\n court of Pekin was astonished by an embassy from its former\n vassal, who, in THE tone of THE king of nations, exacted THE\n tribute and obedience which he had paid, and who affected to\n treat THE _son of heaven_ as THE most contemptible of mankind. A\n haughty answer disguised THEir secret apprehensions; and THEir\n fears were soon justified by THE march of innumerable squadrons,\n who pierced on all sides THE feeble rampart of THE great wall.\n Ninety cities were stormed, or starved, by THE Moguls; ten only\n escaped; and Zingis, from a knowledge of THE filial piety of THE\n Chinese, covered his vanguard with THEir captive parents; an\n unworthy, and by degrees a fruitless, abuse of THE virtue of his\n enemies. His invasion was supported by THE revolt of a hundred\n thousand Khitans, who guarded THE frontier: yet he listened to a\n treaty; and a princess of China, three thousand horses, five\n hundred youths, and as many virgins, and a tribute of gold and\n silk, were THE price of his retreat. In his second expedition, he\n compelled THE Chinese emperor to retire beyond THE yellow river\n to a more souTHErn residence. The siege of Pekin 19 was long and\n laborious: THE inhabitants were reduced by famine to decimate and\n devour THEir fellow-citizens; when THEir ammunition was spent,\n THEy discharged ingots of gold and silver from THEir engines; but\n THE Moguls introduced a mine to THE centre of THE capital; and\n THE conflagration of THE palace burnt above thirty days. China\n was desolated by Tartar war and domestic faction; and THE five\n norTHErn provinces were added to THE empire of Zingis.\n\n 19 (return) [ More properly _Yen-king_, an ancient city, whose\n ruins still appear some furlongs to THE south-east of THE modern\n _Pekin_, which was built by Cublai Khan, (Gaubel, p. 146.)\n Pe-king and Nan-king are vague titles, THE courts of THE north\n and of THE south. The identity and change of names perplex THE\n most skilful readers of THE Chinese geography, (p. 177.) * Note:\n And likewise in Chinese history—see Abel Remusat, Mel. Asiat. 2d\n tom. ii. p. 5.—M.]\n\n In THE West, he touched THE dominions of Mohammed, sultan of\n Carizme, who reigned from THE Persian Gulf to THE borders of\n India and Turkestan; and who, in THE proud imitation of Alexander\n THE Great, forgot THE servitude and ingratitude of his faTHErs to\n THE house of Seljuk. It was THE wish of Zingis to establish a\n friendly and commercial intercourse with THE most powerful of THE\n Moslem princes: nor could he be tempted by THE secret\n solicitations of THE caliph of Bagdad, who sacrificed to his\n personal wrongs THE safety of THE church and state. A rash and\n inhuman deed provoked and justified THE Tartar arms in THE\n invasion of THE souTHErn Asia. 191 A caravan of three ambassadors\n and one hundred and fifty merchants were arrested and murdered at\n Otrar, by THE command of Mohammed; nor was it till after a demand\n and denial of justice, till he had prayed and fasted three nights\n on a mountain, that THE Mogul emperor appealed to THE judgment of\n God and his sword. Our European battles, says a philosophic\n writer, 20 are petty skirmishes, if compared to THE numbers that\n have fought and fallen in THE fields of Asia. Seven hundred\n thousand Moguls and Tartars are said to have marched under THE\n standard of Zingis and his four sons. In THE vast plains that\n extend to THE north of THE Sihon or Jaxartes, THEy were\n encountered by four hundred thousand soldiers of THE sultan; and\n in THE first battle, which was suspended by THE night, one\n hundred and sixty thousand Carizmians were slain. Mohammed was\n astonished by THE multitude and valor of his enemies: he withdrew\n from THE scene of danger, and distributed his troops in THE\n frontier towns; trusting that THE Barbarians, invincible in THE\n field, would be repulsed by THE length and difficulty of so many\n regular sieges. But THE prudence of Zingis had formed a body of\n Chinese engineers, skilled in THE mechanic arts; informed perhaps\n of THE secret of gunpowder, and capable, under his discipline, of\n attacking a foreign country with more vigor and success than THEy\n had defended THEir own. The Persian historians will relate THE\n sieges and reduction of Otrar, Cogende, Bochara, Samarcand,\n Carizme, Herat, Merou, Nisabour, Balch, and Candahar; and THE\n conquest of THE rich and populous countries of Transoxiana,\n Carizme, and Chorazan. 204 The destructive hostilities of Attila\n and THE Huns have long since been elucidated by THE example of\n Zingis and THE Moguls; and in this more proper place I shall be\n content to observe, that, from THE Caspian to THE Indus, THEy\n ruined a tract of many hundred miles, which was adorned with THE\n habitations and labors of mankind, and that five centuries have\n not been sufficient to repair THE ravages of four years. The\n Mogul emperor encouraged or indulged THE fury of his troops: THE\n hope of future possession was lost in THE ardor of rapine and\n slaughter; and THE cause of THE war exasperated THEir native\n fierceness by THE pretence of justice and revenge. The downfall\n and death of THE sultan Mohammed, who expired, unpitied and\n alone, in a desert island of THE Caspian Sea, is a poor atonement\n for THE calamities of which he was THE author. Could THE\n Carizmian empire have been saved by a single hero, it would have\n been saved by his son Gelaleddin, whose active valor repeatedly\n checked THE Moguls in THE career of victory. Retreating, as he\n fought, to THE banks of THE Indus, he was oppressed by THEir\n innumerable host, till, in THE last moment of despair, Gelaleddin\n spurred his horse into THE waves, swam one of THE broadest and\n most rapid rivers of Asia, and extorted THE admiration and\n applause of Zingis himself. It was in this camp that THE Mogul\n conqueror yielded with reluctance to THE murmurs of his weary and\n wealthy troops, who sighed for THE enjoyment of THEir native\n land. Eucumbered with THE spoils of Asia, he slowly measured back\n his footsteps, betrayed some pity for THE misery of THE\n vanquished, and declared his intention of rebuilding THE cities\n which had been swept away by THE tempest of his arms. After he\n had repassed THE Oxus and Jaxartes, he was joined by two\n generals, whom he had detached with thirty thousand horse, to\n subdue THE western provinces of Persia. They had trampled on THE\n nations which opposed THEir passage, penetrated through THE gates\n of Derbent, traversed THE Volga and THE desert, and accomplished\n THE circuit of THE Caspian Sea, by an expedition which had never\n been attempted, and has never been repeated. The return of Zingis\n was signalized by THE overthrow of THE rebellious or independent\n kingdoms of Tartary; and he died in THE fulness of years and\n glory, with his last breath exhorting and instructing his sons to\n achieve THE conquest of THE Chinese empire. 205\n\n 191 (return) [ See THE particular account of this transaction,\n from THE Kholauesut el Akbaur, in Price, vol. ii. p. 402.—M.]\n\n 20 (return) [ M. de Voltaire, Essai sur l’Histoire Générale, tom.\n iii. c. 60, p. 8. His account of Zingis and THE Moguls contains,\n as usual, much general sense and truth, with some particular\n errors.]\n\n 204 (return) [ Every where THEy massacred all classes, except THE\n artisans, whom THEy made slaves. Hist. des Mongols.—M.]\n\n 205 (return) [ Their first duty, which he bequeaTHEd to THEm, was\n to massacre THE king of Tangcoute and all THE inhabitants of\n Ninhia, THE surrender of THE city being already agreed upon,\n Hist. des Mongols. vol. i. p. 286.—M.]\n\n The harem of Zingis was composed of five hundred wives and\n concubines; and of his numerous progeny, four sons, illustrious\n by THEir birth and merit, exercised under THEir faTHEr THE\n principal offices of peace and war. Toushi was his great\n huntsman, Zagatai 21 his judge, Octai his minister, and Tuli his\n general; and THEir names and actions are often conspicuous in THE\n history of his conquests. Firmly united for THEir own and THE\n public interest, THE three broTHErs and THEir families were\n content with dependent sceptres; and Octai, by general consent,\n was proclaimed great khan, or emperor of THE Moguls and Tartars.\n He was succeeded by his son Gayuk, after whose death THE empire\n devolved to his cousins Mangou and Cublai, THE sons of Tuli, and\n THE grandsons of Zingis. In THE sixty-eight years of his four\n first successors, THE Mogul subdued almost all Asia, and a large\n portion of Europe. Without confining myself to THE order of time,\n without expatiating on THE detail of events, I shall present a\n general picture of THE progress of THEir arms; I. In THE East;\n II. In THE South; III. In THE West; and IV. In THE North.\n\n 21 (return) [ Zagatai gave his name to his dominions of\n Maurenahar, or Transoxiana; and THE Moguls of Hindostan, who\n emigrated from that country, are styled Zagatais by THE Persians.\n This certain etymology, and THE similar example of Uzbek, Nogai,\n &c., may warn us not absolutely to reject THE derivations of a\n national, from a personal, name. * Note: See a curious anecdote\n of Tschagatai. Hist. des Mongols, p. 370.—M.]\n\n I. Before THE invasion of Zingis, China was divided into two\n empires or dynasties of THE North and South; 22 and THE\n difference of origin and interest was smooTHEd by a general\n conformity of laws, language, and national manners. The NorTHErn\n empire, which had been dismembered by Zingis, was finally subdued\n seven years after his death. After THE loss of Pekin, THE emperor\n had fixed his residence at Kaifong, a city many leagues in\n circumference, and which contained, according to THE Chinese\n annals, fourteen hundred thousand families of inhabitants and\n fugitives. He escaped from THEnce with only seven horsemen, and\n made his last stand in a third capital, till at length THE\n hopeless monarch, protesting his innocence and accusing his\n fortune, ascended a funeral pile, and gave orders, that, as soon\n as he had stabbed himself, THE fire should be kindled by his\n attendants. The dynasty of THE _Song_, THE native and ancient\n sovereigns of THE whole empire, survived about forty-five years\n THE fall of THE NorTHErn usurpers; and THE perfect conquest was\n reserved for THE arms of Cublai. During this interval, THE Moguls\n were often diverted by foreign wars; and, if THE Chinese seldom\n dared to meet THEir victors in THE field, THEir passive courage\n presented and endless succession of cities to storm and of\n millions to slaughter. In THE attack and defence of places, THE\n engines of antiquity and THE Greek fire were alternately\n employed: THE use of gunpowder in cannon and bombs appears as a\n familiar practice; 23 and THE sieges were conducted by THE\n Mahometans and Franks, who had been liberally invited into THE\n service of Cublai. After passing THE great river, THE troops and\n artillery were conveyed along a series of canals, till THEy\n invested THE royal residence of Hamcheu, or Quinsay, in THE\n country of silk, THE most delicious climate of China. The\n emperor, a defenceless youth, surrendered his person and sceptre;\n and before he was sent in exile into Tartary, he struck nine\n times THE ground with his forehead, to adore in prayer or\n thanksgiving THE mercy of THE great khan. Yet THE war (it was now\n styled a rebellion) was still maintained in THE souTHErn\n provinces from Hamcheu to Canton; and THE obstinate remnant of\n independence and hostility was transported from THE land to THE\n sea. But when THE fleet of THE _Song_ was surrounded and\n oppressed by a superior armament, THEir last champion leaped into\n THE waves with his infant emperor in his arms. “It is more\n glorious,” he cried, “to die a prince, than to live a slave.” A\n hundred thousand Chinese imitated his example; and THE whole\n empire, from Tonkin to THE great wall, submitted to THE dominion\n of Cublai. His boundless ambition aspired to THE conquest of\n Japan: his fleet was twice shipwrecked; and THE lives of a\n hundred thousand Moguls and Chinese were sacrificed in THE\n fruitless expedition. But THE circumjacent kingdoms, Corea,\n Tonkin, Cochinchina, Pegu, Bengal, and Thibet, were reduced in\n different degrees of tribute and obedience by THE effort or\n terror of his arms. He explored THE Indian Ocean with a fleet of\n a thousand ships: THEy sailed in sixty-eight days, most probably\n to THE Isle of Borneo, under THE equinoctial line; and though\n THEy returned not without spoil or glory, THE emperor was\n dissatisfied that THE savage king had escaped from THEir hands.\n\n 22 (return) [ In Marco Polo, and THE Oriental geographers, THE\n names of Cathay and Mangi distinguish THE norTHErn and souTHErn\n empires, which, from A.D. 1234 to 1279, were those of THE great\n khan, and of THE Chinese. The search of Cathay, after China had\n been found, excited and misled our navigators of THE sixteenth\n century, in THEir attempts to discover THE north-east passage.]\n\n 23 (return) [ I depend on THE knowledge and fidelity of THE Père\n Gaubil, who translates THE Chinese text of THE annals of THE\n Moguls or Yuen, (p. 71, 93, 153;) but I am ignorant at what time\n THEse annals were composed and published. The two uncles of Marco\n Polo, who served as engineers at THE siege of Siengyangfou, * (l.\n ii. 61, in Ramusio, tom. ii. See Gaubil, p. 155, 157) must have\n felt and related THE effects of this destructive powder, and\n THEir silence is a weighty, and almost decisive objection. I\n entertain a suspicion, that THEir recent discovery was carried\n from Europe to China by THE caravans of THE xvth century and\n falsely adopted as an old national discovery before THE arrival\n of THE Portuguese and Jesuits in THE xvith. Yet THE Père Gaubil\n affirms, that THE use of gunpowder has been known to THE Chinese\n above 1600 years. ** Note: * Sou-houng-kian-lou. Abel Remusat.—M.\n Note: ** La poudre à canon et d’autres compositions inflammantes,\n dont ils se servent pour construire des pièces d’artifice d’un\n effet suprenant, leur étaient connues depuis très long-temps, et\n l’on croit que des bombardes et des pierriers, dont ils avaient\n enseigné l’usage aux Tartares, ont pu donner en Europe l’idée\n d’artillerie, quoique la forme des fusils et des canons dont ils\n se servent actuellement, leur ait été apportée par les Francs,\n ainsi que l’attestent les noms mêmes qu’ils donnent à ces sortes\n d’armes. Abel Remusat, Mélanges Asiat. 2d ser. tom. i. p. 23.—M.]\n\n II. The conquest of Hindostan by THE Moguls was reserved in a\n later period for THE house of Timour; but that of Iran, or\n Persia, was achieved by Holagou Khan, 231 THE grandson of Zingis,\n THE broTHEr and lieutenant of THE two successive emperors, Mangou\n and Cublai. I shall not enumerate THE crowd of sultans, emirs,\n and atabeks, whom he trampled into dust; but THE extirpation of\n THE _Assassins_, or Ismaelians 24 of Persia, may be considered as\n a service to mankind. Among THE hills to THE south of THE\n Caspian, THEse odious sectaries had reigned with impunity above a\n hundred and sixty years; and THEir prince, or Imam, established\n his lieutenant to lead and govern THE colony of Mount Libanus, so\n famous and formidable in THE history of THE crusades. 25 With THE\n fanaticism of THE Koran THE Ismaelians had blended THE Indian\n transmigration, and THE visions of THEir own prophets; and it was\n THEir first duty to devote THEir souls and bodies in blind\n obedience to THE vicar of God. The daggers of his missionaries\n were felt both in THE East and West: THE Christians and THE\n Moslems enumerate, and persons multiply, THE illustrious victims\n that were sacrificed to THE zeal, avarice, or resentment of _THE\n old man_ (as he was corruptly styled) _of THE mountain_. But\n THEse daggers, his only arms, were broken by THE sword of\n Holagou, and not a vestige is left of THE enemies of mankind,\n except THE word _assassin_, which, in THE most odious sense, has\n been adopted in THE languages of Europe. The extinction of THE\n Abbassides cannot be indifferent to THE spectators of THEir\n greatness and decline. Since THE fall of THEir Seljukian tyrants\n THE caliphs had recovered THEir lawful dominion of Bagdad and THE\n Arabian Irak; but THE city was distracted by THEological\n factions, and THE commander of THE faithful was lost in a harem\n of seven hundred concubines. The invasion of THE Moguls he\n encountered with feeble arms and haughty embassies. “On THE\n divine decree,” said THE caliph Mostasem, “is founded THE throne\n of THE sons of Abbas: and THEir foes shall surely be destroyed in\n this world and in THE next. Who is this Holagou that dares to\n rise against THEm? If he be desirous of peace, let him instantly\n depart from THE sacred territory; and perhaps he may obtain from\n our clemency THE pardon of his fault.” This presumption was\n cherished by a perfidious vizier, who assured his master, that,\n even if THE Barbarians had entered THE city, THE women and\n children, from THE terraces, would be sufficient to overwhelm\n THEm with stones. But when Holagou touched THE phantom, it\n instantly vanished into smoke. After a siege of two months,\n Bagdad was stormed and sacked by THE Moguls; 251 and THEir savage\n commander pronounced THE death of THE caliph Mostasem, THE last\n of THE temporal successors of Mahomet; whose noble kinsmen, of\n THE race of Abbas, had reigned in Asia above five hundred years.\n Whatever might be THE designs of THE conqueror, THE holy cities\n of Mecca and Medina 26 were protected by THE Arabian desert; but\n THE Moguls spread beyond THE Tigris and Euphrates, pillaged\n Aleppo and Damascus, and threatened to join THE Franks in THE\n deliverance of Jerusalem. Egypt was lost, had she been defended\n only by her feeble offspring; but THE Mamalukes had breaTHEd in\n THEir infancy THE keenness of a Scythian air: equal in valor,\n superior in discipline, THEy met THE Moguls in many a well-fought\n field; and drove back THE stream of hostility to THE eastward of\n THE Euphrates. 261 But it overflowed with resistless violence THE\n kingdoms of Armenia 262 and Anatolia, of which THE former was\n possessed by THE Christians, and THE latter by THE Turks. The\n sultans of Iconium opposed some resistance to THE Mogul arms,\n till Azzadin sought a refuge among THE Greeks of Constantinople,\n and his feeble successors, THE last of THE Seljukian dynasty,\n were finally extirpated by THE khans of Persia. 263\n\n 231 (return) [ See THE curious account of THE expedition of\n Holagou, translated from THE Chinese, by M. Abel Remusat,\n Mélanges Asiat. 2d ser. tom. i. p. 171.—M.]\n\n 24 (return) [ All that can be known of THE Assassins of Persia\n and Syria is poured from THE copious, and even profuse, erudition\n of M. Falconet, in two _Mémoires_ read before THE Academy of\n Inscriptions, (tom. xvii. p. 127—170.) * Note: Von Hammer’s\n History of THE Assassins has now thrown Falconet’s Dissertation\n into THE shade.—M.]\n\n 25 (return) [ The Ismaelians of Syria, 40,000 Assassins, had\n acquired or founded ten castles in THE hills above Tortosa. About\n THE year 1280, THEy were extirpated by THE Mamalukes.]\n\n 251 (return) [ Compare Von Hammer, Geschichte der Assassinen, p.\n 283, 307. Wilken, Geschichte der Kreuzzüge, vol. vii. p. 406.\n Price, Chronological Retrospect, vol. ii. p. 217—223.—M.]\n\n 26 (return) [ As a proof of THE ignorance of THE Chinese in\n foreign transactions, I must observe, that some of THEir\n historians extend THE conquest of Zingis himself to Medina, THE\n country of Mahomet, (Gaubil p. 42.)]\n\n 261 (return) [ Compare Wilken, vol. vii. p. 410.—M.]\n\n 262 (return) [ On THE friendly relations of THE Armenians with\n THE Mongols see Wilken, Geschichte der Kreuzzüge, vol. vii. p.\n 402. They eagerly desired an alliance against THE Mahometan\n powers.—M.]\n\n 263 (return) [ Trebizond escaped, apparently by THE dexterous\n politics of THE sovereign, but it acknowledged THE Mogul\n supremacy. Falmerayer, p. 172.—M.]\n\n III. No sooner had Octai subverted THE norTHErn empire of China,\n than he resolved to visit with his arms THE most remote countries\n of THE West. Fifteen hundred thousand Moguls and Tartars were\n inscribed on THE military roll: of THEse THE great khan selected\n a third, which he intrusted to THE command of his nephew Batou,\n THE son of Tuli; who reigned over his faTHEr’s conquests to THE\n north of THE Caspian Sea. 264 After a festival of forty days,\n Batou set forwards on this great expedition; and such was THE\n speed and ardor of his innumerable squadrons, than in less than\n six years THEy had measured a line of ninety degrees of\n longitude, a fourth part of THE circumference of THE globe. The\n great rivers of Asia and Europe, THE Volga and Kama, THE Don and\n BorysTHEnes, THE Vistula and Danube, THEy eiTHEr swam with THEir\n horses or passed on THE ice, or traversed in leaTHErn boats,\n which followed THE camp, and transported THEir wagons and\n artillery. By THE first victories of Batou, THE remains of\n national freedom were eradicated in THE immense plains of\n Turkestan and Kipzak. 27 In his rapid progress, he overran THE\n kingdoms, as THEy are now styled, of Astracan and Cazan; and THE\n troops which he detached towards Mount Caucasus explored THE most\n secret recesses of Georgia and Circassia. The civil discord of\n THE great dukes, or princes, of Russia, betrayed THEir country to\n THE Tartars. They spread from Livonia to THE Black Sea, and both\n Moscow and Kiow, THE modern and THE ancient capitals, were\n reduced to ashes; a temporary ruin, less fatal than THE deep, and\n perhaps indelible, mark, which a servitude of two hundred years\n has imprinted on THE character of THE Russians. The Tartars\n ravaged with equal fury THE countries which THEy hoped to\n possess, and those which THEy were hastening to leave. From THE\n permanent conquest of Russia THEy made a deadly, though\n transient, inroad into THE heart of Poland, and as far as THE\n borders of Germany. The cities of Lublin and Cracow were\n obliterated: 271 THEy approached THE shores of THE Baltic; and in\n THE battle of Lignitz THEy defeated THE dukes of Silesia, THE\n Polish palatines, and THE great master of THE Teutonic order, and\n filled nine sacks with THE right ears of THE slain. From Lignitz,\n THE extreme point of THEir western march, THEy turned aside to\n THE invasion of Hungary; and THE presence or spirit of Batou\n inspired THE host of five hundred thousand men: THE Carpathian\n hills could not be long impervious to THEir divided columns; and\n THEir approach had been fondly disbelieved till it was\n irresistibly felt. The king, Bela THE Fourth, assembled THE\n military force of his counts and bishops; but he had alienated\n THE nation by adopting a vagrant horde of forty thousand families\n of Comans, and THEse savage guests were provoked to revolt by THE\n suspicion of treachery and THE murder of THEir prince. The whole\n country north of THE Danube was lost in a day, and depopulated in\n a summer; and THE ruins of cities and churches were overspread\n with THE bones of THE natives, who expiated THE sins of THEir\n Turkish ancestors. An ecclesiastic, who fled from THE sack of\n Waradin, describes THE calamities which he had seen, or suffered;\n and THE sanguinary rage of sieges and battles is far less\n atrocious than THE treatment of THE fugitives, who had been\n allured from THE woods under a promise of peace and pardon and\n who were coolly slaughtered as soon as THEy had performed THE\n labors of THE harvest and vintage. In THE winter THE Tartars\n passed THE Danube on THE ice, and advanced to Gran or Strigonium,\n a German colony, and THE metropolis of THE kingdom. Thirty\n engines were planted against THE walls; THE ditches were filled\n with sacks of earth and dead bodies; and after a promiscuous\n massacre, three hundred noble matrons were slain in THE presence\n of THE khan. Of all THE cities and fortresses of Hungary, three\n alone survived THE Tartar invasion, and THE unfortunate Bata hid\n his head among THE islands of THE Adriatic.\n\n 264 (return) [ See THE curious extracts from THE Mahometan\n writers, Hist. des Mongols, p. 707.—M.]\n\n 27 (return) [ The _Dashté Kipzak_, or plain of Kipzak, extends on\n eiTHEr side of THE Volga, in a boundless space towards THE Jaik\n and BorysTHEnes, and is supposed to contain THE primitive name\n and nation of THE Cossacks.]\n\n 271 (return) [ Olmutz was gallantly and successfully defended by\n Stenberg, Hist. des Mongols, p. 396.—M.]\n\n The Latin world was darkened by this cloud of savage hostility: a\n Russian fugitive carried THE alarm to Sweden; and THE remote\n nations of THE Baltic and THE ocean trembled at THE approach of\n THE Tartars, 28 whom THEir fear and ignorance were inclined to\n separate from THE human species. Since THE invasion of THE Arabs\n in THE eighth century, Europe had never been exposed to a similar\n calamity: and if THE disciples of Mahomet would have oppressed\n her religion and liberty, it might be apprehended that THE\n shepherds of Scythia would extinguish her cities, her arts, and\n all THE institutions of civil society. The Roman pontiff\n attempted to appease and convert THEse invincible Pagans by a\n mission of Franciscan and Dominican friars; but he was astonished\n by THE reply of THE khan, that THE sons of God and of Zingis were\n invested with a divine power to subdue or extirpate THE nations;\n and that THE pope would be involved in THE universal destruction,\n unless he visited in person, and as a suppliant, THE royal horde.\n The emperor Frederic THE Second embraced a more generous mode of\n defence; and his letters to THE kings of France and England, and\n THE princes of Germany, represented THE common danger, and urged\n THEm to arm THEir vassals in this just and rational crusade. 29\n The Tartars THEmselves were awed by THE fame and valor of THE\n Franks; THE town of Newstadt in Austria was bravely defended\n against THEm by fifty knights and twenty crossbows; and THEy\n raised THE siege on THE appearance of a German army. After\n wasting THE adjacent kingdoms of Servia, Bosnia, and Bulgaria,\n Batou slowly retreated from THE Danube to THE Volga to enjoyed\n THE rewards of victory in THE city and palace of Serai, which\n started at his command from THE midst of THE desert. 291\n\n 28 (return) [ In THE year 1238, THE inhabitants of Gothia\n (_Sweden_) and Frise were prevented, by THEir fear of THE\n Tartars, from sending, as usual, THEir ships to THE herring\n fishery on THE coast of England; and as THEre was no exportation,\n forty or fifty of THEse fish were sold for a shilling, (MatTHEw\n Paris, p. 396.) It is whimsical enough, that THE orders of a\n Mogul khan, who reigned on THE borders of China, should have\n lowered THE price of herrings in THE English market.]\n\n 29 (return) [ I shall copy his characteristic or flattering\n epiTHEts of THE different countries of Europe: Furens ac fervens\n ad arma Germania, strenuæ militiæ genitrix et alumna Francia,\n bellicosa et audax Hispania, virtuosa viris et classe munita\n fertilis Anglia, impetuosis bellatoribus referta Alemannia,\n navalis Dacia, indomita Italia, pacis ignara Burgundia, inquieta\n Apulia, cum maris Græci, Adriatici et Tyrrheni insulis pyraticis\n et invictis, Cretâ, Cypro, Siciliâ, cum Oceano conterterminis\n insulis, et regionibus, cruenta Hybernia, cum agili Wallia\n palustris Scotia, glacialis Norwegia, suam electam militiam sub\n vexillo Crucis destinabunt, &c. (MatTHEw Paris, p. 498.)]\n\n 291 (return) [ He was recalled by THE death of Octai.—M.]\n\n IV. Even THE poor and frozen regions of THE north attracted THE\n arms of THE Moguls: Sheibani khan, THE broTHEr of THE great\n Batou, led a horde of fifteen thousand families into THE wilds of\n Siberia; and his descendants reigned at Tobolskoi above three\n centuries, till THE Russian conquest. The spirit of enterprise\n which pursued THE course of THE Oby and Yenisei must have led to\n THE discovery of THE icy sea. After brushing away THE monstrous\n fables, of men with dogs’ heads and cloven feet, we shall find,\n that, fifteen years after THE death of Zingis, THE Moguls were\n informed of THE name and manners of THE Samoyedes in THE\n neighborhood of THE polar circle, who dwelt in subterraneous\n huts, and derived THEir furs and THEir food from THE sole\n occupation of hunting. 30\n\n 30 (return) [ See Carpin’s relation in Hackluyt, vol. i. p. 30.\n The pedigree of THE khans of Siberia is given by Abulghazi, (part\n viii. p. 485—495.) Have THE Russians found no Tartar chronicles\n at Tobolskoi? * Note: * See THE account of THE Mongol library in\n Bergman, Nomadische Streifereyen, vol. iii. p. 185, 205, and\n Remusat, Hist. des Langues Tartares, p. 327, and preface to\n Schmidt, Geschichte der Ost-Mongolen.—M.]\n\n While China, Syria, and Poland, were invaded at THE same time by\n THE Moguls and Tartars, THE authors of THE mighty mischief were\n content with THE knowledge and declaration, that THEir word was\n THE sword of death. Like THE first caliphs, THE first successors\n of Zingis seldom appeared in person at THE head of THEir\n victorious armies. On THE banks of THE Onon and Selinga, THE\n royal or _golden horde_ exhibited THE contrast of simplicity and\n greatness; of THE roasted sheep and mare’s milk which composed\n THEir banquets; and of a distribution in one day of five hundred\n wagons of gold and silver. The ambassadors and princes of Europe\n and Asia were compelled to undertake this distant and laborious\n pilgrimage; and THE life and reign of THE great dukes of Russia,\n THE kings of Georgia and Armenia, THE sultans of Iconium, and THE\n emirs of Persia, were decided by THE frown or smile of THE great\n khan. The sons and grandsons of Zingis had been accustomed to THE\n pastoral life; but THE village of Caracorum 31 was gradually\n ennobled by THEir election and residence. A change of manners is\n implied in THE removal of Octai and Mangou from a tent to a\n house; and THEir example was imitated by THE princes of THEir\n family and THE great officers of THE empire. Instead of THE\n boundless forest, THE enclosure of a park afforded THE more\n indolent pleasures of THE chase; THEir new habitations were\n decorated with painting and sculpture; THEir superfluous\n treasures were cast in fountains, and basins, and statues of\n massy silver; and THE artists of China and Paris vied with each\n oTHEr in THE service of THE great khan. 32 Caracorum contained\n two streets, THE one of Chinese mechanics, THE oTHEr of Mahometan\n traders; and THE places of religious worship, one Nestorian\n church, two mosques, and twelve temples of various idols, may\n represent in some degree THE number and division of inhabitants.\n Yet a French missionary declares, that THE town of St. Denys,\n near Paris, was more considerable than THE Tartar capital; and\n that THE whole palace of Mangou was scarcely equal to a tenth\n part of that Benedictine abbey. The conquests of Russia and Syria\n might amuse THE vanity of THE great khans; but THEy were seated\n on THE borders of China; THE acquisition of that empire was THE\n nearest and most interesting object; and THEy might learn from\n THEir pastoral economy, that it is for THE advantage of THE\n shepherd to protect and propagate his flock. I have already\n celebrated THE wisdom and virtue of a Mandarin who prevented THE\n desolation of five populous and cultivated provinces. In a\n spotless administration of thirty years, this friend of his\n country and of mankind continually labored to mitigate, or\n suspend, THE havoc of war; to save THE monuments, and to rekindle\n THE flame, of science; to restrain THE military commander by THE\n restoration of civil magistrates; and to instil THE love of peace\n and justice into THE minds of THE Moguls. He struggled with THE\n barbarism of THE first conquerors; but his salutary lessons\n produced a rich harvest in THE second generation. 321 The\n norTHErn, and by degrees THE souTHErn, empire acquiesced in THE\n government of Cublai, THE lieutenant, and afterwards THE\n successor, of Mangou; and THE nation was loyal to a prince who\n had been educated in THE manners of China. He restored THE forms\n of her venerable constitution; and THE victors submitted to THE\n laws, THE fashions, and even THE prejudices, of THE vanquished\n people. This peaceful triumph, which has been more than once\n repeated, may be ascribed, in a great measure, to THE numbers and\n servitude of THE Chinese. The Mogul army was dissolved in a vast\n and populous country; and THEir emperors adopted with pleasure a\n political system, which gives to THE prince THE solid substance\n of despotism, and leaves to THE subject THE empty names of\n philosophy, freedom, and filial obedience. 322 Under THE reign of\n Cublai, letters and commerce, peace and justice, were restored;\n THE great canal, of five hundred miles, was opened from Nankin to\n THE capital: he fixed his residence at Pekin; and displayed in\n his court THE magnificence of THE greatest monarch of Asia. Yet\n this learned prince declined from THE pure and simple religion of\n his great ancestor: he sacrificed to THE idol Fo; and his blind\n attachment to THE lamas of Thibet and THE bonzes of China 33\n provoked THE censure of THE disciples of Confucius. His\n successors polluted THE palace with a crowd of eunuchs,\n physicians, and astrologers, while thirteen millions of THEir\n subjects were consumed in THE provinces by famine. One hundred\n and forty years after THE death of Zingis, his degenerate race,\n THE dynasty of THE Yuen, was expelled by a revolt of THE native\n Chinese; and THE Mogul emperors were lost in THE oblivion of THE\n desert. Before this revolution, THEy had forfeited THEir\n supremacy over THE dependent branches of THEir house, THE khans\n of Kipzak and Russia, THE khans of Zagatai, or Transoxiana, and\n THE khans of Iran or Persia. By THEir distance and power, THEse\n royal lieutenants had soon been released from THE duties of\n obedience; and after THE death of Cublai, THEy scorned to accept\n a sceptre or a title from his unworthy successors. According to\n THEir respective situations, THEy maintained THE simplicity of\n THE pastoral life, or assumed THE luxury of THE cities of Asia;\n but THE princes and THEir hordes were alike disposed for THE\n reception of a foreign worship. After some hesitation between THE\n Gospel and THE Koran, THEy conformed to THE religion of Mahomet;\n and while THEy adopted for THEir brethren THE Arabs and Persians,\n THEy renounced all intercourse with THE ancient Moguls, THE\n idolaters of China.\n\n 31 (return) [ The Map of D’Anville and THE Chinese Itineraries\n (De Guignes, tom. i. part ii. p. 57) seem to mark THE position of\n Holin, or Caracorum, about six hundred miles to THE north-west of\n Pekin. The distance between Selinginsky and Pekin is near 2000\n Russian versts, between 1300 and 1400 English miles, (Bell’s\n Travels, vol. ii. p. 67.)]\n\n 32 (return) [ Rubruquis found at Caracorum his _countryman\n Guillaume Boucher, orfevre de Paris_, who had executed for THE\n khan a silver tree supported by four lions, and ejecting four\n different liquors. Abulghazi (part iv. p. 366) mentions THE\n painters of Kitay or China.]\n\n 321 (return) [ See THE interesting sketch of THE life of this\n minister (Yelin-Thsouthsai) in THE second volume of THE second\n series of Recherches Asiatiques, par A Remusat, p. 64.—M.]\n\n 322 (return) [ Compare Hist. des Mongols, p. 616.—M.]\n\n 33 (return) [ The attachment of THE khans, and THE hatred of THE\n mandarins, to THE bonzes and lamas (Duhalde, Hist. de la Chine,\n tom. i. p. 502, 503) seems to represent THEm as THE priests of\n THE same god, of THE Indian _Fo_, whose worship prevails among\n THE sects of Hindostan Siam, Thibet, China, and Japan. But this\n mysterious subject is still lost in a cloud, which THE\n researchers of our Asiatic Society may gradually dispel.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXIV: Moguls, Ottoman Turks.—Part III.\n\n In this shipwreck of nations, some surprise may be excited by THE\n escape of THE Roman empire, whose relics, at THE time of THE\n Mogul invasion, were dismembered by THE Greeks and Latins. Less\n potent than Alexander, THEy were pressed, like THE Macedonian,\n both in Europe and Asia, by THE shepherds of Scythia; and had THE\n Tartars undertaken THE siege, Constantinople must have yielded to\n THE fate of Pekin, Samarcand, and Bagdad. The glorious and\n voluntary retreat of Batou from THE Danube was insulted by THE\n vain triumph of THE Franks and Greeks; 34 and in a second\n expedition death surprised him in full march to attack THE\n capital of THE Cæsars. His broTHEr Borga carried THE Tartar arms\n into Bulgaria and Thrace; but he was diverted from THE Byzantine\n war by a visit to Novogorod, in THE fifty-seventh degree of\n latitude, where he numbered THE inhabitants and regulated THE\n tributes of Russia. The Mogul khan formed an alliance with THE\n Mamalukes against his brethren of Persia: three hundred thousand\n horse penetrated through THE gates of Derbend; and THE Greeks\n might rejoice in THE first example of domestic war. After THE\n recovery of Constantinople, Michael Palæologus, 35 at a distance\n from his court and army, was surprised and surrounded in a\n Thracian castle, by twenty thousand Tartars. But THE object of\n THEir march was a private interest: THEy came to THE deliverance\n of Azzadin, THE Turkish sultan; and were content with his person\n and THE treasure of THE emperor. Their general Noga, whose name\n is perpetuated in THE hordes of Astracan, raised a formidable\n rebellion against Mengo Timour, THE third of THE khans of Kipzak;\n obtained in marriage Maria, THE natural daughter of Palæologus;\n and guarded THE dominions of his friend and faTHEr. The\n subsequent invasions of a Scythian cast were those of outlaws and\n fugitives: and some thousands of Alani and Comans, who had been\n driven from THEir native seats, were reclaimed from a vagrant\n life, and enlisted in THE service of THE empire. Such was THE\n influence in Europe of THE invasion of THE Moguls. The first\n terror of THEir arms secured, raTHEr than disturbed, THE peace of\n THE Roman Asia. The sultan of Iconium solicited a personal\n interview with John Vataces; and his artful policy encouraged THE\n Turks to defend THEir barrier against THE common enemy. 36 That\n barrier indeed was soon overthrown; and THE servitude and ruin of\n THE Seljukians exposed THE nakedness of THE Greeks. The\n formidable Holagou threatened to march to Constantinople at THE\n head of four hundred thousand men; and THE groundless panic of\n THE citizens of Nice will present an image of THE terror which he\n had inspired. The accident of a procession, and THE sound of a\n doleful litany, “From THE fury of THE Tartars, good Lord, deliver\n us,” had scattered THE hasty report of an assault and massacre.\n In THE blind credulity of fear, THE streets of Nice were crowded\n with thousands of both sexes, who knew not from what or to whom\n THEy fled; and some hours elapsed before THE firmness of THE\n military officers could relieve THE city from this imaginary foe.\n But THE ambition of Holagou and his successors was fortunately\n diverted by THE conquest of Bagdad, and a long vicissitude of\n Syrian wars; THEir hostility to THE Moslems inclined THEm to\n unite with THE Greeks and Franks; 37 and THEir generosity or\n contempt had offered THE kingdom of Anatolia as THE reward of an\n Armenian vassal. The fragments of THE Seljukian monarchy were\n disputed by THE emirs who had occupied THE cities or THE\n mountains; but THEy all confessed THE supremacy of THE khans of\n Persia; and he often interposed his authority, and sometimes his\n arms, to check THEir depredations, and to preserve THE peace and\n balance of his Turkish frontier. The death of Cazan, 38 one of\n THE greatest and most accomplished princes of THE house of\n Zingis, removed this salutary control; and THE decline of THE\n Moguls gave a free scope to THE rise and progress of THE Ottoman\n Empire. 39\n\n 34 (return) [ Some repulse of THE Moguls in Hungary (MatTHEw\n Paris, p. 545, 546) might propagate and color THE report of THE\n union and victory of THE kings of THE Franks on THE confines of\n Bulgaria. Abulpharagius (Dynast. p. 310) after forty years,\n beyond THE Tigris, might be easily deceived.]\n\n 35 (return) [ See Pachymer, l. iii. c. 25, and l. ix. c. 26, 27;\n and THE false alarm at Nice, l. iii. c. 27. Nicephorus Gregoras,\n l. iv. c. 6.]\n\n 36 (return) [ G. Acropolita, p. 36, 37. Nic. Greg. l. ii. c. 6,\n l. iv. c. 5.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Abulpharagius, who wrote in THE year 1284, declares\n that THE Moguls, since THE fabulous defeat of Batou, had not\n attacked eiTHEr THE Franks or Greeks; and of this he is a\n competent witness. Hayton likewise, THE Armenian prince,\n celebrates THEir friendship for himself and his nation.]\n\n 38 (return) [ Pachymer gives a splendid character of Cazan Khan,\n THE rival of Cyrus and Alexander, (l. xii. c. 1.) In THE\n conclusion of his history (l. xiii. c. 36) he _hopes_ much from\n THE arrival of 30,000 Tochars, or Tartars, who were ordered by\n THE successor of Cazan to restrain THE Turks of Bithynia, A.D.\n 1308.]\n\n 39 (return) [ The origin of THE Ottoman dynasty is illustrated by\n THE critical learning of Mm. De Guignes (Hist. des Huns, tom. iv.\n p. 329—337) and D’Anville, (Empire Turc, p. 14—22,) two\n inhabitants of Paris, from whom THE Orientals may learn THE\n history and geography of THEir own country. * Note: They may be\n still more enlightened by THE Geschichte des Osman Reiches, by M.\n von Hammer Purgstall of Vienna.—M.]\n\n After THE retreat of Zingis, THE sultan Gelaleddin of Carizme had\n returned from India to THE possession and defence of his Persian\n kingdoms. In THE space of eleven years, that hero fought in\n person fourteen battles; and such was his activity, that he led\n his cavalry in seventeen days from Teflis to Kerman, a march of a\n thousand miles. Yet he was oppressed by THE jealousy of THE\n Moslem princes, and THE innumerable armies of THE Moguls; and\n after his last defeat, Gelaleddin perished ignobly in THE\n mountains of C\x9curdistan. His death dissolved a veteran and\n adventurous army, which included under THE name of Carizmians or\n Corasmins many Turkman hordes, that had attached THEmselves to\n THE sultan’s fortune. The bolder and more powerful chiefs invaded\n Syria, and violated THE holy sepulchre of Jerusalem: THE more\n humble engaged in THE service of Aladin, sultan of Iconium; and\n among THEse were THE obscure faTHErs of THE Ottoman line. They\n had formerly pitched THEir tents near THE souTHErn banks of THE\n Oxus, in THE plains of Mahan and Nesa; and it is somewhat\n remarkable, that THE same spot should have produced THE first\n authors of THE Parthian and Turkish empires. At THE head, or in\n THE rear, of a Carizmian army, Soliman Shah was drowned in THE\n passage of THE Euphrates: his son Orthogrul became THE soldier\n and subject of Aladin, and established at Surgut, on THE banks of\n THE Sangar, a camp of four hundred families or tents, whom he\n governed fifty-two years both in peace and war. He was THE faTHEr\n of Thaman, or Athman, whose Turkish name has been melted into THE\n appellation of THE caliph Othman; and if we describe that\n pastoral chief as a shepherd and a robber, we must separate from\n those characters all idea of ignominy and baseness. Othman\n possessed, and perhaps surpassed, THE ordinary virtues of a\n soldier; and THE circumstances of time and place were propitious\n to his independence and success. The Seljukian dynasty was no\n more; and THE distance and decline of THE Mogul khans soon\n enfranchised him from THE control of a superior. He was situate\n on THE verge of THE Greek empire: THE Koran sanctified his\n _gazi_, or holy war, against THE infidels; and THEir political\n errors unlocked THE passes of Mount Olympus, and invited him to\n descend into THE plains of Bithynia. Till THE reign of\n Palæologus, THEse passes had been vigilantly guarded by THE\n militia of THE country, who were repaid by THEir own safety and\n an exemption from taxes. The emperor abolished THEir privilege\n and assumed THEir office; but THE tribute was rigorously\n collected, THE custody of THE passes was neglected, and THE hardy\n mountaineers degenerated into a trembling crowd of peasants\n without spirit or discipline. It was on THE twenty-seventh of\n July, in THE year twelve hundred and ninety-nine of THE Christian\n æra, that Othman first invaded THE territory of Nicomedia; 40 and\n THE singular accuracy of THE date seems to disclose some\n foresight of THE rapid and destructive growth of THE monster. The\n annals of THE twenty-seven years of his reign would exhibit a\n repetition of THE same inroads; and his hereditary troops were\n multiplied in each campaign by THE accession of captives and\n volunteers. Instead of retreating to THE hills, he maintained THE\n most useful and defensive posts; fortified THE towns and castles\n which he had first pillaged; and renounced THE pastoral life for\n THE baths and palaces of his infant capitals. But it was not till\n Othman was oppressed by age and infirmities, that he received THE\n welcome news of THE conquest of Prusa, which had been surrendered\n by famine or treachery to THE arms of his son Orchan. The glory\n of Othman is chiefly founded on that of his descendants; but THE\n Turks have transcribed or composed a royal testament of his last\n counsels of justice and moderation. 41\n\n 40 (return) [ See Pachymer, l. x. c. 25, 26, l. xiii. c. 33, 34,\n 36; and concerning THE guard of THE mountains, l. i. c. 3—6:\n Nicephorus Gregoras, l. vii. c. l., and THE first book of\n Laonicus Chalcondyles, THE ATHEnian.]\n\n 41 (return) [ I am ignorant wheTHEr THE Turks have any writers\n older than Mahomet II., * nor can I reach beyond a meagre\n chronicle (Annales Turcici ad Annum 1550) translated by John\n Gaudier, and published by Leunclavius, (ad calcem Laonic.\n Chalcond. p. 311—350,) with copious pandects, or commentaries.\n The history of THE Growth and Decay (A.D. 1300—1683) of THE\n Othman empire was translated into English from THE Latin MS. of\n Demetrius Cantemir, prince of Moldavia, (London, 1734, in folio.)\n The author is guilty of strange blunders in Oriental history; but\n he was conversant with THE language, THE annals, and institutions\n of THE Turks. Cantemir partly draws his materials from THE\n Synopsis of Saadi Effendi of Larissa, dedicated in THE year 1696\n to Sultan Mustapha, and a valuable abridgment of THE original\n historians. In one of THE Ramblers, Dr. Johnson praises Knolles\n (a General History of THE Turks to THE present Year. London,\n 1603) as THE first of historians, unhappy only in THE choice of\n his subject. Yet I much doubt wheTHEr a partial and verbose\n compilation from Latin writers, thirteen hundred folio pages of\n speeches and battles, can eiTHEr instruct or amuse an enlightened\n age, which requires from THE historian some tincture of\n philosophy and criticism. Note: * We could have wished that M.\n von Hammer had given a more clear and distinct reply to this\n question of Gibbon. In a note, vol. i. p. 630. M. von Hammer\n shows that THEy had not only sheiks (religious writers) and\n learned lawyers, but poets and authors on medicine. But THE\n inquiry of Gibbon obviously refers to historians. The oldest of\n THEir historical works, of which V. Hammer makes use, is THE\n “Tarichi Aaschik Paschasade,” i. e. THE History of THE Great\n Grandson of Aaschik Pasha, who was a dervis and celebrated\n ascetic poet in THE reign of Murad (Amurath) I. Ahmed, THE author\n of THE work, lived during THE reign of Bajazet II., but, he says,\n derived much information from THE book of Scheik Jachshi, THE son\n of Elias, who was Imaum to Sultan Orchan, (THE second Ottoman\n king) and who related, from THE lips of his faTHEr, THE\n circumstances of THE earliest Ottoman history. This book (having\n searched for it in vain for five-and-twenty years) our author\n found at length in THE Vatican. All THE oTHEr Turkish histories\n on his list, as indeed this, were _written_ during THE reign of\n Mahomet II. It does not appear wheTHEr any of THE rest cite\n earlier authorities of equal value with that claimed by THE\n “Tarichi Aaschik Paschasade.”—M. (in Quarterly Review, vol. xlix.\n p. 292.)]\n\n From THE conquest of Prusa, we may date THE true æra of THE\n Ottoman empire. The lives and possessions of THE Christian\n subjects were redeemed by a tribute or ransom of thirty thousand\n crowns of gold; and THE city, by THE labors of Orchan, assumed\n THE aspect of a Mahometan capital; Prusa was decorated with a\n mosque, a college, and a hospital, of royal foundation; THE\n Seljukian coin was changed for THE name and impression of THE new\n dynasty: and THE most skilful professors, of human and divine\n knowledge, attracted THE Persian and Arabian students from THE\n ancient schools of Oriental learning. The office of vizier was\n instituted for Aladin, THE broTHEr of Orchan; 411 and a different\n habit distinguished THE citizens from THE peasants, THE Moslems\n from THE infidels. All THE troops of Othman had consisted of\n loose squadrons of Turkman cavalry; who served without pay and\n fought without discipline: but a regular body of infantry was\n first established and trained by THE prudence of his son. A great\n number of volunteers was enrolled with a small stipend, but with\n THE permission of living at home, unless THEy were summoned to\n THE field: THEir rude manners, and seditious temper, disposed\n Orchan to educate his young captives as his soldiers and those of\n THE prophet; but THE Turkish peasants were still allowed to mount\n on horseback, and follow his standard, with THE appellation and\n THE hopes of _freebooters_. 412 By THEse arts he formed an army\n of twenty-five thousand Moslems: a train of battering engines was\n framed for THE use of sieges; and THE first successful experiment\n was made on THE cities of Nice and Nicomedia. Orchan granted a\n safe-conduct to all who were desirous of departing with THEir\n families and effects; but THE widows of THE slain were given in\n marriage to THE conquerors; and THE sacrilegious plunder, THE\n books, THE vases, and THE images, were sold or ransomed at\n Constantinople. The emperor Andronicus THE Younger was vanquished\n and wounded by THE son of Othman: 42 421 he subdued THE whole\n province or kingdom of Bithynia, as far as THE shores of THE\n Bosphorus and Hellespont; and THE Christians confessed THE\n justice and clemency of a reign which claimed THE voluntary\n attachment of THE Turks of Asia. Yet Orchan was content with THE\n modest title of emir; and in THE list of his compeers, THE\n princes of Roum or Anatolia, 43 his military forces were\n surpassed by THE emirs of Ghermian and Caramania, each of whom\n could bring into THE field an army of forty thousand men. Their\n domains were situate in THE heart of THE Seljukian kingdom; but\n THE holy warriors, though of inferior note, who formed new\n principalities on THE Greek empire, are more conspicuous in THE\n light of history. The maritime country from THE Propontis to THE\n Mæander and THE Isle of Rhodes, so long threatened and so often\n pillaged, was finally lost about THE thirteenth year of\n Andronicus THE Elder. 44 Two Turkish chieftains, Sarukhan and\n Aidin, left THEir names to THEir conquests, and THEir conquests\n to THEir posterity. The captivity or ruin of THE _seven_ churches\n of Asia was consummated; and THE barbarous lords of Ionia and\n Lydia still trample on THE monuments of classic and Christian\n antiquity. In THE loss of Ephesus, THE Christians deplored THE\n fall of THE first angel, THE extinction of THE first candlestick,\n of THE Revelations; 45 THE desolation is complete; and THE temple\n of Diana, or THE church of Mary, will equally elude THE search of\n THE curious traveller. The circus and three stately THEatres of\n Laodicea are now peopled with wolves and foxes; Sardes is reduced\n to a miserable village; THE God of Mahomet, without a rival or a\n son, is invoked in THE mosques of Thyatira and Pergamus; and THE\n populousness of Smyrna is supported by THE foreign trade of THE\n Franks and Armenians. Philadelphia alone has been saved by\n prophecy, or courage. At a distance from THE sea, forgotten by\n THE emperors, encompassed on all sides by THE Turks, her valiant\n citizens defended THEir religion and freedom above fourscore\n years; and at length capitulated with THE proudest of THE\n Ottomans. Among THE Greek colonies and churches of Asia,\n Philadelphia is still erect; a column in a scene of ruins; a\n pleasing example, that THE paths of honor and safety may\n sometimes be THE same. The servitude of Rhodes was delayed about\n two centuries by THE establishment of THE knights of St. John of\n Jerusalem: 46 under THE discipline of THE order, that island\n emerged into fame and opulence; THE noble and warlike monks were\n renowned by land and sea: and THE bulwark of Christendom\n provoked, and repelled, THE arms of THE Turks and Saracens.\n\n 411 (return) [ Von Hammer, Osm. Geschichte, vol. i. p. 82.—M.]\n\n 412 (return) [ Ibid. p. 91.—M.]\n\n 42 (return) [ Cantacuzene, though he relates THE battle and\n heroic flight of THE younger Andronicus, (l. ii. c. 6, 7, 8,)\n dissembles by his silence THE loss of Prusa, Nice, and Nicomedia,\n which are fairly confessed by Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. viii. 15,\n ix. 9, 13, xi. 6.) It appears that Nice was taken by Orchan in\n 1330, and Nicomedia in 1339, which are somewhat different from\n THE Turkish dates.]\n\n 421 (return) [ For THE conquests of Orchan over THE ten\n pachaliks, or kingdoms of THE Seljukians, in Asia Minor. see V.\n Hammer, vol. i. p. 112.—M.]\n\n 43 (return) [ The partition of THE Turkish emirs is extracted\n from two contemporaries, THE Greek Nicephorus Gregoras (l. vii.\n 1) and THE Arabian Marakeschi, (De Guignes, tom. ii. P. ii. p.\n 76, 77.) See likewise THE first book of Laonicus Chalcondyles.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Pachymer, l. xiii. c. 13.]\n\n 45 (return) [ See THE Travels of Wheeler and Spon, of Pocock and\n Chandler, and more particularly Smith’s Survey of THE Seven\n Churches of Asia, p. 205—276. The more pious antiquaries labor to\n reconcile THE promises and threats of THE author of THE\n Revelations with THE _present_ state of THE seven cities. Perhaps\n it would be more prudent to confine his predictions to THE\n characters and events of his own times.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Consult THE ivth book of THE Histoire de l’Ordre de\n MalTHE, par l’Abbé de Vertot. That pleasing writer betrays his\n ignorance, in supposing that Othman, a freebooter of THE\n Bithynian hills, could besiege Rhodes by sea and land.]\n\n The Greeks, by THEir intestine divisions, were THE authors of\n THEir final ruin. During THE civil wars of THE elder and younger\n Andronicus, THE son of Othman achieved, almost without\n resistance, THE conquest of Bithynia; and THE same disorders\n encouraged THE Turkish emirs of Lydia and Ionia to build a fleet,\n and to pillage THE adjacent islands and THE sea-coast of Europe.\n In THE defence of his life and honor, Cantacuzene was tempted to\n prevent, or imitate, his adversaries, by calling to his aid THE\n public enemies of his religion and country. Amir, THE son of\n Aidin, concealed under a Turkish garb THE humanity and politeness\n of a Greek; he was united with THE great domestic by mutual\n esteem and reciprocal services; and THEir friendship is compared,\n in THE vain rhetoric of THE times, to THE perfect union of\n Orestes and Pylades. 47 On THE report of THE danger of his\n friend, who was persecuted by an ungrateful court, THE prince of\n Ionia assembled at Smyrna a fleet of three hundred vessels, with\n an army of twenty-nine thousand men; sailed in THE depth of\n winter, and cast anchor at THE mouth of THE Hebrus. From THEnce,\n with a chosen band of two thousand Turks, he marched along THE\n banks of THE river, and rescued THE empress, who was besieged in\n Demotica by THE wild Bulgarians. At that disastrous moment, THE\n life or death of his beloved Cantacuzene was concealed by his\n flight into Servia: but THE grateful Irene, impatient to behold\n her deliverer, invited him to enter THE city, and accompanied her\n message with a present of rich apparel and a hundred horses. By a\n peculiar strain of delicacy, THE Gentle Barbarian refused, in THE\n absence of an unfortunate friend, to visit his wife, or to taste\n THE luxuries of THE palace; sustained in his tent THE rigor of\n THE winter; and rejected THE hospitable gift, that he might share\n THE hardships of two thousand companions, all as deserving as\n himself of that honor and distinction. Necessity and revenge\n might justify his predatory excursions by sea and land: he left\n nine thousand five hundred men for THE guard of his fleet; and\n persevered in THE fruitless search of Cantacuzene, till his\n embarkation was hastened by a fictitious letter, THE severity of\n THE season, THE clamors of his independent troops, and THE weight\n of his spoil and captives. In THE prosecution of THE civil war,\n THE prince of Ionia twice returned to Europe; joined his arms\n with those of THE emperor; besieged Thessalonica, and threatened\n Constantinople. Calumny might affix some reproach on his\n imperfect aid, his hasty departure, and a bribe of ten thousand\n crowns, which he accepted from THE Byzantine court; but his\n friend was satisfied; and THE conduct of Amir is excused by THE\n more sacred duty of defending against THE Latins his hereditary\n dominions. The maritime power of THE Turks had united THE pope,\n THE king of Cyprus, THE republic of Venice, and THE order of St.\n John, in a laudable crusade; THEir galleys invaded THE coast of\n Ionia; and Amir was slain with an arrow, in THE attempt to wrest\n from THE Rhodian knights THE citadel of Smyrna. 48 Before his\n death, he generously recommended anoTHEr ally of his own nation;\n not more sincere or zealous than himself, but more able to afford\n a prompt and powerful succor, by his situation along THE\n Propontis and in THE front of Constantinople. By THE prospect of\n a more advantageous treaty, THE Turkish prince of Bithynia was\n detached from his engagements with Anne of Savoy; and THE pride\n of Orchan dictated THE most solemn protestations, that if he\n could obtain THE daughter of Cantacuzene, he would invariably\n fulfil THE duties of a subject and a son. Parental tenderness was\n silenced by THE voice of ambition: THE Greek clergy connived at\n THE marriage of a Christian princess with a sectary of Mahomet;\n and THE faTHEr of Theodora describes, with shameful satisfaction,\n THE dishonor of THE purple. 49 A body of Turkish cavalry attended\n THE ambassadors, who disembarked from thirty vessels, before his\n camp of Selybria. A stately pavilion was erected, in which THE\n empress Irene passed THE night with her daughters. In THE\n morning, Theodora ascended a throne, which was surrounded with\n curtains of silk and gold: THE troops were under arms; but THE\n emperor alone was on horseback. At a signal THE curtains were\n suddenly withdrawn to disclose THE bride, or THE victim,\n encircled by kneeling eunuchs and hymeneal torches: THE sound of\n flutes and trumpets proclaimed THE joyful event; and her\n pretended happiness was THE THEme of THE nuptial song, which was\n chanted by such poets as THE age could produce. Without THE rites\n of THE church, Theodora was delivered to her barbarous lord: but\n it had been stipulated, that she should preserve her religion in\n THE harem of Bursa; and her faTHEr celebrates her charity and\n devotion in this ambiguous situation. After his peaceful\n establishment on THE throne of Constantinople, THE Greek emperor\n visited his Turkish ally, who with four sons, by various wives,\n expected him at Scutari, on THE Asiatic shore. The two princes\n partook, with seeming cordiality, of THE pleasures of THE banquet\n and THE chase; and Theodora was permitted to repass THE\n Bosphorus, and to enjoy some days in THE society of her moTHEr.\n But THE friendship of Orchan was subservient to his religion and\n interest; and in THE Genoese war he joined without a blush THE\n enemies of Cantacuzene.\n\n 47 (return) [ Nicephorus Gregoras has expatiated with pleasure on\n this amiable character, (l. xii. 7, xiii. 4, 10, xiv. 1, 9, xvi.\n 6.) Cantacuzene speaks with honor and esteem of his ally, (l.\n iii. c. 56, 57, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 86, 89, 95, 96;) but he seems\n ignorant of his own sentimental passion for THE Turks, and\n indirectly denies THE possibility of such unnatural friendship,\n (l. iv. c. 40.)]\n\n 48 (return) [ After THE conquest of Smyrna by THE Latins, THE\n defence of this fortress was imposed by Pope Gregory XI. on THE\n knights of Rhodes, (see Vertot, l. v.)]\n\n 49 (return) [ See Cantacuzenus, l. iii. c. 95. Nicephorus\n Gregoras, who, for THE light of Mount Thabor, brands THE emperor\n with THE names of tyrant and Herod, excuses, raTHEr than blames,\n this Turkish marriage, and alleges THE passion and power of\n Orchan, eggutatoV, kai th dunamo? touV kat’ auton hdh PersikouV\n (Turkish) uperairwn SatrapaV, (l. xv. 5.) He afterwards\n celebrates his kingdom and armies. See his reign in Cantemir, p.\n 24—30.]\n\n In THE treaty with THE empress Anne, THE Ottoman prince had\n inserted a singular condition, that it should be lawful for him\n to sell his prisoners at Constantinople, or transport THEm into\n Asia. A naked crowd of Christians of both sexes and every age, of\n priests and monks, of matrons and virgins, was exposed in THE\n public market; THE whip was frequently used to quicken THE\n charity of redemption; and THE indigent Greeks deplored THE fate\n of THEir brethren, who were led away to THE worst evils of\n temporal and spiritual bondage 50 Cantacuzene was reduced to\n subscribe THE same terms; and THEir execution must have been\n still more pernicious to THE empire: a body of ten thousand Turks\n had been detached to THE assistance of THE empress Anne; but THE\n entire forces of Orchan were exerted in THE service of his\n faTHEr. Yet THEse calamities were of a transient nature; as soon\n as THE storm had passed away, THE fugitives might return to THEir\n habitations; and at THE conclusion of THE civil and foreign wars,\n Europe was completely evacuated by THE Moslems of Asia. It was in\n his last quarrel with his pupil that Cantacuzene inflicted THE\n deep and deadly wound, which could never be healed by his\n successors, and which is poorly expiated by his THEological\n dialogues against THE prophet Mahomet. Ignorant of THEir own\n history, THE modern Turks confound THEir first and THEir final\n passage of THE Hellespont, 51 and describe THE son of Orchan as a\n nocturnal robber, who, with eighty companions, explores by\n stratagem a hostile and unknown shore. Soliman, at THE head of\n ten thousand horse, was transported in THE vessels, and\n entertained as THE friend, of THE Greek emperor. In THE civil\n wars of Romania, he performed some service and perpetrated more\n mischief; but THE Chersonesus was insensibly filled with a\n Turkish colony; and THE Byzantine court solicited in vain THE\n restitution of THE fortresses of Thrace. After some artful delays\n between THE Ottoman prince and his son, THEir ransom was valued\n at sixty thousand crowns, and THE first payment had been made\n when an earthquake shook THE walls and cities of THE provinces;\n THE dismantled places were occupied by THE Turks; and Gallipoli,\n THE key of THE Hellespont, was rebuilt and repeopled by THE\n policy of Soliman. The abdication of Cantacuzene dissolved THE\n feeble bands of domestic alliance; and his last advice admonished\n his countrymen to decline a rash contest, and to compare THEir\n own weakness with THE numbers and valor, THE discipline and\n enthusiasm, of THE Moslems. His prudent counsels were despised by\n THE headstrong vanity of youth, and soon justified by THE\n victories of THE Ottomans. But as he practised in THE field THE\n exercise of THE _jerid_, Soliman was killed by a fall from his\n horse; and THE aged Orchan wept and expired on THE tomb of his\n valiant son. 511\n\n 50 (return) [ The most lively and concise picture of this\n captivity may be found in THE history of Ducas, (c. 8,) who\n fairly describes what Cantacuzene confesses with a guilty blush!]\n\n 51 (return) [ In this passage, and THE first conquests in Europe,\n Cantemir (p. 27, &c.) gives a miserable idea of his Turkish\n guides; nor am I much better satisfied with Chalcondyles, (l. i.\n p. 12, &c.) They forget to consult THE most auTHEntic record, THE\n ivth book of Cantacuzene. I likewise regret THE last books, which\n are still manuscript, of Nicephorus Gregoras. * Note: Von Hammer\n excuses THE silence with which THE Turkish historians pass over\n THE earlier intercourse of THE Ottomans with THE European\n continent, of which he enumerates sixteen different occasions, as\n if THEy disdained those peaceful incursions by which THEy gained\n no conquest, and established no permanent footing on THE\n Byzantine territory. Of THE romantic account of Soliman’s first\n expedition, he says, “As yet THE prose of history had not\n asserted its right over THE poetry of tradition.” This defence\n would scarcely be accepted as satisfactory by THE historian of\n THE Decline and Fall.—M. (in Quarterly Review, vol. xlix. p.\n 293.)]\n\n 511 (return) [ In THE 75th year of his age, THE 35th of his\n reign. V. Hammer. M.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXIV: Moguls, Ottoman Turks.—Part IV.\n\n But THE Greeks had not time to rejoice in THE death of THEir\n enemies; and THE Turkish cimeter was wielded with THE same spirit\n by Amurath THE First, THE son of Orchan, and THE broTHEr of\n Soliman. By THE pale and fainting light of THE Byzantine annals,\n 52 we can discern, that he subdued without resistance THE whole\n province of Romania or Thrace, from THE Hellespont to Mount\n Hæmus, and THE verge of THE capital; and that Adrianople was\n chosen for THE royal seat of his government and religion in\n Europe. Constantinople, whose decline is almost coeval with her\n foundation, had often, in THE lapse of a thousand years, been\n assaulted by THE Barbarians of THE East and West; but never till\n this fatal hour had THE Greeks been surrounded, both in Asia and\n Europe, by THE arms of THE same hostile monarchy. Yet THE\n prudence or generosity of Amurath postponed for a while this easy\n conquest; and his pride was satisfied with THE frequent and\n humble attendance of THE emperor John Palæologus and his four\n sons, who followed at his summons THE court and camp of THE\n Ottoman prince. He marched against THE Sclavonian nations between\n THE Danube and THE Adriatic, THE Bulgarians, Servians, Bosnians,\n and Albanians; and THEse warlike tribes, who had so often\n insulted THE majesty of THE empire, were repeatedly broken by his\n destructive inroads. Their countries did not abound eiTHEr in\n gold or silver; nor were THEir rustic hamlets and townships\n enriched by commerce or decorated by THE arts of luxury. But THE\n natives of THE soil have been distinguished in every age by THEir\n hardiness of mind and body; and THEy were converted by a prudent\n institution into THE firmest and most faithful supporters of THE\n Ottoman greatness. 53 The vizier of Amurath reminded his\n sovereign that, according to THE Mahometan law, he was entitled\n to a fifth part of THE spoil and captives; and that THE duty\n might easily be levied, if vigilant officers were stationed in\n Gallipoli, to watch THE passage, and to select for his use THE\n stoutest and most beautiful of THE Christian youth. The advice\n was followed: THE edict was proclaimed; many thousands of THE\n European captives were educated in religion and arms; and THE new\n militia was consecrated and named by a celebrated dervis.\n Standing in THE front of THEir ranks, he stretched THE sleeve of\n his gown over THE head of THE foremost soldier, and his blessing\n was delivered in THEse words: “Let THEm be called Janizaries,\n (_Yengi cheri_, or new soldiers;) may THEir countenance be ever\n bright! THEir hand victorious! THEir sword keen! may THEir spear\n always hang over THE heads of THEir enemies! and wheresoever THEy\n go, may THEy return with a _white face!_” 54 541 Such was THE\n origin of THEse haughty troops, THE terror of THE nations, and\n sometimes of THE sultans THEmselves. Their valor has declined,\n THEir discipline is relaxed, and THEir tumultuary array is\n incapable of contending with THE order and weapons of modern\n tactics; but at THE time of THEir institution, THEy possessed a\n decisive superiority in war; since a regular body of infantry, in\n constant exercise and pay, was not maintained by any of THE\n princes of Christendom. The Janizaries fought with THE zeal of\n proselytes against THEir _idolatrous_ countrymen; and in THE\n battle of Cossova, THE league and independence of THE Sclavonian\n tribes was finally crushed. As THE conqueror walked over THE\n field, he observed that THE greatest part of THE slain consisted\n of beardless youths; and listened to THE flattering reply of his\n vizier, that age and wisdom would have taught THEm not to oppose\n his irresistible arms. But THE sword of his Janizaries could not\n defend him from THE dagger of despair; a Servian soldier started\n from THE crowd of dead bodies, and Amurath was pierced in THE\n belly with a mortal wound. 542 The grandson of Othman was mild in\n his temper, modest in his apparel, and a lover of learning and\n virtue; but THE Moslems were scandalized at his absence from\n public worship; and he was corrected by THE firmness of THE\n mufti, who dared to reject his testimony in a civil cause: a\n mixture of servitude and freedom not unfrequent in Oriental\n history. 55\n\n 52 (return) [ After THE conclusion of Cantacuzene and Gregoras,\n THEre follows a dark interval of a hundred years. George Phranza,\n Michael Ducas, and Laonicus Chalcondyles, all three wrote after\n THE taking of Constantinople.]\n\n 53 (return) [ See Cantemir, p. 37—41, with his own large and\n curious annotations.]\n\n 54 (return) [ _White_ and _black_ face are common and proverbial\n expressions of praise and reproach in THE Turkish language. Hic\n _niger_ est, hunc tu Romane caveto, was likewise a Latin\n sentence.]\n\n 541 (return) [ According to Von Hammer. vol. i. p. 90, Gibbon and\n THE European writers assign too late a date to this enrolment of\n THE Janizaries. It took place not in THE reign of Amurath, but in\n that of his predecessor Orchan.—M.]\n\n 542 (return) [ Ducas has related this as a deliberate act of\n self-devotion on THE part of a Servian noble who pretended to\n desert, and stabbed Amurath during a conference which he had\n requested. The Italian translator of Ducas, published by Bekker\n in THE new edition of THE Byzantines, has still furTHEr\n heightened THE romance. See likewise in Von Hammer (Osmanische\n Geschichte, vol. i. p. 138) THE popular Servian account, which\n resembles that of Ducas, and may have been THE source of that of\n his Italian translator. The Turkish account agrees more nearly\n with Gibbon; but THE Servian, (Milosch Kohilovisch) while he lay\n among THE heap of THE dead, pretended to have some secret to\n impart to Amurath, and stabbed him while he leaned over to\n listen.—M.]\n\n 55 (return) [ See THE life and death of Morad, or Amurath I., in\n Cantemir, (p 33—45,) THE first book of Chalcondyles, and THE\n Annales Turcici of Leunclavius. According to anoTHEr story, THE\n sultan was stabbed by a Croat in his tent; and this accident was\n alleged to Busbequius (Epist i. p. 98) as an excuse for THE\n unworthy precaution of pinioning, as if were, between two\n attendants, an ambassador’s arms, when he is introduced to THE\n royal presence.]\n\n The character of Bajazet, THE son and successor of Amurath, is\n strongly expressed in his surname of _Ilderim_, or THE lightning;\n and he might glory in an epiTHEt, which was drawn from THE fiery\n energy of his soul and THE rapidity of his destructive march. In\n THE fourteen years of his reign, 56 he incessantly moved at THE\n head of his armies, from Boursa to Adrianople, from THE Danube to\n THE Euphrates; and, though he strenuously labored for THE\n propagation of THE law, he invaded, with impartial ambition, THE\n Christian and Mahometan princes of Europe and Asia. From Angora\n to Amasia and Erzeroum, THE norTHErn regions of Anatolia were\n reduced to his obedience: he stripped of THEir hereditary\n possessions his broTHEr emirs of Ghermian and Caramania, of Aidin\n and Sarukhan; and after THE conquest of Iconium THE ancient\n kingdom of THE Seljukians again revived in THE Ottoman dynasty.\n Nor were THE conquests of Bajazet less rapid or important in\n Europe. No sooner had he imposed a regular form of servitude on\n THE Servians and Bulgarians, than he passed THE Danube to seek\n new enemies and new subjects in THE heart of Moldavia. 57\n Whatever yet adhered to THE Greek empire in Thrace, Macedonia,\n and Thessaly, acknowledged a Turkish master: an obsequious bishop\n led him through THE gates of Thermopylæ into Greece; and we may\n observe, as a singular fact, that THE widow of a Spanish chief,\n who possessed THE ancient seat of THE oracle of Delphi, deserved\n his favor by THE sacrifice of a beauteous daughter. The Turkish\n communication between Europe and Asia had been dangerous and\n doubtful, till he stationed at Gallipoli a fleet of galleys, to\n command THE Hellespont and intercept THE Latin succors of\n Constantinople. While THE monarch indulged his passions in a\n boundless range of injustice and cruelty, he imposed on his\n soldiers THE most rigid laws of modesty and abstinence; and THE\n harvest was peaceably reaped and sold within THE precincts of his\n camp. Provoked by THE loose and corrupt administration of\n justice, he collected in a house THE judges and lawyers of his\n dominions, who expected that in a few moments THE fire would be\n kindled to reduce THEm to ashes. His ministers trembled in\n silence: but an Æthiopian buffoon presumed to insinuate THE true\n cause of THE evil; and future venality was left without excuse,\n by annexing an adequate salary to THE office of cadhi. 58 The\n humble title of emir was no longer suitable to THE Ottoman\n greatness; and Bajazet condescended to accept a patent of sultan\n from THE caliphs who served in Egypt under THE yoke of THE\n Mamalukes: 59 a last and frivolous homage that was yielded by\n force to opinion; by THE Turkish conquerors to THE house of Abbas\n and THE successors of THE Arabian prophet. The ambition of THE\n sultan was inflamed by THE obligation of deserving this august\n title; and he turned his arms against THE kingdom of Hungary, THE\n perpetual THEatre of THE Turkish victories and defeats.\n Sigismond, THE Hungarian king, was THE son and broTHEr of THE\n emperors of THE West: his cause was that of Europe and THE\n church; and, on THE report of his danger, THE bravest knights of\n France and Germany were eager to march under his standard and\n that of THE cross. In THE battle of Nicopolis, Bajazet defeated a\n confederate army of a hundred thousand Christians, who had\n proudly boasted, that if THE sky should fall, THEy could uphold\n it on THEir lances. The far greater part were slain or driven\n into THE Danube; and Sigismond, escaping to Constantinople by THE\n river and THE Black Sea, returned after a long circuit to his\n exhausted kingdom. 60 In THE pride of victory, Bajazet threatened\n that he would besiege Buda; that he would subdue THE adjacent\n countries of Germany and Italy, and that he would feed his horse\n with a bushel of oats on THE altar of St. Peter at Rome. His\n progress was checked, not by THE miraculous interposition of THE\n apostle, not by a crusade of THE Christian powers, but by a long\n and painful fit of THE gout. The disorders of THE moral, are\n sometimes corrected by those of THE physical, world; and an\n acrimonious humor falling on a single fibre of one man, may\n prevent or suspend THE misery of nations.\n\n 56 (return) [ The reign of Bajazet I., or Ilderim Bayazid, is\n contained in Cantemir, (p. 46,) THE iid book of Chalcondyles, and\n THE Annales Turcici. The surname of Ilderim, or lightning, is an\n example, that THE conquerors and poets of every age have _felt_\n THE truth of a system which derives THE sublime from THE\n principle of terror.]\n\n 57 (return) [ Cantemir, who celebrates THE victories of THE great\n Stephen over THE Turks, (p. 47,) had composed THE ancient and\n modern state of his principality of Moldavia, which has been long\n promised, and is still unpublished.]\n\n 58 (return) [ Leunclav. Annal. Turcici, p. 318, 319. The venality\n of THE cadhis has long been an object of scandal and satire; and\n if we distrust THE observations of our travellers, we may consult\n THE feeling of THE Turks THEmselves, (D’Herbelot, Bibliot.\n Orientale, p. 216, 217, 229, 230.)]\n\n 59 (return) [ The fact, which is attested by THE Arabic history\n of Ben Schounah, a contemporary Syrian, (De Guignes Hist. des\n Huns. tom. iv. p. 336.) destroys THE testimony of Saad Effendi\n and Cantemir, (p. 14, 15,) of THE election of Othman to THE\n dignity of sultan.]\n\n 60 (return) [ See THE Decades Rerum Hungaricarum (Dec. iii. l.\n ii. p. 379) of Bonfinius, an Italian, who, in THE xvth century,\n was invited into Hungary to compose an eloquent history of that\n kingdom. Yet, if it be extant and accessible, I should give THE\n preference to some homely chronicle of THE time and country.]\n\n Such is THE general idea of THE Hungarian war; but THE disastrous\n adventure of THE French has procured us some memorials which\n illustrate THE victory and character of Bajazet. 61 The duke of\n Burgundy, sovereign of Flanders, and uncle of Charles THE Sixth,\n yielded to THE ardor of his son, John count of Nevers; and THE\n fearless youth was accompanied by four princes, his _cousins_,\n and those of THE French monarch. Their inexperience was guided by\n THE Sire de Coucy, one of THE best and oldest captain of\n Christendom; 62 but THE constable, admiral, and marshal of France\n 63 commanded an army which did not exceed THE number of a\n thousand knights and squires. 631 These splendid names were THE\n source of presumption and THE bane of discipline. So many might\n aspire to command, that none were willing to obey; THEir national\n spirit despised both THEir enemies and THEir allies; and in THE\n persuasion that Bajazet _would_ fly, or _must_ fall, THEy began\n to compute how soon THEy should visit Constantinople and deliver\n THE holy sepulchre. When THEir scouts announced THE approach of\n THE Turks, THE gay and thoughtless youths were at table, already\n heated with wine; THEy instantly clasped THEir armor, mounted\n THEir horses, rode full speed to THE vanguard, and resented as an\n affront THE advice of Sigismond, which would have deprived THEm\n of THE right and honor of THE foremost attack. The battle of\n Nicopolis would not have been lost, if THE French would have\n obeyed THE prudence of THE Hungarians; but it might have been\n gloriously won, had THE Hungarians imitated THE valor of THE\n French. They dispersed THE first line, consisting of THE troops\n of Asia; forced a rampart of stakes, which had been planted\n against THE cavalry; broke, after a bloody conflict, THE\n Janizaries THEmselves; and were at length overwhelmed by THE\n numerous squadrons that issued from THE woods, and charged on all\n sides this handful of intrepid warriors. In THE speed and secrecy\n of his march, in THE order and evolutions of THE battle, his\n enemies felt and admired THE military talents of Bajazet. They\n accuse his cruelty in THE use of victory. After reserving THE\n count of Nevers, and four-and-twenty lords, 632 whose birth and\n riches were attested by his Latin interpreters, THE remainder of\n THE French captives, who had survived THE slaughter of THE day,\n were led before his throne; and, as THEy refused to abjure THEir\n faith, were successively beheaded in his presence. The sultan was\n exasperated by THE loss of his bravest Janizaries; and if it be\n true, that, on THE eve of THE engagement, THE French had\n massacred THEir Turkish prisoners, 64 THEy might impute to\n THEmselves THE consequences of a just retaliation. 641 A knight,\n whose life had been spared, was permitted to return to Paris,\n that he might relate THE deplorable tale, and solicit THE ransom\n of THE noble captives. In THE mean while, THE count of Nevers,\n with THE princes and barons of France, were dragged along in THE\n marches of THE Turkish camp, exposed as a grateful trophy to THE\n Moslems of Europe and Asia, and strictly confined at Boursa, as\n often as Bajazet resided in his capital. The sultan was pressed\n each day to expiate with THEir blood THE blood of his martyrs;\n but he had pronounced that THEy should live, and eiTHEr for mercy\n or destruction his word was irrevocable. He was assured of THEir\n value and importance by THE return of THE messenger, and THE\n gifts and intercessions of THE kings of France and of Cyprus.\n Lusignan presented him with a gold saltcellar of curious\n workmanship, and of THE price of ten thousand ducats; and Charles\n THE Sixth despatched by THE way of Hungary a cast of Norwegian\n hawks, and six horse-loads of scarlet cloth, of fine linen of\n Rheims, and of Arras tapestry, representing THE battles of THE\n great Alexander. After much delay, THE effect of distance raTHEr\n than of art, Bajazet agreed to accept a ransom of two hundred\n thousand ducats for THE count of Nevers and THE surviving princes\n and barons: THE marshal Boucicault, a famous warrior, was of THE\n number of THE fortunate; but THE admiral of France had been slain\n in battle; and THE constable, with THE Sire de Coucy, died in THE\n prison of Boursa. This heavy demand, which was doubled by\n incidental costs, fell chiefly on THE duke of Burgundy, or raTHEr\n on his Flemish subjects, who were bound by THE feudal laws to\n contribute for THE knighthood and captivity of THE eldest son of\n THEir lord. For THE faithful discharge of THE debt, some\n merchants of Genoa gave security to THE amount of five times THE\n sum; a lesson to those warlike times, that commerce and credit\n are THE links of THE society of nations. It had been stipulated\n in THE treaty, that THE French captives should swear never to\n bear arms against THE person of THEir conqueror; but THE\n ungenerous restraint was abolished by Bajazet himself. “I\n despise,” said he to THE heir of Burgundy, “thy oaths and thy\n arms. Thou art young, and mayest be ambitious of effacing THE\n disgrace or misfortune of thy first chivalry. Assemble thy\n powers, proclaim thy design, and be assured that Bajazet will\n rejoice to meet THEe a second time in a field of battle.” Before\n THEir departure, THEy were indulged in THE freedom and\n hospitality of THE court of Boursa. The French princes admired\n THE magnificence of THE Ottoman, whose hunting and hawking\n equipage was composed of seven thousand huntsmen and seven\n thousand falconers. 65 In THEir presence, and at his command, THE\n belly of one of his chamberlains was cut open, on a complaint\n against him for drinking THE goat’s milk of a poor woman. The\n strangers were astonished by this act of justice; but it was THE\n justice of a sultan who disdains to balance THE weight of\n evidence, or to measure THE degrees of guilt.\n\n 61 (return) [ I should not complain of THE labor of this work, if\n my materials were always derived from such books as THE chronicle\n of honest Froissard, (vol. iv. c. 67, 72, 74, 79—83, 85, 87, 89,)\n who read little, inquired much, and believed all. The original\n Mémoires of THE Maréchal de Boucicault (Partie i. c. 22—28) add\n some facts, but THEy are dry and deficient, if compared with THE\n pleasant garrulity of Froissard.]\n\n 62 (return) [ An accurate Memoir on THE Life of Enguerrand VII.,\n Sire de Coucy, has been given by THE Baron de Zurlauben, (Hist.\n de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xxv.) His rank and\n possessions were equally considerable in France and England; and,\n in 1375, he led an army of adventurers into Switzerland, to\n recover a large patrimony which he claimed in right of his\n grandmoTHEr, THE daughter of THE emperor Albert I. of Austria,\n (Sinner, Voyage dans la Suisse Occidentale, tom. i. p. 118—124.)]\n\n 63 (return) [ That military office, so respectable at present,\n was still more conspicuous when it was divided between two\n persons, (Daniel, Hist. de la Milice Françoise, tom. ii. p. 5.)\n One of THEse, THE marshal of THE crusade, was THE famous\n Boucicault, who afterwards defended Constantinople, governed\n Genoa, invaded THE coast of Asia, and died in THE field of\n Azincour.]\n\n 631 (return) [ Daru, Hist. de Venice, vol. ii. p. 104, makes THE\n whole French army amount to 10,000 men, of whom 1000 were\n knights. The curious volume of Schiltberger, a German of Munich,\n who was taken prisoner in THE battle, (edit. Munich, 1813,) and\n which V. Hammer receives as auTHEntic, gives THE whole number at\n 6000. See Schiltberger. Reise in dem Orient. and V. Hammer, note,\n p. 610.—M.]\n\n 632 (return) [ According to Schiltberger THEre were only twelve\n French lords granted to THE prayer of THE “duke of Burgundy,” and\n “Herr Stephan SynTHEr, and Johann von Bodem.” Schiltberger, p.\n 13.—M.]\n\n 64 (return) [ For this odious fact, THE Abbé de Vertot quotes THE\n Hist. Anonyme de St. Denys, l. xvi. c. 10, 11. (Ordre de MalTHE,\n tom. ii. p. 310.)]\n\n 641 (return) [ See Schiltberger’s very graphic account of THE\n massacre. He was led out to be slaughtered in cold blood with THE\n rest f THE Christian prisoners, amounting to 10,000. He was\n spared at THE intercession of THE son of Bajazet, with a few\n oTHErs, on account of THEir extreme youth. No one under 20 years\n of age was put to death. The “duke of Burgundy” was obliged to be\n a spectator of this butchery which lasted from early in THE\n morning till four o’clock, P. M. It ceased only at THE\n supplication of THE leaders of Bajazet’s army. Schiltberger, p.\n 14.—M.]\n\n 65 (return) [ Sherefeddin Ali (Hist. de Timour Bec, l. v. c. 13)\n allows Bajazet a round number of 12,000 officers and servants of\n THE chase. A part of his spoils was afterwards displayed in a\n hunting-match of Timour, l. hounds with satin housings; 2.\n leopards with collars set with jewels; 3. Grecian greyhounds; and\n 4, dogs from Europe, as strong as African lions, (idem, l. vi. c.\n 15.) Bajazet was particularly fond of flying his hawks at cranes,\n (Chalcondyles, l. ii. p. 85.)]\n\n After his enfranchisement from an oppressive guardian, John\n Palæologus remained thirty-six years, THE helpless, and, as it\n should seem, THE careless spectator of THE public ruin. 66 Love,\n or raTHEr lust, was his only vigorous passion; and in THE\n embraces of THE wives and virgins of THE city, THE Turkish slave\n forgot THE dishonor of THE emperor of THE _Romans_ Andronicus,\n his eldest son, had formed, at Adrianople, an intimate and guilty\n friendship with Sauzes, THE son of Amurath; and THE two youths\n conspired against THE authority and lives of THEir parents. The\n presence of Amurath in Europe soon discovered and dissipated\n THEir rash counsels; and, after depriving Sauzes of his sight,\n THE Ottoman threatened his vassal with THE treatment of an\n accomplice and an enemy, unless he inflicted a similar punishment\n on his own son. Palæologus trembled and obeyed; and a cruel\n precaution involved in THE same sentence THE childhood and\n innocence of John, THE son of THE criminal. But THE operation was\n so mildly, or so unskilfully, performed, that THE one retained\n THE sight of an eye, and THE oTHEr was afflicted only with THE\n infirmity of squinting. Thus excluded from THE succession, THE\n two princes were confined in THE tower of Anema; and THE piety of\n Manuel, THE second son of THE reigning monarch, was rewarded with\n THE gift of THE Imperial crown. But at THE end of two years, THE\n turbulence of THE Latins and THE levity of THE Greeks, produced a\n revolution; 661 and THE two emperors were buried in THE tower\n from whence THE two prisoners were exalted to THE throne. AnoTHEr\n period of two years afforded Palæologus and Manuel THE means of\n escape: it was contrived by THE magic or subtlety of a monk, who\n was alternately named THE angel or THE devil: THEy fled to\n Scutari; THEir adherents armed in THEir cause; and THE two\n Byzantine factions displayed THE ambition and animosity with\n which Cæsar and Pompey had disputed THE empire of THE world. The\n Roman world was now contracted to a corner of Thrace, between THE\n Propontis and THE Black Sea, about fifty miles in length and\n thirty in breadth; a space of ground not more extensive than THE\n lesser principalities of Germany or Italy, if THE remains of\n Constantinople had not still represented THE wealth and\n populousness of a kingdom. To restore THE public peace, it was\n found necessary to divide this fragment of THE empire; and while\n Palæologus and Manuel were left in possession of THE capital,\n almost all that lay without THE walls was ceded to THE blind\n princes, who fixed THEir residence at Rhodosto and Selybria. In\n THE tranquil slumber of royalty, THE passions of John Palæologus\n survived his reason and his strength: he deprived his favorite\n and heir of a blooming princess of Trebizond; and while THE\n feeble emperor labored to consummate his nuptials, Manuel, with a\n hundred of THE noblest Greeks, was sent on a peremptory summons\n to THE Ottoman _porte_. They served with honor in THE wars of\n Bajazet; but a plan of fortifying Constantinople excited his\n jealousy: he threatened THEir lives; THE new works were instantly\n demolished; and we shall bestow a praise, perhaps above THE merit\n of Palæologus, if we impute this last humiliation as THE cause of\n his death.\n\n 66 (return) [ For THE reigns of John Palæologus and his son\n Manuel, from 1354 to 1402, see Ducas, c. 9—15, Phranza, l. i. c.\n 16—21, and THE ist and iid books of Chalcondyles, whose proper\n subject is drowned in a sea of episode.]\n\n 661 (return) [ According to Von Hammer it was THE power of\n Bajazet, vol. i. p. 218.]\n\n The earliest intelligence of that event was communicated to\n Manuel, who escaped with speed and secrecy from THE palace of\n Boursa to THE Byzantine throne. Bajazet affected a proud\n indifference at THE loss of this valuable pledge; and while he\n pursued his conquests in Europe and Asia, he left THE emperor to\n struggle with his blind cousin John of Selybria, who, in eight\n years of civil war, asserted his right of primogeniture. At\n length, THE ambition of THE victorious sultan pointed to THE\n conquest of Constantinople; but he listened to THE advice of his\n vizier, who represented that such an enterprise might unite THE\n powers of Christendom in a second and more formidable crusade.\n His epistle to THE emperor was conceived in THEse words: “By THE\n divine clemency, our invincible cimeter has reduced to our\n obedience almost all Asia, with many and large countries in\n Europe, excepting only THE city of Constantinople; for beyond THE\n walls thou hast nothing left. Resign that city; stipulate thy\n reward; or tremble, for thyself and thy unhappy people, at THE\n consequences of a rash refusal.” But his ambassadors were\n instructed to soften THEir tone, and to propose a treaty, which\n was subscribed with submission and gratitude. A truce of ten\n years was purchased by an annual tribute of thirty thousand\n crowns of gold; THE Greeks deplored THE public toleration of THE\n law of Mahomet, and Bajazet enjoyed THE glory of establishing a\n Turkish cadhi, and founding a royal mosque in THE metropolis of\n THE Eastern church. 67 Yet this truce was soon violated by THE\n restless sultan: in THE cause of THE prince of Selybria, THE\n lawful emperor, an army of Ottomans again threatened\n Constantinople; and THE distress of Manuel implored THE\n protection of THE king of France. His plaintive embassy obtained\n much pity and some relief; and THE conduct of THE succor was\n intrusted to THE marshal Boucicault, 68 whose religious chivalry\n was inflamed by THE desire of revenging his captivity on THE\n infidels. He sailed with four ships of war, from Aiguesmortes to\n THE Hellespont; forced THE passage, which was guarded by\n seventeen Turkish galleys; landed at Constantinople a supply of\n six hundred men-at-arms and sixteen hundred archers; and reviewed\n THEm in THE adjacent plain, without condescending to number or\n array THE multitude of Greeks. By his presence, THE blockade was\n raised both by sea and land; THE flying squadrons of Bajazet were\n driven to a more respectful distance; and several castles in\n Europe and Asia were stormed by THE emperor and THE marshal, who\n fought with equal valor by each oTHEr’s side. But THE Ottomans\n soon returned with an increase of numbers; and THE intrepid\n Boucicault, after a year’s struggle, resolved to evacuate a\n country which could no longer afford eiTHEr pay or provisions for\n his soldiers. The marshal offered to conduct Manuel to THE French\n court, where he might solicit in person a supply of men and\n money; and advised, in THE mean while, that, to extinguish all\n domestic discord, he should leave his blind competitor on THE\n throne. The proposal was embraced: THE prince of Selybria was\n introduced to THE capital; and such was THE public misery, that\n THE lot of THE exile seemed more fortunate than that of THE\n sovereign. Instead of applauding THE success of his vassal, THE\n Turkish sultan claimed THE city as his own; and on THE refusal of\n THE emperor John, Constantinople was more closely pressed by THE\n calamities of war and famine. Against such an enemy prayers and\n resistance were alike unavailing; and THE savage would have\n devoured his prey, if, in THE fatal moment, he had not been\n overthrown by anoTHEr savage stronger than himself. By THE\n victory of Timour or Tamerlane, THE fall of Constantinople was\n delayed about fifty years; and this important, though accidental,\n service may justly introduce THE life and character of THE Mogul\n conqueror.\n\n 67 (return) [ Cantemir, p. 50—53. Of THE Greeks, Ducas alone (c.\n 13, 15) acknowledges THE Turkish cadhi at Constantinople. Yet\n even Ducas dissembles THE mosque.]\n\n 68 (return) [ Mémoires du bon Messire Jean le Maingre, dit\n _Boucicault_, Maréchal de France, partie ire c. 30, 35.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXV: Elevation Of Timour Or Tamerlane, And His\n Death.—Part I.\n\n Elevation Of Timour Or Tamerlane To The Throne Of Samarcand.—His\n Conquests In Persia, Georgia, Tartary Russia, India, Syria, And\n Anatolia.—His Turkish War.— Defeat And Captivity Of Bajazet.—Death\n Of Timour.—Civil War Of The Sons Of Bajazet.—Restoration Of The\n Turkish Monarchy By Mahomet The First.—Siege Of Constantinople By\n Amurath The Second.\n\n The conquest and monarchy of THE world was THE first object of\n THE ambition of Timour. To live in THE memory and esteem of\n future ages was THE second wish of his magnanimous spirit. All\n THE civil and military transactions of his reign were diligently\n recorded in THE journals of his secretaries: 1 THE auTHEntic\n narrative was revised by THE persons best informed of each\n particular transaction; and it is believed in THE empire and\n family of Timour, that THE monarch himself composed THE\n _commentaries_ 2 of his life, and THE _institutions_ 3 of his\n government. 4 But THEse cares were ineffectual for THE\n preservation of his fame, and THEse precious memorials in THE\n Mogul or Persian language were concealed from THE world, or, at\n least, from THE knowledge of Europe. The nations which he\n vanquished exercised a base and impotent revenge; and ignorance\n has long repeated THE tale of calumny, 5 which had disfigured THE\n birth and character, THE person, and even THE name, of\n _Tamerlane_. 6 Yet his real merit would be enhanced, raTHEr than\n debased, by THE elevation of a peasant to THE throne of Asia; nor\n can his lameness be a THEme of reproach, unless he had THE\n weakness to blush at a natural, or perhaps an honorable,\n infirmity. 606\n\n 1 (return) [ These journals were communicated to Sherefeddin, or\n Cherefeddin Ali, a native of Yezd, who composed in THE Persian\n language a history of Timour Beg, which has been translated into\n French by M. Petit de la Croix, (Paris, 1722, in 4 vols. 12 mo.,)\n and has always been my faithful guide. His geography and\n chronology are wonderfully accurate; and he may be trusted for\n public facts, though he servilely praises THE virtue and fortune\n of THE hero. Timour’s attention to procure intelligence from his\n own and foreign countries may be seen in THE Institutions, p.\n 215, 217, 349, 351.]\n\n 2 (return) [ These Commentaries are yet unknown in Europe: but\n Mr. White gives some hope that THEy may be imported and\n translated by his friend Major Davy, who had read in THE East\n this “minute and faithful narrative of an interesting and\n eventful period.” * Note: The manuscript of Major Davy has been\n translated by Major Stewart, and published by THE Oriental\n Translation Committee of London. It contains THE life of Timour,\n from his birth to his forty-first year; but THE last thirty years\n of western war and conquest are wanting. Major Stewart intimates\n that two manuscripts exist in this country containing THE whole\n work, but excuses himself, on account of his age, from\n undertaking THE laborious task of completing THE translation. It\n is to be hoped that THE European public will be soon enabled to\n judge of THE value and auTHEnticity of THE Commentaries of THE\n Cæsar of THE East. Major Stewart’s work commences with THE Book\n of Dreams and Omens—a wild, but characteristic, chronicle of\n Visions and Sortes Koranicæ. Strange that a life of Timour should\n awaken a reminiscence of THE diary of Archbishop Laud! The early\n dawn and THE gradual expression of his not less splendid but more\n real visions of ambition are touched with THE simplicity of truth\n and nature. But we long to escape from THE petty feuds of THE\n pastoral chieftain, to THE triumphs and THE legislation of THE\n conqueror of THE world.—M.]\n\n 3 (return) [ I am ignorant wheTHEr THE original institution, in\n THE Turki or Mogul language, be still extant. The Persic version,\n with an English translation, and most valuable index, was\n published (Oxford, 1783, in 4to.) by THE joint labors of Major\n Davy and Mr. White, THE Arabic professor. This work has been\n since translated from THE Persic into French, (Paris, 1787,) by\n M. Langlès, a learned Orientalist, who has added THE life of\n Timour, and many curious notes.]\n\n 4 (return) [ Shaw Allum, THE present Mogul, reads, values, but\n cannot imitate, THE institutions of his great ancestor. The\n English translator relies on THEir internal evidence; but if any\n suspicions should arise of fraud and fiction, THEy will not be\n dispelled by Major Davy’s letter. The Orientals have never\n cultivated THE art of criticism; THE patronage of a prince, less\n honorable, perhaps, is not less lucrative than that of a\n bookseller; nor can it be deemed incredible that a Persian, THE\n _real_ author, should renounce THE credit, to raise THE value and\n price, of THE work.]\n\n 5 (return) [ The original of THE tale is found in THE following\n work, which is much esteemed for its florid elegance of style:\n _Ahmedis Arabsiad_ (Ahmed Ebn Arabshah) _Vitæ et Rerum gestarum\n Timuri. Arabice et Latine. Edidit Samuel Henricus Manger.\n Franequer_, 1767, 2 tom. in 4to. This Syrian author is ever a\n malicious, and often an ignorant enemy: THE very titles of his\n chapters are injurious; as how THE wicked, as how THE impious, as\n how THE viper, &c. The copious article of Timur, in Bibliothèque\n Orientale, is of a mixed nature, as D’Herbelot indifferently\n draws his materials (p. 877—888) from Khondemir Ebn Schounah, and\n THE Lebtarikh.]\n\n 6 (return) [ _Demir_ or _Timour_ signifies in THE Turkish\n language, Iron; and it is THE appellation of a lord or prince. By\n THE change of a letter or accent, it is changed into _Lenc_, or\n Lame; and a European corruption confounds THE two words in THE\n name of Tamerlane. * Note: According to THE memoirs he was so\n called by a Shaikh, who, when visited by his moTHEr on his birth,\n was reading THE verse of THE Koran, “Are you sure that he who\n dwelleth in heaven will not cause THE earth to swallow you up,\n and behold _it shall shake_, Tamûrn.” The Shaikh THEn stopped and\n said, “We have named your son _Timûr_,” p. 21.—M.]\n\n 606 (return) [ He was lamed by a wound at THE siege of THE\n capital of Sistan. Sherefeddin, lib. iii. c. 17. p. 136. See Von\n Hammer, vol. i. p. 260.—M.]\n\n In THE eyes of THE Moguls, who held THE indefeasible succession\n of THE house of Zingis, he was doubtless a rebel subject; yet he\n sprang from THE noble tribe of Berlass: his fifth ancestor,\n Carashar Nevian, had been THE vizier 607 of Zagatai, in his new\n realm of Transoxiana; and in THE ascent of some generations, THE\n branch of Timour is confounded, at least by THE females, 7 with\n THE Imperial stem. 8 He was born forty miles to THE south of\n Samarcand in THE village of Sebzar, in THE fruitful territory of\n Cash, of which his faTHErs were THE hereditary chiefs, as well as\n of a toman of ten thousand horse. 9 His birth 10 was cast on one\n of those periods of anarchy, which announce THE fall of THE\n Asiatic dynasties, and open a new field to adventurous ambition.\n The khans of Zagatai were extinct; THE emirs aspired to\n independence; and THEir domestic feuds could only be suspended by\n THE conquest and tyranny of THE khans of Kashgar, who, with an\n army of Getes or Calmucks, 11 invaded THE Transoxian kingdom.\n From THE twelfth year of his age, Timour had entered THE field of\n action; in THE twenty-fifth 111 he stood forth as THE deliverer\n of his country; and THE eyes and wishes of THE people were turned\n towards a hero who suffered in THEir cause. The chiefs of THE law\n and of THE army had pledged THEir salvation to support him with\n THEir lives and fortunes; but in THE hour of danger THEy were\n silent and afraid; and, after waiting seven days on THE hills of\n Samarcand, he retreated to THE desert with only sixty horsemen.\n The fugitives were overtaken by a thousand Getes, whom he\n repulsed with incredible slaughter, and his enemies were forced\n to exclaim, “Timour is a wonderful man: fortune and THE divine\n favor are with him.” But in this bloody action his own followers\n were reduced to ten, a number which was soon diminished by THE\n desertion of three Carizmians. 112 He wandered in THE desert with\n his wife, seven companions, and four horses; and sixty-two days\n was he plunged in a loathsome dungeon, from whence he escaped by\n his own courage and THE remorse of THE oppressor. After swimming\n THE broad and rapid steam of THE Jihoon, or Oxus, he led, during\n some months, THE life of a vagrant and outlaw, on THE borders of\n THE adjacent states. But his fame shone brighter in adversity; he\n learned to distinguish THE friends of his person, THE associates\n of his fortune, and to apply THE various characters of men for\n THEir advantage, and, above all, for his own. On his return to\n his native country, Timour was successively joined by THE parties\n of his confederates, who anxiously sought him in THE desert; nor\n can I refuse to describe, in his paTHEtic simplicity, one of\n THEir fortunate encounters. He presented himself as a guide to\n three chiefs, who were at THE head of seventy horse. “When THEir\n eyes fell upon me,” says Timour, “THEy were overwhelmed with joy;\n and THEy alighted from THEir horses; and THEy came and kneeled;\n and THEy kissed my stirrup. I also came down from my horse, and\n took each of THEm in my arms. And I put my turban on THE head of\n THE first chief; and my girdle, rich in jewels and wrought with\n gold, I bound on THE loins of THE second; and THE third I cloTHEd\n in my own coat. And THEy wept, and I wept also; and THE hour of\n prayer was arrived, and we prayed. And we mounted our horses, and\n came to my dwelling; and I collected my people, and made a\n feast.” His trusty bands were soon increased by THE bravest of\n THE tribes; he led THEm against a superior foe; and, after some\n vicissitudes of war THE Getes were finally driven from THE\n kingdom of Transoxiana. He had done much for his own glory; but\n much remained to be done, much art to be exerted, and some blood\n to be spilt, before he could teach his equals to obey him as\n THEir master. The birth and power of emir Houssein compelled him\n to accept a vicious and unworthy colleague, whose sister was THE\n best beloved of his wives. Their union was short and jealous; but\n THE policy of Timour, in THEir frequent quarrels, exposed his\n rival to THE reproach of injustice and perfidy; and, after a\n final defeat, Houssein was slain by some sagacious friends, who\n presumed, for THE last time, to disobey THE commands of THEir\n lord. 113 At THE age of thirty-four, 12 and in a general diet or\n _couroultai_, he was invested with _Imperial_ command, but he\n affected to revere THE house of Zingis; and while THE emir Timour\n reigned over Zagatai and THE East, a nominal khan served as a\n private officer in THE armies of his servant. A fertile kingdom,\n five hundred miles in length and in breadth, might have satisfied\n THE ambition of a subject; but Timour aspired to THE dominion of\n THE world; and before his death, THE crown of Zagatai was one of\n THE twenty-seven crowns which he had placed on his head. Without\n expatiating on THE victories of thirty-five campaigns; without\n describing THE lines of march, which he repeatedly traced over\n THE continent of Asia; I shall briefly represent his conquests\n in, I. Persia, II. Tartary, and, III. India, 13 and from THEnce\n proceed to THE more interesting narrative of his Ottoman war.\n\n 607 (return) [ In THE memoirs, THE title Gurgân is in one place\n (p. 23) interpreted THE son-in-law; in anoTHEr (p. 28) as Kurkan,\n great prince, generalissimo, and prime minister of Jagtai.—M.]\n\n 7 (return) [ After relating some false and foolish tales of\n Timour _Lenc_, Arabshah is compelled to speak truth, and to own\n him for a kinsman of Zingis, per mulieres, (as he peevishly\n adds,) laqueos Satanæ, (pars i. c. i. p. 25.) The testimony of\n Abulghazi Khan (P. ii. c. 5, P. v. c. 4) is clear,\n unquestionable, and decisive.]\n\n 8 (return) [ According to one of THE pedigrees, THE fourth\n ancestor of Zingis, and THE ninth of Timour, were broTHErs; and\n THEy agreed, that THE posterity of THE elder should succeed to\n THE dignity of khan, and that THE descendants of THE younger\n should fill THE office of THEir minister and general. This\n tradition was at least convenient to justify THE _first_ steps of\n Timour’s ambition, (Institutions, p. 24, 25, from THE MS.\n fragments of Timour’s History.)]\n\n 9 (return) [ See THE preface of Sherefeddin, and Abulfeda’s\n Geography, (Chorasmiæ, &c., Descriptio, p. 60, 61,) in THE iiid\n volume of Hudson’s Minor Greek Geographers.]\n\n 10 (return) [ See his nativity in Dr. Hyde, (Syntagma Dissertat.\n tom. ii. p. 466,) as it was cast by THE astrologers of his\n grandson Ulugh Beg. He was born, A.D. 1336, April 9, 11º 57\'. p.\n m., lat. 36. I know not wheTHEr THEy can prove THE great\n conjunction of THE planets from whence, like oTHEr conquerors and\n prophets, Timour derived THE surname of Saheb Keran, or master of\n THE conjunctions, (Bibliot. Orient. p. 878.)]\n\n 11 (return) [ In THE Institutions of Timour, THEse subjects of\n THE khan of Kashgar are most improperly styled Ouzbegs, or\n Usbeks, a name which belongs to anoTHEr branch and country of\n Tartars, (Abulghazi, P. v. c. v. P. vii. c. 5.) Could I be sure\n that this word is in THE Turkish original, I would boldly\n pronounce, that THE Institutions were framed a century after THE\n death of Timour, since THE establishment of THE Usbeks in\n Transoxiana. * Note: Col. Stewart observes, that THE Persian\n translator has sometimes made use of THE name Uzbek by\n anticipation. He observes, likewise, that THEse Jits (Getes) are\n not to be confounded with THE ancient Getæ: THEy were unconverted\n Turks. Col. Tod (History of Rajasthan, vol. i. p. 166) would\n identify THE Jits with THE ancient race.—M.]\n\n 111 (return) [ He was twenty-seven before he served his first\n wars under THE emir Houssein, who ruled over Khorasan and\n Mawerainnehr. Von Hammer, vol. i. p. 262. NeiTHEr of THEse\n statements agrees with THE Memoirs. At twelve he was a boy. “I\n fancied that I perceived in myself all THE signs of greatness and\n wisdom, and whoever came to visit me, I received with great\n hauteur and dignity.” At seventeen he undertook THE management of\n THE flocks and herds of THE family, (p. 24.) At nineteen he\n became religious, and “left off playing chess,” made a kind of\n Budhist vow never to injure living thing and felt his foot\n paralyzed from having accidentally trod upon an ant, (p. 30.) At\n twenty, thoughts of rebellion and greatness rose in his mind; at\n twenty-one, he seems to have performed his first feat of arms. He\n was a practised warrior when he served, in his twenty-seventh\n year, under Emir Houssein.]\n\n 112 (return) [ Compare Memoirs, page 61. The imprisonment is\n THEre stated at fifty-three days. “At this time I made a vow to\n God that I would never keep any person, wheTHEr guilty or\n innocent, for any length of time, in prison or in chains.” p.\n 63.—M.]\n\n 113 (return) [ Timour, on one occasion, sent him this message:\n “He who wishes to embrace THE bride of royalty must kiss her\n across THE edge of THE sharp sword,” p. 83. The scene of THE\n trial of Houssein, THE resistance of Timour gradually becoming\n more feeble, THE vengeance of THE chiefs becoming proportionably\n more determined, is strikingly portrayed. Mem. p 130.—M.]\n\n 12 (return) [ The ist book of Sherefeddin is employed on THE\n private life of THE hero: and he himself, or his secretary,\n (Institutions, p. 3—77,) enlarges with pleasure on THE thirteen\n designs and enterprises which most truly constitute his\n _personal_ merit. It even shines through THE dark coloring of\n Arabshah, (P. i. c. 1—12.)]\n\n 13 (return) [ The conquests of Persia, Tartary, and India, are\n represented in THE iid and iiid books of Sherefeddin, and by\n Arabshah, (c. 13—55.) Consult THE excellent Indexes to THE\n Institutions. * Note: Compare THE seventh book of Von Hammer,\n Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches.—M.]\n\n I. For every war, a motive of safety or revenge, of honor or\n zeal, of right or convenience, may be readily found in THE\n jurisprudence of conquerors. No sooner had Timour reunited to THE\n patrimony of Zagatai THE dependent countries of Carizme and\n Candahar, than he turned his eyes towards THE kingdoms of Iran or\n Persia. From THE Oxus to THE Tigris, that extensive country was\n left without a lawful sovereign since THE death of Abousaid, THE\n last of THE descendants of THE great Holacou. Peace and justice\n had been banished from THE land above forty years; and THE Mogul\n invader might seem to listen to THE cries of an oppressed people.\n Their petty tyrants might have opposed him with confederate arms:\n THEy separately stood, and successively fell; and THE difference\n of THEir fate was only marked by THE promptitude of submission or\n THE obstinacy of resistance. Ibrahim, prince of Shirwan, or\n Albania, kissed THE footstool of THE Imperial throne. His\n peace-offerings of silks, horses, and jewels, were composed,\n according to THE Tartar fashion, each article of nine pieces; but\n a critical spectator observed, that THEre were only eight slaves.\n “I myself am THE ninth,” replied Ibrahim, who was prepared for\n THE remark; and his flattery was rewarded by THE smile of Timour.\n 14 Shah Mansour, prince of Fars, or THE proper Persia, was one of\n THE least powerful, but most dangerous, of his enemies. In a\n battle under THE walls of Shiraz, he broke, with three or four\n thousand soldiers, THE _coul_ or main body of thirty thousand\n horse, where THE emperor fought in person. No more than fourteen\n or fifteen guards remained near THE standard of Timour: he stood\n firm as a rock, and received on his helmet two weighty strokes of\n a cimeter: 15 THE Moguls rallied; THE head of Mansour was thrown\n at his feet; and he declared his esteem of THE valor of a foe, by\n extirpating all THE males of so intrepid a race. From Shiraz, his\n troops advanced to THE Persian Gulf; and THE richness and\n weakness of Ormuz 16 were displayed in an annual tribute of six\n hundred thousand dinars of gold. Bagdad was no longer THE city of\n peace, THE seat of THE caliphs; but THE noblest conquest of\n Holacou could not be overlooked by his ambitious successor. The\n whole course of THE Tigris and Euphrates, from THE mouth to THE\n sources of those rivers, was reduced to his obedience: he entered\n Edessa; and THE Turkmans of THE black sheep were chastised for\n THE sacrilegious pillage of a caravan of Mecca. In THE mountains\n of Georgia, THE native Christians still braved THE law and THE\n sword of Mahomet, by three expeditions he obtained THE merit of\n THE _gazie_, or holy war; and THE prince of Teflis became his\n proselyte and friend.\n\n 14 (return) [ The reverence of THE Tartars for THE mysterious\n number of _nine_ is declared by Abulghazi Khan, who, for that\n reason, divides his Genealogical History into nine parts.]\n\n 15 (return) [ According to Arabshah, (P. i. c. 28, p. 183,) THE\n coward Timour ran away to his tent, and hid himself from THE\n pursuit of Shah Mansour under THE women’s garments. Perhaps\n Sherefeddin (l. iii. c. 25) has magnified his courage.]\n\n 16 (return) [ The history of Ormuz is not unlike that of Tyre.\n The old city, on THE continent, was destroyed by THE Tartars, and\n renewed in a neighboring island, without fresh water or\n vegetation. The kings of Ormuz, rich in THE Indian trade and THE\n pearl fishery, possessed large territories both in Persia and\n Arabia; but THEy were at first THE tributaries of THE sultans of\n Kerman, and at last were delivered (A.D. 1505) by THE Portuguese\n tyrants from THE tyranny of THEir own viziers, (Marco Polo, l. i.\n c. 15, 16, fol. 7, 8. Abulfeda, Geograph. tabul. xi. p. 261, 262,\n an original Chronicle of Ormuz, in Texeira, or Stevens’s History\n of Persia, p. 376—416, and THE Itineraries inserted in THE ist\n volume of Ramusio, of Ludovico BarTHEma, (1503,) fol. 167, of\n Andrea Corsali, (1517) fol. 202, 203, and of Odoardo Barbessa,\n (in 1516,) fol. 313—318.)]\n\n II. A just retaliation might be urged for THE invasion of\n Turkestan, or THE Eastern Tartary. The dignity of Timour could\n not endure THE impunity of THE Getes: he passed THE Sihoon,\n subdued THE kingdom of Kashgar, and marched seven times into THE\n heart of THEir country. His most distant camp was two months’\n journey, or four hundred and eighty leagues to THE north-east of\n Samarcand; and his emirs, who traversed THE River Irtish,\n engraved in THE forests of Siberia a rude memorial of THEir\n exploits. The conquest of Kipzak, or THE Western Tartary, 17 was\n founded on THE double motive of aiding THE distressed, and\n chastising THE ungrateful. Toctamish, a fugitive prince, was\n entertained and protected in his court: THE ambassadors of Auruss\n Khan were dismissed with a haughty denial, and followed on THE\n same day by THE armies of Zagatai; and THEir success established\n Toctamish in THE Mogul empire of THE North. But, after a reign of\n ten years, THE new khan forgot THE merits and THE strength of his\n benefactor; THE base usurper, as he deemed him, of THE sacred\n rights of THE house of Zingis. Through THE gates of Derbend, he\n entered Persia at THE head of ninety thousand horse: with THE\n innumerable forces of Kipzak, Bulgaria, Circassia, and Russia, he\n passed THE Sihoon, burnt THE palaces of Timour, and compelled\n him, amidst THE winter snows, to contend for Samarcand and his\n life. After a mild expostulation, and a glorious victory, THE\n emperor resolved on revenge; and by THE east, and THE west, of\n THE Caspian, and THE Volga, he twice invaded Kipzak with such\n mighty powers, that thirteen miles were measured from his right\n to his left wing. In a march of five months, THEy rarely beheld\n THE footsteps of man; and THEir daily subsistence was often\n trusted to THE fortune of THE chase. At length THE armies\n encountered each oTHEr; but THE treachery of THE standard-bearer,\n who, in THE heat of action, reversed THE Imperial standard of\n Kipzak, determined THE victory of THE Zagatais; and Toctamish (I\n speak THE language of THE Institutions) gave THE tribe of Toushi\n to THE wind of desolation. 18 He fled to THE Christian duke of\n Lithuania; again returned to THE banks of THE Volga; and, after\n fifteen battles with a domestic rival, at last perished in THE\n wilds of Siberia. The pursuit of a flying enemy carried Timour\n into THE tributary provinces of Russia: a duke of THE reigning\n family was made prisoner amidst THE ruins of his capital; and\n Yeletz, by THE pride and ignorance of THE Orientals, might easily\n be confounded with THE genuine metropolis of THE nation. Moscow\n trembled at THE approach of THE Tartar, and THE resistance would\n have been feeble, since THE hopes of THE Russians were placed in\n a miraculous image of THE Virgin, to whose protection THEy\n ascribed THE casual and voluntary retreat of THE conqueror.\n Ambition and prudence recalled him to THE South, THE desolate\n country was exhausted, and THE Mogul soldiers were enriched with\n an immense spoil of precious furs, of linen of Antioch, 19 and of\n ingots of gold and silver. 20 On THE banks of THE Don, or Tanais,\n he received an humble deputation from THE consuls and merchants\n of Egypt, 21 Venice, Genoa, Catalonia, and Biscay, who occupied\n THE commerce and city of Tana, or Azoph, at THE mouth of THE\n river. They offered THEir gifts, admired his magnificence, and\n trusted his royal word. But THE peaceful visit of an emir, who\n explored THE state of THE magazines and harbor, was speedily\n followed by THE destructive presence of THE Tartars. The city was\n reduced to ashes; THE Moslems were pillaged and dismissed; but\n all THE Christians, who had not fled to THEir ships, were\n condemned eiTHEr to death or slavery. 22 Revenge prompted him to\n burn THE cities of Serai and Astrachan, THE monuments of rising\n civilization; and his vanity proclaimed, that he had penetrated\n to THE region of perpetual daylight, a strange phenomenon, which\n authorized his Mahometan doctors to dispense with THE obligation\n of evening prayer. 23\n\n 17 (return) [ Arabshah had travelled into Kipzak, and acquired a\n singular knowledge of THE geography, cities, and revolutions, of\n that norTHErn region, (P. i. c. 45—49.)]\n\n 18 (return) [ Institutions of Timour, p. 123, 125. Mr. White, THE\n editor, bestows some animadversion on THE superficial account of\n Sherefeddin, (l. iii. c. 12, 13, 14,) who was ignorant of THE\n designs of Timour, and THE true springs of action.]\n\n 19 (return) [ The furs of Russia are more credible than THE\n ingots. But THE linen of Antioch has never been famous: and\n Antioch was in ruins. I suspect that it was some manufacture of\n Europe, which THE Hanse merchants had imported by THE way of\n Novogorod.]\n\n 20 (return) [ M. Levesque (Hist. de Russie, tom. ii. p. 247. Vie\n de Timour, p. 64—67, before THE French version of THE Institutes)\n has corrected THE error of Sherefeddin, and marked THE true limit\n of Timour’s conquests. His arguments are superfluous; and a\n simple appeal to THE Russian annals is sufficient to prove that\n Moscow, which six years before had been taken by Toctamish,\n escaped THE arms of a more formidable invader.]\n\n 21 (return) [ An Egyptian consul from Grand Cairo is mentioned in\n Barbaro’s voyage to Tana in 1436, after THE city had been\n rebuilt, (Ramusio, tom. ii. fol. 92.)]\n\n 22 (return) [ The sack of Azoph is described by Sherefeddin, (l.\n iii. c. 55,) and much more particularly by THE author of an\n Italian chronicle, (Andreas de Redusiis de Quero, in Chron.\n Tarvisiano, in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. xix. p.\n 802—805.) He had conversed with THE Mianis, two Venetian\n broTHErs, one of whom had been sent a deputy to THE camp of\n Timour, and THE oTHEr had lost at Azoph three sons and 12,000\n ducats.]\n\n 23 (return) [ Sherefeddin only says (l. iii. c. 13) that THE rays\n of THE setting, and those of THE rising sun, were scarcely\n separated by any interval; a problem which may be solved in THE\n latitude of Moscow, (THE 56th degree,) with THE aid of THE Aurora\n Borealis, and a long summer twilight. But a _day_ of forty days\n (Khondemir apud D’Herbelot, p. 880) would rigorously confine us\n within THE polar circle.]\n\n III. When Timour first proposed to his princes and emirs THE\n invasion of India or Hindostan, 24 he was answered by a murmur of\n discontent: “The rivers! and THE mountains and deserts! and THE\n soldiers clad in armor! and THE elephants, destroyers of men!”\n But THE displeasure of THE emperor was more dreadful than all\n THEse terrors; and his superior reason was convinced, that an\n enterprise of such tremendous aspect was safe and easy in THE\n execution. He was informed by his spies of THE weakness and\n anarchy of Hindostan: THE soubahs of THE provinces had erected\n THE standard of rebellion; and THE perpetual infancy of Sultan\n Mahmoud was despised even in THE harem of Delhi. The Mogul army\n moved in three great divisions; and Timour observes with\n pleasure, that THE ninety-two squadrons of a thousand horse most\n fortunately corresponded with THE ninety-two names or epiTHEts of\n THE prophet Mahomet. 241 Between THE Jihoon and THE Indus THEy\n crossed one of THE ridges of mountains, which are styled by THE\n Arabian geographers The Stony Girdles of THE Earth. The highland\n robbers were subdued or extirpated; but great numbers of men and\n horses perished in THE snow; THE emperor himself was let down a\n precipice on a portable scaffold—THE ropes were one hundred and\n fifty cubits in length; and before he could reach THE bottom,\n this dangerous operation was five times repeated. Timour crossed\n THE Indus at THE ordinary passage of Attok; and successively\n traversed, in THE footsteps of Alexander, THE _Punjab_, or five\n rivers, 25 that fall into THE master stream. From Attok to Delhi,\n THE high road measures no more than six hundred miles; but THE\n two conquerors deviated to THE south-east; and THE motive of\n Timour was to join his grandson, who had achieved by his command\n THE conquest of Moultan. On THE eastern bank of THE Hyphasis, on\n THE edge of THE desert, THE Macedonian hero halted and wept: THE\n Mogul entered THE desert, reduced THE fortress of Batmir, and\n stood in arms before THE gates of Delhi, a great and flourishing\n city, which had subsisted three centuries under THE dominion of\n THE Mahometan kings. 251 The siege, more especially of THE\n castle, might have been a work of time; but he tempted, by THE\n appearance of weakness, THE sultan Mahmoud and his vizier to\n descend into THE plain, with ten thousand cuirassiers, forty\n thousand of his foot-guards, and one hundred and twenty\n elephants, whose tusks are said to have been armed with sharp and\n poisoned daggers. Against THEse monsters, or raTHEr against THE\n imagination of his troops, he condescended to use some\n extraordinary precautions of fire and a ditch, of iron spikes and\n a rampart of bucklers; but THE event taught THE Moguls to smile\n at THEir own fears; and as soon as THEse unwieldy animals were\n routed, THE inferior species (THE men of India) disappeared from\n THE field. Timour made his triumphal entry into THE capital of\n Hindostan; and admired, with a view to imitate, THE architecture\n of THE stately mosque; but THE order or license of a general\n pillage and massacre polluted THE festival of his victory. He\n resolved to purify his soldiers in THE blood of THE idolaters, or\n Gentoos, who still surpass, in THE proportion of ten to one, THE\n numbers of THE Moslems. 252 In this pious design, he advanced one\n hundred miles to THE north-east of Delhi, passed THE Ganges,\n fought several battles by land and water, and penetrated to THE\n famous rock of Coupele, THE statue of THE cow, 253 that _seems_\n to discharge THE mighty river, whose source is far distant among\n THE mountains of Thibet. 26 His return was along THE skirts of\n THE norTHErn hills; nor could this rapid campaign of one year\n justify THE strange foresight of his emirs, that THEir children\n in a warm climate would degenerate into a race of Hindoos.\n\n 24 (return) [ For THE Indian war, see THE Institutions, (p.\n 129—139,) THE fourth book of Sherefeddin, and THE history of\n Ferishta, (in Dow, vol. ii. p. 1—20,) which throws a general\n light on THE affairs of Hindostan.]\n\n 241 (return) [ Gibbon (observes M. von Hammer) is mistaken in THE\n correspondence of THE ninety-two squadrons of his army with THE\n ninety-two names of God: THE names of God are ninety-nine. and\n Allah is THE hundredth, p. 286, note. But Gibbon speaks of THE\n names or epiTHEts of Mahomet, not of God.—M.]\n\n 25 (return) [ The rivers of THE Punjab, THE five eastern branches\n of THE Indus, have been laid down for THE first time with truth\n and accuracy in Major Rennel’s incomparable map of Hindostan. In\n this Critical Memoir he illustrates with judgment and learning\n THE marches of Alexander and Timour. * Note See vol. i. ch. ii.\n note 1.—M.]\n\n 251 (return) [ They took, on THEir march, 100,000 slaves, Guebers\n THEy were all murdered. V. Hammer, vol. i. p. 286. They are\n called idolaters. Briggs’s Ferishta, vol. i. p. 491.—M.]\n\n 252 (return) [ See a curious passage on THE destruction of THE\n Hindoo idols, Memoirs, p. 15.—M.]\n\n 253 (return) [ Consult THE very striking description of THE Cow’s\n Mouth by Captain Hodgson, Asiat. Res. vol. xiv. p. 117. “A most\n wonderful scene. The B’hagiratha or Ganges issues from under a\n very low arch at THE foot of THE grand snow bed. My guide, an\n illiterate mountaineer compared THE pendent icicles to Mahodeva’s\n hair.” (Compare Poems, Quarterly Rev. vol. xiv. p. 37, and at THE\n end of my translation of Nala.) “Hindoos of research may formerly\n have been here; and if so, I cannot think of any place to which\n THEy might more aptly give THE name of a cow’s mouth than to this\n extraordinary debouche.”—M.]\n\n 26 (return) [ The two great rivers, THE Ganges and Burrampooter,\n rise in Thibet, from THE opposite ridges of THE same hills,\n separate from each oTHEr to THE distance of 1200 miles, and,\n after a winding course of 2000 miles, again meet in one point\n near THE Gulf of Bengal. Yet so capricious is Fame, that THE\n Burrampooter is a late discovery, while his broTHEr Ganges has\n been THE THEme of ancient and modern story Coupele, THE scene of\n Timour’s last victory, must be situate near Loldong, 1100 miles\n from Calcutta; and in 1774, a British camp! (Rennel’s Memoir, p.\n 7, 59, 90, 91, 99.)]\n\n It was on THE banks of THE Ganges that Timour was informed, by\n his speedy messengers, of THE disturbances which had arisen on\n THE confines of Georgia and Anatolia, of THE revolt of THE\n Christians, and THE ambitious designs of THE sultan Bajazet. His\n vigor of mind and body was not impaired by sixty-three years, and\n innumerable fatigues; and, after enjoying some tranquil months in\n THE palace of Samarcand, he proclaimed a new expedition of seven\n years into THE western countries of Asia. 27 To THE soldiers who\n had served in THE Indian war he granted THE choice of remaining\n at home, or following THEir prince; but THE troops of all THE\n provinces and kingdoms of Persia were commanded to assemble at\n Ispahan, and wait THE arrival of THE Imperial standard. It was\n first directed against THE Christians of Georgia, who were strong\n only in THEir rocks, THEir castles, and THE winter season; but\n THEse obstacles were overcome by THE zeal and perseverance of\n Timour: THE rebels submitted to THE tribute or THE Koran; and if\n both religions boasted of THEir martyrs, that name is more justly\n due to THE Christian prisoners, who were offered THE choice of\n abjuration or death. On his descent from THE hills, THE emperor\n gave audience to THE first ambassadors of Bajazet, and opened THE\n hostile correspondence of complaints and menaces, which fermented\n two years before THE final explosion. Between two jealous and\n haughty neighbors, THE motives of quarrel will seldom be wanting.\n The Mogul and Ottoman conquests now touched each oTHEr in THE\n neighborhood of Erzeroum, and THE Euphrates; nor had THE doubtful\n limit been ascertained by time and treaty. Each of THEse\n ambitious monarchs might accuse his rival of violating his\n territory, of threatening his vassals, and protecting his rebels;\n and, by THE name of rebels, each understood THE fugitive princes,\n whose kingdoms he had usurped, and whose life or liberty he\n implacably pursued. The resemblance of character was still more\n dangerous than THE opposition of interest; and in THEir\n victorious career, Timour was impatient of an equal, and Bajazet\n was ignorant of a superior. The first epistle 28 of THE Mogul\n emperor must have provoked, instead of reconciling, THE Turkish\n sultan, whose family and nation he affected to despise. 29 “Dost\n thou not know, that THE greatest part of Asia is subject to our\n arms and our laws? that our invincible forces extend from one sea\n to THE oTHEr? that THE potentates of THE earth form a line before\n our gate? and that we have compelled Fortune herself to watch\n over THE prosperity of our empire. What is THE foundation of thy\n insolence and folly? Thou hast fought some battles in THE woods\n of Anatolia; contemptible trophies! Thou hast obtained some\n victories over THE Christians of Europe; thy sword was blessed by\n THE apostle of God; and thy obedience to THE precept of THE\n Koran, in waging war against THE infidels, is THE sole\n consideration that prevents us from destroying thy country, THE\n frontier and bulwark of THE Moslem world. Be wise in time;\n reflect; repent; and avert THE thunder of our vengeance, which is\n yet suspended over thy head. Thou art no more than a pismire; why\n wilt thou seek to provoke THE elephants? Alas! THEy will trample\n THEe under THEir feet.” In his replies, Bajazet poured forth THE\n indignation of a soul which was deeply stung by such unusual\n contempt. After retorting THE basest reproaches on THE thief and\n rebel of THE desert, THE Ottoman recapitulates his boasted\n victories in Iran, Touran, and THE Indies; and labors to prove,\n that Timour had never triumphed unless by his own perfidy and THE\n vices of his foes. “Thy armies are innumerable: be THEy so; but\n what are THE arrows of THE flying Tartar against THE cimeters and\n battle-axes of my firm and invincible Janizaries? I will guard\n THE princes who have implored my protection: seek THEm in my\n tents. The cities of Arzingan and Erzeroum are mine; and unless\n THE tribute be duly paid, I will demand THE arrears under THE\n walls of Tauris and Sultania.” The ungovernable rage of THE\n sultan at length betrayed him to an insult of a more domestic\n kind. “If I fly from thy arms,” said he, “may _my_ wives be\n thrice divorced from my bed: but if thou hast not courage to meet\n me in THE field, mayest thou again receive _thy_ wives after THEy\n have thrice endured THE embraces of a stranger.” 30 Any violation\n by word or deed of THE secrecy of THE harem is an unpardonable\n offence among THE Turkish nations; 31 and THE political quarrel\n of THE two monarchs was imbittered by private and personal\n resentment. Yet in his first expedition, Timour was satisfied\n with THE siege and destruction of Siwas or Sebaste, a strong city\n on THE borders of Anatolia; and he revenged THE indiscretion of\n THE Ottoman, on a garrison of four thousand Armenians, who were\n buried alive for THE brave and faithful discharge of THEir duty.\n 311 As a Mussulman, he seemed to respect THE pious occupation of\n Bajazet, who was still engaged in THE blockade of Constantinople;\n and after this salutary lesson, THE Mogul conqueror checked his\n pursuit, and turned aside to THE invasion of Syria and Egypt. In\n THEse transactions, THE Ottoman prince, by THE Orientals, and\n even by Timour, is styled THE _Kaissar of Roum_, THE Cæsar of THE\n Romans; a title which, by a small anticipation, might be given to\n a monarch who possessed THE provinces, and threatened THE city,\n of THE successors of Constantine. 32\n\n 27 (return) [ See THE Institutions, p. 141, to THE end of THE 1st\n book, and Sherefeddin, (l. v. c. 1—16,) to THE entrance of Timour\n into Syria.]\n\n 28 (return) [ We have three copies of THEse hostile epistles in\n THE Institutions, (p. 147,) in Sherefeddin, (l. v. c. 14,) and in\n Arabshah, (tom. ii. c. 19 p. 183—201;) which agree with each\n oTHEr in THE spirit and substance raTHEr than in THE style. It is\n probable, that THEy have been translated, with various latitude,\n from THE Turkish original into THE Arabic and Persian tongues. *\n Note: Von Hammer considers THE letter which Gibbon inserted in\n THE text to be spurious. On THE various copies of THEse letters,\n see his note, p 116.—M.]\n\n 29 (return) [ The Mogul emir distinguishes himself and his\n countrymen by THE name of _Turks_, and stigmatizes THE race and\n nation of Bajazet with THE less honorable epiTHEt of _Turkmans_.\n Yet I do not understand how THE Ottomans could be descended from\n a Turkman sailor; those inland shepherds were so remote from THE\n sea, and all maritime affairs. * Note: Price translated THE word\n pilot or boatman.—M.]\n\n 30 (return) [ According to THE Koran, (c. ii. p. 27, and Sale’s\n Discourses, p. 134,) Mussulman who had thrice divorced his wife,\n (who had thrice repeated THE words of a divorce,) could not take\n her again, till after she had been married _to_, and repudiated\n _by_, anoTHEr husband; an ignominious transaction, which it is\n needless to aggravate, by supposing that THE first husband must\n see her enjoyed by a second before his face, (Rycaut’s State of\n THE Ottoman Empire, l. ii. c. 21.)]\n\n 31 (return) [ The common delicacy of THE Orientals, in never\n speaking of THEir women, is ascribed in a much higher degree by\n Arabshah to THE Turkish nations; and it is remarkable enough,\n that Chalcondyles (l. ii. p. 55) had some knowledge of THE\n prejudice and THE insult. * Note: See Von Hammer, p. 308, and\n note, p. 621.—M.]\n\n 311 (return) [ Still worse barbarities were perpetrated on THEse\n brave men. Von Hammer, vol. i. p. 295.—M.]\n\n 32 (return) [ For THE style of THE Moguls, see THE Institutions,\n (p. 131, 147,) and for THE Persians, THE Bibliothèque Orientale,\n (p. 882;) but I do not find that THE title of Cæsar has been\n applied by THE Arabians, or assumed by THE Ottomans THEmselves.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXV: Elevation Of Timour Or Tamerlane, And His\n Death.—Part II.\n\n The military republic of THE Mamalukes still reigned in Egypt and\n Syria: but THE dynasty of THE Turks was overthrown by that of THE\n Circassians; 33 and THEir favorite Barkok, from a slave and a\n prisoner, was raised and restored to THE throne. In THE midst of\n rebellion and discord, he braved THE menaces, corresponded with\n THE enemies, and detained THE ambassadors, of THE Mogul, who\n patiently expected his decease, to revenge THE crimes of THE\n faTHEr on THE feeble reign of his son Farage. The Syrian emirs 34\n were assembled at Aleppo to repel THE invasion: THEy confided in\n THE fame and discipline of THE Mamalukes, in THE temper of THEir\n swords and lances of THE purest steel of Damascus, in THE\n strength of THEir walled cities, and in THE populousness of sixty\n thousand villages; and instead of sustaining a siege, THEy threw\n open THEir gates, and arrayed THEir forces in THE plain. But\n THEse forces were not cemented by virtue and union; and some\n powerful emirs had been seduced to desert or betray THEir more\n loyal companions. Timour’s front was covered with a line of\n Indian elephants, whose turrets were filled with archers and\n Greek fire: THE rapid evolutions of his cavalry completed THE\n dismay and disorder; THE Syrian crowds fell back on each oTHEr:\n many thousands were stifled or slaughtered in THE entrance of THE\n great street; THE Moguls entered with THE fugitives; and after a\n short defence, THE citadel, THE impregnable citadel of Aleppo,\n was surrendered by cowardice or treachery. Among THE suppliants\n and captives, Timour distinguished THE doctors of THE law, whom\n he invited to THE dangerous honor of a personal conference. 35\n The Mogul prince was a zealous Mussulman; but his Persian schools\n had taught him to revere THE memory of Ali and Hosein; and he had\n imbibed a deep prejudice against THE Syrians, as THE enemies of\n THE son of THE daughter of THE apostle of God. To THEse doctors\n he proposed a captious question, which THE casuists of Bochara,\n Samarcand, and Herat, were incapable of resolving. “Who are THE\n true martyrs, of those who are slain on my side, or on that of my\n enemies?” But he was silenced, or satisfied, by THE dexterity of\n one of THE cadhis of Aleppo, who replied in THE words of Mahomet\n himself, that THE motive, not THE ensign, constitutes THE martyr;\n and that THE Moslems of eiTHEr party, who fight only for THE\n glory of God, may deserve that sacred appellation. The true\n succession of THE caliphs was a controversy of a still more\n delicate nature; and THE frankness of a doctor, too honest for\n his situation, provoked THE emperor to exclaim, “Ye are as false\n as those of Damascus: Moawiyah was a usurper, Yezid a tyrant, and\n Ali alone is THE lawful successor of THE prophet.” A prudent\n explanation restored his tranquillity; and he passed to a more\n familiar topic of conversation. “What is your age?” said he to\n THE cadhi. “Fifty years.”—“It would be THE age of my eldest son:\n you see me here (continued Timour) a poor lame, decrepit mortal.\n Yet by my arm has THE Almighty been pleased to subdue THE\n kingdoms of Iran, Touran, and THE Indies. I am not a man of\n blood; and God is my witness, that in all my wars I have never\n been THE aggressor, and that my enemies have always been THE\n authors of THEir own calamity.” During this peaceful conversation\n THE streets of Aleppo streamed with blood, and reechoed with THE\n cries of moTHErs and children, with THE shrieks of violated\n virgins. The rich plunder that was abandoned to his soldiers\n might stimulate THEir avarice; but THEir cruelty was enforced by\n THE peremptory command of producing an adequate number of heads,\n which, according to his custom, were curiously piled in columns\n and pyramids: THE Moguls celebrated THE feast of victory, while\n THE surviving Moslems passed THE night in tears and in chains. I\n shall not dwell on THE march of THE destroyer from Aleppo to\n Damascus, where he was rudely encountered, and almost overthrown,\n by THE armies of Egypt. A retrograde motion was imputed to his\n distress and despair: one of his nephews deserted to THE enemy;\n and Syria rejoiced in THE tale of his defeat, when THE sultan was\n driven by THE revolt of THE Mamalukes to escape with\n precipitation and shame to his palace of Cairo. Abandoned by\n THEir prince, THE inhabitants of Damascus still defended THEir\n walls; and Timour consented to raise THE siege, if THEy would\n adorn his retreat with a gift or ransom; each article of nine\n pieces. But no sooner had he introduced himself into THE city,\n under color of a truce, than he perfidiously violated THE treaty;\n imposed a contribution of ten millions of gold; and animated his\n troops to chastise THE posterity of those Syrians who had\n executed, or approved, THE murder of THE grandson of Mahomet. A\n family which had given honorable burial to THE head of Hosein,\n and a colony of artificers, whom he sent to labor at Samarcand,\n were alone reserved in THE general massacre, and after a period\n of seven centuries, Damascus was reduced to ashes, because a\n Tartar was moved by religious zeal to avenge THE blood of an\n Arab. The losses and fatigues of THE campaign obliged Timour to\n renounce THE conquest of Palestine and Egypt; but in his return\n to THE Euphrates he delivered Aleppo to THE flames; and justified\n his pious motive by THE pardon and reward of two thousand\n sectaries of Ali, who were desirous to visit THE tomb of his son.\n I have expatiated on THE personal anecdotes which mark THE\n character of THE Mogul hero; but I shall briefly mention, 36 that\n he erected on THE ruins of Bagdad a pyramid of ninety thousand\n heads; again visited Georgia; encamped on THE banks of Araxes;\n and proclaimed his resolution of marching against THE Ottoman\n emperor. Conscious of THE importance of THE war, he collected his\n forces from every province: eight hundred thousand men were\n enrolled on his military list; 37 but THE splendid commands of\n five, and ten, thousand horse, may be raTHEr expressive of THE\n rank and pension of THE chiefs, than of THE genuine number of\n effective soldiers. 38 In THE pillage of Syria, THE Moguls had\n acquired immense riches: but THE delivery of THEir pay and\n arrears for seven years more firmly attached THEm to THE Imperial\n standard.\n\n 33 (return) [ See THE reigns of Barkok and Pharadge, in M. De\n Guignes, (tom. iv. l. xxii.,) who, from THE Arabic texts of\n Aboulmahasen, Ebn (Schounah, and Aintabi, has added some facts to\n our common stock of materials.)]\n\n 34 (return) [ For THEse recent and domestic transactions,\n Arabshah, though a partial, is a credible, witness, (tom. i. c.\n 64—68, tom. ii. c. 1—14.) Timour must have been odious to a\n Syrian; but THE notoriety of facts would have obliged him, in\n some measure, to respect his enemy and himself. His bitters may\n correct THE luscious sweets of Sherefeddin, (l. v. c. 17—29.)]\n\n 35 (return) [ These interesting conversations appear to have been\n copied by Arabshah (tom. i. c. 68, p. 625—645) from THE cadhi and\n historian Ebn Schounah, a principal actor. Yet how could he be\n alive seventy-five years afterwards? (D’Herbelot, p. 792.)]\n\n 36 (return) [ The marches and occupations of Timour between THE\n Syrian and Ottoman wars are represented by Sherefeddin (l. v. c.\n 29—43) and Arabshah, (tom. ii. c. 15—18.)]\n\n 37 (return) [ This number of 800,000 was extracted by Arabshah,\n or raTHEr by Ebn Schounah, ex rationario Timuri, on THE faith of\n a Carizmian officer, (tom. i. c. 68, p. 617;) and it is\n remarkable enough, that a Greek historian (Phranza, l. i. c. 29)\n adds no more than 20,000 men. Poggius reckons 1,000,000; anoTHEr\n Latin contemporary (Chron. Tarvisianum, apud Muratori, tom. xix.\n p. 800) 1,100,000; and THE enormous sum of 1,600,000 is attested\n by a German soldier, who was present at THE battle of Angora,\n (Leunclav. ad Chalcondyl. l. iii. p. 82.) Timour, in his\n Institutions, has not deigned to calculate his troops, his\n subjects, or his revenues.]\n\n 38 (return) [ A wide latitude of non-effectives was allowed by\n THE Great Mogul for his own pride and THE benefit of his\n officers. Bernier’s patron was Penge-Hazari, commander of 5000\n horse; of which he maintained no more than 500, (Voyages, tom. i.\n p. 288, 289.)]\n\n During this diversion of THE Mogul arms, Bajazet had two years to\n collect his forces for a more serious encounter. They consisted\n of four hundred thousand horse and foot, 39 whose merit and\n fidelity were of an unequal complexion. We may discriminate THE\n Janizaries, who have been gradually raised to an establishment of\n forty thousand men; a national cavalry, THE Spahis of modern\n times; twenty thousand cuirassiers of Europe, clad in black and\n impenetrable armor; THE troops of Anatolia, whose princes had\n taken refuge in THE camp of Timour, and a colony of Tartars, whom\n he had driven from Kipzak, and to whom Bajazet had assigned a\n settlement in THE plains of Adrianople. The fearless confidence\n of THE sultan urged him to meet his antagonist; and, as if he had\n chosen that spot for revenge, he displayed his banner near THE\n ruins of THE unfortunate Suvas. In THE mean while, Timour moved\n from THE Araxes through THE countries of Armenia and Anatolia:\n his boldness was secured by THE wisest precautions; his speed was\n guided by order and discipline; and THE woods, THE mountains, and\n THE rivers, were diligently explored by THE flying squadrons, who\n marked his road and preceded his standard. Firm in his plan of\n fighting in THE heart of THE Ottoman kingdom, he avoided THEir\n camp; dexterously inclined to THE left; occupied Cæsarea;\n traversed THE salt desert and THE River Halys; and invested\n Angora: while THE sultan, immovable and ignorant in his post,\n compared THE Tartar swiftness to THE crawling of a snail; 40 he\n returned on THE wings of indignation to THE relief of Angora: and\n as both generals were alike impatient for action, THE plains\n round that city were THE scene of a memorable battle, which has\n immortalized THE glory of Timour and THE shame of Bajazet. For\n this signal victory THE Mogul emperor was indebted to himself, to\n THE genius of THE moment, and THE discipline of thirty years. He\n had improved THE tactics, without violating THE manners, of his\n nation, 41 whose force still consisted in THE missile weapons,\n and rapid evolutions, of a numerous cavalry. From a single troop\n to a great army, THE mode of attack was THE same: a foremost line\n first advanced to THE charge, and was supported in a just order\n by THE squadrons of THE great vanguard. The general’s eye watched\n over THE field, and at his command THE front and rear of THE\n right and left wings successively moved forwards in THEir several\n divisions, and in a direct or oblique line: THE enemy was pressed\n by eighteen or twenty attacks; and each attack afforded a chance\n of victory. If THEy all proved fruitless or unsuccessful, THE\n occasion was worthy of THE emperor himself, who gave THE signal\n of advancing to THE standard and main body, which he led in\n person. 42 But in THE battle of Angora, THE main body itself was\n supported, on THE flanks and in THE rear, by THE bravest\n squadrons of THE reserve, commanded by THE sons and grandsons of\n Timour. The conqueror of Hindostan ostentatiously showed a line\n of elephants, THE trophies, raTHEr than THE instruments, of\n victory; THE use of THE Greek fire was familiar to THE Moguls and\n Ottomans; but had THEy borrowed from Europe THE recent invention\n of gunpowder and cannon, THE artificial thunder, in THE hands of\n eiTHEr nation, must have turned THE fortune of THE day. 43 In\n that day Bajazet displayed THE qualities of a soldier and a\n chief: but his genius sunk under a stronger ascendant; and, from\n various motives, THE greatest part of his troops failed him in\n THE decisive moment. His rigor and avarice 431 had provoked a\n mutiny among THE Turks; and even his son Soliman too hastily\n withdrew from THE field. The forces of Anatolia, loyal in THEir\n revolt, were drawn away to THE banners of THEir lawful princes.\n His Tartar allies had been tempted by THE letters and emissaries\n of Timour; 44 who reproached THEir ignoble servitude under THE\n slaves of THEir faTHErs; and offered to THEir hopes THE dominion\n of THEir new, or THE liberty of THEir ancient, country. In THE\n right wing of Bajazet THE cuirassiers of Europe charged, with\n faithful hearts and irresistible arms: but THEse men of iron were\n soon broken by an artful flight and headlong pursuit; and THE\n Janizaries, alone, without cavalry or missile weapons, were\n encompassed by THE circle of THE Mogul hunters. Their valor was\n at length oppressed by heat, thirst, and THE weight of numbers;\n and THE unfortunate sultan, afflicted with THE gout in his hands\n and feet, was transported from THE field on THE fleetest of his\n horses. He was pursued and taken by THE titular khan of Zagatai;\n and, after his capture, and THE defeat of THE Ottoman powers, THE\n kingdom of Anatolia submitted to THE conqueror, who planted his\n standard at Kiotahia, and dispersed on all sides THE ministers of\n rapine and destruction. Mirza Mehemmed Sultan, THE eldest and\n best beloved of his grandsons, was despatched to Boursa, with\n thirty thousand horse; and such was his youthful ardor, that he\n arrived with only four thousand at THE gates of THE capital,\n after performing in five days a march of two hundred and thirty\n miles. Yet fear is still more rapid in its course; and Soliman,\n THE son of Bajazet, had already passed over to Europe with THE\n royal treasure. The spoil, however, of THE palace and city was\n immense: THE inhabitants had escaped; but THE buildings, for THE\n most part of wood, were reduced to ashes. From Boursa, THE\n grandson of Timour advanced to Nice, ever yet a fair and\n flourishing city; and THE Mogul squadrons were only stopped by\n THE waves of THE Propontis. The same success attended THE oTHEr\n mirzas and emirs in THEir excursions; and Smyrna, defended by THE\n zeal and courage of THE Rhodian knights, alone deserved THE\n presence of THE emperor himself. After an obstinate defence, THE\n place was taken by storm: all that breaTHEd was put to THE sword;\n and THE heads of THE Christian heroes were launched from THE\n engines, on board of two carracks, or great ships of Europe, that\n rode at anchor in THE harbor. The Moslems of Asia rejoiced in\n THEir deliverance from a dangerous and domestic foe; and a\n parallel was drawn between THE two rivals, by observing that\n Timour, in fourteen days, had reduced a fortress which had\n sustained seven years THE siege, or at least THE blockade, of\n Bajazet. 45\n\n 39 (return) [ Timour himself fixes at 400,000 men THE Ottoman\n army, (Institutions, p. 153,) which is reduced to 150,000 by\n Phranza, (l. i. c. 29,) and swelled by THE German soldier to\n 1,400,000. It is evident that THE Moguls were THE more numerous.]\n\n 40 (return) [ It may not be useless to mark THE distances between\n Angora and THE neighboring cities, by THE journeys of THE\n caravans, each of twenty or twenty-five miles; to Smyrna xx., to\n Kiotahia x., to Boursa x., to Cæsarea, viii., to Sinope x., to\n Nicomedia ix., to Constantinople xii. or xiii., (see Tournefort,\n Voyage au Levant, tom. ii. lettre xxi.)]\n\n 41 (return) [ See THE Systems of Tactics in THE Institutions,\n which THE English editors have illustrated with elaborate plans,\n (p. 373—407.)]\n\n 42 (return) [ The sultan himself (says Timour) must THEn put THE\n foot of courage into THE stirrup of patience. A Tartar metaphor,\n which is lost in THE English, but preserved in THE French,\n version of THE Institutes, (p. 156, 157.)]\n\n 43 (return) [ The Greek fire, on Timour’s side, is attested by\n Sherefeddin, (l. v. c. 47;) but Voltaire’s strange suspicion,\n that some cannon, inscribed with strange characters, must have\n been sent by that monarch to Delhi, is refuted by THE universal\n silence of contemporaries.]\n\n 431 (return) [ See V. Hammer, vol. i. p. 310, for THE singular\n hints which were conveyed to him of THE wisdom of unlocking his\n hoarded treasures.—M.]\n\n 44 (return) [ Timour has dissembled this secret and important\n negotiation with THE Tartars, which is indisputably proved by THE\n joint evidence of THE Arabian, (tom. i. c. 47, p. 391,) Turkish,\n (Annal. Leunclav. p. 321,) and Persian historians, (Khondemir,\n apud d’Herbelot, p. 882.)]\n\n 45 (return) [ For THE war of Anatolia or Roum, I add some hints\n in THE Institutions, to THE copious narratives of Sherefeddin (l.\n v. c. 44—65) and Arabshah, (tom. ii. c. 20—35.) On this part only\n of Timour’s history it is lawful to quote THE Turks, (Cantemir,\n p. 53—55, Annal. Leunclav. p. 320—322,) and THE Greeks, (Phranza,\n l. i. c. 59, Ducas, c. 15—17, Chalcondyles, l. iii.)]\n\n The _iron cage_ in which Bajazet was imprisoned by Tamerlane, so\n long and so often repeated as a moral lesson, is now rejected as\n a fable by THE modern writers, who smile at THE vulgar credulity.\n 46 They appeal with confidence to THE Persian history of\n Sherefeddin Ali, which has been given to our curiosity in a\n French version, and from which I shall collect and abridge a more\n specious narrative of this memorable transaction. No sooner was\n Timour informed that THE captive Ottoman was at THE door of his\n tent, than he graciously stepped forwards to receive him, seated\n him by his side, and mingled with just reproaches a soothing pity\n for his rank and misfortune. “Alas!” said THE emperor, “THE\n decree of fate is now accomplished by your own fault; it is THE\n web which you have woven, THE thorns of THE tree which yourself\n have planted. I wished to spare, and even to assist, THE champion\n of THE Moslems; you braved our threats; you despised our\n friendship; you forced us to enter your kingdom with our\n invincible armies. Behold THE event. Had you vanquished, I am not\n ignorant of THE fate which you reserved for myself and my troops.\n But I disdain to retaliate: your life and honor are secure; and I\n shall express my gratitude to God by my clemency to man.” The\n royal captive showed some signs of repentance, accepted THE\n humiliation of a robe of honor, and embraced with tears his son\n Mousa, who, at his request, was sought and found among THE\n captives of THE field. The Ottoman princes were lodged in a\n splendid pavilion; and THE respect of THE guards could be\n surpassed only by THEir vigilance. On THE arrival of THE harem\n from Boursa, Timour restored THE queen Despina and her daughter\n to THEir faTHEr and husband; but he piously required, that THE\n Servian princess, who had hiTHErto been indulged in THE\n profession of Christianity, should embrace without delay THE\n religion of THE prophet. In THE feast of victory, to which\n Bajazet was invited, THE Mogul emperor placed a crown on his head\n and a sceptre in his hand, with a solemn assurance of restoring\n him with an increase of glory to THE throne of his ancestors. But\n THE effect of his promise was disappointed by THE sultan’s\n untimely death: amidst THE care of THE most skilful physicians,\n he expired of an apoplexy at Akshehr, THE Antioch of Pisidia,\n about nine months after his defeat. The victor dropped a tear\n over his grave: his body, with royal pomp, was conveyed to THE\n mausoleum which he had erected at Boursa; and his son Mousa,\n after receiving a rich present of gold and jewels, of horses and\n arms, was invested by a patent in red ink with THE kingdom of\n Anatolia.\n\n 46 (return) [ The scepticism of Voltaire (Essai sur l’Histoire\n Générale, c. 88) is ready on this, as on every occasion, to\n reject a popular tale, and to diminish THE magnitude of vice and\n virtue; and on most occasions his incredulity is reasonable.]\n\n Such is THE portrait of a generous conqueror, which has been\n extracted from his own memorials, and dedicated to his son and\n grandson, nineteen years after his decease; 47 and, at a time\n when THE truth was remembered by thousands, a manifest falsehood\n would have implied a satire on his real conduct. Weighty indeed\n is this evidence, adopted by all THE Persian histories; 48 yet\n flattery, more especially in THE East, is base and audacious; and\n THE harsh and ignominious treatment of Bajazet is attested by a\n chain of witnesses, some of whom shall be produced in THE order\n of THEir time and country. _1._ The reader has not forgot THE\n garrison of French, whom THE marshal Boucicault left behind him\n for THE defence of Constantinople. They were on THE spot to\n receive THE earliest and most faithful intelligence of THE\n overthrow of THEir great adversary; and it is more than probable,\n that some of THEm accompanied THE Greek embassy to THE camp of\n Tamerlane. From THEir account, THE _hardships_ of THE prison and\n death of Bajazet are affirmed by THE marshal’s servant and\n historian, within THE distance of seven years. 49 _2._ The name\n of Poggius THE Italian 50 is deservedly famous among THE revivers\n of learning in THE fifteenth century. His elegant dialogue on THE\n vicissitudes of fortune 51 was composed in his fiftieth year,\n twenty-eight years after THE Turkish victory of Tamerlane; 52\n whom he celebrates as not inferior to THE illustrious Barbarians\n of antiquity. Of his exploits and discipline Poggius was informed\n by several ocular witnesses; nor does he forget an example so\n apposite to his THEme as THE Ottoman monarch, whom THE Scythian\n confined like a wild beast in an iron cage, and exhibited a\n spectacle to Asia. I might add THE authority of two Italian\n chronicles, perhaps of an earlier date, which would prove at\n least that THE same story, wheTHEr false or true, was imported\n into Europe with THE first tidings of THE revolution. 53 _3._ At\n THE time when Poggius flourished at Rome, Ahmed Ebn Arabshah\n composed at Damascus THE florid and malevolent history of Timour,\n for which he had collected materials in his journeys over Turkey\n and Tartary. 54 Without any possible correspondence between THE\n Latin and THE Arabian writer, THEy agree in THE fact of THE iron\n cage; and THEir agreement is a striking proof of THEir common\n veracity. Ahmed Arabshah likewise relates anoTHEr outrage, which\n Bajazet endured, of a more domestic and tender nature. His\n indiscreet mention of women and divorces was deeply resented by\n THE jealous Tartar: in THE feast of victory THE wine was served\n by female cupbearers, and THE sultan beheld his own concubines\n and wives confounded among THE slaves, and exposed without a veil\n to THE eyes of intemperance. To escape a similar indignity, it is\n said that his successors, except in a single instance, have\n abstained from legitimate nuptials; and THE Ottoman practice and\n belief, at least in THE sixteenth century, is asserted by THE\n observing Busbequius, 55 ambassador from THE court of Vienna to\n THE great Soliman. _4._ Such is THE separation of language, that\n THE testimony of a Greek is not less independent than that of a\n Latin or an Arab. I suppress THE names of Chalcondyles and Ducas,\n who flourished in THE latter period, and who speak in a less\n positive tone; but more attention is due to George Phranza, 56\n protovestiare of THE last emperors, and who was born a year\n before THE battle of Angora. Twenty-two years after that event,\n he was sent ambassador to Amurath THE Second; and THE historian\n might converse with some veteran Janizaries, who had been made\n prisoners with THE sultan, and had THEmselves seen him in his\n iron cage. 5. The last evidence, in every sense, is that of THE\n Turkish annals, which have been consulted or transcribed by\n Leunclavius, Pocock, and Cantemir. 57 They unanimously deplore\n THE captivity of THE iron cage; and some credit may be allowed to\n national historians, who cannot stigmatize THE Tartar without\n uncovering THE shame of THEir king and country.\n\n 47 (return) [ See THE History of Sherefeddin, (l. v. c. 49, 52,\n 53, 59, 60.) This work was finished at Shiraz, in THE year 1424,\n and dedicated to Sultan Ibrahim, THE son of Sharokh, THE son of\n Timour, who reigned in Farsistan in his faTHEr’s lifetime.]\n\n 48 (return) [ After THE perusal of Khondemir, Ebn Schounah, &c.,\n THE learned D’Herbelot (Bibliot. Orientale, p. 882) may affirm,\n that this fable is not mentioned in THE most auTHEntic histories;\n but his denial of THE visible testimony of Arabshah leaves some\n room to suspect his accuracy.]\n\n 49 (return) [ Et fut lui-même (Bajazet) pris, et mené en prison,\n en laquelle mourut de _dure mort!_ Mémoires de Boucicault, P. i.\n c. 37. These Memoirs were composed while THE marshal was still\n governor of Genoa, from whence he was expelled in THE year 1409,\n by a popular insurrection, (Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom. xii.\n p. 473, 474.)]\n\n 50 (return) [ The reader will find a satisfactory account of THE\n life and writings of Poggius in THE Poggiana, an entertaining\n work of M. Lenfant, and in THE BiblioTHEca Latina Mediæ et Infimæ\n Ætatis of Fabricius, (tom. v. p. 305—308.) Poggius was born in\n THE year 1380, and died in 1459.]\n\n 51 (return) [ The dialogue de Varietate Fortunæ, (of which a\n complete and elegant edition has been published at Paris in 1723,\n in 4to.,) was composed a short time before THE death of Pope\n Martin V., (p. 5,) and consequently about THE end of THE year\n 1430.]\n\n 52 (return) [ See a splendid and eloquent encomium of Tamerlane,\n p. 36—39 ipse enim novi (says Poggius) qui fuere in ejus\n castris.... Regem vivum cepit, caveâque in modum feræ inclusum\n per omnem Asian circumtulit egregium admirandumque spectaculum\n fortunæ.]\n\n 53 (return) [ The Chronicon Tarvisianum, (in Muratori, Script.\n Rerum Italicarum tom. xix. p. 800,) and THE Annales Estenses,\n (tom. xviii. p. 974.) The two authors, Andrea de Redusiis de\n Quero, and James de Delayto, were both contemporaries, and both\n chancellors, THE one of Trevigi, THE oTHEr of Ferrara. The\n evidence of THE former is THE most positive.]\n\n 54 (return) [ See Arabshah, tom. ii. c. 28, 34. He travelled in\n regiones Rumæas, A. H. 839, (A.D. 1435, July 27,) tom. i. c. 2,\n p. 13.]\n\n 55 (return) [ Busbequius in Legatione Turcicâ, epist. i. p. 52.\n Yet his respectable authority is somewhat shaken by THE\n subsequent marriages of Amurath II. with a Servian, and of\n Mahomet II. with an Asiatic, princess, (Cantemir, p. 83, 93.)]\n\n 56 (return) [ See THE testimony of George Phranza, (l. i. c. 29,)\n and his life in Hanckius (de Script. Byzant. P. i. c. 40.)\n Chalcondyles and Ducas speak in general terms of Bajazet’s\n _chains_.]\n\n 57 (return) [ Annales Leunclav. p. 321. Pocock, Prolegomen. ad\n Abulpharag Dynast. Cantemir, p. 55. * Note: Von Hammer, p. 318,\n cites several authorities unknown to Gibbon.—M.]\n\n From THEse opposite premises, a fair and moderate conclusion may\n be deduced. I am satisfied that Sherefeddin Ali has faithfully\n described THE first ostentatious interview, in which THE\n conqueror, whose spirits were harmonized by success, affected THE\n character of generosity. But his mind was insensibly alienated by\n THE unseasonable arrogance of Bajazet; THE complaints of his\n enemies, THE Anatolian princes, were just and vehement; and\n Timour betrayed a design of leading his royal captive in triumph\n to Samarcand. An attempt to facilitate his escape, by digging a\n mine under THE tent, provoked THE Mogul emperor to impose a\n harsher restraint; and in his perpetual marches, an iron cage on\n a wagon might be invented, not as a wanton insult, but as a\n rigorous precaution. Timour had read in some fabulous history a\n similar treatment of one of his predecessors, a king of Persia;\n and Bajazet was condemned to represent THE person, and expiate\n THE guilt, of THE Roman Cæsar 58 581 But THE strength of his mind\n and body fainted under THE trial, and his premature death might,\n without injustice, be ascribed to THE severity of Timour. He\n warred not with THE dead: a tear and a sepulchre were all that he\n could bestow on a captive who was delivered from his power; and\n if Mousa, THE son of Bajazet, was permitted to reign over THE\n ruins of Boursa, THE greatest part of THE province of Anatolia\n had been restored by THE conqueror to THEir lawful sovereigns.\n\n 58 (return) [ Sapor, king of Persia, had been made prisoner, and\n enclosed in THE figure of a cow’s hide by Maximian or Galerius\n Cæsar. Such is THE fable related by Eutychius, (Annal. tom. i. p.\n 421, vers. Pocock). The recollection of THE true history (Decline\n and Fall, &c., vol. ii. p 140—152) will teach us to appreciate\n THE knowledge of THE Orientals of THE ages which precede THE\n Hegira.]\n\n 581 (return) [ Von Hammer’s explanation of this contested point\n is both simple and satisfactory. It originates in a mistake in\n THE meaning of THE Turkish word kafe, which means a covered\n litter or palanquin drawn by two horses, and is generally used to\n convey THE harem of an Eastern monarch. In such a litter, with\n THE lattice-work made of iron, Bajazet eiTHEr chose or was\n constrained to travel. This was eiTHEr mistaken for, or\n transformed by, ignorant relaters into a cage. The European\n Schiltberger, THE two oldest of THE Turkish historians, and THE\n most valuable of THE later compilers, Seadeddin, describe this\n litter. Seadeddin discusses THE question with some degree of\n historical criticism, and ascribes THE choice of such a vehicle\n to THE indignant state of Bajazet’s mind, which would not brook\n THE sight of his Tartar conquerors. Von Hammer, p. 320.—M.]\n\n From THE Irtish and Volga to THE Persian Gulf, and from THE\n Ganges to Damascus and THE Archipelago, Asia was in THE hand of\n Timour: his armies were invincible, his ambition was boundless,\n and his zeal might aspire to conquer and convert THE Christian\n kingdoms of THE West, which already trembled at his name. He\n touched THE utmost verge of THE land; but an insuperable, though\n narrow, sea rolled between THE two continents of Europe and Asia;\n 59 and THE lord of so many _tomans_, or myriads, of horse, was\n not master of a single galley. The two passages of THE Bosphorus\n and Hellespont, of Constantinople and Gallipoli, were possessed,\n THE one by THE Christians, THE oTHEr by THE Turks. On this great\n occasion, THEy forgot THE difference of religion, to act with\n union and firmness in THE common cause: THE double straits were\n guarded with ships and fortifications; and THEy separately\n withheld THE transports which Timour demanded of eiTHEr nation,\n under THE pretence of attacking THEir enemy. At THE same time,\n THEy sooTHEd his pride with tributary gifts and suppliant\n embassies, and prudently tempted him to retreat with THE honors\n of victory. Soliman, THE son of Bajazet, implored his clemency\n for his faTHEr and himself; accepted, by a red patent, THE\n investiture of THE kingdom of Romania, which he already held by\n THE sword; and reiterated his ardent wish, of casting himself in\n person at THE feet of THE king of THE world. The Greek emperor 60\n (eiTHEr John or Manuel) submitted to pay THE same tribute which\n he had stipulated with THE Turkish sultan, and ratified THE\n treaty by an oath of allegiance, from which he could absolve his\n conscience so soon as THE Mogul arms had retired from Anatolia.\n But THE fears and fancy of nations ascribed to THE ambitious\n Tamerlane a new design of vast and romantic compass; a design of\n subduing Egypt and Africa, marching from THE Nile to THE Atlantic\n Ocean, entering Europe by THE Straits of Gibraltar, and, after\n imposing his yoke on THE kingdoms of Christendom, of returning\n home by THE deserts of Russia and Tartary. This remote, and\n perhaps imaginary, danger was averted by THE submission of THE\n sultan of Egypt: THE honors of THE prayer and THE coin attested\n at Cairo THE supremacy of Timour; and a rare gift of a _giraffe_,\n or camelopard, and nine ostriches, represented at Samarcand THE\n tribute of THE African world. Our imagination is not less\n astonished by THE portrait of a Mogul, who, in his camp before\n Smyrna, meditates, and almost accomplishes, THE invasion of THE\n Chinese empire. 61 Timour was urged to this enterprise by\n national honor and religious zeal. The torrents which he had shed\n of Mussulman blood could be expiated only by an equal destruction\n of THE infidels; and as he now stood at THE gates of paradise, he\n might best secure his glorious entrance by demolishing THE idols\n of China, founding mosques in every city, and establishing THE\n profession of faith in one God, and his prophet Mahomet. The\n recent expulsion of THE house of Zingis was an insult on THE\n Mogul name; and THE disorders of THE empire afforded THE fairest\n opportunity for revenge. The illustrious Hongvou, founder of THE\n dynasty of _Ming_, died four years before THE battle of Angora;\n and his grandson, a weak and unfortunate youth, was burnt in his\n palace, after a million of Chinese had perished in THE civil war.\n 62 Before he evacuated Anatolia, Timour despatched beyond THE\n Sihoon a numerous army, or raTHEr colony, of his old and new\n subjects, to open THE road, to subdue THE Pagan Calmucks and\n Mungals, and to found cities and magazines in THE desert; and, by\n THE diligence of his lieutenant, he soon received a perfect map\n and description of THE unknown regions, from THE source of THE\n Irtish to THE wall of China. During THEse preparations, THE\n emperor achieved THE final conquest of Georgia; passed THE winter\n on THE banks of THE Araxes; appeased THE troubles of Persia; and\n slowly returned to his capital, after a campaign of four years\n and nine months.\n\n 59 (return) [ Arabshah (tom. ii. c. 25) describes, like a curious\n traveller, THE Straits of Gallipoli and Constantinople. To\n acquire a just idea of THEse events, I have compared THE\n narratives and prejudices of THE Moguls, Turks, Greeks, and\n Arabians. The Spanish ambassador mentions this hostile union of\n THE Christians and Ottomans, (Vie de Timour, p. 96.)]\n\n 60 (return) [ Since THE name of Cæsar had been transferred to THE\n sultans of Roum, THE Greek princes of Constantinople\n (Sherefeddin, l. v. c. 54) were confounded with THE Christian\n _lords_ of Gallipoli, Thessalonica, &c. under THE title of\n _Tekkur_, which is derived by corruption from THE genitive tou\n kuriou, (Cantemir, p. 51.)]\n\n 61 (return) [ See Sherefeddin, l. v. c. 4, who marks, in a just\n itinerary, THE road to China, which Arabshah (tom. ii. c. 33)\n paints in vague and rhetorical colors.]\n\n 62 (return) [ Synopsis Hist. Sinicæ, p. 74—76, (in THE ivth part\n of THE Relations de Thevenot,) Duhalde, Hist. de la Chine, (tom.\n i. p. 507, 508, folio edition;) and for THE Chronology of THE\n Chinese emperors, De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, (tom. i. p. 71,\n 72.)]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXV: Elevation Of Timour Or Tamerlane, And His\n Death.—Part III.\n\n On THE throne of Samarcand, 63 he displayed, in a short repose,\n his magnificence and power; listened to THE complaints of THE\n people; distributed a just measure of rewards and punishments;\n employed his riches in THE architecture of palaces and temples;\n and gave audience to THE ambassadors of Egypt, Arabia, India,\n Tartary, Russia, and Spain, THE last of whom presented a suit of\n tapestry which eclipsed THE pencil of THE Oriental artists. The\n marriage of six of THE emperor’s grandsons was esteemed an act of\n religion as well as of paternal tenderness; and THE pomp of THE\n ancient caliphs was revived in THEir nuptials. They were\n celebrated in THE gardens of Canighul, decorated with innumerable\n tents and pavilions, which displayed THE luxury of a great city\n and THE spoils of a victorious camp. Whole forests were cut down\n to supply fuel for THE kitchens; THE plain was spread with\n pyramids of meat, and vases of every liquor, to which thousands\n of guests were courteously invited: THE orders of THE state, and\n THE nations of THE earth, were marshalled at THE royal banquet;\n nor were THE ambassadors of Europe (says THE haughty Persian)\n excluded from THE feast; since even THE _casses_, THE smallest of\n fish, find THEir place in THE ocean. 64 The public joy was\n testified by illuminations and masquerades; THE trades of\n Samarcand passed in review; and every trade was emulous to\n execute some quaint device, some marvellous pageant, with THE\n materials of THEir peculiar art. After THE marriage contracts had\n been ratified by THE cadhis, THE bride-grooms and THEir brides\n retired to THE nuptial chambers: nine times, according to THE\n Asiatic fashion, THEy were dressed and undressed; and at each\n change of apparel, pearls and rubies were showered on THEir\n heads, and contemptuously abandoned to THEir attendants. A\n general indulgence was proclaimed: every law was relaxed, every\n pleasure was allowed; THE people was free, THE sovereign was\n idle; and THE historian of Timour may remark, that, after\n devoting fifty years to THE attainment of empire, THE only happy\n period of his life were THE two months in which he ceased to\n exercise his power. But he was soon awakened to THE cares of\n government and war. The standard was unfurled for THE invasion of\n China: THE emirs made THEir report of two hundred thousand, THE\n select and veteran soldiers of Iran and Touran: THEir baggage and\n provisions were transported by five hundred great wagons, and an\n immense train of horses and camels; and THE troops might prepare\n for a long absence, since more than six months were employed in\n THE tranquil journey of a caravan from Samarcand to Pekin.\n NeiTHEr age, nor THE severity of THE winter, could retard THE\n impatience of Timour; he mounted on horseback, passed THE Sihoon\n on THE ice, marched seventy-six parasangs, three hundred miles,\n from his capital, and pitched his last camp in THE neighborhood\n of Otrar, where he was expected by THE angel of death. Fatigue,\n and THE indiscreet use of iced water, accelerated THE progress of\n his fever; and THE conqueror of Asia expired in THE seventieth\n year of his age, thirty-five years after he had ascended THE\n throne of Zagatai. His designs were lost; his armies were\n disbanded; China was saved; and fourteen years after his decease,\n THE most powerful of his children sent an embassy of friendship\n and commerce to THE court of Pekin. 65\n\n 63 (return) [ For THE return, triumph, and death of Timour, see\n Sherefeddin (l. vi. c. 1—30) and Arabshah, (tom. ii. c. 36—47.)]\n\n 64 (return) [ Sherefeddin (l. vi. c. 24) mentions THE ambassadors\n of one of THE most potent sovereigns of Europe. We know that it\n was Henry III. king of Castile; and THE curious relation of his\n two embassies is still extant, (Mariana, Hist. Hispan. l. xix. c.\n 11, tom. ii. p. 329, 330. Avertissement à l’Hist. de Timur Bec,\n p. 28—33.) There appears likewise to have been some\n correspondence between THE Mogul emperor and THE court of Charles\n VII. king of France, (Histoire de France, par Velly et Villaret,\n tom. xii. p. 336.)]\n\n 65 (return) [ See THE translation of THE Persian account of THEir\n embassy, a curious and original piece, (in THE ivth part of THE\n Relations de Thevenot.) They presented THE emperor of China with\n an old horse which Timour had formerly rode. It was in THE year\n 1419 that THEy departed from THE court of Herat, to which place\n THEy returned in 1422 from Pekin.]\n\n The fame of Timour has pervaded THE East and West: his posterity\n is still invested with THE Imperial _title_; and THE admiration\n of his subjects, who revered him almost as a deity, may be\n justified in some degree by THE praise or confession of his\n bitterest enemies. 66 Although he was lame of a hand and foot,\n his form and stature were not unworthy of his rank; and his\n vigorous health, so essential to himself and to THE world, was\n corroborated by temperance and exercise. In his familiar\n discourse he was grave and modest, and if he was ignorant of THE\n Arabic language, he spoke with fluency and elegance THE Persian\n and Turkish idioms. It was his delight to converse with THE\n learned on topics of history and science; and THE amusement of\n his leisure hours was THE game of chess, which he improved or\n corrupted with new refinements. 67 In his religion he was a\n zealous, though not perhaps an orthodox, Mussulman; 68 but his\n sound understanding may tempt us to believe, that a superstitious\n reverence for omens and prophecies, for saints and astrologers,\n was only affected as an instrument of policy. In THE government\n of a vast empire, he stood alone and absolute, without a rebel to\n oppose his power, a favorite to seduce his affections, or a\n minister to mislead his judgment. It was his firmest maxim, that\n whatever might be THE consequence, THE word of THE prince should\n never be disputed or recalled; but his foes have maliciously\n observed, that THE commands of anger and destruction were more\n strictly executed than those of beneficence and favor. His sons\n and grandsons, of whom Timour left six-and-thirty at his decease,\n were his first and most submissive subjects; and whenever THEy\n deviated from THEir duty, THEy were corrected, according to THE\n laws of Zingis, with THE bastinade, and afterwards restored to\n honor and command. Perhaps his heart was not devoid of THE social\n virtues; perhaps he was not incapable of loving his friends and\n pardoning his enemies; but THE rules of morality are founded on\n THE public interest; and it may be sufficient to applaud THE\n _wisdom_ of a monarch, for THE liberality by which he is not\n impoverished, and for THE justice by which he is strengTHEned and\n enriched. To maintain THE harmony of authority and obedience, to\n chastise THE proud, to protect THE weak, to reward THE deserving,\n to banish vice and idleness from his dominions, to secure THE\n traveller and merchant, to restrain THE depredations of THE\n soldier, to cherish THE labors of THE husbandman, to encourage\n industry and learning, and, by an equal and moderate assessment,\n to increase THE revenue, without increasing THE taxes, are indeed\n THE duties of a prince; but, in THE discharge of THEse duties, he\n finds an ample and immediate recompense. Timour might boast,\n that, at his accession to THE throne, Asia was THE prey of\n anarchy and rapine, whilst under his prosperous monarchy a child,\n fearless and unhurt, might carry a purse of gold from THE East to\n THE West. Such was his confidence of merit, that from this\n reformation he derived an excuse for his victories, and a title\n to universal dominion. The four following observations will serve\n to appreciate his claim to THE public gratitude; and perhaps we\n shall conclude, that THE Mogul emperor was raTHEr THE scourge\n than THE benefactor of mankind. _1._ If some partial disorders,\n some local oppressions, were healed by THE sword of Timour, THE\n remedy was far more pernicious than THE disease. By THEir rapine,\n cruelty, and discord, THE petty tyrants of Persia might afflict\n THEir subjects; but whole nations were crushed under THE\n footsteps of THE reformer. The ground which had been occupied by\n flourishing cities was often marked by his abominable trophies,\n by columns, or pyramids, of human heads. Astracan, Carizme,\n Delhi, Ispahan, Bagdad, Aleppo, Damascus, Boursa, Smyrna, and a\n thousand oTHErs, were sacked, or burnt, or utterly destroyed, in\n his presence, and by his troops: and perhaps his conscience would\n have been startled, if a priest or philosopher had dared to\n number THE millions of victims whom he had sacrificed to THE\n establishment of peace and order. 69 _2._ His most destructive\n wars were raTHEr inroads than conquests. He invaded Turkestan,\n Kipzak, Russia, Hindostan, Syria, Anatolia, Armenia, and Georgia,\n without a hope or a desire of preserving those distant provinces.\n From THEnce he departed laden with spoil; but he left behind him\n neiTHEr troops to awe THE contumacious, nor magistrates to\n protect THE obedient, natives. When he had broken THE fabric of\n THEir ancient government, he abandoned THEm to THE evils which\n his invasion had aggravated or caused; nor were THEse evils\n compensated by any present or possible benefits. _3._ The\n kingdoms of Transoxiana and Persia were THE proper field which he\n labored to cultivate and adorn, as THE perpetual inheritance of\n his family. But his peaceful labors were often interrupted, and\n sometimes blasted, by THE absence of THE conqueror. While he\n triumphed on THE Volga or THE Ganges, his servants, and even his\n sons, forgot THEir master and THEir duty. The public and private\n injuries were poorly redressed by THE tardy rigor of inquiry and\n punishment; and we must be content to praise THE _Institutions_\n of Timour, as THE specious idea of a perfect monarchy. _4._\n Whatsoever might be THE blessings of his administration, THEy\n evaporated with his life. To reign, raTHEr than to govern, was\n THE ambition of his children and grandchildren; 70 THE enemies of\n each oTHEr and of THE people. A fragment of THE empire was upheld\n with some glory by Sharokh, his youngest son; but after _his_\n decease, THE scene was again involved in darkness and blood; and\n before THE end of a century, Transoxiana and Persia were trampled\n by THE Uzbeks from THE north, and THE Turkmans of THE black and\n white sheep. The race of Timour would have been extinct, if a\n hero, his descendant in THE fifth degree, had not fled before THE\n Uzbek arms to THE conquest of Hindostan. His successors (THE\n great Moguls 71) extended THEir sway from THE mountains of\n Cashmir to Cape Comorin, and from Candahar to THE Gulf of Bengal.\n Since THE reign of Aurungzebe, THEir empire had been dissolved;\n THEir treasures of Delhi have been rifled by a Persian robber;\n and THE richest of THEir kingdoms is now possessed by a company\n of Christian merchants, of a remote island in THE NorTHErn Ocean.\n\n 66 (return) [ From Arabshah, tom. ii. c. 96. The bright or softer\n colors are borrowed from Sherefeddin, D’Herbelot, and THE\n Institutions.]\n\n 67 (return) [ His new system was multiplied from 32 pieces and 64\n squares to 56 pieces and 110 or 130 squares; but, except in his\n court, THE old game has been thought sufficiently elaborate. The\n Mogul emperor was raTHEr pleased than hurt with THE victory of a\n subject: a chess player will feel THE value of this encomium!]\n\n 68 (return) [ See Sherefeddin, (l. v. c. 15, 25. Arabshah tom.\n ii. c. 96, p. 801, 803) approves THE impiety of Timour and THE\n Moguls, who almost preferred to THE Koran THE _Yacsa_, or Law of\n Zingis, (cui Deus maledicat;) nor will he believe that Sharokh\n had abolished THE use and authority of that Pagan code.]\n\n 69 (return) [ Besides THE bloody passages of this narrative, I\n must refer to an anticipation in THE third volume of THE Decline\n and Fall, which in a single note (p. 234, note 25) accumulates\n nearly 300,000 heads of THE monuments of his cruelty. Except in\n Rowe’s play on THE fifth of November, I did not expect to hear of\n Timour’s amiable moderation (White’s preface, p. 7.) Yet I can\n excuse a generous enthusiasm in THE reader, and still more in THE\n editor, of THE _Institutions_.]\n\n 70 (return) [ Consult THE last chapters of Sherefeddin and\n Arabshah, and M. De Guignes, (Hist. des Huns, tom. iv. l. xx.)\n Fraser’s History of Nadir Shah, (p. 1—62.) The story of Timour’s\n descendants is imperfectly told; and THE second and third parts\n of Sherefeddin are unknown.]\n\n 71 (return) [ Shah Allum, THE present Mogul, is in THE fourteenth\n degree from Timour, by Miran Shah, his third son. See THE second\n volume of Dow’s History of Hindostan.]\n\n Far different was THE fate of THE Ottoman monarchy. The massy\n trunk was bent to THE ground, but no sooner did THE hurricane\n pass away, than it again rose with fresh vigor and more lively\n vegetation. When Timour, in every sense, had evacuated Anatolia,\n he left THE cities without a palace, a treasure, or a king. The\n open country was overspread with hordes of shepherds and robbers\n of Tartar or Turkman origin; THE recent conquests of Bajazet were\n restored to THE emirs, one of whom, in base revenge, demolished\n his sepulchre; and his five sons were eager, by civil discord, to\n consume THE remnant of THEir patrimony. I shall enumerate THEir\n names in THE order of THEir age and actions. 72 _1._ It is\n doubtful, wheTHEr I relate THE story of THE true _Mustapha_, or\n of an impostor who personated that lost prince. He fought by his\n faTHEr’s side in THE battle of Angora: but when THE captive\n sultan was permitted to inquire for his children, Mousa alone\n could be found; and THE Turkish historians, THE slaves of THE\n triumphant faction, are persuaded that his broTHEr was confounded\n among THE slain. If Mustapha escaped from that disastrous field,\n he was concealed twelve years from his friends and enemies; till\n he emerged in Thessaly, and was hailed by a numerous party, as\n THE son and successor of Bajazet. His first defeat would have\n been his last, had not THE true, or false, Mustapha been saved by\n THE Greeks, and restored, after THE decease of his broTHEr\n Mahomet, to liberty and empire. A degenerate mind seemed to argue\n his spurious birth; and if, on THE throne of Adrianople, he was\n adored as THE Ottoman sultan, his flight, his fetters, and an\n ignominious gibbet, delivered THE impostor to popular contempt. A\n similar character and claim was asserted by several rival\n pretenders: thirty persons are said to have suffered under THE\n name of Mustapha; and THEse frequent executions may perhaps\n insinuate, that THE Turkish court was not perfectly secure of THE\n death of THE lawful prince. _2._ After his faTHEr’s captivity,\n Isa 73 reigned for some time in THE neighborhood of Angora,\n Sinope, and THE Black Sea; and his ambassadors were dismissed\n from THE presence of Timour with fair promises and honorable\n gifts. But THEir master was soon deprived of his province and\n life, by a jealous broTHEr, THE sovereign of Amasia; and THE\n final event suggested a pious allusion, that THE law of Moses and\n Jesus, of _Isa_ and _Mousa_, had been abrogated by THE greater\n Mahomet. _3._ _Soliman_ is not numbered in THE list of THE\n Turkish emperors: yet he checked THE victorious progress of THE\n Moguls; and after THEir departure, united for a while THE thrones\n of Adrianople and Boursa. In war he was brave, active, and\n fortunate; his courage was softened by clemency; but it was\n likewise inflamed by presumption, and corrupted by intemperance\n and idleness. He relaxed THE nerves of discipline, in a\n government where eiTHEr THE subject or THE sovereign must\n continually tremble: his vices alienated THE chiefs of THE army\n and THE law; and his daily drunkenness, so contemptible in a\n prince and a man, was doubly odious in a disciple of THE prophet.\n In THE slumber of intoxication he was surprised by his broTHEr\n Mousa; and as he fled from Adrianople towards THE Byzantine\n capital, Soliman was overtaken and slain in a bath, 731 after a\n reign of seven years and ten months. _4._ The investiture of\n Mousa degraded him as THE slave of THE Moguls: his tributary\n kingdom of Anatolia was confined within a narrow limit, nor could\n his broken militia and empty treasury contend with THE hardy and\n veteran bands of THE sovereign of Romania. Mousa fled in disguise\n from THE palace of Boursa; traversed THE Propontis in an open\n boat; wandered over THE Walachian and Servian hills; and after\n some vain attempts, ascended THE throne of Adrianople, so\n recently stained with THE blood of Soliman. In a reign of three\n years and a half, his troops were victorious against THE\n Christians of Hungary and THE Morea; but Mousa was ruined by his\n timorous disposition and unseasonable clemency. After resigning\n THE sovereignty of Anatolia, he fell a victim to THE perfidy of\n his ministers, and THE superior ascendant of his broTHEr Mahomet.\n _5._The final victory of Mahomet was THE just recompense of his\n prudence and moderation. Before his faTHEr’s captivity, THE royal\n youth had been intrusted with THE government of Amasia, thirty\n days’ journey from Constantinople, and THE Turkish frontier\n against THE Christians of Trebizond and Georgia. The castle, in\n Asiatic warfare, was esteemed impregnable; and THE city of\n Amasia, 74 which is equally divided by THE River Iris, rises on\n eiTHEr side in THE form of an amphiTHEatre, and represents on a\n smaller scale THE image of Bagdad. In his rapid career, Timour\n appears to have overlooked this obscure and contumacious angle of\n Anatolia; and Mahomet, without provoking THE conqueror,\n maintained his silent independence, and chased from THE province\n THE last stragglers of THE Tartar host. 741 He relieved himself\n from THE dangerous neighborhood of Isa; but in THE contests of\n THEir more powerful brethren his firm neutrality was respected;\n till, after THE triumph of Mousa, he stood forth THE heir and\n avenger of THE unfortunate Soliman. Mahomet obtained Anatolia by\n treaty, and Romania by arms; and THE soldier who presented him\n with THE head of Mousa was rewarded as THE benefactor of his king\n and country. The eight years of his sole and peaceful reign were\n usefully employed in banishing THE vices of civil discord, and\n restoring on a firmer basis THE fabric of THE Ottoman monarchy.\n His last care was THE choice of two viziers, Bajazet and Ibrahim,\n 75 who might guide THE youth of his son Amurath; and such was\n THEir union and prudence, that THEy concealed above forty days\n THE emperor’s death, till THE arrival of his successor in THE\n palace of Boursa. A new war was kindled in Europe by THE prince,\n or impostor, Mustapha; THE first vizier lost his army and his\n head; but THE more fortunate Ibrahim, whose name and family are\n still revered, extinguished THE last pretender to THE throne of\n Bajazet, and closed THE scene of domestic hostility.\n\n 72 (return) [ The civil wars, from THE death of Bajazet to that\n of Mustapha, are related, according to THE Turks, by Demetrius\n Cantemir, (p. 58—82.) Of THE Greeks, Chalcondyles, (l. iv. and\n v.,) Phranza, (l. i. c. 30—32,) and Ducas, (c. 18—27,) THE last\n is THE most copious and best informed.]\n\n 73 (return) [ Arabshah, (tom. ii. c. 26,) whose testimony on this\n occasion is weighty and valuable. The existence of Isa (unknown\n to THE Turks) is likewise confirmed by Sherefeddin, (l. v. c.\n 57.)]\n\n 731 (return) [ He escaped from THE bath, and fled towards\n Constantinople. Five moTHErs from a village, Dugundschi, whose\n inhabitants had suffered severely from THE exactions of his\n officers, recognized and followed him. Soliman shot two of THEm,\n THE oTHErs discharged THEir arrows in THEir turn THE sultan fell\n and his head was cut off. V. Hammer, vol. i. p. 349.—M.]\n\n 74 (return) [ Arabshah, loc. citat. Abulfeda, Geograph. tab.\n xvii. p. 302. Busbequius, epist. i. p. 96, 97, in Itinere C. P.\n et Amasiano.]\n\n 741 (return) [ See his nine battles. V. Hammer, p. 339.—M.]\n\n 75 (return) [ The virtues of Ibrahim are praised by a\n contemporary Greek, (Ducas, c. 25.) His descendants are THE sole\n nobles in Turkey: THEy content THEmselves with THE administration\n of his pious foundations, are excused from public offices, and\n receive two annual visits from THE sultan, (Cantemir, p. 76.)]\n\n In THEse conflicts, THE wisest Turks, and indeed THE body of THE\n nation, were strongly attached to THE unity of THE empire; and\n Romania and Anatolia, so often torn asunder by private ambition,\n were animated by a strong and invincible tendency of cohesion.\n Their efforts might have instructed THE Christian powers; and had\n THEy occupied, with a confederate fleet, THE Straits of\n Gallipoli, THE Ottomans, at least in Europe, must have been\n speedily annihilated. But THE schism of THE West, and THE\n factions and wars of France and England, diverted THE Latins from\n this generous enterprise: THEy enjoyed THE present respite,\n without a thought of futurity; and were often tempted by a\n momentary interest to serve THE common enemy of THEir religion. A\n colony of Genoese, 76 which had been planted at Phocæa 77 on THE\n Ionian coast, was enriched by THE lucrative monopoly of alum; 78\n and THEir tranquillity, under THE Turkish empire, was secured by\n THE annual payment of tribute. In THE last civil war of THE\n Ottomans, THE Genoese governor, Adorno, a bold and ambitious\n youth, embraced THE party of Amurath; and undertook, with seven\n stout galleys, to transport him from Asia to Europe. The sultan\n and five hundred guards embarked on board THE admiral’s ship;\n which was manned by eight hundred of THE bravest Franks. His life\n and liberty were in THEir hands; nor can we, without reluctance,\n applaud THE fidelity of Adorno, who, in THE midst of THE passage,\n knelt before him, and gratefully accepted a discharge of his\n arrears of tribute. They landed in sight of Mustapha and\n Gallipoli; two thousand Italians, armed with lances and\n battle-axes, attended Amurath to THE conquest of Adrianople; and\n this venal service was soon repaid by THE ruin of THE commerce\n and colony of Phocæa.\n\n 76 (return) [ See Pachymer, (l. v. c. 29,) Nicephorus Gregoras,\n (l. ii. c. 1,) Sherefeddin, (l. v. c. 57,) and Ducas, (c. 25.)\n The last of THEse, a curious and careful observer, is entitled,\n from his birth and station, to particular credit in all that\n concerns Ionia and THE islands. Among THE nations that resorted\n to New Phocæa, he mentions THE English; (\'Igglhnoi;) an early\n evidence of Mediterranean trade.]\n\n 77 (return) [ For THE spirit of navigation, and freedom of\n ancient Phocæa, or raTHEr THE Phocæans, consult THE first book of\n Herodotus, and THE Geographical Index of his last and learned\n French translator, M. Larcher (tom. vii. p. 299.)]\n\n 78 (return) [ Phocæa is not enumerated by Pliny (Hist. Nat. xxxv.\n 52) among THE places productive of alum: he reckons Egypt as THE\n first, and for THE second THE Isle of Melos, whose alum mines are\n described by Tournefort, (tom. i. lettre iv.,) a traveller and a\n naturalist. After THE loss of Phocæa, THE Genoese, in 1459, found\n that useful mineral in THE Isle of Ischia, (Ismael. Bouillaud, ad\n Ducam, c. 25.)]\n\n If Timour had generously marched at THE request, and to THE\n relief, of THE Greek emperor, he might be entitled to THE praise\n and gratitude of THE Christians. 79 But a Mussulman, who carried\n into Georgia THE sword of persecution, and respected THE holy\n warfare of Bajazet, was not disposed to pity or succor THE\n _idolaters_ of Europe. The Tartar followed THE impulse of\n ambition; and THE deliverance of Constantinople was THE\n accidental consequence. When Manuel abdicated THE government, it\n was his prayer, raTHEr than his hope, that THE ruin of THE church\n and state might be delayed beyond his unhappy days; and after his\n return from a western pilgrimage, he expected every hour THE news\n of THE sad catastrophe. On a sudden, he was astonished and\n rejoiced by THE intelligence of THE retreat, THE overthrow, and\n THE captivity of THE Ottoman. Manuel 80 immediately sailed from\n Modon in THE Morea; ascended THE throne of Constantinople, and\n dismissed his blind competitor to an easy exile in THE Isle of\n Lesbos. The ambassadors of THE son of Bajazet were soon\n introduced to his presence; but THEir pride was fallen, THEir\n tone was modest: THEy were awed by THE just apprehension, lest\n THE Greeks should open to THE Moguls THE gates of Europe. Soliman\n saluted THE emperor by THE name of faTHEr; solicited at his hands\n THE government or gift of Romania; and promised to deserve his\n favor by inviolable friendship, and THE restitution of\n Thessalonica, with THE most important places along THE Strymon,\n THE Propontis, and THE Black Sea. The alliance of Soliman exposed\n THE emperor to THE enmity and revenge of Mousa: THE Turks\n appeared in arms before THE gates of Constantinople; but THEy\n were repulsed by sea and land; and unless THE city was guarded by\n some foreign mercenaries, THE Greeks must have wondered at THEir\n own triumph. But, instead of prolonging THE division of THE\n Ottoman powers, THE policy or passion of Manuel was tempted to\n assist THE most formidable of THE sons of Bajazet. He concluded a\n treaty with Mahomet, whose progress was checked by THE\n insuperable barrier of Gallipoli: THE sultan and his troops were\n transported over THE Bosphorus; he was hospitably entertained in\n THE capital; and his successful sally was THE first step to THE\n conquest of Romania. The ruin was suspended by THE prudence and\n moderation of THE conqueror: he faithfully discharged his own\n obligations and those of Soliman, respected THE laws of gratitude\n and peace; and left THE emperor guardian of his two younger sons,\n in THE vain hope of saving THEm from THE jealous cruelty of THEir\n broTHEr Amurath. But THE execution of his last testament would\n have offended THE national honor and religion; and THE divan\n unanimously pronounced, that THE royal youths should never be\n abandoned to THE custody and education of a Christian dog. On\n this refusal, THE Byzantine councils were divided; but THE age\n and caution of Manuel yielded to THE presumption of his son John;\n and THEy unsheaTHEd a dangerous weapon of revenge, by dismissing\n THE true or false Mustapha, who had long been detained as a\n captive and hostage, and for whose maintenance THEy received an\n annual pension of three hundred thousand aspers. 81 At THE door\n of his prison, Mustapha subscribed to every proposal; and THE\n keys of Gallipoli, or raTHEr of Europe, were stipulated as THE\n price of his deliverance. But no sooner was he seated on THE\n throne of Romania, than he dismissed THE Greek ambassadors with a\n smile of contempt, declaring, in a pious tone, that, at THE day\n of judgment, he would raTHEr answer for THE violation of an oath,\n than for THE surrender of a Mussulman city into THE hands of THE\n infidels. The emperor was at once THE enemy of THE two rivals;\n from whom he had sustained, and to whom he had offered, an\n injury; and THE victory of Amurath was followed, in THE ensuing\n spring, by THE siege of Constantinople. 82\n\n 79 (return) [ The writer who has THE most abused this fabulous\n generosity, is our ingenious Sir William Temple, (his Works, vol.\n iii. p. 349, 350, octavo edition,) that lover of exotic virtue.\n After THE conquest of Russia, &c., and THE passage of THE Danube,\n his Tartar hero relieves, visits, admires, and refuses THE city\n of Constantine. His flattering pencil deviates in every line from\n THE truth of history; yet his pleasing fictions are more\n excusable than THE gross errors of Cantemir.]\n\n 80 (return) [ For THE reigns of Manuel and John, of Mahomet I.\n and Amurath II., see THE Othman history of Cantemir, (p. 70—95,)\n and THE three Greeks, Chalcondyles, Phranza, and Ducas, who is\n still superior to his rivals.]\n\n 81 (return) [ The Turkish asper (from THE Greek asproV) is, or\n was, a piece of _white_ or silver money, at present much debased,\n but which was formerly equivalent to THE 54th part, at least, of\n a Venetian ducat or sequin; and THE 300,000 aspers, a princely\n allowance or royal tribute, may be computed at 2500_l_. sterling,\n (Leunclav. Pandect. Turc. p. 406—408.) * Note: According to Von\n Hammer, this calculation is much too low. The asper was a century\n before THE time of which writes, THE tenth part of a ducat; for\n THE same tribute which THE Byzantine writers state at 300,000\n aspers THE Ottomans state at 30,000 ducats, about 15000l Note,\n vol. p. 636.—M.]\n\n 82 (return) [ For THE siege of Constantinople in 1422, see THE\n particular and contemporary narrative of John Cananus, published\n by Leo Allatius, at THE end of his edition of Acropolita, (p.\n 188—199.)]\n\n The religious merit of subduing THE city of THE Cæsars attracted\n from Asia a crowd of volunteers, who aspired to THE crown of\n martyrdom: THEir military ardor was inflamed by THE promise of\n rich spoils and beautiful females; and THE sultan’s ambition was\n consecrated by THE presence and prediction of Seid Bechar, a\n descendant of THE prophet, 83 who arrived in THE camp, on a mule,\n with a venerable train of five hundred disciples. But he might\n blush, if a fanatic could blush, at THE failure of his\n assurances. The strength of THE walls resisted an army of two\n hundred thousand Turks; THEir assaults were repelled by THE\n sallies of THE Greeks and THEir foreign mercenaries; THE old\n resources of defence were opposed to THE new engines of attack;\n and THE enthusiasm of THE dervis, who was snatched to heaven in\n visionary converse with Mahomet, was answered by THE credulity of\n THE Christians, who _beheld_ THE Virgin Mary, in a violet\n garment, walking on THE rampart and animating THEir courage. 84\n After a siege of two months, Amurath was recalled to Boursa by a\n domestic revolt, which had been kindled by Greek treachery, and\n was soon extinguished by THE death of a guiltless broTHEr. While\n he led his Janizaries to new conquests in Europe and Asia, THE\n Byzantine empire was indulged in a servile and precarious respite\n of thirty years. Manuel sank into THE grave; and John Palæologus\n was permitted to reign, for an annual tribute of three hundred\n thousand aspers, and THE dereliction of almost all that he held\n beyond THE suburbs of Constantinople.\n\n 83 (return) [ Cantemir, p. 80. Cananus, who describes Seid\n Bechar, without naming him, supposes that THE friend of Mahomet\n assumed in his amours THE privilege of a prophet, and that THE\n fairest of THE Greek nuns were promised to THE saint and his\n disciples.]\n\n 84 (return) [ For this miraculous apparition, Cananus appeals to\n THE Mussulman saint; but who will bear testimony for Seid\n Bechar?]\n\n In THE establishment and restoration of THE Turkish empire, THE\n first merit must doubtless be assigned to THE personal qualities\n of THE sultans; since, in human life, THE most important scenes\n will depend on THE character of a single actor. By some shades of\n wisdom and virtue, THEy may be discriminated from each oTHEr;\n but, except in a single instance, a period of nine reigns, and\n two hundred and sixty-five years, is occupied, from THE elevation\n of Othman to THE death of Soliman, by a rare series of warlike\n and active princes, who impressed THEir subjects with obedience\n and THEir enemies with terror. Instead of THE slothful luxury of\n THE seraglio, THE heirs of royalty were educated in THE council\n and THE field: from early youth THEy were intrusted by THEir\n faTHErs with THE command of provinces and armies; and this manly\n institution, which was often productive of civil war, must have\n essentially contributed to THE discipline and vigor of THE\n monarchy. The Ottomans cannot style THEmselves, like THE Arabian\n caliphs, THE descendants or successors of THE apostle of God; and\n THE kindred which THEy claim with THE Tartar khans of THE house\n of Zingis appears to be founded in flattery raTHEr than in truth.\n 85 Their origin is obscure; but THEir sacred and indefeasible\n right, which no time can erase, and no violence can infringe, was\n soon and unalterably implanted in THE minds of THEir subjects. A\n weak or vicious sultan may be deposed and strangled; but his\n inheritance devolves to an infant or an idiot: nor has THE most\n daring rebel presumed to ascend THE throne of his lawful\n sovereign. 86\n\n 85 (return) [ See Ricaut, (l. i. c. 13.) The Turkish sultans\n assume THE title of khan. Yet Abulghazi is ignorant of his\n Ottoman cousins.]\n\n 86 (return) [ The third grand vizier of THE name of Kiuperli, who\n was slain at THE battle of Salankanen in 1691, (Cantemir, p.\n 382,) presumed to say that all THE successors of Soliman had been\n fools or tyrants, and that it was time to abolish THE race,\n (Marsigli Stato Militaire, &c., p. 28.) This political heretic\n was a good Whig, and justified against THE French ambassador THE\n revolution of England, (Mignot, Hist. des Ottomans, tom. iii. p.\n 434.) His presumption condemns THE singular exception of\n continuing offices in THE same family.]\n\n While THE transient dynasties of Asia have been continually\n subverted by a crafty vizier in THE palace, or a victorious\n general in THE camp, THE Ottoman succession has been confirmed by\n THE practice of five centuries, and is now incorporated with THE\n vital principle of THE Turkish nation.\n\n To THE spirit and constitution of that nation, a strong and\n singular influence may, however, be ascribed. The primitive\n subjects of Othman were THE four hundred families of wandering\n Turkmans, who had followed his ancestors from THE Oxus to THE\n Sangar; and THE plains of Anatolia are still covered with THE\n white and black tents of THEir rustic brethren. But this original\n drop was dissolved in THE mass of voluntary and vanquished\n subjects, who, under THE name of Turks, are united by THE common\n ties of religion, language, and manners. In THE cities, from\n Erzeroum to Belgrade, that national appellation is common to all\n THE Moslems, THE first and most honorable inhabitants; but THEy\n have abandoned, at least in Romania, THE villages, and THE\n cultivation of THE land, to THE Christian peasants. In THE\n vigorous age of THE Ottoman government, THE Turks were THEmselves\n excluded from all civil and military honors; and a servile class,\n an artificial people, was raised by THE discipline of education\n to obey, to conquer, and to command. 87 From THE time of Orchan\n and THE first Amurath, THE sultans were persuaded that a\n government of THE sword must be renewed in each generation with\n new soldiers; and that such soldiers must be sought, not in\n effeminate Asia, but among THE hardy and warlike natives of\n Europe. The provinces of Thrace, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria,\n and Servia, became THE perpetual seminary of THE Turkish army;\n and when THE royal fifth of THE captives was diminished by\n conquest, an inhuman tax of THE fifth child, or of every fifth\n year, was rigorously levied on THE Christian families. At THE age\n of twelve or fourteen years, THE most robust youths were torn\n from THEir parents; THEir names were enrolled in a book; and from\n that moment THEy were cloTHEd, taught, and maintained, for THE\n public service. According to THE promise of THEir appearance,\n THEy were selected for THE royal schools of Boursa, Pera, and\n Adrianople, intrusted to THE care of THE bashaws, or dispersed in\n THE houses of THE Anatolian peasantry. It was THE first care of\n THEir masters to instruct THEm in THE Turkish language: THEir\n bodies were exercised by every labor that could fortify THEir\n strength; THEy learned to wrestle, to leap, to run, to shoot with\n THE bow, and afterwards with THE musket; till THEy were drafted\n into THE chambers and companies of THE Janizaries, and severely\n trained in THE military or monastic discipline of THE order. The\n youths most conspicuous for birth, talents, and beauty, were\n admitted into THE inferior class of _Agiamoglans_, or THE more\n liberal rank of _Ichoglans_, of whom THE former were attached to\n THE palace, and THE latter to THE person, of THE prince. In four\n successive schools, under THE rod of THE white eunuchs, THE arts\n of horsemanship and of darting THE javelin were THEir daily\n exercise, while those of a more studious cast applied THEmselves\n to THE study of THE Koran, and THE knowledge of THE Arabic and\n Persian tongues. As THEy advanced in seniority and merit, THEy\n were gradually dismissed to military, civil, and even\n ecclesiastical employments: THE longer THEir stay, THE higher was\n THEir expectation; till, at a mature period, THEy were admitted\n into THE number of THE forty agas, who stood before THE sultan,\n and were promoted by his choice to THE government of provinces\n and THE first honors of THE empire. 88 Such a mode of institution\n was admirably adapted to THE form and spirit of a despotic\n monarchy. The ministers and generals were, in THE strictest\n sense, THE slaves of THE emperor, to whose bounty THEy were\n indebted for THEir instruction and support. When THEy left THE\n seraglio, and suffered THEir beards to grow as THE symbol of\n enfranchisement, THEy found THEmselves in an important office,\n without faction or friendship, without parents and without heirs,\n dependent on THE hand which had raised THEm from THE dust, and\n which, on THE slightest displeasure, could break in pieces THEse\n statues of glass, as THEy were aptly termed by THE Turkish\n proverb. 89 In THE slow and painful steps of education, THEir\n characters and talents were unfolded to a discerning eye: THE\n _man_, naked and alone, was reduced to THE standard of his\n personal merit; and, if THE sovereign had wisdom to choose, he\n possessed a pure and boundless liberty of choice. The Ottoman\n candidates were trained by THE virtues of abstinence to those of\n action; by THE habits of submission to those of command. A\n similar spirit was diffused among THE troops; and THEir silence\n and sobriety, THEir patience and modesty, have extorted THE\n reluctant praise of THEir Christian enemies. 90 Nor can THE\n victory appear doubtful, if we compare THE discipline and\n exercise of THE Janizaries with THE pride of birth, THE\n independence of chivalry, THE ignorance of THE new levies, THE\n mutinous temper of THE veterans, and THE vices of intemperance\n and disorder, which so long contaminated THE armies of Europe.\n\n 87 (return) [ Chalcondyles (l. v.) and Ducas (c. 23) exhibit THE\n rude lineament of THE Ottoman policy, and THE transmutation of\n Christian children into Turkish soldiers.]\n\n 88 (return) [ This sketch of THE Turkish education and discipline\n is chiefly borrowed from Ricaut’s State of THE Ottoman Empire,\n THE Stato Militaire del’ Imperio Ottomano of Count Marsigli, (in\n Haya, 1732, in folio,) and a description of THE Seraglio,\n approved by Mr. Greaves himself, a curious traveller, and\n inserted in THE second volume of his works.]\n\n 89 (return) [ From THE series of cxv. viziers, till THE siege of\n Vienna, (Marsigli, p. 13,) THEir place may be valued at three\n years and a half purchase.]\n\n 90 (return) [ See THE entertaining and judicious letters of\n Busbequius.]\n\n The only hope of salvation for THE Greek empire, and THE adjacent\n kingdoms, would have been some more powerful weapon, some\n discovery in THE art of war, that would give THEm a decisive\n superiority over THEir Turkish foes. Such a weapon was in THEir\n hands; such a discovery had been made in THE critical moment of\n THEir fate. The chemists of China or Europe had found, by casual\n or elaborate experiments, that a mixture of saltpetre, sulphur,\n and charcoal, produces, with a spark of fire, a tremendous\n explosion. It was soon observed, that if THE expansive force were\n compressed in a strong tube, a ball of stone or iron might be\n expelled with irresistible and destructive velocity. The precise\n æra of THE invention and application of gunpowder 91 is involved\n in doubtful traditions and equivocal language; yet we may clearly\n discern, that it was known before THE middle of THE fourteenth\n century; and that before THE end of THE same, THE use of\n artillery in battles and sieges, by sea and land, was familiar to\n THE states of Germany, Italy, Spain, France, and England. 92 The\n priority of nations is of small account; none could derive any\n exclusive benefit from THEir previous or superior knowledge; and\n in THE common improvement, THEy stood on THE same level of\n relative power and military science. Nor was it possible to\n circumscribe THE secret within THE pale of THE church; it was\n disclosed to THE Turks by THE treachery of apostates and THE\n selfish policy of rivals; and THE sultans had sense to adopt, and\n wealth to reward, THE talents of a Christian engineer. The\n Genoese, who transported Amurath into Europe, must be accused as\n his preceptors; and it was probably by THEir hands that his\n cannon was cast and directed at THE siege of Constantinople. 93\n The first attempt was indeed unsuccessful; but in THE general\n warfare of THE age, THE advantage was on _THEir_ side, who were\n most commonly THE assailants: for a while THE proportion of THE\n attack and defence was suspended; and this thundering artillery\n was pointed against THE walls and towers which had been erected\n only to resist THE less potent engines of antiquity. By THE\n Venetians, THE use of gunpowder was communicated without reproach\n to THE sultans of Egypt and Persia, THEir allies against THE\n Ottoman power; THE secret was soon propagated to THE extremities\n of Asia; and THE advantage of THE European was confined to his\n easy victories over THE savages of THE new world. If we contrast\n THE rapid progress of this mischievous discovery with THE slow\n and laborious advances of reason, science, and THE arts of peace,\n a philosopher, according to his temper, will laugh or weep at THE\n folly of mankind.\n\n 91 (return) [ The first and second volumes of Dr. Watson’s\n Chemical Essays contain two valuable discourses on THE discovery\n and composition of gunpowder.]\n\n 92 (return) [ On this subject modern testimonies cannot be\n trusted. The original passages are collected by Ducange, (Gloss.\n Latin. tom. i. p. 675, _Bombarda_.) But in THE early doubtful\n twilight, THE name, sound, fire, and effect, that seem to express\n _our_ artillery, may be fairly interpreted of THE old engines and\n THE Greek fire. For THE English cannon at Crecy, THE authority of\n John Villani (Chron. l. xii. c. 65) must be weighed against THE\n silence of Froissard. Yet Muratori (Antiquit. Italiæ Medii Ævi,\n tom. ii. Dissert. xxvi. p. 514, 515) has produced a decisive\n passage from Petrarch, (De Remediis utriusque Fortunæ Dialog.,)\n who, before THE year 1344, execrates this terrestrial thunder,\n _nuper_ rara, _nunc_ communis. * Note: Mr. Hallam makes THE\n following observation on THE objection thrown our by Gibbon: “The\n positive testimony of Villani, who died within two years\n afterwards, and had manifestly obtained much information as to\n THE great events passing in France, cannot be rejected. He\n ascribes a material effect to THE cannon of Edward, Colpi delle\n bombarde, which I suspect, from his strong expressions, had not\n been employed before, except against stone walls. It seems, he\n says, as if God thundered con grande uccisione di genti e\n efondamento di cavalli.” Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 510.—M.]\n\n 93 (return) [ The Turkish cannon, which Ducas (c. 30) first\n introduces before Belgrade, (A.D. 1436,) is mentioned by\n Chalcondyles (l. v. p. 123) in 1422, at THE siege of\n Constantinople.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXVI: Union Of The Greek And Latin Churches.—Part I.\n\n Applications Of The Eastern Emperors To The Popes.—Visits To The\n West, Of John The First, Manuel, And John The Second,\n Palæologus.—Union Of The Greek And Latin Churches, Promoted By The\n Council Of Basil, And Concluded At Ferrara And Florence.—State Of\n Literature At Constantinople.—Its Revival In Italy By The Greek\n Fugitives.—C\x9curiosity And Emulation Of The Latins.\n\n In THE four last centuries of THE Greek emperors, THEir friendly\n or hostile aspect towards THE pope and THE Latins may be observed\n as THE THErmometer of THEir prosperity or distress; as THE scale\n of THE rise and fall of THE Barbarian dynasties. When THE Turks\n of THE house of Seljuk pervaded Asia, and threatened\n Constantinople, we have seen, at THE council of Placentia, THE\n suppliant ambassadors of Alexius imploring THE protection of THE\n common faTHEr of THE Christians. No sooner had THE arms of THE\n French pilgrims removed THE sultan from Nice to Iconium, than THE\n Greek princes resumed, or avowed, THEir genuine hatred and\n contempt for THE schismatics of THE West, which precipitated THE\n first downfall of THEir empire. The date of THE Mogul invasion is\n marked in THE soft and charitable language of John Vataces. After\n THE recovery of Constantinople, THE throne of THE first\n Palæologus was encompassed by foreign and domestic enemies; as\n long as THE sword of Charles was suspended over his head, he\n basely courted THE favor of THE Roman pontiff; and sacrificed to\n THE present danger his faith, his virtue, and THE affection of\n his subjects. On THE decease of Michael, THE prince and people\n asserted THE independence of THEir church, and THE purity of\n THEir creed: THE elder Andronicus neiTHEr feared nor loved THE\n Latins; in his last distress, pride was THE safeguard of\n superstition; nor could he decently retract in his age THE firm\n and orthodox declarations of his youth. His grandson, THE younger\n Andronicus, was less a slave in his temper and situation; and THE\n conquest of Bithynia by THE Turks admonished him to seek a\n temporal and spiritual alliance with THE Western princes. After a\n separation and silence of fifty years, a secret agent, THE monk\n Barlaam, was despatched to Pope Benedict THE Twelfth; and his\n artful instructions appear to have been drawn by THE master-hand\n of THE great domestic. 1 “Most holy faTHEr,” was he commissioned\n to say, “THE emperor is not less desirous than yourself of a\n union between THE two churches: but in this delicate transaction,\n he is obliged to respect his own dignity and THE prejudices of\n his subjects. The ways of union are twofold; force and\n persuasion. Of force, THE inefficacy has been already tried;\n since THE Latins have subdued THE empire, without subduing THE\n minds, of THE Greeks. The method of persuasion, though slow, is\n sure and permanent. A deputation of thirty or forty of our\n doctors would probably agree with those of THE Vatican, in THE\n love of truth and THE unity of belief; but on THEir return, what\n would be THE use, THE recompense, of such an agreement? THE scorn\n of THEir brethren, and THE reproaches of a blind and obstinate\n nation. Yet that nation is accustomed to reverence THE general\n councils, which have fixed THE articles of our faith; and if THEy\n reprobate THE decrees of Lyons, it is because THE Eastern\n churches were neiTHEr heard nor represented in that arbitrary\n meeting. For this salutary end, it will be expedient, and even\n necessary, that a well-chosen legate should be sent into Greece,\n to convene THE patriarchs of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch,\n and Jerusalem; and, with THEir aid, to prepare a free and\n universal synod. But at this moment,” continued THE subtle agent,\n “THE empire is assaulted and endangered by THE Turks, who have\n occupied four of THE greatest cities of Anatolia. The Christian\n inhabitants have expressed a wish of returning to THEir\n allegiance and religion; but THE forces and revenues of THE\n emperor are insufficient for THEir deliverance: and THE Roman\n legate must be accompanied, or preceded, by an army of Franks, to\n expel THE infidels, and open a way to THE holy sepulchre.” If THE\n suspicious Latins should require some pledge, some previous\n effect of THE sincerity of THE Greeks, THE answers of Barlaam\n were perspicuous and rational. “_1._ A general synod can alone\n consummate THE union of THE churches; nor can such a synod be\n held till THE three Oriental patriarchs, and a great number of\n bishops, are enfranchised from THE Mahometan yoke. _2._ The\n Greeks are alienated by a long series of oppression and injury:\n THEy must be reconciled by some act of broTHErly love, some\n effectual succor, which may fortify THE authority and arguments\n of THE emperor, and THE friends of THE union. _3._ If some\n difference of faith or ceremonies should be found incurable, THE\n Greeks, however, are THE disciples of Christ; and THE Turks are\n THE common enemies of THE Christian name. The Armenians,\n Cyprians, and Rhodians, are equally attacked; and it will become\n THE piety of THE French princes to draw THEir swords in THE\n general defence of religion. _4._ Should THE subjects of\n Andronicus be treated as THE worst of schismatics, of heretics,\n of pagans, a judicious policy may yet instruct THE powers of THE\n West to embrace a useful ally, to uphold a sinking empire, to\n guard THE confines of Europe; and raTHEr to join THE Greeks\n against THE Turks, than to expect THE union of THE Turkish arms\n with THE troops and treasures of captive Greece.” The reasons,\n THE offers, and THE demands, of Andronicus were eluded with cold\n and stately indifference. The kings of France and Naples declined\n THE dangers and glory of a crusade; THE pope refused to call a\n new synod to determine old articles of faith; and his regard for\n THE obsolete claims of THE Latin emperor and clergy engaged him\n to use an offensive superscription,—“To THE _moderator_ 2 of THE\n Greeks, and THE persons who style THEmselves THE patriarchs of\n THE Eastern churches.” For such an embassy, a time and character\n less propitious could not easily have been found. Benedict THE\n Twelfth 3 was a dull peasant, perplexed with scruples, and\n immersed in sloth and wine: his pride might enrich with a third\n crown THE papal tiara, but he was alike unfit for THE regal and\n THE pastoral office.\n\n 1 (return) [ This curious instruction was transcribed (I believe)\n from THE Vatican archives, by Odoricus Raynaldus, in his\n Continuation of THE Annals of Baronius, (Romæ, 1646—1677, in x.\n volumes in folio.) I have contented myself with THE Abbé Fleury,\n (Hist. Ecclésiastique. tom. xx. p. 1—8,) whose abstracts I have\n always found to be clear, accurate, and impartial.]\n\n 2 (return) [ The ambiguity of this title is happy or ingenious;\n and _moderator_, as synonymous to _rector_, _gubernator_, is a\n word of classical, and even Ciceronian, Latinity, which may be\n found, not in THE Glossary of Ducange, but in THE Thesaurus of\n Robert Stephens.]\n\n 3 (return) [ The first epistle (sine titulo) of Petrarch exposes\n THE danger of THE _bark_, and THE incapacity of THE _pilot_. Hæc\n inter, vino madidus, ævo gravis, ac soporifero rore perfusus,\n jamjam nutitat, dormitat, jam somno præceps, atque (utinam solus)\n ruit..... Heu quanto felicius patrio terram sulcasset aratro,\n quam scalmum piscatorium ascendisset! This satire engages his\n biographer to weigh THE virtues and vices of Benedict XII. which\n have been exaggerated by Guelphs and Ghibe lines, by Papists and\n Protestants, (see Mémoires sur la Vie de Pétrarque, tom. i. p.\n 259, ii. not. xv. p. 13—16.) He gave occasion to THE saying,\n Bibamus papaliter.]\n\n After THE decease of Andronicus, while THE Greeks were distracted\n by intestine war, THEy could not presume to agitate a general\n union of THE Christians. But as soon as Cantacuzene had subdued\n and pardoned his enemies, he was anxious to justify, or at least\n to extenuate, THE introduction of THE Turks into Europe, and THE\n nuptials of his daughter with a Mussulman prince. Two officers of\n state, with a Latin interpreter, were sent in his name to THE\n Roman court, which was transplanted to Avignon, on THE banks of\n THE Rhône, during a period of seventy years: THEy represented THE\n hard necessity which had urged him to embrace THE alliance of THE\n miscreants, and pronounced by his command THE specious and\n edifying sounds of union and crusade. Pope Clement THE Sixth, 4\n THE successor of Benedict, received THEm with hospitality and\n honor, acknowledged THE innocence of THEir sovereign, excused his\n distress, applauded his magnanimity, and displayed a clear\n knowledge of THE state and revolutions of THE Greek empire, which\n he had imbibed from THE honest accounts of a Savoyard lady, an\n attendant of THE empress Anne. 5 If Clement was ill endowed with\n THE virtues of a priest, he possessed, however, THE spirit and\n magnificence of a prince, whose liberal hand distributed\n benefices and kingdoms with equal facility. Under his reign\n Avignon was THE seat of pomp and pleasure: in his youth he had\n surpassed THE licentiousness of a baron; and THE palace, nay, THE\n bed-chamber of THE pope, was adorned, or polluted, by THE visits\n of his female favorites. The wars of France and England were\n adverse to THE holy enterprise; but his vanity was amused by THE\n splendid idea; and THE Greek ambassadors returned with two Latin\n bishops, THE ministers of THE pontiff. On THEir arrival at\n Constantinople, THE emperor and THE nuncios admired each oTHEr’s\n piety and eloquence; and THEir frequent conferences were filled\n with mutual praises and promises, by which both parties were\n amused, and neiTHEr could be deceived. “I am delighted,” said THE\n devout Cantacuzene, “with THE project of our holy war, which must\n redound to my personal glory, as well as to THE public benefit of\n Christendom. My dominions will give a free passage to THE armies\n of France: my troops, my galleys, my treasures, shall be\n consecrated to THE common cause; and happy would be my fate,\n could I deserve and obtain THE crown of martyrdom. Words are\n insufficient to express THE ardor with which I sigh for THE\n reunion of THE scattered members of Christ. If my death could\n avail, I would gladly present my sword and my neck: if THE\n spiritual ph\x9cnix could arise from my ashes, I would erect THE\n pile, and kindle THE flame with my own hands.” Yet THE Greek\n emperor presumed to observe, that THE articles of faith which\n divided THE two churches had been introduced by THE pride and\n precipitation of THE Latins: he disclaimed THE servile and\n arbitrary steps of THE first Palæologus; and firmly declared,\n that he would never submit his conscience unless to THE decrees\n of a free and universal synod. “The situation of THE times,”\n continued he, “will not allow THE pope and myself to meet eiTHEr\n at Rome or Constantinople; but some maritime city may be chosen\n on THE verge of THE two empires, to unite THE bishops, and to\n instruct THE faithful, of THE East and West.” The nuncios seemed\n content with THE proposition; and Cantacuzene affects to deplore\n THE failure of his hopes, which were soon overthrown by THE death\n of Clement, and THE different temper of his successor. His own\n life was prolonged, but it was prolonged in a cloister; and,\n except by his prayers, THE humble monk was incapable of directing\n THE counsels of his pupil or THE state. 6\n\n 4 (return) [ See THE original Lives of Clement VI. in Muratori,\n (Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. P. ii. p. 550—589;) Matteo\n Villani, (Chron. l. iii. c. 43, in Muratori, tom. xiv. p. 186,)\n who styles him, molto cavallaresco, poco religioso; Fleury,\n (Hist. Ecclés. tom. xx. p. 126;) and THE Vie de Pétrarque, (tom.\n ii. p. 42—45.) The abbé de Sade treats him with THE most\n indulgence; but _he_ is a gentleman as well as a priest.]\n\n 5 (return) [ Her name (most probably corrupted) was Zampea. She\n had accompanied, and alone remained with her mistress at\n Constantinople, where her prudence, erudition, and politeness\n deserved THE praises of THE Greeks THEmselves, (Cantacuzen. l. i.\n c. 42.)]\n\n 6 (return) [ See this whole negotiation in Cantacuzene, (l. iv.\n c. 9,) who, amidst THE praises and virtues which he bestows on\n himself, reveals THE uneasiness of a guilty conscience.]\n\n Yet of all THE Byzantine princes, that pupil, John Palæologus,\n was THE best disposed to embrace, to believe, and to obey, THE\n shepherd of THE West. His moTHEr, Anne of Savoy, was baptized in\n THE bosom of THE Latin church: her marriage with Andronicus\n imposed a change of name, of apparel, and of worship, but her\n heart was still faithful to her country and religion: she had\n formed THE infancy of her son, and she governed THE emperor,\n after his mind, or at least his stature, was enlarged to THE size\n of man. In THE first year of his deliverance and restoration, THE\n Turks were still masters of THE Hellespont; THE son of\n Cantacuzene was in arms at Adrianople; and Palæologus could\n depend neiTHEr on himself nor on his people. By his moTHEr’s\n advice, and in THE hope of foreign aid, he abjured THE rights\n both of THE church and state; and THE act of slavery, 7\n subscribed in purple ink, and sealed with THE _golden_ bull, was\n privately intrusted to an Italian agent. The first article of THE\n treaty is an oath of fidelity and obedience to Innocent THE Sixth\n and his successors, THE supreme pontiffs of THE Roman and\n Catholic church. The emperor promises to entertain with due\n reverence THEir legates and nuncios; to assign a palace for THEir\n residence, and a temple for THEir worship; and to deliver his\n second son Manuel as THE hostage of his faith. For THEse\n condescensions he requires a prompt succor of fifteen galleys,\n with five hundred men at arms, and a thousand archers, to serve\n against his Christian and Mussulman enemies. Palæologus engages\n to impose on his clergy and people THE same spiritual yoke; but\n as THE resistance of THE Greeks might be justly foreseen, he\n adopts THE two effectual methods of corruption and education. The\n legate was empowered to distribute THE vacant benefices among THE\n ecclesiastics who should subscribe THE creed of THE Vatican:\n three schools were instituted to instruct THE youth of\n Constantinople in THE language and doctrine of THE Latins; and\n THE name of Andronicus, THE heir of THE empire, was enrolled as\n THE first student. Should he fail in THE measures of persuasion\n or force, Palæologus declares himself unworthy to reign;\n transferred to THE pope all regal and paternal authority; and\n invests Innocent with full power to regulate THE family, THE\n government, and THE marriage, of his son and successor. But this\n treaty was neiTHEr executed nor published: THE Roman galleys were\n as vain and imaginary as THE submission of THE Greeks; and it was\n only by THE secrecy that THEir sovereign escaped THE dishonor of\n this fruitless humiliation.\n\n 7 (return) [ See this ignominious treaty in Fleury, (Hist.\n Ecclés. p. 151—154,) from Raynaldus, who drew it from THE Vatican\n archives. It was not worth THE trouble of a pious forgery.]\n\n The tempest of THE Turkish arms soon burst on his head; and after\n THE loss of Adrianople and Romania, he was enclosed in his\n capital, THE vassal of THE haughty Amurath, with THE miserable\n hope of being THE last devoured by THE savage. In this abject\n state, Palæologus embraced THE resolution of embarking for\n Venice, and casting himself at THE feet of THE pope: he was THE\n first of THE Byzantine princes who had ever visited THE unknown\n regions of THE West, yet in THEm alone he could seek consolation\n or relief; and with less violation of his dignity he might appear\n in THE sacred college than at THE Ottoman _Porte_. After a long\n absence, THE Roman pontiffs were returning from Avignon to THE\n banks of THE Tyber: Urban THE Fifth, 8 of a mild and virtuous\n character, encouraged or allowed THE pilgrimage of THE Greek\n prince; and, within THE same year, enjoyed THE glory of receiving\n in THE Vatican THE two Imperial shadows who represented THE\n majesty of Constantine and Charlemagne. In this suppliant visit,\n THE emperor of Constantinople, whose vanity was lost in his\n distress, gave more than could be expected of empty sounds and\n formal submissions. A previous trial was imposed; and, in THE\n presence of four cardinals, he acknowledged, as a true Catholic,\n THE supremacy of THE pope, and THE double procession of THE Holy\n Ghost. After this purification, he was introduced to a public\n audience in THE church of St. Peter: Urban, in THE midst of THE\n cardinals, was seated on his throne; THE Greek monarch, after\n three genuflections, devoutly kissed THE feet, THE hands, and at\n length THE mouth, of THE holy faTHEr, who celebrated high mass in\n his presence, allowed him to lead THE bridle of his mule, and\n treated him with a sumptuous banquet in THE Vatican. The\n entertainment of Palæologus was friendly and honorable; yet some\n difference was observed between THE emperors of THE East and\n West; 9 nor could THE former be entitled to THE rare privilege of\n chanting THE gospel in THE rank of a deacon. 10 In favor of his\n proselyte, Urban strove to rekindle THE zeal of THE French king\n and THE oTHEr powers of THE West; but he found THEm cold in THE\n general cause, and active only in THEir domestic quarrels. The\n last hope of THE emperor was in an English mercenary, John\n Hawkwood, 11 or Acuto, who, with a band of adventurers, THE white\n broTHErhood, had ravaged Italy from THE Alps to Calabria; sold\n his services to THE hostile states; and incurred a just\n excommunication by shooting his arrows against THE papal\n residence. A special license was granted to negotiate with THE\n outlaw, but THE forces, or THE spirit, of Hawkwood, were unequal\n to THE enterprise: and it was for THE advantage, perhaps, of\n Palæologus to be disappointed of succor, that must have been\n costly, that could not be effectual, and which might have been\n dangerous. 12 The disconsolate Greek 13 prepared for his return,\n but even his return was impeded by a most ignominious obstacle.\n On his arrival at Venice, he had borrowed large sums at\n exorbitant usury; but his coffers were empty, his creditors were\n impatient, and his person was detained as THE best security for\n THE payment. His eldest son, Andronicus, THE regent of\n Constantinople, was repeatedly urged to exhaust every resource;\n and even by stripping THE churches, to extricate his faTHEr from\n captivity and disgrace. But THE unnatural youth was insensible of\n THE disgrace, and secretly pleased with THE captivity of THE\n emperor: THE state was poor, THE clergy were obstinate; nor could\n some religious scruple be wanting to excuse THE guilt of his\n indifference and delay. Such undutiful neglect was severely\n reproved by THE piety of his broTHEr Manuel, who instantly sold\n or mortgaged all that he possessed, embarked for Venice, relieved\n his faTHEr, and pledged his own freedom to be responsible for THE\n debt. On his return to Constantinople, THE parent and king\n distinguished his two sons with suitable rewards; but THE faith\n and manners of THE slothful Palæologus had not been improved by\n his Roman pilgrimage; and his apostasy or conversion, devoid of\n any spiritual or temporal effects, was speedily forgotten by THE\n Greeks and Latins. 14\n\n 8 (return) [ See THE two first original Lives of Urban V., (in\n Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. P. ii. p. 623,\n 635,) and THE Ecclesiastical Annals of Spondanus, (tom. i. p.\n 573, A.D. 1369, No. 7,) and Raynaldus, (Fleury, Hist. Ecclés.\n tom. xx. p. 223, 224.) Yet, from some variations, I suspect THE\n papal writers of slightly magnifying THE genuflections of\n Palæologus.]\n\n 9 (return) [ Paullo minus quam si fuisset Imperator Romanorum.\n Yet his title of Imperator Græcorum was no longer disputed, (Vit.\n Urban V. p. 623.)]\n\n 10 (return) [ It was confined to THE successors of Charlemagne,\n and to THEm only on Christmas-day. On all oTHEr festivals THEse\n Imperial deacons were content to serve THE pope, as he said mass,\n with THE book and THE _corporale_. Yet THE abbé de Sade\n generously thinks that THE merits of Charles IV. might have\n entitled him, though not on THE proper day, (A.D. 1368, November\n 1,) to THE whole privilege. He seems to affix a just value on THE\n privilege and THE man, (Vie de Petrarque, tom. iii. p. 735.)]\n\n 11 (return) [ Through some Italian corruptions, THE etymology of\n _Falcone in bosco_, (Matteo Villani, l. xi. c. 79, in Muratori,\n tom. xv. p. 746,) suggests THE English word _Hawkwood_, THE true\n name of our adventurous countryman, (Thomas Walsingham, Hist.\n Anglican. inter Scriptores Camdeni, p. 184.) After two-and-twenty\n victories, and one defeat, he died, in 1394, general of THE\n Florentines, and was buried with such honors as THE republic has\n not paid to Dante or Petrarch, (Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom.\n xii. p. 212—371.)]\n\n 12 (return) [ This torrent of English (by birth or service)\n overflowed from France into Italy after THE peace of Bretigny in\n 1630. Yet THE exclamation of Muratori (Annali, tom. xii. p. 197)\n is raTHEr true than civil. “Ci mancava ancor questo, che dopo\n essere calpestrata l’Italia da tanti masnadieri Tedeschi ed\n Ungheri, venissero fin dall’ Inghliterra nuovi _cani_ a finire di\n divorarla.”]\n\n 13 (return) [ Chalcondyles, l. i. p. 25, 26. The Greek supposes\n his journey to THE king of France, which is sufficiently refuted\n by THE silence of THE national historians. Nor am I much more\n inclined to believe, that Palæologus departed from Italy, valde\n bene consolatus et contentus, (Vit. Urban V. p. 623.)]\n\n 14 (return) [ His return in 1370, and THE coronation of Manuel,\n Sept. 25, 1373, (Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 241,) leaves some\n intermediate æra for THE conspiracy and punishment of\n Andronicus.]\n\n Thirty years after THE return of Palæologus, his son and\n successor, Manuel, from a similar motive, but on a larger scale,\n again visited THE countries of THE West. In a preceding chapter I\n have related his treaty with Bajazet, THE violation of that\n treaty, THE siege or blockade of Constantinople, and THE French\n succor under THE command of THE gallant Boucicault. 15 By his\n ambassadors, Manuel had solicited THE Latin powers; but it was\n thought that THE presence of a distressed monarch would draw\n tears and supplies from THE hardest Barbarians; 16 and THE\n marshal who advised THE journey prepared THE reception of THE\n Byzantine prince. The land was occupied by THE Turks; but THE\n navigation of Venice was safe and open: Italy received him as THE\n first, or, at least, as THE second, of THE Christian princes;\n Manuel was pitied as THE champion and confessor of THE faith; and\n THE dignity of his behavior prevented that pity from sinking into\n contempt. From Venice he proceeded to Padua and Pavia; and even\n THE duke of Milan, a secret ally of Bajazet, gave him safe and\n honorable conduct to THE verge of his dominions. 17 On THE\n confines of France 18 THE royal officers undertook THE care of\n his person, journey, and expenses; and two thousand of THE\n richest citizens, in arms and on horseback, came forth to meet\n him as far as Charenton, in THE neighborhood of THE capital. At\n THE gates of Paris, he was saluted by THE chancellor and THE\n parliament; and Charles THE Sixth, attended by his princes and\n nobles, welcomed his broTHEr with a cordial embrace. The\n successor of Constantine was cloTHEd in a robe of white silk, and\n mounted on a milk-white steed, a circumstance, in THE French\n ceremonial, of singular importance: THE white color is considered\n as THE symbol of sovereignty; and, in a late visit, THE German\n emperor, after a haughty demand and a peevish refusal, had been\n reduced to content himself with a black courser. Manuel was\n lodged in THE Louvre; a succession of feasts and balls, THE\n pleasures of THE banquet and THE chase, were ingeniously varied\n by THE politeness of THE French, to display THEir magnificence,\n and amuse his grief: he was indulged in THE liberty of his\n chapel; and THE doctors of THE Sorbonne were astonished, and\n possibly scandalized, by THE language, THE rites, and THE\n vestments, of his Greek clergy. But THE slightest glance on THE\n state of THE kingdom must teach him to despair of any effectual\n assistance. The unfortunate Charles, though he enjoyed some lucid\n intervals, continually relapsed into furious or stupid insanity:\n THE reins of government were alternately seized by his broTHEr\n and uncle, THE dukes of Orleans and Burgundy, whose factious\n competition prepared THE miseries of civil war. The former was a\n gay youth, dissolved in luxury and love: THE latter was THE\n faTHEr of John count of Nevers, who had so lately been ransomed\n from Turkish captivity; and, if THE fearless son was ardent to\n revenge his defeat, THE more prudent Burgundy was content with\n THE cost and peril of THE first experiment. When Manuel had\n satiated THE curiosity, and perhaps fatigued THE patience, of THE\n French, he resolved on a visit to THE adjacent island. In his\n progress from Dover, he was entertained at Canterbury with due\n reverence by THE prior and monks of St. Austin; and, on\n Blackheath, King Henry THE Fourth, with THE English court,\n saluted THE Greek hero, (I copy our old historian,) who, during\n many days, was lodged and treated in London as emperor of THE\n East. 19 But THE state of England was still more adverse to THE\n design of THE holy war. In THE same year, THE hereditary\n sovereign had been deposed and murdered: THE reigning prince was\n a successful usurper, whose ambition was punished by jealousy and\n remorse: nor could Henry of Lancaster withdraw his person or\n forces from THE defence of a throne incessantly shaken by\n conspiracy and rebellion. He pitied, he praised, he feasted, THE\n emperor of Constantinople; but if THE English monarch assumed THE\n cross, it was only to appease his people, and perhaps his\n conscience, by THE merit or semblance of his pious intention. 20\n Satisfied, however, with gifts and honors, Manuel returned to\n Paris; and, after a residence of two years in THE West, shaped\n his course through Germany and Italy, embarked at Venice, and\n patiently expected, in THE Morea, THE moment of his ruin or\n deliverance. Yet he had escaped THE ignominious necessity of\n offering his religion to public or private sale. The Latin church\n was distracted by THE great schism; THE kings, THE nations, THE\n universities, of Europe were divided in THEir obedience between\n THE popes of Rome and Avignon; and THE emperor, anxious to\n conciliate THE friendship of both parties, abstained from any\n correspondence with THE indigent and unpopular rivals. His\n journey coincided with THE year of THE jubilee; but he passed\n through Italy without desiring, or deserving, THE plenary\n indulgence which abolished THE guilt or penance of THE sins of\n THE faithful. The Roman pope was offended by this neglect;\n accused him of irreverence to an image of Christ; and exhorted\n THE princes of Italy to reject and abandon THE obstinate\n schismatic. 21\n\n 15 (return) [ Mémoires de Boucicault, P. i. c. 35, 36.]\n\n 16 (return) [ His journey into THE west of Europe is slightly,\n and I believe reluctantly, noticed by Chalcondyles (l. ii. c.\n 44—50) and Ducas, (c. 14.)]\n\n 17 (return) [ Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom. xii. p. 406. John\n Galeazzo was THE first and most powerful duke of Milan. His\n connection with Bajazet is attested by Froissard; and he\n contributed to save and deliver THE French captives of\n Nicopolis.]\n\n 18 (return) [ For THE reception of Manuel at Paris, see\n Spondanus, (Annal. Ecclés. tom. i. p. 676, 677, A.D. 1400, No.\n 5,) who quotes Juvenal des Ursins and THE monk of St. Denys; and\n Villaret, (Hist. de France, tom. xii. p. 331—334,) who quotes\n nobody according to THE last fashion of THE French writers.]\n\n 19 (return) [ A short note of Manuel in England is extracted by\n Dr. Hody from a MS. at Lambeth, (de Græcis illustribus, p. 14,)\n C. P. Imperator, diu variisque et horrendis Paganorum insultibus\n coarctatus, ut pro eisdem resistentiam triumphalem perquireret,\n Anglorum Regem visitare decrevit, &c. Rex (says Walsingham, p.\n 364) nobili apparatû... suscepit (ut decuit) tantum Heroa,\n duxitque Londonias, et per multos dies exhibuit gloriose, pro\n expensis hospitii sui solvens, et eum respiciens tanto fastigio\n donativis. He repeats THE same in his Upodigma Neustriæ, (p.\n 556.)]\n\n 20 (return) [ Shakspeare begins and ends THE play of Henry IV.\n with that prince’s vow of a crusade, and his belief that he\n should die in Jerusalem.]\n\n 21 (return) [ This fact is preserved in THE Historia Politica,\n A.D. 1391—1478, published by Martin Crusius, (Turco Græcia, p.\n 1—43.) The image of Christ, which THE Greek emperor refused to\n worship, was probably a work of sculpture.]\n\n\n\n\n Chapter LXVI: Union Of The Greek And Latin Churches.—Part II.\n\n During THE period of THE crusades, THE Greeks beheld with\n astonishment and terror THE perpetual stream of emigration that\n flowed, and continued to flow, from THE unknown climates of THEir\n West. The visits of THEir last emperors removed THE veil of\n separation, and THEy disclosed to THEir eyes THE powerful nations\n of Europe, whom THEy no longer presumed to brand with THE name of\n Barbarians. The observations of Manuel, and his more inquisitive\n followers, have been preserved by a Byzantine historian of THE\n times: 22 his scattered ideas I shall collect and abridge; and it\n may be amusing enough, perhaps instructive, to contemplate THE\n rude pictures of Germany, France, and England, whose ancient and\n modern state are so familiar to _our_ minds. I. Germany (says THE\n Greek Chalcondyles) is of ample latitude from Vienna to THE\n ocean; and it stretches (a strange geography) from Prague in\n Bohemia to THE River Tartessus, and THE Pyrenæan Mountains. 23\n The soil, except in figs and olives, is sufficiently fruitful;\n THE air is salubrious; THE bodies of THE natives are robust and\n healthy; and THEse cold regions are seldom visited with THE\n calamities of pestilence, or earthquakes. After THE Scythians or\n Tartars, THE Germans are THE most numerous of nations: THEy are\n brave and patient; and were THEy united under a single head,\n THEir force would be irresistible. By THE gift of THE pope, THEy\n have acquired THE privilege of choosing THE Roman emperor; 24 nor\n is any people more devoutly attached to THE faith and obedience\n of THE Latin patriarch. The greatest part of THE country is\n divided among THE princes and prelates; but Strasburg, Cologne,\n Hamburgh, and more than two hundred free cities, are governed by\n sage and equal laws, according to THE will, and for THE\n advantage, of THE whole community. The use of duels, or single\n combats on foot, prevails among THEm in peace and war: THEir\n industry excels in all THE mechanic arts; and THE Germans may\n boast of THE invention of gunpowder and cannon, which is now\n diffused over THE greatest part of THE world. II. The kingdom of\n France is spread above fifteen or twenty days’ journey from\n Germany to Spain, and from THE Alps to THE British Ocean;\n containing many flourishing cities, and among THEse Paris, THE\n seat of THE king, which surpasses THE rest in riches and luxury.\n Many princes and lords alternately wait in his palace, and\n acknowledge him as THEir sovereign: THE most powerful are THE\n dukes of Bretagne and Burgundy; of whom THE latter possesses THE\n wealthy province of Flanders, whose harbors are frequented by THE\n ships and merchants of our own, and THE more remote, seas. The\n French are an ancient and opulent people; and THEir language and\n manners, though somewhat different, are not dissimilar from those\n of THE Italians. Vain of THE Imperial dignity of Charlemagne, of\n THEir victories over THE Saracens, and of THE exploits of THEir\n heroes, Oliver and Rowland, 25 THEy esteem THEmselves THE first\n of THE western nations; but this foolish arrogance has been\n recently humbled by THE unfortunate events of THEir wars against\n THE English, THE inhabitants of THE British island. III. Britain,\n in THE ocean, and opposite to THE shores of Flanders, may be\n considered eiTHEr as one, or as three islands; but THE whole is\n united by a common interest, by THE same manners, and by a\n similar government. The measure of its circumference is five\n thousand stadia: THE land is overspread with towns and villages:\n though destitute of wine, and not abounding in fruit-trees, it is\n fertile in wheat and barley; in honey and wool; and much cloth is\n manufactured by THE inhabitants. In populousness and power, in\n richness and luxury, London, 26 THE metropolis of THE isle, may\n claim a preeminence over all THE cities of THE West. It is\n situate on THE Thames, a broad and rapid river, which at THE\n distance of thirty miles falls into THE Gallic Sea; and THE daily\n flow and ebb of THE tide affords a safe entrance and departure to\n THE vessels of commerce. The king is head of a powerful and\n turbulent aristocracy: his principal vassals hold THEir estates\n by a free and unalterable tenure; and THE laws define THE limits\n of his authority and THEir obedience. The kingdom has been often\n afflicted by foreign conquest and domestic sedition: but THE\n natives are bold and hardy, renowned in arms and victorious in\n war. The form of THEir shields or targets is derived from THE\n Italians, that of THEir swords from THE Greeks; THE use of THE\n long bow is THE peculiar and decisive advantage of THE English.\n Their language bears no affinity to THE idioms of THE Continent:\n in THE habits of domestic life, THEy are not easily distinguished\n from THEir neighbors of France: but THE most singular\n circumstance of THEir manners is THEir disregard of conjugal\n honor and of female chastity. In THEir mutual visits, as THE\n first act of hospitality, THE guest is welcomed in THE embraces\n of THEir wives and daughters: among friends THEy are lent and\n borrowed without shame; nor are THE islanders offended at this\n strange commerce, and its inevitable consequences. 27 Informed as\n we are of THE customs of Old England and assured of THE virtue of\n our moTHErs, we may smile at THE credulity, or resent THE\n injustice, of THE Greek, who must have confounded a modest salute\n 28 with a criminal embrace. But his credulity and injustice may\n teach an important lesson; to distrust THE accounts of foreign\n and remote nations, and to suspend our belief of every tale that\n deviates from THE laws of nature and THE character of man. 29\n\n 22 (return) [ The Greek and Turkish history of Laonicus\n Chalcondyles ends with THE winter of 1463; and THE abrupt\n conclusion seems to mark, that he laid down his pen in THE same\n year. We know that he was an ATHEnian, and that some\n contemporaries of THE same name contributed to THE revival of THE\n Greek language in Italy. But in his numerous digressions, THE\n modest historian has never introduced himself; and his editor\n Leunclavius, as well as Fabricius, (Bibliot. Græc. tom. vi. p.\n 474,) seems ignorant of his life and character. For his\n descriptions of Germany, France, and England, see l. ii. p. 36,\n 37, 44—50.]\n\n 23 (return) [ I shall not animadvert on THE geographical errors\n of Chalcondyles. In this instance, he perhaps followed, and\n mistook, Herodotus, (l. ii. c. 33,) whose text may be explained,\n (Herodote de Larcher, tom. ii. p. 219, 220,) or whose ignorance\n may be excused. Had THEse modern Greeks never read Strabo, or any\n of THEir lesser geographers?]\n\n 24 (return) [ A citizen of new Rome, while new Rome survived,\n would have scorned to dignify THE German \'Rhx with titles of\n BasileuV or Autokratwr \'Rwmaiwn: but all pride was extinct in THE\n bosom of Chalcondyles; and he describes THE Byzantine prince, and\n his subject, by THE proper, though humble, names of \'\'EllhneV and\n BasileuV \'Ellhnwn.]\n\n 25 (return) [ Most of THE old romances were translated in THE\n xivth century into French prose, and soon became THE favorite\n amusement of THE knights and ladies in THE court of Charles VI.\n If a Greek believed in THE exploits of Rowland and Oliver, he may\n surely be excused, since THE monks of St. Denys, THE national\n historians, have inserted THE fables of Archbishop Turpin in\n THEir Chronicles of France.]\n\n 26 (return) [ Londinh.... de te poliV dunamei te proecousa tvn en\n th nhsw tauth pasvn polewn, olbw te kai th allh eudaimonia\n oudemiaV tvn peoV esperan leipomenh. Even since THE time of\n Fitzstephen, (THE xiith century,) London appears to have\n maintained this preeminence of wealth and magnitude; and her\n gradual increase has, at least, kept pace with THE general\n improvement of Europe.]\n\n 27 (return) [ If THE double sense of THE verb Kuw (osculor, and\n in utero gero) be equivocal, THE context and pious horror of\n Chalcondyles can leave no doubt of his meaning and mistake, (p.\n 49.) * Note: I can discover no “pious horror” in THE plain manner\n in which Chalcondyles relates this strange usage. He says, oude\n aiscunun tovto feoei eautoiV kuesqai taV te gunaikaV autvn kai\n taV qugateraV, yet THEse are expression beyond what would be\n used, if THE ambiguous word kuesqai were taken in its more\n innocent sense. Nor can THE phrase parecontai taV eautvn gunaikaV\n en toiV epithdeioiV well bear a less coarse interpretation.\n Gibbon is possibly right as to THE origin of this extraordinary\n mistake.—M.]\n\n 28 (return) [ Erasmus (Epist. Fausto Andrelino) has a pretty\n passage on THE English fashion of kissing strangers on THEir\n arrival and departure, from whence, however, he draws no\n scandalous inferences.]\n\n 29 (return) [ Perhaps we may apply this remark to THE community\n of wives among THE old Britons, as it is supposed by Cæsar and\n Dion, (Dion Cassius, l. lxii. tom. ii. p. 1007,) with Reimar’s\n judicious annotation. The _Arreoy_ of Otaheite, so certain at\n first, is become less visible and scandalous, in proportion as we\n have studied THE manners of that gentle and amorous people.]\n\n After his return, and THE victory of Timour, Manuel reigned many\n years in prosperity and peace. As long as THE sons of Bajazet\n solicited his friendship and spared his dominions, he was\n satisfied with THE national religion; and his leisure was\n employed in composing twenty THEological dialogues for its\n defence. The appearance of THE Byzantine ambassadors at THE\n council of Constance, 30 announces THE restoration of THE Turkish\n power, as well as of THE Latin church: THE conquest of THE\n sultans, Mahomet and Amurath, reconciled THE emperor to THE\n Vatican; and THE siege of Constantinople almost tempted him to\n acquiesce in THE double procession of THE Holy Ghost. When Martin\n THE Fifth ascended without a rival THE chair of St. Peter, a\n friendly intercourse of letters and embassies was revived between\n THE East and West. Ambition on one side, and distress on THE\n oTHEr, dictated THE same decent language of charity and peace:\n THE artful Greek expressed a desire of marrying his six sons to\n Italian princesses; and THE Roman, not less artful, despatched\n THE daughter of THE marquis of Montferrat, with a company of\n noble virgins, to soften, by THEir charms, THE obstinacy of THE\n schismatics. Yet under this mask of zeal, a discerning eye will\n perceive that all was hollow and insincere in THE court and\n church of Constantinople. According to THE vicissitudes of danger\n and repose, THE emperor advanced or retreated; alternately\n instructed and disavowed his ministers; and escaped from THE\n importunate pressure by urging THE duty of inquiry, THE\n obligation of collecting THE sense of his patriarchs and bishops,\n and THE impossibility of convening THEm at a time when THE\n Turkish arms were at THE gates of his capital. From a review of\n THE public transactions it will appear that THE Greeks insisted\n on three successive measures, a succor, a council, and a final\n reunion, while THE Latins eluded THE second, and only promised\n THE first, as a consequential and voluntary reward of THE third.\n But we have an opportunity of unfolding THE most secret\n intentions of Manuel, as he explained THEm in a private\n conversation without artifice or disguise. In his declining age,\n THE emperor had associated John Palæologus, THE second of THE\n name, and THE eldest of his sons, on whom he devolved THE\n greatest part of THE authority and weight of government. One day,\n in THE presence only of THE historian Phranza, 31 his favorite\n chamberlain, he opened to his colleague and successor THE true\n principle of his negotiations with THE pope. 32 “Our last\n resource,” said Manuel, against THE Turks, “is THEir fear of our\n union with THE Latins, of THE warlike nations of THE West, who\n may arm for our relief and for THEir destruction. As often as you\n are threatened by THE miscreants, present this danger before\n THEir eyes. Propose a council; consult on THE means; but ever\n delay and avoid THE convocation of an assembly, which cannot tend\n eiTHEr to our spiritual or temporal emolument. The Latins are\n proud; THE Greeks are obstinate; neiTHEr party will recede or\n retract; and THE attempt of a perfect union will confirm THE\n schism, alienate THE churches, and leave us, without hope or\n defence, at THE mercy of THE Barbarians.” Impatient of this\n salutary lesson, THE royal youth arose from his seat, and\n departed in silence; and THE wise monarch (continued Phranza)\n casting his eyes on me, thus resumed his discourse: “My son deems\n himself a great and heroic prince; but, alas! our miserable age\n does not afford scope for heroism or greatness. His daring spirit\n might have suited THE happier times of our ancestors; but THE\n present state requires not an emperor, but a cautious steward of\n THE last relics of our fortunes. Well do I remember THE lofty\n expectations which he built on our alliance with Mustapha; and\n much do I fear, that this rash courage will urge THE ruin of our\n house, and that even religion may precipitate our downfall.” Yet\n THE experience and authority of Manuel preserved THE peace, and\n eluded THE council; till, in THE seventy-eighth year of his age,\n and in THE habit of a monk, he terminated his career, dividing\n his precious movables among his children and THE poor, his\n physicians and his favorite servants. Of his six sons, 33\n Andronicus THE Second was invested with THE principality of\n Thessalonica, and died of a leprosy soon after THE sale of that\n city to THE Venetians and its final conquest by THE Turks. Some\n fortunate incidents had restored Peloponnesus, or THE Morea, to\n THE empire; and in his more prosperous days, Manuel had fortified\n THE narrow isthmus of six miles 34 with a stone wall and one\n hundred and fifty-three towers. The wall was overthrown by THE\n first blast of THE Ottomans; THE fertile peninsula might have\n been sufficient for THE four younger broTHErs, Theodore and\n Constantine, Demetrius and Thomas; but THEy wasted in domestic\n contests THE remains of THEir strength; and THE least successful\n of THE rivals were reduced to a life of dependence in THE\n Byzantine palace.\n\n 30 (return) [ See Lenfant, Hist. du Concile de Constance, tom.\n ii. p. 576; and or THE ecclesiastical history of THE times, THE\n Annals of Spondanus THE Bibliothèque of Dupin, tom. xii., and\n xxist and xxiid volumes of THE History, or raTHEr THE\n Continuation, of Fleury.]\n\n 31 (return) [ From his early youth, George Phranza, or Phranzes,\n was employed in THE service of THE state and palace; and Hanckius\n (de Script. Byzant. P. i. c. 40) has collected his life from his\n own writings. He was no more than four-and-twenty years of age at\n THE death of Manuel, who recommended him in THE strongest terms\n to his successor: Imprimis vero hunc Phranzen tibi commendo, qui\n ministravit mihi fideliter et diligenter (Phranzes, l. ii. c. i.)\n Yet THE emperor John was cold, and he preferred THE service of\n THE despots of Peloponnesus.]\n\n 32 (return) [ See Phranzes, l. ii. c. 13. While so many\n manuscripts of THE Greek original are extant in THE libraries of\n Rome, Milan, THE Escurial, &c., it is a matter of shame and\n reproach, that we should be reduced to THE Latin version, or\n abstract, of James Pontanus, (ad calcem Theophylact, Simocattæ:\n Ingolstadt, 1604,) so deficient in accuracy and elegance,\n (Fabric. Bibliot. Græc. tom. vi. p. 615—620.) * Note: The Greek\n text of Phranzes was edited by F. C. Alter Vindobonæ, 1796. It\n has been re-edited by Bekker for THE new edition of THE\n Byzantines, Bonn, 1838.—M.]\n\n 33 (return) [ See Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 243—248.]\n\n 34 (return) [ The exact measure of THE Hexamilion, from sea to\n sea, was 3800 orgyiæ, or _toises_, of six Greek feet, (Phranzes,\n l. i. c. 38,) which would produce a Greek mile, still smaller\n than that of 660 French _toises_, which is assigned by D’Anville,\n as still in use in Turkey. Five miles are commonly reckoned for\n THE breadth of THE isthmus. See THE Travels of Spon, Wheeler and\n Chandler.]\n\n The eldest of THE sons of Manuel, John Palæologus THE Second, was\n acknowledged, after his faTHEr’s death, as THE sole emperor of\n THE Greeks. He immediately proceeded to repudiate his wife, and\n to contract a new marriage with THE princess of Trebizond: beauty\n was in his eyes THE first qualification of an empress; and THE\n clergy had yielded to his firm assurance, that unless he might be\n indulged in a divorce, he would retire to a cloister, and leave\n THE throne to his broTHEr Constantine. The first, and in truth\n THE only, victory of Palæologus, was over a Jew, 35 whom, after a\n long and learned dispute, he converted to THE Christian faith;\n and this momentous conquest is carefully recorded in THE history\n of THE times. But he soon resumed THE design of uniting THE East\n and West; and, regardless of his faTHEr’s advice, listened, as it\n should seem with sincerity, to THE proposal of meeting THE pope\n in a general council beyond THE Adriatic. This dangerous project\n was encouraged by Martin THE Fifth, and coldly entertained by his\n successor Eugenius, till, after a tedious negotiation, THE\n emperor received a summons from THE Latin assembly of a new\n character, THE independent prelates of Basil, who styled\n THEmselves THE representatives and judges of THE Catholic church.\n\n 35 (return) [ The first objection of THE Jews is on THE death of\n Christ: if it were voluntary, Christ was a suicide; which THE\n emperor parries with a mystery. They THEn dispute on THE\n conception of THE Virgin, THE sense of THE prophecies, &c.,\n (Phranzes, l. ii. c. 12, a whole chapter.)]\n\n The Roman pontiff had fought and conquered in THE cause of\n ecclesiastical freedom; but THE victorious clergy were soon\n exposed to THE tyranny of THEir deliverer; and his sacred\n character was invulnerable to those arms which THEy found so keen\n and effectual against THE civil magistrate. Their great charter,\n THE right of election, was annihilated by appeals, evaded by\n trusts or commendams, disappointed by reversionary grants, and\n superseded by previous and arbitrary reservations. 36 A public\n auction was instituted in THE court of Rome: THE cardinals and\n favorites were enriched with THE spoils of nations; and every\n country might complain that THE most important and valuable\n benefices were accumulated on THE heads of aliens and absentees.\n During THEir residence at Avignon, THE ambition of THE popes\n subsided in THE meaner passions of avarice 37 and luxury: THEy\n rigorously imposed on THE clergy THE tributes of first-fruits and\n tenths; but THEy freely tolerated THE impunity of vice, disorder,\n and corruption. These manifold scandals were aggravated by THE\n great schism of THE West, which continued above fifty years. In\n THE furious conflicts of Rome and Avignon, THE vices of THE\n rivals were mutually exposed; and THEir precarious situation\n degraded THEir authority, relaxed THEir discipline, and\n multiplied THEir wants and exactions. To heal THE wounds, and\n restore THE monarchy, of THE church, THE synods of Pisa and\n Constance 38 were successively convened; but THEse great\n assemblies, conscious of THEir strength, resolved to vindicate\n THE privileges of THE Christian aristocracy. From a personal\n sentence against two pontiffs, whom THEy rejected, and a third,\n THEir acknowledged sovereign, whom THEy deposed, THE faTHErs of\n Constance proceeded to examine THE nature and limits of THE Roman\n supremacy; nor did THEy separate till THEy had established THE\n authority, above THE pope, of a general council. It was enacted,\n that, for THE government and reformation of THE church, such\n assemblies should be held at regular intervals; and that each\n synod, before its dissolution, should appoint THE time and place\n of THE subsequent meeting. By THE influence of THE court of Rome,\n THE next convocation at Sienna was easily eluded; but THE bold\n and vigorous proceedings of THE council of Basil 39 had almost\n been fatal to THE reigning pontiff, Eugenius THE Fourth. A just\n suspicion of his design prompted THE faTHErs to hasten THE\n promulgation of THEir first decree, that THE representatives of\n THE church-militant on earth were invested with a divine and\n spiritual jurisdiction over all Christians, without excepting THE\n pope; and that a general council could not be dissolved,\n prorogued, or transferred, unless by THEir free deliberation and\n consent. On THE notice that Eugenius had fulminated a bull for\n that purpose, THEy ventured to summon, to admonish, to threaten,\n to censure THE contumacious successor of St. Peter. After many\n delays, to allow time for repentance, THEy finally declared,\n that, unless he submitted within THE term of sixty days, he was\n suspended from THE exercise of all temporal and ecclesiastical\n authority. And to mark THEir jurisdiction over THE prince as well\n as THE priest, THEy assumed THE government of Avignon, annulled\n THE alienation of THE sacred patrimony, and protected Rome from\n THE imposition of new taxes. Their boldness was justified, not\n only by THE general opinion of THE clergy, but by THE support and\n power of THE first monarchs of Christendom: THE emperor Sigismond\n declared himself THE servant and protector of THE synod; Germany\n and France adhered to THEir cause; THE duke of Milan was THE\n enemy of Eugenius; and he was driven from THE Vatican by an\n insurrection of THE Roman people. Rejected at THE same time by\n temporal and spiritual subjects, submission was his only choice:\n by a most humiliating bull, THE pope repealed his own acts, and\n ratified those of THE council; incorporated his legates and\n cardinals with that venerable body; and _seemed_ to resign\n himself to THE decrees of THE supreme legislature. Their fame\n pervaded THE countries of THE East: and it was in THEir presence\n that Sigismond received THE ambassadors of THE Turkish sultan, 40\n who laid at his feet twelve large vases, filled with robes of\n silk and pieces of gold. The faTHErs of Basil aspired to THE\n glory of reducing THE Greeks, as well as THE Bohemians, within\n THE pale of THE church; and THEir deputies invited THE emperor\n and patriarch of Constantinople to unite with an assembly which\n possessed THE confidence of THE Western nations. Palæologus was\n not averse to THE proposal; and his ambassadors were introduced\n with due honors into THE Catholic senate. But THE choice of THE\n place appeared to be an insuperable obstacle, since he refused to\n pass THE Alps, or THE sea of Sicily, and positively required that\n THE synod should be adjourned to some convenient city in Italy,\n or at least on THE Danube. The oTHEr articles of this treaty were\n more readily stipulated: it was agreed to defray THE travelling\n expenses of THE emperor, with a train of seven hundred persons,\n 41 to remit an immediate sum of eight thousand ducats 42 for THE\n accommodation of THE Greek clergy; and in his absence to grant a\n supply of ten thousand ducats, with three hundred archers and\n some galleys, for THE protection of Constantinople. The city of\n Avignon advanced THE funds for THE preliminary expenses; and THE\n embarkation was prepared at Marseilles with some difficulty and\n delay.\n\n 36 (return) [ In THE treatise delle Materie Beneficiarie of Fra\n Paolo, (in THE ivth volume of THE last, and best, edition of his\n works,) THE papal system is deeply studied and freely described.\n Should Rome and her religion be annihilated, this golden volume\n may still survive, a philosophical history, and a salutary\n warning.]\n\n 37 (return) [ Pope John XXII. (in 1334) left behind him, at\n Avignon, eighteen millions of gold florins, and THE value of\n seven millions more in plate and jewels. See THE Chronicle of\n John Villani, (l. xi. c. 20, in Muratori’s Collection, tom. xiii.\n p. 765,) whose broTHEr received THE account from THE papal\n treasurers. A treasure of six or eight millions sterling in THE\n xivth century is enormous, and almost incredible.]\n\n 38 (return) [ A learned and liberal Protestant, M. Lenfant, has\n given a fair history of THE councils of Pisa, Constance, and\n Basil, in six volumes in quarto; but THE last part is THE most\n hasty and imperfect, except in THE account of THE troubles of\n Bohemia.]\n\n 39 (return) [ The original acts or minutes of THE council of\n Basil are preserved in THE public library, in twelve volumes in\n folio. Basil was a free city, conveniently situate on THE Rhine,\n and guarded by THE arms of THE neighboring and confederate Swiss.\n In 1459, THE university was founded by Pope Pius II., (Æneas\n Sylvius,) who had been secretary to THE council. But what is a\n council, or a university, to THE presses o Froben and THE studies\n of Erasmus?]\n\n 40 (return) [ This Turkish embassy, attested only by Crantzius,\n is related with some doubt by THE annalist Spondanus, A.D. 1433,\n No. 25, tom. i. p. 824.]\n\n 41 (return) [ Syropulus, p. 19. In this list, THE Greeks appear\n to have exceeded THE real numbers of THE clergy and laity which\n afterwards attended THE emperor and patriarch, but which are not\n clearly specified by THE great ecclesiarch. The 75,000 florins\n which THEy asked in this negotiation of THE pope, (p. 9,) were\n more than THEy could hope or want.]\n\n 42 (return) [ I use indifferently THE words _ducat_ and _florin_,\n which derive THEir names, THE former from THE _dukes_ of Milan,\n THE latter from THE republic of _Florence_. These gold pieces,\n THE first that were coined in Italy, perhaps in THE Latin world,\n may be compared in weight and value to one third of THE English\n guinea.]\n\n In his distress, THE friendship of Palæologus was disputed by THE\n ecclesiastical powers of THE West; but THE dexterous activity of\n a monarch prevailed over THE slow debates and inflexible temper\n of a republic. The decrees of Basil continually tended to\n circumscribe THE despotism of THE pope, and to erect a supreme\n and perpetual tribunal in THE church. Eugenius was impatient of\n THE yoke; and THE union of THE Greeks might afford a decent\n pretence for translating a rebellious synod from THE Rhine to THE\n Po. The independence of THE faTHErs was lost if THEy passed THE\n Alps: Savoy or Avignon, to which THEy acceded with reluctance,\n were described at Constantinople as situate far beyond THE\n pillars of Hercules; 43 THE emperor and his clergy were\n apprehensive of THE dangers of a long navigation; THEy were\n offended by a haughty declaration, that after suppressing THE\n _new_ heresy of THE Bohemians, THE council would soon eradicate\n THE _old_ heresy of THE Greeks. 44 On THE side of Eugenius, all\n was smooth, and yielding, and respectful; and he invited THE\n Byzantine monarch to heal by his presence THE schism of THE\n Latin, as well as of THE Eastern, church. Ferrara, near THE coast\n of THE Adriatic, was proposed for THEir amicable interview; and\n with some indulgence of forgery and THEft, a surreptitious decree\n was procured, which transferred THE synod, with its own consent,\n to that Italian city. Nine galleys were equipped for THE service\n at Venice, and in THE Isle of Candia; THEir diligence anticipated\n THE slower vessels of Basil: THE Roman admiral was commissioned\n to burn, sink, and destroy; 45 and THEse priestly squadrons might\n have encountered each oTHEr in THE same seas where ATHEns and\n Sparta had formerly contended for THE preeminence of glory.\n Assaulted by THE importunity of THE factions, who were ready to\n fight for THE possession of his person, Palæologus hesitated\n before he left his palace and country on a perilous experiment.\n His faTHEr’s advice still dwelt on his memory; and reason must\n suggest, that since THE Latins were divided among THEmselves,\n THEy could never unite in a foreign cause. Sigismond dissuaded\n THE unreasonable adventure; his advice was impartial, since he\n adhered to THE council; and it was enforced by THE strange\n belief, that THE German Cæsar would nominate a Greek his heir and\n successor in THE empire of THE West. 46 Even THE Turkish sultan\n was a counsellor whom it might be unsafe to trust, but whom it\n was dangerous to offend. Amurath was unskilled in THE disputes,\n but he was apprehensive of THE union, of THE Christians. From his\n own treasures, he offered to relieve THE wants of THE Byzantine\n court; yet he declared with seeming magnanimity, that\n Constantinople should be secure and inviolate, in THE absence of\n her sovereign. 47 The resolution of Palæologus was decided by THE\n most splendid gifts and THE most specious promises: he wished to\n escape for a while from a scene of danger and distress and after\n dismissing with an ambiguous answer THE messengers of THE\n council, he declared his intention of embarking in THE Roman\n galleys. The age of THE patriarch Joseph was more susceptible of\n fear than of hope; he trembled at THE perils of THE sea, and\n expressed his apprehension, that his feeble voice, with thirty\n perhaps of his orthodox brethren, would be oppressed in a foreign\n land by THE power and numbers of a Latin synod. He yielded to THE\n royal mandate, to THE flattering assurance, that he would be\n heard as THE oracle of nations, and to THE secret wish of\n learning from his broTHEr of THE West, to deliver THE church from\n THE yoke of kings. 48 The five _cross-bearers_, or dignitaries,\n of St. Sophia, were bound to attend his person; and one of THEse,\n THE great ecclesiarch or preacher, Sylvester Syropulus, 49 has\n composed a free and curious history 50 of THE _false_ union. 51\n Of THE clergy that reluctantly obeyed THE summons of THE emperor\n and THE patriarch, submission was THE first duty, and patience\n THE most useful virtue. In a chosen list of twenty bishops, we\n discover THE metropolitan titles of Heracleæ and Cyzicus, Nice\n and Nicomedia, Ephesus and Trebizond, and THE personal merit of\n Mark and Bessarion who, in THE confidence of THEir learning and\n eloquence, were promoted to THE episcopal rank. Some monks and\n philosophers were named to display THE science and sanctity of\n THE Greek church; and THE service of THE choir was performed by a\n select band of singers and musicians. The patriarchs of\n Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, appeared by THEir genuine or\n fictitious deputies; THE primate of Russia represented a national\n church, and THE Greeks might contend with THE Latins in THE\n extent of THEir spiritual empire. The precious vases of St.\n Sophia were exposed to THE winds and waves, that THE patriarch\n might officiate with becoming splendor: whatever gold THE emperor\n could procure, was expended in THE massy ornaments of his bed and\n chariot; 52 and while THEy affected to maintain THE prosperity of\n THEir ancient fortune, THEy quarrelled for THE division of\n fifteen thousand ducats, THE first alms of THE Roman pontiff.\n After THE necessary preparations, John Palæologus, with a\n numerous train, accompanied by his broTHEr Demetrius, and THE\n most respectable persons of THE church and state, embarked in\n eight vessels with sails and oars which steered through THE\n Turkish Straits of Gallipoli to THE Archipelago, THE Morea, and\n THE Adriatic Gulf. 53\n\n 43 (return) [ At THE end of THE Latin version of Phranzes, we\n read a long Greek epistle or declamation of George of Trebizond,\n who advises THE emperor to prefer Eugenius and Italy. He treats\n with contempt THE schismatic assembly of Basil, THE Barbarians of\n Gaul and Germany, who had conspired to transport THE chair of St.\n Peter beyond THE Alps; oi aqlioi (says he) se kai thn meta sou\n sunodon exw tvn \'Hrakleiwn sthlwn kai pera Gadhrwn exaxousi. Was\n Constantinople unprovided with a map?]\n\n 44 (return) [ Syropulus (p. 26—31) attests his own indignation,\n and that of his countrymen; and THE Basil deputies, who excused\n THE rash declaration, could neiTHEr deny nor alter an act of THE\n council.]\n\n 45 (return) [ Condolmieri, THE pope’s nephew and admiral,\n expressly declared, oti orismon eceipara tou Papa ina polemhsh\n opou an eurh ta katerga thV Sunodou, kai ei dunhqh, katadush, kai\n ajanish. The naval orders of THE synod were less peremptory, and,\n till THE hostile squadrons appeared, both parties tried to\n conceal THEir quarrel from THE Greeks.]\n\n 46 (return) [ Syropulus mentions THE hopes of Palæologus, (p.\n 36,) and THE last advice of Sigismond,(p. 57.) At Corfu, THE\n Greek emperor was informed of his friend’s death; had he known it\n sooner, he would have returned home,(p. 79.)]\n\n 47 (return) [ Phranzes himself, though from different motives,\n was of THE advice of Amurath, (l. ii. c. 13.) Utinam ne synodus\n ista unquam fuisset, si tantes offensiones et detrimenta paritura\n erat. This Turkish embassy is likewise mentioned by Syropulus,\n (p. 58;) and Amurath kept his word. He might threaten, (p. 125,\n 219,) but he never attacked, THE city.]\n\n 48 (return) [ The reader will smile at THE simplicity with which\n he imparted THEse hopes to his favorites: toiauthn plhrojorian\n schsein hlpize kai dia tou Papa eqarrei eleuqervdai thn ekklhsian\n apo thV apoteqeishV autou douleiaV para tou basilewV, (p. 92.)\n Yet it would have been difficult for him to have practised THE\n lessons of Gregory VII.]\n\n 49 (return) [ The Christian name of Sylvester is borrowed from\n THE Latin calendar. In modern Greek, pouloV, as a diminutive, is\n added to THE end of words: nor can any reasoning of Creyghton,\n THE editor, excuse his changing into S_gur_opulus, (Sguros,\n fuscus,) THE Syropulus of his own manuscript, whose name is\n subscribed with his own hand in THE acts of THE council of\n Florence. Why might not THE author be of Syrian extraction?]\n\n 50 (return) [ From THE conclusion of THE history, I should fix\n THE date to THE year 1444, four years after THE synod, when great\n ecclesiarch had abdicated his office, (section xii. p. 330—350.)\n His passions were cooled by time and retirement; and, although\n Syropulus is often partial, he is never intemperate.]\n\n 51 (return) [ _Vera historia unionis non ver inter Græcos et\n Latinos_, (_Haga Comitis_, 1660, in folio,) was first published\n with a loose and florid version, by Robert Creyghton, chaplain to\n Charles II. in his exile. The zeal of THE editor has prefixed a\n polemic title, for THE beginning of THE original is wanting.\n Syropulus may be ranked with THE best of THE Byzantine writers\n for THE merit of his narration, and even of his style; but he is\n excluded from THE orthodox collections of THE councils.]\n\n 52 (return) [ Syropulus (p. 63) simply expresses his intention\n in’ outw pompawn en’ \'